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AUTHOR: 
 
 LIDDON, HENRY PARRY 
 
 TITLE: 
 
 LIFE OF EDWARD 
 BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 PLACE: 
 
 LONDON 
 
 DA TE : 
 
 1893-1897 
 
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 Life of Edward Bouverle Pusey •••by Henry 
 Parry Liddon««« edited and prepared for publi- 
 oation by the Rev. J.O* Johnston... and the Rev. 
 Robert J. Wilaon... London^ Longmans, 189 3»97« 
 
 4 ▼• illuB«, ports^, 23 oa« 
 
 Biblioeraphy p. c396j-i46. 
 
 V. 1 contains a holograph letter of E. B. Pusey. 
 V. 4 ed. by J. 0.. Johnston, R. J. Wilson, and 
 W. B.. 0, Hewbolt . 
 
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Life of 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 DOCTOR OF DIVINITY 
 
 CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH ; REGIUS PROFESSOR OF 
 
 HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY PARRY LIDDON, D.D, 
 
 D.C.L. ; LL.D. ; LATE CANON AND CHANCELLOR OF ST. PAUL's 
 EDITED AND PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION BY THE 
 
 REV. J. O. JOHNSTON, M.A. 
 
 VICAR OF ALL SAINTS, OXFORD ; AND THE 
 
 REV. ROBERT J. WILSON, M.A. 
 
 WARDEN OF KEBLE COLLEGE 
 HON. FELLOW AND FORMERLY TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE 
 
 IN FOUR VOLUMES: VOL. I (1800-1836) 
 
 IVith Portraits and Illustrations 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST i6Th STREET 
 
 1893 
 
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PREFACE 
 
 -•4- 
 
 Dr. Pusey died September i6, 1882. At the 
 large gathering that met at Oxford on the occasion 
 of his funeral five days later, it was generally felt, 
 that the one man who was fitted to undertake his 
 Biography, was Dr. Liddon. In the afternoon of 
 that day, the matter was mentioned to him at a 
 smaller meeting of intimate friends ; and a few days 
 later he accepted the responsibility. 
 
 From the moment that he undertook the duty, 
 he felt the heavy burden that lay upon him. His 
 private diary from that time gives constant, and at 
 first even daily, expression to this feeling. To him 
 it was no mere literary undertaking ; it was a task 
 in which his deepest affections and interests were 
 concerned. It was the setting forth the life-work and 
 delineatincr the character of one who was to him — 
 with all his intense and devoted affection— his 
 * dilectissivms amicus', to use the words of his diary, 
 *the most dear and revered of friends, of whose 
 friendship I have all along been so utterly unworthy.* 
 But, besides this, Dr. Pusey was also, in Dr. Liddon's 
 eyes, one of the prime leaders and, as time went on, 
 
VI 
 
 Preface, 
 
 Preface, 
 
 vu 
 
 the main support of that great Church movement, 
 which, in his opinion, re-invigorated and even re- 
 vivified the religion of England. 
 
 Adequately to discharge the task he had under- 
 taken, Dr. Liddon put aside as far as possible all 
 other literary labours; and his sense of the respon- 
 sibility thus resting on him was amongst the causes 
 that determined him at once to resign, to the great 
 regret of many, his Professorship of Exegesis in the 
 University. 
 
 The duties connected with the Canonry of St. Paul's 
 still remained. That position — to the various de- 
 mands of which he was keenly sensitive, and around 
 which he was ever accumulating fresh obligations— 
 left him very little unbroken leisure : all of it, however, 
 he ungrudgingly devoted to preparing and writing 
 this Biography. Indeed, as conceived on the plan 
 he had sketched out for himself, his new task con- 
 stantly deprived him of the holidays he required, 
 and even made him deny himself the relaxation 
 and rest which his physicians frequently enjoined, 
 and which his health imperatively demanded. 
 
 How elaborate the plan of the * Life* as projected 
 by Dr. Liddon was, those only can realize who were 
 intimate with his methods of work, and with his 
 conception of what was due to all that was said, 
 written, and done by him whom, after Cardinal 
 Newman's example, he used affectionately to call 
 'o /^eyay/ To him at the outset, any letter what- 
 ever of Dr. Pusey s or Mr. Kebles was a precious 
 treasure, which he hardly ventured to curtail, much 
 
 less to omit ; and it was his nature to be dissatisfied 
 with any account of an event w^hich failed to trace 
 both causes and consequences. Hence the work 
 grew to great dimensions under his hand. 
 
 Yet that Dr. Liddon fully appreciated the diffi- 
 culty of his task is shown by the following fragment 
 found among his papers, and probably intended to 
 be embodied in his own Preface. 
 
 * There are much fewer materials for a Life of 
 Dr. Pusey than might be anticipated. He kept no 
 diary. He destroyed the greater part of the letters 
 which he received from even distinguished corre- 
 spondents. His own letters were generally undated, 
 and although they have been preserved in great num- 
 bers, it is often very difficult to discover the special 
 subject to which a given letter refers. His indif- 
 ference to literary form is in nothing more apparent 
 than in his correspondence ; he answers a corre- 
 spondent without preface, just as he might have 
 replied to a question put to him in a room. 
 
 * On the other hand his life, although profoundly 
 influential, was singularly uneventful. It was a 
 continuous stream of lectures, sermons, letters, 
 interviews. It presents few striking incidents like 
 that of Bishop Selwyn, few points of contact with 
 the world at large or with distinguished men like 
 that of Bishop Wilberforce. Its interest lies in 
 itself: — and the means for studying what it was 
 are much more meagre than might have been 
 expected. 
 
 * A hundred years hence many materials will be 
 
 P ^ 
 
Vlll 
 
 Preface, 
 
 Preface, 
 
 IX 
 
 available for a Life of Dr. Pusey which are not 
 now.' 
 
 It was the pleasure and great privilege of one of 
 the present editors to work at Dr. Liddon's side from 
 the commencement of the task, and thus to follow 
 and understand what he meant the Biography to 
 be, as well as to witness almost daily his method of 
 working. 
 
 As time went on, as health was failing, and as 
 the prospect of completing the * Life ' became more 
 remote. Dr. Liddon put into writing some instructions 
 for the guidance of those to whom he intended to 
 entrust the task in the event of his own death. 
 When, after repeated warnings, his health finally 
 broke down in June, 1890, and, to the profound grief 
 of his friends, and loss of the Church at large, his 
 death followed very rapidly, he left behind him care- 
 fully arranged materials for the whole of the * Life,' 
 and an elaborate first draft of the work up to 1856. 
 
 His literary executors, as appointed in his Will, 
 were Dr. Francis Paget, now the Very Rev. the Dean 
 of Christ Church ; the Rev. Charles Gore, Principal 
 of the Pusey House; and the Rev. J. O. Johnston, 
 Vicar of All Saints, Oxford. Of these, Mr. Gore at 
 once undertook the editing of some of Dr. Liddon's 
 unpublished works, in particular the Passiontide 
 Sermons and the ^Analytical Exposition of the 
 Epistle to the Romans.' Dr. Paget and Mr. Johnston 
 set to work to complete the ' Life of Dr. Pusey.* 
 
 When Dr. Paget was appointed to the Deanery 
 of Christ Church, he soon found it impossible to 
 
 continue to take an active part in this work. Con- 
 sequently in July, 1892, the literary executors 
 requested the Rev. Robert J. Wilson, Warden of 
 Keble College, to take his place. 
 
 With such expedition as has been possible amid 
 the pressure of their ordinary duties, the present 
 editors have done their best to carry out what they 
 knew of Dr. Liddon's intentions. Dr. Liddon had 
 expressly stated that what he had written was not in 
 his judgment at all in a state for publication ; at the 
 same time it of course indicated the scale on which 
 he intended the * Life ' to be published. 
 
 The editors therefore, though compelled carefully 
 to examine and revise the whole of the manuscript, 
 did not feel themselves in any way at liberty 
 materially to alter the character, the scale, or the 
 plan of the work. This would have involved 
 writing a new Life of Dr.. Pusey, instead of editing 
 Dr. Liddon s projected work, and would have en- 
 tailed, as they think, a grave loss to all readers. 
 
 If any justification be needed for the magnitude of 
 the Biography as now projected, it must be found in 
 this— that it is the record of the long life and of the 
 varied relations of one who, up to the day of his 
 death, continuously played, as Dr. Liddon says, a 
 * profoundly influential' part in the great religious 
 awakening of this century. The two present volumes 
 bring down the history of the Oxford Movement 
 past the great crisis of 1845, and will enable the 
 reader to see Dr. Pusey with indomitable hopefulness, 
 in spite of the grave perplexities and embarrass- 
 
X 
 
 Preface, 
 
 Preface. 
 
 XI 
 
 ments caused by Newman's secession, patiently con- 
 tinuing his labours in the Revival of the Church of 
 England. 
 
 The editors hope, if life and health continue, to 
 complete, at a comparatively early date, the two 
 remaining volumes. 
 
 One or two observations are necessary as explana- 
 tory of certain obvious and seemingly avoidable 
 defects. Dr. Pusey persistently refused to sit for his 
 portrait. He was the subject of a few hasty and 
 surreptitious sketches, one or two of which are 
 thought sufficiently interesting to be placed in his 
 Biography. But his friends endeavoured neverthe- 
 less to obtain a more worthy likeness of the Doctor ; 
 and from such materials as were available, at least 
 two portraits were painted. One is in the Hall of 
 Christ Church : another is at the Pusey House. The 
 editors think that this last, by Miss Rosa Corder, is 
 the best likeness, and they have obtained permission 
 to engrave it for a Frontispiece. They have ventured 
 to insert at the beginning of the second volume the 
 rough sketch made by the late Mr. Edward Kilvert, 
 because it met with the approval of some of Dr. 
 Pusey's oldest friends. In the later volumes one or 
 more of the sketches above mentioned will appear, 
 and also an engraving from a drawing, which was 
 taken immediately after Dr. Pusey's death by 
 Mr. Alexander Macdonald, of Oxford. 
 
 Dr. Liddon had intended to head every chapter 
 with an appropriate motto ; but he had selected them 
 only in a very few instances. The editors have not 
 
 endeavoured to make the chapters uniform in this 
 respect, as they felt that, if the mottoes were not 
 the choice of Dr. Liddon himself, their charm would 
 be lost. 
 
 It is of course impossible to express with that 
 inimitable grace which Dr. Liddon would have em- 
 ployed the deep sense of obligation due to those 
 who put letters, papers, &c. at his disposal. Yet 
 it may be said that the kindness and confidence he 
 received in this regard was very great, and that he 
 always expressed his deep appreciation of it. In 
 particular he was indebted to Dr. Pusey's only 
 surviving daughter, Mrs. Brine; to the family of 
 Mr. Keble ; and to Cardinal Newman, for the use of 
 invaluable papers of all sorts. But indeed many 
 friends have both before and since Dr. Liddon s 
 death given assistance of this kind. To all these 
 sincerest thanks are due. . 
 
 They, and indeed all who are interested in Dr. 
 Pusey's character and work, must feel the irreparable 
 loss the Biography sustained by Dr. Liddon's death. 
 The longer the editors have worked, the more 
 keenly have they felt that nothing but their duty 
 to a revered friend, who had devoted so much of 
 his time and abilities to preparing this book, can 
 justify their boldness in attempting to complete 
 his unfinished task. 
 
 J. o. J. 
 
 R. J. W. 
 
 Oxford, Au^tst^ 1893. 
 
 P 
 
CONTENTS OF VOL. I 
 
 -♦♦- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 1800-1822. 
 
 PARENTAGE— EARLY LIFE AT HOME— SCHOOL DAYS AT 
 MITCHAM— ETON— CHRIST CHURCH . . . . 
 
 PAGR 
 
 CHAPTER n. 1822. 
 
 SWISS TOUR — BYRONISM — FIRST CONTACT WITH UN- 
 BELIEF-MARRIAGE OF PHILIP PUSEY 
 
 33 
 
 CHAPTER HI. 1823-1824. 
 
 ORIEL COLLEGE — FIRST INTRODUCTION TO NEWMAN — 
 ELECTION TO FELLOWSHIP — EARLY ESTIMATE OF 
 
 PUSEY — DR. Lloyd's lectures — latin essay 
 PRIZE — appendix: letter from the late dr. 
 
 CHURCH, dean of ST. PAUL*S 
 
 54 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 1825-1826. 
 
 first visit to GERMANY — EICHHORN — THOLUCK — 
 SCHLEIERMACHER—NEANDER— OTHER PROFESSORS 
 — LITERARY PLANS 
 
 70 
 
 CHAPTER V. 1826-1827. 
 
 SECOND VISIT TO GERMANY — LECTURES AT BERLIN- 
 ARABIC STUDIES — KOSEGARTEN-T-LIFE AT BONN— 
 FREYTAG — LUCRE — SACK— PUSEY's RELIGIOUS IN- 
 FLUENCE—DEATH OF YOUNGEST BROTHER— OVER- 
 WORK— DR. LLOYD, BISHOP OF OXFORD . 
 
 94 
 
XIV 
 
 Contents. 
 
 Contents. 
 
 XV 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 1827-1828. 
 
 CHAPTER XH. 1833-1S34. 
 
 ENGAGEMENT TO MISS BARKER — REVISION OF THE AU- 
 THORIZED VERSION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT — ILL- 
 NESS — CORRESPONDENCE WITH MISS BARKER . 
 
 CHAPTER VH. 1828. 
 
 THE PROVOSTSHIP OF ORIEL — DEATH OF MR. PUSEY- 
 ORDINATION — MARRIAGE — FIRST SERMON 
 
 CHAPTER X. 1829-1832. 
 
 IN RESIDENCE AT CHRIST CHURCH— COMMENCEMENT OF 
 HEBREW LECTURES — ELECTION OF 1829 — DEATH 
 OF BISHOP LLOYD — ARABIC CATALOGUE — OXFORD 
 SOCIETY IN 1830 — SEVERE ILLNESS — SANSCRIT 
 PROFESSORSHIP — PUSEY AND ELLERTON SCHOLAR- 
 SHIPS—INFIDEL LECTURES— BRITISH ASSOCIATION — 
 FIRST UNIVERSITY SERMON— DEATH OF YOUNGEST 
 CHILD — 'remarks ON* CATHEDRAL INSTITUTIONS* — 
 APPENDIX : THE REV. E. B. PUSEY TO DR. THOLUCK ; 
 THE REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. E. B. PUSEY . 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 1833. 
 
 RISE OF THE OXFORD MOVEMENT — REACTION FROM 
 EIGHTEENTH CENTURY THOUGHT — WALTER SCOTT — 
 COLERIDGE— THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT— DR. SIKES 
 — JOSHUA WATSON —ALEXANDER KNOX— HUGH JAMES 
 ROSE— REVOLUTIONARY ECCLESIASTICAL PROPOSALS 
 — THE HADLEIGH CONFERENCE — THE 'FRIENDS OF 
 
 THE CHURCH*— THE TRACTS — KEBLE — NEWMAN 
 
 PUSEY 
 
 PACK 
 
 "5 
 
 135 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 1828-1830. 
 
 CONTROVERSY WITH REV. H. J. ROSE ON THE THEOLOGY 
 
 OF GERMANY 1^5 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 1828. 
 
 RETURN TO OXFORD— DEATH OF HEBREW PROFESSOR — 
 APPOINTMENT TO PROFESSORSHIP— ORDINATION TO 
 THE PRIESTHOOD— INSTALLATION AS CANON . 
 
 178 
 
 193 
 
 PACK 
 
 the early tracts — pusey s first tract, on fasting 
 — Arnold's criticisms — illness — controversy 
 
 ABOUT subscription — THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON 
 CHANCELLOR — PROPOSED HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT . 
 
 275 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 1834-1835. 
 
 DR. HAMPDEN ON SUBSCRIPTION — THE DOGMATIC PRIN- 
 CIPLE — PUSEY*S DEFENCE OF SUBSCRIPTION — A DE- 
 CLARATION PROPOSED — MR. GLADSTONES VIEWS — 
 THE PROVOST OF ORIEL*S PAMPHLET — PUSEY's REPLY 
 — BLANCO WHITE, A SOCINIAN — CORRESPONDENCE 
 — APPENDIX; REV. E. B. PUSEY TO PHILIP PUSEY, 
 ESQ., M.P 298 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 1835-1836. 
 
 THOLUCK*S VISIT TO OXFORD — STUDIES ON THE SACRA- 
 MENTS — CHRIST CHURCH BUSINESS — CHURCHES IN 
 EAST LONDON — THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY — ASSIST- 
 ANCE TO GRADUATE STUDENTS OF THEOLOGY — 
 APPENDIX : THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY . 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 1835. 
 
 THE TRACT ON BAPTISM — CONTINUANCE AND EDITORSHIP 
 OF THE 'tracts FOR THE TIMES* IN DOUBT 
 
 321 
 
 343 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 1836. 
 
 THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY — BLANCO WHITE*S IN- 
 FLUENCE — HAMPDEN, BAMPTON LECTURER — MORAL 
 PHILOSOPHY PROFESSOR — APPOINTED REGIUS PRO- 
 FESSOR OF DIVINITY — OPPOSITION — DR. ARNOLD*S 
 VIOLENT ATTACK ON THE TRACTARIANS — HAMPDEN 
 DISQUALIFIED — DEAN CHURCH*S JUDGMENT ON THE 
 CONTROVERSY . 
 
 359 
 
 253 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 1836. 
 
 ON SACRILEGE — ON PRAYER — ON CATHEDRAL REFORM 
 — OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES — THE MINISTRY OF THE 
 PRIESTHOOD — CATHOLIC PRINCIPLES — CAMBRIDGE 
 VISITORS — IMPRESSIONS OF OXFORD . . • 39I 
 
XVI 
 
 Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 1836. 
 
 THE LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS . 
 
 rACE 
 
 409 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE PUSEY AND BOUVERIE FAMILIES 
 
 449 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PORTRAIT OF DR. PUSEY, FROM A PAINTING BY MISS 
 
 ROSA CORDER Frontispiece 
 
 PUSEY HOUSE, BERKS . . . , . . . . 8 
 
 ALL SAINTS CHURCH, PUSEY I9I 
 
 DR. PUSEY's LODGINGS IN CHRIST CHURCH — 
 
 FROM TOM QUADRANGLE I93 
 
 FROM THE SOUTH-WEST 209 
 
 FRONTISPIECE TO THE LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS . 444 
 
 ADDENDUM. 
 
 p. 270, I. 15. After * convictions,* add references to * Apologia pro vit4 
 
 sua/ p. 75, and Newman's < Letters,' &c., i. 416. 
 
 CORRIGENDA. 
 
 p. 383, \. a6. For * thee * (bis) read * these.* 
 
 p. 446. In No. 34, omit * of Canterbury.* 
 
 p. 465, note a. For ' Longworth * read * Longford.' 
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PARENTAGE — EARLY LIFE AT HOME — SCHOOL DAYS 
 AT MITCHAM — ETON — CHRIST CHURCH. 
 
 1800-1822. 
 
 * In every phenomenon the Beginning remains always the most 
 notable moment/— Carlyle, Sartor Resartus, bk. ii.c. i. 
 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey was born at Pusey House, 
 in Berkshire, on Friday, the 22nd of August, 1800. 
 
 His father was the Honourable Philip Bouverie, the 
 youngest son of Jacob, first Viscount Folkestone ; the 
 name of Bouverie having been exchanged by him for 
 that of Pusey of Pusey, as a condition of succession to 
 the Pusey estate ^ 
 
 His mother was Lady Lucy Sherard, daughter of Robert, 
 fourth Earl of Harborough, and widow of Sir Thomas Cave, 
 Baronet. 
 
 Edward was the second son of his parents, be rn just 
 two years after their marriage. Their eldest son, Philip, 
 was a little more than a year his senior 2. The two elder 
 
 ' A full account of the Pusey and 
 Bouverie families will be found in the 
 Appendix at the end of this volume. 
 
 '^ The children of the Hon. Philip 
 Pusey were — Philip: b. June 25, 
 »799; d. July 9, 1855. Edward 
 Bouverie: b. Aug. 22, 1800; d. Sept. 
 16, 1 883. Lucy Bouverie : b. April 2 1, 
 1802; d. April 25, 1802. Elizabeth 
 Bouverie (Mrs. LuxmooreJ : b. April 
 
 VOL. L B 
 
 25» 1803; 
 Friday). 
 
 16, 1804; 
 Bouverie : 
 21, 1806. 
 Cotton) : 
 1883. w 
 1810; d. 
 Bouverie : 
 
 17, 1827. 
 
 d. March 23, 1883 (Good 
 
 Harriet Bouverie: b. May 
 
 d. June 1 7, 1 804. Eleanor 
 
 b. May 16, 1805; d. May 
 
 Charlotte Bouverie (Mrs. 
 
 b. May 15, 1807; d. July 2, 
 
 illiam Bouverie : b. May 14, 
 
 April 19, 1888. Henry 
 
 b. June 4, 1814; d. Feb. 
 
2 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 brothers were divided by an interval of ten years from 
 the two younger : they thus formed a natural pair, both at 
 home and at school, and were regarded by their parents 
 and by the younger children as a sort of duumvirate, 
 occupying a distinct rank in the family. 
 
 Three weeks after his birth Edward Pusey was christened 
 in the Parish Church ^ of All Saints, at Pusey, on Sunday, 
 September 14th, 1800. The circumstance that this day 
 is Holy Cross Day in the calendar of the Prayer-book 
 was not without its influence on Pusey 's life. He always 
 observed the anniversary not only as an act of thanks- 
 giving to God for making him in baptism a member 
 of Christ, but also as a token that his life was thus 
 providentially marked out for consecration to the mystery 
 of Redeeming Love. 
 
 Pusey's father was fifty-two years old at the date of his 
 marriage— twenty-four years older than his wife. This 
 relative seniority, and the bachelor habits which were too 
 fixed to be entirely surrendered, imparted a certain formal 
 stiffness, — perhaps even an austerity, — to the home-life at 
 Pusey. An almost military exactness was insisted on in 
 all the domestic arrangements. His politics were those of 
 an inflexible Tory : he had an equal horror of * Whigs and 
 atheists,' and when speaking of them together would use 
 mid rather than or. Portraits of Pitt and other Tory states- 
 men adorned the walls of his study; and his intercourse 
 with society, especially in London, was largely controlled 
 by political feeling. When his eldest son desired to marry 
 Lady Emily Herbert, Mr. Pusey opposed the match on the 
 ground that her father Lord Carnarvon was * a Whig who 
 made speeches on behalf of Queen Caroline.' When the 
 engagement had lasted for four years Mr. Pusey con- 
 sented to waive his political objections : he lived to regret 
 that he had ever entertained them. 
 
 He was a well-informed as well as an able man ; but the 
 library, both at Pusey and at '>^^ Grosvenor Square, was 
 
 ^ The font which was used on this occasion is now in the church of 
 Grove, near Wantage. 
 
 Mr. Pusey, Senior. o 
 
 not so well stocked as might have been anticipated. His 
 reading lay among a certain class of political treatises, 
 books of travel, and the sermons of Barrow and Tillotson. 
 But during the holidays Mr. Pusey took a great deal of 
 trouble to foster literary tastes in his two elder boys; 
 and with this view gradually collected an extensive and 
 varied family library. 
 
 The ruling feature of Mr. Pusey's character was his eager 
 benevolence: to no occupation did he address himself 
 more seriously than to the relief of poverty and suflbring. 
 His charities were studiously unostentatious, and, when his 
 income is considered, profuse 1. His poor neighbours and 
 dependents had, as he always considered, a first claim on 
 him 2 : but he was a regular subscriber to nearly all the 
 great London charities ; while poor clergymen, embarrassed 
 tradesmen, distressed families, cottagers and labourers in all 
 directions were constantly appealing to him, and they 
 rarely appealed in vain. As long before his death his 
 name was famous for lavish generosity, he did not always 
 escape the wiles of impostors ; and although he had a large 
 share of common sense, his own simple integrity of character 
 made it difficult for him to suspect others of deception. 
 When, at his death, his elder sons wished to describe their 
 father's character, they called him * pious and bounteous \' 
 
 The former epithet was not less deserved than the latter, 
 though in the somewhat restricted and artificial sense which 
 it has sometimes borne it would have been out of place. 
 Mr. Pusey used to tell his sons that when he and his half- 
 brothers went in the morning to their father Lord Folke- 
 stone's room, they always knelt down to receive his blessing 
 before wishing him good-day. Even before his marriage 
 
 » Mr. Pusey kept his accounts with regular was the gift that, after sorre 
 
 great accuracy His private account- years, the villagers can.e to think that 
 
 books, intended only for his own eye, the gift was of legal obligation, rue 
 
 remain to show how large a portion of to the tenantry as a condition of hold- 
 
 his income was devoted to charitable ing the estate. 
 
 **^^^** J T J 1 T. , ' The* inscription on the window to 
 
 Mr and Lady Lucy Pusey always his memory in the south transept of 
 
 began their charities with a gift of Pusey parish church runs thusr^fTo 
 
 r ^ in winter clothes to the poor the memory of Philip Pusey, Pious 
 
 of the small hamlet of Pusey. So and Bounteous, a. D. 1828.' ' • 
 
 B 2 
 
•J 
 
 4 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 his life was assuming more and more the character of a 
 quiet protest against the carelessness and irreligion of the 
 age. If anything was said in his presence against morality 
 or religion, he left the room, no matter who might be in the 
 company. He was a man of quick feelings and temper ; 
 and he may have distrusted his own power of self-command 
 while yet he was anxious to express moral disapproval. 
 It might have been anticipated that he would sympathize 
 with the so-termed Evangelical movement, which, whatever 
 its deficiencies as an exponent of the Christian Revelation, 
 was in those days a protest on behalf of religious earnest- 
 ness in an age of careless indifference. But he suspected 
 it, not altogether without reason, of a disposition to think 
 more highly of emotion than of conscience ; and to an 
 eminently practical character this suspicion was decisive. 
 Mr. Pusey was still living when his son Edward explained 
 his attitude towards * Evangelicalism ' to a correspondent 
 who was to a certain extent under its influence. 
 
 * My father,* he wrote in 1827, *from hearing and seeing the abuses 
 of preaching faith (as it has been often preached) without works, con- 
 nects no other idea with the " being justified by faith only " than by 
 faith exclusive of works— not only as not entitling us to salvation, but 
 as being in no way necessary to it. . . . From his dwelling rather on 
 the holiness of God, than on the imperfection and weakness of man, 
 the agenda have, in the statement at least of his system, assumed a 
 predominance.' 
 
 For the rest, Mr. Pusey was a man of strong will, who 
 liked to have his own way, which was, in the main, a very 
 good way. He was formed to be a domestic autocrat. 
 In early life he had ruled his mother, Lady Folkestone. 
 In later life he ruled his wife, and, while they were young, 
 his children. As his boys grew up to manhood, it was 
 inevitable that clever lads, with strong characters, would 
 quietly assert a measure of independence which curtailed 
 the frontiers of their father's domestic empire. But they 
 always regarded him with affection, and still more with 
 reverence, although his age and the habits of that genera- 
 tion interposed between them and himself a distance 
 and constraint which would now be considered excessive. 
 
 Lady Lucy Pusey. g 
 
 When they were young his reserved habits made the 
 boisterous society of children unwelcome to him ; and 
 they had taken their own line when they were old enough 
 to be his companions. 
 
 Thus it happened that the real training of his two eldest 
 sons was left by Mr. Pusey to their mother, who, to do her 
 justice, was far from unwilling to undertake the responsi- 
 bility. Lady Lucy Pusey, in the later years of her life, 
 was sometimes referred to as a typical lady of the days 
 of Fox and Pitt. She was tall, slim, with long hands and 
 tapering fingers,— a feature in which all her children, and 
 not least her second son, resembled her. She commonly 
 wore a watered-silk dress, very plain, with large lace 
 collars and ruffles. With a sweet but piercing expression 
 in her blue oy^z, there was still a touch of severity in her 
 bearing : she rarely or never would lean back in her chair, 
 and she used to say that to stoop was the mark of a 
 degenerate age. When in 1857, at the age of eighty- 
 five, her health was failing, she never allowed herself to 
 lie down or rest on a couch of any kind during the day. 
 In the last year or two of her life she reluctantly consented 
 to be taken in a sedan chair to South Audley Street 
 Chapel, which she attended. 
 
 Lady Lucy gave people the impression of being a very 
 practical and unsentimental person. There was occasion- 
 ally in her manner that touch of bluntness which so often 
 veils an afTectionateness or a sensitive refinement that 
 shrinks from exposure. Although perhaps not a clever 
 woman, she had a fund of love in her nature which enabled 
 her to see further, and to do more with her life, than is 
 often given to mere cleverness. She was a devoted wife, 
 consulting her husband's prejudices, at whatever incon- 
 venience to herself; she shared to the full his benevolent 
 instincts ; she reinforced, or more probably she adopted, his 
 precise and methodical ways, and heartily carried out all 
 his wishes. Her time was laid out by rule: a certain 
 portion was always given to reading the Bible; and 
 another portion to some book of established literary 
 
6 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 merit, — generally an historical author. She would read 
 this book with a watch at her side ; and as soon as the 
 self-prescribed time for such reading had elapsed, she 
 eagerly turned to the more congenial task of needlework 
 for charitable purposes. On Sundays, the time before, 
 between, and after the Church services, was regularly 
 spent in taking short walks, or in reading sermons. 
 
 The secret of Lady Lucy's influence with her children, 
 and especially with her second son, lay in her character. 
 Pusey used to dwell with enthusiasm on his mother's 
 charity, self-forgetfulness, and conscientiousness. She took 
 a great deal of pains to screen her good deeds from 
 publicity. Thus instead of allowing her name to appear 
 among the subscribers to a hospital, she would, year by 
 year, slip her £\o note into the box for donations. After 
 her husband's death she made her home in Grosvenor 
 Square ' a family hotel,' as she called it : and, to the end of 
 her life, she would insist upon giving up her own room, and 
 sleeping in a small passage-room, to provide accommoda- 
 tion for others. Although she had much natural dignity 
 of bearing, she heartily believed herself to be inferior to 
 every one about her ; there were no limits to her unaffected 
 self-depreciation and modesty. Yet she was capable of 
 great decision at the call of duty ; her quiet courage and 
 determination always enabled her to do what was dis- 
 tasteful, if it had to be done. 
 
 Although a woman pf strong affections, she was ever 
 able to control herself, in times of anxiety or sorrow, for 
 the sake of those about her : and she never allowed the 
 indulgence of feeling, however keen, to dispense her from 
 the obligations of the moment. She attached great import- 
 ance to the rule that actions should always be in advance 
 of professions ; and when she expressed herself warmly, it 
 was thought remarkable. * My mother's expressions of joy,' 
 writes Pusey, * are conveyed more in actions than in words. 
 She always writes and says much less than she feels.' 
 
 Pusey consistently attributed the greatest blessings which 
 he had received from Almighty God to his mother's influence 
 
 Pusey s Early Training, j 
 
 Perhaps in later life he may, to a certain extent, and uncon- 
 sciously, have idealized it ; but no one could know Lady 
 Lucy Pusey and not be sure that her son was right in the 
 main. Her life was a conspicuous example of love, disci- 
 plined by a sense of duty. Her tender love for himself used 
 to remind him of St. Augustine's words about St. Monica: 
 * Non satis eloquor quid erga me habebat animi.* 
 
 When he had not yet learnt the Church Catechism, he 
 used to sit on a footstool at his mother's knee, while his 
 elder brother, Philip, stood and answered questions. One 
 day his mother told him that the time had now come for 
 him to learn the Catechism too. He said, *I know it.' 
 His mother asked him how he had come to know it. * By 
 hearing Philip say it to you,' was the reply. The boys 
 used to say all their lessons to Lady Lucy before break- 
 fast. When either of them was out of temper, she would 
 put the lessons off until after breakfast, saying, * You are 
 not fit to say your lesson now : you will do better by and 
 bye.' The staple of her instructions was religion : and 
 especially our Lord's words and acts and the Church 
 Catechism. * All that I know about religious truth,' Dr. 
 Pusey would say, * I learnt, at least in principle, from my 
 dear mother.' 'But then,' he would add, 'behind my 
 mother, though of course I did not know it at the time, 
 was the Catholic Church.' Commenting in 1879 on some 
 statements which had been made in America respecting his 
 religious history, Dr. Pusey wrote to a friend : — 
 
 * I was educated in the teaching of the Prayer-book. ... The doc- 
 trine of the Real Presence I learnt from my mother's explanation of the 
 Catechism, which she had learned to understand from older clergy.* 
 
 Edward Pusey was a pale, thin, little child, with light flaxen 
 hair, a somewhat high forehead, and light blue eyes. His 
 mother used to say that no child could be more obedient 
 or industrious : she used to speak of him as her * angelic * 
 son, a phrase which in a person of her reserved and 
 prosaic temper was by no means a flower of rhetoric. 
 His daily playmates were his elder brother Philip and 
 his sister Elizabeth, who was three years younger, and who 
 
8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 admired, and, so far as she could, emulated the proceedings 
 of her brothers, as younger sisters do. She had a special 
 love for her brother Edward, who, in those early years, * did 
 whatever she bid him.' As the boys grew older, they 
 made friends with the keeper Warman, who taught them 
 to shoot, and with the groom, who taught them to ride. 
 In both pursuits, the younger brother soon excelled the 
 
 PUSgY HOUSE, BERKS. 
 
 future squire. ' Master Edward is a better shot,' the keeper 
 used to say, * than youhg Mr. Pusey : he do take more 
 pains about it.' Long before he went up to Oxford Edward 
 Pusey was well known as a very good rider across country. 
 There was not much society at Pusey; Mr. Pusey's 
 reserved habits combined with his strong political feelings 
 to limit it ; but he and his wife entertained their relations 
 and more intimate neighbours \ Of this limited society, 
 
 Among the more intimate and con- 
 stant visitors were the Bouveries of de la 
 Pre Abbey, Lord Radnor, members of 
 the Reeve family, and Lady Pepys, the 
 widow of Sir Lucas Pepys, the Court 
 physician. Of neighbours who were 
 
 constantly at the house were Sir 
 Robert Throckmorton, of Auckland; 
 and later. Archdeacon and Lady 
 Catharine Berens, of Shrivenham ; and 
 the Rev. E. and Lady Frances Bou- 
 verie. of Coleshill Rectory. 
 
 Early School Days, g 
 
 however, the children naturally saw little in their early 
 years : they made their first acquaintance with the world 
 when they went to school. 
 
 In 1807, when Edward Pusey was seven years old, the 
 two brothers were sent to a school, of which the Rev. 
 Richard Roberts was master, at Mitcham in Surrey. It 
 was a school preparatory for Eton, and had a great reputa- 
 tion. Mr. Roberts was a scholar himself, and of a race of 
 scholars * ; and the list of his pupils who afterwards figured 
 in public life is sufl^ciently distinguished 2. On going to 
 Mitcham Edward Pusey was at once placed at the head of 
 his class. 
 
 Mr. Roberts was a schoolmaster of the old race, and as 
 such believed more in the efficacy of corporal punishment 
 than of moral influences^. To drop a penknife was a 
 serious offence ; and Edward Pusey was once flogged for 
 cutting a pencil at both ends. But the one crime which 
 was never pardoned was a false quantity. Mr. Roberts 
 was himself very accurate, and he ' knew how boys could be 
 taught accuracy, if they could be taught anything.' His 
 pupils soon learned to write, at a short notice, Latin 
 verses, which, whatever else they might contain, contained 
 no false quantities. Referring to this time, Pusey would 
 speak of his first schoolmaster as 
 
 *a wonderful teacher. He never would allow "cribs." He made 
 us tear out the Latin translations of Homer and Greek writers where 
 we could without destroying the text. He would make us translate 
 a great deal at first sight. Every Sunday we had to write an English 
 theme ; and during each week a Latin theme, and a copy of longs and 
 shorts [elegiacs] and of lyrics. Towards the end of my time he made 
 
 » His father, William Hayward 
 Roberts, had been a Fellow of King's 
 College, Cambridge, assistant master 
 at Eton, Rector of Famham Royal, 
 Chaplain to the King, and lastly, in 
 1 781 , Provost of Eton. His brothers, 
 William and John, were assistant 
 masters and fellows of Eton in due 
 course. Mr. Richard Roberts, on 
 leaving Cambridge, opened a pre- 
 paratory school at Mitcham, in 1792. 
 
 ' Among them are the noble names 
 of Auckland, Exeter, Derby, Carlisle, 
 
 Ailesbury, Sydney, Somerset, Cowley, 
 Eglinton, Sandwich, Galloway, and 
 Egerton ; others were Lord E. Bruce, 
 Lord W. Russell, Lord John Thynne, 
 Sir T. D. Acland, and Mr. Milner 
 Gaskell. 
 
 * Mr. Roberts' portrait, which was 
 in the possession of Dr. Mackamess, 
 late Bishop of Oxford, shows him to 
 have been a kind-hearted man ; his 
 methods of governing and teaching 
 schoolboys were in accordance with 
 the best traditions of the day. 
 
 lit ib 
 
8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 admired, and, so far as she could, emulated the proceedings 
 of her brothers, as younger sisters do. She had a special 
 love for her brother Edward, who, in those early years, ' did 
 whatever she bid him.' As the boys grew older, they 
 made friends with the keeper Warman, who taught them 
 to shoot, and with the groom, who taught them to ride. 
 In both pursuits, the younger brother soon excelled the 
 
 PUSpY norsE, hekks. 
 
 future squire. * Master Edward \s a better shot,' the keeper 
 used to say, 'than young Mr. Pusey : he do take more 
 pains about it.' Long before he went up to Oxford Edward 
 Pusey was well known as a very good rider across country. 
 There was not much society at Pusey; Mr. Pusey's 
 reserved habits combined with his strong political feelings 
 to limit it ; but he and his wife entertained their relations 
 and more intimate neighbours \ Of this limited society, 
 
 * Among the more intimate and con- 
 stant visitors were the Bouveries of de la 
 Pre Abbey, Lord Radnor, members of 
 the Reeve family, and Lady Pepys, the 
 widow of Sir Lucas Pepys, the Court 
 physician. Of neighbours who were 
 
 constantly at the house were Sir 
 Robert Throckmorton, of lUickland ; 
 and later, Archdeacon and Lady 
 Catharine IJerens, of Shrivenham ; and 
 the Rev. E. and Lady Frances Bou- 
 verie, of Coleshill Rectory. 
 
 [ 
 
 Early School Days, g 
 
 however, the children naturally saw little in their early 
 years : they made their first acquaintance with the world 
 when they went to school. 
 
 In 1807, when Pldward Pusey was seven years old, the 
 two brothers were sent to a school, of which the Rev. 
 Richard Roberts was master, at Mitcham in Surrey. It 
 was a school preparatory for Eton, and had a great reputa- 
 tion. Mr. Roberts was a scholar himself, and of a race of 
 scholars ^ ; and the list of his pupils who afterwards figured 
 in public life is sufficiently distinguished '. On going to 
 Mitcham Edward Pusey was at once placed at the head of 
 his class. 
 
 Mr. Roberts was a schoolmaster of the old race, and as 
 such believed more in the efficacy of corporal punishment 
 than of moral influences '^ To drop a penknife was a 
 serious offence ; and Edward Pusey was once flogged for 
 cutting a pencil at both ends. But the one crime which 
 was never pardoned was a false quantity. Mr. Roberts 
 was himself very accurate, and he ' knew how boys could be 
 taught accuracy, if they could be taught anything.' His 
 pupils soon learned to write, at a short notice, Latin 
 verses, which, whatever else they might contain, contained 
 no false quantities. Referring to this time, Pusey would 
 speak of his first schoolmaster as 
 
 *a wonderful teacher. He never would allow "cribs." He made 
 us tear out the Latin translations of Homer and Greek writers where 
 we could without destroying the text. He would make us translate 
 a great deal at first sight. Every Sunday we had to write an English 
 theme ; and during each week a Latin theme, and a copy of longs and 
 shorts [elegiacs] and of lyrics. Towards the end of my time he made 
 
 ' His father, William Hayward 
 Roberts, had been a Fellow of King's 
 College, Cambridge, assistant master 
 at Eton, Rector of Farnham Royal, 
 Chaplain to the King, and lastly, in 
 1 781 , Provost of Eton. His brothers, 
 William and John, were assistant 
 masters and fellows of Eton in due 
 course. Mr. Richard Roberts, on 
 leaving Cambridge, opened a pre- 
 paratory school at Mitcham, in 1792. 
 
 ^ Among them are the noble names 
 of Auckland, Exeter, Derby, Carlisle, 
 
 Ailesbury, Sydney, Somerset, Cowley, 
 Eglinton, Sandwich, Galloway, and 
 Egerton ; others were Lord E. Bruce, 
 Lord W. Russell, Lord John Thynne, 
 Sir T. D. Acland, and Mr. Milner 
 Gaskell. 
 
 ^ Mr. Roberts' portrait, which was 
 in the possession of Dr. Mackarness, 
 late liishop of Oxford, shows him to 
 have been a kind-hearted man ; his 
 methods of governing and teaching 
 schoolboys were in accordance with 
 the best traditions of the day. 
 
lO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Early School Days. 
 
 II 
 
 me do four copies of Greek verses also every week ; I suppose they 
 were Hexameters and Pentameters in the style of the ancient epigrams. 
 In later years when I was in Council \ and they were talking about the 
 requirements for Little-go and Moderations, I used to say that I knew 
 a school in which half the boys could have passed Moderations — 
 mintis the Logic-paper- before they were eleven years of age. Perhaps,' 
 he added, 'that was saying a great deal; but they were very well 
 prepared.* 
 
 * You know,* he used to say to his brother William, 'that either of 
 us could have passed Little-go before we went to Eton.' 
 
 Mr. Roberts* boys took high places at Eton almost as 
 a matter of course. However, this was not an unmixed 
 gain : a boy is not commonly the better for being thrown 
 among boys much older than himself, and the hard work 
 at Mitcham was in some cases followed by a period of 
 magnificent idleness, which was of advantage neither to 
 mind nor character. 
 
 The Puseys, however, were by inclination and habit in- 
 dustrious boys, although in their case too the motives of 
 fear and ambition may well have had their share of influence. 
 When I was eleven years old at school,' Dr. Pusey wrote 
 to his son, ' I was kept to my books, I suppose, more than 
 ten hours a day.' ' Both my boys,' their mother used to 
 say, ' were clever ; Philip had more talent, but Edward was 
 the more industrious.' 
 
 Among their contemporaries at Mitcham were the late 
 Earl of Derby and his brother, and Lord Carlisle. The 
 latter was younger than either of the Puseys, but, although 
 a very little boy, he had already a reputation for a great 
 power of reading character. Lord Derby was a year or two 
 older than Philip. Lady Lucy Pusey was fond of telling, 
 with a mother's pride, how on one occasion Mr. Roberts, 
 being thoroughly put out by the mistakes or idleness of his 
 pupils, exclaimed in school, * You are all of you dunces, 
 except the Stanleys and the Puseys.' 
 
 Certainly Mr. Roberts must have largely contributed 
 to make Edward Pusey the scholar he became. The 
 sensitive impatience of ' bad scholarship,' which was one of 
 
 * The Hebdomadal Council of the University of Oxford. 
 
 Pusey 's characteristics, would not have been so' marked 
 without the training and bracing of Mitcham. In later 
 life, accuracy had become to him ' almost a new sense or 
 instinct \' The raw material of such a faculty doubtless is 
 God's gift as being part of the original outfit of the human 
 mind ; but for its development it is largely dependent 
 upon early guidance and exercise. 
 
 It would not appear that Mitcham did anything for 
 Pusey's religious life or convictions. As in most schools 
 of the period, religion was treated as a necessary propriety 
 rather than as a living influence. The boys went to church 
 on Sundays, and prayers were read every morning and 
 evening. But there was no energetic recognition of religion 
 as prescribing motives and governing conduct. The Cate- 
 chism was learnt, but it was not explained. On Sunday 
 afternoons Mr. Roberts read out to the boys Ostervald's 
 ' Arguments,'— a well-meant but unattractive work on the 
 Bible, which has long since been forgotten 2. Even a much 
 more interesting book would have failed of its purpose, 
 unless its lessons had been seconded by other methods of 
 making religion at least as much a matter of importance as 
 work or recreation. 
 
 Edward Pusey always retained a grateful sense of 
 indebtedness to his first schoolmaster for making him a 
 scholar. When he won the Latin Essay in 1824 he sent 
 Mr. Roberts a copy of it, with an inscription which ex- 
 pressed this in terms which were warmly appreciated ^. 
 
 He was eleven years and a half old when, with his elder 
 
 ' These words were used of his 
 (I reek scholarship by a scholar who 
 had a right to give such an opinion, 
 the late Rev. James Riddell, Fellow 
 and Tutor of Balliol College. 
 
 * Ostervald was a Protestant minister 
 at Neuchatel in the early part of the 
 eighteenth century. The object of his 
 * Arguments ' is to give a general idea 
 of the contents of the Bible, and to 
 connect this with lessons of practical 
 religion. Each chapter of the Bible 
 is epitomized, and the epitome is fol- 
 lowed by reflections. Epitomes rarely 
 iuoceed, and, least of all, epitomes of 
 
 the Bible. 
 
 '* The inscription runs thus: 'The 
 Rev. R. Roberts, with E. B. P.'s best 
 respects and regards, and in grateful 
 remembrance — actae non alio rege 
 puertiae.' Horace was thinking of 
 the meeting of two friends in later life 
 who had had the same master ; Pusey 
 mainly of his old master, but not 
 without a thought of his brother 
 Philip, with whom his school life was 
 throughout associated. The copy of 
 this inscription is due to the kindness 
 of Bishop Mackarness. 
 
12 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Eton, 
 
 13 
 
 brother, he was sent to Eton. The boys arrived there on 
 January 16, 181 2. They were placed in the house of the 
 Rev. Thomas Carter^; and they found a friend in their 
 first cousin 2, whose services in those bewildering hours of 
 entrance on the strange scene of public school life were 
 always gratefully recalled ^ 
 
 The Eton to which the boys were thus introduced was the 
 Eton of Dr. Keate. He had already been Head Master 
 for three years : his reign covered a quarter of a century. 
 
 *0n the 13th of May, 1813/ writes the late Rev. Edward Coleridge, 
 ' I found myself sitting on the same bench with E. B. P. (in the lower 
 division of the fifth form) with Jelf * next boy to him, and between him 
 and me, Luxmoore^, his future brother-in-law; Moultrie*; Law, now 
 Dean of Gloucester; Eden', afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells; 
 
 A. M.Wale, still Vicar of Sunning Hill In 1817 I was in the sixth 
 
 form, with E.B. P. as the third oppidan. During this time I, a col- 
 leger, knew little of him except that he did not engage in sports, did 
 long exercises, and was very obscure in his style. My intimacy with 
 him, and my love for him, were of later dateV 
 
 In those years the fifth form at Eton contained an 
 unusually large number of boys who were destined to 
 become remarkable men ; and of these not a few had come 
 from Mitcham. Among them were a Prime Minister'', 
 a Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ^o, a Colonial Minister and 
 First Lord of the Admiralty ^\ a Chancellor of the Duchy 
 
 ^ Afterwards Vice-Provost. Mr. 
 Carter had been an assistant master 
 since 1801 ; he became Lower Master 
 in 1 8 14. As the father of the Rev. 
 i . T. Carter, his name will be re- 
 verently cherished by all English 
 Churchmen ; and visitors to tton 
 will not forget the window in the 
 ante-chapel which expresses the love 
 and gratitude of his children. 
 
 * Robert Sherard, sixth and last 
 Earl of Harborough, was born 26th 
 August. 1797, and succeeded to the 
 title on Dec. 10, 1807. 
 
 ^ On Lord Harborough's death 
 Pusey wrote to his brother : * I re- 
 member him in his young days as 
 a boy at Eton, when Philip and I 
 first went there. ... He was very 
 kind to us, as an experienced and older 
 boy could be. I often have wished 
 that I could be of any use to him. 
 
 I prayed for him by name for years.' 
 
 • Richard William Jelf, afterwards 
 Fellow of Oriel ; Canon of Christ 
 Church ; and Principal of King's 
 College, London. 
 
 ' John Henry Montague Lnxmoore, 
 who married Miss Elizabeth Bouverie 
 Pusey. 
 
 • Rev. John Moultrie, Rector of 
 Rugby, and a friend of Arnold. 
 
 ' Afterwards Lord Auckland. 
 
 • Rev. Edward Coleridge to Rev. 
 T. T. Carter. Oct. 20, 1882. Mr. 
 Coleridge died at his rectory of 
 Mapledurham, aged 83, on May 18, 
 1883, just eight months after Dr. 
 Pusey. 
 
 • Mr. Stanley, afterwards Earl of 
 Derby. 
 
 •" Mr. Howard, aflerwards Earl of 
 Carlisle. 
 
 '* Mr. John Somerset Russell, after- 
 
 of Lancaster \ a Treasurer of the Household 2, a Speaker 
 of the House of Commons ^ three Ambassadors*, and 
 others who by force of character or in virtue of their 
 position were well known in after life^ 
 
 Pusey had many acquaintances at Eton, but few friends. 
 The future Lord Derby he regarded as having 'an iron 
 will and unbounded self-confidence V Of the three embryo 
 bishops who were with him in the fifth— James Chapman ^ 
 Robert John Eden^ and Edward Denison^ — he knew 
 the latter best, but none intimately. He used to refer 
 from time to time to Henry Nelson Coleridge, to John 
 Moultrie, and especially to a younger boy at that time in 
 the fourth form, whose poems, however, it is probable he 
 never read in the busy years of manhood— V%^inthrop 
 Mackworth Praed, with whom he used constantly to play 
 chess. Two boys there were whose characters might have 
 seemed to mark them out as his natural friends, but of 
 whose relations with him it is difficult to discover distinct 
 traces— J. J. Hornby, who was no unworthy successor of 
 Shedock in the Rectory of Winwick, and the Hon. George 
 Spencer, who a quarter of a century afterwards passed at 
 a bound from extreme Evangelicalism into the Roman 
 Church, but whose memory can never be recalled without 
 reverence and affection by any who had the happiness of 
 knowing him. With Germain Lavie, who was his senior, 
 with the two brothers Neave, with Mr. John Parker of 
 Sweeney, and, in a different sense, with Julian Hibbert, 
 Pusey was constantly corresponding during the ten years 
 that followed his Eton life. 
 
 wards Sir John Pakington, and 
 finally Lc^rd Hampton. 
 
 * Duke of Montrose. 
 ^ Marquis of Bristol. 
 
 ' John Evelyn Denison, afterwards 
 Viscount Ossington. 
 
 * Lord Howard de Walden ; Sir 
 John Duncan Bligh ; Mr. John Hobart 
 Cradock. 
 
 '^ Such as Sir T. F. Fremantle, 
 afterwards Lord Cottesloe ; Mr. 
 Twibtleton, afterwards Lord Saye and 
 Sele ; Mr. William Ewart ; Lord Por- 
 
 chester, afterwards third Earl of Car- 
 narvon. 
 
 • Pusey to Keble, on the Oxford 
 Chancellorship, before Easter, 1864. 
 It is possible that Pusey's judgment 
 may have been coloured by his stron*^ 
 feeling about Lord Stanley's contribu*^ 
 lion towards suppressing the Irish 
 Bishoprics in 1833. 
 
 ' First Bishop of Colombo. 
 
 • Bishop of Bath and WelU. 
 
 • Bishop of Salisbury. 
 
 i 
 
14 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 His greatest friend at Eton was the Hon. Edward Charles 
 Hugh Herbert, whose elder brother, Lord Porchester, was 
 on terms of equal intimacy with Philip Pusey. The friend- 
 ship was brought about by an incident which discovered 
 a prominent feature of Pusey 's character. Young Herbert 
 had made some remark, which led another boy to say 
 jestingly, 'What would your mother say?'— upon which 
 Herbert burst into tears. On Pusey's going up to him he- 
 discovered that Herbert's mother, Lady Carnarvon, to whom 
 he had been tenderly attached, had lately died^ and Pusey's 
 tender and delicate sympathy was never forgotten. When 
 JMr. Herbert died, almost suddenly, on Whit Sunday, 1852. 
 Pusey wrote to his sister that * nothing is sudden to one 
 who is always ready : and all which he has ever said to me 
 bespoke a mind which was ready for the change.' When 
 eighteen years later Mr. Herbert's son was murdered by 
 brigands on the field of Marathon \ the tragedy woke up 
 in Pusey's mind all his tender affections for his old school- 
 fellow ; had it been his own son — it was observed — he could 
 hardly have been more distressed. 
 
 Another Eton boy to whom, throughout life, Pusey would 
 very often refer in terms of great affection, but from whom, 
 in his latter years, he was entirely separated, was Henry 
 Law, afterwards Dean of Gloucester. The Dean writes : 
 
 * We were in the same form, and I have a most lively recollection 
 of his appearance and general habits. He was rather junior to me in 
 age. His appearance was that of a weakly delicate boy. He was 
 remarkably quiet and retiring. He manifested a kindly feeling 
 towards myself, and I think he preferred me as a companion to any 
 other boy. But he was very grave and thoughtful, and I cannot 
 recollect that he ever joined in any of our sports. I did not perceive 
 in him at that time much promise of future celebrity V 
 
 There is little to be said about Pusey's reading while at 
 
 * March 5, 1813. 
 
 ^ Mr. Edward Henry Charles Her- 
 bert was murdered May 21, 1870. 
 
 ^ Mr. Law left Eton before Pusey 
 left it.. Pusey wrote to him often 
 when he was at Cambridge. They 
 met for the last time at Bath, of which 
 
 place Mr. Law was rector: but their 
 old intimacy was wrecked on serious 
 differences as to religious belief When 
 discussion does not compel agreement, 
 it rriay only show that a difference of 
 major premises makes agreement im- 
 possible. 
 
 Eton. 
 
 15 
 
 Eton, except that he worked steadily. He told his brother 
 
 William, while the latter was still a schoolboy, and in 
 
 order to encourage him, that on one occasion, when laid up 
 
 at Eton by a bad foot, he had read through Xenophon's 
 
 'Anabasis ' for amusement in bed in less than a week. He 
 
 did not begin mathematics until he had left Eton ; ' but 
 
 then,' he adds, ' I read them by myself, and scarcely knew 
 
 their importance.' He always regretted that when at 
 
 school he *had not been obliged to work hard at 
 
 mathematics.' * Of what is called divinity '—so he writes in 
 
 1826—* of the contents, historical and doctrinal, of the Bible, 
 
 and of any illustrations of them,— Eton boys are generally 
 
 shamefully ignorant.' 
 
 In looking back to his Eton days Pusey would refer to 
 them in varying terms. On one occasion, at any rate, he 
 described them as ' not the happiest in my life.' At other 
 times he certainly spoke of himself as very happy while at 
 Eton. Such apparent contradictions are easily reconciled : 
 the one phrase may refer to a single episode, the other to the 
 general tenor of his life. He was a weakly boy; and often 
 found himself unequal to taking his natural part in games. 
 But he was as popular as a shy boy could be : older boys 
 knew that he was no ' loafer '; and when he felt unwell he 
 could always get off * fagging cricket,' which appears to 
 have tired him greatly. But, on the other hand, he was well 
 known to ride better than most boys ; and he was a good 
 swimmer. Once he was nearly drowned while bathing. 
 He was apparently dead when taken out of the water ; it is 
 supposed that he had an attack of cramp. Whenever he 
 wanted to suggest to another how easy it might be to die, 
 he would refer to the experience of becoming insensible on 
 this occasion as ' very delightful \' However, he seems to 
 have cared less for outdoor exercise when at school than as 
 an Oxford undergraduate : he had moreover the reputation 
 of being the best chess-player at Eton. 
 
 * The witnesses of this event have 
 passed away. I have been unable to 
 recover any account of it from Pusey's 
 
 contemporaries. It may have taken 
 place during the holidays ; but this is 
 improbable. 
 
i6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I) 
 
 .11 
 
 The years which he spent at school were years of no 
 common importance to England and to Europe. To the 
 Puseys, as to other boys of that generation, Bonaparte had 
 been the spectre of early childhood : and they were now old 
 enough to understand something of the significance of his 
 downfall. Their Eton life began some time before the 
 advance to Moscow ; it did not close until more than a year 
 after Waterloo. If ever events could take possession of 
 the imagination, inspire purpose, and give strength and 
 shape to character, the defeat and captivity of the great 
 French Captain was surely well fitted to do this ; especially 
 in the case of Eton lads, who, for the most part, had been 
 accustomed to hear public matters discussed by their 
 parents, and to look forward to a career of public activity 
 for themselves. Most boys make an efibrt at times to 
 understand what is passing in the world in which they will 
 presently have to play their parts ; and when a number of 
 young Englishmen are thrown together at a great crisis in 
 the history of their country, the interchange of information, 
 of apprehension, of conjecture, of hope and fear, of all that 
 belongs to the wisdom, the enthusiasm, or even the folly of 
 the time, has its effect on after-life. In the case of several 
 Eton boys of that day these critical years may be traced 
 in their effects on a public career : in Edward Pusey they 
 contributed to develop that sense of the Presence of God 
 in human affairs, as attested by swift and awful judgments, 
 which coloured so largely his religious convictions ^. When, 
 thirty years after, he had retired from society altogether, 
 and was living, as men said, the life of a recluse, he kept his 
 eye on the political events of the time. *We may see 
 
 * ' Minor Prophets,' p. 256, Int to 
 Jonah : * The older of us remember 
 what awful joy was felt, when after 
 three days of mortal strife at Leipzig, 
 in which 107,000 were killed or 
 wounded, victory at length was won ; 
 or when out of 647,000 men who 
 swept across Europe (a mass larger 
 than the whole population of Nineveh) 
 only 85,000 escaped.' Compare the 
 
 striking passage in * Chastisements 
 neglected the forerunners of greater,' 
 preached on the Eve of the Annuncia- 
 tion, 1847; Oxford, i859,3rded. p. II. 
 The present writer can never forget 
 Pusey's solemn reference to the cam- 
 paigns of Leipzig and Waterloo, in a 
 Hebrew lecture more than forty years 
 ago : he was commenting on Psalm 
 xxxvii. 37. 
 
 His Confirmation. j- 
 
 perhaps,' he said, ' what God is doing, if we do not know 
 what He means to do.' 
 
 It is difficult to trace any special characteristic of Pusev's 
 religious life to the Eton system \ There were, of course the 
 prayers m chapel, some religious lessons, and a clerical staff of 
 masters ; and these could not have been without their effect 
 
 tT Vi!'''"??"! ^''^' ^"' "' '^^ h.g.nn\ng of the century 
 he Church had no adequate idea of the splendid oppor- 
 tun. les which Divine Providence still offered her in the 
 public schools of this country. Pusey never referred to 
 E on, within the present writer's memory, as having been of 
 religious advantage to him : but, on the other hand, except 
 in the important particular of religious instruction, he did 
 not complain of it as deficient 2. 
 
 About a year before the close of his Eton career Pusey was 
 confirmed in the Chapel Royal, St. James's, by Dr. Howley, 
 hen Bishop of London 3. Of his special preparation for 
 that solemn moment in a Christian's life, and for his first 
 Communion, no record remains. Yet it is known that while 
 at Eton he led a blameless life, and that he never omitted 
 the prayers which his mother had taught him. Moreover 
 before Pusey had left Eton he was regarded amongst his 
 friends as the natural guide of the younger boys. At any 
 
 In a letter to Rev. W. B. Pusey, 
 dated May 5, 1845, Lady Lucy Pusey 
 writes : ' I have been occupying myself 
 of an evening lately in destroying most 
 of my letters and pai^rs, to save trouble 
 to those who would come after. Read- 
 ing over some I had preserved of 
 Edward's, I could see in him the 
 same character in early youth that he 
 has now, especially in some he wrote 
 to me from Eton upon his receiving 
 the Sacrament, and upon the death of 
 one of his schoolfellows in Mr. 
 Carter's house.' 
 
 ^ ' Among the assistant masters at 
 Eton from 1802 to 1816 was the 
 Rev. John Bird Sumner, afterwards 
 Bishop of Chester and Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. He spent his leisure in 
 visiting the sick poor in Windsor and 
 Eton, and was greatly respected. But 
 apparently he had no direct religious 
 influence upon the boys. In the heat 
 
 VOL. I. r 
 
 of the Gorham controversy, Pusey 
 incurred some censure among his 
 friends by insisting 'on what is the 
 simple truth, that Sumner has all 
 along been labouring to advance 
 piety. Such was his character at 
 Eton thirty-six years ago, and I sap- 
 pose earlier.' 
 
 ' In the last year of his life Pusey 
 had to advise his niece, Mrs. Fletcher, 
 as to whether her son, then going to 
 Eton for the first time, should be con- 
 firmed or not. * I would not hurry it,' 
 he said ; * I was at Eton several years 
 before I was confirmed.' At other 
 times he expressed the opinion that 
 Confirmation should be earlier or later 
 than the usual age of fifteen or six- 
 teen ; eajlier that it might furnish the 
 grace to resist temptation at a perilous 
 time of life, or later that it might seal 
 repentance for the sins of an undis- 
 ciplined youth. 
 
i8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 rate the subjoined letter from his schoolfellow, Mr. R. W. 
 Jelf, who had preceded him to Oxford, if a little didactic, as 
 is sometimes the manner of big boys and young men, is 
 honourable to both of them : — 
 
 Richard W. Jelf, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 
 Twickenham Meadows, 
 
 MY DEAR PUSEY, °"- '4' '*'7; 
 
 You will, I dare say, be surprised at seeing my handwriting 
 again after so long a separation. The truth is, I should not have 
 troubled you with this, but for a particular friend, who requested me 
 to put a little commission into the hands of any one at Eton whom 
 I can depend upon. Now, I know no one who will be more able, and 
 I trust xnorc nUlin^, to execute this than founelf ; and I am tlic more 
 tuooun^ to this (rem knowtox t^^' hiKh situation you at present 
 bear in the 5*chool. There is a bo}* of the name o( Estridjce at 
 Hoh\ and if it is in your |M»wer I know you will patronize him^ 
 1 undcrsLind be is a boy of good abilities^ but being bom to a brce 
 fottuoc he h» I believe^ a Httit inclbed to anukse himself at the 
 expense of his studies, and it is thcrcfon of the first fanpOOrtlBCt to his 
 kint weKure that he should be set in a good way at his cntnnce into 
 a public school. Will yen hk^t the goodMtt lO SCtKi far him and, 
 without seeming to kaov thftt be b thus inclined, gii« him a little 
 KOO^ advice in a kind way ; pariKuUrty caution tiim agaimt shooting, 
 &c? This do«e of admonition it will be well to wash down with wrnie 
 Bttlt kindneMea, Boch a» a few liberties, &c, aod 1 know i ka\>e both 
 the bone and the antidote in good hands. 
 
 HavloiE thus far diichstfftd my cnist, I am glad to ha\^ an oppor- 
 tunity of expce&siog my vaih that you would cater into a regular cor« 
 re^poedeiscc with me; as regular, at least, as is consistent uith my 
 usual want of punctuality. Pray irrite soon, dbeedBf to me at Ch. Ch., 
 Oxfard, where I return on Friday. Tell me what you can oi >xiur new 
 protege^ and then gire me a full acconnt of t^^er)'thicv at Eton, society, 
 ^ixth form, SiC, SiC I shall expect ^xiu soon at Ch. Ch., where I think 
 I can introduce >x>u i<> a good acquaimance. I am very happf)* 
 there in every uay ; surrounded with &icnds and possessed o( tvcry 
 
 comfort. . . . Your very sinew frktKj, 
 
 R. W. JBLT. 
 
 Tuesday. 
 
 Tliis letter, however, although &cm to Eton, had to be 
 re-addrcsMd. On the UsI Saturday of July, 1817, at £kc« 
 tton, Edward Pusey had closed the five years and a half of 
 his public school life, and had gone to a private tutor. 
 
 Nis Tutor, Dr. Maltby, ^g 
 
 In October, 181 7, Pusey was placed by his father under the 
 care of the Rev. Edward Maltby. D.D., Vicar of Buckden, 
 near Huntingdon, and prebendary of Leighton Buzzard in 
 Lincoln Cathedral. Dr. Maltby had distinguished himself 
 at Cambridge in scholarship » ; and to the end of his life he 
 was before all thin-s a scholar. He was fond of remem- 
 bering that Porson had been kind to him ; and he in turn 
 liked the society of younger .students ; helped them with 
 his advice and his money; and, when he could do so 
 recommended them for assistance to the Government of 
 the day. He gave much time and labour to scholastic 
 publications^'; nor wm he ifidccd forgetful of subjects 
 which have a stronger claim upon a clergyman ^ But, 
 in truth, Maltby, though an excellent scholar, was in no 
 «jnou8 tense a theologian : his interest was almost entirely 
 confined to the textual or literary aspects of the Sacred 
 Boolcf, where, to use his own wortls he found * ample 
 employment in that course of reading to which his mind 
 had been more peculiaHy dir^ted.' The Evangelicals of 
 the day vigorously attacked his sermons • and other publi- 
 cations*. Maltby on his side n<rver liked that part>'; and 
 although he denounced the Tractariaiis in later years, he 
 was careful to explain that he was • not a party man.' Hi^ 
 
 in iRpj. Thi% wofk 
 
 mended hj Uitbop Tocniine, lati 
 vcicfimfd IB & vctj dtfereM quarter. 
 Ci. Ciuaini^hui %. * ObaerratiiM de- 
 i^CMd a»m Keplj eo ihr •*Tbo«|^t** 
 Of Dr MtJiby/ Ixfldoiv iSia. p. t. 
 • A Yokuat oi Dr. M4ltb>*» »ct- 
 mons apfjCfticd ia i8ia; u was re> 
 ^wcfl ^tnn jtun later in the 
 CAnuJam Ohtrt^, vbco the ««tkoe 
 WAS maiSr a JMiop; cf. \\A, axxi. 
 ^ Sf6, Sef*.. 1S51. ITjc MjntJkfy 
 /fftnftW 4»ql. Dd. pp^ 309 iQA 
 
 M>fch^ iSao) hAd nmtfwtiH wSh 
 fatliialiiii. A tfcoiNl voIoim tp- 
 pettrcA in i8a2. Aod » tkardolnc nan 
 ^Hcnrmids. 
 
 * * Tkoi^t ۥ tht UtUkr and 
 EMft^kmcf ot the Pljnf propo^ ty 
 the Bible Socadr.* by luJward Mftlttr. 
 1>.I>. LcMioD, Cadcll, i8i». ' 
 
 ' He «« bovn at N'<«^xkb in i-ro: 
 t^fCMtfi u WMchetter and Iv^. 
 Uoke Calkfe^ Cembfidee, where be 
 fffidnatod *f eiy^th wnatUr in 1701, 
 Hr RAiDed ibc ^iu McMa for Ctvtk 
 
 oalloraMolalliiiiAij^a. 
 
 • la oMieftee. he aaji, to a« ia- 
 jMioB or FonoaX ke p«blUicd in 
 181 f an cataixcd and conotud crfidott 
 <4 McirdU ^UxicoD for GmckPkt>. 
 ipdy ' after dciK<ii^ «teren yt^n to 
 »e Utouf oi leHcdli&a^ it. He u 
 better fc ooow i by hk *GraiIu« «d 
 Famaapun/ a work with Ythkh Boat 
 •cooolboM who have had to oake 
 Greek luaUci *m9 mott or Icm 
 familiar. Th« well4aow« hook 
 reached a thifd ttStioo in i8f 1. 
 
 ' In 180J U publtfthtd 'llliMtia* 
 tiooa id ibe Truih of the Ckiwiao 
 lUligiofi ' A recood e^ioo followed 
 
 I 
 
 C 2 
 
20 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 His Tutor, Dr. Maltby, 
 
 21 
 
 ' Evangelical ' opponents, however, could not prevent his 
 elevation in the year 1831 to the Episcopal Bench ^. As 
 a Bishop, his language and conduct were in entire consistency 
 with the kindliness, the munificence, the love of learning ^, 
 the Whig politics and the doctrinal latitudinarianism ^ of his 
 earlier life. 
 
 The Puseys were sent to Buckden by their father on 
 account of Dr. Mahby's classical reputation; and the year 
 and three months which Edward Pusey spent there were not 
 without their influence on his future career. Unlike his 
 elder brother ^ he recalled with satisfaction his life at Buck- 
 den. Maltby, he used to say, was a hard worker, and he 
 made his pupils work ; and while he inspired them with an 
 enthusiasm for scholarship, they could not but enjoy the 
 sunshine of his kindly benevolence. Probably, too, the 
 greater opportunities for long hours of uninterrupted reading 
 were increasingly welcome to a lad who was now forming 
 the habits of a serious student. When in later years Dr. 
 Maltby's name was mentioned/ Pusey's face would light 
 up, ' Ah ! he was a scholar of the old painstaking kind.' 
 In the course of fifteen months Pusey was led or accom- 
 panied by his tutor through the larger part of the text 
 of the poets and historians who, at that time, were taken 
 in by candidates for Classical Honours at Oxford : and the 
 assistance thus given, if too much fashioned on Porson's 
 model always to command the approval of a ripened 
 
 * He became Bishop of Chithester 
 in 1 83 1, and was translated to Dur- 
 ham, on the recommendation of Lord 
 Melbourne, in 1836. 
 
 * He bequeathed his fine library to 
 the University of Durham. It was 
 undoubtedly richer in scholarship and 
 general literature than in theology. 
 The only work of Pusey's which it 
 contained was the ' Theology of 
 Germany ' ; cf. * Catalogus Biblio- 
 thecae Maltbeianae in Universitate 
 Dunelmensi.* Londini, Mitchell, 1863. 
 
 * Thus he subscribed to a Socinian 
 chapel, and to a volume of sermons 
 published by a Socinian minister in 
 his diocese; cf. The Times, Oct. 10 
 and 13, 1838; also * Letters to the 
 
 Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Dur- 
 ham, relative to his Lordship's sub- 
 scription to a volume of sermons by 
 the kev. W. Turner, Newcastle-on- 
 Tyne.' London, Green, 1838. 
 
 * In his later years Philip Pusey 
 expressed a prejudice against private 
 tutors. * School,' he said, * is good, 
 and home is good, but not these 
 establishments.' In this opinion his 
 brother Edward by no means con- 
 curred. He was * always very happy 
 with Maltby ; there were no black 
 sheep at Buckden ' ; and he * could 
 not account for his brother's feeling. 
 Philip may have had something in 
 his mind of which he knew nothing.' 
 
 Oxford judgment, was often gratefully referred to as 
 'solid and judicious.* But Dr. Maltby was not the man 
 to guide or even to detect the early workings of a 
 religious mind. He himself conceived of religion mainly 
 as the outcome of one branch of literature ; and his idea 
 of the nature and purpose of Chri.stianity^ was too thin 
 and meagre to affect anybody else, unless it should be by 
 giving an impulse towards negative speculations. It has 
 been conjectured that in fact Maltby did influence Pusey 
 in this way; and that certain features of the 'Theology of 
 Germany' may be traced to Buckden. For this opinion, 
 however, there is no adequate ground ; Pusey never referred 
 to him as among those to whom he was indebted for any 
 religious guidance in early life. He went to Buckden for 
 scholarship : and while he was well aware of the drift of 
 Dr. Maltby's theological opinions, his own religious faith and 
 practice was at this period of his life still in the main what 
 he had learned from his mother, with such enlargement or 
 modification as the experience or needs of school life might 
 have suggested. 
 
 From time to time Pusey had communications with his 
 former tutor. Maltby wrote him a warm letter of congratu- 
 lation on his first class and his Oriel F*ellowship ; thanked 
 him for his kindness to a nephew; bespoke his fathers 
 interest for the destitute family of a deceased clergyman ; 
 and pressed him to revisit Buckden. 
 
 Eighteen years passed, and Pusey's tutor was now Bishop 
 of Durham ; Tract 90 had been published ; and Pusey him- 
 self had already filled the Regius chair of Hebrew at Oxford 
 during twelve eventful years. Bishop Maltby, after the 
 fashion of the day, had been charging his clergy against 
 the Tractarians 2, but more moderately than some other 
 prelates, and, it may be added, in those vague and general 
 terms which are perhaps natural when a clever man 
 discusses a subject with which he is conscious of being im- 
 perfectly acquainted. The Bishop explained that he had 
 
 > Cf. * Sermons,' i. p. 319 (ed. 1819). of Durham, by Edward, Lord Bishop of 
 'Charge delivered to the Diocese Durham.' London, T. Cadell, 1841. 
 
22 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 had no intercourse with ' the able writers ' whom he thus 
 criticized, * excepting indeed one distinguished individual, 
 of whom as a former pupil I have no recollections but such 
 as are most agreeable/ The charge, however, contained 
 some matter of a different character, and Pusey wrote to 
 complain of *the severe and unmitigated censure* of the 
 Oxford School. The Bishop could not allow that his 
 language ought to be so described, but he really appears to 
 have been unable even to understand Pusey s point of view: 
 and he hastens to adopt * that tone of familiarity and con- 
 fidence with which an old tutor may address an old and 
 much-esteemed pupil/ He thanks Pusey for the ' spirit ' of 
 his letter. * Although,' he concludes, * we so unfortunately 
 differ at present in our opinions, I shall always be glad to 
 receive you as an old friend ^* 
 
 This was Pusey's last communication with his former tutor. 
 Bishop Maltby resigned the See of Durham in September, 
 1856 ; and died at his house in Portland Place on July 3, 
 1859, at the ripe age of eighty-nine. Pusey never referred 
 to him without a good word for *Maltby's scholarship,' 
 and would hold his tongue or change the subject when 
 Maltby's relation to graver matters was discussed. 
 
 'SA^ months before Pusey left Buckden, an event occurred 
 of great moment to his future life. He was spending some 
 weeks at home, when he met for the first time Miss Maria 
 Catharine Barker, the youngest daughter of John Ray- 
 mond Barker, Esq., of , Fairford Park, Gloucestershire 2. 
 
 * That Pnsey*s remonstrance was not 
 without effect may perhaps be inferred 
 from Bishop Maltby's later Charge in 
 1845. Controversy had then become 
 much hotter than was the case in 1841, 
 but the Bishop confined himself to warn- 
 ing his clergy against • extreme views * 
 and 'the revival of dormant customs,' 
 while in his Appendix he oddly quoted 
 a passage from Hagenbach (* Church 
 History of the Eighteenth and Nine- 
 teenth Centuries,' part a, pp. 410, 
 41 1\ accounting for the Oxford 
 movement as the * cold and dry result 
 of a rigid and unbroken hierarchy.' 
 * Charge to Clergy of Diocese of Dur- 
 
 ham in September, 1845.' London, 
 Bohn, p. 26, note A on p. 6. 
 
 ^ The Barkers were an old Shrop- 
 shire family who had purchased Fair- 
 ford from the Tracys at the date of 
 the Restoration. The last surviving 
 member of the family, Esther, the 
 widow of James Lamb, Esq., had 
 bequeathed the Fairford property to 
 John Raymond, Esq., who assumed 
 the name and arms of Barker, had 
 twelve children by his first wife, and 
 two, of whom Mrs. Edward Pusey 
 was the youngest, by his second. Mr. 
 Pusey's account-book shows that at 
 this date the Barkers and Puseys 
 
 First acquaintance with Miss Barker. 
 
 23 
 
 Pusey had nearly reached his eighteenth birthday, and 
 Miss Barker was just seventeen. Besides the attraction of 
 her good looks, she was undoubtedly accomplished ; while 
 her character, although as yet very unformed, combined, 
 with elements of impulsiveness and self-will, qualities of 
 very rare beauty, which Pusey believed himself to have 
 discerned from the first and instinctively. He did not 
 at first suspect the strength, or indeed the nature, of the 
 feeling which she had provoked in him. * It was my 
 brother Philip,' he wrote to her in after years, ' who first 
 discovered to myself my attachment to you in 1818. . . . 
 I was no free agent (unless principle bade me stop) after 
 I had seen you. . . . Everything has been the necessary 
 consequence of that.' He does not appear to have seen her 
 more than once before returning for his last three months 
 of residence at Buckden ; but he carried with him ' a new 
 interest which made life unlike anything it had ever been 
 to him before.' Nine years were to pass before his wishes 
 could be realized ; and, as will be seen, these years of 
 alternating hope and disappoijitment were destined to 
 exert a serious effect upon his character. 
 
 In January, 1819, Edward Pusey went up to Christ 
 Church, which was then under the rule of Dean Hall, but 
 was still thriving upon the great traditions of Cyril Jackson's 
 administration \ Among the Canons were Van Mildert, 
 who was Regius Professor of Divinity ^ and Lawrence, who 
 filled the chair of Hebrew^. Lloyd, afterwards Bishop of 
 Oxford, and Pusey's friend and patron, stood ninth on the 
 list of students ; Fynes Clinton, the chronologist, was a 
 younger Master of Arts ; while Longley, the future primate, 
 and Burton, Van Mildert s successor, were Bachelors of Arts. 
 
 were in the habit of exchanging yearly 
 visits ; Fairlord Park and Pusey were, 
 however, only fifteen miles distant 
 from each other. 
 
 * Dean Cyril Jackson probably 
 raised Christ Church to its gieatest 
 height of educational efficiency and 
 social influence. He was at once the 
 intimate friend of Cabinet Ministers 
 
 and of undergraduates ; and he showed 
 how much an unmarried head of a 
 House, with a powerful understanding, 
 great social tact, and, above all, 
 singleness of purpose, can do for a 
 great foundation. On his resignation 
 in 1 809 he was succeeded by Dean Hall. 
 
 ^ Afterwards Bishop of Durham. 
 
 ' He died Archbishop of Cashel, 
 
24 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The undergraduate world of Christ Church contained its 
 full share of names which were destined for distinction in 
 after-life : among them may be mentioned, as in different 
 senses related to Pusey's own career, Lord Porchester, Lord 
 Ashley, Lord Sandon ; Waiter Farquhar Hook, R. W. Jelf. 
 C. C. Clerke, Edward Churton, Frederick o'akeley, and 
 Richard Salwey. The Rev. Thomas Vowler Short, who 
 died Bishop of St. Asaph, was Pusey's tutor ; and among 
 the several teachers to whom Pusey felt indebted for moral 
 guidance and mental training. Short held a first place in his 
 affection and respect to the last hour of his life When- 
 ever the value of the old religious system of the University 
 was unduly depreciated by the New Liberalism that was 
 bent on destroying it, Pusey would point to ' Short, my old 
 tutor,' as a proof that the most efficient assistance in pre- 
 paring for the Schools might be combined with higher in- 
 fluences of lasting power. No dedication of a book was ever 
 less the language of conventionalism than that which Pusey 
 prefixed to the second volume of his Parochial Sermons > 
 Pusey's still extant but fragmentary notes on Mr. Short's 
 Divinity lectures in 1821 show that these lectures had been 
 carefully prepared, and that they must have been marked 
 by depth and reverence ; and Bishop Short's 'faithful friend- 
 ship and fatherly and episcopal kindness' were not less 
 prized by his old pupil than his ' religious instruction and 
 earnest practical teaching.' If the Bishop of St. Asaph 
 could not always adopt t^e language of the Oxford School, 
 he did not allow popular controversy to beguile him into 
 forgetfulness of the duties which the understanding owes 
 to learning, and the heart to high and disinterested 
 characters : and he stood by Pusey more than once at a 
 time when to do so implied no little courage in a ruler of 
 the Church. 
 
 Pusey does not appear to have had many intimate friends 
 
 It appeared in 1852: 'To the 
 Right Rev. Thomas Vowler, Lord 
 Bishop of St. Asaph, .... in grateful 
 acknowledgment of benefits received 
 in youth from his earnest practical 
 
 teachmg and religious instruction, of 
 his faithful friendship amidst advancing 
 years, and of his fatherly and episcopal 
 kindness until now ' ^ 
 
 Christ Church. 
 
 25 
 
 among his Christ Church contemporaries. This was due 
 partly to his state of health, partly to his natural shyness, 
 and still more to the pre-occupation of his thoughts which 
 his attachment to Miss Barker involved. He was in no 
 sense unpopular ; but he lived on the edge of general society 
 rather than in it. Pusey's undergraduate friends were all, 
 or almost all, old Eton acquaintances. Among these his 
 cousin. Lord Ashley (afterwards the well-known Earl of 
 Shaftesbury), claims prominent mention. Their friend- 
 ship was however checked by one of those apparently 
 trifling circumstances in early life which often have far- 
 reaching results. Lord Ashley wished to read for lectures 
 with Pusey; and Pusey, probably for no other reason than 
 a belief that he would get through his work better by 
 himself, declined. Another and more intimate friend, with 
 whom however Pusey might have seemed to have less 
 in common, was John Parker, of Sweeney Hall, near 
 Shrewsbury, They had been boys together at Eton ; but 
 Parker had gone up to Oriel a year before Pusey left 
 Buckden, and accordingly greeted Pusey on his arrival at 
 Oxford with the imposing authority of an older under- 
 graduate. Parker was enterprising and discursive; too 
 discursive to be persuaded by the Onel tutors to read 
 steadily for Honours. But his industrious habits, his 
 knowledge of recondite subjects, his imagination and 
 sympathy, directed by an amusing egotism, made him a 
 useful, as he was certainly a kind, friend to Edward Pusey. 
 Parker was much busied in elaborating an ambitious theory 
 which he called the * classic system,' a theory of life, art, 
 and literature, the principles and details of which he con- 
 stantly expounded to his friends. The 'classic system' 
 appears to have prescribed an application of the Horatian 
 metres to the Psalter, and even the versification of sermons. 
 It undertook to regulate feeling and to repress emotions 
 which could not appeal to classical models. It was 
 especially concerned to uphold the statuesque purity of 
 language. But the worid of art was to be the main scene 
 of its activity ; here Parker saw boundless visions of possible 
 
26 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 improvement. When in 1821 he took leave of Oxford, he 
 wandered out to the hill above Hinksey, and 
 
 * from thence looking down upon Oxford in the distance and remember- 
 ing a multitude of things together, felt more sadness than almost ever 
 before.* * 1 suppose,' he continues, * I must add, not more sadness than 
 is in harmony with the " classic system." ' 
 
 Describing* his ordination as priest in St. Asaph's 
 Cathedral in 1823, he writes: — 
 
 ' If any pecu/iar feeWng existed in my mind upon this occasion, it 
 was a determination to blend religion and the fine arts together, in 
 thought and practice — a feeling which I hardly care to avow to you, 
 because I am afraid you may esteem it an unworthy one. But I 
 acknowledge no error in it, for under such a conviction I would gladly 
 die. Let my maxim always be, ** Virtue, — Beauty." * * It is easy,' he 
 warns Edward Pusey, * to write moderate English, but far from easy 
 to write it finely. I am sorry to say that almost the only man who 
 writes English with purity, though he is frequently vulgar, is that 
 infamous William Cobbett.* 
 
 Edward Pusey seems to have abandoned art altogether 
 to Parker's discretion. But he openly rebelled against 
 Parker's theories of the functions of versification, and he 
 certainly offered a dogged if silent and perhaps mistaken 
 resistance to his purism in the matter of style ^. 
 
 A third and still more intimate friend of Pusey's 
 undergraduate life was R. W. Jelf. J elf took his degree 
 at Easter, 1820, when his name appears in the Second 
 Class — a decoration which his contemporaries held to be 
 less than he deserved. Pusey's letter to him on the occasion 
 is still extant : he accounts for the failure by Jelf s having 
 
 ' When in 1828 Pusey sent Parker a 
 copy of his ' Theology in Germany.* 
 the latter replied, * I will carefully 
 read it and criticize the style, as that 
 is the only part where my opinion 
 would be of use to you.' In his later 
 life Mr. Parker was chiefly interested 
 in architecture. In 1823 Bishop Heber, 
 then leaving England for Calcutta, 
 induced him to prepare several designs 
 for churches in India. As Rector of 
 Llanmarewic, in Montgomeryshire, 
 and afterwards as Vicar of Llan-y- 
 Blodwell, in Shropshire, Mr. Parker 
 
 has left abundant proof of his interest 
 in art as well as of his personal 
 generosity. As years went on, the 
 ' classic system * was so far modified 
 as to make room for the architecture 
 of the thirteenth century. He died 
 ^^S' ^3i i860. See an interesting 
 obituary notice in the Gentleman 5 
 Magazine^ Dec. i860, pp. 675-678. 
 Latterly the two friends appear to 
 have communicated very rarely with 
 each other, but there is no evidence 
 of any change of feeling on either 
 side. 
 
 Pusey's Political Liberalism, 
 
 27 
 
 been put on in a passage of Livy which he had not read. 
 Jelf wished Pusey to join him in a foreign tour ; but this, 
 Pusey says, would not be sanctioned by his father. 
 
 *I do not know,' he writes, ' how far the intermixture with the vices 
 and dissipation of a foreign country would appear to him [my father] 
 salutary to that tenor of mind which he would wish me to maintain. I am 
 aware that in [from] this avowal many would extract much pleasantry 
 on the fancied rigidness of my father or my apparent constraint ; but 
 while I know that his principal exertion, every wish, is directed to the 
 furtherance of our happiness, non me poeniteat sanum patris hujus: 
 
 The letter, it must be owned, is rather stilted : as the 
 letters of young men often are when they are not osten- 
 tatiously free and easy. Pusey goes on to refer with 
 sincere distress to his own * morbid feelings ' about Fairford 
 and IVIiss Barker; and he advises his friend to 'engage a 
 companion of livelier spirits, more engaging manners, and 
 more certain in his prospects, than him whom your pro- 
 posals have so much obliged.' He concludes in giving 
 the history of a college prize, together with a burst of 
 enthusiasm about Eton. 
 
 Although Pusey's father did not, at this date, approve of 
 a foreign tour, yet he did not disallow a visit to Wales in 
 Jelfs company. The two friends left Oxford in June, 1820, 
 and spent ^\^ or seven weeks together very pleasantly. 
 The tour was prematurely cut short at Dolgelly by a letter 
 from home, which told Edward Pusey that his elder brother 
 was on the point of starting for Spain. He therefore 
 hastened to Shrewsbury, where he left Jelf with his friend 
 Parker, and then hurried home. 
 
 Young men at college are generally politicians ; and 
 Edward Pusey was a Whig, if not a Liberal. This phase 
 of opinion may have been partly due to Dr. IVIaltby's influ- 
 ence, partly a reaction from the stem Toryism which 
 reigned at Pusey, but it was mainly the work of his elder 
 brother, whose earlier bias had been confirmed by his 
 engagement in 181 9 to Lady Emily Herbert. The House 
 of Carnarvon was at that time on the Whig side in politics. 
 Lord Carnarvon spoke frequently from the Liberal benches 
 
28 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 in the House of Lords ; he warmly espoused the cause 
 of Queen Caroline ; and his efforts on her behalf were 
 so unwelcome to Mr. Pusey, senior, that, as has been said, he 
 long objected to his eldest son's engagement to Lady Emily 
 Herbert. The younger Philip Pusey *s Liberal opinions, 
 besides being strengthened by his affections, were reinforced 
 by his intimacy with Lord Porchester, his constant com- 
 panion, both at home and in travel abroad ; and the two 
 brother Puseys, so far as their deference for their father 
 would allow, raised the standard of a Liberal rebellion in 
 the most Tory of households. Their enthusiasm for Queen 
 Caroline was very irritating to Jelf. 
 
 'The Queen is dead,' he wrote to Edward Pusey in August, 1821. 
 * How you Whigs will lament, not for her death, but for the destruc- 
 tion of those hopes which through her would have offered the seals 
 of office to Lord Grey for the third time ! . . . But I spare you.' 
 
 After the lapse of a year, Pusey's father had modified or 
 withdrawn his objections to foreign travel, and in the Long 
 Vacation of 1 821 Pusey went abroad for the first time. He 
 went to Paris alone to meet his brother on the first return 
 of the latter from Spain. On his way he stopped at Beau- 
 vais and wrote an enthusiastic account of the cathedral to 
 John Parker. He was struck with the ' universal smile ' on 
 the P>ench faces, and contrasted it with the serious gloom 
 of Englishmen. During his visits to the Paris churches, 
 he saw some crucifixe^ upon which he commented un- 
 favourably in a letter to Jelf. This afforded the latter 
 an opportunity for rallying him on his political feeling in 
 favour of Roman Catholic emancipation. Jelf congratu- 
 lated him on having * drawn the full moral from the French 
 crucifixes.' 
 
 * I doubt not,' he added, ' that the disgusting reality has weaned you 
 from the arms of theoretical emancipation, and restored you to the 
 
 bosom of your good old Protestant mother Church The absurd 
 
 appetite for ultra-toleration is one degree only removed from schism.' 
 
 The Coronation of George IV. during Pusey's absence 
 from England gave him an opportunity for airing his 
 
 Home Diffictdties— Mental Depression. 29 
 
 somewhat vehement Liberalism. ' Although,' he wrote to 
 Mr. Salwey, 
 
 *Jelf in his Tory enthusiasm describes the coronation as "the most 
 splendid and perfect spectacle that mortal eye could behold, one 
 in which the days of chivalry came sweeping by one, &c., &c. " I 
 confess that the scene [would have] had no attractions for me.' Unless 
 viewed in the light of a king pledging himself in the presence of his 
 subjects to the performance of his duty, it is an unsubstantial pageant, 
 which leaves not a rack behind, and even then the theatre is ill- 
 chosen, where only those who understand the emptiness of the 
 proceeding can attend to witness it. . . . 
 
 * I thought myself far better employed in revelling amid the glories of 
 Raphael and Titian, and studying the dying gladiator (who, 1 have at 
 least learnt, ought not to be called so), at Paris. Cathedrals, churches, 
 theatres, museums, libraries, filled up every moment I had there, and 
 left impressions, " quae nunc perscribere longum est." I was unhappily 
 too late for the Chamber of Deputies. I would have given worlds to 
 
 have heard the plea which was made for liberty But they are so 
 
 nauseated with having drunk the dregs of Freedom's cup, that they 
 now abhor the taste. ... In fact they are slaves, and willing ones.' 
 
 The brothers seem to have enjoyed themselves in Paris, 
 but Edward Pusey returned hastily in consequence of news 
 from home which touched him nearly. The passage was 
 a rough one. The packet instead of reaching Dover was 
 carried down Channel ; a landing at Brighton was in vain 
 attempted, and Pusey only got ashore at Southampton. 
 When he reached home he found to his great distress that 
 while his family had become fully aware of his feelings 
 towards Miss Barker, his father and mother both viewed < 
 the attachment with marked disfavour. In Mr. Pusey's 
 eyes it was a passing gust of youthful passion, which 
 would die away if no opportunities were afforded for 
 feeding the flame. He accordingly forbade all intercourse 
 between his son and Miss Barker. The effect on Edward 
 Pusey was very serious. He was for the moment plunged 
 in the deepest despair. He thought of giving up reading 
 for his degree and leaving Oxford. He even had some dismal 
 apprehensions that he would lose his reason. A gloom 
 had indeed already settled on him since the beginning 
 of his attachment; and in anticipation of its being dis- 
 couraged by his father, Lady Lucy Pusey had from time to 
 
30 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 time prepared him, by gentle hints, for what was coming. 
 But when the storm broke, his previous depression became 
 a settled melancholy, which overclouded his life until the 
 summer of 1827. Of this period he afterwards wrote ; — 
 
 * Never did I feel any disposition, or make any effort, to be gay. It 
 seemed to me unnatural ; I loved my grief better than any hollow joy ; 
 and if my mother in society, when I occasionally forgot myself, 
 expressed to me her pleasure at seeing me smile, it invariably brought 
 again a gloom over my countenance.* 
 
 But matters would have been, humanly speaking, much 
 worse, had it not been for the support and counsels of 
 Edward Pusey's sensible and affectionate friend, Richard 
 Jelf, whose letters written at this period were carefully 
 preserved. They are remarkable for sympathy, tact, insight, 
 strong common sense, and true religious feeling. Pusey 
 was at last persuaded that even to think of losing his mind 
 was to lose trust in God ; that to read for his degree was at 
 once an immediate duty and an opportune distraction ; and 
 that if he would only wait and hope, matters might even 
 yet be better with him. 
 
 It was to be expected that his health, which was always 
 delicate, would suffer from this strain. For a week at least 
 he seems to have broken down entirely; he could not write 
 consecutively to his friends. He suffered constantly from 
 violent headaches, and Dr. Kidd, whom he consulted, told 
 him that they might not improbably last throughout his 
 life. However, he returned to Oxford with a determination 
 to bury himself in his books. He had read pretty steadily 
 from the beginning of his Oxford life ; but during the first 
 two years, as he had his own horse, he rode a great deal, 
 and at one time hunted three times a week, but without 
 neglecting his reading. He would never miss a meet in the 
 direction of Fairford ; and when not hunting, his favourite 
 ride was to the top of Foxcombe and along the brow of 
 the hill towards Cumnor, as thence he could descry if not 
 Fairford itself, yet much of the valley of the Upper Thames. 
 Now, however, these relaxations were greatly curtailed : 
 he spent the greater part of his day in those rooms in 
 
 Severe Reading for Degree, 31 
 
 the Old Library^ which he often referred to in later life 2. 
 * I remember the rooms well,' he said at the close of his 
 life, * for I worked hard in them.' 
 
 He probably worked much too hard. Parker refers to 
 his * suicidal practice ' at this date * of reading sixteen or 
 seventeen hours a day.* This was no doubt an exaggerated 
 estimate; but Jelf writes at the time that * Pusey reads most 
 desperately, and it is as much as I can do to make him take 
 an hour's exercise.' Pusey himself describes his later under- 
 graduate life at Christ Church as having been that of 'a reading 
 automaton who might by patience be made a human being.' 
 Of Pusey's reading at this date few traces remain. His 
 notebook on Herodotus exists. Every chapter in the first 
 six books is annotated : some at great length ; and, as was 
 usual even with serious scholars at that day — young as well 
 as old— the notes are almost all in Latin. Here and there 
 an idiomatic English translation is given ~ apparently taken 
 down from a tutor in lecture. There are extant too some 
 notes on Aeschylus, the Satires of Horace, and other 
 classics. In these performances, written in a round, almost 
 boyish hand, Pusey already shows the qualities of his 
 maturer work, and especially the passion for exhaustive 
 knowledge and statement, combined with complete in- 
 difference to method and style. 
 
 Of his notes on Pindar, whom he read perhaps more 
 carefully than any ancient writer, nothing, so far as is 
 known, remains. He read disinterestedly, so far as the 
 Schools were concerned ; not only books which he did not 
 mean to offer to the examiners, but books which would 
 do him no good in the examination. *You have read, 
 I believe,' wrote Parker, who knew him intimately, 'the 
 
 » The Old Library at Christ Church 
 is the relectory of the Monastery, which, 
 after serving as a library to the 
 foundation of Wolsey and Henry 
 VI II, was cut up into rooms for stu- 
 dents, on the erection of the present 
 splendid building on the north side of 
 the Deanery garden. 
 
 ' Pusey's first rooms in Christ 
 Church were at the top of staircase 
 
 No. 8 in Peckwater, on the left. 
 Thus his sitting room looked into 
 Peckwater, or rather against the para- 
 pet which intercepts the view : his 
 bedroom into Canterbury. Thence he 
 moved into the Old Library, where he 
 had the centre rooms on the middle 
 floor, which have since been divided 
 between two occupants, but then were 
 a large and convenient set of rooms. 
 
32 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Phoenissae of Euripides : indeed, it is needless to ask you 
 whether you have read it, for I always find that you are 
 acquainted with any work that I casually mention/ 
 
 His strength lay in accurate verbal scholarship rather 
 than in philosophy. Indeed, in those days — with the great 
 exception of Bishop Butler— the philosophy which suc- 
 ceeded in the Schools was a good knowledge of the text 
 and sense of Aristotle and of some few modern illustrations 
 of him. Pusey largely learnt his philosophy in maturer 
 years ; he reversed the old order of studies, and entered it 
 from the court of Theology. 
 
 In Easter Term, 1822, he was in the Schools. He was 
 examined vivd voce by the Rev. John Keble, who had 
 taken a double first class just twelve years before. * I never 
 knew,' Keble once said, * how Pindar might be put into 
 English until I heard Pusey construe him in his examina- 
 tion ^.* Of his examination another anecdote was told to 
 Professor Farrar, of Durham, by the Rev. G. Porter, Fellow 
 of Queen's College, who was the senior examiner : — 
 
 * On the vivd voce day,* writes Professor Farrar, * to keep Pusey em- 
 ployed Porter set him to write an oration on some subject which I 
 forget to illustrate the use of the tottoi in Aristotle's Rhetoric, bk. ii. 
 23. Pusey wrote an oratorical essay ; I forget whether in English or 
 Latin. Porter said that in the essay he had embodied and used every 
 one of the twenty-nine toVoi. Porter predicted his greatness at that 
 time— as I was afterwards told— and always regarded him as the man 
 of the greatest ability that he had ever examined or known. He 
 placed him far above Newman. Herein, of course, he was wrong ; the 
 two minds really being incommensurable.' 
 
 Edward Pusey's name appears in the first class with those 
 of Edward Denison, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, and of 
 Richard Greswell, whom Oxford still remembers as one of 
 the most learned and kindly of her older residents. In the 
 same list is William Gresley, the well-known Prebendary 
 of Lichfield, whose life in after years, not less than his 
 writings, did so much to popularize the principles which the 
 world has especially connected with the name of Pusey. 
 
 * Mr. Keble used these words to the present writer. 
 he believes, in the seventh Nemean ode. 
 
 The 
 
 passage was. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SWISS TOUR— BYRONISM— FIRST CONTACT WITH 
 UNBELIEF— MARRIAGE OF PHILIP PUSEY. 
 
 1822. 
 
 * They do but grope in learning's pedant round 
 Who on the phantasies of sense bestow 
 An idol substance, bidding us bow low 
 Before those shades of being which are found 
 Stirring or still on earth's brief trial ground.' 
 
 Lyra Apostoltca, xlii. 
 
 To crown hard work by success in the Schools was, in 
 those days as in these, to earn a holiday; and no opposition 
 was now made at home to Edward Pusey's proposal to go 
 abroad for three months. His companion was Mr. Sheffield 
 Neave, an Eton and Christ Church friend, who had graduated 
 m the preceding year. They left England on July 4th 
 and after a halt in Paris, they reached the frontiers of 
 Switzerland on the 14th, after an unusually fatiguing journey 
 by diligence. 
 
 When as yet there were no railways, or Murray's or 
 Baedeker's handbooks, a tour, if a more formidable, was 
 perhaps also a more instructive undertaking than it is now. 
 Observation was quickened by the reflection that the oppor- 
 tunity of visiting the scenes through which the traveller 
 was moving was not likely to recur; and the greater 
 difficulty of reaching them enhanced the sense of their 
 value. Pusey kept a journal, which he wrote out at night 
 from rough pencil notes jotted down in the course of 
 each day. It describes much which, to us, with modern 
 facilities for travel, may not appear* to require descrip- 
 tion, and it is not lacking in the crude judgments and 
 the misshapen and fantastic thoughts of a young man of 
 
 VOL. I. D 
 
34 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Chamounix and Mont Blanc. 
 
 it 
 
 i 
 
 twenty-two. But it also discovers a breadth of interest, 
 a delicacy of observation, and an intensity of feeling which 
 are at least remarkable ; and, in particular, it exhibits that 
 same enthusiasm for the beauty of the natural world 
 which is observable in his * Commentary on the Minor 
 Prophets,* and which he used to express in his last days of 
 declining strength, so strongly and so often, in the pine- 
 woods at Ascot. Nothing would appear to escape him : 
 whether it be the formation and physiognomy of glaciers, 
 or the forms and stratification of rocks, or the position of 
 trees, or the effects of light, or the courses of torrents, or 
 the varying aspects of mountain-peaks. But he is still 
 more interested in all that bears on human character 
 and human history ; and especially in such self-sacrificing 
 efforts for a great cause as were suggested by the districts 
 through which he journeyed, and notably in Suwarrow's 
 campaign against the French, or Tell's struggle for the 
 freedom of his country. Now and then too, the journal, 
 which was meant only for his own eye, affords glimpses of 
 the feelings that then lay nearest to his heart ; of his tender 
 love for his mother, of his distress at the apparent hopeless- 
 ness of his engagement; and, not least, of his religious 
 temper, which, if as yet undisciplined, was already the 
 rulincf feature in his life and character. 
 
 But the peculiarity of the journal is that Pusey is almost 
 as interested in the effects which the scenes he visited 
 produced upon his ovyn thoughts and feelings, as in the 
 scenes themselves. This subjective and introspective 
 tendency of his mind was partly an original element of 
 his intellectual character. But it was developed and exag- 
 gerated by his disappointment in regard to his affections ; 
 and it had considerable influence on the subsequent develop- 
 ment of his mental attitude towards theology. 
 
 After commenting on their weary ride across France, 
 Pusey describes his first view of Mont Blanc, then far less 
 familiar to Englishmen than now : — 
 
 'Whatever disappointments we had experienced were immeasur- 
 ably overbalanced by this evening's enjoyment. I set off some hours 
 
 35 
 
 before sunset to a spot pointed out by Ebel, near the Grand Sacconnex 
 on the right, as the best external view of Mont Blanc near Geneva. 
 It at first appeared almost totally invested in light clouds, itself 
 appearing scarcely a denser substance. The foreground harmonized 
 admirably. Nearest, the blue lake partially seen through the trees, 
 circled on the opposite side by the numberless villas each embosomed 
 in wood. Thence rose a bold mountain as the central figure, towards 
 which inclined others on each side, rising as they receded towards the 
 lake. Behind stood Mont Blanc, whose chain formed a curve in the 
 rear resting on the two mountains which flanked the centre. The 
 whole summit of the mountain is clearly displayed, in every part 
 abrupt, in every part beautiful. It had hardly that imposing effect 
 which it had standing on a lower level, where I could almost imagine 
 it impending over me, though at a distance of fifty miles. It, how- 
 ever, blended in a scene of the most perfect beauty. The mind, 
 gradually raised by the nearer objects, was not unequal to its survey, 
 though the wonderful intricacies of its form baffled examination. 
 After an hour or more the sun rested on Mont Jura, and the scene 
 gradually changed ; the contrast was striking, as the shadow gradually 
 invaded the villas on the plain ; but when it had devoured the nearer 
 mountains, when those which had just rivalled the monarch sunk as 
 in death, and the mountain itself, with those of its suite, was kindled 
 by the sun's full glory, and seemed to belong to another world, the 
 soul was excited almost to tears.' 
 
 Geneva, Pusey writes when leaving it, * excites no regret, 
 in itself or its inhabitants.' But its environs 'possess 
 endless variety.* The road to Chamounix is described in 
 detail : almost every rock and waterfall is a separate study ; 
 and minute comparisons are instituted between successive 
 scenes and the writer's recollections of Wales. Pusey 
 describes the Mer de Glace as resembling 
 
 *a sea which had raised its waters with unwonted tumult, but whose 
 fury had been suddenly stayed by Him, Whose it is to still the noise 
 of His waves.* 
 
 While at the Jardin, he was vexed at being unable to 
 analyze and record his own impressions : — 
 
 'The thoughts that rush across the mind at such times are too 
 transient for observation even by yourself, though the tumult is 
 calmed and the current directed by the sublimity of the scene which 
 rouses them ; any attempt to note them as they pass by would check 
 them in their course. The wish to retain them is for the time lost in 
 actual enjoyment ; the care for their duration comes not till they are 
 already past,' 
 
 Da 
 
36 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 The travellers were making the circuit of Mont Blanc, 
 and at Contamines, where there was no inn, they had to 
 put up with the parish priest. 
 
 * At Contamines I was somewhat annoyed at finding that the only 
 auberge was the Cure's house ; he however leaving us after the first 
 civilities, and not apf>earing again, seemed as unconstrained as he left 
 us to be. I much mourned the low state of the Swiss Church, which 
 appeared in this practice. The case is difTerent in the Protestant 
 cantons/ 
 
 The last sight of Mont Blanc is well described. The 
 gradual retreat of the pink sunlight from point to point, 
 ended at last, and the evening mist rose in the valley. 
 
 * Though the vivid scene which had feasted our eyes so long left 
 for some little time the illusion that the tints we had so much prized 
 were yet there, yet it was but like the recoiling of the heart from 
 unpleasing intelligence ; the truth was too soon marked in characters 
 too intelligible that I had witnessed, perhaps for the last time, the 
 most soul-filling scene in nature. The chill scene struck cold on my 
 heart ; lovely as was the decay, and slow and gentle, there was too much 
 to remind me of my own lot not to inspire the deepest melancholy.' 
 
 We all find in nature what we bring to it. Edward 
 Pusey saw the shadows of his own heart reflected from the 
 Swiss mountain. 
 
 *The sun, which kindled Mont Blanc, will revisit and kindle it 
 again with its glowing light, but when the warmth of feeling which 
 has illumined and cheered the heart is once quenched, there may 
 remain some smouldering embers to indicate that a flame once lighted 
 it, but the snows of the mountain are not more cold or comfortless 
 than that heart must be. Yet would I not exchange the heart, which 
 could be ennobled by such feelings, even in its decay, for the dullness of 
 insensibility. . . . 
 
 * It may yet be blended, it is blended with religion and with the fire 
 which came down from heaven. Yet then as ever it is necessary to 
 subdue [my secret melancholy] and bear it alone. Neave, ignorant 
 of its cause, must not share its effects, yet he occasionally excites it ; 
 and when he bade me this evening take leave of the Aiguille Peak for 
 ever, the words found a gloomy correspondence with feelings of my 
 own. They are pressing on my soul more and more ; and Heaven alone 
 can — He will if 1 bear me as a Christian — lighten my burthen.* 
 
 While retiring to Geneva, Pusey was much interested in 
 the grotto near Balme. He describes a heavy thunder 
 storm between Geneva and Lausanne. He sees ' no beauty* 
 
 Lausanne and Schajffhausen, 3-7 
 
 in Lausanne Cathedral— a judgment in which few visitors 
 will agree with him ; and describes it as * wretchedly sub- 
 divided,' as was no doubt the case at the date of his visit 1. 
 The Castle of Chillon interested him as, at that time, a 
 warm admirer of Byron. 
 
 They were prevented by a storm from visiting Rous- 
 seau's home on the Island of St. Pierre. Berne is pro- 
 nounced to be the most agreeable residence they had seen 
 in Switzeriand, on account of * its high situation, the river 
 at its base, the stone porticoes, the broad streets, and the 
 cheerful inhabitants.* 
 
 Waterfalls were of more account ^{ty years ago than 
 they are in days when it is almost a distinction not to have 
 seen Niagara. 
 
 ' The falls of Schaffhausen,' says Pusey, ' had been the sole object of 
 a journey of two heavy days. 
 
 * There is always a fear that the object of much panegyric is also 
 the object of exaggeration. ... We descended with our eyes fixed 
 on the ground in order to raise them in a full view of the fall 
 and waited at the wooden door in a suspense which almost amounted 
 to pam. When the door opened the fall, though not so high nor seen 
 as m a picture, had a variety, a breadth, and a rapidity for which we 
 were not in the least prepared.* 
 
 The friends spent some four hours looking steadily at the 
 mighty volume of roaring waters, and at last tore them- 
 selves away with great diflficulty. 
 
 From Schaffhausen they made their way to Zurich; 
 then along the lake to Rapperschwyl, and so to Wesen! 
 The fine scenery of the Lake of Walenstadt, the gorge 
 of the Bad-Pfafers, and the view of the ravine of the Linth 
 from the Pantenbrucke, are described at length. To Pusey 
 the scene seemed 
 
 * like the wreck of some mighty mind, which, amid decay and convul- 
 sion, preserves the majesty of its earlier state. ... It was like him in 
 whom was — 
 
 "All changed that ever charmed before. 
 Save the heart that beat for Ellinore."' 
 
 * Two or three Calvinistic places 
 of worship which were then sheltered 
 within the ancient walls are now one. 
 
 But, of course, Swiss Protestantism 
 does not know what to do with a 
 cathedral, and is never at home in it. 
 
38 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 The Righi^Tells Chapel. 
 
 39 
 
 i' 
 
 m 
 
 In the subjoined description Pusey is thinking less of the 
 scene which he describes than of mental conditions which 
 were constantly present to his thoughts : — 
 
 *The depth immediately below us was indicated by the torrent, 
 which wound round where the ravine took its last turn, as another 
 [torrent], whitening, trembled to meet it. On each side trees yet 
 flourishing were bending as to meet over its division, or waving their 
 arms as if they bowed towards it, while others, leafless and decaying, 
 as they hung by the one yet remaining root, which yet upheld them* 
 with firmness almost incredible, while it seemed so far beyond its 
 power to aid against storm and tempest, formed an emblem appro- 
 priate to the remainder of the scene. Buffeted and sore stricken by 
 the tempest before which it had sunken, reft of the support in which it 
 had trusted, and by which amid dangers it would have stood glorying 
 and unmoved, deserted by the gradual withdrawing of all other aid, it 
 was yet restrained, though nodding to its fall, from final destruction 
 by one single support. When that support should cease, it was 
 destined to plunge headlong from the mountain's height deep in the 
 roaring tide below to endless night.' 
 
 They partly followed the line of Suwarrow's retreat 
 from Glarus into the Valley of the Rhine in October, 
 1799:— 
 
 *A French lieutenant-general, whose party we joined, had himself 
 been in the principal body of the army, before a detachment of which 
 this retreat was made. He had attained his rank by carrying the 
 bridge at Zurich in the battle which prevented the Russians from 
 penetrating into France in '98. He was travelling for his son's health, 
 who had sunk, through excessive exertion, into a state of gloom, to 
 dispel which the scenes of Switzerland alone, it was hoped, would be 
 equal. I hope so too ; yet there was a vacuity and absorption which, 
 combined with the languor with which he raised his eyes on the most 
 interesting objects, forbade hope. Heaven be praised who has pre- 
 served mine unimpaired.* 
 
 The incidents of this campaign were then generally 
 remembered : and Pusey records each detail that he could 
 learn with eager interest. While making their way towards 
 the Righi, the travellers passed the site of Goldau, which, 
 with three other villages, had been buried in September,' 
 1806, by the landslip of the Rossberg: — 
 
 * We saw some chalets yet remaining at the very edge of the inun- 
 dation, and by which some of the stones bounded as they passed over 
 
 a slight eminence at the foot of the Rossberg. A few yards more had 
 overwhelmed them. . . . Could you for a moment forget the cause of 
 the wild confusion around you, the bare and fearful nakedness of the 
 mountain still remains to recall it, and, should the valley ever regain 
 any portion of its former cheerfulness, would be to their children's 
 children an ever-present record of His power, before Whom the 
 mountains tremble.* 
 
 The travellers enjoyed a fine sunrise on the Righi — 
 which Pusey again visited in 1872. The preparatory 
 warnings of the sun's appearance, the outburst of the dawn, 
 the gradual flitting of the light from point to point, are 
 dwelt on in succession : — 
 
 * It was singular how soon the objects from their structure or from 
 their shadow most engrossing sunk into insignificance before the 
 rising majesty of others, or how, when the loftiest had veiled them- 
 selves in clouds, the village spire received the full rays [of the sun]. 
 It seemed the triumph of revealed over natural religion, when the 
 objects most suited to the exercise of each had been placed in the 
 balance and the latter even thus found wanting.* 
 
 A visit to Kiissnacht followed, which provoked in Pusey 
 an outburst of feeling, quickened perhaps by his general 
 political sympathies : — 
 
 * All the spots which [Tell's] glorious name have rendered memor- 
 able have been made consecrated ground ; a chapel marks the spot 
 where he was bom, where he sprung from the boat which devoted 
 him and his country to slavery, where he accomplished his country's 
 freedom by the sacrifice of the inhuman tyrant.* 
 
 Before leaving the neighbourhood of Altdorf, Pusey 
 visited Tell's chapel at Biirglen : — 
 
 * We soon gained admission. In leaning over the Altar, by means of 
 which his countrymen have blended the feelings of patriotism and 
 religion, I could not but address a prayer to our common Father for 
 my own country, that it might long enjoy freedom unpolluted, that it 
 might cultivate the virtues which alone merit that choicest gift a 
 nation can receive, and without which it cannot be retained.* 
 
 Lucerne he thinks *as poor as Swiss towns generally 
 are.' The Lion which had been cut in the rock, after 
 Thorwaldsen's model, in the preceding year (1812) to com- 
 memorate the Swiss Guard of Louis XVI., suggests to him 
 that the soldiers of a free people are degraded by dying for 
 a foreign potentate in a foreign land. 
 
40 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The St. Gothard Pass disappointed them. In the ascent 
 of the Furca they met three parties of peasants on their way 
 to spend the Feast of the Assumption at Einsiedeln:— 
 
 'There was nothing in them apparently of the austerity of the 
 pilgrim. In one fine female countenance alone I saw something of 
 that superior dignity which the consciousness of being engaged in the 
 performance of a religious duty and absorptive meditation on the 
 subhmest objects can bestow. Some of them came from the Genevan 
 cantons, others from the Valais, even as far as Sion its capital, where 
 the priests exercise the most complete dominion. Neave wished we 
 had been there ; I neither regretted my absence now, nor that the 
 visit to Emsiedeln itself had been laid aside from our adopting the 
 route to Mont Praghel. 
 
 ' Had the spot to which they were repairing been really consecrated 
 by the hallowed tread of our Saviour, had it witnessed Him going 
 about doing good, had it heard the words of purity which He spake 
 or the prayer of faith from the unbeliever, converted because He 
 spake as never man spake, one could have tolerated that some 
 eager but misled disciple should have mingled other more particular 
 impressions with the general feelings that pervade the Holy Land. 
 
 * But there, where the very holiness imputed to the place is founded 
 on an abject and mercenary superstition . . . every part is so revolting 
 and at the same time so forcibly impressed by every object around 
 the visitor, by the very crowd of worshippers with whose prayers he is 
 to mingle, that every attempt to associate himself must be in vain. 
 He must, in silence and alone, pray that their hearts may be en- 
 lightened at the same time that he petitions for himself that he may 
 not think more highly than he ought to think.* 
 
 The appearance of the Jungfrau from one side as though 
 its summit were ' presiding over an unbroken cliff,* although 
 this cliff was really * formed of an intricate assemblage "of 
 parts,' suggests to him how 
 
 I when the petty circumstances of life are forgotten, and a man is no 
 longer judged by the influence of portions of his life, he is seen but in 
 the effect which the whole sway of the power he directed had on the 
 happiness of mankind.' 
 
 The beauties of their mountain home were not lost, 
 Pusey thought, upon the Swiss peasantry. After witnessing 
 a village fete he writes :— 
 
 *I was delighted thus to see that hundreds of this people felt the 
 influence of the scenery by which they had been surrounded. I never 
 saw ^jour defete m which there seemed to be so much intellect mixed 
 
 His Byronism, ^j 
 
 with physical delight. ... In our descent we were much disappointed 
 to find that the national dance (from which we had anticipated much 
 pleasure, after having witnessed the graceful movements of the pay- 
 sannes of Chillon) was prohibited, and ill-supplied by the activity and 
 strength displayed in a wrestling match. The reason given (the fear 
 of quarrels) was very unsatisfactory.' 
 
 The journal breaks off abruptly. Mr. Neave went on 
 into Italy : Pusey was well on his way to England in the 
 latter half of September. 
 
 Pusey's Swiss journal contains traces of a temper of mind 
 which characterized him in varying degrees throughout 
 his hfe as an undergraduate at Christ Church, and which 
 he did not altogether throw off until some years had passed. 
 Looking back upon it, he used to call it Byronism. The 
 fascination which Byron exercised over young people in 
 that generation was of course partly due to the genius of 
 a writer who had made English poetry do some kinds of 
 work in the realms of feeling that it had never done before. 
 Pusey had too much of the scholar and poet in him to be 
 insensible to the wealth of Byron's language and the ex- 
 quisite music of his verse. But the secret of Byron's power— 
 at least with refined natures— lay in his being the exponent 
 of what was then a new and, to some minds, an attractive 
 philosophy of life. In this philosophy the element of 
 sensualism, coarse or subtle, would always have been 
 repellent to a character like Pusey 's : but Byron was also, 
 in a sense, the prophet of the disappointed, and, as such, 
 he threw a strange spell over Pusey as a young man, who 
 had set his heart passionately upon an object which it 
 seemed likely that he would not attain. That which Pusey 
 afterwards condemned in himself as 'Byronism "was a 
 sad, nerveless, dreamy way of regarding life and nature, 
 which imperceptibly tended towards a listless survey of 
 evil as something which might almost be declared more 
 interesting than deadly. Byron, as he looked out on the 
 world, anticipated, although only vaguely, the blank despair 
 of Leopardi and the systematized pessimism of Schopen- 
 hauer and Hartmann ; and if Pusey never surrendered himself 
 wholly to the magician, he often would reproach himself 
 
42 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 His Byronistn. 
 
 43 
 
 I 
 
 in after years on the score of a phase of mind and feeling 
 in which Byron had had any attractions for him at all. 
 
 * The extreme force and beauty of Byron's poetry,' he says, * com- 
 bined with a habit of deep and, in some degree, morbid feeling, which 
 had always, more or less, a shade of gloom, induced us to give our 
 assent to, and even in some measure exult in feelings of whose full 
 extent we were either at the time not aware, or at least against which 
 we haif, and but half, shut our eyes.' 
 
 Again : — 
 
 *The Byronist, though encircled by the purest air, with the golden 
 sun, full of joy and pleasure, gleaming in the bright blue sky, will fix 
 his eye on any speck of mist which he sees crouching near the 
 horizon, and gaze on it till it swell and seem to fill heaven and earth. 
 To a real Byronist a pure blue sky is a dull insipid thing. ... It is 
 the misery of Byronism that it fixes the mind exclusively upon the 
 disease, and so distracts its sufferers from all thoughts of contributing 
 to cure it ; or if the mind does rouse itself from the lethargies of its 
 contemplations, the evil has, from being exclusively regarded, assumed 
 such magnitude as to make all attempts seem hopeless. In the dis- 
 ordered state of the moral, as well as of the bodily eye, an object from 
 being long gazed at fills the whole sense, assumes an unnatural and 
 frightful size, and prevents the admission of any other. Byronism is 
 a mere theoretical, not a practical habit. Like the god of Epicurus, it 
 becomes in imagination the being of another world, and looks down 
 upon the miseries and struggles of this, and leaves the unhappy 
 wretches to their fate while it philosophizes upon them ; or, at best, 
 it comments with almost a contemptuous pity on the ills it sees. I am, 
 of course, only speaking of ripened and fully-developed Byronism, 
 but I beheve every shade of it makes the mind unpractical, and indis- 
 posed to apply the relief of Christianity to the ills it dwells upon. 
 Christianity acknowledges as true most of the data of Byronism, that 
 there are everywhere and iii all our actions seeds of or admixtures of 
 evil. It also draws them to the light, but with the difference, that it 
 does so in ourselves, not in others, to mend not to exhibit their 
 depravity.' 
 
 In October, 1827, he observes incidentally: — 
 
 * My friend Luxmoore reminded me yesterday, in discussing Lord 
 Byron with me, of an expression which I had used when nineteen, 
 that I never arose from reading Lord Byron a better man.' 
 
 Thus to Pusey Byronism was for a while, and to some 
 extent, his system or view of life. Looking back upon his 
 early manhood he writes reproachfully of * my excessive 
 Byronism.' It did not indeed lead him to giwt up habits 
 
 of regular prayer; or to renounce his faith in God's 
 loving providence ; still less into moral mischiefs beyond. 
 Young men will often contrive to hold incompatible 
 principles, by storing them away in different compart- 
 ments of the mind: but a time comes when a choice 
 has to be made. Before that time came to Pusey, 
 his 'Byronism' had been frankly abandoned. While it 
 lasted it did him harm by leading him to dwell morbidly 
 on thoughts and feelings which would have better been 
 repressed and forgotten, but which in fact coloured his entire 
 apprehension of nature and life. As Byron to a certain 
 extent spoiled Pusey's view of the Swiss mountains ; so, 
 strange to say, Pusey at first read Walter Scott with Byron's 
 eyes : Scott ministered to the feelings which Byron had 
 roused and gratified. His brother Philip induced him to 
 read ' Rokeby,' by telling him that he had a great deal of 
 * Wilfrid ' in his character. 
 
 * I read the book,' he said long afterwards, *most carefully, and found 
 it so ; it became from that time my greatest favourite. Maria, of course, 
 occupied the place of Matilda. My destiny was, I know not how far, 
 identified with Wilfrid's. You may, or rather cannot, conceive the 
 effect of the beautiful " cypress wreath," or the few last words which 
 Wilfrid addresses to Matilda. These were my principal treasures, 
 though indeed any passage which I could torture into a means of dis- 
 tracting was welcome, and the book was complete poison.' 
 
 The love of study, the love of nature, the pensive 
 melancholy mood, were to a certain extent common to 
 Edward Pusey and Wilfrid. 
 
 * For a fond mother's care and joy 
 Were centred in her sickly boy. 
 No touch of childhood's frolic mood 
 Showed the elastic spring of blood : 
 Hour after hour he loved to pore 
 On Shakespeare's rich and varied lore.* 
 
 But that was only a superficial point of resemblance; 
 and the reader need not be reminded of passages which 
 will illustrate the deeper correspondence. He often used 
 to say that we find what we look for in the books we read, 
 even in the Bible. He was speaking in view of this early 
 
 I' 
 
44 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 experience. Pusey himself was not unaware of a natural 
 tendency in himself to take a gloomy view of life : when 
 older he was so constantly on his guard against it that few 
 of his friends could have suspected the weakness. But as 
 a young man his character was less perfectly disciplined ; 
 and his protracted disappointment about his engagement 
 made improvement in this respect more difficult. 
 
 Chief among the causes which roused Pusey from the 
 moral lassitude of * Byronism * and left a lasting impress 
 upon the direction of his thought and life was a controversy 
 with an old schoolfellow which began soon after his Swiss 
 tour. At P2ton he had formed a friendship with Z., 
 a boy slightly older than himself, and like himself of 
 quiet steady habits, good abilities, and a retiring disposi- 
 tion. They were alike interested in subjects about which 
 most boys do not think much, if at all ; but Pusey's friend 
 approached them in a self-reliant and scornful temper, which 
 was too certain to earn its wonted penalties. The Eton 
 system had, of course, no means of taking account of what 
 was passing in the minds of the boys on the most serious 
 subjects. The ordinary attendance at Chapel and lessons in 
 Divinity did not prevent or control the upgrowth of thoughts 
 and questionings which were full of significance for later 
 years; and when young Z. went up to Cambridge, a 
 college debating society went far to complete the work 
 which had been begun at Eton. On leaving Cambridge he 
 became intimate with Richard Carlile, the publisher of The 
 Republican, and gave literary and pecuniary aid to the 
 cause represented by that periodical. Much of his later life 
 was spent in Paris : he died while yet comparatively young. 
 
 Pusey and his friend had learnt to understand each 
 other pretty accurately while at school ; and when they 
 parted, their intercourse by letter became gradually less 
 frequent and less intimate. It had ceased altogether for 
 a year and a half, when in October, 1823, it was renewed 
 by Pusey. He was throughout his life charitably sanguine, 
 sometimes at the expense of his judgment ; and he had 
 apparently brought himself to hope that his friend's infidelity 
 
 First contact with unbelief 45 
 
 had been a passing phase of mind, or at any rate much less 
 pronounced and resolute than was really the case. As 
 Z. had already lived much in France and was quite at 
 home in the language, Pusey wrote to bespeak his aid in 
 recommending to the Paris booksellers some translations of 
 English religious works, with a view to their circulation 
 among the French Protestants. Z. replied by an expres- 
 sion of his kindly feelings towards Pusey, accompanied 
 by an unreserved statement of his present attitude towards 
 religion. When they had parted a year and a half before, 
 he had been, at the least, a sceptic. Now he was too much 
 of a Pyrrhonist to think that any opinions, even when 
 entirely negative, were certainly true ; but, if he were asked 
 what system most nearly approached to truth, he should say 
 Atheism. He would distribute anything that Pusey wished, 
 but Pusey must not suppose that the books he recommended 
 would have any sale in France. If Pusey would do some- 
 thing to the purpose, he had better set himself to refute the 
 French philosophers who had opposed Christianity, such as 
 Dupuis, Voltaire, Diderot, Holbach, Helvetius, Rousseau. 
 If Pusey desired assistance in discovering their weak points 
 he would be happy to give it. But this refutation of the 
 French deists and atheists was the work that had to be 
 done if any good, in Pusey's sense of good, was to be done 
 in France. 
 
 Z.'s letters show that for a young man he was a wide 
 reader. He read some of the Christian fathers ; some of 
 the philosophical works of Cicero; and more of Lucian and 
 of Julian the Apostate, whose straightforward and vigorous 
 style had a special attraction for him. He especially de- 
 lighted in the Testament of the illiterate Cure, Jean Meslier^, 
 and wished to send Pusey a copy. But the writer who 
 secured his warmest enthusiasm was Dupuis. At the out- 
 break of the Revolution, Dupuis had been a professor of 
 Latin Eloquence in the College of France, and a member 
 of the Academy of Inscriptions. He sat in the Convention 
 which decided the fate of Louis XVI., and afterwards in 
 
 ^ Published by Voltaire in the ' Evangile de la Raison.' 
 
46 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 §1: 
 
 the Corps Legislatif. He died in 1809. His best claim to 
 literary renown was by no means the cumbrous and fan- 
 tastic work which delighted Z., and in which he attempted 
 to give an account of the origin of all religions^. It ap- 
 peared when Robespierre's efforts to obtain some national 
 recognition of a Supreme Being were being vanquished by 
 the stern atheism of his Jacobin associates, and it was 
 welcomed by the Paris of the Terror as the last word of 
 science. But it had been well answered ^, and, in France 
 at any rate, forgotten for some years, when it fell in 
 Z/s way. According to Dupuis, Christianity might be 
 explained as a religious rendering of the astronomical 
 observations of a rude age. Our Lord was the Sun ; His 
 Blessed Mother the constellation Virgo ; the cross marked 
 the intersection of the equator and the ecliptic, and so 
 on ^. Behind these absurdities there was a more serious 
 materialism, but Z. was chiefly concerned with Dupuis* 
 attacks on the claim of the Christian Faith to be God's last 
 message to man. 
 
 He was generally too scornful and bitter to make the 
 best of his case, or to recommend it to the sympathies 
 of a young man like Edward Pusey. But he brought 
 before and impressed upon Pusey's mind the living 
 energy of unbelief as a fact in the modern world of most 
 serious and threatening import. He endowed Pusey with 
 a conviction which had much to do with shaping his life 
 for sixty years, that thp Faith of Christ had, in the very 
 heart of Christendom, implacable enemies just as ready to 
 crush it out of existence, if they could, as any who con- 
 fronted the Apostles or the Church of the first three 
 centuries. 
 
 It occurred to Pusey that he could help his friend by 
 telling him how 
 * a man of first-rate abilities had persuaded himself of the truth of 
 
 * * Origine de tons les cultes, ou Christianisme vengees des blasphemes 
 Religion Universelle,' par Charles ct des folles erreurs d'un livre in- 
 Fran9ois Dupuis, citoyen Fran9ais. titul^, Origine de tous les cultes,* par 
 Paris, H. Agasse, Tan 3 de la Repub- le P. Lambert, 1796. 
 
 lique une et indivisible, 1794. ' Dupuis. * Origines,' iii. 93-245 ; 
 
 * 'La verity ct la saintet^ du The Republican^ i.^^. 20^-211, 
 
 First contact with unbelief 47 
 
 Christianity, after having been, a little before he commenced the in- 
 vestigation, thoroughly persuaded that he never could believe iu' 
 
 The person thus referred to was another and far more 
 intimate friend, whose doubts had been the subject of much 
 earnest discussion and correspondence. But of all this, and 
 of the process by which they were at last laid to rest, 
 no trace remains. That such doubts should ever have 
 been entertained by one whom he loved so dearly, was. 
 a deep distress to Edward Pusey, and he appears 
 to have destroyed all the records of his relations with his 
 friend during this period. Now, however, he thought 
 that an account of this recovery of faith might be of 
 assistance to Z. ; and, at his request, his friend wrote a 
 history of the inquiry by which he had satisfied himself 
 of the truth of Christianity. It was sent to Z. by Pusey, 
 together with a long letter of his own. 
 
 It failed of its intended effect. Good logic may remove 
 
 difl[iculties which impede belief in sincere souls ; but faith 
 
 has its roots in a moral temper, and the absence of this 
 
 temper reduces the most cogent arguments to silence. 
 
 Nothing however could daunt Edward Pusey's perseverance. 
 
 Z.'s comment on this letter was that it only represented a 
 
 deist's attitude towards Christianity, and therefore could not 
 
 help an atheist. Pusey then endeavoured to persuade his 
 
 friend to read the well-known apologetic work ^ of Gottfried 
 
 Less, which had been recently translated into English ; 
 
 but this proposal was civilly declined, on the ground of 
 
 his 'being almost too lazy to read anything.* Edward 
 
 Pusey then determined to accept Z.'s challenge, repeated 
 
 more than once in the correspondence, to study Dupuis 
 
 thoroughly with a view to answering him. The enterprise 
 
 was, for a young Englishman of twenty-three, a suflficiently 
 
 bold one. The reply to Dupuis was to be written in 
 
 French ; an English translation was an afterthought. This 
 
 project was brought to a close by Edward Pusey's visit 
 
 to Germany in 1825 2. 
 
 * * Bewcis der Wahrheit der Christ- « Pusey's MS. answer to Dupuis 
 
 lichen Religion,' Bremen, 1 768. was in existence in 183 1, when he sent 
 
48 
 
 Lije of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 In December, 1823, Z. declined to correspond any- 
 further with Pusey, but Pusey still persevered in his efforts, 
 and his earnestness, patience, self-depreciation, disinterest- 
 edness, could not but have their influence sooner or later. 
 In the letters which follow his friend's tone has completely 
 changed ; he is genial, serious, almost sympathetic. The 
 courtesies, however, of this later correspondence are invari- 
 ably found side by side with a recognition of the gulf 
 that divided the correspondents. 
 
 * I have now,' writes the friend, * received three long and admirable 
 letters, for which I am indefinitely obliged to you. I once naturally 
 desired that you should, like myself, have been a convert to Dupuis ; 
 but I am now convinced that the cause of truth is much better served 
 by your being his opponent. I only regret that the mass of learning 
 contained in your letters should be thrown away on such an ignorant 
 individual as myself. Many authors whom you quote I have scarcely 
 even heard of, and I confess I am even by no means capable of 
 always understanding the Greek quotations. I must beg and beseech 
 you to compose a systematic refutation of my favourite author.' 
 
 But argument can only, in the event, have one of two 
 results : it may compel agreement when men acknowledge 
 the same premises ; or, when this is not the case, it may 
 show that agreement is out of the question. The courtesies 
 of letter-writing avail little when there is in the background 
 a fundamental difference as to the principles which ought to 
 govern human lives. Edward Pusey was too sanguine and 
 too generous to make this discovery as early as many 
 another man in his position would have made it. But at 
 last it gradually broke' on him, although allusions to a 
 correspondence with Z. are still found as late as 1827. 
 
 In a letter of that date, he is referring to another and 
 more hopeful case of loss of faith : — 
 
 * Had I had such a prospect for my unhappy friend, my spirits had 
 not been so broken by our fruitless correspondence. But when every 
 fresh letter, at the same time that it abandoned some part of the 
 intellectual system of error, or some portion of its proof, evinced a 
 
 His brother Philifs Marriage, 
 
 for it * in order to prepare an answer 
 to some of the blasphemy of the 
 Rotunda,' So far as the writer knows, 
 it has long since been lost; but an 
 
 older notebook, apparently intended 
 to furnish materials for the work, 
 or some of them, still survives. 
 
 49 
 
 heart still more alienated from the idea of God, which it no longer 
 beheved so that I no longer saw even the wreck of the friend of 3! 
 
 to^aU Sim 7h?^ Tr" '""r^""^ "^^ °""y ^^■"--■"^ -^'-"'ent 
 If^lcZ ,K ' I ''""''' '"' '"^P" »'■*' ^^yhing should be 
 
 effected through me. my only respite from unhappiness was each short 
 ■nterval after sendmg a fresh letter with diminished hope, before" 
 learnt that ,t also was useless. And [as for] the last letterlthe pain 
 
 In later years Pusey referred from time to time to this 
 correspondence, without even naming the friend. On June i ^ 
 i8«2, exactly three months before his death, he said that 
 when twenty-two, he had been obhged to read an infidel 
 book m order to help a friend who was in difficulties.' 
 
 breads fn'fiH^rl"""^:/""' "'^ ''"' "■""' "^''P^™"^^ "^ ""e deadly 
 breath of mfidel thought upon my soul. I never forget how utterly 
 
 I shrank from .t. It decided me to devote my life to the Old TesU- 
 
 Th k' "' L T ^^' "'='' *^' "'^ P°'°' °f ^"''ck in our defences 
 which would be most easily breached.' "erences 
 
 But Z/s was not the only friendship that was lost to 
 Edward Pusey at this time by a lapse into infidelity :— 
 
 othir r h''^'?'^ "'• '"^"•' *"'" ^- "^^ J^"'- 'to hear of your 
 other fnends ahenat.on from religion. ... You certainly are tried 
 
 by wrtnessmg such defections in those for whom you have r'egard 
 
 Console yourself with the reflection that you have done much 'and 
 
 may do more for those who have fallen away, and that those others for 
 
 whomjou are anxious are young, and may be imperceptibly influenced 
 
 Of a very different but yet important kind was the 
 influence exercised on Pusey's mental history by the 
 marriage of his eldest brother. 
 
 Philip Pusey had left Oxford in 1819 without taking his 
 degree. This course did not necessarily imply, at that date 
 m young men of good position, any want of intelligence or 
 industry. Oxford was an opportunity for forming friend- 
 ships ; It furnished intellectual and moral stimulus ; and 
 young men whose means enabled them to travel, and who 
 had access to literary society, often preferred to finish their 
 education in their own way. It was probably a mistake in 
 all but a ver)' few cases ; but at least in Philip Pusey it did 
 VOL. r. £ ' 
 
 ';:j! 
 
50 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 not mean indolence or incapacity. In truth his was a strong 
 and fertile mind, strenuously bent on self-improvement, 
 and keenly alive to the momentous issues that depend on 
 the deeper problems in religion and philosophy. Like 
 his younger brother he shared in the quality of literary 
 industry; he was passionately fond of the Greek and 
 Latin classics, and kept up his acquaintance with them 
 throughout life; and he was a systematic student of modern 
 literature, English and foreign. In this respect he had the 
 advantage of his younger brother, whose devotion, a few 
 years later, to the Semitic languages and to theology was 
 too absorbing to leave much time for general reading. But 
 the brothers resembled each other in the warmth of their 
 sympathies, in the practical character of their dispositions, 
 in their indifference to appearance, and in their capacity for 
 unreserved self-surrender to a great cause. Their paths in 
 life were distinct ; their convictions not always identical ; 
 but they were always on intimate and brotherly terms with 
 each other ; and, as Philip Pusey observed, his marriage was 
 only less important to his brother Edward than it was to 
 
 himself. 
 
 After leaving Oxford, Philip Pusey had travelled with his 
 friend of Eton and Oxford days, and future brother-in-law, 
 Lord Porchester. Their visit to Spain and Portugal, and 
 their narrow escape from death at the hands of a guerilla 
 chief, have been vividly described in a work which in the 
 last generation was read by everybody^ ; and Philip Pusey s 
 own letters to his family at this time give evidence of those 
 powers of observation and reflection which secured for him 
 in after years such high consideration in the House of Com- 
 mons. He returned to England at the end of June, 1822, 
 when his brother Edward was about to leave for Switzer- 
 land. This Swiss tour, as has been noted, was at once 
 followed by Philip's marriage. 
 
 Each brother had difficulties in marrying the lady on 
 
 * * Portugal and Galicia» with a 
 review of the social and political 
 state of the Basque Provinces,' by the 
 
 Earl of Carnarvon : 3rd ed., London, 
 John Murray, 1 848 ; cf. ch. 7. 
 
 Lady Emily Pusey. cj 
 
 whom his affections were fixed ; but while in the case of 
 the elder brother they disappeared at the end of four years 
 m that of the younger they were to last for a much longer 
 period. At Highclere it seems probable that Lord Por- 
 Chester's influence was exerted to promote the wishes of 
 his friend and his sister; while at Pusey the first impulse 
 of an inexorable Toryism had yielded to the consideration 
 that in such a matter as marriage character and disposition 
 are of more importance than the colour of political opinions 
 The wedding took place in the old church of Highclere 
 adjoining the Castle, on October 4, 1822. 
 
 The introduction of Lady Emily Herbert to the family 
 added greatly to Edward Pusey's happiness. She was 
 bnlhant, graceful, accomplished, a great reader of poetry 
 a musician of no mean order, an artist, at least, in know- 
 ledge and feeling. The central feature of her character 
 was a remarkable combination of strength and tenderness • 
 she was full of benevolent instincts, and she could turn 
 them to good account by her practical and administrative 
 ability. Thus she interested herself warmly in the agitation 
 which preceded the first Reform Bill, and especially with 
 the view of warning the country people against courses 
 which might bring them into trouble. With this object she 
 wrote some tracts ^ which had considerable circulation, and 
 which could not have been composed by any one who had 
 not studied closely the manners and feelings of the agri- 
 cultural classes. No doubt she was on the side of order 
 and property; and her sympathy, good sense, and earnest 
 moral and religious purpose are abundantly apparent. 
 
 These qualities gave her, throughout her life, a consider- 
 able influence for good over young men : she could rouse 
 them to exertion, or recall them to a sense of duty, when 
 other advisers were powerless ; and she knew how to enter 
 mto and encourage their efforts in the cause of truth and 
 virtue. Combined with her other qualities was a naturally 
 devotional temper; and thus it was inevitable that she 
 
 » Such were, 'The Genuine Life of Mr. Francis Swing,' London, Joy 18^1 • 
 Greyboume, or The Rioter,' London. C. F. Cock, 1831. ' ^ ^' ^ ' 
 
 E 2 
 
52 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 would soon discover and strengthen the ties of a fast friend- 
 ship with her brother-in-law, Edward Pusey. 
 
 How soon she learnt to do so is apparent from a novel 
 which she wrote in the early years of her married life '. 
 It observes the law of three volumes; it contains a 
 wedding and a murder. But it anticipates a characteristic 
 of very modem novels ; the authoress does not so much 
 invent as describe ; and she describes from her own observa- 
 tion. As a student of character she belongs to the school 
 of Miss Austen ; but when painting the manners of the 
 country gentlemen of England sixty years ago she could 
 command greater opportunities than fell to Miss Austen's 
 lot. In early life she had travelled in Italy: her pictures 
 of Italian scenery and character are pleasing and generally 
 accurate ; but the main interest of her book is that it is 
 largely a record of the character and opinions of those 
 among whom she moved. In particular Edward Pusey, 
 as a young man, stands before us in its pages. Edgar 
 Belmore, with his studious habits, his resolute and 
 successful efforts to recover a friend from unbelief, his 
 energetic unselfishness, the long and bitter disappointment 
 of his affections, cannot be mistaken : and in conversations 
 on the observance of the Lord's Day, on care for the 
 religion of servants, on the claims of Christianity, on the 
 respect due to parents, his very phrases may almost be 
 recognized. It is no accident that the most prominent 
 work in the description of an infidel library is Dupuis, or 
 that the deepest interest of the book underlying all else in 
 it that is grave or gay is the religious interest. 
 
 For more than thirty years, to her husband's delight and 
 satisfaction. Lady Emily corresponded constantly with her 
 brother-in-law. She entered warmly into the anxieties 
 which preceded and delayed his marriage : her letter of 
 congratulation was, he said, the most welcome of any that 
 he received. On this occasion he gave her a copy of the 
 German poet Claudius— the poet of home and friendship 
 as these things were understood in Germany in its age of 
 
 » * Waldegrave/ a novel, in three volumes; London, Colbnrn, 1829. 
 
 Lady Emily Pusey, co 
 
 sentimentalism, and also the poet who, while simple and 
 childlike in expression, is judging the spirit of his time 
 with a searching accuracy, and who has known how to 
 clothe some of the deepest things in literature with the 
 playful irony of his verse. Claudius fitly suggested a life- 
 long friendship between whatever was bright and tender in 
 family life, and all that was most serious in theology. 
 
 This friendship lasted undimmed to Lady Emily's last 
 hours. She soothed the anguish of Pusey's early years 
 of widowhood ; and in return he admitted her to share his 
 thoughts and hopes and fears in those years when his heart 
 and mind were taxed to the uttermost by the demands of 
 the great Movement in which his share was so great and 
 so responsible; and he found in her a sympathy more 
 intelligent and responsive than that of any other member 
 of his family. In her last hours he was at her bedside, 
 and in his ministrations and words she found her greatest 
 comfort and support. 
 
 :;i!* 
 |:i!l 
 
 m 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 ORIEL COLLEGE— FIRST INTRODUCTION TO NEWMAN- 
 ELECTION TO FELLOWSHIP— EARLY ESTIMATE OF 
 PUSEY— DR. LLOYD'S LECTURES— LATIN ESSAY PRIZE. 
 
 1823-1824. 
 
 *Ed ascoltava i lor sermoni. 
 Che a poetar mi davano intelletto.* 
 
 Purg. xxii. 128. 
 
 Nearly a year before taking his degree Pusey had 
 thought of standing for a Fellowship at Oriel. An Oriel 
 Fellowship was at that time the greatest distinction in 
 Oxford that could be won by competition; and in 1823 
 the list of Fellows comprised the most distinguished 
 names of the University. Since 1 814 Dr. Copleston, after- 
 wards Bishop of Llandafif, had been Provost. Davison, 
 Hampden, Arnold, had only recently ceased to be Fellows. 
 Whately, Keble, Tyler, Hawkins, Domford, Awdry, Jelf, 
 were on the list. Newman was in his year of probation. 
 For an undergraduate wl^o had not yet taken his degree to 
 aspire to a place in such a society might have well seemed 
 audacious. But the idea was first suggested to him by 
 a strong wish to know Mr. Keble, whose character even 
 then inspired a strange reverence and love far beyond the 
 circle of his immediate acquaintance. Mr. Keble while 
 residing at Oriel was in the habit of spending his Oxford 
 vacations at Fairford, where his father, who was Vicar of the 
 neighbouring parish of Coin St. Aldwin, resided in a house 
 of his own. Fairford had other attractions for Pusey; 
 but it was the scene of his first meeting with Keble. In 
 these matters too young men are apt to be imitative; 
 
 First meeting with J. //. Newman. 55 
 
 and the success of R. W. Jelf at the Oriel election of 1821, 
 and John Parker's intention to stand in the following year, 
 furnished Pusey with a new motive. 
 
 *I know not,' he writes to Parker, 'whether you are aware that 
 at some far future day I have the intention of standing the same trial 
 I as Jelf and you]. Your success would add immeasurably to its value. 
 There could be no happier society within a college than Oriel would 
 then unite for me ; but the greatness of the good fortune would make 
 me always doubt its being realized. And I have now a habit of never 
 dwelling on anything which the " coming day " is to provide. Were it 
 to be so it would certainly be the best-omened application of " When 
 shall we three meet again ? " which that oft-quoted enquiry ever met 
 with.* 
 
 While reading for his Fellowship, Edward Pusey had to 
 struggle with very bad health. In October and November, 
 1822, and also in the following April, while the examination 
 was going on, he was in the care of Dr. Kidd. This, 
 however, was not for him a new experience ; in after years 
 he used to say that ' nothing but severe illness need put 
 a stop to reading.' 
 
 It was in the late autumn of 1822 that he met John 
 Henry Newman, who had been elected* Fellow of Oriel 
 in the preceding April. 
 
 * Newman first saw him on his dining, as a stranger, at Oriel high 
 table, when a guest of his Eton friend Jelf, and as a future candidate, 
 as it was reported, for a fellowship. Newman used to speak in after 
 life of this first introduction to one with whom eventually he was so 
 closely united, and to *' the blessing of whose long friendship and 
 example," as he said in the Dedication to him of his first volume of 
 Sermons, he had owed so much. His light curly head of hair was 
 damp with the cold water which his headaches made necessary for his 
 comfort ; he walked fast with a young manner of carrying himself, and 
 stood rather bowed, looking up from under his eyebrows, his shoulders 
 rounded, and his bachelor's gown not buttoned at the elbow, but 
 hanging loose over his wrists. His countenance was very sweet, and 
 he spoke little'.* 
 
 The etiquette of the election prescribed that every 
 Fellow should be addressed by each candidate in a Latin 
 letter. These letters were not at Oriel, as in some other 
 colleges, written in prescribed form : they were independent 
 
 * ' Letters and Correspondence of J. H. Newman/ i. 115, 116. 
 
 ii 
 
 iilli! 
 
 I 
 
 i: 
 
 
 'II III 
 
56 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 compositions, and in some cases they had an effect upon 
 the election. In 1823 o"^ o^ these letters was preserved 
 by its owner, *from some impression of Pusey's future 
 greatness ' : — 
 
 * Egregio doctoque viro, Carolo Johanni Plumer, Collegii Orielensis 
 Socio dignissimo. 
 
 * Ut primum per aetatem quanti mihi quisque esset faciendus, judi- 
 cium facere potui, nihil ad existimationem honestius, nihil ad delecta- 
 tionem jucundius mihi posse obtingere apud animum meum statui 
 quam in Collegium Orielense aliquando cooptari. Oblatd ergo jam 
 tandem occasione amplissimi hujus honoris petendi, facere non possum 
 quin a te, Vir Clarissime, enixe orem, ut mei rationem habeas. Quod 
 si mihi praeter spem ben^ processerit eventus, omnia studia, omnem 
 operam ad gratias quas quidem semper habebo maximas, aliquA ex 
 parte referendas conferam. 
 
 * Tui favoris studiosissimus, 
 
 *Edvardus B. Pusey. 
 
 * ex aede Xti. 
 
 1823.' 
 
 The examination for Fellowships at Oriel had a tradi- 
 tional character which was well understood in Oxford. It 
 was less a test of knowledge than of general capacity: 
 it would only appear defective if judged by the standard 
 of examinations in which subjects of study are valued 
 more for their own sake than as instruments of mental 
 training and discipline. And it practically succeeded. 
 Oriel was incontestably the home of the most vigorous 
 ability in Oxford ; and we may wait a long while before 
 special studies enable so many men to think and write 
 with such effect as did -the Fellows of this distinguished 
 college in the second and third decades of the present 
 century ^ 
 
 In 1823 the examination appears to have begun on 
 Easter Eve, March 29th. On that day the candidates 
 had to translate a passage of an English author into Latin, 
 and to write an English essay. A long-remembered incident 
 occurred, which was described by Cardinal Newman to the 
 present writer: — 
 
 » Of the Oriel Fellowship Examina- the late Dean of St. Paul's is subjoined 
 tion in 1838, fifteen years alter Edward to this chapter. 
 Pusey went into it, a viyid account by 
 
 Oriel Fellowship Examination. 
 
 57 
 
 * During the examination Pusey had one of his bad headaches knd 
 broke down. He tore up his essay, saying that there was no good in 
 gomg on w,th it. Jenkyns> picked up the bits, put them together, and 
 showed the essay to the Fellows. It was a capital essay.' 
 
 On Easter Monday things were even worse. After an 
 hour's unsuccessful effort he wrote a letter begging to retire 
 from the examination, and left the hall. 
 
 \The Fellows, however,' writes the Rev. C.J. Plumer, 'thinking it 
 a pity that one who had shown so great promise should be lost to the 
 college, requested me, who had some previous acquaintance with 
 Pusey, to go over to his lodgings and persuade him to revoke his 
 decision. I did so, and the result was that Pusey persevered.' 
 
 On Tuesday and Wednesday, therefore, he rejoined the 
 other candidates in the hall ; on Thursday he wrote a Latin 
 essay and answered questions on philosophy, as the others 
 had on Monday. These last papers, for some reason, he 
 had to (Vrite in the ante-chapel, the hall being otherwise 
 engaged. The porter at the college gate was asked on that 
 dry who would be elected. ' What do you think, Sir,' was 
 the reply, * of that gentleman in the chapel ? ' 
 
 He was elected, but on the understanding that he should 
 not be asked to become a tutor. Oriel was very well 
 supplied in this respect, and Pusey 's health was none of 
 the best. His acknowledgment of Jelfs congratulations is 
 characteristic : — 
 
 * I ever thought that you had a happier mode than myself of express- 
 mg your feelings, and the delightful letter received yesterday convinced 
 me of this more strongly. It held up the mirror to my own mind, and 
 I saw all that I had thought, felt, wished, more clearly developed. 
 Forgive my having put it (I hope it was no breach of trust, but my 
 heart was full and I could not help it) into my mother's hands, who 
 read it with tears, and my father's, who pronounced me above measure 
 blessed that I had such a friend. With these exceptions it will 
 remain sacred with me, as long as I have my being.* 
 
 Not the least generous of the congratulations which 
 poured in on him was a letter from Mr. Parker, who 
 had himself failed at Oriel in the preceding year; and 
 
 Durw"^"'^^^"^^"''^'^"^^"'''^ ofOriel College, and afterwards Canon of 
 
 IffllP 
 
 i ^ 
 
58 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the bells of the parish church of Pusey expressed the satis- 
 faction of his father and family. 
 
 Edward Pusey now found himself a member of a com- 
 mon room, to belong to which was itself an education \ 
 Unfriendly critics described this by saying that the Oriel 
 common room * stank of logic'-: but logic, if liable to mis- 
 use, is not without its value. The distinctive characteristic 
 of the Oriel mind was exactness in thought, as the basis 
 of exactness of expression. This was exhibited, although 
 in different ways, by Newman and Keble not less than by 
 Hawkins and Whately. Everybody practised more or less 
 the Socratic method of improving thought by constant 
 cross-questioning ; but Whately and Hawkins especially 
 excelled in this. The result was to discourage fine words, 
 when homely expressions would suffice ; to expose inac- 
 curate and partial knowledge ; to resolve imposing theories 
 into their constituent ingredients ; to force men back upon 
 the principles which really governed their convictions. 
 
 The directions in which minds were led to move under 
 this process were indeed widely different ; but the intellectual 
 impress was, in the main, the same. Quite at the close 
 of his life Mr. Keble would criticize inaccurate or ambitious 
 expressions in conversation, in his own gentle manner, but 
 with the same incisive clearness as did the late Provost 
 of Oriel. The terse epigrams which are attributed to 
 Whately were rivalled by sentences which sometimes fell 
 from Pusey in summing up a criticism or bringing a con- 
 versation to its close. The prose of Cardinal Newman, 
 unrivalled as it is in this century, owes some of its best 
 elements to those early years of contact with Whately and 
 Hawkins. 
 
 It must be owned that the society of Oriel did not endow 
 Pusey with its characteristic excellence of clear writing. 
 Its main effect upon his mind was to intensify his desire to 
 accumulate all the facts that might bear upon a given 
 issue; and he did this with such conscientious thorough- 
 
 * See the 
 ^ Newman 
 
 brilliant description in Mozley, 'Reminiscences,' i. i8. 
 n's 'Apologia, p. 286, first ed. 
 
 Oriel Society. eg 
 
 ncss, and was so anxious when stating the result to leave 
 nothing unrecognized, that his style never took the clear 
 and direct form which was easy and natural to writers 
 like Whately. Oriel was the home of incessant although 
 mformal criticism ; and it did not escape the dangers which 
 are inevitable when criticism is a predominant feature in 
 social life. Of these one is to make our individual capacities 
 or accomplishments an absolute rule of excellence. Edward 
 Pusey is thinking of his Oriel experiences when in 1827 he 
 writes : — 
 
 J Men forget that what is useful or injurious to themselves may not 
 be so to others, and censure others for not adopting the line which 
 has been useful to themselves, and think that because they could not 
 do with impunity what others are doing, neither therefore could these 
 One observes the same in things to be done as well as in things to be 
 left undone. Each not only takes the line which is most congenial 
 to him, and m which he is therefore most likely to succeed, and be 
 useful, but often tacitly blames others who do not the same. As a 
 confirmation of this I copy out of the memorandum book of a friend 
 observations on this trait of character in individuals known intimately 
 to us, but one initial of which only you will recognize. Though dry to 
 you, from not knowing them, it exactly illustrates the case. " C. is 
 skilful in business and accounts: you see that he flies to college 
 accounts even as a relief in illness. He was accordingly a most active 
 treasurer, and often reproaches those who do not so much as himself 
 m this respect. T. is a practical man and a good scholar and tutor 
 Accordingly he is indefatigable in the active parts of his office, prides 
 himself upon it, and blames those who do not devote themselves so 
 much to their pupils, and indulge in speculation and study, for which 
 he has himself little inclination. H. is fond of study and speculation 
 and writes with ease. Accordingly he is a frequent preacher, has 
 some smattering in divinity, but has less intercourse with his pupils 
 and with his parishioners because it is less agreeable to him. D. is 
 not devoted to his pupils, but is bent on the discharge of parochial 
 duties, though they are inconsistent with his college offices. The 
 reason is the same. He is not a more pious man, probably, than T., 
 but hkes parochial duties better. P. is little fitted for active inter- 
 course with others, is shy, and expresses himself with hesitation and 
 obscurity. Accordingly he is bent on the study of divinity, and some- 
 what censures those who are less laborious in this branch of duty." 
 (N. B.— P. only meant to censure those who fteglected these duties for 
 general society, for which he has comparatively little taste ; and pro- 
 bably, in so doing, undervalued the good which others might do in 
 society.) " W. is impatient of laborious study, and exclaims against 
 
 It, 
 
6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 those who read too much, do not exert thought, &c." The author of 
 the above remarks is H.' 
 
 Edward Pusey's most intimate friends in residence were 
 then Hawkins, Newman, and Jelf. Mr. Keble had ceased 
 to reside in Oxford within two months of Edward Pusey's 
 election at Oriel. He resigned his tutorship at the end of 
 Hilary Term, 1 823, and his mother's death in May led to his 
 leaving Oxford \ He still, however, came to Oxford from 
 time to time, and the impression produced by him upon 
 Pusey at the close of his Oriel life was indeed profound. 
 
 * I always loved J. K. for his connexion with Fairford. But all he 
 has said and done and written makes me esteem him more. There is 
 a moral elevation in his character which I know in no other. His 
 reticence and growing self-mistrust alone makes it, to an unattentive 
 eye, less perceptible.' 
 
 Pusey did not at once get rooms in his new College. 
 It was usual for the younger Fellows of Oriel to live in 
 lodgings ; as the college was at once small and popular, and 
 its rooms were wanted for the undergraduates. Accord- 
 ingly Pusey did not live within the walls before 1826, on 
 his return from his first visit to Germany. In 1823 he had 
 lodgings in the High Street, in the same house with 
 Newman, a circumstance which led to the first phase of 
 their intimacy. 
 
 Cardinal Newman has described his relations with 
 Edward Pusey during the five years and a half in which 
 they were Fellows of Oriel together, in the pages of the 
 * Apologia ' : — 
 
 * At that time (from 1823) I had the intimacy of my dear and true 
 friend, Dr. Pusey; and could not fail to admire and revere a soul 
 so devoted to the cause of religion, so full of good works, so faithful 
 in his affections. But he left residence when I was getting to know 
 him well *.* 
 
 But a fuller record of their earliest friendship is given in 
 the autobiographical portion of the first volume of Cardinal 
 Newman's * Letters and Correspondence.' In the following 
 
 > Coleridge, ' Memoir of Keble,' p. 103. 
 * ' Apologia pro Vita Sua ' (ist ed.), p. 74. 
 
 Newman's Early Estimate of Pusey, 6i 
 
 quotation Cardinal Newman is speaking of himself in the 
 third person : — 
 
 * It is interesting to trace the course of Newman's remarks on Pusey 
 in his private journal, commencing as they do in a high patronizing 
 tone, and gradually changing into the expression of simple admiration 
 of his new friend. April 4, 1823, he writes, speaking of the election of 
 Fellows : " Two men have succeeded this morning" (E. B. Pusey and 
 W. R. Churton) " who, I trust, are favourably disposed to religion, or 
 at least moral and thinking, not worldly and careless, men " ; and he 
 goes on to pray that they may be brought " into the true Church." On 
 the 13th he notes down: "1 have taken a short walk with Pusey 
 after church, and we have had some very pleasing conversation. He 
 is a searching man, and seems to delight in talking on religious sub- 
 jects." By May 2 Newman has advanced further in his good opinion 
 of him. He writes : " I have had several conversations with Pusey 
 on religion since I last mentioned him. How can I doubt his serious- 
 ness ? His very eagerness to talk of the Scriptures seems to prove it. 
 May I lead him forward, at the same time gaining good from him ! 
 He has told me the plan of his Essay for the Chancellor's prize, and 
 1 clearly see that it is much better than mine. I cannot think I shall 
 get it; to this day I have thought I should.'* And on May 17 he 
 remarks : ^'That Pusey is Thine, O Lord, how can I doubt ? His deep 
 views of the Pastoral Office, his high ideas of the spiritual rest of the 
 Sabbath, his devotional spirit, his love of the Scriptures, his firmness 
 and zeal, all testify to the operation of the Holy Ghost ; yet I fear he 
 is prejudiced against Thy children. Let me never be eager to convert 
 him to 2i party or to a form of opinion. Lead us both on in the way of 
 Thy commandments. What am I that I should be so blest in my 
 near associates? " 
 
 * Nothing more is said in these private notes about Pusey before the 
 Long Vacation ; but hardly is it over when he notes down : " Have 
 just had a most delightful walk with Pusey : our subjects all religious, 
 all devotional and practical. At last we fell to talking of Henry 
 Martyn and missionaries. He spoke beautifully on the question, Who 
 are to go ? " 
 
 'On February i of the next year (1824) he notes down: "Have 
 just walked with Pusey: he seems growing in the best things — in 
 humility and love of God and man. What an active devoted spirit ! 
 God grant he may not, like Martyn, * burn as phosphorus ! ' " Lastly, 
 on March 15, when the year from his first acquaintance with Pusey 
 liad not yet run out, he writes: " Took a walk with Pusey: discoursed 
 on missionary subjects. I must bear every circumstance in continual 
 remembrance. We went along the lowef London road, crossed to 
 Cowley, and, coming back, just before we arrived at Magdalen Bridge 
 turnpike, he expressed to me . . ." 
 
 'There is a blank in the MS. The writer has not put into words 
 
 i|l!^ 
 
 f 
 
62 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 what this special confidence was which so affected him. He con- 
 tinues : " Oh, what words shall I use ? My heart is full. How should 
 I be humbled to the dust ! What importance I think myself of ! My 
 deeds, my abilities, my writings ! Whereas he is humility itself, 
 and gentleness and love, and zeal, and self-devotion. Bless him with 
 Thy fullest gifts, and grant me to imitate him ^" ' 
 
 In May, 1823, Edward Pusey attended for the first time 
 the lectures of Dr. Lloyd, who had succeeded to the 
 Regius Chair of Divinity in 1822. A man of clear, strong 
 intellect, and of great tenacity and earnestness of purpose, 
 he soon made his Chair more of a power in Oxford than 
 it had been under any of his predecessors, not excepting 
 Van Mildert. Dr. Lloyd's class comprised, besides Pusey, 
 J. H. Newman, R. W. Jelf, and William Churton, from 
 Oriel ; John Williams, H. L. Thomas, and two others from 
 Christ Church. 
 
 The books upon which Dr. Lloyd lectured were Sum- 
 ner's * Records of the Creation,' Graves on the Pentateuch, 
 Casaubon's*Exercitationes on the Prolegomena of Baronius.* 
 Prideaux's 'Connexion,' Lowman's 'Civil Government of 
 the Hebrews ' and * Hebrew Ritual,' and Warburton's 
 * Divine Legation.' Of these works, the first four engaged 
 the attention of the Professor and his class for two years. 
 Edward Pusey made in some cases elaborate notes and 
 analyses of these lectures. Those on Graves' work are 
 interesting as showing how fully, at this early period, the 
 older objections to the. Mosaic authorship and Divine 
 authority of the Pentateuch were present to his mind, and 
 how carefully he had begun to consider them. Referring 
 to another course of Dr. Lloyd's lectures, on the Epistle to 
 the Romans, * Lloyd taught us,' Pusey often said, ' not so 
 much the full meaning of the Holy Scripture, as how to 
 study it.' He never explained more than three or four verses 
 within the hour. But he first exhausted the history of every 
 doubtful reading, every word, every construction, the place of 
 each clause and argument in relation to its context ; and then 
 he would review the fortunes of the passage in Christian 
 
 * Newman's ' Letters and Correspondence,' i. 1 16-118. 
 
 Dr, Lloyd's Lectures, 
 
 63 
 
 theology ; its bearings on Christian doctrine ; the contro- 
 versies which it had roused or had decided ; the position it 
 held, or ought to hold, in the mind of the living Church. 
 Of these lectures there are copious notes in Pusey's hand- 
 writing to the end of the ninth chapter of the Epistle. 
 These notes would, from the nature of the case, do at 
 best a very partial justice to the original : they do not 
 correspond to Dr. Pusey's often repeated estimate of 
 the lectures. They are chiefly concerned with the direct 
 elucidation of the text. In many cases the strong, clear 
 sentences are evidently Dr. Lloyd's. The illustrations are 
 frequently from authors which have fallen into disuse and 
 are forgotten by the present generation ; the scholarship is 
 old-fashioned, although in its way thorough. It cannot be 
 doubted that these lectures had a very real effect upon 
 Dr. Pusey's mind and work as a student and expositor 
 of Holy Scripture. 
 
 'When Bishop Lloyd began lecturing us on the Epistle to the 
 Romans he occupied the first lecture with the first four verses, and of 
 course that gave us a very different idea of reading the New Testa- 
 ment from any that we had had before \' 
 
 While Pusey was attending Dr. Lloyd's lectures he was 
 consulted about a plan for reading divinity by his friend 
 Mr. R. Salvvey. In reply he sent Dr. Lloyd's list of books, 
 observing that 
 
 *the list is rather addressed to the understanding than to the heart, 
 and practical books must in great measure be supplied by yourself. 
 Of these you will find several very valuable ones on the lists of the 
 Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. "The Clergyman's 
 Instructor" is an excellent collection of tracts on clerical duties.' 
 
 In a later letter to Mr. Salwey he recommends for 
 
 *a little practical reading, to mix with so much that is intellectual, 
 Scott's ''Christian Life."' 
 
 Salwey, he thought, would be alarmed at the number of 
 books which he had marked as necessary to be read. By 
 
 * Oxford University Commission : Minutes of Evidence, p. 206. Nov x 
 1877. ' r y ' ot 
 
64 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 way of calming him, Edward Pusey adds characteristi- 
 cally : — 
 
 * Even when we have got through all, or many more, I do not think 
 we shall have to complain of knowing too much on the subject. 
 During the whole, one booh is never to be out of our hands— the 
 Bible. And by comparing that with itself, we shall by God's assistance 
 understand more of it than by any single means ; though of course 
 even that is not sufficient by itself. You will find an interleaved 
 Bible of great use, into which may be inserted any expositions of 
 single texts which may be worth collecting out of books which are not 
 express commentaries, and which would otherwise be lost. One of 
 the best commentators is Theophylact (he abridged Chrysostom) ; he 
 is one of the clearest and simplest. . . .* 
 
 On another subject which Dr. Lloyd's lectures brought 
 strongly before him, he writes : — 
 
 * The different systems of evidence are independent [of each other], 
 and therefore cumulative [in their force]. Paley proves the truth of 
 Christianity one way, Lord Lyttelton another. Proving the authen- 
 ticity of the books is often a very great point ; but it is only part of 
 what is to be done.' 
 
 One effect of Dr. Lloyd's lectures on his judgment as to 
 the relative importance of different theological studies is 
 that ignorance of modern ecclesiastical history (nothing is 
 said about ancient) can 
 
 * hardly ever be so painful, and [the knowledge of it] is not so much a 
 duty, as the knowledge of the evidences of the fundamental doctrines 
 of Christianity.' 
 
 In the Long Vacation of 1823 Edward Pusey went into 
 Devonshire, but the beginning of the October Term found 
 him again at Oxford, and the winter and early spring of 
 1824 were largely occupied in writing for the Latin 
 Essay. The subject might have seemed hardly congenial to 
 Pusey 's mental bias ; it was a comparison between the 
 Greek and Roman colonies. But he threw himself into 
 it heart and soul. 
 
 In its choice and vigour of language and in exact method 
 of statement, as well as in the evidence it affords of extensive 
 reading, this essay probably is above the level of many of 
 those which have won a University prize at Oxford. The 
 
 Laitn Essay. 
 
 65 
 
 writer's deepest interest becomes apparent when he traces the 
 character of that union between the Greek colony and the 
 parent state which was secured by a common religion. The 
 rule of England, as built up by her colonies, will, he antici- 
 pates, be more beneficial than the Greek, and more solid 
 and lastmg than the Roman. The glowing feivour of the 
 closmg words almost anticipates the higher visions of the 
 Eirenicon : — 
 
 ' Silent artes Graeciae, dissipatae sunt Romanae res, Christi ver6 
 hdem sempitemis saeculorum aetatibus auctam usque adeo fore cer- 
 tissimo testimonio abund^ constat, donee, extincto quodcunque pravum 
 est^^aut mhumanum, uno caritatis vinculo ultimas terras comprehen- 
 
 Pusey did not expect to succeed ; he always formed 
 a poor estimate of his own performances. However, the 
 examiners, one of whom was Milman, then Professor of 
 Poetry, thought his work worthy of the prize. Mr. Pusey 
 senior, now in his seventy-ninth year, heard his son read 
 his essay in the Sheldonian Theatre on June 30, and 
 the bells of Pusey parish church greeted the family party 
 on their return home m the late summer evening. 
 
 In the closing weeks of 1824 he had begun to read 
 for the English Essay of the following year. Writincr to 
 Mr. Parker, he says :— "^ 
 
 • I fear a large portion of the next five months is to be taken up by 
 writing another essay. ... The subject is a tremendous one • 
 Language in its copiousness and structure considered as a test of 
 civilization"; m English. It is a source of anxious thought how this 
 course which I am advised to pursue will qualify me for the great 
 objects of life. In five months it will all be over, and then I shall 
 nave no other calls.' 
 
 In the event this essay was won by Mr. J. W. Milne, of 
 Balliol. The subject, as his friend Parker jestingly im- 
 plied, was eminently adapted to Edward Pusey 's natural 
 taste ; but already the pressure of graver duties and con- 
 victions weighed heavily upon him, and in deference to 
 them he had made up his mind to study theology in 
 Germany. 
 
 VOL. L F 
 
 ii 
 
 11* 
 
 ■ 
 
Appendix to Chapter III. 
 
 67 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III. 
 
 Letter from the late Dr. Church, Dean of St. Paul's. 
 
 MY DEAR LiDDON, Jan. 3ist, 1883. 
 
 I will try and put down what I remember of the Oriel Fellow- 
 ship examinations in the old time. 
 
 They never advertised vacancies in those days. The Provost held 
 his head high, and said that if persons wanted to know if there were 
 any Fellowships to be filled up they could come and mquire ; and it 
 was only late in my residence that some of the younger and more 
 practical men carried the point about advertising. Besides, in the 
 older time Oriel and Balliol Fellowships were things that every one 
 was keen about, and every one knew without advertising how many 
 were to be tried for. The first thing to be done was to call on the 
 Provost, and ask his leave to stand. He would ask you what your 
 plans were, and whether you knew any of the Fellows, and what your 
 family was, and what your means were ; for independent means were 
 held to exclude a man. Indeed, this rule was once put in force, but 
 by the college, not by the Provost, who was blamed for allowing the 
 candidate to stand : the result being that it gave us Burgon instead of 
 Goldwin Smith. It was intended as a protest in favour of the poorer 
 candidate, but it was not altogether a satisfactory way of making it. 
 Probably when Dr. Pusey stood, such questions as these were all that 
 were asked. But in the years of the Movement the Provost was more 
 inquisitive. Then there were questions asked relating to religious 
 parties and opinions in the University, and one used to hear odd 
 stories of fencings between the Provost and the intending candidates. 
 But I do not recollect that he ever excluded a man because of his 
 views : he allowed such a man as Albany Christie to stand. 
 
 If the Provost gave leave, he told you that you were to write a Latin 
 letter to each of the Fellows, stating the grounds on which you desired 
 election, and on which you thought that you might be entitled to do 
 so. This was not a mere formal application, and in some cases it was 
 a lengthy affair : it was meant to test a man's power of putting his 
 own personal case and wishes and intentions in Latin ; some of these 
 letters were very good and characteristic. You were also to call and 
 present yourself to the Dean, and some one or other of the Fellows, or 
 
 else the Dean asked you once or twice to dine and go to common 
 Tsrrled'u^r^ '''--' ^°" --^ -- - '- -«ed T^ 
 
 froi^^^dtt Ti^^dirv-jrd^ Ttn 'r n^- ''n 
 
 .838) from the Dean, W. J- Coplesto^Sling me to be! h'at^ten 
 on Monday, and bring with me a certain volume of the ' SpecSir' On 
 Monday accordingly we all met in the hall. We were toW that we 
 might have as long as we liked for our papers till it got t^ dark To 
 ^:\^T '"v K "°' '^^' '^^"^'^^= ">« 'he papersloud be given 
 
 ren^ab t r ban n? "'tlT^ "' '' "^ ^'^'^^ = ^^^ '"at we mus" 
 remain in the hall till we had done them, or till we went out for eood 
 
 There was to be no break in the middle of the day "o go out 
 Copleston then told us what we were to do. We hid a lonrsh 
 
 r:i"foSo°:V"'"'^'"r '° ^""^ '"^° Latin,\nd a: s; ; 
 
 wh^f . 1 f • ^''^^^ °^ ^^=°"- And then he left us to make 
 
 remlh T ""k "'J'"^''^- ^°^' "^ "= ^^^^^-^ °» till about five 
 
 t Ted to b?s"id'thr'H" r ''"--S ^^'•-h paper to attack fii^:: 
 
 he kept on tni th^ if ^ 1^'"""' ^"^''^ ^"^ '" ^°' '^^ Fellowship 
 rote bv thi fi , \ ' ^"^. ''"'" " ^°' ^^'^ 'ay 'i""" by the fire and 
 
 lie Bu th. r ^^r • ""'^ "'■'"'""'^ ^" ^"^"=h "^ay of about ten 
 
 Jave writl On T "'r^''' '"''^ ""' °° °*^^ "^" '" [0''^°^^] could 
 nave written. On Tuesday ,t was the same thing, the papers beine 1 
 
 oTwT T'^ *' V^i"''^ ^ •'" °^ ^"g"^'' '° be translated' ntoGefk 
 On Wednesday, a bit of Greek to be translated into Enc^lish and 
 a paper of so-called philosophical questions'. On Thursday I ihink 
 
 pSti^ranT? "-^l "•'"'" ^"^''=''- ^"' '^^ ^^^^ was Sly com- 
 posi lon and translation. The questions were very general not 
 
 involving directly much knowledge, but trying how a mafcouW trea 
 a triaf iro7r" "'l^' '"'""' cultivated men. It was al ogethe 
 
 fhe? 'ou,d do Th?;^ rr ';'"' '"' °' '""" '"^^y >'--• -'what 
 
 'Tower- for tvJ^ .'7 '''^' """ ^^"<='' by excursions to the 
 
 1 ower for vtvd voce, which was made a good deal of. One of the 
 
 Fellows called you out from the hall, and led you up a winding cork- 
 
 hTL?"""; K '"' '°P °' ^^'''^'' ^ '^-^ opened,'and let you ?n.o 
 the presence of the assembled Fellows seated round a table, with pen 
 
 w"ei cTel /r 'I"-'"- ^°" "^'^ P'^^'^ ''^f°- a desk, on which 
 to 00k ov " ''""• ^°" ^^'^ «'^^" °"e of thes;, and told 
 
 eai it offTt ^-^r" T'^^^ '"' '"° '"'""'«^' °^ °"e minute, or to 
 read It off at sight and translate it. This you did in perfect silence 
 
 round you-the only thing heard, besides your own voice, bein. the 
 
 sc atchmg of a dozen pens at the table. You bungled through it 
 
 the l°as r"'' T' '"°"'" ''°°'' "^= ^'^^" y-' and'then anotht- 
 
 he m^n n?,r'i u''' T: ""'"'elligible passage from Plutarch about 
 
 the moon, or the like. When you had done the Provost thanked you ; 
 
 of'thl prpe"rs°! '''"" ""' °^ ""' "'''"' °" ^'^"^^"y ""-l Thursday; but I am 
 
 F a 
 
 1 1 
 
 n 
 
68 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 and another Junior Fellow took charge of you, conversing pleasantly 
 with you in your stupefied condition, and escorted you to the common 
 room, where you remained for the rest of the time. The next and last 
 day vivd voce again, in the same way. not quite so bad, because you 
 were more accustomed to it, but still very horrible ; and then you 
 went home. If you were elected, the Provost's servant called on you 
 the next day, with the Provost's compliments, and requested your 
 presence at the scene of your late torture, the Tower ; and you went 
 and received the congratulations of the Provost and Fellows ; and later 
 you were admitted Probationer Fellow in chapel. You were mtro- 
 duced after service by one of the Junior Fellows, who led you to the 
 Provost's stall ; and the Provost, as if much surprised, asked you, 
 ' Domine, quid petis ? ' to which you answered, * Peto beneficmm 
 hujusce collegii in annum,' which the Provost graciously conceded to 
 you, and you were conducted to your place. 
 
 That is from the side of the examinee. Afterwards I saw the same 
 thing from behind the scenes. The idea of the examination was an 
 old-fashioned one, rather pointedly contrasted with the newer modes 
 then coming in of setting questions implying a good deal of modem 
 or of somewhat pretentious reading, in history, philology, and modern 
 books of philosophy and political science. The Oriel common room 
 was rather proud of its seemingly easy and commonplace and un- 
 pretending tests of a man's skill in languages and habits and power of 
 thinking for himself. They did not care if he had read much, so that 
 he came up to their standard of good Latin, good Greek, good English, 
 and good sense : points which were as well settled by a well-chosen 
 bit of the 'Spectator' as by some fine paragraph from Macaulay, and 
 by a well-chosen text for an English essay as by some question which 
 made a man feel a fine fellow by having it to write upon. It created 
 a prejudice against a man if he seemed to be trying to be flash, or to 
 show off his reading, especially if he also showed that he did not know 
 how to make good use of it. The two papers which were almost 
 invariably the guide to the first decision were the English into Latin 
 prose and the English essa^. It was very seldom that men who were 
 clearly first in these did not maintain their superiority throughout the 
 rest of the examination, and no man who failed in these had much 
 chance of retrieving himself. Next to these papers the Latin essay 
 and the translations into English told. The Questions paper was 
 more by way of make-weight in helping to decide a difficult choice. 
 The papers were very carefully read and considered. The custom 
 was for the whole body of Fellows to examine together each set of 
 papers. We met in common room and sat round the table, each 
 of us having one man's essay or translation ; if a translation, one of 
 us read a sentence of the English, &c., and the corresponding sentence 
 of each translation went round the table in turn, till the paper had 
 been gone through, sentence by sentence, and each sentence had 
 been discussed and criticized. It was a tedious process, but very 
 
 Appendix to Chapter III, 
 
 69 
 
 thorough, and rather amusing in watching the way in which difficulties 
 were met or pitfalls avoided by different men. The English and 
 Latm essays were also read aloud, so that at the end we got a very 
 distinct notion of the strength or weakness of each candidate. This 
 way of doing things was, I think, given up in the later part of my 
 residence. We inherited it from the days when Copleston was 
 Provost, and the older men set much value on it. Among other 
 things, it compelled each examiner to attend to the work in detail, 
 and enabled his brethren to pull him up if he was slack or had 
 crotchets. There was no scamping the work of examination, and it 
 brought out each critic's capacity to judge, betraying disagreeably 
 weaknesses about quantities and knowledge of the use of the sub- 
 junctive mood. The style of examination was objected to as narrow 
 and minute, as it certainly was troublesome. But it was certainly 
 searching both to examinee and examiner, and it was not easy for 
 a crammer or loose scholar or mere fine writer to slip through the 
 meshes. A good deal of weight was attached to vivd voce, which, as 
 I said, was spread over two days. It was thought to be a good test 
 of the way in which a man met difficulties, and whether he faced 
 them fairly or tried to evade them. 
 
 Ever yours, 
 
 R. W. Church. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FIRST VISIT TO GERMANY — EICHHORN, THOLUCK, 
 SCHLEIERMACHER, NEANDER, AND OTHER PRO- 
 FESSORS—LITERARY PLANS. 
 
 1825-1826. 
 
 * Macte novd virtute, puer ; sic itur ad astra.* 
 
 A en. ix. 64 1. 
 
 On June 5, 1825, Edward Pusey left London for 
 Gottingen. 
 
 He had two main objects in going to Germany. His 
 correspondence with his unbelieving * friend/ and the 
 inquiries into which it had led him, satisfied him that he 
 had to deal with larger questions than he had supposed. 
 These questions, he thought, could be studied most 
 thoroughly at Universities in which faith and a scarcely 
 disguised unbelief had been in conflict for more than a 
 generation. 
 
 Less's apologetic work had been only partly translated 
 into English ; and Pusey had found the translated part 
 useful in his correspondence on the question of faith 
 and he wished to be able to read the remainder. This 
 experience further suggested to him that there was much 
 else worth reading in German literature; and thus he 
 gradually formed a purpose of making himself acquainted 
 with the language and theological learning of Germany 
 in Germany itself. He began with a German tutor in 
 his Oxford lodgings ; and he describes his first efforts, 
 three years afterwards, as follows : — 
 
 * I commenced with poetry in preference, because I found that I 
 invariably forgot the first words in a complex German prose sentence 
 before I got to the last, which is often the key to the whole. . . . 
 With all my assiduity I do not believe that I read more than one 
 
 Reasons /or visiting Germany, nj 
 
 Gospel, six plays (an odd proportion), and a little prose, in the first 
 month. But as I have often said, the vessel glides merrily along 
 when the first labour of launching is over.* 
 
 Early in the Summer Term of 1825 Jelf pressed him 
 to visit their common friend Luxmoore at St. Asaph: 
 and this obliged him to decide upon the project which 
 had been taking shape in his mind, of spending the Long 
 Vacation in Germany. Jelf thereupon abandoned his plan 
 of visiting North Wales, and pressed Parker to visit 
 Oxford in a letter to which Pusey added the following 
 words : — 
 
 * I requested Jelf to bring me this letter that I might add a few 
 lines. But he has been expressing his admiration of German verbs to 
 me with such prolixity that he has left me no time. I much regret the 
 loss of my visit to Luxmoore, but having already found the want of 
 German [very inconvenient], and expecting to be still more at fault 
 hereafter, and being so advised, I determined to seize the present 
 moment. I half expect to be able to seduce Jelf to join me. Pray 
 let me see you here. Jelf and Newman are talking so incessantly 
 that I can write no more.' 
 
 Parker in reply seems to have rallied him on the 
 mystery and vagueness in which his plans were veiled. 
 Pusey accordingly, within a fortnight of leaving England, 
 expresses himself more explicitly : — 
 
 * Oxford, May 25, 1825. 
 * Though generally I plead guilty to the charge of unintelligibility, 
 in the present instance it was owing neither to wilfulness nor care- 
 lessness, but to my entire ignorance on all the points on which you 
 accuse me of obscurity. To what part of Germany I am going, 
 whether to Dresden, Leipzig, Halle, Gottingen, or all of them, I am 
 yet undecided; and it will depend probably on the introductions 
 which I get, and the time I can spare, and the advance I may make 
 in the language. When I go is yet uncertain, though since I last 
 wrote 1 have pretty well determined to go as soon as our private 
 lectures with Lloyd are over. My object in going is neither a par- 
 ticular book, nor a particular part of theology ; so that I can only state 
 generally that I hope to derive great assistance from the German 
 literature in all the critical and scientific parts of Divinity ; and par- 
 ticularly, if I am ever enabled to write anything on the Evidences, 
 there are some of their works, such as the untranslated part of Less, 
 &c., which I should wish first to study. I hope this is clear.' 
 
 But the strongest motive which led to this his first visit 
 
 
 1 1 
 
72 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 to Germany was Dr. Lloyd s advice. Pusey told the present 
 writer long afterwards : — 
 
 'People were saying that the new German theology' was full of 
 interest. At that time only two persons^ in Oxford were said to 
 know German, although German Introductions to the New Testament, 
 if written in Latin, were read. One day Dr. Lloyd said to me, 
 " I wish you would learn something about those German critics." In 
 the obedient spirit of those times I set myself at once to learn German, 
 and I went to Gottingen to study at once the language and the 
 theology. My life turned on that hint of Lloyd's.' 
 
 When he reached Gottingen, his first step was to place 
 himself under a teacher of the German language, by whom 
 he was advised to attend the lectures of Pott and Eichhorn. 
 'They both,' said his friend, 'speak very good German.' 
 In August he wrote to Newman : — 
 
 * I have now been here six weeks ; read not so much as I wish ; 
 attend three lectures a day, for the sake of the German ; see what 
 society I can, and hope to be able at the end of the time to understand 
 German pretty well V 
 
 Eichhorn was now seventy-three years old. In this very 
 year, 1825, he kept the jubilee of his Doctor's degree. He 
 was one of those giants of learning whose great reputa- 
 tion as scholars did something to console their country at 
 the beginning of this century for its political insignificance. 
 He was ' one of the glories of the University of Gottingen.' 
 For fifty years he had worked indefatigably, and in full 
 possession of his health, and faculties. During twelve years 
 he had been Professor of the Oriental Languages at Jena ; 
 and in 1787 he had been invited by the Hanoverian Govern- 
 ment to Gottingen, where he continued to be Professor of 
 Philosophy until his death. Even for a German professor 
 his productive power was exceptionally great -^ On the one 
 
 ^ These were Dr. Cardwell, Prin- 
 cipal of St. Alban Hall, and Mr. Mill, 
 of Magdalen College. 
 
 2 The Rev. R. F. Wilson, who, 
 like Pusey, spent some time as a 
 student in Germany, writes: — 'I re- 
 member a little incident in my German 
 life which will amuse you. I think it 
 was Professor Brandis who once said, 
 
 *' You talk freely in German, and we 
 understand you ; but it is incorrect 
 and ungrammatical. Dr. Pusey would 
 not speak German until he had 
 mastered the language so as to speak 
 correctly." * 
 
 ' Tychsen, * Memoria J. G. Eich- 
 horn* (Comm. Soc. Scient. Getting., 
 vol. vi). 
 
 Gottingen — Eichhorn. yo 
 
 hand he ranged through the Oriental languages, and the 
 criticism and exegesis of the Old and New Testaments. 
 On the other, his Chair at Gottingen obliged him to 
 devote himself to the vast fields of modern history and 
 literature. As a young man he wrote a book on the com- 
 merce of India in days preceding the Mohammedan con- 
 quest. Another work followed on the sources of Arabian 
 history, and particularly on the Arab coinage. Then he 
 produced eighteen volumes of a ' Repertory of Biblical 
 and Oriental Literature,' and ten volumes of a * Universal 
 Library of Biblical Literature,' besides a work on ' Primitive 
 History.' Simultaneously with these he had composed an 
 * Introduction to the Old Testament,' in five volumes; and 
 an ' Introduction to the Apocryphal Books of the Old 
 Testament.' 
 
 Nor were the subjects more directly connected with his 
 Chair at Gottingen forgotten. Besides contributing to * The 
 History of the Arts and Sciences from the Restoration of 
 Letters to the end of the Eighteenth Century,' he produced 
 a * History of Literature from its Origin until Modern 
 Times,' in twelve volumes, a ' History of the last Three 
 Centuries,' portions of a ' Universal History,' and a collec- 
 tion of his * Writings and Criticisms.' He was at the same 
 time occupied with the work which is best known in this 
 country, his 'Introduction to the New Testament,' the 
 second edition of which, in five volumes, had just appeared 
 when Pusey arrived at Gottingen. He was now at the 
 height of his authority, and his academical contemporaries 
 looked on him as a typical sample of University success ^ 
 But already his health was declining ; he died after a short 
 illness on June 27, 1827. 
 
 In 1825 Eichhorn was lecturing on the Epistles of St. Paul 
 and the Books of Moses. Pusey attended the latter course. 
 He was struck by Eichhorn's * total insensibility to the real 
 religious import of the narrative,' although the critical and 
 historical information was often astonishing. * We shall 
 
 ' Eichstaedt, ' Oratio de J. G. Eichhorn, illustri exemplo felicitatis Academicae. * 
 Jenae, 1827. 
 
74 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey, 
 
 see/ said a German student, who was also attending the 
 lecture, to Puscy, ' what fun he will make of Balaam's ass 
 when he comes to it ^/ Yet Eichhorn certainly meant to 
 be on his guard against the shallow and frivolous scornful- 
 ness of vulgar unbelief: nay, he was defending in these 
 very lectures against Gesenius, De Wette, and Wegscheider 
 the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch ; he playfully 
 described himself as 'too orthodox* when doing this. 
 Only in him religious interests were entirely subordinate 
 to the supposed interests of literature ; the supernatural 
 element was treated not as an objective reality but as 
 representing an ancient and profoundly interesting phase 
 of mind : the religious question ' what after all is true ?' 
 would have seemed an impertinent interference with the 
 purely literary and critical question, 'what was thought 
 or felt-?' 
 
 From Eichhorn Pusey learnt the vastness of the world of 
 modern learning and the standard of work which was 
 necessary in order to explore it. When in later years he 
 would say, 'a German professor would think nothing of 
 doing so and so/ he meant Eichhorn. In 1825 Eichhorn 
 was still ' an oracle ^* but he lived long enough to witness 
 a decline of his authority in Germany*. Pusey himself, 
 however, early formed an independent judgment of his 
 merits. He saw that Eichhorn had suffered by being 
 a pupil of Michaelis, whose conception of the relative 
 value of religion and scholarship is illustrated by his 
 having asked his dying father which of Castelli's Lexi- 
 cons he thought the best^. Eichhorn assumed that 
 
 ^ * Univ. Commission : Minutes of 
 Evidence,' p. 297 : * Eichhorn had 
 then a great reputation for acuteness, 
 but was profane. I asked a theo- 
 logical student whether he was going 
 down, the term being nearly over. He 
 said no ; he should wait until the his- 
 tory of Balaam came on, because it 
 was such fun. This I heard with my 
 own ears ; and I heard the lecture. I 
 heard a titter going through all the 
 room, and I saw only one person who 
 was grave. I happened to sit where 
 
 I could see the whole of them.' This 
 evidence was given Nov. 3, 1877- 
 
 ^ Eichhom's ' Einleitung in das 
 A. T.' is an attempted application to 
 Hebrew antiquity of the principles by 
 which Heyne and his school had ex- 
 plained the Greek mythology. 
 
 ^ ' Daniel the Prophet,' p. 202. 
 
 * See Bertheau's art. s. v. in Her- 
 zog's * Real-Encycl.' His characteristic 
 positions were attacked by Jahn, 
 Kelle, Meyer, and others. 
 
 ^ Preface to Mich. *Syr. Chresto- 
 
 Gotttngen— Eichhorn. « :- 
 
 oS P^'^l^"^^"^" ^'^ R^^^-^^d Religion had a human 
 oiigin .His mmd was 'original and elegant, but ill- 
 regulated. He cared more for novelty than for truth ; his 
 theories were numerous ; but they were demolished, one 
 after another, before his ^yts \ In later life Pusey refers 
 with approbation to him on points where his better jude- 
 ment was not embarrassed by the seductions of theory ^ 
 but generally notices him only to reject opinions incon^ 
 
 r "eZlr "' "'" '" "" "■""""""' "— ' 
 
 Eichhorn's influence was only to a certain extent per- 
 petuated in Ewald, the ^ eager defender of a master whom 
 he admired ^ with whom, as a fellow-student and contem- 
 porary critic, Pusey had life-long relations. But Eichhorn 
 h.mselfwas interested in Pusey, and apparently predicted 
 for him a future which showed that in this case, at any rate 
 he prophet was not writing history. For in September! 
 ^ «26, a year after Pusey's visit, Mr. Dwight, an American 
 student of his acquaintance, was a second time at Gottincxen 
 and he gives Pusey an interesting account of Eichhorn, whj 
 had inquired particularly for him, and wished much to see 
 h.m again Pusey, he thought, had read enough of German 
 theological literature to see the difference between it and 
 that of England. In short, as he suspected, Pusey had 
 now ' opened his eyes a little,^ and ' consequences might 
 be anticipated which it was needless to mention.' 
 
 mathie,' Pusey, 'Theol. of Germ.,' 
 part I, 136, note. 
 
 * Pusey, ' Theol. of Germ.,' part i, 
 137* 
 
 '* * Theol. of Germ.,' part i, i?7. 
 note 1 ; cf. 'Theol. of Germ.,' part 2 
 401, note. '^ * 
 
 ' ' Daniel the Prophet,' p. 109, note 
 7» on the historic existence of Daniel 
 and the Three Children ; * Minor 
 i^roph., p. 503, on his description of 
 /.echariah s visions as a prosaic relation 
 ol that which the prophet sees. This 
 representation of prophecy as the 
 description of a picture present to the 
 I^rophcfs spiritual eye was constantly 
 referred to by Dr. Pusey ; cf. Eich- 
 horn * Emleitg ' n 603, iv. pp. 435-6. 
 Daniel the Prophet,' p. 271 ; 
 
 Minor Proph.,' p. 400. on the < un- 
 natural hypothesis that prophecies are 
 only histories of the past spoken of as 
 If It were still future ' ; cf. also * xMinor 
 Proph.,' p. 227. So the theory that 
 'prophets were but poets ' (' Minor 
 Proph., p. 483), having no super- 
 natural access to the future what- 
 ever (ib. p. 311, where Eichhorn, 
 
 • ^'"^^'t- A- 1-' "^^ 605, iv. p. 445, &c.; 
 
 is quoted). Pusey complains of Eich- 
 hom's 'arbitrariness' ('Daniel,' p. 
 203), of the indecision of his unbelief 
 C Minor Proph.,' p. 263, note t ; p. 
 5,^''"otea). Thus he even includes 
 Eichhorn among the 'coarser ration- 
 alists' ('Daniel,' p. 271). 
 
 » * Daniel the Prophet,' 2nd edition. 
 Preface, p. Ixviii. 
 
 ( 
 
76 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Gottingen— Christian Bunsen, 
 
 Pusey also attended Pott's lectures on the first three 
 Gospels, with especial reference to the Jewish ideas referred 
 to in the New Testament. David Julius Pott was now 
 sixty-five years old : he had been Professor of Theology at 
 Gottingen since 1810. He had written a commentary on 
 the Catholic Epistles, and a great many monographs on 
 single passages in Holy Scripture, particularly on St. Paul's 
 first Epistle to the Corinthians. Without denying the 
 supernatural on i/r/^r/ grounds, he recognized its presence 
 in the Bible very grudgingly; and explained it away, either 
 by the operation of natural causes, or by the analogies of 
 some heathen myth, constantly and without scruple ^ His 
 lectures, if less able, were not less surprising to Pusey than 
 Eichhorn s. All the miracles of the early part of our Lord's 
 life were explained away. Each miracle, the lecturer said, 
 contained some flaw, which would make it useless for 
 the purpose of producing conviction of the truth of the 
 Gospel in those who denied it. On the other hand. Pott 
 defended at length the literal reality of our Lord's Resurrec- 
 tion. When Pusey in the following year asked Hengsten- 
 berg what he was to think of Pott, the answer implied 
 complete disbelief as to whether any orthodox teaching 
 could be expected from such a quarter. But Pott was 
 only a sample of the prevalent tone. In all Germany the 
 number of professors who then contended for the truth of 
 the Gospel as a supernatural Revelation warranted by 
 miracle was thought to^ be seventeen -. 
 
 Critical Gottingen did not, in those days, think or speak 
 very respectfully of England or the English Church. There 
 was a current tradition in Gottingen where Heyne had 
 lived that he attributed the non-reception in England of 
 his theories about Homer to the English Bishops, who 
 'apprehended' that the principle of these theories might 
 be applied to Holy Scripture ^ The immediate effect of 
 
 * See his * Excursus de descensu 
 I. C. ad inferos,' appendix to * Com- 
 mentatio in Epistolae Catholicae/ 
 vol. ii. 
 
 77 
 
 the atmosphere of the place upon Pusey's mind was an 
 mtense desire to work for positive truth. 
 
 whIrhT ''"^'":!^.^^»' ^^"'^ '" ^"^' ^^78, 'the room in Gottingen in 
 which I was sitting when the real condition of religious thought in 
 Germany flashed upon me. I said to myself, "This will all come 
 upon us in England; and how utterly unprepared for it we are'" 
 ^roni that time I determined to devote myself more earnestly to the 
 SccessfiT'"'' '' '''' " "'"' Rationalism seemed to be most 
 
 While at Gottingen, Pusey made friends with Christian 
 Bunsen, who was a Professor of Philosophy, and Librarian 
 and some years younger than Pott. When Pusey had left 
 Gottmgen, Bunsen sent him a book of manuscript notes 
 which a relative of his, P. L. Bunsen, had taken at the 
 lectures of John David Michaelis \w 1779 1. 
 
 Here also Pusey used to attend the Lutheran church 
 and he often would describe one of his experiences at 
 Its services. The preacher of the day was a Rationalist 
 and was engaged in showing- but in language which the 
 educated only would understand- the general untenableness 
 of some portion of the Gospel history. In doing this he 
 had occasion, of course, constantly to mention the Holy 
 Name of Jesus. The church was full of country-people 
 or simple townsfolk, and each time our Lord's Name 
 was mentioned they bowed their heads reverently ; ^ evi- 
 dently making each mention of our Saviour the occasion 
 of an act of devotion to Him.' Of the drift of the 
 sermon to which they were listening they had no idea • to 
 them it was ^6:x{ymg on account of the frequent mention 
 of our Saviour's Name. Pusey would frequently refer 
 to this when insisting that God overrules human error 
 so completely as, at times, to make the teachers of error 
 
 ' Pusey's * Letter to the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury/ p. 100. 
 
 * Pusey, 'Minor Prophets,' p. 510, 
 lotr. to Zechariah. 
 
 ' Michaelis had been to Gottingen 
 in the eighteenth century what Eich- 
 horn had come to be at the bej:in- 
 ning of the nineteenth. English 
 readers of the last generation were 
 introduced to Michaelis by Bishop 
 Marsh. The notes in question have 
 critical, as distinct from theological 
 
 or religious value ; they are written 
 out in a clear German hand. One set 
 is on the Book of Job, the other on the 
 two Epistles to the Corinthians. The 
 book is inscribed, 'Seinem Freunde, H. 
 Pusey, zur freundlichen Erinnerung 
 von C. Bunsen. Gottingen, am 6. Sept. 
 1825.' ^ 
 
78 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 the unintentional servants and friends of truths He 
 thought that Christian faith was kept alive in parts of 
 Lutheran Germany mainly by the hymns, which happily 
 corrected the prevalent tendencies of the pulpit. 
 
 During his visit to Gottingen, Pusey was principally 
 engaged in studying Less's work^ on Miracles. He had pro- 
 mised Newman, who was at the time writing his celebrated 
 article on Apollonius of Tyana, to give him an account 
 of Less's work ; and he redeemed his promise at very great 
 length. Less's book is chiefly valuable as a repertory of 
 facts and thoughts ready to the hand of clearer writers 
 who might follow him. Pusey's analysis of it is pains- 
 taking and apparently exhaustive ; but it is without plan 
 or method, although abounding in interesting reflections of 
 his own. In these is observable his disposition to restrict 
 the range of miracle, even in Scripture ; while he rejects 
 the miracle of the African confessors who spoke without 
 tongues, and considers the eruption of fire at the Temple 
 of Jerusalem a natural phenomenon. The letter concludes 
 with a reference to the new parish church of St. Clement's, 
 Oxford, in building which Newman was at that time greatly 
 interested. 
 
 From Gottingen Pusey went on to Berlin. He carried 
 with him introductions which secured for him the hisfh 
 advantage of an acquaintance with Schleiermacher, and the 
 friendship of Dr. Friedrich Strauss. Berlin, however, had 
 another and a more personal attraction for Pusey. He had 
 made Tholuck's acquaintance in Oxford, in the early part 
 of the year ; but the close friendship which united them for 
 long afterwards dates from Pusey's first visit to Berlin. 
 
 Augustus Tholuck, the son of a goldsmith at Breslau, 
 was born March 30, 1799. In early life he devoted him- 
 self to the Oriental languages, and with this object re- 
 moved to Berlin, where he was kindly assisted by the 
 Prelate von Diez, whose name will be well known to 
 
 Berlin — Tholuck. jg 
 
 readers of Goethe. In boyhood he had an active repue- 
 nance to religion : 'at the age of twelve,' he writes, ' I was 
 wont to scoff at Christianity and its truths'.' When he 
 left the Gymnasium at Berlin he read a paper on the 
 superiority of Mohammedanism to Christianity. From 
 this condition he was rescued through the influence of 
 the excellent Baron von Kottwitz, a pious Lutheran of 
 advanced years, who was the centre of an Evangelical 
 circle at Berlin. His mental and theological life was 
 more powerfully shaped by Neander^. Henceforth his 
 rich intellectual gifts, his fervid temperament, his strenuous 
 will were consecrated to Christian work ; he had a ri-ht 
 at the jubilee of his degree of Licentiate, in 187c, to make 
 Zinzendorf's saying his own,-' I have but one enthusiasm ; 
 It IS He, only He \' Tholuck throughout his mature life 
 was first of all, a believing practical Christian, and then 
 a theologian. But he was a theologian of such great 
 accomplishments as to be in many other senses highly 
 cultured. He learnt languages with great facility. He 
 could speak, not only the languages of modern Europe 
 with fluency, but also Persian and Arabic. People even 
 compared him in this respect with Cardinal Mezzofanti. 
 He had been an experienced traveller; he had great 
 powers of conversation ; and he was welcome everywhere 
 m German society. But he was before all things, as has 
 been said, a man for whom theology was the expression of 
 truths that lay nearest to his heart. His commentaries 
 on the Romans, on St. John, on the Hebrews, on the 
 Sermon on the Mount, and on the Psalms, have long 
 been known to English readers : of his other works, that 
 on Prophecy is perhaps the best, as it certainly was the 
 most prized by Pusey *. 
 When Pusey reached Berlin, Tholuck was an ' extra- 
 
 * Of this experience he must have 
 been thinkinij in * Theol. of Germ./ 
 part I, p. 179, note. 
 
 « ' Wahrheit der Christl. Rel.* von 
 Dr. Gottfried Less. Gottingen, 1785, 
 vol. ii. dritt. Abschn. pp. 177-472. 
 
 Thouck, 'Exp. of Epistle to 
 Komans. Eng. transl., Edinb. 1842. 
 vol. 1. pref. p. xiii. 
 
 • ^nl\^ ^^^"^^ ^^ '^'s ^^PPy change 
 m Tholuck is seen in his work, which 
 
 went through eight editions, 'Die 
 
 Lehre von der Siinde und vom Ver- 
 
 sohner, oder die wahre Weihe des 
 Zweiflers,' 1823. 
 
 ' 'Ich habe nur eine Passion, und 
 die ist Er, nur Er.' 
 
 * * Die Propheten und ihre Weis- 
 sagungen,' Gotha, 1861. 
 
8o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 ordinary/ i.e. supplementary, professor of theology there. 
 He was appointed six years previously in the place of 
 De Wette. De Wctte had been dismissed from his chair 
 by the King for writing a letter of condolence to the mother 
 of C. L. Sand, the murderer of Kotzebue. At the time 
 of this appointment Tholuck was only twenty ; and only 
 twenty-six when Pusey first visited Berlin. He had just 
 returned from the visit to England, during which he had 
 met Pusey at Oxford. While in England he had also 
 publicly expressed his distress at the indefinite and negative 
 tendencies of Protestant theology in Germany. These 
 remarks had been reproduced in Berlin, and, as a conse- 
 quence, he was already an object of great hostility to the 
 Rationalistic party. Tholuck's welcome to Pusey was hearty 
 in the extreme. He was overwhelmed with work that had 
 accumulated during his absence. But he offered to read 
 German authors with Pusey daily, to lend him books, or to 
 be of any possible service to him. He * was but expressing 
 his gratitude for the kindness he had experienced in Eng- 
 land.' Pusey however valued him not only, or chiefly, for his 
 personal kindness, but for himself. * With no one,' he used 
 to say, *were my best hopes for Protestant Germany so 
 bound up as with Tholuck.' 
 
 Frederic Ernest Daniel Schleiermacher was in 1825 the 
 most commanding figure in the religious world of Berlin, 
 and indeed in Protestant Germany. Born in 1 768, he was 
 now fifty-seven years of age, and at the height of his repu- 
 tation. His many-sidedness and breadth of culture were 
 remarkable even in the Berlin of sixty years ago. He was 
 distinguished in philosophy, in philology, in general litera- 
 ture, in political science. In philosophy he had close 
 affinities with Fichte, whose system he combined with 
 elements taken from Jacobi and Schelling ; he was intellec- 
 tually indebted to Spinoza. He had translated, with rare 
 success, a large part of Plato ; and Plato has left his mark 
 not merely in Schleiermacher's philosophy, but on his 
 theology. But he had a freshness and originality that was 
 all his own, and nearly all the more active minds in Germany 
 
 Berlin—Schleiermacher, 3, 
 
 of his own or a younger generation who were en^a^ed in 
 theology were directly or indirectly influenceTby h ^ t 
 js sufficient to name Twesten, Lucke, Usteri, BaumgTrten 
 
 diffe^ren' ^'Te ^^ ' t' ^"'^^^^"' ^--^' -^' - ^ wS ly 
 remarkable for their clearness and precision of statement 
 
 .gh ted up by much brilliant eloquence. His short ta^ure 
 h.s long white hair and beard, his keen eyes, his v7va Uv of 
 manner added to the general effect of his teacl^nr^L^^^ 
 mstmctively viewed as something more than a^scien tfic 
 theo ogian ; men treated him as in some sense a prophe 
 
 Of Schleiermacher's earlier theological works published 
 when he was not more than thirty years of 'age h^ 
 
 Discourses on Religion' and his ^Monologues' a!e the 
 
 most noteworthy. His sermons were disLguished by 
 
 heir elegance, their pointedness, their persuasivLss thet 
 
 Those ' It; "''" ''^'^ '^^ ^'^^^ ^-^"-^ consis ency 
 
 Those, says W. von Humboldt, ' who may have read L 
 
 herd^rs'^'r ^"^ ^^ '''^''''''^ ^"^^^^ ^~ 
 w th the 1 r ' ""' — rtheless remain unacquainted 
 with the most rare power and the most remarkable qualities 
 
 feeling which seemed not so much to be enlightened by one 
 of the rarest intellects, as to move side by side with ^t in 
 perfect unison V He was not, however, ajys able to resi t 
 
 ues S'"" ,^^.P^--^^^^>^ -forcing some opinio^ 
 questionable religious value, which was already popular 
 w th his audience. He knew well how to make the mos 
 
 BerlinT'^''^'""'^- """""^ "^^ ^^-^ --Pation of 
 Berhn his sermons were a political force ; their vigour and 
 
 bo dness earned for him the character of a devotelpatHot 
 He contributed not a little, by a single sermon, to the 
 victorious campaign against France in 18132. i^'.g,, ^^ 
 published his most considerable theological work, ' The 
 
 t^als?T'^^R!;'i^^^^^^ ;Characte.Uge. etc. aus de. Leben 
 
 ^e^ the .uoution uL Eile.. ^Sl^^^^^^r^^^iiit- 
 
 G 
 
 li 
 
82 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 lij 
 
 Christian Faith according to the principles of the Evan- 
 gelical Church/ which was intended to promote the Royal 
 scheme of fusing the Lutheran and Reformed bodies in 
 Prussia into a single communion. 
 
 In 1825 Schleiermacher was lecturing on the Acts of the 
 Apostles; in 1826, when Pusey visited Berlin a second time, 
 on St. Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians and Galatians 
 and the * principles of practical theology/ Pusey eagerly 
 attended these lectures ; and it was the latter course which 
 especially impressed him. Schleiermacher received him 
 very kindly in private ; and corresponded with him after 
 his return to England. 
 
 Pusey often spoke in later life of his intercourse with 
 Schleiermacher, and would describe him as a man of great 
 earnestness and genius, who was feeling his way back 
 from rationalism towards positive truth. Schleiermacher 
 was ' that great man, who, whatever be the errors of his 
 system, has done more than any other (some very few 
 perhaps excepted) for the restoration of religious belief 
 in Germany ^* Not that Pusey was mistaken as to the 
 actual amount or kind of belief which Schleiermacher had 
 reached at the time of their intercourse. In the autumn 
 of 1826 Pusey writes to Bishop Lloyd : — 
 
 *From Schleiermacher I hear that he intends to publish a com- 
 mentary on the whole of the Epistles of St. Paul next October. 
 Scholarship and thought may be expected from the translator of 
 Plato ; but of Christianity no more than is consistent with Pantheism. 
 His system is very difficult to understand ; but in some sermons his view 
 of the Atonement seems the ordinary Socinian one ; [his view] of the 
 Divinity of Christ, that the Deity, who is in some measure displayed 
 in every human being, was in a larger measure . . . revealed in 
 Him.' 
 
 But Pusey gradually learnt to distinguish between 
 Schleiermacher's actual belief and the direction in which, 
 upon the whole, his mind was moving. Even Schleiermacher's 
 mistakes were sometimes allied to the upward tendency 
 of his thought. If he erred in making feeling alone the 
 scat of religion in the soul, he was opposing the narrow 
 
 1 *Theol. Germ.' i. 115, note. 
 
 Berlin— Schleiermacher, 3 
 
 academical tendency to treat rev€^:,UA .^v • 
 a subject for phf.LphicaT dSl „ tThe^TS^^^ 
 tendency to resolve ft into mere moralitv f! r 
 over, with Schleiermacher did not m^f ^.i!^!"^' "°"- 
 but the focus of spiritual life Z ^^IxT T.^T'"''''' 
 affection, and endeavour. The chareT of pinl "^'*' 
 which Schleiermacher's earlier Ss are e^.o"'!; '*' 
 certainly not without foundation ; but t L nguaT^hich 
 may appear to justify it was provoked by Ws v^tnt 
 recoil from the cold deistic conception of . cJ T 
 although personal, is too remote from th^ m ' '"^°' 
 
 Himself with the affairs of men Tf in hT I ""T 
 first Fni«tl^ t^ T- .1. " "'^ works on the 
 
 nrst tpistle to T.mothy and the Gospel of St Lnk. • 
 
 reverence for' he Bbf '^^ T' ^^"^^'^^ ^" '— "^ 
 both in his GlaubenSre ^ ^^^.rS^Z:;::^: 
 tZ :: ^^ Y'^' '■" "'^^'°" *« '^^ histoi of he wSd 
 
 the clir? ^""'' '^ """'^ '"compatiblLith anrbtt 
 the Catholic Creed respecting His Person and His Work 
 
 dwd tsfupt tf"^'^ °' Schleiermacher, PuseTts 
 
 thTn on .,, ^ P*'""°" ^^'"^ ^^ ^^'"^»y occupied 
 
 han on the d.rect.on in which he was movin<. he was 
 
 .nd gnant when Bretschneider classed Schleiermacher wTth 
 
 TS^-^^^^ ^'-^^^ '•- theThtloX 
 
 ciimg or Megel . The injustice of Bretschneider'*, 
 
 view appears from the (T^ct ^hL c ui • ^^""^^^^^^^^^^ ^ 
 
 r.i,;i^o u- I 1 ^^ ^^^^ Schleiermacher. whose 
 
 J. B Mozley m another, Pusey always distrusted philo 
 y, wnetner that of Scripture or of the Primitive 
 
 • '^Z°'^il':ZT^l'^,ly^:-^^^'«^o,r.,^ to i. an introduction. 
 
 G a 
 
84 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 i 
 
 j. 
 
 ! 
 
 Church. Schleiermacher s theory, which makes religion 
 consist altogether in a feeling of dependence on God- 
 exaggerated though it was — powerfully appealed to ele- 
 ments in Pusey's character ; and it is even probable that 
 Pusey owed the beginnings of some prominent features of 
 his devotional life to his intercourse with Schleiermacher. 
 Schleiermacher had begun his theological studies in the 
 Moravian College at Niesky; and although he withdrew 
 from this community on going to Halle, he always referred 
 gratefully to the training in piety for which he was in- 
 debted to it. The Moravian devotion to our Lord's 
 Passion in detail— to His Blood, to His Five Wounds, to 
 His Bloody Sweat, to the piercing of His Side, to the 
 print of the nails— had been bitterly criticized by Bengel 
 during Zinzendorf's lifetime; but it remains an essential 
 feature of the Moravian piety. When Pusey afterwards 
 discovered it in the * Paradise of the Christian soul,' he was 
 at home with a devotion which had long ago been at 
 least implicitly recommended to him by Schleiermacher ^ 
 As a young man, he was chiefly attracted by the 
 remarkable book in which Schleiermacher essays to pro- 
 vide for the wants of theological students^. It had a 
 *few great defects': but it was also 'full of important 
 principles and comprehensive views,* and it would, he 
 thought, form ' a new era in theology ^.' This he explained 
 to mean, not an era in which new truths would be dis- 
 covered, but in which old truths would be more accurately 
 appreciated *. In his later life he used especially to refer 
 to Schleiermacher as the utterer of maxims which it was 
 useful to bear in mind. One such is given in the work 
 already referred to. *The endeavour to introduce philo- 
 
 Berltn —Neander. 
 
 85 
 
 * During his tour of 17 19 Zinzen- 
 dorf saw an Ecce Homo at Diissel- 
 dorf which made a deep impression 
 on him. Below the painting were 
 the words, * This have I done for 
 thee ; what hast thou done for Me ? ' 
 Dr. Pusey more than once mentioned 
 being deeply impressed while in 
 Germany by an ' Ecce Homo ' with 
 this very inscription. It was, probably, 
 
 the same picture. See Hagenhach, 
 German Rationalism, p. 131, Eng. 
 transl. On the tendencies to Rome 
 absurdly imputed to Zinzendorf, ibid, 
 p. 153. 
 
 2 'Kurze Darstellung des Theol. 
 Studiums." It has since been trans- 
 lated into English. Edinb. 1850. 
 
 ' * Tbeol. of Geim.' L 115, ii. 89. 
 
 * Ibid. ii. 90. 
 
 sophical systems into theology is generally at variance 
 ""I, u^T^'^' -nterpretation of Scripture V Another 
 wh,ch he had taken down in lecture at Beriin, ran this 
 Nobody would nowadays care to study the Canon of 
 Scnpture except from dislike of revealed religion, unless 
 he studied ,t from a love of the truth which ft contains^ 
 This maxim Pusey repeated more than once in conversa- 
 tion even m the last year of his life. 
 
 At Beriin Pusey also made the acquaintance of the 
 Church histonan Augustus Meander. Neander was in the 
 
 o^th A '''"■•'^"" ^^^" °' ^^'- "^ -- lecturing 
 on the Charactensfcs of the Apostolic Age,' and on an 
 Introduction to the Fathers. 
 Already this fertile writer had published separate works 
 on the Gnostic systems, on the writings of Tertullian, on 
 the Emperor Juhan and his times, on St. Chrysostom 
 on St. Bernard and his age. More recently he had 
 produced his excellent Memorabilia of the History 
 of Christianity. The first volume of his greatest but 
 unhappily unfinished, work, the ' General History of the 
 Christian Religion and Church,' was on the eve of it! 
 appearance ^ It was afterwards brought to a standstill at 
 the Pontificate of Boniface VHI. by the author's failing 
 eyesight. Despite the earnest Christian spirit which 
 breathes throughout it, Neander, as in later years Pusey 
 hought was governed by some unwarranted assump- 
 Uons which did much to impair the value of his work 
 Venting under the influence of that strong recoil from 
 the arid orthodox Lutheranism of the seventeenth century 
 which was so largely shared by many of the best minds 
 of the day, Neander read into the early history of the 
 Church an anticipation of that ' ossification and external- 
 uation of Christian faith and life which had actually 
 followed upon the Reformation in Lutheran Germany =■. 
 
 Uem,.- i. , „, ^X^- «'• I"- ^'''°'- ^''" ''"o™ >n this country, such as 
 in, uct. i«. 1825. ^eplytoStraussJoUowedatalaterdate. 
 
 — -\ 
 
86 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Neander's genuine kindliness, his solid learning, his 
 tender piety, his vivid enthusiasm, made him a general 
 favourite; and Pusey certainly would not have shared 
 his American friend Dwight's objection to a German 
 professor on the score of slovenliness. Writing to Pusey 
 in November, 1841, Neander refers to 'the relations in 
 which you stood to me here, and the Christian communion 
 between us, which, as I trust, cannot be lessened by some 
 theological differences.' 
 
 It was during this visit also that Pusey first made the 
 acquaintance of E. W. Hengstenberg,for whom he retained 
 a warm affection throughout life. Hengstenberg was two 
 years younger than Pusey ^ ; but as a Licentiate, of twenty- 
 three, he was already lecturing on the Psalms, the Chaldee 
 portions of Daniel, and the history of the Hebrews. 
 Although Pusey came to think that Hengstenberg s judg- 
 ment was at times seriously at fault, even in his great work 
 on the * Christology of the Old Testament,* he would refer 
 to him, together with Tholuck, as perhaps the most believing 
 of the German minds with which he had come into close 
 
 contact. 
 
 Hengstenberg was from the first on intimate relations 
 with Pusey: he bought and kept books for his English 
 friend after Pusey's first German visit, and acted the part 
 of a friendly correspondent at the headquarters of German 
 literature. On the other hand, a year afterwards, we 
 find Pusey endeavouririg, at Hengstenberg's request, to 
 interest Newman in the Evangelical Church Gazette, 
 a periodical'-^ of which Hengstenberg had then become 
 editor. And for long years afterwards, whenever an 
 Oxford friend might have returned from Berlin, Pusey's 
 question was, invariably, * Did you see or hear anything 
 of Hengstenberg ? ' 
 
 At Berlin, too, Pusey fell in with the young American, 
 already mentioned, who, like himself, was endeavouring 
 
 ' Bom at Frondenberg, Oct. 20, 
 1803 ; * Hengst. Lebea uud Werke,' 
 by Bachmann, i. 13. 
 
 « On its objects, see Hengstenberg's 
 * Leben und Werke,' ii. 15. 
 
 Return to Oxford— Sense of Vocation. 87 
 
 to make acquaintance with the language and literature 
 of Germany. Mr. Dwight was in weak health, and this 
 enlisted Pusey's sympathy ; but he was withal active and 
 enterprising, and was interested especially in the religious 
 aspects of German life. In his letters to Pusey he de- 
 scribes the Berlin professors with the unreserve and 
 audacity of a young man, or perhaps, it may be said of 
 a young American. 'Neander was a sloven.' 'Strauss 
 was a boor-a very good man, but not half so much 
 a gentleman as one of our Indians.' ' Marheineke was a 
 great puff-ball.' Of Schleiermacher and Tholuck he writes 
 in more respectful terms. Dwight remained in Germany 
 throughout the winter of 1825-6, and told Pusey from 
 time to time what was going on. On the death of Pro- 
 fessor Knappe at Halle, Tholuck was chosen to succeed 
 him ; and Dwight describes a ceremony which would have 
 interested Pusey, from its relation to persons with whom 
 he was already acquainted. Writing from Berlin on 
 March 19, 1826, he states that Tholuck 
 
 'was initiated a few days since Schleiermacher, Tholuck and 
 
 that great puff-ball, Marheineke, delivered addresses in La^^ I en 
 deavoured to squeeze in through the crowd, but found it impossible 
 and can only say that the two former are said to have acquitted them- 
 selves in fine style. The latter, I am told, sat like the Pope, as if not 
 only the Church but the New Jerusalem, was resting on his shoulders. 
 It took one of the students many minutes to let out a small part of the 
 disgust which he felt on seeing and hearing him. ... 
 
 ' Tholuck leaves here in a short time for Halle, where he will have 
 an opportunity of measuring swords with Gesenius and Wegscheider '.' 
 
 Pusey returned to Oxford in the middle of October. 
 At no time had he doubted, in his own phrase, 'what 
 to do with the life which God had given him.' Never 
 had any other ideal of the future presented itself to his 
 imagination, as a boy or a young man, as a serious rival 
 to that which was offered by the Sacred Ministry of the 
 Church. 
 
 Wecscheider was at this time the 
 most considerable repjesentative of 
 the older Rationalism in Beilin. As 
 
 Tholuck said, with truth and humour, 
 he was the Dogmatist of Rationalism. 
 
88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 il* 
 
 * 1 have no idea,' he said to a friend in 1878, 'how the purpose of 
 taking Holy Orders came into my mind. I know that nothing was said 
 about it at home. But I remember an elder cousin, Arundel I5ouverie, 
 afterwards Archdeacon, raising the question of a profession when I 
 was about nine years old. I said to him in the language of a boy, 
 "Oh! I shall be a clergyman." He asked "Why?" I said, "Be- 
 cause it is the best thing to do." From this I have never swerved.* 
 
 Pusey had hoped to be ordained Deacon in December, 
 1825. The family living of Fawkham in Kent was to have 
 been presented to him at the next vacancy. It became vacant 
 in 1828, and in the following year his friend Mr. Salwey 
 was presented to it by the patron. 
 
 *I must of necessity,' he writes to Mr. Salwey in 1832, * be much 
 interested in your success with your people, as I once thought the care 
 of them would be the object of my own life.' 
 
 Forty years later he wrote to the same correspondent : — 
 
 *How changed things have been since those Christ Church days ! 
 You have had the lot which had been always my ideal. My life has 
 been passed amidst storms. It matters not, so that the shore is won 
 at last.' 
 
 This, which may be termed the original plan of Pusey's 
 life, was first disturbed by his success at Oriel in April, 1823. 
 During the later months of that year he was reading for 
 the Latin Essay, and his mind was distracted by other 
 work which duty to the college appeared to prescribe. 
 He was indeed constantly thinking of ordination; he 
 attended Dr. Lloyd's lectures by way of preparation for 
 it. But if he still looked forward to clerical life, it was 
 now to clerical life in Oxford, and whea in 1824 Newman 
 was ordained Deacon, and became, through Pusey's sugges- 
 tion, Curate of St. Clement's Church, Pusey entered into his 
 work and plans with the utmost interest ^ 
 
 It was even arranged that Pusey, when ordained upon 
 his college title, should join his friend as a second Curate 
 at St. Clement's. But meanwhile Pusey's correspondence 
 with Z., and his project of refuting Dupuis, had given 
 
 * *I remember,' he said in 1874, fused to see him, and shut the door 
 * that the first sick person that against him. Newman persevered. 
 Newman visited at St. Clement's re- The man died penitent.' 
 
 9^ 
 
 Reasons for delaying Ordination. 89 
 
 his plans, which were always religious, a new turn. 
 The duty of the hour, if not on his own account, yet 
 for the sake of others, was to make good the claims of 
 Christianity against infidel opponents. The horizon of 
 questions to be answered, of subjects to be explored was 
 widening too rapidly in Pusey's mind to allow him to 
 prepare as yet for ordination. He read Less, that he 
 might answer Dupuis : he learnt German that he might 
 read the untranslated part of Less : he went to Germany 
 that he might learn the language thoroughly, and might 
 discover how questions could be solved which Less had 
 suggested to him, but had not answered. He had hoped 
 to present himself for ordination at Christmas, 1825 His 
 German tour had resulted in an important change of plan. 
 Writing to Mr. Salwey in November he observes :— 
 
 'You will be surprised to hear that 1 have come to the resolution, 
 after considerable and sometimes painful deliberation, to delay fo^ 
 
 "^Z^T '""' '"'' f '"« '"'" °'^"^- ^y ^'"'^ to Germany has 
 opened to me a new Ime of professional study ; and though I know 
 
 a chit V :V/ "' ^"^ "'' '° ='">' °"^' y« ■' -^"''d to offeT 
 a chance which did not appear to be neglected. God grant that 
 
 « may turn out well. Yet 1 have sacrificed much immediafe coin 
 
 and happmess, which acting with Newman in his large parish would 
 
 have given me-perhaps improvement too. Yet it was incompatible 
 
 :S:'XVoZ"''::^%L^:' '""'' '"'^^ ''•^' ' -'^"^ "^ ^^- -- 
 
 He was in fact to wait two years and a half before this 
 great object of his life could be attained. 
 
 During the late autumn of 1825 Pusey thus describes 
 his occupations: — 
 
 'I am at present employed in preparing to examine the evidence for 
 the books of the Old Testament, but it requires a good deal of pre- 
 paration ; since I have neariy forgotten the little Hebrew I ever knew 
 And I have besides Chaldee and Syriac to learn. Do not mention my 
 employments to any one ; you see I have abundance to do.' 
 
 At the beginning of Lent Term, 1826, Pusey went into 
 rooms ,n Oriel College. The set which he occupied was 
 on the middle floor in the corner of the college nearest 
 to Canterbury Gate, Christ Church ; the bedroom window 
 
90 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 looked towards Corpus, the sitting-room towards Christ 
 Chufch. His friends, who anticipated high office in the 
 Church for a man of Pusey's station, character, and industry, 
 used to say jokingly, * You are looking towards Canterbury.' 
 When telling the story to a friend shortly before his death 
 he added an expression of deep thankfulness to Almighty 
 God for * His great goodness in sparing me any such trial as 
 
 a Bishopric* 
 
 In the first week of Hilary Term, 1826, the University 
 was distracted by a contested election. Mr. Richard Heber 
 had resigned his seat in Parliament ; Mr. T. G. B. Estcourt 
 of Corpus Christi College and Sir C. Wetherell of Magdalen 
 College were candidates for the honour of representing 
 the University. Pusey's political sympathies were Liberal : 
 but he cared more for character than for political opinions. 
 This will explain his view of the merits of the candidates ; 
 and the following letter possesses an interest which is inde- 
 pendent of its political value. Pusey is writing to Parker, 
 and hopes that the approaching election will at any rate 
 have the effect of bringing him up to Oxford. 
 
 *Feb. 5, 1826. 
 * About the result of the election, I own I do not care much. If 
 Mr. Estcourt is elected we shall have a thoroughly respectable country 
 gentleman, of respectable talents also; if Sir C. Wetherell, the 
 University will be justly punished for the slight it has offered to one 
 of the most distinguished statesmen of his day, one who has done 
 much for his country, and unquestionably the first of her own members. 
 You, however, may in heart* be one of the delinquents who would have 
 excluded Canning, and therefore think yourself bound to make repara- 
 tion by excluding a man who shifted his party in the most disgraceful 
 manner from the extreme of Toryism to the most offensive Radicalism, 
 sought the defence of Watson as a source of annoyance, and defended 
 the late Queen, as the tenderest part he could wound; and though 
 he is now Ministerial and anti-Catholic, might, I suppose, become 
 the reverse as soon as it became his interest to do so. I have no 
 inclination, however, to write Philippics against Sir C. W. The shame 
 which I should feel as a member of the University, at his election, 
 would be much mitigated, perhaps have some little enjoyment of 
 p€fxe(risy at the result. By revisiting Oxford at this time you might 
 perhaps see many whom you would not otherwise easily meet again, 
 though indeed I should rather suspect the assemblage will not be very 
 great, since it is a negative contest, there being dislike on one side 
 
 Jeif tutor to Prince George of Cumberland, 91 
 
 and indifference on the other. Here (at Oriel), however, they are 
 very warm ; the Provost has been particularly active, partly perhaps 
 because a son of Mr. E., who was here (after you probably), was 
 a great favourite. Peel has said that if the University were to have 
 a country gentleman they could not have a better person. Here you 
 will find staying, of those you know, probably me alone, who am also 
 ultimus meorum. Enough of this. Jelf's appointment is too full of 
 prospects of extensive utility and comfort to himself for me not to feel 
 grateful for it. I need not say that (now that I am at last within 
 college walls) I shall expect, if you come, that you will sleep within my 
 rooms. I know not what your avocations are. The election will be 
 in about ten days probably.' 
 
 In the event Mr. Estcourt was returned as the colleague 
 of Sir Robert Peel. The brief interval of political fever 
 being over, Oxford residents returned to the subjects which 
 generally occupied them. 
 
 Oriel, and Pusey in particular, were greatly interested 
 in the fortunes of another member of the society, R. W. 
 Jelf. After an offer to Newman, which has been humor- 
 ously described and discussed by Mr. T. Mozley\ Dr. 
 Lloyd had offered to Jelf the post of tutor to Prince 
 George of Cumberland. To Pusey this appointment was 
 at once a satisfaction and a sorrow. He was losing the 
 companionship of his oldest friend. He was overjoyed at 
 the wide prospects of usefulness which were opening before 
 one who was, he believed, so capable of making the most 
 of them. The letter of introduction to his American friend, 
 Mr. H. E. Dwight, is couched in the warmest terms of 
 regard for Jelf and appreciation of his high abilities—* I 
 need not say, far superior to my own,'— and concludes with 
 a characteristic postscript, ' It has just occurred to me that 
 I have not told you my friend's name. It is "Jelf"; he is 
 in Orders.' 
 
 Pusey's Old Testament studies were for a short time 
 interrupted by a work which he began under the sanction, 
 if not at the suggestion, of Dr. Lloyd. This was a trans- 
 lation of Hug's * Introduction to the New Testament.' Hug, 
 who was for many years a Theological Professor at the 
 
 1 < 
 
 Oriel College and the Oxford Movement,' and ed., i. 33, 34. 
 
 II 
 
92 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 . M 
 
 HHT 
 
 Catholic University of Freiburg-im-Breisgau, and who in 
 March 1846 died as Dean of Freiburg Cathedral, was 
 already well known to Europe as one of the acutest critics 
 of the naturalistic school of criticism. His method was 
 severely historical : his quarrel with Paulus and other 
 writers was chiefly on the score of their arbitrariness. 
 The library of Freiburg furnished him with but scanty 
 materials for his projected * Introduction,' so he employed 
 his vacations in the troubled years of 1798-1801 in visit- 
 ing those of Vienna, Munich, and Paris. In 1808 his 
 ' Introduction ' appeared ; it ran through four editions ; 
 and was hailed as a solid contribution to Biblical studies 
 by Protestant as well as Roman Catholic theologians. 
 The book had already been translated into French some 
 six years before ; and there were sufficient reasons for 
 putting it into the hands of the English public. Pusey, 
 however, had not made much way in his work when he 
 discovered that he had been anticipated by a Cambridge 
 scholar, Dr. Wait, the Rector of Blagdon in Somersetshire. 
 He explains his abandonment of the task when writing to 
 
 Dr. Lloyd in June: — 
 
 *June 10, 1826. 
 
 * If you have looked at Rivington's last catalogue you will have seen 
 the untimely end of my translation of Hug. Every employment gains 
 so much on one, by the mere pursuing it, that I abandoned it with 
 some regret ; but I found that Dr. Wait had made considerable pro- 
 gress in his translation last October ; that he is going to publish it with 
 notes ; that he has been for years residing at Cambridge for the sake 
 of books, which he seldom leaves ; that he has the reputation of being 
 a good Arabic scholar, and one of the best Syriac scholars of the age ; 
 so that 1 was glad that I had but just finished the first half-sheet of 
 my translation.' 
 
 Dr. Wait had heard that he was not alone in the field, 
 and had hurried on his work at the cost of its completeness. 
 This led Pusey to doubt whether, after all, he ought not 
 to resume his task ; a doubt which the appearance of 
 Dr. Wait's work in the summer of 1827 finally set at rest. 
 
 In June, 1 826, Oriel College celebrated the fifth centenary 
 of its foundation. It may safely be said that on no previous 
 occasion of the kind had the college contained so many 
 
 Oriel Quingentenary, qo 
 
 names destined to become celebrated. Keble, Newman, and 
 Pusey were all Fellows, and were all present. The ample 
 entertainment led Pusey to express a feeling which he 
 entertained throughout life, and which largely coloured his 
 conduct and teaching. 
 
 * When I first knew him,' said Cardinal Newman in 1882, ' he used to 
 regret the luxury of Oxford. At the centenary we had a great dinner, 
 and, among other luxuries, turtle soup. It made Pusey very angry! 
 I remember his coming to me and bursting out, " What is this stuflf That 
 they are going to give us ? " ' 
 
 That was not all. 
 
 *In those days French wines, now so common, were considered 
 a great luxury. It was proposed to have French wines at table, 
 besides port and sherry. Pusey and I agreed to oppose the plan ; 
 and we carried our point in a Fellows' meeting. But the Provost* 
 Copleston, forthwith said that he should give French wines on his 
 own account. On which Pusey said to me that Oxford seemed 
 incapable of being reformed.' 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 SECOND VISIT TO GERMANY — LECTURES AT BERLIN — 
 ARABIC STUDIES — KOSEGARTEN — LIFE AT BONN — 
 FREYTAG — LUCKE — SACK — PUSEY'S RELIGIOUS IN- 
 FLUENCE — DEATH OF YOUNGEST BROTHER— OVER- 
 WORK — DR. LLOYD, BISHOP OF OXFORD. 
 
 1826-1827. 
 
 *Ardua molimur: sed nulla, nisi ardua, virtus. 
 Difficilis nostra poscitur arte labor.' 
 
 Ovid, Ars Am. ii. 537-8. 
 
 Pusey's first visit to Germany had whetted without 
 satisfying his appetite for the studies which were now more 
 and more identified with the central purpose of his life. 
 He had been working for some time at Hebrew; and he 
 already knew that a real knowledge of Hebrew requires 
 a background of Arabic and the other cognate languages. 
 His mind was also largely at work upon those questions 
 concerning the authority and trustworthiness of the 
 Sacred Scriptures, to which a knowledge of the Oriental 
 tongues is ancillary ; and he had made up his mind that a 
 second and longer visit tp Germany was already necessary. 
 In December, 1825, he tells his brother that nothing was 
 fixed as to a second visit ; but that he thought of going in 
 June and returning in September. He had written to 
 Dwight at Berlin, asking him to ascertain from Tholuck 
 where he could best study Syriac. The purpose grew 
 steadily as the spring of 1826 advanced. It was fostered, 
 or rather brought to a practical issue, by Dr. Lloyd. In 
 Lloyd's generous conception of his own office, it was not 
 merely his duty to teach theology, but to encourage and 
 assist younger men who gave promise of theological excel- 
 lence ; and he had no doubt about Pusey. * Lloyd sent me 
 
 Lectures at Berlin. gc 
 
 to Germany,' Pusey would say in later years ; and this 
 was so far true that, but for Dr. Lloyd, the second, longer, 
 and m every way more important visit would never in all 
 probability have taken place. At last the resolution was 
 taken somewhat suddenly : although, at one moment, it 
 seemed not unlikely to be abandoned. In those days a 
 visit to Germany involved a comparatively serious separa- 
 tion from home ; and Pusey 's father was now 81 years of 
 age. He had been recently unwell ; and to leave England 
 without his entire approval could not be thought of 
 Mr. Pusey told his son that in any circumstances he should 
 be unwilling to interfere with plans designed with a view to 
 his improvement ; but that, as matters stood, there was no 
 reason, ' more than ordinary,* for remaining in England 
 
 Pusey left England on June 17th for Berlin, and soon 
 found himself among old friends. Neander was lecturing 
 on early Ecclesiastical History and the two later groups 
 of St. Paul's Epistles. Schleiermacher was setting forth 
 the Principles of Practical Theology, and explaining the 
 Epistles to the Thessalonians and the Galatians. Among 
 younger men, Hengstenberg— now an Extraordinary Prot 
 fessor— had begun to lecture on Genesis, and to give 
 private lectures in Syriac ; while Bleek and Uhlmann were 
 engaged, the first on Biblical exposition, the second on 
 Church History before the Reformation. Pusey attended 
 most of these lectures— certainly those of Schleiermacher 
 Neander, and Hengstenberg. In visiting Germany the 
 second time, ' I went,' he says, * with the double purpose 
 of acquainting myself further with the German theology 
 and of learning the cognate di^cts of Hebrew ' ; and his 
 attendance at lectures was regulated by this double object. 
 The summer of 1826 was a very warm one, and durincr 
 the latter part of the term the heat of Berlin proved 
 very trying to Pusey \ As soon as term was over he 
 escaped into the country, and took a lodging close to 
 Schonhausen, a palace belonging to the King of Prussia, 
 
 he" Js^ ^T^y^"^' ^'^^ ""^ "^^'^^^ '^' ''''^'** ^^ ^"^"° ^^^"^^^ to ^ burning/ 
 
96 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 and lent by the King, for the summer, to the Duke of 
 Cumberland. Here Jelf was hard at work as tutor to 
 Prince George ; and the Duke, with the consideration that 
 marked all his dealings with his son's instructor, suggested 
 to Jelf that his friend Pusey should live as near the palace 
 as he could. The friends, however, could only meet at 
 irregular times, as Jelf 's day was pretty well taken up. 
 
 * The hours here,' Jelf writes to Dr. Lloyd, * are very early. I dine 
 regularly with the Prince at two o'clock. Although there are usually 
 many visitors each day, yet we live on the whole quite a domestic 
 life, as the dinner parties generally break up at five or six. Every 
 evening I read to the Duke and Duchess some English book for 
 about an hour. I have at present not much time without interrup- 
 tion for my own reading, as it is expected that I should spend the 
 greatest part of the day with the Prince. ... I believe you have 
 heard from Pusey that he has taken lodgings in the same village. He 
 has received many attentions from this family, and we constantly 
 meet in our walks. He is reading very hard. So long as he is here 
 it is superfluous for me to offer my services to you for obtaining books 
 or information, but when he is gone I shall hope to be occasionally 
 useful.' 
 
 Pusey followed his friend's occupations with the closest 
 sympathy, although his own work was sufficiently exacting. 
 On reaching Berlin he had at once plunged into Syriac and 
 Chaldee, mainly, as it would seem, under the guidance of 
 Hengstenberg. When he went to Schonliausen he set to 
 work at Arabic. He had begun the language with Dr. Mac- 
 bride at Oxford, and he now engaged the services of 
 Herr Salomon Munk, who had studied Eastern languages 
 at Paris under Chezy and de Sacy, and was then living in 
 Berlin, and afterwards had a distinguished literary career 
 in Paris. 
 
 Munk used to come out from Berlin to Schonhausen five 
 times a week, and on each occasion he gave Pusey a lecture 
 of two hours' length. Pusey at this date spent from four- 
 teen to sixteen hours a day working at Arabic. The vast 
 vocabulary of that language ; the * almost endless multi- 
 plicity of meanings assigned by the dictionaries to separate 
 words ' ; the similarity of sound in many of the root-forms 
 which makes it so difficult for a beginner to distinguish 
 
 Arabic Studies. g^ 
 
 them from each other; and the ancient, varied, and exten- 
 sive literature, made a very serious effort necessary-so 
 1 usey used to say-if a man wished to be a good Arabist 
 It was worth while,' he added, ^ to be an Arabist that per * 
 chance something more might be known about the Sacred 
 Language, than would otherwise have been possible ' But 
 Pusey had to fall back again and again on this constraining 
 motive, m order to keep himself up to the prescribed 
 measure of exertion. 
 
 'The great sacrifice/ so he wrote seven years afterwards 'or „ 
 least what was to me such [in masteringALbicJ.Ttha ;;„"!: 
 employ much of the time on non-Christian literatur; which /ou would 
 have wshed to bestow on the direct study of God's Holy Word TWs 
 was to me, aga.n and again, in my course of study, mauer of pain 
 and almost hesitation and misgiving ; but, this sacn^'ce made, eve^" 
 thmg else appeared to lie in the line of duty.' ^ 
 
 But Pusey was not engaged only in the study of Oriental 
 languages. Dr. Lloyd had asked him to furnish him with 
 a complete list of the modern German commentators on 
 M. i'aul, and of the estimate which had been formed of 
 them m Germany. Two months had passed and Pusey in 
 a lengthy letter sends him the desired information, and 
 adds : — 
 
 ' Berlin, Aug. 29, 1826. 
 •Accident has brought me much nearer to Jelf than I should have 
 conceived to be possible ; but the excessive heat of Berlin, which had 
 been long oppressing me, compelling me at last to leave it, I have 
 aken a lodging at the Duke's recommendation) within 200 yards of 
 the palace in which he is living, about four English miles from Berlin. 
 The Professors with whom I was principally acquainted had previously 
 just left It, and a language-teacher gives me lectures of two hours five 
 .mes a week here, so that 1 am nearly as well off, even in this point, 
 as If m Beriin nself. This vicinity to Jelf has been particularly 
 Ratifying, ,n that I have been enabled myself to see the kindness and 
 
 Xk ,u 7" '° "" ^^ '^^ ^^"""y ^^""^''"y' ^"'l 'he real attachment 
 which the boy seems to feel towards him. . . . 
 
 dJJ'\ '"^^ "''^•'"^ °^ "''" """"'^ ^ "^" employed (after a good 
 .. ,K f'f PP°'"""«n' ^"d uncertainty) in Syriac and Chaldee 
 together (the languages being nearly the same). My Syriac instructor 
 then left me, suddenly; and I cannot find one who will be at liberty 
 VOL. I* j£ 
 
98 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I! I 
 
 before the middle of October. I have in the meantime recommenced 
 Arabic, of which I had almost forgotten the little 1 ever learnt, though 
 I have retained enough to be saved the first drudgery of a new 
 language. I am promised that if 1 continue these studies till about 
 the end of December with the assistance which I have here, besides a 
 respectable knowledge of Syriac and Chaldee with as much Rabbinic 
 as is necessary to read the best Jewish commentators, I shall have 
 sufficiently mastered the difficulties of Arabic to be able without 
 further sacrifice of time to avail myself of the aids to the interpretation 
 of the Old Testament from the cognate languages. ... 
 
 * My plan is, if you think it advisable, after continuing Arabic 
 here till towards the middle of September, to read then a more 
 difficult Syriac historian (Bar-Hebraeus) with Professor Kosegarten 
 (an eminent Orientalist) in Greifswald ; then to return here till the 
 end of November, in which time, besides assistance in Arabic and 
 Rabbinic, I shall hear (which I am anxious to hear) a solution from 
 a good theologian and Hebraist of the difficulties raised as to the 
 authenticity of the later chapters of Isaiah; and after that to spend 
 a month in Bonn, if, as I hope, I can obtain private lectures from 
 a Professor there (the first Arabic scholar in Germany), returning 
 a little before the recommencement of your lectures in the middle 
 of January. . . .* 
 
 At a later period of his stay, Dr. Lloyd commissioned 
 Tusey to make inquiries about the Catechism of Justus 
 Jonas and the text of the Augsburg Confession: on both 
 these points, Pusey sent him elaborate replies. 
 
 In September, Pusey left Schonhausen for Greifswald. 
 He was glad to escape from the heat and dust of Berlin to 
 the breezy shores of the Baltic, but he was also attracted 
 by the name of Professor Kosegarten, an Oriental scholar 
 of hieh distinction. ^ Tholuck in vain endeavoured to 
 |)ersuade him to settle at Halle. 
 
 Dr. a. Tholuck to E. B. P. 
 
 [Translated.] 
 
 Sept., 1826. 
 
 1 have a great longing to see you, my dear beloved friend. I shall 
 come to Pankow to-morrow, and I beg you to go to Prediger Weiss, 
 and let him send for me. ... I hear you want to go to Greifswald for 
 the sake of your Arabic and other studies. Will you not choose Halle 
 instead ? You can have public and private instruction from Gesenius ; 
 and if you wish for my assistance in Arabic or any other language 
 1 am willingly at your service. Your company at Halle would give me 
 
 Studies at Greifswald. gg 
 
 so much pleasure that I should readily do all I could to make your 
 v.s.t useful and agreeable. Think it over. Perhaps you will change 
 your plan and gladden me with your society at Halle. More, then 
 by word of mouth. With all my heart. v ore, tnen, 
 
 ' Yours, 
 
 A. Tholuck. 
 
 But this proposal came too late. Pusey had already made 
 his arrangements with Kosegarten ; and he set out for 
 Greifswald to read Arabic and Syriac for some weeks 
 
 Kosegarten, in whose hands he now placed himself, had 
 studied divinity at Greifswald, and then, like so many other 
 young Germans of his day, had gone to Paris to learn Eastern 
 languages from Silvestre de Sacy. After remaining in Paris 
 during the last two years of the First Empire, he returned 
 to lecture at Greifswald in philosophy, theology, and Church 
 history. But his true line was the study of language. 
 Jn i«i7 he became Professor of Oriental Languages at 
 Jena; and although in 1824 he had returned to Greifs- 
 wald as Professor of Theology, his chief interest was still 
 linguistic. 
 
 With this distinguished scholar Pu.sey read the Syriac 
 historian, Bar-Hebraeus, but he devoted most of his 
 time to Arabic. Kosegarten was at work on his Arabic 
 Chrestomathy, and he was preparing his edition of the 
 laberi Annals. In these enterprises he commanded his 
 pupil s warm sympathies. When Pusey returned to En- 
 and he enlisted subscribers for the Annals ; and he makes 
 honourable mention of both works in his continuation of 
 Or. Nicoll's Arabic Catalogue. In Arabic he read the 
 Life of Saladin with Kosegarten, who (as he tells a 
 younger friend, for his encouragement) although one of 
 the first two Arabists in Europe, often • had to turn out 
 words in the dictionary,' though he never was at fault 
 about construction. During his stay at Greifswald, Pusey 
 lived with the family of the warm-hearted professor. He 
 made great friends with his little boy, Gottfried and 
 taught him fragments of English. • The little one ' wrote 
 Kosegarten, in 1828, 'still remembers the two English 
 words, -pear" and "apple," which he learnt from you.' His 
 
 H 2 
 
lOO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 wife, his brother-in-law Gradener, his eldest boy, all looked 
 upon Pusey as a friend whom they could trust and love. 
 Pusey was too deeply indebted to Kosegarten not to regret 
 that his visit to Greifswald was necessarily so brief. 
 
 The Professor corresponded with Pusey for some years, 
 mainly on subjects connected with Arabic literature and 
 his own efforts in relation to it. He encouraged Pusey to 
 engage in a new translation of the Old Testament. That 
 he understood Pusey s deepest interests is plain from his 
 recommending the second fasciculus of the Taberi Annals 
 on the ground of its account of the first invasion of 
 Mesopotamia by the forces of IslAm, and of the sufferings 
 of the Christians. He was delighted at the completion of 
 Nicoll's Arabic Catalogue by Pusey, and warmly recom- 
 mended it in Germany; and he made considerable demands 
 upon Pusey's time in relation to the Arabic MSS. in the 
 British Museum and at Oxford. His letters are rarely 
 wanting in the domestic element and signs of mutual 
 personal interest. 
 
 After a two months' stay at Greifswald, Pusey returned 
 to Berlin in the middle of November. There he received 
 letters from Hawkins and Newman, urging him to under- 
 take for two years the duties of a tutorship at Oriel. 
 The Provost, Dr. Copleston, desired it. Promotion had 
 lately weakened the teaching staff at Oriel : Tyler had 
 become Rector of St. Giles' in theFields. Jelf was at Berlin. 
 Before writing to Pi^sey, his Oxford correspondents had 
 extracted from Dr. Lloyd some expression of opinion to 
 the effect that it would be * useful, or, at least, not unadvis- 
 able,^ for Pusey to accept the offer. Pusey was in great 
 perplexity, and wrote to Dr. Lloyd, as usual, for counsel. 
 He hoped that the College would sanction his proposal to 
 undertake a theological lectureship — as distinct from the 
 classical tutorship: otherwise he offered to resign his 
 fellowship rather than give up his Oriental studies. 
 
 In a letter to Newman, Pusey explains himself in the 
 same sense as to Dr. Lloyd, but states more fully his plans, 
 feelings, and ideas. 
 
 Offer of work at Oriel 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 101 
 
 As Hawkins will receive a letter bv the ^'''^"' "^"""'l^' '^"^' 
 „^., 4.U' . . *^^cjve a jetter by the same post which hrino-c 
 
 Zl \l '""'"'"'"^ ""= ""'>' '*° °^''' -hich, much as Iregre ft 
 under the crcumstances 1 can make, the only purport of this Te tl; 
 ■s to convey you my sincerest thanks for the kinlnes^^ of yourt fo, he 
 high grounds upon which you have rested your wish for r^y comnH 
 ance and for your friendly anticipations of the mutual invest w^h" 
 which we should act together. My letter to Hawk.ns was so filn 
 w.th other explanations that I had not room at the last to th^nk h 
 
 nd d t"'^ T"""'""^ °' ■''"'^""^ '" "■=• • do t "4 ; ^-^^"^ 
 
 and I do hope that what I have offered to undertake may be cons derTd' 
 suffiaent to enable me to act with you. I fear that you wiH particS 
 feel the conditions which I have been obliged to annex vet vouwU 
 not require theological lectures equally li.h myselfT'your'pr vl 
 .tud.es have been, and will be, more theological than mine vou .r^ 
 more m the habit of teaching other things, and have Tre 'power Tf 
 
 fu:]2L'Zt^rV''T'''' "" actually engaged LThL 
 ine laeours for Oriel, the subsequent ill-health and weakness the 
 
 "ndTd tt" "' ^''''' '"' ""'°"""="^ circumstances o' my 
 iriend, and the consequent examination of Dupuisianism the im 
 
 medrntelyensumg study of German, the subsequent appllL To 
 Heb ew, Chaldee, Syriac, and Arabic, have made my studfes t^ser^b 
 
 too n°:^' t"' ''"' "' ^' ^ '"^'''"« ^'•°'" '•'^ -- of Theolo"; You 
 o kbandn ^^"' P"?'" '''^'"^ theological, would have nothinJ 
 to abandon. If my pubhc tuition were not theological, my privlte 
 reaomg must be, and this would involve the loss of my past lab" urs 
 and how or when I could recover them I know not ; pLbably never' 
 In tng and we have no idea of the time which is usualiremployed 
 and wh,ch ought to be employed, on these languages. Hebrew i here 
 universally commenced at school, probably at fourteen Arabic fre 
 quently a year or two later, at all events at the Universi'ty we 'hfnk 
 wenty-two or twenty-three a proper time for entering on [he smdJ "f 
 he language of one portion of our Scriptui^s, and if the rest are 
 learnt at all, they necessarily follow at a sfill later period. Yet wiU 
 not weary you w.th these complaints; I only mention the sub ect n 
 my excuses. Learnt at this period, their natural difficulty of reten ion 
 ■s of course beyond measure increased; and unless I bes ow sd a 
 considerab^ port.on of time upon them, I shall infallibly lose them 
 
 at heart and only have at heart, because I hope it will be useful 
 More of this m my letter to Hawkins. ' If, however, as I protise 
 I were made Theological Lecturer, I should of course take the gXst 
 interest m the lectures, would spare no pains to make them usefu 
 and yet should probably have time to keep up in some meagre these 
 languages. This I should really like : I should be glad of some act ve 
 
I02 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 employment ; I should be glad also of the stimulus it would give to 
 my own mind ; of the opportunity it would give me of correcting my 
 miserable deficiency in expressing myself ; and not least, I can assure 
 you, to be enabled thereby to mitigate, however partially, the labours 
 of my friends. With the consciousness of these advantages, I might 
 perhaps be expected to offer more, yet no one but myself can know 
 the structure of my mind and memory, nor see how fatal my under- 
 taking more would be to my object. 1 need not tell you that I shall 
 take a deep interest in the most important, the moral, part of the 
 office — to do my best for those more especially committed to my care, 
 or to give any quantity of my time to those who attend my lectures, 
 and wish to consult me on points connected with them. . . . 
 
 I hope that I need not say that I should introduce no German 
 Theology into my lectures ; and on points upon which I should have 
 any difficulties 1 know my colleagues and Dr. Lloyd would be ready 
 to give me their advice, and I should certainly consult them. I should 
 also of course combine the reading of the best, the most orthodox, and 
 most right-minded of our own divines. 
 
 You will be glad to hear that I am satisfied on some points, on 
 which I have mentioned to you that I did not see my way clearly— 
 such as the genuineness of the whole of Daniel, and the application to 
 our Saviour of some of the Psalms— to which I before saw difficulties. 
 My having felt these difficulties will not probably be an objection to 
 my being entrusted with the office I propose, as had they not been 
 removed, God forbid that 1 should ever have unsettled the opinion of 
 another upon them. 
 
 I have not been able to execute your commission about the Fathers 
 in* the manner in which I wished. The only two I have yet purchased 
 are Chrysostom (Francf.), 1 2 vols., I think, for ^3 ; Theodoret, £,\ 4^. (at 
 Bohn, ^5 5^.). An auction, however, is approaching in which I shall 
 probably bid for Coteler. Patr. Apostol., Clem. Alex. (Sylb.), Tertullian 
 (Rigalt), Hist. Eccl. (Vales.), Greg. Naz. (Col.), Cyril Jerus. (Milles, 
 Oxon), Cyprian (Joann. Ep., Oxon), Opt^tus (Paris), Jerome (Fref. u. 
 M.), Irenaei fragm. anecdot. ed. Pfaff, and possibly Augustine (Bened.), 
 but your namesake here is so anxious to possess it, and some of his 
 pupils to give it him, that if they collect sufficient to purchase it, as 
 you do not immediately want it, I must give it up to them. As Jelf 
 will probably remain some time here, there will probably be many 
 other opportunities of procuring it. I also bid for a Plotinus for you, 
 and some smaller Fathers. Should you not wish for some of these 
 purchases, some I should very readily keep myself, others I could 
 easily exchange *. I rejoice to hear that you are learning Hebrew, and 
 that you already relish it. I need not say that I shall be glad to give 
 you any assistance in my power. I even think, if my other offer is 
 
 * Newman is probably referring to 
 these purchases in his * Letters and 
 Correspondence,' i. 169 : 'The fathers 
 
 are arrived all safe. Huge fellows 
 they are, but very cheap. One folio 
 cost a shilling.' Oct. 18, 1837. 
 
 Reasons for declining. 
 
 103 
 
 accepted, of proposing a voluntary Hebrew lecture, if approved of, 
 within the College, as I think many might come to me who would be 
 alarmed at going to NicoU ; but I must feel my way and my strength 
 first, as I should give a good deal of time to the preparation of the 
 other lectures : teaching, however, is one of the best ways of acquiring 
 accuracy in a language, as indeed in everything. You will be glad to 
 hear that Jelf has finally determined upon learning it also ; and the 
 final formation of his resolution was owing to your letter. 
 
 I had almost forgotten to say that the only part of my letter to 
 Hawkins about which Jelf hesitated, was my offer under any circum- 
 stances to resign my Fellowship. I told him that I did not think, as 
 I had guarded it, that it could be misconstrued into anything but a 
 sincere wish that if I could not serve Oriel by my presence, but could 
 by vacating my Fellowship to one who could, that, however I should 
 regret the bond which joins us, for the sake of Oriel I should wish to 
 do it. I do not think this a nugatory offer, and if the College will be 
 better served thus than by my undertaking the Theological depart- 
 ment, I myself entreat it may be done. 
 
 In this state of uncertainty, if my rooms are changed, pray let 
 
 ... be informed that he is on no account to abate a single penny in 
 his valuation of furniture to be paid for by a Fellow, as he is reported 
 to have stated to Des Voeux it has been his practice to do. . . . 
 
 Would you have the kindness to ask Dornford to be so good as to 
 pay for me, if he has any money of mine, ^5 5J., or if there is any 
 larger donation than this at Oxford, ;£io loj., to the Christian Know- 
 ledge Society Schools in India, and £2 2s. annually, or if there is any 
 larger subscription, more. . . . 
 
 Pray express my sincere regrets to Ogilvie that I have accidentally 
 proved thus unworthy and useless a Secretary to the Society for the 
 Propagation of the GospeP. If, however, I am continued, I will 
 endeavour to be more efficient next year. 
 
 This letter faintly expresses what I mean, but I am wearied by the 
 sleeplessness of the last nights. . . . 
 
 The answer to this proposal reached Pusey at Bonn. 
 He waited for it with an anxiety which he does not disguise 
 from Newman. Jelf had encouraged him to hope that 
 the answer would be favourable ; and he pictured to himself 
 the satisfaction of 'at last commencing an active life,' of 
 improving himself by having to teach others vivd voce, 
 and 'possibly of amending the ill habits which I early 
 
 * It is to be noticed that Newman's 
 interest was at this time enlisted in 
 the work of the Church Missionary 
 Society; he was elected the Oxford 
 
 Secretary of this Society in 1829. 
 'Letters and Correspondence of J. II, 
 N.,' i. 143, 215. 
 
I04 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 and imperceptibly contracted, of a broken and indistinct 
 delivery.' The Fellows of Oriel, however, did not entertain 
 his proposal favourably. They wanted a classical tutor ; 
 and as Pusey was not to be had, they were considering the 
 claims of Mr. Hurrell Froude and Mr. R. I. Wilberforce. 
 Pusey was much disappointed. ' The lectures/ he wrote to 
 Newman, ' are in better hands ; though I again sink into 
 practical inactivity, without at present a prospect of altering 
 It.' As he was still working at Arabic fourteen hours 
 a day, his * practical inactivity ' was not so serious a calamity 
 as the expression might seem to suggest. In reply to a 
 gentle rebuke from Newman for low spirits, from which he 
 supposed Pusey to be still suffering, Pusey adds :— 
 
 ITU 1 /. 1 *Jan. 9, 1827. 
 
 Thank you for the hortatory parts of your letter, though they are 
 more applicable to what I was when I left England than what 1 am 
 now. . . . I do not now, however, suffer from those fits of depression 
 of spirits which oppressed me during the last six months in England • 
 (.od be thanked, partly through prayer, in some measure perhaps 
 because my objects are not so immediately before my eyes, and 
 I am absent from the scenes of active employment, which I am 
 sacnficmg perhaps for an imaginary end ; partly from impressing 
 on my mmd that >f these two weak arms fail of their object. Go! 
 has thousands of better labourers who are cultivating His vineyard 
 Through these means, but principally through the first, the return 
 "f these attacks became less frequent, and yielded wh^n they d S 
 . ome more rapidly ; they now visit me seldom, and I am upon the 
 whole comfortable." ^ 
 
 In visiting Germany Pusey h^d from the first proposed 
 to attend the lectures of Professor Freytag, at Bonn, who 
 became, if he had not become, the first Arabist in Europe 
 This intention would have been strengthened by Pusey's 
 mtercourse with Munk and Kosegarten ; and before return- 
 ing from Greifswald to Berlin in November, he had opened 
 communications with Freytag. 
 
 Freytag was thirty-nine years old and almost at the 
 height of his great reputation. He had studied theo- 
 -ogy and the Oriental languages at Gottingen and Paris. 
 ;" '°'9 he became Professor of Oriental Languages in 
 the University of Bonn, and in .826 he was deeply 
 
 Freytag. j^^ 
 
 engaged on the great work of his life, his Arabic Lexicon- 
 tlie publication of which began in 1830, and was com- 
 pleted m 1837. 
 
 Pusey reached Bonn on December 5th ; and besides 
 attendmg Freytag's public lectures, went to him also for 
 private mstruction in Arabic. They used to read together 
 the Life of Timur ^ and the Hamasa, which Freytag was 
 cditmg He soon came to be on intimate terms with the 
 great Arabist, whom he associated with Kosegarten, and to 
 whom both in private and in public, he ever acknowledged 
 his indebtedness ^. 
 
 For many years after Freytag was duly informed of ail 
 that went on at Pusey and in Oxford, and his pupil was 
 admitted to share his own domestic hopes and not a few of 
 nis financial anxieties. 
 
 Freytag introduced Pusey to several remarkable persons 
 among others to Ewald. In the German Universities, the 
 student who majces the necessary arrangements between 
 the professor and his class is called his 'famulus.' The 
 famulus IS generally the professor's best pupil. Ewald 
 was Freytag's famulus, and Freytag recommended him to 
 1 usey as a companion with whom he would find it useful 
 to read Hebrew and Arabic. They were at the time 
 very intimate ; Ewald was delighted when Pusey became 
 Hebrew professor, and wrote warmly in praise of his Arabic 
 Catalogue. In later life they were indeed widely sepa- 
 rated ; and when Ewald last visited Professor Max Miiller 
 at Oxford, he hesitated to call at Christ Church, not know- 
 mg whether Pusey would like to see him ' after all that they 
 
 » Bibl. Bodl. Cod. MSS. Orient. 
 Catalogus, pt. 2, vol. 2, praef. p. iii : 
 * Litteris scilicet Arabicis impense stu- 
 dueram, si qua ad linguam sacra m 
 codicemque adeo Divinum melius in- 
 telligendum, utilitatis aliquid inde 
 perciperem; bibliographiam vero et 
 biographiam Arabicam prorsus ne- 
 glexeram.' It will be seen that 'ne- 
 glexeram' is merely a relative ex- 
 pression. 
 
 " Bibl. Bodl. Cod. MSS. Orient. 
 Cat., pt. 2, vol. 2, p. V : ' Laborem 
 
 autem hunc nostrum (i. e. the Arabic 
 Catalogue) ad finem producere nequeo 
 quin gratias easque maximas agam 
 viris illis celeberrimis J. G. L. Kose- 
 garten et G. W. Freytag, quorum ope 
 in his Uteris ediscendis, illius quidem 
 breviiis quam voluissem. hujus autem 
 diutiiis, uti mihi eoncessum est; utri- 
 usque vero summa, qua me exceperunt 
 quamque continuo praestanint, bene- 
 volentia perpetuo animo meo lixa 
 manebit.' 
 
 «. 
 
io6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 had written about each other ^* Pusey was at the moment 
 away from Oxford, but when Professor Max Miiller told 
 him on his return about Ewald's scruples he laughed 
 heartily, and said that he should have been delighted to 
 see him again. 
 
 But although i ..sey's work at Bonn was mainly if not 
 altogether philological, its influence upon him was by no 
 means confined to the sphere of scholarship. The theolo- 
 gical faculty at Bonn was penetrated, nay ruled, however 
 indirectly, by the commanding influence of Schleiermacher. 
 Nitzsch, Sack, and Liicke — but especially LiJcke — were 
 at once the disciples and, each in his own sense, the 
 interpreters of the master at Berlin ; and during his sq.v^\\ 
 months' residence Pusey became more or less intimate with 
 the entire staff of Protestant theological professors at Bonn. 
 Certainly by far the most interesting theologian of the 
 school of Schleiermacher with whom Pusey became ac- 
 quainted at Bonn was G. C. F. Liicke, who had been Pro- 
 fessor of Theology there since 1818. Liicke was, per- 
 haps, beyond any other of Schleiermacher's pupils, his 
 interpreter to the rising generation. In 1827 Liicke was 
 only 34 years old ; but his career was already distinguished. 
 He had his hands full of literary work besides his lectures, 
 and he endeavoured to engage Pusey in the compilation of 
 * a Theological Encyclopaedia and Methodology.' Pusey — 
 as Liicke thought — knew enough of German theology to 
 carry out the idea. In this way he would serve both the 
 English and the German Churches, and would vindicate the 
 latter from the charges to which it was exposed in England. 
 This letter seems to have been one of the suggestions 
 which led Pusey a year later to write his first book on the 
 theology of Germany. They corresponded for some time. 
 But as years went on, their theological paths diverged ; 
 Pusey was getting less and less able to follow him : but 
 he heard of Lucke's death in 1855 with sincere sorrow; 
 he had a * vivid memory of Lucke's kindness and his 
 genius.' 
 
 ' Cf. Pusey, ' Daniel the Prophet' (2nd cd.), pref., Ixvi sq , xci. 
 
 Professor Sack, jqj 
 
 But there was another of the professors at Bonn, less 
 eminent in after years than those already mentioned, but 
 more definite in his religious faith. This was Karl Heinrich 
 Sack, who after studying law at Gottingen, had read theology 
 under Schleiermacher. After the peace of j 814 he visited 
 iMigland, and on returning to Berlin he published his 
 * Views and Considerations on Religion and the Church in 
 England ^' After taking his doctor's degree at Berlin, he 
 became in 181 8 assistant professor and in 1823 full pro- 
 fessor at Bonn, where he was also Pastor of the Lutheran 
 Congregation from 18 19 to 1839. 
 
 Sack was a disciple of Schleiermacher, but he had more 
 respect than his master for the authority of the Old Testa- 
 ment, and he took fewer liberties with the traditional 
 teaching of the Lutheran body. Although he was not 
 a^ man of the ability and accomplishments of Lucke and 
 Freytag, his practical religious seriousness would have won 
 Pusey's respect and affection ; and during the spring of 
 1827 they became intimate with each other. Sack's letters 
 to Pusey are full of warm afi^ection, and they freely and 
 naturally express his genuine piety and keen interest in the 
 cause of religion. Pusey was often at his home, the 
 appointments of which were simple and unpretending. It 
 was natural that Pusey should turn to a friend with whom 
 he was thus intimate, and who knew more of England than 
 any one else in Bonn, when in the following year he was 
 anxious to show, in reply to Mr. Rose's lectures, what he 
 considered to be the true character of German theology. 
 
 Of other prominent men with whom Pusey was well 
 acquainted at Bonn were Augusti, who became an authority 
 on Liturgical Antiquities ; Gieseler, the celebrated Church 
 historian ; and the celebrated Aristotelian scholar, C. A. 
 Brandis, who was now engaged with E. Bekker upon the 
 great critical edition of the works of Aristotle which 
 appeared at Berlin in 183 1. 
 
 Pusey's visit to Bonn had other features than the 
 
 I3erliif 1818^^" ""^ Beobachtungen uber Religion uiid Kirche in England/ 
 
io8 
 
 Life of Edward Boitverie Ptisey, 
 
 intellectual aspects of academical life might suggest. He 
 saw more of German domestic life and society than at 
 Berlin or Greifswald. He had some difficulty in keeping 
 out of duels, then as now common among students in a 
 German University. During his walks into the country 
 he sometimes forgot, through absence of mind, or rather 
 through preoccupation with his studies, to observe the 
 rule of the road, and this was looked upon by some 
 fiery young Germans as an intended insult. He was 
 challenged on more than one occasion, but there must be 
 two parties to a duel as to any other sort of quarrel, and 
 his antagonist was softened and amused by discovering the 
 true state of the case. With several students, however, he 
 was on terms of intimacy, and particularly with a young 
 Dane, who, like himself, was interested in Oriental studies, 
 L. N. Boisen. Boisen was a serious and hardworkincf 
 student, and a man of warm and affectionate disposition. 
 When he made Pusey's acquaintance he was living a care- 
 less life ; he describes his own character as ' not entirely 
 barren, but overgrown with thorns and thistles.' From this 
 indifference or worse he was rescued by the influence of his 
 English friend. They were on the most familiar terms, 
 and read for Freytag's lectures in each other's company; 
 but the main substance and result of their intercourse is 
 best described in Boisen's own words : — 
 
 * Your pious working in my poor neglected soul has not remained 
 without blessings. I should be mok ungrateful towards the heavenly 
 Kuler of my paths if I did not first of all say loudly, nay rejoicingly, 
 that you have in me saved an erring soul, and have led it to the one 
 good Shepherd. . . . Truly, I look to you as to him who has begotten 
 
 me in Christ Jesus through the Gospel I must hope that you whom 
 
 God has chosen to awake and bring to life my better self, might also 
 be destined to protect and foster whatever is good in me.' 
 
 While Pusey was at Bonn he used to make time for 
 visiting the sick and poor. When his eldest niece was 
 travelling in Germany after her father's death in 1855, she 
 discovered some interesting traces of this : — 
 
 * When at Bonn in 1855 I gave my name at a shoemaker's shop, and 
 
 Life at Bonn. jqq 
 
 the woman asked if I was related to the great Professor. Rather sur- 
 prised, I said yes, and asked why she inquired. She brightened up 
 and said that while he was there as a student her mother had been 
 very ill, and that he used to come and read and pray with her.' 
 
 Although absent from England he did not forget home 
 ties. His brother William was ten years his junior and 
 was now about leaving Eton for Oriel. Pusey always had 
 a kind of paternal relation to him, and the following 
 fragments of a very lengthy letter, illustrating this relation"^ 
 cannot be read without interest. 
 
 E. B. P. TO \V. B. Pusey. 
 
 While I remained in England, and we had constam opportunities 
 of seeing each other at intervals not very distant, our filling up those 
 intervals by corresponding was less necessary, and I therefore indulged 
 my own occupation and your idleness in not pressing it. Now however 
 that my stay abroad is again so long protracted, all communication 
 between us is thus cut off: this should not be. At your age each year 
 makts so much alteration that I should have my acquaintance with a 
 great part of you to make for the first time,and you would think me grown 
 old and grave at once. At this important period, too, of your life when 
 you are throwing off boyhood and beginning in real earnest the pre- 
 parations for your future usefulness, it will be useful to you to have near 
 youa friend somewhat older. . . . The more I know of your occupations 
 and habits the better-what progress you have made in any branch of 
 study, how you relish it, what difficulties you find in it ; for what you 
 have most taste, or what employments you dislike. I cannot promise 
 that niy advice will always be what is at the moment the most 
 agreeable, //// sine magna vita labore dedit mortalibus : if you wish to 
 ' get at the nut you must crack the shell ; but having trodden the same 
 ground not long before you I can promise that the roads I show you 
 will be the best. ^ 
 
 [Here follows a sketch of a course of classical study.] 
 [Recollect that] our English holydays are too long to be spent in 
 mere amusement. We should be like the animals who sleep half the 
 year. ... 
 
 Of what is called Divinity, of the contents, historical or doctrinal, of 
 the Bible, and of any illustrations of them, Eton boys are generally 
 shamefully ignorant : with the contents, however, of the historical 
 books of the O. and N. T., and of the prophecies generally, you, I hope 
 and believe, are acquainted : if, however, you have not read the 
 historical parts of the O. T. lately, it would be well that you should 
 read them straight through. ... 1 should have been glad to have been 
 
no 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pitsey. 
 
 Death of youngest Brother. 
 
 m 
 
 if' 
 
 
 3' 
 
 t) 
 
 1 
 h 
 
 i 
 
 (I' 
 
 Si 
 
 i 
 
 able to have pursued the reading of the Articles with you : they are 
 important not only as being Articles of the truth of which you wiil 
 hereafter have to declare your conviction ; but as containing a clear 
 and concise statement of the doctrines of our religion, so that a Com- 
 mentary upon them comprises at the same time the explanation and 
 proof of the truths which God has revealed to us. At present Tomline's 
 second volume would be the easiest you could take, and it might be 
 well to read it on the first sixteen Articles, and from the 25th to the 
 29th or to the 31st (those on the Sacraments). 
 
 You must now be nearly or quite tired ; I will therefore only add 
 two pieces of advice on the manner of reading any of your books. 
 
 (i) Whatever you are engaged in, be ^ tot us in illis ;' do it with all 
 your heart and mind : it will soon add immeasurably to the interest 
 and, could there be degrees of what is immeasurable, I should say 
 more than immeasurably to the usefulness of your employment. When 
 you but half attend, the things themselves of course make but a slight 
 impression, and you lose all insight into the connexion of what you 
 read, and often but half see even the detached parts ; one strong efifort 
 often does more to make your way through a difficulty than a thousand 
 petty ones. . . . When you are tired leave off; but do not mistake 
 restlessness for fatigue : this habit you must acquire, if you ever hope 
 to be useful, or wish to acquire real knowledge. 
 
 (2) Do not content yourself with half knowledge of what you read. 
 Nothing is more tempting ; novelty hurries one on to what is beyond; 
 the exertion necessary to fix what is before us in our mind deters us 
 from pausing on it : one thinks one can fix it at some future time. . . . 
 
 This reminds me of what I had nearly forgotten, that I should wish 
 you to learn your Hebrew letters, and if your sister will teach you 
 a little, so much the better. Every clergyman ought to know it 
 [Hebrew] ; it is a disgrace to us that it has been so much neglected : 
 but this neglect, as many others, is now wearing away, and 1 hope 
 very many of your standing will learn it. You should also begin 
 reading regularly your New Testament in Greek, and it would be 
 well to take a Commentary. . . .'You might read a chapter of a 
 Gospel daily ; in reading you should attend to the difference between 
 this and other Greek : a chapter a day is easily read ; it will make the 
 Gospels familiar to you as they ought to be, and you will find no little 
 benefit from the habit. 
 
 In conclusion, 1 need scarcely say that as learning, though indis- 
 pensable, is yet but a subordinate part of the business of a Christian, 
 should you find yourself in any circumstances where the advice and 
 assistance of one some years further advanced than yourself would 
 be useful to you, all I can do I will at any time most readily and 
 eagerly do for you. Write me then a full account of yourself, and do 
 not be alarmed at the length of this letter ; my future ones shall not be 
 so formidable. I much envied J elf a letter from his William as full 
 as this. 1 arrived here on last Tuesday, being detained in Berlin by 
 
 III 
 
 an act of civility of the Duchess of Cumberland. I have, however 
 
 ttir^^T^ T'^T^ acquaintance, and shall soon know the 
 .est of the Theological Professors here, some of whom are very 
 valuable men. I much wish I could spend some part of my Christmas 
 at Pusey, but cannot. God bless you. 
 
 With best duty and love, 
 
 Your very affectionate 
 
 E. B. P. 
 But a great sorrow was awaitinnr both the brothers, and 
 indeed their whole family, in the death of Henry the 
 youngest of the sons, and a general favourite. His bri-ht 
 manners, now and then varied by a flash of rough temper 
 which served as a foil to them and at once passed off 
 were very endearing. Had he lived he would, it was 
 thought, have been more like his father than any of his 
 brothers. He had only returned to Eton a few weeks 
 when he caught a chill, which was followed by fever His 
 parents were at once sent for, but when they reached Eton 
 all was over. 
 
 When the sad news reached Pusey, for some days he 
 could make httle way even with his work for Professor 
 I-reytag : he thought that he might have done more for 
 h.s brother whom he had lost. He had in fact had other 
 work to do: but it was his way, even in early life, to 
 take shame to himself for neglecting duties which it would 
 have been difficult for him to discharge. 
 
 Writing to Bishop Lloyd two months later, Pusey refers 
 to the subject in this sense : — 
 
 ' [My brother] was ripening into an advanced boyhood of much 
 prom.se of heart and mind. . . . With the shock of this sudden vo d 
 m our family and the sorrow of my parents were united [my] regre. 
 that I had m the last two years contributed next to nothing to hiJ 
 
 irrT'"^' '^"1 '"' ''"PP'""^ "°"''^ ""'^ ''^^^ been greater had 
 1 better discharged my duties of a brother, it may be that we have not 
 
 so much mfluence on the future happiness of others, or its degree as 
 
 appears to be entrusted to us, and as it may sometimes be useful to 
 
 thmk we have. But this is no source of consolation-.' 
 
 The sorrow was still fresh when, four months after his 
 brothers death, he wrote to Newman; his letter shows that 
 
 !^ 
 
npp f 
 
 ■ ''< 
 
 112 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 I 
 
 
 he was already feeling his way towards that privilege of 
 intercession for the departed faithful, which he afterwards 
 showed to have been taught by St. Paul, and which afforded 
 him so much support and consolation in the sorrows of 
 his later life : — 
 
 *It was indeed a mysterious dispensation; and the struggle [to 
 submit to God's will) brought me very low. They are not separated 
 who are not visibly with us. Dare one pray for them t Will you 
 answer me when I see you ? Nothing, I am sure, can be found in 
 Scripture against praying for the dead.' 
 
 As early as December 1826, and previous to the shock 
 caused by the death of his brother, Newman had, as has 
 been suggested, taxed Pusey with overworking himself. 
 That this imputation was not unfounded Pusey admits, 
 in guarded language, when writing to Dr. Lloyd in the 
 following February. Since his arrival in Germany his 
 only relaxation from his self-imposed severe rule of work 
 had been during his journeys and the fortnight spent in 
 Berlin on his return from Greifswald. Still he must go on 
 until June, if he was to become a good Arabist. Upon 
 this point Freytag was explicit : and Pusey felt that he 
 must obey. But he adds : — 
 
 ' I am annoyed at this long absence from theology, and at this so 
 predominant exertion of memory. And I fear that you have, partly on 
 account of a wish which I expressed, altered the books which you have 
 in these terms read with your theological class. But I have done my 
 utmost and must now, at least for a time, diminish my exertions. 
 1 am not unwell, but fatigued, and mig^t soon become [unwell]. Pray 
 do not name this to Bouverie, or so that it should reach my family.' 
 
 Dr. Lloyd replies : — 
 
 ,-, r, . „ *Ch. Ch., March 30, 1827. 
 
 * My dear Pusey, * j » / 
 
 * I was very much distressed by the account you gave of yourself 
 
 in your letter ; and though 1 hope all signs of indisposition have passed 
 
 away by this time, yet I must really warn you very seriously against 
 
 over-exertion and confinement. You know me well enough to believe 
 
 that I would not check you, if I did not think it necessary ; but what 
 
 advantage can it be, either to yourself or the world, that you should kill 
 
 yourself with study? Besides, I cannot forget that I have a fearful 
 
 degree of responsibility belonging to myself in this case, as I consider 
 
 myself to have been, in a great degree, the cause of your German 
 
 Overwork, 
 
 "3 
 
 travels. What will your family think o{ me, if you should kill yourself 
 with studying with your German Professors "> 
 
 * So send me word that you are quite recovered, and that you do not 
 propose making yourself ill again, and that you will not work more 
 than half as hard as you have done hitherto. 
 
 * Observe that this is said in all seriousness, and not, as heretofore, 
 half in joke, half in earnest.' 
 
 Pusey could not comply with the command to send word 
 that he was quite recovered. He had to admit some two 
 months later that he was in very indifferent health indeed, 
 which he attributed, not very accurately, to the weak- 
 ness of his constitution. His constitution was, in fact, 
 a very good one, but he was subjecting it to an undue 
 strain. However, he was not without occasional intervals 
 
 of prudence. 
 
 * Bonn, April 22, 1827. 
 
 * I am now using every precaution to prevent a recurrence of illness ; 
 taking daily exercise ; reading as much as I can in a cheerful garden ; 
 leaving my books as soon as fatigued ; varying my Arabic studies, 
 though but in a small proportion, with Hebrew and Syriac ; besides 
 having made one or two excursions. It is now more than ever neces- 
 sary for me to remain till the end of June.' 
 
 Pusey 's German friends were not less alive to the real 
 danger of his ruining his health than were his friends in 
 England. 
 
 * You will, I trust, pardon me,' writes Professor Freytag, * when, by 
 right of our friendship, I recommend you not to work immoderately. 
 Zeal for science, and for the well-nigh unattainable objects of science, is 
 apt to tempt us to over-exertion. Thus we ourselves, and science through 
 us, suffer. The mental faculties resemble those of the body in this 
 respect, that while moderate exertion strengthens, excessive exertion 
 weakens and cripples them. And, my dear friend, while devoting 
 yourself to sciences, do not forget the great world of men. Each 
 exists for the sake of the other, and they should not be dissociated.' 
 
 While Pusey was reading at Bonn, Dr. Legge, the Bishop 
 of Oxford, died, and the see was offered to Dr. Lloyd. He 
 was consecrated at Lambeth on the 4th of March, 1827, 
 by Archbishop Manners-Sutton, assisted by the Bishops 
 of London, Durham, and Chester. He retained his Pro- 
 fessorship ; an arrangement which, if possible then, would 
 
 VOL. I. I 
 
"4 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 certainly have been impossible when the diocese had been 
 enlarged by the addition of Buckinghamshire and Berk- 
 shire. Oxford men generally, and Pusey in particular, were 
 delighted at the appointment. A report that it had been 
 made found its way to Bonn ; and this report was followed 
 by a letter from Dr. Lloyd announcing it to his friend and 
 pupil. Pusey replied, in terms of hearty, but somewhat 
 conventional congratulation, natural to him at the time, 
 but which would not have been employed ten years later, 
 when his sense of what was involved in high office in 
 the Church had been solemnized and deepened. 
 
 Pusey's sojourn in Germany was now over ; it had done 
 him two great services. It had made him a Semitic 
 scholar, and it had largely familiarized him with the history 
 of modern Protestant speculation on religious subjects. 
 He had been brought into contact with several eminent 
 men, especially of the school of Schleiermacher, whom to 
 know was to admire on the score of high character and 
 great personal accomplishments. They had taught him to 
 feel more than ever the vastness of the world of theological 
 enquiry ; and their examples, and to a certain extent their 
 methods, were cherished and followed by him to the last 
 days of his life. They could not give that which they did 
 not themselves possess : it was their business, in the order 
 of Divine Providence, to till and fertilize the soil for its 
 reception. 
 
 On the 24th of June Pusey left Bonn for England, re- 
 turning by way of Rotterdam, and having amongst his 
 I'-^ggage little less than a library. He reached his father's 
 house about the middle of July. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ENGAGEMENT TO MISS BARKER— REVISION OF THE AU- 
 THORIZED VERSION OF THE OLD TESTAMENT — ILL- 
 NESS — CORRESPONDENCE WITH MISS BARKER. 
 
 1827-1828. 
 
 *And onward still our earnest eyes were bent 
 To know and see the issue crowning all,— 
 The unravelling scene of long-drawn wonderment, 
 
 Of fights and restless travels long in thrall ;— 
 Unconscious bodings of the soul 
 Which eagerly thus pored upon the opening scroll/ 
 
 Williams, Baptistery (*The Christian Warrior*). 
 
 Pusey returned from Germany to find that his eldest 
 sister, Miss Elizabeth Bouverie Pusey, had become engaged 
 to the Rev. J. H. M. Luxmoore, a son of the Bishop of 
 St. Asaph, and one of his own contemporaries at Eton. He 
 was delighted, especially on his sister's account. ' Daily 
 intercourse,' he wrote, ' with one so pious and rightminded 
 as Luxmoore must be a means of improvement to any one.' 
 The wedding was celebrated at Pusey on October 24, 1827. 
 
 This wedding proved to be the herald of another. For 
 nine years Pusey had cherished an affection which seemed 
 likely to bring him only a lifelong disappointment. His 
 own parents and Miss Barker's were opposed to it: 
 Mr. Raymond Barker had been asked, and had declined, to 
 sanction it. In January 1827, while Pusey was at Bonn, 
 his brother had written him word that the refusal of his 
 own parents to encourage his wishes was not necessarily 
 final. * I scarcely read the sentence,' he afterwards wrote, 
 *a second time. I passed it by as opening a painful 
 vision— of bliss which might have been.' A kind message 
 —probably from Mrs. Barker— which greeted him on his 
 
 I % 
 
ii6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Pusey's Engagement. 
 
 117 
 
 
 return from Germany, was equally unheeded. But the 
 death of Mr. Raymond Barker in 1827 had modified the 
 situation ; and when it seemed possible that Miss Barker 
 might form another engagement which, in the judgment 
 of those who best knew her, did not seem likely to ensure 
 her happiness, she was led, through the influence of a 
 devoted cousin, to turn her thoughts towards Edward 
 Pusey. They met at Cheltenham, where Mrs. Barker 
 was staying, in the last days of September, 1827. The 
 scene, which was to him as * the melting of the ice after 
 a Northern winter,' remained to the last fresh in his memory. 
 Not many years before his death his daughter was paying 
 a visit at Fairford Park, and, when taking leave, she asked 
 for some flower which she might take back to her father. 
 Her cousin, Mr. Raymond Barker, gave her a pot of lemon- 
 scented verbena. On seeing it Dr. Pusey burst into tears ; 
 
 * when I asked your mother to marry me,' he explained, 
 
 * I offered her a sprig of verbena, and I always associate it 
 with her.' 
 
 The engagement was at first kept almost as a secret. 
 But as the news became known, congratulations from 
 Edward Pusey's friends who had known or guessed the 
 secret of his life came in one by one. Among these a 
 message from Berlin, through Jelf, may be quoted, as illus- 
 trating that kindly sympathy with all those whom they 
 ever meet in life, which is an hereditary characteristic of 
 our Royal Family : — ^ , 
 
 R. W. Jelf to E. B. P. 
 
 Berlin, Nov. 1827. 
 ... I am desired by their RR. HH. to offer you their sincerest 
 congratulations, as well as their best thanks for having confided to 
 them so interesting a secret. You have their warmest wishes for your 
 happiness. Prince George, too, was extremely flattered with your 
 confidence in his being old enough to keep a secret ; I am glad to say 
 he has that power, and I felt no hesitation in intrusting him with yours, 
 which he heard with the greatest pleasure. He desires me to give his 
 best congratulations to [his] old friend Pusey. 
 
 It seemed likely that the wedding would be long 
 delayed. Pusey was dependent on his father for the 
 
 means of marrying. Marriage would forfeit his fellowship ; 
 and the handsome allowance which Mr. Pusey still paid 
 regularly to his second son would not enable him to settle 
 comfortably as a married man. Mrs. Barker was naturally 
 anxious that her daughter should be adequately pro- 
 vided for: and Mr. Pusey was still fully occupied with the 
 arrangements for his eldest daughter's wedding. Edward 
 Pusey thought it better not to raise questions which his 
 father might be unwilling to entertain; and he returned 
 from Pusey to his rooms in Oriel for a period of which 
 he did not clearly foresee any termination. 
 
 Almost immediately on his second return from Germany, 
 Pusey had taken in hand a task which, like the projected 
 refutation of Dupuis, illustrates his passion for hard work 
 and the enterprising character of his conceptions. He 
 proposed to himself, alone and unaided, to revise the 
 authorized translation of the Old Testament. His studies 
 in Germany had satisfied him that the English Version 
 was in many respects defective ; and, on his mentioning 
 the project to Bishop Lloyd, he received the warmest 
 encouragement. 
 
 * It does seem,' he wrote four months after beginning his task, 'a 
 portentous undertaking. I read the other day that in forming our 
 translation of the Old Testament about twenty persons were employed 
 in three corps, for, I believe, nine years. It would be frightful enough ; 
 but that I am standing, as it were, on their shoulders, and with more 
 implements at my command.' 
 
 He naturally communicated his plans to Jelf, who dis- 
 cussed them with enthusiasm, not unmingled with some 
 amusement, and common-sense advice : — 
 
 R. W. Jelf to E. B. P. 
 
 Berlin, Sept. 26, 1827. 
 What an extraordinary man you are! That Lloyd should have 
 advised and you should have undertaken a new translation of the 
 Scriptures is nothing wonderful. For I believe that, young as you 
 are, few persons in England are so well qualified, for the task as you. 
 But that you should have already accomplished so much is to my slow 
 mind incomprehensible. Your mind is certainly macadamized ; mine 
 resembles the road between this and Strelitz. ... All I entreat is that 
 however quick in preparing, you will be slow in publishing that which 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 
 ii8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 is of such vital importance. * Emissum semel volat irrevocabile 
 verbum * is an awful truth when applied to religious works—* No- 
 numque prematur in annum.* 
 
 Soon after his engagement to Miss Barker, at the end 
 of October, Pusey*s health entirely broke down. He was 
 ordered to leave Oxford, and to spend some time at 
 Brighton. He went for a fortnight ; but in the event 
 his visit lasted for four months, during which time he 
 was under the medical care of Sir Matthew Ticrney. It 
 does not appear that either his engagement or the 
 subsequent collapse of his health had the effect of inter- 
 rupting for more than a few days the work on which 
 his heart was set. 
 
 When he reached Brighton Miss Barker remonstrated 
 with him for not allowing her to share the interests of his 
 occupation. She could not complain of his way of atoning 
 for the omission. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Miss Barker. 
 
 Nov. 28, 1827. 
 My object is, not a new translation, but, retaining the old as far as 
 possible, to correct it, wherever it appears to me to have mistaken the 
 original, or wherever, from alteration of our own language or from 
 inadequate expression in it, it has left the meaning obscure. I purpose 
 not to extend the notes further than the support of my alterations, 
 using for this purpose all the aids which I can find for the better 
 understanding of the Old Testament, and contributing what I can 
 myself from any knowledge of the Eastern languages allied to Hebrew ; 
 and it is one motive for wishing to make Oxford our residence that 
 there alone I can have access to books which I do not, or cannot, 
 myself possess, and have intercourse with one or two men whom I can 
 consult when in doubt. There is there also a valuable MS. of an 
 Arabic commentator (i.e. a learned Jew who wrote in Arabic) which 
 I may one day publish, and which I wish to employ. There is another 
 in Syriac, which, on a better acquaintance with the language, I may 
 also use. These never stir out of the walls of the Bodleian. The 
 work goes on now as slowly as you could wish, but I hope effectually, 
 and those who have seen parts of it are sanguine that much good will 
 be done by it. I have at present done little finally : I bes:an it soon 
 After my return from Germany. J«ib and the PHklms I hive corrected 
 in a sidaII Bible, but no( having then fully anaskged my pbii» and 50 
 written r>o notes on thcsie, they miMt be done orcr a^n, and probably 
 no< oooe only. The firtt nine of tbe Minor Pn>f>hcu I have done 
 with «ome notes aod cleared much to m)'$clf, but am still doubtful 
 
 Proposed Revised Translation of Old Testament, 119 
 
 about several points, particularly in Hosea, and must enlarge the 
 notes. More fully have 1 gone through the first forty-two chapters 
 (the hardest part) of Isaiah : and here I expect to have little to alter, 
 though probably all my notes will be enlarged on revisal. This looks 
 like Sisyphus' stone or Penelope's web ; but as it is in fact an under- 
 taking on which not my reputation only (about which I should not 
 care) but the great question whether the received version of the Scrip- 
 tures should not be revised, and be not capable of much additional 
 clearness, will be probably much affected, every step must be taken 
 with the utmost caution. There are many who dread all change, 
 many who idolize our present translation, many who think a new 
 translation will unsettle men's minds, many who in their principles of 
 translation differ from mine ; and I must therefore.— both to secure 
 against these, and actually to avoid unsettling the minds of plain and 
 honest Christians, which might be disturbed by versions unneces- 
 sarily conflicting, — do everything in my power to make my corrections 
 as little vulnerable as possible : and having done so honestly, to the 
 best of my power, I shall be unconcerned whatever censures I may 
 meet with, trusting that, upon the whole, I shall have been the instru- 
 ment of making this portion of God's Word clearer. And though the 
 most blessed work is to apply God's Word to the salvation of others, 
 blessed it still is to be able to render that Word more intelligible for 
 their use ; and with this hope I am satisfied with the plan which I have 
 chosen. Though all consider it incompatible with the active duties of 
 a parish priest, I have mentioned the plan to no one who has not 
 wished me * God speed,' and expressed joy at the result we hope 
 for. This is my first plan, and I trust that the sacrifice of income 
 which it alone would in the first instance require, and the residence at 
 Oxford, and the occupation of more of my time than rnij^ht have been 
 required by the mere duties of a parish priest, will not affect your 
 comfort. Other theological plans you shall know hereafter, but I have 
 not now space. Should you even now in reading any Eastern travels, 
 or otherwise, meet with any illustrations of cuhtom8, &c., mentioned in 
 the Old Testament, you would render mc a service by noting; down the 
 book or page where they occur, but I do not wish anything to be read 
 on purpose. Hereafter I shall be exorbitant enouKh lo ask you to 
 undertake no little troul^lr, in judging what Is not sufficiently clear (for 
 to the author himself everything is so), perhaps occasional transcribing, 
 even in aiding to correct the press (which a writer never docs so well for 
 himself as another), reading lo furninh illustrations (I hardly dare add 
 &c., &c., but I need not say that I will never ask anything which you 
 find irksome). Such arc some of the fearful consequences of con- 
 senxing to share the lot of a student : but pcrtcntoos »% the pro<^»oct 
 It, a4 I i\2tt. no< contemplate the tinve when I hope tbe undeitaking 
 will be cooapkccd^ you need at present be thundett9tnic1c at noehmg 
 but my boldneie in avowinf the Ubour, to which I hai^e the a«idacity 
 to ask ywL to MbcniL 
 
W: 
 
 I20 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Revision abandoned. 
 
 121 
 
 f' 
 
 ^■1 
 
 In January, 1828, he describes his work and intentions 
 at a somewhat more advanced stage : — 
 
 * I have so far changed my plan about my employment that I intend, 
 God willing, to publish, in the first instance, the Psalms, Job, Proverbs 
 [Ecclesiastes], and the Song of Songs, separately. And having there- 
 fore finished Isaiah, I have broken off in Jeremiah, finding a more 
 detached employment suits me better, and have begun my notes on the 
 Psalms. These I hope to finish in February. Two months more would 
 finish Job ; and then, whenever two months more might come, they 
 would complete so much of the undertaking, and I should be willing 
 to commit my bark to the winds and waves. ... Of the more diflficult 
 books of the Bible, Ezekiel and Zechariah will alone remain un- 
 touched.' 
 
 He started this new plan with the Book of Job, thinking 
 that his fresh knowledge of Arabic would enable him to 
 decide the question of the age of the book on philological 
 grounds. His corrections, which are numerous and minute, 
 are given in a small Bible, which still exists. Thence he 
 went on to the Psalms, which also are corrected throughout. 
 The corrections of and explanatory notes upon the first 
 nine Minor Prophets, referred to in his letter to Miss 
 Barker, are given in a larger and interleaved Bible ; and 
 it also contains his labours on the first fifty-two chapters of 
 Isaiah. This is by far the most elaborate part of the 
 work which remains ; and it bears traces here and there of 
 having been retouched at a later date. Besides these are 
 some few corrections of Jeremiah, Ecclesiastes, and the first 
 chapter of the Proverbs, and, finally, the notes upon the 
 Psalms. 
 
 But while engaged in these preliminary labours, his 
 thoughts returned to an undertaking he had previously 
 planned of a criticism on Mr. Rose's book on German 
 Theology. This work he felt to be more urgent, and 
 therefore set himself to write what he hoped would be a 
 short Essay on the Causes of Unbelief in Germany. * The 
 Psalms,' he wrote, * are for the time laid aside.' So far 
 as this effort was concerned they were, as events proved, 
 laid aside for good. His first book on Germany, his ordina- 
 tion, his wedding, and the tour which followed, successively 
 
 delayed the resumption of his task, until he found himself, 
 nine months afterwards, nominated to the Hebrew Chair, 
 with many new and exacting duties thrown on his hands, 
 and, above all, that of carrying on Dr. Nicoll's * Catalogue 
 of Arabic Manuscripts.' This last work was not completed 
 until 1835, and by that time Pusey had learnt sincerely 
 to distrust some of the principles which he had taken for 
 granted when he began his revised and annotated trans- 
 lation. Of these principles, — besides too easy a deference 
 to the authority of modern expositors, — the most important 
 was concerned with the value of the cognate dialects as 
 aids to the interpretation of the Hebrew Scriptures. In 
 common with older scholars, and it would seem with some 
 more recent critics (who, however, apparently consider that 
 they are employing a method previously undiscovered), he 
 had taken it for granted that when the sense of a Hebrew 
 word was obscure or doubtful, it might be explained with- 
 out difliculty by reference to the use of the corresponding 
 derivative of a common root in some other Semitic 
 language. The insecurity of such a method, as Pusey used 
 to say in later years, might be estimated if the meaning 
 of a modern word in French were to be at once determined 
 by that which it bears in modern Spanish or Italian. Words 
 of common origin have, in fact, widely differing histories : 
 they gather new assoc.'.ations in their different paths ; and 
 the importance of the Semitic dialects for Hebrew inter- 
 pretation, naturally perhaps exaggerated by the great 
 scholars who first studied them thoroughly, has been in 
 later years, at least by the more discriminating students, 
 far more accurately and less highly estimated. 
 
 But behind this consideration there was, as time went on, 
 another. The question what the Universal Church might 
 have to say about the meaning of the Book of which it 
 is * the witness and keeper ' would have appeared to Pusey 
 much more pressing and important in 18.35 than it did 
 in 1827. However this may be, it is certain that before 
 many years were over he only looked at his early work to 
 feel regret and pain at it. He only did not burn the 
 
 m 
 
 w, 
 
122 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Correspondence with Miss Barker, 
 
 123 
 
 J 
 
 volumes which contained it, because they also contained 
 the sacred text, * disfigured/ as he said, * by my mistakes/ 
 In the little Bible already referred to we may still read 
 the note in his handwriting : — 
 
 ' The alterations in this book were made in 1827, and I should not 
 now adhere, perhaps, to most of them. Nov. 1839.' 
 
 And in the will which he made on Nov. 19, 1875, he 
 expresses his desire that his executors should not publish 
 
 * any of my earlier corrections of the English translation of the Hebrew 
 Scriptures, or notes thereon, seeing that in maturer years I saw reason 
 to withdraw many alterations which I made when young.' 
 
 This mature and deliberate expression of his mind will 
 account for the absence of any further history of these, 
 his earliest labours in the field of sacred criticism. 
 
 Yet whatever his occupations subsequently, Pusey at this 
 time, as previously and all through his life, was busy with 
 efforts to restore or re-establish those who were in danger 
 of making shipwreck of their faith. For instance, in the 
 autumn of 1827 he was again engaged in a correspon- 
 dence with a person who had rejected Christianity, but 
 who appears to have been powerfully influenced by him. 
 This description might apply to his fellow-student at Bonn, 
 Herr Boisen ; but in that case his influence was chiefly 
 moral and spiritual. In this it was also moral, but mainly 
 intellectual. 
 
 'Your account,' writes Jelf, *of the awakened state of the person 
 who had been an unbehever is indeed most deeply interesting and 
 spirit-stirring. . . . The desire to believe has been through your 
 means, under God's blessing, awakened. . . . You have been the means 
 of restoring the appetite to a convalescent, if not to a healthy, state, 
 and you must go on to stimulate and to satisfy the cravings of spiritual 
 hunger. One reflection forces itself on my mind. . . . You have once 
 been disappointed in your efforts to reclaim an unbeliever ; I know that 
 the disappointment sank deep into your mind. But see the result of 
 the exertions which you then thought useless. . . . You were led to study 
 the evidences . . . and the labour was not lost.* 
 
 Referring to this person, Pusey writes, two months 
 later : — 
 
 * 1 have a host of letters to write ; among them one long and important 
 one to an improving unbeliever.' 
 
 On hearing of his son's engagement to Miss Barker, 
 Mr. Pusey had taken it for granted that the marriage 
 would be delayed for two years. By that time Edward 
 Pusey would have been ordained, and might have been 
 presented to a living, whether by his family, or by Oriel 
 College, or by the Bishop of Oxford. But Pusey, in agree- 
 ment with Bishop Lloyd's advice, was convinced that it was 
 his duty to remain in Oxford as a student. Consequently 
 the possibility of a speedy marriage seemed very distant. 
 
 But relief came from an unexpected quarter. As has been 
 said, Pusey s health had broken down, and he was ordered 
 to Brighton. His father paid him a visit early in December, 
 and Sir Matthew Tierney's report would not have been 
 without its effect. ' My father,' he wrote to Miss Barker on 
 Dec. 3, 
 
 ' who is now here, induced by my state of health (though not at all 
 alarming), has fully consented to my happiness being completed with- 
 out waiting for additional professional income, as soon after the restora- 
 tion of my health as your mother and yourself approve.' 
 
 Edward Pusey s bad health did not yield to treatment so 
 soon as was expected. His violent headaches continued at 
 intervals; and the date of his return from Brighton was 
 again and again postponed. In January, 1828, he paid 
 a week's visit to his father's house in Grosvenor Square, 
 but he was again ordered back. At last it seemed that the 
 prospect was improving: he left Brighton on March 18th, 
 and went to London by way of Dover. The wedding was 
 to take place on Thursday, April 17th, in the second week 
 after Easter. 
 
 The lengthy correspondence with Miss Barker during 
 their engagement is from many points of view extremely 
 interesting. She became for the time a depository of his 
 theological confidences ; and indeed no other source of 
 information exists which tells us so much about his mind 
 as a young man. 
 
 Miss Barker, with her mother, had been residing for some 
 time at Cheltenham, where the Rev. F. Close, afterwards 
 Dean of Carlisle, was then beginning to exert considerable 
 
124 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey, 
 
 influence as a popular preacher. A leading feature of 
 Mr. Close's teaching was the importance he attached, or 
 was understood to attach, to feeling. Miss Barker appears 
 to have spoken of the subject at some length with Edward 
 Pusey ; and his first letter to her enters into the question 
 very fully : — 
 
 * I have taken an opportunity of talking over with my friend Luxmoore, 
 who is a thoroughly practical and excellent Christian, without prejudice, 
 several of the subjects of Mr. Close's sermons, which we together dis- 
 cussed He thoroughly agrees with me, that the employing the feelings 
 
 as a criterion of religion is mischievous, because delusive ; unduly elating 
 to some, distractingly depressing to others ; that a deep repentance is 
 perfectly distinct from a painful or distressing one ; that the only 
 repentance which one has a right to preach or induce others to look 
 for is that which is defined by our Church with a beautiful moderation, 
 ** a repentance whereby we forsake sin " ; and that whereas some minds 
 are so constituted, or influenced by education, as to have predominantly 
 the hatefulness of sin before their eyes, others contemplate principally 
 the mercies of God in His pardon of it, and, filled with heaven-given 
 joy at the glorious prospect of acceptance with God through Christ, 
 though they equally strain to avoid sin, cannot equally dwell upon it, 
 or be equally pained by it* 
 
 Mr. Close's sermons appear to have led Miss Barker to 
 discuss religious difficulties with Edward Pusey in a 
 manner which shows that at an early age she must have 
 thought and read much on such subjects. She was per- 
 plexed by apparent contradictions in the Bible. Pusey 
 replied that there were no contradictions in essentials to be 
 found in Scripture ; but he thought that some contradic- 
 tions might exist in Scriptur^ * without diminishing from 
 its sacredness, inspiration, authority, or credibility.' 
 
 * They, in fact, amount, if real (and probably in England they would 
 not be generally admitted to exist), to slight differences in parts of 
 narrations in the Gospels, which no way affect the truth of the history 
 itself; and in which I suppose (the object of the Holy Spirit being 
 to preserve us such a record as might serve as a foundation for our 
 faith and means of edification, not to inform us of all the incidental 
 minutiae of our Saviour's life, whether e.g. one or two blind men 
 were on a certain occasion cured, whether in going in or out of the 
 city, whether one or two angels were seen at the Holy Sepulchre) the 
 author was left, as we see in matters of style he was left, to himself.' 
 
 As to supposed contradictions in respect of matters of 
 
 On Faith and Opinion, 125 
 
 fact in Holy Scripture, Pusey would probably have ex- 
 pressed himself in later years with greater reservations : 
 but he does not allow Miss Barker to forget the value of 
 the practical and devotional study of Scripture. 
 
 * You will find in your daily reading of the Bible, that the use of 
 the marginal references will both facilitate it, and make it more 
 satisfactory. . . . The sole object of Scripture being to provide what is 
 "profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in 
 righteousness, that we may be perfected, thoroughly furnished unto 
 all good works," all that is necessary (not indeed for a teacher, but 
 for a learner) is willing study with a teachable heart.* 
 
 His correspondent had felt the religious perplexity which 
 is occasioned to so many minds by the divided state of 
 Christendom, by the divisions which separate Christian 
 bodies, and even members of the same body from each other. 
 Pusey replies : — 
 
 ' The fact is not borne out, that in essentials (not what I or Mr. Close 
 might deem essentials, but what Holy Scripture represents as such) 
 there is such disagreement.* 
 
 At this time indeed Pusey does not seem to have con- 
 sidered that there was any difficulty whatever in tracing a 
 line round the so-termed * essentials' of Christianity. 
 
 Modern differences, again, in faith and opinion suggested 
 those which were supposed to have existed in Apostolic 
 times. Answering a question as to the doctrinal contrast 
 between the Epistles and the Gospels which was then often 
 insisted on, Pusey s reply showed incidentally how warmly 
 he repudiated the well-known thesis of Lessing that Christ 
 was only the Teacher and not the Object of His religion. 
 Pusey insists that apparent differences are not discordances ; 
 that 
 
 * Revelation was, and must be, progressive. There were many things, 
 Christ told His disciples, which they then could not bear; it was 
 when the Spirit of Truth came that they were to be guided into all 
 truth. Christ, as if to show that His teaching was not the main object 
 of His coming into the world, — that He came to be the Object of 
 a revelation, not merely to make one, —condescended, as a Teacher, to 
 be Himself only 2i preparatory Instructor. In particular, it seems that 
 everything which related to his own Person and OflSce could only be 
 obscurely hinted at while He was yet with us ; that man could not 
 
126 
 
 Life \)f Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Spiritual position of the Jews, 
 
 127 
 
 K 
 
 have endured to know with full certainty that God was actually visibly 
 present with him ; that the Atonement could not h^ entirely {partly it 
 was ; see e. g. John i. 29) preached while the Blood, which was to 
 procure it, was not yet shed ; that faith consequently in that Blood 
 could not in its full extent be insisted upon, or at least not to all 
 (that it was occasionally see e.g. John vi. 51).' 
 
 Mr. Close had been preaching aj^ainst worldly society 
 and its dangers, in the style common among the Evan- 
 gelicals of fifty years ago. Pusey, in his criticisms, though 
 not exactly expressing his later thoughts, still makes some 
 discriminating observations not unworthy of his maturer 
 moral theology : — 
 
 * It seems to me a main and very extensive error in the school to 
 which he belongs, to forget the extent of the natural varieties of con- 
 formation of the human mind, and to suppose that the object of 
 Christianity is rather to produce one uniform result, than to modify, 
 chasten, exalt, sanctify, the peculiar character of each. Though I 
 should agree with them, that few things were to any individual in- 
 different, yet I must think that there is a large class of actions whicli 
 are indifferent to any but particular individuals— I mean, whose 
 noxious character, if they have any, depends entirely on the moral 
 constitution with which they meet. In the moral as well as natural 
 frame, what is healthful and nutritious to one person may be deadly 
 poison to another : one e. g. society may only unbend, soften, humanize, 
 and fit better for the discharge of his other duties ; another it may 
 enervate, dissipate, distract ;— one the absence of society may tend to 
 render morose and discontented ; another, "never less alone than 
 when alone," it may lead up to the unseen Being Who is ever around 
 our paths. Or, in things of a more decided character, the love of a 
 child may render one parent only more grateful to God, more anxious 
 for his own spiritual improvement ; another it may make worldly, 
 and alienate him from God : or, in our former illustration, one may 
 be calculated actively to improve society by his intercourse with it ; 
 another may be never seen to less advantage than in it. Now the 
 obvious rule in these cases seems to be to avoid what injures, and 
 select what advances one's own mind ; or, according to the analogy of 
 St. Paul's rule, " Let every one be fully persuaded in his own mind. 
 He that observeth the day, observeth it to the Lord; and he that 
 observeth not the day, to the Lord he observeth it not. He thai 
 eateth, eateth to the Lord, for he giveth God thanks ; and he that 
 eateth not, to the Lord he eateth not, and giveth God thanks." (Rom. 
 xiv. 5.) The chapter is full of good social principles. But men, 
 instead of stopping here, forgetting that what is useful or injurious to 
 themselves may not be so to others, censure others for not adopting 
 
 the line which has been useful to themselves, and think that because 
 they could not do with impunity what others are doing, neither 
 therefore could these.' 
 
 A complaint as to the style of St. Paul,— his broken or 
 involved constructions, — drew from Pusey some sentences 
 of great beauty and point, which are, it may be thought, 
 sometimes applicable to his own style also : — 
 
 *You may perhaps have observed that it is the very fervour of 
 St. Paul's mind, boiling over with the deep feeling of his subject, which 
 produces these involved sentences. His mmd is like an excited ocean, 
 in which wave succeeds and towers over wave, in increasing weight 
 and majesty. It must be the case in all writers of great energy, when 
 full of their subject, that they cannot be content with the mere simple 
 statement, but add continually fresh ideas which express some part of 
 the fullness of their conception.' 
 
 Mr. Close had preached on the fewness of the saved, 
 and on the reprobation of the Jews. As to the former 
 question, Pusey calls attention to 'the great multitude, 
 whom no man could number, of all nations, and kindreds, 
 and people, and tongues' (Rev. vii. 9). Upon the Jews he 
 observes : — 
 
 * We know far too little of the human heart to tell how far their 
 blindness is now wilful or no. What they have themselves suffered, 
 and the contempt and mockery which they still undergo from the 
 Gentile Christians, is no very inviting preparation to acknowledge as 
 the Saviour, Who should restore them. Him in Whose name they have 
 been persecuted. They are educated in and to unbelief; and absurd as 
 the expedients seem to us by which they rid themselves of their 
 prophecies,— the double Messiah, the suffering and the victorious, 
 the Son of Ephraim and the Son of Judah, or that God delayed for 
 their wickedness the appearance of the Messiah, Who now lies hid, it is 
 known not where,— absurd as these and a thousand other Talmudical 
 phantasies appear to us, it is absolutely impossible to know how far 
 a Jew, on whose mind they have been early and sedulously impressed, 
 may honestly believe them. I feel confident that very many do : and 
 the state of Christianity among us does not yet sufficiently correspond 
 to the magnificent and holy ideal of the Prophets to give its full force 
 to that most convincing evidence of their prophecies. Not that i 
 think we should be slothful about their conversion^n Germany the 
 blessed work has been richly prospered ; but in the meantime they 
 seem to me in the same light as the heathen, and that they will be 
 tried by the degree of the spirituality to which under their dispensation 
 
 '^ii 
 
128 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 they could attain, not by their acknowledging or non-acknowledging of 
 Christianity.' 
 
 As to that practical personal question which at times 
 weighs with all of us, and which Miss Barker raised in her 
 early letters, * Shall I be saved?* he writes in a letter 
 interesting in itself, and also because of the reference to 
 * The Christian Year,' which had just made its appearance, 
 and which he refers to as Keble's * hymns/ * The hymns,' 
 he says, *were published solely at his father's wish, to 
 see them before his death. There is so much of Keble's 
 own character impressed upon them that he published 
 them very unwillingly, in filial compliance. He considers, 
 I believe, much in them as an otherwise unjustifiable dis- 
 closure of what should remain known only to his God.' 
 Pusey quotes ' The Christian Year ' as if it were already a 
 classic. 
 
 ' Is it expedient for us that we should know that we shall be saved } 
 What difference would it make in our conduct, in our exertions ? 
 Here also I think that, Prudens (in his vf'isdom) futuriiemporis exitum 
 taliginosd node preinit Deus\ the knowledge might add to our ease, 
 but might it not diminish our endeavours after holiness 1 Is it that 
 God has not given us light enough, or that we are anxious for a flood 
 of it, which mortal eyes might not endure? . . . But you wrote this 
 part of your letter before you read Keble's beautiful hymn; and 
 I think you would now be more inclined to acquiesce in those 
 excellent lines; — 
 
 " But He would have us linger still 
 
 Upon the verge of good or ill. 
 
 That on His guiding Hand unseen 
 
 Our undivided hearts may lean. 
 
 And this our frail and foundering bark 
 Glide in the narrow wake of His beloved Ark*."' 
 
 But the question recurs at a later date, and his answer 
 is more decided, and in accordance with the spirit of his 
 later treatise * What is of faith as to Eternal Punishment?' 
 
 * There is no human being on whosa future misery I would venture 
 to decide, because there is no human being the strength of whose 
 difficulties, whose proportional employment of the various means of 
 
 I ( 
 
 The Christian Year,' Sixth Su .day after Epiphany, stanza 2, 
 
 Spiritual experiences, 129 
 
 improvement given him, whose entire state of heart, I know. As a 
 preacher, as an expounder of Scripture, I would hold out no hope 
 where Scripture does not gwt positive grounds for it : the hope would 
 be used only by the careless, and by them abused ; but, as a man, I 
 may hope that there are means for the extension of mercy to thousands, 
 whose case, to our limited view, would seem desperate.' 
 
 During the whole of his visit to Brighton he was a 
 solitary invalid, under the care of Sir Matthew Tierney, 
 and at times he had to lay aside the occupations which 
 relieved his loneliness. He used to work with his head 
 swathed in damp handkerchiefs ; or he sought more com- 
 plete relief by leeches, or, as at Bonn, by cupping. At last 
 his headaches were too painful to be endured: he could 
 work no more. His own experience suggested the advice 
 which he wrote to Miss Barker for the benefit of an invalid 
 sister : — 
 
 * Sickness has its duties as well as health, and often the more im- 
 portant ones : our passive duties are often more important, in their 
 performance, to others ; often, if not even generally, more influential in 
 forming our own character than our active ones. . . . Want of occupa- 
 tion is one misery of ill-health ; but the occupation of watching and 
 correcting and improving our own hearts for the love of our Saviour, 
 and in order not to bring discredit on His promises, or cause them to 
 be undervalued, is one which will give an interest to seasons of pain 
 which equals any of the active duties of health in the most active 
 existence. If one compares one's own petty sufferings with His 
 sufferings, one feels ready to sink with shame into the earth for having 
 given them a moment's thought. The fifty-third chapter of Isaiah or 
 the history of the Crucifixion is an antidote to the bitterness of any 
 sorrow.* 
 
 Another letter shows that Pusey's feelings about society, 
 which after 1839 led him to withdraw from it entirely 
 for the rest of his life, were already shaping themselves. 
 
 * In Brighton,' he says, * the tumult of fashion and gaiety, if such 
 there be here, does not reach me: it is, as I said, as illegal here to 
 extend the promenade to my abode, though on the edge of it, as in 
 Cheltenham beyond the turnpikes ; and though I have walked on the 
 shingles below the Cliff (where each step in advance is accompanied 
 by one in retreat) to avoid the spleen as well as to enjoy the roar 
 of Ocean as he lashes the shore, I can generally preserve my com- 
 posure. The feeling, however, is rather a mournful one, to see so many 
 
 VOL. I. K 
 
I30 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 human beings apparently wasting their existence and forgetting its 
 object.* 
 
 The same feeling was roused more powerfully by 
 London ; and the passage which expresses it anticipates 
 many a conversation, and some of his sermons : — 
 
 * It has long been to me a source of melancholy to see under any 
 circumstances a crowded population, more especially where every 
 countenance seems to express intentness on its own earthly object. . . . 
 It is a morbid feeling, but it makes London, notwithstanding that it 
 contains the mainsprings of religious activity as well as of all that 
 is wretched and sinful, often appear to me like a great lazar-house, 
 which I would willingly visit as a physician, but not as a spectator, 
 much less as a patient.' 
 
 Pusey's correspondence with Miss Barker at this period 
 illustrates what he afterwards felt to be a certain imma- 
 turity of mind on subjects, some of which it fell to his lot 
 to press with so much weight and learning on the con- 
 science of the Church of England. He would say of these 
 early days : ' we had no sufficient information, and we 
 were feeling our way.' It will be remembered that he 
 was not yet even a deacon. 
 
 Writing about the succession of fast and festival, 'our 
 ancestors were/ he said, * right in preparing for Easter, 
 as they did, by humiliation and earnest thought. The 
 bright prospect to which the Christian world is elevated 
 by the recurrence of Easter Day was the more exalted 
 and exalting from the previous passage through the 
 gloomy valley of self-abaserrtent.* Lent naturally sug- 
 gested fasting ; and his correspondent was too practical 
 not to wish for definite ideas on the subject. Pusey had 
 written to Miss Barker, deprecating austerities, in the com- 
 monplace generalities of the day ; and she wanted some- 
 thing precise and definite that might help her. Pusey was 
 not yet quite equal to the occasion. But he said what he 
 could : — 
 
 * My opinions upon fasting not being the result of reading, I can 
 name no book which would support my views, simply because I have 
 read none : I can, however, say that two excellent clergymen, Hawkins 
 and Newman (both of whom, I trust, you will hereafter know, who 
 
 Catharine of Siena — Popular Education, 131 
 
 would not abate one tittle of Christian strictness, and both indeed 
 themselves abstemious), do not go in the least beyond me.' 
 
 Miss Barker consulted him on questions of Church 
 history. One long letter to her is a condensed account 
 of the controversies which led to the suppression of Port 
 Royal. Another turned on a question which she had 
 asked him as to what she was to think of her namesake, 
 St. Catharine of Siena. His answer savoured somewhat of 
 the shallow ' common-sense ' of the eighteenth century, the 
 traditional language of which he had not yet revised, 
 and was unconsciously repeating. Thirty years later he 
 would have judged it severely. 
 
 *Your namesake about whose vision you enquire was probably a 
 half-distracted, visionary, and vision-seeing mystic. How far knavery 
 may have mingled with her fanaticism, or whether she was only em- 
 ployed as an instrument by others, can probably not be decided. She 
 certainly was employed both for political and religious objects both in 
 the schism of the Popes and the contest between the Franciscans and 
 Dominicans about the superhuman birth of the Virgin Mary, in which 
 she was the organ of a revelation in favour of the Dominican. . . . 
 The vision (for she persuaded herself, it is to be hoped, that she was 
 continually blessed with them) was the betrothing to our Saviour, 
 which she had earnestly requested as a seal that she should never 
 cease to be devoted to Him. She describes her betrothing, and that 
 after the train had vanished, the ring (a costly one) remained on her 
 tini;er.' 
 
 Answering a question as to the possible results of 
 popular education, Pusey, already displays the caution 
 which, throughout his life, marked his attitude towards 
 strong enthusiasms when diverted from religious principle. 
 
 * I wish I could share in Dr. S.'s exultation at the intellectual im- 
 provement of the lower classes. I fear that it is very disproportionate 
 to their moral and religious advance ; that it is much more likely to 
 make them real or practical infidels, as before the distress of the 
 manufacturing districts the prevailing feeling was not merely being 
 indifferent to, but above all religion. And this is one of the phenomena 
 which makes me fear most for our country ; and I fear a crisis is 
 approaching (whether it come in the next decade of years or no) in 
 which Christianity will have to struggle for its existence. God's will 
 be done.' 
 
 Pusey s letters illustrate also not unfrequently his ardent 
 
 K % 
 
i 
 
 132 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Test and Corporation Acts, 
 
 133 
 
 
 'V 
 
 .1' 
 
 political sympathies in early life. The unbending Toryism 
 of their father may have had something to do with driving 
 both Mr. Pusey's sons into the ranks of Liberalism. 
 Political questions were kept much before men's minds in 
 1827 and 1828 by the frequent changes in the Ministry, 
 and a widespread unsettlement in the country. The 
 question of Roman Catholic Emancipation had been an 
 open one in the Cabinet since 181 2. The subject was 
 frequently debated in Parliament ; Pusey was a most warm 
 supporter of the proposal. Although no measure was before 
 the country in October 1827, Pusey wrote to Miss Barker 
 in the subjoined terms : — 
 
 * If I wished to gain a clear view of the Emancipation question 
 I should not allow my mind to dwell on the abstract objection, " that 
 a R. C. must necessarily be a bad legislator for a Protestant country," 
 or let my mind roll from a vague contemplation of the one set of argu- 
 ments to the other ; but setting out on the side on which the general 
 truth lay, i.e. that unless there were any special objection, none 
 should be stigmatized for their religious opinions as unfit to be 
 members of a Legislature, or be excluded from it, first consider all 
 the arguments on this side, and then weigh what might be said against 
 it. It might be that, after all, there might be some which I could not 
 remove ; but had I thus acquired a strong conviction that the demand 
 should be granted, these objections would induce me to make allow- 
 ance for those of opposite opinions, but not change or in the least 
 affect the certainty of my convictions.* 
 
 The Emancipation question led him to state his ideas at 
 that time on the subject of Roman Catholicism : — 
 
 *The Roman Catholics, though they have mingled up superstitions 
 with and adulterated the Faith, have yet retained the foundations. 
 I do not mean to deny the practical idolatry into which they have 
 fallen, or that the "good works" of self-emaciation, hairshirts, flagel- 
 lations, &c., have not had a merit ascribed to them which interfered 
 with the merits of Christ : yet still, whatever they may have added, 
 they did hold that acceptance was through Christ ; and as to the 
 mediation of the saints, it was, in theory^ only the same as one asking 
 a good man to pray for us. The danger was that it might be 
 practically more, yet so as rather to lead to idolatry^ than to an inter- 
 ference with the Atonement. Yet I as well as you doubt not that 
 there have been hundreds of thousands of sincere men among the 
 Roman Catholics, and that every sincere man has been led into that 
 degree of truth which was necessary to salvation ; and that there are 
 
 many ... at whose feet it would be happiness to think that we 
 might sit in the kingdom of heaven. There may be much love where 
 there is little knowledge, and vice versd' 
 
 Similarly Pusey greatly rejoiced over the result of the 
 battle of Navarino, and the immediate prospects of Greek 
 independence. 
 
 In the early spring of 1828 Parliament was discussing 
 Lord J. Russell's motion for the repeal of the Test and 
 Corporation Acts. As Miss Barker was in Portman Square 
 she had many opportunities of learning what was going on. 
 * I do envy you,' Pusey writes from Brighton, * the earlier 
 knowledge how Lord John Russell's motion against these 
 disgraceful laws, the Test and Corporation Acts, succeeds. 
 According to the paper, it is for next Saturday: so that 
 you may know it tv/o days before me.' Four days after- 
 wards he resumes : — 
 
 * I am very anxious about the Test and Corporation Acts. I think 
 them both in their means and end a disgrace and deterrent to religion. 
 They, more than anything else, keep alive the bitterness of party 
 spirit among Christians, agreeing in the same essentials of faith, in 
 England.* 
 
 And again, a week later, he expresses his 
 
 'extreme joy at the tidings which I heard yesterday of the 
 triumphant majority of 44 against those Ministers, which assures, at 
 least, a modification of this disgraceful and injurious system. Lord 
 John Russell's speech, though not very brilliant, was solid, as his 
 always are. His quotations from bishops of earlier days were very 
 good, particularly Bishop K[en]. There was less timidity then than 
 now. I was glad, too, to see Peel so moderate, and peculiarly glad 
 that our " learned " body had not meddled. That vote, I hope, will 
 be a new era for us, and that we as well as our ancestors shall 
 trust more in the goodness of our cause than in the might of 
 legislation.* 
 
 Once more, on March 5 : — 
 
 * It rejoices me to hear that the Test Act Repeal will probably be 
 victorious in the House of Lords. ... I should be perplexed to see 
 any of the bishops voting for the continuance of the profanation.* 
 
 His Liberalism was however always strictly bounded by 
 respect for monarchical institutions— a respect which was 
 
134 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 5li; 
 
 by no means a matter of course among Liberals in the days 
 of George IV. 
 
 *A Republic is perhaps the very best Utopian government, and 
 were I to make a constitution for that happy country it might perhaps 
 be Republican ; but unfortunately, constituted as men are, it is fit 
 for no place beside, any more than to have no government at all. 
 Bishop Wilson's maxim, though ill-timed, was very right (when asked by 
 the late King whether he were not a Republican — you probably know 
 it): ICO tyrants were loo times as bad as one. The history of 
 Greece convinced me that a Republic was the worst despotism except 
 an Aristocracy, i.e. Oligarchy (and if so in Greece, much more so, 
 you will allow, anywhere else) ; and the best politicians among the 
 ancients agreed in thinking the most perfect government that which 
 we have, a balance of the three powers. Poor Poland, with one of the 
 finest people in the world, is an eternal warning against elective 
 monarchies. There is no doubt but that, though our constitution 
 might be improved in minor points, something of its kind will be the 
 constitution of the civilized world.' 
 
 ( < 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE PROVOSTSHIP OF ORIEL — DEATH OF MR. PUSEY -— 
 ORDINATION — MARRIAGE — FIRST SERMON. 
 
 1828. 
 
 * But Thou, dear Lord, 
 
 Whilst I traced out bright scenes which were to come, — 
 
 Isaac's pure blessings, and a verdant home, — 
 
 Didst spare me.' r am j t- 
 
 ^ Lyra Apostohca^ xxix. 
 
 During his stay at Brighton in the early months of 
 1828 an event occurred of great practical interest to 
 Pusey, and, as events have shown, of even momentous 
 importance to the Church. A vacancy in the see of Llan- 
 daff was filled by the appointment of the Provost of Oriel, 
 Dr. Copleston. If the Welsh see was the more dignified, the 
 Provostship of Oriel was to be, in the ensuing years, the 
 more important position ; but this would not have been 
 obvious at the time either to the departing Provost or to 
 the electors of his successor. For some weeks, however, 
 the impending election occupied the minds of the Fellows 
 as an event of at any rate the highest domestic importance ; 
 and Pusey was at heart as much interested as anybody else. 
 
 Three candidates were in the field ; their names stood in 
 the subjoined order as fifth, sixth, and seventh Fellows : — 
 Rev. John Keble, Rev. J. E. Tyler, and Rev. Edward 
 Hawkins. From the first the issue really lay between 
 Keble and Hawkins. It appears in a letter from Keble 
 to Hawkins, that when the vacancy first occurred Keble 
 could not make up his mind. It is certain that * if there 
 had been anything like an unanimous call of the Fellows ' 
 he would have undertaken the duties of the office. But he 
 
136 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The Provostship of Oriel. 
 
 137 
 
 thought that he was ' very likely to be left m a minority,' 
 and being indifferent to prominence of any kind, he appears 
 to have written that ' a Headship at Oxford, though no 
 doubt a comfortable respectable concern, would by no means 
 realize my beau ideal of life/ That something like 'an 
 unanimous call,' which as the voice of duty might have 
 overcome this hesitation, was not addressed to him, was 
 a result to which, in after years, Pusey sadly felt that he had 
 contributed. On December 28th Keble wrote a playful and 
 characteristic letter to Hawkins, to announce that he was 
 no longer a candidate for the vacant Provostship. He did 
 not shrink from its duties ; he did not think it a much more 
 difficult trust than any other pastoral employment ; he had 
 no wish to be supposed to be ' eaten up with a morbid dis- 
 trust of himself.' But private and family reasons led him 
 not to wish for it ; and there was no reason, when his cor- 
 respondent was a candidate, for troubling the College with 
 any difference of opinion in the matter. The result was 
 that on February 2nd, 1828, Hawkins was unanimously 
 elected Provost of Oriel. 
 
 This situation is so historical, and so much has been 
 written about it, that it may here suffice to describe Pusey s 
 exact share in what took place. He made up his mind, early 
 in the day, that Hawkins would make the best Provost. His 
 reasons are given in the subjoined letter to one whose 
 equitable care had secured his own election as Fellow in 
 1823. , 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. Jenkyns. 
 
 5 Eastern Terrace, Brighton, Dec. ii, 1827. 
 . . . Without further preface, then, ever since I have well known 
 the three individuals from whom our future Provost is likely to 
 be select* -d, T., H., and K., I have been very anxious that H. should be 
 the person who should fill the office. This is not a question of the 
 comparative merits of the individuals in themselveSy but with relation 
 to an office of a peculiar character, and requiring peculiar habits and 
 talents for its right discharge. Were personal excellence, high talents, 
 a pure and beautiful mind, alone necessary, H. himself would not com- 
 pete with K. ; yet requiring as it does a great knowledge of human 
 nature, and a general practical turn of mind, I cannot but think that K. 
 is most deficient in the very points which are here perhaps of primary 
 
 importance, and that in these same points H. peculiarly excels. The very 
 beauty of K.'s mind, removed as he has been from the opportunity of 
 acquiring an enlarged experience of the minds of others, and especially 
 of those of the common age of undergraduates, seems to diminish his 
 fitness for the office: viewing their minds in the almost speckless 
 mirror of his own, he not unfrequently seems to propose measures, 
 whether of improvement or discipline, the very last which are likely to 
 have effect upon minds of an ordinary, or of no extraordinary, stamp. 
 1 fear, too, from K.'s general character, we should have to anticipate 
 too little of system in the manner to be pursued. H., on the contrary, 
 joins with a very rare acuteness an uncommonly practical character, 
 and has by his long service in the tuition very materially improved his 
 naturally quick perception of character ; and I know no one who either 
 seizes these points so acutely, or is more successful, by a constant 
 reference to right principle, in improving them. I can myself acknow- 
 ledge with gratitude that there is no individual with whom I have been 
 permitted to hold intimate intercourse from whom I have derived so 
 much benefit. I may just add, that an apparent austerity, which 
 formerly created some prejudice against him, has partly worn away, 
 partly been subdued, and that now he is the object of personal regard 
 as well as of respect. As a member of the board of Heads of Houses, 
 which we are also electing, I can conceive no one whose practical, 
 moderate, and unbiased views, yet not slavishly adhering to everything 
 hereditary, would, as far as a single opinion and voice have influence, 
 be more serviceable to the University. Though less directly, we may 
 also take into consideration the benefit likely to accrue to the Church, 
 by obtaining leisure for one who has a decided taste for theological 
 enquiry, whose enquiries are characterized by the same comprehen- 
 siveness, acuteness, steadiness, and practical purpose, and likely to 
 prove of extensive ability. 1 believe I need hardly say that in these 
 statements I have every reason to believe myself free from personal 
 bias : I am (as every one must be who is acquainted with him) 
 extremely attached to K. ; my attachment to him commenced and 
 was much increased by circumstances which I cannot now explain : 
 and at the time that I first formed these views, though H. had my 
 highest esteem and respect, I individually unquestionably had more 
 regard for K. At the time when the decision became necessary I felt 
 (though I am now decidedly better) my health so precarious that I 
 was not likely, then at least, to be swayed by anything but principle. 
 Of T. I have said nothing, because I believe that with regard to him 
 the question is already decided, as the seven votes which I know (and 
 this is already a majority) are divided indeed between H. and K., but 
 prefer both to T. . . • 
 
 I may add that I suspect that the other residents entertain the same 
 view of the relative fitness of H. and K. : D. and N. unquestionably do, 
 and though W. and Fr. would give their first vote to K., I suspect it to 
 be from personal attachment, and, what perhaps is more to the purpose, 
 
138 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 A Regretted Decision. 
 
 139 
 
 I understand that such of our former Fellows as are likely to be best 
 acquainted with the matter take the same view. 
 
 ... I have been obliged to remove to this place for health, but am 
 getting better, and should at all events be at the election. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Jenkyns, 
 
 Yours most sincerely, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 This was followed by a letter to the person principally 
 concerned. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble, junr. 
 
 5 Eastern Terrace, Brighton, Dec. 14, 1827. 
 A feeling of (perhaps false) shame has prevented me hitherto from 
 writing to you. Yet it did seem an uncalled-for, if not presumptuous, 
 undertaking, to tell you that for the office about to be vacated 1 did 
 prefer one other to yourself. Yet finding that, at least in Hawkins' 
 case, the same has been done and kindly taken, I have resolved upon 
 the unwelcome task for fear of a worse evil— of having my views mis- 
 taken. It is, however, still with reluctance that I say anything. And 
 I believe it were best to confine myself to the simple and sincere assur- 
 ance that though I have thought it my duty to decide in this instance to 
 vote for Hawkins, and to explain to some others the grounds of that vote, 
 should the choice of the majority finally fall upon you I should antici- 
 pate from your promotion high and extensive benefits to our College. 
 I think, indeed, in common with all, that we are singularly fortunate in 
 having two such individuals from whom to select our Head. Were 
 Plawkins not your competitor I should have voted, without any mixture 
 of pain, for you against any third person, which I cannot now, for 
 Hawkins against you. It is difficult on this subject not to appear to 
 say too much or too little. I will therefore only add that it is not 
 upon any comparison of the individuals in themselves, but in relation 
 to a peculiar office, that I have formed my decision. You will not, on 
 account of that decision, I am sure, think that I am less sincerely 
 
 Your affectionate and obliged 
 
 E. B. Pusey\ 
 
 On January 3 Edward Pusey writes to Miss Barker : — 
 
 * This morning has brought me intelligence that would (dare I be 
 selfish) be disappointing. There is to be no election at Oriel, Keble 
 having withdrawn, partly as thinking Hawkins a fitter man, partly 
 from domestic circumstances at Fairford. Any diflference of opinion 
 which there might have been is now over. There is no third to 
 
 compete with Hawkins, and therefore the election, being only nominal, 
 will not require the presence of the Fellows.' 
 
 Never in the later years of his life did Dr. Pusey refer to 
 the decision which he took on this occasion without adding 
 a word of self-reproach on the score of what he afterwards 
 considered his failure to read the true significance of char- 
 acter. Of this feeling the most deliberate expression occurs 
 in the sermon which he preached at the opening of Keble 
 College Chapel on St. Mark's Day, 1876. After referring 
 to Mr. Keble's willingness, * had minds been one,' to accept 
 the Provostship, and to his saying * I should not have shrunk 
 from it as from a Bishopric,' Dr. Pusey adds : — 
 
 * Unhappily, some of us who loved him did not know the power of 
 his deep sympathy with the young heart, and thought another more 
 practical. He could not bear division, so withdrew. The whole of the 
 later history of our Church might have been changed had we been 
 wiser : but God, through our ignorance, withdrew him, and it must 
 have been well with him, since God so overruled it. To us it became 
 a sorrow of our lives '.' 
 
 His self-reproach on this head was not shared, at least 
 by all his colleagues. * I recollect,' wrote Cardinal Newman 
 to Pusey in 1882, * making Jenkyns laugh by saying in 
 defence of my vote, " You know we are not electing an angel 
 but a Provost. If we were electing an angel, I should of 
 course vote for Keble ; but the case is different." I voted, 
 however,' he adds, *for Hawkins, from my great affection 
 for and admiration of him. I have never ceased to love 
 him to this day. I certainly was sorry I had helped to elect 
 Hawkins ; but I can't say I ever wished the election undone. 
 Without it there would have been no Movement, no Tracts, 
 no Library of the Fathers.* 
 
 Pusey's connexion with Oriel was soon to be terminated 
 by his marriage, which was fixed for April 17. But he had 
 
 * Pusey's reply to Keble's * kind 
 answer ' to this letter is given in New- 
 man's 'Letters and Correspondence,' 
 
 i. p. 1 75 note. The ' kind answer ' has 
 been lost. 
 
 * * Blessed are the Meek : ' a 
 sermon. Parker, Oxford, 1876, p. 34. 
 Mr. T. Mozley (* Reminiscences, vol. 
 i- P- 39) ^ys that * Newman was 
 much surprised and concerned ' when 
 he read this statement. In a letter 
 to Dr. Pusey, dated Birmingham, 
 
 August 4, 1882, Cardinal Newman 
 says, * I never expressed, I never felt, 
 any surprise whatever, any concern 
 whatever, at your words about me, 
 including me with yourself in what 
 you said about Hawkins's election.* 
 
140 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 one more duty to discharge towards the College. The last 
 examination for Fellowships in which he took part ended 
 on Friday, April nth. He had expressed to Newman 
 his dissatisfaction at the accounts which he had received of 
 the intellectual qualities of the candidates. But there was, 
 as the event proved, no reason for his anxiety in this regard. 
 The result of the examination added to the Fellows' list 
 George Anthony Denison, afterward Archdeacon of Taunton, 
 one of the most accomplished Latinists and most vigorous 
 champion of Church principles that Oxford has ever pro- 
 duced ; Charles Neate, the friend of Sainte Beuve, who many 
 years after represented the city of Oxford in Parliament ; 
 and Walter John Trower, who, as Bishop of Glasgow, lived 
 to be in opposition to Pusey on questions which were then 
 very remote from the minds of men. Writing to Miss 
 Barker, Pusey describes the general result of this election 
 as ' advancing liberal principles.* 
 
 The Oriel election being over, Pusey hastened back to 
 town. He reached his father's house late on the evenincr 
 of the day of the election — Friday, April nth. It was now 
 less than a week to the day fixed for his wedding. On Low 
 Sunday, April i3th, there was a family dinner in Grosvenor 
 Square. All Mr. Pusey's children were present, excepting 
 Mrs. Luxmoore. Contrary to his usual habit, which was 
 undemonstrative and taciturn, Mr. Pusey made a little 
 speech in view of the approaching wedding. He had been 
 ill in the winter, but his health was now, as it seemed, com- 
 pletely restored. 
 
 * Things,' he said, * had lately gone very well with him ; and he had 
 much to be thankful for. Philip was very happily married ; Edward 
 was happily engaged ; and he himself could wish for nothing more in 
 this world.' 
 
 During the night that followed he died very unex- 
 pectedly from a sudden failure of the heart's action. Lady 
 Lucy was with him ; and there was just time to call her son 
 Edward, but no other member of the family was present. 
 
 The body was taken to Pusey on Friday, the i8th, and 
 was buried in the family vault on the following Sunday. 
 
 Death of Mr. Pusey, 
 
 141 
 
 The eldest son went to the funeral, but Edward remained 
 with his mother in London. He could not share * this first 
 sorrow,' as he called it, even with Miss Barker — at least, not 
 at once. ' In a few days,* — so he wrote on the morning 
 after his bereavement, — 
 
 * I trust I shall be able to think of my loved father principally, in a 
 few more perhaps solely, as he now is — a pure, and holy, and happy 
 spirit in the presence of his God and his Redeemer, admitted to 
 a portion of that happiness which commenced in his holy life even 
 here. . . . 
 
 *. . . Do not think of me as bowed down by my loss. Sudden as 
 it is, and painful the contrast with my late exultation in his apparently 
 restored health, yet we have every source of comfort ; though one must 
 wish to have had a few last words, which one might have treasured, 
 from him. . . . He died, if one may dare so to say, just as he should 
 have died. . . . Excuse these broken lines. I shall soon be happy 
 again in his happiness.' 
 
 Each day in that week he wrote to Miss Barker. The 
 language of sorrow is only not monotonous when it is per- 
 fectly unstudied. He is chiefly concerned about his mother. 
 There is little about himself. Only on the 17th, — the day 
 which had been fixed for their wedding, — does he refer to 
 its postponement. 
 
 * Since it has been thus ordered, it is best for me. ... I may mourn 
 that the person whose lot you have consented to share is such as to 
 require so heavy a trial, yet it will, I trust, make him more worthy 
 of you.* 
 
 The next day he writes : — 
 
 * I feel my father nearer to me now that the earthly remains are gone 
 to their last resting-place than when they were here. Now, whenever 
 one thinks (and in these days, at least, one must very often think) of 
 his and our God and Father and Saviour, one seems again united 
 with him. All the dreary past seems a dream. . . . Could but faith 
 entirely prevail over sight and memory, one would be quite happy, 
 even now.' 
 
 Pusey's Ordination had been again and again postponed. 
 In 1823 it was delayed by the consequence of his election 
 at Oriel; in 1824 by his absorbing controversy with his 
 unbelieving schoolfellow; in 1825 by the philological 
 
:,..¥■ 
 
 142 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 I'M 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 Studies connected with his visit to Germany. In 1826 
 he was abroad, and in 1827 he was an invalid at Brighton. 
 Now, however, it seemed that the purpose of his life might 
 at last be realized : yet he still felt that he could not under- 
 take the direct cure of souls. He would work for souls, 
 but indirectly, by removing, through literary labour, diffi- 
 culties in the way of faith : this would satisfy his Ordination 
 vow and enable him to engage in the occupations for which 
 he believed that God had designed him. When in Germany 
 even he wrote to Newman, * The cure of souls I dare not 
 undertake.' Moreover, he shrank from being * paid ' for such 
 work. He looked upon his ordination at this date mainly 
 as furnishing a consecration of learning, by keeping before 
 him the one sacred object which secures for learning its 
 true dignity. Yet he was not without other thoughts. 
 
 ' I at times look with regret at the active professional labours, the 
 direct winning souls to Christ, which is the crown of all theology, and 
 which I have for the time abandoned.* 
 
 He remained with his mother in London until the begin- 
 ning of May. Then he returned to Oxford^ and read for 
 his Ordination. With the change of scene and resumption of 
 work his spirits revived. He walked out daily, generally on 
 Foxcombe Hill : he had, as he wrote, recovered his elas- 
 ticity, and could appreciate the beauty of the scene and 
 the blue hyacinths in the copse between Foxcombe and 
 Cum nor. 
 
 His days were now spent in the study of theology. 
 St. John's Gospel he found ' permanently tranquillizing to 
 his mind ' after his recent sorrow. The standard of know- 
 ledge required of candidates for Ordination seventy years 
 ago was not a high one, even in the diocese of Oxford. 
 Pusey almost thought that he need not have read for it. 
 ' It was over,' he tells Miss Barker, * on Wednesday, and 
 turned out to be one which I could have answered as 
 well eight years ago.' He was ordained deacon at Christ 
 
 ' * I^oor Pusey came here last 
 Monday. He is much thrown back 
 and his spirits very low He, 
 
 Pusey, is going to chancre his name 
 to Bouverie : this however is quite a 
 secret.' Newman's * Letters/ i. p. 184. 
 
 Ordination to the Diaconate — Marriage. 143 
 
 Church on Trinity Sunday, June i, 1828, by Bishop Lloyd. 
 Two days afterwards he describes his impressions : — 
 
 * Sunday was a very solemn day. It would have been so anywhere, 
 liut the ordination taking place in the part of the Cathedral which 
 I used to frequent for four years, and in which I had not now been for 
 five, brought a tide of recollections of former life— a strong comparison 
 of myself with my former self. Yet it had been in itself one of the 
 most solemn days of life. However one had before purposed to 
 devote one's best powers to the glory of God and the good of " the 
 Church which Christ purchased with His own Blood," one had not, 
 by any open act, pledged oneself to it. One seemed more a free agent, 
 a volunteer who had still liberty (though there was no possibility of the 
 wish) to employ himself in any other way. 
 
 * It is now otherwise. If I do not now dedicate all my strength to 
 it, if I do not exert every power to purify my heart and improve my 
 mind, as may most tend to advance His kingdom, I shall have broken 
 my faith solemnly pledged— be a deserter, a renegade, a worse than 
 slothful servant. I cannot now in anything offend without producing 
 a proportionate offence in others. If the ministers of the Church, 
 which still ought to be the salt of the earth, lack saltness, there is no 
 external means by which they can recover it. They are fit only to be 
 cast out. Yet these thoughts, though solemn, are not depressing.. 
 With every fresh responsibility fresh strength is given.' 
 
 On the day of his Ordination, he said the evening service 
 in the parish church of St. Mary the Virgin, which since the 
 preceding February had been held by his friend Newman^ 
 On the following Sunday he assisted Mr. Newman at the 
 altar by administering the chalice. On the preceding day he 
 had written to Miss Barker: — 
 
 * I am in a few hours going to assist for the first time in administering 
 the Communion. . . . The person whom I am going to assist is a very 
 valued and dear friend, with whom I should most wish to be joined in 
 this holy office.' 
 
 At length the many anxious years of waiting were at an 
 end, and Edward Pusey was married to Miss Barker at 
 St. Mary's, Bryanstone Square, by his friend R. W. Jelf, 
 on June 12th. The wedding tour lasted three months. 
 They visited Derbyshire and then passed to the Lake 
 
 ^ 'June 1st. Pusey ordained. [He 
 read prayers for me in the evening at 
 St. Mary's, and reminded me years 
 afterwards that I said to him " If you 
 
 read from your chest in that way, it 
 will kill you."]' Newman's * Letters/ 
 i. p. 186. 
 
144 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Pusey's First Sermon, 
 
 145 
 
 district, calling on Mrs. Southey and Mrs. Coleridge. They 
 explored a large portion of the Western Highlands and 
 some of the Hebrides. On their return journey, after a 
 narrow escape from being drowned in the Tweed, they 
 spent two days with Sir Walter Scott at Abbotsford ; and 
 a day or two more at Rokeby Castle, the home of Miss 
 Morritt, to whom Pusey had been introduced at Brighton 
 as 'Walter Scott's Minna.' 
 
 On September 4th they reached Badger Hall, Shropshire. 
 Badger Church is memorable as the building in which on 
 September 7th, 1828, Pusey preached his first sermon. His 
 text was Heb. xii. 14: 'Follow peace with all men, and 
 holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord.' The 
 sermon, after the fashion of those days, was preached again 
 elsewhere: at Cuddesdon at the end of October 1828, and at 
 Tytherly in 1832. It contains many additions in a later 
 handwriting, and many erasures, as though the preacher had 
 endeavoured in after years to adapt it to his later and fuller 
 thoughts, and had at last abandoned the attempt. But it 
 is marked by the characteristics which belonged to his 
 sermons to the last, intensity of moral purpose, reiteration, 
 cxhaustiveness, manifest determination to make his hearers 
 understand the importance of the point he was enforcing, 
 and a complete indifference to method and rhetorical effect. 
 It is remarkable that the first of Mr. Newman's published 
 Parochial Sermons is on the same text and subject. The 
 movement in which they botfi took so leading a part was, 
 before all things, a call to ' holiness.' Of this sermon and 
 visit an interesting account is given by Mrs. Pusey 's cousin, 
 Miss Boddington, who was living at Badger Hall : — 
 
 * Edward Pusey was extremely kind to me : his affection for his wife 
 is quite unbounded, his amiability and kindness to every one is very 
 pleasing, but not more than might well be expected from one so 
 deeply imbued with the spirit of Christ's religion. He went about 
 with us into all the cottages and shook hands with all the old people, 
 saying as they were acquaintances of Maria's they ought to be of his, 
 and having a word of advice or comfort for every one : he gave 
 wonderful satisfaction to all the neighbourhood, but above all to me, 
 by preaching his first sermon in this church. It was a most truly 
 
 excellent and beautiful discourse on the words, "Without holiness no 
 man shall see the Lord." I seldom hear the sermon at all, and if I do, 
 you know how little it is worth hearing ; it therefore was a bright 
 spot in a barren waste, and its coming from one in whom from his 
 relation to my very dear friend I was so deeply interested, made it the 
 more impressive. I was quite overcome, but mine were not the only 
 tears shed. Mrs. Dorothea Whitmore came over to hear him, and her 
 expectations were wonderfully surpassed : she said she had nearly 
 been deterred from coming by a showery morning, but could she have 
 foreseen what she was to have heard no weather, however bad, would 
 have made her hesitate. If you like, I can read it to you when we 
 meet, for I took a copy, though it is very true that a sermon read is 
 nothing in comparison to a sermon preached-, the words from the 
 pulpit fall with tenfold weight upon the heart. He is entirely engrossed 
 with the subject of Divinity, and, unless upon that point, is a silent 
 man : he listens and makes great observation on character, and always 
 leans to the most amiable side in his judgement ; but he is not by the 
 generality thought agreeable— Tom and Reginald think him very 
 stupid.* 
 
 From Badger Hall they journeyed to Oxford, where they 
 arrived on September 12th, ' exactly three calendar months 
 from the day on which we left London.' They were wel- 
 comed at the Bishop of Oxford's house in Christ Church 
 Quadrangle for a lengthy visit. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
Rose on German Protestantism, 
 
 147 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 CONTROVERSY WITH REV. H. J. ROSE ON THE 
 THEOLOGY OF GERMANY. 
 
 1828-1830. 
 
 A FEW days before Pusey's ordination as deacon, his 
 book on the * Theology of Germany * was issued from 
 the press. It was written against one who not many 
 years afterwards worked heartily at his side, and was 
 one of the chief movers in that Church revival so inti- 
 mately associated with Pusey*s name. This was the 
 Rev. Hugh James Rose, of Trinity College, Cambridge, 
 and Vicar of Horsham, in Sussex. As Select Preacher, 
 Mr. Rose had in May, 1825, delivered four discourses at 
 Cambridge on 'The State of Protestantism in Germany.' 
 Mr. Rose's reputation as a scholar and theologian, his 
 clear style, and the deep seriousness of purpose which 
 belonged to his high character, combined to give a 
 greater importance to these discourses than University 
 sermons generally possess. Mi^. Rose was, moreover, under- 
 stood to be in the confidence of some leading prelates ; and 
 thus the discourses were informally invested with an air of 
 authority which, apart from their object and contents, com- 
 manded wide attention. They were, in fact, listened to 
 with great interest. The Vice-Chancellor and other in- 
 fluential persons at Cambridge begged that they might be 
 published; and in the autumn of 1825 the volume 
 appeared with a dedication to Dr. Blomfield, then Bishop of 
 Chester^. 
 
 1 t 
 
 Discourses on the State of the Protestant Religion in Germany * Cam- 
 bridge, Deighton, 1825. 
 
 The book was certainly calculated to make an impression 
 on English readers. Except among a small band of divines, 
 little or nothing was known in England about religion 
 in Germany. A Bampton lecturer, Mr. Conybeare, had 
 touched on the subject in one of his eight discourses. 
 Bishop Jebb, of Limerick, had devoted a note in his 
 Primary Charge to its consideration. Dr. Pye Smith, a 
 learned and pious Dissenter, had animadverted on the 
 modern German divines in his * Scripture Testimony to the 
 Messiah.* Ordinary Englishmen supposed the Protestantism 
 of Germany to have remained stationary in the condition in 
 which Luther had left it ; and the Middle Ages themselves 
 were not more a blank to the English mind than the three 
 centuries of German religious history which had passed since 
 the Reformation. The great struggle with Napoleon had 
 brought England into relations of peculiar intimacy with 
 Prussia ; and the continent had been open to Englishmen 
 for ten years since the Peace. German politics and German 
 editions of the classics were welcomed in England ; but the 
 history, the results, the temper, and the tendencies of Ger- 
 man Protestant theology were as little understood as though 
 they had belonged to another and a distant continent, far 
 beyond the pale of Christendom and civilization. 
 
 Mr. Rose undertook to lift the veil. According to his 
 representation the Protestant Church of Germany was ' the 
 mere shadow of a name.' It was the scene of ' an abdica- 
 tion of Christianity*; and this * abdication' was not confined 
 either to the Lutheran or to the Calvinistic sections of that 
 body. A virtual negation of that which had hitherto been 
 understood to be Christianity was taught by divines from the 
 pulpit, and by professors from the chair of theology; and 
 a growing religious indifference in all ranks and degrees of 
 the nation was the natural result. Rose brought forward a 
 mass of evidence to show that by many theologians in Ger- 
 many the New Testament was held to contain, not eternal 
 truths, but only the opinions of Christ and the Apostles, 
 adapted to the age in which they lived. Christ Himself, it 
 was said, neither intended, nor was able, to teach a system 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 that would endure ; although incidentally He might teach 
 something enduring. His teaching was said to be addressed 
 to the Jews alone, and to be only a product of Jewish philo- 
 sophy. He Himself erred ; and His Apostles spread and 
 added to His errors. It was a mistake to accept a doctrine 
 on the authority of Scripture. Reason alone could decide 
 whether a doctrine was Divine. The truths of natural 
 religion were the only substantial facts of Christianity ; but 
 since Christianity did comprise these truths, men might 
 continue to use the old language by speaking of it as a 
 revelation, and as Divine, on the broad ground that all that 
 is true and good in any system comes from God. 
 
 Mr. Rose had facts enough to fall back upon ; but he was 
 not mainly concerned with the condition of German Protes- 
 tantism. He was thinking not of Germany but of England. 
 The danger of intellectual infection was not a remote one, 
 and the question which interested Mr. Rose even more than 
 the devastations of Rationalism was the cause — if any could 
 be assigned— for its prevalence. How had the country and 
 Church of Luther come to repudiate so largely the very 
 substance and heart of the Christian Creed ? 
 
 To this question Mr. Rose had a simple answer. It was 
 *the absence of control.' By control he meant a check 
 upon insurrectionary thought, such as is exerted by sub- 
 scription to Confessions of Faith, by the use of a settled 
 form of public worship, and by the guidance and discipline 
 of ecclesiastical superiors. In the German Protestant 
 Churches this control either (iid not exist at all or it was 
 practically useless. The old Lutheran Confessions of Faith — 
 too numerous and too crude for symbolical purposes — were 
 now subscribed only * so far as they agree with Scripture ' ; 
 and such an appended condition of course enabled each 
 subscriber to repudiate so much of the Declaration as in 
 his judgment, whether well or ill informed, did not satisfy 
 it— that is to say, in many cases, to subscribe scarcely any- 
 thing at all. Thus the relation of Church formularies to 
 Scripture was inverted : the Church formulary, which was 
 intended to guide and fix the private interpretation of 
 
 German criticism of Rose. 140 
 
 Scripture, was itself interpreted, or even set aside, by that 
 interpretation. The Reformed ministers made no engage- 
 ment except that of teaching the people according to the 
 Scriptures. Forms of prayer, composed in the sixteenth 
 century, had never been of general obligation or had fallen 
 into disuse ; and the constitution of the Lutheran Churches 
 was little capable of restraining the eccentricities of mis- 
 belief or unbelief. And it was openly asserted as one of 
 the highest privileges, or rather as being of the very 
 essence of a Protestant Church, that its opinions should 
 constantly change. 
 
 Mr. Rose's book at once attracted attention in Germany. 
 An anonymous translation into German appeared at the 
 Leipzig Spring Book-Fair of 1826, some months before 
 Pusey 's second visit to Berlin. This translation was intro- 
 duced by a preface and notes by four other hands denouncing 
 the Church of PZngland, and praising the Rationalists, and, 
 oddly enough, at the same time praising the Wesleyan 
 Methodists, probably as presumed opponents of the Church 
 of England. In October, 1826, while Pusey was reading 
 with Kosegarten at Greifswald, Mr. Rose's book was 
 fiercely attacked in the influential Rationalist orjjan of 
 Darmstadt, the Allgemeine Kirchenzeituftg. Then followed 
 a pamphlet by Bretschneider, who represented moderate 
 Rationalism ; after him came a writer who had very 
 recently renounced Rationalism for an imperfect but serious 
 faith, Dr. von Ammon. He, however, was irritated by Mr. 
 Rose's language respecting his own earlier books, and by 
 a description of his Latin as * barbarous'; and accordingly, 
 although agreeing in the general drift of Mr. Rose's work, 
 he attacked it not less fiercely than did Bretschneider. 
 Lastly, the Allgemeine Repertorium, edited by Dr. Beck— 
 and containing a sort of epitome of all new works — had a 
 passing fling at Mr. Rose. Each of these critics denounced 
 the Church of England by way of retaliation, and, between 
 them, they must have made Mr. Rose s work known to 
 every German divine of the day. 
 
 Pusey heard quite enough about it at Berlin, at Greifs- 
 
ISO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Preparations for reply. 
 
 151 
 
 wald, and at Bonn. He describes the impression it had 
 made in a letter from Bonn to Mr. Newman, in January, 
 
 1827: — 
 
 * I have heard only one voice in favour of Mr. Rose's book (Schleier- 
 macher's). The rest whom I have seen, of all the different shades of 
 opinion and earnestness, unite in condemning it. The strongest 
 against it are the most Christian. I have not been able to study 
 the history sufficiently to gain what I wished from conversation on it. 
 J hope, however, from a manuscript of Tholuck's on the unbelief of the 
 eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, to obtain hints which I may com- 
 pare with the views of other men. In its German translation Rose's 
 book is doing, I am told, a good deal of harm — as " a narrow, partial, 
 bigoted, shallow work" (I am here only a translator) against Rationalism 
 ever must. In England its effects, though not so important, will still, 
 I fear, be prejudicial, especially from the unbounded praise which 
 persons, knowing nothing of the subject, have thoughtlessly bestowed 
 upon it. . . . To write another is, however, very different from censuring 
 this. The present and past state of Germany is, particularly for a 
 foreigner, one of extreme difficulty. One able professor, who has made 
 ecclesiastical history his study, told me that he should not think himself 
 qualified to undertake the task.' 
 
 In a letter written a month later Pusey gives, in his own 
 language, a summary of the criticisms which were made on 
 the book at Bonn, in the houses of Professors Sack, Liicke, 
 and Nitzsche : — 
 
 * The feeling excited by the translation of Mr. Rose's book is exces- 
 sive among all classes of theologians. It has been, I hear, severely 
 reviewed in two journals and small pamphlets by Winer and Bret- 
 schneider. Non tali auxilio, nee de/ensoribus istis. I have hopes that 
 something better will soon appear, though the only full refutation would 
 be an historical view, which it is even yet too early to take. It was 
 perhaps impossible, when the inquiry was only a secondary object, to 
 avoid the mistakes which he [Rose] has made. Yet they have rendered 
 his account such as even in the worst times of Germany had no corre- 
 sponding reality. 
 
 * The most difficult problem for a foreigner is, when he has ascertained 
 the facts, to know the degree of influence they exerted and the weight 
 to be attached to them. In this Mr. Rose has utterly failed. Besides 
 the absence of connexion in the production of his facts, which you 
 have observed, by which their relative character is entirely missed, and 
 the confusion of dates, he has thrown into one category all the produc- 
 tions and theories of this period, whether they expired as soon as bom, 
 or maintained only a brief doubtful and disputed existence, or have 
 
 altogether ceased after having exerted considerable influence, or still 
 act upon the existing theology. He has, too, classed together theolo- 
 gical and non-theological writers, and considers actuated by the same 
 spirit all who opposed the then existing barren and scholastic orthodoxy, 
 or who ventured to doubt the tenability of any supposed outwork of 
 Christianity.* 
 
 Pusey 's more intimate friends at Bonn would have been 
 especially irritated by Rose's language about their master — 
 Schleiermacher. But they quarrelled with Rose for virtually 
 misrepresenting German Protestant theology as a whole ; 
 while yet they felt that his account contained too much 
 truth to be thrown aside as a caricature. Pusey, they urged, 
 had the opportunities which neither Rose, nor indeed any 
 other Englishman, had at that time en»*-ved,of knowing the 
 truth about German Protestantism ; ana accordingly they 
 pressed him hard to write on the subject. He did not listen 
 very willingly to the suggestion— at least at first. Rose had, 
 he thought, conveyed an impression which was as a whole 
 inaccurate ; and yet he was himself ' thoroughly dissatisfied 
 with all the criticisms on Rose which had appeared in 
 Germany.* 
 
 In the summer of 18 06, however, he had some thoughts of 
 writing on German theology in reference to Rose's book, and 
 had asked and obtained Tholuck's permission to use for this 
 purpose some notes of his lectures in the autumn of 1825, 
 which a friend had offered to lend him. Tholuck's only 
 stipulation was that his name should not be mentioned. He 
 also asked Professor Sack to * give his opinion in writing 
 upon theprincipal points in Mr. Rose's book.' This Sack did 
 in a letter which Pusey translated, and to which he at first 
 proposed to write a mere introduction on 'the historical 
 causes of the revolution in German theology.' In the event, 
 Sack's letter became the introduction, and Pusey 's introduc- 
 tion the substantial part of the book. 
 
 It does not appear that Pusey actually wrote anything 
 on the subject while he was in Germany, cfr, indeed, before 
 his residence in Brighton in the winter of 1827-28. On 
 February 12, 1828, he writes : — 
 
152 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 * I have begun, a few days ago, a little essay on the causes of the 
 unbelief m Germany, which ... I wish to finish and print in the next 
 few weeks. It will not indeed be many pages, but I must read several 
 books for it. It is, however, principally historical, and therefore easy 
 employment. The Psalms are for a time laid aside.' 
 
 A few days later he explains how he had come to set 
 about this task : — 
 
 * When at Bonn I asked one of the professors to write me a critique 
 on Mr. Rose's book, on " The State of the Protestant Religion in 
 Germany," which on many accounts I disliked. This he has done, 
 but the translation scarcely being of sufficient bulk to obtain a large 
 circulation, I wish to add a little ballast to it. The Professor's 
 critique will show Rose to have misstated facts : my inquiry, if sound, 
 that he has not gone far enough into principles. Professor Sack, that 
 he has misstated the degree of unbelief: my essay, that he has 
 derived it from wrong causes.' 
 
 By the time that he had written thirty pages, he com- 
 plained of getting on slowly. He was sufficiently alive 
 to the difficulty of his task. 
 
 * An additional cargo of biographies '—he writes on March 1 1 
 
 ' arrived lately, which I must look through, in hopes of a little addi- 
 tional information for my essay. They are in bad and consequently 
 very tiresome German.' 
 
 The consequences of this arrival appear in a letter of 
 March i6th : — 
 
 * My essay has not much chance of being presented in a finished 
 state, as I have got but half through it, and only dipped into my 
 biographies. The subject would be,i if rightly treated, of such immense 
 extent that I can scarcely open a book which would not give me new 
 illustrations. And I have scrambled from the Reformation to 1800 in 
 seventy pages.* 
 
 Two months were to elapse before the work would be 
 published. It appeared on one of the last days in May, 
 1828, in the week before Pusey's ordination as deacon. He 
 did not anticipate a favourable reception for his book. 
 
 * I have, in fact, been unlike other people in my language as in 
 
 everything else I do not expect very merciful handling from 
 
 reviews. The sentiments scattered up and down [the book] will fare 
 still worse than the style; and I expect to be thought one-third 
 
 Characteristics of the ' Theology of Germany J 153 
 
 mystic, one-third sceptic, and one-third (which will be thought the 
 worst imputation of all) a Methodist, though I am none of the three.' 
 
 In this, his first book, the characteristics of Pusev's later 
 and more matured works are already apparent. That which 
 strikes the reader most of all is the extraordinary industry 
 of the author. Mr. Rose was a divine of ripe years, and of 
 solid learning ; but his * Discourses,' in their earlier form, 
 read like the superficial treatment of a great subject when 
 they are placed side by side with Pusey 's 'Theology of Ger- 
 many.' At the age of twenty-seven, amid the pressure of 
 other absorbing studies, and, as our readers know, of the 
 strongest personal and domestic interests and anxieties, not 
 to mention the depressing effects of continued ill health, he 
 had contrived to bring together an amount of research, 
 extending over a period of two centuries and a half, at 
 which his German critics and translators themselves were 
 fairly astonished. 
 
 As to the question of fact there is not much difference 
 between Rose and Pusey. Each makes admissions which 
 justify the main features of his opponent's position. Rose, 
 while maintaining that ' the Protestant Church of Germany 
 is the mere shadow of a name,' since it had been guilty, 
 practically, of an * abdication of Christianity,' yet allows, 
 somewhat inconsistently, that the prevalent Rationalism 
 * produced very strong and serious disgust,' and that * some 
 of the sounder theologians certainly maintained the old and 
 orthodox principles with great zeal.' Pusey, while insisting 
 that * the German people has on the whole remained true 
 and attached to the faith of their fathers,' admits, as a fact, 
 the * unbelief of ' a large portion of its speculating minds.' 
 although, in his sanguine manner, he describes this unbelief 
 as only ' temporary.' Pusey had left the question- of fact 
 to Professor Sack. Sack, while complaining of Rose for 
 confusing the language of German philosophers with that of 
 German theologians, and for not noticing sufficiently ' the 
 counterworkings by which the further progress of unbelief 
 was, even in the worst and most perplexed times, opposed 
 and checked,' yet admits his * feeling of pain ' that 'so much 
 
154 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 evil could be said of the theological authors of any country 
 which it is impossible to clear away/ He cannot deny that 
 * the distinctive and specially revolting characteristic of the 
 German Rationalism consists in its having made its appear- 
 ance within the Church, and in the guise of theology/ 
 Mr. Rose could say, without exaggeration, as far as the facts 
 of the religious situation in Germany were concerned, that 
 ' Mr. Pusey s work bears me out in every material statement 
 which I have made ^' 
 
 The real differences between Rose and Pusey begin when 
 they proceed to account for the fact as to the existence of 
 which they are substantially agreed. , This account was 
 indeed the main purpose of Pusey s book : it is entitled, 
 ' An Historical Enquiry into the Probable Causes of the 
 Rationalist Character of the Theology of Germany,' which 
 he describes as ' lately predominant.' Rose had, as has been 
 stated, explained this predominance of Rationalism by the 
 inadequacy of their confessions, of their forms of prayer, and 
 of their Church organization. Pusey, on the other hand, 
 traced the Rationalism of Germany principally to the 
 Lutheran * orthodoxism ' of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries. He coined the word ' orthodoxism ' to express 
 his meaning that it was not a true and healthy, but a stiff 
 and false orthodoxy which was in question : * an orthodoxy 
 which clung to the mere letter of a certain sum of credenda 
 without, or with very little reference to anything further.' 
 This account of the matter he used to say, was first suggested 
 to him by the historian Neander. 
 
 * I asked Neander,' he said in 1878, * what he thought was the cause 
 of German Rationalism : he answered, " The dead orthodoxy," which 
 in my first book on Germany I translated into "orthodoxism," by 
 which, I supposed, people would understand that I meant a defect. 
 But they did not ; and hence came the reports, I suppose, that I 
 myself was lax in belief.* 
 
 The rise of Lutheran * orthodoxism ' Pusey explains by 
 the failure of Lutheranism to complete the Reformation, as 
 originally intended by Luther. Such a Luther as Pusey 
 
 * Rose, 'Letter to the Bishop of London,' 1839, p. 18. 
 
 Lutheran ^Orthodoxism^ 
 
 155 
 
 then conceived him to be might, he thought, had he only 
 possessed sufficient leisure and control, have produced a 
 Reformed Church in which Rationalism would have had no 
 place ; since whatever there was of reason in its demands 
 and efforts would have been anticipated. But Luther was 
 obliged largely to devote his time to practical duties and 
 employments, and his successors did not inherit ' the great 
 views ' of their master. They set themselves to ' develop, 
 to the utmost, subordinate but contested points ' in Luther's 
 system ; and the consequence was seen in * internal divisions,' 
 which in turn rendered, or were supposed to render, neces- 
 sary new and narrow confessions of faith. Of these 
 confessions the most mischievous, ' because at last almost 
 universally received,' was the * Formula of Concord,' which 
 in 1580 was practically imposed upon the whole Lutheran 
 Communion, to the prejudice of authoritative works of 
 an earlier and better type, such as the loci theologici of 
 Melanchthon. Thenceforward nothing remained for Lutheran 
 divines ' but to proceed in the groove into which they had 
 been forced to enter; to develop in still greater minute- 
 ness the fixed immutable definitions of the sanctioned 
 form ; to offer solutions of its diflficulties and to refute its 
 opponents.* 
 
 The consequences are traced by Pusey in the various 
 fields of Biblical interpretation, dogmatic and moral theo- 
 logy, ecclesiastical history, practical and pastoral theology. 
 Scripture was treated as little better than a storehouse of 
 loci classici to prove the symbolical books. In Spener's 
 day a man might study theology for six years at a German 
 University without hearing a single exposition of any book 
 of the Bible. Dogmatic theology was hard, technical, and 
 polemical. For the fruitful study of Christian morality 
 there was neither time nor room. The study of Ecclesias- 
 tical history in any serious sense was wellnigh extinct. 
 Catechetical instruction was either degraded to the level of 
 dry polemics, or altogether neglected. The pulpit could 
 indeed claim some few names of sterling merit ; but, for the 
 most part, in the words of the historian Shrockh, preaching 
 
 +1 
 
 III 
 
156 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 * remained a science almost entirely unknown to those who 
 deemed that they most excelled in it.* Sermons were 
 delivered in * scholastic terminology': they did not lack 
 orthodoxy, but the development of orthodoxy in its influ- 
 ence on Christian practice. They consisted ordinarily 
 of a ' dry grammatical exposition of Scriptural texts, and 
 a polemical or so-called practical application equally unin- 
 teresting and uninfluential.' 
 
 The revolt against this barren and deadening * ortho- 
 doxism ' in the Lutheran body is described by Pusey with 
 glowing sympathy. This resistance began with men of 
 great piety, such as Praetorius and Arndt ; it was continued 
 by a ' scientific ' theologian, Calixtus, whose ceaseless efforts 
 to promote a better understanding between separated 
 bodies of Christians were treated as the results of indiflfer- 
 entism. But it culminated in Spener and the Pietist 
 school of Halle, who continued, although with greater 
 power and wider influence, the earlier work of Arndt. 
 Pietism is described by Pusey as * a recurrence from human 
 forms and human systems to the pure source of faith in 
 Scripture ; a substitution of practical religion for scholastic 
 subtleties and unfruitful speculation.' Pietism, however, in 
 turn degenerated ; it lived on as a phraseology when its 
 spirit had departed. Hypocrisy was engendered by the 
 stress laid upon private edifying and Christian conversa- 
 tion ; abstinence from worldly amusements became a source 
 of self-deception and of breaches of Christian charity; while 
 knowledge was, in certain quarters, discredited as unspiritual, 
 or at least as not aiding the practical side of Christianity. 
 Pietism was thus on its way to prepare the advent of 
 Rationalism. In addition to this and to the influence of 
 * orthodoxism,' Pusey regarded as the most directly opera- 
 tive causes of unbelief the spread of the Wolfian philosophy, 
 the moral faults of the age, conspicuously illustrated in 
 Frederick H., and the translations of the works of English 
 Deists, then largely circulated together with inadequate 
 refutations. 
 
 When he comes to describe the Mately predominant 
 
 Subsequent Rationalism. jrn 
 
 Rationalism,' Pusey diff*ers from Rose in two respects. His 
 picture of it is less dark, and his forecast of the religious 
 future of Germany is much more sanguine. Even Semler, 
 ' the most direct founder of the innovating school,' is treated 
 by him with marked tenderness ; Semler's errors are re- 
 garded as misapprehensions of principle rather than direct 
 rejections of fundamental doctrines, and as ultimately 
 traceable to ' intellectual defects,' or to ' his sense of the 
 necessities of theology.' If Steinbart had lost ' everything in 
 Christianity peculiarly Christian, and even the more earnest 
 aspirations of the natural man,' yet ' his object was to lead 
 the sceptics of his time to the acceptance of Christianity.' 
 Hut of course Pusey has nothing to say for writers such as 
 Teller and Spalding, who ' confined themselves to the un- 
 nerving Christianity by substituting commonplace moral 
 notions for its energetic doctrines, declaring them to be of 
 importance only to the theologian, or polemizing against 
 them under the title of the Oriental idioms of the New 
 Festament.' 
 
 Not the least interesting part of this division of his work 
 is his account of influences, separate from or opposed 
 to the predominant Rationalism. His admiration'of the 
 poet Claudius— whom to the end of his life he was 
 fond of quoting— finds expression in a passage of great 
 warmth and beauty: the German love for Claudius of itself 
 proved that Germany was at heart Christian. Lessing, he 
 insists, in whom fondness for elegant literature and the arts 
 had ' enervated moral earnestness,' yet rendered considerable 
 services to Christianity by restoring the key to the right 
 understanding of the Old Testament ; by referring to the 
 Bible as its own best advocate ; and by insisting that if 
 Reason finds in Revelation things which it cannot explain, 
 this is an argument in favour of Revelation. For Herder, 
 especially for Herder's later writings, he has less to say, 
 except that 'while everything seems to float in a dim 
 mist, many a hint is discoverable which may be pursued 
 to clearer and enlarged views.' The account of Kant, 
 Fichte, Schelling, and Jacobi, in their relations to the older 
 
158 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 % 
 
 \ 
 
 Rationalism, and to Religion, is— even after half a century 
 of comment on their writings — fresh and terse ; and it 
 serves as an introduction to the forms of Rationalistic 
 thought which were current in the later years of Pusey's 
 life. Of Hegel, whom he met in Berlin, and who was 
 still living, he says nothing. Pusey s optimism as to the 
 existing condition of German Protestantism appears in the 
 statement that 'among theologians the only adherents of 
 the strict Rationalistic school of any note were Wegscheider 
 and Rohr.' He anticipates that religion will permanently 
 be a gainer from its rude contact with Rationalism ; and 
 concludes with a long quotation from Twcsten, which, 
 whatever its failures as an attempted prophecy, is interesting 
 as illustrating Pusey^s enthusiasm at the moment, and the 
 aspects of German religious life which Rose had overlooked, 
 and which justified, as he himself thought, his own more 
 hopeful forecast of the theological future of the country. 
 
 Apart from his controversy with Mr. Rose, this first of 
 Pusey's books throws an interesting light upon the work- 
 ings of his mind at this period. It contains many features 
 of language if not of thought which he subsequently out- 
 grew or repudiated. His German friends had taught him 
 to speak of * the scientific spirit,' * freedom from prejudice,' 
 and 'a new era in theology'; for the time he was un- 
 doubtedly influenced by them in his statements both about 
 the inspiration of Holy Scripture, and about the Creeds, as 
 well as in his unbalanced estimate of some of the leaders 
 in the continental reformation. But his own immediate 
 explanations show that at this date he had not fully con- 
 sidered what his words might imply to others, nor in what 
 sort of system his phrases and judgments would be really 
 at home. 
 
 On the other hand, there is much in this book which 
 recalls his later work. Pectus facit theologum. If Pusey 
 uses some theological expressions which he would after- 
 wards have repudiated, he differs markedly from writers to 
 whom such expressions would be more congenial, by the 
 earnest moral and religious interest which runs through his 
 
 'Moral earnestness' in theology. irn 
 
 book. An example of this occurs in his criticism upon 
 Steinbart, who, while endeavouring to * lead the sceptics of 
 his time to the acceptance of Christianity,' was wanting, 
 Pusey complains, in * all deeper views of the holiness of 
 God, of the spiritual degeneracy and spiritual capabilities 
 of man, and of the means by which the lost energy may 
 be restored.' Indeed, Pusey's judgments are generally 
 coloured, if not determined, by moral considerations 
 Michaelis' want of 'deep insight into religion' is explained 
 by his 'intemperate habits and low moral character.' 
 Eichhorn, although an ' original and elegant mind,' loves 
 novelty to the comparative disregard of truth. Herder, as 
 an * aestheticist,' defends Christianity, on account of 'its 
 ' loveliness,' rather than as the only way to holiness. The 
 errors of Semler and Ernesti are alike attributed to the 
 * want of that deeper insight into the nature of religion 
 which a constantly improving personal Christianity alone 
 can give.' On the other hand, he entertains sanguine 
 expectations respecting the religious future of Protestant 
 Germany, on account of the ' deep moral earnestness ' of 
 many of those who 'yet remain strangers to the main 
 Christian doctrines.' And he lavishes his warmest spiritual 
 sympathies on Arndt, Andrea, the Pietistic school of Halle, 
 and above all on Spener ^ 
 
 The book was soon translated into German. When 
 Lucke wrote from Gottingen to congratulate Pusey on his 
 
 In Pusey's feeling about Spener 
 there is something presentimental. In 
 their combination of devotional and 
 literary interests, in their 'use of an 
 antiquated and involved style, and of 
 a conscientious anxiety to prevent mis- 
 conception,' in the fierceness of the 
 opposition which each of them roused, 
 in their over- indulgent judgment of 
 their friends, in their opposition to 
 worldly amusements, to luxury, to 
 dancing and theatres, as well as in 
 thecomLination of indomitable resolu- 
 tion, with unusual gentleness towards 
 others and unaffected self-deprecia- 
 tion, — Spener and Pusey resembled 
 each other closely. The instinct of 
 similarity of character may have had 
 
 something to do with Pusey's admira- 
 tion for a man whose life anticipated, 
 in some of its leading features, the 
 circumstances of his own. That Pusey 
 made Spener for some time a model 
 for imitation is certain on independent 
 grounds ; but it also would seem to 
 be implied in these features of Spener's 
 character on which Pusey principally 
 dwells with reverent admiration. ' He 
 who would form a full idea of Spener's 
 humility,' writes Pusey, * must by the 
 grace and mercy of Clod first become 
 as great in it as God made this now 
 sainted person.' As a theologian, how- 
 ever, Spener was not so acceptable to 
 Pusey in his later as in his earlier 
 years. 
 
 i I 
 
i6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Tholuck's notes. 
 
 i6i 
 
 appointment to the Hebrew chair in 1828, he alludes to 
 a translation which he had seen some time before ; and 
 Tholuck speaks of this translation at length in a letter of 
 June 3, 1829. The only German translation which the present 
 writer has seen was not published, however, until eight 
 years after the appearance of the original ^. It is in many 
 respects a new work. Much is omitted which would be 
 familiar to a German reader. Observations which break 
 the continuity of the subject are suppressed ; and the 
 method of the * translation ' is undeniably better than that 
 of the original. Some errors, too, are corrected. In their 
 preface the translators observe that the stiff Lutheran 
 orthodoxy which followed upon the Reformation period 
 had often been described before. Pusey's originality con- 
 sisted in the account of the opposition to it from Calixtus, 
 Spener, Semler, and the Rationalists : no previous writer had 
 handled this topic, and especially so much of it as was con- 
 nected with the school of Halle, in so masterly a manner. 
 
 Upon receiving a copy of the book Mr. Rose at once 
 wrote an acknowledgment, asking Pusey for information 
 about the practice of subscription in Germany, but adding 
 significantly that there were other points upon which he 
 could not presume to address him in private. 
 
 He at once gave notice in the London papers that 
 ' Strictures * on Mr. Pusey would shortly be published. He 
 was, however, interrupted in the task of writing them by 
 severe illness ; and his ' Letfer to the Bishop of London in 
 Reply to Mr. Pusey's work on the Causes of German 
 Rationalism' did not appear until May, 1829. 
 
 For the tone and substance of this letter Pusey could not 
 have been unprepared. The questions about his own 
 orthodoxy which were raised at the time of his appointment 
 to the Chair of Hebrew in the late autumn of 1828 must 
 have shown him pretty plainly the direction which criticism 
 
 * * Das Aufkommen nnd Sinken des 
 Rationalismus in Deu'.schland : Kin 
 historischer Versuch nach dem Eng- 
 lischen des E. B. Pusey bearbeitet von 
 Dr. Ch. H. F. Biallol)lolzky, Pastor, 
 
 und M. F. Sander, Evangel. Pre- 
 diger zu Wichlinghausen.' Elberfeld : 
 Verlag von J. W. Schmachtenbeig, 
 1836. 
 
 would take. Nor was this all. An American periodical, 
 the Biblical Repertory, among its contents for January, 1828, 
 had published an authorized translation of those' notes 
 of Professor Tholuck's lectures, which Pusey had been 
 allowed to use on condition of not alluding to their author. 
 In October Rose in a private letter called Pusey's 
 attention to this seeming plagiarism, offering at the same 
 time to publish by way of explanation any statement 
 which Pusey might send him in reply. Pusey explained 
 what had happened, and pointed out that he had called 
 attention to his obligation, so far as Tholuck permitted him 
 to acknowledge it, in the closing sentence of the preface to 
 his book. At the same time, he maintained that while he 
 was indebted to Tholuck, as indeed to Twesten and others, 
 for facts, the inferences were his own. The main thesis of 
 his work, that the dead Lutheran * orthodoxism ' was the 
 deepest cause of German Rationalism, had been suggested 
 to him by Neander. The whole outline of his book had 
 been completed before he actually received his friend's 
 notes of Tholuck's lectures. He had, in fact, been living m 
 the mtellectual atmosphere of which those lectures were a 
 product ; and it would have been strange if his book had 
 not presented points of similarity beyond the matter for 
 which he was indebted to Tholuck. Rose did not know 
 Pusey sufficiently to do full credit to his candour even in 
 this later explanation ; but in the judgment of a Reviewer 
 who does not conceal his hostility to Pusey's point of view, 
 Pusey had already said enough in his preface to * place his 
 literary honour and literary gratitude above suspicion 1.' 
 
 Pusey, however, had also to set himself right with Tho- 
 luck. In the spring of 1829 Tholuck was in Rome, where 
 he met Philip Pusey, of whom he saw a great deal. ' He 
 reminds me,' Tholuck playfully writes, 'of many of your 
 peculiarities, which has done me good.' From him Tho- 
 luck had obtained a sight of the ' Theology of Germany.' 
 England, he thought, was to be congratulated on having at 
 last German theology represented to her ' in a liberal yet 
 
 * British Critic, Oct. 1829, p. 483. 
 VOL. I. M 
 
l62 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Rose's attack. 
 
 163 
 
 ill 
 
 Christian spirit/ But the book was not, in Tholuck's 
 judgment, without defects ; its drift was not apparent at 
 a glance ; its statements not sufficiently detailed ; it took too 
 much for granted in an ordinary reader and would not pro- 
 duce in him sufficiently vivid impressions. Then Tholuck 
 gently adds that in the general structure, as well as in the 
 details of his book, Pusey had followed his lectures, and 
 proceeds : — 
 
 * I confess that I should have wished— and you will excuse a wish 
 so natural in the circumstances— that you had asked my opinion 
 about it. However, I sincerely rejoice if you can hope to have done 
 good in this way. I myself must regard my work as a very 
 imperfect sketch, to elaborate which I should need many years and 
 much reading.' 
 
 It drew from Pusey the subjoined reply : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Professor Tholuck. 
 
 MY DEAR AND VALUED FRIEND, ^^^'^^ ^P"^ ^^' f^^^^-l 
 
 I cannot say how much I felt the kindness of your letter, which 
 I have just received through my brother : I felt it the more since you 
 must have thought that I had acted wrongly towards you. 
 
 It is so long since I asked your permission to employ the notes of 
 your lectures that I am not surprised, though sorry, that you have 
 forgotten it : but perhaps the mention of the circumstances and locality 
 may recall it. It was during the short time when I had the pleasure 
 of reseeing you at Schonhausen in 1826. We left Prediger Weiss's at 
 Schonhausen together, and walked up and down by the trees which 
 edge the road to Berlin. I then asked you several questions on the 
 subject of modern German theolpgy, which made you ask me whether 
 I was going to write upon it. I said that I wished to do so, in conse- 
 quence of Mr. Rose's book, and that some notes from your lectures in 
 October, 1825, had been offered me. You then told me that I was 
 welcome to make any use which I pleased of your lectures, but that you 
 wished me not to name you. This occasioned my mentioning the 
 manuscript without your name in my preface. I sent the book with 
 fuller acknowledgments to you in a note by my friend J elf at Berlin, 
 not knowing that you were absent at Rome. 
 
 I have now been obliged to explain myself more fully in conse- 
 quence of the appearance of your lectures in America with your name. 
 Mr. Rose mentioned the fact to me (for I have not yet seen them 
 myself) and asked an explanation. ... I have therefore been obliged to 
 state both what I have borrowed from the notes to your lectures, and 
 what I have not. It has been very unpleasant to me, for I have been 
 
 obliged to dwell more upon what I do not owe to you, than upon what 
 I do. ... 
 
 I have written this long explanation for fear at a distance you 
 should misconceive anything which I have said or done, and it would 
 extremely pain me to stand less high in your regard than you before 
 kindly allowed me. 
 
 This letter more than satisfied Tholuck. He replied 
 that he had forgotten, but could now recall, the conversa- 
 tion at Schonhausen, when he had given Pusey permission 
 to use the notes of his lectures. He had supposed that 
 Pusey s mtended work would be written in a much more 
 distant future, as when they discussed it Pusey had formed 
 no plan for its composition. Of Pusey's honourable conduct 
 he needed no assurance. * I have never,' he wrote, ' for- 
 gotten ^or doubted your true refinement and delicacy of 
 feeling.' He went on to express his sense of the research 
 which certain parts of his book showed. 
 
 In his * Letter ' to Bishop Blomfield, Mr. Rose claims that 
 the assertions in his sermons are borne out by Pusey's 
 admissions. He then replies to Pusey in detail ; to Pusey's 
 Preface, to Professor Sack's Letter, and to Pusey's work 
 itself. He reasserts and defends the position taken up in 
 his sermons, and attempts to show at length the inadequacy 
 and historical inaccuracy of Pusey's account of German 
 Rationalism. 
 
 But in fact Mr. Rose was even more at issue with what 
 he conceived to be the indirect consequences and general 
 drift of Pusey's work than with its historical statements. 
 He severely criticized Pusey's picture of certain shadowy 
 advantages supposed to have been derived from Rational- 
 istic speculation, and his insistance on these advantages 
 without any due consideration of the immense spiritual loss 
 by which they were accompanied and outweighed. Much 
 also of Pusey's sanguine phraseology adopted from his 
 German friends, as that respecting a ' new era in theology ' 
 and the ' blending of belief and science,' was very offensive 
 to Mr. Rose ; but the point of which he made the most 
 serious complaint was, as he calls it, ' the method in which 
 
 M a 
 
164 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Oxford criticisms— Blanco White, 
 
 i6q 
 
 I 
 
 Mr. Pusey expresses his conviction of the absurdity of 
 believing in the inspiration of the historical parts of Scrip- 
 ture.' This language, however unintentionally, gravely 
 misrepresented what Pusey really meant to say ; but as in 
 later years Pusey abandoned both his original statement 
 and his earlier defence of it, perhaps Rose s instinct was 
 justified, even if his accuracy was at fault. 
 
 On many other points Mr. Rose misunderstood Pusey's 
 book ; * he has,' as Pusey said to Tholuck, * misstated every 
 view which he has attacked as mine.' This, however, was not 
 very astonishing. It was to a great extent Pusey's own fault. 
 His style was far from clear ^ ; his method wanted system 
 and elaboration ; he was at that time, as he afterwards 
 admitted, not by any means invulnerable as a theologian. 
 But still his command of his subject was wider than that of 
 Mr. Rose, and the latter evidently underrated his ability, 
 his knowledge, and his orthodoxy. It was, indeed, very 
 natural that Mr. Rose and his friends should complain of 
 the apparent absence of any good practical object in Pusey's 
 * Enquiry.' If Mr. Rose's charges against German theology 
 were erroneous, they argued, they might be disproved. Pusey 
 had not done this ; he had, in the main, admitted the justice 
 of Mr. Rose's representation. What then was to be gained 
 by giving a somewhat paradoxical account, as it might have 
 seemed, of a deplorable phenomenon, by tracing German 
 rationalism to the stiff and sterile orthodoxy of the 
 Lutheran theology of the seventeenth century ? The answer 
 is that Pusey was thinking less of Germany than of Eng- 
 land. It seemed to him that it would be immodest in a 
 young man of twenty-eight, not yet in Holy Orders, to say 
 in so many words that the attitude of the English High 
 
 * * Letters and Correspondence ' of 
 J. H. N., i. p. 186. Pusey's book Ms 
 sadly deformed with Germanisms : he 
 is wantonly obscure and foreign ; — he 
 invents words. It is a very valuable 
 sketch, and will do good, but will be 
 sadly misunderstood both from his 
 difficulty of expressing himself, the 
 largeness, profundity, and novelty of 
 his views, and the independence of his 
 
 radicalism. It is very difficult, even 
 for his friends and the clearest heads, 
 to enter into his originality, full formed 
 [sic] accuracy, and unsystematic im- 
 partiality. I cannot express what I 
 mean: he is like some definitely marked 
 curve, meandering through all sorts 
 and collections of opinions boldly, 
 yet as it seems irregularly.' 
 
 and dry Churchmen towards spiritual religion, and the 
 attitude of the English Evangelicals towards theological 
 knowledge, were not without peril to the faith ; and that the 
 experience of Protestant Germany, in circumstances different 
 yet analogous, might not improbably be repeated at home. 
 Yet this is what he really meant. Allusive writing is open 
 to two objections. Its point is missed by the majority of 
 readers ; and the analogies on which it presumes are apt 
 to be precarious or forced. Pusey did not escape reflections 
 on the unpractical nature of an effort which devoted ' the 
 fruits of great erudition and labour to building or propping 
 up a fanciful theory,' which, whether true or not, had, in the 
 mistaken judgment of his critics, no value or importance 
 whatever ^. 
 
 Pusey, of course, sent copies of his book to several Oriel 
 friends, and among them to Keble, Newman, and Blanco 
 White. Of these the last only received it with entire 
 approval. Eighteen years had passed since Blanco White 
 had left for ever the communion of the Church of Rome 
 and his native Spain. He was now a naturalized English- 
 man. The University of Oxford had given him the degree 
 of M.A., and Oriel College had made him a member 
 of its Common-room. He was chiefly connected with 
 Whately ; but he was more or less intimate with all the 
 Fellows of Oriel who were in residence. Newman and 
 Pusey were the companions of his walks. In his diary, he 
 writes : — 
 
 *Oct. 31st [1827].— Called on Pusey, who walked with me. Pusey, 
 Wilberforce, and Froude came in the evening to learn the order of the 
 R. C. Service of the Breviary'^.* 
 
 His mind had not yet definitely taken that last turn in its 
 chequered career which led in the sequel to his loss of all 
 definitely Christian faith ; but it was near doing so. Pusey's 
 book for a moment seemed to arrest him : and he thus 
 gratefully acknowledged it from Tunbridge Wells, where 
 he was in declining health : — 
 
 * Cf. e.g. British Critic, Oct. 1829, p. 484. 
 
 * • Life of Joseph Blanco White,' i. 438, 439. 
 
i66 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Rev. Blanco White to E. B. P. 
 
 Opinions of Keble and Newman, 
 
 167 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 Tunbridge Wells, June 10, 1828. 
 
 I have employed the whole of this day in reading your essay, 
 and feel confident that few days of my life have been employed more 
 profitably. Why should I use the usual language of compliment? 
 You have strengthened my faith, and made me pray more earnestly 
 for light. How wonderfully well you have described the spirit and 
 the aberrations of the Pietists is more than I can express. The whole 
 work is full of piety, as well as of sound philosophical views. I long 
 to be near you that I may have the opportunity of receiving instruc- 
 tion. Thanks be to God, He has enabled me to seize the citadel 
 without stopping to raze every outwork of the enemy. Else I should 
 often have relapsed into the hopelessness of scepticism. But I have 
 to thank you, as God's instrument in showing to me that I was acting 
 in conformity with the best principles of my nature. You appear to 
 me to have developed my own crude thoughts. You have also checked 
 the growth of some weeds which were breaking out in the long unculti- 
 vated ground of my mind. Indeed, from time to time Divine Provi- 
 dence has placed before me such works as were most fitted to my then 
 state of mind. Yours is among the most eminent of such instances. 
 
 Before Mr. Rose's * Letter' appeared, Keble had, at Pusey *s 
 request, criticized his book : he especially commented un- 
 favourably on Pusey's language respecting the inspiration 
 of the historical books of Holy Scripture. Pusey acknow- 
 ledged that he had not expressed his meaning very clearly, 
 and restated his position on this point. 
 
 E. B. P. TO REV. J. KEBLE. ^p^;, .g^ ^g^^ 
 
 On 'historical inspiration' I own, that, if taken in its most extensive 
 and rigid sense, I have felt myself obliged to abandon it : that is, if 
 applied to all the minute facts, not immediately connected with religious 
 truth. The promises of our Saviour seemed to me confined to this : in 
 everything then which bore upon this I believe that the Apostles were 
 assisted ; in other things in which I do not myself see this reference 
 I should not presume to define what was or what was not the result 
 of inspiration ; yet I am prevented from extending it to all by what 
 appear to me in minute collateral points to be historical contradic- 
 tions. I hope I shall not give you pain by admitting this : it has no 
 effect in diminishing in the least the practical value of Scripture, but 
 seems to me to be the truth and to get rid oA theoretical ^\^Q.\i\\\^%. In 
 any matter of practice or of doctrine the authority of Scripture is to 
 me as great as to those who hold the most plenary inspiration. 
 
 Keble answered this by completing his criticism on the 
 book with some very characteristic observations : — 
 
 'April 19, 1829. 
 
 * You are so indulgent to my crude criticisms that I will make no 
 scruple of just mentioning one or two doubts which have occurred to 
 me in reading your book. . . . 
 
 * I cannot quite reconcile myself to your statement with regard to 
 the authenticity of the Scriptural books, nor can I understand how 
 I can have the same value for the Epistle to the Hebrews (for example) 
 whether I think it inspired or no. Perhaps I am misconstruing the 
 sentence I refer to. . . . 
 
 * I much question the wisdom and practical kindness of " collecting 
 doubts as strongly as they can be put " in a published work. The 
 persons yfrj/ to be considered in all religious publications, I should say, 
 are the unlearned good sort of people : and if the learned have doubts, 
 why should they not correspond among themselves till they find 
 answers, instead of disturbing the devotions as well as the opinions of 
 their quiet neighbours ? * 
 
 One sentence of Pusey's answer may be quoted : — 
 
 [May 5, 1829.] 
 
 * Mr. Rose's attack upon me has at length appeared : I am now too 
 much aware of my liability to misconception to think any misconcep- 
 tion wilful, although he has misconceived and misstated me in every 
 instance.* 
 
 Pusey was soon hard at work on a reply to Rose, which 
 became the second part of his ' Historical Enquiry into the 
 Causo5 of German Rationalism.* Of this work the greater 
 part was written during the first two months of the Long 
 Vacation of 1829. Newman's earliest extant letter to Pusey 
 himself on the subject belongs to this period. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel College, Aug. 31, 1829. 
 .... I am glad to hear from your brother that you are humanizing 
 and dulcifying your book, though I do not recollect many very harsh 
 things in it. It has since struck me that you have nowhere entered 
 a protest against an approval of schism. And since the Bishop of 
 London thinks your censure of a rigid traditionary system in a Church 
 casts suspicion on the soundness of your ecclesiastical views, it might 
 be as well to disclaim any opinions favourable to self-willed separation 
 from the Church, and in so doing, I will venture to say, you will be 
 doing as much to the sweetening of your book (especially if you say 
 some sharp things against Dissenters) as by your humanities towards 
 
 Mr. R . ... 
 
 Yours ever affectionately, 
 
 J. H. Newman. 
 
 m 
 
i68 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Bishop Blomfield's criticism. 
 
 Although Pusey adopted Newman's hint, his answer does 
 not betray any suspicion of the worldly wisdom or humour 
 of the suggestion with regard to the most probable means 
 of securing the favour of the Bishop of London. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Sept. 1829.] 
 I have sent the first five chapters of my book (including Inspira- 
 tion and the Fathers) to the press, but not had any of it back. There 
 are some parts which 1 want you much to see, especially one in which, 
 d propos of Irenaeus, I have made some observations (I believe in 
 your spirit) on the Inspiration of the Church, and, as if justifying 
 Irenaeus, have said that there was nothing harsh in supposing that 
 those who wilfully so separated from the Church excluded themselves 
 from some of the benefits intended by God for us, since some can 
 only, it appears, be thus conveyed ; and I have said proof might be 
 brought from the partial manner in which Christianity has generally 
 been embraced by separatist bodies. What think you of this .? 
 
 The lengthy passage on Inspiration was the subject of 
 much correspondence with Newman, who helped Pusey 
 especially in making a catena of passages from Anglican 
 writers, in addition to the Patristic evidence which Pusey 
 had collected. The Anglican authorities were intended 
 as * illustrations of the Fathers.' But eventually, by Dr. 
 Hawkins' advice, this elaborately prepared piece of work was 
 altogether omitted : and if the omission deprived Pusey 's 
 second volume of a constructive statement of permanent 
 value, it at least prevented a controversy already too 
 intricate from becoming still further involved. 
 
 Pusey was evidently much more anxious about the 
 second part of his work than he had been about the first. 
 Besides consulting Keble, Newman, and the Provost of 
 Oriel, he sent the proof-sheets to Dr. Blomfield, the Bishop 
 of London, asking for criticisms and corrections. 
 
 The Bishop criticized Pusey 's proof-sheets in^wo letters 
 of great length ^ Nothing but a sense of the importance 
 of the questions at stake could have led a man, to whom 
 time and strength were so precious, to devote so much 
 attention to a young professor. Pusey's candour and 
 
 > Dated January 4 and January 16, 1830. Each is of nine quarto paces, 
 closely wntten. r *» » 
 
 169 
 
 moderation were commended ; and the Bishop did not 
 consider himself pledged to all Mr. Rose's opinions. But 
 he could not approve of several features in Pusey's ' Expla- 
 nation.' He objected to the word ' orthodoxism,' as it 
 would be generally understood to imply a ' sarcasm upon 
 those who attach great importance to a right system of 
 belief,' *a blind and uninquiring orthodoxy.' Pusey's 
 eulogies of *the earnestness of mind and love for God' 
 which were to be found among German Rationalists were 
 more than charity required, and tended to strengthen the 
 opinion that Rationalistic error did not ' affect the essence 
 of religion.' As to the restraining influence of Episcopacy, 
 Pusey had misstated the question at issue ; which was, not 
 whether any one form of Church government could * prevent 
 a general defection ' from Christianity, but whether ' the 
 German Churches ' might not have been saved from their 
 recent trials ' if they had been governed according to the 
 platform of Apostolical discipline.' Pusey had said that 
 articles of faith are useful, but not necessary to the exist- 
 ence of a Church. Was Pusey arguing against articles 
 altogether, or against the abuse of them? Pusey had 
 spoken of ' the satisfaction of the Sacrifice of Christ to 
 God's infinite justice ' as a * human system.' * Infinite justice,' 
 says the Bishop, is an * unmeaning expression ' ; but the 
 doctrine that a perfect satisfaction was made to God by 
 the Death of Christ was the doctrine of the Church of 
 England, and stands on a very different footing from that 
 of imputed righteousness. The Bishop apologized for the 
 freedom of his criticisms; he was anxious that Pusey's 
 ' abilities and learning ' should be made * as serviceable as 
 they ought to be to the cause of our Church.' 
 
 Pusey was vexed. He wanted positive assistance, and 
 he saw in the Bishop's letter, from which he had anticipated 
 much, only fault-finding without the suggestion of any cor- 
 rections, and in reply he told the Bishop that he should 
 find it diflficult to alter what he had written, specially about 
 articles of faith. The Bishop insists, in his second letter, 
 that considerable alterations are necessary; and repeats 
 
lyo 
 
 Life of Edward Botiverie Ptisey, 
 
 with great clearness and force the reasons which make 
 articles of faith absolutely necessary to the teaching office 
 of the Christian Church. In still stronger language does 
 he object to Pusey's statement that * the reception of every 
 portion of Scripture is no criterion of sound views nor 
 essential to Christianity.* By applying this theory ' to each 
 part of the Canon, the whole Canon might be proved to be 
 unessential to Christianity. Pusey's explanation as it stood 
 would only make matters worse.' 
 
 It is impossible not to feel that, at a later period, Pusey 
 would have admitted the justice of most of Bishop Blom- 
 field's criticisms. As it was, he altered his proofs in several 
 places as the Bishop had suggested. This delayed the 
 appearance of his volume until May. Upon sending the 
 corrected proofs to the Bishop, he received the subjoined 
 acknowledgment : — 
 
 The Bishop of London to E. B. P. 
 
 London, Feb. i, 1830. 
 .... The alterations which you have proposed will in great measure 
 obviate the objections which I made ; although I am bound in candour 
 to say that the tone of your explanation will not be ahogether satis- 
 factory to me, with reference to the effect which it may produce upon 
 the minds of younger students in theology. 
 
 I remain, Rev. Sir, your faithful servant, 
 
 C. J. London. 
 P.S.— I wish there were any prospect of your being able to bring your 
 notions to bear, concerning theological studies in the University, as 
 suggested in p. 136. 
 
 The second part of the ' Theology of Germany ' appeared 
 in May, 1830 : the preface is dated March 30. Of its 
 eleven chapters, the first seven are devoted by the author 
 to a defence of himself against the charges brought against 
 him by Mr. Rose ; the last four, partly to an expansion, 
 partly to a slight modification of his earlier account of the 
 histor}^ of German Protestant theology. To the charge 
 that he took no account of the absence of Episcopacy as 
 one of the causes of German Rationalism, Pusey virtually 
 pleads guilty. He could ' not see that a different form of 
 Church government would have changed the destinies of 
 
 Second Book on Germany, xii 
 
 the German Church.* The ' utmost which human authority 
 can avail in opposition to unbelief is to repress its outward 
 appearance.' He did not, indeed, doubt that Episcopacy 
 was better adapted than any other form for all the purposes 
 of Church government. He thought ' that a genuine Epis- 
 copal form of government, combined with the Synods, would 
 be a permanent blessing to the German Church.' But he 
 maintained that there was no reason to think that orthodox 
 Lutherans would have dealt wisely with Rationalism, by 
 * discriminating between human additions and the original 
 truth,' had they * been invested with Episcopal authority.' 
 Pusey had not quite realized, as Rose had in fact implicitly 
 asserted, that the Episcopate is an organic feature of the 
 Church of Christ, the absence of which could not but be 
 attended by spiritual disorder. 
 
 To the charge of having disparaged the English Articles, 
 as well as the German Protestant confessions of faith, Pusey 
 replies that his criticisms, however general in form, were 
 really directed against the ' later German Articles,' particu- 
 larly the Formula of Concord, and the Articles of Smalcald, 
 and to the exclusion of the Confession of Augsburg, as well 
 as of the English Articles. Some Articles, he held, were 
 absolutely necessary to the well-being of a Church : a mere 
 subscription to Holy Scripture was absolutely nugatory. 
 
 Rose's gravest charge, as Pusey himself thought it, turned 
 on the Inspiration of Scripture. Pusey, in his first book, 
 would not allow that historical passages, in which no 
 religious truth was contained, were equally inspired with 
 the rest. Rose had unintentionally substituted the word 
 * parts ' for * passages '; and then had represented Pusey as 
 implying that a belief in the inspiration of the Gospels was 
 a vulgar error. 
 
 Pusey pointed out how Mr. Rose had misinterpreted 
 him, and proceeds to give an account of that theory of 
 inspiration which had prevailed in Germany in the seven- 
 teenth century, and against which he had used the words 
 in question. Luther had regarded inspiration only as a 
 continued act of revelation of religious truth. Towards 
 
 M 
 
172 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the end of the sixteenth century this theory was tacitly 
 abandoned, and replaced by another which extended inspira- 
 tion to every word and thing in Scripture. The Hebrew 
 points were regarded as authentic, because the verbal 
 inspiration could not otherwise be maintained ^ Syllables 
 were inspired as well as words and facts -\ It was this 
 exaggerated idea of inspiration which had led to disbelief 
 in inspiration. It had been originally adopted as furnishing 
 a firm controversial ground against Rome ; but expediency 
 is not a good reason for tampering with truth. In defence 
 of his own opinion Pusey claims to show that the same 
 principles as his own had been held, as by the Fathers, so 
 by divines such as De Dominis, Warburton, Seeker, Lowth, 
 Tillotson, Archdeacon Powell, and, among living divines^ 
 Bishop Van Mildert, and Bishop Blomfield himself 3. 
 
 Pusey complains bitterly of having been accused of 
 maintaining the ' monstrous supposition ' that * the scatter- 
 ing doubts as to the truth of religion or the genuineness 
 of Scripture is not an evil, merely because it may call forth 
 a reply.' Mr. Rose had overlooked Pusey s words, that 
 * where doubts have acquired a general prevalence, it is an 
 unquestionable service to collect these doubts as strongly as 
 they are capable of being put' Pusey only wished doubts 
 to be recognized that they might be set at rest ; he had as 
 little sympathy as Rose himself with any promulgation of 
 them, which either aimed at or even disregarded the un- 
 settlement of the faith of others. 
 
 The interest of the latter part of the book is direct and 
 historical rather than polemical and incidental. Nowhere 
 else in our language is there so full an account of the active 
 life of the German Protestant Church in the seventeenth 
 century, of its various studies, and of its religious condition. 
 The illustrations of German preaching and exegesis are 
 especially good ; and the accounts of Andrea, Spener, and 
 Reinhard are full of deep and varied interest. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 * Gerhard, 'Loc. Theol.,* ch. xv. 
 $ 391. qu. 'Theol. Germ.,' ii. 
 note 2. 
 
 7I1 
 
 * Pfaff, Lect. II in Ml, p. 16, ap. 
 Pusev, ubi sup. 
 '' 'Theol. Germ.,* ii. 75-86. 
 
 Inspiration, lyo 
 
 The two books on the theology of Germany represented 
 an effort which would have sufficed for the energies of 
 many divines, although viewed in the light of Pusey s later 
 labours they are insignificant. He never, however, referred 
 to them without regret and self-condemnation. He main- 
 tained, indeed, to the last that his object was, then as 
 always, to explain and justify Revelation, and to oppose 
 unbelief. But at his first contact with German thought he 
 had formed an incorrect estimate of its real bearing. He 
 had been too sanguine as to the efforts of writers like 
 Tholuck and Neander : he had not been sufficiently alive 
 to the character and extent of the concessions which they 
 had made to the enemies of faith. He had to explain 
 what he had written ; to repeat his explanations ; to justify 
 his consistency of motive, and his change in theological 
 attitude. 
 
 Of the many topics handled in these volumes, the one 
 which was remembered against him, and which gave him 
 most trouble in later years, was his language on the Inspi- 
 ration of Holy Scripture. It led him first of all to publish 
 a retractation in the letters addressed to a friend, and sub- 
 sequently published in the Record of April 5th, 19th, and 
 26th, i«4i. They were written, it will be remembered, 
 within a few weeks after the publication of Tract 90. 
 
 E. B. P. TO T. H. 
 
 Christ Church, March 27, 1841. 
 ... It is shocking even to have to state that I always believed the 
 inspiration and Divine authority of all Holy Scriptures. ... I never 
 otherwise held Holy Scripture than as given by inspiration of God, nor 
 do I now place antiquity and tradition instead of the Bible. I appeal 
 to primitive antiquity as the expositor of Holy Scripture, not in con- 
 trast with God's Word, which it is to expound, but with the private 
 interpretations of modem individuals. 
 
 In the next letter he says : — 
 
 * It is shocking to have again to repeat that I never had any notion 
 of vindicating German Neology, which the writer says was the whole 
 object of my work, — that I never denied to any portion of the Bible 
 the character of Holy Scripture ; nor did I ever doubt its plenary 
 inspiration. 
 
174 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Rationalizing repudiated* 
 
 * A few words on these points. Throughout my first book on German 
 theology I spoke of and implied Rationalism to be a great and de- 
 structive evil. How could I do otherwise? My only difference from 
 Mr. Rose's view was as to its causes, not to its character. ... So far 
 from being "a disciple of the Neologians," my intimate friends in 
 Germany were those . . . who have been, under God, the chief instru- 
 ments in restoring a sounder faith. I may have differed again from 
 Mr. Rose as to the extent of the prevalence of Neology, not as to its 
 destructiveness. . . . 
 
 *As the subject has been revived, I am glad of an opportunity 
 of expressing regret of having ever spoken upon the subject [of minute 
 discrepancies in Holy Scripture] at all, and in whatever degree it be 
 thought to disparage my judgement generally that I once held what 
 Luther implies, I willingly submit to it ; only the charge should not be 
 extended further than the truth. I ever believed the plenary inspiration 
 of the whole Bible and every sentence in it, as far as any doctrine or 
 practice can be elicited from it. I ever believed the human instruments 
 to have been guided by God's Holy Spirit, and that the Holy Spirit 
 . lever failed them : only I did not think that while He guided them 
 "into all truth," this guidance extended into such minute details and 
 circumstances as in no way affected the truth. I never needed any 
 other authority or acknowledged any other source of saving truth. 
 I appealed to antiquity as subordinate to Holy Scripture, and superior 
 only to modems, as the Homilies and the Reformers acknowledge 
 it to be.' ^ 
 
 Again and again the echoes of the controversy were 
 heard. In 1854 Professor Vaughan, when criticizing Dr. 
 Pusey's strictures on the influence of Professors in Univer- 
 sities, took occasion to taunt him with his change of opinion 
 since 1828 ^ It may suffice here to quote from Pusey's 
 reply the following striking passage : — 
 
 *The most startling and instructive fact was that the reign of 
 Rationalism was not the direct triumph of unbelief, but the result of 
 the decay of belief. The Rationalists, as they existed at last, were the 
 lineal descendants, not of the assailants of Christianity, but of its 
 defenders. Translations of our English Apologists had but aggravated 
 the evil. 
 
 • Such was the appalling picture which met me on my first acquaint- 
 ance with German theology, at the age of twenty-five, and which 
 determmed my whole subsequent life. I could not but see some 
 thmgs in England which corresponded in their degree to that fon-ner 
 condition of Germany. I could not help owning a certain stiffness 
 
 T ' 'i^^'^T'lr^tJ''?' ^o ^"^^""'^ Professors; by H. H. Vaughan, pp. 73-80. 
 London, J. W. Parker, 1854. »^ * vv i 
 
 175 
 
 among some who maintained what I believed to be the truth ; one* 
 sidedness in those who corresponded with the Pietists. I saw weak 
 points in our Apologetic writers, and it was alarming to see, as a fact, 
 that they had been arrayed against the infidel writers, and had failed, 
 or had even aggravated the evil. I felt that, as to the Old Testament 
 especially, we were not (in 1825) as yet prepared for the conflict with 
 Rationalism. Neither the strict traditional school of Luther, nor the 
 Pietists, who in their first origin had so remarkably resembled our 
 " Evangelicals," had been able to stand against unbelief. Liberalism 
 had been the child of Pietism. Being only twenty-seven (and as yet 
 a layman) when I wrote my " Enquiry " into the causes of German 
 Rationalism, I did not venture to speak more plainly. I hoped that the 
 picture might speak for itself to the hearts and minds of those whom 
 I wished to see awakened to threatened danger. 
 
 * And now, having nearly reached twice that age, although I have 
 since seen, by God's mercy, some things which I did not then see 
 clearly, I still think that the picture which I drew, and the causes 
 which I assigned of German Rationalism, were in the main correct ^* 
 
 Again, in 1862, he practically gave the same answer to 
 the Rev. A. S. Farrar, now Professor at Durham, who, 
 while writing the preface to his Bampton Lectures, asked 
 Pusey what was his present estimate of the questions which 
 had been debated between himself and Mr. Rose. He went 
 on to say: — 
 
 ' I very likely expressed myself badly or vaguely, but I never in the 
 least rationalized. I only looked that the end for which God allowed 
 that quenching of faith through Rationalism was that they might throw 
 off the slough of that stiff Lutheranism and contracted Pietism by a 
 fresher, more living faith, the faith of the Creeds. 
 
 * But I was dissatisfied with my books, and withdrew from circulation 
 what remained of them. I have scarcely looked at either for thirty 
 years ; except that I remember that for the second I used books on 
 the state of Germany scarce even in Germany. I forget both : but long 
 ago retracted something said on inspiration. 
 
 ' I should be glad, as you say, that you should quote them for facts 
 only. . . . 
 
 * I have seen it stated by Rationalizers that I was then rationalizing. 
 The Cambridge Rationalist party took up my book against Rose. 
 I may, as I said, have expressed myself vaguely, inaccurately. But, in 
 God's mercy, none of the unbelief which I studied ever affected me as 
 to any one article of faith. I wps ordained soon after the publication 
 of my first book, believing all which I had been taught— the Catholic 
 
 * 'Collegiate and Professorial Teaching and Discipline : in answer to Professor 
 Vaughan's strictures,* by Kev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., pp. 53, 54. 
 
176 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 faith. I write this because you write of my " present standpoint." As 
 far as the Rationalist controversy goes it was the same then. My 
 sympathies were with the restoring school.' 
 
 It was natural that the controversies which followed on 
 the publication of 'Essays and Reviews* should recall 
 attention to books, portions of which might apparently be 
 claimed as supporting the school to which Dr. Pusey was so 
 earnestly opposed. He therefore expressed himself to the 
 same effect as in the preceding quotation in a letter to the 
 Rev. George Williams, which was printed in the Guardian 
 of Feb. 4, 1863, and also in the preface to his * Lectures 
 on Daniel ' (second edition, p. xxvi). 
 
 To the last, however, he felt anxious as to the untoward 
 influence, as he called it, of these books. In his will, dated 
 Nov. 19, 1875, he desires that * the two books on the 
 theology of Germany should not be republished.' 
 
 The following letters, dated a year before Mr. Rose's 
 death, are the last words on the controversy, so far as it 
 was personal between the two writers ; they also illustrate 
 with perfect clearness the position which Pusey had, from 
 the first, intended to take up : — 
 
 Rev. H. J. Rose to E. B. P. 
 
 ,- , ., , March 14, 1838. 
 
 Most heartily do I wish that we had known each other personally 
 before that German war, and I am sure it would never have taken 
 place. I should have profited by your very far superior knowledge of 
 the subject, and should have done the work of warning the English 
 student more eflfectually-a work which you would have rejoiced to see 
 done as much as I could. That was the real point of consequence. It 
 was in some degree gained, but not who.Iy. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Rose. 
 My dear Friend, [March, 1838.] 
 
 ^ I thank you most truly for your kind words about our * German 
 war, which I too have long regretted ; and the more, since, though I 
 thought at the time your blows were the heavier, I (which at the time 
 I did not think) commenced it. It had indeed not taken place, had we 
 known each other then ; but I thought you attached an undue wei-ht 
 to things external-I mean, to the authority (as distinct from the inwL-d 
 life) of the Church,-of its Articles and its Liturgy. And myself did 
 
 Last correspondence with Rose, inn 
 
 not sufficiently realize the blessing attending on our own Church as 
 distinct from other reformed bodies ; nor had observed the Providence 
 which has watched over her; or the way in which (as distinct from 
 any binding force ') our primitive Liturgy must have supported the faith 
 of many who, m the last century, were probably far from entering into 
 Its full meaning, but of themselves would have sunk far lower 
 I thought again that you laid too much stress on the ' binding force' 
 of Creeds and Articles ; and myself did not sufficiently appreciate the 
 inward power of Creeds in moulding the mind, and keeping it from 
 straying. Such, at least, is my impression, though it is now long since 
 1 have looked into what we wrote. 
 
 But this is past and gone. The most grievous part, as you say, is 
 that the work was but half done ; and, what is for me the saddest, that 
 1 have been thought (though I protested against it in the second 
 volume) to have been opposed to you, where I felt altogether with you 
 as to Rationalism itself. I thought we differed about the causes and 
 extent of it, not, for a moment, as to its pemiciousness and shallowness • 
 and I feared people in England were verging towards [it] in a way 
 which I thought you did not see. I feared lest cold dry views on the 
 one hand, and especially a decayed Pietism on the other, might find 
 their parallel among us, and bring in Rationalism here also. We' 
 ought to have been fighting side by side, instead of with each other • 
 you against the impugners of Church Discipline, Subscription! 
 .Authority, which, in those quiet days in Oxford, /did not even know 
 of; j'ou, upholding Creeds, and /, opposing * human systems' (as dis- 
 tinct from Creeds, and indeed, as I have since seen more distinctly 
 opposed to their very ^do,). However, I trust that we were even then 
 friends in heart. (I grieved at the time when I heard of your ill health 
 which the worry of this controversy must have aggravated.) And' 
 since precious are the wounds of a friend,' our mutual blows may have 
 done us each good ; and any hastiness, I trust, [has] been forgiven by 
 Him VVhom we both meant to serve. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 N 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 RETURN TO OXFORD— DEATH OF HEBREW PROFESSOR- 
 APPOINTMENT TO PROFESSORSHIP — ORDINATION TO 
 THE PRIESTHOOD— INSTALLATION AS CANON. 
 
 1828. 
 
 PUSEY had returned from his wedding tour with the 
 intention of settHng in Oxford as a student of theology 
 who had not yet found, but might reasonably expect to 
 find, some definite occupation. With this view he had 
 taken a house ^ in Broad Street on a year's lease ; but it 
 was almost at once surrendered to make way for Dr. 
 Wootton, who was engaged to be married, and wished 
 to settle immediately. Pusey was thus, as he expressed 
 it, *on the pavement.' Nothing was settled beyond the 
 month's visit to Bishop Lloyd. If he could not get another 
 house in Oxford, it was apprehended by Mrs. Pusey's 
 relations that the young people ' would go to some German 
 University, and then good-bye to them, for he would never 
 know when to come back again/ This apprehension was 
 not altogether groundless. Four months before his mar- 
 riage Edward Pusey, when writing to Miss Barker on the 
 difficulty of getting a house ii^ Oxford, had suggested that ' if 
 we cannot get a nice house at an English University, we must, 
 I suppose, at a German one ; and Bonn is much prettier, 
 more learned, though not perhaps so " proud," as Oxford.' 
 
 However, for the time being Mr. and Mrs. Pusey were 
 the guests of Bishop Lloyd at Christ Church. They 
 occupied the lodgings - which belonged to the Bishop as 
 Canon and Regius Professor of Divinity. The Bishop 
 
 corner of the Great Quadrangle, close 
 to the Hall staircase. These lodgings 
 were exchanged for others on the 
 north side of the quadrangle during 
 the Professorship of Dr. Mozley, after 
 the death of Dr. Jelf. 
 
 * This house since 1847 has been 
 well known to all residents in Oxford 
 as that of Sir Henry W. Acland, the 
 Regius Professor of Medicine. 
 
 * The Regius Professor of Divinity 
 at that date lived in the south-east 
 
 Return to Oxford, ^ng 
 
 himself was hVing at Cuddesdon ; he used to ride into 
 Oxford to g\wQ his lectures. He reserved one room in 
 the house for his books and pupils, and placed the other 
 apartments at the disposal of his guests. 
 
 Mrs. Pusey's brief journal enables us to follow the newly- 
 married couple in this their first joint experience of Oxford. 
 The day after they arrived they visited Pusey's rooms at 
 Oriel, Mrs. Pusey being introduced to the new Provost. 
 The next day, Sept. 14th, was Sunday,— the twenty-eighth 
 anniversary of Edward Pusey's baptism. They went twice 
 to St. Mary's, where Newman had lately entered on his 
 duties as successor to the Provost of Oriel. Mrs. Pusey 
 mentions the sermons as being preached by Dr. Whately, 
 then Principal of St. Alban Hall. On the following Thursday 
 'Dr. and Mrs. Whately and Mr. Newman called' upon 
 them. Among their friends whose visits were alluded 
 to were Mr.^ and Mrs. Burton, Dr. and Mrs. Buckland, 
 Mr. Dornford, Mr. Vaughan Thomas, the Provost of Oriel' 
 Mr. Mills of Magdalen, Mr. R. I. Wilberforce, Sir Walter 
 Riddell, Mr. Acland, Mr. J. G. Copleston, the Warden of 
 Merton, and Blanco White. They had several small dinner 
 parties of four or ^wq persons, and must have made a very fair 
 acquaintance with Oxford society. Pusey took his wife 
 about Oxford as if they were visiting a foreign town ; and 
 she records her impressions. The casts of statues in the 
 Radcliffe Library, the chapel of All Souls, the altarpiece 
 of Magdalen, seem to have interested her particulariy ; but 
 she is still more preoccupied with Bishop Heber's portrait 
 at All Souls, doubtless by reason of her daily study of the 
 Bishop's Journal. For under her husband's direction Mrs. 
 Pusey was reading a great deal and reading it carefully. 
 Her attention was at this time divided between Latin 
 authors, in particular Tacitus and Sallust, whom she could 
 follow easily in the original, Whately 's ' Logic,' and Kent's 
 ' Lives of the British Admirals,'— a work which kept alive 
 and in some sense satisfied an old enthusiasm about the 
 Navy. Among religious works she was studying Chandler's 
 
 * Afterwards Regius Professor of Divinity. 
 N 2 
 
 y\ 
 
 *m 
 
 s 
 
 I 
 
i8o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Bampton Lectures, Bloomfield on St. John, Whately's 
 'Essays on the Difficulties of St. Paul,' Bishop Heber's 
 Journal, and especially the sermons of Theremin, whose 
 preaching had interested her husband when in Germany. 
 Theremin occupied an intermediate position between the 
 Pietists as represented by Reinhard, and the older Luther- 
 anism ; and his influence at Berlin and in Germany was at 
 this time considerable. He died in 1846 full of honours, 
 a member of the Consistory, Professor in the University, 
 and preacher at the Court and in the Cathedral. 
 
 But meanwhile an event had occurred which was, as 
 it proved, to determine Pusey's home and work for the 
 remaining fifty-four years of his life. On September 25th, 
 1828, Dr. Alexander Nicoll, Regius Professor of Hebrew, 
 died at the early age of thirty-five. He had come up to 
 Balliol College as a Scotch Exhibitioner ; he had only 
 obtained a Second Class in the Schools, but he had early 
 displayed an original capacity for languages, both Scandi- 
 navian and Eastern, which led to his being made, at the age 
 of twenty-one, Sub-Librarian in the Bodleian Library. To 
 the astonishment of the University, and still more to his own 
 astonishment \ on the vacancy created by the elevation of 
 Dr. Laurence to the Archbishopric of Cashel, he was in 
 1822 appointed by Lord Liverpool to the Chair of Hebrew. 
 Always a hardworking, patient, accurate student, he carried 
 into his new office the formed habits of earnest study which 
 had marked him out for it ; and the premature close of 
 a career that promised rare philological distinction was 
 partly hastened by excessive devotion to his duties. His 
 successor always spoke of his * removal from among us as 
 a wellnigh irreparable loss to sacred scholarship'; Nicoll's 
 self-depreciation, simplicity, candour, and self-denial had 
 won Pusey's heart ^. These qualities were not unconnected 
 
 Death of the Hebrew Professor, 
 
 181 
 
 * See the story in Cox's * Recol- 
 lections of Oxford,' p. 158. 
 
 » Bib. Bod. Cod.MSS. Orient. Cat., 
 pt. 2, vol. 2, praef. p. iii : * Propriam 
 suam nihili, alienam ver6 existima- 
 tionem sibi semper habuit carissimam.' 
 
 Ibid. : * Ab iis omnibus defletus qui 
 candidum ejus animum, summam 
 modestiam, benevolentiam singularem 
 suique abnegantem propiiis inspexe- 
 rant ; mihi vero tanto magis quanto 
 pluribus ei devinctus essem beneficiis.' 
 
 with his remarkable accuracy as a scholar ^— the distinction 
 on which Pusey would insist when conversing with his own 
 pupils in later years. Assuredly the modesty, courtesy, 
 and blamelessness of life, which are commemorated on 
 Nicoll's tomb in Christ Church, were far from being flowers 
 of monumental rhetoric ; they are attested by all who 
 knew him 2. 
 
 To Pusey Dr. Nicoll's loss was a very serious one. ' He 
 was the only person here,' — so Pusey writes to Mr. R. I. 
 Wilberforce, — *whom I could consult on our common 
 pursuits, in which he could give me so much assistance. 
 His loss will be felt more on the continent than in 
 England.' 
 
 Speculation was at once rife as to Dr. Nicoll's successor. 
 Dr. Wyndham Knatchbull, the Laudian Professor of Arabic 
 and a Fellow of All Souls ; the Rev. B. P. Symons, Sub- 
 warden and Tutor of VVadham College; Mr. Forshall, 
 Keeper of the Manuscripts in the British Museum, and 
 formerly Fellow of Exeter College, together with Dr. Van- 
 sittart and Mr. Marsh, were mentioned in Oxford as possible 
 objects of the favour of the Prime Minister. Of these 
 names Mr. Forshall's was supposed to represent the widest 
 scholarship : his knowledge of Oriental manuscripts and in 
 particular his reputation as a Syriac scholar were much 
 insisted on. He himself applied to the Duke of Wellington 
 and to the Archbishop of Canterbury, expressing his 
 readiness to be entrusted with the work of finishing Dr. 
 Nicoll's Catalogue of the Arabic Manuscripts in the 
 Bodleian Library and of preparing another of the Hebrew 
 and Syriac manuscripts. 
 
 Fifteen years had passed since the date of Archbishop 
 Howley's leaving Oxford ; and he may have been imper- 
 
 » Cf. Bib. Bod. Cod. MSS. Orient. 
 Cat., pt. 2, vol. 2, praef. p. iii, where 
 illustrations of this in his work at the 
 Arabic Catalogue are instanced : e. g. 
 * se nullam ne literam quidem vocalem 
 neque Djezm neque Teshdid de suo 
 addidisse verum MSS. ubique religios^ 
 exscripsisse.* 
 
 ' See e. g. Cox's ' Recollections,' p. 
 1 58. The inscription in Christ Church 
 Cathedral runs thu5 : * Vir multarum 
 Europae Asiaeque linguarum clarus, 
 sacrarum literaram quas sedulo ex- 
 coluit, peritiam, modestii, comitate 
 atque innocentia vitae cumulavit.' 
 
 I 
 
 ,1 ii 
 
l82 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 fectly informed as to the state of Hebrew studies in the 
 University. Certainly the tone of his letter to Bishop 
 Lloyd on the subject is almost desponding. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop 
 
 OF Oxford. 
 My dear Lord, Addington, Oct. 4, 1828. 
 
 The death of Dr. Nicoll places a preferment of considerable 
 importance at the disposal of Government. 
 
 Whether the Duke of Wellington will give the preferment to the 
 candidate who is the best qualified, or whether the University at 
 present can furnish a man of high pretensions in this line, I do not 
 know. And if a man is appointed with no other qualifications than 
 knowledge of Hebrew sufficient to construe the Bible, and go over 
 the verbs with beginners, it is very indifferent to me who has the 
 professorship. 
 
 But if there are persons in other respects fit for the station, and 
 distinguished as Oriental scholars, it would be a pity that the oppor- 
 tunity of doing credit to the University and bestowing an appropriate 
 reward on merit should be lost. . . . 
 
 If you can give me information for or against any supposable 
 applicants I shall of course receive it in confidence, having no other 
 object than that of giving my opinion, if it should be required, in 
 favour of the fittest man. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Most truly yours, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 
 Of the feeling in the University, the subjoined may 
 perhaps be taken as a sample : — 
 
 Rev. Professor Gaisford to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Bishop, < iford, Oct. 6, 1828. 
 
 I feel very deeply the loss we have sustained in poor Nicoll. He 
 has left a gap in the University which cannot, as far as I see, be filled 
 up. I thought ill of him when I left you in May last, but did not 
 apprehend that his end would have been so rapid. 
 
 If we cannot have so able a man to replace him as we could wish, 
 I hope they will find us some one who shall be harmless. . . . 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 T. Gaisford. 
 
 But a less keen and far-sighted person than Bishop 
 Lloyd would not have waited for the advice of corre- 
 spondents before taking his own measures with respect to 
 
 Pusey Recommended. 
 
 183 
 
 a matter of such serious importance to the University and 
 the Church. It is highly probable that the Bishop 
 had made up his mind at once on hearing that the 
 Hebrew Chair was vacant. Mrs. Edward Pusey's diary 
 shows that her husband and the Bishop were constantly 
 meeting : thus they breakfasted together on Sept. 28th ; the 
 Bishop called on the 30th, and so on. Pusey used to say 
 that one day Bishop Lloyd made a private incursion into 
 his study, spent some time in examining the Hebrew and 
 Arabic papers on which he was at work, and thus finally 
 decided on submitting the writer's name to the Duke of 
 Wellington. At the same time he advised Pusey to write to 
 influential personal friends, stating his qualifications for the 
 office. Pusey wrote accordingly, at the Bishop's direction, 
 to Lord Colchester, Archdeacon Cambridge, and the Rev. 
 R. L Wilberforce. What he felt, he well describes to 
 Wilberforce : — 
 
 * It would be a splendid field for exertion : it would give me an 
 opportunity for active employment, without sacrificing theology, which 
 I have so long wished for ; and for promoting the study of the original 
 language of the Old Testament, whose neglect I have so long regretted. 
 I am not therefore without hopes, for I should not dare to hope, 
 I should hope against myself, unless I thought myself better fitted for 
 the office than my competitors.* 
 
 Pusey's unstinted devotion to Oriental studies for several 
 years had undoubtedly made him feel that he was qualified 
 for the vacant post ; and any fear that he might be guilty 
 of undue ambition, had been set at rest by the decisive 
 judgment and injunction of one whose position and 
 character appeared to deserve unhesitating deference. 
 
 The Bishop's only hesitation was caused by Pusey's first 
 book on the Theology of Germany. This had been in 
 circulation for four months, and already adverse inter- 
 pretations of its language were current. For instance. 
 Archdeacon Cambridge, replying to Pusey s letter, men- 
 tioned that some dignitaries thought him Platitudinarian,' 
 although he himself acquitted Pusey of the charge. The 
 Bishop, having referred to these criticisms, received in 
 
184 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Explanations. 
 
 reply a candid statement of Pusey 's theological position 
 on the chief points on which he thought exception might 
 be taken— Inspiration, Original sin, and the Procession of 
 the Holy Ghost. The passage on the first point is of 
 sufficient importance to be quoted in full. It is an inde- 
 pendent restatement of his thoughts on the subject before 
 his book had been openly challenged. In spite of some 
 defects, nothing can exceed the emphasis with which he 
 asserts a strong theory of the Inspiration of Scripture. 
 The letter concludes with a brief account of the writer's 
 ecclesiastical position. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 [Christ Church], Oct. 6, 1828. 
 
 On the doctrine of Inspiration. I do not esseniially differ from 
 those who regard it as dictation, and I should come to entirely the 
 same result with those who, as yourself, suppose a preventive superin- 
 tendence : the mode however in which I should conceive it is that of the 
 communication of religious knowledge (or rather of that knowledge 
 necessary for the propagation and maintenance of religion) once 
 for all. 
 
 To explain myself by an instance : I should suppose that St. Paul 
 before he wrote the Epistle to the Romans must have frequently taught 
 and written on the great points of doctrine contained in it : that he 
 had spoken of them, not as a mere machine, but as one whose 
 understanding was enlightened to understand their height and depth ; 
 and that consequently when he came again to write upon them there 
 was no necessity for any second illumination, but that he wrote upon 
 them as upon subjects which he had been by these original com- 
 munications enabled thoroughly to understand, and in which conse- 
 quently he could be liable to no error. 
 
 I have perhaps scarcely sufficiently explained myself, but I do not 
 thereby abate the slightest tittle of the authority of any syllable in the 
 Scriptures. 
 
 I differ only in the mode of deriving that authority, in which I think 
 that which I adopt (I hope you will not deem arrogantly) adheres 
 closer to Scripture. 
 
 With regard to the Historical Books (about which Mr. R[ose]'s 
 friends attack me, though I have not said one syllable about it), 
 I should think it amounted to the communication of such an insight 
 into the objects of the two revelations as guided the writers to the 
 selection of those facts whose transmission was important for those 
 objects in each. In the New Testament it must of course be extended 
 to the bringing back to the remembrance those discourses of our Saviour, 
 
 185 
 
 whose preservation was especially necessary, and which have been 
 preserved. 
 
 Prophecy of course stands by itself. . . . 
 
 Upon practical subjects, as my habits have removed me from those 
 occupations which press them upon one's mind, I can say very little, 
 except that I believe that, practically, my opinions are the same as 
 those of the High Church ; that, however I may respect individuals, 
 I feel myself more and more removed from what is called the Low 
 Church ; and that it has been my object (not certainly on any secular 
 grounds, but because I think that its predominance and final preva- 
 lence would be most beneficial to the Church) to remain in that body 
 which I most respected and valued. 
 
 As you dwelt on what I said of Spener, I may add that I should 
 have thought very differently of him had it not been his object to 
 prevent any disunion in the Church, and had he not opposed it with 
 all his power whenever there seemed to be any ground to apprehend it. 
 
 I will just add that I do not know any subject of controversy between 
 the High and the Low Church in which I do not agree with the 
 former : but neither do I know any one upon which I should be likely 
 to preach. 
 
 I scarcely know whether you may not think this statement very 
 superfluous, and I fear perhaps encroaching on your time ; yet though 
 I believe you have known for some years the principal points, I 
 thought anything preferable to running the risk of committing you 
 by recommending me without candidly stating what my opinions 
 were. 
 
 Before Saturday I had not thought that there was any difference 
 between my creed and that of him we have lost. 
 
 Perhaps the whole letter (as is the case with other of 
 Pusey's early opinions) may without injustice be considered 
 one of many instances in the controversies of the Church, 
 where men of genius or position attempt to pronounce off- 
 hand on theological questions, the depths of which they 
 have not attempted to explore. Doubtless in Bishop 
 Lloyd's eyes the real value of the letter consisted less in its 
 particular statements than in its generally positive drift ; 
 he was satisfied that Pusey— though, as Newman had 
 graphically described ^ his mind did not move in exactly 
 conventional lines— was quite unlikely to cause serious 
 anxiety on the score of rationalism or even latitudin- 
 arianism. 
 
 ' See note on p. 164. 
 
i86 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Appointment as Professor, 
 
 187 
 
 There is no doubt that Pusey was anxious to obtain the 
 Chair : he was alternately hopeful and despondent about 
 his success. He heard from Archdeacon Cambridge, who 
 enclosed an encouraging note from the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. Bishop Lloyd had written to the Primate, 
 strongly pressing Pusey 's claims ; and this had not been 
 without its effect. ' But my spirits,' Pusey writes, ' rather 
 sink with every day of suspense. However, I think very 
 little about it except at letter-time.* On Nov. 12th the 
 visit to Bishop Lloyd's lodgings in Christ Church came 
 to an end, and Pusey \*.vid his wife went to Pusey to visit 
 Lady Lucy. Philip Pusey had gone abroad for two 
 years, and had lent his home to his widowed mother. 
 
 But Nov. 12th— the day of their migration from Oxford 
 to Pusey, in great uncertainty as to their future life— was 
 also the date of an important letter on the part of the 
 Prime Minister. The Duke of Wellington wrote to Sir W. 
 Knighton : — 
 
 'Nov. 12, 1828. 
 
 * As it gives the King so much pain to write, I beg you to take His 
 Majesty's pleasure upon the appointment of the Rev. Mr. Pusey to be 
 Regius Professor of Hebrew at the University of Oxford. He is 
 strongly recommended by the Heads of the Church, and by all those 
 capable of forming an opinion of the qualifications of the individual 
 who ought to be appointed to fill that office V 
 
 The King must have replied immediately, since on 
 Nov. 14th the Duke of Wellington's letter, offering Pusey 
 the Hebrew Professorship, reached Oxford. 
 
 The Duke of Wellington to the Rev. E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Sir London, Nov. 13, 1828. 
 
 I have the honor to inform you that His Majesty has been 
 graciously pleased to approve of your being appointed Regius Professor 
 of Hebrew at Oxford. 
 
 I have the honor, &c. 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey. Wellington. 
 
 This letter was of course sent to Oriel College, where 
 
 > This extract is inserted by the kindness of the present Sir W. Knighton. 
 
 William Pusey had just begun to reside as an under- 
 graduate. He took the letter to Newman, who was his 
 tutor, and who, at his request, opened it, and then gave him 
 leave to ride over to Pusey with it. By the same post 
 Bishop Lloyd was informed that his exertions had been 
 successful. ' What will Pusey do ? ' said a clergyman who 
 was staying at Cuddesdon. * If,' said the Bishop, ' he belongs 
 to the old school, he will come over and see me : if to the 
 new, he will write me a letter.' On his brother's arrival 
 at Pusey, the carriage was at once ordered, and Pusey 
 drove over to Cuddesdon with his wife to thank Bishop 
 Lloyd for an appointment which was, as he knew, so largely 
 due to the Bishop's judgment and exertions. He then 
 returned to Oxford and wrote to the Prime Minister :— 
 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey to the Duke of Wellington. 
 
 My Lord Duke, Oriel College, Nov. 14, [1828]. 
 
 I have this morning had the honor of receiving your Grace's letter 
 informing me that His Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve 
 of my being appointed to the Regius Professorship of Divinity in this 
 University. 
 
 May I take leave to beg your Grace to convey to His Majesty my 
 acknowledgments of this distinguished favour, in such terms as may 
 appear to your Grace most adequately to express the deepest sense of 
 gratitude ? 
 
 To your Grace I am at a loss for words to express my obligations 
 ior your exceeding kindness in recommending me to His Majesty for 
 this important office— an office which comprises everything which 
 I wished, and more than I ought to have hoped for. I will only say 
 that I will endeavour to show my gratitude to your Grace by a sincere 
 and earnest devotion to the duties of the office, which I owe entirely 
 to your goodness. 
 
 With the greatest respect, 
 
 I have the honor to remain 
 Your Grace's obliged and obedient servant, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 It will be observed that Pusey describes himself as 
 appointed Regius Professor of Divinity. This inaccuracy 
 on such an occasion, and in so brief a letter, though prob- 
 ably owing to a slip of the pen in a moment of excitement, 
 is not without significance. It shows how, in his conception 
 
i88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Ordination to the Priesthood, 
 
 189 
 
 of the office he was undertaking, the theological interests 
 were already uppermost, even though he was keenly alive 
 to its literary or philological aspects ; it explains why he 
 regarded his work in the Tractarian movement as quite 
 germane to the duties of his chair ; it anticipates his 
 earnest remonstrances with the Vice-Chancellor in 1853 
 when, to his great annoyance, he was classed among the 
 Professors of Languages. The mistake does not appear 
 to have been noticed : the letter is docketed as a * grateful 
 acceptance' of *the Regius Professorship of Hebrew by 
 the Rev. E. B. Pusey/ 
 
 One of the persons who had expected the post wrote 
 to the Duke of Wellington to remonstrate with him for 
 appointing * a relation of that great Radical, Lord Radnor,' 
 while overlooking the claims of a sound Tory. * I ap- 
 pointed Mr. Pusey,* replied the Duke, 'because I have 
 reason to believe that he is the best scholar/ 
 
 Later in the day on which he wrote to the Prime 
 Minister, Pusey wrote to the Bishop of Oxford, and with 
 characteristic generosity offered to buy all the library and 
 furniture of the late Professor, if his widow wished to part 
 with them. 
 
 Pusey's offer was accepted. The bookshelves which 
 remained in his small study to the end of his life were 
 those which had been placed there by his predecessor. 
 As was natural, many of Dr. Nicoll's books were duplicates 
 of his own. ( 
 
 * I fear,' he writes again to Bishop Lloyd, * that I have almost got into 
 a scrape about the books, as I have already many of the most ex- 
 pensive, and the number seems much larger than I had expected. If, 
 however, the sum does not exceed ;f 500 or ^600 I should be most 
 glad to relieve Mrs. Nicoll from all anxiety.* 
 
 In the end he bought all Dr. Nicoll's books, and sold, of 
 course at a loss, those of them which he did not want. 
 
 The appointment seems to have been generally received 
 with expressions of warm satisfaction. The Dean of Christ 
 Church, Dr. Smith, wrote a very friendly letter of welcome 
 to the new member of his Chapter ; and this was only one 
 
 of many *very gratifying congratulations' which poured 
 in upon the new Professor from his Oxford friends. Nor 
 were his more recent friends in Germany backward to 
 express their satisfaction. Of the foreign congratulations 
 which remain, that of Dr. Liicke was simple and hearty, 
 while Freytag did not disguise his warm satisfaction at 
 the prospect of securing in Pusey a useful coadjutor at 
 Oxford. * Nicoll's death,* he wrote, 'has been a great 
 sorrow to me : what a comfort it is that you are to succeed 
 him ! ' Pusey himself in later years always dwelt with a 
 certain satisfaction on the fact that he owed his appointment 
 to the favour of the Crown. He was fond of resolving the 
 Latin epithet * Regius,' which distinguished his Chair, into 
 its English equivalent. He had been presented to George 
 IV., he used to say, as ' Your Majesty's Professor of Hebrew.' 
 When at the close of his life he subscribed to a testimonial 
 ofifered to Prince Leopold on his marriage, he signed him- 
 self Her Majesty's Professor of Hebrew. This trait was 
 not accidental. In his most Liberal days as a young man, 
 the old feeling of personal devotion to the sovereign re- 
 mained, and it strengthened with his advancing years. 
 
 At the date of his appointment to the Professor- 
 ship, Pusey was only in deacon's orders. The Hebrew 
 Chair being attached to a canonry of Christ Church, 
 he had to be ordained Priest before he could occupy his 
 stall. In those days the bishops were wont to insist less 
 upon the Ember seasons than is, happily, the case now ; 
 and it was thought desirable that the ordination should 
 be hastened as much as possible. The nine days which 
 elapsed between Pusey's appointment and his ordination as 
 Priest were spent in retirement at his old home. 
 
 On Sunday, November 23, 1828, being the twenty-fifth 
 Sunday after Trinity, Edward Pusey was ordained Priest 
 by Bishop Lloyd in the parish church of Cuddesdon. On 
 Saturday, the 22nd, he and his wife drove from Pusey to 
 the Palace at Cuddesdon for the ordination on the following 
 day. No one else was ordained, and the service was of the 
 simplest character; the only music was the singing of 
 
IQO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Installation as Canon, 
 
 191 
 
 Brady and Tate's psalms by the rude village choir of 
 that day. Four persons only witnessed the scene, be- 
 sides the villagers and the Bishop's own family. The 
 Rev. Edward Burton, of Christ Church, Examining Chaplain 
 to the Bishop, and his successor as Regius Professor of 
 Divinity, was present in his official capacity. In order to 
 take part in the service he must have examined Pusey; 
 but the examination, of which no record has been pre- 
 served, was probably of a formal character. Another 
 witness was Pusey's old and dearly-loved tutor, the Rev. T. 
 Vowler Short. Student of Christ Church, who died Bishop 
 of St. Asaph. Besides these were two Students of Christ 
 Church — the Rev. Augustus Page Saunders, at that time 
 Curate of Cuddesdon, but subsequently Head Master of the 
 Charterhouse and Dean of Peterborough, and the Hon. 
 John Chetwynd Talbot. 
 
 Few of the village churches in England have witnessed 
 so many interesting scenes, or have echoed to the voices of 
 so many remarkable men, as the parish church of All Saints. 
 Cuddesdon. During the episcopate of Bishop Wilberforce 
 there were few men eminent for learning, or work, or 
 character in the Church of England who did not, under the 
 spell of his genius and sympathy, find themselves at some 
 time ministering or worshipping within its walls ; and to 
 many hundreds of the clergy that old Norman tower-arch 
 and that narrow chancel are associated with the most 
 solemn experiences of their life. But it may be safely 
 asserted that no event, in itself or in its consequences, more 
 momentous, more pregnant with influences far-reaching 
 and incalculable, has ever taken place within those walls 
 than was enacted on that dark Sunday in November when 
 Charles Lloyd, Bishop of Oxford, conferred the order of 
 Priesthood upon Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 On Monday, November 24th, Pusey and his wife returned 
 to Pusey, through Oxford, where they spent the greater 
 part of the day. Bishop Lloyd had advised him to lose no 
 time in setting to work on Nicoll's unfinished Catalogue of 
 the Arabic Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library. On his 
 
 way through Oxford Pusey possessed himself of all Nicoll's 
 papers bearing on the subject, and on the following morning 
 he set to work on them. 
 
 On Tuesday, December 9th, he was installed in the 
 Cathedral as Canon of Christ Church. On Sunday, 
 December 14th, he first attended the morning and evening 
 service in Christ Church as one of the Canons ; and on the 
 
 ALL SAINTS CHURCH, PUSEY. 
 
 following day he returned to Pusey to spend Christmas 
 there. This Christmas Day was always remembered as an 
 anniversary in Pusey's later years. On that day he 'took 
 the whole duty at Pusey Church,* celebrating the Holy 
 Communion for the first time in the church where he was 
 baptized. He preached on Phil. iv. 4, * Rejoice in the 
 Lord al way : and again I say, Rejoice ' — one of the sentences 
 of St. Paul which were dearest to him throughout his life, 
 and which he would repeat to himself, again and again 
 
igo 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Installation as Canon, 
 
 191 
 
 Brady and Tate's psalms by the rude village choir of 
 that day. Four persons only witnessed the scene, be- 
 sides the villagers and the Bishop's own family. The 
 Rev. Edward Burton, of Christ Church, Examining Chaplain 
 to the Bishop, and his successor as Regius Professor of 
 Divinity, was present in his official capacity. In order to 
 take part m the service he must have examined Pusey; 
 but the examination, of which no record has been pre- 
 served, was probably of a formal character. Another 
 witness was Puscy's old and dearly-loved tutor, the Rev. T. 
 Vowler Short. Student of Christ Church, who died Bishoj 
 of St. Asaph. Besides these were two Students of Christ 
 Church — the Rev. Augustus Page Saunders, at that time 
 Curate of Cuddesdon. but subsequently Head Master of the 
 Charterhouse and Dean of Peterborough, and the Hon. 
 John Chetwynd Talbot. 
 
 Few of the village churches in England have witnessed 
 so many interesting scenes, or have echoed to the voices of 
 so many remarkable men, as the parish church of All Saints. 
 Cuddesdon. During the episcopate of Bishop Wilberforci 
 there were few men eminent for learning, or work, or 
 character in the Church of England who did not, under tht 
 spell of his genius and sympathy, find themselves at some 
 time ministering or worshipping within its walls ; and to 
 many hundreds of the clergy that old Norman tower-arch 
 and that narrow chancel are associated with the most 
 solemn experiences of their life. But it may be safely 
 asserted that no event, in itself or in its consequences, more 
 momentous, more pregnant wMth influences far-reaching 
 and incalculable, has ever taken place within those walls 
 than was enacted on that dark Sunday in November when 
 Charles Lloyd, Bishop of Oxford, conferred the order of 
 Priesthood upon Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 On Monday, November 24th, Pusey and his wife returned 
 to Pusey, through Oxford, where they spent the greater 
 part of the day. Bishop Lloyd had advised him to lose no 
 time in setting to work on NicoU's unfinished Catalogue of 
 the Arabic Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library. On his 
 
 way through Oxford Pusey possessed himself of all NicoU's 
 papers bearing on the subject, and on the following morning 
 he set to work on them. 
 
 On Tuesday, December 9th, he was installed in the 
 Cathedral as Canon of Christ Church. On Sunday, 
 December 14th, he first attended the morning and evening 
 service in Christ Church as one of the Canons ; and on the 
 
 ALL S.MNTS CHURCH, TUSEY. 
 
 following day he returned to Pusey to spend Christmas 
 there. This Christmas Day was always remembered as an 
 anniversary in Pusey's later years. On that day he 'took 
 the whole duty at Pusey Church,' celebrating the Holy 
 Communion for the first time in the church where he was 
 baptized. He preached on Phil. iv. 4, * Rejoice in the 
 Lord alway : and again I say. Rejoice' — one of the sentences 
 of St. Paul which were dearest to him throughout his life, 
 and which he would repeat to himself, again and again 
 
192 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 II 
 
 when ill, in his last years. The sermon follows the guidance 
 of the text ; it is an invitation to holy Christian joy in view 
 of the blessings of Redemption. The language about immor- 
 tality seems to be coloured by the recollection that within 
 a few yards of the preacher lay his father's body. The 
 sermon concludes with an invitation to receive the Holy 
 Sacrament, which he describes as * that means by which in 
 a more especial manner, as the Apostle tells us, we become 
 partakers of the Body of Christ.' ' Th&t Body,' he adds, 
 ' which was broken for you, is now before you/ He after- 
 wards speaks of 'partaking o( the symbols of Christ's 
 sufferings.' This sermon foreshadows very definitely his 
 later Eucharistic teaching. 
 
 On the following Sunday, December 28th, being Holy 
 Innocents' Day, he again took the whole service in Pusey 
 Church, and christened an infant after the afternoon 
 prayers. At the morning service he preached on Phil, 
 ii. 3, ' In lowliness of mind let each esteem other better 
 than himself.' 
 
 The rest of the vacation, with the exception of a three 
 days' visit to Fairford, was spent quietly at his old home, 
 Pusey occasionally taking part in the services and preaching. 
 On January 12, 1829, he and his wife took up their abode in 
 their own house at Oxford. 
 
 DR. I'USEYS LODGINGS IN CHRIST CHURCH. 
 
 {From the Tom Quadrangle.) 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 IN RESIDENCE AT CHRIST CHURCH—COMMENCEMENT OF 
 HEBREW LECTURES — ELECTION OF 1 829 — DEATH 
 OF BISHOP LLOYD — ARABIC CATALOGUE — OXFORD 
 SOCIETY IN 1830— SEVERE ILLNESS— SANSCRIT PRO- 
 FESSORSHIP— PUSEY AND ELLERTON SCHOLARSHIPS 
 —INFIDEL LECTURES— BRITISH ASSOCIATION— FIRST 
 UNIVERSITY SERMON— DEATH OF YOUNGEST CHILD— 
 'REMARKS ON CATHEDRAL INSTITUTIONS.' 
 
 1829-1832. 
 On coming into residence at Christ Church Pusey found 
 himself in a society curiously unlike that with which the 
 present generation is familiar. Dean Smith had been at 
 the head of it since 1824; two years were yet to pass 
 before he was transferred to the deanery of Durham. At 
 the head of the canons was the venerable Sub-dean, 
 L)r. Barnes ; while amongst them were Bishop Lloyd and 
 Dr. William Buckland, lately appointed, who was nursing 
 the young science of Geology. Archdeacon Pott, whose 
 vigorous common-sense features are still conspicuous in 
 VOL. L o 
 
192 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pitsey. 
 
 when ill, in his last years. The sermon follows the guidance 
 of the text ; it is an invitation to holy Christian joy in view 
 of the blessings of Redemption. The language about immor- 
 tality seems to be coloured by the recollection that within 
 a few yards of the preacher lay his father's body. The 
 sermon concludes with an invitation to receive the Holy 
 Sacrament, which he describes as ' that means by which in 
 a more especial manner, as the Apostle tells us, we become 
 partakers of the Body of Christ.' ' Th^it Body,' he adds, 
 ' which was broken for you, is now before you.' He after- 
 wards speaks of 'partaking oC the symbols of Christ's 
 sufferings.' This sermon foreshadows very definitely his 
 later Eucharistic teaching:. 
 
 On the following Sunday, December 28th, being Holy 
 Innocents' Day, he again took the whole service in Pusc)- 
 Church, and christened an infant after the aftcrnoor. 
 prayers. At the morning service he preached on Phil, 
 ii. ,^, ' In lowliness of mind let each esteem other better 
 than himself.' 
 
 The rest of the vacation, with the exception of a three 
 clays' visit to Fairford, was spent quietly at his old home, 
 Pusey occasionally taking part in the services and preaching. 
 ( )n January 12, 1829, he and his wife took up their abode in 
 their own house at Oxford. 
 
 M 
 
 r-'i 
 
 UK. I'l'SKV .> 1.<H)(;ING.S IN CHRIST CIlUkCH. 
 
 {From the Tom Quadrangle.) 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 IX RESIDENCE AT CHRIST CHURCH— COMMENCEMENT OF 
 HEBREW LECTURES — ELECTION OF 1829 — DEATH 
 OF BISHOP LLOVD — ARABIC CATALOGUE — OXFORD 
 SOCIETY IN 1830— SEVERE ILLNESS— SANSCRIT PRO- 
 FESSORSHIP— PUSEV AND ELLERTON SCHOLARSHIPS 
 —INFIDEL LECTURES— BRITISH ASSOCIATION— FIRST 
 UNIVERSITY SERMON— DEATH OF YOUNGEST CHILD— 
 ' REMARKS ON CATHEDRAL INSTITUTIONS.' 
 
 1829-1832. 
 
 On coming into residence at Christ Church Pusey found 
 Inmself in a society curiously unlike that with which the 
 present generation is familiar. Dean Smith had been at 
 the head of it since 1824; two years were yet to pass 
 l)cfore he was transferred to the deanery of Durham. At 
 the head of the canons was the venerable Sub-dean, 
 l^r. Barnes ; while amongst them were Bishop Lloyd and 
 I^>r. William Buckland, lately appointed, who was nursing 
 the young science of Geology. Archdeacon Pott, whose 
 vigorous common-sense features are still conspicuous in 
 
 VOL. I. o 
 
194 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 First Hebrew Lectures. 
 
 195 
 
 the portrait in Christ Church Hall, was the man of business 
 who generally appears in every Chapter ; he found time to 
 administer the estates of Christ Church as well as the 
 archdeaconry of Oxford. The names of Hay, Dowdeswell, 
 and Woodcock have already passed out of public memory. 
 Only two of the canonries were at that date connected 
 with professorships. 
 
 The new Professor and his wife were generally welcome 
 in the cultivated but narrow social circle of the old 
 Hebdomadal Oxford. Mrs. Pusey had a great deal of 
 work to do in the way of calling and receiving visitors, 
 and kept a tolerably complete record of these transactions. 
 She was, at this time, of striking appearance, handsome 
 and handsomely dressed. Their domestic establishment 
 was well-appointed ; it was in their carriage and pair that 
 Pusey, who had a reputation for being a good whip\ 
 drove his wife when exploring the neighbourhood of 
 Oxford and returning visits. 
 
 Amidst all his social engagements and duties, Pusey was 
 evidently looking forward with natural anxiety to his first 
 lecture as Professor of Hebrew. He had been, as might be 
 expected, endeavouring to decide upon the best plan for 
 making his professional lectures useful, and had written 
 to Newman on the subject. In the subjoined letter he 
 acknowledges Newman's reply, and states the difficulties 
 with which he had to grapple : — 
 
 I 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Pusey House, Saturday even., Jan. 10, [1829]. 
 
 Your opinion of my lectures (i.e. as relates to beginners) is 
 precisely what I had myself felt ; my difficulty was how much^ not 
 whether any^ or much, ought to be omitted. It was always my own 
 theory that as little grammar as possible should be taught at first, i. e. 
 until the student is sufficiently familiar with the language to take 
 interest in the instances, &c., and the general structure of a language 
 
 * This, however, did not prevent 
 occasional catastrophes. When an 
 undergraduate at Christ Church in 
 1847, the present writer was told by 
 Dr. Barnes that he had seen Dr. and 
 
 Mrs. Pusey upset in their carriage on 
 the Abingdon Road — a misfortune 
 which he attributed to * Pusey's way 
 of thinking about other things.* 
 
 so different from our own— until, in fact, he be in some degree ac- 
 quainted from his own experience with the problems which are to be 
 solved. I fear much that I shall not have such a class as this : the 
 question then is, what is the minimum both of principles and details 
 which can be presented to them, at once to prepare them to judge of 
 these languages by themselves, to put them in possession of some of 
 the principal points which they are to bear in mind, and to find 
 enough in some measure to employ the more active without disgusting 
 those who have either less leisure or less patience. Yet, on the other 
 hand, it seems to me more and more difficult to teach the language in 
 any degree philosophically without entering into a considerable detail 
 of principles, which in the earlier parts, on the formation of words, 
 forms, &c., cannot be done without being very abstract, and con- 
 sequently very dry. Again, unless one teaches them more than the 
 common matter of fact which is to be found in grammars, the lectures 
 will be (as were, at first at least, those of poor N.'s in grammar) thought 
 to be of little use. 
 
 I had thought a good deal and indeed intended to adopt the plan 
 of using a Hebrew Grammar (Lee's or Stuart's) as a text-book. I fear, 
 however, that there will be some difficulty in putting this in practice^ 
 because that which I have compiled is on too different a plan to be easily 
 conformed to either : something however of this I hope to be able to 
 do, at least to select the portions of Lee's Grammar which should be 
 read previous to each lecture, and criticize this as far as I may venture, 
 but without binding myself down to mere criticism or illustration. 
 
 The result of all this is that I am much more perplexed than is at 
 all pleasant just before the commencement of my lectures. Lecture 
 however I must, and, if I lose ground at first, must do my best here- 
 after to regain it. . . . 
 
 I saw J. K[eble] twice at Fairford. I am glad to say that he was 
 looking very well, though he said he was obliged to take care of him- 
 self, and declined dining out to meet me. Yet I never saw him, as 
 I thought, looking better. 
 
 After his judgment had been matured by five years' 
 experience of teaching Hebrew, he wrote as follows :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. Dalby. 
 
 Ch. Ch., Feb. 25, 1834. 
 ... As to the method of reading, what I have found best to answer is, 
 (i) to read at first nothing of grammar but what is absolutely neces- 
 sary : as soon as a person knows the regular grammatical inflexions 
 he should begin to read. Grammar at a later period is much more 
 improving, for it cannot be well understood until something of the 
 language be practically known : it then becomes interesting. (2) In 
 reading the Bible, to become thoroughly acquainted with the meaning 
 
 O 2 
 
196 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 of the words in each portion which is read, not troubling one's-self 
 with any meaning a word may have in any other place. A verse 
 should at first be read two or three times, but a person at the end 
 should wish to know nothing but the verse. (3) Read loud. (4) For 
 a long time read no criticisms or commentators— read Hebrew and 
 not about Hebrew. (5) Read the easiest Hebrew (the historical 
 books) for a long time before attempting the more difficult. 
 
 You will easily see what mistakes the above rules are intended 
 to guard against. I believe the great source of disappointment in 
 learning Hebrew is that persons are too impatient (it is a very natural 
 eagerness) to turn their Hebrew knowledge to account : but it is of 
 course all wasted time and energy. Persons must submit to learn as 
 children, and go to work patiently and humbly, if they would ever reap 
 the fruit. I would anxiously deprecate an empirical or superficial 
 study, but this is a different thing from recommending the observation 
 of strict method in study, and postponing difficulties which in many 
 • cases are only such because the individual comes to them unprepared 
 to encounter them. . . . 
 
 Every one, I am sure, who has made advance enough to under- 
 stand and use the Psalms in the original, has had reason to bless 
 God for having put it into his mind to commence the study. No part 
 of my Hebrew knowledge repays me like this. They are indeed green 
 pastures after one has been tormented with the perverseness of human 
 criticism. 
 
 I would gladly have written more but that I am leaving Oxford in 
 search of health, and in good hopes that it may please Ciod that 
 I should lecture again next term, which I have not been obliged to 
 intermit for the last three years. I would have sent you also a little 
 tract on the * Fasts of the Church ' but that 1 know not of a ready 
 conveyance. 
 
 He had intended to begin his lectures on January 25th ; 
 he actually began on Tuesday, February 3rd. This date 
 — like those of all the leading events in his life — was always 
 kept in his memory. ' This time fifty years ago,* he said on 
 the anniversary in 1879, *I began to lecture as Regius 
 Professor of Hebrew.' With Pusey these dates were no 
 mere reminiscences ; they were remembered so well because 
 each anniversary suggested prayer or praise to the Author 
 of all goodness, Whose hand was reverently recognized in 
 every dispensation, whether of success or failure, of sorrow 
 or joy. 
 
 He began with two sets of lectures, one of an elementary 
 character on Genesis, and one for more advanced students 
 
 University Election in 1829. 197 
 
 on Isaiah. Fifty men came to the first lecture on Genesis. 
 Among those present were G. Moberly, Frederick Oakeley, 
 H. Bulteel, W. Trower, G. A. Denison, C. P. Golightly, 
 J. James, and R. Hussey. Only four students came to the 
 Isaiah lecture ; of these were R. I. Wilberforce, of Oriel, and 
 A. P. Saunders, of Christ Church. Writing to Tholuck 
 somewhat later Pusey says : — 
 
 * My office is of the greatest interest to me : it is everything that 
 I could wish. I found about fifty who were willing to begin the ele- 
 ments, but four only for my lecture on Isaiah. I need not say how glad 
 I shall be to receive any one recommended by you : if I can induce 
 any promising theologians to visit Germany I will avail myself of your 
 permission to recommend them to you.' 
 
 But the course of study at Oxford is liable to inter- 
 ruptions ; and an interruption of some seriousness was 
 imminent. Sir Robert Peel had represented the University 
 of Oxford in the House of Commons since 18 17, and, from 
 the date of Mr. Estcourt's election in 1826, he had been the 
 senior Burgess. Sir Robert Peel had been for many years 
 a consistent opponent of Roman Catholic Emancipation ; 
 session after session he had distinguished himself by 
 eloquent speeches in which he denounced it as fraught with 
 ruin to the best interests of the empire. But O'Connell's 
 return for the county of Clare in 1828 had brought 
 matters to a crisis. In opening the session of 1829 a 
 measure of relief was announced in the King's Speech ; 
 and when on February 5th the Oxford Convocation voted 
 a petition against the Roman Catholic claims, a letter 
 from Sir Robert Peel was read, in which he offered to 
 resign his seat on the ground that, as a Minister, he had 
 recommended to the King an * adjustment' of those claims. 
 The actual recommendation amounted to something more 
 than was implied by the phrase ; Peel's resignation was 
 acquiesced in by a majority of his constituents, and Sir 
 R. H. Inglis was invited to fill his place. .But a large 
 minority in Convocation were unwilling to part with their 
 distinguished representative, even when not sharing his 
 opinions ; and Sir R. Peel was persuaded to contest the 
 
«f 
 
 198 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 seat. The election took place on February 26th and the 
 following day. At the close of the poll, "j^S members 
 of Convocation had voted for Inglis, and 609 for Peel. 
 
 This election divided men sharply throughout Oxford, 
 and not least in its intellectual centre, the Oriel Common- 
 room. Cardinal Newman has described how it led to 
 a separation between himself and Whately. Newman 
 had petitioned annually for Emancipation ; he had voted 
 in 1827 or 1828 against the petition of Convocation: 
 he had no particular sympathy with the rank and file of 
 those who supported it. But in February, 1829, he threw 
 his weight into the scale against Peel. He thought that 
 the Government was treating the University with scant 
 respect ; and he was also himself passing from the clientHe 
 of Whately to a more intimate association with Keble and 
 Froude. 
 
 Keble took a strong line against Peel. He issued a 
 protest addressed to members of Convocation. It is dated 
 Fairford, February 16, 1829. It characteristically takes the 
 form of queries. These queries were drawn up so carefully 
 and modestly that each of them admitted of only one 
 answer. The most important of them, in its practical 
 bearings, runs thus : Whether, considering all circumstances, 
 it will not be safer and more creditable to the University 
 to make a new choice, than to give an implied sanction to 
 a measure which it has so recently and so earnestly de- 
 precated upon the mere authority of any person whatever ? 
 His great anxiety was that * the University should do 
 nothing which might be likely to countenance the dangerous 
 laxity of modem politics.' Peel's change recalled Sir R. 
 Walpole : it enabled bad men ' to disparage the very idea 
 of public virtue.' There might be an adequate explana- 
 tion of it ; but, as yet, no such explanation was before the 
 University. 
 
 Keble's prominent action on this question brought him 
 into collision with several old friends, notably with Sir 
 John T. Coleridge, with whom he remonstrated in warm 
 terms for joining Sir R. Peel's Committee. But Keble 
 
 Peel supported by Pusey^ opposed by Keble. 199 
 
 had been forced, much against his will, to take a leading 
 part ; and it is not difficult to see in his letters at the 
 time the germs of his sermon on National Apostasy, and 
 the peculiar union of moral and intellectual qualities which 
 made him * the true and primary author ^ * of the Oxford 
 Movement. 
 
 Pusey had never a moment's hesitation in supporting 
 Sir R. Peel. His political Liberalism, as a young man, 
 had led him to take a warm interest in the Emancipation 
 question. He had felt, as we have seen, strongly against the 
 Government when it was opposed to the Rom.an Catholic 
 claims, and he could not but welcome its conversion. Not 
 the least powerful motive on Pusey's mind would have been 
 furnished by the example and influence of his friend and 
 adviser. Bishop Lloyd. The Bishop's adhesion to the 
 views of the Government may have been in part due to 
 the influence of his old pupil, Mr. Peel ; but he supported 
 the Bill both by his voice and his vote when it came into 
 the House of Lords. Pusey, like Keble, also canvassed 
 for votes, but in the opposite interest. ' A letter from 
 Mr. Pusey, at that time one of the most liberal members 
 of the University, decided me to give my vote to Sir 
 Robert Peel 2.' Blanco White — the writer of these words 
 — had been on intimate terms with Pusey, but for a man 
 in his position it required courage to follow Pusey's advice 
 in the present matter. Blanco White, considering his 
 position in England as a convert from the Church of 
 Rome, was especially welcome to the most ardent op- 
 ponents of Roman Catholic Emancipation. He knew 
 full well how his action at Oxford would be received^; 
 but he felt that he had no moral choice. He has described 
 the cold looks which met him when he gave his vote in 
 Convocation. 
 
 Whately, as well as Blanco White, Shuttleworth, and the 
 Provost of Oriel, were Pusey's allies against Keble, New- 
 
 * Newman, * Apologia' (ed. 1880), associated with the Provost of Oriel 
 
 p. 17. as acting for Peel. 
 
 ^ ♦ Life of Joseph Blanco White/ iii. ' * Life of Joseph Blanco White/ i. 
 
 1 30. Cf. ibid. i. 453, where Pusey is 455. 
 
2CX) 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Bishop Lloyds views. 
 
 20 1 
 
 m 
 
 fi 
 
 ' 1 ^ 
 
 man\ Hurrell Froude, and Robert Wilberforce. There were 
 some names that became prominent in the Church movement 
 of later years, as Bowden and Woodgate, who, like Pusey 
 himself, as Newman used to say, began as political Liberals 
 and became Tractarians. These were on Pusey's side. 
 Pusey wrote to Bishop Lloyd, expressing his regret at 
 Keble's prominent line, and in particular at his * Queries.' 
 * Of course,' Pusey observes, ' every supporter of Mr. Peel 
 must have answered the queries to his own satisfaction.' 
 But Keble's method was Socratic ; he wished if he could 
 to disturb the satisfaction of Peel's supporters, and his 
 success in doing this scarcely admits of question, while it 
 explains Pusey's annoyance. 
 
 Keble was pained at finding himself in what he would 
 have thought undutiful opposition to the Bishop, and two 
 days before the election he begged Pusey to make the 
 necessary explanations : — 
 
 Rev. J. Keble, junr., to E. B. P. 
 
 Fairford, 24 February, 1829. 
 
 The circumstances of this election having made my name so 
 much more public than I could ever have expected or wished it to be 
 on such an occasion, I cannot be quite easy without asking pardon of 
 all Mr. Peel's friends, and especially (through you) of the Bishop 
 of Oxford, if anything in which I have had a part may have given 
 him a moment's pain : or if I have seemed unworthily suspicious of 
 one for whom he must be deeply interested. 
 
 You will give me credit, I know, my dear friend, for having been 
 influenced by a sense of duty, whether erroneous or not, in what I have 
 done on this trying occasion. I have many strong feelings on your 
 side. I deeply sympathise with Mr. Peel in the difficulties of his 
 situation : I am aware that there may be reasons for his not going out 
 of office, of which I cannot possibly judge ; above all I have little 
 reason indeed to imagine that if I had been in his place I should have 
 acted with more firmness than I suppose him to have done. 
 
 With all these impressions, though I believe it my duty to protest as 
 I have done against his return, I cannot possibly feel any bitterness 
 
 ' Newman's view of Pusey's position 
 is given in the following passage from 
 a letter to his sister : *I do not reckon 
 Pusey or Denison among our oppo- 
 nents, because they were strong for 
 
 concession beforehand; and Pusey 1 
 know thought most highly of Mr. 
 Peel's integrity and generosity.'— 
 * Letters,' i. 307. 
 
 on the subject ; and I shall be truely grieved if I have unwarily 
 expressed any, or given any, unnecessary pain. 
 
 1 wish, my dear Pusey, if you have a good opportunity, and think it 
 not improper, you would say something of this sort for me to the 
 Bishop. It will be a great comfort to me if he can excuse me. 
 
 With best compliments to Mrs. Pusey, and in good hope that how- 
 ever this affair ends it will turn out for the best, since, as far as I can 
 see or hear, it has hitherto been conducted in a good spirit on both 
 sides, 
 
 I am ever, my dear Pusey, 
 
 Affectionately yours, 
 
 J. Keble, junr. 
 
 Bishop Lloyd's support of Roman Catholic Emancipa- 
 tion was of course dictated in the main by his belief that 
 the measure was politically necessary, and logically in- 
 volved in earlier concessions. In so independent a mind 
 this conviction would have been formed by personal 
 reflection ; but it was probably reinforced by Mr. Peel. 
 Bishop Lloyd had been Peel's tutor while he was himself 
 still an undergraduate. In 181 7 he had been selected 
 to ask Peel to consent to represent the University in 
 Parliament; and their intimacy had been continuously 
 unbroken throughout life. Accordingly, although he had 
 no intention of taking part in political questions, he did 
 not hesitate to do his best in support of the Govern- 
 ment on this occasion. His influence was exerted on 
 Peel's side during the Oxford election ; and he rendered 
 efficient service to the Government by his memorable 
 speech during a debate in the House of Lords which 
 marks an epoch in English history. On March 24th 
 a petition against the Government measure from 600 
 Cambridge undergraduates had been presented by the 
 Bishop of Bath and Wells. Bishop Lloyd, while advising 
 that the petition should be allowed to lie on the table, 
 objected strongly to the encouragement of such forms of 
 active interest in politics on the part of undergraduates, 
 and stated that an undergraduate petition in favour of the 
 Bill had been seized by the Proctors at Oxford. On April 
 2nd the Duke of Wellington moved the second reading 
 
202 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 «i I 
 'I 
 
 of the Bill; an amendment was proposed by Archbishop 
 Howley, and seconded by the Primate of Ireland. Fourth 
 in the debate rose Bishop Lloyd in support of the Govern- 
 ment measure. It is impossible even at this distance of 
 time to read his speech without feeling its courage and 
 its power, even if some of the topics which he urges fail 
 to convince us. Coming from such a quarter, it produced 
 a great impression. In the House it was sharply criticized 
 by Bishop Van Mildert and Lord Farnham : Bishop Lloyd 
 spoke three times afterwards in self-defence. The Bill passed 
 the House of Lords on April loth by a majority of 105. 
 The attacks to which Bishop Lloyd was exposed outside 
 the House induced him, under Peel's advice, to publish 
 a corrected copy of his speech. It was even said that he 
 was exposed to a slight at Court in consequence of the 
 line which he had felt it his duty to take in Parliament. 
 
 His last words in the House of Lords were uttered on 
 April 8th. A few days afterwards he was taken ill; the 
 illness was thought trifling ; but it resulted in inflammation 
 of the lungs, and terminated fatally on May 31st, the day 
 after Ascension Day. 
 
 Following so closely on the Bishop's prominent action 
 in Parliament, his death made a general and deep im- 
 pression. On Pusey the blow fell with peculiar severity. 
 Even when the illness had become very serious, Pusey, 
 as Cardinal Newman remembered, could not believe that 
 Lloyd would die. He had owed his present position to 
 Bishop Lloyd's friendship: he had been guided, for six 
 years, at every step, by his advice : he mourned his death 
 as that of a * second father,' as that of 
 
 *the guardian friend, with whose guidance I had hoped to steer 
 securely amid all the difficult shoals through which the course of a 
 theologian must in these days probably be held.' 
 
 It is natural, but perhaps useless, to speculate on the 
 question what Pusey's theological career would have become 
 had not the strong influence of the friend and patron of his 
 early years been withdrawn thus early. One of the effects 
 
 Arabic Catalogue, 203 
 
 of his death was undoubtedly to throw Pusey, although not 
 immediately, into closer contact with the minds which, 
 together with his own, were to give being and shape to 
 the Movement of 1833. 
 
 The most serious work of Pusey's life during the five years 
 which followed his appointment to the Chair in November 
 1828 was the completion of the Catalogue of Arabic 
 Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library. This Catalogue was 
 but a section of a larger v/ork which had been taken in 
 hand by the Bodleian Curators more than half a century 
 before. It was originally due to the learning and munifi- 
 cence of Archbishop Laud that the Library was so richly 
 endowed, and his example found numerous imitators, 
 while from time to time the collection was increased by 
 purchase. But this mass of literary wealth existed in a 
 form which rendered it practically inaccessible to students. 
 Many of the manuscripts had suffered from long neglect ; 
 several were mutilated ; portions of one manuscript were 
 bound up with another : they had come into the possession 
 of the University in this condition, but as yet they re- 
 mained in it. To Laud's earnest injunction that they 
 should be properly taken care of and duly used, Convoca- 
 tion had answered : * Nos haec manuscripta, quibus tam 
 ditasti academiam, inscribemus registro, recondemus animo, 
 volvemus manu, enunciabimus lingua, et vita recudemus.' 
 But of these five promises the first had not yet been re- 
 deemed. It was at the instance of Archbishop Seeker, 
 among others, that the University first took in hand the 
 work of cataloguing this portion of its treasures. Applica- 
 tion was made to several Oriental scholars ; but one after 
 another they shrank from the long and wearisome toil. 
 
 At last a Hungarian pupil of Schultens, John Uri, was 
 induced by Sir Joseph Yorke, the British Ambassador at 
 the Hague, to undertake the work. After many years of 
 hard labour, Uri produced the first volume .of the Cata- 
 logue in 1787. It is a folio volume of 327 pages; but the 
 amount of reading which it represents is enormous. It 
 describes in terse Latin all that students might wish to 
 
204 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 m 
 
 know about two thousand four hundred manuscripts — 
 Hebrew, Syriac, Samaritan, Aethiopic, Arabic, Turkish, 
 Persian, and Coptic. Still, Uri left to the University what 
 was only a splendid fragment. For thirty-four years no 
 effort was made to continue his work. The task was taken 
 up by one who became Pusey's predecessor in the Chair of 
 Hebrew, Alexander NicoU, at that time Sub-librarian of 
 the Bodleian. NicoU set to work at the earnest suggestion 
 of the Curators of the Library and of the Delegates of 
 the Clarendon Press. Uri, it seems, had overlooked not 
 a few manuscripts ; and the University had made con- 
 siderable additions to its collection since Uri's death. 
 These NicoU undertook to study and describe in a Supple- 
 mentary Catalogue, and also to make a complete index 
 to this work as well as his own. He was encouraged in 
 his task by the names of most repute in Europe in this 
 department of scholarship — Silvestre de Sacy, Bernstein, 
 and Gesenius. When Nicoll died he had published a first 
 instalment of his work — a folio volume of 143 pages. A 
 much larger volume was needed to complete it, and of this 
 he had at the time of his death prepared 388 pages folio. 
 
 The work that yet remained was indeed gigantic. It 
 took Pusey no little time and labour to ascertain exactly 
 the condition in which Nicoll had left his notes and 
 the lines on which he intended to carry them forward to 
 completion. He had to read through line by line the 
 voluminous notes and extracts in NicoU's handwriting, 
 besides revising word by word NicoU's translations from 
 Arabic into Latin. 
 
 He had to make a fuU index to the labours of his 
 predecessors, and in doing this he discovered that Uri's 
 work had been far from accurate. Nicoll had not revised 
 Uri's volume, and Pusey found that Uri's Index of 
 Authors was not only incomplete but misleading. It 
 was seldom, and only in the more accurate manuscripts, 
 that the real name and style of an author was fully stated ; 
 in others sometimes the personal name, sometimes the 
 patronymic, sometimes only the name of the tribe to 
 
 Defects in Uri's Work. 205 
 
 which the writer belonged, was stated. Uri had written 
 out the titles too carelessly to distinguish in all cases 
 between different authors, or to identify the same author 
 under slightly altered designations; and thus before Pusey 
 could complete his final index to the labours of his 
 predecessors as well as his own, his work assumed vast 
 proportions. As he made his way he discovered new 
 fields of labour which Uri had overlooked. The manu- 
 scripts were not only of very unequal value— some of them 
 were forgeries. All the purchasers of the Arabic manu- 
 scripts that had found their way into the Bodleian, with the 
 solitary exception of Pococke, had been imposed upon by 
 the artful Easterns ^ This discovery obliged Pusey to 
 review all the manuscripts which Uri had catalogued, in 
 order to see whether they agreed with their titles. The 
 common trick had been to prefix the name of some well- 
 known author or treatise to a perfectly worthless manu- 
 script, in the confidence, which appeared to be well 
 grounded, that the buyer would never think of examining 
 the contents of his purchase. Sometimes the real title 
 was covered over with paper; sometimes it was blotted 
 out with ink; sometimes almost scratched out with a 
 knife. A slight and dexterous change in the superscription 
 would at times substitute a famous for an insignificant 
 name ; and indeed a single work, bulky but of no great 
 value, might be broken up into three or four fragments. 
 These fragments, ornamented with discreetly appended 
 titles, would have impressed the purchaser, — incautious, 
 trustful, perhaps ignorant,— as acquisitions of real value, 
 while they would have added considerably to the ill-gotten 
 wealth of the artful and unscrupulous vendor. The result 
 of this discovery was that many manuscripts, supposed to 
 be the works of distinguished authors, were at best anony- 
 mous, and Pusey had to spend much time in studying 
 
 ' * Codices, autem, in hunc finem 
 cvolventi, novus continue campus 
 apertus est; praeter errores enim, 
 quos ipse admiserit Urius, deprehendi 
 omnibus fere horum librorum emptori- 
 
 bus, uno Pocockio excepto, libros 
 supposititios pro veris, subinde vendi- 
 tasse vafros Orientales.* Cat., vol. ii. 
 pt. ii. praef. iv. 
 
206 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 '"H^ 'P 
 
 ''^. I 
 
 them, in order to discover if possible the name of the 
 writer. In this effort he only occasionally succeeded ^ ; the 
 greatest expenditure of toil and time was constantly un- 
 rewarded. Pusey characteristically ascribes this to some 
 deficiency of his own : other labourers in the same field 
 will, he anticipates, succeed much better. 
 
 Pusey profusely acknowledges his indebtedness to his 
 masters in Arabic — Professors Kosegarten and Freytag. 
 But the burden of this long and arid labour was his own. 
 Writing eight years after the completion of his task to 
 one who was engaged in a work involving more labour 
 than had been at first anticipated, Pusey expressed himself 
 in what could not have been the language of exaggeration 
 or impulsiveness : ' When engaged on the Arabic Catalogue 
 at the Bodleian I have, as I rose to the drudgery, envied 
 the very bricklayers whom I saw at work in the streets.' 
 The task took up the best part of his time during seven 
 of the most active years of his life, and no idea of what 
 it must have cost him can be gained except by an actual 
 perusal of the result. In later years he would sometimes 
 mourn that so much time had been withdrawn from 
 theology, and then would add, 'Of course it must have 
 been better as God seemed thus to will it.* 
 
 Scholars, at any rate, could do justice then, as they do 
 justice now, to this great effort of patient labour. In 1837 
 his friend Mr. Greenhill, afterwards a well-known Oxford 
 resident, was studying medicipe in Paris, and made the 
 acquaintance of the accomplished Baron de Slane, the 
 friend and pupil of Silvestre De Sacy. The conversation 
 turned one day upon Pusey's Arabic Catalogue, and Mr. 
 Greenhill remarked that the Catalogue itself was partly 
 the work of Dr. NicoU. * If, sir,' said the Baron, ' Pusey 
 had made nothing but the Index to such a Catalogue, 
 it would have been enough to place him in the first rank 
 of Arabic scholars.' 
 
 One feature in the Catalogue which would hardly be 
 
 * * Quod mihi aliquando bene sue- operam coUocavi, nihil oranino mihi 
 cessit, alias ver6, ubi vel maximam contigit elicere.* 
 
 Completion of Catalogue. 207 
 
 noticed at the present day, when illustrations of all kinds 
 have become so general, excited the warm admiration of 
 continental Orientalists. Pusey reproduced ^ in facsimile 
 some lines of the more famous ancient manuscripts '\ Of 
 the many letters of thanks which Pusey received from 
 foreign scholars and other friends he would probably have 
 valued, and highly, that of his master, Freytag. 'The 
 Catalogue,' wrote Freytag, ' will be an irrefragable proof 
 for those who come after us, both of your talents and of 
 your rare industry.' In return Freytag sent Pusey his 
 Hebrew Grammar. He was printing off the fourth volume 
 of his Arabic Lexicon, and hoped for health to finish it, 
 although he found that the Rectorship of the University 
 of Bonn, which fell to him m that year, would tax his time 
 and strength heavily. The letter breathes the spirit of a 
 devoted friendship : it was apparently the last which Pusey 
 received from Freytag. 
 
 Not long after the completion of the Catalogue, Pusey 
 sold his Arabic library : he * wanted the money for the 
 East London churches and for the Library of the Fathers.' 
 That he did so must be a matter of regret to scholars : 
 a real student's library, in process of time, becomes a 
 literary whole, especially if it has issued in a considerable 
 work, and the margins of the books which compose it have 
 been carefully annotated ^, 
 
 Besides the Arabic Catalogue, Pusey had other literary 
 work in hand. During the remainder of 1829 he was 
 largely occupied with writing the second part of the 
 
 * The specimens given are from the 
 portions of the Catalogue which were 
 compiled by Uri and Nicoll,and which 
 contained the more interesting MSS. 
 Pusey's vast labour was spent in a far 
 less interesting field than his prede- 
 cessors had worked on. 
 
 " Cf. Prof. R. P. A. Dozy,* Notices 
 sur quelques MSS. arabes,' Leyden, 
 1849, y. 28: * Je finis en me permet- 
 tant d exprimer le voeu que les Orien- 
 talistes veuillent bien publier (ainsi 
 que I'ont deji fait M. Pusey et quelques 
 autres Orientalistes) des facsimiles de 
 
 quelques lignes des manuscrits remar- 
 quables et surtout des manuscrits 
 autographes, ce qui, sans doute, facili- 
 tera beaucoup les recherches de ce 
 genre.' 
 
 ^ The writer has seen copies of 
 Schnurrer's * Bibliotheca Arabica,' 
 Abulfeda's * Moslem Annals,' and 
 Casira's account of the Spanish-Arabic 
 MSS. in the Library of^the Escurial. 
 Of this last work Pusey made great 
 use in his Catalogue. They belong to 
 Dr. Greenhill. 
 
208 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * Theology of Germany,' which he finished in March, 1830, 
 He had also already begun to read for his B.D. degree. 
 The exercises for the Divinity degrees were then still con- 
 ducted in Latin and on the ancient model ; and although 
 the object of the University m proposing them as a test 
 of theological knowledge was often evaded, they were 
 worthier of the great subject than the English essays 
 which have since taken their place. For Pusey nothing 
 was trivial, and he set himself to read for his Divinity 
 disputations as ' if he was going to write a book.' Owing 
 to his illness in Nov. 1^30, and other demands upon 
 his time, he did not graduate as a Bachelor of Divinity 
 until May 10, 1832. He did not take his Doctor's degree 
 until Feb. 27, 1836. 
 
 Tholuck had asked Pusey to write an account of current 
 English theological literature, or, as he phrases it, the more 
 modern scientific -theological efforts in England. This 
 account was to appear, at least in substance, in a magazine 
 of theological literature which Tholuck and others were 
 publishing. Pusey's paper represents very extensive read- 
 ing, traces of which may be detected, again and again, in 
 later years. He sent it to Tholuck on May 24, 1H30, and 
 it will be found in full in the Appendix to this chapter. 
 It cannot but be interesting both as a sketch of English 
 Theology at the time and also as giving Pusey's estimate 
 of it. 
 
 Pusey's sorrow at the death |Of Bishop Lloyd was gra- 
 dually relieved by interests nearer home. Within two 
 months of the Bishop's death, on July 17, 1829, his first 
 child, Lucy Maria Bouverie Pusey, was bom at Christ 
 Church, an event which he commemorated year by year 
 with ever-increasing gratitude, until the end of his life. 
 His deepest thoughts about his child find expression in 
 a letter to Tholuck. After explainini^ the cause of delay 
 in acknowledging Tholuck's last letter, he dwells on 'the 
 intense thought so full of happiness to a Christian parent 
 of the birth of an immortal being.' 
 
 The child was christened in the church of Pusey at the 
 
 Oxford Society in 1830. 209 
 
 afterpoon service on Sunday, August 30th, Pusey himself 
 officiating. He made a point of thus blending, when he 
 could, his natural and his sacred ministerial relations 
 towards those around him. 
 
 His second child and only son, Philip Edward, was 
 born at Christ Church on June 14, 1830, and was baptized 
 by his father at Pusey Church on the following St. James' 
 Day, July 25, 1830. His third child, Katherine, was born 
 on Jan. 8, 1832 ; his youngest, Mary (Mrs. Brine), on May 4, 
 
 DR. pusey's lodgings IN CHRISI CHURCH. 
 
 {From the South- West.) 
 
 The October Term of 1830 found Pusey in the full swing 
 of a busy Oxford life. To those who have known the 
 University under very different social aspects, and are 
 familiar with the great names that occur, the picture of the 
 old society suggested by Mrs. Pusey's diary cannot be 
 without interest. 'October i. Mr. Newman called. — 
 Sunday, October 3. Twice to the Cathedral Messrs. 
 Xewman and Froude to dinner.— October 4. Walked 
 with Edward and Mr. Newman.— October 20. Called 
 on Mrs. Nicoll, Pott, Hawkins, Buckland, Bridges.'— 
 
 VOL. I. p 
 
208 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piiscy. 
 
 'Theology of Germany,' which he finished in March, 1^30. 
 He had also already begun to read for his B.D. degree. 
 The exercises for the Div^inity degrees were then still con- 
 ducted in Latin and on the ancient model ; and althouL»h 
 the object of the University in proposing them as a test 
 of theological knowledge was often evaded, they were 
 worthier of the great subject than the Engh'sh essays 
 which have since taken their place. For Pusey nothinj^ 
 was trivial, and he set liimself to read for his Divinity 
 disputations as 'if he was going to write a book.' Owing 
 to his illness in Nov. J ^^30, and other demands upon 
 his time, he did not graduate as a Bachelor of Divinity 
 until May 10, 1H32. He did not take his Doctor's degree 
 until Feb. 27, 1H36. 
 
 Tholuck had askeil Pusey to write an account of current 
 English theological literature, or, as he phrases it, the more 
 modern scientific -theological efforts in England. This 
 account was to appear, at least in substance, in a magazine 
 of theological literature which Tholuck and others were 
 publishing. Pusey 's paper represents very extensive read- 
 ing, traces of which may be detected, again and again, in 
 later years. He sent it to Tholuck on May 24, 1830, and 
 it will be found in full in the Appendix to this chapter. 
 It cannot but be interesting both as a sketch of English 
 Theology at the time and also as giving Pusey*s estimate 
 of it. 
 
 Pusey's sorrow at the death of Bishop Lloyd was gra- 
 dually relieved by interests nearer home. Within two 
 months of the Bishop's death, on July 17, 1829, his first 
 child, Lucy Maria ]k)uverie Puse}', was bom at Christ 
 Church, an event which he commemorated year by year 
 with ever-increasing gratitude, until the end of his life. 
 His deepest thoughts about his child find expression in 
 a letter to Tholuck. After explaining the cause of delay 
 in acknowledging Tholuck's last letter, he dwells on 'the 
 intense thought so full of happiness to a Christian parent 
 of the birth of an immortal being.* 
 
 The child was christened in the church of Pusey at the 
 
 Oxford Society in 1830. 209 
 
 afterooon service on Sunday, August 30th, Pusey himself 
 officiating. He made a point of thus blending, when he 
 ould, his natural and his sacred ministerial relations 
 towards those around him. 
 
 His second child and only son, Philip Edward, was 
 born at Christ Church on June 14, 1830, and was baptized 
 hy his father at Pusey Church on the following St. James' 
 Day, July 2.'5, 1830. His third child, Katherine, was bom 
 ..a Jan. 8, 1832 ; his youngest, Mary (Mrs. Brine), on May 4, 
 
 DR. rUSKV'S LODGINGS IN CilRI^I CHURCH. 
 
 {From the South-West.) 
 
 The October Term of 1830 found Pusey in the full swing 
 
 •t a busy Oxford life. To those who have known the 
 
 University under very different social aspects, and are 
 
 Mmiliar with the great names that occur, the picture of the 
 
 !d society suggested by Mrs. Pusey's diary cannot be 
 
 without interest. 'October j. Mr. Newman called.— 
 
 Sunday, October 3. Twice to the Cathedral. Messrs. 
 
 ■Newman and P^roude to dinner.— October 4. Walked 
 
 with Edward and Mr. Newman.— October 20. Called 
 
 )n Mrs. Nicoll, Pott, Hawkins, Buckland, Bridges.'— 
 
 VOL. I. p 
 
2IO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Reflections in Illness. 
 
 211 
 
 * October 22. Went to the Museum, the Horticultural 
 Meeting, Magdalen, and All Souls. The Barnes', Dr. 
 Bridges, and Mrs. Page and Buckley to dinner- 
 October 23. Called on Mrs. Whately. . . . The Hawkins' 
 and Cardwells called. — 24th, Sunday. Twice to the 
 Cathedral. Sermon at St. Mary's from Dr. Shuttleworth. 
 Mr. Newman dined with us. . . . [Read] Taylor and 
 ** Life and Correspondence of Bishop Heber." — October 28. 
 Mr. Barnes, Dr. Whately, and Blanco White called.— 31st, 
 Sunday. Twice to the Cathedral. Dr. Woodcock's and 
 Mr. Tyler's sermons. Dined at the Provost's. Met 
 the Tylers. Messrs. Wilberforce, Newman, &c., in the 
 evening.— November 8. [Read] Claudius, and [Scott's] 
 " Demonology." Called on Mrs. Barnes, Lloyd, Nicoll, and 
 Pott. Dr. and Mrs. Cotton, the Macbrides, the Cardwells, 
 Messrs. Dornford, Hampden, Lee, Biscoe, and Oakeley to 
 dinner. Lady Lucy breakfasted with us. — November 13. 
 Went to All Souls and Magdalen. Messrs. Ward, Newman, 
 W. Beach, Escott, and William to dinner.' Mrs. Pusey s 
 brief notes are largely occupied with her private reading and 
 domestic affairs ; but these extracts illustrate the everyday 
 society in which she and her husband lived, and the inti- 
 macies which were now forming or deepening, and which 
 a few years hence would be of such vast importance to the 
 Church. 
 
 On November 19th Mrs. Pusey writes in her diary: 
 * Edward poorly : with him all day.' This was the begin- 
 ning of an illness which lasted for more than four months ; 
 and, at one time, seemed to wear a very serious aspect. 
 A blood-vessel, it seems, had given way; but this was 
 rather the symptom than the cause of a general failure of 
 strength. He had over-exerted himself, mainly by exces- 
 sive study, and then by an effort to speak, when feeling 
 more than usually weak. As soon as possible he was 
 removed by easy stages to Hastings, where he remained 
 until the following March. 
 
 This illness had decisive effects upon Pusey's life and 
 work. It taught him that the almost boundless fields of 
 
 literary activity which he had hoped to traverse must, some 
 of them, be unvisited. Practically it obliged him to abandon 
 his plan of cataloguing the Arabic manuscripts in all the 
 Oxford libraries \ He had to confine himself to the limits 
 of the enterprise which his predecessor. Dr. Nicoll, had 
 sketched out. 
 
 But from this illness dates also a deepened earnestness 
 of character and purpose. It was the moral lever which 
 raised him from the atmosphere of Bonn and Berlin to 
 that of the Oxford of later years. Newman, who was 
 himself weak and deaf from overwork ^ had written to 
 him on the moral value of sickness, with the entire un- 
 reserve of a sincere friend. Pusey's reply shows that, in 
 his own judgment, the warning was needed, and that it 
 was gratefully received. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 My dear Friend, Hastings, Feb. i, [1831]. 
 
 I know not how to thank you for your very kind and loving letter 
 which has given me such great pleasure, and which may, I hope, with 
 God s blessmg, be the means of doing me good, and which has pained 
 me only (and that wholesomely) in showing me-not how much your 
 mfenor I am m humility (for that though I must not be content to 
 remain, I may not be discontented to find myself)-but how poor my 
 humility looks, and that you think so much too highly of me. This has 
 indeed been a season of more than usual thought of myself, and I trust 
 It will have the effects (or at least some of the effects, for all, I dare not 
 hope) for which it was intended, and I hope, even as an instrument to 
 think less of myself than I did some time past. I suspect that there 
 has been a leading mistake of my later life, to view my existence too 
 much m relation to others, not I hope in exclusion to myself, yet 
 still too predominantly. I was of course aware that without making 
 the tree good, the fruits by which others were to benefit could not be 
 good : yet I fear that often the desire of attaining some, which I thou<Tht 
 a great, end and the consciousness of being engaged in a good cause, 
 has engrossed me too entirely, and made me think of my existence too 
 much in reference to what might be accomplished by my means here 
 mstead of looking pre-eminently to the preparing myself to meet my 
 
 J Bibl. Bodl. Cod. MSS. Orient. admonitus, a novo hoc labore de- 
 ^t., praef. p. iv : * praeparatione stiti.' 
 ahqua jam adhibiti, gravi morbo =* ^Letters, &c.M. 336. 
 
 P 2 
 
212 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 (lod. I am not sure that I have expressed myself clearly. I hope that 
 it has been rather a reversing of the proportions, than a neglect of 
 either : that I have at times looked rather to the becoming fit for 
 Heaven by being useful to others upon earth, than to fit myself for 
 Heaven, and allow my usefulness to follow naturally from my own 
 amendment ; to have thought a day lost, according as I had, or had 
 not been useful, rather than as I had advanced myself. Perhaps this 
 among other objects was the end of this long illness, and the consequent 
 inaction : yet I do not think that this time, I have, since the very first, 
 been at all impatient of my inaction ; and if I was anxious to 
 return at the beginning of this Term, it was not from the wish of being 
 personally engaged, but to prevent calumny attaching to us generally 
 from any omission, if not absolutely necessary. 
 
 You will perhaps not think matters much improved, if I say that I 
 have not so much been impatient of inaction as of employments, which 
 I thought necessary, but still had no immediate good religious result 
 in view, as my ' defence* and the Arab. Cat., since I ought to have been 
 content to discharge these offices, if they became necessary, and the 
 more so, as the one was in part a punishment, which I fear I never 
 thought of. I am however not concerned to clear myself in any degree, 
 hut to make the best use, which God shall enable me, of your kind 
 advice, and to enable you to continue it, as occasion may offer. 
 
 I have not time for more, except to thank you from the bottom of my 
 heart for the very Christian friendship of your letter. I do hope that 
 you will, at least, though I fear slowly, see such effects as to encourage 
 you to proceed, but you, I know, will proceed without such outward 
 encouragement. 
 
 I commend to your kind services, if any occasion offers, my servant 
 Richard (the bearer of this), whom I have sent home in consequence of 
 his sudden loss. 
 
 With blessings and prayers for you. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 ( E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Writing some months later to Mr. B. Harrison he uses 
 his own experience : — 
 
 ' You will, I trust, be constantly reminded that continued sober and 
 steady exertion is, with God's blessing, most likely to preserve the frame 
 of mind as well as the strength necessary to be permanently useful to 
 His Church. . . . Having repeatedly exhausted myself, I dread to see 
 over-exertion in others : I suspect also that, at such times, one is 
 inclined to ascribe more to one's own agency than is fitting.' 
 
 His own object henceforth was to devote himself more 
 exclusively to the duties of his Chair in the wide and deep 
 
 Newmans ^Arians' 
 
 213 
 
 sense in which he understood them, and thus, so far as he 
 might, to promote the work of the Church of Christ ^ 
 
 Mr. Newman at this time had begun to write on the 
 Thirty-nine Articles, and had also accepted a proposal of Mr. 
 H. J. Rose and Mr. Lyall to * furnish them with a history 
 of the principal Councils,'— an effort which, in the event, 
 issued in that most stimulating and instructive of books, 
 * The Arians of the Fourth Century.' 
 
 Pusey's relations with him on these subjects are ex- 
 hibited in the subjoined letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 My dear Newman, Hastings, March 17, 1831. 
 
 I have been so much occupied for the last two days with out-of- 
 doors employment about a poor invalid, ill in body and mind and 
 estate, that I have not had time to write more than two very urgent 
 letters. I am truly glad that you have undertaken the work on the 
 Articles, as I think it is very much wanted, and there seems scarcely a 
 commencement of what you will do satisfactorily, an illustration of the 
 historical sense of the language employed in them. With regard to 
 the Councils, though, as generally treated, they are the driest portion 
 of Ecclesiastical History, I should think an account of them might be 
 made both interesting and improving, by exhibiting them in reference 
 to and as characteristic of the age in which they occurred. You may 
 also be of much service, I hope, in stemming heterodoxy, one of whose 
 strongest holds is perhaps the so-called history of doctrines. I shall be 
 much rejoiced, then, if you undertake the whole task proposed. I do 
 not think that there will be much to be gained for your object from 
 German writers, or rather to be lost from your not consulting them ; 
 but I shall be most glad, when at Oxford, to render you any assistance 
 fontes adire remotes. Some of the Fathers, or rather parts of the 
 Fathers, you must of course read, but this will all aid towards your 
 great object. I should think this little essay would be of great use to 
 yourself towards nerving you for that design ; I hope it, and indeed the 
 whole undertaking, will be of use to the Church as well as to individuals 
 in it, by showing that she is awake. Oh for the conclusion of the Cata- 
 logue and the time when my hands will be free ! But all in God's good 
 time. 
 
 I have no time for more. I may regard myself now as quite well, 
 although my chest is still not strong. I hope, however,to be back at 
 
 » Bibl. Bodl. Cat. MSS. Orient, 
 praef. p. iv: 'quo me ad ea studia 
 totum conferrem, quae of)iciuin meum 
 
 propius attingerent, et sacrosanctae 
 matri ecclesiae (si fieri possit) quantu- 
 lascunque utilitates afferrent.' 
 
214 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the beginning of next term, and to give at least one course of lectures 
 (doctors approving). 
 
 With Maria's kind regards, 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 At this period Pusey became interested in an academical 
 contest which was not without important bearings on his 
 future work and life through the relations into which it 
 brought him with one mind of exceptional distinction. A 
 Professorship of Sanscrit in the University had just been 
 founded under the will of Colonel Boden. The motive of 
 this foundation, as stated in Colonel Boden's will, was the 
 
 * opinion that a more general and critical knowledge of the Sanscrit 
 language will be a means of enabling his countrymen to proceed in the 
 conversion of the natives of India to the Christian religion, by dissem- 
 inating a knowledge of the Sacred Scriptures amongst them, more 
 effectually than all other means whatsoever.* 
 
 The Professor was to hold his Chair for life, on five con- 
 ditions, one of which was that he might ' not hold or teach 
 doctrines contrary to those of the Church of England.' 
 
 The establishment of such a Chair excited much interest, 
 not merely in the world of literature and scholarship, but 
 also, and especially, among those who had at heart the 
 cause of Christian missions and the extension of the Church 
 of Christ. Two candidates appeared in the field, Mr. 
 Horace Hayman Wilson, and the Rev. Dr. W. H. Mill, 
 lately Fellow of Trinity College^, Cambridge, and Principal 
 of Bishop's College, Calcutta. Of Dr. Mill it may be said, 
 in Pusey 's own words at a later date, that he was the 
 greatest theologian, in the true sense of that term, which 
 the University of Cambridge had produced since Pearson, 
 certainly the greatest in the present century. To that 
 metaphysical basis and form of thought which is the raw 
 material of theology, Dr. Mill joined a scholarship as wide 
 in its range as it was accurate in its details. As yet his 
 real titles to respect had only been recognized by a limited 
 circle ; but the creation of the Chair of Sanscrit at once 
 suggested a man who combined, as few others could 
 
 Sanscrit Professorship — Translation of Tanhtim, 215 
 
 combine them, philological accomplishments with the 
 religious character and interests contemplated by the 
 founder. Dr. Mill's candidature was earnestly supported 
 by Newman, Keble, and Pusey, who are thus found for 
 the first time acting together^ in a matter of public 
 academical interest, as well as by other Churchmen like 
 Dr. Ogilvie, who were, in later years, often and widely 
 separated from them. 
 
 In the event Mr. Wilson was elected by 207 votes as 
 against 200 for Dr. Mill. Pusey and Newman were both, 
 and greatly, disappointed. To Newman it must have 
 appeared a step in that onward march of Liberalism which 
 ' fretted him inwardly 2.* Pusey refers to it in characteristic 
 terms. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. R. Salwey. 
 
 April 29, 1832. 
 
 Of late I have been especially busy in a matter in which I thought 
 the interests of our faith concerned, the election of Dr. Mill to the 
 Sanscrit professorship. God, however, has ordered it otherwise. And 
 in the practical conviction of His love to His Church and to ourselves, 
 one may gradually cease to know what disappointment is, since all is 
 of His appointment, and therefore wisest and best ; and then probably 
 most evidendy so when it is contrary to what we, in our ignorance, 
 think wise and good. 
 
 Sometimes Pusey would remark on this election, 'Things 
 might have been very different in Oxford if it had pleased 
 God that Mill should be among us.' 
 
 Another object which Pusey had at heart at this time, 
 and of which he never quite lost sight throughout his life, 
 was the translation of the Arabic Commentary of Rabbi 
 Tanhum (of Jerusalem) on the Old Testament. Pococke 
 warmly praises Rabbi Tanhum, ' as dexterous an expositor 
 as any among the Jewish doctors ' ^ : and regrets that his 
 manuscripts had not been printed, and were so little 
 known in the seventeenth century *. Pusey thought that 
 the Asiatic Translation Society would be willing to make 
 
 ^ * Letters by Rev. J. B. Mozley,* 
 Rivingtons, 1885, p. 27. 
 
 ' 'Apologia pro Vita Sua,* 1864, 
 p. 97. 
 
 ' Pococke's *Comm. on Micah,' 
 p. 117. 
 ^ Ibid., pref. p. x. 
 
2l6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 a work so recommended accessible to the English reader, 
 and he applied to Mr. Houghton, the secretary, offering to 
 undertake the translation and to edit the Arabic text. 
 The reply has not been found : the Society was probably 
 too heavily weighted by its engagements with Professor 
 Kosegarten and others to undertake any new and costly 
 effort in Arabic. Some years afterwards, when the Arabic 
 Catalogue was finished, Pusey began a translation of 
 Tanhum on the Minor Prophets. Referring to this, quite 
 at the close of his life, he observed : — 
 
 * There is only one MS. of Rabbi Tanhum's Commentary of the 
 Minor Prophets in Europe \ and that is in the Bodleian. I took to 
 the work of translating Tanhum dutifully, because Pococke praised 
 him so much. But after transcribing a great deal I found that 
 he constantly referred to something else that he had written on the 
 historical books. Then I began transcribing his Commentary on these 
 books until I discovered that his philosophy was Maimonides and his 
 philology Abul Walid ^ So, thinking that it would do no good to the 
 young men to find that histories took place in vision, I gave up the 
 work.' 
 
 The idea of founding scholarships to encourage the 
 study of Hebrew seems to have occupied Pusey's mind 
 from the earliest days of his professorial life. From the 
 first, too, it is plain, he wished to promote a knowledge of 
 the sacred language, not only or chiefly as a department 
 of philological science, but as the handmaid of theology. 
 In the words of an original draft of the regulations for the 
 proposed scholarships, it is stated that the primary object 
 of founding them is 'to promote such a knowledge of 
 Hebrew as may be most beneficial to sound theology, and 
 thereby to the Church.' With this object the sum of ^"3000 
 was set apart, and Pusey hoped that the first scholar might 
 be elected in Michaelmas Term, 1831. 
 
 But the plan was delayed until the foundation of 
 some other Hebrew Scholarships under the will of Mrs. 
 
 ^ M. Neubauer informs me that there 
 is a MS. of Tanhum on Isaiah and 
 the Psalms at St. Petersburg. 
 
 ' M. Neubauer tells me that in phi- 
 losophy Tanhum knows Farabi and 
 
 Averroes as well as Maimonides ; and 
 that besides Abul Walid he quotes 
 David Kimchi and Judah Hayyuj for 
 grammar and lexicography. But, in 
 the main, Pusey's remark is accurate. 
 
 Hebrew Scholarships^ Rotunda Lectures. 217 
 
 Kennicott was completed. Although welcomed by Pusey, 
 this arrangement did not satisfy his ideal, and he therefore 
 hastened to complete his own scheme. In conjunction 
 with his brother, Philip Pusey, and the Rev. Edward 
 Ellerton, D.D., Fellow of Magdalen College, he invested 
 a sum of money in an estate in the parishes of Grand- 
 borough and Willoughby in the county of Warwick, which 
 yielded a rent of ;£'ioo a year. Of this sum the destination 
 was more defined and more comprehensive than that of 
 the Kennicott benefaction. The scholar must be resident : 
 he must study the cognate languages as well as Hebrew ; 
 but it is especially stated that 
 
 'besides an accurate and critical acquaintance with the original Scrip- 
 tures of the Old Testament, the application of the knowledge of Hebrew 
 to the illustration of the New, or to that of any portion of theology, 
 lies within the contemplation of the founders.' 
 
 It is in accordance with this wider aim that the Regius 
 Professor of Divinity, as well as the Lord Almoner's Reader 
 in Arabic, are named electors for the scholarships. This 
 new foundation was accepted by Convocation on March 22, 
 
 While occupied in his efforts on behalf of Dr. Mill, 
 Pusey was also engaged in a very different and much more 
 popular method of defending the interests of the faith. 
 The Rotunda in the Blackfriars Road, Southwark, had 
 been for some time devoted to the propagation of infi- 
 delity, and among the lecturers was a clergyman who had 
 renounced Christianity, and after professing repentance 
 had relapsed, and was surpassing his previous efforts 
 against Christianity. His infidelity was of the coarser 
 type which would have few attractions for persons of 
 education. But he had written a diatribe against the 
 historical worth of the inspired account^ of our Lord's 
 miraculous Birth, which seems to have attracted a certain 
 measure of attention. Apparently at the suggestion of 
 
 ■ .1 !t 
 
 tef 
 
 ' 'The Devil's Pulpit,' No. i, 
 March 4, 1831. The Star of Beth- 
 lehem, a sermon preached by his 
 
 Highness's chaplain, the Rev. Robert 
 Taylor, B.A., at the Rotunda, Black- 
 friars Road, Nov. 7, 1830. 
 
2l8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey* 
 
 his brother, the Society for Promoting Christian Know- 
 ledge applied to Pusey in July, 1831, to prepare an answer 
 to this and other productions of a like description ^ 
 Neither Pusey 's habits of mind, experience, or style were 
 such as to fit him for the duties of a popular writer against 
 coarse unbelief; yet he had no hesitation about applying 
 himself to a task which seemed to come to him as a duty. 
 Writing to his brother William, he justifies himself for 
 undertaking this unsuitable task : — 
 
 *The subject is one to which from the unhappy state of a friend's 
 mind I gave much attention some years ago, and which, in conse- 
 quence, I imagine that 1 could treat with less consumption of time and 
 less violence to my feelings, which were harassed by it of old, than 
 others.* 
 
 He adds, however : — 
 
 * These Rotunda proceedings are very depressing, and it is a great 
 sacrifice to meddle with them. Happy those who have only to cultivate 
 the Lord's vineyard, instead of repairing the hedge which the wild boar 
 out of the wood has broken down.' 
 
 Pusey appears to have written four letters, addressed to 
 readers of ' The Devil's Pulpit,' and signed * A Christian.' 
 Of these one at least was printed, but the Society seems 
 to have thought them too long and also * heavy,' and in 
 fact but ill adapted for popular readers. Indeed, the writer 
 himself was as conscious as anybody that such a criticism 
 would be natural. * I have looked over the first letter,' he 
 writes to his brother, * and am rather agreeably surprised ; 
 it is clearer and less dull than I expected.' From the 
 fragments which remain in manuscript it would seem that 
 Pusey followed, with patient and conscientious attention, 
 the wildest and crudest explanations of the miracle of the 
 Nativity, treating his opponents, as always, with seriousness 
 and respect, thinking nothing too unimportant or too 
 absurd to be noticed, and taking little or no account of 
 method or style while engaged in this absorbing effort. 
 Pusey thought of printing the letters independently; he 
 
 * On the proceedmgs of the Infidel Tract Committee, see Churton's * Memoir 
 of Joshua Watson,' i. 323. 
 
 British Association at Oxford, 219 
 
 would not have the Society pressed to accept anything 
 against the judgment of its literary advisers. In the 
 event nothing would seem to have come of the effort, 
 and, excepting some unimportant fragments, the manu- 
 script has been lost. 
 
 During the Long Vacation of 1832 Pusey had plenty 
 of work on hand. The British Association had held its 
 first meeting in Oxford during the month of June, and on 
 the 21 St the honorar>^ degree of D.C.L. was bestowed 
 on four of its distinguished members, Brewster, Faraday, 
 Brown, and Dalton. Keble, who was now Professor of 
 Poetry, was angry at the * temper and tone of the Oxford 
 doctors * ; they had * truckled sadly to the spirit of the 
 times ' in receiving ' the hodge podge of philosophers ' as 
 they did. Dr. L. Carpenter had assured Dr. Macbride 
 that 'the University had prolonged her existence for a 
 hundred years by the kind reception he and his fellows 
 had received.' * Hawkins,* wrote Keble, ' goes about, I am 
 told, congratulating the University on the extreme advan- 
 tage of having obtained the good word of the men of 
 science. At the same time Keble was actively engaged 
 in getting up a testimonial to the Duke of Wellington ; 
 it was to be 'an encouragement to loyalty at a time 
 when it seems to be at a sad discount,' as well as a 
 tribute of admiration to the greatest of English soldiers. 
 In this project Newman and Pusey also were warmly 
 interested. 
 
 About the same time also Pusey preached a sermon 
 which, as being the first that found its way into print, 
 deserves more than a passing notice. The occasion was 
 the consecration of a small church at Grove, a poor hamlet 
 of Wantage. As Vicar of the neighbouring parish of Dench- 
 worth, Mr. Cotton was much interested in this effort to 
 make spiritual provision for a neglected neighbourhood. 
 Cotton,' Pusey wrote to Newman, 'was about to apply 
 to you [to preach], and only seized upon me because I was 
 present, and therefore could less elude his grasp.' 
 Pusey's preparation for this sermon is very characteristic. 
 
 I 
 
220 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 First University Sermon* 
 
 2.2.1 
 
 II 
 
 If he had been getting ready for the University 'pulpit, he 
 could scarcely have taken greater pains. 
 
 * If I am to preach,* he writes to Newman, more than a month befort 
 the day of consecration, * I should like you to tell me what you think a 
 consecration sermon, which is also a collecting sermon, ought to be. It is 
 to be preached on a week-day, and the audience will, I suppose, in grca: 
 measure be rich neighbours. I had thought of spicing my sermon with 
 some Christian or Jewish antiquities about churches; and should then 
 be much obliged to you to send me the Oriel Bingham, if allowable. 
 Vitringa, Buxtorf " de Synagoga Vetere," or any other book which might 
 contain any illustrations of the early interest of Christians about 
 churches, &c. I should be also much obliged to you to send me the 
 first three volumes of Neander's "Kirchengeschichte" (in my study, 
 division nearest to the passage door, third or fourth shelf), his 
 " Gelegenheitsschriften '* (a small, thin volume, ibid.), and Calvin 
 (further partition, ibid.) on the Minor Prophets.' 
 
 In Mrs. Pusey's diary for August 14th the followin^^ 
 entry occurs : * Grove Church consecrated by the Bishop 
 of Sarum ^ E. preached " an eloquent and impressive 
 discourse." ' 
 
 The subject of the sermon is the prophecy of Haggai 
 respecting the glory of the Second Temple. It touches 
 with deep sincerity upon most or all of the topics which 
 would have occurred to the preacher in after years ; but he 
 has not yet attained to the peculiar intensity which became 
 the secret of his power. The most striking and charac- 
 teristic passages are those on the indwelling of Christ in 
 Christians, and on the cholera, which had just broken out in 
 Oxford. In connexion with the former topic, he does not 
 mention the sacraments ; and he employs the untheo- 
 logical expression ' Our Saviour's Human Person,* in a 
 manner which his growing dread of an unconscious Nes- 
 torianism among the clergy would have assuredly forbidden 
 in the latter part of his life 2. 
 
 Bishop Burgess, the consecrating prelate, expressed the 
 wish, ' not,' he said, ' as a matter of form,* that the sermon 
 
 * It will be remembered that, at the 
 date referred to, Berkshire still formed 
 part of the diocese of Salisbury. 
 
 * The sermon is printed at the end 
 
 of a volnme of Parochial Sermons 
 preached on various occasions. Ox- 
 ford, Parker, 1865. 
 
 >hould be printed : and the Bishop's desire was supported 
 by other requests. Pusey hesitated, and wrote to ask 
 Newman's advice on the matter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Kev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Aug., 1832. 
 
 The sermon which I preached for you at Grove met with the fate 
 that it would have been more entitled to had you preached it : it 
 extracted £ti and was 'ordered to be printed.' . . . 
 
 Now to myself the sermon appears infinitely less calculated to be 
 printed than even the former one ; because it is more in the form of 
 \ sermon than the other; and there is no one subject discussed in it, 
 as I was obliged to make it very popular, it being partly a charity 
 >ermon, partly for the poor inhabitants of Grove. . . . 
 
 How far might this sort of incidental protest against the sad neglect 
 of our heathen countrymen in our great towns or our villages, or the 
 -reater publicity given to the success with which the exertions have 
 in this case been blessed, be likely to produce other similar [exertions] ? 
 
 To solve this I send you my sermon ; but I must insist that you 
 will not even look at it, if you are hurried still with your work or need 
 rt|K)se. Should you advise ihis to be printed (which I think you will 
 not), what should you do with regard to the other? ... Be assured that 
 you will act most kindly to me by consulting your own comfort. 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 
 1 was truly glad to hear from Mrs. Newman that you were much 
 I tetter. I am to preach (God willing) on Oct. 14 in Ch. Ch. 
 
 Newman advised him to do as the Bishop wished ; and 
 accordingly the sermon was printed, with a long note on 
 national chastisements — a subject which greatly occupied 
 the minds of the early Tractarians — added to it. 
 
 Pusey returned to Oxford to preach on October 14th 
 before a more critical audience his first University sermon. 
 It was preached at Christ Church, from the pulpit 
 which a later utterance of the same preacher has made 
 liistorical. The pulpit then stood outside the choir-screen, 
 opposite the seats of the Vice-Chancellor and proctors. 
 In fact the whole arrangement of the interior of the 
 Cathedral is now entirely different. His text was Psalm 
 xlv. 6, *Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever'; and 
 the object of the preacher was to show that the exclusive 
 reference of the Psalm is to our Lord Jesus Christ. By 
 
 \ 
 
 ;;.!: ■ 
 
 f 
 
 % 
 
220 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 First University Sermon* 
 
 221 
 
 .1 
 
 '; 
 'I 
 
 ■/ 
 
 V 
 
 If he had been getting ready for the University "pulpit, he 
 could scarcely have taken greater pains. 
 
 * If I am to preach,' he writes to Newman, more than a month before 
 the day of consecration, * I should like you to tell me what you think a 
 consecration sermon, which is also a collecting sermon, ought to be. It is 
 to be preached on a week-day, and the audience will, I suppose, in great 
 measure be rich neighbours. I had thought of spicing my sermon with 
 some Christian or Jewish antiquities about churches ; and should then 
 be much obliged to you to send me the Oriel Bingham, if allowable. 
 Vitringa, Buxtorf " de Synagoga Veterc," or any other book which might 
 contain any illustrations of the early interest of Christians about 
 churches, &c. I should be also much obliged to you to send me the 
 first three volumes of Neander's "Kirchengeschichte" (in my study, 
 division nearest to the passage door, third or fourth shelf), hi- 
 " Gelegenheitsschriften " (a small, thin volume, ibid.), and Calvin 
 (further partition, ibid.) on the Minor Prophets.' 
 
 In Mrs. Pusey's diary for August 14th the followin^^ 
 entry occurs : * Grove Church consecrated by the Bishop 
 of Sanim ^. E. preached " an eloquent and impressive 
 discourse." ' 
 
 The subject of the sermon is the prophecy of Haggai 
 respecting the glory of the Second Temple. It touches 
 with deep sincerity upon most or all of the topics which 
 would have occurred to the preacher in after years ; but he 
 has not yet attained to the peculiar intensity which became 
 the secret of his power. The most striking and charac- 
 teristic passages are those on the indwelling of Christ in 
 Christians, and on the cholera, which had just broken out in 
 Oxford. In connexion with the former topic, he does not 
 mention the sacraments ; and he employs the unthco- 
 logical expression 'Our Saviour's Human Person,' in a 
 manner which his growing dread of an unconscious Nes- 
 torianism among the clergy would have assuredly forbidden 
 in the latter part of his life 2. 
 
 Bishop Burgess, the consecrating prelate, expressed the 
 wish, * not,' he said, 'as a matter of form,' that the sermon 
 
 ^ It will be remembered that, at the 
 date referred to, Berkshire still formed 
 part of the diocese of Salisbury. 
 
 * The sermon is printed at the end 
 
 of a volume of Parochial Sermons 
 preached on various occasions. Ox- 
 ford, Parker, 1865. 
 
 should be printed : and the Bishop's desire was supported 
 by other requests. Pusey hesitated, and wrote to ask 
 Newman's advice on the matter. 
 
 E.B. P. TO Key. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Aug., 1832. 
 
 The sermon which I preached for you at Grove met with the fate 
 that it would have been more entitled to had you preached it : it 
 extracted £71 and was 'ordered to be printed.' . . . 
 
 Now to myself the sermon appears infinitely less calculated to be 
 l)rinted than even the former one ; because it is more in the form of 
 A sermon than the other; and there is no one subject discussed in it, 
 as I was obliged to make it very popular, it being partly a charity 
 sermon, partly for the poor inhabitants of Grove. . . . 
 
 How far might this sort of incidental protest against the sad neglect 
 of our heathen countrymen in our great towns or our villages, or the 
 jjreater publicity given to the success with which the exertions have 
 in this case been blessed, be likely to produce other similar [exertions] ? 
 
 To solve this I send you my sermon ; but I must tnsz's/ that you 
 will not even look at it, if you are hurried still with your work or need 
 rc|K)se. Should you advise ihis to be printed (which I think you will 
 not), what should you do with regard to the other? ... Be assured that 
 you will act most kindly to me by consulting your own comfort. 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. H. PUSEV. 
 
 I was truly glad to hear from Mrs. Newman that you were much 
 better. I am to preach (God willing) on Oct. 14 in Ch. Ch. 
 
 Newman advised him to do as the Bishop wished ; and 
 accordingly the sermon was printed, with a long note on 
 national chastisements — a subject which greatly occupied 
 the minds of the early Tractarians — added to it. 
 
 Pusey returned to Oxford to preach on October 14th 
 before a more critical audience his first University sermon. 
 It was preached at Christ Church, from the pulpit 
 which a later utterance of the same preacher has made 
 historical. The pulpit then stood outside the choir-screen, 
 opposite the seats of the Vice-Chancellor and proctors. 
 In fact the whole arrangement of the interior of the 
 Cathedral is now entirely different. His text was Psalm 
 xlv. 6, *Thy throne, O God, is for ever and ever'; and 
 the object of the preacher was to show that the exclusive 
 reference of the Psalm is to our Lord Jesus Christ. By 
 
 !*i 
 
222 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Ml 
 
 this means Pusey avoided the difficulties of a * second 
 sense,* while at the same time he vindicated in the 
 strongest manner the Messianic application of the Psalm. 
 Such language is noticeable in regard to the historj' 
 of his religious thought. When he first went to Germany, 
 he had seen difficulties in the application of some of the 
 Psalms to our Saviour, and of this in particular among 
 others. Now he could not admit that it applied to any 
 one else \ 
 
 *Its sublimity, the solemnity of its opening, the majesty of its 
 descriptions, and the greatness of its promises alike proclaim that a 
 greater than Solomon, and He alone, is here.' 
 
 Immediately after preaching it, Pusey seems to have sent 
 thtSj as he had already sent the sermon which he preached 
 at Grove, to Wh^itcly, who returned it, annotated in pencil 
 with chanicterisiic CTiticiim.«e *\Vhy should the higher 
 reference of the Psalm exclude a lower and a prinuiryonc?* 
 Pusey 8 position was that the lanfruai<;e of the Psalm itjdf 
 comi>ellcd this exclusion ; Whately argued that while 
 the New Testament obliged us to believe that ' Christ is 
 the s(>]ritua1 .subject of the Psalm, Solomon is still the 
 temporal subject/ and that to him alone some of its 
 language is applicable. Pusey had deprecated the attempt 
 to press the reference to our Lord in minute details, as by 
 interpreting tlie ' vestments of the king * of Christ's human 
 nature, the • ivory palaces' of the ptirity of the hearts o( 
 believers, the 'daughter of Tyre* of the .Syrophcenician 
 woman of the Gospel : such interpretation* implietl •weak- 
 new of faith.' Whately here would read ^superabund:lnce 
 of fancy.* Whately objected to the length of the intro- 
 duction—or, as Bishop Wilbcrforcc would have said, th<' 
 ' Porch * ; it had taken up nine pagc^ out of twenty, which. 
 even if the sermon was to be followed by two others, wan 
 disproportionate. 
 
 Not many weeks after this Pusey lost his infant 
 
 1 Hii tipctt Ju(lj:rrKtt*. on the Kop« of this tctk li g^ in * I>nkl ibc 
 Ptropbct,' ed. a, pf^ 473-47^« 
 
 Death of Pusey' s youngest child, 223 
 
 daughter, Katherine, on November 7th. She had been 
 christened by Newman at St. Mary s on St. Matthias' Day 
 of the same year. 
 On the day of her death Pusey wrote as follows : — 
 
 My dear Newman, ^h. Ch., Wedn. mom. [Nov. 7, 1832]. 
 
 Our dear little one, who, by your ministry, was made a member 
 of Christ's Church, has been removed from all struggle and sin before 
 it knew them. Her departure was sudden, but we have great reason 
 to thank God for His mercies in everything relating to it. She pro- 
 mised fair to have been a meek and quiet spirit here, but she is gone 
 (which since it is so, must be far better) * her Father's household to 
 adorn.* 
 
 We would see you gladly any day after this week, but cannot bear 
 ittixeA society 00 Tucsdiiy. 
 
 Yocr vtry offcctiooacc friend, 
 
 E. B. I>USEV. 
 
 The reply has been carefully treasured * : — 
 
 Mv DMR Pusey, Ofid, Nov, la, [1S32J. 
 
 I trust the rctifcsncn( of the country has b«n biased to yoa and 
 Mn. Po«y, as I am sure it hiu. It only requires to be alone, to rccdxHS 
 the cocnfcia which is (so 10 ny) i>eoessArily tnvolrrd in the pain under 
 w*ich you noir juffcr. Of course onl>' psrents can icJI the sorroir of 
 fJ>c k«5 of 2 child ; butt all persoos cia see tbt comfon cxxnulftod in it 
 -to know >xni ha\>e given dental life and happirtcss lo an immonal 
 spirit, aad to be rdieasfd frooi the renpocksibility of teaching her n|*lM 
 frcm wTOttjf and from the uncertainties of her fjikxl drwltty. You have 
 ikm f<}T her what you couW— you have dcdieaicd her to God, ami He 
 has taken (be of!ering. 
 
 For mc. I ha\>e had a (reat privilege in being the means of her 
 ^'''*j*^'°**' It is o«r only service which we dare perioral with a 
 r^cti^ oonsdeficc and a secure mind ; and in the recoJIcaioo it 
 bcoofDcs do«bly porectcrus* and a fcsdival-woric, when, as in the caw? of 
 yow dear little one, we U-avc the certainty <if o«r prayers beinfj 
 icccpccd. 
 
 I am going to town io-d*y, t^o write this instead of caBing. 
 
 E\tx yours affectionately^ 
 
 j. H. Nkwwav. 
 
 A few days after her death Pusey is able to write at 
 greater length to hb brother William :— 
 We hod thoqghf 00 tHi^ first day of those beautiful lines of Keble. 
 
 Mt is also pf ixiicd in N'fvmaii's enoes fvggtst thit Ncwnao pceien^d 
 UtHrs.Ax.*i.2;8;iUpccaliardiircf a raosh dnAcf tkttkttec 
 
 «i 
 
224 
 
 Life of Edward Botiverie Pusey. 
 
 'Remarks on Cathedral Institutions' 
 
 22!^ 
 
 m 
 
 He is a very soothing writer, because so calmly, deeply pious. He 
 seems to have realized to a very high degree the piety as of a son to 
 a father, and it is by practically realizing to one's-self (which is very 
 different from acknowledging or even believing) that God is a Father to 
 us, and that we, though at one time disobedient and very unthankful, 
 are sons, that every event of life is set in its real light. A true Christian 
 can be the only real Optimist, for he alone can feel that happen what 
 may, it must be best since it comes from a Father's love, and that not 
 least so, but rather the most so, when the tones of His voice are the 
 most earnest. . . . 
 
 The evening before [the funeral] her little face still looked beautifully 
 asleep, as it is. I accompanied it alone to the Cathedral (Maria having 
 given up her own longing wish to do so with me, as I feared for her 
 health). 
 
 You recollect Keble's beautiful lines : — 
 
 * E'en such a solemn soothing calm 
 We sometimes see alight,' &c. 
 
 They are true. With one or two exceptions, I could not have 
 imagined that such a holy calm would have come over me, that even at 
 that most trying moment one's heart should be so cheered and so 
 stilled, and that one should have been enabled so to follow those 
 elevating but probing words, ' We give Thee hearty thanks that it hath 
 pleased Thee to deliver this our sister,* &c. 
 
 We purpose to stay at this dear peaceful place until Monday week, 
 but as I at all events shall go over to lecture on the usual days, I should 
 receive a letter there as soon or sooner than here. God bless you. 
 
 With Maria's kindest love, 
 
 Your very affectionate brother, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 Pusey House, Nov. ii [1832]. 
 
 On the anniversary of their, loss three 
 Pusey writes to his wife: — 
 
 * It becomes to me more and more a solemn day, for although it is a 
 great mercy of God that she is safe, and is one of Christ's lambs, nay, 
 is with Christ, part of Whose Body she was made, still it is a privilege 
 for those who serve God with the duties of a whole life. Hers, although 
 a happy, blessed lot, does not seem, according to Scripture, the best 
 lot ; and then there comes to one's remembrance such texts as, *' Art 
 thou come unto me to call my sins to remembrance and to slay my 
 son ? " words so forcible that (the more since they are recorded) I cannot 
 consider [them] simply the woman's own, but intended to teach us. 
 Then the death of David's child, and the blessedness of a long life under 
 the Old Covenant, which could not be meant as simply to end there, 
 without having something corresponding to it under the New, i.e. I do 
 
 years afterwards 
 
 not think that "length of days" would have been so much and so often 
 spoken of as a blessing, and the blessing bestowed by " Wisdom " on the 
 " Fear of God," unless it had been in some real way a blessing beyond 
 the term of earthly existence. The impression has come gradually 
 upon me, and so the more irresistibly, that the loss of our dear Katherine 
 was not merely a trial of my cheerful surrender of her, as I at first 
 thought it, but a chastisement to me.' 
 
 At the close of 1832 Pusey completed his * Remarks on 
 the Prospective and Past Benefits of Cathedral Institu- 
 tions.' 
 
 This pamphlet was occasioned by the appearance of a 
 brochure by Robert Eden, Lord Henley, entitled, * A Plan 
 of Church Reform, with a Letter to the King/ Lord 
 Henley was a barrister, and a Commissioner of Bankruptcy. 
 In 1824 he had married a daughter of Sir Robert Peel. 
 Any writer in Lord Henley's position would have com- 
 manded attention when discussing a matter of public 
 interest. And Church Reform, in all its departments, was 
 just then being discussed in many quarters, and with unpre- 
 cedented eagerness. The first Reform Bill had passed the 
 House of Lords on June 7, 1832. The Reformed Parlia- 
 ment was to meet early in 1833. It was taken for granted 
 that the first effort of a Reformed Parliament must be to 
 reform the Church. Candidates for parhamentary honours 
 were making the crudest proposals on the subject from the 
 hustings. Three days after the passing of the Reform Bill 
 Arnold wrote to Tyler : ' the Church, as it now stands, no 
 human power can saveV Arnold's pamphlet on *The 
 Principles of Church Reform,' which appeared early in 
 I ^:^y reflected the widespread panic. * I wrote that pam- 
 phlet,' he afterwards pleaded, 
 
 'm 1833, when most men, myself among the number, had an 
 exaggerated impression of the strength of the movement party, and 
 of the changes which it was likely to effect V 
 
 Cooler heads than Arnold undoubtedly shared his appre- 
 hensions. Writing in October 1832 to Mr. Perceval, who 
 
 * 'Arnold's Life and Correspondence,' 8th ed. vol. i. 264. 
 ' Ibid. i. 273. 
 
 VOL. L O 
 
226 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ii. 
 
 afterwards took a not unimportant part in the early days 
 of the Oxford movement, Keble says : — 
 
 * I have been considering, as well as I could, what line it becomes 
 the clergy to take with a view to the possible proceedings of the 
 first revolutionary Parliament, when it assembles. And I have 
 made up my mind that we can hardly be too passive, until some- 
 thing really illegal, and contrary to our oaths and engagements, is 
 pressed on us; such as I conceive it would be were we to admit 
 alterations in the Liturgy or Articles on less authority than that 
 by which they were sanctioned : or to be aiding in any compromise 
 which should transfer corporate property to other people on any 
 pretence of equalization or the like.* 
 
 Half a century ago, and indeed at a later period, the 
 cathedrals must have seemed to present the most vulner- 
 able feature in the Church's system. For learning they 
 were doing little ; for the spiritual well-being of the people 
 still less. Their daily services were scantily attended^; 
 their vast naves were only regarded as galleries of art. 
 Friends and foes alike spoke of them as the chosen 
 homes of dignified leisure, in which poetry and archae- 
 ology, rather than anything directly bearing on the moral 
 and spiritual life of the Church of Christ, were a first 
 consideration. 
 
 Lord Henley wrote in a spirit friendly to the Church, 
 but with less knowledge than zeal. His remarks on non- 
 residence, sinecures, and pluralities would not now be 
 challenged in any quarter ; his insistence on the claims of 
 the dense populations in thq manufacturing districts was 
 well-timed and not unnecessary. But if there was little 
 room for controversy as to the disease, controversy could 
 not but begin with the projected remedy. Lord Henley 
 proposed the appointment of a board to manage all Epis- 
 copal and Capitular Estates. The objects to be kept in 
 view by this board were strictly defined. The incomes of 
 the Bishops were to be equalized. The staff of each 
 cathedral was to consist of a Dean or other residentiary, 
 and two Chaplains. In this way a saving of ;^ 250,000 a 
 
 * There were, of course, honourable exceptions, such as that of Exeter. 
 *Cath. Inst.' p. 7, note (and ed.). 
 
 Lord Henley's Proposals, 227 
 
 year would be effected. This surplus was to be applied to 
 the increase of the endowments of Chapter benefices, and of 
 other livings in cathedral cities, and then to augmenting 
 country livings, building residences, and building and 
 endowing churches and chapels in poor and populous 
 districts. New bishoprics were to be established at 
 Windsor and Southwell, and pensions were to be pro- 
 vided for aged clergymen. The Bishops were no longer 
 to sit in the House of Lords, and Convocation was to 
 be revived. 
 
 Lord Henley's proposal was a challenge \ and it pro- 
 voked replies from Dr. Burton 2, the Regius Professor of 
 Divinity, from Mr. Perceval 3, and others. Pusey concerned . 
 himself with Lord Henley's scheme only so far as it related 
 to the redistribution of cathedral endowments. He had 
 intended his criticism to take the form of a public letter to 
 Lord Henley. Newman suggested that he would be more 
 at liberty to express himself with entire freedom if he threw 
 it into the form of a pamphlet. As such it appeared in the 
 early days of 1833 *. 
 
 Pusey meets Lord Henley by the broad assertion that he 
 has overlooked the highest services which have in the past 
 been rendered by the cathedral clergy to the English 
 Church. They have been 
 
 'the nurseries of most of our chief divines, who were the glory of 
 our English name : in them these great men consolidated the strength 
 which has been so beneficial to the Church.' 
 
 In support of this statement Pusey produces a long list 
 
 * Dr. Hook writes sternly of him 
 as *a wolf in sheep's clothing.' Letter 
 to Hon. and Rev. A. P. Terceval, 
 Nov. 5, 183a. 
 
 * ' Thoughts upon the Demand for 
 Church Reform,' by the Rev. Edward 
 Burton, D.D., Regius Professor of 
 Divinity, Canon of Christ Church. 
 Roake and Varty. This was fol- 
 lowed by 'Sequel to remarks on 
 Church Reform, with observations 
 upon the Plan proposed by Lord 
 Henley.* 
 
 ' 'Letter to Lord Henley,* by Hon. 
 and Rev. A. P. Perceval. 
 
 * * Remarks on the Prospective and 
 Past Benefits of Cathedral Institutions 
 in the Promotion of Sound Religious 
 Knowledge, occasioned by Lord 
 Henley's plan for their abolition,' by 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey, B.D., Regius 
 Professor of Hebrew, Canon of Christ 
 Church, late Fellow of Oriel College, 
 Oxford. London, Roake and Varty, 
 1833. 
 
 Q2 
 
228 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey- 
 
 Pusey's Alternative Scheme. 
 
 229 
 
 of writers on divinity connected with Cathedrals, while he 
 notices such distinguished exceptions as Hooker and Barrow, 
 who do in fact only illustrate the rule. Generally speak- 
 ing the duties of the parochial clergy leave them no time 
 for learned studies, and the circumstances of the day were 
 not such as to enable the Church to dispense with them. 
 In a passage of profound foresight, but which at the time 
 may well have read as the language of a timid alarmist, 
 Pusey observes that 
 
 *our next contest will be, in all probability, with a half-learned 
 infidelity. We have done, we may hope, with the dreams and fictions 
 of the Dupuis and Volneys- there is in England too much sound 
 common judgement for these to make any lodgement. We shall not 
 suffer much, probably, from the shallowness of French, or from the 
 speculations of the unsound part of German metaphysics : the one is 
 too commonplace for us, and we are too much bent upon physical 
 science and matters of sense to employ ourselves on the other. But 
 the struggle will probably be with shallow views of the older Dispensa- 
 tion, shallow conceptions and criticisms of Divine truths, superficial 
 carpings at the details of revelation, an arbitrary selection of such 
 portion of its doctrines as may best admit of being transmuted into 
 some corresponding doctrine of Deistical belief.' 
 
 It was not a sufficient answer to say that the need would 
 be met by the Universities. They were chiefly and neces- 
 sarily employed ' in providing a Christian and enlightened 
 education for the whole community,' and, as a consequence, 
 * the theology of our country has ceased for the most part 
 to be the immediate produce of our Universities, nor can it 
 to any great extent again become so.' The Universities 
 had contributed to theology names as great as any of which 
 Germany could boast, and Pusey suggests that their 
 slender staff of professors might be strengthened by setting 
 apart two canonries of Christ Church to endow chairs of 
 Ecclesiastical History and Practical Theology, a sugges- 
 tion which became the basis of legislation seven years 
 afterwards. But if Cathedrals were to meet the Church's 
 needs, appointments to them must be made on different 
 principles from those which had guided the advisers of the 
 Crown in the earlier years of the House of Brunswick. 
 
 Pusey quotes the stern and well-known language of Bishop 
 Warburton and Bishop Newton, and exclaims that 
 
 *the time past has been long enough to degrade the service of God, 
 and make offices appointed for His honour subservient only to the 
 momentary and often selfish strife of worldly politics.* 
 
 When insisting upon the services of Cathedrals in the 
 past history of the Church, Pusey engages in a review 
 of the strength and deficiencies of English theology. After 
 quoting a striking passage from Chalmers, he describes 
 English theology as *a theology richer and more solid 
 than that of any other Church.' He notices, and to a 
 certain extent admits, the criticism that it was deficient 
 in large and systematic works on Dogmatic Theology, 
 Biblical Interpretation, Christian Ethics, and Ecclesias- 
 tical History. But, he observes, the fundamental pecu- 
 liarity of our English theology is its * occasional' character. 
 After observing that it is difficult to ' name any one great 
 work for whose production some ground in the circum- 
 stances of the Church cannot be assigned,' he adds : — 
 
 *It is well that it should be so, for this practical and Catholic spirit, 
 in that it subdues the feeling of self, and exalts that of a great and 
 solemn responsibility to our fellow-Christians and to God, affords the 
 best guarantee that the works so conceived shall serve no temporary 
 interest or perishable ends, shall not be defiled by human passions or 
 prejudices, but, having God and God's glory for their end and aim, 
 shall have also for their aim that truth which is to be found in God 
 only. The works originating in this spirit, though suggested by some 
 special occasion, yet are written for all times, and are a blessing for 
 all ages ; because the spirit which dictated them, and the principles 
 which they impart, will endure for ever.' 
 
 When sketching the services which Cathedrals ought to 
 render in the future to the cause of sacred learning, Pusey 
 points to his own experience of the German universities. 
 His judgment about them is now much more balanced and 
 matured than it was when he first wrote on the subject. 
 Their defects consist in a want of sufficient* preparatory 
 education before the study of theology is commenced, in the 
 absence of moral guidance, and in an unchecked liberty to 
 migrate from one university to another, from one professor 
 
230 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Cathedrals as Schools of Theology, 
 
 231 
 
 to another, at pleasure. Their treatment of serious subjects 
 was ill-suited to the average student. 
 
 *The momentous subjects of inspiration or revelation, the canon of 
 Scripture, the relation of the Old Testament to the New, are presented, 
 with all the array of embarrassments with which human perverseness 
 has invested them, to persons utterly incapable of forming a right 
 judgement upon them, and more likely to pervert than to digest the 
 instruction which the professor communicates.' 
 
 Again, the mode in which information was given, namely, 
 by. continuous oral delivery, was unsuited to beginners in 
 theology. Their minds were passive ; they were only 
 languidly aware, if at all aware, of the real difficulties of 
 the subject. 
 
 Another bad result of the German system of exclusively 
 oral teaching, which allows no time for reading and re- 
 flection, is very forcibly stated as * a character of slavish 
 imitation ' which this system tends generally to produce. 
 
 * There is probably no people among whom the mighty dead are so 
 soon forgotten, or the great names of the present day so unduly 
 exalted, as in Germany, and this because the knowledge of the mass 
 of each generation is derived for the most part exclusively from living 
 sources.' 
 
 The advantages of the German system, on the other 
 hand, Pusey found in its complete treatment of the field 
 of theological knowledge, and in the living teaching by 
 which the study of standard works ought to be made really 
 fruitful to the student. To (the professor, the German 
 division of labour is an advantage, as enabling him to 
 master some one department of theology, instead of 
 contenting himself with a comparatively superficial know- 
 ledge of several. Different minds have different capacities, 
 which may be usefully employed in distinct districts of 
 the vast field of theology. Bishop Bull would not have 
 succeeded in writing the * Analogy of Religion ' ; and 
 neither Bull nor Butler would have done the work of 
 Pococke for Hebrew literature. 
 
 Germany, then, in Pusey 's opinion, furnished the model 
 of a practical system of instruction, the application of 
 
 which to Cathedral institutions would make the latter 
 useful to the Church. If Cathedrals were to survive, he 
 felt that they must be centres of learning and of clerical 
 education. This idea was not a new one : Cranmer had pro- 
 posed it, but to no purpose, at the period of the Reforma- 
 tion. Pusey contents himself with simply throwing out his 
 suggestion for connecting clerical teaching with Cathedrals. 
 He was afraid, if he said more, of invading the province of 
 those *who have spiritual authority in the Church.' He 
 purposely leaves undecided such questions as the number 
 of teachers, the duration of teaching, and the size of the 
 proposed colleges ; questions which were, as a matter of 
 fact, pretty sure to settle themselves. But he is in favour 
 generally of ' a place which would, as far as possible, pro- 
 vide for the education of the clergy of each diocese within 
 its own precincts,' although he thinks that Peterborough 
 and Bristol may be too small to require a distinct estab- 
 lishment, while other Cathedrals, as St. Paul's, may be, 
 ' from situation, ineligible as places of education.' It was 
 characteristic of Pusey 's habit of mind that he was less 
 eager for a dialectical triumph over Lord Henley than to 
 make such use of the controversy as might turn to the 
 permanent advantage of the Church. 
 
 The foresight and practical value of this pamphlet have 
 been often recognized ; but it contains, here and there, 
 opinions which the author saw reason to modify or recall 
 in later life. For example, he condemns the proposal 
 
 'that the general education of the undergraduate members of the 
 University should close at the end of the second year . . , and that 
 the candidates for orders should employ in the exclusive study of 
 divinity the two remaining years of their undergraduate life.* 
 
 This proposal was practically adopted by the University 
 when, in the year 1 868, the present Final Theological Honour 
 School was established ; and in the establishment of that 
 school Pusey took a leading part. But the contradiction 
 is less real than apparent. For some years Pusey was 
 steadily opposed to the project of a Final Theological 
 School, on the ground that it reduced the time which 
 
 I 
 
232 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Newmans Comments. 
 
 
 w »■ 
 
 could be devoted to general education ; and he only 
 changed his opinion upon becoming convinced that in the 
 new circumstances of the University, when so much time 
 and enthusiasm was devoted to special, and particularly 
 scientific studies, theology would be * crushed out of 
 Oxford/ unless this practical recognition of its permanent 
 importance was conceded. 
 
 There are popular and important aspects of the work 
 of Cathedrals which have happily become prominent of 
 late years, but which are unrecognized in Pusey's pamphlet. 
 He saw in a Cathedral, sometimes an additional church in 
 a large town, with a succession of well-appointed ministers 
 who may usefully influence its society; sometimes a church 
 in which Divine worship may be conducted with more at- 
 tention to beauty and order than elsewhere ; sometimes 
 an institution in which clerical merit may be appropriately 
 rewarded, and in which, after periods of exhausting labour, 
 its own clergy may find religious refreshment in more 
 tranquil duties, and 'the pure and holy harmony of the 
 choral service.' Of the great duties which a Cathedral owes 
 to the diocese of which it is the mother church, and to 
 the poor, in whose hearts it should find a place as their 
 cherished resort and home, Pusey says nothing. His own 
 Cathedral of Oxford, originally a small monastic church, 
 and now imprisoned within the walls of a college, must 
 remain less capable than others of rendering large service 
 to the spiritual necessities of the people. Such Cathedral 
 experience was not of a character to suggest improvements 
 which would have almost inevitably occurred to him in 
 Bristol or London. 
 
 Newman was just about to start for his Mediterranean 
 tour, as the companion of Archdeacon Froude and his son 
 Hurrell, when Pusey sent him the MS. of his pamphlet. 
 It was acknowledged, somewhat hurriedly, from Falmouth, 
 in a letter which led Pusey to change its form, and to make 
 some alterations of inferior moment, such as that of 
 terming Calvin a * giant' instead of a saint. But the 
 permanent interest of the letter consists in the light which 
 
 233 
 
 it throws on the existing relations between two minds 
 which were destined afterwards to such intimate and 
 remarkable association with each other. 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Pusey, Falmouth, December 5, 1832. 
 
 I had hoped to have sent you a line on returning^ the MS. but 
 difficulties rise with a marvellous fertility when one is going a journey. 
 Indeed I had not time to attend to the MS. itself as I wished. I think 
 your reason for giving all the reasons you can, strong. Certainly a 
 reference book of arguments for things (substantially) as they are is 
 wanted by M.P.'s, &c. I should hope that Peel would be obliged to 
 you— though it is hazardous to speculate about the state of his^mind. 
 It would be really a relief to me if I could see grounds for trusting 
 him ; and I shall rejoice indeed if I am triumphed over by the event. 
 Indeed, it is altogether a question in my mind whether there are many 
 persons who would feel obliged by having arguments for conservation 
 brought before them; most men rather wish excuses for yielding. 
 Nor can I help feeling for them, even while one must abstractedly 
 blame, for the enemy pushes so hard ; their difficulty, if they resisted, 
 would be like keeping some selected point of ground to stand on in the 
 midst of a crowd. But, after all, even if things are so bad, yet it is 
 true, we ought to tell men what is right, that the fault may not lie with 
 us, if they yield where they should resist. 
 
 Yet, though you make a sort of digest, yet, if you do this in a precise 
 
 form, is it consistent with the notion of addressing a letter to Lord H. ? 
 
 and anyhow, you should develop (as you intend) one or two arguments 
 
 more than the rest. The part you read me seems to me, on second 
 
 thoughts, too far from the subject for a letter, i. e. the remarks about 
 
 our real ignorance in spite of our conceit, Pascal, &c. Is it not of the 
 
 nature of an impertinence to dissert and digress in a letter"^. Would it 
 
 answer your purpose to call it * Suggestions occasioned by Lord H.'s 
 
 pamphlet on the real object and use of our Cathedral [Chapter] 
 
 Institutions \' This would set you far more free, and you could be as 
 
 civil to Lord H. as you chose still. I am still of opinion that the 
 
 great evil of our want of theological knowledge is its resulting in 
 
 differences of opinion. Men may say what they will about going by 
 
 Scripture, not tradition ; but nature is stronger than systems. The 
 
 piety and services of the Primitive Christians add to their authority 
 
 an influence which is practically irresistible with those, i.e., who are 
 
 trained in right feelings and habits. And I think this was intended by 
 
 the Author of all truth : and none but Primitive Christiajnity can bring 
 
 this about ; for other ages, if they have the high spirit yet have not (of 
 
 course) the authority of the first age. As to Scripture being practically 
 
 sufficient for making the Christian, it seems to me a mere dream— nor 
 
 do I find it anywhere said so in Scripture— nor can I infer logically 
 
 « 
 
' » 
 
 ■■ t 
 
 234 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Hi 
 
 that what is confessedly the sole oracle of doctrine is therefore also of 
 practice and discipline. 
 
 There are some expressions in your MS. I do not like, but I would 
 not (\{ you would) have you alter them, as I rather think they arise from 
 our seeing the truth (as I hope) from somewhat different sides of it, 
 e.g. your use of the word Catholic ; still, I do not think it a difference 
 of words, I say— so let it pass. Nor should I, in my own views, praise 
 Calvin so highly : i.e. I have nothing to do with him as an individual 
 or as God's responsible creature^ but as a member of Christ's militant 
 Church, which is a type (not a coincidence with) of the true one, 
 though at the same time an instrument towards, and a probable sign 
 (not a criterion [rfK/xijpjoi']) of it ; and, taking things as they are given 
 us, I see in Calvin not a Saint but a Schismatic— a man who at best is 
 in human judgement but excusable^ and who, if a Saint, yet is not 
 displayed to us (as many men may not be who are) as such— and I see 
 a man wanting in practical humility, the primary grace. But I say 
 all this, not wishing even you should alter it, because 1 suspect you 
 say what you mean to say — and why should not you ? 
 
 Even if you give a digest of arguments, avoid all appearance of 
 attempting it. Should you not even avoid i, 2, 3, iSic. ? for people are 
 sure to number the arguments, if they want them ; and to those who 
 do not, all the arguments, i. e. a system, is needless, but some only. 
 Do not let the 'Edinburgh' take you up as a specimen of Oxford 
 elaborate polemics, (Sic. *Here we have an Oxford Professor set forth 
 at the best advantage, a gentleman known, &c.' I almost think it 
 would be better to be rambling, salvd dignitate tud et rei perspicuitate^ 
 than systematic or didactic. 
 
 Nothing more strikes me to say : but I regret I did not ask you to 
 put before me some definite questions to which I was to reply— but 
 perhaps you did, and I have forgotten. 
 
 With best and kindest remembrances to Mrs. Pusey, and constant 
 
 prayers for you, 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 I John H. Newman. 
 
 Pusey was generally congratulated on the appearance 
 of his pamphlet. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. 
 Howley, and the Bishop of Durham, Dr. Maltby, expressed 
 their pleasure at it in warm terms, although without com- 
 mitting themselves to approval in detail. Dr. Ireland, 
 then Dean of Westminster, was not less cordial ; and 
 Dr. Chalmers, then still a member of the Established Kirk 
 of Scotland, suggested some corrections, and added : — 
 
 * It is my earnest hope and prayer that your masterly demonstration 
 may have effect in preserving the Cathedral property for that wise and 
 
 Other Opinions on the Pamphlet, 235 
 
 high destination which you have so ably pointed out, although I must 
 confess my fears lest every such argument as you employ may well be 
 thrown away on this grossly utilitarian age.' 
 
 The pamphlet also met with a favourable reception at 
 the hands of the organs of public opinion \ It contributed 
 very largely to discredit Lord Henley's well-intentioned 
 but crude proposals ; and its ideas and practical suggestions 
 have passed into the general thought of the Church, to 
 take shape in measures which are often attributed to very 
 diftcrent sources. If of late years Theological Colleges 
 have been attached to Cathedrals, and if the study of 
 theology has been promoted at such centres and elsewhere 
 by a division of labour, these results are originally due to 
 I'usey^s pamphlet. 
 
 A second edition of the pamphlet was published within 
 a few months : and it \s> a much more complete statement of 
 the author's mind on the subject than its predecessor. As 
 was his wont, Pusey embodied suggestions which were 
 made to him by correspondents during the interval ; and 
 while his main positions are unchanged, they are fortified 
 by new illustrations and by expanded arguments which 
 add largely to the value of the book. Among several 
 new and striking passages, not the least remarkable is his 
 account of the religious instruction which at that date was 
 given by Oxford to all her students. In many foreign 
 countries, ' theological instruction was confined' to profes- 
 sional students of divinity. In Oxford, * every student' 
 was required to obtain some knowledge of the evidences of 
 our holy religion, of the Gospels in the original, and of the 
 history of the Acts and of the older Dispensation, and lastly 
 
 ' In October, 1832, the Edin- 
 burgh Review warmly approved 
 of Lord Henley's scheme, when 
 Pusey's pamphlet had not yet ap- 
 l»eared. In Blackwood, October, 
 ^833, a writer criticized it very 
 severely, while bestowing great praise 
 on Pusey's pamphlet. The Quar- 
 terly Review did not notice Pusey's 
 work until Feb. 1837, No. cxv., vol. 
 Iviii. p. 197, when it was reviewed 
 with much praise, in connexion with 
 
 the Report of the Royal Commission 
 on Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues. 
 The British Critic of course re- 
 viewed it favourably (No. xxxv., vol. 
 xviii. p. 224^, as * a work to which we 
 ought long ago to have given the 
 humble tribute of our commendation,' 
 p. 237 ; and the British Magazine 
 had hailed it on its appearance as a 
 ' learned, high- principled, and power- 
 ful vindication ' of the cathedrals 
 (Feb. 1833). 
 
 liM*!' 
 
 I 
 
236 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 ■ 
 
 \ 
 
 mm\ 
 
 110: 
 
 of the doctrines of our faith, as set forth in our Articles, and 
 proved out of Holy Scripture. Pusey would have had to 
 state his case very differently had he been writing his 
 pamphlet at the present day. Three years and a half after- 
 wards the proposals of the first Cathedral Commission re- 
 called attention to the questions which had been raised by 
 Lord Henley ; and Pusey was in correspondence on the 
 subject with Archdeacon Hoare and Mr. Benjamin Harrison. 
 
 To the latter he writes: — , ,, , 
 
 * Holton, Sept. 13, 1836. 
 
 * In looking back to my "Remarks," p. 153 sqq. ed. 2, I was 
 
 half-surprised to find how much they were directed against this place, 
 
 as well as Lord Henley's. I have very little to add to them, for I feel 
 
 assured that they would be the basis of a very extensive and efficient 
 
 reform \' 
 
 And when writing to the Cathedral Commissioners of 
 1852, he repeats at length, and with deliberation, the 
 substantial recommendations contained in his pamphlet*. 
 
 Newman wrote from Rome to express a hope that the 
 pamphlet would see the light ; apparently he dreaded lest 
 his own criticisms in his Falmouth letter should have 
 prevented a publication which, as the event proved, showed 
 Pusey's far-sighted appreciation of the needs of the Church 
 at the time. We see in it the first effort, however frag- 
 mentary, from Oxford to resist that spirit which it was the 
 whole aim of the Tractarians to oppose. Newman's letter 
 from Rome is given in full in the Appendix ; it is extremely 
 interesting in itself, and is apparently the last communication 
 that passed between the friends before the issue of the 
 earliest numbers of the Oxford * Tracts for the Times.' 
 
 ' * First Report of H. M. Commis- 
 sioners appointed Nov. 10, 1852, to 
 inquire into the state and condition of 
 
 the Cathedral and Collegiate Churches 
 in England and Wales.' Answers from 
 Chapters, pp. 787-794. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER X. 
 
 -M- 
 
 The Rev. E. B. Pusey to Dr. Tholuck. 
 
 My dear Friend, ^^^^^^ Church, May 24, 1830. 
 
 Your letter arrived very seasonably to prevent further procrasti- 
 nation. For what has passed, I hope that the delay and trouble about 
 my own volume, my lectures, dissertations for my B.D. degree, the 
 labour of correcting the press, and finishing and arranging indices to 
 our lost friend Dr. Nicoll's Catalogue, &c., &c., with my ignorance of 
 tiie form in which my communication had best be put, will furnish my 
 excuse. I will endeavour for any future information which you may 
 wish, to be more regular. I hope that you wiJl not be disappointed at 
 what I have sent. I have attempted to give you an outline of what has 
 been done since the beginning of this century, and to characterize each 
 book briefly. I will endeavour to give you a fuller account of any about 
 which you may wish for more particulars, if you will name them to me. 
 1 fear the statement is very dry : I would gladly have enlivened [it] by 
 extracts or fuller observations, but thought that they would be too long 
 for your purpose. I have attempted to combine with this account of 
 what has been done lately, some idea of the books which our clergy 
 employ (which I understood that you wished to know). 
 
 I will not fail to send you an account of the new translation of the 
 Psalms, if you like it, as soon as it appears. I should, of course, wish 
 you to mould the information which I have sent you (if you can make 
 any use of it) in any manner you please, but I should like something of 
 the apology for our modern divines in page i to stand ; but do as suits 
 you best. I should be very ready to write this whole statement over 
 again if you will tell me how it may be belter made to suit you. 
 
 You will be glad to hear that my controversy with Mr. Rose is at an 
 end— at least he writes me word that he does not intend to answer my 
 volume. It is a heterogeneous and disproportioned mass, but the nature 
 of my defence compelled me to neglect everything like order. I have 
 been obliged in the preface to notice the notes from your lectures, 
 but only to say that as they were taken by a student from your oral 
 lectures you could not be responsible for anything in them. Mr. Rose 
 brought the matter before the public. 
 1 will send you a copy of the remaining portion of poor NicoH's 
 
238 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Appendix to Chapter X. 
 
 239 
 
 |;. 
 
 Catalogue as soon as it appears, as there may be some things in it 
 which you may be glad to see. I have asked my friend Jelf to forward 
 my volume to you. 
 
 God be with you and prosper all your attempts for the good of His 
 Church. Ever your sincere friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Statement enclosed in Letter from Rev. E. B. Pusey 
 TO Dr. Tholuck, of May 24, 1830. 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 Before I attempt in any degree to answer your inquiry as to 
 what has been recently done in English theology I ought to premise 
 a few observations in explanation of the paucity of books which I shall 
 have to produce. This you will allow me in excuse for the divines of 
 my country who might otherwise be exposed to an unmerited charge 
 of indolence. The points of difference between our two countries are 
 indeed such as you would be aware of. They appear to me to consist 
 (i) in the predominant practical character of our nation, (2) the pre- 
 vious state of our respective theologies, and (3) the different condition 
 of our Universities. You will doubtless have observed that few, if any, 
 of our writings have originated in an abstract love of investigation ; 
 our greatest and some immortal works have arisen in some exigencies 
 of the times; the writings of Chillingworth, Hooker, Butler, Bull (and 
 so of the rest) were written not merely to solve problems of importance 
 in themselves, but such as the good of the Church in our country at 
 that time required. Hence it will be that in times when the exigency 
 is less pressing little will be produced ; the materials are very probably 
 collected, the knowledge is more or less in circulation, but it is not 
 published unless circumstances call it forth. A German writes because 
 he has something to say ; an Englishman only because it is, or he 
 thinks it is, needed. This affects naturally the subjects also upon 
 which we write ; at one time there would be a number of controversial 
 writings, at another innumerable books on evidences, &c. The neces- 
 sity which there is to provide at present for the lower orders, whose 
 appetite for knowledge of all sorts has of late been very unhealthily 
 excited, requires the employment of a good deal of the exertion of our 
 clergy in popular works. On the second point, the previous state of 
 our theology, I may observe freely that as in our Church so large a 
 scholastic system never existed as in the Lutheran after the Formula 
 of Concord, our old divines are naturally more useful to us than yours, 
 now that the system even of the orthodox among you is so much 
 changed, can be. I do not of course mean to speak of Luther and the 
 mighty heroes of your Reformation, or of such men as Gerard — these 
 must be loved and valued wherever there is Christian piety; yet 
 
 I cannot but think that in consequence of your fettering systems you 
 have far fewer works from which you can now derive benefit than we. 
 National peculiarities have again their influence here also : we, if we 
 agree upon the whole with a book, admire its spirit and feel its value, 
 continue to study it in its original form, although from change of cir- 
 cumstances and opinions much may no longer correspond with our 
 views; you, if I mistake not, are generally disposed to recast it. 
 Hence perhaps arise a number of new books among you, which are 
 new only as to the name of the author, but the main substance of 
 which has been long before the public. With far fewer books I suspect 
 we have had far more original writers. Our great writers may again 
 have had the same effect here as Newton had upon mathematical 
 science— that, content with what he had done, none thought of further 
 progress. 
 
 The last point is the state of our Universities and the Church. This 
 is in many ways unfavourable to the production of scientific works. 
 The stimulus which is given among you to publication by yoMx written 
 lectures is almost entirely wanting ; for instruction being here given 
 almost exclusively catechetically, not even the basis is thus laid for 
 future publications. Again, the great mass of clergy collected in our 
 Universities are almost entirely engaged in providing general, not in 
 professorial education : religious and theological instruction is indeed 
 universally given ; there is however but little distinct theological in- 
 struction. Our preparatory education lasts in general until twenty-one, 
 and after that few are willing, since not compelled, to remain longer. 
 We have, moreover, including the Hebrew Professors, but six * theo- 
 logical Professors in England : among these also, except in the case of 
 the Hebrew Professor, there is no division of labour : none has any 
 particular line to which he may devote himself The effect has been 
 that I know only oifour works in the last thirty years which have been 
 the result of theological lectures. The enormous increase of our popu- 
 lation, on the other hand, has enlarged to such a degree the duties of 
 the practical clergy that neither the ordinary clergy nor the bishops 
 have much leisure for theological works ; the canonries, &c., which 
 might furnish a provision for scientific theologians, are very generally 
 united with livings of large labour but slender provision. We have 
 then none among us corresponding to the class of theologians at your 
 Universities, whose daily employment leads them on to those exertions 
 by which they may become a blessing to after ages. What is done 
 among ourselves is effected for the most part against unfavourable 
 circumstances. 
 
 In attempting to give a statement of what has been done in the 
 last thirty years, it will perhaps be best first to give a general outline, 
 
 * The Professorships of Ecclesiastical Ireland's Professorship of Exegesis in 
 History and Pastoral Theology at 1847, the Oriel Professorship of 
 Oxford were founded in 1842, Dean Interpretation in 1882. 
 
240 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey- 
 
 "il 
 
 and hereafter to fill up some of the details with regard to the more 
 interesting. In Ecclesiastical History you will be prepared to expect 
 that little has been done. Two divisions are however beginning to be 
 cultivated, both perhaps in reference to the contests with the Roman 
 Church, which have been lately renewed amongst us— the history, 
 namely, of our own Reformation and that of the Early Church. The 
 former has been occasioned by the untrue statements of Lingard and 
 other late writers of his confession. These have produced some inter- 
 esting vindications of the characters of our Reformers, especially Cran- 
 mer. Two histories of our Reformation have lately appeared, by 
 Soames and Carwithen, both of them diligent and accurate relaters of 
 fact. The former has employed much research, and the substance of 
 his present Bampton Lecture on the * Doctrines of the Anglo-Saxon 
 Church ' will throw much additional light on the religious system of our 
 early Church. 
 
 I have often regretted that your countrymen are not better acquainted 
 with our history : it is often despatched much too summarily, as a work 
 in which state-policy was the principal agent ; and one of the great 
 proofs of the power of true Christianity to recover itself from the 
 degradation, into which by man's corruption it may sink, is thereby 
 lost. There is abundant proof that the Reformation amongst us also 
 won early the affections of many among both clergy and people, that 
 it was produced by the need of pure Christianity. The other division 
 of Ecclesiastical History has begun to be cultivated at once at both 
 Universities : much more will probably be done in a short time. At 
 Cambridge, Bishop Kaye has already published * Illustrations of the 
 Ecclesiastical History of the second and third centuries from Tertullian,* 
 and 'An Account of the Writings and Opinions of Justin Martyr ' : and 
 it is understood that these are but the commencement of a larger series. 
 He has employed much diligence in the work on Tertullian; and 
 although it is somewhat embarrassed by an adherence to Mosheim's 
 subdivisions, and still more by the arrangement of the enquiry into the 
 doctrines of the Church under the head of the Thirty-nine Articles, it 
 will be an useful analysis of Tertullikn, and will probably give life to 
 the study of the Fathers amongst us. I regret that it is, perhaps 
 generally, too mere an analysis : that, though clearly written, there is 
 not much definiteness of thought : it is, as indeed it professes to be, 
 rather the exploring of a mine, than a Bearbeitung of the treasures 
 obtained. The work on Justin is necessarily short, but it is better 
 arranged. It contains a brief account of the works of that Father, i.e. 
 the two Apologies and the Dial. c. Tryph. (the Xoyoy irapnivtriKo^ he 
 rejects), his doctrines, the condition of the Christians and the causes of 
 the rapid extension of Christianity. He discusses also the question 
 whether the anofxvrjfiovfv^aTa rav airoarnXav be the gospels, which he 
 decides in the affirmative (without reference to Winer, whose Essay 
 had not appeared when this was written), and briefly notices Tatian 
 and Athenagoras. 
 
 Appendix to Chapter X. 241 
 
 Dr. Routh's collection of the fragments of the Ante-Nicene Fathers, 
 in his ' Reliquiae Sacrae,' I need scarcely have mentioned, but that it 
 seems scarcely to have been sufficiently known in G[ermany]. (I have at 
 least been surprised to find no notice taken of a valuable testimony to 
 the canon m a fragment of the second century, which he has republished 
 in It corrected from Muratori.) There is but little published for the 
 first time in these volumes, but he has rendered good service by 
 collecting together all these ' disjecta membra,' he has added very large 
 and learned (perhaps too copious) notes, and has, where necessary 
 happily restored the text. We have also had lately from Dr Burton 
 (the present Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford) a learned state- 
 ment of the heresies of the Apostolic Age (Bampton Lectures) (intended 
 to illustrate allusions in the N. T.) and * Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene 
 Fathers to the Divinity of Christ.' This last, however, belongs rather 
 to doctrinal theology. An interesting history of the allegorical inter- 
 pretation of Holy Scripture from Philo through the Christian Fathers 
 has been published by Conybeare (Bampton Lectures), but again giving 
 flicts rather than results. We may, ho wever, I hope expect much more, 
 and especially some improved editions of the earlier Fathers, within 
 the next few years. The stimulus has been given, our Church's need 
 pointed out. Of what is being done for the historv of the Eastern 
 Churches, by members of the Oriental Translation Society (as in the 
 publication of the * Chronicle of Elias of Nisibis ' by Mr. Forshall, and 
 the Apostolic Constitutions of the Aethiopic Church by Mr. Piatt), you 
 are probably aware. Neither are yet in the press. 
 
 For the history of God's earlier people, something has been done by 
 Russell : who is filling up the interval left by the works of Shuckford 
 and Prideaux (Shuckford began from the commencement of primaeval 
 history, but did not carry it on to meet Prideaux) with the same object 
 of exhibiting it m connexion with that of the people with whom the 
 Jews came m contact. I hope that then the whole will be redone for 
 Shuckford's work is full of fanciful and untenable theories. Russell's, 
 of which a portion only is executed, is done with judgement. I ought 
 also to mention a work which, though in a popular form, is the result of 
 some research, and in which the Eastern travellers are extensively 
 employed,-Milman's 'History of the Jews' (3 vols, anonymous in the 
 Family Library). I must mention it the rather because, from exaggerated 
 statements of it, you might suppose that one portion of Rationalism 
 was finding its way amongst us. The author is very far from Ration- 
 alism, and had before in his Bampton Lectures cultivated an additional 
 portion of the vast field of the evidences for the truth of Christianity. 
 Like so many other writers on evidence, however, his main object 
 has become rather to convince the sceptic, than to instruct those 
 who already believe, and therefore the work was unfitted for a family 
 library. In his anxiety moreover to present the events in their full 
 vividness, as they would appear to a bystander, he has sometimes 
 spoken as if the agents on the scene were the sole agents. He seems 
 
 VOL. L 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 also to have had a confused notion of the share which Moses indi- 
 vidually had in the office of guiding and legislating for God's people. 
 Proceeding from the right principle that God would select such agents 
 as were best fitted to execute His designs, he has at times appeared to 
 speak of Moses rather as the able instrument of Providence than as 
 the inspired agent of God. (I say * appeared' because there is no 
 doubt that the author is a sincere believer in the O. T. revelation.) 
 The most radical defect, however, appears to me, that in his anxiety to 
 gain the attention of readers who neglect or doubt of the O. T., he has 
 given too much an external history of the Jewish nation, instead of 
 contemplating them in reference to God's designs, in selecting them as 
 His people. The miraculous events which he relates undoubtingly are 
 thus out of keeping, and, I fear, that compromising spirit indulged 
 which seeks to make religion palatable instead of useful, to bring it 
 down to our tastes and feelings instead of correcting them by it. No 
 one would certainly more regret this than the author of that work, but 
 I fear such may in some degree be the effect. The portions, however, 
 which have given most offence in his volumes are those which he has 
 written with reference to the Neologist solutions of Miracles ; in many 
 cases he adopts the supposition that natural cause formed the sub- 
 stratum of the miracle, but not to the exclusion of Divine agency. 
 We are, however, too unaccustomed to such solutions, not to be alarmed 
 at them : a controversy has in consequence been commenced : and 
 much as I regret the appearance of this work, I dread yet more from 
 exaggerated and indiscriminating censures of it. The Darstellung of 
 the book, and indeed its whole external character, is vivid and good : 
 it points out also here and there some good internal evidence for the 
 antiquity and genuineness of the Pentateuch. In the third volume, 
 which contains the later history of the Jews, the author says that he 
 has much used Jost (*Gesch. d. Israeliten'). 
 
 Evidences. On this subject the older books are generally used, 
 especially the immortal Butler, and Paley's works : with these are 
 joined Abbadie, Grotius, Pascal. For the genuineness of the N. T. 
 Lardner or Less. On these subjects there have been no new systematic 
 works, although innumerable popular ones, for all classes of readers. 
 Detached points have, however, been treated. Sumner (the present 
 Bishop of Chester) has in his * Evidences ' touched well upon some 
 of the peculiarities of Christianity. The parts relating to historical 
 evidence are but very indifferent : those, however, relating to the 
 'originality of the Christian doctrines and character,' the peculiar 
 language of the Christian Scriptures and their agreement with sub- 
 sequent experience, are well executed. It supplies a desideratum in so 
 many books of evidence, in that it interests the affections, while it 
 produces the proof. The main medium of proof proposed is that * a 
 religion like the Christian would never have been received, had it not 
 been introduced by Divine authority.' Other points are also well 
 cleared in Whately's * Peculiarities of the Christian Revelation,' which is 
 
 Appendix to Chapter X. 
 
 243 
 
 a very interesting and excellent book. Chalmers' 'Evidence of 
 the Christian Revelation,' though diffuse, is a dear popular book. 
 Milman s Bampton Lectures on the ' Character and Conduct of the 
 Apostles, considered as an evidence of Christianity, develops some 
 pom ts well from the history of the Acts, but is of course considered as 
 supplementary only. Daniel Wilson's 'Evidences' (which are just 
 published) are said to be a diligent and good compilation of all which 
 has been written by others, but I have not yet seen them. Dean 
 Irelands Comparison of Paganism and Christianity,' 1809, is the 
 work of a good scholar and divine. It was written for a ' HohTschule.' 
 The most original work, however, produced lately, is on one portion of 
 Christian evidence, Davison ' On the Structure, Use, and Inspiration of 
 
 of prophecy with the other evidences ; (2) the prophets as moral 
 eachers (1. e. m their ministerial duties towards their contemporaries) ; 
 (3) the character of /r^//&.rr in relation to the several periods in which 
 It was delivered ; (4) tests of the inspiration of prophecy and application 
 m particular instances (of which the best executed is its reference to 
 Christianity). The last of these is of course the only part strictly 
 apologetic : m the 3rd, the inspiration of prophecy is for the most 
 part assumed, the question proposed being, what were its order, uses, 
 information, when given. The question is one for those who alreadJ 
 beheve on other grounds, and wish to know ' the order and tenour of 
 that Revelation which they believe.' Indications of truth are occasionally 
 observed and It IS this portion of the work which is most original 
 and which I liked the best. A German would probably be surprised 
 a several lesser things in this work, as the assumption of a prophecy 
 of Enoch, the absence of any critical enquiries into the date of the 
 several books, &c., &c. : nor is there much (or that valuable) Hebrew 
 criticism It IS the work, however, of a powerful and independent 
 mmd, and, setting aside petty imperfections, will well repay the study 
 On the genuineness of individual books, there is much well done in 
 Graves Lectures on the Pentateuch,' which, however, requii^s much 
 sifting (but of this you have a translation), and in the ' Credibility of the 
 Mosaic Records,' which forms the first part of Sumner's 'Records of 
 the Creation The best parts of this again are those on the originality 
 of the Jewish system, on the object and design of the poIity,-on the 
 religious opinions and religious worship. 
 
 A ' History of Unbelief has also been given by Bishop Van Mildert 
 m his Boyle Lectures. His object in the first volume of these is to 
 trace the prophetic denunciation, that there should be enmity between 
 the author of evil and the seed of the woman in all stages of his exist- 
 ence, and that on that very account there is nothing akrming in tb- 
 phenomenon that the denunciation bears with it the promise also He 
 traces unbelief accordingly in the first volume, in early heathenism 
 m Jewish and heathen opposition to Christianity, Mohammedanism' 
 as well as in modem infidelity ; of which he gives an account down to 
 
 R3 
 
244 
 
 Life of Edward Bonvcrie Pusey. 
 
 the French Revolution. His second volume is occupied by the con- 
 sideration of the several objections to Revelation, divided into the 
 d. priori and d. posteriori. His notes furnish a copious, but well-selected, 
 body of authorities. He is regarded as one of the most judicious 
 writers of our day. 
 
 I may mention also under this head, Forster's * Mohammedanism 
 Unveiled,' an attempt to account for the rise and success of Moham- 
 medanism. The first idea of the writer was good, to consider it 
 as one great link in God's designs as an intermediate stage between 
 heathenism and Christianity. The author has, however, unfortunately 
 allowed himself to be involved in pseudo-literal interpretations of pro- 
 phecy; and the great subject of his book has been to compare the 
 accomplishment of the promise to Ishmael (of which he regards 
 Mohammedanism as the crown) with that of Isaac. The analogies or 
 the contrasts are pursued in wearisome and absurd minuteness, and 
 the interpretation is a travesty of this and other prophecy. His system, 
 however, has induced him to state the difficulties of the origin of 
 Mohammedanism more fairly than I have elsewhere seen. The author 
 has diligently used the researches of other writers, but probably does 
 not understand Arabic sufficiently to go to original sources. Professor 
 Lee's valuable controversial tracts you know. 
 
 Scriptural Interpretation and Criticism. On these subjects little 
 has been done. For the understanding of the Scripture, we use prin- 
 cipally our and your older authors, with a few more modern. Some 
 epitomes we have had, as by Blomfield and others (of little value), but 
 scarcely any on distinct books, since Lowth, Blayney on Jeremiah and 
 Zechariah, and Newcome on Ezekiel and the Minor Prophets (the last 
 two about the end of the last century). The books employed ordin- 
 arily by the clergy are the series by Patrick, W. Lowth, Arnald, and 
 Whitby, with Hammond and Clark's Paraphrase on the Gospels and 
 Pyle's on the Epistles. Those who have more leisure and means 
 employ the whole range. Of the Fathers, Chrysostom and Theophylact 
 are principally used. Bishop Horsl^y, whom you know probably as 
 the acute opponent of the Socinian Priestley, published a translation of 
 the Psalms, and some detached criticisms on the Historical Books, and 
 some of the Prophets, especially Hosea, were published after his death 
 by his son. With great acuteness, however, he was too rash a critic, 
 too much of the conjectural school, and a Hutchinsonian. He has not 
 added much to our store. A great deal is expected, however, from 
 a translation of the Psalms by Dr. Friend, of Cambridge, who has the 
 reputation of being a good Orientalist, and whose work is expected 
 soon. In the New Testament, Dean Woodhouse's * Commentary on 
 the Apocalypse ' is, by the spirituality of its interpretation, a happy 
 exception to the pseudo-literal interpretation with which our unlearned 
 press has so long swarmed, and which brings such sad disparagement 
 upon prophecy. Dean Woodhouse has also produced some additional 
 evidence of the genuineness of the Apocalypse. Individual passages 
 
 Appendix to Chapter X, 245 
 
 have been ably vindicated against the Unitarians by Archbishop 
 Laurence and Magee, Dr. Nares, and Mr. Rennell in the answers to 
 the Unitarian version. There are also some good expositions in Bishop 
 Blomficld's « Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles,' although a popular 
 work. For critical introductions to the Bible, scarcely anything has 
 been done since Marsh's ' Notes on Michaelis.' In the New Testament 
 Hug has been translated, but the translator. Dr. Wait, a good Oriental 
 scholar, was unfortunately prevented from bestowing the pains necessary 
 to correct Hug's inaccuracies. Dr. Wait has accordingly pointed out 
 a few only of these or of Hug's strained theories ; his notes are chiefly 
 on the second volume, and consist principally of illustrations from 
 Jewish or Eastern antiquities, of little importance to the object of the 
 work. Dr. Wait was also too little acquainted with German for his task. 
 In the first volume are some few corrections of the account of the 
 Bashmuric version \ and a letter from Professor Lee is inserted, noticing 
 Hug's mistakes in his brief account of Lee's edition of the Syriac 
 New Testament, and Henderson's ' Biblical Researches ' are referred to 
 for a better account of the Sclavonic, and for the Servian and Georgian. 
 Lee is preparing his collation of all the Syrian MSS. of the N. T. 
 in England, to be published by the Oriental Translation Society. The 
 translator of Schleiermacher's * Essay on St. Luke' has prefixed to that 
 work a clear and critical analysis of the theories on the origin of the 
 first three Gospels since the time of Michaelis, including one by a very 
 pious and excellent Englishman, Veysie's ' Examination of Mr. Marsh's 
 Hypothesis,' respecting the origin of the first three Gospels, 1808. It 
 IS singular that (according to this author, for this essay of Veysie's is 
 very difficult to procure, and I have scarcely seen it) Veysie's general 
 theory is the same as Schleiermacher's, i.e. that the Evangelists em- 
 ployed several written documents, though he differs from him in ' sup- 
 posing all the narratives which compose the Gospels to have been 
 derived immediately from the Apostles, and in his application of the 
 theory.' This indeed is, I imagine, likely to be the predominant opinion 
 in England, that the discourses namely and actions of our Saviour were 
 put into writing and circulated among the first Christians, and collected 
 in different degrees of fullness ; that the first three Evangelists em- 
 ployed these collections for their specific purposes in writing the 
 Gospels. The old theory, however, of the employment of St. Matthew's 
 Gospel by St. Mark, and both these by St. Luke, has lately been main- 
 tained in a work of considerable learning (which I have not yet had 
 leisure to study), Greswell's * Harmony of the Evangelists ' (Oxford, 
 1830). This writer has drawn entirely from original sources, and his 
 work is said to be one of very great research, but full of digressions ; 
 and his not using other authors is said to have occasioned him to 
 discuss at great length points which have long been settled. But of 
 this work I must give you a fuller account hereafter. I should have 
 
 * Cf. Hug's Introduction, tr. Wait, vol, i. pp. 419, 420. 
 
246 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey, 
 
 mentioned that Bishop Marsh has pubHshed a set of lectures on the 
 criticism and interpretation of the Bible, but having been addressed to 
 younger students of theology they are elementary only. Griesbach's 
 system of recensions is generally employed in this country, but not 
 received by scholars. Bishop Marsh only acquiesces in it as the best 
 hitherto given ; Professor Gaisford, our eminent Greek scholar, rejects 
 it. Nothing has however appeared against it but a work by Nolan, 
 * Inquiry into the Integrity of the Received Text of the New Testament,* 
 pp. 576 (181 5). In this elaborate defence of the received text, he en- 
 deavours to establish the superior authority of the Byzantine text, and 
 of the Brescia MS. of the Itala ; but his theory rests on some very 
 precarious assumptions, especially on a supposed wilful corruption of 
 the text by Eusebius. The work however has much learning, and he 
 candidly acknowledges Griesbach's merits. 
 
 On the criticism of the Old Testament nothing has been done lately 
 but a republication of Walton's Prolegomena with Dathe's observations, 
 and an epitome of a few other dissertations, with some few notes 
 furnished by Professor Lee, &c. 
 
 Doctrinal Theology, You are aware that we have no division corres- 
 ponding to your systematic theology, and that our * dogmatik ' consists, 
 for the most part, of illustrations and commentaries on the Creeds and 
 Articles : as, among the old and still far the best, Jackson, and King 
 and Pearson on the Creed, Burnet on the Thirty-nine Articles, &c., 
 and these, with the works of Bull and Waterland, are principally 
 studied. Scott's * Christian Life ' however (still much recommended 
 and studied) contains the best systematic statement of Christian doc- 
 trine. Our old sermon writers also, as Andrewes, Allestree, Taylor, 
 Faringdon, &c., contain a rich body of Christian doctrine poured forth 
 from the fullness of the heart. What has been lately done has origin- 
 ated in our several controversies with the Anti-Trinitarians, Romanists, 
 and Calvinists. Against the Anti-Trinitarians the principal works 
 (besides those already alluded to in the exposition of Scripture) have 
 been Archbishop Magee's ' Dissertations on the Scriptural Doctrines 
 of Atonement and Sacrifice,' and Dr. Burton's work already mentioned. 
 Archbishop Magee's work, with much of merely local interest, is replete 
 with very extensive learning and of great acuteness, but unfortunately 
 so miserably arranged as to defy analysis ; and amid the occupations 
 of his diocese he has not yet been able to revise it. It consists of three 
 octavo volumes of Illustration of Dissertations explanatory of two 
 sermons, consisting only of sixty-five pages. Dr. Burton's work is the 
 result of a long and accurate study of the Ante-Nicene Fathers. The 
 general order of the work is that of time : after a slight account of each 
 Father, the strongest passages in proof of his belief in our Saviour's 
 Divinity are given, and briefly commented upon ; occasionally however 
 passages of different Fathers are brought together with reference to 
 particular expressions, or texts whose reading or interpretation is dis- 
 puted. I may mention, as a caution against taking Griesbach's dicta 
 
 Appendix to Chapter X. 247 
 
 too implicitly, that Dr. B. shows his assertion ' antiquiores patres, et 
 inter has vel ipse Athanasius c. Apollinar, in S. literis at/za GeoO legi 
 negaverunt ' to be utterly unfounded : Athanasius says on the con- 
 trary. I.e., oyfid/ioO hi alfia OeoO dixa aapKos napa8f8a>Kaai ai ypar^tal, and 
 adds, at 5« ypa(fyai iv aapKi Qfov Koi trapKoi Qfov dvOpmirov yfvofifvov af/Lia Kni 
 mi^op «r<ri avaarnaiu KnpvTTOvai croifiaros Ofov. The vagueness of the rest 
 of Griesbach's assertions evinces that he knew of no other Father who 
 used the expression which he ascribed to Athanasius, and Dr. B. shows 
 that they do frequently use the phrase (so much stronger than in the 
 Acts, since used directly instead of indirectly) alfin GeoO. He takes this 
 opportunity also of showing that no argument can be drawn from the 
 quotation * Domini ' in Irenaeus, since it can be proved that in other places 
 (where the Greek remains) the translator observes also that not only 
 the Vatican but the oldest MSS. of the Syr. (collated by Professor 
 Lee) have the reading Otov. As Dr. B.'s argument is only directed 
 against our modem Anti-Trinitarians, he does not enter into the 
 questions of the systems of the Fathers on the Trinity, but only 
 produces the passages which show that they regarded our Saviour 
 as Very God. It is a clear and accurate book. I ought perhaps 
 also to mention the work of a learned Dissenter, Dr. Pye Smith, 
 * Scripture Testimony to the Messiah' (second edition, 1821). But 
 though a work of much learning (and the author is even acquainted 
 with many of the modem German divines) he has unfortunately 
 admitted (and particularly in the early part) so many weak grounds 
 that the work requires very great sifting, and is rather calcu- 
 lated, unless it fall into judicious hands, to excite suspicion than to 
 produce conviction. I need only mention that with your divines of 
 the seventeeth century, he argues from Gen. iv. i, 26, Isaiah Ixiii. 
 1-7, Job xix. 23-27. Bating however these defects, there is much and 
 laborious investigation. 
 
 The late Bishop Heber published as a young divine his Bampton 
 Lectures *On the Personality of the Holy Spirit.' They are, as you 
 would expect of everything from that excellent man, pious and able ; 
 but he was thought to have chosen a subject above his years, and 
 to have indulged his imagination too much. 
 
 In the controversy with the Romanists you know probably of Marsh's 
 * Comparative View of Romanism and Protestantism,' which has been 
 translated into German, as well as Blanco White's * Internal Evidence 
 against Catholicism.' 
 
 In the controversy with the Calvinists, the principal books are 
 Laurence, * Bampton Lectures on the Articles of the Church of Eng- 
 land, falsely called Calvinistic,' a learned book, and Copleston, * On 
 Predestination,* a book of much acuteness. Sumner^s 'Apostolical 
 Preaching' is an enquiry into the mode in which the Apostles treated 
 on the subjects now controverted, in their teaching, in reference to 
 a high tone of Calvinistic preaching, which had produced secession 
 from our Church— pious, candid, mild ; and Whately's ' Difficulties of 
 
248 
 
 Life of Edward Doiiverie Pusey, 
 
 St. Paul ' presents a clear statement of the Apostle's doctrines on the 
 same subject. It was intended for those who abstained from the study 
 of St. Paul, on account of its supposed difficulties (a habit too prevalent 
 among many younger clergy). 
 
 I have now sent you, as far as my memory and library furnish me, an 
 account of our more recent English works ; some I am conscious of 
 having omitted, not being sufficiently acquainted with their character ; 
 others I have probably overlooked. It will however sufficiently show 
 you the present direction of our theological literature, and an additional 
 list of books would only have rendered it more dry, as I could not here 
 enter much into detail. Like all other charts, the account must consist 
 too much of outline ; I shall be glad however to fill out any portion of 
 it, by individual traits, when you will point out the parts on which 
 you would wish for more detail. God prosper His cause among you, 
 and unite at least the members of our two Churches in the Spirit of 
 His Son. 
 
 I ought to have mentioned under the head of * Ecclesiastical History ' 
 a translation of Spanheim ; and two original works by MacCrie, histories 
 of the Reformation in Spain and Italy. He has brought a good deal of 
 information of the extent to which the reformed doctrines prevailed in 
 those countries, and they are interesting works, although he has given 
 far too much of the horrible details of the Inquisition. 
 
 I should perhaps also have named illustrations of the Scriptures 
 from Oriental sources. Burder's book has been for some lime trans- 
 lated by Rosenmiiller; besides this Dr. Wait has written a small 
 volume of Oriental and Classical customs, and Jennings' Lectures on 
 Godwin's Moses and Aaron, containing considerable additions, has 
 been published since his death. 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to Rev. E. B. Pusey. 
 
 My dear Pusey, ^ ^°"'^' ^^^^^ ^9, 1833. 
 
 We did not hear of the result of the elections till the end of 
 January, nor of the hard struggle in which your brother was engaged 
 till yesterday. Miserable as the result has been, I do not know how 
 gentlemen of county influence could have answered to their consciences 
 had they not made the effort. Now the course of things is in the 
 hands of a higher Power— and though all holy interests and the cause 
 of the Church seem to lie at the mercy of bad men who have not the 
 faith, yet we know the triumphing of the wicked is short. No good 
 ever came (to speak as a man) from seizing on consecrated things : 
 this spoliation scheme of the present Ministers must fall on their own 
 heads and on their children after them, and it seems almost like a 
 judicial blindness that they do not see this merely by a worldly 
 sagacity. 
 
 Appendix to Chapter X, 
 
 249 
 
 We heard from Keble two days since- and heard of Arnold's plan 
 of Church Reform-but nothing of your pamphlet, by which I suppose 
 you have changed your mind about publishing, and I am sorry 
 you have had cause to do so (if so). I believe much harm has come 
 from many publications on the subject ; but could not possibly from 
 yours to mterfere with its good. The men in power seem to have for 
 the most part taken whatever Churchmen have suggested, as so much 
 admitted-and taken .7// their admissions and thrown them tocrether 
 E.g. unluckily Burton's, whose error surely was that of not understand- 
 ing the age and the persons with whom he had to deal. We have just 
 learnt that Lord Althorp promises an English Church Reform this 
 Session ; a fresh bribe I suppose to enable the Ministers to pass the 
 Coercion Bill. If we hear right accounts of Arnold's pamphlet he is 
 opening the door to alterations in doctrine some day to come ' How 
 fast events are going. Who knows what place we shall hold this time 
 two or three years 1 But it is the case with the Church all over the 
 xvorld, apparently-hcre, and in Sicily, as in England : and though we 
 shall not live to see it, can we doubt that it is intended to effect the 
 pacification of that divinely-founded body, for its edification in love 
 and for the re-union to it of those well-meaning but mistaken dissen- 
 tients who at present cause so great a scandal .? By no means short of 
 some terrible convulsion and through much suffering can this Roman 
 Church surely be reformed ; nothing short of great suffering, as by fire 
 can melt us together in England one with another. What a strange 
 light does it cast on the prophecies of the N. T. to observe the curious 
 connexion between the floating notions thence derived of what is to 
 come and the present state of the world ! In spite of all discrepancies 
 and extravagances of interpretation, there are general outlines, which 
 scarcely can have been taken from the actual face of things and yet 
 agree with it ; e.g. Scott, I think, in his Bible lays it down distinctly 
 that a last persecution was coming over the Christian world. He wrote 
 this thirty or forty years since ; and it seems to have been the notion 
 of his day. Doubtless the first French Revolution turned men's 
 minds that way: yet that woe apparently was over-and peace 
 restored-but the tradition cominued, and now, one may suppose, is in 
 the course of accomplishment. This reflection leads one to look at the 
 book of Revelations (sic) with much awe-as an oracle which could 
 speak to us if it chose-and which has sent out already certain brief and 
 partially obscure, yet partially determinate sounds, to show us that it is 
 divine. I wish I could make up my mind whether the 1,260 years of 
 Captivity begin with Constantine-it seems a remarkable coincidence 
 that Its termination should fall about on the Reformation— (I speak 
 from memory) which, amid good, has been the source oi all the infi- 
 delity, the second woe, which is now overspreading the earth. Perhaps 
 It has different accomplishments, as the seventy years of Jewish cap- 
 tivity. I see no reason to call Constantine's establishment of the 
 Church a happy event (except so far as that good follows everything). 
 
250 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 He was the patron of Arianism, and Constantius after him— thus the 
 Ciospel was set up in heresy, and a secular spirit went with it : as the 
 history shows. The Church was in persecution in the reigns of Con- 
 stantine, Constantius, and Valens. Under Theodosius the Arians 
 conformed to orthodoxy and corrupted the Cathohcs. 
 
 It has struck me whether we ought not to take the main object of 
 the Revelations (putting aside the three first chapters as distinct) to 
 be that of prophesying the destiny of the Roman city and empire, 
 without direct reference to the question whether they are Pagan or 
 Christian, merely as secular and so ungodly. Then I would argue 
 or investigate thus. Other cities doomed in Scripture, as Babylon, 
 have totally perished — Rome still survives— qu. then whether the 
 prophecies about the place, as a place, are yet fully accomplished ? for 
 that Rome is meant in Rev. 17 and 18, there can be no doubt. Further, 
 Rome is expressly one of the four great enemies of God, the monsters 
 of Daniel's vision— the other three have come to an end : you cannot 
 point to the vestiges of their power, the respective seats of their empire 
 are obliterated — but Rome still remains, though the worst and most 
 ungodly of them. Let it be considered too whether Daniel does not 
 evidently signify the continuation of the sway of Rome, and the tardi- 
 ness and gradual nature of its destruction in a way which would lead 
 us to suppose that its judgements as a local temple and seat of evil 
 were not over with the first burst when the Empire fell. Still further, 
 look at the structure of the Revelations — assuming it chiefly is con- 
 cerned with the judgements on the Roman state and city. You first 
 have (ch. vi.) a climax of six judgements arranged (so to say) scenically, 
 apparently cumulative, and ending in a new order of things : then 
 there is a pause; the object of punishment survives, for its judge- 
 ments are continued in the subsequent chapters, but they are few and 
 slowly executed (vid. vii. 3, viii. i), with the exception of a second burst, 
 viii. 5-13. Lastly, can there be a doubt from ch. xviii. (which is by its 
 position also pointed out to be subsequent to the former judgements, 
 but waiving this) that at length the doom of Rome will be overwhelming 
 and final, a catastrophe which certainly has not yet come ? vid. xviii. 21, 
 and cf. Jer. li. 63, 64, and Rev. xix. 3 ; cf. Is. xxxiv. 10. (Qu. would the 
 prophecies against Jerusalem be an objection to this view, Jerusalem 
 being still a city ?) On the other hand, turning from prophecy to 
 history, what do we see in matter of fact ? The Roman territory was 
 desolated by a series of woes till it was broken up by a great revolu- 
 tion. A second series succeeded in the invasions and settlement of 
 the Northern nations. Since that time (after an interval) its South 
 (Africa and Syria) has been occupied by the Saracens. After a 
 second interval its East by the Turks— and now after a third the 
 huge Russian power, ever exterior to the Roman Empire, seems to 
 overhang it like a cloud, and to threaten all that remains of it. 
 Meanwhile, as a body, it remains more or less entire. The Roman 
 titles have been preserved, Caesar, Imperator, &c., and the assumptions 
 
 Appendix to Chapter X. 251 
 
 they involve. Rome too, as a city, still claims universal obedience to 
 its sway, even in the Eastern Empire, i.e. appointing Patriarchs, &c. ; it 
 still maintains its old language as the medium of intercourse between 
 its parts, which is thus its language as an Empire : it is still remark- 
 able for that one talent, which the Romans had, the political, so that 
 with no exaggeration we may say the crafty spirit, whether of the 
 Republic or of the Caesars, still lives -and, looking at its religion, still 
 has the same (identical) rites, its polytheistic worship, &c. Now in 
 this mode of considering the subject, I dismiss the subject of Antichrist, 
 and the difference of Pagan and Christian Rome, altogether. If the 
 persecuting ungodly spirit of the Iron Monster has clutched hold 
 of and corrupted the Church, making use of it as a medium of its 
 sorceries, is another point. If so, undoubtedly the Church too so far will 
 suffer ; but for this part of the subject I would rather turn to St. Paul's 
 Epistles, 2 Thess. ii., &c. ; but I mean that St. John is concerned with 
 Rome as an existing place, and seat of rule, and thus completes what 
 Daniel has left. Moreover, while I am theorizing, let me suggest, that, 
 just as St. John expands the distant horizon which Daniel hinted at 
 m but a few words, so the latter part (e.g. xix. 11-15) may contain 
 the events of hundreds or thousands of years. I say this to answer the 
 objection of the prophecies of the book having mainly to do with the 
 Roman Empire ; Asia, Africa, the Americas, and New Holland being 
 unnoticed ; and I would parallel it by the first chapter of Genesis, where 
 an indefinitely long period (in which we are not concerned) may be 
 summed up in each of the first verses. 
 
 I daresay you will (rightly) criticize the details of the above, as being 
 in part old, and in part merely ingenious-yet qu. whether the main 
 Idea IS not worth considering, that Rome, as a city, the Rome of 
 Uamel and the Gospels, has not yet drank out the fullness of judgement 
 destined for her : so that the blood of the martyrs which was shed on 
 her soil rather cries out against her, than hallows her. It is most 
 melancholy, with a feeling of this kind to look upon this beautiful city • 
 yet there were goodly stones in the Temple at Jerusalem, nor am I pro- 
 nouncing anything against individuals in it, nor even against the 
 Church in it, as such, necessarily, for all Christians are addressed 
 (as the believing Jews were) Rev. xviii. 4, when the time of vengeanc- 
 comes, to retire from her. But of course it is a question whether the 
 Pope, as the secular supreme power, is not implicated ; and who can say 
 that the dissolution of the tie which exists between the Spouse of Christ 
 and the Tyrant Spirit of old Rome which has inslaved her will not cost 
 some vast suffering to the captive party .? How is the parable of the 
 1 ares fulfilled here ! 
 
 We are much pleased with Mr. Bunsen, though (to speak in confi- 
 dence) I think he has not seen enough of the world; this seems 
 a strange assertion, but he seems to me somewhat bigoted to views 
 -i^^ry good in the main, but requiring in detail modifications, which 
 he has never had the opportunity of entering into. It is curious to 
 
 
2^2 
 
 Life of Edivard Bouvene Pitscy, 
 
 me to see a man somewhat of a don (though a most kind one) out 
 
 of Oxford. Certainly travelling has not diminished my respect for 
 
 home authorities. Narrowness of mind is no peculiar gift of the 
 
 cloister. This entre nous. 
 
 With kindest remembrances to Mrs. Pusey, and all good wishes to 
 
 you and yours, 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 J. H. Newman. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 RISE OF THE OXFORD MOVEMENT— REACTION FROM 
 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY THOUGHT— WALTER SCOTT- 
 COLERIDGE — THE EVANGELICAL MOVEMENT — DR. 
 SIKES— JOSHUA WATSON— ALEXANDER KNOX— HUGH 
 JAMES ROSE— REVOLUTIONARY ECCLESIASTICAL PRO- 
 POSALS—THE HADLEIGH CONFERENCE — THE * FRIENDS 
 OF THE CHURCH'— THE TRACTS— KEBLE— NEWMAN— 
 PUSEY. 
 
 The great movement of religious thought and life 
 named after the Tracts, which were its earliest product 
 and very largely its directing influence, first began in 
 Oxford during the summer of 1833. It may be a material 
 help to trace here some of its many antecedents. To no 
 small degree it was a result of the reaction from the 
 encyclopedist or negative temper which had preceded 
 and created the great French Revolution, and had been 
 felt in every country in Europe. When the floodgates 
 of human passion had been opened on a gigantic 
 scale in the horrors of war and anarchy, men felt 
 that religion and a clear, strong, positive religious creed 
 was necessary, if civilization was to be saved from ruin. 
 This conviction inspired writers like Chateaubriand and 
 Frayssinous in France ; and it was the soul of the 
 struggle against the older Rationalism in Protestant 
 Germany. It acquired a new intensity in the eventful 
 months which followed on the death of George IV. The 
 three days of July 1830 in Paris, and the wide popular 
 agitations in this country, culminating in the Bristol riots, 
 which preceded the passing of the first Reform Bill, 
 appeared to contemporaries to threaten a renewal, perhaps 
 on another scene, of the Days of the Terror, and revived 
 and deepened the convictions with which religious English- 
 
254 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 men like Burke or Bishop Home had regarded the work 
 of Marat and Robespierre. 
 
 Of this reaction one element was a new interest in the 
 middle ages, which the literary men of the eighteenth 
 century had agreed to denounce with a violence which 
 was only greater than their ignorance. The middle ages 
 were not perfect : they had evils all their own ; but they 
 were very unlike what they appeared to the gloomy 
 imagination of a French theophilanthropist. Of the new 
 interest in the middle ages, the pioneer in this century 
 was Sir Walter Scott ; his indirect relation to the Oxford 
 movement was often dwelt upon by Pusey in private 
 conversation. That relation consisted not only in the 
 high moral tone which characterized Scott's writings and 
 which marked them off so sharply from the contemporary 
 popular writers of fiction, but also and especially in the 
 interest which he aroused on behalf of ages and persons 
 who had been buried out of sight to an extent that to our 
 generation would appear incredible. 
 
 Another influence, very unlike Scott's, yet distinctly 
 contributory to the Tractarian movement, was that of 
 S. T. Coleridge, the philosopher of Highgate. Coleridge 
 was the author less of a philosophy than of a method : he 
 spent his life in asking questions which were not answered, 
 and in projecting schemes which were never carried oif . 
 But he was a great force in making men dissatisfied with 
 the superficiality so common a hundred years ago in 
 religion as in other matters ; and in this, if in no other 
 way, he prepared the English mind to listen to the 
 Oxford teachers. 
 
 Viewed on another side, however, the Oxford move- 
 ment was a completion of the earlier revival of religion 
 known as Evangelical. That revival was provoked by 
 the prevalence of a latitudinarian theology in the last 
 century, and by a dry and cold preaching of morality, 
 often only of natural morality, which left out of view, or, 
 at least, failed to assign its rightful place to the Person 
 and Work of our Divine Redeemer. This failure led to 
 
 The Evangelical Movement 255 
 
 the movement which outside the Church became Wesley- 
 anism, and within it Evangelicalism. In its earlier days 
 the Evangelical movement was mainly if not exclusively 
 interested in maintaining a certain body of positive truth. 
 The great doctrines which alone make 'repentance towards 
 God and faith toward our Lord Jesus Christ' seriously 
 possible were its constant theme. The world to come, 
 with its boundless issues of life and death, the infinite 
 value of the one Atonement, the regenerating, purifying, 
 guiding action of God the Holy Spirit in respect of the 
 Christian soul, were preached to our grandfathers with a 
 force and earnestness which are beyond controversy. The 
 deepest and most fervid religion in England during the 
 first three decades of this century was that of the 
 Evangelicals; and, to the last day of his life, Pusey re- 
 tained that Move of the Evangelicals' to which he often 
 adverted, and which was roused by their efforts to make 
 religion a living power in a cold and gloomy age. 
 
 But the Evangelical movement, partly in virtue of its 
 very intensity, was, in respect of its advocacy of religious 
 truth, an imperfect and one-sided movement. It laid stress 
 only on such doctrines of Divine Revelation as appeared to 
 its promoters to be calculated to produce a converting or 
 sanctifying effect upon the souls of men. Its interpretation 
 of the New Testament,— little as its leaders ever suspected 
 this,— was guided by a traditional assumption as arbitrary 
 and as groundless as any tradition which it ever denounced. 
 The real sources of its * Gospel ' were limited to a few 
 chapters in St. Paul's Epistles, perhaps in two of them, 
 understood in a manner which left much else in Holy 
 Scripture out of account ; and thus the Old Testament 
 history, and even the Life of our Lord Jesus Christ, as 
 recorded by the Evangelists, were thrown, comparatively, 
 into the background. The needs and salvation of the 
 believer, rather than the whole revealed Will of Him 
 m Whom we believe, was the governing consideration. 
 As a consequence, those entire departments of the Christian 
 revelation which deal with the corporate union of Christians 
 
256 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pttsey. 
 
 Dr. Sikes of Guilsborough, 
 
 with Christ in His Church and with the Sacraments, which 
 by His appointment are the channels of His grace to the 
 end of time, were not so much forgotten as unrecognized. 
 The days had not yet come when Evangelicals would think 
 it possible to promote their Redeemer's honour by depre- 
 ciating His own Church and Sacraments ; but the omission 
 to teach the whole body of revealed truth exposed the 
 Evangelical revival to obvious dangers. Truths which they 
 neglected rested on authority just as cogent as that which 
 warranted the truths which they taught ; and when, in an 
 age of critical inquiry, this was once perceived, the Evan- 
 gelical position became untenable. If men combined to 
 reject, with open eyes, the truths which the Evangelicals 
 omitted to teach, they would go on to reject the truths on 
 which the Evangelicals insisted. If, on the other hand, they 
 made the most of the truths insisted on by the Evangelical 
 teachers, they would learn to accept, as resting on the same 
 authority, connected truths beyond. The perception of 
 this necessity, at once intellectual and spiritual, was one 
 great contributory influence which— as especially in the 
 case of Newman and the Wilberforces— produced the 
 Oxford movement. 
 
 Side by side with Evangelicalism there were also con- 
 victions which had been handed down across the dreary in- 
 terval of the eighteenth century, and which here and there 
 found expression in the lives of holy men, who taught 
 a generation of Latitudinaris^ns and Methodists how the 
 great men of the Caroline age in the Church of England 
 had believed and lived and died. Such men as Jones 
 of Nayland, and Dr. Sikes of Guilsborough, and, at a 
 somewhat later period, Mr. Norris of Hackney, and Mr. 
 Joshua Watson, were of this company. The first two 
 were theologians, inheriting and contemplating truths on 
 which the Non-jurors had laid stress, and living in com- 
 munion of thought and sympathy with the ancient Church. 
 The ' Society for the Reformation of Principles ' and the 
 ' Scholar Armed,' which marked the last decade of the 
 eighteenth century, bore witness to the traditional belief 
 
 257 
 
 in the revealed doctrine of the Church and the Sacraments 
 which had never died out in the Church of England. 
 
 Dr. T. Sikes was especially regarded by Pusey as a 
 precursor of the Oxford movement. He had graduated 
 at Pembroke College, Oxford, in 1788; but his earlier 
 University life had been passed at St. Edmund Hall, 
 which was already at that date a home of Evangelicalism.' 
 Its earnest but defective teaching made a deep though 
 not a wholly satisfying impression on the thoughtful 
 undergraduate; and when he turned from the lectures 
 which he heard in the Hall to the weight and learn- 
 ing of a really great divine like Thorndike, his religious 
 future was determined 1. He lived a life of retirement in 
 his little country parish in Northamptonshire; but men, 
 young and old, came to him for the sake of his thoughtful 
 and stimulating conversation, to which vigour of intellect, 
 extensive reading, a disciplined sense of humour, and a 
 piety of an ancient rather than a modern type, contributed 
 the chief features -. One of his conversations, which took 
 place so late as in 1833, and was at the time reported 
 to Pusey, was often referred to by him as having a 
 sort of prophetical value. Dr. Sikes died in December, 
 I S34 ; and the conversation in question was quoted eight 
 )cars afterwards by Pusey, in his letter to the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, deprecating the inequitable estimate of the 
 Oxford Movement which was then already prevalent. 
 Pusey's informant told him :— 
 
 • I well remember the very countenance, gesture, attitude, and tone 
 ot good Mr. Sikes, and give you, as near as may be, what he said. 
 
 ' " I seem to think I can tell you something which you who are young 
 inay probably live to see, but which I, who shall soon be called away 
 ott the stage, shall not. Wherever I go all about the country I see 
 amongst the clergy a number of very amiable and estimable men, 
 many of them much in earnest, and wishing to do good. But I have 
 observed one universal want in their teaching : the uniform suppression 
 
 ' Dr. Sikes certainly disliked what Years,' vii. pp. 216-218. 
 he considered conventionalisms and * See a record of some of these con- 
 
 "r/"™P^'P"* ^° Puritanism : though versations, extracted from Mr, Norris's 
 
 Mr. Gladstone scarcely does justice to diary, in Churton's ' Memoir of Joshua 
 
 ms pomt of view ; ' Gleanings of Past Watson,' p. 30 (2nd ed.\ 
 
 VOL. I. s 
 
258 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey. 
 
 of one great truth. There is no account given anywhere, so far as 
 I see, of the one Holy Catholic Church. I think that the causes of 
 this suppression have been mainly two. The Church has been kept 
 out of sight, partly in consequence of the civil establishment of the 
 branch of it which is in this country, and partly out of false charity to 
 Dissent. Now this great truth is an article of the Creed ; and if so, to 
 teach the rest of the Creed to its exclusion must be to destroy ' the 
 analogy or proportion of the faith,' rf)v avaKoylav rrjs maTtuis. This 
 cannot be done without the most serious consequences. The doctrine 
 is of the last importance, and the principles it involves of immense 
 power ; and some day, not far distant, it will judicially have its reprisals. 
 And whereas the other articles of the Creed seem now to have thrown 
 it into the shade, it will seem, when it is brought forward, to swallow 
 up the rest. We now hear not a breath about the Church ; by and 
 bye those who live to see it will hear of nothing else ; and, just in 
 proportion perhaps to its present suppression, will be its future de- 
 velopment. Our confusion nowadays is chiefly owing to the want 
 of it ; and there will be yet more confusion attending its revival. The 
 effects of it I even dread to contemplate, especially if it come suddenly. 
 And woe betide those, whoever they are, who shall, in the course 
 of Providence, have to bring it forward. It ought especially of all 
 others to be matter of catechetical teaching and training. The 
 doctrine of the Church Catholic and the privileges of Church mem- 
 bership cannot be explained from pulpits ; and those who will have to 
 explain it will hardly know where they are, or which way they are 
 to turn themselves. They will be endlessly misunderstood and misin- 
 terpreted. There will be one great outcry of Popery from one end of 
 the country to the other. It will be thrust upon minds unprepared, 
 and on an uncatechized Church. Some will take it up and admire it 
 as a beautiful picture, others will be frightened and run away and 
 reject it ; and all will want a guidance which one hardly knows where 
 they shall find. How the doctrine may be first thrown forward we 
 know not ; but the powers of the world may any day turn their backs 
 upon us, and this will probably lead to those effects I have described ^" ' 
 
 Of the Hackney School, to which Pusey used often to 
 refer, the chief figure was the Rev. H. H. Norris, 
 Rector of Hackney. Norris was a younger friend of 
 Dr. Sikes of Guilsborough. He took holy orders against 
 his father's wishes, but in a spirit of resolute devotion 
 to the Christian cause, imperilled, as it seemed, by the 
 triumphs of revolution and unbelief at the close of the 
 last century. With him was associated his life-long 
 
 * * Letter to His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury/ by E. B. Pusey. 
 D.D., 1842 ; pp. 27-29. 
 
 Joshua Watson, 259 
 
 friend Mr. Joshua Watson, born, like himself, in 1771. 
 Mr. Watson belonged to that type of layman, pious, prac- 
 tical, energetic, resolutely loyal to the great truths of 
 religion, of which Robert Nelson, Thomas Stevens, John 
 Bowdler were examples, and which the Church of England, 
 perhaps more than any other portion of the Church of 
 Christ, has constantly produced. Mr. Norris and Mr. 
 Watson were deeply impressed with the necessity for 
 making unusual efforts to maintain and propagate Christian 
 faith and life in their day and generation. They were 
 neither of them deficient in theological interests or accom- 
 plishments ; but it may perhaps be thought that, in conse- 
 quence of his intimacy with men like Bishop Lloyd and 
 Van Mildert, Mr. Watson was at times credited by others 
 with a ripe theological judgment which he did not in fact 
 possess, and which he would have disclaimed for himself. 
 The real and lasting title of Mr. Norris and Mr. Joshua 
 Watson to our respect lies in their eager advocacy of all 
 efforts for the promotion of Christianity. With Mr. Bowles,' 
 they were joint founders of the National Society for the Edu- 
 cation of the Poor. For many years they were intimately 
 associated in raising the tone and widening the usefulness of 
 the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. They gave 
 a new impulse to the work of the Society for the Propagation 
 of the Gospel ; and indeed it would be difficult to name 
 any good work of a public character in connexion with the 
 Church of England in which Mr. Joshua Watson had no 
 share. They both spent their lives in recognition of the truth 
 that the Church of Christ is worth the best thought and toil 
 that a Christian, be he layman or priest, can give it ; and 
 this conviction, implanted in many minds by their words and 
 their example, made ready the way for the labours of the 
 Tractarians. As Pusey said shortly before his own death, 
 these men ' must have prepared the ground for the Tracts. 
 The Tracts found an echo everywhere. Friends started up 
 like armed men from the ground. I only dreaded our being 
 too popular. It was like the men from the heath in " The 
 Lady of the Lake."' 
 
26o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Alexander Knox, 
 
 261 
 
 But Pusey was accustomed to speak of Mr. Joshua 
 Watson as a witness to the sounder faith of an earlier 
 generation. Writing to Newman from Brighton, on Sept. 
 II, 1839, he says: — 
 
 ' * I had a very pleasant interview with J. Watson on Saturday ; he is 
 staying here: I introduced the subject of Mr. Benson's discourses 
 as a feeler; and I was delighted to find him taking altogether the 
 same views as ourselves, so far. It was quite refreshing to hear an old 
 man speaking the same things, clearly and calmly ; it seemed to link 
 us on so visibly with past generations, and that we were teaching no 
 other than had been delivered to us. He asked after you ; and naming 
 " Keble," said, " I do not like prefixing the title * Mr.' to his or New- 
 man's or your name \" ' 
 
 Mr. Watson's position was acknowledged by the unsanc- 
 tioned dedication in 1840 of the fifth volume of Newman's 
 Parochial Sermons to him, as ' the benefactor of all his 
 brethren, by his long and dutiful ministry, and patient 
 service, to his and their common Mother.' But he did not 
 continue to sympathize with the Movement in the troubled 
 times that followed. 
 
 Another layman of that generation has been referred 
 to as a precursor of the Oxford movement, although 
 in a different sense from that of Mr. Joshua Watson. 
 Mr. Alexander Knox was a man of great ability whose 
 earlier interest in politics had been overpowered by a 
 stronger interest in religion. As a boy he was intimate with 
 and admired by Wesley. As a man, he was a great reader, 
 a great talker, and a great letter-writer. In his earlier life, 
 schemes for reforming the Prayer-book in the interests of 
 comprehension were rife, and were even sanctioned by men 
 who rose to be Bishops : Percy of Dromore, Yorke of Ely, 
 Porteus of London. Mr. Knox's governing enthusiasm, — 
 and it was a very reasoned enthusiasm, — was for the Prayer- 
 book as it is. To him the Prayer-book was virtually the 
 transcript of what the Church has said in its converse with 
 God from the earliest period : it was verbatim what she has 
 been repeating without alteration from the sixth century ; 
 
 ^ K. B. P. to J.H.N., Sept. 11, 1839. There are also several other references 
 to Mr. Watson in Pusey 's letters to Newman. 
 
 it was a standard of doctrine as well as of devotion ; it con- 
 tained everything essential to Catholic theology ; it was the 
 golden chain which binds us to the great mystical Body of 
 Christ ; the pledge of our continuity as a Church ; the 
 stimulus and nursery of missionary enterprise; the one 
 safeguard against the vacillations of sectarianism. Recog- 
 nizing as he did the services of the Evangelicals in the 
 field of experimental religion, he held that they taught 
 a type of piety which, without their intending it, promoted 
 Dissent ; they ' diffused doctrines which cannot cordially 
 coalesce with our different services'; they had, in the 
 language of the Epistle to the Hebrews, fed on milk only, 
 and systematically rejected strong meats. A point of great 
 value, on which he constantly insists in his correspondence, 
 is the moral character of justifying faith : the notion of 
 a purely forensic justification had not been taught by any 
 writer previous to the Reformation. His language about 
 the Eucharist, if here and there slightly inaccurate, is as 
 a whole very remarkable, considering the age in which he 
 lived. The Eucharist, he says, 'is the connecting link 
 between earth and heaven ; the point where our Redeemer 
 is vitally accessible, " the same yesterday, to-day, and for 
 ever." ' The Greek Church of the early ages commanded 
 his warmest sympathies: it was 'the noblest portion of 
 ancient Christianity'; it was from the earliest times the 
 trustee of the doctrine of holiness : its work was nearly 
 done when it had produced St. Chrysostom. Not that his 
 estimates of the Fathers were always accurate, or, indeed, 
 deferential and modest. He did not look upon antiquity as 
 having an authority distinct in kind from that of any section 
 of modern and divided Christendom ; he criticizes St. Au- 
 gustine as though he were equally in error with Calvin. 
 
 'Surely,' wrote Mr. Keble, *it is rather an arrogant position in 
 which Mr. Knox delighted to imagine himself, as one on the top of 
 a high hill, seeing which way different schools tend <the school of 
 Primitive Antiquity being but one among many) and passing judgement 
 upon each, how far it is right, and how well it suited its time— himself 
 superior to all, exercising a royal right of eclecticism over all '.' 
 
 * Coleridge's ' Memoir of Keble,' p. 242. 
 
262 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 This estimate of Mr. Knox's writings will partly explain 
 the slight use which was made of them by the Oxford 
 School. The Tractarians felt that they could not claim 
 him as a whole ; and they certainly were not indebted 
 to him for anything that they knew of Catholic antiquity 
 or Catholic truth ^. But they did occasionally use him as 
 being a witness, in dark times, to portions of the truth 
 which they were reasserting ; and in this sense he may be 
 described as a precursor of the Oxford revival. He died, 
 two years before its birth, on Jan. 17, 1^31. 
 
 Another pioneer of the Movement, of a different kind, 
 was the Rev. John Miller: his relation to it is chiefly 
 observable in the influence which he exerted over Mr. 
 Keble. They were nearly contemporaries, and in point of 
 habit and character had much in common with each other. 
 Miller was a divine of the school of Bishop Butler, and to 
 the end of his life Mr. Keble constantly recommended his 
 Bampton Lectures ^ to younger friends. 
 
 *What a book his is!' he writes : *the more I go on pondering it, the 
 more light it seems to throw on every subject ; and hardly anything 
 else that I take up does not put me in mind of it *.* 
 
 One of Miller's contributions to Tractarianism was that 
 high estimate of the value of moral arguments which was 
 one of its leading characteristics. Mr. Keble was fond of 
 quoting a saying of Miller's to the effect that the time 
 had now come in which * scoundrels must be called 
 scoundrels*.' But, intimate as he was with Keble, he stood 
 somewhat aloof from the Movement in his later years, if 
 indeed he ever threw himself heartily into it. He died, 
 after a short illness, in 1 858. 
 
 The more immediate preparation, however, was the work 
 of four men, differing widely in character and capacity, but 
 
 * This I have heard Dr. Pusey say. 
 Of Knox's 'Remains,' the first two 
 vols, were published in 1834 (2nd ed. 
 1836") ; the third and fourth in 1837. 
 
 ^ * The Divine Authority of Holy 
 Scripture asserted from its adaptation 
 to the real state of Human Nature,' 
 
 181 7, by John Miller, M.A., Fellow 
 of Worcester College, Oxford. Bax- 
 ter, 1819 (2nd ed.). 
 
 ' Coleridge's 'Memoir of Rev. J. 
 Keble,' p. 24. 
 
 * Ibid., p. 241. 
 
 Hugh James Rose — 77?^ British Magazine. 263 
 
 united by a strong desire to do what they might in perilous 
 times for the cause of the Church and Religion. 
 
 Of these the best known was Hugh James Rose, Pusey's 
 old antagonist : his wide reading, great practical ability, 
 entire disinterestedness, and fervent zeal have already 
 been mentioned. Rose was indefatigable in insisting, both 
 through the press and in conversation, on the necessity of 
 combined action of some kind to resist the dangers which 
 threatened the Church. In 1 832 he undertook, from a sheer 
 sense of duty, the editorship of the British Magazine, 
 
 * A few months ago only,* he wrote to Perceval, * I could not have 
 believed that I should ever have anything to do with what I hate 
 so cordially as I do periodical literature. . . . But still ours are no 
 common circumstances ; and whatever can be done without sacrifice 
 of principles must be done, if it promises to be of service. A journal 
 where men who do not agree in minor points, but do agree in love 
 for the Church, in thinking that an Establishment, a Ritual, a Confes- 
 sion of Faith, Episcopacy, and so on, are precious things to us and 
 those who will come after us, seemed to me likely to be of such service. 
 It would excite what is wanting, namely, a spirit of resistance to wrong ; 
 it would give what is wanting, namely, information ; and it would 
 supply a point of union.' 
 
 The British Magazine, besides discharging the duties 
 incident to a magazine, anticipated in not a few respects the 
 ' Tracts for the Times.' Besides articles and reviews of 
 books, it contained tracts on particular subjects of theo- 
 logical interest, translations from the Fathers, and even 
 from the Breviary, and poems which were the first expres- 
 sion of the earnest faith and keen feelings of the Oxford 
 party, and which were afterwards collected in the volume 
 known as the * Lyra Apostolica.' Nowhere else may the 
 state of mind which preceded and fostered the revival 
 be studied more accurately than in the British Magazine : 
 indeed, much in it was at first written by more than one of 
 the authors of the ' Tracts for the Times,' although, as a 
 Cambridge man, its editor could not in turn contribute to 
 a publication which, like the Tracts, professed to be written 
 * by members of the University of Oxford.' 
 
 With Mr. Rose was associated the Rev. William (after- 
 
264 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 wards Sir William) Palmer, of Worcester College, Oxford. 
 He had been educated at Trinity College, Dublin, and had 
 come to Oxford in 1828 in order to read in the libraries, 
 with a view to completing his work on the Antiquities of 
 the English Ritual. This work, enriched by notes of 
 Bishop Lloyd, was published at the Oxford University 
 Press in 1832, under the title of 'Origines Liturgicae^.' 
 Insisting as it did upon the almost forgotten fact that the 
 Prayer-book is mainly a translation from earlier office- 
 books, and so represents the descent of the Reformed 
 Church of England from the Church of earlier days, this 
 book powerfully contributed to increase that devotion to 
 the traditions of the Church which characterized the Tracts. 
 Moreover, the author was a man of marked ability, with the 
 intellectual habits of a theologian, and at the same time 
 a man of practical interests and warm religious feeling. 
 Mr. Palmer's book, wrote Keble to Perceval, * is first-rate. 
 And when you meet him he is the mildest and most un- 
 pretending of men ; just the man to write on the Prayer- 
 book.' 
 
 Another whose practical experience led him to welcome 
 the Oxford Tracts was Walter Farquhar Hook, who had 
 now been for ten years engaged in parochial work with 
 an energy and success which has left its mark on the 
 Church of England. And the social centre of the group was 
 the Hon. and Rev. A. P. Perceval, Vicar of East Horsley. 
 Surrey. His character was such as to inspire warm affec- 
 tion ; and ever since 1821 he had corresponded intimately 
 with Keble on all kinds of religious and political subjects. 
 He was now engaged on a Catechism on Church Doctrine, 
 which commanded general approval among his Church 
 friends. Palmer could find nothing in it that needed altera- 
 tion. Hook was delighted, but suggested at least one 
 substantial improvement. Newman, writing on behalf of 
 the Association of Friends of the Church, asked for two 
 hundred copies of it, with a view to general circulation * as 
 a specimen of what we mean to do.' 
 
 » Palmer's 'Narrative,' pp. 24, 25 (ed. 1883). 
 
 Revolutionary Schemes — Arnold. 
 
 265 
 
 It was indeed high time that the friends of the Church 
 should be taking some vigorous defensive action; there 
 were abundant reasons for the very gravest anxiety. Lord 
 Henley's crude proposals for dealing with the cathedrals 
 were the language of wisdom and friendship when com- 
 pared with other projects that were in the air. Outside 
 the Church of England there were, first, the unbelievers 
 of the school of Tom Paine, who were for sweeping away 
 the Christian religion altogether. Next, there were the 
 political Dissenters, whose hostility to the Church of England 
 rendered them practically insensible to all considerations 
 save that of how to do the Church such mischief as they 
 could. But the state of thought within the Church was the 
 cau.se of even more serious alarm. Not only was it said that 
 some Bishops were favourable to changes in the Prayer- 
 book, but also widely-circulated pamphlets recommended 
 the abolition of the Creeds, at least in public worship ; and, 
 of course, they especially attacked the Creed of Athanasius. 
 The doctrines of Baptismal Regeneration and of Absolution, 
 even the Name of the Most Holy Trinity, were vehemently 
 assailed. 
 
 And these revolutionary proposals as regards the faith 
 were finding practical support from the followers of Arnold 
 and Maltby, who were anxious to retain the outer shell 
 of the Church as a national establishment, but to destroy 
 its office as a witness for those parts of Divine Revelation 
 which were not accepted by Protestant bodies outside it. 
 In his pamphlet on * The Principles of Church Reform ' 
 Dr. Arnold proposed to identify Church and State by the 
 simple expedient of including all denominations within the 
 lines of the Church. 
 
 *Such,' says Sir William Palmer, *was the disorganization of the 
 public mind, that Dr. Arnold of Rugby ventured to propose that all 
 sects should be united by Act of Parliament with the Church of 
 England, on the principle of retaining all their distinctive errors and 
 absurdities.' 
 
 Before the Reform Bill of 1832 became law, the feeling 
 amongst earnest Churchmen was uneasiness; afterwards, 
 
266 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 it was chronic alarm. With the new Parliament, it seemed, 
 anything was possible. Keble writes in October, 1832 : — 
 
 * I have been considering as well as I could what line it becomes 
 the clergy to take with a view to the possible proceedings of the first 
 revolutionary Parliament when it assembles, and I have made up my 
 mind that we can hardly be too passive until something really illegal, 
 and contrary to our oaths and engagements, is pressed on us : such as 
 I conceive it would be, were we to admit alterations in the Liturgy, or 
 Articles, on less authority than that by which they were sanctioned ; 
 or to be aiding in any compromise which should transfer corporate 
 property to other people, on any pretence of equalization or the like. 
 The only measure of the latter kind which I can think of with any sort 
 of toleration would be the annexation of the great tithes, by the several 
 Chapters and Colleges, to the livings from which they arise, wherever 
 such annexation is desirable : and this I own appears to me not only 
 expedient but a matter of absolute religious duty. . . . What I say is, 
 let us be attacked from without, if it be God's will, sooner than begin 
 alterations within, with a set of presumptuous workers who cannot 
 agree. . . . Everything looks like a sweeping storm at hand.' 
 
 The cry of the day was for universal reform, but for 
 reform proceeding on no clearly defined principles ; any 
 change, in whatever direction, was welcomed as better than 
 leaving things as they were. 
 
 * Things go on at such a rate,' Keble writes again, * that one is quite 
 giddy. . . . Anything, humanly speaking, will be better than for the 
 Church to go on in union with such a State ; and I think, as far as 
 1 can judge, that this is becoming, every day, a more general feeling 
 among Churchmen.' 
 
 But the more immediate incitement to action was the 
 introduction into Parliament in February, 1833, of Lord 
 Stanley's Irish Church Temporalities Bill, suppressing one- 
 half of the Irish Episcopate. This measure appeared to 
 justify the gloomiest anticipations respecting the conduct of 
 the Reformed Parliament when dealing with the interests 
 of religion. To some minds, indeed, it presented itself as 
 only the natural consequence of the repeal of the Test and 
 Corporation Acts in 1828, of the passing of the Roman 
 Catholic Emancipation Act in 1829, and of the great Reform 
 Bill of 1 83 1. For others, who recognized in those previous 
 measures a political and social justice which could not be 
 
 In'sh Church Bill—Hadleigh Conference, 267 
 
 really hostile to the safety of the Church of Christ, this last 
 proposal of Lord Stanley seemed a new departure in an 
 irreligious direction. All men who had the spiritual interests 
 of the Church primarily at heart were substantially agreed in 
 deploring it ; they could not but see in it the presage of 
 worse measures that might follow. To suppress, at a blow, 
 ten Dioceses, which had existed for more than as many 
 centuries, was to exhibit with cynical frankness the estimate 
 in which the modern State held the sanctions as well as the 
 possessions of the Christian Church ; and the spectacle roused 
 in her sons a deep feeling into which anger, and grief, and 
 a desire to do something that might vindicate her outraged 
 rights, were combined as important ingredients. 
 
 This feeling was expressed when Newman complained 
 to Whately that * half the candlesticks of the Irish Church 
 were extinguished, without ecclesiastical sanction^;' and 
 when Keble wrote, that unless Churchmen described 
 the ' profane intrusion ' of the State as it deserved, our 
 children's children would say, 'There was once here a 
 glorious Church; but it was betrayed into the hands of 
 libertines, for the real or affected love of a little temporary 
 peace and good order ^Z 
 
 On the 30th of July, 1833, the third reading of the Bill 
 was carried in the House of Lords by a majority of 135 
 votes to 81. 
 
 The first step in the way of associated resistance to the 
 evils dreaded by Churchmen was taken by Mr. Rose. He 
 invited a party of friends, more or less like-minded, to 
 spend some days with him at Hadleigh, just after Mid- 
 summer, 1833. Palmer, Perceval, Copeland, Lebas, Hurrell 
 Froude, Keble, and Newman were invited. Of these Keble 
 and Newman were not present : it afterwards appeared, 
 said Palmer, that they * had no confidence in meetings 
 or committees/ The conference continued for nearly a 
 week. It was concluded without arriving at any definite 
 
 • 'Life of Archbishop Whately,' 
 p. 114 (ed. 1875). 
 ' Sermon on National Apostasy, 
 
 Pref. to First Edition. 'Sermons 
 Academical and Occasional,' p. 128. 
 
268 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 'The Friends of the Church' 
 
 26(^ 
 
 resolutions. But it had the effect of deepening a sense of 
 the necessity of combined action, and especially of issuing 
 publications which might deepen attachment to the 
 Church. 
 
 Closely following upon the Hadleigh Conference, but 
 distinct from it, were the meetings at Oriel College, Oxford, 
 which led to the formation of ' The Association of Friends 
 of the Church.' At Oriel, Newman and Keble came upon 
 the scene : Hurrell Froude, as well as Palmer, was a 
 connecting link between Hadleigh and Oriel. At Oriel 
 a distinct effort was made to agree upon a basis of co- 
 operation and resistance ; and with this view two papers 
 were drawn up, chiefly by Keble, which were afterwards 
 superseded by a third, the work of the Rev. W. Palmer. In 
 this last document the objects of the Association were said 
 to be twofold. It was * to maintain pure and inviolate the 
 doctrines, the services, and the discipline of the Church/ 
 and thus it was to 
 
 'withstand all change involving the denial or suppression of doctrine. 
 a departure from primitive practice in religious offices, or innovation 
 upon the Apostolical prerogatives, order, and commission of bishops, 
 priests, and deacons ; ' 
 
 and it was to afford Churchmen an opportunity of ex- 
 changing sentiments, and of co-operating on a large scale. 
 Of these meetings in Oxford one result was a series 
 of similar meetings throughout the country. Mr. Palmer 
 went as a 'deputation' to London, Winchester, and 
 Coventry, with a view to rousing clerical feeling; his 
 efforts were attended with considerable success. Another 
 result was an address to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 assuring him of the adherence of the signatories to the 
 doctrine, polity, and Prayer-book of the Church. In the 
 event this address was signed by nearly 7,000 clergy, and 
 was presented in February 1 834 to the Archbishop by an 
 influential deputation. It was followed by a second address 
 from the laity, which received 230,000 signatures, and which 
 also was presented to the Archbishop in the following 
 May. 
 
 In this work of promoting general organization and 
 addresses which might rouse and give force to Church 
 opinion, Mr. Palmer took a leading part. He made it 
 possible to place before the country and the Government 
 so imposing a declaration of adherence to the existing 
 system, teaching, and polity of the Church, as to prevent 
 any seriously revolutionary proposals. This was, in the 
 circumstances, a great gain : it procured a respite during 
 which other and more lasting work might be done. The 
 vivid apprehension and exposition of the only principles 
 by which the Church of Christ is really defensible as an 
 institution among men was the work of other and 
 deeper minds than Palmer's. Keble and Newman were 
 at this time in intimate and hearty co-operation with 
 him. But it lay in the nature of things that his idea 
 of what was required by the emergency could not, in the 
 long run, entirely coincide with theirs. In the earliest days 
 of the Association, before any public action was taken, 
 serious discussion arose as to the means by which 'the 
 tViends of the Church' should approach their fellow 
 Churchmen. Palmer, Rose, and others desired calculated 
 and combined action. Newman, on the other hand, with 
 the heartiest support of Keble and Froude, claimed personal 
 liberty. He had little faith in the laboured appeals of 
 Committees out of which all the sting had been extracted. 
 His plan was to arouse by Tracts; short, full of nerve, 
 intentionally alarming in tone, ' as a man might give notice 
 of a fire or inundation,' transparently clear in statement, 
 and setting forth the truths on which the Church rested 
 with uncompromising simplicity. This method was re- 
 jected : the Association would not own Newman's earliest 
 tracts, and Newman and his friends would not give them 
 lip. Thus the small band of Oxford ' Tractarians' diverged 
 trom the main body of those with whom they sympathized, 
 to pursue a path of their own by which, with whatever 
 losses, their common object certainly was attained. * Naked 
 statements,* as Newman afterwards said of the early 
 tracts, 'which offend the accurate and cautious, are 
 
270 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 m 
 
 necessary upon occasions to infuse seriousness into the 
 indifferent^.' 
 
 The real originators of this Oxford movement were 
 undoubtedly Keble and Newman : Pusey was not at 
 present publicly associated with them. It is however 
 difficult to say in what exact sense or proportion the 
 leadership should be assigned to each of these two men. 
 Undoubtedly to the world at large Newman, at any rate 
 at first, was the principal figure in the Revival. But it may 
 be questioned whether he did not himself derive from 
 Keble his first impulse as well as many of his underlyini,^ 
 principles. Newman himself speaks of Keble as ' the true 
 and primary author of the movement* * I compared 
 myself with Keble,' he says, ' and felt that I was merely 
 developing his, not my, convictions.' Keble was invested 
 from his Oxford days with the prestige of a very distin- 
 guished University career. He was a great scholar in 
 days when scholarship was really appreciated. His age 
 made him the natural guide and adviser of his colleagues. 
 And in him the authority of years was reinforced and 
 illuminated by an intellect, strong, patient, penetrating, 
 equitable, and still more by a character of exquisite 
 delicacy and sensitiveness which exerted an irresistible 
 fascination over all who came near it, and who had 
 any appreciation of moral beauty. Cardinal Newman has 
 expressed himself in the ' Apologia ' as follows : — 
 
 * As far as 1 know, he who turned the tide, and brought the talent 
 of the University round to the side of the old theology, and against 
 what was familiarly called " march-of-mind," was Mr. Keble. In and 
 from Keble the mental activity of Oxford took that contrary direction 
 which issued in what was called Tractarianism V 
 
 Pusey also always held that the real source of the Oxford 
 Movement was to be found in 'The Christian Year/ which 
 had been published in 1827. And this was not only Pusey'< 
 opinion. When in 1844 Newman was living at Littlemorc, 
 an incident occurred to which Pusey often referred in 
 conversation. 
 
 ' Advertisement to * Tracts for the Times,' vol. iii. p. vii. 
 =» 'Apologia,' p. 289 (ed. 1S80). 
 
 Origin of the 'Tracts'— Kehle, 271 
 
 * I was in the waiting-room,' said Pusey, ' at Littlemore with Newman, 
 and some one came in and said that a certain book had been burnt, 
 not publicly, but as the "fons et origo mali." What was it? While 
 I was pondering, Newman at once answered, " The Christian Year, 
 I suppose." ' 
 
 The instinct at any rate of the opponents of Tractarianism 
 to distrust the widespread influence of the ' Christian Year' 
 was true ; for independently of its spiritual elevation, it 
 prepared the way for the Movement by the emphasis which 
 it laid upon the Sacramental principle, and upon the deeper 
 meaning of Holy Scripture. Still, more than this was 
 needed. It was essential that men's minds should be 
 roused to a sense of the Church's danger and of their own 
 duty, if any efifort was to be made serious and systematic 
 enough to influence the convictions of the great mass of 
 Church people, and to modify the course of events. And 
 this too was mainly the work of Mr. Keble, through his 
 memorable sermon on National Apostasy, preached \n 
 Oxford on July 14, 1833. ' I have,' says Cardinal Newman, 
 'ever considered and kept the day as the start of the 
 religious movement of 1 833.' 
 
 The fact is that Keble, unlike Newman, had been a High 
 Churchman all his life. His powerfully constructive mind 
 grasped from the beginning the strength of the Anglican 
 position as opposed to Protestantism and Rationalism, as 
 well as to the yet unappreciated power of Romanism. He 
 saw, as he stated in one of the earliest tracts, that the 
 Apostolical Succession was the essential bond, recognized by 
 sixteenth and seventeenth century divines, associating the 
 English Church through Reformation and Papal dominion 
 with that Primitive Catholicism in which Anglicans laid 
 their foundations and to which they had always appealed. 
 He was never conscious of being an innovator. And with 
 this firmness of conviction and principle he was able, in 
 spite of his retiring disposition, not only to strike heavy 
 blows in controversy, but on occasion to h*ead protests 
 and even agitations. 
 
 In the first moments, however, of the Revival, some gifts 
 differing from these were required to stir the minds of 
 
 'V 
 
I* 
 
 272 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 
 
 :«: 
 
 fl 
 
 Churchmen in general, and to lift them to a higher plane of 
 thought and action. The needed qualities were contributed 
 by Newman. With an unrivalled command of logic and 
 pathos, he combined a singularly subtle beauty of style; and 
 this combination caused his writings to bring home to his 
 contemporaries the realities of spiritual things never before 
 appreciated. The Parochial Sermons at St. Mary's struck 
 a note which seemed new when it sounded first, and which, 
 even yet, has not ceased to vibrate. And the majority 
 of the Tracts, the earliest, and the most important, were the 
 work of Newman. It was his power of speech and writing, 
 combined with his enthusiasm, practical energy, and at- 
 tractive personality, which could alone supply the necessary 
 impetus at the start. 
 
 Pusey, as has been said, came into the Movement, not 
 at the outset, but when it had been already created and 
 shaped by others. He had indeed been dealing with some 
 of the evils which called it into existence, in his own way 
 and according to his opportunities. Even in his book on 
 German Theology he had opposed Mr. Rose, not for his 
 defence of orthodoxy, but as being a champion who might, 
 as he thought, damage their common cause by mistaking 
 at least some friends for foes. In his work on Cathedral 
 Institutions he had endeavoured to arrest the assaults on 
 the outer fabric of the Church by proposing an improved 
 use of an important part of her endowments. In private 
 he had been labouring for the same ends ; but when the 
 Tractarian movement began he did not join it. He was not 
 invited to Hadleigh, nor to the meetings at Oriel. 
 
 ' As yet,' says Palmer, ' we knew nothing of Pusey : he was supposed 
 to be favourable to the Innovating party : did not join the Association ; 
 and only became connected with the cause when Newman had taken 
 the place of leader, and the movement had become Tractarian ^' 
 
 He undoubtedly felt the gravity of the crisis ; it was 
 
 ^ Palmer's * Narrative,' p. 50 (ed. 
 1883). In this representation there 
 appear to be two mistakes. Although 
 not a member of the Association of 
 Friends of the Church, Pusey exerted 
 him; elf to circulate its address. And 
 
 the movement had become Tractarian 
 by the publication of some twenty-five 
 of the ' Tracts for the Times ' before 
 the two addresses of the Association 
 were presented to the Primate in the 
 spring of 1834. 
 
 Newman —Pusey, 21'x 
 
 early in 1833 that he wrote to Mr. Gladstone, who had just 
 left Christ Church and entered Parliament, with reference 
 to the debate on the Irish Church Temporalities Bill, 
 'The appearances of things are very formidable, if a 
 Christian might fear.' It is, however, characteristic of his 
 mind at this moment, that his objection to the manner in 
 which it was proposed to deal with the Church was that 
 'the Irish sees might at all events render much aid to 
 Episcopal government 1.' Still, though he had not joined 
 the Movement he very soon began to circulate the Tracts, 
 the first of which was published on September 9, 1833 ; in 
 November he signed the address to the Archbishop ;' on 
 December 21st, Tract No. 18 was issued with his initials. 
 
 Cardinal Newman thus describes the importance of 
 Pusey 's adhesion to the Movement : — 
 
 ' I had known him well, . . and felt for him an enthusiastic admiration. 
 I used to call him " 6 ^eyas/* 
 
 ' His great learning, his immense diligence, his scholarlike mind, his 
 simple devotion to the cause of religion, overcame me ; and great 
 of course was my joy, when in the last days of 1833 he showed a 
 disposition to make common cause with us 
 
 ' He at once gave to us a position and a name. Without him we 
 should have had little chance, especially at the early date of 1834, 
 of makmg any serious resistance to the Liberal aggression. But 
 Dr. Pusey was a Professor and Canon of Christ Church ; he had a vast 
 influence m consequence of his deep religious seriousness, the munifi- 
 cence of his charities, his Professorship, his family connexions, and 
 his easy relations with University authorities. He was to the move- 
 nient all that Mr. Rose might have been, with that indispensable 
 addition, which was wanting to Mr. Rose, the intimate friendship and 
 the familiar daily society of the persons who had commenced it. And 
 he had that special claim on their attachment which lies in the living 
 
 presence of a faithful and loyal affectionateness 
 
 'Dr. Pusey was, to use the common expression, a host in himself; 
 he was able to give a name, a form, and a personality, to what was 
 without him a sort of mob ; and when various parties had to meet 
 together in order to resist the liberal acts of the Government, we of the 
 
 movement took our place by right among them 
 
 ;He was a man of large designs; he had a hopeful, sanguine 
 mind; he had no fear of others; he was haunted by no intellectual 
 perplexities '.* 
 
 VOL. L 
 
 * E. B. P. to V^. E. Gladstone, Esq., Feb. 15, 1833. 
 " Apologia (ed. 1880), pp. 61, 62. 
 
274 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 In the sequel it appeared that Pusey was something more 
 than is conveyed even by these words of his generous 
 and affectionate friend. When that friend was no longer 
 able to retain the great place to which his character and 
 his genius alike pointed, it was the special gifts of Pusey, 
 and his unfaltering confidence in the Divine mission of 
 the English Church, supported of course throughout by the 
 sympathy and strength of Keble, which, at a supremely 
 critical moment, saved their common work from utter dis- 
 solution. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE EARLY TRACTS—PUSEY^S FIRST TRACT, ON FASTING 
 — ARNOLD'S CRITICISMS — ILLNESS — CONTROVERSY 
 ABOUT SUBSCRIPTION— THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON 
 CHANCELLOR— PROPOSED HEBREW NEW TESTAMENT. 
 
 1833-1834. 
 
 During the early part of the eventful Long Vacation 
 of 1833, Pusey was chiefly at Christ Church, and mainly 
 occupied with the Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts. He 
 spent a great deal of time in selecting and superintending 
 the beautiful specimens of Arabic lithography which form 
 the first nine pages of the great work. The printers at 
 the Clarendon Press made unusual demands on him when 
 correcting the proofs, and he found the work at times 
 very wearying. «As week after week disappears,' he 
 wrote, ' the sheets of the Catalogue advance ; and so, I 
 suppose, I am nearer the end. Yet I do so little that 
 I marvel how in Term time I do anything.' Twelve 
 days later he hopes that the Catalogue ' will have made 
 good progress before we meet.' ' Would,' he adds, * I could 
 hope that it will be altogether printed by Christmas ; but 
 land seems nearer.* 
 
 He spent the latter part of the vacation, from August 
 3rd to October i6th, at Holton Park, near Wheatley, with 
 his wife and children, on a visit to his mother. Lady Lucy 
 Pusey, who had taken the place on a lease. The old 
 moated manor-house had been the headquarters of Fairfax 
 during the siege of Oxford in 1646, and the scene of 
 the marriage of Bridget, daughter of Oliver Cromwell, to 
 Fairfax's Commissary-General, Henry Ireton, on the 15th 
 of June in that year. But this historic house had been 
 pulled down and replaced by the more modern edifice 
 
 T 7, 
 
W; 
 
 276 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Tracts for the Times, 
 
 277 
 
 which still exists. Pusey was very fond of the place : he 
 preached frequently in the little parish church ; and in 
 particular on September 29th in this year, on the Ministry 
 of Angels. But he did not relax his literary work. Every 
 morning in the week he rode into Oxford, reaching the 
 Bodleian Library at nine o'clock, and working there until 
 it closed, when he rode out again to Holton. Late in 
 life he would often refer to these early morning rides, in 
 which the fresh air of ' Shotover made it so easy to praise 
 Almighty God,' as one of the happy memories of his 
 earlier years. 
 
 The laborious monotony — not that he thought it such — 
 of his life was interrupted by one or more short visits 
 to friends. Towards the end of the vacation, while on 
 a visit at Longford Castle, Pusey preached, on behalf of the 
 Salisbury Infirmary, a sermon of which one of the best 
 laymen in Salisbury, Mr. Hussey, used to say, that he 
 * never heard anything like it : all later sermons on the 
 subject seemed by comparison shallow and pointless.' The 
 point mainly insisted on is the value of self-denial, not 
 only with a view to works of mercy, but as an instru- 
 ment of moral and spiritual improvement : it is the first 
 expression of the line of thought which is the main feature 
 of Pusey's first contribution to the ' Tracts for the Times.' 
 
 Pusey had been in Oxford when incidents occurred 
 which have already become historical, but of the full 
 importance of which neither those who took part in them, 
 nor those who witnessed them, were as yet conscious. 
 Newman returned from his Mediterranean tour on July 9th. 
 On the following Sunday, July 14th, Keble preached that 
 Assize sermon on National Apostasy which Newman held 
 to be *the start of the religious movement of 1833.' It is 
 possible that Pusey heard this sermon ; but no record of 
 his sense of the importance of this manifesto survives. The 
 copy of the published sermon which was sent him *from 
 the author' is still uncut. Though he was not as yet 
 definitely and consciously associated with Newman and 
 Keble in any distinct theological enterprise, still Pusey seems 
 
 to have been in some degree connected with the Movement 
 from the first, so far as it was a movement in Oxford. If 
 Mr. Rose did not invite him to the Hadleigh meeting, this 
 omission may be accounted for by their earlier relation 
 to each other. But as soon as the ' Tracts for the Times ' 
 appeared, Pusey, as has been said, interested himself in 
 their circulation. 
 
 Of this remarkable series of publications the beginnings 
 
 were sufficiently humble. 'A tract,' wrote Newman to 
 
 Perceval, * would be long enough if it filled four octavo 
 
 pages.* Again, *We hope to publish tracts for hawkers' 
 
 baskets in time. Are you disposed to draw up a series 
 
 of translations from Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History? Or 
 
 what do you think of such a measure ? I mean for instance 
 
 the account of St. John and the robber, whom he had had 
 
 baptized in youth, the martyrs of Lyons, the account of the 
 
 persecution at Alexandria given by Dionysius, &c. These 
 
 diVt popular in their nature, and to ih^ people we must come.' 
 
 The first Tracts are dated at the beginning of September. 
 
 They were generally short, several keeping well within 
 
 the suggested limit of four pages; and they were chiefly 
 
 concerned with the constitution, ordinances, and services 
 
 of the Church. Their first object was to restore and 
 
 strengthen faith in those portions of the Divine Will which 
 
 relate to the nature and organization of the Body of Christ, 
 
 and which had been denied or forgotten by the popular 
 
 religionism of the day. Of the first seventeen Tracts, nine 
 
 were in part or altogether written by Newman, and they 
 
 all deal with subjects belonging to this great truths Of 
 
 the remaining eight, John Keble had contributed two^ — 
 
 one on the Apostolic Succession, and one on the Sunday 
 
 Lessons ; his brother, Thomas Keble ^, Hurrell Froude *, 
 
 J. W. Bowden^ and Alfred Menzies^, both of Trinity 
 
 College, and B. Harrison, Student of Christ Church"^, 
 
 furnished the remainder. The last three writers were still 
 
 * Tracts I, 3, 3, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 15. The last was partly written by Mr. 
 (afterwards Sir W.) Palmer. 
 
 =* Tracts 4 and 13. ' Tract 12. • Tract 9. 
 
 * Tract 5. • Tract 14. ' Tracts 16 and 17. 
 
278 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Pusey's first Tract 
 
 279 
 
 If 
 
 ■-C 
 
 I .1 
 
 
 ■ 4. 
 
 very young men. Three of the Tracts are explanations of, 
 or comments upon, Church Lessons or Church Services ^ ; 
 but these topics are chiefly discussed in view either of 
 threatened alterations in or existing neglect of the Church's 
 system and order. Newman's own account of this first set 
 of Tracts is given in the following extract from a letter to 
 Perceval, written on July 20, 1 834 : — 
 
 *As to the first tracts, every one has his own taste. You object 
 to some things, another to others— if we altered to please every 
 one the effect would be spoiled. They were not intended as symbols 
 ex cathedrd,— but as the expressions of individual minds; — and 
 individuals, feeling strong, while on the one hand they are inci- 
 dentally faulty in mode or language, are still peculiarly effective. 
 No great work was done by a system— whereas systems rise out of 
 individual exertions. Luther was an individual. The very faults of 
 an individual excite attention— he loses, but his cause (if good, and 
 he powerful-minded) gains— this is the way of things, we promote 
 truth by a self-sacrifice. There are many things in Keble's tract 
 on * Adherence to the Apostolical Succession' which I could have 
 wished said otherwise for one reason or other— but the whole was 
 to my mind admirable, most persuasive and striking. So that a man 
 corrects carefully upon his own standard, we must allow him his 
 own standard. A critic must not attempt to mend a poem, or a con- 
 noisseur a painting. This is my apology for some of my tracts— 
 as for others I plead the Spectator's " If I am at any time particularly 
 dull, consider I have a reason for it." The pruning-hook would perhaps 
 have removed some tracts altogether— but they are parts of a whole.' 
 
 With the general drift of the earlier Tracts, Pusey was 
 in full sympathy. Thus he writes to his brother William 
 on an early criticism of the Tracts which appeared in the 
 Christian Observer : — 
 
 * It has wholly mistaken the object of the so-called Oxford Tracts, 
 which are directed wholly to things spiritual, and concern themselves 
 not at all with anything which can be called the temporals of the 
 Church. ... I expect that there will be much resistance, and much 
 obloquy, because the views of this age are eminently compromising, 
 rationalist, and low ; self-extolling and impatient of authority. People, 
 in consequence, cannot even understand right views of the Sacraments 
 or the commission of the clergy.' 
 
 At first, indeed, he had formed a less favourable judg- 
 ment. Referring to the early Tracts, he said in later life that 
 
 * Tracts 13, 14, and 16. 
 
 * those on the Apostolic Succession produced a great effect. I thought 
 the subject dry, and not likely to interest people, but it was not so. 
 The claim had been so entirely forgotten as to be practically new. 
 One person, a dissenter in the Isle of Wight, said that she must go to 
 church to see these successors of the Apostles. She went and re- 
 mained. On the other hand the claim made people angry. They felt 
 its force.' 
 
 Pusey himself only contributed seven Tracts to the entire 
 series of ninety \ Of these the first was on Fasting. The 
 subject had been much in his thoughts for some time. 
 On its appearance he wrote to his brother : — 
 
 * You will recognize it by the initials if not by the style. My object 
 was to induce others to think on what I had thought on myself, or 
 rather, since I had come to a result by long and careful thinking, and 
 that, in conformity with the admonitions of our Church, I thought it 
 my duty to state it. I feel some hope that, by God's blessing, it may 
 have some tendency to promote a more humble, submissive, acquiescing 
 frame of mind towards God, in these days of tumult, self-confidence, 
 and excitement.' 
 
 An interesting account of the occasion of the Tract is 
 given by Isaac Williams in his 'Autobiography*: — 
 
 * Pusey's presence always checked Newman's lighter and unrestrained 
 mood ; and I was myself silenced by so awful a person. Yet I always 
 found in him something most congenial to myself ; a nameless some- 
 thing which was wanting even in Newman, and I might perhaps add 
 even in Keble himself. But Pusey was at this time not one of us, and 
 1 have some recollection of a conversation which was the occasion of his 
 joining us. He said, smiling to Newman, wrapping his gown round 
 him as he used to do, " I think you are too hard on the Peculiars, as 
 you call them. You should conciliate them ; I am thinking of writing 
 a letter myself with that purpose." " Well ! " said Newman, " suppose 
 you let us have it for one of the Tracts!" "Oh, no," said Pusey, "1 will 
 not be one of you ! " This was said in a playful manner ; and before 
 we parted Newman said, " Suppose you let us have that letter of yours 
 which you intend writing, and attach your name or signature to it. You 
 would then not be mixed up with us, nor in any way responsible for 
 the Tracts ! " ** Well," Pusey said at last, " if you will let me do that, 
 I will." It was this circumstance of Pusey attaching his initials to 
 that tract, which furnished the Record and the Low Church party with 
 his name, which they at once attached to us all V 
 
 » Tracts 18, 66, 67, 68, 69, 77, 81. 
 
 ' 'Autobiography of Isaac Williams,' pp 70-73. 
 
 11 
 
 • 
 
 il 
 
t 
 
 m t 
 
 41 
 
 280 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The value of Pusey's assistance and of the Tract itself 
 was immediately recognized by Newman. He wrote to 
 Froude on December 1,5: *T. Keble, Harrison, Menzies, 
 Perceval, and a more important friend who at present is 
 nameless [N.B. this meant Pusey], have written for us.' 
 And four days later, he says to Rogers : ' I have a most 
 admirable Tract from Pusey, but his name must not yet be 
 mentioned \* 
 
 The Tract is dated St. Thomas' Day, 1833, and does 
 
 not appear to have been in circulation before the beginning 
 
 of January. It is longer than any of its predecessors ; 
 
 partly because the writer could not easily express himself 
 
 otherwise than at length, but partly also because it covers 
 
 more ground, and more nearly exchanges the character of 
 
 a fugitive composition for that of a theological treatise. 
 
 It assumes, as not requiring proof, the duty of fasting 
 
 on the part of Christians : as Pusey used to say, our Lord 
 
 has settled that point for us in the Sermon on the Mount. 
 
 But at the time of its appearance this feature of the Tract 
 
 was made the ground of unfavourable criticism ; and in 
 
 fact Newman wrote a later Tract to supply the presumed 
 
 deficiency \ On the appearance of this ' younger brother ' 
 
 to his own work, to use Pusey's own phrase, he wrote to 
 
 Newman : — 
 
 *Jan. 19, 1834. 
 ' I was not prepared for people questioning, even in the abstract, the 
 duty of fasting ; I thought serious-minded persons at least supposed 
 they practised fasting in some way or other. I assumed the duty to 
 be acknowledged, and thought it only undervalued.' 
 
 In this, his first Tract for the Times, Pusey places himself 
 m the position of a person unaccustomed to ' observe any 
 .stated fasts,' and who finds in the rules laid down by the 
 Prayer-book on the subject the double character of practical 
 wisdom, and a burdensomeness inconsistent with Christian 
 liberty. The reasonableness of this last apprehension must, 
 he says, be settled by experience : he will give his own. 
 
 denc^'T^n '^""'^'^^^"''P''"' .' ^'*'* ^"- " '' ' Mortification of 
 dence, 11. 8, 9. the Flesh a Scripture duty.' 
 
 Trad on Fasting. 281 
 
 Fasting at times enjoined by the Church is a protection 
 against the slothful and worldly habits of life which are 
 so agreeable to our natural selfishness. He compares 
 this moral advantage of regularity in fasting with that 
 of regularity in Church attendance and in reading the 
 daily lessons ordered by the Church. Fasting, again, 
 is closely connected with retirement and prayer, which 
 are so necessary for ' real insight into the recesses' of our 
 nature, or for deep aspirations after God.' It thus enables 
 us to resist the dissipating effect of an age of incessant 
 activity; while it also suggests and makes easy the 
 practice of a more self-denying extensive charity than 
 is usual with modern Christians. Once more, fasting is 
 a witness to the reality of spiritual things: * he who 
 suffers hardship for an unseen reward at least gives 
 evidence to the world of the sincerity and rootedness of 
 his own conviction.' The Friday abstinence has a special 
 value, as impressing upon the mind, week by week, the 
 memory of our Saviour's sufferings. Of Lent, the Ember- 
 days, and the Vigils, he says much less; the restoration 
 of the Friday observance being at the moment the most 
 practical object. 
 
 It is impossible to read this tract without being pro- 
 foundly impressed with the reality of the writer— of his 
 religious convictions and life as the mainspring and warrant 
 of his teaching. Indeed, this tract differs from its pre- 
 decessors in the degree of emphasis which it lays on 
 personal and experimental considerations. The earlier 
 Tracts had insisted largely, and indeed necessarily, on the 
 authority of the Church as a providential fact which, of 
 itself, ought to govern the life of the soul. Pusey too 
 recommends the rule of the Church, but less on grounds 
 of authority than of experimental conviction. It is 
 noticeable too that in this Tract he quotes both Richard 
 Cecil and Goethe, names which do not suggest the ten- 
 dencies or the truths upon which the Tract-writers were 
 generally insisting ; and in some of his sentences we may 
 still feel the influence of Arndt, and even Spener. 
 
 liiii-. 
 
 
 
 '^!il 
 
 I 
 
282 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Dr, Arnold on Pusey' s Tract. 
 
 283 
 
 Pusey sent copies of the Tract to his friends; it was 
 variously acknowledged. The aged scholar, Bishop Burgess 
 of Salisbury, welcomed it as ' a very interesting paper.* * It 
 has been read to me,' he added, * and I heard it certainly 
 with great pleasure, concurring most cordially with its 
 sentiments.* 
 
 Arnold, of course, looking at the subject from another 
 point of view, wrote very differently; but he evidently had 
 still a more cordial feeling for Pusey than for Newman, 
 and even than for his old friend Keble ^ Pusey was only 
 in alliance with deadly error ; the others were its prophets. 
 The writer's estimate of the value of the ancient Church is 
 not more correct than his prediction of the results of the 
 movement that was going on at Oxford : and the whole letter 
 prepares us for the bitter animosity of his later article on 
 those ' Oxford Malignants ' whom he found constantly in 
 the way of his own revolutionary methods. 
 
 Dr. Arnold to E. B. P. 
 
 -- _ Rugby, February 18, 1 834. 
 
 My dear Pusey, ^ " / » jf 
 
 I consider it very kind in you to send me the little tract which 
 I received through Barker. It is very delightful to me to receive such 
 a mark of your remembrance, and it would give me great pleasure to 
 see you again either here or in Oxford. I am sure that there must be 
 many points of unison still between us, without ascending to the highest 
 of all : though by the form in which your tract appears 1 fear you are 
 lending your co-operation to a party second to none in the tendency 
 of their principles to overthrow the truth of the Gospel. Your own 
 tract is perfectly free from their intolerance as well as from their 
 folly : yet I cannot sympathize with its object, which has always 
 appeared to me to belong to the Antiquarianism of Christianity,— not 
 to its profitable history. . . . The admiration of Christian Antiquity 
 seems to me to be the natural parent * of Puritanism, which calls all 
 that is ancient Popery. The history and writings of the early ages of 
 the Church have their use,— but it is an indirect not a direct one,— 
 like the use of some of the historical parts of the Old Testament ; 
 that is, it will not furnish examples or precedents to be applied in the 
 lump to present things : but it is a part of the great view of human 
 and Christian nature, most rich in wisdom, like tfie individual experi- 
 
 * Cf. Stanley's *Life of Arnold,' i. 313 : letter to Hawkins. 
 ' L e. by the reaction which it produces. 
 
 ence of common life, to those who can draw the true conclusion from 
 its manifold premisses,— but as a source for direct reference to common 
 persons, often dangerous. I stand amazed at some apparent efforts in 
 this Protestant Church to set up the idol of Tradition : that is, to render 
 Gibbon's conclusion against Christianity valid, by taking like him the 
 Fathers and the second and subsequent periods of the Christian 
 History as a fair specimen of the Apostles and of the true doctrines 
 of Christ. But Ignatius will far sooner sink the authority of St. Paul 
 and St. John than they communicate any portion of theirs to him. 
 
 The system pursued in Oxford seems to be leading to a revival 
 of the Nonjurors, a party far too mischievous and too foolish ever to 
 be revived with success. But it may be revived enough to do harm, — 
 to cause the ruin of the Church of England first, — and so far as human 
 folly and corruption can, to obstruct the progress of the Church of 
 Christ. And it does grieve me to see any whom I respect and regard 
 connecting themselves in anyway with such a party — the more so that 
 they can never really be united with it ; for every man who has sense 
 and honesty enough to love Truth and to follow it for its own sake, will 
 always be really hateful to the fanatical and superstitious, however 
 they may be glad for a time to raise themselves on his shoulders. 
 
 Forgive this long dissertation, but your kindness in sending me your 
 tract encouraged me to deliver my testimony, and I look to you as 
 possessing qualifications too rare in England, the learning and inde- 
 pendence of the Germans together with that spirit without which 
 learning is nought. 
 
 Ever believe me, very sincerely yours, 
 
 T. Arnold. 
 
 It was not likely that Pusey would be influenced by such 
 criticisms. He returned to the subject of this first Tract 
 after the interval of a year and a half. A letter, signed 
 *Clericus,' appeared in the British Magazifie^j in which 
 several questions were asked in connexion with the subject 
 of Pusey's Tract. Some of these questions were certainly 
 practical, arising naturally out of a serious effort to live 
 according to the rule of the Prayer-book. Pusey felt that 
 they deserved an answer. It appeared, first of all in the 
 shape of a letter to the British Magazine 2, and shortly after 
 in an enlarged form as Tract 66. As Tract 18 deals with the 
 principle of fasting according to the Church's rule, Tract 66 
 discusses, in a very practical and moderate spirit, the details 
 
 * Briiish Magazine ^ April, 1835. 
 
 * Ibid., May, 1835. 
 
284 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of the duty. It is impossible, Pusey pointed out, to treat 
 the Wednesday fast as obh'gatory in the English Church; 
 it might be, for private persons, on occasion, edifying. 
 Fasts and feasts may be observed on the same day ; the 
 one by the body, the other by the spirit. Rogation days 
 were of value as preparing for the great festival of the 
 Ascension. Publicity in respect of fasting, as savouring of 
 ostentation, was condemned by our Lord : but it was neces- 
 sary at times to own His claims in this as in other ways, 
 although it might not always be possible to decline the 
 invitation of an elderly clergyman to dinner, and there 
 need be nothing in the intercourse of an invitation dinner 
 inconsistent with the abstemiousness of a fast-day. The 
 other points raised are discussed in the same spirit ; and the 
 Tract closes with a review of some prevailing prejudices 
 against fasting, which shows that these prejudices, when 
 thrown into a logical form, go much further than persons 
 entertaining them would desire. In this way he disposes 
 of the objections that fasting is not explicitly enjoined in 
 the New Testament, that it is ' legal,' and that it is ' Popish.' 
 Such a treatment of the subject was a symptom of a growing 
 sense of the logical demands of Church principles. 
 
 In spite of the fact that Pusey considered himself at this 
 moment independent of the other Tract writers, it is clear 
 that Newman was already convinced that his sympathies 
 were entirely with them. The appearance of the first 
 volume of Newman's * Parochial Sermons,' in March, 1834, 
 constituted an epoch in the Movement ; and that volume 
 was dedicated to Pusey, ' in affectionate acknowledgment 
 of the blessing of his long friendship and example.' The 
 original dedication had been much more eulogistic, but, 
 before publishing anything, Newman submitted it to Pusey, 
 who returned it, altered, with the subjoined note :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Early in 1834.] 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 To the grammar of the enclosed I have nothing to say ; but 
 I hope that you will approve of the alteration which I have made in the 
 
 Thoughts on Church Questions. 
 
 285 
 
 matter. I have allowed more to stand than I am entitled to ; for 
 I have been learning, and trust, if it please God, all my life to learn of 
 you (for through you I have learnt of our common Master), and I know 
 not what you can have learnt of me. However since you have written 
 it. it must have been so, and God must have taught you something 
 through me : I hope He may realize it in me. Still I prefer what 
 I have written ; it implies sufficiently what you wished to convey, with- 
 out appearing to ascribe a superiority to me, which would be painful. 
 1 thank you heartily for this and all your other friendship. . . . 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 A letter to his friend Jelf early in 1834 shows with what 
 keen interest and clear apprehension of principles he was 
 watching the anxious position of the Church : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Rev. R. W. Jelf. 
 
 Ch. Ch., Feb. 16, 1834. 
 
 Vou will probably have thought the speech put into the King's 
 inouth very trimming and contrived to leave ministers at full liberty 
 to feel their way and shape their course accordingly. Such, from 
 private accounts, appears to have been the case. Lord Bexley 
 writes, * I have some reason to believe that the Government, alarmed 
 on the one side by the apparent rallying of the friends of the Church, 
 and on the other, by the undisguised violence of some of the Dis- 
 senters, have for the present postponed their plan of Church reform, 
 and mean to feel the pulse of Parliament, before anything is proposed, 
 except some measure for the commutation of tithes.' Another account 
 says that Lord Grey told the Dean of Chichester, Dr. Chandler, *that 
 the Dissenters had humbugged him ; that they told him that they 
 wanted the reformation of the Church, and that he found that they 
 wanted its destruction.* Strange that any one should have kept his 
 eyes so long closed, or with so many indications for some time past of 
 the real objects of the Dissenters, should have thought that their only 
 motive was the wish for the purity of a church to which they did not 
 belong. But although one is glad that their eyes are opened, and is 
 ver>' thankful for this respite, one can have but little hope from 
 politicians who know so little either of the Church's needs or of the 
 mode of relieving them. We may however thank God that we have 
 been for a while at least rescued from the destruction which seemed 
 to hang over us : a strong expression of love for the Church has been 
 called forth by the violence of her enemies ; a great union of parties 
 among the clergy ; numbers have withdrawn from the religious 
 societies in which they used to act with Dissenters ; and now that the 
 liranch for Foreign Bibles is being formed within the Christian Know- 
 ledge Society, I trust that this occasion of confounding Churchmen 
 
286 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Illness, 
 
 287 
 
 with Dissenters and disuniting the Church will be removed. There 
 is a magnificent opening if, by God's mercy, there be temperance, 
 prudence, humility, earnestness, self-command ; but 1 have great fears 
 (as perhaps I have expressed) lest our union be but apparent only, and 
 those who have joined together against innovation from without, may 
 separate if the question come what shall the Church herself do. 
 Girdlestone, I regret, has committed himself by a very injudicious 
 pamphlet on the comprehension of the Dissenters. He proposes 
 alterations of things in themselves (i) advisable abstractedly, (2) in- 
 different, (3) such as we think better, but would give up for union. 
 Among the first he places diminution of translations of Bishops, &c. 
 (which I think it not becoming in Presbyters to discuss), the revision 
 of some few passages in our Articles, in those especially (!) which 
 concern the State, the omission of the Apocrypha and of the Athanasian 
 Creed. I have given you the bad only. If ever the question of the 
 Athanasian Creed came to be really agitated, I should now do what I 
 might be enabled towards its retention ; for whatever might have been 
 the case at the Reformation (and I suppose it was even then necessary) 
 it could not, I think, now be given up without great danger of our 
 becoming gradually a Socinian and ultimately a rationalizing Church. 
 Although I should abstractedly have expressed the warning clauses 
 otherwise, I do not think now that they could [be] omitted, probably 
 scarcely altered, without giving countenance to the miserable in- 
 differentism of the day, and creating in the minds of those who lean on 
 the Church's judgement a doubt as to the degree of importance which 
 she attaches to' a right unspeculating faith in the Blessed Trinity. The 
 object of G.'s pamphlet is good : he is in a mining district, surrounded 
 by Dissenters, who have taken up the ground which the Church in the 
 days of her supineness left waste — in the midst of people who, but for 
 the Dissenters, would never have heard the name of their Redeemer ; 
 and now he has the painful task of telling these persons that they are 
 acting wrongly if they keep separate from the Church. I hope yet 
 some means may be devised by which the Wesleyans at least may be 
 reunited to the Church. ^ 
 
 Burton has also just published a pamphlet, in which he gives up 
 Church Rates (which in my mind is giving up an established Church), 
 but in which [he] speaks out very honestly and boldly against the 
 system of Dissenters, R. C.'s, &c., legislating for our Church, or 
 determining, as in the Irish Bill, the number of our Bishops. 
 
 I wish I could write more, but even this I have written at the 
 interval of some days (my head being too tired to finish it by return of 
 post), and I am now too fatigued to go on. Dr. W. talks of our going 
 to the sea next week, and I hope that we shall both return strong 
 against next term. 
 
 Lord Grey said that he had no idea that the attachment to the 
 Church was so strong. The lay Declaration is being very well 
 signed. 
 
 Pusey's health was in fact again breaking down through 
 the labour involved in the construction of the Arabic Cata- 
 logue. He was far from well when the Michaelmas Term of 
 1^33 opened. 'Edward,' wrote Mrs. Pusey, 'would be in 
 a bad plight, even were it the end of term instead of the be- 
 ginning.' His lectures, however, began on October 24th, 
 and, with the intermission of a week, he was able to deliver 
 them regularly until his pupils went down. At Holton Park, 
 however, where he spent Christmas with his mother, matters 
 became more serious. He returned to Oxford on January 
 1 8th, and was to have preached at Christ Church on the 
 19th. He was unequal to the duty; his sermon was read 
 for him by Archdeacon Clerke. It was, perhaps, inevit- 
 able that the Provost of Oriel, who had just been reading 
 Pusey's Tract, should observe that Pusey ' must have been 
 fasting too much.' 
 
 In the following week, he was peremptorily forbidden to 
 lecture ; and the prohibition was soon extended to the whole 
 Term. His cough, which was sometimes violent, was the 
 chief symptom of ill health. He was compelled to remain 
 upstairs, and to refuse to see even Newman. He himself 
 made light of the cough ; it was ' of very little discomfort, 
 except that it interferes with lecturing.' Ill as he really 
 was, he nevertheless seems to have been busily occupied 
 up to the day of his leaving for the Isle of Wight. He 
 worked on steadily at the Arabic Catalogue. He saw 
 no one, and read only a weekly newspaper ; he thus had 
 plenty of time at his disposal. He projected a 'tract 
 on not keeping company with notorious sinners ' ; but had 
 been too unwell to set about it. The day before leaving 
 Oxford he wrote to Newman : — ^p^^ ^g 
 
 * I wished much to talk to you about many things, specially about 
 the Sacrament of Baptism. Men need to be taught that it is a sacra- 
 ment, and that a sacrament is not merely an outward badge of a 
 Christian man's profession. And all union must I think be hollow 
 which does not involve agreement in principles at least as to the 
 Sacraments. Great good also would be done by showing the true 
 doctrine of Baptism in its warmth and life : whereas the Low Church 
 think it essentially cold. Could not this be done, avoiding all technical 
 
288 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 terms ? I know nothing or little as to the reception such a tract would 
 meet with, but you have to decide whether holding back is Christian 
 prudence or compromise.* 
 
 Here, clearly, we have the germ of the famous Tracts on 
 Holy Baptism. 
 
 On February 25th, Dr. Wootten sent him to the Isle of 
 Wight, where he remained until the middle of April. They 
 first settled at Ventnor. *But/ writes Mrs. Pusey, 'the 
 distance from churches, and the difficulty of getting seats, 
 induced us to emigrate.' They exchanged the no^se and 
 publicity of the small lodgings at Ventnor for a ' retired 
 house, with five acres of pleasure ground,' belonging to 
 Mr. Johnson, near Niton. The day was chiefly spent in 
 the open air : Pusey delighting in the sea breezes, and his 
 wife reading Silvio Pellico to herself, and Bonwell's life to 
 him,— 'not very admirable, perhaps, as a piece of bio- 
 graphy, but his meditations and prayers are strikingly 
 good.' 
 
 Pusey, to the end of his life, delighted in the presence of 
 God, manifested in nature : the sea shore, the Malvern hills, 
 the pines of Ascot, were all for him full of spiritual as well 
 as physical enjoyment. 
 
 He describes his rest in the Isle of Wight to Mr. Benjamin 
 Harrison, mentioned above, afterwards Archdeacon of Maid- 
 stone, who was at the time giving lectures for him in 
 Elementary Hebrew, in a letter which also displays his 
 early interest in the Easten| Church \— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Hotel Anglesea, near Gosport, April 8, 1834. 
 
 ... We have been passing our time in most delightful seclusion 
 at Ventnor, and near Niton in the S. of the Isle of Wight, scarcely 
 hearing an echo, every now and then, of what is going on in the world. 
 And it is to me far more satisfactory, to hear at once on a large scale 
 what is going on or meditated, instead of the daily irritating process of 
 
 hearing sentiments, projects, theories, all more or less unchristian 
 
 It is delightful to be freed from the daily vexation of hearing all the ill 
 which is meditated, and to be able to contemplate at a distance, what 
 God seems to purpose, amid all the raging of the heathen or the vain 
 
 Thoughts in Sickness, 
 
 289 
 
 imaginations of the peoples. To me the apparent progress of Russia is 
 a source of great delight : not that I have much hopes from an in- 
 dividual who prints the Koran for his Mohammedan subjects. He 
 doubtless, in his heart, * thinketh not so,* and I suppose is pursuing a 
 course of mere human aggrandisement, but in the present dissolved 
 and unenergetic state of civilized Europe, or energetic only about 
 selfish and petty ends, or self-idolatry, I cannot but trust that the 
 semi-barbarian power of Russia will render the same service in 
 renovating our exhausted powers and spurious civilization, which the 
 Goths did of old. Perhaps it may please God, that the Greek, includ- 
 ing the Russian, Church may be purified by its contact with the 
 Reformed Churches of the West, and that ours may recover some of 
 its primitive power. 
 
 During his holiday Pusey had time to read those earlier 
 publications of Newman which have for many years been 
 classics. His remarks about them will be read with interest. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Friday evening. 
 My dear Newman, Anglesea Villa, Gosport, April 1 1, 1834. 
 
 I have delayed writing, at first because I had nothing decided 
 to say of myself; then, in expectation of your Sermons ; and lastly, 
 until 1 should have read them : and now I expect to return so shortly 
 that it seems hardly worth while to write, except that one can speak 
 more of one's-self in writing. You will be kindly glad to hear that 
 during the last ten days my health seems to have been making more 
 progress than it had during the rest of my absence from Oxford, so 
 that I should be almost ashamed to be here but for rather a dis- 
 couraging letter from Dr. Wootten, founded on former reports. On 
 this day week, however, I hope to return home, and in the next I trust 
 to be permitted in some measure to resume my duties. This renewed 
 illness and weakness makes me at times think that God does not 
 intend me to do anything actively on a large scale (such as a large 
 theological work) for His Church ; and that since I have been over- 
 fond of activity, i.e. intellectual activity, while I thought that His 
 glory was more my object than it was, so now my chastisement will 
 be that I shall [be] allowed to do nothing. Be it so : I only trust that 
 my feeling of resignation is not the result of compelled idleness, or 
 of a state of health, but that it really arises from the conviction that 
 if 1 am to do nothing which appears lasting it is becatise, as things 
 are, It must be better for the Church that I should not. With this 
 feeling I shall at least proceed under the task of editing the Catalogue 
 with a calmer mind ; since, at present, at least, it must be God's will 
 that I should go on with it, and therefore He can have nothing of any 
 VOL. I. u 
 
290 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 Comments on Newman's Books. 
 
 291 
 
 moment now for me to do for the Church, i. e. nothing which in my 
 sight might seem so. Meanwhile, it is delightful to see Harrison 
 making progress— /un^ar vice cotis: it seems almost to one's-self 
 a fitting lot for inordinate and boastful energy to be allowed only to be 
 active through others, and it is a mercy, far more than one deserves, 
 if this is allowed to one. Enough, however, of self: one would not 
 open so much of one's mind, except to one who I know makes mention 
 of me in his prayers, and so I would gladly that he should know what 
 to ask for. 
 
 I need not say that we have read your Sermons with deep interest. 
 I should trust that to many a human being, they would open some of 
 the secret places of his own heart, and tend, by God's blessing, to make 
 him wise unto salvation. I have borne in mind while reading them 
 that you referred me to them to see whether I should still press you to 
 write the tract upon Baptism. Of your Sermons which I have read, 
 that on * God's Commandments not grievous' bears most upon it; 
 but in truth I did not need any fresh knowledge of your views of 
 Baptism : it was because 1 knew them, and had heard them formerly 
 in conversation with you, that I wished you to write ; and your mode 
 of communicating instruction in these Sermons, which appears to me 
 better calculated for reading than for hearing, certainly makes me wish 
 the more that you would undertake it. On the Sermons I have 
 nothing to remark, i. e. nothing to wish otherwise ; some things I 
 knew, the rest I felt, to be true ; nor did it occur to me that there was 
 anything which persons could misunderstand, even if they might, as 
 I suppose many readers will, fail of understanding all : so I will only 
 thank you for your affectionate feeling, which prompted the dedication, 
 and for the volume itself, which we shall repeatedly study. 
 
 The Arians, I regret to say, remain where they were, i. e. I remain 
 in them where I was : I had meant to analyze them for a periodical of 
 Tholuck's, but I had some hope that he would become acquainted 
 with them through Bunscn, who is going to Germany, so [I] desisted. 
 My only objection was in point of style— that I thought here and there 
 (yet only seldom) you had become Gibbonic ; if I light upon a passage 
 I will instance it to you. Your observations on the Judaizing Anti- 
 ochian School might be illustrated by the Judaizing interpretation of 
 Theodorus, «S:c. ; the Antiochian interpretations appear to be the pre- 
 decessors of the modern Rationalists and are those of the Jews : it is 
 so strange and insulated a phenomenon in Christian antiquity, and so 
 contrary to the general habits of mind of those times, that one seems 
 entitled to infer a direct influence of the Jews (for instances vid. Rosen- 
 muller) : on looking at them again of late, I was startled by their 
 presumption, although I had known them before. One judgement 
 I should probably have passed more mildly — that on the Western 
 Bishops who condemned Athanasius : it is easy for us to see that he 
 was the champion of sound faith ; but to a Latin, to whom, as you 
 remark, it was so difficult to convey a right idea of the very subject of 
 
 the controversy, to whose habits of mind Athanasius, as far as he knew 
 him, might very probably appear over-speculative, to whom, from the 
 distance of the scene, his firmness might so easily be represented as 
 refractoriness, or at the first, youthful excitement, or stickling about 
 questions which to the mind of the Latin had never occurred as 
 doubts,— these might be perplexities of which we, who have seen the 
 issue of events, and that the uncompromising line of conduct was the 
 only healthful one, perhaps can form no conception. I only name 
 this for you to consider— not having studied the subject in the original 
 sources I can form a very imperfect judgement : one cannot probably 
 acquit them from having acted in a manner which whether it were 
 right they doubted, and this of itself were sin. It is, after all, perhaps 
 only a question of degrees of guilt ; yet I think I should rather 
 have insisted on the guilt of any compromise, or taken occasion to 
 show how fatal and guilty a compromise might be, for which yet at 
 the time there seems such plausible ground, not have represented their 
 compromise as so great. As, however, I said before, I do not feel 
 myself competent to speak on this subject. You will, I hope, go on 
 with Church History. 
 
 We hear here rumours of preparations for war : I trust God will 
 avert it. I am inclined to anticipate good from the growth of the 
 enormous power of Russia : whether it is to be employed as the means 
 of chastisement to Christian nations, or whether it is to break down 
 the barriers of Mohammedanism, and so afford a readier entrance to 
 the Gospel, or whether, which one feels to be certain, it is to serve 
 purposes, of many kinds, and all unknown to us ; in the rise of so 
 gigantic a power one can hardly help anticipating a new era for the 
 Church, and so one looks with thankful expectation to it. Of course, 
 one feels assured, that if we war against it, our wars will serve God's 
 ends either by hastening its progress if we are defeated, or by 
 chastening its pride if successful. Yet I cannot help looking to her 
 as an instrument of good, and therefore, besides the general miseries 
 of war, I should hope on this ground that God would give to all 
 nations, unity, peace, and concord. 
 
 William, who is with us, thanks you very much for remembering 
 him in your kind present of your volume of Sermons : he would have 
 thanked you himself had he know n how ; but he did not like to trouble 
 you with a mere dry note of thanks, and yet he naturally would not 
 take upon himself to make any observations upon your sermons. He 
 has therefore begged me to express his very grateful thanks to you. 
 
 On Friday next 1 hope again to be amongst you : it seems so short 
 a time after this long absence that one can scarcely believe that one 
 is going to be restored to one's active duties so soon. 
 
 Maria begs her kind remembrances. 
 
 Ever, my dear Newman, 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 U % 
 
292 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 On April 15th Piisey returned to Oxford, and, in ad- 
 dition to his professorial and literary engagements, he 
 found ready to his hands work of a kind in which much 
 of his time was to be spent in after years. On March 
 21st Earl Grey had presented in the House of Lords a 
 petition from certain members of the Senate of the University 
 of Cambridge, praying for the abolition of every religious 
 test exacted from members of the University before they 
 proceed to degrees. It was signed by sixty-three residents. 
 On the 24th of March the same petition was presented 
 to the House of Commons by Mr. Spring-Rice. This 
 petition was made the ground of a Bill, brought into the 
 House of Commons by Mr. Wood, one of the members 
 for Lancashire. When the House reassembled after the 
 Easter holidays, both Universities petitioned against the 
 Bill, but Oxford did a great deal more than send petitions 
 to Parliament. First of all there appeared on April 24th 
 a Declaration on the part of members of the University 
 immediately connected with its instruction and discipline. 
 It insisted that religion is the foundation of all education. 
 Religion could not be taught on the vague and compre- 
 hensive principle of admitting persons of every creed. By 
 religion was meant the doctrines of the Gospel as revealed 
 in the Bible, and as maintained by the Church of Christ 
 in its best and purest times, and, in these days, by the 
 Church of England. Uniformity of faith on essential 
 points was absolutely necQssar>' for a Christian education, 
 and the admission of persons dissenting from the Church 
 would lead to unsettlement of younger minds, to con- 
 troversy, and to the eventual enfeeblement or overthrow of 
 
 all religion. 
 
 This Declaration was followed on the next day by 
 a second Declaration of approval and concurrence, signed 
 by members of Convocation and Bachelors of Civil Law 
 not engaged in academical work. It comprised a great 
 number of names who were a few years later to be 
 ranged on opposite sides, but who now combined in defence 
 of the existing system of the University. Then came 
 
 On Religious Tests, 
 
 293 
 
 a second concurrent Declaration which was largely signed 
 by the parents and guardians of resident students ; while 
 petitions of a more general character were sent by members 
 of the Church of England from various centres about the 
 country. In promoting these expressions of opinion 
 Pusey was not only associated with Newman and William 
 Sewell, of Exeter College ; but also with Dr. Symons, 
 Warden of Wadham, and with Dr. Faussett, Margaret Pro- 
 fessor of Divinity. 
 
 To the first of these Declarations Pusey refers in the 
 subjoined letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 My dear Gladstone, Oxford, April 25, 1834. 
 
 The enclosed, if you have not seen it, will interest you. The 
 list comprises the names of the Theological Professors, and all the 
 tutors except six. It has been followed up by another declaration of 
 members of Convocation expressive of their full agreement with it : 
 150 signed it in 24 hours ; among them other professors, who did not 
 think that they could sign ours, as not being engaged in theological 
 education or discipline ; I name this in case it should be remarked 
 on. The Heads of Houses were reserved also for the petition, and not 
 invited to sign. 
 
 The chief point to be insisted upon appears to me the interference 
 with the education of our own members in consequence of the pro- 
 posed admission of Dissenters. We are to have no tests of the right 
 faith of those who professedly belong to our Church in order that 
 others may be admitted among us. Again, we are to have no public 
 examination of their religious knowledge ; for, if ALL are to take a 
 degree without a religious test, it would be mere evasion to put that 
 test in the shape of the preparatory education. It should be known 
 also that sons of Dissenters are actually admitted among us as con- 
 formists, i. e. such as can sign the Articles in the sense which the 
 Bishop of Exeter has explained, and which is the sense in which they 
 are signed ; and in this way, some have become valuable members of 
 our Church. But the case will be wholly different if those are to be 
 admitted who do actually dissent, and who come to be instructed in 
 science or language, but in the only real Science come to dispute. 
 Neither can the Bill stop where it is ; it is perfectly nugatory to 
 abolish tests, while each individual college has the power of rejecting 
 whom it will : the Dissenters will renew their application with re- 
 doubled force when the principle has been admitted : the first Dis- 
 senter whose son should be rejected from every college in Oxford, as 
 
294 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 5 
 
 assuredly he would, would come before Parliament to urge them to 
 realize their grant. This step taken, whatever persons may now think, 
 they can never stop short of opening our Fellowships to Socinians, or 
 dissolving. I trust that we shall be destroyed rather than corrupted. 
 
 Ever yours very sincerely, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 People appeal to Cambridge : I think it is strong evidence against 
 them. I know, and I suppose almost every one has known, the case 
 of individuals of unsound faith who, wishing to come to Oxford, have 
 now gone to Cambridge, because they could not sign the Articles ; and 
 the effect of their influence has shown itself doubtless in the tone of 
 the clever Undergraduate Society, e. g. the Debating Society. 
 
 Pusey carried on a wide correspondence on the subject. 
 Dean Ireland 'would act just as Pusey might suppose 
 to be best for the credit of the University ^.' Sir Thomas 
 Acland agreed with the general sense of the Declaration, 
 but hesitated to sign it, on the ground that Dissenters had 
 better be admitted as students of the University, on the 
 understanding that they would conform to the discipline, 
 and accept the religious instruction placed before them. 
 The great majority of the replies would appear to have 
 been in warm sympathy with the Declarationists. 
 
 The Bill passed the House of Commons by large 
 majorities, of 147 on the second reading, and 89 on the 
 third, the latter division being taken on July 28th. The 
 debate which preceded the division had closed in a scene 
 of wild excitement and uproar. The Bill was at once 
 introduced into the House of Lords by Pusey's own re- 
 lation, the Earl of Radnor. Lord Radnor contended that 
 subscription on the part of an undergraduate ' was a lie. 
 a positive lie.* Lord Carnarvon made the most effective 
 speech against the Bill, which was also opposed by the 
 Chancellors of the two Universities, the Duke of Gloucester 
 and the Duke of Wellington ; and although it was sup- 
 ported by the Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, and by 
 Lord Brougham, then Lord Chancellor, it was rejected by 
 a majority of 102 on the second reading. 
 
 » 
 
 * The Dean of Westminster to E. B. P., May 20, 1834. 
 
 The Duke of Wellington Chancellor, 295 
 
 Pusey had watched the Bill throughout with anxiety. In 
 the House of Commons, Mr. Stanley had expressed a 
 hope that it would receive emendations in Committee. 
 It was really adopted as a whole by the House on the 
 second reading. Referring to this, Pusey wrote :— 
 
 * I am very glad that there is to be no tampering about the Bill. In 
 this as in other matters, whatever God pleases to allow evil men to do 
 with us, must be for the Church's good; and I can view it calmly 
 (not perhaps without a struggle between faith and sight), but if the 
 Church countenances ill for the sake of preventing greater ill, we are 
 destroying ourselves. The first, second, and third principle which 
 I should be glad to see in every one's conduct and heart now is. No 
 Compromise, or, in other words. Loyalty to GoD come what will from 
 man, or those spirits whose instruments bad men are.' 
 
 The great event at Oxford in the summer of 1834 was 
 the installation of the Duke of Wellington as Chancellor. 
 No such assembly of distinguished men had been welcomed 
 by the University within her walls since the visit of the 
 Allied Sovereigns in 1815. At the head of a long line 
 of noblemen, and of eleven bishops, was the King's brother, 
 the Duke of Cumberland. His Royal Highness was the 
 guest of Dr. Jelf, who had been for so long his son's tutor, 
 and who was now Canon of Christ Church. It had been 
 at first proposed that the Duke should stay with Pusey, 
 who was relieved when another arrangement was made, yet 
 ' feared that it might look like ingratitude.' Pusey how- 
 ever had other guests, amongst whom were Sir Thomas 
 Acland, and his cousin Lord Ashley, afterwards the well- 
 known Lord Shaftesbury. The Installation Ode had of 
 course a special recommendation for Pusey and his friends. 
 It was composed by Keble, as Professor of Poetry. 
 
 Although Pusey was still in a very precarious state 
 of health, he was obliged to remain in Oxford until the 
 beginning of August in order to finish his Catalogue 
 of the Arabic MSS. in the Bodleian Library. The de- 
 scription of the last manuscript was completed to his great 
 satisfaction on July 24. But his health was a matter 
 of no little anxiety to his relatives. His mother observed 
 
29<^ Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 that he * continued to lose in weight ; and he could not 
 afford to do this, being only 8 stone 9 lbs. as it was/ 
 
 He was to have spent the remainder of the vacation at 
 Holton Park, but he was in fact sent to Ramsgate, in 
 August. Just before leaving Oxford, he writes to Harrison 
 on the prospects of the Church under the existing political 
 situation : — 
 
 * I hear that J. Watson and others are very gloomy. There is an 
 ominous silence in the new Government. It may be wrong to say so 
 but I cannot feel any fear about what the devil or man worketh 
 agamst us. What I do feel gloomy about, is self-congratulation, self- 
 panegyric, self-indulgences on the part of the clergy, or the self-styled 
 defenders of the Church ; and that with so much over which to mourn 
 or for which to be humbled.' 
 
 Again, on the controversy with Rationalism in Ger- 
 many, he writes to Tholuck, who had been passing through 
 a stormy time in Halle, which had been converted some 
 years before by the teaching of the Rationalistic professors, 
 Gesenius and Wegscheider. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Professor Tholuck. 
 
 Christ Church, Aug. 4, 1834. 
 My brother tells me that you are disheartened at the state of the 
 
 Church among you : there is very much, which one hopes that God 
 may yet purify and exalt ; and I dread certainly the influence of the 
 
 juste miheu ' among you : it seems to me essentially a cold self- 
 conceited, and withal Rationalistic party : yet I cannot but hope that 
 It may be a means of inviting ov^r from Rationalism many, who when 
 they shall have been brought thus far, will find no rest for the sole of 
 their foot in it, and at last, betake themselves from the weary waste to 
 the Ark, which is still open to receive them. It is not of course from 
 them that one looks for the main increase of the right faith among 
 you : yet I cannot but hope that here also, as in the heresies of the 
 early Church, it may not be the only object of heresies, * that they who 
 are approved, might be made manifest among you,' i Cor xi 19 
 Perhaps also the victory over Rationalism might have been too easy 
 and so have led to vainglory or some other defect, had there not been 
 this severe disappointment and trial. But, however it be, it is God's 
 world, and we must allow Him to govern it, and not be downcast, if 
 He give not His own cause so speedy a victory, as we should have 
 hoped and prayed for. 
 
 A Hebrew New Testament, 
 
 297 
 
 In the same letter he shows keen interest in a proposal 
 of the S.P.C.K. to translate the New Testament into 
 Hebrew, and writes as follows : — 
 
 ' My questions with regard to the Jews are : — 
 
 * (i) With regard to the expediency of a good Hebrew translation 
 of the N. T. I was inclined to think that a publication of the 
 translation "in their own tongue wherein they were born," and in 
 their own character, would be best; that a Hebrew translation was 
 rather a compliance with conceit and pride ; and would not be wished 
 for by those who were really disposed to seek the truth. An eminent 
 Jewish convert (Herschell) whose judgement I am disposed to value, 
 thinks that a good Hebrew translation would have a certain, although 
 limited, use. My ground was that no Jews think in Hebrew. 
 
 *(2) How would it be best to circulate the O. T. among them? 
 By a circulation of Luther's translation, with the original inter- 
 leaved (as has been tried, I understand, in Hesse and the Rhine 
 country), in order to facilitate the quotations of missionaries ; or to 
 reprint their own approved versions, such as are mentioned by Wolf, 
 Biblioth. Hebr. ? 
 
 * (3) How far would a Hebraeo- Arabic Bible be likely to be of use 
 in the East ? About this I have some misgivings, for 1 cannot but 
 think that the most likely mode of conversion will be by means of the 
 Christian Hves of those with whom they live, that where there are 
 Christians, the residents of each country are the best missionaries ; 
 that their light, shining before men, will be the best means of leading 
 men to glorify their Father, which is in Heaven ; and that without 
 this, any attempt to circulate the Bible will be of little use.' 
 
 Vacations were with Pusey always great seasons for letter- 
 writing : his mind, released from the strain of exhausting 
 work, largely mechanical, fell back upon subjects and 
 principles which increasingly occupied and swayed it. 
 
Hampden on Subscription. 
 
 299 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 DR. HAMPDEN ON SUBSCRIPTION— THE DOGMATIC PRIN- 
 CIPLE— PUSEY'S DEFENCE OF SUBSCRIPTION— A DE- 
 CLARATION PROPOSED— MR. GLADSTONE'S VIEWS— 
 THE PROVOST OF ORIEL's PAMPHLET— PUSEY's REPLY 
 —BLANCO WHITE, A SOCINIAN— CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 1834-1835. 
 
 FUSEY returned from Ramsgate on St. Luke's Day, 
 1834, to preach before the University on the next morning. 
 Of this sermon no certain trace survives. During the 
 Term which followed, his interests were divided between 
 the burden of his own work at Oxford and his eldest 
 brother's canvass of Berkshire. Mr. Pusey issued an 
 address to the electors, part of which concerned the 
 Church, and provoked unfavourable criticism at the 
 hands of his brother Edward, who feared that he was 
 paying homage to the destructive tendencies of the 
 time. Mr. Pusey 'thought it very important to call 
 attention to the difference between the object of the 
 Church, and the form of ^ts constitution or legal archi- 
 tecture.' He was also anxious to promote the * recon- 
 version of Dissenters,' and with this view to substitute 
 Milman's hymns for Sternhold and Hopkins in the Church 
 Services. Edward Pusey s sympathies— odd as it appears to 
 us, odd as it would have seemed to himself in later life — 
 were warmly enlisted on the side of Sternhold and Hopkins. 
 He certainly attributed to them an authority which they 
 would not appear to have possessed. This claim his 
 brother warmly disputed ; he was himself deeply engaged 
 partly in compiling, and partly in composing a new hymn- 
 book of his own. And it was at this time that he composed 
 
 the well-known ' Hymn of the Church Militant ' (as he 
 called it), beginning with the words * Lord of our life, and 
 God of our salvation,' familiar to thousands of Churchmen, 
 who little suspect its authorship ^ ' It refers,' he writes to 
 his brother, ' to the state of the Church ' — that is to say of 
 the Church of England in 1834 — assailed from without, 
 enfeebled and distracted within, but on the eve of a great 
 awakening. 
 
 But another subject more immediately affecting the 
 deepest interests of the Church made the autumn of 1834 
 an anxious and busy time for Pusey. The debate in Parlia- 
 ment on the Bill for the admission of Dissenters to the 
 Universities had brought before men's minds the question 
 of undergraduate subscription to the Articles. An impetus 
 in the direction of change was given by the appearance of 
 a pamphlet by Dr. Hampden 2, who already filled an in- 
 fluential position in the University. He was Principal of 
 St. Mary Hall, and had been elected to the Chair of Moral 
 Philosophy, in the preceding March, although Newman had 
 been a candidate. Hampden had been Bampton Lecturer 
 in 1832, and if his lectures had not been ' listened to ' or as 
 yet * read ^' he had nevertheless become in this way a kind 
 of theological authority. He was steadily pushed into 
 prominence by his far abler friend, Dr. Hawkins, the Provost 
 of Oriel; who was indebted to him for coming to the 
 rescue when Oriel had been deprived of its three most 
 brilliant tutors by an act of arbitrary indiscretion, which 
 would now find no defenders in any quarter ^ Hampden's 
 pamphlet, entitled * Observations on Religious Dissent,' was 
 an essential extract of his Bampton Lectures ; and it was, 
 if not an abler, yet a more attractive, as well as a shorter 
 production ; since time had allowed the lecturer's thoughts 
 to run clear, or at least comparatively clear. Its central 
 
 ^ It is given, with slight variations, 
 in Hymns Ancient and Modem, 214. It 
 was one of the few modem hymns prized 
 by the late Bishop Hamilton of Salis- 
 bury. A writer in ' Diet, of Hynm- 
 ology * (p. 699) thinks, however, that 
 it is bas^ on a German hymn. 
 
 2 'Observations on Religious Dis- 
 sent,* by Renn Dickson Hampden, 
 D.D. Oxford, 1834. 
 
 3 T. Mozley's 'Reminiscences,' i. 
 p. 351 (2nd ed.). 
 
 * Ibid. p. 231. 
 
300 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 position is that moral and theological truths are things dis- 
 tinct from religion ; that no * inferences ' ought to be drawn 
 from the text of Scripture ; that the language of the Creeds 
 themselves was thus a mistake, even although they ex- 
 press only what is taught by Holy Scripture. To the 
 obvious objections to these positions which Holy Scripture 
 itself furnishes, the writer scarcely attempts a reply, if 
 indeed he is aware of their strength and urgency. But his 
 pamphlet put the question of relaxing subscription on a 
 new basis. Subscription was deprecated not only as inex- 
 pedient for very young men, but as involving a recognition 
 of the value of Church formularies which appeared to the 
 writer exaggerated. His conclusion of course went much 
 further than the subsequent proposal put forward by the 
 Heads of Houses. *I do not scruple to avow myself 
 favourable to a removal of all tests, so far as they are 
 employed as securities of orthodoxy among our members 
 at large.* 
 
 Here is the true key to Pusey's line in this controversy. 
 Had the claim of dogmatic faith upon the conscience been 
 recognized as a general principle, Pusey and his friends 
 mi^ht have felt themselves better able to consider how far 
 subscription to such a formulary as the Thirty-nine Articles 
 on Jhe part of very young men was the best means open 
 to a Christian University of guarding the faith of the Church. 
 The question was at least arguable ; but the practice had 
 at any rate been consecrated by the usage of two centuries 
 and a half, having been introduced by Elizabeth's Puritan 
 favourite, the Eari of Leicester. But this lesser question 
 of religious expediency was overshadowed by the far larger 
 question of dogmatic truth, which Pusey and Newman saw 
 coming, year by year, more clearly into view. In their 
 eyes the threatened change was dictated less by the 
 academical policy of Hawkins than by the theological 
 bias of Hampden. 
 
 The general principle in which they were entirely agreed 
 was stated, with his own inimitable clearness, by Newman, 
 when writing some months afterwards to Perceval :— 
 
 The Dogmatic Principle in Question, 301 
 
 'January 1 1, 1836. 
 ' The advantage of subscription (to my mind) is its witnessing to the 
 nrinciple that religion is to be approached with a submission of the 
 ^ H.r.tandine. Nothing is so common, as you must know, as for 
 
 rr/sciences. Aristotle and Butler are treated as teachers of a 
 
 Ts em not as if there was more truth in them than in Jeremy Bentham. 
 
 ThVsTudv of the ^'Evidences" now popular (such as Paley s) encourages 
 
 this evil frame of mind-the learner is supposed external to the system 
 
 nnr Lord is "a young Galilean peasant" -His Apostles, "honest men, 
 
 ^usvX witnesses' and the like. Milman's "Jews" exhibits the 
 
 ame character of mind in another department. Abraham is a Sheik, 
 
 ITL In all these cases the student is supposed to look upon the 
 
 t;;em'from without, and to have to choose it by an act of reason 
 
 before he submits to it,-whereas the great lesson of the Gospel is 
 
 faith an obeying prior to reason, and proving its reasonableness by 
 
 Tnd invest^ating the truth by practice. I should say the same of a 
 person in a Mahometan country or under any system which was not 
 nlainly and purely diabolical-the religion in occupation is at least a 
 Slentative of the truth ; it is to him the witness of the Unseen God 
 and may claim, instead of scepticism and suspicion, a prompt and 
 rank submission in the first instance, though of course the issue of 
 the experiment would not be one of confident conviction, but of doubt, 
 or of discrimination between one part of the system and another. ^ 
 ' In an age, then, when this great principle is scouted, Subscription 
 to the ArttclU is a memento and protest-and again actually does 
 I believe, impress upon the minds of young men the teachable and 
 ubdued temper expected of them. They are not to reason, but to obey ; 
 and this quite inde'^endently of the degree of accuracy, the wisdom 
 &c , of the Articles themselves. I am no great friend of them-and 
 should rejoice to be able to substitute the Creeds for them, were it no 
 or the Romanists, who might be excluded by the plan you suggest of 
 demanding certificates of Baptism and Confirmation :-stiU as rt i 
 even, we effect what seems to me a great point, which the mere sub- 
 stitution of certificates would not secure.' 
 
 The Heads of Houses as a body would have been far 
 from agreeing with Dr. Hampden's principles. But they 
 had before their eyes the fear of public criticism and 
 parliamentary action, and they were anxious to do some- 
 thing. On November 10, they passed a resolution adverse 
 to the continuance of subscription to the Articles by 
 undergraduates at their matriculation. 
 On the evening of this day, Pusey writes to Newman :- 
 
300 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 position is that moral and theological truths are things dis- 
 tinct from religion ; that no 'inferences' ought to be drawn 
 from the text of Scripture ; that the language of the Creeds 
 themselves was thus a mistake, even although they ex- 
 press only what is taught by Holy Scripture. To the 
 obvious objections to these positions which Holy Scripture 
 Itself furnishes, the writer scarcely attempts a reply if 
 indeed he is aware of their strength and urgency. But 'his 
 pamphlet put the question of relaxing subscription on a 
 new basis. Subscription was deprecated not only as inex- 
 pedient for very young men, but as involving a recognition 
 of the value of Church formularies which appeared to the 
 writer exaggerated. His conclusion of course went much 
 Ta /".r '"''^^q"^"t proposal put forward by the 
 Heads of Houses. < I do not scruple to avow myself 
 favourable to a removal of all tests, so far as they are 
 employed as securities of orthodoxy among our members 
 
 Ha^l''/'^' "■"A"''^ '° ^"'"^''^ ''"^ '■" t'"'^ controversy. 
 Had the claim of dogmatic faith upon the conscience been 
 
 recognized as a general principle, Pusey and his friends 
 might have felt themselves better able to consider how far 
 subscription to such a formulary as the Thirty-nine Articles 
 on the part of very young men was the best means open 
 to a Chris lan University of guarding the faith of the Church. 
 The question was at least arguable ; but the practice had 
 and ah'! ? J""" consecrated by the usage of two centuries 
 and a half, having been introduced by Elizabeths Puritan 
 
 favourite, the Earl of Leirp<!fpr R..f n,- i 
 
 „f ,. . i-eicester. ifut this lesser quest on 
 
 of religious expediency was overshadowed by the far lartrer 
 question of dogmatic truth, which Pusey and' Newman 21 
 coming year by year, more cleariy into view. In their 
 eyes the threatened change was dictated less by the 
 
 bii':rH:Ud'r ^^ "^^^'-^ ^^- ^- ^^^ ^^-^^-^ 
 
 The general principle in which they were entirely agreed 
 was stated with his own inimitable clearness, by Newman 
 when writing some months afterwards to Perceval -I 
 
 The Dogmatic Principle in Question. 301 
 
 'January 11, 1836. 
 
 • The advantage of subscription (to my mind) is its «atnessing to the 
 nrinciple that religion is to be approached with a submission of the 
 "^ f ^ onHinB^ Nothing is so common, as you must know, as for 
 iTmen to^proach serious subjects, as judges-to study them as 
 Tre^i^nces. Aristotle and Butler are treated as teachers of a 
 
 tl^mno^Tsf there was more truth in them than in Jeremy Bemham. 
 ThlsT^dy of he "Evidences" now popular (such as Pale/s) encourages 
 
 ^I^, evil frame of mind-the learner is supposed external to the system 
 I ordU"avounc.Galileanpeasant"-His Apostles, "honest men, 
 
 ;;:stworthy witnLses> and the'like. Milman's "Jews" exhibits the 
 ^mlchamcter of mind in another department. Abraham .s a She.k, 
 r&c In all these cases the student is supposed to look upon the 
 !;;;em from without, and to have to choose it by an act of reason 
 ^rflrrheTubmits to it,-whereas the great lesson of the Gospel is 
 Ith an obeyC prior o reason, and proving its reasonableness by 
 faith, an ooeying p ^^ j^^^^ ^^^ system, 
 
 person in <i i ,. , ,• _i .Up relieion in occupation is at least a 
 
 stitution of certificates would not secure. 
 
 The Heads of Houses as a body ^--'^ "^^^ :^^^^^ 
 frnm a!?reeine with Dr. Hampden's principles. But they 
 hTbeC Their eyes the fear of public criticsm -d 
 parliamentary action, and they were anxious to do some- 
 thtr On November 10, they passed a resolu^on adverse 
 to the continuance of subscription to the Articles by 
 
 undergraduates ^^ ^^^^X^"^^:;-^,,,^ to Newman :- 
 On the evening of this day, rusey wxiti. 
 
302 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ' You will have heard that the Heads of Houses have decided 
 by a majonty of one to displace the Articles from undergraduate 
 subscr.ptu,n I w,ll gladly join in any measures which can be adopTed 
 to fight the battle efficiently in Convocation.' aaopted 
 
 Newman himself, three days afterwards, describes the 
 situation, in a letter to Perceval •— 
 
 'November 13, 1834. 
 
 caZV'^ '" """''^"^'^'^ ^'"''^fy here, the Heads of Houses havincr 
 come to a resolution by a majority of one to introduce into Convoca^ 
 t.on some measure for "simplifying" the test at matriculation, i.e 
 
 AnfdT'ru '.''r"°? °' ''°"'°™"y' ^^^ f- Subscription t; Jh 
 wi^r nf' T Z^ d-rectly accomplishing in this manner the avowed 
 wish of Lord Brougham, &c., who say this is all they want, these 
 strangely infatuated persons protest they mean ,0 make no alteration 
 
 attlr ' f r ''' ''""''■"'y '" " ""^^^ ''^^-^""«= P°«i"on as regard" 
 attacks m Pariiament. They pretend the Duke has advised it The 
 
 St' MrrH'^n"' ''"''""; ^''^ ''•^ ^^°^°^' °f 0"^'- the Princ pal of 
 St. Mary Hall, Burton, and Denison of Merton. On the other side 
 
 Pusey and Sewell are firm and strong. This as regards sfv^ell s a 
 
 very agreeable circumstance-one is glad to see him coming so right 
 
 be founH"r':r ""T''. '"'"'' °^ '''" •^°"'<* ^'" '^""bt that he would 
 be found on the right side, in any time of peril.' 
 
 In a letter to Hampden a fortnight later, Newman 
 again expressed his sense of Hampden's position :— 
 
 , _, ' November 28, 1835. 
 
 The kindness which has led to your presenting me with your 
 pamphlet encourages me to hope that you will forgive me if I X 
 the opportunity it affords to express to you my ver^ Tincere a„d 
 deep regret that it has been published. Such an oppoZityl 
 could not let slip without being unfaithful to my own serious^hought 
 on the subject ;-whiIe I respect the tone of piety in which the 
 parnphlet is written. I feel an aversion to the principL it professes 
 as (m my opinion) legitimately tending to formal Socinianism' 
 
 And also I lament that, by its appearance, the first step has been 
 aken towards an interruption of that peace and mutual good under- 
 standing which has prevailed so long in this place; and which if 
 
 W Tn ''"""■^'"'' ""' "^ ="<==*=^<^^<1 by disser^sions the more 
 intractable, because justified in the minds of those who resisrin 
 novations, by a feeling of imperative duty '.' 
 
 Pusey at once set to work. It was difficult to attack 
 the resolution of the Heads of Houses directly. But it 
 
 • Newman's 'Letters,' ii. 77-78. 
 
 Defence of Subscription. 
 
 303 
 
 was easy to set men thinking about it. The plan of getting 
 oeople to think before talking or acting had been the 
 method of Socrates ; and was eminently the method of 
 the Oriel School. It had, indeed, been adopted with great 
 success, sixty years before at Oxford, in relation to this 
 very question of subscription. In i773 a proposal to 
 explain subscription by statute, as meaning only a general 
 adherence to the teaching of the Church of England, was 
 dissipated by a paper of nine questions \ 
 
 Accordingly Pusey issued a fly-leaf of twenty-three 
 questions, which appears to have been drawn up by 
 himself originally, and then enlarged and corrected by 
 Newman. The purpose of these questions is to set men 
 thinking on the topics which were ignored or overlooked 
 by the proposed innovation. They suggested the value 
 of long prescription; the danger of playing into the 
 hands of those who wished for larger changes; the 
 importance of explaining rather than changing existing 
 regulations, whenever possible ; the religious advantages of 
 subscription, as compared with those of a declaration, the 
 former being exact and stimulating, the latter tending to 
 religious indifference and laxity; the duties of the Univer- 
 sity considered as a religious teacher, towards the young ; 
 and, especially, the danger of complying with the outcry 
 that ' persons ought not to be required to sign that of 
 whose truth they have not convinced themselves the fear 
 lest they should ' strengthen the faulty notions of the day 
 which make private judgment everything, authority and 
 the Church doctrine nothing.' These are, perhaps, the most 
 important topics with which the questions deal : but they 
 give no idea of the capacity of such a paper for setting 
 people thinking upon subjects which were at that date, 
 comparatively speaking, unconsidered. At the close of the 
 week appeared a powerful pamphlet, ' Thoughts on Sub- 
 scription,' by Rev. W. Sewell \ Before however this could 
 
 . . Letter to the Right Honourable by Dr. Home. Reprint, Oxford, 1834. 
 
 the Lord North, Chancellor of the P«/- f '4- g 
 
 University of Oxford, concerning sub- It is dated isov. 17. lA 
 
 scription to the Thirty-nine Articles, 
 
304 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Puseys Twenty-seven Questions, 
 
 305 
 
 be circulated, the effect of the questions had become 
 apparent. On Nov. 17, the Heads of Houses rescinded the 
 resolution of the previous week. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 November 17, 1834. 
 We have now, I suppose, peace for a time, which is a great 
 blessing. I conclude, namely, although I have heard nothing from 
 authority, that the idea of substituting a declaration is at an end : 
 the queries, especially one of yours, seem to have done their work. 
 K., I suppose, will not want any copies now? Is he in O., and where? 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 The subject was in fact disposed of for that Term ; but 
 the forces at work on the side of change were too numerous 
 and too powerful to have been formally laid to rest. A 
 new impulse was given to the controversy on March 6th, 
 1835, when the Earl of Radnor, who had taken charge of 
 the Bill which had been rejected in the previous August, 
 moved in the House of Lords for copies and translations of 
 the oaths required of members of the University at matri- 
 culation, and when graduating as Bachelors or Masters of 
 Arts. This motion roused opposition in other quarters at 
 Oxford, besides those which were committed to a defence 
 of the existing system. Eight days afterwards there 
 appeared a 'Letter to the Earl of Radnor, by a resi- 
 dent Member of Convocation,' whose clear, cold, and 
 incisive style of writing betrayed, at least to all resident 
 Oxford, the pen of the Provost of Oriel. The Provost 
 vigorously defends against Lord Radnor's criticisms the 
 principle and practice of the University in dispensing with 
 oaths in certain important cases ; and he indignantly and 
 successfully rebuts the constructive charge of perjury 
 which Lord Radnor had brought against the University. 
 But on the question of subscription to the Articles at 
 matriculation, he is in agreement with his correspondent ; 
 and in this part of his letter he clearly has his eye on what 
 had been recently urged by defenders of the existing 
 practice, and in particular on Pusey's queries. * The first 
 
 persons,' he says, * who find leisure to write upon such 
 questions, may be those who have the greatest talent, but 
 the least experience \' The cause of the abolition of 
 subscription was, he tells Lord Radnor, gaining ground in 
 Oxford : if the University could be let alone, it would do 
 the work better for itself. 
 
 This last remark provoked a rejoinder in the shape of 
 a Declaration, to the effect that eighty members of Con- 
 vocation now in Oxford deprecated any substitution of 
 a Declaration for subscription to the Articles as ' pernicious 
 in itself, and of dangerous precedent.' This Declaration 
 was signed by Pusey, Newman, and Keble ; by Copeland, 
 Moberly, and Sewell ; but also by Dr Faussett, the Mar- 
 garet Professor of Divinity ; by the Rev. W. W. Champneys 
 and Rev. H. B. Whitaker Churton, Fellows of Brasenose; 
 by Rev. John Hill, Vice-Principal of St. Edmund Hall. 
 Yet four days afterwards a notice appeared, signed by the 
 Vice-Chancellor, giving the form of a Declaration which 
 would be proposed to Convocation, in the ensuing Term, to 
 take the place of subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles. 
 The terms of the Declaration were as follows : — 
 
 * I, A. B., declare that I do, so far as my knowledge extends, assent 
 to the doctrines of the United Church of England and Ireland 
 as set forth in her Thirty-nine Articles ; that I will conform to her 
 Liturgy and discipline, and that I am ready and willing to be in- 
 structed in her Articles of Religion, as required by the Statutes of this 
 University.' 
 
 It was moulded on a similar form which had approved 
 itself to some of the Heads of Houses in the preceding 
 November; the changes were intended to conciliate religious 
 opponents, so far as possible. 
 
 But its appearance was the signal for the renewal of the 
 struggle. The notice was dated April i. On April 3 
 Pusey again appeared on the scene with a new set of 
 twenty-seven Questions. They are. based upon his earlier 
 set; but modifications, compressions, and additions have 
 made them very different. They insist that a Declaration 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 * * Letter to the Earl of Radnor,' p. 19. 
 
 X 
 
3o6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Mr. Gladstone's Views, 
 
 307 
 
 involves a radical change in the religious discipline of the 
 University ; that it is, whatever men may say, a relaxation 
 of the bonds which are implied in subscription ; that the 
 terms of the Declaration involve absurdity, since young 
 men who are presumed to be too ignorant to understand 
 the formularies are made to assent to the doctrines of the 
 Church, so far as their ' knowledge ' extends. The Declara- 
 tion is contrasted with Subscription as bringing self into 
 greater prominence; and as making the recognition of 
 truth an act of compliance rather than a duty. The 
 University being regarded as a body of Churchmen en- 
 trusted with the duty of propagating religious truth, the 
 proposed change, in Pusey 's eyes, involves at least a 
 weakened recognition of that duty, while it foreshadows, 
 not indistinctly, its eventual abandonment. 
 
 These 'Questions' were sent generally to members of 
 Convocation. In acknowledging them, Mr. Gladstone 
 wrote as follows : — 
 
 W. E. Gladstone, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 My dear Sir, Hillingdon, Uxbridge, April 21, 1835. 
 
 When I had the pleasure of seeing you, before the expiry of 
 my short tenure at the Colonial Office, I forgot, in the hurry of our 
 interview, to advert to the question referred to in your printed circular 
 which reached me some time back. 
 
 What I have to say is little, and I write it with great diffidence ; its 
 sum is compressed in this, that I should feel inclined to vote against 
 the proposed alteration, but not upon the same grounds as yourself to 
 the full extent, though to a very considerable one. When your brother 
 sent me, some time before, your sheet of queries, I endeavoured to 
 explain the view of the subject which had approved itself to my mind. 
 
 The first sine qud non with me would be, that the University should 
 not be vexed by the interposition of Parliament. This upon every 
 ground and not acting peculiarly as a member of the University. 
 Next to this (in importance however first) and acting in this character, 
 the most essential object seems to be, the maintenance of a Church of 
 England education, and not only its maintenance as at present, but its 
 consummation and perfection in your system. This being secured— 
 fully and certainly secured, by whatever measures, and whatever 
 degree of exclusiveness may be necessary to give this guarantee— it 
 would give me pleasure to see Dissenters avail themselves, permis- 
 sively, but to the utmost practicable extent, of our Church education, 
 
 md therefore to see removed, if it be the pleasure of the University 
 and especially of its resident members, any subscription at entrance 
 which is likely to form an absolute and insuperable bar to their 
 becoming students in the University, at a period of life when they are 
 probably little prejudiced in favour of Dissent, and therefore hopeful 
 for the Church, but yet upon the other hand not prepared to make an 
 absolute renunciation of it [Dissent] by a formal subscription. 
 
 I have said more of this than I intended, but it will enable me to 
 despatch briefly the residue of the subject. 
 
 The Declaration now proposed would, it seems to me, be objection- 
 able, as you urge, in sanctioning the principle now operative in a vicious 
 excess of lowering the tone of institutions to that of society, instead of 
 the reverse process. And if we are to have a preliminary subscription 
 I do not enter into the popular objections against the adoption of the 
 
 Articles for that purpose. 
 
 Hut further, it seems to me that the change now projected would 
 have the effect of rendering entrance into the University more difficult 
 to Dissenters than it is at present. Many persons might subscribe the 
 Articles without perhaps giving so much of a general sanction to the 
 principles of the Church of England as would be implied in the 
 Declaration. As I understand its terms, there is a general promise to 
 conform to the Liturgy and discipline of the Church ; this is not required 
 at present, but only conformity within and for the purposes of the 
 University. A Presbyterian for example signs our Articles, but would 
 he with equal ease be able to make the promise just mentioned ? The 
 same would hold good of some classes of Dissenters in England. 
 
 I am sorry to have intruded upon you even to this length, but I could 
 not suffer an application from you on such a subject to remain without 
 
 notice. .,, ^ • 
 
 Shall we be apprised of the day when the question will come on in 
 
 Convocation? . „ ,, i- 
 
 Pray remember me to Mrs. Pusey, who I trust is well, and believe me. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey. W. E. Gladstone. 
 
 Convocation was to meet on May 20; and Pusey 
 accompanied the announcement with a reply to Mr. Glad- 
 stone's letter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 [ChHst Church], May 5, 1835. 
 
 My dear Gladstone, 
 
 I have pleasure in believing that I agree m the abstract with you 
 thus far at least, that if the Church (i.e. pupils as well as instructors) 
 
 X 2 
 
3o8 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 were in a sound state, I should rejoice that those who were not of the 
 Church should come as Catechumens to her, without any pledge on 
 their part, except what was expressed by the act of coming to a place 
 of education As far as Dissenters are affected by the present question 
 (and It has been to me throughout but a subordinate part of it) 
 my objection is not founded on any abstract unfitness of educating 
 such persons together, but on the temper of the times, and of the Dis- 
 senters themselves. For the Dissenters profess to wish to come, solely 
 for the sake of our civil education, setting themselves against our 
 religious instruction, and with such an animus, you would feel that 
 they could not be taught : again, the tendency of the age is to in- 
 differentism and that would be promoted by such a measure; but 
 neither do I think the Church yet in a state to receive such pupils with 
 safety to herself; with lax notions about the Church, vague and low and 
 madequate notions about the Sacraments, and sometimes very poor 
 mstruction m the great truths of Christianity, our pupils, as they are 
 sent to us could not be, with any regard to their safety, mixed up with 
 Baptists, Socinians, or Roman Catholics, nor are we in a condition to 
 "^Z ff controversy with the R.C.'s with advantage. I doubt not 
 that the effect of the establishment of a R.C. College here would be 
 a very considerable defection, especially among the Low Church. The 
 aspect of the Church is, by God's grace, daily improving, but we are as 
 yet in a very unsound, unsettled state. 
 
 But I have never thought of this question as with relation to Dis- 
 senters nor should I have thought the Bill of last year, in any degree 
 so intolerable an evil, had it not prohibited the subscription even of 
 the members of the Church. That subscription, in these days, I look 
 upon as a decided benefit to the Church by promoting both a dutiful 
 and teachable frame of mind, and an earlier knowledge of definite 
 religious truth. Our schools are improving in the kind and degree of 
 their religious instruction under this system ; there is every promise of 
 far more improvement, and though things are yet far from being what 
 one should wish them, the solid improvement of Oxford within man's 
 memory IS said to be far greater than that of the rest of our country 
 and we have, I trust, every ground to look for far richer increase 
 unless m impatience at some remaining evil, we break up the system' 
 instead of endeavouring to act up to it. ^ , , 
 
 Ever yours very truly, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 
 letS ''"" ^"°'' *' '"''°'"^ '° «° ''"'* >'°"^ ^'^°"<1 P°=' 
 I think that we trusted to you to inform (I believe your father) T 
 Gladstone, Esq., MA., of the things now agitated here, and which 
 (though one magnifies what one is one's-self concerned in, still) as 
 Sately'"""" °' ''"""•"'' ""' ' "''"'' '"'"^h affect th^ count" 
 
 The Provost of OrieFs pamphlet. 
 
 309 
 
 Mr. Gladstone replied : — 
 
 Albany, May 14, [1835]- 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am very happy to be the depositary of any of your sentiments 
 on the interesting question now to be agitated in Convocation, and yet 
 more so to find that they are in such material points concurrent, if I do 
 not presume in saying so, with my own. I advert particularly to that 
 consideration which seems to be very prominent in your mind, of the 
 great importance of subscription to the members of the Church ; for 
 I do feel most strongly the necessity of putting forward the Articles as 
 a definite basis of teaching and of belief, and of keeping the religious 
 instruction of the University in a fixed form, as the only effectual means 
 of preserving its unity and substance. 
 
 So far however as regards evil or danger to be apprehended from 
 the contact of the Dissenters, I fear that if we are to wait until the 
 whole body of Churchmen is in such a state that all will be individually 
 as well as collectively secure against labefaction, the prospect of 
 relaxing the entrance will be indefinitely removed. May it not be a 
 question— whether the study of Church principles, as well as the progress 
 of religion in the great body of individuals professing adherence to the 
 Church, would not be rather quickened by the jealousy for her ensuing 
 upon the apprehended proximity of Dissenters ? 
 
 I have mentioned to my brother the day of your vote in Convocation. 
 Whether we may be able to go down I do not know, and I hope you 
 will not attribute it to lukewarmness if, in the present state of public 
 affairs and also in the prospect of your having votes to spare, I do not 
 send you a decisive answer at the present moment. 
 Pray remember me to Mrs. Pusey, and believe me, 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 W. E. Gladstone. 
 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The ' Questions ' were sent among others to the Provost 
 of Oriel, who ' reprinted them with a few brief hints \' as to 
 the sort of answers which, in his opinion, might properly 
 be given to them. These ' hints ' are, it need hardly be 
 said, very good reading ; they sparkle with the dry and 
 clear acuteness characteristic of the writer. But they do 
 not really grapple with the serious thoughts which Pusey 
 
 1 'Oxford Matriculation Statutes. 
 Answers to the " Questions addressed 
 to Members of Convocation by a 
 Bachelor of Divinity," with brief notes 
 
 upon Church authority, &c.,' by a 
 Resident Member of Convocation. 
 Oxford, Baxter, 1835. 
 
3IO Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 had at heart. They resolutely put out of sight the history 
 and the real drift of the new proposal, the influences 
 which had led to it, the large and far-reaching effects 
 which it might be expected to have. The Provost 
 especially attempted to make capital out of the ' many and 
 various senses put upon the present subscription ' by its 
 defenders ^ Upon this criticism Newman observed :— 
 
 * May [13], 1835. 
 'As to H.'s objection in the notes that explanations of subscription 
 given by its defenders are so various, even if the quotations bore him 
 out, It would seem to me very shallow. His business (to be fair) would 
 be to see if there was not some one essential deep argument runnin- 
 through them. No two individuals give the same ground of conviction 
 for the most acknowledged truths. Ask a dozen educated persons 
 their respective reasons for the belief in a God ;-or again their mode 
 of reconciling St. James and St. Paul ; or again to analyze the peculiar 
 beauty of a certain passage in Shakespeare or to criticize the character 
 of Hamlet,-how triumphantly might one show them up to ridicule • 
 show that St. Paul was diametrically opposed to St. James, and that 
 Hamlet s character was a mere extravagance ! * 
 
 Pusey in his turn dealt with the Provost as the Provost 
 had dealt with him. He reprinted his own Questions and 
 the Provost's replies, and now added notes of his own on 
 those replies ^. 
 
 The difference between his way of looking at the matter 
 and that of the Provost appears in the titles of their 
 respective pamphlets, which not merely deal with the same 
 subject but contain to a large extent the same words. 
 The Provost's title is 'Oxford Matriculation Statutes'; 
 Pusey's ' Subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles.* Puse/s 
 first thought was for the Faith of the Church; the 
 Provost's for the improved system of the University. ' 
 
 The leading point which Pusey makes in his notes is 
 
 Pusey's Reply. 
 
 3" 
 
 * 'Oxford Matriculation Sututes,' 
 p. 25. 
 
 =»' Subscription to the Thirty-nine 
 Articles. Questions respectfully ad- 
 dressed to Members of Convocation 
 on the Declaration proposed as a 
 Substitute for the Subscription to the 
 
 Thirty-nine Articles by a Bachelor of 
 Divinity, with Answers by a Resident 
 Member of Convocation, and brief 
 notes upon these Answers, by the 
 Bachelor of Divinity.' Oxford, Baxter, 
 
 that the Provost does admit the Declaration to mean less 
 han Subscription meant, and that the proposed change .s 
 herefore a relaxation. And such a relaxat.on .s. he 
 oncludes. a menace and a snare. It is a snare for tender 
 consciences,-an opinion which in later years he expressed 
 in the same terms of the new formula of clerical subscr.p- 
 tion -and it is a menace of future and more disastrous 
 change in the direction of abandoning all allegiance to the 
 
 teaching of the Church. 
 
 A more personal matter connected with Pusey s share 
 in this controversy had a deeper significance, and was not 
 without its bearings on important events which shortly 
 after followed. In his ' Questions,' Pusey had stated that 
 Dr Hampden was ' the first advocate of the proposed 
 measure'; that he was favourable to much wider changes 
 beyon" ; that, although 'himself a Christian,' he • put the 
 Unitarian on the same footing precisely of earnest religious 
 zeal and love for the Lord Jesus Christ, as any other 
 Christian.' In the letter already quoted the Provost goes 
 on to say that ' as to Hampden, he had nothing what- 
 ever to do with suggesting, or moving, or preparing the 
 present Declaration.' ' It is true,' he adds however, that 
 I have had a great deal to do with the present Declaration ; 
 you are wrong in supposing that it is properly rnme 
 Pusey, of course, was not concerned only or mam y with he 
 precise words of ' the present Declaration but with the 
 substitution of any Declaration at all for the ancient 
 practice of Subscription ; and Hampden was certainly the 
 first member of the Board of Heads of Houses, whu:h then 
 was the initiative body in the University, who had raised 
 the discussion which resulted in the present proposal 
 
 Upon the theological question the Provost felt more 
 warmly. He complained that Hampden s name should 
 have been introduced at all. The passages concerning 
 the Unitarians had been misapprehended. Hampden had 
 complained that the Unitarians were ' egregious dog^n^f^t^; 
 For his part, too, the Provost thought some of Hampden s 
 opinions on 'Tests, Creeds, and Articles,'-' dangerous 
 
312 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 and unsound.' Pusey insisted on the significance of 
 Hampden s statement about Unitarians. How could a 
 Umtanan fee ' precisely the same religious zeal and love 
 for our I ord Jesus Christ,' as those who believe that He is 
 God, and that His Death is an atonement for human sin 
 
 Jo;ZtismT"'"" °' "'■^■■°" '^^'^'' "'^^ ^' ^'^-'^^-l 
 
 thr^r *';","'"""'■ '^''^^ ""til May 20, when Convocation 
 threw out the proposal of a Declaration by a decisive 
 majonty-459 votes against the change, and 57 for it The 
 
 ti'onTh hT^'T ""'^'^ -"tated-'puseyi'late qLs! 
 
 tions had .t was plain, been not less influential with Con- 
 
 voca^on .n May than his earlier Questions had been w^th 
 
 he Hebdomadal Board in the preceding November: and 
 
 were^tho "Vk"' '"' '^' ""'^^ ■"«--^ ^^h voters 
 were those which pomted to a connexion between the 
 
 proposal and Hampden's pamphlet. Not that Pusey wa! 
 alone m connecting Hampden's name with the academical 
 question. Two other pamphlets, at least, had done the 
 
 sr Es.';;: ^^^^ -- '^ ^--- °^ ^- p--^-- 
 
 On the day upon which Convocation recorded its 
 
 dec.s.on Hampden wrote to Pusey: 'Having heard them 
 
 the Questions] generally imputed to you in the course of 
 
 this mornmg, I feel myself caUed upon to make the 
 
 enquiry of you whether you are the author of them or not .' ' 
 
 a Weni n '^ '^ "" ^""^'^ '^^""'^ '» ^he light of 
 
 a friend or acquamtance, one who under the cover of an 
 
 scTnTI'" T'l"" *=°"^' ^'^<^^^°"* ^-•^ 'unwarranted 
 
 scandals against him. 
 
 Pusey replied that he had signed all the copies of 
 
 Pusey and Hampden. 
 
 313 
 
 A \' 'Subscription to the Thirty-nine 
 Articles, &c.,' p. 27. ' 
 
 ^ * Latitudinarianism in Oxford in 
 
 iT' t.y^^^ ^'^"^ ^^e Life of 
 
 ?TK ? ^"i^-. ^^^°^^' ^^te^' ^835. 
 , The foundation of the Faith assailed 
 
 JL A KK-'u^ ^^"^' ^° His Grace 
 tlie Archbishop of Canterbury, by a 
 
 Clerical Member of Convocation/ 
 London. Kivington, 1835. Of these, 
 ;?^. *^!?t' according to the Rev. Dr. 
 Oriffiths. late Warden of VVadham. 
 was by the Kev. Benjamin Harrison ! 
 the second by the Rev. H. \V. W'ilber- 
 lorce. 
 
 ' Questions * which he had sent out ; that if he had not 
 printed his name, it was because he did not desire to 
 dictate to the University; and that he could not understand 
 how quotations from Dr. Hampden's public language could 
 be 'unwarranted scandals.' Hampden replied in very 
 angry terms. Pusey's letter was dictated by vain pre- 
 tension : his Questions were ' nonsense ' ; his excuse for 
 not printing his name on them was ridiculous. He advised 
 Pusey to examine himself more before venturing to fling 
 imputations of religious unsoundness on others. The 
 flattery of a party, he added, was not a fair criterion of 
 a claim to orthodoxy. 
 
 Pusey was distressed by Hampden's annoyance, and he 
 seems to have asked the Provost of Oriel, as a friend of 
 both, to bring about a better understanding. But nothing 
 that Pusey could honestly say would appear adequate even 
 to the Provost : although the Provost, with characteristic 
 candour, remarks to Pusey : — 
 
 * One thing I am certainly bound to give you full credit for, which is 
 your patient endeavour after repeated trials to make some reparation of 
 what I considered an injury, though you could not see it to be so 
 yourself ^* 
 
 In truth, behind the question of academical discipline 
 there lurked a far more serious issue which the course 
 of events would bring to the front, and that within the 
 next few months. But for the present the controversy 
 on academical subscription was settled. Lord Radnor 
 introduced another bill into the House of Lords which 
 came to nothing. The existing system of subscription, 
 even at matriculation, lasted on for twenty years, until 
 it was finally abolished at the first great instalment of 
 
 change in 1 854. 
 
 During the later phase of the controversy on subscription, 
 an event had taken place, of tragical interest in itself, and 
 intimately present to the mind of the leading controver- 
 sialists at Oxford. The Rev. J. Blanco White became 
 
 » Provost of Oriel to E. B. P., May 27, 1835. 
 
 ^ 
 
314 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 a Socinian at the close of January, j 835. His residence 
 in Oxford, from 1826 to 1832, had placed him on terms 
 of affectionate intimacy with Newman and Pusey on one 
 side, and with Hawkins, Hampden, and Whately on the 
 other. They all admired his moral courage and dis- 
 interestedness, as well as the strength and acuteness of 
 his understanding. In the earlier days of his Oxford 
 residence, he had taught Pusey, Wilberforce, and Froude 
 the order of the Breviary'. But his mind was setting 
 steadily in a latitudinarian direction; and although in 
 the election of 1829 he had sided with Pusey, it was 
 a political rather than a theological alliance, and he was 
 opposing Newman and Keble. His true mental kinship 
 was with the latitudinarians. He was generally believed 
 to have inspired Hampden with the main ideas of his 
 Bampton Lectures. He had a particular attraction for 
 the most moderate member of the school, the Provost 
 of Oriel: and since 1832 he had been an inmate of 
 Archbishop Whately's household at Redesdale, near 
 Dublin; he was in part tutor to the Archbishops son. 
 Great was the consternation, and sincere the distress when 
 m the beginning of 1 835, this gifted man announced his con- 
 version to Socinianism, and, in fact, deliberately attended 
 the Socinian service for the first time on January 25th. 
 The Archbishop and Hawkins, Newman and Pusey, all 
 wrote to him. Archbishop Whately apparently persuaded 
 himself that Blanco White's mind had been affected by 
 his bodily health ; Blanco White's letters do not sustain 
 this impression. The Provost of Oriel advised him to 
 consult Whately and Copleston. In a reply of marked 
 ability, he tells the Provost that 'his present theological 
 convictions were of very long standing ; that his note- 
 books attested the long and frequently resisted process 
 by which he had gradually rejected the doctrines of the 
 Trinity and the Atonement, in the sense of vicarious 
 suffering and original sin ; that with respect to the Divinity 
 
 Jnd fjuioo.^'"'''' ■■''"""'' "5"°"'' '" "°^''>'» 'R^-ini-'cences,- vol. i. p. 359, 
 
 Blanco White. 
 
 315 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 of Christ he had during the greatest part of his residence 
 in Ireland silenced his conscience by means of tho.se verbal 
 evasions which afford a shelter to some really conscientious, 
 but doubting, persons in the Church.' He would save 
 his friend the Archbi.shop 'all perplexity between affection 
 to himself and official deference to the intolerance of 
 orthodoxy.' He left Dublin. 
 
 Pusey appears to have written to him again some three 
 months after, in the hope that a return to faith was still 
 possible ; but Blanco White's replies completely dissipated 
 any such expectation. 
 
 Blanco White had no followers ; but the indirect results 
 of his act were very great indeed. It seemed to be a 
 living illustration of the logical outcome of Hampden s 
 anti-patristic teaching. It strengthened the resistance to 
 any attack on the principle of Subscription. It gave a 
 new impulse to the theological Movement which was at the 
 bottom of that resistance, by demonstrating, in the case 
 of a man of great power and accomplishments, the difficulty 
 of maintaining an intermediate position between the Creed 
 of the Church and the repudiation of the essential features 
 of God's Revelation in Christ. Its influence, great if in- 
 direct, is traceable in not a little of the literature and 
 in more than one career which was identified with the 
 Tractarian movement. 
 
 Far different from these exciting discussions are the fol- 
 lowing letters written in the midst of them. On sending 
 a print of Sir J. Reynolds' picture of ' The Infant Samuel 
 to his god-daughter, he writes a letter which shows how 
 a scholar and a controversialist may understand and help 
 very young children. 
 
 E. B. P. TO His NIECE, Edith Pusev, daughter of Ph. Pusey. 
 
 Christ Church, Saturday evening, March 21, 1835. 
 
 My dear Niece, 
 
 I love very much the picture which I sent you by your papa, 
 and 1 love you very much, and so I sent it to you. The httle ch.ld 
 whose picture it is, lived a long while ago; he loved God -"ore than 
 anything else, and God made him a very good and a very great man, 
 
iti 
 
 316 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 and praised him in His own book, the Bible, so that aU good people 
 now love and honour little Samuel. His mother gave him to God 
 when he was a very little child, and as he grew older, he was verJ 
 wiUmg to learn of God, and to do all which God told him, so God told 
 him more and more : and God does so now to us. The more any one 
 does what God bids, so much the more does God teach them, and 
 It IS a very happy thing to be taught by God. You see little Samuel 
 IS now on h.s knees, praying to God ; God in those times showed 
 where He was by a great light : you see the little boy is looking 
 .hin'f, K V V -^ i.' "°' '""'''"^ ^''°"' ''''"' °^ "''"king about other 
 
 T^J ;»r7' ' ^^ '^■'T '° ^"'^ "^^ '^ "''°''i"g ^bout God only. 
 That little boy IS now m heaven, where God is, to Whom he prayed 
 
 and he is very happy ; your papa and mama gave you to God, when 
 
 you were much less than that little child: God made you His own 
 
 vou ^n^T^-^n'"' ^'l."'' i°^" ^°"' ^"^ "^ ''*==""« ^ '""e =hild like 
 you and died, in order that you might be God's child. If you pray to 
 
 God aJways as this little child did, God will always love youTnow 
 
 wher^ H «'P ^Z '^T '^^^' ^""^ by-and-by, He will take you 
 uhere He is Himself and where you will never cry, but be always 
 happy. I always pray to God for you every night and morning that 
 
 ^iii r L^; Lr. ^'"'' "' '°^^ ^°' -"^^ ^ "^ '"°-' -'^ '^- ^- 
 
 God bless you, my dear Edith, prays your loving uncle, 
 
 Edward B. Pusey. 
 
 ^!. V^"" ^"^ ^"'^^ y^""^ ^"'^^ ^^^a printed this for you- she 
 
 r M h"^,'"\^' '"""'^' ""^y ^^^ ^^^"^^^ " best for her th;t she 
 should be ill, so she could not do it. 
 
 Another child-in the family of Dr. Wootten-died two 
 days before the struggle in Convocation on the question 
 of Subscription. Pusey describes her last illness in a 
 letter to his brother William :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. B. Pusey, Esq. 
 
 I h 'T 'T "^ '''''' ^ '^y ^^ '^'> ^-' besidef Lectur? &c 
 I have been finishing No^es on the Provost's Answers to my Qumes* 
 Mana (now better) has not been well ; and, expecting ThoZ^sTsi * 
 I have been more amcious to give additional time to my little charges 
 
 tree week c^nnnr"" "^ ^'^'^ ' ^^'' '''^ ^" *^^^ ^^^ ^hesf 
 Tvei^Iction and V""'^'"^' " '"^^ ^ ^""^^^Se to be with her; 
 du!?lnH n • Z'^ri '""""'^ '^ P^^^^^ fr^"^ some principle of 
 
 duty and love; with full and deep consciousness of past sin, and fl 
 
 On the Death of a Child. 
 
 317 
 
 and entire dependence upon her Saviour, she yet was for some time 
 oast kept free from sin : about a week or ten days ago, I recommended 
 to her the prayer of our Church, * Keep us this day without sin,' as 
 what we might hope should be fulfilled, if we asked in faith. She 
 was truth itself and knew herself, and so I could dare to ask her 
 whether she thought that God had so preserved her, and she answered, 
 Yes And I do believe that since she received the Blessed Sacrament, 
 perhaps during all this illness, she had been kept free from sin even 
 here and was already a holy angel, before she parted from among us. 
 It was beautiful to see how faith and humility were blended in her : 
 it was a realizing of the words, * I can do all things through Christ, 
 who strengtheneth me.' She felt herself nothing, and yet believed 
 that God could do all in her, and for her, and by her. I reminded her 
 but yesterday, that active life had many more temptations than her 
 sick bed, and asked what she should do, if God placed her again m 
 the midst of it. She said (with the deepest humility) that she thought 
 that God could keep her in the midst of these trials also. However 
 tired of other things, she had always been animated and refreshed 
 when spoken to of the things of God. And now her warfare is 
 accomplished, and she with her Saviour and her God. May God 
 grant, for His Son's sake, that those we love may die with the same 
 faith, humility, obedience. 
 
 At a somewhat earlier date, during the Easter vacation, 
 but when the air of Oxford was full of controversy, he 
 answers a request of Rev. B. Harrison that he would 
 criticize a sermon, the sketch of which was enclosed :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Christ Church, April 16, 1835. 
 I like the sketch of your sermon, although I have little more 
 time than to teU you so, and I think it is a subject which our age and 
 its theology both in its depths and its shallows needs to have brought 
 before it. You, however (as far as your sketch extends), have only 
 addressed yourself to one part of its shallows, the commonplace 
 matter-of-fact philosophy, whereas, I think, with your congregation, 
 you ought to take in two other classes of the Low Church, who 
 appear to me generally to carry their ideas of corrupt human nature 
 too much into the new man, and to think that, because we are by 
 nature infected with evil, and have ourselves gone yet further astray, 
 therefore we are incapable of rising to any great height of holiness 
 (though it be by God's free gift, and not of ourselves). They seem 
 almost to look upon it as derogatory to Christ's Atonement, if we 
 are represented as any other than weak, miserable, sinning creatures, 
 who are to go on sinning and polluted unto our lives' end : forgetting 
 
3i8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I 
 
 that since it is not ourselves, but God Who maketh us holy, all 
 boasting and all self-righteousness is excluded by the very conditions, 
 so that I suspect that there lies, unknown to these good persons] 
 a stronger idea of human agency than they themselves are aware ofi 
 that they depreciate human actions because they think too much of it 
 as human. However, the result I think is, a miserably low standard 
 of human attainment, or rather a want of faith as to what God can 
 and has and does work in man, if he gives himself up to Him ; they 
 think principally of God united with man for our Redemption, or of 
 Christ's being at the Right Hand of God to make intercession for 
 us, but they do not think of that almost more stupendous mystery, 
 man united with God, our human nature (which has not been vouch- 
 safed to angels) united with our God, and all the high inconceivable 
 privileges thence ensuing. So that I think the Ascension well calcu- 
 lated to correct in this way the faulty theology of the day. (2) The 
 other class, to whom I think it might well be applied, though carefully, 
 would be to young men, and in fact to most of us, as a motive for 
 shaking off this drowsy, sleepy state in which men live on, more or 
 less immersed in the things of this life, as if they belonged to this 
 world, were a part of it, whereas their nature is now united with its 
 and their Creator. The dignity of our nature, not as it is in us, 
 but as it is united with Christ, and consequently in us also as His 
 members, is a frequent theme with the ancient Fathers, and must 
 be again with us, if we would bring men (I do not mean those wilfully 
 blmd, but the half-awake) to consider in good earnest what is the hope 
 of their calling. On the present system, we shall never build up 
 Christians. In short, I would make the conclusion apply to our 
 deficient practice, as well as to the unchristian theories prevalent 
 
 among us. The rest I like. 
 
 Keenly as Pusey from time to time engaged in con- 
 troversy, it never made him forgetful of the claims of 
 personal religion whether in others or himself. His motive 
 was a belief that the honour and will of God, as distinct 
 from any selfish purpose, made it necessary. Accordingly 
 . it did not disturb that calm and assured sphere of 
 spiritual interests which lies beneath the outward activities 
 of a good man's life, nor obscure the sight of those 
 eternal verities of which all theology is the formal ex- 
 pression. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XHI. 
 
 -♦♦- 
 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey to Philip Pusev, Esq., M.P. 
 
 My dear Philip, l^^tley, Jan. 28, 1835. 
 
 Many thanks for your information, and for your offer to put me 
 into communication with Sir R. Peel. On the whole, I think it best to 
 do nothing ; and that mainly on the ground that, as he is, I suppose, 
 in communication with the Bishops, and is going to do what he 
 proposes with their sanction, the subject would, if they like it, come 
 from them ; if they do not like it, 1 should not of course wish to name 
 it. It is also too wide a subject, especially as much thought has not 
 been bestowed upon it, to be matured, as a tidpfpyov, amidst such an 
 extensive scheme of change, as that now brought forward. All that 
 I should wish, would be that Sir R. P. should not so far commit himself, 
 or so divert Cathedral property from its original purposes, as to render 
 it impossible hereafter to realize this portion of them : there would be 
 so much to arrange in the details of such a plan as mine, that 1 should 
 hardly think that it could be satisfactorily prepared by the beginning 
 
 of the present Session. 
 
 With regard to the proposed plan of alteration of Church incomes 
 (for Church Reform it cannot be called), one can say nothing without 
 seeing its details; there is a mode of applying Chapter property to 
 improve small livings, which I not only think just, but which ought, 
 I think, to be made compulsory, without reference to so-called existmg 
 interests'; and that is, the increase of the incomes of the cures in- 
 trusted to them and where they received the tithes, with the intention 
 that they should provide for the spiritual needs of the district. In all 
 such cases, if they have neglected their trust, or from circumstances 
 been unable to realize it, I think that the State ought to enforce its 
 execution ; and I should be glad to see a Bill on the plan of the Arch- 
 bishop's enabling Act, requiring Chapters to endow their poorer 
 benefices in certain proportions, according to the population : if the 
 population were large, I would make the Chapter form two or more 
 benefices of proportionate income. A plan of this sort, as far as our 
 Chapter is concerned (which is the only one with whose details I am 
 acquainted), would certainly do far more good, and be much more 
 effective than any other, while it enforced a principle and disturbed 
 none If the income of the several Canonries should by this measure 
 
 
320 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey. 
 
 edition. But a ml^e Tnd:;^ • ^^ , ^J^d^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 ^wLrcZcZroZn.T^ "tf"'' °''"^" plundered and 
 of their ma^n ficence i*; tn h^ r«^u ^ ^ ^^^l^^'cb, Museums, &c.), part 
 
 abuse may be so n^rl^H ?[ f.^''"""",^^' =«>d 'hat tliis system of 
 abolished ; but tS rf^ot th " ""? "'^"f ^""^ '"'" ^^^ '"ould be 
 
 jnents on.y i„ His H'^rrel^r^rrhirrt 'T' 
 interests only are rpfrarH*./! o i u " °' ^ "°P^» ^'^at, if existing 
 
 do with so X Tdll t :r buf L o^'"^ 1" '^^^ ""'•■'^ 
 
 sufficient for their succesorswm suffir. f° .t '""■! "'*' '^'•'' '^ 
 themselves to be or to i h'.M '"'""/°': '^^'"' ^n^ vviU not allow 
 
 extension of the bless L^ofolThM* '^' -mpediments tothe wider 
 denial mi.ht have i^'^^C ^ ,^^:1:S^^-'^ ^ °' -^- 
 
 wrheT„vrt^?rrarS;':rof%r ^'^t^^-'^^''' -^ ""-^ 
 
 some measure might be adooed^^ ,^P''" '^''^ "°' ^"«5^«' '^en 
 better for our iar^L towns buh„ Tv^?'''"^ '° '"" ^'^''^ '° P^°^ide 
 ' relief' of DissTnters ?rom Ch^ v. J' " T"''""' *"'' "'^ ^""^-"ed 
 that it is not heirr afaVSo^'^cLrh^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ - ' ''"P^ 
 R P f?h?tT °^ ™^ 'Cathedral Institutions' I did send to Sir 
 
 ^^^\:^ ^:j:::S'^:^ r'^-^ '"^ -"-> - "oVi'd 
 
 which were most to the S "A ^ *"' ,^"'""°" '° 'hose parts 
 the proposed m aL^e^Lttes from'^'"' 't '^^ '°"^=''^'"^'- '' 
 Bishops, then perhaps thymiXSfShiZ " "°'"'°" °' '"^ 
 to them, and themselves de.ermbe not o 1-°^°'' '"^ '"'^'"'^ 
 indeed, it seems a strange schemT^r . T ^'"^'^ ^"^""'"8 • «^ 
 
 n.ent of Episcopal ^ioresTZttlZZT^Tc'' ''"''"'''• 
 ^^d ojeal for it to go through without^anTpt^rLncr ^th^ 
 
 to o;":.^^ sr tr Si M?z^^?„dT\^°''"^^'' «° ^- 
 
 note from the Porter in one cover'o her ' "^ '^^ "°'" """^ '^ 
 
 Ever your affectionate Brother, 
 
 he^nrs^VbVrnrpS'p'^- °" ^^^^^^ --^'^^- Will ,0* si 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THOLUCK'S visit to oxford— studies on the SACRA- 
 MENTS—CHRIST CHURCH BUSINESS— CHURCHES IN 
 EAST LONDON— THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY— ASSIST- 
 ANCE TO GRADUATE STUDENTS OF THEOLOGY. 
 
 1835-1836. 
 
 In May 1835 Pusey's old friend Tholuck visited him at 
 Oxford. He was to arrive on Saturday, May 16th. He 
 was in bad health, and brought with him a companion, 
 Herr Mullen He stipulated for permission to go to bed 
 at ten o'clock, and to sleep in a room ' in which absolute 
 silence reigns at that time.' In the matter of meal-times, 
 he had already brought himself to conform to English 
 habits ; they were, he thought, the best for literary men as 
 well as for men of business. He did not wish for company, 
 but did not object to it. He should prefer the company of 
 Pusey himself to that of other Oxford divines. Pusey 
 would understand him better. But he particularly wished 
 to see Dr. Buckland and ' his programme about the ex- 
 planation of Genesis.* When Tholuck arrived in Oxford 
 he was in good spirits. He had spent pleasant evenings 
 at London House and at Lambeth. He had met Mr. 
 H. J. Rose, but * was angry with him on Pusey's account ; 
 he had been clumsy, and ought to have expressed his 
 repentance.' He had derived a special pleasure from a 
 minute examination of the Codex Alexandrinus. 
 
 Of the visit itself no details survive. But six months 
 afterwards, on returning to Halle, Tholuck wrote to his 
 • beloved friend ' an account of some of his impressions. 
 
 * November, 1835- 
 
 * Believe me it is sweet to my heart to write to my friends, and 
 doubly sweet to write to you whom I so sincerely honour. From your 
 
 VOL. L Y 
 
 i 
 
322 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 home I have carried away with me a deep impression that you and 
 your house serve the Lord, and that your names are written in heaven 
 Ever shall I bear in mind, with heartfelt gratitude to God, the hours 
 spent m your company. May He especially and long preserve to you 
 the devoted companion who is the faithful and high-minded partner of 
 your life ; I can understand your possessing in her the fullest comfort 
 that earth can afford in many a trouble. May He hear my prayer/ 
 
 During his visit to Oxford Tholuck, as was natural, had 
 met Pusey 's more intimate associates. He writes to Pusey:— 
 
 ' Remember me to your friend Newman. Some of his sermons have 
 indeed edified me. Such a transparent, holy mind ! My prayer is for 
 a blessing on your wife and children, on your own dear self, on the 
 University of Oxford, on the Church of England, on all who love the 
 l-ora Jesus. 
 
 Tholuck's warm-hearted devout nature had been deeply 
 shocked by the recent appearance of Strauss' first ' Life of 
 Jesus,' and by recent developments of rationalistic criticism 
 of the Old Testament. He speaks of it as follows :— 
 
 .k' J^/ ^^'''V^ '^^ ^"^^^'^ ^^"'^^ ^^^^y^ '"t^'-ests me as much as 
 that of the German. I feel most deeply how she is robbed, and how 
 she struggles on. Yes, my friend, a crisis is more and more develop- 
 ing Itself, ,n which, as never before, a people of God and a people of 
 Satan are on opposite sides. Let me tell you something about this 
 from Germany. The most educated people are increasingly partisans 
 of the philosophy of Hegel; and while some few adherents of this 
 system do seek Christ, the majority now unhesitatingly call themselves 
 
 M r?* .t 'T' ""^ '^^ "^^^^'^" ^^^«°'' Strauss of Tubingen, has 
 pubhshed a <' Life of Jesus," in which he groups together, whh grea 
 brilliancy and acuteness, all the historical discrepancies which have 
 ever been discovered, and indeed adds some new ones also. Thus this 
 history looks like a purely arbitrary construction,-like a myth The 
 book has made a deep impression on all minds that are not altogether 
 and by the way of experience, fortified in faith. A new epoch will 
 date from ,t The result is this: we know nothing historically 
 certain about Jesus, except that he lived as a sort of Jewish prophet. 
 Hereupon follows the author's own profession of faith. He is a 
 
 th^rol off .V^ if ''T'u^' '^'"^'' ^"^ ^^"^^ "^^" everybody should 
 throw off the mask and the Christian Church, as such, should cease to 
 be. You cannot think what a profound impression is made by this 
 book ; many waverers now turn with decision to that side of the 
 question Besides this, in our literary periodicals, we already read 
 pantheistic confessions of faith : they only now care to clear themselves 
 of the charge of being materialistic pantheists. At the same time there 
 
 Studies on the Sacraments, 
 
 323 
 
 have appeared books by Vatke, Bohlen, Lengerke, Hitzig. They are 
 partly of a frivolous character. They carry the negative criticism of the 
 Old Testament to an extreme. The Sabbath was introduced under 
 Hezekiah ; Abraham never lived at all ; the people under Moses said 
 their prayers to Saturn; Moses was neither captain nor lawgiver. 
 Vatke, at any rate, is a man of great talent. Even Ewald, I regret to 
 say, has praised Vatke highly in a review, and has scarcely noticed his 
 errors. I foresee that in Germany, a hundred years hence, only 
 Pantheists and believers will be opposed to each other: the deists 
 and the old rationalists will entirely disappear. With this, thousands 
 will be lost vv^ho now are comforted by what is at any rate a glimpse of 
 Revelation.' 
 
 Tholuck's conversation during his visit would doubtless 
 have made Pusey more than ever anxious to devote himself 
 to the work of his life,— the defence and illustration of the 
 Christian Faith. The Arabic Catalogue was now off his 
 hands; its striking preface is dated on April 7, 1835. In 
 it he refers to his withdrawal from further literary efforts 
 in Arabic that he might devote himself entirely to the 
 duties which more nearly touched upon his office, and 
 might hope to be useful, in however small a measure, to 
 the Church ^ 
 
 The first use which he made of his comparative leisure 
 was to proceed with the long-deferred tract on Baptism, 
 a project or sketch of which he had made during his illness 
 in February, 1834. 'Pusey,' wrote Keble to Perceval in 
 August, 1 835, * is more staunch than ever for the Church 
 view of things ; and at present especially in the matter of 
 Baptism.* For the next three months he devoted himself 
 especially to the study of Zwingli, who first introduced 
 into Christendom the idea that the Sacraments are bare 
 signs of blessings which have no real connexion with them. 
 
 * I am weary of reading,' he wrote to Newman six 
 months later, ' in order to censure ; it is a hurtful office, 
 and my study of Zwingli, &c. in the summer was more 
 than enough for some time.' Zwingli was, of course, 
 followed or accompanied by Calvin, who allows a virtual 
 
 » « A novo hoc labore destiti, quo Sacn.sanctae matri Ecclesiae, si fieri 
 me ad ea studia totum conferrem, quae possit, quantulascunque utilitates aflfcr- 
 officium meum propius attingerent, et rent.* Cat. Ar., praef. p. iv. 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 Life of Edivard Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 as distinct from an absolute value to the Sacraments, while 
 he traverses this partial admission of truth by his fatalistic 
 doctrine of Divine decrees which are supposed in the case 
 of some souls summarily to nullify the effect of God's ordin- 
 ances, in virtue of a prior judgment of God against them. 
 Besides this, the Liturgies, Catholic and Reformed, claimed 
 Pusey s attention, and a mass of American dissenting 
 divinity, which at that time was more studied in England 
 than would be the case at present. 
 
 As the event proved, this new direction of Pusey's 
 studies had a material effect on the progress of the Church 
 Movement. It is clear that at this date Newman was 
 seriously thinking of bringing the ' Tracts for the Times ' 
 to an end. He was discouraged by the dull ignorance, 
 as it then seemed to him, which charged Popery 
 on the defenders of Christian antiquity. The work of 
 editing the Tracts and of writing the greater part of them 
 had taken up much of his time, and he wished to devote 
 himself to some larger works. 
 
 On August 9, 1835, he writes to Hurrell Froude:— 
 
 ' The Tracts are defunct or in extremis, Rivington has written to 
 say they do not answer. Pusey has written one on Baptism, very 
 good,-of ninety pages, which is to be printed at his risk. That, and 
 one or two to finish the imperfect series (on particular subjects) will 
 conclude the whole. I am not sorry, as I am tired of being editor^* 
 
 The Tracts were understood to appear once a month, 
 and accordinirly on St. Bartholomew's Day, August 24' 
 Pusey published the first of his three tracts on Holy 
 Baptism ^. The two following parts followed on Michael- 
 mas Day and on St. Luke's Day as Tracts 6^ and 69. 
 Together with the Saturday meditations from Bishop 
 Wilson's 'Sacra Privata,' which in the first edition of 
 the Tracts is called No. 70 3, and for which subse- 
 quently Pusey's 'Notes to the Scriptural Views of Holy 
 Baptism' were substituted, these tracts complete the 
 second volume, which was issued, with a preface by 
 
 » Newman's * Letters, &c.,* ii. 124. 1 Xract 67 
 
 * In later editions this is printed as part of Tract 65. 
 
 Christ Church Business. 
 
 325 
 
 Newman on All Saints' Day, 1835. Thus Pusey by bis own 
 activity supplied the material for completing the issue of 
 that year: with the commencement of 1836 other con- 
 siderations, not least Pusey's advice, induced Newman to 
 continue the publication of the Tracts. 
 
 His studies did not prevent his giving in other 
 subjects that careful attention to details which was his 
 characteristic. It had become necessary to reconstruct the 
 upper part of the spire of Christ Church Cathedral, and 
 the Dean and Chapter had decided to place at the top 
 a finial of a somewhat simpler character than that which 
 it replaced. The work was approaching completion, and 
 Pusey sent a report to Dr. Bull, who was probably then, 
 as afterwards, ' the best man of business in the Chapter,' 
 and who was spending the summer at his vicarage of 
 Staverton : — 
 
 'The spire has at present only the pincushion-dish on, and until the 
 pine-apple has been placed on it I cannot much judge of the effect : 
 whatever is done, one must expect a little criticism at first, until people s 
 eyes are a little accustomed to it. They will soon forget that it has not 
 been there all their lives. At present certainly it looks heavy : he 
 horns or comers of the said dish look over-solid. But I have waited 
 for the remainder to see what the effect would be then. Soon after you 
 were gone I looked into the second volume of Willis, and there I found 
 the ball and cross on the top of the two spires of Lincoln also on the 
 two second spires of Peterborough ; the main spire which has he cock 
 has also the ball and cross underneath. There is also a ball under 
 what seems to be a star- the cock and vane-at Ely P^/^lj^^J^y 
 volume did not go, nor I, since the matter was settled. I think ,t 
 would have done better, as it at all events would have had some 
 meaning.* 
 
 Pusey was much more interested in the small livings 
 in the patronage of the Chapter, from the greater tithes of 
 which Christ Church drew so large a portion of its revenues. 
 He felt strongly that they were inadequately endowed, and 
 throughout his life lost no opportunity of bnngmg the 
 subject under the notice of his colleagues. 
 
 ' I commit the small livings '-he wrote to Dr. Bull-' to your care ; 
 or rather, I should say, that I recommend the hvmg book to your 
 
II 
 ■I 
 
 326 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 examination For the Chapter seems very ready to attend to such cases 
 when named ; but somehow .hey seem (with all due deference " 
 
 needed (.f my memory serves me) a large fly-flapper to awaken thet 
 attention to things around them.' PPer to awaken their 
 
 Then follow business details which might suggest that 
 Pusey was entirely absorbed in the financial condition of 
 several hvmgs. Another and a much less congenial subject 
 which now occupied him was the defence of his vote for 
 a Member of Parliament, in the Revising Barrister's Court 
 The votes of the Canons of Christ Church had been ob- 
 jected to on the ground that they were members of 
 a corporate body, which, as such, could only act under its 
 common seal. 
 
 •We are still here,' Pusey wrote to Bull on Sept. 20, i8« 'and I 
 
 Efer^nd Rld^'/r " ' ""• ^ ^°"" "^"' and' ReW .Ig 
 th^f ' ^ f ' objections, and clamorous voters are not jus° 
 the place and the society which I best like for a Canon. However 
 .^ me^an_ to venture into it, and will bring your vote also though,' 
 
 Three days later he reports his experiences :— 
 
 ' You will be interested to hear the result of this morning. I had a 
 ven' long battle with a great scamp, who talked of our /2,ooo a year 
 and seemed to wish in every way to make us as odious asTecouW 
 
 case, but said that .t was a very difficult one, and adjourned it to Wed- 
 nesday, October 7th. I shall not be here then ; o 1 must leave It 
 to you or Buckland, if he returns. I am only awa e of hS omitted 
 
 tha'tZ"' """'''' r '''^'"« °"^ ^*=P^^^'^ •'°"- -^ window-duty ani 
 that these vary; whereas if our houses could in any sense be caMed 
 
 ITr^ZlTTT'' """I" "^'"^^"^ ''^ P^'d ^- '" common;:"!^ 
 dutv oTthe ,, H , ."'' ^'"'' ' '"PP°=^' *"»> "-^^ house-and-window! 
 Se n r bl It Lv rrr?" 7''^ '■^^'' ='^^'"^' "><= "^ f"-- having 
 
 BarW's rll^nH V, " " ^^"' ""^ "'"• ' ""«''' •'»^« «^t against il 
 Barlow s rebuilding his own ; and you, I suppose, added your storvat 
 
 your own expense, including even the roof; but I forgot tWs^ 
 
 .h. I'f t '° ^. """^'' °"' '^''' *"= •^ave our houses separately but 
 
 the hitch seems to be whether they are not a portion of cor^^l 
 property, which we enjoy individually, and so whether they Tcon! 
 stitute us so far a corporation sole.' . ^ 
 
 The scene seems to have been a very noisy one. One 
 
 Wants of the Church in London. 327 
 
 very rough opponent asked Pusey, ' Then could you let 
 your house to me if you pleased ? ' The answer was, 'Yes, 
 
 if / pleased.' „. , . „ . 
 
 Years afterwards Dr. Jeune, who became Bishop of Peter- 
 borough, used to say that one of his greatest surprises m 
 the Hebdomadal Council had been the discovery of Pusey s 
 talent for business. It was simply a result of the con- 
 scientious devotion to details which formed part of h.s 
 conception of duty in matters both great and small. On 
 the present occasion he failed in his immediate object. 
 When, on the 7* of October, Dr. Bull appeared before 
 the revisers, the names of all the Canons were struck off 
 the list of voters, with the exception of Dr. Bull s own 
 name, against which, by some accident, no objection had 
 
 been raised. ^ ^ , r ^t. r ^ 
 
 A subject nearer to Pusey's heart, although further from 
 his home, which greatly occupied his attention at this 
 time, was the extension of the Church in London. To 
 the movement which culminated in the noble effort of 
 Bishop Blomfield, Pusey gave the original impulse by a 
 paper which appeared in the British Magazine of No- 
 
 vember, 183,5. r t j 
 
 The want of churches in the suburbs of London, es- 
 pecially on the south of the Thames, had been pointed 
 out by a correspondent of the Magazine six months 
 before, and the editor added a warmly-appreciative note. 
 But Puseys paper, without neglecting, indeed while in- 
 sisting very earnestly upon the appalling statistics of the 
 subject, lifted it at once into the region of principle. He 
 deprecated indeed any attempt to decide the details of 
 a plan for new churches : this could only be done by 
 those in authority. ' But,' he added, ' they ought to know 
 that there are those who would gladly lay up treasure in 
 heaven by parting with their treasure here; who would make 
 sacrifices ; who look with sickening hearts at the undisputed 
 reign of Satan in portions of our metropolis, at the spiritual 
 starvation of myriads, baptized into the same Body with 
 themselves ; who would gladly contribute their share, if 
 
328 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 ptirr. !'"'•'''■"'''•' 'T'^^-'^o'- paper is worth careful 
 perusa , glowing, as .t does, with the intenser sense of 
 
 du r he?"^' "'"' ''' "'^^'^^'^ P"^^y'« ^P'"'-' life 
 dunng the two past years. It contrasts notably with some 
 
 more recent forms of advocacy of the same great cauTe 
 
 wh h tL '''V'''''' f'^'y - the spirituafdestituti „' 
 wh.ch they would remedy, Pusey is as much, if not more 
 concerned for the apathy and unfaithfulness of Christians' 
 who can perm t it. One passage of the paper may Tl 
 he be quoted ; it was referred to more than oncJ, and 
 with adm.rafon, by the late Dean Stanley. Pusey had 
 
 Chu'^J. "'"'LTm:^ f '°'-«"''"°" "'^« - -« ""■ " voluntary 
 by the sacr fioesTn s„l ' °" "'"'■'^''"'' °"^ ^'^''P^'^ *"« raised 
 
 rema'l in h *^°7^'-l*'^'= ""-""-^ of those which 
 remamed m his own day, Pusey continues :- 
 
 areZ deLendanS h°a;'::c^^^^^^^^ C'^' ^"l'° ^^•'' ^""^ 
 
 Elijah ? ancestry ? VV here is the Lord God of 
 
 our boast of that which s Z sLU ' r T? '^' ' ^"^ "^ "^^^^ 
 upon hi., yet he know:th n t ''"hos SrCo"' m" ^'' ^'^^^ 
 
 holythouTht^hlr^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 "^^VZ^^^"^^ T -dteX^alh™^^^^^^ 
 
 renewed^inTent upllil'^n'^^Ldl"^^^^^^ '""IV' ''''' '''^^' 
 
 resolves, and pure thou^h.c T "" "'^^ *^" ^'^^ "^^^V holy 
 
 , ana pure thoughts, and earnest aspirations to the heavens 
 
 The Bishop of London's Plan. 
 
 329 
 
 whither they ascend, he has not owed to them, and, consequently, how 
 much of his future glory ? And then, calculate the tens of thousands, 
 in each generation since they were raised, who have felt the like, or 
 " count the stars of heaven " ! And what do we ? Our modem towns 
 have their characteristics,— the chimneys of our manufactories, and 
 the smoke of our furnaces. And we " boast ourselves in the multitude 
 of our riches," and our wisdom, and our enlightening, and our skill m 
 the mechanical arts, and our knowledge in physical sciences, and the 
 Bibles which we print : while the only true wisdom we have not 
 known.' 
 
 This paper is dated Oxford, September, 1835, and must 
 have been written concurrently with the second part of his 
 tract on Baptism. The editor followed it up by state- 
 ments respecting the spiritual desolation of Brighton and 
 other large towns ; and Pusey contributed at least some 
 
 particulars. 
 Meanwhile others were stirring : — 
 
 *Rose writes me word,— so Pusey tells Newman in January. 1836, 
 — *that the Evangelical (so-called) party have offered to the Bishop of 
 London to raise iji 50,000, if he will lead a Diocesan Society like that 
 at Chester, to build churches by the means of trustees, who are to have 
 the patronage and throw all the force thus acquired into the Puritan 
 scale. It seems then that if this great work is ever to be done upon 
 a Church plan, and not so as to augment the evils of our Church, it 
 must be done now. Rose thinks we cannot stir without the Bishop, 
 and that he will not refuse the Evangelical offer.' 
 
 The Bishop, however, took an independent line of his 
 own; and the plan known as the Metropolis Churches 
 Fund was formed early in 1836. As soon as the plan was 
 sufficiently matured, the Bishop himself sent it in manu- 
 script to Pusey, ' for the purpose'— as he states— 'of ascer- 
 taining whether it will meet your views K' 
 
 The question of the patronage of the proposed new 
 churches was discussed in several letters. Pusey was for 
 placing it altogether in the hands of the Bishop. The 
 Bishop, in this agreeing with Mr. Joshua Watson, thought 
 that the principle of private trusteeship must be admitted 
 with certain restrictions— at least, at first. The corre- 
 
 > Bishop of London to Rev. E. B. Pusey, April 4, 1836. 
 

 33^ Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 spondence was interrupted for a time by the Bishop's illness 
 in May, 1836: it was resumed in view of the proposed 
 meeting on June 7th, when the plan took a definite shape. 
 At this meeting Pusey was present : he became a member 
 of the Committee. 
 
 Pusey was delighted with the Bishop's cordiality, but 
 their intercourse was not unenlivened by differences of 
 opinion. Later in the year 1836 Pusey proposed to the 
 Bishop that the endowments of the new churches should 
 be secured to tl em on condition of there being no changes 
 in the Prayer-book, or only such as might ♦ bring it even 
 nearer to the standard of Christian antiquity.' The Bishop 
 dismissed this suggestion somewhat abruptly. He would 
 not place all these new churches on a different footing 
 from the old ones now existing. An improbable and 
 remote danger would not warrant him in making openly 
 a provision for schism. If the people at large and the 
 great body of the clergy were in favour of liturgical change 
 they would overrule any such conditions as Pusey pro- 
 posed. There was an inconsistency too in a proposal 
 which went on the principle of disallowing any changes in 
 the Prayer-book, while making an exception in one direc- 
 tion welcome to the author and his friends. And all 
 speculations on such a subject as the alteration of the 
 Prayer-book were to be discouraged. They shook con- 
 fidence in the stability of the Church of England : they 
 tended to widen differences which a common danger micxht 
 compose. ^ 
 
 Pusey, of course, had to give way ; and the difference 
 did not in the least affect the cordial relations which 
 existed at this time between him and the Bishop of 
 London. The latter was deeply convinced of Pusey*s 
 earnestness of purpose. ' I have not said,' the Bishop 
 writes to Pusey, *as much as I ought in acknowledging 
 your own munificent donation.' This donation was ;^5,oco, 
 in two instalments ; it was given, as were all his larger 
 gifts, anonymously \ but the Bishop obviously knew who 
 
 » One was as ' from a clergyman seeking treasure in heaven.' 
 
 Pusey s Munificent Gift. 
 
 331 
 
 the donor in this instance was. In order to make such 
 an offering to God's service Pusey was obliged to reduce 
 his servants, to give up his carriage, and to live even 
 more simply than heretofore. 
 
 Some years after, when Pusey was called upon to give 
 evidence in Court in a case of alleged lunacy, he was asked 
 in cross-examination whether a person who gave away very 
 large sums of money to religious objects could be con- 
 sidered capable of managing his property. He gravely 
 answered that he could be so considered ^ 
 
 Pusey's latest service to the Bishop's great scheme was 
 the republication of his first paper in the British Magazine, 
 together with another that appeared in November 1836 
 in answer to objections urged by the Record and other 
 critics. He also persuaded Newman to print the now 
 well-known and striking sermon, 'Make ventures for Christ's 
 sake.' The preface is Pusey's ; and he too suggested the 
 motto from St. Augustine, in which Christ says to the 
 Christian, 'Est alius locus quo te transferam: praecedat 
 ie quod habes : noli timere ne perdas : dator ego eram ; 
 
 custos ego ero^ 
 
 In September, Pusey, thoroughly tired out with work, 
 went to Brighton. There he remained throughout October. 
 On one occasion at the least he seems to have preached 
 for the Rev. Henry Venn Elliott at St. Mary's : his subject 
 was, 'What has been done for us and in us.' He was 
 also engaged on the third part of his tract on Baptism. It 
 would be more likely to come out, he humorously writes 
 to Harrison, now that he was removed from libraries. But 
 Harrison helped him in looking out references at the 
 Bodleian ; and in return was the receiver of two letters 
 which show the method of his work. The first letter if 
 quoted would not add much to the knowledge of modern 
 liturgical students; but it shows the steps and motives 
 to which it is due that our present higher knowledge 
 has been reached. In the second letter Pusey gives the 
 
 » There is an allusion to this incident in the striking sermon • Our 
 Pharisaism,' Lenten Sermons, Oxford, 1874, p. 156. 
 

 li 
 
 332 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 following reasons for the continuance of the Tracts, and 
 sees further work for them in the future. 
 
 ' I should be sorry that the Tracts should be given up, and it happens 
 remarkably enough that just the months to the end of the year which 
 seemed likely to stand unoccupied promise to be filled up by numbers 
 of my tract, which 1 once thought that I should have finished by 
 August, and the Tracts must be carried on beyond the time when they 
 were to be concluded and would have been regularly. I expect to print 
 towards 100 more pages (to conclude the tract) for November, and the 
 extra notes, although not of this magnitude, may very likely occupy some 
 40 or 50 more ; which will do for December. Just tell Newman this 
 and what Bowden says. But I am not so sure about what B. says of 
 carrymg on the two series, for I know not that the Popish controversy 
 may not just be the best way of handling Ultra-Protestantism : i.e. 
 neglectmg it, not advancing against, but setting Catholic views against 
 Roman Catholicism and so disposing of Ultra- Protestantism by a side- 
 wind, and teaching people Catholicism, without their suspecting, while 
 they are only bent on demolishing Romanism. I suspect we might 
 thus have people with us, instead of against us, and that they might 
 find themselves Catholics before they were aware : for thus the Catholic 
 statements would be purely historical (as brought from the Fathers), 
 the polemics would be against Rome. Only instead of the Ultra- 
 Protestant fashion of saying " the Fathers spoke warmly or hyper- 
 bolically, ♦ &c., without troubling themselves to know what the Fathers 
 did say, the passages of the Fathers would be produced in real earnest 
 and speak for themselves. 
 
 ' Only, for myself, ... I have been thrown much behindhand in 
 everything, by having employed this Vacation on the tract-not but 
 that I am glad that I have been so led on (since I was led on), but 
 that I have no time left. ... 
 
 * I expect to return on Saturday, October 31, so if you do not hear 
 from me agam, pray give notice for my lectures in the Psalms in the 
 usual way on Mondays, Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays at one : 
 (they would send you an old notice from the Press). My lectures to 
 begin November 3 and to see persons on Monday. Yours and Pauii's 
 when you think best.' 
 
 On his return to Oxford Pusey carried out a plan which 
 had been in contemplation for some time,— the foundation 
 of the Theological Society. 
 
 The objects of this Society were threefold. It was in- 
 tended first of all to promote * knowledge of the several 
 branches of theology, and to further full, clear, and definite 
 views by reference to original sources/ For this, Oxford 
 
 The ' Theological Society^ 
 
 333 
 
 afforded *very singular opportunities.' But, secondly, 
 theological study was to be promoted ' according to the 
 peculiar character of our Church, by combining the study 
 of Christian antiquity with that of Holy Scripture.' 
 Thirdly, the society was not to be confined to older men 
 or experts. It was to 'afford to students facilities of 
 hearing subjects discussed, or difficult texts of Scripture 
 explained fully and in detail.' 
 
 These objects might seem to be none other than those 
 which the Faculty of Theology itself would naturally and 
 always have kept in view. But the official profession of a 
 areat subject is not always accompanied by the specific 
 enthusiasm which would do the best that could be done 
 for it ; and theological knowledge is apt to stagnate unless 
 it be 'committed to the keeping of an earnest religious 
 conviction. The new Society, however, anxiously en- 
 deavoured to recognize the rights as well as the duties of 
 the Oxford Professoriate. Everything relatmg to the 
 Society was to be regulated by a committee. This com- 
 mittee would make bye-laws as well as direct the conduct 
 of meetings. It was to consist of the two Professors of 
 Divinity^ the Regius Professor of Hebrew, the Archdeacon 
 of Oxford, and three other members, whose places were to 
 be filled up by the whole body when the first vacancies 
 occurred. Thus, by the constitution of the society, a ma- 
 jority of its governing body consisted of persons in high 
 office at Oxford ''. But it does not appear that this pro- 
 vision had any practical effect ^ The first committee 
 seems to have consisted of five members only : the Regius 
 
 1 These would be the Regius and 
 the Margaret Professors of Divinity. 
 The Regius Chairs of Pastoral The- 
 ology and Ecclesiastical History date 
 only from 1840. 
 
 » It is observable that the Rev. W. 
 Palmer, although an active and well- 
 informed theologian, of whom New- 
 man speaks respectfully, was not a 
 member of the society. He * attended 
 one meeting and felt by no means 
 satisfied of the wisdom and expediency 
 
 of the design.* May there not have 
 been an explanation of this other than 
 that the design was unwise or inex- 
 pedient? Cf. ' Narrative,' p. I33- 
 
 3 Dr. Burton, the Regius Professor 
 of Divinity, died almost immediately 
 after, the foundation of the society, 
 and his successor, Dr. Hampden, could 
 not have been expected to act with it. 
 Nor does it appenr that the Margaret 
 Professor of Divinity, Dr. Faussett, 
 ever took his place on the committee. 
 
334 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Professor of Hebrew, the Archdeacon of Oxford (Dr 
 Gierke), the Rev. John Keble, the Rev. J. H. Newman 
 the Rev. F. Oakeley. 
 
 It has sometimes been the fashion to attempt to promote 
 theology by desultory talk at breakfasts or dinners. The 
 new Society proposed to go to work by reading papers ; 
 but precautions were taken that these papers should be of 
 a high order of excellence. The fifth rule of the Society 
 provided that ' in order to prevent the possibility of un- 
 advised and random observations upon sacred subjects/ no 
 discussion on the subject of any paper should take place 
 at the meeting of the Society during which the paper was 
 read. No one could read a paper who was not in holy 
 orders and of sufficient standing to preach before the 
 University. The committee might ban any subject the 
 discussion of which they deemed inexpedient ; and no 
 subject could be handled without their approval. Every 
 essay that was read must have been recommended by one 
 member of the committee; and the committee was to 
 determine the order in which papers should be read. 
 
 The ten rules of the Society were composed and proposed 
 by Pusey, and accepted by the others with little or no 
 modification : the committee then proceeded to enact its 
 bye-laws. Any B. A. was eligible for membership in the 
 Society; and any member might introduce friends, not 
 being undergraduates, to its meetings. Papers were to be 
 read on every Friday in Michaelmas and Lent Terms, and 
 on every second Friday in Easter and Act Term. The 
 substance of each paper was to be briefly summarized 
 at the subsequent meeting, with a view to further dis- 
 cussion when there had been an interval for thought and 
 reading. 
 
 There can be no question of the influence of this Society 
 on the Oxford movement. It stimulated theological thought 
 and work more than any other agency in Oxford at the 
 time ; it gave a point to study, and prevented desultoriness 
 and a one-sided interest in the controversies of the day. 
 Above all, it fed both the British Magazine and the 'Tracts 
 
 Proceedings of the Society. 
 
 335 
 
 for the Times/ especially the latter, with a series of essays 
 upon subjects of which little was known or thought in 
 those days. It enabled the editor of the Tracts to carry 
 out the change of plan, adopted in the latter part of the 
 second volume, by which ' tracts of considerable extent of 
 subject were substituted for the short and incomplete 
 papers with which the publication commenced ^' Mr. 
 Keble appears to have read no less than eight papers 
 before the Society, on * The Mysticism attributed to the 
 Early Fathers,' but only a fragment of this considerable 
 labour was given to the world in the eighty-ninth tract. 
 The Rev. I. Williams' tract on ' Reserve in communicating 
 Religious Knowledge ' grew out of two papers read before 
 the Society. Others which did not appear in the Tracts were 
 those in which Newman discussed 'The Apollinarians and 
 the Monophysites' ; Charles Marriott, 'The relation of Church 
 and State as it appears in the History of Theodoret'; and 
 Mr.B. Harrison, 'The School of Alexandria.' Pusey himself, 
 besides the inaugural paper, seems to have given an 
 » Historical Account of the Doctrine of the Eucharistic 
 Sacrifice in the Anglican Church, as occurring in the 
 several forms of her Liturgy 2,' which formed the early 
 part of the eighty-first tract; and an 'Historical View 
 of the Pelagian Heresy,' in two papers 3, which do not 
 appear to have been made further use of, at least in this 
 
 form. 
 
 One rule of the Society was that 
 
 ^a book be kept wherein subjects upon which any member will 
 undertake to write, or upon which he wishes to see an essay written, 
 may be entered : so likewise texts of Holy Scripture which he wishes 
 to have explained or will explain.* 
 
 This book happily survives, and it shows how large was 
 the range of theological interests in the members of the 
 
 Society*. 
 
 The first meeting of the Society was held on Nov. 12, 
 
 ' 'Tracts for the Times,* vol. iii. 
 Advertisement. 
 > April 28, 1837. 
 
 8 March 27 and May 15, 1840. 
 * See Appendix to this chapter. 
 
 m 
 
™ I hft-il 
 
 I 
 
 ii 
 
 ill 
 
 i 
 
 336 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey, 
 
 1835. On the previous day Pusey wrote to Mrs. Pusey, 
 who was staying at Ryde in the Isle of Wight :— 
 
 * Our little, or large, Theological Society is to meet on alternate 
 Fridays, as you wished, at 8 after to-morrow. There will be only two 
 more meetings this Term ; Friday week, and three weeks. It promises 
 well, but I almost fear I see elements of disunion, in that John [New- 
 man] will scare people. But of this nothing now. It is for the present 
 held in this house ; so 1 shall be Moderator, and all your chairs con- 
 fiscated.' 
 
 On the day after the meeting he writes : 
 
 * Last night I read a paper which N. says must have lasted an hour 
 and twenty minutes, and my chest was not at all tired. There were 
 thirty persons present in the dining-room, so I had to read from one 
 end to the other. I do not know how it went off. I was a little nervous 
 about it, which I was not in the University pulpit. One ought not to 
 have thought of self more here than there.' 
 
 In his inaugural address Pusey evidently endeavoured to 
 set the tone of the proceedings of the Society. His subject 
 was, ' The necessity of Theological Learning, especially in 
 the Church of England.' This necessity he based on the 
 double character of the English Church as Catholic and 
 yet Reformed. If a Reformed Church must be a student 
 of Scripture, a Catholic Church must add to the study of 
 Scripture that of ecclesiastical antiquity. Pusey depre- 
 cated the one-sidedness which would sacrifice Scripture to 
 antiquity or antiquity to a mistaken conception of the best 
 methods for studying Scripture; and the latter being the 
 danger of the time, the paper is mainly taken up with 
 arguing the importance of the study of antiquity. The 
 argument is emphatically an Anglican argument: the 
 6th Article is discussed in order to show that if Scripture 
 contains all necessary truth its use is not so much to teach 
 as to ' prove ' what is taught by the teaching Church ; and 
 the 20th, that if the Church may not expound one place 
 in Scripture that it be contrary to another, this limitation 
 implies that the Church is the expounder as well as the 
 keeper and witness of Scripture. A large part of the 
 paper is devoted to establishing the value of antiquity from 
 
 Opposition to the Society, 
 
 337 
 
 the language of Bishop Jewel when in controversy with 
 Harding, although, as was natural, Hammond and other 
 Caroline divines are also laid under contribution. The 
 paper lays stress on the advantages of the Reformation, and 
 speaks of the Lutheran and Reformed * Churches.' 
 
 As time went on Pusey became exceedingly hopeful 
 about the Society. The meetings were attended by many 
 young men of promise ; some of their names were not in 
 later years associated with the Movement. In the MS. 
 lists of attendances we read Cureton, Liddell, Golightly, 
 C. Williams, Robert Hussey, P. C. Claughton, H. Kynaston. 
 One accomplished young man, who combined with the 
 study of Medicine that of Hebrew and Arabic, Mr. W. A. 
 Greenhill, of Trinity College, describes his experience : — 
 
 * The meeting was in the large study of later years, at that time the 
 dining-room. Dr. Pusey sat at the head of the table, on the west 
 side of the room. Newman sat on his right, and read the paper, the 
 subject of which was the ApoUinarian Heresy ^ There was little 
 or rather no discussion. People appeared to be afraid to venture 
 on a topic of which they knew little ^ As a young man, I thought 
 it dry.' 
 
 Meanwhile, the existence of periodical meetings at 
 a private house in Oxford, not having for their object hos- 
 pitality or amusement, attracted attention. There are 
 always a certain number of people who look with a jaun- 
 diced eye upon any form of doing good in which they 
 themselves have no share. It was urged that the Theo- 
 logical Society 'was acephalous and irresponsible.' One 
 'knew not what might come of it.* Nothing should be 
 done without the Bishop ; but what had the Bishop had to 
 do with the Theological Society ? To this last objection it 
 was sufficient to reply that the Christian Church had always 
 recognized an independence, within limits, in her schools 
 of theology; that Universities had been founded after 
 this principle ; and that the objection would tell against 
 the Theological Faculty at Oxford. The other criticism 
 
 * This fixes the date as Nov. 3, 
 1837. 
 
 VOL. I. Z 
 
 ' All discussion was by the rules 
 reserved for the following meeting. 
 
338 
 
 Life of Edivard Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 could only be refuted by the event ; but, in truth, it was 
 too much the language of prejudice to wait for serious 
 discussion. 
 
 Connected with this plan was another, having in view 
 the same object — a revived interest in and study of 
 theology. Pusey proposed to take into his house three 
 or four Bachelors of Arts ; to keep them at his own 
 expense ; and to afford them assistance in reading. The 
 first to avail himself of this generous project was Mr. 
 J. B. Mozley. He was a striking illustration of the theory 
 that the finest minds generally ripen late. He had 
 graduated as a third classman, and had since been rejected 
 twice when standing for a Fellowship at Oriel. Pusey 's 
 offer came to him when he was eager to study, yet without 
 any means of maintaining himself as a student in Oxford, 
 and he eagerly accepted it. His account of the plan is 
 given in a letter to his mother : — 
 
 * Pusey, the Canon, finding his house too large for him, and thinking 
 also that his house and income were never intended by the original 
 benefactors of the Church to be used only for private convenience, is 
 going to take in three or four men, to give each of them apartments, 
 and also the free use of his library. In return for this they are to 
 read, — divinity I suppose, or subjects connected with it ; following at 
 the same time the bent of their own minds as to the particular course 
 of reading, and only referring to Pusey when ihey think they want 
 advice and assistance. This is a liberal plan. Pusey, in short, 
 only claims to give men an excuse and object for staying up after 
 their degree : he wishes above everything to encourage the study 
 of theology, as one great way of pouring in some light upon this 
 ignorant age ; ignorant, that is, as to all sacred learning and primitive 
 views. I cannot give the exact details of the scheme, or how we 
 are to live together, and what we are to see of Pusey, and of each 
 other ; but there is the general arrangement ^' 
 
 To be suddenly introduced to the innermost circle of a 
 family, with a certain strictness and severity of life, and 
 with some marked peculiarities of character ; and this upon 
 no such well-defined footing as that either of a visitor 
 or a private tutor, was not without an element of difficulty 
 
 » 'Letters of J. B. Mozley, D.D.,' p. 57. «To his Mother,' dated April 
 ID, 1836. 
 
 Home for Theological Students. 
 
 339 
 
 for a young man. But, however this may have been, 
 it was easily surmounted, partly no doubt by Mozley's 
 good sense, and still more through Pusey's tact and perfect 
 consideration for others. * I am writing,' Mozley tells his 
 mother six weeks afterwards, ' in Dr. Pusey's dining-room. 
 I really flatter myself I get on very well with the Puseys ; 
 which is something to say, considering the strangeness of 
 the situation.' In Michaelmas Term he was joined by 
 Mr. Ashworth of Brasenose, and Mr. Phillips of All Souls, 
 who came at the instance of Newman. With these was 
 associated Mr. F. M. R. Barker of Oriel College — a relative 
 of Mrs. Pusey. The arrangement seems to have lasted 
 until the summer of 1838, when the plan took a new form. 
 Mrs. Pusey's health had then become too critical to admit 
 of her receiving as inmates persons who were not members 
 of the family. But Newman was now anxious that the 
 plan of encouraging and supervising the work of young men 
 should not drop, and he accordingly took a house for the 
 purpose in St. Aldate's. Another feature of change was that 
 the inmates of the house were not to be students reading 
 on their own account, but assistants and fellow- workers 
 of Pusey's in the * Library of the Fathers ' and his other 
 many undertakings. It was described as a * reading and 
 collating establishment^' by J. B. Mozley's friendly pen. 
 He seems to have been at the head of it ; and one of his 
 companions was Mr. Mark Pattison, who, while there, 
 collated some MSS. of St. Cyprian, and translated the 
 Catena Aurea on St. Matthew ^. But in this second stage 
 the project does not appear to have been a success. To 
 be intimate with Pusey and Newman in 1838 made young 
 men objects of suspicion ; and Pusey's home sorrows in 
 1839 may have for the time made his supervision less 
 active than it would otherwise have been. The home 
 seems to have been closed in 1840, when J. B. Mozley, 
 who since the preceding November had been its only 
 inmate, was elected a Fellow of Magdalen ^. 
 
 * * Letters of J.B. Mozley, D.D.,* p. 78. • * Memoirs of M. Pattison, p. 180. 
 » * Letters of J. B. Mozley, D.D.,' p. 94. 
 
 Z 2 
 
Appendix to Chapter XIV. 
 
 341 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 -M- 
 
 THE THEOLOGICAL SOCIETY. 
 
 Subjects, Passages of Scripture, &»c.y proposed for dissertation 
 
 or exposition. 
 Undertaken 
 
 by I. God was by the death of His Son reconciled to us, 
 
 not we to Him only. 
 E. B. P. 2. yXwao-ajf XaXf 11^, extent and character of this gift : 
 whether a mere external gift ? not a mere utterance 
 of deep religious truth in language beyond the ca- 
 pacity of ordinary Christians, as Neander, &c. main- 
 tain. Account of the Fathers. 
 
 3. Of whom is St. Paul speaking Rom. vii? Origin of 
 
 the views of Augustine and other Fathers. 
 
 4. What did the Fathers understand by 7rpoa<f>6pa, Bvaiof 
 
 as applied to the Lord's Supper ? 
 
 5. Doctrine of the Fathers with regard to Christ's presence 
 • in the Eucharist. 
 
 6. * Communion of Saints ' : doctrine explained historically. 
 E. B. P. 7. *Zohar/ age of ? Agreement with Christian doctrine. 
 E. B. P. 8. Fiction of two Messiahs, Ben Joseph and Ben David. 
 
 Age, character, and providential use of. 
 E. B. P. 9. Symbolical actions of the Prophets : whether actually 
 
 performed, or a mode of parabolic teaching only, 
 
 or each. 
 E. B. P. 10. Symbolical language of Prophecy : is its physical or 
 
 its spiritual meaning the true one? How did the 
 
 early Christians understand it ? 
 
 11. ol 0mrfi(6fjifvoi xmip roiv vfKpS>y. I Cor. XV. 29. 
 
 12. View of the early Church with regard to the Ministry 
 
 of Angels in combination with St. Matt, xviii. 10. 
 B. H. 13. The Church in the Post- Apostolic age (Epistles of 
 Ignatius, &c.): its system traced in the New Testament 
 and in the Jewish temple. 
 [No. 14 has been omitted.] 
 
 15. Sketch of the Missions in the Middle Ages. 
 
 16. Anselm and his times. 
 
 1 7. St. Bernard against Abelard. 
 
 Undertaken 
 by 18. 
 '9- 
 
 20. 
 21. 
 
 Promised. 22. 
 
 Promised. 23. 
 
 Promised. 24. 
 
 Promised. 25. 
 
 Promised. 26. 
 
 27. 
 
 Promised. 28. 
 Promised. 29. 
 Promised. 30. 
 
 31- 
 
 Promised. 32. 
 
 33. 
 
 34- 
 Promised. 35. 
 Promised. 36. 
 
 Promised. 37. 
 / 38. 
 
 39. 
 
 Traditions of the Eastern Church. 
 
 Defects of early Protestant opponents of the Church of 
 
 Rome. 
 Mystical theology of Church of Rome. 
 Influence of Zwingli upon the Reformed portion of the 
 
 Protestant Church. 
 Position of the Church in James' time with reference to 
 
 Christendom. * 
 
 State of the Western Church just before the Council of 
 
 Trent. 
 Correspondence between the history of the Arian heresy 
 
 with that of the Papal apostasy. 
 Cranmer's negociations for a union of the Reformed 
 
 Churches, illustrating some of our Articles and 
 
 Formularies. 
 Succession of Schools of Theology in the Western 
 
 Church from St. Athanasius' banishment to the 
 
 present time. 
 Doctrine of Inspiration as held by the ancient Fathers, 
 
 and the influence of their views as respects the 
 
 Apocrypha. [Erased.] 
 The use of the word rAfiof in the Epistle to the 
 
 Hebrews. 
 The serpent in the wilderness, as employed by our 
 
 Saviour in St. John iii. 
 Forensic justification, the doctrine of first five chapters 
 
 of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans. 
 On the Rule of Faith. (Read on Friday, November 20, 
 
 [1836], by the Rev. J. H. Newman.) 
 Inquiry into the best line of argument for meeting the 
 
 Romanists. 
 On a peculiar species of Rationalism existing at the 
 
 present day. (Read on Friday by the Rev. J. H. 
 
 Newman.) 
 History of the rise of the Benedictines. 
 On Laud's view of the Articles. 
 On the principle and history of doctrinal developments 
 
 in the Church. 
 Proofs of Infant Baptism. 
 Rise and progress of Jansenism. (Read on Friday 
 
 by the Rev. F. Oakeley.) 
 Mediate Inspiration of the Apocrypha, as held by the 
 
 Antients and Anglican Church, as distinct from the 
 
 modem Church of Rome or Protestant bodies. (Read 
 
 on four successive Fridays in Easter and Act Terms 
 
 by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D.) 
 
342 
 
 Undertaken 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey, 
 
 by 40. History and character of the Non-jurors. (Read on 
 two successive Fridays by the Rev. W. J. Copeland, 
 Trinity College.) 
 
 41. (Read by the Rev. John Keble.) 
 
 42. On the Epistle of St Barnabas. (Read by the Rev. 
 
 B. Harrison.) 
 
 43. The argument for the Apostolical appointment of 
 
 Episcopacy as drawn by Hooker from the general 
 consent of Catholic antiquity, compared with the 
 testimony of Clement's Epistle. 
 
 44. The testimony of the Latin Church to i St. John v. 7. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE TRACT ON BAPTISM— CONTINUAN'CE AND EDITOR- 
 SHIP OF THE 'TRACTS FOR THE TIMES ' IN DOUBT 
 
 1835. 
 
 PUSEY'S tract on Baptism was unquestionably the work 
 in virtue of which he took his place among the leaders of 
 the Oxford Movement. Its appearance marked an epoch, 
 both in the history of his own religious mind and in the 
 progress of the cause to which it contributed. 
 
 It has indeed been a matter of curious speculation how 
 a man who began life as a scholar, and who throughout 
 his career, both by mental temperament and the discipline 
 of a long occupation, was eminently a scholar, should have 
 entered upon a subject which, although demanding the 
 interpretation of sacred language, belongs, in part, if not 
 largely, to religious philosophy. As a rule the philological 
 and the philosophical or theological temper exclude each 
 other. Philology has a place of the highest honour in the 
 service of religion as an interpreter of the sacred records ; 
 but they who have most excelled in explaining the language 
 which enshrines Divine Truth have rarely attained the 
 highest excellence as interpreters of the Truth which that 
 language enshrines. The contrast between the schools of 
 Antioch and Alexandria in the ancient Church represents 
 a constant fact of the human mind. 
 
 Pusey was led to make the reality and value of sacra- 
 mental grace a main interest of Ms life by his vivid sense 
 of the peculiar dangers to which, fifty years ago, religion 
 was exposed. He explains his motive in the preface which 
 appeared with the first edition of his tr^ct on Baptism. 
 
344 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 vWi 
 
 * Rationalism ' — he uses the term in a very general sense 
 
 had changed, not its animus against Christianity, but its 
 method of working. The open attacks of the Deists had 
 been defeated. The conquered enemy now appeared as 
 the ally and supporter of the faith which he would fain 
 undermine. Rationalism 
 
 ' supports our evidences ; reconciles our difficulties ; smooths down 
 the " hard sayings " of the Word of God ; and steals away our 
 treasure. The Blessed Sacraments are a peculiar obstacle to its 
 inroads, for their effects come directly from God, and their mode 
 of operation is as little cognisable to reason as their Author : they 
 flow to us from an unseen world. What we see has as little power 
 to heal or strengthen our souls as the clay and the spittle to give 
 sight to the blind man or the waters of Jordan to cleanse the leper: 
 those who use them in faith have life and strength ; yet it is not their 
 faith alone which gives this life, any more than faith would have 
 cleansed Naaman, but for Him Who gave the Jordan power to make 
 his " flesh as a little child." The Blessed Sacraments then are a daily 
 testimony to our faith : we are strengthened, we hold onwards : how 
 we obtain our strength we can give to reason no account : suffice that 
 we know whence it cometh. This then has become a main point of 
 attack \' 
 
 Thus it was that the governing motive of Pusey 's active 
 life, zeal for the defence of Revealed Religion, which had 
 inspired him as a young man in his correspondence with 
 Z., and as a student in Germany when studying the 
 philological and literary sources of scepticism, was that 
 which led him to lay such stress upon sacramental grace. 
 The Bible was an ancient literature; and men were enabled 
 at once to speak respectfully of it and to disbelieve it, by 
 dwelling on its antiquity or on its relations to the men 
 and thoughts of other times. But the Sacraments are 
 with us now ; each time that they are administered they 
 challenge a verdict as to their precise worth and power ; 
 and thus it is that unbelief, which could mask its real 
 attitude towards an inspired but ancient literature, is 
 obliged to display itself when dealing with them. They 
 force its hand ; they test faith directly and importunately, 
 as did our Lord when as Man, visibly present among men, 
 
 > * Scriptural Views of Holy Baptism,' pref. p. ix. 
 
 Newman's high estimate of the Tract, 345 
 
 He yet claimed to be, and to be acknowledged as, One 
 
 with the Father. ^ 
 
 Newman, as editor of the ' Tracts for the Times, pomts 
 out the importance of the tract on Baptism from this 
 point of view. 
 
 ' There are those,' he says, * " whose word will eat as doth a canker "; 
 and it is to be feared that we have been over-near certam celebrated 
 Protestant teachers, Puritan or Latitudinarian, and have suffered m 
 consequence. Hence we have almost embraced the doctnne that 
 God conveys grace only through the instrumentality of the mental 
 energies, that is, through faith, prayer, active spiritual contemplation, 
 or (what is commonly called) communion with God, m contradiction 
 to the primitive view according to which the Church and her Sacra- 
 ments are the ordained and direct visible means of conveymg to the 
 soul what is in itself supernatural and unseen.' 
 
 This general deficiency in the religion of the day is, 
 Newman observes, met by the tract on Baptism ; which 
 
 ' is to be regarded not as an enquiry into one single or isolated 
 doctrine, but as a delineation and serious examination of a modem 
 system of theology of extensive popularity and great speciousness, in 
 its elementary and characteristic principles \* 
 
 From an entirely opposite point of view, the Rev. F. D. 
 Maurice said of Pusey s tracts on Baptism that 
 
 ' their publication and importance in relation to the Movement justified 
 the statement made by Dr. Newman in his "Apologia,' that Dr. 
 Pusey's joining him and his friends had given to what had been 
 beforehand a mere gathering together of sympathizers weight and 
 authority'.' 
 
 To this it must be added that the immediate motive for 
 throwing the tract into its actual shape was a personal 
 
 one. 
 
 'A pupil of mine,' Pusey said forty-five years later, « was on the 
 verge of leaving the Church for Dissent, and on the ground that the 
 Church taught Baptismal Regeneration in the Prayer-book So I set 
 myself to show what the teaching of Scripture about Holy Bapt.sm 
 was My tract was called " Scriptural Views of Holy Bapt.sm. 
 Cvie^Il did not mean doctrines, but 6nly such aspects as Bapt.sm 
 would present to any one who looks at Holy Scripture. 
 
 « ' Tracts for the Times,' vol. ii- pref- PP- ■»■ "'• 
 » ' Life of F. D. Maurice,' i. 214- 
 
jl 
 
 ■H 
 
 ;i 
 
 V ' 
 
 346 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The keynote of the subject then is struck in the 
 title, ' Scriptural Views of Holy Baptism \\ The object 
 of the writer is to show that the teaching of Scripture on 
 the point is plain enough ; that * difficulties raised against 
 Baptismal Regeneration seem to lie entirely in . . . collateral 
 questions, not in the defect of Scripture evidence for its 
 truth/ Accordingly Pusey begins by insisting at length 
 that the evidence for the doctrine must be considered 
 without reference to its supposed influence, or the supposed 
 religious character of those who held it at a given time. 
 Understanding regeneration to mean *the act by which 
 God takes us out of our relation to Adam and makes us 
 actual members of His Son,' Pusey goes on to show that 
 whereas regeneration is connected in Scripture with 
 baptism, there is nothing in Scripture to sever it from 
 baptism. For the proof of this statement we must refer 
 our readers to the tract itself, which even after ^{x.y inter- 
 vening years of controversy on this sacred subject is still 
 well worth reading. That which must strike an unprejudiced 
 reader is Pusey's anxiety to arrive at the inmost meaning 
 of Scripture ; his anxious attention to its passing hints and 
 its indirect teaching. But the doctrine is directly grounded 
 by him first on the explicit words of our Lord, and 
 then of St. Paul, combined with the words in which the 
 Sacrament was instituted, and St. Peter's assertion that it 
 is a present means of salvation. Then follows a review 
 of passages in which Holy Scripture speaks of gifts of God, 
 while modern writers often see only duties of man, or to 
 which modern writers appeal when appropriating to them- 
 selves the privileges of baptism, without thinking of the 
 means by which they are conveyed. Not the least 
 striking parts of the tract are the discussions of the 
 incidental mention of baptism in Holy Scripture, and the 
 indications of its importance as inferred from the language 
 of Scripture about it when conferred on individuals, 
 
 * This is the title in the first edition. 
 In the second edition are added the 
 words * as established by the consent 
 
 of the ancient Church, and contrasted 
 with the systems of modem schools.' 
 
 Scripture and Modem Views contrasted. 347 
 
 and the baptism of our Lord Himself, as sanctifying 
 water. The types are discussed last: they illustrate 
 to a believer the place assigned to the doctrine by Holy 
 Scripture ; they do not by themselves prove it. 
 
 It may be well to add a vivid passage, characteristic of 
 Pusey in its cumulative intensity, and intended to press 
 closely upon the consciences of earnest but mistaken 
 opponents of the Revealed Doctrine how sharply the 
 language of Scripture contrasts with popular rejections of 
 the doctrine of baptismal grace : — 
 
 * The plain letter of Scripture says, " We are saved by baptism," 
 and men say, " We are not saved by baptism " : our Lord says, " A 
 man must be bom of water and the Spirit " ; man, that he need 
 not, cannot be bom of water : Scripture, that " we are saved by the 
 washing of regeneration " ; man, that we are not, but by regeneration 
 which is aj a washing : Scripture, that '* we are baptized for the re- 
 mission of sins " ; man, that we are not, but to attest that remission : 
 Scripture, that " whosoever hath been baptized into Christ hath put 
 on Christ " ; man, that he hath not : Scripture, that they have been 
 buried with Him by baptism into death ; man, that they have not : 
 Scripture, that *' Christ cleansed the Church by the washing of water 
 by the word " ; man, that He did not, for bare elements could have 
 no such virtue : Scripture, that we were baptized into one body ; men, 
 that we were not, but that we were in that body before. Surely they 
 have entered into a most perilous path, which, unless they are checked 
 in pursuing it, must end in the rejection of all Scripture truth which 
 does not square with their own previous opinions. It did once so 
 end ; and it is a wholesome, but awful warning, for those who will 
 be warned, that it was out of the school of Calvin, from familiar 
 intercourse with him, and the so-called ''Reformed" Church,-that 
 it was out of and through the Reformed Doctrine,-that Socinianism 
 took its rise\* 
 
 This last sentence points to a conviction which was 
 one of the motive powers of the revival, namely, that 
 principles of interpretation, like arguments, must be ap- 
 plied consistently. This necessity was forced on Pusey's 
 mind by contact with the thought and literature of 
 Germany ; on Newman's by a logical habit of thinking 
 which was a leading characteristic of his rare originality. 
 
 » Tract 69, ist ed., p. 198. 
 
348 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 It had been possible for some divines of an earlier a^c 
 to wnte of the Person and work of Christ almost in the 
 language of St. Athanasius and St. Cyril, while they dis- 
 carded the Sacraments in the tone of Calvin and Zwingli 
 i3ut this mconsistency was becoming less and less prac- 
 ticable when the operation of theological principles 
 whether conservative or destructive, was more clearly ap-' 
 prehended, both from internal analysis and in the light 
 ot history. It was clear to Pusey that if the solvents 
 which were applied by Zwingli to those great texts of 
 Scripture which teach sacramental grace were also ap- 
 plied to those other texts which teach the Divinity and 
 Atonement of our Lord, the result would be Socinianism • 
 while, if the Baptismal and Eucharistic language of the 
 New Testament was understood in the literal and reverent 
 sense in which serious Christians read the texts that il- 
 lustrate our Lord's Godhead and His Sacrifice for the sins 
 of the world, the Zwinglian and even the Calvinistic 
 theories of the Sacraments would be no longer possible. 
 The popular Protestantism was really, if unconsciously, on 
 an inclined plane ; and if attachment to such positive 
 truth as it still held did not lead it to ascend to a point 
 where all would be safe because consistent, it would at 
 no distant time, be forced downwards by the irreligious 
 criticism of the day into an abyss where any faith would 
 be impossible. 
 
 In Pusey's mind, therefore, the battle for sacramental 
 
 grace was a battle for continued belief in the revelation of 
 
 God in Christ. Pusey will not allow that baptismal re- 
 
 generation or any other Christian truth is to be judged of by 
 
 Its supposed influence upon men's hearts and characters. 
 
 lodo this, he says,* would imply that we know much more 
 
 of our own nature and what is necessary or conducive to its 
 
 restoration than we do.' If a good life always meant a 
 
 true creed, many mutually contradictory errors would be 
 
 true. If a bad life always meant a false creed, there 
 
 would be no such thing as holding the truth in un- 
 
 righteousness. But fifty years ago it was common for 
 
 Sacraments Moral, not Magical, 
 
 349 
 
 people to speak of the doctrine of baptismal regeneration 
 as * deadening' and 'soul destroying.' Such language, 
 if sincere, was, Pusey contends, the fruit of a very narrow 
 experience. If, in days of religious apathy, people had 
 lulled their consciences to sleep with the notion that 
 having by baptism been made children of God they had 
 nothing further to do, it did not follow that this notion 
 was itself a true inference from the doctrine, or that it 
 would be entertained in days of greater religious earnest- 
 ness and intelligence. Of course, if baptism was only an 
 outward form, unaccompanied by any certain gift of grace, 
 to rest in it was indeed a fatal delusion : but then this was 
 not the Scriptural account of baptism. If baptism was the 
 instrument by which the grace of regeneration was con- 
 veyed to the soul, this grace was conferred upon conditions : 
 it might be forfeited by disloyalty to known truth and duty. 
 The sense of possessing a priceless gift, which made 
 obedience to the Divine Will possible and welcome, while 
 the gift itself might be easily parted with, so far from 
 being 'deadening' would prove to most men a very 
 powerful moral stimulus. 
 
 In a rugged but fine passage Pusey states his sense of 
 the greatness of the doctrine of baptismal regeneration 
 when held positively : — 
 
 * Baptismal regeneration, as connected with the Incarnation of our 
 Blessed Lord, gives a depth to our Christian existence, an actualness 
 to our union with Christ, a realhy to our sonship to God, an interest 
 in the presence of our Lord's glorified Body at God's right hand, 
 a joyousness amid the subduing of the flesh, an overwhelmingness to 
 the dignity conferred on human nature, a solemnity to the communion 
 of saints who are the fullness of Him Who filleth all in all, a sub- 
 stantiality to the indwelling of Christ, that to those who retain this 
 truth the school which abandoned it must needs appear to have sold 
 its birthright. But it is one thing to hold baptismal regeneration, and 
 another to hold merely that there is no regeneration subsequent to 
 baptism. A mere negative view must always be a cold one \' 
 
 The tract on Baptism at once, as has been said, placed 
 Pusey before the world as a leader of the Oxford Move- 
 
 » Tract 67, p. 13, 3rd edition. 
 
35° Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ment, and, while it commanded wide sympathy and acqui- 
 escence ,t also occasioned some characteristic expresses 
 of hosfle opm.on. The Rev. F. D. Maurice had written 
 m favour of maintaining the existing system of subscription 
 at Oxford and th.s had led to the idea that he was in some 
 degree of sympathy with the Oxford High Churchmen 
 It IS probable that he himself thought sofso long as the 
 .ssues were vaguely defined ; but the tract on Baptism was 
 too rnuch for a mind which throughout its career was before 
 
 MauricT " "^ ""''"'''"'''■ "^^ ''' ^^''^ ^^at Mr. 
 
 * often spoke of his having taken Dr Puspv'q tro^f \u w 
 
 walk'-toattendoneoftheLetingsofthe'cTapham ^T.T ' 
 
 as he went along, it became more and more £ to hhn t^;:.?!! . "^^ 
 represented everything that he did not thTk and did ^^^^^^^^^ 
 a last he sat down on a gate, in what were then the o^ S; o 
 Clapham, and made up his mind that it represented th/nT^ • 
 
 between him and the Oxford School. S^ys sooke'^.f T^'?^ 
 kind of shudder, as it were of an escape tmrc'hlrreSVun^^^^^^^ ' 
 
 It appears that Mr. Maurice's objections to the tract 
 were various if not incompatible. The tract, he said, ' under- 
 mined the doctrine of Luther which Bishop Bull had 
 resisted that simple belief in Christ is the deliverance 
 from evil and the root of good. It 'scattered ' Maurice's 
 dream that regeneration was something independent of 
 the individual faith of men.' It taught that baptisma 
 regeneration meant a change of nature, produced by 
 union with the new humanity of the Son of God while 
 Mr. Maunce believed that it meant no more than bdngjng 
 into light a relation to God which had always existed 
 If the teaching of the tract were true, said Mr. Maurice 
 he himself m.ght as well leave off preaching, for he could 
 have no message to declare to men from God ' 
 
 An estimable clergyman of a small church' in the north 
 of Jnghnd, and of very puritanical opinions, wrote to 
 
 'On Wednesday last I learned from the /^.cord that you had given 
 
 ' ' Life of F. D. Maurice; i. p. i86. 
 
 Pusey s Critics. 
 
 351 
 
 (Treat publicity in Oxford to the doctrine of baptismal regeneration, 
 and on the evening of Thursday I warned my congregation from the 
 pulpit that from one of the most learned Universities in Europe is 
 emanating one of the most dangerous heresies that can disturb the 
 Christian Church.' 
 
 Pusey suggested to his correspondent that he was ' pre- 
 cipitate*; suggested some passages of the Bible for his 
 consideration, and offered to send him the tract itself. 
 The clergyman simply replied that the doctrine of bap- 
 tismal regeneration was 'a fundamental and fatal error,' 
 and added : — 
 
 'Were all the great and good men upon earth to advocate the 
 doctrine, I would say with fearlessness, " My honoured and revered 
 brethren, you know that if any man have not the spirit of Christ, 
 baptized or not baptized, he is none of His.' 
 
 It need not be said that Pusey would have said so too ; 
 and that the statement had no bearings on the controversy, 
 since a baptized person might have fallen from the state 
 of salvation in which baptism had placed him, and be 
 ' none of Christ's.' The perusal of the tract did not, it 
 may well be imagined, produce any effect on the convic- 
 tions of this self-confident clergyman. He was a little 
 staggered at discovering what was Luther's belief on the 
 subject : but then ' he called no man master upon earth' 
 The tract indeed satisfied him that Pusey was * an honest 
 and upright man/ but at the same time he reminded 
 Pusey of 
 
 *the ** I never knew you" which Christ will pronounce on all who are 
 resolved on being deceived.* 
 
 A more useful criticism was that of Pusey 's old an- 
 tagonist, the Rev. H. J. Rose, who thanked him warmly 
 for his * learned and valuable tract.' But Pusey, he thought, 
 ought to have answered the serious and pressing question, 
 ' What is that grievous sin after baptism which involves 
 a falling from grace ^ ? ' And too much was said about the 
 
 » * Tracts for the Times,' Nos. 67, 68, 69, pref p. xiv, 1st edition. 
 
 I 
 
352 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 Baptism and Absolution, 
 
 353 
 
 effects of post-baptismal sin in the case of those who had 
 been baptized as infants. Parents do not teach their 
 children so generally as Pusey supposed that they are 
 put in trust with a Divine gift ; and infant baptism does 
 not presuppose a moral choice which is repudiated by 
 post-baptismal sin. 
 
 * If an adult comes in sincerity to baptism from heathenism or not, 
 he comes with a sense of the burden of sin, the blessing of deliverance] 
 the misery of slavery to it. If he, after these feelings, relapses, then his 
 case is surely very different from that of the infant, who, at all events, 
 never can have had these subsidiary guards and aids.' 
 
 Pusey 's statement of the effects of post-baptismal sin 
 in his tract on Baptism has often been exaggerated ; he has 
 even been accused of Novatianism. The truth is that, as faith 
 in the grace of baptism had declined, so a sense of the 
 grievousness of post-baptismal sin had been correspondingly 
 lost. A forgotten truth can rarely be recovered without 
 risks of one-sidedress or exaggeration. It must be isolated 
 if justice is to be done to its importance ; and such isolation, 
 without great care, may easily be taken for more than a 
 method of study which has no real counterpart in the 
 realm of objective fact. Even Rose understood Pusey 
 to teach ' no remission of sin after baptism ' ; and re- 
 minded him of St. John's words, ' If any man sin we 
 have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the 
 Righteous,' of the Absolution in the Daily Service, and 
 of the collect for Ash-Wednesday. Such an objection, 
 which implied the incompleteness of his tract, Pusey had in 
 his own mind already anticipated. * From the moment of 
 my completing the tract on Baptism,'--he said in later 
 years— 'I felt that I should have written on Christian 
 repentance, on confession and absolution.* 
 
 In 1839 there appeared a second edition of the tract on 
 Baptism, or rather of the first of the three tracts originally 
 devoted to that subject. In this second edition the doc- 
 trinal statement on the subject of baptism is unchanged ; 
 but the discussion \s much more methodical, and the 
 Scriptural evidence is collected and expanded with greatly 
 
 increased force ^. The character of a popular tract designed 
 to make an immediate impression is exchanged for that of 
 a section of a theological treatise. 
 
 * My object,* he writes to Newman in September, 1839, * i^^ "^Y second 
 edition of Part I. of my tract has been to bring together all the teaching 
 of Holy Scripture in which it speaks directly of baptism, to point out 
 how this was understood by the ancient Church, and to show how 
 much higher notions of the Sacrament Scripture, honestly understood, 
 would give than people are wont to entertain. It has grown, as you 
 have seen perhaps, from 49 pages to 400, which may be a sufficient 
 apology for the delay of Part II.* 
 
 Part II. was delayed indefinitely. Not long after the 
 appearance of the first edition of the tract Harrison pressed 
 Pusey to discuss adult baptism. But Pusey had not 
 found that it raised difficulties as infant baptism did. He 
 had not been reading up the subject. By-and-by he would 
 like to do something, as it would enable him ' more dis- 
 tinctly to take up the ground of the Fathers, and bring out 
 the relation of infant and adult baptism.' But, he added : — 
 
 *When will "by-and-by** come? I feel that my by-and-by ought 
 not to stand in any other's way ; and my own wishes lead me, as you 
 know, to Absolution and the Lord's Supper.* 
 
 Two years later, when the second edition of Part I. was 
 preparing, he wrote to Keble : — 
 
 'Part II. will be suspended till I can read about Absolution.* 
 
 And to Harrison : — 
 
 * The remainder must wait awhile until I can read more on Absolu- 
 tion, and the absolving influence of the Holy Eucharist. On Absolution 
 I have not yet met with anything which goes exactly to the point I want, 
 namely. What are its precise effects if received rightly ? how far does 
 it restore one who has fallen into grievous sin ? in what state does it 
 place him relatively to the Day of Judgement ? ' 
 
 Thus it was that the two later tracts of the original 
 edition were never expanded or republished. The pressure 
 
 * It is from the later editions that 
 quotations have been mainly made, 
 
 VOL. I. A a 
 
 in order to do justice to Pusey's 
 mature mind. 
 
354 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of other questions obliged Pusey, reluctantly enough, to 
 abandon a design which he long cherished. As it is, his 
 account of the rationalistic initiative of Zwingli, and of 
 Calvin's relation to it, is not fully superseded by any later 
 treatment of the subject ; and his discussion of modern 
 objections to the doctrine of baptismal grace might have 
 been enlarged into a work that would have made a great 
 deal of later criticism impossible. 
 
 * But I was allowed to do,' Pusey said,/ that which after all was of the 
 first importance ; I mean, to show that our regeneration in baptism is 
 taught m Holy Scripture, as understood by those who lived nearer to 
 the time of our Lord and the Apostles, and were, for otherreasons too 
 more likely to understand it rightly, than we ».* * 
 
 It has already been noticed that with this tract it had 
 been proposed to complete the series of * Tracts for the 
 Times.' But not only had the proportions of the work- 
 to which Pusey's paper extended given ample material 
 for the continuation of the series beyond the time con- 
 templated ; it had also given opportunity for a reconsidera- 
 tion of what was required by the exigencies of the time, 
 as well as opened up new ideas as to what the series might 
 become. 
 
 In answer to the words already quoted from Newman's 
 letter of August 9th, and after having seen the first portion 
 of Pusey's tract, Froude writes :— 
 
 * September 4, 1835. 
 ' The Tracts in their new form (if it is gone on with as Keble hopes) 
 may become a sort of Apostolical review 2.' 
 
 Newman had by this time abandoned his notion of dis- 
 continuing the Tracts, and saw in the light of Pusey's 
 tract the possibility of a more important series issuing 
 
 ' A third edition of Tract 67 was 
 published in 1840, and a fourth in 
 1843. This last edition was issued, 
 with a new title-page, as a separate 
 treatise on *The Doctrine of Holy 
 Baptism, as contained in the Scrip- 
 tures and thence enlarged upon by 
 the FaUiers ' ; the latter part of the 
 
 title of the second edition, 'as con- 
 trasted with the systems of modem 
 schools,' being dropped altogether. 
 In the last month of his life, during 
 August, 1883, Pusey went through the 
 fourth edition of this Tract with a view 
 to its republication. 
 * Newman's 'Letten, &c.; ii. 135. 
 
 Continuance and Editorship of the Tracts, 355 
 
 under slightly modified conditions. He writes to Froude 
 on September loth : — 
 
 * We mean the Tracts should formally take up the Popish question. 
 . . . Keble is delighted with Pusey's tract on Baptism ^* 
 
 Again, a month later to his friend J. W. Bowden : — 
 
 *Dartington, October 10, 1835. 
 
 * I am quite decided that I cannot be editor of the Tracts if they 
 come out once a month, nor would I recommend any one else to be. 
 It is the way to make them mere trash. One is pressed for time, and 
 writes for the occasion stopgaps. I am conscious there are some 
 stopgaps in the Tracts already. . . . We shall be losing credit and 
 influence if we so go on. As I was strongly for short tracts on 
 beginning, so am I for longer now. We must have much more 
 treatises than sketches. I say all this from experience. As to how 
 often, whether quarterly or on certain seasons, I have no view at 
 present ; but I foretell ruin to the cause if the Tracts go on by 
 monthly driblets V 
 
 In October and November, it was still doubtful who 
 should edit the altered series. It had been suggested that 
 Keble might do so ; but Keble writes to Newman on 
 November 15th : — 
 
 * As to my undertaking the Tracts for the next year, I really must 
 consider it a little more seriously than I have done before I engage to 
 do so. . . . If you want an immediate answer it must be in the 
 negative ; if not, we will consider it all over and over when I come up 
 to lecture.* 
 
 He concludes his letter : — 
 
 * By-the-by, why should not Pusey be editor of the Tracts 1 If you 
 give up, surely on every account he is the fittest person. As far as 
 I can judge, I very much approve of their being anti-Romanist'.* 
 
 In January it was necessary to come to a decision. The 
 following extracts show what further considerations finally 
 induced Newman to continue the publication : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Tuesday, [January 12, 1836]. 
 I am almost persuaded to continue the Tracts. Rivington writes 
 me word this morning that the first volume is steadily selling and the 
 
 * Newman's ' Letters,* ii. 1 36. 
 
 « Ibid. 137-8. 
 
 A a 2 
 
 ' Ibid. 142-3. 
 
356 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 second expected, and that he wants some more reprints. Again, I hear 
 \\i^ Record, insumming up theevents of the last year,laments the growth 
 of High Church prmciples among those of whom they had hoped better 
 things. Also the Times and Standard have undertaken to battle for 
 and against the High Church. The Standard of this morning as 
 follows (which It would not do except under the influence of fear). 
 
 * We love not the men who dub themselves High Church : they have 
 been the scandal and the weakness of the Church from the day of 
 their parent Laud downward. They are half Papists, men who much 
 prefer a Church without a religion-men who, in the true spirit of the 
 Jewish priests, would condemn our Lord and His Apostles for turninir 
 the world upside down, and who practically renounce every principle 
 consecrated by the blood of the Protestant Reformers. Generally they 
 may be distinguished as half prig, half dandy, perfumed and powdered, 
 and a little corpulent, one-third Protestant, one-third Papist, one-third 
 bocinian-in profession altogether liberal, in pursuits wholly worldly \' 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Holton, Friday evening, [Jan. 15, 18362.] 
 My first thought about the Tracts was, * Well, if they are brought to 
 an end (by outward means out of our control) * N. will have time for 
 more solid productions.' (This I wrote to you.) My second, regret that 
 they must be given up, and a sort of feeling that their being protracted 
 by means of my Baptism Tract beyond what we intended or wished so 
 as just to fill up the remainder of this year, was intended to give' us 
 a breathing-time, and yet enable us to carry them on. They were 
 lengthened out against our wUl, so that we could not break them off 
 when they would. 
 
 Then again, seeing that it would be a relief to you to suspend them 
 for a while, I thought perhaps that they might have done their work, 
 and they might be resumed less offensively under another name, e.- 
 [that of] our [Theological] Society; i.e. that we might gently let 
 down the persons who have ignorantly declared against them. But 
 I fear these persons have too far committed themselves and are 
 too engrained with moderation, and being older than ourselves, and 
 some vain, and accustomed to rule, they are less likely to give way 
 and our Society may very probably and (in proportion as it has any 
 mtluence) will, I suppose, be more obnoxious than the Tracts. 
 
 Again, it is an object to follow up the blow. 
 
 What think you then of continuing the Tracts, not binding yourself 
 
 aDDearf in ?h. V^'^ ^TT.' "^^^"^ ''^ ^^ ^'^ somewhat growing when 
 
 rsf^M ^i<'.ndard of Jan. 11, a talk is made between Times and 
 
 1836, Newman writes to J. W. Bow- StafuianC ' Letters.' iii/o 
 
 den: 'My thoughts at once went to - In Newman's 'Letters ' ii i„ 
 
 r.°r!f ^' u ti;'^'""^, "^'"y P*^»"^ °f i^' this is undoubtedly incoSectly dated 
 especially the corpulence (!). It is a Sept. 4, 1835. "'-°"^^^'*> "^^^a 
 
 Newman's Decision, 
 
 357 
 
 to monthly productions (which is worrying), nor again to quarterly 
 ( which might require too long ones), but producing them on the ist of 
 several months : if ready, well ; if not, to wait for the next ? 
 
 You might take the advantage (I mean) of Rivington's monthly 
 circulation when you had anything ready, and when not, not * fash 
 yourself about it. 
 
 Something to stem the tide of American dissenting divinity would 
 be very useful. You need not bind yourself to produce a volume in 
 1S36, or that the volume should be of a certain thickness. 
 
 I mean in my Preface to enter a protest against Mr. S[tanley]'s 
 quotation and characterizing of the * Tracts * ; so I should like to see 
 the pamphlet, but this will do when we meet. . . . 
 
 I think the Tracts are very valuable as a rallying-point : it keeps 
 people in check to know that such opinions are held : they have a half- 
 consciousness that they are true, or likely to be so ; and they cannot 
 follow their own inclinations to sink down the stream peacefully, as 
 they would if there were no such bars. The leap is so much the 
 broader and in proportion the more dangerous, and there may be from 
 time to time some who will pause and examine whither we are all 
 going. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Oriel, January i6th, 1836. 
 
 ... I think I am going on with them. On Monday I go to town 
 and shall decide. The Standard is calling us * third part Papist and 
 third Socinian,' and Mr. Stanley [afterwards Bishop of Norwich] calls 
 us an active and important party. Rivington has sent down for 
 reprints for some of the first volume, which he says is steadily 
 selling, and the Edinburgh is preparing an attack. Now since 
 many of these notices are made under the impression that we are 
 crypto-papists, here is an additional reason for Tracts on the Popish 
 question ^ 
 
 These extracts show what an important part Pusey 
 played at this critical juncture; that this was fully realized 
 by Newman is clear from the following passage from the 
 * Apologia ' : — 
 
 * It was through him that the character of the Tracts was changed. 
 ... In 1835 he published his elaborate treatise on Baptism, which 
 was followed by other Tracts from different authors, if not of equal 
 learning, yet of equal power and appositeness V 
 
 And Dean Church estimates with his usual accuracy the 
 
 * Newman's 'Letters,' ii. 132. 
 
 ■ * Apologia pro Vita Sua ' (ed. 1880), pp. 62-3. 
 
358 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 need for such a change and Pusey's influence in pro- 
 ducing it : — 
 
 * To Dr Puse/s mind, accustomed to large and exhaustive theo- 
 logical readmg, they [the earlier Tracts] wanted fullness, completeness 
 the importance given by careful arrangement and abundant knowledge' 
 It was not for nothing that he had passed an apprenticeship among 
 the divines of Germany, and had been the friend and correspondent 
 of Tho luck, Schleiermacher, Ewald, and Sack. He knew the meaning 
 of real learning. In controversy it was his sledge-hammer and battle 
 mace, and he had the strong and sinewy hand to use it with effect 
 He observed that when attention had been roused to the ancient 
 doctrines of the Church by the startling and peremptory language of 
 
 l^ TI'^'V^""^^' ^^^""^'^ ^"^ j"^*^^^ demanded that these doctrines 
 should be fully and carefully explained and defended against mis- 
 representation and mistake. Forgetfulness and ignorance had thrown 
 these doctrines so completely into the shade that, identified as they 
 were with the best English divinity, they now wore the air of amazing 
 novelties ; and it was only due to honest inquirers to satisfy them 
 with solid and adequate proof V 
 
 » Church's 'Oxford Movement,' p. 118. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY — BLANCO WHITE'S IN- 
 FLUENCE— HAMPDEN, BAMPTON LECTURER— MORAL 
 PHILOSOPHY PROFESSOR — APPOINTED REGIUS PRO- 
 FESSOR OF DIVINITY — OPPOSITION — DR. ARNOLD'S 
 VIOLENT ATTACK ON THE TRACTARIANS— HAMPDEN 
 DISQUALIFIED— DEAN CHURCH'S JUDGMENT ON THE 
 
 CONTROVERSY. 
 
 1836. 
 
 The most important year in the history of the Oxford 
 Movement was the year 1836^. Several causes combined 
 to make it so ; but none so much as the controversy which 
 was aroused by the appointment of Dr. Hampden to the 
 Regius Professorship of Divinity. That controversy in- 
 volved an appeal to first principles. It obliged men to ask 
 themselves more seriously than before what after all was 
 true; what they were prepared to defend as truth: it 
 winnowed out the merely sentimental element from among 
 adherents of the young Movement : it was at once a test 
 of faith and a powerful incitement to action. The modern 
 revolt against Christianity in Europe was, at least at the date 
 of the Oxford Movement, traceable to two main sources. 
 The French, or, more accurately, the Latin infidel, of the 
 type of Voltaire, began by objecting to some indefensible 
 feature whether of the creed or practice of the Church of 
 Rome, and then proceeded to reject Christianity as a 
 whole as being, in his view, responsible for what was 
 really a foreign accretion to its faith and life. The infidel 
 of the German type, on the other hand, possessed with 
 boundless confidence in his capacity for judging all things 
 Divine or human, seemed to fritter away whatever creed 
 he might have had by a process of petty and incessant 
 
 » Cf. Newman's * Letters,* ii. 177. 
 
 i' 
 
4 
 
 36o Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 criticism The English Deists, contemporary with the 
 first, had much to do with the creation of the second 
 school of unbelievers ; but they were distinct from both. 
 
 Blanco Wh^e represented the Latin type of unbelievers. 
 H.S visit to England, and the development of his mind 
 in a progressively infidel direction after his arrival, have 
 had an effect upon English religious thought which has 
 been imperfectly recognized. Of his great ability, of his 
 wide reading, of his absolute sincerity of purpose, there can 
 be no question. When he first came from Spain he was 
 welcomed very widely as an important witness to the truth 
 of the principles of the English Reformation ; and in 
 Oxford he found himself among a company of able men 
 all of whom were, in various ways, interested in him. 
 His mind was of an order to influence others by provoking 
 antagonism as well as by commanding sympathy. Although 
 he was on friendly terms with Newman and Pusey thev 
 saw, after an interval of hope and hesitation, to what he 
 was consciously or unconsciously moving. Thus he evoked 
 m the Tractarian writers that reasoned and sensitive resist- 
 ance to even incipient Rationalism which characterized all 
 their writings. Of Blanco White's positive influence, it is not 
 oo much to say that he is the real founder of the modern 
 Latitudinarian school in the English Church. Whately 
 and Hampden were in different senses his pupils: Arnold 
 
 d?r J. m"'^'"' '^'' ""'' P°^'''"^ '"«"^"^«. though less 
 directly. Many years before he became a professed 
 
 bocinian his eager, remorseless, unappeasable dialectic 
 was gnawing away at all that was fundamental in the 
 Christian creed and Hfe. To minds with a bias towards 
 
 IZTr T"" wu '" ''^y ^^'J' ''f "^'"g- he was a wel- 
 come teacher Whately and Hampden sat at his feet, as 
 he laid down his theories on subjects of which they knew 
 nothing or pointed out supposed corruptions of Christi- 
 anity, Primitive, Anglican, and even Protestant, no less 
 than Roman, with the confidence that among his hearers 
 no one could answer him. Whately, indeed. Ls a nimbC 
 dialectieian. but Blanco White's was a much more powerful 
 
 Hampden's ^Bampton Lectures.^ 
 
 361 
 
 mind than Whately's ; and while Whately was entirely 
 ignorant of any serious theological literature, and too 
 scornful to make himself acquainted with it, Blanco White 
 brought a vast mass of knowledge which may have silenced 
 rather than interested him, and which he never assimilated. 
 His influence on Whately was to sharpen the logician's 
 anti-Church logic : his influence on Hampden was to 
 provide a receptive student with new and ample material. 
 The literature of Scholasticism, of which nobody in Britain, 
 except one or two metaphysicians, knew anything, was 
 to Blanco White perfectly familiar ground ; and Blanco 
 White not only directed Hampden's attention to this new 
 field of reading, but furnished him with the bias with 
 which he was to read it. It is within the truth to say 
 that but for Blanco White's visit to Oxford, Hampden's 
 Bampton Lectures could never have been written ^. 
 
 In the year 1832 Dr. Hampden had preached the 
 Bampton Lectures on *The Scholastic Philosophy con- 
 sidered in its relation to Christian Theology.' His purpose 
 was to show that much of the public language and even 
 of the faith of Christendom and the Church of England 
 was not properly speaking Christian, but an accretion of 
 later and foreign growth with which the simple creed of 
 Apostolic Christendom has been overlaid. This foreign 
 element he termed, with historical inaccuracy, Scho- 
 lasticism ; it was partly metaphysic and partly logic ; it 
 was, in his view, a product of the primitive and patristic, 
 as well as of the mediaeval and scholastic theology. 
 Accordingly in the B^pton Lectures he set himself to 
 separate original Christianity, as he conceived it, from the 
 overgrowth of later ages ; and in doing this he certainly 
 made havoc — as of other things too — of the authoritative 
 
 ^ Hampden's indebtedness to Blanco 
 White has been sometimes exag- 
 gerated. But that it was very con- 
 siderable — as indeed was natural — is 
 certain. Archdeacon Hare's theory 
 of Hampden's originality and relation 
 to Bishop Butler's principles (* Some 
 Memorials of R. D. Hampden,' Long- 
 
 man§, 187 1, p. 29) is answered in 
 Mozley's * Reminiscences/ vol. i. c. 56, 
 2nd edition. The true germ of the 
 * Bampton Lectures * is to be found in 
 Blanco White's * Facts and Inferences.' 
 Cf. * Life of J. B. White/ iii. 362, 
 Append. 
 
3^2 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 language of the English Church. The Creeds, the state- 
 ment of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity and of the 
 Atonement, at least as to its revealed effect as towards 
 God, the Church's language about original sin, grace, faith, 
 and the sacraments,— all were, in their Anglican no less 
 than their Roman Catholic form, tainted by Scholasticism, 
 by some deposits of a false philosophy and by an old-world 
 belief in magic. 
 
 If Hampden was right, it would seem that much of the 
 Prayer-book ought to be rewritten, unless indeed it is 
 permissible to address to Almighty God language which 
 it is wrong to employ when speaking about Him. Especially 
 the Creeds, not only the Athanasian but the Nicene, require 
 rewriting if Hampden's principles ^ are to be accepted ; 
 since the Creeds employ terms which, although expressing 
 truth taught in Scripture, are not themselves found in 
 Scripture, and are the products of long discussion. 
 
 Hampden's lectures at any rate challenged those principles, 
 the maintenance of which has been found in the long run 
 necessary to that of the Christian faith. These are, the 
 principle of dogma, in other words, of definite apprehension 
 and statement of the object of faith ; the principle of 
 sacramental grace, that is, the communication of Divine 
 force to the soul of man through covenanted channels ; 
 and the principle of the Church's authority in contro- 
 versies of faith, whereby she provides, even if it be in 
 anew terminology, such safeguards for the unchanging 
 faith of her children as the everchanging circumstances 
 of human thought may require. Afd in challenging these 
 principles Hampden necessarily found himself confronted 
 by the writers of the ' Tracts for the Times/ 
 
 It has often been asked, as by Arnold in the Edinburgh 
 Review, why Hampden's lectures, which were delivered 
 in 1832, were not answered or condemned at the time. 
 It appears that at the time they attracted little notice. 
 They were not very animated compositions ; and they were 
 moreover believed to be the echo, if not something more 
 
 ' * Bampton Lectures,' p. 544. 
 
 Hampden and Blanco White. 
 
 363 
 
 than the echo, of the thoughts of a much more powerful 
 mind than Hampden's— that of Blanco White. 
 
 But if Hampden was under great obligations to Blanco 
 White, and indeed owed him the solitary element which 
 imparted to his lectures whatever there was in them of 
 original enterprise, he was not the man to go all lengths 
 with his master, or even so far as some of his critics 
 apprehended. His intellect was, in fact, too sluggish and 
 unsympathetic ; and, let it be added, his heart was too 
 religious. He takes up Blanco White's theory of an eariy 
 and corrupt addition to original Christianity produced by 
 a false logic and metaphysic ; he handles it with the 
 delight that a new mental toy inspires in most men at 
 a certain time of life ; but, as it would seem, he never 
 assimilates it. Even in the Bampton Lectures, we may 
 observe his new speculative solvent and his old religious 
 mind lying side by side in a grotesque and illogical juxta- 
 position : and when the controversy about the Bampton 
 Lectures was over, and he had become a Bishop, he 
 dropped their most characteristic features as utterly as 
 though they had never been present to his mind at all : he 
 repeated the Creeds and used the accustomed theological 
 language of the Church as though nothing were less possible 
 than that any valid objection to them could possibly be 
 urged. This would not have been the case with a mind 
 of more consistency, thoroughness, and depth ; or with a 
 character in which intellectual eccentricity was unchecked by 
 a sense of religious obligation. But even in the heat of the 
 controversy Pusey, with mingled charity and acuteness, saw 
 what was really Hampden's condition. After stating his 
 belief that Hampden's ' personal faith still survives,' and his 
 hopes that it would survive * unharmed by the philosophical 
 system which had been admitted into the intellect,' he goes 
 on to observe that 
 
 'This is a very frequent case; it is a blessing annexed by God to 
 religious education, and steadfastness in religious practice. The belief 
 is there so fixed as not to be readily shaken or destroyed by what under 
 other circumstances becomes fatal to it. Hence we see repeatedly in 
 
364 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 the history of the Church persons setting out at different times with 
 the same maxims and principles, but the one following them to 
 Socmianism or infidelity, the other restrained by the power of God 
 within them, and stopping short in the communion of the Church 
 blessedly although inconsistently. The heart believeth, while the 
 intellect ought consistently to disbelieve. In a yet extremer case, the 
 Rationalists of Germany have at last seen what had long ago been 
 pointed out to them by the believing writers, that their position was of 
 all the most inconsistent ; that they must, if consistent, return to a 
 sounder faith, or plunge deeper into Pantheism. The division is now 
 being made : some sinking into this form of atheism, others returnini: 
 to Christianity. Yet they, for these threescore years, have been 
 boasting themselves of what now appears to have been intellectually 
 inconsistent '. ' 
 
 Indeed, Blanco White himself, who had anticipated great 
 things from Hampden's lectures, was not slow to express 
 his disappointment at the actual result \ 
 
 At the time, then, of their delivery and publication the 
 Bampton Lectures of 1832 had not, to all appearance, 
 attracted more attention than such compositions usually 
 do. They had indeed created great anxiety and provoked 
 earnest disapprobation in some of their few hearers or 
 readers ; but men 
 
 ; indulged themselves in the hope that no harm would come, and that 
 It would be unnecessary for them to interrupt their own avocations and 
 the peace of the place by a formal accusation, or a necessarily very 
 serious controversy ^* 
 
 This dream ought to have been dispelled in 1833 by the 
 nomination of Dr. Hampden to the Headship of St. Mary 
 Hall by the Chancellor of the University, and by his appoint- 
 ment to the Professorship of Moral Philosophy by the 
 Vice-Chancellor,Proctors, and some Heads of Colleges in the 
 following year. But with these appointments Convocation 
 had no concern ; and residents who were only members of 
 Convocation were not called on to act, and only ^ murmured 
 m secret.' Of this feeling evidences were not wanting*; 
 
 * Dr. Hampden's ' Theological and edition. 
 
 fs'^eTfv' ^'*' ^""^^'^^ ^^'"'' '^r,/,>>lCr,V,V, April 1836, p.486. 
 
 ? M ny Jv'c * P • • , . ^"^^ ^^'^ ^^e subsequently 
 
 Mozley s 'Reminiscences,' i. 353, cancelled preface to a * Collection of 
 
 Hampden Professor of Moral Philosophy, 365 
 
 but there were strong rep.sons of a personal character against 
 doing anything. Hampden was connected by College ties 
 with those who felt most strongly that his lectures were very 
 mischievous ^. Newman could not forget that * Hampden 
 had been employed by the Provost of Oriel to oust himself 
 and the other tutors, and this made it difficult, if not 
 impossible, for him to attack Hampden's theology without 
 at least the appearance of a personal motive^.' Added 
 to which there was the prescriptive orthodoxy with which 
 the * Bampton Lectures * were still invested in the minds of 
 the majority of his hearers, and the dull untheological 
 temper of the time, which was not of a kind to be easily 
 roused on questions of doctrinal error. Nothing more 
 would have been heard of the lectures if Dr. Hampden 
 had exchanged his tutorship at Oriel for a country living. 
 
 But Hampden was Professor of Moral Philosophy, and in 
 October, 1835, he published a * Course of Lectures introduc- 
 tory* to the study. Like his pamphlet on Subscription, 
 which Newman regarded as the first act of aggression on 
 the orthodox position, these lectures were not calculated to 
 allow the objectors to his earlier course to forget him. On 
 their appearance. Rose wrote to Newman : — 
 
 The Rev. H. J. Rose to Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 January i, 1836. 
 
 Quousque tandem? How long are such books as Hampden's 
 to come forward from professors and Heads of Houses? How long 
 are they to come forth unreproved ? 
 
 Hampden's lectures are such an aggravation of the offence of his 
 former book, are in themselves so mischievous, and so anti-Christian, 
 that it does seem to me something very like a public calamity that they 
 should be allowed to pass with no rebuke more weighty than an 
 anonymous review. 
 
 For several years the same injurious policy has been pursued — the 
 policy of silence— of trusting that the books would not be much read, 
 and that the poison would not work. And in Hampden's case, if 
 
 Tracts on Subscription.' written by the 
 Rev. J. Keble, and R. I. Wilberforce's 
 * The Foundations of the Faith as- 
 sailed in Oxford,' originally intended 
 to appear in the same volume. 
 
 * Cf. Newman's preface to the 
 * Elucidations of Dr. Hampden's 
 Theological Statements.' 
 
 ' Mozley's * Reminiscences,' ii. 352, 
 
 II 
 
 it 
 
 • 
 
366 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 obscurity, harshness, and vagueness could cause a writer to be neglected, 
 the defence would be in some degree valid. But it is forgotten that 
 when books come forth from persons in a high official station with a 
 whole University apparently at their back, if no remonstrance is made 
 on the part of such a body, the sentiments conveyed must be taken 
 (and pretty fairly) as those commonly received in the body itself. Ten 
 years hence might not a student fairly suppose H.'s doctrines, delivered 
 in a professor's chair, published^ dedicated to his electors, and unre- 
 proved, to be the authorized ones— and might he not be fatally injured ? 
 Ought not something to be done— and how can it best be done? 
 Equidem commoveor ant mo, as I suppose you will say, I need not 
 tell you. But these repeated attacks on one's endurance are too much. 
 Arnold versus Episcopacy and the Study of Divinity was our last 
 New Year's gift. Now we have a Christmas-box (? Pandora's) from 
 St. Mary Hall. 
 
 Newman forwarded this letter to Pusey with the observa- 
 tion that silence about such books as Hampden's was 
 * a deplorable evil ; a breach, it seems to me, of Vincentius' 
 great rule that— as a witness for posterity— error should be 
 protested against on its first appearing.* 
 
 After this correspondence, it is hardly to be wondered at 
 that the appointment of Hampden by such a minister as 
 Lord Melbourne to the position of leading theological 
 teacher in Oxford, should have been felt to be a summons 
 to a University battle on behalf of English orthodoxy. In 
 those days the University belonged to the Church: its 
 members were all members of the Church, and its teachers 
 the trusted guardians of their faith. Hampden's teaching 
 seemed so plainly beyond the most liberal interpretation 
 of the somewhat unscientific frontiers of the English formu- 
 laries, that an emphatic protest was felt to be necessary. And 
 in judging the tactics of this strange contest it is necessary 
 to bear in mind the conditions of University life in those 
 days, so different from what they are now. When in 1841, 
 1843, and 1845 two of the prominent assailants of 1836 
 were attacked by the same weapons, they had no remorse- 
 ful regret for having themselves employed them. They 
 only resented the unfairness of applying such methods 
 to those who only claimed to teach what is legitimately 
 contained in the formularies of the English Church. 
 
 Death of the Regius Professor of Divinity. 367 
 
 Whether they were right in their contention is a question 
 which must be left to impartial minds judging in the light 
 of later experiences of the Church. 
 
 The beginning of January 1 836 found Pusey on a visit to 
 his mother at Holton Park. He had completed the sub- 
 stance of his three tracts on Baptism in the preceding 
 November; he had preached before the University on 
 December 6th, and was writing the preface to the first 
 edition of the tract. Dr. Burton, the Regius Professor of 
 Divinity, had gone down to Ewelme for rest ; had returned 
 to Oxford with a fever, and had died on January 19th. 
 On January 25th Pusey attended the funeral at Ewelme. 
 Three days previously he wrote to Newman : — 
 
 * People here were very sanguine at the very moment when his spirit 
 had actually left us : so it was a more than ordinarily great shock. 
 I heard some brief account which Dr. Barnes had from Mrs. Burton, 
 of a full conversation which our friend had had with her the preceding 
 Sunday. It was very satisfactory, and bespoke a cheerful resigned 
 confidence. After that he was kept necessarily very quiet, as the only 
 earthly prospect of retaining life, but he was at that time fully 
 persuaded of his approaching end. 
 
 * Everything everywhere seems dark : my great comfort is that I can 
 do nothing and have nothing to do : it is comparatively easy to sit by 
 and look on and wait the result ; and this is a privilege rarely allowed 
 one in these times, and so to be treasured the more thankfully. Rose 
 wishes to have something done about H. : he seems much afraid of his 
 being named. I should fear it was impossible to stir authorities here : 
 they are no theologians ; and I suppose at ail events we should hear 
 some rumours before the office is filled up, and then it might suffice to 
 bestir yourself and them. Rose wants you to " bell the cat." I am 
 weary of reading in order to censure : it is a hurtful office, and my 
 study of Zwingli, &c. in the summer was more than enough for some 
 time. Yet, if you think it advisable, I could put something in my 
 preface of Dr. H.'s views of the Sacraments ; two statements of which 
 I have noticed, although without the name, in the tract. This is a 
 sort of protest, although little enough of one.* 
 
 These concluding words show well the reluctance with 
 which Pusey entered on the confest, and how thoroughly 
 he appreciated the dangers of the controversial attitude 
 which, nevertheless, from time to time during his long life, 
 the constraining sense of duty compelled him to adopt. 
 
 i 
 
 \i 
 
368 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Newman replied to Pusey's depressed letter in terms of 
 great buoyancy. 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Richmond, January 24, 1836. 
 
 I had intended not to have written to you, but to have sent a 
 message through Mozley-however, I change my mind. I cannot help 
 fearing you are fussmg yourself, which you must not do. 
 
 I do not look at things so sadly as you do : that is, doubtless we shall 
 it^r Tt to distress us, but it will rather be the bringing to 
 
 light of what seems fair and is not, than a real declension. 6n tho 
 other hand rather, as error is brought out, the good will not only be 
 disengaged and move freely and healthily, but be propagated by the 
 agitation. Surely we have been for years in a very unsatisfactory decep- 
 
 !Z \ ^/ ''^""''^ '^^'^^' ^°^^^^^ ^^^ "^^y be incidentally pained, 
 hat we should see ourselves as we are. Men like Ogilvie or others o 
 
 IrL? H ^t^" ^"'^f "^^ -hooP are worthy of all reverence and 
 mTc^'' ^l '""'t'}^'' b^-n the few. The mass of those called 
 r;^n w. n ? ^^ ""^ Pnnciples-their turning round now shows it. 
 ^an we say B., &c., &c., ever were fixed, ever saw the Truth ? They 
 
 fn^hirh^h '"'''^1'^"'''^'^^""" "^^ ascertained, in those respects 
 Fn!n h rh'^ veer about, any other guide. Is it not very clear that the 
 
 nnt'n /f """^T' '^ '^' ^'^''^ ^"^ ^^^ "^ i'^temal consistency 
 mo n j; 1 ''^ ^ ^" "°' '"y ''' ^^^^^y) ^° k^^P >^ together? is bound 
 mo one by the imposition of Articles and the inducement of State pro- 
 
 mnT;r. ^''" '"' " '°"^"^°" ^^'^^ ' '^ ^-' ^-n we regret ve^ 
 miVht th 1.' '^^f /^^"^^ be detected? Surely not, though w^ 
 
 «nT^.^^!f "^^ ""^ ^''"'^' ^"^ "°' '^^ ^^^ difference between H [ampdenl 
 and orthodoxy. Very well ! Then H. is not so far from representing 
 their opinions. The authorities of the place virtually speak out, i hf 
 s made professor, what before was latent in their opinions and fed ngs 
 London is overrun with peculiarism-well and good-the facility of the 
 orthodo" ' r'"i?' '" '^^"^^ ""^°""^ ^^^^^ -ben we seemld more 
 the .1?/ D ' ''f '' "^ ''"^^ ^"^^^y ''' '^ better for us to have 
 the opportumyoi speaking our mind. Poor Keble's spirit was vexed 
 for years whde he felt the evil but could not grasp it : he eemed 
 
 i«Z7n:to ^T^"^"''^ '^ "^^ ^^^^"^ ^^'^-''' unsucc:::fuS 
 
 Hon V if K r ^'^ ^^" P^esagings, and to express a disapproba- 
 
 tion which he could not help feeling. Are we not better off? Is not 
 
 toThtTlil r .«rV-^;^^-ed the game? IsitnotbeUer 
 token HfT ^^ '" darkness? To me there is this remarkable 
 
 token (If I may venture to say it) in our recent loss : it is as if Pro- 
 
 * The buildings originally occupied by the S. P. C. K. 
 
 Anxtettes about the Successor, 
 
 369 
 
 vidence were clearing the fifralxfuov, and forcing men to choose their 
 side. He who has been taken represented and upheld more than any 
 one else the middle party. There is no one to take his place in 
 reputation, in learning, in good report. Were Shuttle worth appointed, 
 which on the whole I should prefer, he could do nothing against us — 
 he has no popularity, no insight into antiquity, no clearness or grasp of 
 mind, and (at his age) little energy or desire of contest. I cannot help 
 thinking he would be nothing at all, and we might act as if sede vacante. 
 On the other hand, were H. or other such appointed, numbers would 
 approximate to us and open themselves to our views, from fear of him, 
 who at present are suspicious of us. Really, thank God, it would seem 
 as if for our comfort it were graciously explained to us by sight, what 
 we know by faith , that all things must work for us. I seem to feel very 
 easy and cheerful about it, though I doubt not, did a bad appointment 
 take place, I should be for the time keenly pained, as with the smart 
 of a wound, from natural feeling. . . . 
 
 As for yourself, my dear Pusey, you have nothing to do but keep 
 quiet in mind as well as body— you admit the latter. Pie repone te, 
 I recollect when I was in at the examination for Fellowship at Oriel, and 
 very much harassed and almost sinking, I happened to look up at the 
 window and saw that motto on the painted glass. The words have 
 been a kind of proverb to me ever since. Really we have nothing to 
 fear : and, after all, it will be a great thing if * in that Day * our own * life 
 be given us as a prey.* 
 
 I wish to say something kind and consolatory, yet do not know 
 how. 
 
 With kindest remembrances to Mrs. Pusey, 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 On February 2nd Pusey writes to Mr. Gladstone : — 
 
 * We are under great anxiety as to our new professor. Rumour 
 mentions Keble's name. But this would be too great a blessing for us 
 to dare, in these days, to hope for, though we may pray for it.* 
 
 Meanwhile the Prime Minister had made up his mind. 
 On the day of Dr. Burton's funeral, January 25, 1836, he 
 had written as follows to Archbishop Whately : — 
 
 * I now beg leave to submit to you and ask your opinion on a 
 list which has been given me by the Archbishop of Canterbury of 
 persons whom he conceives to be best qualified to succeed to Dr. 
 Burton : — 
 
 Mr. Pusey, the Professor of Hebrew. 
 
 Dr. Shuttle worth. Master {sic) of New College. 
 
 VOL. I. B b 
 
370 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Mr. Ogilvie, late Fellow of Balliol College (one of the Archbishop's 
 
 Chaplains). 
 Mr. Newman, of Oriel. 
 Mr. Keble, of Oriel. 
 Mr. Miller, of Worcester College. 
 Dr. Short, Rector of St. George's, Bloomsbury. 
 Dr. Goddard, Archdeacon of Lincoln. 
 
 J^^'''f^^''^^^^^^^^^r there has been mentioned to me Dr. Cramer 
 Head of New Inn Hall \* 
 
 The names stand in the order of recommendation, and no 
 one would have been more surprised than Pusey to learn 
 that his name was first on the list. It will be observed that 
 each of the three leaders of the Movement, as they subse- 
 quently became, was named by the Archbishop for the 
 vacant Chair of Divinity. What might not have been the 
 result on the future of the English Church had any one of 
 them been chosen? 
 
 A very different event was fn store for her. On the 
 advice of Archbishop Whately and Bishop Copleston, all 
 the names recommended by Archbishop Howley were 
 passed over, and in their place Dr. Hampden was sug- 
 gested. Lord Melbourne had already marked this clergy- 
 man out for preferment, and he now submitted his name to 
 Archbishop Howley. The Archbishop at first approved ; 
 but he soon had occasion to regret that he had done so! 
 when the agitation which followed the announcement of 
 the appointment had brought under his notice features of 
 Dr. Hampden's writings with which he was previously 
 unacquainted. 
 
 The news of the appointment reached Oxford on Mon- 
 day, February 8th. 
 
 • People,' wrote the young James Mozley to his sister, * be-an to 
 bestir themselves immediately. That very day Pusey gave a dinner 
 to the leaders of orthodoxy in the University, at which Newman, and 
 Hook of Coventry, who happened to be up as select preacher, and 
 others, were present. A petition was agreed to, to be signed by the 
 resident masters, expressive of their condemnation of Hampden's 
 tenets, and their entire want of confidence in him. However, a dinner- 
 
 > • Lord Melbourne's Papers.' Longmans, 1S89, p. 497. 
 
 Hampden's Appointment — Opposition, 371 
 
 party was not to settle everything ; and a public meeting was the next 
 thing to think of V 
 
 Hampden's appointment, it will be remembered, was not 
 yet certain. Could it be averted? That question kept 
 Oxford in incessant agitation for ten days. At this first 
 stage of the matter Newman took the lead, and certainly did 
 not spare himself. He sat up all night to compose his well- 
 known * Elucidations' of Dr. Hampden s teaching. The 
 most important feature of the agitation was a series of 
 meetings in the Corpus Common Room, the first of which 
 was held on Wednesday, February loth. A petition against 
 Hampden's appointment, addressed to the King, was read 
 and agreed on. By the evening it had received forty-five 
 signatures, and the next evening it was sent to the Primate 
 with seventy-three signatures — half the resident masters — 
 for presentation to His Majesty. The petitioners anxiously 
 disclaim all wish to interfere with the royal prerogative, 
 but they apprehend the most disastrous consequences to 
 the soundness of the faith of those whom Dr. Hampden 
 would have to educate for the sacred ministry of the Church. 
 It was essential to the discharge of the duties of the 
 Regius Professor of Divinity that he should possess the 
 full confidence of those who were engaged in educating 
 young men at Oxford. The King was implored to listen 
 to the representations which would be made to him by 
 the heads of the Church. 
 
 On the 13th, Newman's ' Elucidations of Dr. Hampden's 
 Theological Statements* appeared. The title of the 
 pamphlet implied that obscurity was a characteristic of 
 Hampden's writing; the pamphlet consists mainly of 
 extracts from Dr. Hampden's works, grouped and prefaced 
 with a few words of introduction, and intended *to assist 
 the judgments of those who are in doubt as to his doctrines, 
 and to explain the earnestness of those who condemn them^.' 
 The Hebdomadal Board also was requested to summon 
 
 » * Letters of J. B. Mozley, D.D.,* ' « Elucidations of Dr. Hampden's 
 
 PP- 5o> 5'« Theological Statements,' p. 4. 
 
 B b a 
 
 I 
 
372 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Convocation with a view to sending a further petition to 
 
 the King in the name of the University. Hampden himself 
 
 was present at the meeting of the Board, which decided 
 
 not to grant this request. Pusey wrote to Lord Melbourne 
 
 what Newman calls *one of his most earnest, weightiest 
 
 crushing letters \' Everything failed. The Ministry were 
 
 unmoved, only Sir Charles Wood, afterwards Lord Halifax, 
 
 opposing the appointment^. The King made no sign \ 
 
 Lord Melbourne thought the ' Elucidations '* abstruse.' 
 
 and told Pusey, with reference to the memorial to the 
 
 King, that * another time it would be wise, if he wanted 
 
 anything done, to go to those who could do it,' meaning of 
 
 course the Minister, and not the King^. The appointment 
 
 was formally announced, bearing date in the Gazette of 
 
 Wednesday, February 17. 
 
 But it was still possible for the University to express its 
 disapproval of the teaching of the new Regius Professor. 
 Accordingly several other meetings were held at Corpus, 
 at which petitions were drawn up to the Hebdomadal 
 Board, desiring that Convocation should in some way have 
 an opportunity of expressing its opinion on the subject. 
 A committee was also appointed to draft a Report and 
 a public Declaration, and to select from Dr. Hampden's 
 works such statements as would be seen to justify the 
 opposition to his appointment. This Report and Declara- 
 tion were soon circulated. They both betray Pusey s hand, 
 but the concluding paragraphs of the Report are better 
 worth reproducing than the more guarded and stilted 
 language of the Declaration. The former runs thus :— 
 
 'After a most careful and systematic research, they [your committee] 
 entreat you to bear in mind that the present controversy is not so 
 much concerned with an individual or a book, or even an ordinary 
 system of false doctrine, as with a Principle, which, after corrupting 
 all soundness of Christianity in other countries, has at length appeared 
 among us, and for the first time been invested with authority in the 
 University of Oxford. 
 
 Declaration against Hampden, 
 
 373 
 
 ^ Newman's * Letters and Corre- 
 spondence,' ii. 158. 
 
 ' J. B. Mozley's • Letters,' p. 53. 
 
 ' Newman's ♦ Letters and Corre- 
 spondence,' ii. 181. 
 
 * This principle is the philosophy of Rationalism, or the assumption 
 that uncontrolled human reason in its present degraded form is the 
 primary interpreter of God's Word, without any regard to those rules 
 and principles of interpretation which have guided the judgements of 
 Christ's Holy Catholic Church in all ages of its history and under 
 every variety of its warfare. It is the Theory of Rationalism (as set 
 forth systematically in the Bampton Lectures of 1832, and still more 
 recently in lectures addressed to students) which is to be considered 
 the root of all the errors of Dr. Hampden's system. 
 
 ' And, far as they are from imputing to its maintainer personally 
 those unchristian doctrines with which it is clearly connected, or the 
 consequences inevitably flowing from it, they cannot forget that the 
 poison of unbelief (now working so deeply in another country) was 
 first disseminated by a man piously educated (Semler), and who lived 
 to deplore most deeply the effects of his successful rashness.' 
 
 The Declaration, which the Report recommended for 
 signature, repeats in other words the language of these 
 paragraphs^. 
 
 It would be a mistake to suppose that the opposition 
 to Dr. Hampden's appointment was confined to the writers 
 of the 'Tracts for the Times' and their friends. It 
 included all phases of opinion in the Church of England, 
 except that phase which was in sympathy with Latitu- 
 dinarianism ; but the direction of the opposition fell by 
 the force of things into the hands of Newman and Pusey. 
 They saw more clearly than others what was really at 
 stake ; they brought to the controversy not feeling merely, 
 but knowledge ; they knew their own minds, and they 
 knew, from their very different experience, the strength 
 and the weakness of rationalistic theories. Moreover, they 
 imported into the question a moral intensity which strong 
 convictions alone can give ; and so, whether other men 
 would or no, they were, and were recognized by friend and 
 foe alike as being, at the head of the opposition to the 
 appointment — not merely by their intimate friends and 
 
 * That Pusey had more to do with 
 the Declaration itself than with the Re- 
 port may perhaps be inferred from the 
 fact that while the Report speaks of 
 the * poison of nnbelief now working 
 so deeply in another country/ the De- 
 
 claration in its last paragraph alludes 
 to it as a past or passing influence. 
 Pusey was at this time still hopeful 
 about the future of German Protestant- 
 
 ism. 
 
I 
 
 374 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 pupils, but by many who had little or no sympathy 
 with the Tracts. It may suffice to mention the Rev. 
 Thomas Short, of Trinity, the Rev. R. L. Cotton, then 
 Fellow and Tutor of Worcester, the Rev. C. P. Golightly, of 
 Oriel College, the Rev. H. B. Wilson, Fellow and Tutor of 
 St. John's, besides Mr. Hill, the Vice-Principal of St. 
 Edmund Hall, who was a member of the committee. The 
 Declaration was signed by eighty resident members of Con- 
 vocation. 
 
 Meanwhile Dr. Hampden, as was perhaps natural, had 
 taken measures of his own. He appealed to the Duke of 
 Wellington as Chancellor of the University, informing him 
 that a statute was under consideration which, under ^'cover 
 of depriving the Regius Professor of Divinity of certain 
 rights and powers attached to his office, would really pass 
 a censure on his theological writings. The Duke was re- 
 quested to institute an inquiry into the legal and statutable 
 propriety of the measure in question. 
 
 * You,' replied the Duke, *are a member of the Board of Heads of 
 J'T^l ^' f Chancellor, at a distance from Oxford, have no voice 
 at that Board. I refer the letter to the Vice- Chancellor \' 
 
 But before this answer was received, the Heads of Houses 
 had decided, after no little hesitation whether anything at 
 all should be done, to bring before Convocation the statute 
 referred to by Dr. Hampden. It provided that the new 
 Regius Professor, having so treated theological subjects 
 * ut m hac parte nullam ejus fiduciam habcat Universitas ' 
 he was not to be on the Board which nominated select 
 preachers, and he was not to be consulted when a sermon 
 was called in question before the Vice-Chancellor. The 
 censure of Dr. Hampden's opinions implied in this pro- 
 posal is sufficiently obvious. At the Hebdomadal Board 
 thirteen Heads of Houses were in favour of the statute • 
 eight opposed it, and they were reinforced by the two 
 proctors. Among the members of the majority, besides 
 
 Pusey* s Pamphlet. 
 
 375 
 
 the Vice-Chancellor, were Dr. Jenkyns (Master of Balliol), 
 Dr. Routh (President of Magdalen), Dr. Gilbert (Principal 
 of Brasenose), Dr. Gaisford (Dean of Christ Church), Dr. 
 Symons (Warden of Wadham), and Dr. Wynter (President 
 of St. John's). Dr. Hampden himself, as Principal of 
 St. Mary Hallj voted with the minority, which contained 
 one name of high distinction, that of Dr. Hawkins, the 
 
 Provost of Oriel. 
 
 Convocation was summoned for March 22nd to consider 
 this proposal. Copies of the proposed statute, together with 
 the Declaration of the Corpus Committee, and appended 
 names of signatures, reinforced by a long list of extracts 
 from Dr. Hampden's works, were widely circulated among 
 members of Convocation. 
 
 On March 12th Pusey published a pamphlet^ which was 
 intended to supplement Newman's 'Elucidations,* and 
 consisted of extracts from Dr. Hampden's writings, intro- 
 duced by a preface of his own. The preface is an able 
 review of some leading characteristics of Hampden's teach- 
 ing. Pusey compared him with Semler, a man of personal 
 faith and piety who played with rationalistic principles but 
 lived to deplore the havoc which they wrought. Hampden's 
 main position, that every statement not presented in the 
 language of Scripture is an addition to the naked truth of 
 the Gospel, was shown to be that of every negative system 
 that has assumed the title of Christianity. * Scholasticism,' 
 a term which had been historically used to describe the 
 * peculiar speculative theology of the Schoolmen,' was applied 
 by Dr. Hampden to the general teaching of the Primitive 
 Church ; every statement of the Creeds, not confined to the 
 bare statement of a Scriptural fact, was condemned by him 
 as * Theory,' 'Scholasticism,' or 'Realism.' How Dr. 
 Hampden's theory might lead on through Sabellianism to 
 Socinianism was shown by reference to the case of Mr. Blanco 
 White ; and the preface closes with a word of apology for 
 
 * * Dr. Hampden's Theological 
 Stiitements and the Thirty-nine Ar- 
 ticles compared; by a Resident Member 
 
 of Convocation, with a Preface, and 
 Propositions extracted from his works.* 
 Oxford, Baxter, 1836. 
 
ji 
 
 376 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 Dr. Hampden • nartlv Tl^ ^ ^ maintained by 
 
 from Dr. Hampden's woTkk TrZT-.:[:^.^ 'T^'' 
 with the contrasted language of the Ar LL nr u """' 
 propositions were the lol of ^u ey tt two fl l" *'" 
 sections were contributed by Harrison. "^ 
 
 a sysu.. My wor/has b^ecTto 'r^f „::: "7;" "'.'l =^^^^^^^ 
 m columns parallel with the statements offhelnfcler *""'"«' 
 
 Pusey however was responsible for *\.^ u , 
 he probably corrected and 'enirrge/r and in ht "f '' 
 he accepts the responsibility The 1 ' . P'"''^''" 
 propositions were sent round to"n,embers tf r '"'''"''' 
 with a view to influencing the votToT th? f 5°"::°<^^t'°n 
 and thus they naturally^ha w^d Vee„ crl^ '' ^"^'• 
 may be that some of them are 1. ? "" ' ^^ 
 objections which, ever I'c" the da'; ? T^ V"' 
 been urged generally against the at'emnf t"^ "' ^''' 
 true sense of an author by means of .? . '°"^'^ '''" 
 his writings. The method, howev" ecu taW T'"'' '™'" 
 is liable to be inequitable in effect ' £ the mtention, 
 interpretative force of the context ,•; f. 7 '^'"^ ^"'^ 
 that Which was incidental T S Lto/r t^' 
 
 Hampdefi^ s Inaugural Lecture, 
 
 211 
 
 Dr H?.^r.^'''P°u^^^°j;' attributed to 
 Ur. Hampden by Professor Pnsev 
 c^par^ with the' text of the Bam^ 
 ton Lectures in a series of Parallels^ 
 
 a Resident Member of Convocation ' 
 London. Fellowes. ,836. This t ar 
 
 rS '?•'''• "/^" '^^ Cox Co?; 
 
 RecollecUons of Oxford/ p. 284. 
 
 assumes as an isolated extract a much higher order of 
 importance ; language is subjected to a strain which it was 
 not originally intended to bear. An examination of the 
 propositions themselves will show that Pusey was alive to 
 this, and that he anxiously endeavoured to obviate it by 
 introductory or supplemental words of his own. That he 
 succeeded altogether it would be too much to assert ; all 
 that can be said is that if the extracts sometimes exas:- 
 gerate the errors of certain passages in the *Bampton 
 Lectures/ they sometimes fail to convey an adequate 
 impression of others, the real extent and colouring of 
 Hampden's characteristic positions depending upon large 
 sections of language for its complete representation. 
 
 Hampden's inaugural lecture was delivered on the 17th. 
 It was not calculated to make any change in the situation ^ 
 It certainly showed that he had no designs hostile to the 
 central truths of the Christian Revelation : his language 
 about the Sacraments may even have surprised some of his 
 critics by its primitive tone. But it contained no expression 
 of regret for statements which had evoked justifiable 
 remonstrance, nor did it in any way remove the general 
 impression created by the * Bampton Lectures,' which was 
 that he was capable of, so to speak, playing with rational- 
 istic fireworks without understanding the dangers of such 
 a pastime. He further allowed himself to refer to the 
 opposition to his appointment in terms which seemed at 
 least unworthy of the high position he now held. 
 
 Pusey at once issued a criticism on this inaugural lecture : 
 it appeared on March 21st,— the eve of the great day in 
 Convocation. Its contents may be gathered from its title : 
 ' Dr. Hampden's Past and Present Statements compared 2.' 
 He had, so Pusey maintained, 'set forth a general popular 
 statement of religious teaching, portions whereof are 
 indeed in direct contradiction with what he before stated, 
 but which in many cases does not even touch upon the 
 
 * 'Inaugural Lecture, read before 
 the University of Oxford in the 
 Divinity School on Thuisday, March 
 
 17, 1836.' London, Fellowes, 1836, 
 ^ Oxford, Baxter, 1836. 
 
: 
 
 37^ • Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 On March 22nd Convocation met: at the least some 
 
 ^^eat^h " ""■' P:"'"' = '"'^ '"^^ excitement was even 
 greater than ,s usual on a field-day of this description. 
 
 burfhrP "".J "'^'"'^ ""^ '^^ ^°*'"g -°">d have gone ; 
 ^n^!n. T "' ''"'^ announced, before the meeting thei 
 
 aw of^h" n'"'"'°-^"^ *'^" ^^'°' ^'^'■^''' — -ding lo the 
 and ^1h h"""^^' ^""''^ P"' ^" ^"^ *° tl^^ proceedings ; 
 and mdeed proceedings had been delayed for nearly two 
 
 hours wh St the Hebdomadal Board discussed the questiln 
 at what stage of the discussion the Proctors should inter- 
 
 h! n^r^"^'";*?"'- ^'^ '°°""'' '^'^ '^'^ Vice-chancellor put 
 sh2 of "p"; ".1 ""' Non-place,than amidst a tremendous 
 
 uttered NH ''' "'' ''"' ^^"^'^^ formula was 
 
 o the s't»f . P^-of -atoribus non placet/ and the question 
 of the statute was for the time at an end. 
 
 dav 'T/p'"""'"' ^f ^^^^^ ^''' '" '^' Theatre on that 
 day As Pusey walked up to take his seat among the 
 
 Samode •" /'^^^""'"'^ ^^ -- ^'--d by som^e of 
 •who had n ?r "^'^ '=''"''' °"'>' ^- '" '^im a man 
 
 the oath o'f?' '- ""' "'"' ""' •"' '"^"^^'"' "^^' '" 
 the path of fame; Newman and Keble were in the area • 
 
 veto tt'^ll^ 'Z'' '^''^^^ - ^--^ ^>^e procuraS 
 
 afterwa^l 7" '°' ""^''' P'^^ ^' ^l'^' g^'"^' Nineyears 
 
 savin?!?: Tk " ' „"*=' "^^ '-"P^^'-^ occasion, this 
 saying was to be signally illustrated. 
 
 miurra?^ '': ''?" "' '•^^ ^^°'^*°^«- ^'^^ Corpus Com- 
 Tconvoca;" f ' "'^^"^ ""^'"^ non-resident members 
 statute r ■'"^'' ^''■" fa^o^rablc to the proposed 
 
 Ha^Jof R "''' "T^'^'^^^'y -ft- the proceedings in the 
 ?usy p!rT "^^^^^ At the meeting so summoned 
 cZu, r ?°^"'"'" ^^ ^S'-^^'l to, thanking the 
 
 and'haSr" f ,'!:^'"^'"'^''''"'^"-&y'C^ 
 
 mieht ^ ^' P'1^'"S themselves to any exertions that 
 
 same tteTsT? I '^""""'"^ ^'^ ^^"^^'^- ^* ^'^'^ 
 ame time. 385 signatures were attached to a petition 
 
 *A Pastoral Epistle^ etcJ 
 
 379 
 
 addressed tothe Vice-Chancellor, begging him to lay before 
 the Hebdomadal Board, at the earliest opportunity, the 
 earnest entreaty of the signatories that some measure might 
 be again submitted to Convocation, to clear the University 
 from the charge of sanctioning such principles as Dr. 
 Hampden's. Among the names attached to this petition is 
 that of almost every one connected with the University of 
 Oxford who took any prominent part in the Church move- 
 ment : on this occasion men are still working earnestly side 
 by side who were afterwards deeply separated by the pro- 
 gress of controversy. On the 7th of April the Brasenose 
 petition was presented to the Vice- Chancellor, who undertook 
 to lay it before the Board on the first meeting in Easter 
 Term. 
 
 The Easter Vacation was spent in a ferment, for it was 
 felt on both sides that the Proctors had not ended the con- 
 troversy by the veto of March 22nd. New Proctors were 
 to come into office on April 13th, and they might be 
 otherwise-minded than their predecessors. Accordingly 
 Hampden's friends set to work in good earnest. They 
 would repay Hampden's assailants in kind. They published 
 * Specimens of the Theological Teaching of certain members 
 of the Corpus Committee at Oxford.' This was a collection 
 of extracts from the writings of Newman, Pusey, and 
 Sewell ; but chiefly from Newman's *Arians' and ^Parochial 
 Sermons.' These extracts were introduced and followed by 
 remarks apparently intended to parody the method, and 
 to a certain extent the language, which had been employed 
 by the editors of the extracts from the * Bampton Lectures.' 
 Pusey also was paraphrased into opinions which he certainly 
 did not hold. 
 
 About the same time appeared ' A Pastoral Epistle from 
 His Holiness the Pope to some Members of the Uni- 
 versity of Oxford, faithfully translated from the original 
 Latin.' Of this discreditable production the author was 
 Dr. Dickinson, a chaplain of Archbishop Whately^ who after- 
 
 * Whately's ' Life.* Longmans, 1875, p. 132, note. 
 
f 
 
 380 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey. 
 
 wards became Bishop of Meath. The writer's patron docs 
 
 but Its dishonesty of quotation, its unfairness, its irrever- 
 ence and low views of Christianity.' were pointed out by 
 an Irish d.vme of real learning, the Rev. Dr. Todd • 
 
 In Dr Dickinson s pamphlet the Pope is made to cast a 
 
 much of the 'Tracts for theTimes' as might, with appropriate 
 
 CrhTcT r'"'"r "■''"■ •" --^^'o point to a rZ 
 Cathohc conclusion. It may be questioned whether the 
 Oxford writers would not have been well advised had they 
 unam^ously resolved to take no notice of such anassai a„T 
 
 l2u u"^ '""''' ^^'^ ^«"°^d^'l to do so. But Pusey 
 with h.s habitual sense of the seriousness of language' 
 thought otherwise ; and he hoped that as he pers3y 
 had escaped the censures of the satirist his appeal would 
 be listened to. Accordingly on St. Mark's T>ly. ApriH , 
 
 chir^r r "f '^' ^"""'- ^""'"y '"^^'^^ his sense of the 
 moT K '1 ^ P'"P"'* ^^''^ h^ -^« -"^wering by the 
 ca^^thl'b 7"'''" *° "'^ ^^"- * ^« « -adman'^who 
 
 Sceteth hf ' I'k"""'' '"' ''''''^' ^ '■« '^^ «"- that 
 deceiveth his neighbour, and saith, Am not I in sport^? ' His 
 
 m whichT"'"""' '- ^'^-"gf'out a dignified rebuke, 
 
 eriou luSf T T *'"' ^^^ "^^ °^ b-ter on such 
 seious subjects involves gross irreverence, unfair dealing 
 
 Tf dishoner ?■ ^'^ ''^" "'*'' '""^ '^''^' -<1 the imputation 
 Puseta" S ^f' "^°" '"^^ ""*^'- '^"^"^ to be honest, 
 emnlovme^r ^'^^^'T' ^^^'^^^ to the freethinkers on the 
 
 the ilT H . "'^"" '' '"'^ "'"^ S^^^^ ^'^^'^t ; shows that 
 «ie implied charge of the « Pastoral Letter ' a-ainst the 
 Tracts was in reality a charge against some of th^e greatest 
 
 »od l^on 'rhis U'r.&oV" Z ''" T,""^."' *"""e . controversial 
 
 Most Holy Father by DW^e I W T.T^ !.' "i" "?f ''"?'<' '"i^'"''* 
 dence, Pope Gregorf XVI tn th.' T 1 •'"''. °' """butiiig to him Dr. 
 
 . 1st edition, London 18,6 -^n;! • ' 'JP?*" '" «"™^ °f deserved 
 
 edition, Dublin, ,s7. T^a.'t Ox7o"'/' p^.o'^"' ' ^'"'"^'^"'"'' "^ 
 consequence of Dr. Todd adopting » ProveVs'x'xvi. .8. 
 
 Violent attack by Dr, Arnold, 
 
 381 
 
 names in Anglican theology; and enlarges especially on 
 the practice of prayers for the faithful departed as existing 
 in the Primitive Church, and advocated by some Anglican 
 divines, apart from any belief in purgatory. This portion 
 of the ' Earnest Remonstrance ' gave it a more than passing 
 value, and probably led to its republication in the series of 
 ' Tracts for the Times/ 
 
 But the most passionate attack upon the Corpus Com- 
 mittee, and especially upon Pusey and his friends, was an 
 article that appeared during the vacation from the pen of 
 Dr. Arnold. Arnold had long watched with increasing 
 irritation the growth of Church principles at Oxford. For 
 Arnold too had been and was keen about Church improve- 
 ment ; and he was committed to a theory of the Church's 
 nature and functions which, however acceptable to certain 
 phases and sections of modern opinion, had no real basis in 
 the New Testament, and was in conflict with the principles 
 which the writers in the Tracts were labouring to restore. 
 Arnold divided the world into Christian and non-Christian; 
 forms of Church government and means of grace counted 
 for very little in his theory : to insist on them was to be 
 narrow, antiquated, J udaizing, and what not. Arnold thought 
 he had settled the matter ; but he found men whose genius 
 and character he could not dispute insisting upon an aspect 
 of things which he thought he had disposed of, winning 
 disciples, and commanding general attention. He, at 
 Rugby, was out of the way : Oxford was the centre of 
 this new and to him unwelcome enthusiasm ; and the 
 opposition to Hampden brought matters to a climax in 
 his mind. For Hampden and Arnold were in substantial 
 agreement In both men the dislike of High Church 
 principles was a department of their general dislike of 
 political Toryism ; both were endowed with a large share 
 of self-reliance ; both treated the commonplaces of Latitu- 
 dinarianism as though they were precious and sacred 
 axioms; both played for immediate objects with destruc- 
 tive arguments, the true drift of which they did not com- 
 prehend or even suspect, and which, as the event has too 
 
382 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Dr. Arnolds Language, 
 
 383 
 
 surely proved, lead in a second generation to downright 
 unbelief. According to Arnold, Hampden was * doing 
 what real Christian reformers had ever done ; what the 
 Protestants did with Catholicism, and the Apostles with 
 Judaism.' * Hampden's Bampton Lectures,' he wrote, 'are 
 a great v/ork, entirely true in their main points, and, I think, 
 most useful.' On the other hand, ' it is clear to me,' he 
 also wrote, * that Newman and his party are idolaters ; they 
 put Christ's Church and Christ's sacraments and Christ's 
 ministers in the place of Christ Himself.' 
 
 With these violent sentiments Arnold sat down to write 
 his famous article on * The Oxford Malignants and Dr. 
 Hampden ^' The editor of the Edinburgh Review sug- 
 gested the title ; but the title gives, it must be said, only 
 an imperfect idea of the tone and contents of the article 
 itself. 
 
 * The article,* says his biographer, * contains the most startling and 
 vehement, because the most personal, language which he [Arnold] 
 ever allowed himself deliberately to use. The offence caused by it, 
 even amongst his friends, was very great.' 
 
 In fact, it almost cost him the Head Mastership of Rugby. 
 It is partly a narrative of the events of March i8;^6, 
 which an eyewitness has described as mythical 2 ; and partly 
 an outburst of personal animosity against Newman and his 
 friends, which must be read throughout to be appreciated. 
 They are * conspirators,'— the epithet is again and again 
 repeated; they are * obscure fanatics'; they are worse 
 than Roman Catholic, or any other fanatics, since theirs is 
 the ' fanaticism of mere foolery.' They and their followers 
 have indeed had their prototypes in the later English 
 Church : — 
 
 *They are the very Non-Jurors and High Church clergy of King 
 William's and Anne's and George the First's time, reproduced with 
 scarcely a shade of difference. Now, as then, this party is made 
 up of two elements; of the Hophni and Phinehas school on the 
 
 ' Edinburgh Pevtew, April, t 836. 
 
 » Mozley's ' Reminiscences,' i. 363 (2nd edition). 
 
 one hand- the mere low worldly clergy, careless and grossly igno- 
 rant—ministers not of the Gospel but of the aristocracy, who belong 
 to Christianity only from the accident of its being established by 
 law ; and of the formalist Judaizing fanatics on the other hand, who 
 have ever been the peculiar disgrace of the Church of England.' 
 
 This last epithet for the more immediate friends of 
 Newman, Pusey, and Keble, or for themselves, was a 
 favourite with Arnold : he expands what he means by it. 
 
 * Once, however, and once only in the history of Christianity, do we 
 find a heresy— for never was that term more justly applied— so 
 degraded and low principled as this. We must pass over the times 
 of Romanists, we must go back to the very beginning of the Christian 
 Church ; and there, in the Jews and Judaizers of the New Testament, 
 we find the only exact resemblance to the High Churchman of Oxford. 
 In the zealots of circumcision and the ceremonies of the law,— in the 
 slanderers and persecutors of St. Paul,— the doters upon old wives' 
 fables and endless genealogies,— the men of soft words and fair 
 speeches,— of a "voluntary humility" all the time that they were 
 calumniating and opposing the Gospel and its great Apostle ;— in the 
 malignant fanatics, who to the number of more than forty formed a 
 conspiracy to assassinate Paul, because he had denied the necessity of 
 ceremonies to salvation,— the men of " mint and anise and cummin," 
 who cared not for judgement, mercy, and truth,— the enemies and 
 revilers of the holiest names which earth reverences, and who are 
 condemned in the most emphatic language by that authority which 
 all Christians acknowledge as Divine ;— in thee, and in thee alone, 
 can the party which has headed the late Oxford conspiracy find their 
 perfect prototype.' 
 
 After this it is almost tame to be told that 
 
 * the attack upon Dr. Hampden bears upon it the character, not of 
 error but of moral wickedness ' ; 
 
 and that if conscience were pleaded as a reason for opposing 
 him, 
 
 * it could only be a conscience so blinded by wilful neglect of the 
 highest truth, or so corrupted by the habitual indulgence of evil 
 passions, that it rather aggravates than excuses the guilt of those 
 whom it misleads.' 
 
 Arnold's article disposed once for all of the notion that the 
 Latitudinarianism which he represented means toleration, 
 
384 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 excepting on matters where its professors find toleration 
 convenient. Such bigoted ferocity and insolence would have 
 passed unheeded had they not proceeded from a man of 
 high character and influence, who had had opportunities of 
 learning for himself the real worth of the men whom he 
 dared thus to vilify ; who had sat in the common-room of 
 Oriel with them ; who had exchanged with them again and 
 again assurances of respect, and even affection. Condemned 
 as it was almost universally by those who shared Arnold's 
 opinions, this unhappy paper, it is sad to add, was ap- 
 proved of by the man who should have been foremost in 
 deploring it. 
 
 * The article,* wrote Dr. Hampden to the editor of the Edinburgh 
 Review, * is admirably done, and will contribute much, I have no 
 doubt, to disabuse the public mind, and call forth the merited in- 
 dignation against the authors of such outrageous proceedings ^* 
 
 Those of Arnold's old friends who were the objects of 
 his abuse could not but think with sincere regret of his 
 production. 
 
 ' A paper such as this,' wrote Pusey of the article, ' would not 
 require notice from any Christian, and might be passed over in mere 
 sorrow, but for one statement which is derived in some way from 
 Dr. Hampden himself ^* 
 
 Arnold had observed that what he calls a * falsehood ' had 
 run through Pusey 's theological statements as well as 
 Newman's * Elucidations ' : * the technical language,' he says. 
 * in which truths have been expressed is carefully confounded 
 with the truths themselves.' This led Pusey to re-examine 
 the ' Bampton Lectures ' more closely than before ; and he 
 shows triumphantly how utterly unwarrantable is Arnold's 
 criticism. In fact, Hampden quarrelled not merely with the 
 language of the Church, contemptuously described as 
 'technical,' but with serious truths which that language 
 was expressly intended to guard and convey; truths 
 which, in the judgment of the Church, although not in that 
 
 ' ' ^Memorials of Bishop Hampden/ « * An Earnest Remonstrance, Ac' 
 
 London, 7871, p. 64. Postscript, p. 38. 
 
 Further Proceedings. 
 
 385 
 
 of Dr. Hampden, were taught in Holy Scripture ^ Indeed, 
 Pusey infers from internal evidence that Arnold had never 
 read Pusey 's own pamphlet of theological extracts which 
 he condemns: he had heard enough about it from some 
 Oxford correspondent to describe some of its features, but 
 his misrepresentation of its contents is too considerable to 
 have been put forward by a writer who had made himself 
 personally acquainted with it. 
 
 The Easter Vacation had ended, and on April 25th the 
 Hebdomadal Board decided to re-introduce into Convoca- 
 tion the proposal which had been vetoed by the outgoing 
 Proctors on March 22nd. A motion to this effect was 
 brought forward in the Board by Dr. Cardwell, the Prin- 
 cipal of St. Alban Hall, and seconded by Dr. Symons, the 
 Warden of Wadham. On this occasion the new Proctors 
 voted with the majority; the Senior Proctor was Mr. 
 Robert Hussey, of Christ Church, whose learning and 
 caution subsequently led to his becoming the first Regius 
 Professor of Ecclesiastical History. Convocation was to 
 meet on May 5th, but the Corpus Committee anticipated the 
 occasion by assembling on April 27th to adopt an address 
 for circulation among Masters of Arts throughout the 
 country. This address, besides repeating the general ob- 
 jections to Dr. Hampden's teaching, insists that his inaugural 
 lecture had only made the protest more necessary. If the 
 Bampton Lectures were to be viewed as only a history of 
 the public phraseology employed by the Church in order 
 to state and define revealed truth, they nevertheless did 
 maintain that this phraseology was framed on a false and 
 mischievous philosophy, foreign and injurious to the Gospel. 
 It would follow, either that there were no realities cor- 
 responding to some of the most solemn language of the 
 Church, or that the ideas conveyed by such language are 
 unscriptural and false ^' 
 
 There were, of course, appeals from the other side. 
 Members of Convocation were told that such a censure 
 
 * * An Earnest Remonstrance,' pp. ' Cf. Address, dated Oxford, April 
 
 38-41, postscript. 26, 1836, p. 5. 
 
 VOL. I. C C 
 
386 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 on the Regius Professor was of doubtful legality, and 
 they were entreated to consider the effect of such disputes 
 upon the outside world. Oxford was not less thronged 
 than it had been seven weeks before; the Sheldonian 
 Theatre was again the scene of the conflict, but on this 
 occasion Bachelors of Arts and undergraduates were ex- 
 cluded. Five Latin speeches were made in Dr. Hampden's 
 favour, one of them by Dr. Marsham, the Warden of 
 Merton ; two in support of the statute, one by Mr. John 
 Miller, the Bampton Lecturer of 1817, and the other by 
 Keble. Arnold was in the Theatre, and it may be 
 presumed was reflecting whether, as he had said of 
 Hampden's opponents, the conscience of this last speaker 
 *had been blinded by the neglect of the highest truths, 
 or corrupted by the habitual indulgence of evil passions ^' 
 The statute was accepted by a majority of 380—474 
 against 94 ; and the Regius Professor of Divinity was, 
 during the pleasure of the University, deprived of the 
 right of sitting at the Board of Inquiry into Heretical 
 Doctrines, and at the Board of Nomination of Select 
 Preachers. 
 
 Young men are always generous, and some of Pusey s 
 younger friends thought that Hampden had been hardly 
 used. Why had he not been remonstrated with in private ? 
 And if his teaching was so unsound, was not the measure 
 adopted by Convocation a very inadequate one? To these 
 criticisms Pusey replies : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO P. B. Duncan, Esq. 
 
 Christ Church, May 13, 1836. 
 Why should you assume that * private remonstrance' was not 
 used, and so our Lord's words (St. Matt, xviii. 15) acted upon, as far 
 as they apply ? For this is not a case of ihv Afxaprljan ,h at ; it was 
 not a private offence against us. Now, the fact is that * private 
 remonstrance ' was used, and that by more than one individual, and 
 very kindly ; and in one case by a person whose intellectual powers 
 every one here would respect, and who up to that time was living on 
 
 * Edin. Rev., April 1836, p. 239. 
 
 The Professor Disqualified, 
 
 387 
 
 terms of personal friendship with Dr. H. And the Corpus Com- 
 mittee did not proceed until it was stated to them that remonstrance 
 was ineffectual. We seem then by the very passage which you have 
 quoted, to be directed to go on to our Lord's other words (v. 17), 
 etTTf rri (Kic\rj(ria. 
 
 With regard to the particular measure, we are not responsible for 
 its selection ; like most half measures, it pleases no party, except 
 the middle party which originated it : we accepted it only because it 
 answered the end of warning the rest of the Church, and especially 
 young men. If they will not take the warning, it rests with them ; 
 we have given it, and so * their blood is upon their own heads, we are 
 clean ' (Ezek. xxxiii. 1-6). We think that our proceeding was the truest 
 charity both towards Dr. Hampden and the Church ; that however 
 will be known on that day * when the secrets of all hearts are 
 revealed.' And to that day we would reverentially appeal, as to 
 our great reluctance to take the course we did, and our general pro- 
 ceedings in it. I say general, in order not to seem to arrogate 
 exemption from human infirmity, or to imply that any course of action 
 could be altogether pure in God's sight. 
 
 An opinion, signed by the Attorney-General and Dr. 
 Lushington, was taken as to the legality and effect of the 
 vote of Convocation, and it was strongly in favour of Dr. 
 Hampden's supporters. Nothing, however, came of it, and 
 Hampden submitted to the statute during his tenure of the 
 chair. He preached sermons on the subject of the Atone- 
 ment which would reassure the Low Church party, and he 
 joined them in attacking the Tractarians when opportunity 
 offered. In 1842 a considerable change had taken place 
 in the composition or opinions of the Hebdomadal Board ; 
 the feeling against the Tractarians ran high, and an effort 
 was made to abrogate the statute of 1 836. A proposal to 
 this effect was carried in the Hebdomadal Board, although 
 without the sanction of Dr. Wynter, the Vice-Chanccllor, 
 who said that he * disapproved of the measure as an act of 
 inconsistency in itself, and not called for by any change 
 of circumstances.^ The proposal was rejected by a large 
 majority in Convocation on June 7, 1842. 
 
 Pusey explained his own relations to the Hampden 
 controversy— the motives which had animated him, the 
 hopes which it had in the end fostered— in a letter to 
 Tholuck. 
 
 C C 2 
 
388 
 
 I 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Dr. Tholuck. 
 
 Christ Church, March 6, 1837. 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 I must own that in writing to you about our controversy I 
 had another motive beside your sympathy : I thought namely that 
 you would probably be disposed against * persecution ' and think our 
 strong measures such ; and then your opinions come back again here, 
 and strengthen liberal views in this country, so I wished you to have 
 fuller materials to judge. I can easily conceive how to you, in Germany, 
 much of our 'Polemik' must appear petty. But you must recollect 
 our circumstances and position. We had not to dispute a point, or 
 show whence the mischief arose, but we had to give the alarm and 
 to cry * Fire'; if people took the warning and ran to extinguish the 
 fire, the end was secured. In our present state it was enough to 
 show that Dr. H[ampden's] system, as a system, went counter to that 
 of the Articles, to show the leprous spot, and warn people to flee the 
 infection. ... 
 
 England and Germany are, in this respect, in a different state, 
 that in England almost every one of the clergy wishes to be sound. 
 Many idolize indeed the Reformers, and make them the Church ; 
 but still the appeal lies out of themselves : there is reference almost 
 everywhere to a certain standard of faith, beyond private judgement : 
 they do not set up ' each what is right in his own eyes,' however 
 uncompromisingly they maintain the maxim that every one has 
 a right so to do ; and this is a basis of good Church principles, even 
 though, for the present, many may be wrong in its application. 
 This tendency has been much strengthened by the H[ampden] 
 controversy : people have been made to act upon a principle, and 
 so (as all action does) have been strengthened in their views to 
 a degree which no teaching of principles could have done. Could 
 something of the same kind have been done at the appearance of 
 the ' Fragments ' ' or any other of those works, Rationahsm, I think, 
 might never have gained a head among you. 
 
 The present looks prosperously : the Ministry are apparently 
 alarmed at the rising energy of the Church, and the Bishops who 
 have been recommended to the Capituli to elect have been respectable 
 men ; for the Chapters have the power to refuse to elect, and some 
 have prepared themselves to refuse and incur the penalties : but I 
 hardly suppose that any great good can be effected without suffering. 
 Was it ever? Meanwhile, however, troops are gathering: people 
 whom one would least have expected are coming to Catholic views, 
 and leaving the narrowness of the so-called Evangelic party ; or, 
 often, adding to their previous warmth and energy the depth and 
 reverence which belong to the old Church's view of the Incarnation, 
 
 1 I 
 
 i. e. the WolfenLuttcl Fragments. 
 
 Dean ChurcKs fudgment on Hampden Controversy, 389 
 
 as connected with the Sacraments. Young men are, as you would 
 suppose, readily kindled by them, and our only fear is, can anything 
 be lasting that spreads so rapidly ? Did ever anything grow quickly 
 (except amid persecution) and abide ? Yet, on the other hand, every- 
 thing in this day seems, as you said, to betoken a gigantic struggle, 
 so there will be enough to mature men hereafter, enough of biting 
 frosts to check over-luxuriance ; and now God seems to be allowing 
 men to pledge themselves to things they know not how great, and 
 when the time comes for demanding this pledge. He, we trust, will 
 give them the strength they will need : * As is thy day, so shall thy 
 strength be.' . . . 
 God preserve you and bless you, now and ever, in all things. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 It is interesting to notice what estimate Newman was 
 forming of Pusey's aims and character amidst all this pain- 
 ful controversy. Writing to a friend on April 9, 1 836, he 
 says : — 
 
 * If you knew my friend Dr. Pusey as well as I do — nay, as well as 
 those generally who come tolerably near him — you would say, I am 
 sure, that never was a man in this world on whom one should feel 
 more tempted to bestow a name which belongs only to God's servants 
 departed, the name of a saint. Never a man who happened uncon- 
 sciously to show what many more (so be it!) have within them, entire 
 and absolute surrender of himself, in thought, word, and deed, to God's 
 will. And this being so, I shall battle for him when his treatise [on 
 Baptism] is attacked, and by whomsoever \' 
 
 Before leaving the Hampden controversy, and in view of 
 the great difficulty of appreciating at the present day its 
 justifying circumstances, it may be well to quote Dean 
 Church's valuable judgment on the matter : — 
 
 * We are a long way from those days in time, and still more in 
 habits and sentiment ; and a manifold and varied experience has 
 taught most of us some lessons against impatience and violent 
 measures. But if we put ourselves back equitably into the ways 
 of thinking prevalent then, the excitement about Dr. Hampden will 
 not seem so unreasonable or so unjustifiable as it is sometimes 
 assumed to be. The University legislation, indeed, to which it led 
 was poor and petty, doing small and annoying things, because the 
 University rulers dared not commit themselves to definite changes. 
 
 * Newmans 'Letters,* ii. 192. 
 
 ' 
 
 ! 
 
390 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 But, in the first place, the provocation was great on the part of the 
 Government in putting into the chief theological chair an unwel- 
 come man, who could only save his orthodoxy by making his specula- 
 tions mean next to nothing -whose/«;,/4/^> unguarded and startling 
 statements were resolved into truisms put in a grand and obscure form. 
 And in the next place, it was assumed in those days to be the most 
 natural and obvious thing in the world to condemn unsound doctrine 
 and to exclude unsound teachers. The principle was accepted as 
 indisputable, however slack might have been in recent times the 
 application of it. That it was accepted, not on one side only, but on 
 all, was soon to be shown by the subsequent course of events. No one 
 suffered more severely and more persistently from its application than 
 the 1 ractarians ; no one was more ready to apply it to them than 
 Ur. Hampden with his friends ; no one approved and encouraged its 
 vigorous enforcement against them more than Dr. Whately The idle 
 distinction set up, that they [the Tractarians] were not merely unsound 
 but dishonest, was a mere insolent pretext to save trouble in argument 
 to heighten the charge against them ; no one could seriously doubt 
 that they wrote in good faith as much as Dr. Whately or Dr. Faussett 
 But unless acts like Dr. Pusey's suspension and the long proscription 
 that went on for years after it, were mere instances of vindictive 
 retaliation, the reproach of persecution must be shared by all parties 
 then, and by none more than by the party which in general terms most 
 denounced it Those who think the Hampden agitation unique in its 
 injustice, ought to ask themselves what their party would have done if 
 at any time between 1836 and 1843 Mr. Newman had been placed in 
 iJr. Hampden's seat '.' 
 
 * Church's 'Oxford Movement,' pp. 151 sq. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 ON SACRILEGE— ON PRAYER — ON CATHEDRAL REFORM- 
 OLD TESTAMENT STUDIES— THE MINISTRY OF THE 
 PRIESTHOOD — CATHOLIC PRINCIPLES — CAMBRIDGE 
 VISITORS— IMPRESSIONS OF OXFORD. 
 
 1836. 
 
 PuSEY was much fatigued by the labours of the Hampden 
 controversy in addition to his daily burden of work and 
 correspondence. He seems to have had an 'attack of 
 numbness ' in one of his arms during the Easter Vacation, 
 which occasioned some anxiety to those about him. 
 The vacation— so to call it — had been passed partly at 
 Grosvenor Square and partly at Fairford ; and during it, 
 or soon after, a difference of opinion appears to have arisen 
 between himself and his eldest brother on the ecclesiastical 
 questions that were before Parliament. 
 
 The Commission appointed by Sir Robert Peel's Ad- 
 ministration to enquire into the ecclesiastical condition of 
 the Church of England and into the state of cathedral 
 and collegiate revenues had presented a first Report, and 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury had brought into the House 
 of Lords a Bill to give effect to the recommendations of 
 the commissioners respecting pluralities and non-residence. 
 Besides this, two Bilb were introduced into the House of 
 Commons by Lord John Russell; one to remodel the 
 English bishoprics in respect of extent and income, and a 
 second to suppress cathedral and collegiate preferments 
 and sinecure benefices. That these Bills were directed 
 
 'I ! 
 
 I 
 
392 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 against very real abuses admits of no doubt ; but there 
 was a great deal to be said against many of the provisions 
 of the proposed remedy, as well as against the agencies 
 which were providing it. Mr. Philip Pusey, however 
 deeply impressed with the necessity of reform in respect of 
 the temporalities of the Church, was, at least in the main 
 supporting Lord John Russell : and this led to a somewhat 
 warm difference of opinion between the brothers In 
 1832 Pusey, who had not yet emerged from the political 
 liberalism of his early life, wrote of his elder brother, when 
 a candidate for the representation of Berkshire, as ' a good 
 constitutional Tory.' Now it seemed that they had changed 
 sides. A remonstrance addressed to his brother Philin 
 produced the following reply :_ 
 
 Philip Pusey to E. B. p. 
 
 T , ,. , St. John's Wood, June 20, ig-!6. 
 
 I am obliged to you for your full and interesting statement of 
 the theological views which you entertain in common with so many 
 superior men at 0.xford. Their practical effect on the mind is sho2 
 
 think, excellently in Mr. Dodsworth, whose chapel I have for so2 
 .me constantly attended. With regard to ecclesiastical pol hies, 
 think you are precipitate in your reasoning when you insist ui^n 
 applying the term of sacrilege ,0 the conduct of those whTtakfa 
 different view of them from yourself. The tenure of the property must 
 be considered surely before we condemn in so unqualified a manne 
 hose who say they have a right to dispose of it. U all withdrawTof 
 fund from a sacred purpose be sacrilege, then it was sacrilege in Lord 
 Stanley to withdraw the Irish Church rates from the Church of Ireland 
 
 fhe Entn r '^"" '"^"'^'^^^^ '^^ -3='-=tance of the Government from' 
 the English missionaries ,n Canada. The tenure of those funds was 
 
 af i:atnrb,r''Tr; j"^^ ""^ °' '^ ^'^'--'"^ """-' -J h 
 
 are inalienable. That, however, is the whole question between us- 
 rest ng on grounds of civil equity as well as on religious considerations 
 I will not discuss them with you, and there would I no end gated by 
 
 As regards Catholics and Lutherans, I believe there is a preponder- 
 ance of good over evil in their creeds and practice, and we must be 
 alow, Should say, .0 condemn them, even w'here w; are su^eThey are 
 
 E. B. P. TO Philip Pusey, Esq., M.P. 
 
 T «^ • t. Christ Church, July i, 18^6 
 
 agree with you that it is useless for us to discuss principts • 
 you have adopted a principle which will carry you further (iTyoThve 
 
 What is Sacrilege? 
 
 393 
 
 and are continued in Parliament) than you are yet aware, or than I 
 have happened to hear you avow, even to the destruction of your own 
 Church, as far as man can destroy it. I should not have reverted to 
 the subject but that you seemed to hold it out * in terrorem ' that we 
 should not be allowed to maintain our own spiritual rights unless we 
 gave up to the State our temporal subsistence, or, still more, the patri- 
 mony which we have received in trust to use ourselves to the service 
 of Almighty God, and to hand down to our successors to be so used. 
 I think that the more we concede either way the more encroaching the 
 State will be. 
 
 I would, however, explain what I mean by sacrilege : ' taking away 
 money which has been consecrated to the service of Almighty God.' 
 If the State pleased now to take away the property of the Church from 
 the Church and to give it to the Romish Church, I should not call this 
 ' sacrilege,' although I should hold it as very displeasing to God ; but 
 still it leaves it to a Church, although many of the doctrines of that 
 Church are corrupted. Again, I regard the cessation of the assistance 
 of Government from the propagation of the Gospel in Canada, at this 
 time, ungodly, although it was intended originally to cease whenever 
 the colonies could provide for themselves. I regard it as ungodly 
 because the sum was needed, and it argued a profane spirit to take 
 away this as a saving and then spend far more on a National Gallery of 
 pictures. Still, what had been dedicated to God was given to Him, so 
 there was no sacrilege, any more than if I were to withdraw my sub- 
 scription from the S.P.C.K., although I should account my doing so, 
 and purchasing a print with the money, an ungodly deed. 
 
 Lord Stanley's withdrawal of the Irish Church rates I do regard 
 as sacrilege, although in him it excited no surprise, for at that time he 
 was joined, apparently against his better feelings, with a sacrilegious 
 party. However, the Church rates were abolished to save the money, 
 or rather to put a canker into the money-chests of the Protestant land- 
 lords ; and for this ten bishoprics, with many parishes, which our fore- 
 fathers formed, and sacrificed their wealth to form, for God's honour, 
 are confiscated in order to increase the mammon of the men of this 
 day. Let who will have connived at, or not resisted, this measure, it 
 was sacrilege. 
 
 But on your plan there could be no such sin as sacrilege. ... If 
 wHat we give for the endowment of a Church may be resumed and secu- 
 larized, so may the ornaments of the Church itself : they might melt 
 down our plate and tell us that the Apostolic Churches doubtless had 
 none (although I would not affirm this); and if it may be resumed by 
 the State, then it would no longer be sacrilege to take it, even while 
 it was left to the Church, since it cannot depend upon the State to 
 make an act a sin or not. 
 
 With regard to the Lutherans and Romanists, while Lutheranism 
 existed the good, I trust, preponderated over the bad, although it 
 degenerated and so was destroyed ; there is now no, or scarcely any, 
 
4 
 
 394 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 such thing in Prussia- at least, it is a small proscribed sect, and there 
 IS, I believe, but little elsewhere. 
 
 I respect Lutheranism for having retained the high doctrine of the 
 bacraments, although one error therein falsified their theology and so 
 Jed to Its corruption and destruction. As for Romanism, it also has 
 a great deal of truth in its system, but few who believe it ; where it is 
 believed I should expect it to survive all mere Protestantism, anything 
 i.e.,but our own Church and Sweden, and I should think that Romanism 
 would probably eat up dissent in the country. In Edinburgh alone 
 there are a hundred proselytes made every year from Presbyterianism : 
 not one m the whole of Scotland from our Church. 
 
 I have derived great pleasure lately from a visit from a young Ger- 
 man theologian, who speaks of a decided feeling and longing after 
 more of Church principles than they now have. Oh for something like 
 a return to Catholicity among Protestants ! 
 
 The correspondence did not end here ; but the only 
 remaining letter which has yet been found illustrates 
 Pusey s habit of giving a practical religious turn to every- 
 thing that occurred :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Philip Pusey, Esq., M.P. 
 
 T , , ^ [July 28, 1836.] 
 
 1 am glad that you have taken my letter, as it was meant, kindly 
 though earnestly. At our age people unhappily but seldom hear truth, 
 and when m consequence of situation a person does hear it, it is 
 generally mixed up with so much bitterness and untruth that it is 
 worse than useless. 
 
 My object in writing was to press the use of prayer, or, if you used 
 It for these occasions also, more earnest and more humble use of it • 
 and I would just say a few more words upon it, since this is one of the 
 eternal subjects upon which I would gladly speak. 
 
 I. It is often at the outset very perplexing to persons'to observe how 
 different persons, whom they suppose equally to make use of prayer 
 come to opposite results : this has been a temptation to many to 
 neglect prayer altogether, to others to confine it to matters of personal 
 conduct (that one should act from right motives, to the best of one's 
 
 i'^flT'^'^^^A'u^' ''''^°"' P'^y^"^ '^^^ ^^^^ judgement should be 
 enlightened). Others, as Scott (^ Force of Truth '), have inferred that 
 because they have used prayer, therefore the result to which they have 
 come must be right. In the recent instance, as Sir R. Peel never 
 
 orrvin^n r T^ ^T^ ^""''^^'^^y ^° ^"y \^Vor^^v., question) without 
 praying to God for direction, you have alike used prayer, and come to 
 opposue results. It is not sufficient then to use p^er. To take 
 ^cott s case : he was strongly convinced that the doctrine (I think) of 
 final perseverance would be a great blessing to the eamest-minded of 
 
 On Prayer, 
 
 395 
 
 his congregation ; and so he set himself to examine the New Testa- 
 ment (as he almost acknowledges) with a manifest and strong bias, 
 though with the use of prayer. Now, we should easily see that if he 
 arrived at the conclusion at which he wished, there was no evidence 
 that he was led to it by God ; that he did not approach it in a suffi- 
 ciently teachable spirit ; that he wished to be confirmed in his own 
 views, not to learn or be taught of God. And something of this kind 
 most of us probably may have observed in ourselves, viz. that in 
 praying to God we had some sort of mental reservation, and that 
 while we prayed for His guidance there was some feeling lurking at 
 the bottom of our hearts that we were sure that we were right, i.e. in 
 plain terms that we did not want God's guidance any more to lead 
 us into truth, but only to enable us to act rightly in it. 
 
 2. Prayer should be persevering indeed, but especially in the be- 
 ginning of a course of action and of forming a line of opinions, and so 
 accompany us continually. For if we delay it until after we have begun 
 our line of action or taken up our opinions, or until these are any way 
 ripened or formed, then if we use prayer it may be that we are too 
 late. We have been acting wrongly in depending thus far upon our- 
 selves, and it may be that God may think fit to leave us to the punish- 
 ment of our own presumption, and by not helping us in this case to 
 teach either ourselves or other beings more entire dependence upon 
 Him. At all events (for I do not mean that we should despair of 
 guidance if we have acted thus) it requires a much stronger exertion of 
 faith, much more self-denial- for it may be that we shall be required 
 to give up our plan of action or opinions, which is at all times a hard 
 trial to the flesh— and unless we are ready to give them up, if it be 
 God's will, we are not submitting to God's teaching, or praying in faith, 
 and therefore cannot expect to be heard. Not as if we were always to 
 be praying about first principles or doubting about them : e.g. if I were 
 now to write about the Holy Trinity I should not pray to be guided 
 into truth with regard to the fundamentals of this doctrine, for this 
 I am satisfied that the Universal Church, and so myself, already has ; 
 but whatever I hold to be matter of enquiry or of doubt, this, I think, 
 ought to be made the subject of prayer from the very moment one first 
 enters upon it, and even then one may often suffer from a wrong bias 
 one has previously received through the former neglect of prayer. And 
 so I should fear that many good men are now suffering from the former 
 neglect of prayer, or rather it is a comfort to think that to this may be 
 owing our miserably low standard in many respects (e.g. duelling, evil- 
 speaking, self-opinion), and that hereafter, by a more earnest and 
 earlier use of prayer, the character of.the Christian world may be 
 
 heightened. 
 
 3. It frequently happens that some collateral defect is preventing our 
 being guided into truth, even while we pray for it ; i.e. that we are, from 
 other defects against which we have not sufficiently struggled, un- 
 worthy of being God's insUrument for good, or are opposing the 
 
39^ Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 influences which we pray for. We are unconsciously influenced by 
 
 other motives and principles than those which we put prominently to 
 
 ourselves, and so are in fact not praying aright- not against the evil 
 
 - dispositions yet remaining in us, which are the hindrances of God's 
 
 we on^hrrK "^'VP^^^^iy ^"^"^h ' ^^ ^^-e asking for one blessing when 
 we ought to be asking for many : and so it may be that God denies the 
 one which we ask, that, looking why we have it not, we may learn more 
 of ourselves and what we ought to ask for. Take, e.g., Cranmer's 
 vaa la ions, Laud's arbitrariness : both were holy and good men, both 
 I doubt not, prayed most earnestly to be directed, both were of eminent 
 service, yet were the benefits of which they might otherwise have been 
 the instruments much diminished and their own characters compro- 
 mised, probably by want of sufficient watchfulness, not over their 
 general conduct but over some secret springs which were sending up 
 bitter waters under it. Every age has its peculiar evil tendencies, every 
 individual his own plague ; some of those of our age are love of display, 
 of popularity (i.e. the praise of men), self-confidence, expediency, want 
 of sincerity, tolerance of evil, shallow notions about God and His truth, 
 and these probably have their influence in their degree over most of 
 us; we are breathing an infected atmosphere-our own plagues we 
 each of us, I hope know ; and by correcting these more earnestly we 
 
 r^l w^'t' '" "^'^^ ""^ ^^'"^ ^"^^^^ "^^'■e completely into that 
 
 n^th which as yet is hid from us. I was much struck in yesterday 
 
 fTllne!;?nf fr ^°^''" ^' ""' ^"^ ^^"^ '^^' ^^ '^^ absoluteness and 
 fulness of the promise, with the earnest of the condition, 'If ye 
 
 2fLd i.^ ut !i'' "'^'^ ^'^'^ ^" y^"' y- ^hall ask Uat ye 
 
 Ch;i.r'. H . "^T. ""'^ ^^" '•• "^^^^ "^«^^^" ""belief' because 
 Christ s vvords do not abide in them, interprets of miraculous powers 
 
 only, and so again it is striking how very peremptorily God says that 
 
 tnThink t rl.' VI P"^^'^' ^"^ '^'^'"^^ ^^y'"^^-' ' L^^ -t that 
 W nn^K ^^^^\^^^eive anything of the Lord.' ' Ye ask and 
 
 Have not, because ye ask amiss.' 
 
 Snt^i^^^'V"^'^ "' '!,^^.' '^ ^'^ ^"^ '^°^' ^^ ^^^ ^^ ^"d give us His 
 evemh?n ' \ ^f ^''"'"'^y ^"^ perse^'eringly, and take away 
 
 everything in us which may prevent all our prayers being heard. 
 
 On July 20th a meeting of members of the cathedral 
 bodies was held for defensive purposes in the Chapter-house 
 of St. Paul s Cathedral. Mr. Sydney Smith, whose interest 
 in the subject was notorious, was in the chair, as being 
 Canon m residence. Three Deans and twenty-nine Canons 
 were present. Pusey had attended an earlier meeting at 
 St. Pauls on July 8th; he then went to stay at Clapham 
 with the Rev. B. Harrison's father, and there met Dr. 
 Dealtry, who suggested that he should draw up a petition 
 
 Cathedral Reform. 
 
 397 
 
 to the House of Lords against Lord John Russell's Bill for 
 suppressing many offices in the cathedrals, and diverting 
 their revenues to other purposes. Pusey drew up a petition 
 of twenty-four paragraphs, in which he repeated the reasons 
 for preserving the cathedrals which he had urged in his work 
 on Cathedral Institutions. If the cathedrals were not as 
 useful to the Church as they might have been, it was 
 because patrons had not been careful to make good ap- 
 pointments to them : they had been, and might be again, 
 the homes of solid learning, which, if less calculated to 
 command public notice, involved more labour than parochial 
 work, and was not less useful to the Church. 
 
 This petition, marked by the redundant earnestness and 
 sustained intensity which were his characteristics, Pusey 
 read to the meeting on the 2oth. It would be interesting 
 to know what the chairman thought of it : the meeting 
 certainly thought very well of it, and had it lithographed 
 for circulation in the several Chapters of England and 
 Wales. On the 25th of July Lord John Russell announced 
 that the Bill was withdrawn. This was partly due to the 
 Radical opposition, which objected to it as not going far 
 enough. But it was also in part the work of the religious 
 resistance to which Pusey had powerfully contributed. 
 'The respite,' wrote Archdeacon Hoare to Pusey, *has 
 been obtained for us, I think, by the stir you enabled us to 
 make towards the close of the last session.' 
 
 That it was only a respite Pusey knew full well ; and 
 indeed he was too little satisfied with the existing state of 
 things in cathedrals not to wish for well-considered changes, 
 devised, not in the interests of political adventurers, but in 
 those of the religion and Church of Christ. He wrote a 
 long letter to Archdeacon Hoare about the principles on 
 which Cathedral Reform should be conducted. Of these 
 principles, the leading' one was respect for the regulations 
 of the founders. 
 
 *The only case,' he contended,* in which it has everbeen thought right 
 to alter the regulations of the founder is when the purposes he contem- 
 plated have ceased to exist.' 
 
398 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 If property had been left to a corrupt Church, it still had 
 been left to promote God's service, and it could not be de- 
 voted to other purposes without sin. It would indeed be 
 as reasonable to confiscate a Professorship of Astronomy 
 because the Professor taught differently from the founder 
 who lived when the Ptolemaic system was taken for granted • 
 the founder desired to have astronomy taught. But with 
 such reasonable reserves the principle held good. The will 
 of the founders is a trust, and our necessities do not warrant 
 us m Ignoring it. Pusey warns modern Church reformers 
 against takmg credit to themselves for anxiety to promote 
 God s kingdom, while sacrificing to Him nothing but that 
 which was not their own. But, premising this, Pusey had 
 many and extensive reforms in cathedrals at heart. All non- 
 residentiaries should reside. If necessary, property within 
 the cathedrals should be redistributed. Parishes in which 
 cathedrals held tithes should be well endowed. Cathedral 
 towns should have ample spiritual provision made for them 
 and m a degree, and according to circumstances, all parishes 
 in a diocese should have some claim on the cathedral funds • 
 but this claim would necessarily be very limited. Pusey 
 would insist on the integrity of the cathedrals, unless a 
 canonry or canonries had to be sunk to make spiritual 
 provision for places where the cathedral held tithes 
 Deaneries and canonries should be devoted to the promo- 
 tion of sound religious learning. And in any redistribution 
 of property regard should be had to the claims of the 
 diocese or county for which the endowment was originally 
 devised : 'the funds of Devonshire should not be employed 
 for Lancashire, or of Durham for StaflTordshire.' The 
 Church would be stronger at this moment in some parts 
 of the country if the Ecclesiastical Commissioners could 
 have kept this last principle constantly in view. 
 
 Reviewing the question some weeks later, Pusey writes 
 to Keble : — 
 
 ,,-„ ' October! 3, 1836. 
 
 to bTamt for thet' '?"''' ' f *''"u' "^^ '"^ P^^°='"^' «='-^ -^ much 
 to blame for their silence about these Bills. The Cathedral clergy 
 
 Old Testament Studies. 
 
 399 
 
 remained silent too long. But they had the excuse that they appeared 
 to be interested parties. And it has been (rightly or wrongly) the line 
 taken by the clergy to keep silence on subjects which affected their own 
 interests. But the parochial clergy would have appeared as persons 
 acting rather against their interests, inasmuch as some of them might 
 have their share of the spoils. But certainly I did see cases in which 
 they took it for granted that the Chapters were to be despoiled, and 
 
 only looked for their portion of the prey. Thus even applied 
 
 for their slice of the Windsor property. Now, if the body of parochial 
 clergy are silent, and others are forestalling the slaughter, and the poor 
 Chapters have an ill-name, and the Conservatives are pressing for 
 measures which will strengthen (the Church and) themselves, and 
 people see that there is so much that might be done with their funds 
 and that, on account of the appointments, so little is done with them 
 now,— it requires firmer minds than the end of the last century or the 
 beginning of this seems to have trained, either in Church or State, to 
 stand apparently alone against all this. And if those who were trained 
 in more nerving days wish the battle not to be lost, they must 
 volunteer and not leave their generals to look about and rally them, 
 or fight without them.' 
 
 But Church Reform was only the Trapepyor of Pusey's life 
 during the Long Vacation of 1836. The main work which 
 he set himself to do was to write a set of supplementary lec- 
 tures for his Hebrew pupils on the types and prophecies of 
 the Old Testament. He worked hard at this during July 
 and August, even though the * Library of the Fathers ' was 
 presenting itself to him as an object with paramount claims 
 upon his time. 
 
 * I have not yet got through the types and prophecies of the Penta- 
 teuch,* he writes to Harrison on September 15, *or, rather, I am but 
 just commencing the types of the ritual, so that I hardly suppose that 
 during the vacation I shall get beyond the Pentateuch. And then 
 I shall have, if possible, to prepare lectures for the next term, even 
 if I have enough for this.' 
 
 These lectures on types and prophecies were never 
 published ; their author, it seems, was never sufficiently 
 well satisfied with them, and they only exist in a fragmen- 
 tary and imperfect fqrm among his papers. But the labour 
 of writing them was not lost. Some of the thoughts in them 
 survive in his last sermon on Prophecy preached in 1878 
 before the University ; and they enabled Pusey to make 
 the very interesting addition on the types of Holy Baptism 
 
400 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 which appeared in the second edition of the tract on that 
 subject \ The lectures were not so well attended as Pusey 
 had hoped: twenty-nine seems to have been the total 
 number of listeners at the beginning of term. But they 
 mterested older people at a distance. 
 
 'I want,' wrote Keble in November, ^ to hear your lectures on types 
 and prophecies, and whether Jeffreys is right in saying that you are 
 always ^g^n^st a double sense: ^ fear,' replied Pusey, 'that I must 
 have misled my former pupils by not having myself adequate notions 
 of types, although what I have been gradually expanding for a good 
 many years What I think Jeffreys alludes to is my denying any typical 
 basis to such places as Ps. ii, xlv, and to those parts of Is. xl-end which 
 relate to our Lord, contrary to those modem notions which say. This 
 psalm was first fulfilled in David, then in Christ. But I think this was 
 intended to be confined to particular places. ... I cannot give any 
 principle in a few words, for I should admit a typical sense in -the 
 seed of the woman," - in thy seed shall all nations, &c.," although 
 U.Sr "^'^"''^ ''^°"' ^""'"^ ^' plainly spoken of, nor again in 
 
 Side by side with these serious literary undertakings, 
 which more and more deeply engrossed him, and apart 
 from his interest in Church Reform, he carried on already 
 correspondence enough to have exhausted the energies of any 
 ordinary man. A now well-known clergyman, the Rev J 
 Fuller Russell, was in the year 1836 an undergraduate at 
 Cambridge, and wrote Pusey a series of questions about 
 subjects which the Church movement was bringing into 
 prominence. Cambridge was supposed to be less open to 
 Church influences than Oxford. The studies of the place 
 were not so wide as they have since become ; there was 
 at any rate an absence of that general philosophical training 
 which Oxford men associated with Aristotle's Ethics and 
 the works of Bishop Butler ; and there was also the active 
 influence of the Rev. C. Simeon s vigorous personality and 
 sincere, if somewhat narrow, piety. Still, the principles 
 which were now rapidly winning the allegiance of the 
 best intellectual and moral life of Oxford were makin- 
 way here and there among younger Cambridge men' 
 . Mr. Kussell s questions illustrate the interest that had been 
 
 ^ Cf. • Tracts for the Times,' No. 67, 2nd ed., pp. 301 sqc^ 
 
 The Ministry of the Priesthood, 
 
 401 
 
 aroused, and Pusey's answer might well have been that of 
 a man who had nothing to do but write letters. 
 
 E. B. P. TO J. F. Russell, Esq. 
 
 Christ Church, Dec. 10, 1836. 
 
 I take the first moment of leisure to attempt to answer your ques- 
 tions, and can assure you that I am always glad (when I have leisure) 
 to answer, as I can, any practical difficulties which may occur to younger 
 men. 
 
 (i) It is certainly a privilege to be confirmed. Confirmation is not 
 simply the taking upon oneself the vows made for one in infancy, but 
 also a channel of g^ace through the ordinance of God. It, as well as 
 Orders, differs from the two great Sacraments in that these directly 
 unite us with Christ ; but both it and Orders are means of grace to the 
 worthy receiver. The antient Church administered confirmation almost 
 as a part of baptism, to the adult as to the infant, when a Bishop was 
 at hand ; otherwise the acts were separated. Our Church at the end of 
 the office for adult baptism says that it ' is expedient that every person, 
 thus baptized, should be confirmed by the Bishop, as soon as conve- 
 niently may be.' Our Church also certainly contemplates that persons 
 should be confirmed, even after having been admitted to the Commu- 
 nion, if on any ground they should have been admitted to the Com- 
 munion before ; because confirmation is a privilege from which a person 
 is not to be excluded. 
 
 (2) In Absolution, the contrast is not between * declaratory * and 
 'ministerial,' but between 'ministerial' and 'judicial.' It is this last 
 which the Church of Rome holds and we do not. It is remarkable 
 that we have in our service the three forms ; Declaratory (daily ser- 
 vice). Precatory (Communion service), and that which puts the 
 ' ministerial ' most prominently (Visitation of the Sick). Yet these are 
 but three several forms of doing the same act. ' It is all one,' says Bishop 
 Sparrow, * Rationale of Common Prayer,' p. 15, *as to the remission of 
 sins in the penitent, whether the priest absolves him after this form : 
 " Almighty God, Who hath given me and all priests power to pronounce 
 pardon to the penitent. He pardons you : " or thus, " By virtue of a com- 
 mission granted to me from God, /absolve you;" or lastly, "God pardon 
 you," viz. by me His servant according to His promise, " Whose sins ye 
 remit, they are remitted." All these are but several expressions of the 
 same thing, and are effectual to the penitent, by virtue of that commis- 
 sion mentioned St. John xx, which commission in two of these forms is 
 expressed, and in the last," viz. that at th^ Communion, is sufficiently 
 implied and supposed. 
 
 The Ministerialness of the act consists in that it has pleased God 
 that the absolution should be conveyed through a minister, as expressed 
 by the Greek Church (ap. Bp. Sparrow) : * Almighty God, pardon you 
 by me His unworthy servant,' or * Lord, pardon him, for Thou hast 
 
 VOL. I. D d 
 
402 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Catholic Principles, 
 
 403 
 
 II 
 
 said, " Whose sins, &c." sometimes expressing, always including, God s 
 commission.' But we regard the priest as exercising simply a minis- 
 terial, not a judicial act, as the Romanist. Again, the difference of 
 absolution not being a sacrament is very great : to the Romanist it is 
 a second baptism ; with us it is an earnest of God's future mercy, in 
 that if we be truly and heartily penitent. He allows us to partake of it, 
 but it is not plenary as in baptism. There are, of course, many other 
 points connected with it wherein we differ from Rome, as the necessity 
 of particular confession, the meaning of satisfaction, &c. 
 
 (3) The objection as to the Ordination Service of Edward VI. and 
 all other objections have been fully answered by Courayer, a French 
 Romanist, in several works : ( I ) * Dissertation sur la validity des Ordina- 
 tions desAnglois,* (2) * Defense de la Dissertation,* (3) 'Supplement 
 aux deux Ouvrages faits pour la defense,' &c. I think the first has been 
 translated. There is also a good work by Mason (Archdeacon), * De- 
 fence of the English Church '.' It is true that in Edward the Sixth s 
 book the name of the office to which the persons were ordained was 
 omitted. The words addressed to the priest ran, 'Receive the Holy 
 Ghost Whosesoever sins,* &c. ; but it is absurd to found any argu- 
 ment upon it. The words were never thought essential, especially 
 since it is not one of the two Sacraments, and so the words are not our 
 Lord's ; and it would be ridiculous, if it had not been so miserably dis- 
 honest, inasmuch as the Roman form is the very same thus far as that 
 of Edward VI. Other Romanists who have admitted the validity of 
 our Orders are mentioned by Courayer and Mr. Palmer in his * Origines 
 Liturgicae.* 
 
 (4) Our Church receives the four first Councils as being real Uni- 
 versal or Catholic Councils. The Bishops therein assembled bore 
 witness to the faith which they had received from their predecessors, 
 and so from the Apostles. The * General Councils ' to which our Art. 
 XXI. objects are what are popularly so called, and are asserted to be 
 such by the Romanists, but are not so. A real General or Universal 
 Council, we believe, could not err, because of our Lord's promise that He 
 would be always with His Church. The Romanists have erred in apply- 
 ing this promise to particular Councils, or Councils held in conjunction 
 with the Pope. (You may find some useful information in Mr. Perceval's 
 recent book ' On the Roman Schism.*) To say that * we are bound by 
 them because they declare the faith which we acknowledge,' would 
 plainly be to say that we are not bound by them at all ; for we should 
 then accept [them] on our own authority, because they fell in with our 
 views. Tradition has been so miserably broken that on many points 
 we could not have a General Council now, yet on any new heresy we 
 might; e.g. were it necessary to declare that * ihev^ Are doctrines m 
 Scripture besides facts,' the whole Christian world could give witness 
 
 > 'Vindication of theChurch of Eng- of,' by Francis Mason, B.D., cd, Lind- 
 land and of the Lawful Miuistiy there- say. London, 1728. 
 
 that they had so learned from their forefathers, and so on ; and this 
 would in itself be valid, inasmuch as it would establish an universal 
 tradition. So again against a modem sect which denies *a day of 
 judgement ' ; the Church has always been taught so to interpret Holy 
 Scripture, and since this is universal it must have come from the 
 Apostles. So again * Baptismal regeneration,' since it can be proved 
 that the other tradition is recent, reaching up only to Zwingli. 
 
 (5) You will find Mr. Keble's opinions very clearly stated at the 
 bottom of p. 30 \ One thing which he wishes to inculcate is, that our 
 knowledge that Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation is 
 not derived from Holy Scripture itself, nor from the reason of the thing, 
 but from tradition. You will find some valuable observations on the 
 subject of tradition in Bishop Beveridge's * Introduction to the Canons,' 
 which I quoted in my answer to the * Pope's Pastoral ' (reprinted in 
 ' Tracts for the Times,' at end of preface to vol. 3), and in the edition of 
 Vincentius now coming out. 
 
 Having now answered your questions, which I have been glad to do, 
 while I express my satisfaction at the growth of Catholic principles 
 everywhere in our Church, I may add that it is not unmixed with 
 anxiety. Not that I see anything in your letter to cause it, but 
 that as soon as a set of views becomes popular there is danger lest 
 they should be taken up abstractedly, or as a set of notions, or a 
 beautiful theory : not practically. They are a precious deposit, and on 
 that account the warning can never be misplaced, to take heed how we 
 hold it, lest the holding it should prove rather a condemnation. I do 
 trtist that God's Holy Spirit, Who is at this time awakening men every- 
 where so rapidly and so suddenly to a sense of the importance of these 
 truths, will carry on this His work, and that we shall not grieve Him ; 
 but for this there is need of much watchfulness, lest we substitute posses- 
 sion of these truths for the use of them. They must be always thought 
 of reverently as a talent of which we must give account ; and they are 
 privileges so high that, except by continual thankfulness for them and 
 growth under them, men would come to substitute names for things. 
 Take e.g. * Apostolic succession ' ;— what is this but to say that we have 
 a privilege which scarcely any other body of Christians has in the 
 West, which is freed from the corruptions of Rome. Or, again, if we 
 speak of it with reference to Dissenters, with what real sorrow we ought 
 to feel their loss, and with what humility our own privileges. I do not 
 mean that we should force ourselves to feel this ; but if we speak of 
 them we should do it with reverent earnestness, and try not to do 
 so without the consciousness of their greatness. Another corrective is, 
 acting upon them : fasting (as health permits), self-denial, earnest 
 intercessoiy prayer, when we would gladly follow some other wishes of 
 our own ; obedience and respect for authority (even when it goes 
 against our own views, if not against conscience), respectful or not 
 
 * Sermon on Primitive Tradition. 
 
 D d a 
 
404 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 disrespectful mention of those placed in authority,— will help to realize 
 these views to us, and may, we may trust, bring down the blessing of 
 Almighty God, that He may more and more realize them in us. 
 With every good wish and prayer, I remain, 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 Mr. Russell was already engaged in forming a catena 
 of English Church writers since the Reformation on the 
 subject of Church authority in relation to Holy Scripture. 
 Pusey offered to subscribe to it, although he had to tell 
 Mr. Russell that * Mr. Newman has a catena almost ready 
 on the same subject.' Mr. Russell soon became a cor- 
 respondent of Pusey 's. 
 
 * You will be glad to hear,' he writes, ' that Catholicism is gradually 
 gammg ground at Cambridge, although it meets with a fierce opposi- 
 tion in some quarters of our University. Mr. Carus, who has succeeded 
 Mr. Simeon as the leader of a certain party at Cambridge, has embraced 
 the doctrine of baptismal regeneration, and inculcates it at his 
 parties.' 
 
 All, however, was not sunshine. T/ie Christian Advocate 
 had intended to attack Kebles sermon on Primitive Tradi- 
 tion. Mr. Russell's own brother had attacked Newman's 
 tract on ' The Introduction of Rationalistic Principles into 
 Religion ^Z Newman had headed one of his pages * The 
 Atonement not a manifestation of God's Justice/ meaning 
 not that it did not exhibit God's justice, but that it did not 
 make the reasons for its being justice perfectly intelligible 
 to man. The phrase was, however, misunderstood, and made 
 the ground of an attack on the writer. 
 
 *What Newman says,' writes Pusey to Mr. Russell, *is so mani- 
 festly directed against those who speak as if they understood the 
 whole mystery of man's redemption, and [who] bring [down] not 
 one of Its ends, but Its end{\), as they say, to the level of everyday com- 
 mon sense, and talk familiarly of the counsels of God therein, as if it 
 was a matter which lay on the very surface of things, that I cannot 
 acquit your brother of very culpable prejudice or carelessness. It seems 
 to me quite a ground why he should recall his pamphlet ; which, how- 
 , ever, authors very rarely do. But " Semi-Arianism " is not a word to be 
 
 Cambridge Visitors, 
 
 405 
 
 1 I 
 
 Tracts for the Times,* No. 73. 
 
 bandied about carelessly. I do not object to strong terms : we have 
 been obliged to use them. But I doubt Dr. H[ampden]'s statements 
 being called Socinian, however they might lead to it. With all kind 
 feeling to your brother, I think that he has been grievously wrong in 
 this matter.' 
 
 Oxford became a place of pilgrimage in the eyes of 
 young Cambridge Churchmen, and in writing to a friend 
 Mr. Russell has left an account of his own visit to it 
 in the autumn of 1837. He was accompanied by the 
 Rev. W. J. Irons, who was at that time 'boldly proclaiming 
 true principles and securing an overflowing congregation' 
 in Walworth. 
 
 J. F. Russell, Esq., to a Friend. 
 
 Nov. 18, 1837. 
 . . . How you will envy me when you hear that I have just returned 
 from a most delightful visit to Oxford. Irons and I left London at ten 
 o'clock on Monday, and reached the University about five. On Tuesday 
 morning I was dressed by eight, and hastened down to Oriel, which 
 stands in a narrow street, facing great St. Mary's. Having surveyed 
 the great court, I retraced my steps, and finding that great St. Mary's 
 Church was open, I entered. An open screen, surmounted by the 
 organ, separated the nave from the chancel. I looked through the 
 glass doors and beheld Newman kneeling before the altar with his face 
 towards it. A few people were kneeling with him : this was his regular 
 morning service. I returned to Queen's, where one Pocock ' (a man 
 of note and worth in the University) met us at breakfast. We soon 
 completed our repast, and Irons and I hastened to Christ Church. I left 
 my card at Lin wood's, and Irons was soon closeted with Dr. Pusey. 
 Irons rejoined me about two, and said that Pusey had enquired about 
 me and would see me at three. At three, accordingly, we found ourselves 
 in the innermost cell, the central chamber of the ' Popery of the king- 
 dom.* I should say, first, that we passed through a hall, and a large 
 room well furnished with books, before we entered the sanctuary. This 
 was a large chamber of some height and nearly square. There were 
 two lofty Gothic windows, at one of which was placed a standing-desk. 
 There were also two or three tables, a sofa, and sundry chairs in the 
 room, all more or less laden with books. The Doctor was seated in an 
 armed and cushioned chak, and received us with much kindness. He 
 is a young-looking man, about my height, very pale and careworn, 
 with a slight impediment in his speech. Irons put some erudite ques- 
 tions to him about the Canons of Nice and the celibacy of the clergy, 
 
 » [Nicholas Pocock, Michel Fellow of Queen s ; B.A. 1834; M.A. 1837. 
 (Rev. J. F. Russell's note.)] 
 
 i 1- 
 
 I i 
 
4o6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Impressions of Oxford. 
 
 407 
 
 and the Doctor laughed at Irons' plausible argument that, under exist- 
 ing circumstances, it was better for the clergy to marry as fast as 
 possible ! Pusey soon alluded to my brother. He said he had received 
 two letters from him, but he thought it useless to argue with him on 
 paper. The question at issue between them was a simple matter of 
 fact I might tell my brother that Mr. Newman never intended to deny 
 that the Atonement satisfied God's justice ; and that the very words of 
 the tract [No. 73] could not be wrenched so as to warrant so grave an 
 accusation as my brother's. I said that he had made up his mind that 
 the words of the heading of the passage— 'the Atonement not an ex- 
 hibition ^ of God's Justice' [p. 29J, must be taken as an epitome of the 
 contents of the page. Pusey said that the emphasis ought to be laid 
 on the word * exhibition,' and that he was sorry that more care had not 
 been taken with the heading so as to avoid its being misunderstood. 
 The bell of Christ Church now struck four, and Pusey put on his sur- 
 plice, and we followed him into the cathedral. Before we parted he 
 invited us both to dine with him on the following day. Service ended 
 we returned to Queen's, and presently dined at the Fellows* table. 
 Dinner over we adjourned to the ' Common-room,' and sat there until 
 nine. The talk naturally fell upon Pusey, &c. It was allowed that the 
 Doctor and Newman governed the University, and that nothing could 
 withstand the influence of themselves and their friends. Every man of 
 talent who during the last six years has come to Oxford has joined 
 Newman, and when he preaches at St. Mary's (on every Sunday after- 
 noon) all the men of talent in the University come to hear him, although 
 at the loss of their dinner. His triumph over the w^^/^/ empire of 
 Oxford was said to be complete ! Pusey is considered the great bene- 
 factor of Oxford', he supports five divinity students in his own house, 
 and his benefactions to the poor are very great. He had preached a 
 sermon (to a crowded congregation) in St. Mary's Church, on the 5th 
 November 2, which had occasioned immense excitement, and he was 
 engaged to preach on the two following Sundays. It was said that he 
 possessed an indirect but great influence over the whole clergy of 
 Oxford, and that even those who did not openly profess themselves 
 'on his side,' were imperceptibly adopting his sentiments On Wed- 
 nesday, after breakfast, Irons and I called on Newman. He was seated 
 at a small desk in a comfortable room, stored with books. He is a 
 dark, middle-aged, middle-sized man, with lanky black hair and large 
 spectacles, thin, gentlemanly, and very insinuating. He received us 
 with the greatest kindness, and said he had been invited to meet us at 
 Pusey's, but had so * grievous a cold ' that he feared he could not 
 come. Irons, however, overruled all objections, and when we left him 
 he gave us to understand that we should meet him. The hour of five 
 
 * Newman's word was *manifesta. 
 tion.'^ « Exhibition ' had been Mr. Er- 
 skine's word, {rem whom Newman 
 quotes. 
 
 ■Nov. 5, 1837: * Patience and 
 confidence the strength of the Church.' 
 Univ. Sermons, vol. i. sermon ix. 
 
 found us at Christ Church. When we entered Pusey's sanctum we 
 found him and Harrison [now Archdeacon of Maidstone], Student of 
 Christ Church, by the feeble light of bedchamber-candlestick candle 
 brooding over the last sheet of Pusey's fifth of November sermon. 
 Presently an argand lamp threw its mild lustre over the room, and 
 Newman was announced. Pusey seemed delighted to see him. He 
 asked me how I liked Oxford. I discoursed on its superiority over 
 Cambridge, and added that it reminded me of a city of the middle ages. 
 We then had a little talk about sundry old customs which were still 
 observed in the city. Harrison departed with the sermon, and we 
 went into the dining-room. There were two other guests besides our- 
 selves, and we were soon seated at table. Newman was opposite me. 
 Irons at my right, and Pusey at the head of the board. The conversa- 
 tion was chiefly between Irons and Newman (Pusey is a man of few 
 words). It referred to the heresy of Irving and his followers, and 
 Dr. Pusey observed that miracles had [might have] been performed by 
 that party, if always considered as the rewards of personal faith and 
 not as wrought in confirmation of any particular and uncatholic views 
 of doctrine. The question how far we receive the authority of the first 
 four General Councils was also broached. Newman and Pusey seemed 
 to know less about them than Irons. I suggested that we only received 
 their decisions so far as the great verities of the Faith were concerned, 
 and Newman and Pusey agreed with me. Newman suggested that the 
 distinction to be made between matters of doctrine and matters of 
 discipline was this, i.e. that matters of doctrine are those which have 
 been universally received, as are the Trinity, Incarnation, Episcopal 
 Succession, Baptismal Regeneration, and the like. Irons made some 
 observations on the Atonement. He said that every other act of our 
 Saviour's life was, in its own place, of equal value with His last sacrificial 
 one. Newman strongly insisted, on the contrary, that the Atonement 
 alone was the grand procuring and meritorious cause of our pardon, 
 and quoted sundry texts in proof of it. In reference to the text, 
 * He died for our sins, and rose again for our justification,' he com- 
 mented on the errors of those who, resting on the first part of it, * He 
 died for our sins,' think that their salvation is secure without the 
 Church, forgetting and overlooking altogether the latter clause of the 
 verse, * He rose again for our justification,' that is. He rose that He 
 might send the gift of His Spirit upon His Church, and through her 
 clergy and sacraments, through all ages, dispense the means of grace 
 and justification. Pusey had not gone into the question of the suc- 
 cession, but he thought the only point in it which required guardmg 
 was that respecting th^ consecration of Parker, &c. Auricular con- 
 fession, he feared, was a grace which had been lost to the Church and 
 could not be restored. Presently, after dinner. Dr. Pusey's children 
 ran into the room. One climbed Newman's knee and hugged him. 
 Newman put his spectacles on him, and next on his sister, and great 
 was the merriment of the Puseyan progeny. Newman, it is said, 
 
4o8 • Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 hates ecclesiastical conversation. He writes so much that when in 
 socety he seems always inclined to talk on light, amusing subjects. He 
 
 I / r "" ''r. " "''' *°'"^" "''° ^^ =" broomstick which would 
 go to the well, draw water, and do many other things for her; how 
 the old woman got t.red of the broomstick, and wishing to destroy it 
 broke It m twam, and how, to the old woman's great chagrin and dis- 
 appomtment (tvo live broomsticks grew from the broken parts of the 
 old one ! We quitted Christ Church about nine, highly delighted with 
 our v,s,t. t was esteemed the highest honour which could have be n 
 pa,d us. We left Oxford about half-past twelve on WednesdaTnJh. 
 by the mail, and reached Oxford Street at about five on Thurlday 
 mornmg. Pusey sent Irons a copy of his sermon before he left, so we 
 were the first persons in the kingdom not immediately connected with 
 the Doctor who had it in our possession ! 
 
 This picture brings before us the weakness as well as the 
 strength of the Movement in those early days. The anxiety 
 to recover forgotten truths and to enable Christianity to 
 encounter its opponents with new courage, which was the 
 animating principle of Newman and Pusey, was naturally 
 in the case of younger men, mixed up with other in- 
 terests and feelings. They were fascinated by tiie Move 
 ment itself apart from its objects ; by the intellectual enter- 
 prise which had created it, and the warm adhesion which it 
 commanded ; by the opposition which it provoked, and the 
 skill, courage, and determination with which opponents 
 were encountered. But this could not last. As time -oes 
 on work and war become monotonous, and reverses'^are 
 mevttable in the history of all human effort. Mr Russell 
 and Mr. Irons were both loyal to the Church movement 
 to the end; but such loyalty is tested when a cause is no 
 longer aided by brilliant powers, or able to command 
 conspicuous success. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS. 
 
 1836. 
 
 The Hampden controversy had many consequences ; but 
 its most important literary result was the creation of * The 
 Library of the Fathers/ Pusey's mind had been directed 
 in some measure towards the Fathers almost from boyhood. 
 The copy of St. Chrysostom's works which his own father 
 had given him in the year 1824, before he took Holy 
 Orders, had guided and fed his veneration for those great 
 teachers ; and even during the years when German theology 
 and the Hebrew and Arabic languages had largely ab- 
 sorbed his time he had never altogether lost sight of them\ 
 In his early life, however, the Fathers stood, in his estima- 
 tion, only on a level with, if not below, modern divines, 
 and he has left on record an account of the considera- 
 tions by which he was led to recognize their true relative 
 greatness. In spite of the article on ' The Oxford Malig- 
 nants,' Dr. Arnold, while preparing his two sermons 
 on Prophecy, begged Mr. W. A. Greenhill to ask Pusey's 
 advice as to the books he should consult in order to under- 
 stand the patristic view of the subject. Although com- 
 pelled to pay a high tribute to the character of Pusey 
 himself, whose assistance he was seeking, Dr. Arnold does 
 not think it inappropriate at the same time to inveigh 
 with his old rancour, against *some of the Newmanites' 
 with whom Pusey was by this time thoroughly identified. 
 
 * I really shall be anxious,' wrote Arnold, * to get Pusey's answer ; 
 and though I do not expect to agree entirely with any of the books 
 
 1 < 
 
 Theology of Germany,' ii. p. 74. 
 
4IO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The value of the Fathers, 
 
 411 
 
 which he may name, yet I should probably agree with them more 
 than he imagines, and I should certainly read them with no purpose 
 or feeling of controversy. . . . 
 
 'One thing I know, that the doctrines of some of the Newmanites are 
 not inconsistent with, but rather are grounded upon, the wildest scep- 
 ticism ; and that scepticism is a yet worse evil when it is allied with 
 fanaticism— a union which I have known to exist among Roman 
 Catholics, and which appears to me to be one of the most fearful 
 combinations of disease into which the human mind and soul can 
 fall. . . . 
 
 * From Pusey you will learn, I am sure, nothing virulent, or proud, or 
 false, but self-denial in its true form, combined with humility and 
 honesty \' 
 
 Pusey's answer to this appeal has an interest, both 
 personal and in relation to the true claims of the Fathers, 
 which justifies its reproduction at length. It will be ob- 
 served that he deals with the Fathers only as interpreters 
 of Holy Scripture. 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. A. Greenhill, Esq. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, June 6, 1838. 
 
 It is very difficult to answer your question in a way which may 
 not be, even naturally, misunderstood. For if one values anything 
 and feels that one has grounds for so doing, one must think tha^t 
 another who does not value it is wrong, and for some reason fails to 
 appreciate it. One cannot be firmly persuaded of anything, without 
 being as firmly persuaded of the erroneousness of the contrary, what- 
 ever degree of importance one may attach to that erroneousness,' which 
 is altogether another matter. And yet if one attaches a value to any- 
 thing, one would not willingly see or help another to disparage it, or 
 look at it in the point of view from which he could not fail to disparage 
 it. And yet all this care for another, if he be one's superior in talent, 
 seems the more to be assuming a superiority of some other sort. 
 
 To apply all this preface. Of course I must think those wrong 
 somehow who disparage the Fathers : since also (whatever may be 
 the case as to individual statements) I think they have altogether a 
 deeper way of viewing things than modems, deeper and truer thoughts, 
 i must think that those who think lightly of them have, for some 
 reason or other, failed to see their true character ; and attaching value 
 
 . * Rev. Dr. Arnold to W. A. Green- 
 hill, Esq., June 5, 1838. Arnold, how- 
 ever, questions this description when 
 writing to the same correspondent on 
 October 24, 1838. *I always demur 
 
 to the praise of humility claimed 
 for Pusey and his party; it is not 
 humility, but something opposite to 
 it, to rest with such entire complacency 
 in our own views.* 
 
 as I do to them, I should be sorry to aggravate this. But then I have 
 no question about Dr. A[rnold's] talents being far greater than mine ; 
 and yet I am not only assuming that I am in the right, and he in the 
 wrong, but I am actually unwilling to aid him in a course of study (if 
 indeed I could) because I think it would only prejudice him further 
 against what I believe to be truth. 
 
 AH this is very embarrassing, because one cannot but seem to him 
 to be assuming unduly ; and yet I am unwilling without some protest 
 of this sort to say anything about a study which would only revolt 
 a person the more from what I value, and about whose value and the 
 consequences of its disparagement my convictions are very strong. 
 
 The truth is, Dr. Arnold measures Christian antiquity by a modem 
 standard; so do many in these days : so did I, in the very question 
 of prophecy, once. But the two systems are altogether different and at 
 variance : consequently, whichever you take as the standard, the other 
 must be faulty ; to the moderns, the antients must appear misty and 
 fanciful ; to those who hold the antients to be in the right, the moderns 
 will seem shallow. I myself have, on this subject of prophecy, gone 
 through both these stages. What led me back gradually to the antients 
 was, as I have said to you, (i) that I found that many, perhaps the 
 majority, of quotations of the Old Testament in the New laboured 
 under difficulties in the modern system, from which they were free in 
 the antient : whence it seemed that the antient system was most like 
 that of inspired Scripture. (2) I found that the most antient Jewish 
 interpretations were, in general principles, accordant with the antient 
 Christian ; whereas ours were derived from a modern philosophical- 
 grammatical Jewish school, which also was an unbelieving one, since 
 it arose in opposition to the Gospel. (Calvin's system of interpretation, 
 which is a basis of most modern, comes, as a fact, from the later Jews ; 
 so a number of the early Protestant commentators on the Old Testa- 
 ment are translations from the later Jews.) (3) I was struck by finding 
 the same interpretations in very distinct parts of the Church, and so 
 independent of each other, and coming apparently from some common 
 origin. (4) I was struck (as Mr. Osborne, the modern anti-patristic, 
 is) with their great combination of Scripture, and with the beauty and 
 apparent truth of things which I first rejected as fanciful. (5) The 
 Fathers' views seemed to me to be much more penetrated with a con- 
 sciousness of the mysterious depth of every work and way of God ; 
 according to if (and this is a very first principle implied in it) nothing 
 in God's creation is accidental, but everything has a meaning, if we 
 could but read it. According to a striking saying of the son of Sirach, 
 * All things are made double one against- another, and He hath made 
 nothing imperfect,' Ecclesiasticus xlii. 24; and xxxiii. 15, 'So look 
 upon all the works of the Most High, and there are two and two, one 
 
 against another.' 
 
 On some such grounds as these, and perhaps others, I have arrived 
 after some time at the position in which I now am, not looking at the 
 
 I 
 
412 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 modem view as untrue, but as a small portion of the truth only, and 
 wrong when ,t assumes to be all, and for the most part miserably 
 Shallow. At the same time, neither do I see my way through all the 
 details of antient interpretation: I have not studied enou-h for if 
 I am only satisfied that the principles of their system are right' 
 
 fs trul """""^ ^^"^'"^ """^ '^''"^'^ '■^^'^''' ^' ^''^ '^^^^ ^' ^^"^^^"^i 
 
 But then I know that this has been a long and gradual process with 
 me, and I feel quite assured, without ascribing to Dr. Afmoldl any 
 prejudice (more than I think moderns lie under to their own view) 
 1 feel morally certain beforehand that the result would be a still further 
 depreciation of the Fathers. To one with modern views they must 
 and do appear fanciful : a person would be repelled at every step- it 
 would seem a mere labyrinth of arbitrary notions. Besides details 
 which may m a degree be erroneous, as proceeding from a faulty 
 translation, the whole substratum almost of principles is different. 
 
 The prophetical expositions then of the Fathers is the very last part 
 upon which I should wish a modem to enter : one who has found them 
 wanting in his balance in other respects, will still more find them so 
 Here. So it is with Mr. Osborne and the rest. 
 
 After all this preface my answer to your question will be a very 
 meagre one, and would tell nothing but what Dr. A[rnold] knows 
 before. The books which I know are only common books : Augustine 
 de Civ. Dei contains many, to me, valuable principles ; so also I have 
 tound much to me valuable in Irenaeus, [in] Theodoret's, and Augus- 
 tine s Commentaries. Theodoret would perhaps be the least offensive 
 to a modern. Then there is Orig. c. Cels., Justin M. dial. c. Tryph., 
 Eusebius Praep. Evang., Cyril Jerus. Cat. Lectures, Cyril Alex. Com- 
 mentaries, Lactantius Instit. L. 4, Hippolytus de anti-Xto. I recoliect 
 also being struck some years back with some extracts from Primasius, 
 Victorinus, Arethas in Prof. Lee's App. to his Sermons (on the Apoca- 
 iypse). W hat I know myself of the Fathers on prophecy is, for the 
 most part, less from systematic reading than from endeavouring to 
 
 ^l""^ K^'"" u^^"" "^'^'"'^ ''" particular points, prophecies, types, and 
 Whether there was agreement among them in detail. Newman or 
 Keble know a great deal more, as, indeed, some of these books are on 
 IMewman s recommendation. 
 
 Of our early (post- reformation) English exposition of prophecy, if 
 we had any, I know nothing : the later was against the deists, and so 
 fell into the error of looking for rigid proof, or rather, looking to such 
 prophecy only as admitted of rigid proof, and so became a mere con- 
 fined study of insulated texts. 
 
 This is the best I can do towards answering your question, and 
 I hope that it will not be misunderstood if 1 express strongly my con- 
 >viction that any attempt to engraft the Fathers into a modem system 
 can only end m disappointment and disgust ; and that I should desire 
 strongly to dissuade from the study any one imbued with modern 
 
 Need of a knowledge of the Fathers* 
 
 413 
 
 principles. I should think he could get no good and would rather get 
 harm from them. 
 
 1 may add, that the chief repertoria of antient Jewish interpretation 
 are Martini Pugio fidei, and Schoettgen Horae Hebr. T. 2 de Messia ; 
 but this would be still less intelligible than the Fathers. Hulsii Theol. 
 Jud. is also a good book. 
 
 I am afraid that you have but a thankless office : I really wish, 
 however, not to give pain or offence, as far as I can consistently with 
 honesty. 
 
 With every good wish. 
 
 Ever yours most tmly, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 For some years Pusey, it will have been seen, knew the 
 Fathers mainly by extracts, reading passages to which his 
 attention was called by the copious Benedictine indices : 
 he had not time, as yet, for more. Even the tract on 
 Baptism appears to represent this earlier and meagre sort 
 of knowledge of them, at least very largely — a knowledge 
 which differed altogether from that of ten years later, when 
 he read treatise after treatise over and over again ; when, 
 to use his own favourite phrase, he * lived in St. Augustine,* 
 so that his whole thought became saturated with that of the 
 great African father. Still, in 1 835-1 836, he knew enough of 
 the Fathers to know how much the Church of England had 
 missed by so largely losing sight of them. In the seventeenth 
 century her divines were as conversant with them as any 
 theologians in Europe, but the Fathers were gradually for- 
 gotten as the eighteenth century advanced. This lamentable 
 result was due partly to their identification, in the eyes of 
 the Hanoverian bishops, with the troublesome learning of 
 the Non-jurors ; partly to the exigencies of the Deistic 
 controversy, in which they could not be appealed to as in 
 any sense authorities which both sides would recognize ; and 
 partly to the shallowness which was characteristic of the 
 time, and which only 'too readily persuaded itself that 
 a large and exacting study was, after all, needless and 
 unfruitful. Now and then men cast their eyes back upon 
 the fields which had been so dear to their predecessors ; 
 Waterland could not controvert the assailants of the God- 
 
4^4 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 head of the Son and of the Spirit without an appeal to 
 antiquity; but his timid and apologetic tone when discussing 
 the use and value of ecclesiastical antiquity^ shows that he 
 felt the temper of the age to be against him. English 
 divines were in fact more influenced by such writers as 
 Mosheim and Daill^ than they would have liked to own ; 
 and although Milner's ' Church History ' gave evidence of 
 a sense of the spiritual beauty of the ancient Church, the 
 theology of its author was* too much controlled by a narrow 
 and distorted tradition to enable him to do justice even to 
 St. Augustine. 
 
 With the rise of the Oxford Movement, the Fathers 
 naturally assumed what to that generation was a new degree 
 of importance. It was impossible to recall men's minds to 
 the teaching and principles of the Primitive Church of 
 Christ without having recourse to those great writers who 
 were the guides and exponents of its faith. Accordingly, 
 one of the earlier cares of the writers of the * Tracts for the 
 Times' had been to reprint, under the title of ' Records of the 
 Church; some of the most characteristic documents of the 
 Ante-Nicene Church, or passages from them. The Epistles 
 of St. Ignatius, the accounts of the Martyrs of Lyons and 
 Vienne, and the Martyrdom of St. Polycarp ; St. Irenaeus. 
 and Tertullian on the Rule of Faith ; and the latter on 
 Baptism ; St. Justin Martyr on Primitive Christian Wor- 
 ship ; St. Cyprian on Church Unity ; and, among later 
 writers, Vincent of Lerins on the Tests of Heresy and 
 Error,— these and others furnished papers which had a 
 present and practical, no less than an antiquarian and pro- 
 foundly religious interest. It was natural for the Tract- 
 writers to honour the Fathers of the Church. It was as 
 natural for writers of the Latitudinarian School to disparage 
 them so far as was consistent with literary taste. Hampden 
 indeed hassome interesting remarks upon St. Jerome, St. Am- 
 brose, and St. Augustine, when he is engaged in accounting 
 for *the ascendency of the Latin clergy over the Greek ='.' 
 
 Primitive Doctrine. 
 
 415 
 
 1 < 
 
 Works,* iii. 601 sqq. 
 
 a I 
 
 Bampton Lectures,' p. 14. 
 
 But interspersed with these observations are expressions 
 which show that he regarded the authority of these august 
 names as not more deserving of respect than that of his own 
 contemporaries : St. Ambrose has ' the practical dexterity 
 of the man of the world ' ; St. Jerome unites * dark and 
 solitary abstractedness of mind with dexterous facility in 
 wielding to theoretic views the complex means which human 
 society presents'; St. Augustine's 'shrewdness and ver- 
 satility' is contrasted unfavourably with 'the freshness and 
 simplicity of the Apostle ^' Indeed, it would seem, according 
 to Dr. Hampden, that dexterity, shrewdness, knowledge 
 of the world, and similar qualifications were almost the 
 sole characteristics of the Saints who, beyond any other 
 men, expressed and formed the mind of Western Christen- 
 dom. 
 
 * I cannot refrain,' wrote Pusey, * from protesting earnestly against 
 the harsh and often bitter and sarcastic language employed by Dr. 
 Hampden towards the Fathers of the Christian Church, and whole 
 classes of God's departed servants. Indeed, the language generally 
 employed towards those of old time, the ironical use of the words 
 " orthodox " and '* heretical," and the whole view of the Latin Church 
 as being governed by a carnal ambitious policy, as well in its stand 
 against Pelagianism as against Arianism, remind one of the language 
 and views of the infidel Gibbon, but one should not have expected them 
 in the work of a Christian theologian V 
 
 But there was another reason for bringing the Fathers 
 prominently before the minds of Church people. As the 
 Fathers had gradually dropped out of view, it had been 
 assumed by Roman Catholics, and too often tacitly con- 
 ceded by English Churchmen, that in reality they altogether 
 belonged to the former, and that if English writers appealed 
 to them it was only for such purposes as those of framing 
 ad hominem arguments against the Church of Rome. To 
 claim continuity with the Primitive Church and be ignorant 
 of its representative writers was impossible ; and yet what if 
 the Fathers did witness for Rome after all? Pusey and 
 
 ^ * Bampton Lecture?,* pp. 17-19 '^3'"^ edition). 
 
 * Dr. Hampden's ' Theological Statements,' pp. xxix-xxxiii. See reff. 
 
4i6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 Anglican Appeal to the Fathers. 
 
 Newman alike felt that this apprehension could only be met 
 if people could be made to learn something about them, not 
 by mere extracts, but as parts of a vast literature. New- 
 man's reason for reprinting Archbishop Ussher on ' Prayers 
 for the Dead ' is that at the time of doing so * many persons 
 were in doubt whether they were not driven to an alterna- 
 tive of either giving up the Primitive Fathers or of embracing 
 Popery.' The reason warranted a much more considerable 
 enterprise. If it was good to learn something about the 
 Fathers from Archbishop Ussher, it was better to learn more 
 about them from themselves. 
 
 Thus, among the reasons for thinking a * Library of the 
 Fathers ' very desirable, Pusey urges in the Prospectus of 
 that work 
 
 * the circumstance that the Anglican branch of the Church Cathoh'c 
 is founded upon Holy Scripture and the agreement of the Universal 
 Church, and that therefore the knowledge of Christian antiquity is 
 necessary in order to understand and maintain her doctrines, and 
 especially her creeds and her liturgy.' He pleads ' the importance at 
 the present crisis of exhibiting the real practical value of Catholic 
 antiquity, which is disparaged by Romanists in order to make way for 
 the later Councils', and by others, in behalf of modem and private 
 interpretations of Holy Scripture.' ' Romanists,' he says, * are in great 
 danger of lapsing into secret infidelity, not seeing how to escape from 
 the palpable errors of their own Church without falling into the 
 opposite errors of Ultra- Protestants.' And thus * it appeared an act of 
 special charity to point out to such of them as are dissatisfied with the 
 state of their own Church a body of ancient Catholic truth, free from 
 the errors alike of modern Rome and of Ultra- Protestantism.' 
 
 Not that the only or the main. reasons for popularizing the 
 more important works of the ancient Fathers were polemical 
 reasons. These works had a substantive value of their own. 
 They satisfied, as modern publications did not satisfy, the 
 increased ' demand for sacred reading ' ; they gave readers 
 
 417 
 
 ^ This might seem inconsistent 
 with the Roman claim to be at home 
 in antiquity in a sense which Anglicans 
 cannot be. But practically it was 
 observed that Roman Catholics * pro- 
 fess to appeal to primitive Christ- 
 ianity : we honestly take their ground, 
 
 as holding it ourselves ; but when the 
 controversy grows animated and 
 descends into details they suddenly 
 leave it, and desire to finish the dispute 
 on some other field.' Newman's 
 ' Prophetical Office of the Church,' 
 P-59- 
 
 something to think about. They were a valuable corrective 
 to the tendency to narrowness which is observable in 
 separate branches of the Church ; they bring the thought 
 of particular Churches into communion with the thought of 
 the Universal Church, when outwardly united. They are 
 a safeguard against modern errors, which they combat while 
 those errors were still in their original form, before men's 
 minds were familiarized with them, and so in danger of 
 partaking of them. Some of the Fathers, too, are especially 
 valuable as commentators on the New Testament, not only 
 from their representative position in the ancient Church, 
 but especially because the language of the New Testament 
 was to them a living language. And thus, in the eyes of 
 a scholar, St. Chrysostom's Homilies on the New Testa- 
 ment, independently of their other merits, have at least, as 
 Pusey often said, the value which attaches to scholia on 
 Aristophanes. But more especially do the Fathers attest 
 the existence of Catholic agreement in a great body of truth 
 in days when the Church of Christ was still visibly one, and 
 still spoke one language ; and thus they also bear witness 
 against the fundamentally erroneous assumptions of modern 
 times, that truth is only that which each man troweth, and 
 that the divisions of Christendom are unavoidable and 
 without remedy. 
 
 When the first volume of the Library appeared ^ Pusey, 
 by the advice of the Primate, of which Keble reminded 
 him, prefixed some observations, which are chiefly designed 
 to meet popular misapprehensions on the subject, especially 
 such as were current in Puritan quarters. To the question 
 whether the Church of England attributes any authority 
 to the ancient Fathers of the Church, Pusey replies by 
 pointing to the canon of the Convocation of 157 1, which 
 enacts that 
 
 * Clergy shall be careful never to teach anything from the pulpit, to be 
 religiously held and believed by the people, but what is agreeable to 
 
 ^ * The Confessions of St. Augustine, illustrations from St. Augustine him- 
 revised from a former translation by self.' Oxford : Parker, Rivingtons, 
 the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., with 1838. 
 
 VOL. I. EC 
 
4i8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Cautions to Patristic Students, 
 
 419 
 
 the doctrine of the Old or New Testament, and collected out of that 
 same doctrine by the Catholic Fathers and ancient Bishops.' 
 
 The Convocation which made this canon also enforced 
 subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles, so that, as Pusey 
 remarks, even when the Church of England was * fencing 
 herself round as a particular Church, she formally main- 
 tained her connexion with the Church Catholic ' by the 
 authority which she ascribed to its great teachers. Pusey 
 brushes away the modem Puritan misapprehension that 
 the authority of the Fathers was put forward as co-ordinate 
 with or in rivalry to that of Holy Scripture. Referring 
 to the canon, he points out that 
 
 * Scripture is reverenced as paramount : the " doctrine of the Old or 
 New Testament " is the source ; the " Catholic Fathers and ancient 
 Bishops *' have but the office of" collecting out of that same doctrine " ; 
 the Old and New Testaments are the fountain ; the Catholic Fathers 
 the channel through which it has flowed down to us. The contrast 
 then in point of authority is not between Holy Scripture and the 
 Fathers, but between the Fathers and us ; not between the book inter- 
 preted and the interpreters, but between one class of interpreters and 
 another ; between ancient Catholic truth and modern private opinions ; 
 not between the Word of God and the word of man, but between 
 varying modes of understanding the Word of God.' 
 
 To the objection embodied in a popular Puritan phrase, 
 that the recognition of the authority of the Fathers as 
 interpreting the mind of Holy Scripture involved an 'appeal 
 to fallible men,' Pusey replies that the Church's appeal is 
 
 * not to the Fathers individually, or as individuals, but as witnesses : 
 not to this or that Father, but to the whole body, and agreement of 
 Catholic Fathers and ancient Bishops.* 
 
 Particular Fathers might be under a personal bias, as was 
 St. Augustine with regard to some part of his controversy 
 with the Pelagians. Or they might represent the mind 
 only of particular Churches when it was not in harmony 
 with that of other Churches, or of the Church Catholic. It 
 is when they attest that which had been received ' by all, in 
 all Churches, and at all times,' that their authority is entitled 
 to the high consideration claimed for it. 
 
 It was further urged by popular religionists that if the 
 Fathers were to be authorities they would supersede that of 
 the Church of England. Pusey maintains that there is no 
 more of antagonism between the Fathers and the Church 
 of England than between the Fathers and Holy Scripture. 
 The Fathers interpret the true mind of the Church of 
 England by the light which they throw upon its formu- 
 laries, which in many cases belong to the ages in which 
 they themselves lived and taught. 
 
 * Much doctrine is contained in our collects, much in our 
 Sacramental services, which, as belonging to high antiquity, can only 
 be fully understood by means of that antiquity whence it is derived, 
 and which, so understood, will appear in its real character.* 
 
 He goes on to discuss the disagreement which is observ- 
 able between the Fathers, on certain points of detail, in pages 
 of lasting value. The current phrases about 
 
 'the harshness of Tertullian, the predestinarianism of St. Austin, 
 Origen's speculativeness, Arnobius' deficient acquaintance with the 
 Gospel he defended, are witnesses that there is a tangible distinction 
 between Catholic truth and individual opinion * 
 
 as handed down to us in the pages of the Fathers. But the 
 real question is whether our ' received notions * are always an 
 adequate criterion of the truth or worth of patristic teaching. 
 For instance, the ancient mystical school of interpretation 
 finds scant favour in the modern world, although it has 
 ample warrant in the models of interpretation furnished by 
 the New Testament. 
 
 * It is,* urges Pusey, 'a vulgar and commonplace prejudice which 
 would measure everything by its own habits of mind, and condemn 
 that as fanciful to which it is unaccustomed, simply because it, confined 
 and contracted by treading its own matter-of-fact round, cannot expand 
 itself to receive it, or has no power to assimilate it to its own previous 
 notions or adapt them to it. It is the same habit which would laugh 
 at one who came from a foreign clime in. a garb which to a peasant-eye 
 is unwonted. "He who laughs first," says Dr. Johnson, "is the 
 barbarian." * 
 
 He is quite alive to the mistakes which * ardent minds ' 
 might make in this unaccustomed field of interest. There 
 
 E e 2 
 
420 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Idea of the Library. 
 
 421 
 
 is danger * in taking up at once what ntdy be no portion of 
 Catholic truth, although it occur in some particular Father 
 whom one with reason venerates/ * Wc may not be Augus- 
 tinians, any more than Calvinists or Lutheraas,' for though 
 St. Augustine made no system, but transmitted Catholic 
 truth, we might readily form a system out of St. Auj^us- 
 tine. The Fathers are to be studied, not with the object of 
 discovering in them some new truth, l)ut in order the 
 better to appreciate the treasures of doctrine ,xx\d devotion 
 which are offered us by the Church of England. 
 
 Pusey often said that if good people would read the 
 Fathers, instead of talking about them without having;; read 
 them, there would not be much room for controversy as to 
 their merits. Hut it was necessary to bring the Fiithcrs 
 within general reach : so long as they were to be approached 
 only in dead languages and expensive folios they would 
 continue to be talked about withoiit bcinjc read. 
 
 The idea of a Library of the Fathers seems to have taken 
 definite shape during a visit which Newman paid to Pusey 
 at Holton Park on Aii^ust 24, St. Bartholomews I>ay, 
 1H36. Pusey was anxious to bring about a meeting between 
 Newman and Mr. TyndaJc, the clergyman of the parish, 
 who held ver>' Low Church ofunions; jqo Newman dined 
 and slept at Holton, returning to Oxford the next morning, 
 Tl»e Vicar's opinions would not appear to have been much 
 modified, but the meeting of the two friends was one 
 of the most fruitful in the history of the Movement, The 
 results appear in a letter which Pusey addressed to Newman 
 shortly aftenvards. and which \% intercutting as showing in 
 combination the qualities which made Pusey what he was: 
 his eagerness as a student, his natural aptitude for business, 
 his zeal for theological truth, and his unlimited capacity for 
 taking trouble. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 (Holton Park, Sept. i$j6.] 
 I Mod you a sketch of a letter which I p«ropo«<€ (o scad to such 
 coadjutors ns might occur to mind. We have a very exccllenc 
 aiMmtteiksis ta this house, so if yoa would alter thif copy as vv>ould suic 
 
 you, or write another, you could receive ft«y immbcr of copies^ in which 
 (he details might be ready wTitten, and >'0U wouM only luive to ^A 
 what you wished to the individual. 
 
 The coadjutors I would write to are Oxnam. Luahmgtoiit Bliss, 
 Wood, T. Moxlcy, Wilsoo (K.'s curate^. Mr. Wodchoow (a High 
 Churchman in GirtilcstoftC's ncijjbboarhood and reads the Fathcrsi, 
 Harrison, Hook, Thornton (my cdusIa. a fpood KboUr a»d able 
 person). Many more will occur when ^>e meec in Oxford. 
 
 Of St. AufUMinc'5i Anti-Pelogi^n Tract)f> ni>' bnprcttloe U that the 
 ' Dc Pcccatofwn Mcritift ci Rrmmionc * (three books) would do best 
 for translation : it is^ less prBdertinanan than some, ik»d has not the 
 pcrsooal rtftMAtioo o^otbers. I have ju!»t read thfough the tfdnt book : 
 there is a (pood deal of dose axgmncnt (n>n) the text of Scripture, no 
 imagioAthxness* or patnsticalness ; but it is plain and 0Urai|ghllbmid« 
 cottdttlStd (Ibough with repetitions^ which will bring the subject bsck 
 sg^n to people's thoufl*^) • ^^ ^rgties also wH aixl convincingly from 
 Scripcurt against the noncnuMOliMioo doctrine, to that it will be 
 a gwd astidMC 10 Dr. Hampden ; and tbe conncouoo of rcKencr- 
 Atiun and justiftcatioo by faitli uith Bupci^m, and the blessingis of 
 the Chorch as bcinc cntr uMed with Baptism, are inferestiosly tho^gh 
 incidentally put. One thing wiU ofl!cnd people : that he ai^g^cs tbe 
 condcmnatkm of the unhaptitod^ c\*en infant^ or those who he 
 $4ipposes uoald have cfnbnboed the Gospel had it been (>reacfa(ed 
 t» Iheoft,- bet a no(e prefixed mi^bt dischum all, wherein ScripCuie 
 is mercifully siknt, and the Church has pfonouoctd no<hin(;, sad 
 S» gh^ OS on opportunity of dtMinguisbing bctwren tbe scntinnents 
 of individual F.aibers and Catholic truths. There ars SOine Ioak 
 qaocatioas from Scnpturs (I suppose becsuiie Scripture was scarcer 
 aad people could not refer to it) which miieht be throun Into iioie«. 
 I suppose w« shall have socx^ \'ery brief noces to add, if it is only 
 in the way of the Benedictines, explaining a Father s tneoni^g by 
 other pSMiigts, or correcting bim. but yrry brieAy. 
 
 As you have nuide a selection frottn Cyprian^ I will confiiie m>-»e]f 
 to compering three tracts with Marshall^ i r s m la ii o n , to see whether 
 what v^-e print of Cypriaa might be reprinted from it, revising it only 
 IfneoHeery. 
 
 1 have brought (Axt St. Chr^fostocn on Geaesie and St. Aufuedne 
 on SC John to look at, at my leisure, and 1 have occasion to read 
 several books of the De Ciiitate I>ei. 
 
 SInD I write the letter to Rhington ? 
 
 6V*/. 1 think fi*x>. would be best : vk>e may become otherwise so 
 i^iyvolaminous. (Girdlestone's Commootso' sdlM The (Richmood'sj 
 * Library of cbe Reformers' is a good-stsed 8va If w^ carry 00 our 
 Qaioque-aiiic«hited' Library (Practical, Uodiinal, Historicil, AntS- 
 Heretical, Expository) we should soon have abcn-e a hundred little 
 \'o]umes. 
 
 fifrm. I would propose havittig two dile-pagcs, one like llial which 
 
422 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 I have put down in the circular, and then another title for the 
 particular Father (taking your hint). This would allow us to go on 
 with all at once like the Encyclop. Metrop. 
 
 Circulation. Would it not be well to take in Cambridge, or at least 
 Dublin, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and chiefly some American booksellers, 
 so as to act upon the two hemispheres at once ? It might be a great 
 help to soundness of doctrine there, and so (by the reaction) here 
 
 also. 
 
 I should like to stipulate for a certain number of copies free, that 
 we might be able to make presents to institutions, e.g. Durham 
 New York, King's College, &c., and that we might have other copies 
 at cost price for presents. 
 
 If you think it better to print a circular, I would do it ; but that 
 I suppose should be more formally drawn up. Do not on any account 
 spare our amanuensis, for she is very willing, and able not to ' sell,' but 
 to * give * her time. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 I become more sanguine as the task seems to enlarge ; though 
 I do feel the necessity of being as a weaned child, lest I mar our own 
 plan. 
 
 Pusey and Newman were not at first entirely of one 
 mind as to the nature of the proposed translations. Pusey 
 was in favour of exactly literal translations: Newman 
 pleaded for freedom and idiomatic renderings. Pusey de- 
 precated diffusiveness. 
 
 * I,' writes Newman, * do not like diffusive translations ; unliteral- 
 ness is no more diffuse than the contrary ; I only meant not word 
 for word. " Placet mihi " may be Englished, '* it pleases me," or " I 
 please." Here, what is least literal, whether better or not, is shorter. 
 All I meant was idiomatic translation.' 
 
 ' I agree with you perfectly,' Pusey replied, ' on the principles of 
 translation ; although I think that one may even sacrifice idiom, if 
 one may so call it, to retain an effect of the original, e. g. transposition, 
 which one language will bear, although against its natural genius, in 
 order to keep an emphatic collocation. At the same time I admit that 
 I am too idiomatic* 
 
 Pusey always inclined to the principle here expressed, 
 namely, the sacrifice of the idiom of the language into 
 which he was translating to the more exact rendering of 
 the phrases as well as of the words of the original. For 
 
 Theory of Translation. 
 
 423 
 
 many years his adherence to this principle in translations 
 acted unfavourably on his own style as an original writer 
 of English : people said that he wrote like a Father of the 
 fourth'' century. ' It was a result of his idea of the sacred- 
 ness and inviolability of language, especially when used by 
 writers of authority and on sacred subjects ; but Newman's 
 jealous anxiety for the purity and vigour of our mother 
 tongue was not without its effect. ' My instruction,' Pusey 
 wrote to Keble, * to translators is " a clear, nervous, con- 
 densed, unparaphrastic style, and thus as free and as like 
 an original, and idiomatic as may be "-conditions more 
 easily prescribed than fulfilled.' 
 
 His own practice is best described in his preface to the 
 * Confessions of St. Augustine ' :— 
 
 * The object of all translation must be to present the ideas of the 
 author as cleariy as may be, with as little sacrifice as may be of what 
 is peculiar to him : the greatest clearness with the greatest faith- 
 fulness In that reproduction, which is essential to good trans- 
 lation, it is very difficult to avoid introducing some slight shade ot 
 meaning which may not be contained in the original. The very 
 variation in the collocation of words may produce this. In the present 
 work the translator desired both to preserve as much as possible 
 the condensed style of St. Augustine, and to make the translation as 
 little as might be of a commentary, that so the reader might be put 
 as far as possible in the position of a student of the Fathers, un- 
 modified and undiluted by the intervention of any foreign notions. 
 
 Apologizing for the * rigid style ' which this theory of 
 translation implies, Pusey expresses a hope 
 
 'that the additional pains which might be requisite to understand it 
 would be rewarded by the greater insight into the author's uncom- 
 mented meaning which that very pains would procure, and by the 
 greater impression made by what has required some thought to 
 understand : and it was an object to let St. Augustine speak as 
 much as possible for himself, without bringing out by the translation, 
 truths which he wrapped up in the words for those who wished to 
 find them '.' 
 
 The theory of translation being settled-if it was settled 
 -the financial difficulty presented itself. How could a 
 
 i 'Confessions of St. Augustine. Revised from a former translation by 
 Key. E. B. Pusey, D.D.' Oxford, 1838, prei. pp. xxxi, xxxii. 
 
"i 
 
 424 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 long series of authors, for whom there was as yet no 
 demand, be published, without involving translators and 
 pubhshers m ruinous expenses ? Pusey began the solu- 
 tion of the difficulty by taking it for granted that, like 
 himself all the translators could or would do their work 
 for nothing. Newman soon saw that this was practically 
 impossible. At first he had said :— «- / 
 
 h.'f°!r?^7r'-*'"" ^ ^"""^ '° '•''"'' °^''' ' ^>'°"W not like anything to 
 be sa.d to R[,vmgton] which seemed to make our plan a speculatfon 
 
 But by Sept 8th he writes, ' I feel sure that the translators 
 must be paid : it has grown on me.' 
 
 But this was only half the difficulty. Would the ' Fathers ' 
 
 f? T"5rf"''^'''^^ ^"''^^•^'^'"^^^"^^^'■dently thought 
 this doubtful : they positively declined to undertake the 
 publication unless a body of subscribers would back them 
 up. Thereupon Pusey offered them to risk ;{ri,ooo, and 
 inquired what the expense of four volumes a year for four 
 years would be, it being understood that the translators 
 should be paid. Messrs. Rivingtons 'took no notice' of 
 the offer but continued to insist on the list of subscribers. 
 At last Pusey and Newman gave way. 
 
 'As we have agreed about the subscription,' writes Pusev to 
 Newman, Oct .3,; I sent the amended prospTc.us'to Riv^onTeU 
 day. ... I thmk it [viz. the plan of a subscription-listl will be <rr,„rf . 
 because we both disliked it, and yet are come Lo it.' ^ ^ ' 
 
 For some weeks Pusey and Newman acted alone, but 
 It was all along in Pusey's mind to obtain Kebles co- 
 operation. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 T J S^P'- 22. 1836. 
 
 Two days ago I saw the Bishop of Oxford : he is verv much 
 pleased with the specimen of your version of the Psalms and in 
 answer to my question -whether he would have any obL.loJ o 
 hcensc a; said several times, « Certainly not.' 1 repeated the q s^ion^ 
 
 Appeal to Keble to share in the Work. 425 
 
 hardly daring to believe anything so satisfactory, and he repeated 
 his answer. Newman says * licensing* is a poetical term: however, 
 there is as much (not to say more) truth in poetry as in prose ; so 
 whether it be a * poetical license ' or no, I am more than contented. 
 I should propose then, with your leave, to look over the first fasciculus, 
 and marking [it], if in any respects I think that the Hebrew might be 
 better rendered. You need not speak of trouble, as you once did, 
 for it is all in my way ; and I am lecturing on the Psalms, and shall 
 be interested in seeing your version : and when you see this fasciculus 
 you can send me the rest, if you think it worth whilcw 
 
 But, as to trouble, Newman and I have a design upon a quid pro 
 quo from you. For we are proposing to edit a 
 
 Library 
 
 of Catholic Fathers 
 
 of the Holy Church Universal 
 
 anterior to the division of the East and West. 
 
 • ••••• 
 
 Translated by Members of the Anglican Church, 
 with notices of the respective Fathers, and brief notes by the 
 
 Editors when required, 
 and Indices. 
 
 The duties of the editors will be to select works for translation ; 
 revise translations, at least in the commencement, in order to set the 
 translators in a good way of translating ; add the above-named notes ; 
 select or write the notices ; superintend the formation of indices ; — 
 in short, superintend the whole, as they make themselves responsible 
 for the whole. How much or how little work this will give I know 
 not : but the benefits of the plan seem to grow upon me much ; and 
 all which I hear is very encouraging. Mr. Dodsworth and the Bishop 
 of Oxford both spoke of persons looking out and wishing for some- 
 thing of the sort. We have selected a good deal already, and shall 
 have, I suppose, abundance of hints ; so that this part will not be 
 laborious. In order to avoid any charge of * speculating,' we have 
 proposed to make nothing by it. And so now that there is nothing 
 but disinterested, i. e. unproductive, labour we have thought fit to join 
 your name as editor. I hope to have the prospectus in the British 
 Critic and Magazine of October, and it is now being put in type: so 
 1 have actually sent your name as joint editor, waiting only for your 
 formal sanction of it. 
 
 I hope that you will not think it very bold ; but, you know, * a 
 treble cord, &c. ' : and last year you and Newman left me to write my 
 tracts * on Holy Baptism * by myself, and to bear all the brunt of 
 the Record \ so this year I have intertwined yours and Newman's 
 names so fast that I hope they will not easily slip away. In sober 
 earnest, I wish that we could have given you more time to think 
 about it (or rather that I had done so), but the month has slipped 
 
426 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 away faster than I thought. You shall do as much or as little as you 
 like ; only, please, let us join your name with ours. 
 
 Let me hear from you (a line or two) as soon as you can, and 
 direct Christ Church. ... I have written to Rose, about asking the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury to aUow it to be dedicated to him. 
 
 To this letter the Rev. J. H. Newman added :— 
 
 * You must not think we are hurrying you into a plan of our own. 
 Of course nothing shall be done about your name tiU we hear from 
 [you }y 
 
 Two other long letters besides that to Keble were written 
 from Holton Park during the quiet hours of the morning of 
 September 22nd. Mrs. Pusey had driven over with the 
 Tyndales to the consecration of the new church at Little- 
 more; and in the evening the Bishop of London, Dr. Blom- 
 field, was expected to dine and sleep, and the house 
 would be full of company. Pusey was full of his plan, 
 and in the evening he submitted it to Bishop Blomfield! 
 After everybody had left the drawing-room Pusey re- 
 mained up, among other reasons to announce the result to 
 Newman : — 
 
 * The Bishop of London approves of the plan, and says he shall buy 
 It [the publication] and read as much as he can. He does not like 
 the " St." : he says that the Apostles ought to have this pre-eminence. 
 If you thmk it right, would you erase the "St."? We can still put 
 " Cyprian, Bishop, Saint, and Martyr," which would do as well. 
 I think I said what I meant the word " Catholic Father ^ " to express • 
 but 1 suppose it would exclude TertuUian's Montanist tracts. So if 
 you please we can concede it. The Bishop seemed to think it-as 
 most, I suppose, would— tautologous. I like it.' 
 
 Newman replies the next day : — 
 
 ' I write as I read, having "lionesses " \ at least one, to wait upon. . . . 
 Your news of the Bishop of London is very good. I would give 
 
 ".^ ^^! "u^^-" ""^"^^y ^''^"'^ ^^ ^^s^es »^- Not that it matters. 
 Also the Catholic." But not " before the separation, &c " ' 
 
 ^ The title originally proposed was 
 'Library of Catholic Fathers of the 
 Holy Church Universal, anterior to 
 the division of the East and West.* 
 The title adopted was * A Library of 
 
 Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, 
 anterior to the division of the East 
 and West.' 
 * Ladies visiting Oxford. 
 
 Keble' s Approval 427 
 
 Pusey observes in reply : — 
 
 'It is curious how people let in what is most important without 
 perceiving it. The Bishop of London made no objection to the 
 '• anterior to the separation of East and West." ' 
 
 Accordingly it was intended that * St.* should be left out 
 as a prefix to the names of the great Fathers. On reflec- 
 tion, Pusey repented. 
 
 * October 11, 1836. 
 
 'The names "Augustine," &c. look sadly shorn without their 
 "St." ; and I have some misgiving lest the dropping it should be 
 Ultra-Protestant, and that they are outworks to the "St." of the 
 Holy Apostles (which also Ultra- Protestants drop), as Chapters are to 
 Bishoprics. It does not do to take up as your position only what 
 you really want to defend, for even if you succeed it is very rudely 
 battered about, whereas if you keep the outwork you get rudely 
 assailed, but the citadel is at peace. The Low Church party already 
 talk of Paul and Peter.* 
 
 In the end Pusey*s misgivings triumphed. The Saints 
 were called Saints; and if the Fathers were not called 
 Catholic, the Church was. 
 
 Keble's reply to Pusey's letter was delayed, owing to his 
 absence in the Isle of Wight. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, October 4, 1836. 
 
 I most sincerely beg your pardon for the inconvenience and 
 delay which I fear I have occasioned in a plan at which I am sin- 
 cerely rejoiced, and am proud to have my name inserted : at least, 
 should be proud if I were not conscious of my knowledge of the 
 Catholic Fathers being too limited by far to justify such a step had 
 1 been [able] to choose for myself. Somehow I got it into my head 
 that you would construe my silence into consent and so did not hurry 
 myself in writing. As it is, I see the plan is after a sort advertized in 
 the British Magazine, so I trust the inconvenience will not be great. 
 As to the Dedication, my objecting to it was a mere speculation of 
 Rogers's ; and I do not know that I should have thought of such a 
 thing if he had not put it into my heac^. As it is, I should suppose 
 it is a proper compliment to the Archbishop, and may make the work 
 a little more useful. But on many accounts I should wish as little as 
 possible to be said in the way of praise or expression of confidence. 
 I certainly do not feel the least of that towards the Archbishop. We 
 are told that he remonstrated privately about Hampden : but what 
 
428 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey. 
 
 The Archbishop's Approval. 
 
 429 
 
 public step has he taken? What has he done that has the least 
 tendency to warn the Church against the results of such teaching? 
 And unless he has been belied in all the newspapers, the whole of 
 his proceedings in Parliament about those Church Bills is only to be 
 accounted for on the notion of his being thoroughly Erastian. There- 
 fore I should like to limit the expression in the dedicatory sentence 
 to * respect for his high spiritual office ' : the rather that I think a time 
 is coming when it will be impossible personally to compliment Bishops 
 with a good conscience ; and it is questionable whether our doing so 
 at best is not a sort of impertinence. . . . 
 
 I am content to acquiesce in the subscription plan, and will endea- 
 vour to find something to contribute towards it. A list of subscribers 
 is not to me a pleasant thought. Could we not take their money 
 without printing their names? As far as I know, I very much 
 approve the selection you propose. The Apostolical Fathers I 
 imagine you consider to be sufficiently Englished already. But some 
 of Justin Martyr would be desirable, would it not } and all of Irenaeus 
 that is not merely employed with Gnostical technicalities ? But no 
 doubt selection will be the least part of our work. I hope we shall 
 not find so very much trouble in finding translators. Wilson seems 
 much to like the notion of it, and there must be many circumstanced 
 about as he is, in capacity, leisure, and industry. I spoke also the 
 other day to Eyre of Salisbury, an old pupil of mine, who appeared to 
 relish it much, and I dare say would do justice to anything that was 
 of tolerably easy construction. Have you thought of Oxnam, Davison's 
 late curate, in Devonshire ? He, I dare say, would like to give us 
 some help. 
 
 It was a great piece of ungraciousness, my not telling you sooner 
 how much I am obliged to you for your encouragement about the 
 Psalms. I hope you will not spare your remarks, and I will not spare 
 my questions. If I can but succeed in keeping out one irreverent 
 hymn in our Church I should think it worth a good deal of trouble. 
 And the Bishop of Oxford's permission gives one a sort of encourage- 
 ment which one had quite despaired of. 
 
 When Keble had consented to share the editorship, 
 Pusey wrote to ask the Archbishop of Canterbury to allow 
 the * Library of the Fathers ' to be dedicated to him. The 
 reply was cordial. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to E. B. P. 
 My dear Sir, c . ii, i 3 
 
 In respect to the undertaking in which you are about to engage, 
 the reasons which in general induce me to decline dedications have 
 no weight On the contrary, I should not fed myself justified in 
 
 foregoing the opportunity of expressing my approbation of your 
 
 "^^iHs highly desirable to direct the attention of the clergy to the 
 writings of the pastors and teachers who enjoyed the highest repu- 
 tation in the early ages of Christianity. Those writers at present are 
 known to few even of the clergy, except by quotations or references 
 on controversial questions, which convey very imperfect notions of 
 
 their character or opinions. , , , . , r 
 
 I hope to have the pleasure of seeing Mr. Keble m the course of a 
 few days, and conversing with him on this interesting and important 
 
 subject. ^ remain, my dear Sir, your faithful servant, 
 
 W. Cantuar. . 
 
 Rev. Dr. Pusey. 
 
 The Archbishop met Keble when visiting Sir W. 
 Heathcote at Hursley Park a few days later. * He pro- 
 nounced himself afterwards more pleased with his visit 
 there than any other in the course of his tour ^' Keble 
 reports his impressions to Pusey : — 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, Oct. 16, 1836. 
 
 I had a long conversation yesterday morning with the Arch- 
 bishop about our plan. Both he and Rose are of opinion that we 
 ought to have only whole treatises. I am sorry to ose Irenaeus, 
 which I suppose we should by such a limitation. All those parts 
 of him which are not taken up with ^Eonology, appear to be most 
 admirable in themselves, and extremely applicable to the errors of 
 this time. Then his being already so wretchedly translated, and not 
 existing in the original, would quite take away the scruple one might 
 otherwise feel as to the impossibility of giving an adequate repre- 
 sentation of the original. The Archbishop is very well p.eased at the 
 notion of our doing a good deal of St. Chr)^sostom's Commentaries, on 
 St. Paul's Epistles especially ; and he mentioned what it will be of 
 consequence to bear in mind, the great difference which exists between 
 those Homilies of his which were preached at Antioch, comparatively 
 early, and those preached at Constantinople after he was made Arch- 
 bishop and had no time to write 5^r;«tf«J. , ^ ,j , V.o^ 
 
 Aeain, he wished that ' a very good preface should be written 
 pointing out the use and necessity of the- work somewhat at large, and 
 especiaUy dwelling on the common-sense view of the subject that as 
 Tny one who woufd give a view (e. g.) of the Stoical philosophy would 
 naturally go back to Zeno and Chrysippus, &c., so must those who 
 
 » * Letters of J. B. Mozley,' p. 61. 
 
430 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 wish to understand the nature and progress of Christian theolo^r., 
 Moreover, he wanted to know what number of volumes we proS 
 to send out m a year. I told him about two Proposed 
 
 satlftcdon''l%.T'' ^"- J T'^'^y "" ^^^ "^°^^ - melancholy, 
 satisfaction ,n talkmg with the Archbishop on various subjects 
 
 and in watching his beautiful serene expression of counted 
 
 I say melancholy, both because he seemed himself out of spi ^s and 
 
 because one cannot help feeling all the while how sad it is that such a 
 
 o^rT^eSs ofthe^T^^^^^^^ '-' '^-'^ - ^-^^^^ 
 
 The next thing was to go to work, but certain preliminary 
 questions still had to be settled. Which of the Fathers was 
 to be translated first ? Pusey thought St. Chrysostom on 
 S;.iu "r '' ^^^"^^"' St- Augustine's Confessions. Mr. H. W 
 Wilberforce was set to work at once on a portion of the 
 Confessions. In the event, the Confessions were the first 
 book to appear, and they were edited by Pusey himself 
 The next to follow was the Catechetical Lectures of St* 
 Cynl of Jerusalem, translated by Mr. R. W. Church, B.A., 
 Fellow of Oriel, who was introduced to the scheme by the 
 Rev. C. Marriott. ^ 
 
 • Mr. Heurtley, of C.C.CV writes Newman to Pusey, Oct n 'ha. 
 sent to me through Mozley, to say he will undertake at' once any on 
 
 on the s: To\r 5 """"^^ ^t"^'' ^' ^^^^ -^ ^- ^ 'on- 
 clinjs to^^^^^^^^^^^^ "' " "^' ^° '^ ^ ^^^ "-^ -^- Manning 
 
 The Rev. F. Oakeley, Fellow of Balliol, began to work 
 on St. Augustine s Anti-Pelagian treatises. Indeed, there 
 was no lack of able men who were ready to lend their 
 assistance. 
 
 anZnM'^'' """''' u?'^ '° ^'"'"""^ ' ^ "^^^^ ^^"^^"^^er anything, 
 
 newed th ^ffer'of'h '* ''''' '' ^^"'^^ ^ ^^'"^ "^^ -' -^ - 
 th'nf for thif . T"'' ^' ^r^nslator, and asked for some- 
 thing for this vacation. I gave him on the instant, I know not why 
 St Chrysostom on 2 Corinthians ; and yesterday, ;hen I recollected 
 
 S irhaV' ^^h'I "^'^^'^^^^'^ Com'pendium^'of Heresies S^^ 
 that he had already done about a Homily as a specimen. He is 
 
 > Now Margaret Professor of Divinity. \ 
 
 Afterwards Master of Balliol and Dean of Rochester. 
 
 Selection of Authors, 
 
 431 
 
 stopped, waiting to hear from you, for I see Wood ^ was to have had 
 2 Corinthians. If, however, it would do as well, there are still the 
 Galatians and the two Epistles to the Thessalonians unoccupied. 
 Scott's translation was done very rapidly : there was not much in 
 Ihe Homily to serve as a text ; it was rather dry— that is, the trans- 
 lation ; but he took hints very well, and would have taken more 
 had I had wits enough about me to give them, but a cold melts 
 them away.* 
 
 Another question was, Should Origen's treatise against 
 Celsus be included in the Library? Greswell had noticed, 
 when the scheme was first mooted and before Keble had 
 joined, that St. Cyprian was the only Ante-Nicene Father 
 on the list of those to be translated. Newman proposed to 
 add Origen against Celsus. Pusey objected that it was 
 
 ' apologetic* Newman replied :— 
 ^ ^ 'September 25, 1836. 
 
 * I am sorry that you consider Origen "cont. Celsum" apologetic; 
 the ancients did not write Apologies apologetically.' 
 
 ' I have begun reading" Origen contra Celsum" carefully,* 
 writes Pusey a fortnight later. 
 
 * Did you mean to say you knew and liked it ? One fear of mine is 
 that Celsus may do harm. I cannot but think that discussions about 
 evidences, and familiarity with the low notions which people venture 
 to have of Him, as Man, practically Socinianizes many.' 
 
 Newman answers : — 
 
 * As to Origen, what I read of his " Contra Celsum " seemed to me 
 full of matteT for reflection, and very valuable ; but the very cir- 
 cumstance of your thinking otherwise would be a fact decisive agamst 
 its publication.' 
 
 The subscription list for the Library had been left in the 
 hands of Messrs. Rivingtons. On the day that the preface 
 to the first volume was written, Pusey expresses his dis- 
 appointment at the scanty support which the scheme had 
 
 obtained. , ., ^t 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 August 24, 1838. 
 
 Baxter has just sent me a list of the subscribers to the Fathers. 
 Ihere are scarce half a dozen names of any note, if so many, besides 
 
 » Mr. S. F. Wood, of Oriel College. 
 
432 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 he d(,t^<i nnf lii.^ ^u ^"csicr , not uxiord (I know not whether 
 
 ne does not like the expense), nor Sahsbury, nor Rinon T h.v. 
 wish to apply to these directly or indireX It.'. } k ""' 
 
 He wrote to the same effect to Keble. The Arch 
 
 subscr ber. The contrast with the French scheme was so 
 poor m respect of episcopal patronage. There was" ^ 
 Scotch bishop, ' who does not put his see ' 
 
 ■ Keble answers : — 
 'I havA T T, 'Sept. 8, 1838. 
 
 Bishops name, throu<.h fames or rv u ^^^" "^ ^"'^ S^' °« 
 
 get at the BisLp of^Ripon and Mr J^" ''""'" i"" ^°'^»^°" 
 Salisbury ? ' '^ ' "'^- l^°"vene at the Bishop of 
 
 In the event the two Archbishops appear in the first 
 l.st as patrons ; nine Engh'sh bishops, and two Scotch a^e 
 among the subscribers. It does not seem that Mr Keb e 
 tl^en^succeeded either with Bishop Sumner or bSp 
 
 But the anxious years that followed the foundation of the 
 and'suLrr '"^^•^^?>'-^-dy increase of the interest in 
 
 ilVnorxlo , H *' '''■ ""■'•^^^ ^«^^'"- •«^3, nor 
 i«45, nor 1850 availed to arrest it by the troubles in which 
 
 , they involved its editors or promoters. I„ the fir t iTst of 
 subscnbers. printed in 1838, there were less than S ontme 
 
 o?the% r. '"""f'PP'^^^' '■" ^«-^9, after thepublicaUon 
 of the first two volumes, there were more than 1,100 sub^ 
 scnbers and seventeen bishops. In 184, there were twenty 
 five bishops, and nearly x,8oo subscrLrs. The l7st for 
 
 scnbers. ,n 1853 two more bishops had joined, and the 
 
 Preface to the First Volume, 
 
 433 
 
 number of subscribers exceeded 3,700. This last remark- 
 able increase of numbers was due to an earnest appeal and 
 statement which Pusey published on November 17, 1852. 
 
 It was originally intended that four volumes of the 
 Library should appear every year. In practice this project 
 could not be adhered to. But from 1838 until 1854 only 
 one year occurred in which no volume appeared : the 
 barrenness of 1846 is to be explained by the lamentable 
 secessions of the preceding autumn. In other years as 
 many volumes were issued as the translators could get 
 ready ; in 1843 five volumes appeared. 
 
 From the first, Pusey had taken the lead in this important 
 undertaking. He did not wish to do so. Newman naturally 
 insisted on his writing the preface to the first volume, which 
 was to explain the purpose of the * Library.' 
 
 * What am I,* he writes to Newman, August 9, 1838, *or what busi- 
 ness have I to write a preface to our Library of the Fathers, when you 
 and K. know ten times as much about the Fathers as I do ? I thought 
 1 had something to say when I was in Oxford, and so I wrote what 
 I showed you, joined, as you recollect, to the beginning of a preface to 
 St. Augustine's Confessions. This, since it was written, I have rewritten 
 here ; but, since, the impulse has been over. And it has naturally oc- 
 curred to me how much better a preface you or K. would have written. 
 I send you this, only desiring you to pluck it, and yourself or K. to write 
 another. It was written on the Archbishop's plan of having a sensible 
 preface as to the value of the Fathers, as living in earlier times, and 
 being witnesses, &c., and to satisfy fear and stop excitement. But I 
 know not whether it is good to begin our work with an apology. And 
 not being satisfied with my perfonnance, I feel that no one else will be. 
 So please do you or K. execute it* 
 
 Newman somewhat dryly replied :— 
 
 * As to the preface, I think it very likely to be useful, and I hope you 
 will finish it, and send it at once to press.' 
 
 He rightly thought that the question of the use and 
 authority of the Fathers had better.be dealt with by more 
 minds than one, and in view of the objections which would 
 inevitably be put forward as the publication proceeded. 
 He himself discussed the subject with his wonted clearness 
 and power in the preface to the second volume of the series, 
 
 VOL. L F f 
 
434 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Mr. Church's translation of the Catechetical Lectures of 
 St. Cyril of Jerusalem. 
 
 That the * Library of the Fathers ' exerted no little in- 
 fluence on the Oxford Movement is probably less apparent 
 to the world at large than to those who were, in whatever 
 sense, behind the scenes. It was at once an encouraging 
 and a steadying influence : it made thoughtful adherents of 
 the Movement feel that the Fathers were behind them, and 
 with the Fathers that ancient undivided Church whom the 
 Fathers represented. But it also kept before their minds 
 the fact that the Fathers were, in several respects, unlike 
 the moderns, not only in the English Church, but also 
 in the Church of Rome. And, above all, it reminded 
 men of a type of life and thought which all good men, 
 in their best moments, would have been glad to make 
 their own. 
 
 The eflbrt to popularize the Fathers was by no means 
 likely to be generally welcome Mty years ago. In the 
 view of mere scholars the Fathers shared the reproach of 
 the New Testament: they were written by men who 
 cared less for literature than for truth, and in a style which 
 had far declined from the standard of classical purity, and 
 thus they were concerned with subjects which had little 
 attraction for those whose thoughts were mainly conversant 
 with the Pagan world of Greece and Rome. ' Showing 
 Christ Church library one day to a visitor, Gaisford walked 
 rapidly past all the Fathers : waving his hand, he said, 
 " Sad rubbish," and that was all he had to say ^' The Puritan 
 estimate of the Fathers was not seldom equally con- 
 temptuous, if not equally indifferent : one clergyman of 
 this school contrasted with the pure streams of the inspired 
 Word the * stinking puddles of tradition ' which the great 
 writers of ancient Christendom were supposed by him to 
 contain. It would be a great injustice, however, to charge 
 this grotesque ignorance upon the higher minds of the 
 ^ school. The publication of the Library was warmly wel- 
 
 ^ T. Mozley's ' Reminiscences,' i. 356. 
 
 Influence of the Library. 
 
 435 
 
 corned by a clergyman whose life and labours alike gave 
 him a good title to represent the best side of those with 
 whom he generally sympathized : — 
 
 Rev. E. Bickersteth to E. B. P. 
 
 Watton Rectory, Herts, Nov. 18, 1836. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Though personally unacquainted with you, and differing in 
 some respects from views which, judging from the volumes of the 
 Oxford Tracts, I suppose you hold, I cannot but write a few lines to 
 express the sincere pleasure with which I view your design, in connec- 
 tion with Mr. Keble and Mr. Newman, of publishing a select Library 
 of Fathers. Few things could be more seasonable, or more beneficial 
 to the Church of England, to which, I feel more and more, it is a real 
 privilege, in these days of disunion and division, to be united. And it 
 is my hearty prayer that the Great Head of the Church may very 
 greatly prosper the design for extended good. 
 
 It will give me much pleasure personally to be a subscriber, and to 
 use any interest that I may have in the immediate circle of my friends 
 in promoting so valuable a work. 
 
 Might it not be advisable to have an introductory address meeting 
 the disparagements of the more recent writer Osborne, and the older 
 works of Whitby, Edwards, Barbeyrac, Daill^, &c., respecting the 
 study of the Fathers, candidly admitting what truth requires, yet 
 showing the real value of their writings ? But forgive me the liberty 
 of this suggestion. I trust that you have now engaged in an under- 
 taking which may, through the Divine blessing, be eminently serviceable 
 
 to the Church of Christ. 
 
 I am, with much respect. 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 E. Bickersteth. 
 
 [P. S.] In my * Christian Student,' p. 214 to 226, I have given my 
 own views of the Christian Fathers. Since I published that work, 
 I have from some further acquaintance been led to value them still 
 more, and therefore to rejoice more in your present undertaking. 
 
 The publication of the ' Library of the Fathers ' extended 
 over forty-seven years, from the appearance of St. Au- 
 gustine's Confessions in 1838 to .that of the latter part of 
 St. Cyril on St. John,— three years after Pusey's death,— 
 in 1885. It comprised forty-eight volumes ; the works of 
 thirteen Fathers and ancient writers were thus offered to 
 Englishmen in their own language. This comparatively 
 
 F f a 
 
43^ Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 small number of authors is to be explained by Pusey's sense 
 of the superior value of the great teachers of the fourth 
 century, who spoke consciously in the name of the Universal 
 Church, and who wrote at such great length. Of St. Chry- 
 sostom sixteen volumes were published, twelve of St Au- 
 gustme, five of St. Athanasius, and four of St. Gregory 
 The doctrinal treatises are, as a rule, more valuable in their 
 translated form than the exegetical : the latter naturally lose 
 more m the process of translation. The most important con- 
 tribution to the Library, in view of the prefaces and notes 
 which illustrate it, is Newman's St. Athanasius, which 
 has been virtually completed by Dr. Bright ; but of lastinfj 
 value are Pusey's Confessions of St. Augustine, Dodgson's 
 Tertulhan, Church's St. Cyril of Jerusalem, as well as the 
 translations of St. Cyprian and of St. Chrysostom on the 
 Epistles, both of which, in different senses, did much to 
 mould the thought and teaching of the clergy a quarter 
 of a century ago. As a specimen of conscientious and 
 reverent translation, Keble's St. Irenaeus occupies a fore- 
 most place. Pusey himself translated very little- he 
 revised an earlier translation of St. Augustine's Confessions 
 and he revised the works of translators who assisted him' 
 Newman did much more as a translator ; but they both 
 devoted themselves more especially to explaining and intro- 
 ducing to the worid the work of others by furnishing notes 
 or prefaces. Of prefaces Newman wrote four, Pusey twelve ^ • 
 and no less a number than fourteen, although generally very 
 brief, were written by Marriott during his editorship of 
 the Library from 1844 to 1857. When, in consequence 
 of Newman's withdrawal, so great a burden of other work 
 fell on Pusey, it was obvious that he could not continue this 
 additional task ; but throughout his was the guiding and 
 inspiring mind. 
 
 Pusey's prefaces to successive volumes of the Library are 
 
 m themselves remarkable compositions, but unfortunately 
 
 , less known than his other works. They are often a com- 
 
 Librl"^!""^^"^ '^^' '° ^'' ^P^^^°^> '"^^^^ *' fi^t was not reckoned with the 
 
 Editorial Prefaces. 
 
 437 
 
 mentary on passing events, and on his own mental attitude 
 towards them, while they offer in a condensed form the ever 
 accumulating fruits of his study and observation in the vast 
 fields of Christian antiquity. The preface to the Con- 
 fessions of St. Augustine has already been partly noticed. 
 Besides a general vindication of the Fathers against modern 
 forms of depreciation, it contains some pages of great beauty 
 on the moral and spiritual value of the Confessions ; his 
 remarks on the refinement and delicacy of a really religious 
 mind like Augustine's are especially characteristic. The 
 preface to Tertullian is perhaps the most interesting of 
 these compositions : it is a psychological account of the 
 probable cause of TertuUian's fall from the Church of 
 Christ into the Montanist heresy. Pusey notes that Ter- 
 tuUian's mind was remarkable for its 
 
 *acuteness, power, condensed strength, and energy; his character- 
 istic seems to be the vivid and strong perception of single truths and 
 principles. These he exhausts, bares them of everything extrinsic to 
 them, and then flashes them forth the sharper and more penetrating.' 
 
 But single powers of mind, possessed in great perfection, like 
 the vivid apprehension of single truths, may easily destroy 
 the balance of thought, beget narrow-mindedness, one-sided- 
 ness, intellectual impatience, and so heresy. TertuUian's 
 great failing was impatience ; and Pusey's way of connect- 
 ing this with his fall, and the lessons which he draws from 
 it for the Church of our own day, are written with that 
 practical insight into human nature which he possessed in 
 so eminent a degree. 
 
 The preface to the Rev. R. G. Macmullen's translation 
 of St. Augustine's Sermons is much shorter, but contains 
 some interesting remarks on the spiritual meaning of 
 numbers which, with Augustine and others, formed a part 
 of religious instruction in the ancient Church. In intro- 
 ducing a translation of the Epistles of St. Cyprian and 
 of the extant works of St. Pacian to English Church- 
 men, Pusey is greatly occupied with the question of the 
 bearing of St. Cyprian's teaching respecting the unity and 
 
438 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 organization of the Church of Christ on the anxieties which 
 were pressing heavily on so many minds in the year that 
 preceded Newman's secession. 
 
 aS Row ;' °"' °" P°.="i°" °" one side and the other*^- 
 agamst Rome and against Puritanism. 'St. Cyprian's idea of th^ 
 Episcopate ,s manifoldness in unity ; many shepherd's feeding one Lck 
 
 waste"' """' "'' "'^ '"'^''' ^=' '" unity against any'who would' 
 
 Pusey dwells on St. Cyprian's test of schism, that a member 
 really divded from the Body of Christ, however it might 
 for a time exist through the life which it brought with it 
 from the parent stock, could not continue to have life and 
 growth, and then he applies this in the language of earnest 
 convtctton to the actual condition of the English Church. 
 In his preface to St. Ephrem the recent secession of the 
 accomplished translator to the Church of Rome obliges 
 h.m again to glance at a feature of the Roman controversy. 
 The cry Domme miserere ' with which the preface closes 
 e hoes the sorrows of the time. Ten years followed before 
 Pusey wrote a short preface to the sixth volume of a 
 
 Stuei'sat ?• ^"^"'*'"^ "" '""^ ^^^■'"^^ 't« -^hief 
 feature is a touching passage on the character and work of 
 
 funhe: wo^k """• "'°" '^^^* ■^r.c.,.^^^,., him from 
 The preface to St. Cyril on St. John, written in view of 
 
 8,. *=lf ^t"'" ^'^^ "' ^^"" ""^^'- ^'- Zollinger in 
 1874, IS partly the work of Mr. P. E. Pusey, although com- 
 posed der his father's guidance. It dea/with the'relatTn 
 of St. Cynl to the doctrine of the double procession and 
 especially with the objection to the Filio,Z that Hs'n 
 addi ion to the Nicaeno-ConstantinopoliL Creed The 
 ca^l for a third edition of St. Chrysostom's Homilies on the 
 Romans made a revision of the translation necessary in 
 
 teTand P? ''^i,'^""'' '""'^"' '^"™ °' '^^ -^nal 
 • laS'ur in ^T '1' '"'"'"" *° '^' ^^^- ^^ "" ^imcox's 
 an^lt H r-^ the necessary changes. This paragraph 
 and that which is prefixed to the Epistles of St. Ambrose 
 
 Other Patristic Works. 
 
 439 
 
 are his briefest compositions of this description. The 
 latter, written when Pusey was already eighty years of age, 
 contains an apology for his being prevented through ' over- 
 work' from doing more. Yet later in the same year he 
 discussed the action of the Church with respect to her 
 dogmatic phraseology in an interesting introduction to 
 Dr. Bright's admirable translation of the * Later Treatises 
 of St. Athanasius ' ; and on Christmas Eve he completed 
 his last contribution to this labour of forty-five years in the 
 long preface to his son's translation of some of the works 
 of St. Cyril of Alexandria, in which he devotes himself 
 to clearing away misconceptions, as he deems them, which 
 have obscured in the eyes of men the unselfish piety of that 
 
 great saint. 
 
 There were several publications, independent of the 
 ' Library of the Fathers,* yet connected with or resulting 
 from it. Of these the most important was the publica- 
 tion of the original texts of St. Augustine's Confessions, 
 St. Chrysostom's Homilies on the New Testament, and 
 Theodoret. The text of St. Chrysostom, restored by the 
 Rev. F. Field, of Trinity College, Cambridge, was, Pusey 
 held, a * triumph for English scholarship ' ; and he constantly 
 lamented the difficulty of interesting a larger number 
 of the clergy in this most important work. Here too 
 should be mentioned the noble labours of Pusey's only 
 son, Mr. P. E. Pusey, to which the seven volumes of 
 the original text of St. Cyril of Alexandria, published 
 at the University Press, bear ample witness. Another 
 offshoot from the Library was the ' Catefia Aurea ' of 
 St. Thomas Aquinas, translated partly by Rev. Mark 
 Pattison, of Lincoln College, and partly by Rev. J. D. 
 Dalgairns and Rev. T. D. Ryder. This work could not 
 form part of the Library on account of * the dates of some 
 few authors introduced into it,' but it appeared with the 
 sanction of the editors of the Library between 1841 and 
 1845. Another project, the ' Anglo-Catholic Library,' was 
 less directly related to the ' Library of the Fathers ' ; but 
 between the two works and their promoters there was no 
 
440 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 lack of sympathy : the Caroline divines, at least in their 
 intentions, were children of the Fathers. With the pub 
 hcation of various works of the Reformation period by the 
 barker Society the case was largely otherwise ; but even this 
 effort was at least a contribution to historical knowledge 
 and was due to the general movement of religious intelli- 
 gence which had its origin and impulse at Oxford 
 
 Before the first volume of the Library could be published 
 two points had to be settled, the terms of the dedication to 
 the Archbishop and the frontispiece, which, it was thought 
 ought to appear in each volume. The care which Pusev 
 bestowed on details, to which shallow observers might 
 ascribe a trifling importance, illustrates his knowledge of 
 human nature. To the mass of men truth is recommended 
 ess by the abstract language which most nearly expresses it 
 than by the concrete signs and symbols, the easily remem- 
 bered phrases, the personal associations which attend its 
 introduction to the mind. 
 
 -Now I am about it,' wrote Pusey to Keble, August 22, 18,8 'what 
 do you th.nk of a dedication ? When the plan was firs started TnH 
 we were consulting about dedicating it [the Library]! The ich 
 bishop, I proposed to Newman one much like this :- 
 
 To the most Reverend 
 
 Father in God 
 
 WiLUAM, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 
 Metropolitan of England, 
 
 formerly 
 
 Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Oxford 
 
 this Library ' 
 
 of Archbishops, Bishops, Doctors, and Fathers 
 
 of the Holy Catholic Church 
 
 is respectfully inscribed 
 
 with a deep veneration for his sacred office 
 
 and thankful acknowledgment 
 
 of his episcopal kindness.' 
 
 ■ rneaf r ^hi^i^' ^•''•^^-^ wHttetrtthetoLfs™ t^ 
 N?::! aS:k?one'^ ' ~scence, clumsy. So I wish you and 
 
 The Dedication of the Library of the Fathers. 441 
 
 Upon this Newman and Keble took the dedication in 
 hand. But Keble at once replied to Pusey :— 
 
 ' I like very much what you have sent. I neither see that it requires 
 much improvement nor see how to improve it. I remember myself 
 objecting to the " private graces," and I still think it much better to 
 avoid all personal compliments.' 
 
 Keble's habitual self-distrust made him at times of less 
 service as an adviser than he might have been. ' If you 
 want to get anything in the way of plain counsel from dear 
 J. K.,' Pusey would say in later years, 'you really must be 
 on your guard against his humility.' 
 
 Meanwhile, however, Newman had sent to Keble his 
 revision of Pusey 's proposal. * Newman,' writes Keble to 
 Pusey, ' has sent me the last edition of the dedication to 
 the Archbishop, in which I find very little to alter.' New- 
 man had substituted ' Primate ' for ' Metropolitan ' of All 
 England ; and ' ancient bishops, fathers, doctors, martyrs, 
 confessors,' for ' archbishops, bishops, doctors, and fathers.' 
 The first change was technically correct : the second made 
 more of the life of the ancient Church, and less of the 
 hierarchical gradations of the modern. Keble's contribu- 
 tions to the dedication were also characteristic. He would 
 say that the Library was inscribed * by his Grace's permis- 
 sion' to the Archbishop. He would read his * sacred office,' 
 instead of 'his Grace's high office,'— the phrase which oc- 
 curred in Newman's ' edition.' He would leave out the 
 word 'affectionate': 'it seems,' he said, ' too familiar, for 
 myself at least.' 
 
 Pusey, delighted to get so much of a judgment out of 
 Keble, revised the dedication accordingly. 
 
 *N.,* he wrote, * did not demur to "affectionate," but did to 
 " episcopal kindness." I had some misgivings about " affectionate," 
 that is, whether Newman and you would like it. But I thought that 
 "affectionate" would belong to the attachment one felt to a superior 
 in the Church who is our "father in God." "Episcopal kindness" 
 I took from St. Augustine's words of his reception by St. Ambrose, 
 "me satis episcopaliter dilexit." I thought it would teach people. 
 N. thought that if he took it up in the work of an entire stranger, he 
 
442 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The Frontispiece, 
 
 443 
 
 should think it "affected." So I was for having something else ; but 
 then nothing suggested itself. - Condescending » is commonplace; 
 fatherly," "paternal," might do. If this last clause expresses our 
 teehng that he is our superior, does not this take off any familiarity of 
 the word " affectionate "? ... But ... as you like about this and all 
 things.' 
 
 The dedication settled, what was the frontispiece to be ? 
 That there was to be a frontispiece was taken for granted 
 from the first ; but nothing beyond was settled, until the 
 first volume was nearly ready for publication. 
 
 *Have you settled on our frontispiece ?' writes Pusey to Newman 
 on August 9, 1838. ^ It is not for want of thought,' replies Newman 
 four days afterwards, * but I cannot think of a frontispiece. 1 can 
 think of nothing better than a device over a Cross, which is too vague 
 and too bold.' 'I am sorry,' rejoins Pusey, 'that your wits have 
 furnished you with no device, for we must not keep back the Fathers 
 for It. And yet I should be glad to have it for the first [volume]. 
 What think you, in connexion with our motto ['* Thy teachers shall 
 not be removed into a comer any more "], of the rebuilding of Jeru- 
 salem, or of a temple of which the pillars had fallen down, the pillars 
 being the Fathers ; or, if nothing else occurs, why not Keble's simple 
 diptych with the Latin Cross on one side and the Greek on the other, 
 without the names and not made like a book } I only got Rogers to 
 add the names because 1 saw them in some old copies of diptychs. 
 I think I have seen pictures of the rebuilding of Jerusalem (? in Mant) 
 which might be reduced, and this would have the advantage of 
 exhibiting a number of labourers, lest people should think we meant 
 ourselves only ? Or a Gothic or Grecian Church half in ruins, with 
 the stones lying about, ready to be replaced ? ' 
 
 Mr. Parker, the bookseller, called before the letter was 
 finished, and suggested a sketch which Mr. Combe, then 
 just appointed to the University Press, had been engaged 
 m preparing. It was a restoration of Wells Cathedral, with 
 the niches filled with figures, who might be the Fathers, with 
 labels underneath each. An alternative proposal was a 
 tower, with four figures of principal Fathers. 
 
 ^They might,' adds Pusey,* be of different Churches, Augustine, 
 Chrysostom, Ambrose, Athanasius. This would admit of the figures 
 being larger, so as to preserve something of the traditional likeness.' 
 
 * Parker s notion of our availing ourselves of this revivincr 
 
 love of Gothic architecture to connect it with religious 
 objects ' evidently attracted Pusey. ' But,' he adds, ' after all 
 there seems nothing so simple as the plain hard diptych 
 with the two crosses.' 
 Later Newman writes : — 
 
 * Acland^ has given me sevei^i thoughts for a device for the title- 
 page. First, which will not do, tl.e Coetus Doctorum (Raffaelle's), com- 
 monly called the "di Sacramento," I think. Next, Raffaelle's cartoon, 
 " Pasce oves meos." Thirdly, which I like, a lithograph of Jacobson's : 
 a figure of Theology with two children, one reading, the other looking 
 in her face, and doctors on each side. The only fear is the size of 
 them.' 
 
 Nothing however was settled, as Pusey had desired, in 
 time to decorate the first volume of the Library. The 
 frontispiece eventually adopted was a figure of St. John the 
 Baptist seated on a rock in the wilderness, and pointing 
 with his left hand to heaven, while his right holds a rude 
 cross, with a pendant scroll inscribed ' Vox clamantis in 
 deserto.' Pusey had proposed to add a Lamb. Newman 
 objected. ' Would not the addition of a Lamb rather com- 
 plicate the emblem ? At present the " vox in deserto " is 
 the idea. Ought we to bring in a second?' The cross 
 seems to have been substituted for the Lamb. The frontis- 
 piece finally adopted appears for the first time in the ninth 
 volume of the series,— St. Chrysostom's Homilies on the 
 Statues,— published in 1842; although the rock on which 
 the Baptist is seated is inscribed with the date. Advent, 
 1 836. That earlier date may have been chosen, not only 
 as marking the formation of a settled resolve to embark on 
 an important enterprise, but also as recalling the hopes of a 
 brighter time than 1842. Appearing at this later date the 
 frontispiece has a pathos all its own : it expresses the mood 
 of a period when the buoyant hopes of six years before had 
 given way to anxiety lest the Church of England should 
 turn a deaf ear to the great preachers of ancient Chris- 
 tianity. Truth might once more be but a voice crying in 
 
 1 Now Sir T. D. Acland, Bart. 
 
 1 i 
 
 :■«''' J 
 
444 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the wilderness ; but to speak it constantly, to rebuke that 
 which contradicts it boldly, and, \i need were, patiently to 
 suffer for its sake, are always and beyond question Christian 
 duties. This Pusey continued to do, as in other ways, so 
 also in this Library of the Fathers, until his last days. 
 Three months before his death he wrote the following 
 letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Jackson. 
 
 June 14, 1882. 
 My work for the Library of the Fathers is done. There are yet to 
 come out the 2nd volume of St. Cyril on St. John's Gospel, of which 
 the first was translated by my son ; I hope also that a volume of 
 St. Gregory of Nazianzen will be revised by my friend Mr. Walford. 
 I have myself no longer any time to revise anything. At nearly eighty- 
 two one cannot increase work. And yet I know by experience that 
 every translation,ifeverso careful, does need some revision. St. Jerome's 
 letters are, of course, interesting. Perhaps the Library of the Fathers 
 may come into some hands who would fill up the gaps. But I, you 
 see, cannot do anything. 
 
 FRONTISPIECE TO THE LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 -**- 
 
 THE LIBRARY OF THE FATHERS. 
 
 Father. 
 
 \. S. Augustine's Con- 
 fessions 
 
 2. S. Cyril's Catechetical 
 Lectures 
 
 3. S. Cyprian 
 
 4 & 5. S. Chrj'sostom on 
 I Cor., Part i. and ii. 
 
 6. S.ChrysostomonGala- 
 tians and Ephesians 
 
 7. S. Chrysostom on Ro- 
 
 mans 
 
 8. S. Athanasius against 
 
 Arians, Part i. 
 
 9. S. Chrysostom on the 
 Statues 
 
 10. Tertullian (Apologe- 
 tic and Practical Trea- 
 tises) 
 
 11. S. Chrysostom on S. 
 
 Matthew, Part i. 
 
 1 2. S. Chrysostom on Pas- 
 toral Epistles and 
 Philemon 
 
 13. S. Athanasius' His- 
 
 torical Tracts 
 
 1 4. S.Chrysostom on Phile- 
 mon, Colossians, and 
 Thessalonians 
 
 15. S. Chrysostom on S. 
 
 Matthew, Part ii. 
 
 16. S. Augustine, Sermons, 
 
 Vol. i. 
 
 17. Epistles of S. Cyprian 
 and extant works of 
 S. Pacian 
 
 Date, 
 
 August 24. 
 1838 
 
 Sept. 21, 
 1838 
 
 April 25, 
 
 1839 
 
 1839 
 
 1840 
 
 184I 
 
 March 7, 
 1842 
 
 1842 
 
 June 24, 
 1842 
 
 1843 
 1843 
 
 Dec. 4, 1843 
 1843 
 
 1844 
 
 June II, 
 1844 
 
 Whitsuntide, 
 1844 
 
 Translator. ! Preface by 
 
 Revised by E. B. | E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Pusey I 
 
 R. W. Church | J- H. Newman. 
 
 C. Thornton 
 
 H. K. Cornish 
 John Medley 
 W. J. Copeland 
 
 J. B. Morris 
 
 J. H. Newman 
 
 E. Budge (Christ's 
 Coll., Cambridge) 
 
 C. Dodgson 
 
 Sir George Prevost 
 
 J. Tweed (C. C. C, 
 Cambridge) 
 
 M. Atkinson 
 
 Phil. W.C.Cotton 
 Col. J. Ashworth 
 Thess. J. Tweed 
 
 Sir George Prevost 
 R. G. Macmullen 
 
 (S. Cyprian) H. 
 
 Carev 
 (S. Pacian) C. H. 
 
 CoUyns 
 
 J. H. Newman. 
 J. Keble. 
 J. H. Newman. 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 E. B. Pusey (with 
 notes). 
 
 (Preface reserved 
 for Vol. ii.) 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 J. H. Newman. 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
446 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The Library of the Fathers. 
 
 Father. 
 
 18. S. Gregory the Great, 
 
 Morals on the Book of 
 Job, Vol. i. 
 
 19. Select Treatises of S. 
 
 Athanasius 
 
 20. S. Augustine, Sermons, 
 
 Vol. ii. 
 
 i\. S. Gregory, Morals, 
 Vol. ii. 
 
 22. S.Augustine, Seventeen 
 Short Treatises 
 
 23. S. Gregory, Morals, 
 Vol. iii. Part i. 
 
 -'4. S. Augustine of Canter- 
 bury on the Psalms. 
 Vol. i. 
 
 25. S. Augustine on the 
 
 Psalms, Vol. ii. 
 
 26. S.Augustine on S.John, 
 Part i. 
 
 27. S.Chrysostom on 2 Cor. 
 
 28. S. Chrysostom on S. 
 John, Part i. 
 
 29. S.Augustine on S.John, 
 Part ii. 
 
 30. S. Augustine on the 
 
 Psalms, Vol. iii. 
 
 .^i. S. Gregory, Morals, 
 Vol. iii. Part ii. 
 
 32. S.Augustine on Psalms, 
 V'ol. iv. 
 
 Date. 
 
 Nov. 30, 
 1844 
 
 Translator. 
 Anonymous 
 
 Dec. 6, 1844 J. H. Newman 
 
 1845 
 
 1845 
 1847 
 
 1847 
 1847 
 
 1848 
 
 K. G. Macmullen 
 
 Anonymous 
 
 C. L. Cornish 
 H. Browne 
 
 Anonymous 
 
 J. Tweed and 
 another 
 
 J. Tweed 
 
 Preface by 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 Preface unavoid- 
 ably postponed. 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 Ascension- H. Browne and 
 tide, 1848 another 
 
 Nov. 23, J. Ash worth 
 1848 
 
 Nov. 30, ! G. T. Stupart 
 1848 
 
 1849 W- Browne and 
 
 another 
 
 T. Scratton 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 33. S. Chrysostom on the 
 Acts, Part i. 
 
 34« S. Chrysostom on S. 
 Matthew, Part ii. 
 
 35. S. Chrysostom on the 
 
 Acts, Part ii. 
 
 36. S. Chrysostom on S. 
 John, Part ii. 
 
 37* ^- Augustine on the 
 Psalms, Vol. v. 
 
 3"*^- S. Athanasius, Festal 
 Kpistles 
 
 39- S. Augustine on the 
 Psalms, Vol. vi. 
 
 40. S. Justin the Martyr 
 
 41. S. Ephrem (from the 
 Syriac) 
 
 42. Five Books of S. Ire- 
 naens against Heresies J 
 
 June 23, 
 1849 
 
 1850 
 
 H. Browne. 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 Advent, 1 850 
 July 25, 185 1 
 Advent, 185 1 
 
 1852 
 
 1852 
 
 Ap.il 25, 
 
 1853 
 May, 1854, 
 dated from 
 Cambridge 
 
 Advent, 1857 
 
 Whitsuntide, 
 1861 
 
 Oct. 1, 1872 
 
 J. Bliss 
 
 H. M. Wilkins 
 
 J. Walker 
 J. Sheppard 
 
 Sir George Prevost 
 
 J. Walker 
 J. Sheppard 
 
 G. T. Stupart 
 H. M. Wilkins 
 H. Burgess 
 
 H. Walford 
 G. J. Davie 
 
 J. Keble 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 Probably by 
 translators. 
 
 C. Marriott. 
 
 H. G. W[ilber. 
 force]. 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Long preface by 
 K. B. Pusey. 
 
 P. E. Pusey. 
 
 Father. 
 
 43. S. Cyril on S. John, 
 Vol. i. 
 I S. Chrysostom on the 
 
 Hebrews 
 t S. Ambrose's Epistles 
 
 f Later Treatises of S. 
 Athanasius 
 
 fS. Cyril against Nes- 
 
 torius 
 tS. Cyril on S. John, 
 
 Vol. ii. 
 
 Date. 
 July, 1874 
 
 May, 1877 
 
 Lent, 1881 
 
 Oct. 1 88 1 
 
 Christmas, 
 1881 
 
 Nov. 1885 
 
 Translator. 
 P. E. Pusey 
 
 T. Keble 
 J. Keble 
 
 Revised by H. Wal- 
 ford 
 
 W. Bright 
 
 P. E. Pusey 
 
 P. E. Pusey 
 T. Randell 
 
 447 
 
 I'reface by 
 
 Greater part by 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 P. E. Pusey. 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 H. P. Liddon. 
 
 + Not numbered with the earlier volumes. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 -^♦- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE PUSEY AND BOUVERIE 
 
 FAMILIES. 
 
 STEMMATA QUID FACIUNT? 
 
 The modest hill known as Faringdon Clump, which was 
 planted with Scotch firs by the Poet Laureate Pye, coni- 
 mands a good general view of the district in which Pusey is 
 situated. As the eye follows the course of the upper 
 Thames from the distant environs of Lechlade to the 
 wooded slopes of Wytham Park, it is natural to contrast the 
 low water meadows on the left bank of the river at and 
 below Faringdon, with the higher table land on the right, 
 which, as at Buckland and Harrowdown, sometimes rises 
 even abruptly from the water's edge, and then gently declines 
 southwards to the foot of the Downs, and eastwards to the 
 lower level of the Thames below Abingdon. This tolerably 
 level district, known as the Vale of Whitehorse, is thus 
 bounded by the river and the Cumnor hills on the north, and 
 on the south by the long line of the Downs ; it is watered by 
 the Ock and some smaller contributories. The soil ^ is of 
 a character to make it at once fertile and healthy, so that 
 in many villages fever is unknown, and longevity is common 
 in all ranks of life. The population is as purely English as 
 any in England : fragments of the old dialect ^ and warm 
 attachment to home '^ still survive the influences of schools 
 and railroads ; and the neighbourhood abounds in associa- 
 
 * The basin of the Ock is principally 
 excavated in Kirameridge clay, with 
 detached hills of Portland stone and 
 sands. Phillips, ' Geology of Oxford 
 and the Valley of the Thames,' p. 40 : 
 * near Pusey House coral rag underlies 
 the light loam of the surface soil 
 everywhere.' 
 
 " Such words as * unked ' for un- 
 well, and the plural termination * en,' 
 
 VOL. I. G 
 
 as in 'housen* for houses, are still 
 common. 
 
 ^ The late Mr. Pusey once tried to 
 persuade a head ploughman to remove 
 to a cottage nearer the scene of the 
 man's daily work. * I had rather,' was 
 the reply, * live like a labourer at 
 Charney, than like a gentleman at 
 Pusey.' 
 
 g 
 
450 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 The Puseys of Pusey. 
 
 451 
 
 tions which belong to the history of England. The Romans 
 have left their mark on it in the Ridgevvay or Ickleton 
 Street, which runs along the edge of the Berkshire downs ; 
 and the eastern end of the vale was probably the scene of 
 the struggle which decided the fate of Allectus ^ The 
 great Alfred was born at Wantage. The battle of ^scesdun, 
 in which the Danes were defeated by Ethelred and Alfred, 
 and in which their king, Bagsa^c, was slain, was fought a 
 little to the east of Uffington ^. 
 
 Towards the north-west corner of this tract of country 
 He the house and village of Pusey. The house, which was 
 built in the early part of the last century, is large and roomy 
 but without any marked architectural merit. It commands 
 a fine southern aspect, and beyond the trees and sheet of 
 water, which are in the immediate foreground, the eye 
 rests on the long line of the Downs which form the most 
 prominent natural feature of the district. Away to the left, 
 among the trees, is the parish church. The little village 
 with its 117 inhabitants nestles for the most part close to 
 the park wall and gate of the great house, whose owner is 
 lord of the manor, and indeed the only landowner in the 
 parish. The Pusey estate is much more extensive; it 
 reaches from the Thames at Longworth to within three 
 miles of Wantage ^. 
 
 Pusey itself was, no doubt, originally an island*, at least 
 in the sense of a place made difficult of access by some en- 
 vironment of water*. In Domesday Book it is written 
 Pesei, or Peise, that is, probably Peo's or Peot's island. 
 
 * Coins of Allectus and Carausius 
 are found, espedally at Blewbury, but 
 also in parishes further west. 
 
 " Until of late years the rude cutting 
 in the turf of the Downs above Uffing- 
 ton, known as the White Horse, has 
 been supposed to be a memorial of this 
 battle. 
 
 ' Besides the parish of Pusey, the 
 estate includes parts of several ad- 
 joining villages or hamlets, such as 
 Chamey-Basset. Lyford, the two Han- 
 neys, Stanford, Goosey, Hatford, and 
 Longworth. The Bouverie-Puseys 
 have largely added by purchase to 
 the property of the old family. 
 
 • On the Thames below Faringdon 
 are Binsey, Osney, Hinksey, Andresey 
 (near Abingdon, • Hist. Mon. Abing.,' 
 i. 474\ Putney, Thomey, Bermondsey, 
 &c.; while the Ock and its tribu- 
 
 tary streams have Chamcy, Hanney, 
 Goosey, Childrey. In such a case as 
 Childrey nothing more can have been 
 meant than the protection afforded by 
 a marsh created by the little stream. 
 To the Saxons north of the Thames 
 the great district of "Surrey seemed 
 to be the Southern Island. Ley, as 
 distinct from ei or ey, denotes a 
 meadow; as in Langley, Iffley, Radley, 
 Streatley, Henley, &c. 
 
 * Dr. Pusey used to say that Pusey 
 is not * in the vale ' of Whitehorse, 
 since it stands on higher ground, and 
 was, until forty or more years ago, 
 almost isolated by marshes. When the 
 Hon. Philip Pusey went to Couit, 
 George III. asked him whether he did 
 not live in the vale of Whitehorse. 
 * No, Sir,' was the reply ; ' not in the 
 vale, but just out of it.' 
 
 This * island * was probably formed by the little stream 
 which runs through the grounds attached to Pusey House, 
 and finds its way into the Ock ^ Who Peot ^ was is un- 
 known. He may have been a hermit who had found a safe 
 retreat in an island surrounded by marshes. But the name 
 of the place was already ancient at the date of the Conquest, 
 and the place gave its name to the family, not the family 
 to the place -^ 
 
 Legend has woven a wreath round the early history of 
 the family which for seven centuries bore the name and 
 owned the estate of Pusey. And the handiwork of legend 
 has been endorsed by learning and solidified by law. 
 According to the tradition, when King Cnut was slowly 
 breaking down the resistance of Ethelred the Unready 
 he was encamped at Cherbuiy*, while the English were 
 posted on the White Horse Hill, about seven miles distant. 
 Disguised as a shepherd, one William Pewse, an ofiicer of 
 Cnut, gained admission to the English camp, and there 
 discovered how and where an ambuscade had been formed, 
 by which it was hoped effectually to arrest the course of 
 the Danish conqueror. In gratitude for his escape, Cnut 
 at once bestowed on Pewse and his heirs the neighbouring 
 
 * It is improbable that Peot's Island 
 ■was formed by the marshes of the 
 Thames ; although, certainly, between 
 Kadcot Bridge and New Bridge the 
 river forms by its arms a series of 
 islands. In the thirteenth century 
 Richard de Puseya acquired * totum 
 pratum quod vocatur Chetukesham (is 
 this Quakenham ?) quod est inter 
 pratum de Longhurst, et Thamisiam,* 
 Irora the discreditable Abbot Adam 
 of Eynsham, in exchange for 'totam 
 piscariam suam in Thamisii, cum 
 insuld et brachiis ad dictam piscariam 
 perlinentibus.* But Richard's ances- 
 tors were not at Pusey until the name 
 of the place was ancient ; had the 
 name been furnished by an island on 
 the Thames, it must have been shifted 
 to the present village, which is at a 
 distance of two or more miles. Pusey 
 Furze, which lies between the river and 
 the village, probably took its name 
 irom the latter. 
 
 * No early abbot of Abingdon bears 
 this old Saxon name ; Lynsham was 
 only founded at the close of the tenth 
 century. Peot may be Puis. Bishop 
 Stubbs observes that there was an 
 
 Abbot Peot in Mercia (cf. Kemble, 
 * Cod. Diplom.,* nos. 207-209) about 
 A. D. 814 and an Abbot Paega in the 
 diocese of Worcester in a. d. 803. 
 Peot may have also given his name 
 to Peasemore in Berkshire. Roger 
 Peot was a landowner at Shipton, 
 Oxon, in Edward I.'s reign; Rot. 
 Hundr., vol. ii. p. 739 A. 
 
 * The family name is variously 
 spelt. The first bearer of it is Henry 
 de Pisi, Pisia. At the beginning of 
 the thirteenth century we meet with 
 Richard de Pesye, Peseya ; later in 
 this century with Henry de Peseya, 
 Pesia, Pesye, Pesie, Pesya, Pusue, 
 Puseye, Pusie. The form Pusey 
 appears in the next century under 
 Edward HI. The horn shows that 
 in the fifteenth centur)' 'Pewse* had 
 been adopted. * Pewse ' was some- 
 times misread ' Pecote,' as in the in- 
 scYiption on the tomb of Richard 
 Pusey in 1655. 
 
 * Cherbury Camp is about a mile 
 and a quarter to the east of Pusey 
 House. It is probably a British earth- 
 work, but may have been occupied by 
 Cnut in 1015 or 1016. 
 
 i'! 
 
 Gg2 
 
452 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Pusey in the Domesday Book. 
 
 453 
 
 manor, which was to be held, after a fashion not uncom- 
 mon in the eleventh century, by comage, or the service of 
 a horn'. Of the truth of this story, Camden 2, writing 
 under Elizabeth, had no doubt; and the horn received 
 legal recognition, a century later, at the hands of Lord 
 Chancellor Jeffreys 3, when it was produced before him 
 in the Court of Chancery. It is still treasured at Pusey. 
 It is the horn of an ox, of average size, and is mounted 
 in silver gilt, the workmanship of which, however, is 
 of the fifteenth, not the eleventh century. It bears the 
 inscription : — 
 
 Kyng Knowde geve Wyllyam Pewse 
 Thys home to holde by thy londe. 
 
 But the objections to the historical worth of the story 
 about Cnut's donation are decisive. At the conquest of 
 England by William the Norman ' the men of Berkshire 
 were specially loyal to Harold and to England,' and * there 
 are not many parts of the country in which the confiscation 
 of property,' by the Conqueror, ' seems to have been more 
 sweeping ^' There were three holdings in Pusey parish, 
 
 * When writing was a rare accom- 
 plishment, any weapon or utensil, re- 
 membered or attested to have belonged 
 to a donor, warranted the holding of 
 an estate (* Archaeologia,' vol. iii. p. 2, 
 1786). There is a good account and 
 engraving of the horn, by which the 
 Dean and Chapter of York have held 
 the lands of Ulphus since the Conquest, 
 in Drake's * Hist, of the Cath. Ch. of 
 York; 1 736, p. 481. There were also 
 charter-horns at Borstal in Bucks, at 
 Carlisle Cathedral ('Archaeologia,' iii. 
 1-12, 13, 2i), and at Hungerford, to 
 which town John of Gaunt gave a 
 bugle- horn, when he conceded the 
 right of fishing in the Kennet (Lysons, 
 * Mag. Britt. Berks,' p. 296). In * Ar- 
 chaeologia,' xii. pp. 397-399, there is 
 an interesting paper on the Pusey horn 
 by Dr. Pusey's half-uncle, the then 
 (1790^ Earl of Radnor. 
 
 " * The family of Pusey still hold 
 the manor by a horn anciently given 
 to their ancestors by Canute the 
 Danish king ;' ' Britannia.' ed. Gibson, 
 1722, p. 163. This work first appeared 
 in 1586. 
 
 • On Nov. 20, 1684, the horn was 
 recovered in the Court of Chancery 
 from another member of the family who 
 
 had possession of it by Richard Pusey, 
 who held the estate. Vernon's * Cases 
 in Chancery,' vol. i. p. 272 ; * Pusey v. 
 Pusey. Bill was that a horn, which, 
 time out of mind, had gone along 
 with the plaintiffs estate, and was 
 delivered to his ancestors in ancient 
 time to hold their land by, might be 
 delivered to him.' The Court, as re- 
 ported, does not mention Canute ; but 
 Hickes seems to imply that its vaguer 
 language was meant to do so. * The- 
 saurus, p. XXV : ♦. . . Regis Canuti qui 
 praedium Puseyense tradito comu de- 
 disse fertur. Quod a majoribus de Pusey 
 nuncupatis acceptum praedii dominus 
 Carolus Pusey possidet. Id nimirum 
 ante aliquot annos, cum Cancella- 
 riae praesideret Honorabilis Dominus 
 Georgius Dom. Jefferyes, causi in 
 foro actil, consecutus. In ilia lite, ut 
 accepi, exhibitum in Cancellarii fuit 
 ipsummet comu, de quo controversia 
 erat ; et cum magna omnium admira- 
 tione, ut illud ipsam comu quo, veluti 
 carta terras Puseyenses, ante DCC 
 annos fere, Canutus donaverat, ac- 
 ceptum, admissum et probatum.' 
 
 * Freeman's * Norman Conquest,' 
 iv- 33» 34- See the whole vivid 
 account of the confiscations in Berk- 
 
 and they all changed hands \ The largest estate belong- 
 ing to Aluric, was given by William to his half-brother 
 Odo, the fighting bishop of Bayeux^: under whom it was 
 held by Roger de Iveri, the royal cup-bearer, the defender 
 of Rouen against Robert \ A second and smaller manor 
 which had belonged to two unnamed allodial holders, who 
 were under no feudal lord \ was given to the great Norman 
 abbey of Saint Pierre sur Dive \ A third manor at Pusey 
 was one of the thirty which at that date the great abbey 
 of Abingdon possessed in Berkshire alone. The abbey had 
 to welcome a new Abbot «, but its property was respected 
 while the holders were changed. Alured, its English 
 tenant at Pusey, was replaced by Gilbert the Norman 
 who undertook for his holding « to furnish one knight to 
 the abbey, and to fight William's battles if called on to 
 do so. It is certain that no holder « of land at Pusey 
 remained undisturbed at the Conquest ; and this is fatal 
 
 shire, pp. 33-43- The exceptions to 
 this violent policy are discussed, ib. 
 
 pp. 42-47. 
 
 » These changes were complete 
 when the Domesday survey was made 
 
 in 1086. 
 
 « On him see Freeman, * Norman 
 
 Conquest,' iii. 464. ^ . 
 
 " Freeman, 'Norman Conquest, iv. 
 
 643. He with his brother-in-arms, 
 Robert of Oiley, founded the chapel 
 of St. George in the Castle of Oxford. 
 Ib. iv. 735, App. G. 
 
 * Domesday, 59 B : * Abbas de sup- 
 diva tenet de' rege Peise. Duo allo- 
 diarii tenuerunt, et potuerunt ire quo 
 
 voluerunt.' 
 
 » It was founded by Lescilina, 
 widow of Count William of Eu ; 
 Freeman, ' Norman Conquest,' iii. 117; 
 and the first abbot, Ainard, was ap- 
 pointed A. D. 1046 ; ib. iv. 93. The 
 church had been consecrated more 
 recently, in the presence of the Con- 
 queror, on St. Philip and St. James 
 Day, 1067 ; Ord. Vit. 50? A, qu. by 
 Freeman, • Norman Conquest, iv. 93. 
 The church was dedicated to the 
 Blessed Virgin, and this dedication 
 gradually extended itself to the abbey. 
 In a charter of Henry I. dated iic8, 
 it is styled 'Abbatia Beatae Mariae de 
 Sancto Petro supra Divam ' ; * Gallia 
 Christiana,' vol. xi. app., p. 15^, B. 
 Lvsons mistakenly writes * super Di- 
 nim'; 'Mag. Britt.' i. 326. The 
 
 traveller along the road from Caen to 
 Falaise still takes note of the noble 
 tower of this church as the most 
 striking object in the landscape; 
 ' Norman Conquest,' iii. 117. 
 
 • Abbot Ealdred, who had sub- 
 mitted to the Conqueror ';Dugd. ' Mon. 
 Angl.,' i. 507» ed. Ellis), had never- 
 theless, in 1071, to make way for 
 Abbot Athelhelm, who was imported 
 from Jumieges in Normandy. It must 
 be remembered that the old tenants 
 of the abbey zealously resisted the new 
 government, long after William's ac- 
 cession (Freeman, 'Norman Conquest, 
 iv. 33, who quotes 'Chron. Mon. 
 Abendon.' i. 486, 493). 
 ' Domesday, 59 B. 
 « 'Chron. Mon. Abend.' ii. 5. 
 Gilbert also held land under the 
 Abbye on the Moor, and at Draycote 
 and Lockinge. The estate at Pusey 
 belonging to the Abbey is mentioned 
 in a Bull of Eugenius III., A.D. 1140 
 (' Chron. Mon. Abend.' ii. 192), arvd 
 still later (ib. p. 3") as *two hides.' 
 
 » Osney Abbey only acquired its 
 property at Pusey in 1189 ; Ann. Mon. 
 de Osneia in ' Ann. Mon.' iv. p. 43, 
 ^d. Luard. In the Taxatio eccle- 
 siastica Angliae et Walliae, auctoritate 
 P. Nicolai IV., circa A.D. 1291 (Lond. 
 1802), p. 187, is the entry, ' Pensio ab- 
 batis de Osneye in ecclesia de Puseye. 
 ^2. 13. 4, decima.;^o. 5. 4.' 
 
454 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 to the particular claim of antiquity ascribed since the 
 fifteenth century to the horn and i(s historical asLia! 
 
 But it seems to be at least possible > that Gilbert the 
 
 estat^Tn " '"Jr' ""*^"*" '"^^ ""^^^^^ ^'^^ *he name of the 
 estate and is the ancestor of the Puseys. He would 
 
 on wS he f '" H '° 11"'^ '^""^^"" '" ^•'■■^ ^^y -ith the spot 
 on which he lived, and so to enable his poor English neieh- 
 
 the work r the'r'"^ '° '''^'l '''' '^^'^ '^^ t.6hA 
 the work of the Conqueror. In the middle of the next 
 
 century his son or grandson calls himself de Pisi or de 
 
 Pisia - ; and he may have held his lands of the abbe^ hv 
 
 the present Pusey horn 3. !„ course of time the Puseys 
 
 S'of r^r'^ °^ '^"'■'■ °""" «"d ^« the confisca- 
 tions of the Conquest faded from memory, while the 
 
 country people still cherished traditions of the struggle of 
 the English and the Danes, one such tradition gradually 
 connected the horn with King Cnut, and by the fifteenth 
 century it was sufficiently venerable to be eTg aved on Se 
 silver setting of the horn. The germ of truth^ n the stJrv 
 was that the first Pusey had held his lands at the pleasure 
 of a foreign conqueror. pleasure 
 
 The Puseys can be traced in existing documents from 
 the beginning of the thirteenth to the middle of X 
 eigh eenth century, although the materials do not suffice to 
 construct a complete genealogy of the family =. The Puseys 
 of the thirteenth century appear to have been wealthier and 
 more enterprising than their successors. They went to Taw » 
 
 See Clarke's * Parochial Topo- 
 graphy of the Hundred of WantinL' ' 
 Oxford, 1834, p. 27. 
 
 * Henry de Pisi or de Pisia occurs 
 1" 1156 among the witnesses to docu- 
 ments conveying land or tithes to the 
 church of Abingdon (' Chron. Mon. 
 Abendon. n. 191 and aiij. The de- 
 pendants of the abbey would be the 
 natural witnesses of such documents • 
 and if one of them belonged to Pusey 
 he would be the tenant on the abbey 
 larm there. 
 
 » According to the * Liber Niger 
 Scaccarii. vol. i. p. 181, ed. Hearne, 
 Oxford, 1738, Henry de Peseia held 
 one knight's fee from the Abbey of 
 Abmgdon 'de veteri feofamento.' 
 which Clarke ('Par. Topogr.' ubi 
 supr.) explains to mean from the 
 reign of Henry I. 
 
 * The Abbey of Abingdon still held 
 the overlordship of some property at 
 Pusey at the Dissolution; Abstract 
 of koll^ 30 Henry Vllf., Augmenta- 
 tion Office, quoted in Dugdale, * Mo- 
 nasticon Anglicanum,' i. 530, ed. 
 i-Ilis. 
 
 •' Throughout the thirteenth and 
 fourteenth centuries, their Christian 
 names are Richard and Henry ; in the 
 fifteenth, John and Thomas, and at 
 the Close William and Philip; the 
 earlier names reappear at a later 
 date. 
 
 * V^^l? ^'^S John, in 1204, Rich- 
 ard de Pesye and Amy his wife were 
 successful plaintiffs in a suit at West- 
 minster to recover some land at 
 Colerugge, a manor in the parish of 
 Hampstcad Norrii. 
 
 The Puseys as Country Gentlemen, 455 
 
 they soldS and they bought^; and they ^^id wd^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 rX the ft ."Tth: mid'dle ages : he wa. coroner 
 SrThe town of Abingdon ^ and was a man of wealth 
 The ^f^ of the Puseys during the next ^our centuries 
 \ u If ic thnt of Guiet country gentlemen. They had 
 XfonstrhrpSSn-t pL y and Je H„nds 
 I Buckland; they were long ove-hadowed by^^^^^^^ 
 
 ifKeriraTeShf^ 
 
 Sthifcn%;o-nr.tt £== tS^ S si 
 S ac^uie^ced in^L Reformation. Whether they profited 
 u Cf Pptpr on the Dive surrendered its estate to 
 H rv V in ill >; 'or by the secularization of the properties 
 Kngdonrn'd oTney' Abbeys at the DissoluUon in the 
 ricceeding century, we do not know. Jhey do not appear 
 at any time to have -"tr'b^ted ^^j^f fhey a kmght ^^ 
 thp shire to the county ot iSerksnire. incy u & 
 ;£ teWising and\.nambitious bu^^^^^^^^^^ chss of the 
 
 English gentry which is satisfied to hold its own , 
 SV? .h=U. of .b= n-blH,, ; n- ™k;Sr°n ^ 
 Sn»v ''i su ion 3 ' Sclrable ty long occupancy, and 
 
 account of Sir Henry's proceedings 
 after a murder at Abingdon, A.D. 
 
 ^^*The Fettiplaces had been at 
 Denchworth since 1264. In the six- 
 teenth century they still owned a great 
 part of Pusev. In that century William 
 Pusey married Eleanor, daughter of 
 Antony Fettiplace, of North Dench- 
 worth. ,, . ^ .^^ 
 ' John de Pese, ' Munimenta Aca- 
 demica,ii. 687-9. Under ' expositio 
 cautionum pro aulis we find, pro 
 raagnis scholis juris civilis, ^agister J 
 Pese.' He must not be identifiedwith 
 Johannes Pese of the * Greek Hall 
 ind 'St. John's Hall, in St. Aldate » 
 Parish; 
 
 » Richard de Pesye sold his island 
 and fishing on the upper Thames for 
 the meadow Chetukesham (Quaken- 
 ham). to the Abbot Adam of Eynsham, 
 that 'manifest perjuror and dilapida- 
 tor,' who was deposed by St. Hugh of 
 Lincoln, June 1,1328.* Ann. de Duns- 
 laphia,' p. 109 ; ' Ann. de Theokes- 
 
 ^'^Unde/ Henry III., Sir Henry de 
 Peseya acquired property in 'the town 
 of Pesye' from Geoffrey de l"raunke- 
 layn ; in the great EastStreet of Abing- 
 don, from Hugh the "merchant ;m 
 Buckland, from Richard Doget, com- 
 monly called Richard the tool. A 
 {^mbstone to Henry Poge", ;vho 
 died Aug. 12, 1480. exists in Pusey 
 Church; it was removed from the 
 
 earlier building in 1745. , y ^„ j^„ 
 3 'Rotuli Hundredorum, London, 
 
 1812, VOL I. p. 19, ^^^^^ ^^^'^ ^' '"^ 
 
 • Hugh Pusey, of Pusey, m it>oi. 
 Cf. Clarke's * Hundred of Wanting, 
 
 ^'' Rymcr's ' Focdera,' ix. 280. 
 
 
 ■m 
 
I 
 
 456 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 Puseys must have found it difficult to keep on ^ood term, 
 with their neighbours. Faringdon was a strKo d of 
 loyal feehng; ,n 1645 Cromwell himself had beenSsed 
 by he townsfolk, under brave Roger Burgess' The 
 Fettiplaces, who had land at Pusey, and with whom the 
 Puseys had now for three generations been connected by 
 marriage, were strongly loyalist 2. On the other hand the 
 Bunches, who also had property at Pusey, were strone 
 
 It^T'T^T^ were connected by ma^lifhThf 
 rrotector . At Longworth lived no less a person than 
 Harry Marten the regicide ^. and, some miles further 
 north at Bessilsleigh, William Lenthall, Cromwell's Send 
 
 dudn'Thrr'^^'p ^r '" f ^^^ "^"- of Comrns 
 during the Long Parliament ^ Richard Pusey, the head 
 
 and pinTan^^ T^'"' '-^^^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ Parlfamentarlan 
 and Puritan regime with equanimity; and to have lived 
 
 for five years under the Restoration. His son RkE 
 man ' hfs^eX" ^^K?" "^^ !f^^' ^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^-4 
 tne Protector «. Richard, the son of Richard, the Fifth 
 
 See the vivid account in Carlyle 
 
 * Cromwell,' i. 183. Burgess fortified 
 
 u 4i^^^°' mansion that overlooked 
 
 the Thames ; it was only taken after 
 
 a siege of 55 days in June, 1646. 
 
 'John Fettiplace, of Childrey, who 
 sat for Berkshire four times in Parlia- 
 ment (Clarke's * Hundred of Wanting,' 
 p. 44), had to pay heavily for his 
 loyalty, and was made a Baronet at 
 the Restoration (ibid. p. 67; Lysons, 
 'Magn. Bntt.'i. 260). 
 
 'John Dunch married Ann Mayor, 
 of Hursley, sister to the wife of Rich- 
 ard Cromwell. His father, Edmund 
 Dunch, had been Sheriff of Berkshire. 
 He sat for the county three times, and 
 again for Wallingford in the Long 
 l^arhament. John Dunch himself sat 
 m Cromwell's Parliaments of 1654 
 andi656 (Carlyle's ' Cromwell, 'iii. 144, 
 IV. 18). He is the collector of seven- 
 teen letters of Cromwell, one addressed 
 to himself (ibid. ii. 96, V. 78). His 
 accomplished son, Mayor Dunch, died 
 in 1679, aged 29. His monument is 
 m the north transept of Pusey Church 
 as also is that of his son Wharton 
 Dunch, who died unmarried in 170;; 
 at the age of 37. ' ^ 
 
 .*.H«^was son of the great 
 civilian, Sir Henry Marten, Dew of 
 
 the Arches> and Judge of the Preroga- 
 tive Court and Court of Admiralty. 
 Sir Henry died in 1641 (Archbishop 
 Laud s'History of Troubles and Trial,' 
 v\orks, HI. 450). Harry Marten sat 
 for Berkshire in two of Charles's Par- 
 liaments, as the colleague of John 
 Fettiplace. He squandered the fortune 
 which his father had accumulated; 
 alienated the manor of Longworth- 
 signed the King's death-warrant ; and 
 was one of the forty-one persons to 
 whom executive power was entrusted 
 on the King's demise (Carlyle's 
 •Cromwell,' ii. 95). HU dissolute 
 character provoked Cromwell's scorn 
 when dissolving the Long Parliament 
 in 1653 (ibid. iii. 195). Carlyle 
 calls him * an indomitable little Roman 
 pagan ' (ibid. iii. 168). At the Resto- 
 ^^^jon he was tried as a regicide, 
 and died in prison at Chepstow Castle, 
 A.D.1680. His wife and child are buried 
 at Longworth ; the manor now forms 
 part of the Pusey property, and the 
 Marten aisle is kept in repair by Mr. 
 Pusey (See also Lysons» ' Magn. 
 Bntt. 1. 314.) 
 
 * Lenthall had purchased the house 
 at Bessilsleigh from the Fettiplaces. 
 
 • Richard Pusey, the son, is buried 
 under the wall of the south transept of 
 
 The Bouveries, 
 
 457 
 
 Monarchy man, was a boy of fifteen when his grandfather 
 died in 1665 1. On his own death in 1702 he was succeeded 
 by his only surviving son Charles, who died childless in 
 1710, bequeathing his estate to his sister's son, John Allen 2. 
 John Allen took the name of Pusey, and lived on his 
 property for forty-three years. He married Jane, the 
 eldest daughter of Sir William Bouverie, Bart, and sister 
 of the first Viscount Folkestone, a marriage which controlled 
 in the event the destiny of the estates and name of Pusey. 
 Mr. Allen Pusey was a man of strong religious interests. 
 In 1745, three years after his wife's death, he rebuilt on 
 its present site^ the Parish Church of All Saints, at 
 Pusey*, in a style which was demanded by the taste 
 of the eighteenth century ^ While he lived he added 
 some new ornament to it each year. He looked upon it 
 as a memorial of his wife, who lies interred under an 
 imposing monument in the south transept. Eleven years 
 after her death, in November, 1753, he was laid at her side. 
 Mr. John Allen Pusey left two sisters, Elizabeth, the 
 wife of William Brotherton, Esq., and Miss Jane Allen 
 Pusey, who succeeded on his death to the Pusey estate . 
 Mrs. Brotherton survived her brother only four years'^: her 
 memory is preserved at Pusey in a Greek temple on the 
 south-west side of the house, which her husband erected 
 to her memory 8, and in which Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 and his brother, when little boys, used to play on wet days. 
 
 the Parish Church at Pusey. The 
 inscription runs thus : ' Richard Pusey, 
 alias Pesey, Pecote, having in his life- 
 time received whole Christ, that is, 
 not only as Prophet and Priest, but as 
 Lord and King too, in this true jus- 
 tifying faith, died most comfortably 
 August 3, A.D. 1655. ittatis 34. 
 Relicta Maria p. Junii 30, 1656.' 
 Cromwell denounced this * effort to 
 biing in confusion' which the Fifth 
 Monarchy men were making, in his 
 speech in Parliament, September 4, 
 1654 (Carlyle's * Cromwell,' iv. p. 
 27 sqq.). Richard Pusey may have 
 heard of this menace; he had been 
 dead a year and eight months when 
 the Mile End Green rising of April 9, 
 1657, was suppressed (ibid. iv. 259). 
 
 * He brought the lawsuit about the 
 honi before Lord Chancellor Jeffreys. 
 (See p. 452 supra.) 
 
 * Miss Pusey had married into the 
 
 family of the Aliens of Basildon and 
 Streatlev 
 
 » The old church, which had fallen 
 into decay through long neglect, stood 
 near to Pusey House. 
 
 * Brit. Mus. MSS. 9410 
 
 * The monuments of the Doggatts, 
 the Dunches, and the Puseys were 
 removed to the modem building from 
 the old Gothic church. 
 
 * Mr. Charles Puse/s sisters had 
 died without issue. 
 
 ' She was buried December 21, 
 
 » In the centre of this temple is a 
 statue of Mrs. Brotherton, with the 
 inscription, 'Sacrum conjugi pariter 
 et amicae, amoris longoevi, fidei in- 
 violatae, constantiae insolitae, virtu- 
 tisque quidquid est humanioris, monu- 
 mentum hoc et exemplar posuit 
 Gulielmus Brotherton, 1 759.' 
 
458 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Bouveries of Liege. 
 
 459 
 
 Miss Jane Allen Pusey lived for thirty-two years after 
 her sister : she took brevet rank, and was generally known 
 as Mrs. Allen. She spent much of her time on her estate 
 in Gloucestershire, and only died in the year of the French 
 Revolution, 1789^. She was the last of the old family 
 of the Puseys. 
 
 It was through the action of these ladies, the sisters of John 
 Allen Pusey, and the nieces of Charles Pusey, that the Pusey 
 estate passed into the hands of the Bouveries. Both ladies 
 had been equally attached to their sister-in-law, Jane Allen 
 Pusey ; a person whose character appears to have won the 
 respect and affection of all who knew her. Having no 
 direct heirs, they turned their thoughts towards the relatives 
 of this much loved sister, and especially to the Hon. Philip 
 Bouverie, the youngest son of her brother, Viscount Folke- 
 stone. At Mrs. Brotherton's death he was a boy of eleven 
 years of age. The sisters had already decided that on 
 coming of age Philip Bouverie was to live six months at 
 Pusey, and six months on their estate in Gloucestershire, 
 and make up his mind which he preferred. The home of 
 his choice would be lent to him, until the death of the 
 surviving sister, and would then become his property. 
 This generous offer was accepted. The Hon. Philip 
 Bouverie first resided at Pusey in 1 767. He was so delighted 
 with the place that he did not care to visit the estate in 
 Gloucestershire. On April 3, 1784, he exchanged the sur- 
 name of Bouverie for that of Pusey, and five years later 
 became the owner of the Pusey property. 
 
 When in his later years the subject of this memoir was 
 politely apologizing for not accepting some proposal of 
 which his better judgment disapproved, he would say with a 
 smile, ' You know I am phlegmatic, and indeed Dutch.' He 
 was in fact by descent a French Walloon : his paternal 
 ancestors came from the borderland between France and 
 Flanders. Their name Bouverie was the natural product of 
 the life of primitive men devoted to herding and tending 
 cattle^ : more than one head of a family would have been 
 known by the ox-shed, which was the scene and symbol of 
 
 • Clarke's, ' Hundred of Wanting/ 
 p. 27. 
 
 '* Bouverie, literally ox -stall: as 
 Vacquerie, cowstall. Among the par- 
 ties to the treaty of Arras, there is a 
 Jehan de la Vacquerie on each side ; 
 * Chron. de J. Molinet,' ed. Buchon, pp. 
 316-317; 'Recueil general des an- 
 
 ciennes lois fran9aises/ t. x. p. 877, 
 Paris, 1825. Long after their migra- 
 tion to England the Bouveries called 
 themselves De Bouverie, De la Bou- 
 verie, Des Bouveries, and Des Bouverie. 
 When the Crown enrolled them it 
 settled the question by adopting the 
 simple word Bouverie. 
 
 his daily toil. Bouverie is still a common name both of 
 places^ and persons^ in the Walloon districts of Belgium. 
 But it is especially associated with Li^ge^ and Bruges*, 
 where streets, gates, sepulchral chapels, bridges, nay large 
 districts, once attested or still witness to the ancient splendour 
 and importance of the Bouveries. The same conclusion is 
 established by tombs ^ testamentary bequests ^ and civic 
 
 archives ''. 
 
 At Li^ge the Bouveries had a long and hereditary con- 
 nexion with the municipal life of that most turbulent of 
 Walloon cities. The earliest recorded bearer of the name is 
 Jean Boucher de la Bouverie, who was living in 1320 ^ He 
 and his descendants rose to fortune, at least largely, by their 
 marriages. He married a sister of Waleran de Juprelle, 
 the best esquire, says Henricourt, of his day in Hesbaye. 
 His son Waleran married Marguerite, daughter of Henri 
 d' Arvans, the 'fairest young lady in Hesbaye ^' His grand- 
 sons were both leading men in Liege. Engelbert, the younger, 
 
 * In the province of Liege Bouverie 
 is a * dependance de la ville de Li^ge,' 
 a ' dependance de la commune de Se- 
 raign/ and a * dependance de la com- 
 mune de PoUeur ' ; ' Diet. Geogr. de la 
 Prov. de Liege/ par Vanden Maelen, 
 Bruxelles, 1831, p. 33. The com- 
 mune of Bouverie lies in the densely- 
 peopled coal district of the valley of 
 the liaine, about four miles S.W. of 
 Mons ; of. Reclus, * Nouvelle Geo- 
 graphie Universelle,* iv. 121. 
 
 * It is now generally written Bouvry. 
 The present, or late, Vicar-General of 
 Tournai owns this name. 
 
 * The most prominent bridge over 
 the Meuse is Bouverie Bridge. A 
 large district of the city bears the 
 name. In the church of the Car- 
 melites, destroyed at the Revolution, 
 there was a fine Bouverie chapel; 
 cf. Recueil Heraldique des Bourge- 
 mestres de la noble Cite de Liege, 
 Liege, 1720, pp. 94 and 160. 
 
 * At Bruges the Rue de la Bouverie 
 runs SSW. from the railway station 
 to the site of the Porte de la Bouverie. 
 This historical gate was erected in 1 367 . 
 Eighty years ago its ruins still existed. 
 In i8ii a new gate was erected under 
 Napoleon I. ; it was demolished in 
 1863. Duclos, * Bruges,' pp. 235, 237 ; 
 cf. * Collection de Chroniques Beiges 
 Ineditcs,' 'Chronique de Brabant et 
 
 de Flandre/ ed. Plot, 1879 ; 'Vlaam- 
 sche Kronyk,' p. 200, for the * Bouverye 
 poorte.* 
 
 * Thus the Bouverie escutcheon 
 occurs on the tomb of Werner Domi- 
 nique de Menzet, Provost of Notre 
 Dame, at Bruges, He died in 1725, 
 and is buried close to the south wall 
 in the chapel of the Holy Sacrament 
 in that church ; * Inscriptions Fune- 
 raires ct Monumentales de la Flandre 
 Occidentale,' par J. Gaillard, tom. i. 
 part 2, p. 99. 
 
 » Thus Jan Bouverys is mentioned 
 in a document describing the gifts of 
 the chaplain Jean de Vliete to Notre 
 Dame at Bruges; 'Inscriptions,' &c., 
 u. s., p. 480, note. 
 
 ' The * Inventaire des Archives de 
 Bruges,' published by M. Gaillard, 
 abounds in allusions to Jean de la 
 Bouverie J cf. tom. vi. pp. 31 > I34» 
 I45» 150, 153, 162, 166, 184. For 
 these references I am indebted to the 
 courtesy of the accomplished editor. 
 
 » Henricourt, * Miroir des nobles de 
 la Hesbaye,' pp. 109, 144, 281, ap. ; 
 Herckenrode, ' Collection de Tombes, 
 epitaphes et Blasons de la Hesbaye,' 
 Gand, 1845; Le Fort, ; MS. Genea- 
 logiques, Archives d'Etat,' Li^ge, 
 vol. iv. fol. 89. 
 
 » Waleran de la Bouverie wai 
 living in 1342. 
 
1 
 
 460 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 was first Canon and then Dean of the Collegiate Church of 
 St. Martin on the Mount ^ Jean Buchard de la Bouverie. 
 the elder brother, was burgomaster in 1382. In 1389 he 
 was deputed by his fellow-citizens to undertake an important 
 mission to Rome^; in 1390 he was 'grand Bailiff of the 
 Cathedral and sovereign Mayor ^Z By a second marriage* 
 he became the father of Bertrand de la Bouverie ; and he 
 died in 1399 ^ Bertrand was an esquire « in the princely 
 house of Robert of Namur^; and upon Robert's death 
 Bertrand wooed and won his widow, Isabeau de Melun'. 
 Disregarding the remonstrances of her late husband's 
 family 9 and of her own, she enabled Bertrand de la 
 Bouverie to raise his family to an unprecedented pros- 
 perity i<^ and became the mother of five children by him. 
 Her eldest son, Jean, was Mayor of Liege in 1430: he 
 must have witnessed that serious effort to throw off 
 the authority of Bishop John of Heinsberg, which, after 
 a temporary success, ended in scenes of ruin and massacre. 
 
 * Le Fort, *MSS. Genealogiques,' 
 p. 90. 
 
 '"* The object of this mission was to 
 obtain the Pope's consent to the elec- 
 tion of Theodore de la Marck to the 
 vacant bishopric. John of Bavaria 
 was chosen ; and Jean de la Bouverie 
 must have witnessed the early admi- 
 nistration of that frivolous and profli- 
 gate youth. * Historia Leodensis per 
 episcoporum et principum seriem di- 
 gesta,' auctore K. P. Foullon, Leod. 
 i735>vol.i.pp. 452,454sqq.;*Histoire 
 du pays de Liege,' par F. Tychon, 
 Liege, 1866, p. iii, 
 ^ Le Fort, p. 90. 
 
 * To Marie Blanche de la Monz^e. 
 
 * Jean Buchard founded the Bou- 
 verie Chapel in the Carmelite Church 
 at Li^ge. The inscription on his 
 tomb ran : 'Chy giest Messire Johan 
 Buchard del Boverie, chevalier, ki 
 trepassa I'an 1399, la nuit du S. 
 Sacrament;' *Recueil Herald, des 
 Bourguemestres de Li^ge,' p. 95. 
 
 • Butkens, * Trophees de Brabant,* 
 >• 445> * escuier de sa maison ' ; Le 
 Fort, u. s. 
 
 ' He was Lord of Beaufort, the 
 ruins of which castle form a striking 
 object on the right bank of theMeuse, 
 a little above Huy. The castle was 
 destroyed by the French in 155 1. 
 
 • Her father was Hughes, Viscount 
 
 of Ghent, Lord of Antoing, Espinoy, 
 and Sollenghien ; her mother was 
 Marguerite of Picquigny. She was 
 Lady of Viane, near Grammont, and 
 of Renay in Flanders, as well as of 
 Beaufort on the Meuse. 
 
 • The story, however, that she was 
 * ransomed ' from her engagement by 
 her brother-in-law, John of Namur, is 
 groundless; Henricourt, ' Miroir des 
 nobles dc la Hesbaye,' p. 209. It is 
 possible that her castle of Beaufort 
 was bought by her husband's family. 
 It does not appear to have belonged 
 to the Bouveries. 
 
 " On the tomb of Isabeau*s daughter 
 Jane, who married the cup-bearer to 
 the Dauphin, John de Haynim, died 
 i° '479» and was buried at Henin, 
 near Bossut, in Hainaut, the arms of 
 the Bouveries were quartered with 
 those of Melun. The chapel of N. 
 Dame de la Fontaine, in which thi<; 
 tomb existed, was destroyed by the 
 French revolutionary army. A small 
 modem building of no interest marks 
 the spot ; Collins, ' Peerage ' (ed. 
 Brydges), v. 29. The quarterings on 
 the tomb are preserved in a MS. of 
 the Bibl. Roy. at Brussels, no. 19534; 
 * Quartiers genealogiques des dames, 
 abbesses, et chanoinesses, de S. Alde- 
 gonde a Maubeuge,' Gand, 1799, p. 
 
 33- 
 
 Bouveries of Liege. 
 
 461 
 
 Her second son, another Jean, who succeeded to the great 
 family estates on his brother's death, and was four times 
 burgomaster, lived through the most stirring years of 
 the history of the city. The opposition of the Liegeois 
 to the dissipated and worthless Louis of Bourbon, nephew 
 of Philip, Duke of Burguhdy, who had been placed in the 
 see vacated by the forced resignation of John of Hems- 
 bero^ drew down upon the citizens the vengeance of the 
 Burgundians^. After the battle of Brusthem, in 1467, 
 Liege lay at the mercy of Charles the Bold. Jean de la 
 Bouverie had taken a leading part in the resistance to the 
 Burgundians ; and he was at the head of the deputation 
 which endeavoured to secure moderate terms from the con- 
 queror^ Liege was roused by the perfidy of Louis XL to 
 revolt against the Burgundians ; and, after its capture on 
 October 30, 1468, forty thousand citizens were massacred, 
 the town was deserted, and with the exception of the 
 cathedral, some churches and ecclesiastical buildmgs, it was 
 laid in ruins. On the death of Charles the Bold in i477, 
 Mary of Burgundy restored to the city some of its lost 
 privileges. Jean de la Bouverie had fled on the eve of the 
 Burgundian triumph ; he returned to take part in the 
 famSus procession which brought back from Bruges to Liege 
 the Perron, or monumental column, carried off by the con- 
 querors in 1467 '. The last year of Jean's office as burgo- 
 master, 1482, was that in which Louis of Bourbon was 
 killed by William de la Marck, the Wild Boar of Ardennes: 
 lean probably witnessed the treacherous capture and 
 execution of De la Marck himself by the successor of his 
 victim, three years later. The exact date of Jean de la 
 Bouverie's death is uncertain : he was buried in the iiou, 
 verie Chapel at the Carmelite Church of Li^ge . 
 
 * In I45.«;, 1460, 1465* and 1482; 
 *Histoire de la Ville et Pays de 
 Liege,' par le R. P. Th. Bouille, 
 
 Li^ge, 1731, t- "i- PP- 4'. 57» 77. 194- 
 
 * Foullon, ' Historia Leodiensis, 11. 
 
 54 sq. ; Tychon, p. 1 29. , 
 
 » Foullon, ii. 1 1 2 ; Verviers, 'Notices 
 Historiques sur le pays de Liege,' 1883, 
 
 p. 380. 
 
 * ' Recueil Heraldiques desBourgue- 
 mestres de Liege,' p. 188 ; Foullon, 
 ' Hist. Leod.' H. 115. 150- 
 
 » * Recueil Heraldique des Bourgue- 
 mestres de la noble Cit^ de Liege,' 
 Liege, 1720, p. 160. The inscription. 
 
 vn-itten by his great-grandson a century 
 after his death, runs as follows : ' En 
 memoire de Noble et Honore Seigneur 
 Messire Jean del Boverie, Chevalier, 
 Haut-voiie hereditaire de Liege, Sei- 
 gneur de Viane en Flandre, Beadegny, 
 et de la Chapelle, de madame Jenne 
 le Panetiere sa conjointe, d'Adrien 
 leuriils, et de Damoiselle Marguerite 
 de Mamef sa femme, de Damoiselle 
 Marie leur fille, et de Johan le Pollain 
 de Xhenemont, dit Corbeau, son mari, 
 Adrien le Pollain leur fils, jadit Mam- 
 bour- General des Reverend issimes 
 PrincesGeorged'Austriche,deBerghts, 
 
462 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Bouveries of Bruges. 
 
 463 
 
 ^ In Jean de la Bouverie this branch of the race attained 
 Its greatest prominence. His son Adrian was living in 
 1510: his grandson, another Adrian, in 1515. They saw 
 Everard de la Marck, nephew of the * Wild Boar ' on the 
 episcopal throne of Li^ge : the younger Adrian may have 
 witnessed that prelate's struggle with the first effects of 
 Lutheranism in his diocese. The race of Jean de la Bouverie 
 was continued by his daughter Mary, who married Jean le 
 Pollain de Xhenemont. Their eldest son died in exile 
 probably on account of adherence to the Reformed opinions • 
 their second son Adrian took the name of de la Bouverie' 
 and through him it was perpetuated to very recent 
 times. "^ 
 
 At Bruges the Bouveries played a very different part 
 
 from that of their connexions 1 at Li^ge. We know the 
 
 names of only two of the family at Bruges; but of these 
 
 one fills a greater place in history than any at Li^ge. and 
 
 they were both men of the Court, not men of the people • 
 
 they were servants of the great dukes of Burgundy. Thus 
 
 the two branches of the family were on opposite sides 
 
 during the struggle between the power of Burgundy and 
 
 the cities of the Low Countries in the latter half of the 
 
 fifteenth century. After the bloody field of Gavre^ by 
 
 which the House of Burgundy established its influence in 
 
 Flanders, the older branch of the Bouveries, like other 
 
 Walloon families, passed into the service of the Duke. In 
 
 1400, Robert de la Bouverie presided over ^ the office of 
 
 rates and taxes at the Court of Philip the Good : and 
 
 immediately before Philip's death Robert's greater son, 
 
 Jean de la Bouverie, had been appointed to an important 
 
 commission \ On the accession of Charles the Bold, Jean 
 
 de la Bouverie soon found himself in an influential position 
 
 et de Groesbech et presentement grand 
 Greffier de cette cite Ian 1599 a fait 
 cette reparation.' 
 
 * The families of Bruges and Liege 
 nave the same armorial bearings, and 
 trie same family names; Collins 
 'Peerage,* ed. Brydges, v. 29, even 
 Identifies Jean de la Bouverie of 
 Bruges with Jean de la Bouverie of 
 Liege ; as indeed does the author of 
 an Histoire du Conseil de Brabant, 
 MS. 9937, p. II, in Bibl. Roy. de 
 Bruxelles. Collins relies on the 
 identity of their escutcheons, without 
 noticing the distinctness of their 
 
 estates. Jean de la Bouverie of Bruges 
 was Lord of Bierbecque, near Louvain, 
 and Wierre, or Weert, near Lille. His 
 namesake at Liege was Lord of Viane, 
 near Grammont, in Flanders, of Beal- 
 degnes and La Chapelle. 
 
 J* A.D. 1452; cf.Kitchin, 'History 
 of France,' i. 555. 
 
 , ' ^"tkens, iii. isuppl. Liv. vii. p. 20.^, 
 * Recueil de quelques receveurs gene- 
 raux des domaines et finances.' Philip 
 the Good died in 1467. 
 
 * MS. notes de Marius Voet, 
 bourgmestre de Bruges mort en 1685, 
 Libl. Koy. Brussels, MS. 21757, P 54- 
 
 on the new Privy Council of State \ and he was the second 
 president of the Court of Parliament which Charles sum- 
 moned to meet at Malines in 1473, discharging in it the 
 duties of a Chancellor of the Exchequer. This Parliament 
 became unpopular: it does not appear to have outlived 
 Charles himself: but the fortunes of Jean de la Bouverie 
 were independent of it. We know not indeed what had 
 been his influence on his self-willed and passionate master ; 
 or how he bore the tidings of the fight at Morat^ or of 
 that tragic scene, six months later, when the body of the 
 la.t Duke of Burgundy was found in a swamp outside the 
 walls of Nancy, naked, frozen, and covered vvith wounds . 
 Charles's daughter, Mary of Burgundy, a maiden of twenty 
 years, surrounded by enemies and suitors, had Jean de la 
 Bouverie as president of her Council ^ and it was probably 
 bv his advice that she bestowed her hand and her fortunes 
 on Maximilian of Austria «. This marriage, so full of con- 
 sequences for France and for Europe, was also important 
 for the man who had promoted it : and Jean de la Bouverie 
 became the trusted friend of the heir of the Holy Roman 
 Empire, and a Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece ^ 
 la less than four years after her wedding, Mary was killed 
 by a fall from her Scotch pony«: she lies at her fathers 
 side in Notre Dame at Bruges. Six months after her 
 death Maximilian appointed Jean de la Bouverie to the 
 Chancellorship of Brabant ^-the crown of a career at the 
 Burgundian Court ^^ In this capacity he represented Maxi- 
 milian at St. Quentin and at Arras ^^ in those important 
 
 » Conseillier et procureur general, 
 Bibl. Roy. Brussels, MS. 9937. P- ^J- 
 This council was created in 1467. 
 
 » So MS. 9937. P- II' ^^t>l. Roy. 
 Brussels. The print in Montfaucon, 
 'Monumens de la Monarchic Fran- 
 caise/ iii. 349, makes him the third 
 president. 
 
 ' June 21, 1476. 
 
 * January 4,^ 1477; Kitchm, ' His- 
 tory of France,* ii. 85. 
 
 * * Trophees de Brabant,' Suppl., 
 tom. i. 46, quoted by Collins. 
 
 * They were married on May 27, 
 
 ' For his investiture with the ordff, 
 in the Church of St. Sauveur at 
 Bruges, on April 30, 1478, see 
 *Vlaamsche Kronyk,' pp. 243. 244; 
 • Histoire de I'ordre de la Toison 
 d'Or,' par le Baron de Reiflfenberg, 
 
 Bruxelles, 1830, p. 91. When Maxi- 
 milian had been admitted, * I'eveque 
 de Toumay, chancelier de I'ordre, 
 c6lebra la grande messe, pendant 
 laquelle le sou vera in arma chevalier 
 le president de son grand conseil.' 
 See the note on these last words, and 
 Butkens, ' Trophees,' &c., ii. 364, and 
 
 Suppl., ii. 302. , „ 
 
 " 'Mem. de Comynes, 11. 222, en. 
 1843 ; cf. note on ' hobin.' Her death 
 occurred on March 27, 1481. 
 
 » Butkens, < Trophees,' ii. 359-381, 
 364. Bibl. Roy. Brussels. MS. 9937, 
 1). J I. Jean is not the only chancellor 
 whose name is omitted in Loyens; 
 * Tractates de Curia Brabantiae,' 
 Bruxelles, 1667. , , , .. ^ ^ _. 
 
 »o Butkens, ' Trophees, 11. 356, § Du 
 Chancellier de Brabant. 
 
 " • Mem. de Comines,' v. 243, ed. 
 
464 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 negotiations which, by betrothing the infant daughter of 
 Maximilian and Mary to the Dauphin, cemented a firm 
 peace between France and Austria, and ended the long 
 struggle of the French for a better northern frontier ^ 
 
 Jean de la Bouverie resigned the Chancellorship in 1483 ; 
 and from this date his name disappears from history. 
 Whether he witnessed the rebellion of Bruges against the 
 Archduke Maximilian in 1488, and the heavy penalties 
 inflicted on the town on its submission in 1490, from which 
 it never wholly recovered ^ it is impossible to decide. But 
 the absence of any information of the death and burial- 
 place of so considerable a man ^ suggests that, in conse- 
 quence of events connected with the revolt of Bruges, he 
 died in exile. 
 
 Certainly the Bouveries were important people elsewhere. 
 They had a place and name at Cambray * : but they were 
 also prominent at Angers on the Loire. It is probable 
 that when in 1472 Philip de Comines exchanged the service 
 of the Duke of Burgundy for that of the King of France, 
 who endowed him with an estate near Angers ^ he had in 
 his train one or more members of the Bouverie family. 
 Jean Bouverie filled important positions in the municipal 
 life of Angers « ; and by his marriage with the sister of 
 Poyet, the unfortunate Chancellor of France ^ he was the 
 father of Gabriel, who became successively tutor to Francois 
 de Valois, Duke of Alen^on », then Abbot of St. Nicholas, 
 near Angers ; Abbot of St. Cyprian at Poitiers ^ and finally 
 
 Godefroy, Bruxelles, 1723. At p. 373 
 the full text of the treaty of Arras is 
 given. It was signed Dec. 25, 1482, 
 and among others by Jehan de la Bou- 
 verie, sieur de Bierbeque et de Wierre, 
 chancellier de Brabant, on behalf of 
 Maximilian. Neither the instructions 
 to J. de la Bouverie nor the text of the 
 treaty occur in the original of Co- 
 mines; they are suppli^ by Gode- 
 froy, who had access to the docu- 
 ments. Compare Dupont's edition of 
 *Commynes,' 1840, for the Soc. de 
 I'Hist. cie France, and the full text of 
 the treaty in * Recueil General des an- 
 ciennes lois frangaises,' tom. x. pp. 
 876 sqq.. Paris, 1825. 
 
 * Kitchin, * History of France/ ii. 
 95. 
 
 * *Delices des Pays Bas,' 1769, 
 tom. ii. p. 367. 
 
 » Butkens, ii. 364, says also, *de 
 
 sa posterity n*ay je information suffi- 
 sante pour en dire quelque chose.' 
 This alone shows that he was a dis- 
 tinct person from J. de la Bouverie of 
 Liege, cf. p. 461. 
 
 • * Histoire de Cambray et du Cam- 
 br^sis,' par J. Le Carpentier, 1664; 
 qu. by Smiles, * Huguenots,' p. 320. 
 
 • * Mem. de Comines,' ed. Godefroy, 
 Lond. 1747, vol. iv. pp. 2 and 129 
 sqq., where the charter of the French 
 king is given. 
 
 • In 1487 he was ' conseiller 
 echevin perpetuel de la ville d'Angers, 
 (Bodin, ' Recherches Historiques sur 
 I'Anjou et ses monumens,' iSaumur, 
 1823, vol. ii. p. 583); and again in 
 1504 (ibid.) ; Mayor in 151a (ibid. p. 
 
 575^- 
 ^ Ibid. 530. 
 
 • Ibid. 117. 
 
 • * GalUa Christiana; xiv. 680. 
 
 Bouveries of Sainghin, 
 
 465 
 
 Bishop of Angers^, in which capacity he was present at 
 the last three sessions of the Council of Trent, held under 
 Pius IV. in 15632. 
 
 Bishop Gabriel Bouverie seems to have been a studious 
 and self-denying man 3, especially bent on raising the tone 
 of his clergy* : he died on Feb. lo, 1572. Another member 
 of the family, Nicolas Bouverie, who had succeeded the 
 Bishop as Abbot of St. Cyprian's, became Treasurer and 
 Canon of Angers Cathedral in 1577 *. 
 
 It is highly probable that a branch of the Bouverie 
 family which, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was 
 settled at Sainghin « in Melantois, about six miles to the 
 south-east of Lille, was related to the Bouveries of Bruges \ 
 Sainghin is now a French village^: but a great part 
 of its old Walloon church still stands, and not far from it 
 are the sites of two chateaux, which were probably destroyed 
 in 1667 when Lille, after being besieged by Louis XIV., 
 passed with the adjoining district into the possession of 
 France. Of these chateaux the larger was a fief held by 
 the family of De la Douve, who had acquired it by marriage 
 in 1458 ^ The smaller chateau stood in what is now 
 
 possessions of the Abbey of St. 
 Quentin in Lille; Senghin in 1131; 
 Sainghin in 1341 (cf. * Statistique 
 Archeologique du departeraent du 
 Nord,' 1*" partie, Lille et Paris, 1867, 
 p. 23); St. Gain in the registers of 
 the Walloon church at Canterbury ; 
 Sainctgin in Blaeu's 'Theatre du 
 Monde/ Amst. 1650, map 99. 
 
 ' Jean de la Bouverie* s Castle of 
 "Wierre was at no great distance: 
 although near Wierre is a Saineghin, 
 not to be confounded with Sainghin- 
 en- Melantois. 
 
 • The lord of Sainghin was a 
 viscount in the marquisate of Rou- 
 baix. ' Statistique Archeolog.' p. 846 : 
 * Seigneurie vicontiere tenu en fief du 
 marquisat de Roubaix,' Ecclesiasti- 
 cally Sainghin was in the diocese of 
 Toumai ; an arrangement which lasted 
 for a century and a quarter after its 
 annexation to France. It is now in 
 the diocese of Arras. Even its river, 
 thq Deule, connects it with Belgium, 
 by running eastward into the Scheldt. 
 
 • * Hist, de Roubaix,' par Th. Lauri- 
 dan, 2™« partie, Hist, feodale, Roubaix, 
 1862, p. 305. The site of this chateau 
 is occupied by a house of the date of 
 Louis XV. 
 
 » 'Gallia Christiana,* xiv. 584. 
 
 * Ibid. An absurd story of the out- 
 rages offered to the bishop by the 
 suite of his old pupil the Due 
 d'Alen^on, at an entertainment given 
 to the duke by the bishop, is related 
 in Bodin, ii. 117. 
 
 ' His portrait at Longworth Castle, 
 Wilts, presents a pale and somewhat 
 emaciated countenance, a broad fore- 
 head, the lower part of the face con- 
 tracted, thin and compressed lips. He 
 is habited in surplice, tippet, biretta, 
 and ring. Underneath is inscribed, 
 * Gabriel Bouvry, cum in pont'» digni- 
 tate vixisset annos xxxil obiit X Feb. 
 A. D. MDLXXii. aetatis suae LXVI. 
 Hospes quid sit vides, quid fuerit 
 nosti, futurus ipse quid sis, cogita.' 
 
 * He wrote a Catechism ; a Guide 
 des Cur^s; and he translated St. 
 Gregory, ' De Cura Pastorali ' ; Bodin, 
 
 i.506. 
 
 * 'Gallia Christiana,' xiv. 713, The 
 
 chateau belonging to the family still 
 exists as a ruin in the department of 
 the Sarthe. It is lithographed in 
 Victor Petit's ' Chateaux de France des 
 XV et xvi siecles.' 
 
 « Called Syngin in a diploma of 
 Lothaire, A.D. 972, confirming the 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 Hh 
 
466 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Laurence de la Bouverie, 
 
 467 
 
 a fruit garden ^ ; nothing remains but its moat. This would 
 have been the home of the Bouveries of Sainghin, who were 
 probably dependants of some kind on their more powerful 
 and wealthy neighbours at the larger castle *. 
 
 Amonc: the children of this household was Laurence Rou- 
 verie — the ancestor of the English branch of the family. 
 He was born in 1542^; and would have often gazed at the 
 old columns in the nave of the parish church, and at the 
 noble clock tower at the west end, built in 1517, by the lord 
 of Sainghin, and he would have watched the old feudal chief 
 trying cases within his fief, on benches which then occupied 
 the still vacant space before the churchyard *. But Laurence 
 was not to spend his days as his ancestors had spent them. 
 He early showed sympathies with opinions favourable to 
 the Reformation, which prevailed widely^ in the neighbour- 
 hood of his home. He w^as often absent from Mass. His 
 father suspected him of intimacy with some of the tenants 
 who were known to be disaffected to the Church. At last 
 his father threatened one day to bring him before the 
 Inquisition if he did not hear Mass on the Sunday following. 
 Laurence took alarm and ran away. He succeeded in reach- 
 ing the free imperial city of Frankfort on the Main. He 
 sat down at the gate of a silk-manufactory. Questioned by 
 the owner, he told the story of his flight from Sainghin, and 
 discovered that his questioner also was a refugee on account 
 of religion. He was taken into the manufactory ; and as 
 *the whiteness of his hands* showed that he was a gentle- 
 man, he was allowed to keep accounts and to look after 
 the workmen. In the event he married his patrons niece, 
 Barbara Van den Hove, and ultimately succeeded to her 
 uncle's fortune. 
 
 At this epoch Frankfort was already connected with the 
 religious fortunes of England. It contained the most im- 
 portant settlement of the Protestant exiles of 1555 ; a friendly 
 municipal government and greater nearness to England 
 
 ^ Its present owner is Madame 
 Descamps (1883). 
 
 ' The Abbe Delport, cure of Sain- 
 ghin, reports that he had never met 
 ■with any trace of the Bouveries in his 
 parish. He added that the great 
 Revolution had destroyed all local 
 traditions in that part of France. 
 
 ' This date is on the portrait of 
 Laurence de la Bouverie at Longford 
 Castle, Wiltshire. 
 
 * *Les bancs plaidoyables de la 
 seigneurie ' ; Lauridan, * Hist, de Rou- 
 baix,' u. s. 
 
 * See the marriage registers of the 
 "Walloons of Canterbury and London 
 preserved in Somerset House. The 
 towns and villages near Sainghin con- 
 stantly occur as birthplaces of Flemish 
 emigrants : e.g. Roubaix, Tourcoing, 
 Hoplines(Houplin), Perunne, Lannoy, 
 &c. 
 
 made the English colony at Frankfort more numerous 
 than those of Strasburg or Zurich. Frankfort witnessed 
 if not the birth, at least the fierce mfancy of British 
 Puritanism, fostered as it was by Knox and encouraged 
 by Calvin < From Frankfort was made the first^enou^ 
 onslaught on the English Prayer-book, which was defeated 
 bv the energy of Dr. Cox of Strasburg; and Frankfort 
 witnessed the struggle between Home and Ashley about 
 Church discipline, which, if its issues were less ^^^'^^^^^^^^ 
 was not less destructive of the peace of the colony. Burnet 
 observes that the ' troubles ' at Frankfort n^ust have been 
 a 'scandaP' in the eyes of foreigners They were 
 probably drawing to a close when Laurence de la Bouverie 
 ^eached^he city ; but anything that ^e may have heard 
 about them would not have attached him to a church 
 so torn by dissensions. He might indeed have met at 
 Frankfort Grindal, who was afterwards l^^^hop of London , 
 and Parker's successor at Canterbury ^ or Nowell, who 
 fn 1 560 became Dean of St. Paul's, or Cox the opponent of 
 Knox, who afterwards was B.shop o Ely. Bu of any 
 such ^eeting no record survives ; and it is probable that at 
 Frankfort, as afterwards in England, Laurence de la 
 Bouverie did not seek for religious sympathy beyond the 
 frontiers of the little Protestant community to which his 
 fdlow refugees from the Walloon country generally 
 be oLed. When he left Frankfort for England he was no 
 in quest of any religious advantages, but of personal 
 
 '^Th^ reaction against the Reformation had conquered 
 Italy and Spain. It had already begun in Germany, ihe 
 Jesuits were^at Cologne, at Wurzburg at Ingolstadt. From 
 Colo-ne, their influence extended throughout the Rhme- 
 landrfrom Wurzburg, throughout Franconia. Canisius was 
 at work in Southern Germany : Alva, in a very different 
 senle in the Netherlands. Frankfort was Protestant : but 
 the great fair had opened the door to the missionaries of 
 
 1 The * Troubles of Frankfort ' was 
 printed in 1572; reprinted, for the 
 use of Parliament, in 1642 ; and aiter- 
 wards in the * Phoenix,' vol. u. pp. 
 44-203, London, 1708. See Calvin s 
 leUer (' Phoenix,' ii. 69^ discussing the 
 ' multas tolerabiles ineptias ' ot the 
 Prayer-book, the 'leavings of Popish 
 dregs; &c. It is dated Geneva, 
 Jan 22, 1555. Cf. Chuitons 'Life 
 
 H 
 
 of Nowell,' p. ^9- .. . - 
 
 * * History of the Reformation, n. 
 
 543-4, ed. Pocock. Compare Fuller's 
 • Church History of Brit.' book viu. 
 
 §§ 2, 3. 
 
 =* A.D. 1559. 
 
 * A.D. 1575. Grindal was sent from 
 Strasburg to 'Frankfort in 1554, and 
 returned in May, ip.SS- Strj'pe s 
 « Grindal,' p. 10, London, 1710. 
 
 ha 
 
 !! 
 
468 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 the Reaction \ and it was reported that, upon Alva's arrival 
 in the Low Countries with io,coo veterans, the trading 
 people, both of town and country, were withdrawing from 
 Flanders in great numbers -. These tidings from the country 
 of his birth could not but affect Laurence de la Bouverie ; 
 among the emigrants would have been friends of his boy- 
 hood ; and old associations may have combined with the 
 dictates of prudence to persuade him to seek a home in 
 England. 
 
 The date of his emigration is not absolutely certain, but 
 it probably took place in the year 1567. He crossed over 
 to Sandwich, where a colony of French and Dutch refugees^* 
 had been established for some years*; and his easy circum- 
 stances^ enabled him to relieve the distress of this rapidly 
 increasing body of his poorer countrymen ^. 
 
 Not long afterwards Laurence de la Bouverie removed ^ 
 to Canterbury,— another centre of Flemish refugees. Sur- 
 rounded by his family of eight children, he varied a life of 
 commercial industry by social and charitable duties ^ He 
 
 ^ Kanke, * History of the Popes ' 
 (Austin's transl.), ii. 20. 
 
 ^ On Sept. 8, 1567, the Duchess of 
 Parma, the actinij governor of the 
 Netherlands, wrote to Philip II that 
 in a few days above 100,000 men had 
 left the country with their money and 
 goods, and that more were following 
 every day; 'History of the French, 
 Walloon, Dutch, and other Refugees, 
 settled in England from the reign of 
 Henry VIII.,' &c., by J. S. Bum 
 (London, Longmans, 1846), p. 4 ; 
 Prescott's * History of the reign of 
 Philip n.,' bk. iii c. i, p. 32S (ed. 
 1855); iJtrada, * De Bello Belgico,' 
 torn. i. p. 357. On the number of 
 Flemish emigrants to luigland see 
 Froude's 'History of England,' ix. 
 p. 172; 'Bulletin de 1' Academic 
 Royale de Bruxelles,' torn. xiv. p. 127. 
 ^ The refugees at Sandwich were 
 chiefly engaged in the silk manufac- 
 ture as well as in that of baize and 
 flannel ; Halsted's * Kent,' p. 253. 
 
 * It attracted Abp. Parker's kindly 
 notice on his visit to the town in 
 August, 1563 ; Strype's * Parker,' ed. 
 1711. The 'strangers' petitioned 
 Elizabeth to allow them to settle at 
 Stamford, where they would be under 
 the eye of Lord Burleigh (ib., App. 
 p. 114). 
 
 'Bum refers to a MS. in his pos- 
 session giving an account of the relief 
 of the poor in ' I'Eglise de Sandeuuyt 
 Fran9oise,' between 1568 and 1570: 
 ' De Laurens des Bouveryes adcause 
 de bayes (baize) p. luy vendues icy 
 pour le droict des pouvres R* xx*' 
 (ib. p. 56). In a * list of contributors 
 to the poor being settlers at Sand- 
 wich,' Oct. 1 571, the names of Jan des 
 Bouverjes as well as of Laurens des 
 Bouveryes occur. 
 
 • In 1565 there were 129 Walloon 
 families in Sandwich : in 1582 not less 
 than 351, when they outnumbered the 
 English; cf. Halsted's 'Kent,' iv. p. 
 253- 
 
 ' Sandwich, however, was a home 
 of some members of the Bouverie 
 family for many years. In 1600, 
 James, the son of Antony des Bou- 
 veries, was living there (Halsted's 
 * Kent,' iii. 373, note). Susan, the 
 daughter of Jan de la Bouverie, was 
 bom there : she married the son of an 
 old Flemish neighbour, Simon Oudart, 
 whose father was a native of Peronne 
 (Wall. Register of Marriages, Cant., 
 September 10, 1598). 
 
 * According to Collins he was 
 already a contributor to the poor-rate 
 of the Walloon Church at Canterbury 
 in 1568. He was often sponsor to 
 
 Sir Edward Bouveries. 
 
 469 
 
 lived to see two of his daughters married to Londoners ; 
 and this attraction led him to visit the capital. He outlived 
 his Frankfort wife, Barbara ; and in the last decade of the 
 sixteenth century married a Flemish vvidow\ who probably 
 survived him. 
 
 The eldest son of Laurence de la Bouverie, Edouard, 
 was born at Canterbury, and was still living there in 1604=-'. 
 He appears to have moved to Broad Street^ in the 
 city of London early in the reign of James I ; and to 
 have married at Cologne* a Flemish lady, whose 
 grandfather Tiberkin^ had suffered death in Germany 
 for his attachment to the Reformed opinions. Tiberkin 
 was said to have been drawn to the stake by his own coach- 
 horses^; an insulting aggravation of his sufferings which 
 would at least show him to have been a person in easy cir- 
 cumstances. His daughter Mary was married to Jaspar de 
 Fournestraux ; and their child became the wife of Edouard 
 des Bouveries; thus reinforcing the existing religious 
 traditions of the family. 
 
 Edouard des Bouveries died in 1625, the year of the 
 
 the children of his fellow-countrymen, 
 and, among others, to a daughter ot 
 the pastor of the Walloon congrega- 
 tion. Walloon Register of Baptisms, 
 Canterbury, from July 24, 1590 to 
 April 15, 1603 : ' Le Dimanche i8 de 
 Juin, 1*592, la fille de Samuel le 
 Chevalier, ministre <le la parole de 
 Dieu, ayant pour paiains Fran9ois 
 Biscoy et Laurentz des Bouuries.' 
 
 ^ Catharine Pipelait, the widow of 
 Michel Castcl. She was a refugee 
 from Peronne near Sainghin. 
 
 '* Cant. Wall. Keg. (Foreign 
 Churches, 28 v.): 'Jan. 22, 1604. 
 Jacques his de Elias Mauroys, tes- 
 moms Samuel Desbouuries et Edouard 
 Desbouuries.' 
 
 ' Cf. Cooper, * Lists of Foreign Pro- 
 testants and aliens resident in England,' 
 Camden Society, 1862, p. 88. * A true 
 ceriificale of the names of strangers 
 residing and dwelling within the City^ 
 of London and the Liberties thereof,' 
 was made out by order of the Privy 
 Council, under the Mayoralty of Sir 
 George Bolles, on September 16, 1618. 
 In this document Edouard le Bouuere, 
 bom in Canterbury, is described as 
 living in Broad Street. 
 
 * 'Visit, of London,' K. xix. p 219 
 in the College of Arms, qu. by Collins. 
 
 ' This Tiberkin probably came 
 from Roubaix, which had contributed 
 other members of the family as refugees 
 to England. Cant. Wall. Marr. Kegist.: 
 *Mai 30, 1596. Guillaume Tiberquin, 
 fils de Pasquier, natif de Koubaye' 
 1, Roubaix). In 1596. another member 
 of the lamily was scourged at Lille and 
 banished to Amsterdam for his activi^ 
 in propagating the Reformed opinions. 
 He returned to Lille without a pass- 
 port, was imprisoned, and again 
 banished ; ' Historie de Roubaix,' i^'"* 
 partie, p. 260. ' L'eglise sous la croix,' 
 p. 127. The Flemish spelling is 
 Thiberghien. 
 
 « The authority for this is a MS. 
 which was in the possession of the 
 first Lord Folkesione, and was con- 
 sulted by Collins. Dr. Pusey used to 
 speak of this document as containing 
 the history of his ancestors. Some of 
 the Tiberkins were settled in ' the 
 Close ' of St. Saviour's Church, South- 
 wark. Cooper's 'Lists,' &c., p. 90: 
 •Daniel Tiberkin, b. at Frankfort in 
 High Germany, a dier, dweller in the 
 Close of 30 years' continuance. Peter 
 Coege, his son-in-law, born at Liell in 
 Flanders under the Archduke; a dier 
 of 14 years' continuance.' 
 
47° 
 
 Affpendix. 
 
 accession of Charles I. Like the Georges, the Bouveries 
 took two generations after their settlement in England ere 
 they could unlearn their foreign ways. They were members 
 of a colony of foreign settlers on the soil of England. 
 I heir language was foreign: they spoke French— at least 
 when at home They married foreign wives. Tliey belonged 
 to a foreign religious community, the doctrines and consti- 
 tution of which kept it in separation from the Enelish 
 Church although some of its members were from time to 
 time on friendly terms with English prelates, and others were 
 ShedraP P"''"^^^^ ^^ ^he use of the crypt of Canterbury 
 
 During the long life of Laurence de la Bouverie's grand- 
 son all this was changed. Edouard des Bouveries left three 
 daughters, and a son who had been born in 1621 This 
 ftZ"'^!'^?''^^^ T^ therefore only four years old when his 
 father died He had to make his way in the world, and he 
 aV K s^ '^^^ through the struggle between Charles 
 and his Parliament ; between Puritanism and the Church 
 He probably thought it prudent in a man of foreign descent 
 and connexions to keep clear of a quarrel between English- 
 men. He kept close to business, became a leading Turkey 
 merchant, and made a large fortune. He lived to be knighted 
 by James U. He bought a place at Cheshunt, and diedlhere 
 m 1694, at the ripe age of seventy-three, and was buried as 
 a Churchman and citizen of London in St. Andrew Under- 
 shaft. If Sir Edward des Bouveries was born a foreigner, 
 he certainly died an Englishman. ^ 
 
 It is probable that, as a young man, he crossed the line 
 which separated his ancestral faith from that of the Church 
 in England. His wife, Anne Fosterye ^ although of foreign 
 ?w.!^"t^ extraction, belonged to a family in communion 
 with the English Church. Whether Edward des Bouveries 
 conformed to the Church before or after his marriage is 
 unknown. But he was only thirteen years of age when 
 Archbishop Laud advised Charles that foreigners who were 
 
 < i 
 
 The Flemish immigrants generally 
 were not popular in England. They 
 gave great offence both in London and 
 m the provincial towns where they 
 settled (Halsteds 'Kent,' iii. 373). 
 Probably English jealousy of tneir 
 industry and enterprise had as much 
 to do with this as the difference of 
 blood language, and religion. Indeed 
 this last particular would not have 
 
 weighed with the Puritan section of 
 the population. Cf. Burn, p. 6. 
 
 Her father was John Fosterye, a 
 London merchant. Peter de la Fos- 
 terye had married Edward Bouverie's 
 aunt Leah. See the account of 
 Samuel Fosterye in the 'True Cer- 
 tificate,' 1618; also Cooper's ♦ Lists ' 
 &c., p. 87; 'Heralds' Visitation o'f 
 1634,' x"i. 
 
 Laud and the Walloons, 
 
 471 
 
 born in England * should be called to conform with the 
 English Church ^' Laud had an eye to his own diocese, and 
 he observed that ' the Dutch churches of Canterbury and 
 Sandwich are great nurseries of Inconformity in these 
 parts ^.' Accordingly the foreign Protestants were enjoined 
 ' to repair to their several parish churches, to hear divine 
 service and sermons, and to perform all duties and pay- 
 ments required in that behalf^.' Those who had been born 
 abroad * might use their own discipline': but the Prayer- 
 book was to be translated into French and Dutch ' for the 
 better settling of their children to the English Government*.' 
 Conversion by compulsion is not worth much when 
 successful ; and, generally speaking, it does not succeed. 
 The Mayor of Canterbury petitioned against the Royal 
 Injunction. The enforced conformity would oblige that 
 city to support the Walloon poor; would ruin the silk 
 trade; would throw many English boys and girls out of 
 work, as the foreigners would emigrate, rather than submit. 
 Laud overruled these somewhat unspiritual objections^: 
 but those who are most deeply sensible of his services to 
 the cause of religion in England must own that, on this 
 as on other occasions, the great Primate's judgment was 
 disturbed by the admixture of political motives. We do 
 not know whether these events had any or what influence 
 on the decision of Edward des Bouveries : he was living 
 in London, and the Walloons in London were probably 
 unmolested. But it is of course possible that the policy 
 of the government may have co-operated with domestic 
 and higher motives to make him turn his steps towards the 
 Church of England. 
 
 The successors of Sir Edward des Bouveries rapidly 
 improved the temporal fortunes which had been conquered 
 by his industry and application. Of his eleven children, 
 two younger sons were distinguished. Jacob repre.«^ented 
 Folkestone in Parliament under King William III. and 
 Queen Anne. Christopher was knighted by Anne; and 
 
 Memoires sur Texcommunication de 
 deux Heretiqiies opiniatres, qui ont 
 entrepris de faire un schisme i Canter- 
 bury. A Londres, imprime pour 
 Thomas Parkhurst, ^ I'enseigne de la 
 Bible et Trois Couronnes dans le 
 Poultry, 1698.* 
 
 ♦ Laud's ' Works,' vi. part i, p. 28. 
 Prynne's ' Canterbury's Doom,' p. 402. 
 
 * Laud's ' Works,' vii. pp. \l\-^l^* 
 
 1 Rymer's ' Foedera,' vol. xix. 588. 
 
 « Ibid. 
 
 » It is probable that when the 
 Flemings were first welcomed as 
 settlers in England, hopes were enter- 
 tained that they would gradually pass 
 into communion with the Church. 
 The vigilant and highly- organized life 
 of their community must have been 
 imperfectly understood. As illustrating 
 it, at a later period, see 'Lettres et 
 
472 
 
 ■Appendix. 
 
 . j"h/t ^^^^^^^^^ >-n/ scholar and antl.uaHan. 
 
 son, William, t;ode nfore "4?^^^" l^^u' , '^^^ ^^^'^^ 
 as a prosperous Turke7merchS Le h'.^^'^' ^^^^^^^P^' 
 the fabric of family wealtrandreo^t'.H"'^ "f ^''' ^^ ^'^' 
 Anne made him a baronet hTS^^^^^ . ^" '^14, Queen 
 time a lady of English name H 1 I"^ ^"^'^^ ' ^"^ each 
 dynasty seated on^the thr^e of EnL7^'V'! '^^ P^^^^"^ 
 the ag-e of sixty, and warburieJa^f S^^^ ''' l^^;, at 
 C^^'t ''^^'- Catharine Cri "'^'''' "lerchant, in 
 
 second wife, Anne Urry tcce T/eH P^^^^^f ^ ^^" ^^ ^^s 
 Edward des Bouveries"^' h^sat fS Sh'.f/'l^^'"""^' ^' ^^' 
 first two Georges, and d ed at A v I ^^.^'^"'>^ ""^^^ ^^e 
 jn 1 736. His brother Sir T.pI k '■^^'""' ^''^'^^"t issue, 
 Jiament which competed the nV^'^r'""^ ^" ^^^ of Par- 
 by enabhng themT excSn^e thT ^ "' ^'^ ^^-•^>^' 
 Bouveries, for Bouverie. Sir facoS Ro ^^'^^^ '"'"^"^^' ^^« 
 and in 174,, Member fo SaHsburT'w^ 
 London and in Wiltshire his act iv.f^ ^' ^" P°'^'^^*^" ^^ 
 objects, and his relations' Sh S I l^ 1" Promoting public 
 the way for his elevatbn To th! ''^^'' "^^Wo. paved 
 patent, dated June % x 747 ^L^""^"^"' ^"d' ^y fetters 
 Folkestone of Folkestone 1^' !l "^^^ '''^^^^^ Viscount 
 Baron Longford o LonJLd in fh ''""'>^ ^^ ^^"^^ -nd 
 As a commoner, Lord Ses Jn. ^ ^^ Wilt:shire. 
 
 By his first wife. Miss fc'^^^^^^ '^J^^^ -arried. 
 
 had four children. His eldest .on W'm ^^''^'"^stone, he 
 I7f5 Earl of Radnor -his seconn' '^t^'^"'' ^^^ ^''^^ted in 
 Salisbury; while of his LuThters'"''' ^^^"'^' ^^P^^^^"^ 
 and Rev. George Talbot an ^1^' ""u^ "^^'"'^^ ^he Hon. 
 fourth Earl of ShafSsburv Sf ^'^"' ^"^^^">^ ^^^ley, 
 
 Elizabeth Marsham,?aughTerof^^^^ T^^' ^^^ Hon! 
 
 will have greater in teres! for m/^f^' ^'"'^ ^ord Romney, 
 Jacob, died in infancy her .L^^^^'^^i?* ^^' ^^dest son 
 Oct. 8, X746, lived^aThas been n^^^^^^^ "^^ ^^^ born 
 
 of the Puseys, to ^ear ?Lir name a^^^^^ '^^ ^-- 
 
 the subject of this memoir ' ^"""^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ther of 
 
 i hus between Laurence de Ia R^ 
 fessor of Hebrew at OxfnJV ^^"^^'"^^ and the Pro- 
 
 Dr^Puseys grandfathe?, ^^stunrFoTk"'^ ^*"^^--^^- 
 
 of S.r Edward des Bou^eS the T.? ^''''^"^' ''^' ^'^^^'on 
 an old man. was knighted bVfam/.?^ "merchant, who, as 
 father of this Sir Edward ^Jl^uI; ' T"^. '^' ^''''^' 
 
 was i-aurence de la Bouverie 
 
 The Marsham Family, 
 
 473 
 
 himself, the first member of the family who set foot on 
 English soil ; the fugitive from the old family chateau near 
 Lille ; the silk-manufacturer at Frankfort. 
 
 For reasons which will appear presently, something must 
 here be said about the family of Pusey's grandmother on his 
 father's side. The Marshams came from Norfolk ; they 
 settled in London at the beginning of the seventeenth cen- 
 tury. The second son of Alderman Thomas Marsham, who 
 died in 1 624, was the most remarkable member of his family. 
 John Marsham Avas a Westminster boy: in 1619, he went 
 to St. John's College, Oxford, when Laud, who became 
 Bishop of St. David's in 1621, was still President. It is 
 probable that John Marsham owed to Laud both his love 
 of learning and his principles. After .spending some years 
 in foreign travel and in the study of law, he was attached 
 to the English embassy at Fontainebleau : and on the out- 
 break of the civil wars, followed King Charles to Oxford, 
 as one of the six clerks in Chancery. He shared the mis- 
 fortunes of the Royal cause ; compounded for his estate ; 
 and, during the Protectorate, buried himself in his books. 
 His tastes and his knowledge combined to make him an 
 antiquarian statistician. In his most elaborate work ^ he 
 discusses the early history of Egypt, as fully as was possible 
 when the hieroglyphics were still undeciphered ; and, in taking 
 up an intermediate position between the chronological exten- 
 sion claimed for the Egyptian dynasties by Scaliger^ and 
 the endeavour of Petavius=^ to dispute the claim by altogether 
 denying the accuracy of Africanus and Eusebius, Marsham 
 displays his learning and research. The publication of this 
 work was expected with interest by Thorndike* ; it at once 
 gave him a recognized position among European scholars \ 
 although it has failed to command the unreserved approval 
 of the most learned of his descendants^. At his death 
 Marsham left some unfinished works on the Peruvian Em- 
 pire, on the Roman provinces and legions, and on ancient 
 
 ^ * Chronicns Canon Egyptiacus, 
 Ebraicus, Graecus, et disquisitiones 
 D. Joannis Marshami,' fol. Lond. 
 1 67 J. He had previously published 
 a smaller work, * Diatriba Chrono- 
 logica,' Lond., J. Fiesher, 1649, the 
 preiace to which is interesting. 
 
 ' *Can. Isag,' ii. pp. 123, 374. 
 
 * * Doctr. Temp.* ix. 15 ; x. 17. 
 
 * * Works,' vol. V. p. 543, ed. 1854. 
 
 * See Antony a Wood's account of 
 
 the acknowledgments of his book 
 which Marsham received from the 
 Royal Librarian in Paris, and other 
 representatives of continental learning, 
 ♦ Ath. Ox.' ed. 1692, vol. ii. p. 594. 
 Pere Simon writes of * the great 
 Marsham of England.' 
 
 • Pusey speaks severely of his ances- 
 tor's treatment of the prophecy of the 
 Seventy Weeks (* Daniel the Prophet,' 
 3nd edition, p. 199). 
 
474 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 y ■ ■ 
 
 I! 
 
 was restored ^o^^sto^::^^::^:,'^;.^'^:^^. "^ 
 
 succession, a KmVlif nnH o p ''""•"' »- nan eery , made, in 
 «ushey Hall in ffifordshL ^ "'' ' '"^ '" ^'^^ ^''='* ^' 
 
 Marsham was MLLr\f M^lS J:^rthe'L''t"' 
 rarliaments of Queen Annf- .mri ;« fU ^ . ^ ^"^^^ 
 
 1707 th J^J^ Z l^^^ '^'^^"' °" t'^e evening of Oct 22 
 Sdlf; Isles nlr'"^ '''"*^'^ '^^ ^•''^'°n- ?ock, off'the 
 was to be^een aTdTn^t' TV" eye-witness." nothing 
 On the day a ter the wrLck th. /h '^ .Persons had perished": 
 ashore, plu'^dered by rhrtsbnderf'nd h ''°''j .^^l^^^'^^d 
 The outrage was discovered .nH'.h ""^'' '" ^^^ ^"'^^ 
 London, to receivf.nrrK^ ' *''^ ''"''P^^ ^^^ taken to 
 
 Westminster Abbey " "°"'' "' """"^^^^ '« '"'^^'^^nt in 
 
 so diitiSsted 'and '" '"'r.' ^''^'^ ^''^ ^^^'^ ^^ -" o^cer 
 Marsham^s stronrH/5''"''' ''°"'^'"'"^ "^''^ Sir Robert 
 
 him toThe ZZ o" GeoSri Tn^l'^ '° "'^""""^"'^ 
 the peerage a.. R:>r-?„ p^°'^Se 1. In 1716 he was raised to 
 
 Dov^rSe" HrdifdTn":^2r'r "^^^ ^°^^-- °^ 
 
 third Earl of HvnHr^rH j j?t r '^ ^'''^^ married the 
 
 was born in77?:\!lH''' ' fiT''"^ '=''"''• L^^^^ Folkestone, 
 herhusband- death tT/ ^^'y y^' ?*; "^e at the date of 
 
 to her surviving son PhiiT^'^A^ °^ ^'J ^'^' ^^ ^^^^^t^d 
 returned " ohf ■ • ^ 'l^.' ^"'^ ^e"" affection was fully 
 returned . She enjomed him not to marry until he was 
 
 Lady Lucy Pusey. 
 
 475 
 
 « r.ff ^'' ^"l^" ^^"ham undertook to 
 Nnte a history of England. His 
 
 .nlh'' K^°^^'' ^^° ^°^^^^ded him 
 'n the baronetcy, had an excellent 
 
 collection ofGreek medals. A student 
 .1 J^°^P5^i»!°en^ and inclination, he 
 sat for Maidstone under William III 
 and Anne, and died in 1703. 
 ' Stanhope's ' History of England 
 
 under Queen Anne,' 1870, pp. :ti 1-12 • 
 
 Stanley;s 'Hist. Mem. L'>^L'mU^^^^ 
 
 ^^^^\..^^^-^* Campbell's 'Ad- 
 mirals,' lii. 28-30. 
 
 ' The family Bible at Pusey con- 
 tains an inscription which shows the 
 tender and enduring love of the 
 mother and son for each other 
 
 thirty years old ; and, after making an unsuccessful proposal 
 at that age, he resolved to remain a single man during his 
 mother's lifetime. He brought her to his new home at 
 Pusey; and she lived until 1792, when her son was forty-six 
 years of age. Such was the empire of habit or inclination 
 that he lived on as a bachelor for six years, and then on 
 August 20, 179^, married Lady Lucy Cave. 
 
 Lady Lucy Pusey came of a stock which was already 
 ancient in the days of the Plantagenets ; the family tradi- 
 tion connected it with the martyred Edward, king of the 
 West Saxons ^ The marriage of one Robert Sherard, in 
 Henry IV.'s reign, with Agnes, daughter of Sir Lawrence 
 Hawberk, brought them to Stapleford in Leicestershire^. 
 William Sherard, of Stapleford, stood high in the favour 
 of the first two Stuarts. James L knighted him in 1622. 
 Charles L made him, in 1627, an Irish peer, as Lord Sherard 
 and Baron Leitrim in Ireland. He died in 1640 at the 
 age of fifty-two ; his widow, Abigail Lady Sherard, who 
 lived until 1659, was remarkable for her talent, her energy, 
 and her high spirit. She was, among other things, a 
 restorer of churches ^ in an age when men were largely 
 engaged in dismantling them ; nor did she escape the 
 notice of the dominant Puritans, who fined her heavily for 
 her attachment to the Church and King *. Her son and 
 grandson were Lords Lieutenants of Rutlandshire, and 
 knights of the shire for the county of Leicester; they 
 accepted without difficulty the Revolution of 1688, and the 
 Hanoverian Succession. George I. knew how to reward the 
 personal attachment of the old English gentry; and Bennet, 
 third Lord Sherard, entered the peerage of England m 1714, 
 as Lord Harborough, Baron of Harborough ; while in 1718 
 he was created Viscount Sherard of Stapleford, and in 17 19 
 Earl of Harborough. He died without issue in 1732, but 
 as the patent of his earldom included a collateral remainder, 
 the title passed to Philip Sherard of Whissendine, grandson 
 of the second son of the first Lord Sherard, who had been 
 
 * There Is a full account of the 
 family in Nichols 'Leicestershire,' 
 vol. ii. part i, pp. .^.^3-354' 
 
 ^ Stapleford is on the river Eye, 
 above Melton Mowbray, and on the 
 borders of Rutlandshire. 
 
 ' She rebuilt the south aisle of Staple- 
 ford parish church, and roofed the 
 chancel of the church at Whissendine. 
 Nichol, ' Leicestershire/ vol. ii. part i , 
 
 p. 334, calls her a * woman of uncom- 
 mon abilities and unbounded benevo- 
 lence.' 
 
 ♦ In 1645 the Committee of Seques- 
 tration fined her £ 500 for * de- 
 linquency.' She had a great taste 
 for antiquities ; and it is to her that 
 the pedigree of the Sherards owes its 
 preservation in such completeness. 
 Nichol, u. s. 
 
476 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 The Interest of a Genealogy. 
 
 Ml 
 
 affpr t-K^ c \.-^ '-raers, and at the time of h s surrpsci/^,, 
 alter the fashion of the day, was Rertnr r.f T ®""':^^'0". 
 
 Prebendary of Southwell, and Canon of ^!l k 'T"^?, ' 
 was twice married 3 ttI /"° /r^"°n of Sahsbury-'. He 
 him an injusTce LoH H. k ^'l?"^'"!* at Pusey does 
 
 ability, burhe':;^teJ^;''SaSrh"°H^ "k^" °l^^^^' 
 Lucy, and she held and could ute th. I ^""S^^^?^' ^ady 
 what undemonstrative nature Wh • ^""^ '° •"' "«'"*-- 
 Sir Thomas Cave of Stanford pY i-"" u ' '"^^ '^ '"^^'-''^^ 
 
 barony of Braye, 'an^S^Lter "^^^^'Lel^^strrrhir:" h ° ''''-' 
 following family precedents* • =n?i A;^"^?^^'^sbire, she was 
 
 have seTved to over™ T ' ^1"%}^'^ circumstance may 
 to part with her HeTfi T "^.'•''°'-o"&hs reluctance 
 was as short as t wa^ bright ""T^'Tl "^ ""^"'^'^ '""'^ 
 
 •This is too much happ£sto"a"t'an5'H' ""f ^r^^'" 
 on January i6 1702 at tht 'r "'^ '"^ ^"'^ ^^^ath 
 
 a widow a^ tw^ntv-one sL^^ °'^ twenty-six, left her 
 father at StapTeford and ^ f •'■'''"'■"^'' ^^ "^« ^"h her 
 heartilv sanctiWH h ^^" '" '79« Lord Harborough 
 
 Pusey Ve sacrificed the'nfS'"'"' r'^ "^^ "°"- Phihp 
 his judgment rfspectin. tt'"^' °^ P"'''*°"^' ^«"«'^tion to 
 future Lpl^r ten fh'^''"':;?."'^"*' "^ ^'^ dauginers 
 became hfs^Zyio JveLr ^^'''^'".^ day arrived, and it 
 lay in bed without ft th^ [•^"'^^ ^' *'?^ ^''^'•' ^^ ""esolutely 
 could not Er the w en.h r ^'"^"'"^ ^"^ ^'=^'^°"- He 
 
 time. He d"d dght months afK"^ ""'>^'- " ^^^°"'* 
 
 21. 1799 ». His son .nH ''^^ marriage, on April 
 
 /yy . HIS son and successor, the fifth Earl, Lady 
 
 Whistoe, in Huntingdonshire. 
 
 Jn 1773 Lord Harboroneh re- 
 igned h.s Church preferments, ex- 
 cepting the Canonry of Salisbury. 
 
 HIS hrst wife was Catharine 
 daughter of Edward Hearst, E^ of 
 
 W I'lf "^- p"'^^^"'"'. a daigS of 
 William Reeves. F«n «f »* i 
 
 Mowbray. ^ ^''^•' ""^ ^^^^^° 
 
 third tarl of Harborough had each 
 
 married a Miss Cave, of Stanford 
 
 tohn ^^h A^ ^"^y ^"*^y's uncles, 
 John Sherard was a Fellow of Merton. 
 
 He organized a volunteer regiment of 
 n.embers of the Bar during the rebel- 
 lion of 1745, and died in the lollow- 
 ^^g year at the age of thirt) -three 
 I IS ..rother Daniel^ad died in 1744 
 at Port Royal, in Jamaica, as hAi 
 lieutenant of the >almouih. Philh> 
 
 u'J T' '" ^^^ ^^'»^d« • i»e disiin- 
 gun^ed himself in the campaign of 
 nfh, and died a Lieutenant-Geneml 
 Lady Dorothy Sherard mairicdThe 
 Kev. James Torkington, Rector of 
 ^ings Ripton, Huntingdonshire- 
 another sister died at Bath in i;^, ' 
 
 Lucys eldest brother only enjoyed the title and estates for 
 eight years and a half, and left it to a boy ten years of age, 
 
 in December, 1807. , u^ . 
 
 The reader may inquire why so much space should be given 
 to family history in the life of a man who thought as cheaply 
 as did Pusey of all distinctions between human beings, ex- 
 cept those which touch their relations to their Creator. The 
 answer is twofold. So much legend has been entwined 
 round Pusey s life by the credulous ingenuity of contro- 
 versial passion, that it is desirable, once for all, as far as 
 possible, to state all the facts that bear upon the subject ^ 
 But, further, every family history is interesting, not only as 
 a substantial part of the history of the country, but also as 
 illustrating the elements of individual capacity and character 
 which, although differently combined, reappear in successive 
 ^fenerations ; and we need not be traducianists in psychology 
 Tn order to believe that when GoD forms a human life to 
 do some appointed task, His preparatory action may be 
 traced in the circumstances of hereditary descent not less 
 clearly than in other provisions whether of nature or of 
 o-race. It is not possible to apportion, with even approxi- 
 mate accuracy, the items of Pusey's indebtedness to his 
 several ancestors. Yet perhaps to the Bouveries he may 
 have owed the enterprise, the business capacity, the mten- 
 sity, the sanguine temperament which again and again, 
 throughout his career, carried him through periods of dis- 
 couragement and trial that would have crushed the spirits 
 of ordinary men. The Latin complexion of some features 
 of his thought belonged to the blood, his strong sense 
 of personal responsibility for convictions, to the religious 
 history, of the Bouveries. In private conversation Pusey 
 would 'sometimes refer to the career of Laurence de la 
 Bouverie and the death of Tiberkin : if their theology 
 was, in his judgment, often wrong, he took pleasure m^ 
 dwelling on their loyalty to conviction. ' We do not know, 
 he said on one occasion, * what their positive faith may have 
 been exactly, but it may be hoped that they meant to give 
 their best to God, and for that which they held to be His 
 truth.' These passages in his family history appear to have 
 enhanced Pusey's sense of the moral value of temporal loss 
 or suffering, as a test of sincerity. It always gave him 
 pleasure to hear of any one who had foregone or undergone 
 
 ' The writer may illustrate this by 
 adding that since 1882 he has been 
 informed by a correspondent of a 
 
 belief that Pusey was * sent by his 
 parents to a Jesuit college in Flanders 
 for his education.' 
 
478 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 The Interest of a Genealogy, 
 
 479 
 
 anything for the truth's sake. * What a privilege,* he would 
 say, * for so and so ; I hope he will show himself worthy of 
 it.' On the other hand, he also thought that the evil of 
 persecution, in stiffening or exaggerating prejudices which 
 it could not subdue, was illustrated in the case of his 
 ancestors. The fires of Smithfield were, he often said, not 
 only a crime but a blunder. They had done more than 
 anything else, in the last three centuries, to perpetuate reli- 
 gious dissension by embittering religious feelings. 
 
 Pusey's love of learning^ finds its parallel in a Marshani 
 ancestor. Sir John Marsham's books discover a strenuous 
 pursuit of knowledge for its own sake, and independently 
 of its attractiveness or its market value ; and he matured 
 his knowledge by years of incessant work during the time 
 of the Commonwealth. Although Pusey owed very much 
 to the German friends among whom he spent two of the 
 most growing and active years of his mental life, he brought 
 his hereditary passion for knowledge with him to Germany. 
 When he left Berlin it was observed with amusement, not 
 perhaps unmixed with generous admiration, that a wonder- 
 ful young Englishman had gone off with the spoils of the 
 libraries in his pocket or in his head. His grandmother. 
 Lady Folkestone, contributed other qualities which belonged 
 to the granddaughter of Sir Cloudesley Shovel : her por- 
 trait at Pusey, which is attributed to Gainsborough, has 
 more resemblance to her grandson than that of any other 
 of his progenitors The firm mouth, at once benevolent 
 and determined, recalls Pusey as many have seen him, 
 writing and arguing through many a weary controversy, 
 in the later years of his life, * fighting,' as he would say, 
 'an up-hill battle for the Church, but resolved to do what 
 might yet be done, and to do it, if it might be, without 
 wounding charity.' 
 
 To his mother's family Pusey was principally indebted 
 for that intense natural affectionateness which did so much 
 to shape his life, and to colour his writings. But she also 
 seems to have done more than any other person to give a 
 character and direction to his thoughts about religious sub- 
 jects. The Sherards do not appear to have possessed the 
 intellectual qualities of the Marshams, or the enterprise 
 and energy of the Bouveries : and their churchmanship was 
 apparently, in the generations which immediately preceded 
 
 ^ This disinterested love of learn- 
 ing was shared by his brother Philip, 
 by his son, and, it may be added, by 
 
 his nephew, the present head of the 
 family. 
 
 Lady Lucy, of the type which was generally in vogue 
 among the early adherents of the House of Hanover. 
 But it had been otherwise with the Sherards of the seven- 
 teenth century ; and beyond any other ancestors of Pusey 
 they were conscious of their relations with the religious and 
 distant past. Lady Lucy was the daughter of a clergy- 
 man, and she used to talk to her son as if she represen ed 
 a religious temper which had belonged to her race in earlier 
 days ' All that I know about religious truth, Pusey used 
 to say. ' I learned, at least in principle, from my mother 
 Doubtless it was an indefinite influence, as are many ot 
 those which shape our lives, but it was not therefore a 
 powerless one. 
 
 END or VOL. I. 
 
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 V^ 
 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
Ojtfor& 
 
 HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 

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 4 
 
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 i 
 
 Life of 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 DOCTOR OF DIVINITY 
 
 CANOM OF CHRIST CHURCH ; REGIUS PROFESSOR OF 
 
 HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY PARRY LIDDON. D.D. 
 
 D.C.L. ; LL.D.; LATE CANON AND CHANCELLOR OF ST. PAll/s 
 
 EDITED AND PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION BY THE 
 
 REV. J. 0. JOHNSTON, M.A. 
 
 VICAR OF ALL SAINTS, OXFORD ; AND THE 
 
 REV. ROBERT J. WILSON, M.A. 
 
 WARDEN OF KEBLE COLLEGE 
 HON. FELLOW AND FORMERLY TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE 
 
 IN FOUR VOLUMES: VOL, II {1836-1846} 
 
 With Portraits and Illustrations 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST 16™ STREET 
 
 1893 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
M^-^b?:^^ 
 
 dl 
 
 CONTENTS OF VOL. II 
 
 -•♦- 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 1836-1837. 
 
 PACE 
 
 ROMAN CONTROVERSY AND CHARGES OF ROMANIZING — 
 TRACTS ON ROMANISM — ON PRAYER FOR THE 
 DEAD— ON PURGATORY — ATTACKS FROM THE 'RE- 
 CORD* AND 'christian OBSERVER '—ARCHDEACON 
 SPOONER— LETTER TO BISHOP BAGOT 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 1837-1838. 
 
 PROGRESS— S. P. C. K. COMMITTEES — KEBLE's SERMONS — 
 VISIT TO GUERNSEY — FIFTH OF NOVEMBER SERMON 
 — TRACT ON THE HOLY EUCHARIST — MISSIONARY 
 EXHIBITIONS — COLLEGES OF CLERGY FOR LARGE 
 TOWNS — DR. HOOK AND THE TRACTS — HARRISON, 
 CHAPLAIN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY . 
 
 l8 
 
 !)3T. 0!) 
 
 >/ ^ 
 
 II 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 1838-1839. 
 
 BISHOP BAGOT's CHARGE OF 1838 — PROPOSED MARTYRS* 
 MEMORIAL — PUBLIC LETTER TO BISHOP BAGOT 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 1839. 
 
 MRS. PUSEY's PHILANTHROPIC AND RELIGIOUS WORK — 
 HER ILLNESS — CONDITIONAL BAPTISM — STAY AT 
 WEYMOUTH — PUSEY*S SERMONS FOR S. P. G. — MORE 
 ALARMING ILLNESS OF MRS. PUSEY — APPROACH 
 OF DEATH — TRINITY SUNDAY, 1 839 — SYMPATHY 
 OF FRIENDS — BURIAL IN CATHEDRAL — A LIVING 
 SORROW 
 
 52 
 
 81 
 
 n> 
 
vi Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. i8:v.\ 
 
 RETIREMENT FROM SOCIETY — DEEPENED TONE OF 
 PREACHING— A NARROW ESCAPE— KEBLE*S PSALMS- 
 STAY AT BRIGHTON — CRITICISM OF BAPTISMAL TRACT 
 BY AN EVANGELICAL — APPENDIX : CHURCH REVIVAL 
 IN AMERICA 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. im, 
 
 UNION FOR PRAYER— THE LITTLEMORE 'MONASTERY* — 
 WHAT IS PUSEYISM ?— THE ORNAMENTS RUBRIC- 
 PROPOSAL TO PRINT THE SARUM BREVIARY— RELA- 
 TIONS WITH THE EASTERN CHURCH — FEARS OF 
 SECESSION — GATHERING HOSTILITY — APPENDIX : 
 CORRESPONDENCE 
 
 lAGE 
 
 107 
 
 127 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. i84i. 
 
 TRACT 90— GENESIS AND METHOD OF THE TRACT — 
 LETTER OF THE FOUR TUTORS— NEWMAN's REPLY — 
 CENSURE PUBLISHED BY THE HEADS OF HOUSES- 
 OPINIONS ON THE CENSURE -CORRESPONDENCE WITH 
 THE BISHOP— DIFFICULTIES OF THE SITUATION— AN 
 ARRANGEMENT — NEWMAN's LETTER TO THE BISHOP 
 
 — palmer's proposed declaration — pusey's 
 letter to jelf ...... 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. im. 
 
 CONSEQUENCES OF TRACT 90— WARD AND OAKELEY— 
 DIVERGENT VIEWS OF THE REFORMATION— TREAT- 
 MENT OF MR. KEBLE*S CURATE— PUSEY's VISIT TO 
 THE ARCHBISHOP— EPISCOPAL CHARGES . 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI I. i84i-i842. 
 
 VISIT TO IRELAND— THE JERUSALEM BISHOPRIC — 
 THE POETRY PROFESSORSHIP — FRIENDLY REMON- 
 STRANCES 
 
 CHAPTER XXVllI. 1842-1843. 
 
 PUBLISHED LETTER TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTER- 
 BURY — THEOLOGICAL PROFESSORSHIPS — CENSURE ON 
 HAMPDEN REAFFIRMED— FEARS OF SECESSIONS — 
 
 161 
 
 216 
 
 243 
 
 Contents. 
 
 \\ 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 1843-1844. 
 
 Newman's resignation of st. mary's—lucy pusey's 
 
 DEATH — ADAPTATION OF FOREIGN DEVOTIONAL 
 BOOKS— renewed PROPOSAL* TO TRANSLATE THE 
 SARUM BREVIARY . 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 1844. 
 
 VISIT TO ILFRACOMBE — PREACHING WITH THE BISHOP 
 
 OF Exeter's sanction — newman's position — 
 
 PUSEY's fears and hopes— death OF MR. J. W. 
 
 bowden 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 1844-1845. 
 
 Vll 
 
 PAGE 
 
 NEWMAN S misgivings — death OF DR. ARNOLD— 
 
 Newman's retractation — pusey's trust in the 
 church of england 272 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. i843. 
 
 pusey's condemnation— sermon on the EUCHARIST 
 
 DELATION— CONDEMNATION WITHOUT A HEARING — 
 FAILURE OF ATTEMPTS TO SECURE RECANTATION 
 
 — SENTENCE OF SUSPENSION — PUSEY's PROTEST 
 
 WEIGHTY REMONSTRANCES — SERMON PUBLISHED — 
 ATTEMPTS TO OBTAIN LEGAL REDRESS— APPENDIX : 
 CORRESPONDENCE ON THE CONDEMNED SERMON 
 
 306 
 
 CHURCHMAN ' — KEBLE's COMMENTS — REVIEW OF 
 
 PUSEY S POSITION 
 
 370 
 
 398 
 
 OPPOSITION TO THE NEW VICE-CHANCELLOR— DEFEAT- 
 PROPOSED NEW UNIVERSITY TEST — CONDEMNATION 
 OF MR. WARD — ATTEMPTED CONDEMNATION OF 
 .TRACT 90— PROSECUTION OF MR. OAKELEY . . 410 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 1844-1845. 
 
 RUMOURS AND ANXIETIES — AN APPEAL FROM PUSEY — 
 manning's FEELING TOWARDS ROME — NEWMAN's 
 SECESSION — pusey's LETTER TO THE * ENGLISH 
 
 441 
 
Ji 
 
 VI ii Contents, 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 1845-1846. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS— first PROJECT OF A CHURCH 
 FOR LEEDS — LAYING THE FOUNDATION STONE — 
 COSTLY GIFTS — ALTAR PLATE— ALARM AT SECES- 
 SIONS — OBJECTIONS RAISED BY HOOK AND THE 
 BISHOP OF RIPON — CONSECRATION — SERMONS — AN 
 ADDRESS TO THE BISHOP — PUSEY*S ANTI- ROMAN 
 POSITION— RELATIONS TO NEWMAN — HIS UNCHANG- 
 ING FAITH IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH — NEWMAN's 
 MATURE ESTIMATE OF PUSEY . . . . . 
 
 PAGE 
 
 466 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 DR. PUSEY PREACHING THE 'CONDEMNED* SERMON, FROM 
 
 A SKETCH BY THE REV. EDWARD KILVERT. . Frontispiece. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS (exterior) 494 
 
 „ „ (interior) 496 
 
 CORRIGENDUM 
 
 p. 42, 1. 25. for iwjcapiT^s, read naKapinji. 
 
 i 
 
 the LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 -♦♦- 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 ROMAN CONTROVERSY AND CHARGES OF ROMANIZING— 
 TRACTS ON ROMANISM— ON PRAYER FOR THE DEAD 
 —ON PURGATORY— ATTACKS FROM THE * RECORD ' 
 AND ' CHRISTIAN OBSERVER '—ARCHDEACON SPOONER 
 — LETTER TO BISHOP BAGOT. 
 
 1836-1837. 
 
 It was in the year 1 836 that the controversy on the sub- 
 ject of the claims and position of the Roman Catholic 
 Church again emerged. That such a renewal of ancient 
 strife should take place was inevitable. It was impos- 
 sible to appeal to Church principles, as the Tractarians 
 had appealed to them in controversy with Latitu- 
 dinarian and Puritan forms of thought, without being 
 asked the question, How far do you mean to go? For 
 those Church principles were in the main common 
 ground between the Roman and the English Churches. 
 *We agree with Rome,' said Keble, 'about our major 
 premisses, our differences are about the minor.' This 
 amount of agreement placed the Tractarians between two 
 fires: they were reproached from one quarter with treachery, 
 
 VOL. II. B 
 
 |5 
 
 i 
 
vm 
 
 Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 1845-1846. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS — FIRST PROJECT OF A CHURCH 
 FOR LEEDS — LAYING THE FOUNDATION STONE — 
 COSTLY GIFTS — ALTAR PLATE— ALARM AT SECES- 
 SIONS — OBJECTIONS RAISED BY HOOK AND THE 
 BISHOP OF RIPON — CONSECRATION — SERMONS — AN 
 ADDRESS TO THE BISHOP — PUSEY's ANTI- ROMAN 
 POSITION— RELATIONS TO NEWMAN — HIS UNCHANG- 
 ING FAITH IN THE ENGLISH CHURCH— NEWMAN's 
 MATURE ESTIMATE OF PUSEY . . . . . 
 
 rACB 
 
 466 
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OP 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 DR. PUSEY PREACHING THE 'CONDEMNED* SERMON, FROM 
 
 A SKETCH BY THE REV. EDWARD KILVERT. . Frontispiea. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS (exterior) 494 
 
 „ „ (interior) 496 
 
 CORRIGENDUM 
 
 p. 49, 1. 25. for fuucapiT^if read fioitaplTiji. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 ROMAN CONTROVERSY AND CHARGES OF ROMANIZING- 
 TRACTS ON ROMANISM-ON PRAYER FOR THE DEAD 
 —ON PURGATORY— ATTACKS FROM THE 'RECORD* 
 AND • CHRISTIAN OBSERVER '—ARCHDEACON SPOONER 
 —LETTER TO BISHOP BAGOT. 
 
 1836-1837. 
 
 It was in the year 1836 that the controversy on the sub- 
 ject of the claims and position of the Roman Catholic 
 Church again emerged. That such a renewal of ancient 
 strife should take place was inevitable. It was impos- 
 Mble to appeal to Church principles, as the Tractarians 
 had appealed to them in controversy with Latitu- 
 dinarian and Puritan forms of thought, without being 
 asked the question, How far do you mean to go ? For 
 those Church principles were in the main common 
 ground between the Roman and the English Churches 
 'We agree with Rome,' said Keble, 'about our major 
 premisses, our differences are about the minor.* This 
 amount of agreement placed the Tractarians between two 
 fires: they were reproached from one quarter with treachery 
 
 VOL. II. B 
 
 
 ■ I ■ 1 1 
 
 I « ■ ■ ■ i «i r 
 
Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 from another with inconsistency; and they had to show, 
 as well as they could, that they were neither inconsistent 
 nor treacherous ; that abstract logic has to take account 
 of the checks which are imposed on it by history; and 
 that the real strength of a position is not to be measured 
 by the assaults to which it may be apparently exposed 
 at the hands of popular controversialists. 
 
 In the earlier days of the Movement nothing was heard 
 of the Roman question. 
 
 * Romanism/ wrote Pusey, ' in our earlier days, was scarcely heard 
 of among us. . . . It was apparently at a low ebb, and partook of 
 the general listlessness which crept over the Church during the last 
 century. It seemed to present but the skeleton of the right practices 
 which it retained, and helped by its neglect of their spirit to cast 
 reproach upon them. The writer of a work then popular * would even 
 speak of it as extinct among us *.* ' There was in our younger days no 
 visible Church to which to attach ourselves except our own. The 
 Roman communion had in this country but her few scattered sheep, 
 who had adhered to her since the times of Queen Elizabeth. She was 
 herself asleep, and scarcely maintained herself, much less was such 
 as to attract others '.' 
 
 The change which had taken place was not due only or 
 chiefly to the Church revival at Oxford. 
 
 *The Roman Church also has, in some countries certainly, par- 
 take.i of the same refreshing dew as ourselves : the same Hand which 
 has touched us and bid our sleeping Church, Awake, Arise, has 
 reached her also. Our Lord seems to be awakening the several 
 portions of His Church, and even those bodies which have not yet 
 the organization of a Church, at once 
 
 4 » 
 
 But if the revival of religious activity in the Roman 
 Church was independent of anything in the English, it was 
 stimulated and given a new direction by the publication of 
 the Oxford Tracts. They at once roused its hopes and 
 provoked its hostility, and the new situation which was thus 
 created demanded the serious attention of their authors. 
 
 * The controversy with the Romanists,* wrote Newman in January, 
 
 * Father Clement. Pusey, D.D. Oxford, 1843, 3rd ed., 
 
 * * Letter to His Grace the Arch- p. 8. 
 
 bishop of Canterbury,' by Rev. E. B. ' Ibid., p. 16. * Ibid., p. 8. 
 
 Tracts against Rome. 3 
 
 1836, *has overtaken us "like a summer's cloud." We find ourselves 
 m various parts of the country preparing for it. Yet when we look 
 back we cannot trace the steps by which we arrived at our present 
 position. We do not recollect what our feelings were this time last 
 year on the subject-what was the state of our apprehensions and 
 anticipations. All we know is that here we are, from long security 
 Ignorant why we are not Roman Catholics ; and they, on the other 
 hand, are said to be spreading and strengthening on all sides of us, 
 vaunting of their success, real or apparent, and taunting us with our 
 inability to argue with them \* 
 
 Towards the summer of 1835 Newman had been dis- 
 posed, as has been already mentioned, to bring the ' Tracts 
 for the Times ' to a close. Pusey had encouraged him, 
 for several reasons, to continue them. One was the' 
 urgency of the * Popish controversy/ It was needed 
 in present circumstances, and it would prevent a one- 
 sided estimate of their position and aims. *With the 
 Popish question one might get at all the Low Church : on 
 others the High Church are afraid of us.' 
 
 Accordingly — coincidently with the struggle against 
 Hampden's Latitudinarianism — a campaign was opened 
 against Roman Catholicism. The third volume of the 
 'Tracts for the Times' begins with two tracts * against 
 Romanism.' The British Magazine offered to its readers 
 the striking and original papers entitled ' Home Thoughts 
 abroad,' from Newman's pen. And throughout 1836 
 Newman was hard at work upon his ' Lectures on the Pro- 
 phetical Office of the Church,' which contrast the Anglican 
 position so vividly with that of Romanism on the one side 
 and popular Protestantism on the other. 
 
 'It is plain,* he writes, 'that at the end of 1835 or beginning of 
 1836 I had the whole state of the question before me, on which, to 
 my mind, the decision between the Churches depended *.' 
 
 Many other symptoms of the same kind of activity were by 
 no means wanting ^ 
 
 > * Tracts for the Times/ No. 7 1 , p. i 
 (dated Feast of the Circumcision, 
 1836). 
 
 ' * Apologia * (ed. 1880), p. iii. 
 ' See Brit. Mag. vols. ix. and x., 
 passim. 
 
 B 2 
 
Iff I ' I ^J I 
 
 4 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey, 
 
 Pusey had enough on his hands, but he too projected a 
 work on the same h'nes as Newman's * Prophetical Office of 
 the Church/ 
 
 * I had made some progress/ he writes to Harrison, ' in some theses 
 on Catholic and Church of England truths, and ultra- Protestant and 
 Romanist errors, on the Church and Sacraments ; and I had written 
 a long letter to Rose on the new mode * of administering the Lord's 
 Supper, and lost both.* 
 
 The letter to Rose was rewritten, but Pusey found no 
 time to reproduce and continue the first-mentioned and 
 more important work. 
 
 The reanimation of the Church of Rome in England was 
 quickened in no small degree by the arrival of a divine 
 whose accomplishments and ability would have secured 
 influence and prominence in any age of the Roman Church. 
 Dr. Wiseman had returned to England, and had delivered 
 in London his * Lectures on the principal Doctrines and 
 Practices of the Catholic Church 2/ We know, on good 
 authority, that those lectures made a considerable impres- 
 sion, and not only among Roman Catholics \ Tyler, who 
 was Vicar of St. Giles'-in-the-Fields, brought Wiseman's 
 lectures under Pusey 's notice; and Pusey handed the 
 implied commission on to Newman. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [August], 1836. 
 We seem to be fallen into Jeremiah's days. * Woe is me, my 
 mother, that thou hast borne me a man of strife and a man of con- 
 tention to the whole earth.' Yet I think that if your acquaintance 
 with Dr. Wiseman does not prevent it, a controversy with him would 
 do much good. As far as I know, most of our old controversy with 
 Rome was carried on upon wrong (Genevan) principles : it would be 
 
 * He refers to * the practice of pro- 
 nouncing the words once only to those 
 assembled round the altar, and then 
 giving the elements in silence to each 
 individual.' Pusey had probably ob- 
 served this irreverent Puritan habit in 
 Clapham Church, where he communi- 
 cated on Sunday, July 10, 1836, while 
 
 staying with Rev. B. Harrison's father. 
 Pusey rewrote the lost letter to Rose, 
 and after some delay it was published 
 with the signature * Canonicus ' in the 
 British Magazine for Nov. 1836, vol. 
 3t. p. 531. 
 
 -* London, Booker, 1836. 
 
 * * Apologia ' (^ed. 1880), p. 64. 
 
 Dr, Wiseman's Lectures, 5 
 
 a good thing to have one on the whole subject on right principles : 
 it would bring out those principles : people would see that Catholic 
 principles can be maintained against Popish, and would receive them 
 the rather because they are on their own side. It seems, in all ways, 
 a good opening ; so I send you Tyler's invitation to war terminated 
 by his prayer for peace * in his days.' 
 
 I have directed my banker to put £10 to your account, that you 
 may have one scruple the less, whenever you think it right to take 
 your B.D. degree ' : if you do not take it now it may accumulate until 
 you are grand-compounder. Bishop Lloyd used to hold that the 
 Divinity Professor was not singled out to present, but that any D.D. 
 might do it. I send you my hood, because, mutatis mutandis, I should 
 have liked yours. Do not be in a hurry to set free the said ;£2o, 
 simply because it is shut up. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 They used to do the like things of yore, so I am only falling back on 
 old times. 
 
 Newman, whose head was at the time full of the subject, 
 reviewed Wiseman in an article which is not the least 
 able of his polemical efforts on either side in the great 
 controversy ^. 
 
 Pusey had on his part a department of the general 
 question assigned to him by circumstances. Dr. Dickin- 
 son, the Orange author of *A Pastoral Epistle from His 
 Holiness the Pope to the writers of the Tracts for the 
 Times,' had 
 
 ' through want of acquaintance with antiquity ' been led to 'confound 
 the early practice of commemorating God's departed servants at 
 the Holy Communion, and praying for their increased bliss and fuller 
 admission to the beatific vision, with the modern abuse of Masses for 
 the Dead and the doctrine of Purgatory ^* 
 
 Dr. Dickinson was referring to Tract No. 72, contain- 
 ing * Archbishop Ussher on Prayers for the Dead/ whicli 
 had appeared in the early part of the year. Pusey had 
 himself hesitated as to the publication of this tract. 
 
 * Card. Newman has written on this 
 letter, * I took my B.D. degree Oct. 
 27. 1836.' 
 
 * JSrii. Crit., Oct. 1836, art. *Dr. 
 
 Wiseman's Lectures on the Catholic 
 Church,' vol. xx. pp. 373-403. 
 
 ^ * An Earnest Remonstrance, &c./ 
 p. 19. 
 
r 
 
 ^*^^^^^^^^^^^^r^^ 
 
 6 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Undated, but before Nov. 29, 1835.] 
 I feel much perplexed about mentioning the subject of Prayer 
 for the Dead: First, there is not the same occasion for bringing it 
 forward as forgotten points of doctrine of our Church, i.e. no necessity 
 laid upon us, as ministers of the Church. (2) It might hinder other 
 important views being received. (3) It, perhaps, more than any other, 
 would bring down the outcry, not only of the Ultra-Protestants, but of 
 most Anti-Catholics ; the Tyler party and all who having been brought 
 up in Protestantism have not gone back to the Fathers, or been led 
 back by feeling, would think it sin. You only can answer to yourself 
 the question, whether this outcry might not do yourself harm as the 
 object of it ; at least, it has a tendency to produce excitement, &c., not 
 salutary (in myself). (4) In the present day, there might be much 
 abuse of the doctrine, on account of persons' lax notions of sin, 
 repentance, the terms of acceptance. If I inserted the passage 
 I should accompany it with a protest against the laxity of the present 
 day, which seems to think it scarcely possible that any can miss of 
 Heaven. 
 
 I am unfit to decide : my first bias was against it; my second an 
 unwillingness to hinder it, on the ground of my first note, and also 
 because, if introduced hereafter, when persons might be riper, it 
 might look like an afterthought. My abiding feeling doubts as to* its 
 expediency, but I have a conviction of my own inability to decide, 
 knowing and seeing so little of people's sentiments. Thanks for 
 this morning's call. 1 am still free from cough, and hope to be 
 kept so. 
 
 When, however, the tract had been written, and Pusey 
 had had time to go through it, he saw reason to change his 
 mind. 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Nov. 29, [1835]. 
 I have read this through again with great satisfaction: if I part 
 with any it is with reluctance, and I should part with as little as pos- 
 sible, thinking the restoration of the whole of the old views a gain, 
 and that it is hard to go on teaching men to go counter to their natural 
 feelings and impulses, and that they should not pray to God when they 
 fain would, i.e. when He suggests to them so to do. I do not like 
 recommending that it should be struck out : it is written : I was at 
 first inclined to think it to be parted with as giving a handle ; but 
 since there are so many ripe for it, and to whom it would be a blessing 
 I should be unwilling to keep it back : only you might distinguish more 
 
 Trad on Purgatory, 7 
 
 fully between the Romish abuse and the primitive use. I gradually 
 lean more and more towards retaining it. 
 
 When then Dr. Dickinson, in his notorious ' Pope*s 
 Pastoral Epistle,' attacked the Oxford writers with advo- 
 cating prayers for the dead, Pusey himself took up the 
 defence. The few pages ^ in which he accounts for the 
 omissions of such prayers from the English Liturgy, while 
 insisting, not merely that they are lawful, but a duty 
 which charity owes to the departed, are among the most 
 careful that he has written. The reason which may have 
 determined the Edwardian reformers to abandon their 
 public use is no longer valid ; and if antiquity is to 
 count for anything as an interpreter of the mind of 
 Scripture, they cannot be set aside as of no account in 
 a practical Christian life. They have the sanction of 
 some of the highest names in Anglican divinity; and 
 they satisfy some of the best and finest aspirations of the 
 human heart 
 
 Not long after Pusey had occasion to insist on the 
 negative side of his position in this matter. Newman 
 had sent him the MS. of his tract on Purgatory-, which 
 was suggested by the earlier tract on Prayers for the 
 Dead from Archbishop Ussher. 
 
 The tract did not meet with Pusey *s approval, and he 
 wrote his mind with a plainness unusual in him when 
 writing to one whom he loved and trusted so greatly. 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Thursday night. 
 I have marked such passages as I think would most startle 
 people ; and made some notes which might soften the effect. But, 
 somehow, your way of writing against the Romanists is so different 
 from what people are accustomed to, that it will take much pains not 
 to shock them ; you seem to take lower ground in the first instance 
 than you do at the end, and so people are /r^-disposed against you ; 
 and what comes at last, though decisive, hardly seems to come 
 
 * * Earnest Remonstrance, &c,* pp. 18-28. 
 
 * * Tracts for the Times,' No. 79. 
 
(«f 
 
 8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Raff 
 
 heartily, because it has not come before, but comes laggardly. As if 
 you were reluctant to say that the Romanists are in the wrong, although 
 
 at the end truth compels you to do so ! In such an apology, as 
 
 It were, for the theory of Purgatory, something stronger against the 
 practice is the more needed. . . A few sentences would suffice ; for 
 they might give a colouring to the whole, which it now wants.'. 
 I think it might be done without trouble if you would write someVew 
 lines, as you have elsewhere, on the practical effects of Purgatory. 
 
 This is the first indication of a divergence between 
 Pusey and Newman. It was suspected at the time by 
 neither of them. Newman may well have written the 
 introduction to Tract No. 79 in consequence of this letter. 
 It is in the main what Pusey wanted, namely, ' a few h"nes 
 on the practical effects of Purgatory.* The following 
 passage describes accurately enough the balance of 
 Newman's mind at that time. 
 
 * Since,' he writes, * we are in no danger of becoming Romanists, and 
 may bear to be dispassionate, and, I may say, philosophical, in our 
 n-eatment of their errors, some passages in the following account of 
 Purgatory are more calmly written than would satisfy those who were 
 engaged with a victorious enemy at their doors. Yet, whoever be our 
 opponent. Papist or Latitudinarian, it does not seem to be wrong to be 
 as candid and conceding as justice and charity allow us^* 
 
 No precautions, however, on Pusey's part could silence 
 the charge of Romanizing which was being brought 
 against the writers of the Tracts by Puritans as well as by 
 Latitudinarians. Pusey always had a much warmer feeling 
 for the former than for the latter class of opponent^ 
 As he wrote in 1865 : — 
 
 * Ever since I knew them (which was not in my eariiest years) I have 
 loved those who are called " Evangelicals." I loved them because 
 they loved our Lord. I loved them for their zeal for souls. I often 
 thought them narrow, yet I was often drawn to individuals among 
 them more than to others who held truths in common with myself, 
 which the Evangelicals did not hold, at least explicitly V 
 
 Accordingly when in September 1836 he received 
 
 some 
 
 * ' Tracts for the Times,' No. 70, p. 5. 
 
 * ' Eirenicon,' Pu 1. p. 4. '^' ^ ^ 
 
 Newspaper Attacks, g 
 
 very violent letters from a worthy clergyman of this 
 description, he answered them at great length, but with- 
 out producing any effect. The clergyman told him that 
 it was the Record which had guided him to form so un- 
 favourable an opinion of Pusey and his friends. Could not 
 something be done, if Pusey were only to appeal to the 
 wisdom and justice of the Record} 
 
 * I send you,' Pusey writes to Newman, *a letter to the Record. If 
 they put it in, it will obtain us a hearing among the readers of the 
 Record: if not, I shall send it to the British Magazine.^ *I almost 
 question,' answered Newman, ^Xhepro dignitate of your corresponding 
 with the Record^ 
 
 Pusey then forwarded to Newman the letter of his 
 
 clerical correspondent * as a specimen of the times and 
 
 of the effects of the Record,^ * I have,* he added, * written 
 
 a rather long answer/ Newman replied : — 
 
 Sept. 7, 1836. 
 *I am not pleased at your corresponding with the Record. 
 Your paper is so good and valuable that some use must be made 
 of it : but I altogether protest against the Record. Again, I am 
 not for answering all misrepresentations. Things come right in 
 a little while, if we let them take their course. Opportunities arise. 
 The more I think of it, the more I am against your writing to the 
 Record, You do the editor, &c. harm, by making him a tribunal, and 
 you make it seem as if you were hurt and touchy. At present it 
 strikes me I would alter it into the third person, whatever I did with 
 it. Sometimes I may go into extremes ; but I like leaving events to 
 justify one.' 
 
 Newman himself had written to the British Magazine 
 about the * Lyra Apostolica,' when the Record had inter- 
 preted it as reflecting upon Dr. Chalmers, and those who 
 looked up to him might be hurt. A similar motive had 
 led him to write to the papers when he declined to marry 
 a parishioner who had not been baptized. But he would 
 not write simply to defend himself or his writings. 
 
 Sept. 7, 1836. 
 
 * I agree,' replied Pusey, *■ altogether with your criticisms : I was 
 surprised to find the paper so apologetic ; I have struck out every 
 word of apology, and everything, as 1 thought^ which could look like 
 
lO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 an appeal to he A'^.^rrf (even to the words "writer in your paper"), 
 so that now ,f they were to insert it, it is at most an "appeal to the 
 clencal readers of the Jtecord." I need not give you the trouble of 
 
 lharL"c! Tf '" J' "''"^''"'"S' '""^ «'^' -mence'will show >ou the 
 character of Its new dress. 
 
 ' It seemed to me an object to get at the readers of the Record, if one 
 
 li"" M °'"''°"' ' .'"PP"'^' """^ <=^""°' S« -t "ut through the 
 Accord. Manning says they are doing mischief: my letter from _ 
 
 confirms it ; perhaps, writing with my name, I might come into contact 
 
 sTwhat^rth."'"' °'?''"- ^' ^" •=^^'"=> " *"' '"^'"^ -me S; e 
 
 ercem thro?ph .rn'T ' "!' "'° '"'^'^ P*^''^P^ "«^" seen them 
 except through the distorting lens of the Record; 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 <x 1 , . . , Sept. 8, 1836. 
 
 Take care, rejoined Newman, 'you are not knocked up. I am so 
 
 at er'S Mr"°" '.^"7 :'"' °^^^^« ^°"- ^°" ™-' "ot mind 
 a letter like Mr. s; I have some idea I have heard of him as 
 
 a ranting self-confident man. His letter shows him to have no mean 
 
 opinion of himself. Depend upon it, whatever you said in Ixp"ana7on 
 
 a ce.nam number of persons will misunderstand you? Lnd Sthose 
 
 "Se wniT::" ''''^'"^'^'f ^"o"'- They, thoug'h per^xed fo 
 a time will m time understand you, and the Truth. « The wise shall 
 understand." By going through evil report we attain good repor 
 
 I do not see why you should not answer Mr. 's immodest leUer 
 
 as far as the thing itself goes. But I see many reasonsT^far I «!„; 
 health goes. ... You will suffer for it afterwards.' ^ 
 
 But, after all, the Record might not insert what it had 
 cost Pusey much to write. A party newspaper inserts or re- 
 jects communications without much regard to the justice of 
 the case, but as the prejudices of its readers or the theory 
 It upholds for truth may seem to require. 
 
 'From what I have since heard, the Record; wrote Newman 'will 
 not put anything in. I doubt if you sent it yolirself it wouTdo'ml^ 
 than say in the notices to correspondents, "We have received Dr 
 Pusey s letter, but ,t does not alter our opinion : however, we sha i 
 keep It by us &c. " ; or « We respectfully inform Dr. Puse; that ou 
 paper ,s not intended as an arena, &c." I would still wait, were I 
 you, and see what comes of it.' 
 
 But if Newman thought that Pusey had better not 
 defend himself in the columns of the Record he was 
 very willing to defend Pusey. The aristtan Observer 
 
 NewmafCs Defence of Pusey. 
 
 II 
 
 had attacked the tract on Baptism. Dr. Pusey, it said, 
 ought to lecture at Maynooth or the Vatican. He had 
 taught that while the patriarchs of the Old Testament 
 were not regenerate persons, Voltaire, as being baptized, 
 was regenerate. He had denied that God conveys grace 
 only through the instrumentality of the mental energies ; 
 holding that infants might be baptized, or even com- 
 municate, with possible spiritual advantages. He had 
 taught that the Sacraments are the appointed instruments 
 of justification. 
 
 * He may,' it continued, * construe some of the offices of the Church 
 after his own manner ; but what does he do with the Articles and 
 Homilies ? We have often asked this question in private, but could 
 never get an answer. Will any approver of the Oxford Tracts answer 
 it in print ? * 
 
 It must suffice to refer to Newman's brilliant answer to 
 this challenge which is contained in the 82nd Tract \ The 
 writer in the Observer had misunderstood Pusey when 
 he had not misquoted him ; although as to the worth and 
 effect of the Christian Sacraments, and their relation to 
 justification, there was a very wide gap between Pusey 
 and the Christian Observer. But the most interesting 
 part of the paper is that in which Newman meets the 
 challenge thrown out to Pusey. He denies that he has 
 subscribed the Homilies or anything more than a certain 
 statement about them. He points out that they contained 
 a great deal of language which no consistent Low Church- 
 man could possibly accept. He insists that the Articles 
 may fairly be interpreted in more ways than one — thus 
 foreshadowing the argument of Tract 90. The paper is 
 full of interest, both in itself and as illustrating the history 
 of its author's mind ; here it is only referred to as exhibiting 
 the defensive attitude which the Tract-writers already had 
 to assume in respect of the charge of Romanizing. But 
 as yet there was no more doubt in Newman's mind than 
 in Pusey's of the strength and worth of the Anglican 
 
 * * Letter to a Magazine on the subject of Dr. Pusey's Tract on Baptism.* ' 
 
12 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 position, whatever Puritanism or Romanism might say 
 
 about It. t> / 
 
 At the beginning of 1837 attacks upon the Movement 
 became frequent. 
 
 a IsrviolTmld''- h °''"°"' T J''""^'^ "" '^37. 'that there was 
 a most violent and abusive attack on us at a meeting of clerev at 
 Islington yesterday, and great alarm expressed at the spread of S 
 Church principles, which they did not scruple to denounce as hereS 
 This looks well for the cause, but is sad for them.' "^ret'cal. 
 
 ™r'hn^'r°'' ^'"""" '" commenting on this, 'inspires me with 
 greater hope for our cause, or rather brings home to me the fact that 
 we are on the whole right, and they on the whole wrong.' 
 
 At this period too we find the name of the Rev. C. P. 
 Gohghtly for the first time among the opponents of the 
 Movement. Mr. Golightly was a kind-hearted and in his 
 way an earnest man, if somewhat self-important. He had 
 taken a warm part in the Hampden controversy, and 
 against Hampden : he was now gossiping all over Oxford 
 about some of his old allies-„ot Pusey himself-in a 
 way which, to say the least, did not help him or others to 
 understand them. Pusey, not having been himself attacked, 
 with characteristic directness wrote to Golightly what the 
 latter called ' a severe scolding,' and ' warned him against 
 the dangerous occupation of talking over or against people ' 
 Gohghtly was much ruffled ; Pusey, he held, had not been 
 justified in thus writing, either by seniority, or station, or 
 by the terms of their acquaintance. The correspondence 
 was prolonged, as such correspondences are, without leading 
 to any valuable result. Golightly from this time ranged 
 himself in conscious, and, it must be added, increasingly 
 bitter opposition to the Oxford leaders. 
 
 Another less considerable opponent who now declared 
 
 CoTege ""^^ '''^ ^^^' ^^^" ^*""'^' ^^^P'^'" °f New 
 
 Dlv^,8,7"r' °;f '^'' "™'<= P"^ey to Rev. B. Harrison on Easter 
 
 Orford " InH T ° P'"?''^"'^ ^°^ '^' ^'' ^'^^ «"h " Popery of 
 Oxford, and its ciuzens have been edified with the exhibL^ o 
 
 Archdeacon Spoonet's Charge. 
 
 13 
 
 Newman's and my name as Papists — all done by Rev. P. Maurice, 
 of New College, author of " Popery in Oxford.*' I have not seen 
 the placard or the pamphlet. . . . N. only hopes that no one of 
 our friends will answer it, for we ought not to stand upon the 
 defensive.* 
 
 An opponent of a very different order was the Venerable 
 W. Spooner, Archdeacon of Coventry, who, in the spring 
 of 1837, when charging the clergy of his archdeaconry, had 
 warned the clergy against the Tracts in energetic terms. 
 Mr. Spooner's early associations had been with the Evan- 
 gelical party, and he had studiously held aloof from the 
 Oxford Movement. But he was an uncle of the Wilber- 
 forces, and was already acquainted with Pusey. The 
 elevation, sincerity, and mildness of the Archdeacon's 
 character secured for his judgment a deserved weight with 
 all good men ; but his Charge is principally noticeable 
 as the first expression of official condemnation which 
 the Oxford writers had incurred. Upon receiving the 
 Charge, Pusey addressed to the Archdeacon a respectful 
 remonstrance in a letter of which the following is the 
 central passage : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Archdeacon Spooner. 
 
 Oxford, June 8, 1837. 
 
 . . . We are conscious of no intention but that of recalling to 
 the minds of such of our brethren as we may forgotten truths ; 
 we wish to introduce no new doctrines, we appeal (as for instance 
 in the Catena) to standard divines of our own Church, as well as 
 to the Fathers ; we do not wish to supersede, but to uphold the 
 authority of our Church, by pointing out its agreement with the 
 primitive Catholic Church. We teach nothing but what has been 
 taught before us. Some things which we have insisted on, as Fast- 
 ing and Ember-days, have found their way even into the pages of 
 those who censure us. Neither do we wish to give any of these things 
 an undue (and so injurious) prominence ; if, indeed, we think any 
 point neglected, and so that it is useful to the Church to write on it, we 
 must write on that subject mainly, for one cannot bring the whole 
 fulness of theology into each tract. But it is not part of our system ; 
 and I might refer you to Mr. Newman's three volumes of sermons, 
 to show that we do not attach ourselves exclusively to a portion of 
 Christian truth. 
 
 T 
 
 ^*iPHBJ1 
 
H 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 h ' 
 
 The Archdeacon reph'ed with characteristic courtesy. 
 He disclaimed any intention of imputing any dishonesty 
 of motive or intention to the writers of the Tracts. He 
 entertained a high respect for their character and attain- 
 ments. But he sincerely believed that 
 
 * the respectable and learned authors of those Tracts were, unawares to 
 themselves, injuring the pure and scriptural doctrines of the Protestant 
 Faith.' 
 
 Another critic who added largely to Pusey s correspond- 
 ence at this time was the Rev. George Townsend, Canon of 
 Durham. Relying upon the accuracy of the Rev. P. Maurice s 
 pamphlet, and an article in the Christian Observer and 
 
 * private information/ he had addressed the clergy of the 
 Peculiar of North Allerton and Allertonshire in the Pro- 
 vince of York on the subject of new practices— not doctrines 
 —that were growing up among the adherents of the Oxford 
 school. With great labour, and at the cost of an immense 
 expenditure of time, Pusey convinced him that he had been 
 misled by the authorities on which he depended and the 
 exaggerated reports which he had heard. But the Charge 
 served to swell the gathering volume of unintelligent pro- 
 test ; and the Bishops, or at least Bishop Bagot, began to 
 receive those anonymous denunciations of men and opinions 
 which are inevitable in such circumstances. At last Bishop 
 Bagot wrote to Pusey, enclosing at least one composition of 
 the kind, and begging him to explain how matters really 
 stood. Pusey's letter, the substance of which appeared in 
 an expanded form some months afterwards, is interesting 
 historically as well as on personal grounds : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 My dear Lord Bishop, September 26, 1837. 
 
 As they have troubled your lordship with those strange state- 
 ments of what some of the clergy in Oxford are supposed to have done, 
 it seems due from us to inform your lordship what the real state of the 
 case is. 
 
 The reports began with a Mr. Maurice, a chaplain of New College, 
 who seems a very excited and vain and half-bewildered person, who 
 seems to think that he is caUed by God to oppose what he calls the 
 
 Letter to Bishop Bagot. 
 
 15 
 
 Popery of Oxford. He published a heavy pamphlet, which would have 
 died a natural death had not the Christian Observer wished to have 
 a blow at Mr. Newman and the * High Church/ and so taken it up 
 though with a sort of protest against identifying itself with Mr. 
 Maurice's language ; and thence, I am sorry to say, Mr. Townsend, 
 Prebendary of Durham, has repeated it in a * Charge to the Clergy of 
 the Peculiar of N. Allerton and Allertonshire.' 
 
 The charges made have been * needless bowings, unusual attitudes 
 in prayers, the addition of a peculiar kind of cross to the surplice, and 
 the placing the Bread and Wine on a small additional table near the 
 Lord's Table or Altar.' These are, at least, what Mr. Townsend 
 repeats. 
 
 With regard to the * needless bowings,' I cannot imagine the origin 
 of the report : there have been no bowings, except at the Name of our 
 Lord. 
 
 The * unusual attitudes in prayer,* I suppose, refer to the new chapel 
 at Littlemore, where there is, as in old times, an eagle instead of 
 reading-desk, and the minister during the prayers kneels towards the 
 East, the same way as the congregation, turning to the congrega- 
 tion in the parts addressed to them in the way recommended by 
 Bp. Sparrow in his ' Rationale of the Common Prayer,* and which 
 Bp. S. doubts not is implied by our rubric before the Te Deum, which 
 speaks of the minister's ''turning himself as he may best be heard,' 
 which implies, he says, that before, he was turned some other way. 
 And he speaks of this practice as still existing about his time. Mr. 
 Newman does the same in his Morning Daily Service in the chancel 
 of St. Mary's, when he has a congregation in many respects different 
 from that which attends the Sunday Service; but in the Sunday 
 Service he has introduced no change whatever. In the Daily Service, 
 being a new service to a new congregation, he thought himself free to 
 follow what seemed to him the meaning of our rubric, according, as 
 it does, with primitive usage and that of our own Church, sanctioned 
 by Bp. Sparrow (whose comment on the rubric has been reprinted by 
 Bp. Mant in the Christian Knowledge Common Prayer-book) and by 
 the practice in Cathedrals in the Litany and Ordination Services, as 
 your lordship well knows. 
 
 The * additional cross ' was, as I mentioned to your lordship, worn 
 by one individual only ; but I had not time to explain that this was no 
 device of his own, but according to one interpretation of the rubric 
 prefixed to the Morning Service about the ' Ornaments of the Church 
 and the Minister' being 'the same as in the 2nd year of Edw. VL' 
 The scarf there directed to be worn had crosses on it. I saw the scarf 
 in question : it was a very narrow one, about three inches I think, 
 with two very unpretending crosses at the two ends, and was meant to 
 be exactly the same as that prescribed in Edward Vlth's time, and, 
 as some think, enjoined still. For myself, though the ornaments in 
 
 v_. 
 
i6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Edward Vlth's time were much handsomer than those now in use 
 (especially the Bishop's is very beautiful), yet I am content with 
 that explanation of the rubric which dispenses with our observing it ; 
 we have too much to do to keep sound doctrine and the privileges of 
 the Church to be able to afford to go into the question about dresses. 
 Still, as Bp. Cosin and others maintain the opinion that this rubric is 
 binding, I did not think it worth while to advise the young clergyman 
 who wore the one in question against it, further than giving him the 
 general advice not to let his attention be distracted by these things 
 from others of more moment. A rigid adherence to the rubric cannot, 
 in its own nature, lead to extravagance, and it seemed a very safe way 
 for the exuberance of youth to vent itself in. I have said the more 
 because he was a pupil of my own ; he was a very active and energetic 
 man, and likely to make a very good parish priest, but he has now left 
 Oxford. While here he officiated occasionally at St. Thomas', there 
 only, and Mr. Newman did not know him. Two other individuals wore 
 the same scarf, without the crosses, thinking it safer. Mr. Newman 
 and myself were not acquainted with them when they began the 
 {)ractice. It was in Magdalen College Chapel. 
 
 With regard to the remaining charge I need not say anything to 
 your lordship. The innovation clearly is with those who allow the 
 Bread and Wine to be placed upon the Altar by clerks or sextons ; only 
 1 would say that the ' small additional table ' has not been unnecessarily 
 introduced. In St. Mary's and St. Aldate's the Elements have been 
 placed in a recess already existing near the Altar ; in St. Michael's the 
 old custom has never been disused ; in St. Paul's and Littlemore only, 
 there being no other provision, since the Elements must be placed 
 somewhere, a small neat table has been used as being the more decent 
 way. 
 
 I have taken up much of your lordship's time by this long explana- 
 tion, but I was vexed that your lordship should be troubled by 
 complaints against any friend or acquaintance of mine ; it is, in fact, 
 only a side-blow at sound principles, because it is easier to talk about 
 * dresses ' and * innovations * than to meet arguments. 
 
 I have written to Mr. Townsend, stating to him the case and 
 requesting him to correct his misstatements, and, if he does not, 
 purpose to send the letter to the British Magazine, and so I hope that 
 your lordship will not be further troubled in consequence of these 
 exaggerations. In the meantime, if this explanation can be used in 
 any way to prevent any further annoyance, your lordship will of course 
 make any use of it. 
 
 Mr. Newman as well as myself much regrets that these idle reports 
 have caused these explanations to be made to your lordship. We 
 would have contradicted them sooner had there seemed any sufficient 
 reason, such as this. I join myself, because these papers always join 
 Mr. Newman and myself, although we maintain no one doctrine or 
 
 Letter to Bishop Bagot, ly 
 
 practice which has not the sanction of the great divines of our 
 Church. 
 
 Begging your lordship to excuse the length of this letter, 
 I have the honour to remain, 
 
 Your lordship's faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 These attacks and suspicions were but a foretaste of 
 what was to come on a larger scale. But as yet nothing 
 had occurred to warrant mistrust of the Movement by any 
 large body of Churchmen, or discouragement on the part 
 of its adherents. 
 
 VOL II. 
 
S. P, C, K, Committees, 
 
 19 
 
 ^! 
 
 It 
 
 ! 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 PROGRESS— S. P. C. K. COMMITTEES— KEBLE'S SERMONS- 
 VISIT TO GUERNSEY— FIFTH OF NOVEMBER SERMON 
 —TRACT ON THE HOLY EUCHARIST— MISSIONARY 
 EXHIBITIONS— COLLEGES OF CLERGY FOR LARGE 
 TOWNS— DR. HOOK AND THE TRACTS— HARRISON, 
 CHAPLAIN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 
 
 1837-1838. 
 
 The years that immediately followed the Hampden 
 controversy were not characterized by any striking out- 
 ward incident, nor by any specially urgent controversy. 
 It was a time seemingly of steady and deepening progress. 
 The slighter tracts had ceased, and had made way for more 
 solid treatises, appealing not so much ad populutn, but, as 
 was said, ad scholas and ad clerum. It was a time now not 
 only of writing but of preaching : it was a time to drive 
 home to the heart and conscience principles which had 
 been more or less intellectually accepted. Thus there 
 was emerging, besides Newman's Parochial Sermons, the 
 series of Plain Sermons by contributors to * Tracts for the 
 Times.' Pusey himself was not only preaching in various 
 places, but pressing on Keble the duty that lay on him also 
 to publish his sermons. He was, on the one hand, feeling 
 after the idea of Colleges of Clergy for work in the large 
 cities ; on the other he was, either by conversation or cor- 
 respondence, dealing with individuals who had been power- 
 fully affected by their acceptance of Church principles. He 
 was beginning to exercise a general direction in the difficult 
 
 questions that these principles sometimes raised. In fact 
 the Movement was now becoming a matter not only of 
 theoretical principles, but of practical and devotional life. 
 
 Not that there was any cessation of activity in matters of 
 controversial interest. To touch on minor points : Pusey 
 himself had a long correspondence with the Secretary of 
 the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge on the 
 subject of publishing the Apocrypha in translations of the 
 Bible issued by the Society. The uncritical and uncatholic 
 exaggeration of the admitted distinction between the 
 canonical books and those subordinately inspired works, 
 which form so valuable a link between the Old and New 
 Testaments, was tending to ban the Apocrypha altogether 
 in the S. P. C. K. : it had succeeded in doing so in the 
 British and Foreign Bible Society. Pusey went twice to 
 London to bring forward resolutions on the subject at 
 meetings of the Foreign Translation Committee. He was 
 somewhat hopeful after the first meeting. 
 
 *The business,' he wrote, 'has been on the whole satisfactory, and 
 the Dean of Chichester, who was rather on the other side, said that 
 the discussion would do them a great deal of good. None of my 
 resolutions were exactly carried ; but two were, which will do much 
 good.* 
 
 Another topic of controversy at the Translation Com- 
 mittee was a proposed Hebrew Prayer-book. The trans- 
 lation of the words * declare and pronounce ' in the daily 
 Absolution did not satisfy Pusey, and he also objected to 
 the proposed rendering of the Christmas collect. 
 
 *Juiy 3> 1837. 
 
 * I am out of the Translation Committee, I believe. All my proposals 
 failed, and the language held on both occasions was so schismatic, 
 and the result . . . will be so directly such, that I could belong to it 
 no longer. So I have written to one of the bishops to resign my 
 appointment, which was a demi-official one.' 
 
 He had previously expressed anxiety with regard to the 
 proposed translation of the Prayer-book into Greek and 
 Arabic, and writes as follows : — 
 
 C % 
 
> 
 
 f 
 
 20 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Henry John Rose. 
 
 Christ Church, December 16, 1836. 
 
 Will you be so kind as to ask your brother what the S.P.C.K. 
 mean by publishing our Prayer-book in Greek and Arabic ? I do not 
 want to make a disturbance unnecessarily, but it seems to me a strange 
 proceeding. If it be to create among them a respect for our Church, 
 this is well, although perhaps scarcely the object we should choose, 
 when we have so many colonies to look to ; but if it be with any view 
 of supplementing the Greek Liturgy, I think it requires a most serious 
 protest. What have we to do with interfering with the Greek Church, 
 or to disturb Liturgies of which large ingredients at least are as, 
 or more. Apostolic than our own ? We have passed through the fire, 
 and although we may bless God that, although scorched, we have 
 escaped vitally unharmed, what have we to do to set up ourselves as 
 models for all Churches ? Are we to be Anti-Romanist Popes, and 
 prescribe rites and liturgies contrary to those which the Eastern 
 Christians have received from their Fathers ? Certainly, from what 
 I have seen, I should be very sorry to see the Grecian services 
 expelled by ours. First, because they are hereditary ; (2) they are 
 longer, and so a protest against the listlessness of those who would 
 shorten ours ; (3) they have antient rites which, on whatever ground, 
 we have relinquished (as Exorcism before Baptism, the Invocation of 
 the Holy Ghost at the Eucharist), or glossed over (as the Oblation). 
 
 Then, too, have we not enough to do without meddling with the 
 Christians of the East ? Let us, if it be a work of charity, reprint their 
 Liturgies, that they may use the devotions of their own Church better. 
 But before we attempt a crusade (I would not profane the word), rather, 
 before we go out of our way to thrust our own Liturgy upon persons 
 who ask not for it, let us at least look to those who ask for it. Let us 
 assist (where there must be much need) our North American colonies, 
 or the East Indies, or there are at least seven languages in West India 
 into which we are called upon to translate it. To the heathen or the 
 Jew our Liturgy may often prepare the way better than the Bible, 
 because it bears evidence of a Christian Church, who think and feel 
 as Christians, whereas the Bible often appears nothing but our 
 
 condemnation. 
 
 An Arabic Prayer-book in Hebrew characters would be very useful 
 for the Jews, of whom those in North Africa are of the better sort ; or, 
 again, it might be useful to the Mohammedans, but let us not * stretch 
 ourselves beyond our measure,* or * boast ourselves in another man's 
 line of things made ready to our hands.' 
 
 Altogether the Church Societies look very miserably ; it is like 
 those who boast of emptying the meeting-house by turning the Church 
 into one. The extracts from correspondence of the S. P. G. one might 
 have mistaken for a Church Missionary Report. This publication of 
 private anecdotes must be very pernicious to those who have to furnish 
 
 Keble's Sermons. 
 
 21 
 
 them, those who out of curiosity read them, and those who are to 
 be the subjects of them. Societies ought not to think it part of their 
 office to furnish a certain quantity of anecdote in order to raise 
 money. 
 
 But, as has been said, preaching was one of the chief 
 methods of working at this period ; and Newman was as 
 urgent as Pusey that some of Keble's sermons should be 
 published. Keble's low estimate of the value of any of his 
 own productions made him very unwilling to contribute 
 anything at all. Hence the subjoined letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 March 20, 1837. 
 Newman's and my continual wish is, * Would one had 100 heads 
 and 100 hands ' ; so much to be done and so few to do it : and 
 what are you doing, our father in the faith, perhaps Newman's elder 
 brother only now? * More, Master P., than they who all their life 
 long have been " multa et praeclara minantes " and realized nothing.* 
 True, but it is because almost all one's plans have been ill-devised or ill- 
 matured, and cracked in the furnace, and will carry no water,— it is just 
 for this perhaps that one looks the more anxiously to those who have 
 more skill or have formed themselves more carefully. So now let me 
 repeat my question with all deference, * What are you doing ? ' Where 
 are Psalms 50, &c., and how are the rest going on, and why do they 
 tarry? Where are the sermons ? * But N. plucked these.' Yes, but 
 because N. asked for the new ones, and you sent him some old ones, 
 and he plucked these and asked again for the new ones : are we not to 
 have them? We all want them. People will read sermons who will 
 read nothing else, and if their reading is not altogether free from the 
 infection of criticizing, yet it is freer than anything else. They carry 
 some devotion into their reading, and so, we may hope, will carry 
 some good away with them ; besides, the very reading of sermons is 
 part of an inherited religion. Then, too, it is not fair to let Newman 
 bear the whole brunt alone, as if his theology were something peculiar, 
 or, as they call it, the New-mania. Isaac W illiams and Copeland and 
 everybody, in short, are very anxious to have your volume of sermons, 
 and, if nothing else will do, we must sign a requisition, as the fashion 
 of the day is, or, after the manner of old times, make some solemn 
 appeal, which you would shrink from not complying with, but the 
 sermons we must have, . . . 
 
 What day would suit you for reading your paper on the Fathers next 
 term ? If you take Irenaeus, should you still like to keep St. Athanasius 
 for a more distant day, for you must not be overloaded with transla- 
 tion ; and N. would like it very well. Cyril of Jerusalem is beginning 
 
 tiL_. 
 
^fl 
 
 22 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Visit to Guernsey. 
 
 23 
 
 \ 
 
 II 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 very well in new hands, Mr. Church's, of Wadham, Marriott's friend ; 
 the Confessions are waiting until I can get an old and a good translation 
 (which there is) to revise. 
 
 The post is just going out, so I will only add our sincere hopes that 
 Mrs. Keble is better, or at least not worse in these cold winds, and that 
 she will soon be better. 
 
 Are we indeed (i. e. the Cathedrals) out of the paw of the lion ? 
 
 Ever your affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 Passion Week, 1837. 
 Farewell, and recollect the SERMONS. 
 
 In his spare time— so to describe it— Pusey was 
 engaged in expanding the first part of his tract on 
 Baptism, and in revising both the original text and the 
 translation of St. Augustine's Confessions for the Library 
 of the Fathers. In this labour he was largely assisted by 
 his wife ; who, though in very weak health, spent many 
 hours of every week in the Bodleian Library. But these 
 labours for a more remote future were interrupted by 
 constant sermon work. Thus, describing the second 
 Sunday after Easter, he writes : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Mrs. Pusey. 
 
 April 10, 1837. 
 
 I preached for an hour in the morning in Mr. Dodsworth*s chapel ; 
 then we administered the Communion to above a hundred people. 
 And then, not feeling myself tired, I refitted the beginning of my 
 sermon on Prayer, and preached for an hour in the evening, and my 
 chest did not feel it in the least. 
 
 On the following Sunday, April i6th, he preached at 
 St. Mary's, Oxford. 
 
 On May 25th he preached again in Oxford in aid of 
 the Diocesan Society for the Religious Education of the 
 Poor. The sermon gave a practical turn to his great 
 tract: he based on St. Mark x. 13, 14 an earnest demon- 
 stration that Baptism is the ground and encouragement of 
 Christian education \ In the evening he writes to his 
 wife : — 
 
 * ' Parochial Sermons,' vol. iii. serm. sermon was somewhat abridged when 
 l^ It seems (,ib. p. 313 note) that the published. 
 
 * I promised to write to-day, to say that I was not, if I was not, 
 tired ; and I have only time just to say so. My sermon was, I am 
 told, an hour and a half. People were very attentive, and the dear 
 little children very quiet and good. ... I thought much, of course, of 
 our own little ones. I was a good deal flushed when it was over, and 
 walked in the meadow with Hook before dinner.' 
 
 On St. Barnabas' Day, in his way to Guernsey, he preached 
 a striking sermon in London on * Christian kindliness ' and 
 charity, in aid of the newly-founded Additional Curates* 
 Fund ^. His holiday was spent partly in Guernsey and 
 partly in Sark. The Channel Islands, from various causes, 
 have been the stronghold of the Puritan tradition for three 
 centuries ; and Pusey 's name would already have inspired 
 excellent people who had no other means of information 
 than party newspapers with the greatest apprehensions. 
 At the end of three weeks Pusey thus describes his 
 experiences : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev- J. H. Newman. 
 
 Guernsey, July, 1837. 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 You will be glad to hear that on the whole the health of my 
 
 dear wife is mending, although she is still very weak, so much so that 
 
 she cannot walk (except a little in a room) by herself, nor up and down 
 
 a few stairs when necessary without a good deal of help. However, she 
 
 is less weak than she was, and so we look on it as an earnest of a fuller 
 
 restoration of health in His good time, although the cough is not gone, 
 
 or, rather, increased. I am very sorry to hear of the alarming illness 
 
 of Manning's and H. Wilberforce's wives. 
 
 This is a pleasant, although a very soporific island : it has beautiful 
 bays and sea-views, but not at all favourable to study. I have just 
 finished revising half the Confessions, but have done nothing besides. 
 My article in the Brit. Ctit.^ Baptism, &c., are all in statu quo. How- 
 ever, the Confessions will readily be done while 1 stay here, and the 
 rest be forthcoming, I trust, in due time. . . . 
 
 The town here, which is about half the island, is half dissenting, 
 half or, with a straggling j, one or two of them perhaps, and some ^'s^. 
 I find that I have been attending their great goddess Diana, a chapel, 
 the attendance or non-attendance upon which constitutes a person 
 a Christian ; and there is another z chapel, I fear one of our English 
 
 i6 
 
 * ' Parochial Sermons/ vol iii. serm. 
 
 * X means Evangelical, y Trac- 
 
 tarians, and z represents those whom 
 Newman called the 'Establishment 
 men.' Newman's • Letters/ i. 478-9. 
 
24 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Visit to Guernsey. 
 
 25 
 
 '» 
 
 exportations. They actually re-elect the minister to this idol-shrine 
 of theirs every five years, and since 181 8, when it was built, they have 
 had seven or eight clergymen ; and they thought that they had done 
 a great deal in securing the purity of their minister. One-third of the 
 trustees are sick of the system, so it will probably receive its coup-de- 
 grace shortly. At one time they had two clergy, one of whom 
 preached against the other, against the Wednesday prayers, and 
 recommended the people to go to the dissenters rather than church 
 when his colleague preached : advice which has been strongly taken, 
 for now there are not twenty people at the Wednesday and Friday 
 prayers (before they were daily), and the dissenting chapels are large 
 and full. This race has passed away ; however, even the Bp. of W. 
 had to recommend to them to subscribe to the S. P. G., and was 
 answered that it was inexpedient, because it would interfere with the 
 Church Missionary Society. The surplice is still a badge of Papistrie, 
 and is used only in the two English churches, although the Bishop 
 recommended it. 
 
 If one might judge from this place, the I^ecorti, with its attacks upon 
 us, has done good ; it seems to have raised a curiosity about Catholic 
 views, and to have prepared people to find them less bad than they 
 were told. . . . Another, the oldest x clergyman in the island, father of 
 Brock of Oriel, asked for a conference on Baptismal Regeneration. It 
 is not come yet, and I do not expect anything from it but kindly 
 feeling ; still, I saw in these and other cases that the Record had over- 
 shot its mark. Meanwhile the young men come up to Oxford and 
 return y s. 
 
 The most interesting phenomenon here, however, to me is the 
 Governor, a Lt.-Colonel, Sir James Douglas, a very active, intelligent, 
 straightforward, well-informed, painstaking man, who does simply and 
 downrightly whatever he sees to be his duty, and who, without any 
 help from without, has come to the Catholic views. I was sitting 
 opposite Cornish, a little below him, at dinner, when, Ireland being 
 spoken of, he burst out with such a strong natural eloquence, regretting 
 that the Irish clergy had departed from our first Reformation, that of 
 t)ur Prayer-book, spoke of them warmly as excellent, pious, self- 
 devoted men, but that all their exertions were crippled \ they were 
 wearing themselves out doing nothing, neither gaining from the 
 Romanists nor helping their own people ; that it was lamentable that 
 because the North was wrong people should think they must go due 
 South ; then spoke simply and well on the value of Ordinances : in 
 short, it was the Via Media, coming from the lips of a layman and 
 a veteran officer. Cornish's eyes glistened with joy; I hailed the 
 omen and told him that that was just what we were struggling for at 
 Oxford, of which he knew nothing. 
 
 I heard some more of his history in a conversation of two hours, and 
 it did not appear that he had any outward help except his Prayer-book 
 as a comment on the Ordinances (the Communion he had received 
 
 weekly for four years where he was last quartered), only he mentioned 
 a sermon of Mr. Sibthorp's which he said would in Ireland be con- 
 demned because it would not tell against the Papists. The only 
 question there is, what will tell against Popery. (I imagine Mr. S.'s 
 sermon was on the Eucharist.) * And yet,' he said, * it was only 
 what is in the Prayer-book.' It was very encouraging— a sort of 
 earnest that there are Corneliuses of whom we know nothing. I have 
 been happier ever since. I cannot give you any idea of the simple, 
 vivid straightforwardness and upright warmth with which he spoke. 
 1 have not, long, been so struck with any one. 
 
 Pusey spent a month in Guernsey, and on July 13 went 
 for another month to Sark. There he preached three 
 times. A Cornish miner was washed off the pier by 
 a wave, and Pusey preached on ' Sudden death ^.' On 
 St. James' Day he followed up the lesson by a very 
 characteristic appeal on * Obeying calls 2.' A third sermon 
 to the islanders, on the ninth Sunday after Trinity, had 
 been preached before at Holton : it was on the wisdom 
 of the children of light, and a few alterations made it 
 appropriate to the circumstances of his island audience. 
 On Oct. 1st he preached for a relation, who was Curate 
 of Churchill, near Chipping Norton, on 'grieving the 
 Holy Spirit.* On the 5th of November he preached in 
 the University pulpit the first of his sermons which may 
 be described as historical. The occasion fell on a Sunday, 
 and Dr. Gilbert, the Principal of B. N. C, who was Vice- 
 Chancellor, asked Pusey to preach at rather short notice. 
 
 * I hardly know,' Pusey writes to Newman in anticipation of his duty, 
 * how to manage it. I am not at all at home on Church and State 
 questions. Nor have I good historical knowledge of any sort. It 
 would be an exceUent subject for the tracing God's Providence in the 
 Church, and how every act in the Church, as in individuals, is full of 
 consequences, and therefore such days ought to be kept. But for this 
 1 have not knowledge nor time to acquire it. Then K.'s favourite text, 
 ** In quietness and confidence," or " Stand still, and ye shall see the 
 salvation of God," as opposed to the bustling spirit of the present day, 
 and the scheming one of the Church of Rome. Or, again, " The gates 
 of hell shall not prevail against her." Or not doing evil that good may 
 come, against Rome and the Jesuits and our expediency. In short, 
 
 * * Par. Serm.,' vol. iii. serm. i. 
 
 * lb., serm. 18. 
 
 i- 
 
1/1 
 
 II 
 
 I! 
 
 26 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 Passive Obedience, 
 
 27 
 
 I M 
 
 i» 
 
 I 
 
 I feel like a person with a great gun put into his hands, but he does 
 not know exactly with what materials to load it or how to use it.' 
 
 And to another friend : — 
 
 ' I have been looking over our pamphlets since to see what sort of 
 subjects they used to preach on, but I cannot make out that many 
 preached on anything. I am rather perplexed, and yet have no time 
 to wait to choose. ... I think I shall take " Stand still " as my text ; 
 yet I am much inclined on the other hand to take the indefectibility 
 and unshakenness of the Catholic Church.' 
 
 The sermon was eventually of the type to which Pusey 
 inclines in these extracts. Its title is descriptive of its 
 contents: * Patience and confidence the strength of the 
 Church.' It is an assertion of the application and place of 
 the passive Christian virtues in any adequate conception 
 of political duty. The Gunpowder Plot is regarded as, 
 among other things, a repudiation of the passive side of 
 Christian morals ; but Guy Fawkes was in this respect a 
 sample and predecessor of many very differently minded 
 persons of a later time. 
 
 The service for the 5th of November commemorated the 
 landing of William of Orange as well as the discovery of the 
 Gunpowder Plot ; and the principle of passive obedience to 
 Governments, which was the condemnation of Guy Fawkes, 
 could hardly be invoked in support of the Revolution of 
 1688. Accordingly Pusey insists upon its application with 
 an impartiality which made criticism from many sides 
 inevitable. Certainly the arrival of William * saved the 
 nation from the miseries of anarchy and civil war ' ; and * for 
 this and the preservation of the Church amid this convul- 
 sion we have great cause of thankfulness.' But * the line 
 which men took in resisting James' evil ' was in principle as 
 indefensible as the wicked enterprise of Guy Fawkes ; and 
 it was not unconnected with the ' deadness ' and ' shallow- 
 ness ' which characterized the English Church and theology 
 during the eighteenth century. Nay, the precedent has 
 not ceased to be a power for evil in our own day. 
 
 * The present storm which lowers around our Church and State is 
 but a drawing out of the principles of what men have dared to call the 
 
 " glorious revolution," as that revolution was the sequel and result of 
 the first rebellion.' 
 
 This was enough to raise, and it did raise a storm, though, 
 as storms were in those years, not a violent one. 
 
 *Pusey's sermon,' wrote James Mozley to his sister, *is making 
 a great fuss : I suppose it is the first time of the Revolution being 
 formally preached against since Sacheverel.' 
 
 A clergyman wrote a pamphlet to prove that passive 
 obedience to one authority in the State when in opposition 
 to other authorities was unsanctioned by Holy Scripture. 
 The Edinburgh Review in a temperate article, understood 
 to be by Merivale. attacked Pusey's position on its practical 
 side, as involving an unquestioning invariable submission to 
 all the administrators of the law which is inconsistent with 
 true social well-being: if James II. might not be misled, 
 neither might a foolish and misguided parish constable. 
 Pusey had a right to reply that it was not a question of 
 resisting James— James had been resisted by Ken and 
 Sancroft — but of deposing him ; and Pusey does not main- 
 tain the divine origin of Kingly rule, but the divine origin 
 of Government, The two appendices to his sermon which 
 were Pusey's answer to his critics are probably the most 
 purely political piece of writing which Pusey ever attempted. 
 Certainly the political question involved a case of conscience ; 
 but the days were passing, if they had not already passed 
 away, when the Church of England would identify herself 
 with any particular political opinions ; and, in Pusey's 
 own words, he had in later life little heart for themes 
 which did not more directly concern the well-being of 
 
 souls. 
 
 It was a proof of the felt reality of Pusey's sermons that 
 they always involved him in subsequent private correspon- 
 dence ; and on this occasion Mr. Robert Scott, then Fellow 
 afterwards Master of Balliol College, and Dean of Rochester, 
 wrote to ask Pusey whether the literal enforcement of the 
 rules in the New Testament respecting non-resistance to 
 temporal rulers would not involve a like duty of taking no 
 
 J i n 
 
1 ' 
 
 rli 
 
 28 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 steps to avert calamity, and refusing to prosecute criminals 
 for personal injuries, and whether such a construction of the 
 moral teaching of the Gospel would not bring it into 
 conflict with principles and duties upon which society 
 rests. 
 
 < T r 1 J T^ ' ^^* ^^'i Nov. 1837. 
 
 I felt, wrote Pusey in reply, 'the difficulty you name. But I felt 
 also that It must be met by raising our tone on that other class of 
 subjects. We see the evil of resistance on a great scale, and since it 
 IS founded on a number of particulars, do not on a small scale; but it 
 may be as bad, and, since more frequent, worse. Individual prosecutors 
 seem to me wrong in principle. The State, I think, ought to do it, as 
 the father of the family, and only call upon individuals to bear witness 
 as a father would ask another child if one did not answer 
 
 *The difficulty as to the rules in the New Testament is surely in 
 themselves or in us. They seem to direct plainly certain things, and 
 men cannot bring themselves to think that they mean what they seem 
 to mean. The difficulty of explaining "resist not evil" is intrinsic to 
 Itself. In St. Justin's time they took it literally, and seem to have gone 
 on much more happily. But one may take measures to prevent injuries 
 e. g. lock one s door-let the law protect one if it will. If individuals 
 did not prosecute, the law would, and then the same result would be 
 arrived at, as far as public peace is concerned, by the way of obedience, 
 and without revengeful feelings. ' 
 
 * Taking wrong patiently would turn more hearts than are converted 
 by discussion.* 
 
 Pusey's correspondent's second question was whether an 
 English King had not entered into engagements, the 
 breakmg of which forfeited the allegiance of his subjects- 
 engagements which did not bind Roman Emperors whose 
 authority is contemplated by the New Testament precepts. 
 Pusey replies : — 
 
 'With regard to the Coronation Oath, it binds the Sovereign, of 
 course, though it seems a part of the " compact-system " now to think 
 that a portion of his subjects can release him. But I do not think that, 
 though more bound to his subjects than Caligula, he is more responsible 
 to them . ; that they have any more right to take the redress into 
 their own hands. He is morally bound, and they may, and ought, to 
 remind him, to expostulate with him, but then leave him in the Hands 
 
 of God, as David did (i Sam. xxvi. 10) With consequences I 
 
 think we have nothing to do; though even on that ground, with all 
 the evils of resistance before our eyes, one could not easily be brought 
 to think that those of non-resistance would be greater. However 
 
 Political Temper, 
 
 29 
 
 I suppose it will often be the trial of faith that the evils will threaten 
 to be overwhelming ; as I suppose Antichrist, whether resisted or no, 
 will inflict very great evils, but at the end the days will be shortened, 
 and those who persevere will escape.* 
 
 The chief interest of the sermon lies in the proof which it 
 affords of Pusey's strong and growing moral affinities with 
 Keble. Pusey and Keble had been on opposite sides in 
 the political struggle of 1829 • Planco White even describes 
 Pusey, perhaps not without some exaggeration, as ^ at that 
 time one of the most Liberal members of the University.' 
 The political difference meant a certain underlying moral 
 difference. Keble's moral temper led him to view reform 
 and change with distrust, if not with aversion : his faith in 
 God's presence and guidance made all high-handed self- 
 willed action on man's part appear more or less irreverent. 
 It was then quite in Keble's spirit that Pusey now extracted 
 from the two events commemorated on the 5th of November 
 the principles that we may safely leave things to God, and 
 that there is great risk that man's impatience may mar the 
 blessings which God designs for His Church. But these 
 principles have at least as obvious an application to religious 
 as to political conduct. The temper which would have 
 resisted James' illegal action, and have taken the conse- 
 quences of resistance by undergoing personal inconvenience 
 or suffering while refusing to do anything that might lead 
 to his dethronement, was the temper which in the coming 
 days of trouble would listen in silent sorrow to Church 
 authority repudiating the principles which alone could 
 justify its existence, but would not on that account be 
 betrayed into disloyal desertion of the Church herself. 
 The question has often been asked how Pusey and Keble 
 were able to remain in the Church of England during the 
 unhappy years when its rulers set themselves so generally 
 to condemn them. The moral side of the answer to that 
 question will be apparent to a careful reader of the sermon, 
 ' Patience and confidence the strength of the Church.' 
 
 * We may not,' Pusey urges, ' be over-anxious even about 
 holy things, such as the deliverance of the Church from 
 
lift 
 
 30 
 
 Life oj Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 unjust thraldom or from spiritual disadvantages.* Israel was 
 in bondage for four hundred years in Egypt ; for seventy 
 years in Babylon. * O tarry thou the Lord's leisure.' 
 
 The sermon was dedicated to Keble, * who in years past 
 unconsciously implanted a truth which was afterwards to 
 take root*: and with * every feeling of respectful and 
 affectionate gratitude for this and many other benefits.' 
 Pusey forwarded it to him with the subjoined letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Nov. 15, 1837. 
 
 You will perhaps be surprised at the dedication; and that 
 surprise may be an encouraging token how on other occasions in 
 which you have spoken out the truth it has taken root, though you 
 never saw it. It was at Fairford, many years ago, when I was 
 thoughtlessly, or rather, I must say, confidently, taking for granted 
 that the Stuarts were rightly dethroned, that I heard for the first time 
 a hint to the contrary from you. Your seriousness was an unintended 
 reproof to my petulant expression about it, and so it stuck by me, 
 although it was some time before it took root and burst through all 
 the clods placed upon it. 
 
 I did not send the dedication to you beforehand, partly because there 
 seemed hardly time, although there would have been as it happens ; 
 partly because I did not wish you to see or know of it beforehand. 
 1 thought you might object to expressions if you saw them, which, 
 when beyond recall, you might take quietly. 
 
 During November, 1837, Pusey again preached twice 
 before the University; once on Jesus Christ \ the One 
 Foundation of Christian faith and hope ; and again, on the 
 Divine Judgment 2. But he had been still more seriously 
 engaged upon the third of the subjects which it fell to his 
 Jot to discuss in the 'Tracts for the Times.' Already he had 
 written on Fasting and Holy Baptism. The other great 
 Sacrament naturally followed in Tract 81. He had formed 
 a plan of such a work in the previous year. When staying 
 at Holton he had preached on the subject in the village 
 church ^ and his letters show that his mind was constantly 
 
 * I Cor. iii. 11, 26th Sunday after 
 Trinity, Nov. 19, 1837. 
 
 ' 1 Cor. iv. 4, Sunday before Ad- 
 vent, Nov. 26, 1 837. Neither of these 
 
 sermons have been published. 
 
 ^ This sermon was recast. Cf. * Par. 
 Serm.' iii. serm. 15. 
 
 The Doctrine of the Eucharist, 31 
 
 dwelling on it. When asked to complete his tract on 
 Baptism by another on the Baptism of Adults, ' my own 
 wishes,' he replied, * as you know, lead me to Absolution 
 and the Lord's Supper.' It was Pusey's manner to look 
 out for tokens of God's guidance respecting matters of 
 which his mind was full. Such tokens he found in the 
 many indications of a desire for instruction in Eucharistic 
 truth. As he expresses it very beautifully in the preface 
 to this Tract : — 
 
 *The ardent longing which God has in so many minds awakened 
 to know and practise the faith of the Church, such as it was in the 
 days when she kept her first love, is a warning which may not be 
 passed unheeded ; and they who know that Church's way have a duty 
 laid upon them to declare it \' 
 
 He was thus led on to that careful exposition of the 
 doctrine of the Eucharist which formed so large a part 
 of the work of his life, and in behalf of which he was 
 before long called upon to bear painful witness. All 
 instructed Churchmen are aware that the Holy Eucharist 
 is at once the communion of the Body and Blood of 
 Christ truly present, and the presentation or offering 
 of the Sacrifice made by Christ upon the Cross to the 
 Eternal Father. Of these two divisions of the subject, 
 the first would naturally claim a prior treatment, both 
 as being essential to the nature of the Sacrament', and 
 becau.se, apart from the true Presence of Christ's Body 
 and Blood, the Sacrifice in the Eucharist is unintelligible. 
 But the writers of the Tracts had appealed to primitive 
 antiquity, and they were confronted by the fact that 
 antiquity js full of the doctrine of a Sacrifice in the 
 Eucharist. On the other hand, in much of the current 
 teaching of the English Church this doctrine had fallen to 
 a very great extent into the background ; and this circum- 
 stance made an immediate restatement of the doctrine 
 a natural feature of the general enterprise represented 
 by the Tracts. 
 
 » Tract 81, p. 53. 
 
32 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Conversion and Baptism. 
 
 33 
 
 -^ 
 
 » 
 
 i 
 
 Pusey begins his tract with a statement of the primitive 
 teaching about the Eucharistic Sacrifice, as he understood 
 it ; he then passes on to draw distinctions between this 
 primitive doctrine and that of the Roman Church. When 
 he comes to speak of this doctrine as held in the English 
 Church, he sketches the alterations made on this subject in 
 the various reformed Prayer-books. In a passage of con- 
 siderable force, Pusey apologizes for the English Reformers 
 by insisting on the difficulty of attaining to an adequate 
 apprehension of truth amid struggles such as those of the 
 sixteenth century. He points out that the Reformation in 
 the English Church was in no sense completed until the 
 Caroline divines had appeared on the scene ; and that our 
 standard of doctrine is not the Prayer-book of 1552, but 
 the Prayer-book of J 662. 
 
 * The divines of the sixteenth or seventeenth centuries had different 
 offices. In the sixteenth we are to look for strong broad statements 
 of truths which had been obscured by Popery, but often without the 
 modification which they require and receive from other portions of the 
 Gospel. In the seventeenth we have the calmer, deeper statements 
 of men to whom God had given peace from the first conflict. . . . 
 Each had their several offices, and were severally qualified for them ; 
 and they only risk disparaging the Reformers of the sixteenth century 
 who would look to them for that which was not their office ; namely, 
 a well-proportioned and equable exhibition of the several parts of the 
 Catholic Faith, which was, in the appointed order of things, rather 
 reserved for the seventeenth ^* 
 
 This leads him, not without good reason, to attach very 
 great weight to the teaching of a series of divines whose 
 continuous exposition of the doctrine of the Eucharistic 
 Sacrifice he gives in the Catena to which this essay is the 
 introduction. The Catena was, at least in the main, the 
 work of the Rev. B. Harrison, and it cites sixty-five authors, 
 ending with Bishop Phillpotts, who was ruling the see of 
 Exeter. Of these authors some state the doctrine fully 
 enough, while others are vague and undecided, whether 
 from being overawed by the Puritan tradition, or as only 
 
 » Tract 81, p. 35 (3rd ed.). 
 
 writing loosely and popularly. That they were concerned 
 about it at all is a fact bearing witness to the continued 
 reception of the doctrine in the Church of England since 
 the Reformation, even though some of them inadequately 
 understood it. 
 
 When referring apologetically in later life to some of his 
 earlier writings Pusey would often say, * In those days we 
 were learning ' : in the light of his later Eucharistic teaching 
 he would probably have applied the remark to the preface 
 of this tract. At the same time it is noticeable that in 
 September, 1836, Newman, incidentally anticipating the 
 principles of Tract 90, had written to him : * As to the 
 sacrificial view of the Eucharist, I do not see that you can 
 find fault with the formal wording of the Tridentine Decree. 
 Does not the Article on " the Sacrifices of Masses!' &c. 
 supply the doctrine or notion to be opposed ? What that 
 is, is to be learnt historically, I suppose.' Pusey also 
 acquiesced in the formal wording of the Council of Trent 
 on the subject, except so far as its words were modified by 
 the doctrines of Transubstantiation and Purgatory \ 
 
 Besides the question of Eucharistic doctrine, Pusey 's 
 correspondence at this time gives clear evidence of 
 various other questions more or less difficult in respect to 
 doctrine, practice, or terminology, arising out of a more 
 general appreciation of Church principles and order. As 
 regards doctrine, for instance, Pusey is asked by his old 
 college friend, the Rev. John Parker, of Sweeney, the true 
 relation of Conversion to Baptism. He answers as 
 follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Parker. 
 
 I have not read through the Bishop of Bangor's tract : what I have 
 seen I regard as an improvement upon Waterland, whom I think cold 
 (i.e. his times were so). But W. makes Regeneration too merely 
 a change of state, a being brought into covenant, not an actual birth : 
 on this the Bishop improves, but uses the same phraseology, which 
 would efface very much of the mystical character of Baptism. I think 
 the best explanation of Baptism that of the Catechism, * Wherein 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 1 Tract 81, p. 47. 
 D 
 
34 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I was made a member of Christ, a child of God, &c,* and so it places 
 its value in our being thereby engrafted into Christ, made members of 
 Him, and so being actually bora sons of God, of water and the Spirit. 
 The Low Church would explain how Regeneration is by making it 
 a change of nature : better to have it as it is set forth ; a new birth 
 implies a new nature, existence imparted ; and this is actual, not meta- 
 phorical, and by virtue of the Incarnation of our Lord Who took our 
 nature that He might impart to us His. 
 
 I cannot by any means admit that * conversion, if it follows at all, 
 does not follow until the heart is conscious of its corruption.' I do not 
 think that if there were more Christian education there would be need 
 of any such process as conversion ; the child for the most part loves to 
 hear of God and to obey Him, if not at the moment of strong tempta- 
 tion, yet, if encouraged, even then often ; and very often children will 
 deny themselves, punish themselves, restrain themselves, by the 
 thought of God ; help each other and be helped by them in doing their 
 duty, by the thought of God. It is our faithless education which leaves 
 us so many unfaithful Christians, and which checks the power which 
 Baptism imparts. People corrupt their children instead of teaching 
 them to amend. 
 
 I am revising the second edition carefully, so need not say more 
 here, only this : something is meant by there being * one Baptism for 
 the remission of sins.' There are many comforts in the way : Abso- 
 lution, the Communion, good thoughts put into the heart, having been 
 raised up again, &c. ; but there is no second plenary Absolution of all 
 sin such as Baptism is, until the final Absolution at the Day of Judge- 
 ment, which God grant us and all our friends. Again, God, I doubt 
 not, will comfort people when it is good for them, but not at once, nor 
 in the summary way in which people nowadays are wont [to ask for 
 comfort]. 
 
 Ever your very sincere friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 
 Again, at the beginning of January Pusey received from 
 the Rev. J. H. Stewart, Rector of St. Bride s, Liverpool, an 
 invitation to join in a * concert for prayer on the first 
 Monday of the year, for the outpouring of the Holy Spirit/ 
 Pusey welcomed the invitation, so far as it implied a 
 
 * value for united intercessory prayer, especially as coming from those 
 who, by their practice and words at least, have seemed to set preaching 
 so much above prayer, and have habitually disparaged the intercessory 
 prayers of the Church.* 
 
 But the plan recommended private prayer before day- 
 break ; family prayer ; private assemblage of members of 
 
 Prayer Union, 
 
 35 
 
 the same communion for prayer ; and 'public worship with 
 an appropriate discourse ' in the evening. Pusey seized the 
 opportunity thus presented to point out, in the British 
 Magazine, that the Church already offered in her daily 
 oilices, prescribed for both clergy and people, more than all 
 the devotional advantages which this well-intentioned but 
 crude proposal was intended to secure. * The Church/ he 
 says, 
 
 *has provided for this as well as for other wants of her children, and 
 has— not on one day in the year, but for every day— furnished them 
 with a service wherein they might ask, not this only, but for every 
 other blessing upon themselves and the whole Church. Her daily 
 service leaves none unheeded ; her extension and purity form part of 
 the " Prayer for all conditions of men " and the Litany. Nor need it 
 be said that this can be only through the manifold gifts of the Holy 
 Ghost. This descent of the continual dew of the Holy Ghost on the 
 whole Church is especially the prayer of that " for the Clergy and 
 People." The prayer enters again into the Te Deum and the responses 
 after the Creed ; it is involved in the very " Gloria Patri," which 
 is so often repeated ; inculcated by the very frequent praying of the 
 prayer of our Lord (" Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done on earth," 
 &c.), contained in so many of the Psalms which the Church provides 
 as her children's daily food. For the Lord's Day there is, at all 
 events, in addition, the ** Prayer for the Church Militant," and, if men 
 will, the Holy Eucharist. What, then, foreign Protestants have at- 
 tempted in this new way once in the year, the Church has every day. 
 And what if, through the unfaithfulness of some of her ministers, past 
 or present, prayer has grown cold, and daily service been often disused.^ 
 The Church has not been unfaithful; she, too, in her rubric and 
 ordination vows, which she prescribes to her priests to take, that they 
 should be ** diligent in prayer," has been uttering her voice, whether 
 men would hear or whether they would forbear ; and so soon as her 
 ministers keep their vows those blessings, which negligence only 
 suspends, will be realized day by day. Whatever may be the case 
 with villages, if a call, much less loud than this now made, were made 
 by each minister to his flock, there would be congregations day by day 
 in every church of every town ; but now^ ministers often look coldly 
 on, grudge the time occupied even on the Litany days, and themselves 
 the privilege of praying with two or three, where " a Fourth is with 
 them," and fall in with the listlessness of their people, instead of 
 drawing on their people, so that one could scarce say which cared 
 least about the privilege— minister or people. But "the Church's 
 prayers have become a form ! " But to whom are they " formalities,'' 
 except to " formalists " ? and do they not rather " form *' those whp 
 
 D 2 
 
36 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 will be " formed " after the heavenly pattern, and for heaven—" form " 
 through the - dew of God's Holy Spirit," " Christ' within them," and 
 them after the form and likeness of God? And if they become for- 
 malities, whose fault is it ? Again, this foreign " Concert for Prayer," 
 is It not a form ? What is a stricter " form " ? The very order of the 
 whole day is pointed out. Not that this is objectionable, if it came 
 from authority ; only it is a strict form, and so they who adopt it must 
 not object to forms.' 
 
 But Pusey was not merely concerned with theoretical 
 questions of Church principles: he was eager for their 
 application at home and abroad, in order to save the souls 
 of men. He had a plan for missionary exhibitions on 
 the one hand, and a scheme for Church building in the 
 poorer part of Oxford and for colleges of celibate clergy 
 in our great cities on the other. On the exhibitions to help 
 missionary education, he writes to his wife :— 
 
 I, , , *June 19, 1838. 
 
 1 have been talking to some people about reviving that plan 
 of Dr. Burton's for exhibitions here, for the education of missionaries 
 to go to India, and I have a little pet plan of our having a missionary 
 of our own, or rather that we might give up one of the two upper rooms 
 to a person on the plan of Mr. Barratt, who might be educated here 
 for a missionary. The want of men for missionaries is greater than 
 that of funds, but I have not yet breathed a syllable of this to any 
 one, nor shall unless, when we talk it over together, you altogether 
 like it.' 
 
 He wrote to the same effect to Newman and Harrison ; 
 but Mrs. Pusey's rapidly failing health made it impossible 
 to take any of the practical steps which he contemplated. 
 With regard to the new church in Oxford :— 
 
 * I have been to-day,' he writes to his wife, in the same letter, ' to a 
 meeting about one or two churches in St. Ebbe's, but would not speak 
 though much pressed by Churton and Hamilton. It is not my line] 
 and I do not like the speechifying which we have. ... 
 
 ' Hamilton made a fair speech, except that he talked about the Estab- 
 lished Church of Scotland, that is, the Presbyterian Kirk.* 
 
 Pusey however was put on the Committee. 
 
 • I went,' he writes on August 11, *at twelve to a meeting in 
 St Ebbe s vestry, where, after a good deal of debating, all was carried 
 which I wished. But it lasted three and a half hours However 
 
 Colleges of Clergy, 
 
 37 
 
 we carried some very important points, one by six to five only, and 
 things are set in a good train.' 
 
 This was the first stage of the effort which led to the 
 building of Holy Trinity Church. 
 
 The larger project of colleges of unmarried clergy 
 occupied his thoughts a good deal. The need of some such 
 agency was suggested to Pusey by his keen interest in 
 Bishop Blomfield s efforts in the east of London. The 
 form which the proposal assumed would have been sup- 
 plied by the statutes of the colleges of Oxford, as they 
 existed before the recent academical revolution. In 1833 
 Hurrell Froude had remarked that 
 
 *■ colleges of unmarried priests, who might of course retire to a living 
 when they could and liked, would be the cheapest possible way of 
 providing effectively for the spiritual wants of a large population ^* 
 
 Conversation often turned on the subject; but about 
 1 838 it seemed that something practical was in view, and 
 Pusey's letters to Newman refer to it not unfrequently. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 July 19, 1838. 
 
 I hope Wood, &c. are not aground with their plan for colleges of 
 twelve clergy in our large towns. (N.B. it should be twelve, not ten, 
 notwithstanding the convenience of decimal notation.) I think it would 
 take uncommonly, and must, of course, do a great deal of good. It 
 will do people good to see another thing started on a large scale. 
 
 Again, three weeks later ; — 
 
 Weymouth, Aug. 9, 1838. 
 
 Robert Williams called here, I talked to him about the colleges for 
 manufacturing towns. I have opportunely enough received a book from 
 Mr. Parkinson at Manchester, which makes an opening there. The 
 more I think of Froude's plan, the more it seems to me the only one, 
 if anything is to be done for our large towns. I had come to the same 
 conclusion for missionaries, that they ought not to be married men. 
 As he says, the exhibition of the domestic graces is not enough to 
 make an impression upon persons in such a state. 
 
 Now perhaps it might make least splash if it were connected some- 
 how with the existing college at Manchester, and it would be a good 
 
 * * Remains,* vol. 1. p. 322. 
 
38 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Work in great Towns. 
 
 39 
 
 hint to the Bishop of London to begin endowing colleges, while he is 
 proposing to pull them to pieces. It might show what might be made 
 of St. Paul's. What I should like then would be a place for (ultimately) 
 twelve Fellows, but beginning with not less than two, with an endow- 
 ment of ^1,000 for each, which would give a permanency to the plan, 
 and so enable one to make rules for them. The Bishop might be 
 Visitor, which would place it under proper sanction ; and they might 
 be self-elective, like other colleges, so that there would be no difficulty 
 about patronage. Williams proposed, as a rule, that all income which 
 they had above a certain amount should, so long as they remained 
 members, go to the purposes of the establishment. This, I suppose, 
 would lead to endowments and prevent luxury. Also that as soon as 
 their income amounted to a certain sum, they should send off colonies 
 elsewhere, which would both extend the system and prevent accumula- 
 tions. Then, I suppose, they should be under the parochial clergy, so 
 as to avoid introducing the mischiefs of regular and secular clergy. 
 Williams proposed also their having a common refectory, which would 
 diminish expense, and at the same time might introduce regulations as 
 to fasting-days. But these things might be kept to ourselves and them- 
 selves ; it would only be necessary to ask the clergy of the college 
 whether they would like such an institution in aid of the cure of Man- 
 chester, of which a large portion, I think, belongs to them. Perhaps 
 they might aid as to lodgings. At all events, there would be a chapel 
 ready built for daily service, besides Hours. 
 
 As for money, it is hard if the Apostolicals cannot raise ;f 12,000: at 
 least, enough to make a beginning ; but my own finances are at a very 
 low ebb, if not altogether dry, and I do not know when the tide will 
 begin to flow again. I suppose, however, I should come in before you 
 raised the ;£ 12,00a 
 
 Newman was cautious and critical. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 August 13, 1838. 
 As to the Manchester plan, I am suspicious of endowments. Some- 
 how in this day, I do think we ought to live for the day, and rather 
 generate an ?^os than a system. ;£ 1,000 can be spent more to advantage 
 as ready money. 
 
 Pusey was not to be silenced : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 August 15, 1838. 
 It would be easier many ways to dispense with a foundation, and 
 money is miserably wasted everywhere ; on the other hand, there seem 
 to me difficulties in carrying out the plan of a college by annual contri- 
 
 butions, (i) We thereby make ourselves a society, and, in whatever 
 degree the plan is carried out, more of a society. (2) We cannot make 
 any regulations for the college ourselves, but must confine ourselves to 
 acting with persons who altogether agree with us, of whom in towns 
 there are few or none. (1 should not like Leeds as the scene of 
 operation, since the vicarage is very well endowed.) (3) Who is to be 
 responsible for its continuance ? Then by a foundation we might 
 obtain legacies, in salutem animae. And how rapidly such foundations 
 spread ; our country had once more of them than any other ; so I hope 
 the root remains in the ground, though the spoiler has miserably 
 maimed the trunk and cut off the branches. If we were to form 
 a foundation, we should naturally be employed to get men in the first 
 instance, and might make the bodies self-elective, so that one should 
 get rid of patronage and appointment. I cannot help thinking we 
 should in time have splendid contributions. 
 
 If we confine ourselves to an annual income I do not see how we 
 are to make regulations, for this would be an imperium in imperio, and 
 (unless you induced the Archbishop to make you General of the Order) 
 unauthoritative, just like the Pastoral Aid Society, &c. ; but I should 
 like to know what your plan would be. It would certainly be a great 
 gain, if we could not get all, at least to introduce the notion of a mass 
 of clergy in our large towns. I doubt whether, without a foundation, it 
 would give rise to any institutions of moment, for I suppose that the 
 pattern given will be copied, whatever it is ; and it seems beginning 
 too far off to give rise to colleges. But it might, at all events, ameliorate 
 the heathenish state of our great towns, and correct the stupidity with 
 which people look on at such skeletons of the true fabrics— one clergy- 
 man where there ought to be a Bishopric. 
 
 On second thoughts, however, Pusey appears to have felt 
 that Newman's ideas on the subject were more practical 
 than his own, and that they pointed to a quarter which he 
 had before set aside. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 August 21, 1838. 
 
 I have been thinking that if you decidedly think that one ought not 
 to attempt a foundation, that the only way will be to return to the 
 original plan of assisting Hook at Leeds, in which case he must be 
 responsible to the curates, and we to him ; and he, I suppose, would be 
 ready to do something towards the plan. But for your end of producing 
 an J^of , are not large plans, as being action, the very way to do ? One 
 College of Clergy founded for a large town is a great speaking fact ; 
 the Bishop of London's plan or the Additional Curates' Fund, in their 
 way, are tending to produce an ydos, just as these plans of the Peculiars, 
 
40 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 their Canada or Colonial Church Society, their Pastoral Aid Society, 
 and now their London Church Society, are produced by and repro- 
 ducing a terrible ri6os of selfishness and self-confidence, trusting them- 
 selves, and trusting no one but themselves. However, perhaps we 
 may meet soon to talk over these things ; only, if you have made up 
 your mind, 1 am here close by Williams, and so have the opportunity 
 of talking with him. 
 
 In the middle of September the plan was so far matured 
 that Pusey wrote to two clergymen suggesting that they 
 should ' lay the foundation * of such a college as was pro- 
 posed. For various reasons, chiefly of a personal character, 
 both of Pusey's correspondents declined his invitation. The 
 plan accordingly dropped for the time being. As far as 
 Manchester was concerned, it fell through altogether. At 
 a later date it had practical results on more than one church 
 in London, through correspondence with Mr. Dodsworth ; 
 and it is to be traced as the inspiring ideal of the generous 
 efforts which are connected with the establishment of the 
 Church of St. Saviour's, Leeds. 
 
 Already the principles of the Tracts were being pro- 
 pagated in Leeds by Dr. Hook, and the following letter 
 from Pusey shows the relations with Hook at that time. 
 Early in 1838 the Tracts were attacked in the Leeds In- 
 telligencer, and Dr. Hook remonstrated with the writer, and 
 forwarded his remonstrance and the reply which it elicited 
 to Pusey, 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 ... Thanks also for your defence of us; as for your being our 
 disciple, the thing is absurd. Newman said in the Christian Ob- 
 server that you had formed or received your views long before many 
 of the writers in the Tracts (long before myself upon many points, 
 though many, as Baptism and the Succession, I held as far as I 
 understood them). We were led by different paths to the same end, 
 and from our early separation had little to do in forming each other's 
 opinions ; and you have held them earlier than N. probably, and far 
 longer and more consistently than ourselves. This I shall always 
 gladly aver, if occasion offers, as N. has done. . . . 
 
 Nothing could be further, probably, from the thoughts of those who 
 started the Tracts, than that they would ever attain anything like the 
 report, good or evil, which they have. They were cast out at first, like 
 
 Dr. Hook and the Tracts. 
 
 41 
 
 bread upon the waters, which they who cast it knew not when they 
 should find. They were a few earnest voices, crying * Stop, stop,' to a 
 people who were running headlong into new ways ; they were little begin- 
 nings, to become whatever God might will. Now, however, they must 
 be taken as facts ; people are curious about them ; want to know what 
 is thought of them, or what to think of them ; they have not access to 
 much of the old divinity with which they accord ; and they will be for 
 a time one of the chief channels through which people will receive the 
 old views. They and their history have become one of the phenomena 
 of the day ; when they have done their work they, or many of them, 
 will be laid aside. But the present is the time for doing their work ; 
 and so, as one of the instruments employed now, it is well, I think, for 
 persons who would influence their day to know their character and be 
 able to give an opinion about them. All you say is, of course, perfectly 
 true ; they are not things to be made tests of right principles, badges 
 of a party, to be received indiscriminately, to be looked upon as, of 
 course. Catholic, &c., &c. This should be said : they wish, they 
 profess to be Catholic ; they disclaim anything as binding which is not 
 Catholic, and would reject anything which should be proved to be 
 anti-Catholic. But while you rightly caution people against them as 
 tests of Catholicity instead of guides to it, this is still only half, only 
 one side : people want to know not only what they are not, but what 
 they are ; whether they are sound or unsound ; and there are many 
 who would look to yourself to guide them to form a judgment on this. 
 It is not sufficient for a teacher to say, * " I call no man master " ; if any- 
 thing is proved to be anti-Catholic I disclaim it ' : the learner wishes 
 to know from his teacher something more definite ; and so it would be 
 well for you, I think, to read them, and to be able to instruct any who 
 ask, * this is certainly Catholic' ; 'this appears to me to be a private 
 opinion, or an opinion received in part of the Church only, and so not 
 to have the same weight ' ; * this is a practice of the Western Church 
 only * ; 'this is an individual attempt to carry out and adapt to our 
 times antient services,' &c., &c., as the case may be. If you judge 
 freely, as you are entitled to do, on our Tracts, you will not be looked 
 upon as our pupil, but will take your station the more as the Doctor of 
 those who ought to look up to you. 
 
 I have said the more on this because I think this general way of 
 speaking unsatisfactory and calculated to throw suspicion upon our 
 unity, and to weaken us by making people think we are not so united 
 as we really are. One great source of the impression which we make 
 is, humanly speaking, our union ; the Record tries as much as it can 
 to make out that we are but three, that the Tracts are not Oxford 
 tracts, but tracts of K., N., and P. ; or it would give us one human 
 head and call us N-ites or P— ites, but all will not do: I do not 
 believe that they can thoroughly persuade themselves of it, and so not 
 . others. However, this may show us where our strength is— union, 
 i.e. that omitting points of detail, we should be understood as pressing 
 
42 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the same principles, that we urge what is Catholic, and that we are 
 agreed what is Catholic ; that while we need not even restrict our- 
 selves to what is Catholic (so that it be not anti-Catholic), but may 
 hold severally even what has been received in parts of the Church 
 and so are not bound in aJl things to hold the same, yet that as the 
 argest portion infinitely, as well as the essential, is Catholic, in the 
 largest portion we must be agreed. This struggle is about the Catholic 
 taith. What IS called Papistical, what we are abused for, is Catholic ; 
 in speaking of anything human (since what is Catholic is not so) one 
 must of course be understood to express one's approbation with a 
 limitation ; but still one would speak of certain things with approba- 
 tion, e.g. Hooker, although in some things he may retain the Calvinistic 
 tmge of the school in which he was educated. Now, without comparing 
 small things with great, I think that those who do in the main agree 
 with the principles of the * Tracts for the Times ' should be able to say 
 that they do ; let them make what limitations or restrictions they 
 please, it is of moment that they should be able to speak of them on 
 the whole. An office has been given them in reward of the faith of 
 those (of whom I was not one) who first sent them forth to do service 
 against sight, and so it is well to wish them * God speed,* and to avow 
 that you do so. 
 
 I have written all this because there is a number of persons who 
 think that they shall act best independently. I thought so once, but I 
 found myself swept into the stream, i.e. I found that I was identified with 
 Newman and with 6 fioKapn^s Froude ; and so I was the more comfort- 
 able ; my place was given me : before, I thought that I was bearing testi- 
 mony to the same cause as a separate witness. There are many such, 
 more or less : Sewell, who writes the articles in the Quarterly, is one. 
 People do not know of petty distinctions ; they class things broadly. 
 We are congratulated at the Quarterly having admitted our (i.e. 
 Catholic) views, while Sewell is imagining that he is detached from us, 
 and not committed to us. It is much better that a person should 
 know in what position he is. While I denied that we were any party, 
 that we were united by any narrower bands than Catholicity and 
 charity, I denied not that we thought alike ; I spoke not of N. or F. 
 as third persons, but gladly joined myself with them ; and so shall one 
 most effectually break up what would be an evil, the formation of 
 a party, by avowing and showing how much and how many it compre- 
 hends. Rose wishes us well, but keeps rather aloof from us ; yet the 
 Record has long ago summed up Rose and you and us together. 
 We must fight together ; it is weU to show that we fight under the 
 same colours and in the same detachment. 
 
 I have ventured on your long friendship to write this long letter, 
 because from several indications 1 do not think that you exactly know 
 the position in which you really are, and as another sees it better, 
 I would frankly tell you. You are doing, and are placed in a station 
 for doing more good. You are not altogether insulated, though you 
 
 The Archbishop on Tractarianism, 
 
 43 
 
 are a witness in the North of what they have not lately heard ; but 
 your witness will be the better heard not as the echo of our voices, but 
 as joining in the same chorus. 
 
 In August, 1838, the Rev. B. Harrison, who had so long 
 helped Pusey as his assistant Hebrew lecturer and in other 
 departments of his work, was offered by Archbishop How- 
 ley the post of his Examining Chaplain. In making the 
 offer the Archbishop felt that Harrison's relations with the 
 writers of the ' Tracts for the Times ' required a word of 
 explanation on his part. Harrison reported to Pusey what 
 took place at the interview. After enlarging on the 
 recommendations of the position to a young man, the 
 Archbishop proceeded :— ' But, you are looked upon as 
 belonging to what are called " the Oxford divines "; ' and 
 therefore, he said, in such an appointment he would be 
 regarded as giving his unqualified sanction to their views 
 and opinions. 
 
 Rev. B. Harrison to E. B. P. 
 
 August II, 1838. 
 ... So he went on to express the great respect and regard 
 which he had for the leading men among those he had spoken of, 
 mentioning yourself, Keble, and Newman by name, at the same time 
 that he said there were some points which he could not but think had 
 been carried too far, and he heard much said, he knew not how truly, 
 about certain things in some young men, such as crosses worn on their 
 dress, and which would be apt to be regarded by uninstructed persons 
 as an approach to Popery. He mentioned particularly the publication 
 of Froude's * Remains,' as one chief point which he regretted, having 
 first, I should say, spoken of the general principle which had been 
 acted upon in a certain degree, of putting things in an extreme and 
 startling way. He knew, he said, what was said in vindication of it, viz. 
 the necessity of calling men's attention to neglected truths and duties ; 
 but he could not but think that the manner of our Lord's teaching 
 set forth a different example ; and with regard, again, to Froude's * Re- 
 mains,' heknew it was said that the editors were not responsible for every 
 opinion, and that there was much upon which Froude had not made 
 up his own mind altogether ; but still he regretted that a handle should 
 be given to parties of whose views and designs he highly disapproved. 
 Then again, he said, there were certain practices derived from the 
 pattern of early times, on which he held a somewhat different theory, 
 such as fasting and the observance of the canonical hours of devotion. 
 He had said somewhere before this in the conversation, I think, that 
 
44 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \\\ 
 
 % 
 
 It was very difficult to know oneself, and difficult to draw the line 
 
 between moderation and lukewarmness, and that a person might seem 
 
 lukewarm when he would desire to guard anxiously against it. And so 
 
 m practice he might seem lax to some persons in regard to such obser- 
 
 vances as those which he had mentioned- of fasting and the stated 
 
 times of prayer ; holding that there were some things in primitive 
 
 practice which were especially required by the circumstances of the 
 
 early Church when it was to be distinguished by very strict outward 
 
 observances from the Pagans around ; and that, especially, in regard 
 
 to the outward observance of stated times of prayer, while he held 
 
 strongly the duty of continual mental prayer, the necessary business 
 
 which was entailed upon a person in these days prevented such a 
 
 regular system of outward devotion. I think this was pretty much 
 
 what the Archbishop said, and after so full a statement of his views, 
 
 with the emphatic * But ' which introduced it. I thought he would be 
 
 looking for something of a confession of faith on my part in return ; but 
 
 It seemed, when he had finished, that he merely wished so fully to 
 
 express the points wherein he differed from those with whose views I 
 
 was identified, as not to be understood, in making me the offer of this 
 
 appointment, to be expressing an unqualified approbation of their whole 
 
 system. 
 
 With the Archbishops permission, Harrison asked 
 Pusey's advice on the question whether he should accept 
 the appointment. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Weymouth [Aug. 13, 1838]. 
 There can, of course, be no doubt about your accepting the Arch- 
 bishop's offer, and I hail so early an appointment to so confidential 
 and important an office as an earnest of extensive usefulness to be 
 opened to you in whatever way the Lord of the vineyard sees fit. The 
 way in which it was announced to you was very satisfactory; it is 
 affecting to read the openness of one so long in the highest station in 
 the Church, teUing a young man his views about mental prayer and 
 the rest, and tacitly comparing his own line with the more precise rule 
 which others thought necessary for the most part. It opens a happy 
 prospect of the relation which you will bear to him, so long as it shall 
 seem good that it shall last. You need not to be exhorted to vigilance 
 that you hold fast your own steadfastness ; the past is a good earnest 
 that you will have strength given you to do it. Yet, I suppose, that you 
 will feel that you will have a good deal of trial in so doing ; the very 
 amiableness of the Archbishop's character would render it naturally 
 the more difficult to hold on a line different from his, whom from 
 character, age, and station you are bound to, and must, respect. Still, 
 
 B. Harrison — Chaplain to Archbishop. 45 
 
 here again it has been a good preparation for you that you have 
 during some years, 1 suppose, been thrown with people older than your- 
 self; whom you had, in different ways, ground to respect, and yet had 
 to form— by their help in several degrees, but still— your own line for 
 yourself, and He Who has conducted you thus far safely will guide you 
 to the end. You will adapt, or carry on, your own private rules, which 
 will, by His blessing, preserve your own simplicity amid the more 
 varied trials by which it is now to proceed. On the other hand, of 
 course, there is very much to be learnt from the meekness and gentle- 
 ness of the Archbishop. 
 
 While, then, you can be spared at Oxford better than at any former 
 time, your presence about the Archbishop and in London may be of 
 great service to us. Catholicity, as you know, has few representatives 
 enough in London— no one, I suppose, among the clergy, except Dods- 
 worth and your brother-in-law, though others (as Ward of St. J.) may 
 be more or less approximating totit. 
 
 It would stop all declamation against Froude, &c., were one to say in 
 the midst, * Neither Froude nor any of his friends wish for, or would 
 have anything to do with, any change in our Liturgy, Articles, Rubrics. 
 They only wish to act up to what we have.' 
 
 For myself, I am very glad of the publication of the ' Remains * ; 
 they may very likely be a check, but that in itself may be the very best 
 thing for us, and prevent a too rapid and weakening growth ; it may 
 cast people back upon themselves, and make them think more deeply 
 of the principles which they had half taken up ; his careful self- 
 discipline is, of course, calculated in this self-indulgent age to do much 
 immediate good, as will his protest against change both upon his own 
 friends and others, and his views will get sifted— «/ alteri prosint 
 saeculo, 
 
 •••••••• 
 
 We have great reason to be thankful both for the training you have 
 so long had in the courts of the temple, and in the air of devotion 
 which yet breathes in them, and that you are now called to watch and 
 ward. With regard to the separation, one's only feeling on those sub- 
 jects must be, * The time is short,' and we must be ready to go wherever 
 summoned; the apostles abode many years at Jerusalem, and then 
 separated, leaving St. James alone, except that ' Who had the Father 
 and the Son, &c.' But in this case you are brought nearer to your 
 family, and the invisible bond remains. 
 
 There is no doubt that Harrison*s withdrawal from 
 Oxford was a great loss to Pusey; but it can hardly be 
 added that Pusey's sanguine anticipations of the results of 
 his appointment at Lambeth were realized. Perhaps no 
 
46 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pnsey, 
 
 one could have realized them : certainly Harrison did not. 
 The traditional caution of Lambeth was too much for him : 
 his tone became gradually more official and less sym- 
 pathetic ; he was, as years went on, less the friend of the 
 Movement than its critic. Pusey felt the change deeply : 
 their letters became less frequent, and, although they 
 remained on terms of affectionate friendship with each 
 other, Pusey always referred in later years to the move to 
 Lambeth as ' an unfortunate experiment.' 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The following letter of spiritual counsel is interesting both for 
 its intrinsic value, and also as showing that Pusey had already 
 begun that masterly dealing with individual souls which afterwards 
 became such a large portion of his life's work. 
 
 E. B. P. TO 
 
 My dear 
 
 Weymouth, Aug. 20, 1838. 
 
 I am very glad that you have summoned resolution to write to 
 me, and, though I did not anticipate it (as I did not know on what you 
 were going to write), readily feel that you must have had difficulty : for 
 it is a solemn and earnest thing to write about one's-self, and there is 
 a feeling of reluctance annexed to laying open one's-self in any degree, 
 as a caution that it is to be done rarely, and only when required by 
 some adequate object. 
 
 On the subject upon which you write to me, my general strong im- 
 pression is that all comfort ought to be of * God's giving, not of man's 
 taking,' i. e. that it is not our end, but a reward or an encouragement given 
 by God, from time to time, in greater or less degrees, in glimpses, more 
 or less vividly, as He sees good for us, and that the attempt to secure 
 it for ourselves, not being the temper of mind which He sees good 
 for us, ends generally in a false excitement and a fictitious state. 
 I recollect being struck with a saying of Bishop Taylor's, that * to look 
 for comfort in prayer, and to be anxious for it, was like following our 
 Lord for the loaves and fishes,' or something like this. And Scripture 
 speaks of ' peace ' as the direct gift of God. St. Paul begins all the 
 Epistles which he begins in his own name (i. e. all except the Epistle 
 to the Hebrews), by praying for it as God's gift, as much as grace — 
 
 * Grace be unto you and peace from God our Father and the Lord 
 Jesus Christ '—and this is so fixed a form that he varies it only so far 
 as to say *from the Father,' and to Timothy and Titus he adds, 
 
 * Grace, mercy ^ and peace.' St. Peter uses nearly the same form in the 
 Second Epistle, * Grace and peace be multiplied unto you through, &c.' 
 — still in the passive form, as a gift conveyed to them, and so far in the 
 First Epistle also. St. John, in his Second Epistle, as addressed to an 
 individual, uses the same form as St. Paul to Timothy and Titus. And 
 this doubtless was an apostolic blessing, and they were conveying on, by 
 
48 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 virtue of their office,the blessing which they had received from their Lord, 
 
 * Peace I leave with you, My peace I give unto you ; not as the world 
 
 giveth, give I unto you'; which seems to be implied by the uniformity 
 
 of the words used by different apostles ; and indeed the seventy had 
 
 the direction to convey it, * Into whatsoever house ye enter first say, 
 
 Peace be to this house ' ; as I think also the words * Peace be with you ' 
 
 are a blessing pronounced by the priest in all liturgies ; and our other 
 
 benediction, * The peace of God, «S:c/ (from Phil. iv. 7) conveys the same. 
 
 Again, when * peace ' and * joy ' are said to be fruits of the Spirit, i.e. 
 
 worked in us by the Holy Spirit, or the words *joy of the Holy Ghost* 
 
 (Acts xiii. 52), the same truth is conveyed that Christian joy and peace 
 
 are worked in the Christian directly by God. They may be lawfully 
 
 the objects of prayer, but we can no more work them in ourselves, or 
 
 arrive at them by any process of the understanding, than we can at any 
 
 other of His gifts. A good deal of mischief, as well as of discomfort, 
 
 has been caused by overlooking this: people have gone about to 
 
 establish their own peace, as the Jews did their own righteousness, and 
 
 so have missed the * peace of God.' This is eminently the case with 
 
 the Wesleyans, whose whole theory is built upon the necessity of 
 
 having and obtaining peace, and who seem to think that there can be 
 
 no false peace, and so frequently produce or continue it. The same is, 
 
 in its degree, the case with the so-called Evangelicals (we may call 
 
 them X to avoid names), and Dr. A[rnold's] theology, in which you 
 
 were educated, has a good many x ingredients ; and one of these is to 
 
 look to joy and peace, or the feelings, as something in themselves, 
 
 something to be analyzed, used as a criterion of the spiritual state, 
 
 acted upon directly, instead of being a result, a reward, or an instrument 
 
 to lead people on to more faithful exertion. I should not then make it 
 
 a question, * whether the words of encouragement or of reproof are 
 
 meant to apply to my case'— i.e. not I think what you mean by this : 
 
 for most, both are needed, the reproofs to quicken and to keep them 
 
 vigilant, or to make them fill up that which is lacking and correct what 
 
 is yet amiss, or deepen their repentance for what has been so. And so 
 
 I should think that the fear of being a castaway was sent into many 
 
 minds from time to time, or doubts whether they might not be falling 
 
 back, to make them gird themselves up more strongly and press on 
 
 more vigorously, and so eventually escape being castaways and obtain 
 
 a brighter crown. So that I should think the practical way, when any 
 
 of these feelings come over one, was to see whether one had relaxed in 
 
 any plan of action which one had formed, or given way to anything 
 
 amiss ; or to sift things, which one was in the habit of doing, to see 
 
 whether there was anything amiss in them ; and to set about correcting 
 
 these, leaving 
 
 * present rapture, comfort, ease, 
 
 As Heaven shall bid them come or go, — 
 
 The secret this, of rest below *.' 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Christian Year,' Morning Hymn. 
 
 Spiritual Counsel, 49 
 
 One thing I think I can point out in your present mode of life, as 
 unfavourable to spiritual comfort, and that is, the exclusive pursuit of a 
 professional object. You say, ' I make it a rule hardly to look at these 
 books, except on Sundays, and am as much as possible engaged with 
 [my work] in some shape or other from morning to night.' This you seem 
 to have proposed to yourself as a duty, as I did once in a somewhat 
 similar case, when I was at work at Arabic abroad, and wished to shorten 
 the time in which I was engaged in a study bearing so indirectly on 
 theology ; but I should say from my own experience, that the en- 
 grossing pursuit of any study is unhealthy to the spirit, because en- 
 grossing ; that one becomes unawares engrossed with the means in 
 a degree instead of the end ; that the mind (as the very words imply) 
 cannot be in that disengaged, free state, sitting loose to the things of 
 this world, that it ought ; that, in fine, it is an unnatural state, and so 
 disarranges the mind, making it restless and unquiet, throwing it off its 
 balance, and making it feverish and distracted. There seems to be 
 a degree of self-will in proposing to do in a given time more than we 
 can naturally do, which is chastened by consequent disarrangement of 
 mind ; if it is necessary for a given end, and that end is also necessary 
 and to be accomplished by our means, then, of course, the self-will 
 disappears, but one ought to be very sure of this, and then seek to cure 
 it by other means —self-discipline. One very obvious one is continued 
 mental prayer not to be engrossed by that wherewith one was occupied ; 
 but this will not do, if one is all the while occupying one's-self more 
 than one ought to be, because one is then praying against the conse- 
 quences which have been annexed as a warning against what one is 
 doing. I should rather, in your case, recommend the diminishing the 
 degree of occupation, and employing it, at intervals if possible, in 
 religious exercises. An hour a day gained in this way would be an act 
 of faith, and, if given up readily (supposing that under the circum- 
 stances, which I do not know, it seemed right), would, I doubt not, 
 have an accompanying blessing. The observation of the ancient hours, 
 or the chief hours of the day — 9, 12, 3— if it were but short prayers 
 (such as are in Bishop Cosin) learnt by heart in relation to the wants 
 of those hours, is very healthful. 
 
 And now, since you have made me in a sort a spiritual adviser, I will 
 mention two things to you, and you will not be mortified at my naming 
 them, or at my having seen or heard of them. Not to keep you in 
 suspense, I would say at once (with all affection for your general 
 character) that there is one prominent fault, which people least like to 
 be charged with, though so many have it,— over-self-esteem, or to 
 speak very plainly, vanity. Knowing very little of your early life, 
 I have no grounds, as I have no reason to judge, how much of a fault 
 this is ; nor could I say precisely on what it turned, what was its prin- 
 cipal subject : I might suspect perhaps even * personal appearance,' or 
 something about the person or connected with it, was a subject (as it is 
 a most capricious quality, and they said of an eminent linguist, Schlegel, 
 VOL. n. E 
 
50 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 that he was vain of everything which was his, down to his elbow-chair). 
 This you can tell far better than myself ; whether it be this, or conver- 
 sation, or general ability, or acquirements, or whether it floats about 
 different things, it will in some shape or other constitute your trial for 
 some time. And it is of course a very important one, because it has 
 a tendency to corrupt everything we do by infusing self-satisfaction into 
 it. It is easier to write than to say this, though you will believe I have 
 some reluctance even in writing it ; but having seen good sort of people 
 in whom it has grown up even to advanced life, and knowing what 
 a bane it is to spiritual progress, and a hindrance altogether, I could 
 not but think it right to name it. It is often useful that a person 
 should know that any given quality is perceptible to others ; it makes 
 them realize more the degree in which it is in them ; and I doubt not 
 that, in earnest as you are about yourself, you will set yourself vigorously 
 to correct it. 
 
 The other point I have heard of only, and cannot tell wherein it 
 exactly consists : it amounts to this— I know not whether in disputing, 
 or speaking, or objecting — you have said * strong ' latitudinarian things, 
 which have given pain to serious people. I could be sure that you had 
 done this : I do not know how long ago it was, but I imagined it recent : 
 perhaps you saw that what you said about the inscriptions on the Cross 
 in the four Evangelists pained me. I should be sorry if you were less 
 open with me in consequence ; but there was a sort of off-hand, matter- 
 of-fact way which pained me. You will recollect that I answered strongly, 
 not as to yourself, but as to the school which used such arguments. 
 (I have offended in this way formerly myself, I know ; so one ought to 
 be the more patient as to the same in others.) Now you have changed 
 not only your habits of mind, I imagine, but your views in some sort 
 on theology ; you do not adopt those which we aver to be Catholic, but 
 you have probably parted with some which you held, or hold them less 
 peremptorily, or have modified them, and hold others which you did 
 not hold. In a word, your mind has been undergoing a change. But 
 this ought to make you less decided as to those points which you still 
 hold, but which belong to the same peculiar school, some of whose 
 opinions you have modified or abandoned : you ought, at least, to hold 
 your mind in suspense, and not maintain, or give vent to them, except 
 for the purpose of gaining clearer insight, not in mixed societies as 
 matters of discussion, but privately and quietly. For if they be untrue 
 (as you must suppose possible), then as far as this goes, you would be 
 (though ignorantly) yet upholding or circulating untruth, perhaps 
 bringing it to the knowledge of those unacquainted with it, or im- 
 pressing it on those who know it, or retarding those who are getting 
 rid of it. This necessity of uncertainty upon some points need not 
 make you fear forming a sceptical habit of mind, so that you but 
 distinguish between what is Catholic and private : having found one 
 modem teacher in error, in whom you placed confidence, does not at 
 all involve doubting what has been held, not by one, but by all. But, 
 
 Spiritual Counsel, 51 
 
 iDesides the possible injury to others, you must do certain injury to 
 yourself, if what you thus speak of is erroneous. For it is not the 
 way to obtain fresh accessions of truth from God, to utter things 
 which (though you know it not) are against His truth ; and the more, 
 if they be such, as, if untrue, are irreverent also, and strike sober- 
 minded people as being such. Thus I have seen cases in which the 
 habit of talking against those who held what they called the ' literal 
 inspiration ' of Scripture, did the whole mind a great deal of harm 
 and put it in an irreverent state ; as, on the other hand, if it be true 
 that there are great depths in the sayings of the Bible, and manifold 
 truths may be evolved out of them, this way of speaking would 
 indispose a person to receive it, and so keep hidden from him much 
 truth. Secretly also, but necessarily, this theory involves regarding 
 much in the composition of the Bible as human, as the theory of the 
 Fathers looks on every jot and tittle divine, and the whole as in a 
 higher degree divine ; whereas that other system unravels the divinity 
 of Holy Scripture, some making the history, some the arguments, 
 others the moral sayings (as the Psalms), others what does not seem 
 to them good (as the Canticles), human, and having in the end. no 
 criterion of divine and human but their own private judgement. 
 
 My advice then on this head would be, (i) not to speak of any of 
 these subjects for mere theory or argument's sake, but for edification ; 
 (2) to put restraint upon yourself in mixed societies; (3) (which 
 is involved in these) to be very watchful for what end you speak of 
 them ; (4) to endeavour to keep your mind in suspense as to the 
 theories of moderns which you have reason to think fnay be at variance 
 with the teaching of the ancient Church. 
 
 1 have now written, as you asked me, ' very plainly,' and I trust, 
 and indeed doubt not, that this plainness, which one would use the 
 rather in correspondence, will open the way for unreserved intercourse, 
 when it pleases God that we should meet. 
 
 E 2 
 
^i 
 
 Bishop Bagofs Charge, 
 
 53 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 BISHOP BAGOT'S charge OF 1 838— PROPOSED MARTYRS 
 MEMORIAL— PUBLIC LETTER TO BISHOP BAGOT. 
 
 1838-1839. 
 
 The year 1838 was, as will appear later, full of 
 anxieties to Pusey in his home circle ; it was marked 
 also by two public events, of no great importance in 
 themselves, but very important in their bearing on his 
 relation to the Oxford movement. Of these the first was 
 the Charge of Dr. Bagot, Bishop of Oxford, in the summer 
 of 1838. In one of the letters which Newman wrote to 
 Pusey at Weymouth informing him of the state of eccle- 
 siastical affairs, he told him that the Bishop of Oxford was 
 delivering a Charge in favour of the Tracts. On August 14th 
 he heard the Charge himself ; and the first sanguine impres- 
 sion was succeeded by another. But in consequence of 
 Pusey s anxiety about his wife's health, Newman delayed 
 writing to him for a week. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, August 21, 1838. 
 . . . And now I must tell you about the Bishop's Charge and the 
 Tracts— it has been all the wrong way. He said in it that having 
 been troubled with anonymous letters he felt it right to speak about 
 a particular development of opinion, &c. in one part of the diocese. 
 Then after speaking about observances, &c. in Church, and saying he 
 could find nothing to censure, he went on to speak of the Tracts, and 
 said that in them were expressions which might be dangerous to 
 
 certain minds— that he feared more for the scholars than for the 
 Masters ; but this being so he conjured the latter to mind what they 
 were about. It was extremely mild, and he has allowed us turning to 
 the East, &c. (implicitly), and recommended Saints' Days, fasting, &c. 
 It was altogether very good, but it did the very thing I have always 
 reckoned on— took our suggestions, but (as tar as it went) threw us 
 overboard. 
 
 After thinking about it, I thought that since the 'expressions' in 
 question were not mentioned, an indefinite censure was cast over the 
 Tracts, and that I could not continue them under it. I wrote to 
 Keble, and he, apart from me, agreed in this opinion. Accordingly 
 I wrote to the Archdeacon stating this, and saying that a Bishop's 
 lightest word ex cathedrd was heavy, and that judgment on a book 
 was a rare occurrence. Therefore under the circumstances I must 
 stop the Tracts, and recall those which were in circulation. However, 
 if the Bishop would be kind enough privately to tell him what Tracts 
 he objected to, I would withdraw them without a word, and the rest 
 would be saved. He said he had not seen the Charge before it was 
 delivered, and referred me to the Bishop. I have had an answer from 
 the Bishop this morning— very kind, as you would expect. I think 
 (between ourselves) the case is as I thought. He did not fully 
 consider the power of a Bishop's word, nor fancy we are so bound 
 by professions (to say nothing else) to obey it. He meant to check us 
 merely, not having a distinct view of what the 'expressions' were, 
 and not duly understanding he has a jurisdiction over me. If he 
 says one thing, I another, we cannot remain parallel to each other, he 
 merely indirectly influencing me. He cannot but act upon me. His 
 word is a deed. I am very sorry, but I see no alternative yet 
 between his telling me to withdraw some and my withdrawing all. 
 I suppose he will put something into his printed Charge to soften 
 matters; but I do not see how. He is, as you know, particularly 
 kind, and I am quite pained to think that I have put him (apparently) 
 into a difficulty, but I do not see how I could help it. (Keep all this 
 quite secret.) You are quite out of it— first because your name is 
 to the Baptism, and he did not mean you ; next, because I have 
 excepted the tract on Baptism in my letter. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 Pusey was vexed — vexed at what the Bishop had said, 
 but still more distressed at Newman's view of what it 
 involved. He did not understand Newman's serious 
 estimate of the disapprobation of his Bishop. This 
 estimate was based on Newman's peculiar theory of the 
 authority of an individual Bishop. * My own Bishop was 
 
M 
 
 54 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Bishop Bagofs Charge. 
 
 55 
 
 my Pope,' he says ; * I knew no other ; the successor of 
 the Apostles, the Vicar of Christ ^' There is no reason 
 to suppose that Pusey ever held this theory; and it may 
 be doubted whether at this time he even understood that 
 Newman did so. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Weymouth, St. Bartholomew's Eve, 1838. 
 It is miserable work about the Tracts ; I can scarcely realize to 
 myself what the effect of withdrawing the Tracts would be : it seems 
 at first sight, likely to throw everything into confusion, and to produce 
 a sort of electric shock. The withdrawal, in consequence of Episcopal 
 disapprobation, is like La Mennais going to the Pope, the result of 
 which ... was that his principles were wholly given up by all 
 Roman Catholics. The disapprobation wiU, of course, be considered 
 as extending much beyond what it does ; everybody will construe it to 
 mean just what he wishes; the * expressions which might be dangerous 
 to certain minds' will be what every one does not like; it seems like 
 a wet blanket cast upon all the fire we have been fanning, for it will 
 be extended from the * expressions ' to the Tracts, and from the 
 Tracts to the principles. It is not simply disheartening : it seems 
 like a blow from which I shall never live to see things recover. But 
 could It not be averted? I am fully persuaded that the Bishop [of 
 Oxford] would be as sorry for it as any one, few excepted ; th^t he 
 would be shocked at his own work ; that he would not like the re- 
 sponsibility ; that he goes with us the whole way (as far as his reading 
 has led him to clear his own views) as to doctrine and practice, and 
 would only be startled at expressions about the Reformers which 
 were views new to him. You recollect how distinctly he recognized 
 the act of oblation. It seems altogether, if it could be avoided that 
 you are making him strike a blow upon his own principles, which 
 he and every one of his way of thinking will be sorry for as soon as it 
 IS done, and which he never contemplated. (The Bishops of London 
 and Lincoln I suspect would be sorry.) One should surely try to 
 save him from it if one could. Then, also, in excepting my tract 
 on Baptism (which I hardly see how it is excepted since I owe 
 canonica obedience to the Bishop too, and my name being to the 
 tract makes matters worse, not better) you have excepted what I 
 suppose (with No. 10 2) has been most objected to. Besides the main 
 doctnne, there is the revival of Exorcism, limiting Scripture by 
 
 Heads of a Week-day Lecture 
 
 tradition, and sin after Baptism. This, however, is a minor matter ; 
 but my firm persuasion is that the Bishop never read, perhaps never 
 saw the Tracts ; that he has had certain expressions quoted to him in 
 anonymous letters, and meant to get rid of his anonymous friends, 
 speak out, and give us a caution, and would wish us to be (perhaps he 
 would say) more guarded in language for the future, or at least to 
 give no handles to people. Then, perhaps, he has in his mind 
 Seager's cross, to which he reverted since. Now there ought to 
 be some way of escaping without such a decided step as suppressing 
 the Tracts, and thereby perplexing people so sadly. I really can see 
 no end of the confusion which might result, or any amount of doubt 
 as to the doctrines of our Church which might not be occasioned by 
 withdrawing the Tracts in consequence of Episcopal disapprobation. 
 And it seems to me wholly gratuitous : i. e. that if the Bishop of 
 Oxford understood us, and we him, it would be one of the last things 
 which he would desire. (The evident pleasure which Bliss or the 
 Oxford Herald had in putting the extract in, is a sort of specimen of 
 what the moderate ^'s will do.) 
 
 I should much like to write, or, if it should not be too late, to call 
 upon the Bishop (if still at Cuddesdon) when I return, which I 
 suppose will be about September 12 or 13. I would have risked 
 writing at once as having been a writer in the Tracts (though a very 
 small one, if the Baptism be excepted), only I am afraid (at this 
 distance, and without knowing what you are doing, or what the tenor 
 of the Bishop's answer to you was) of making matters worse. He has 
 always spoken very openly and kindly to me, and besides my relation 
 to him as a member of his Chapter, I have been a sort of country 
 neighbour^ ; so that I could write anything, if it would not be at cross 
 purposes, and so doing harm. 
 
 That Pusey's estimate of the Bishop's mind was more 
 accurate than Newman's will appear from the Bishop s 
 letter to Newman, who, it will be remembered, had been 
 referred to him by the Archdeacon of Oxford. Bishop 
 Bagot, though not a theologian, was a man who could 
 appreciate in others gifts which he did not himself possess ; 
 and he combined with a sincere anxiety for the well-being 
 of the Church a frankness and courtesy which commanded 
 the affectionate attachment of his clergy. Finding from 
 Newman's letters how deeply he was distressed by the 
 criticisms (moderate though they seemed to others) which 
 
 » i.e. at Holton Park. 
 
56 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 NewmarCs Position. 
 
 57 
 
 fP 
 
 were contained in the Charge, he wrote to Newman as 
 follows : — 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to the Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 My dear Sir, Cuddesdon, August 20, 1838. 
 
 I thank you for your letter this morning : the Archdeacon had 
 shown, or rather had sent me yours to him ; and I can with truth say 
 I have been much distressed ever since— not with the tone of your 
 letter or complaint, for that corresponds with all I have ever met with 
 from you, and tends only to increase the respect and regard I have 
 ever felt for you since our first acquaintance,— but my distress has 
 been in having given pain where I so little intended to do so, and 
 I thought such a feeling could not have been caused. 
 
 I really think you cannot have fully or accurately heard what I did 
 say on the subject— for, be assured, had I meant in anyway to censure 
 I should neither have taken that line nor adopted so strong a measure 
 without previously conferring with you. 
 
 Having been myself repeatedly appealed to (anonymously) to check 
 and notice what I felt sure were exaggerated or unfounded charges, 
 and knowing how much misrepresentation was going forward on the 
 subject, I thought (especially as I believe the subject had been touched 
 upon by other Bishops) I could not, in the position I held as Bishop 
 of Oxford, avoid aUuding to it,— or, in point of fact, giving an opinion 
 between your adherents and your adversaries. And when I approved 
 so much, censured nothing, and only lamented things which from 
 ambiguity of expression might, I feared, by others be misunderstood 
 or niisrepresented, I own— although I should not have been surprised 
 at dissatisfaction expressed by those who differ widely from the Tracts 
 at my approbation of so much— I little thought I could have given 
 pain to the other side by the caution I gave them to avoid the 
 possibility of misrepresentation. 
 
 I repeat, my dear Sir, my belief that you did not hear accurately 
 what I said. Wait then, I intreat you, till my Charge is printed 
 before you act upon any judgement you may, as I now think erro- 
 neously, have formed. 
 
 A hasty withdrawal would undo much good which has been done 
 by those Tracts, and therefore lead to harm ; nor would it be quite 
 fair to me, as it would make me appear to have said or done that 
 which I really have not. I can assure you I could mention names 
 of persons whom you would respect, and who are great admirers of 
 the authors, and approvers generally of the Tracts themselves, who 
 have regretted to me the occasional use of expressions as being 
 capable of misrepresentation, or of being understood by some in 
 a way and to an extent not felt nor intended by the authors : and to 
 this I alluded in the caution (for caution only it was) which I gave. 
 
 I shall be in Oxford ere long, and will call upon you, when I trust 
 we shall meet as we ever have done, feeling sure you will not think 
 that I ever intentionally at least gave you pain, or acted unopenly 
 
 towards you. 
 
 In the meantime I shall be obliged to you to state to me by letter 
 your impressions of what I did say,— but let me repeat my hope 
 that you will not hastily take any steps founded on your present 
 
 feeling. 
 
 Certainly no person whom / have met, or who heard my Charge, 
 viewed that part of it in the light in which it appears to have struck 
 
 you. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 In sending to Pusey the copies of some further corre- 
 spondence with the Bishop, Newman explained his reasons 
 for wishing to abandon the Tracts. His letter throws 
 into a strong light a difference between himself and Pusey 
 which partly accounts for their distinct courses of action 
 in later years. At the close of his life Pusey used to say that 
 Newman had depended on the Bishops, while he himself 
 had looked to God's Providence acting through the Church. 
 To Newman it was a necessity that his Bishop should 
 approve and support him : Pusey was not indifferent to 
 such a thing if it could be had, but he did not exaggerate 
 its importance, or make it a test of God's approval of his 
 own position and work. As Pusey expressed himself in a 
 letter to Keble : — 
 
 * August 23, 1838. 
 
 *One must expect principles to cost something, but the withdrawal of 
 the Tracts from circulation, and that in consequence of a Bishop's 
 disapprobation, is a tremendous blow, which one should be glad to 
 avoid if possible. . . . Such a mass to be withdrawn at once, Catenas 
 and all 1 The act of obedience ought to produce a good effect upon 
 people. But it seems a gratuitous infliction, not upon us, but upon 
 principles.' 
 
 Newman thought that Pusey did not understand his 
 reason for leaning as he did on the approbation of his 
 Bishop. 
 
58 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Pusey's Letter to the Bishop, 
 
 59 
 
 Oriel, August 26, 1838. 
 
 I send you what has passed between the Bishop and me ; here 
 things will stop, I suppose, till the Charge appears. 
 
 I am sorry you are so concerned ; depend upon it, without reason. 
 Nothmg can stop the course of things but our acting against God's 
 will. I could not have acted otherwise than I have. 
 
 I do not mean to say at all that my motives and feelings are what 
 they should be, but my reason seems clear then [? that] I ought to do 
 what I have done, though it were well if I could do so with a more 
 smgle mind. 
 
 And I do not think you enter into my situation, nor can any one. 
 I have for several years been working against all sorts of opposition, 
 and with hardly a friendly voice. Consider how few persons have 
 said a word in favour of me. Do you think the thought never comes 
 across me that I am putting myself out of my place ? What warrant 
 have I for putting myself so forward against the world ? Am I Bishop 
 or Professor, or in any station which gives me right to speak } I have 
 nothing to appeal to in justification but my feeling that I am in the 
 mam right in my opinions, and that I am able to recommend them. 
 My sole comfort has been that my Bishop has not spoken against me; 
 m a certain sense I can depend and lean, as it were, on him. Yet, 
 I say It sorrowfully, though you are the only person I say it to, he has 
 never been my friend— he has never supported me. His letting me 
 dedicate that book to him was the only thing he has done for me, and 
 very grateful I felt. I can truly say that I would do anything to serve 
 him. Sometimes, when I have stood by as he put on his robes, I felt 
 as if It would be such a relief if I could have fallen at his feet and 
 kissed them ; but on the contrary, though from the kindness of his 
 nature he has ever been kind to me, yet he has shown me, as me, no 
 favour, unless being made Rural Dean was such, which under the cir- 
 cumstances I do not think was much. When that unpleasant Jubber » 
 business took place, and I needed a great deal to cheer me, he wrote 
 an answer to the Dissenting minister, but not a line in answer to my 
 long letter. I do not say this in complaint, but to explain my position. 
 If he breathes but one word against the Tracts it is more than he has 
 said out in their favour, for he does not expressly give them his approba- 
 tion, as far as I recollect his Charge. I cannot stand if he joins against 
 me. Here is Faussett but yesterday writing against me ; well, now 
 the Bishop says a word. Is not that taking Faussett's part.? Is it 
 not by implication assenting to what he says, and deciding between 
 him and me ? W^hat is it to me though friends of mine or though 
 strangers think well of what I have written ? I feel I had no business 
 to be writing. I want some excuse for doing so, and instead of giving 
 
 • 
 
 * Newman's * Letters,' ii. 55 sqq. 
 
 it me my Bishop turns against me. I cannot stand against this. 
 Even if I do not withdraw the Tracts I see I cannot continue them. 
 The next volume is begun, and I suppose must be finished; but 
 I suppose they will then stop. And I do not see how I shall have 
 heart, with special encouragement (sic) from the Bishop, to write any- 
 thing more on strictly Church subjects. His kindness to me, which 
 has always been great, is from the kindness of his nature. 
 
 It is very well for people at a distance, looking at me, to say (as 
 they will) I am betraying a cause and unsettling people. My good 
 fellows, j<?« make me the head oi a party- that is your external view ; 
 but I know what I am— I am a clergyman under the Bishop of Oxford, 
 and anything more is accidental. 
 
 [August 28.] On reading this over I fear you will think me in 
 a fume, but I am not. I have written the above rapidly, and it reads 
 abrupt. Everything seems likely to be satisfactory. 
 
 August 28. (In festo S. August.) Yesterday Acland, who had been 
 at Cuddesdon, brought back the news that the Bishop was uncom- 
 monly pleased with my letters, and would do anything we wanted 
 about his Charge. This entre nous. I had copied out for you the 
 correspondence, and had intended to send it. You now will know all 
 that has passed, and if you choose to write as a mediator you can 
 (but you should not speak as from me). 
 
 Pusey's chivalry of disposition always led him to wish 
 to rush into the breach, when, by doing so, he could screen 
 or relieve others with whom he was working. His first 
 anxiety, however, for the moment was to prevent such a 
 disaster as the withdrawal of the great body of the Tracts ; 
 and this he thought could best be effected by interesting 
 the Bishop in the difficulties which the Charge had thrown 
 in the way of republishing his own tract on Baptism. He 
 wrote as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Weymouth, September 5, 1838. 
 My dear Lord Bishop, 
 
 A few weeks ago I saw in the Oxford Herald an extract pur- 
 ported to be made from your lordship's Charge, headed * Tracts for 
 the Times.' The object of the writer plainly was to show that your 
 lordship, with all kindly feeling towards the writers, still found that 
 certain of their expressions might in some cases do harm. I had 
 hitherto gone on the more cheerfully as trusting that we had your 
 lordship's implied sanction for what we were doing ; and that though 
 
6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Reassuring Letter from the Bishop. 
 
 6i 
 
 
 your lordship was of course, not to be understood as sanctioning 
 every expression that we might use, yet still that we were, in a measure 
 
 r^^Z'Zt:\r " T ""^ ^'"^"^ -^^^^ your'lordshtprd 
 DrereH.H a'I ""^"^ ^'"' ^'^°^" ^^^^ ^' ^^ ^'^^ those who 
 
 Tur lorih-^ .'^/' "l"'^'^ ^'" "^"^^"^^ ^^8--' advancing wha^ 
 your lordship wished to be the prevailing tone among those placed 
 under your guidance, as we also are. ^ 
 
 i racts, should express an entire concurrence with them • all we conlH 
 hope wo„M be that he would approve of them in t^e m^in! Ld ther' 
 fore I was very well content when the Bishop of Lincoln nmiced them 
 
 n terms generally favourable, for he was not the Bishop under whom 
 I was placed, and to whom I owed duty and obedience buTitU 
 different when your lordship speaks, for to'you, as the B shop of the 
 Cathedral to which I belong, I do owe obedience, and any f^nt Vint 
 thor' H H ;^ ' ' ^"^'^ ^^ '^^^'y -^h. But s^nce of all th Tra" 
 
 Tcrine of Rw ^^7^^'""' ^ """"^^ "^ '"?'" ^^^'^^^ ^^e one 
 doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration, upon which I know that I hold 
 
 with your lordship, I feel uncertain whether they may not conta n 
 some of the expressions to which your lordship alluded 
 
 I need hardly say that should your lordship be willing to point out 
 any such passages or expressions, I would at^nce gladly submi my 
 opinion, without seeking to qualify it, and think thft good would "e 
 done by unhesitating obedience to Episcopal authority. But it may 
 be that your lordship has only a general recollection that the e are 
 certam expressions in the Tracts which your lordship judgedTnaT 
 vised and then I am in a great difficulty. For even suppLing that 
 your lordship should only wish caution to be used for the fu urf and 
 
 I milht brstrfild^'" ^"^ P-^-"^- ^-e, or to stop us, and th;t so 
 1 might be sat sfied m my own conscience (as I believe I might) that 
 I was complying with your lordship's view in carefully rSe mv 
 tracts on Baptism, still there is difficulty in preserving thVa'e^^^^^^ 
 
 what to these days seem high doctrines of the Episcopal office and of 
 obedience to it : the opponents of the views we put forward have 
 (contrary to their own principles) been calling upon^the bXds and 
 especia ly upon your lordship, to silence us ; they will be su;e to 
 
 Snd'itr^Ta^L^^^^^^^^^ ^^ -- ^-^^^^^'^ -^ --^ - P^obaM; 
 
 .•f i^''^^ !? I"'"'? '^ ^''^^'^ °" ^"^^y^ '^^ '4th of this month, when 
 If your lordship shaU be so pleased, I should be glad to do myserfthe 
 
 subiect JT^^ "r ^°" ^^ ^^^^ y^- ^-^^^^P'^ viewsTpon tt 
 subject. We leave this place on Wednesday, the 12th. 
 
 I have the honour to remain, with true respect, 
 
 Your lordship's faithful seirant, 
 
 E. B. PusEY. 
 
 Pusey was not mistaken in thinking that the Bishop 
 would gladly admit him to an interview : — 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Sir Cuddesdon, September 12, 1838. 
 
 I am glad of the opportunity which your letter affords me of 
 having a communication with you on the subject of the reference made 
 in my late Charge to the * Tracts for the Times.* 
 
 The explanations which you afforded me in the course of last summer 
 having entirely satisfied my mind that all the rumours were false which 
 had the object of connecting your views with anything like breaches of 
 discipline, or the introduction of novelties or excesses into the pubhc 
 services of the Church, I considered it to be due to persons whom 
 I felt to be rendering essential service to the cause of true religion, 
 that I should give them such benefit as the expression of my good 
 opinion could convey, that they were neither the ill-judging, nor the 
 bigoted, nor the enthusiastic persons which their opponents asserted 
 them to be. And more than this, I desired to add my own testimony 
 to the general soundness of the views of the writers, and to express my 
 sense of the value of their labours in behalf of the re-establishment of 
 Church authority and the ancient discipline. 
 
 I endeavoured to do this in such a manner as should give all neces- 
 sary support without any appearance of partisanship on my part. 
 Having done this, it was scarcely possible to avoid allusion to the 
 publications themselves from which all these discussions have arisen. 
 Had I felt them to be erroneous or mischievous I should have felt it 
 my duty to have stated my opinion ; but I look on them as treatises 
 well adapted to elicit Truth, and as drawn up with, perhaps, as little 
 admixture of error or infirmity as could be reasonably expected in so 
 large (and probably in some parts hastily written) a work, and there- 
 fore I should be exceedingly sorry to see them called in or discon- 
 tinued. 
 
 At the same time I stated, and I would repeat the statement (not as 
 a slur on the general character of the Tracts, or as desiring to warn 
 persons from danger contained in them), that expressions are there to 
 be found which are liable to be misunderstood or misrepresented, or 
 which might convey a different meaning, according as they are used 
 in a popular or a technical sense, and therefore I gave the friendly 
 admonition to the anonymous authors of the works in question to use 
 extreme caution in their writings, and revise carefully, lest their good 
 should be evil spoken of, or lest they should appear to say what they 
 really do not mean, or to imply what they do not explicitly say. 
 I have no desire whatever to interfere with the expression of opinions, 
 but I wish to see that which will be extensively read and commented 
 upon as little liable to objection, as conclusive in argument, and as 
 
62 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 No censure intended. 
 
 63 
 
 >i 
 
 ' 
 
 exact and careful in phraseology as it can be rendered. My advice 
 w^s precautionary and prospective, not inculpatory and retrospective. 
 I think too highly of the authors and their labours in behalf of the 
 Church not to be anxious to do all that in me lies, both to see them 
 right and to maintain them in that position. I will now only add, 
 with reference to that particular point in your letter in which you 
 express the grounds of your fears that you might hereafter be charged 
 with inconsistency, that I will endeavour so to regulate matters as to 
 prevent your being placed in so painful a situation. 
 
 I trust Mrs. Pusey has derived all the benefit you wished from the 
 sea air at Weymouth. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Most faithfully yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 The Charge was published, with a note which disclaimed 
 on th^ Bishop's part 
 
 * any wish to pass a general censure on the " Tracts for the Times." 
 There must always,' the Bishop proceeded, ' be allowable points of 
 difference in the opinions of good men, and it is only when such 
 opmions are carried into extremes, or are mooted in a spirit which 
 tends to schism, that the interference of those in authority in the 
 Church is called for. The authors of the Tracts in question have 
 laid no such painful necessity on me.' 
 
 Pusey felt that the published Charge gave a diflTerent 
 impression from the extracts published in the Oxford 
 papers, and that the note accentuated it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Christ Church, October 30, 1838. 
 My dear Lord Bishop, 
 
 I thank your lordship much for all your kindness as on former 
 t)ccasions, so now ; for the calls which you were so good as to make ; 
 lor the interest which you have kindly felt in my present sorrows ; and 
 for your wish that we should be set at ease about the use which, it 
 seemed to me, might probably, or not improbably, be made of your 
 lordship's Charge. 
 
 I have just read over that Charge completely (having lost it out of 
 my pocket the day you were so good as to send it to me, and amid my 
 troubles, not replaced it till now), and in the deep interest of the 
 whole Charge, and in its keeping, what your lordship says about our 
 Tracts looks different from what it did when extracted and put forth 
 by the Oxford Herald and the like. I need not say to your lordship 
 
 that I am, for myself, perfectly satisfied, grateful for your lordship's 
 advice, and for the warning to those who are more or less our pupils, 
 as having had their views immediately formed by our writings, though 
 ultimately by our Church, whose doctrines they are which we put 
 forward. For it is to be expected in all stirring times, and amid the 
 excitement of views to them new, though not in themselves, that there 
 will be many extravagances ; and it seems a great mercy that those 
 views have not as yet (as far as I have heard) been mixed up with any 
 extravagances, at least in action. How many have there been in that 
 section of the Church which is opposed to us ! Your lordship's advice 
 would be very valuable, and, I hope, calm some of the excitement 
 which I understand prevails among young men, and which seems 
 inseparable from sudden change. . . . 
 
 I am resuming, at what leisure I have, the revision and expansion of 
 my tracts on Baptism, and from my present circumstances I ought to 
 be taught not to anticipate the evils of the morrow, but to go on quietly 
 with my work, thanking Him for my ' daily bread.' 
 
 With renewed thanks to your lordship, and every earnest wish for 
 every earnest blessing upon yourself and yours, 
 
 I remain, with great respect. 
 
 Your lordship's faithful servant, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Another letter from the Bishop closes the correspondence. 
 In it, as will be seen, the Bishop authorizes Pusey to deny, 
 if necessary, that he had intended in his Charge to censure 
 the Tracts. Bishop Bagot's assurances on this head were 
 calculated, if not designed, to remove Newman's scruples. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 Cuddesdon, November 10, 1838. 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 When I see the date of your letter, I feel quite ashamed of the 
 length of time it has remained unanswered, but it arrived the morning 
 I left Cuddesdon, and I only returned from Wiltshire on Thursday 
 night last. This journey has made me much in arrears. 
 
 I think your remark on criticism a very fair one, although I have no 
 apprehension of any one (even the Record) being able to quote (at 
 least to prove) my charge as a censure— ?X all events, they cannot do 
 so, as Dr. Hook says in a note, without making me stultify myself. 
 I feel much obliged to Dr. Hook for that note, and entirely agree with 
 him in all he says. 
 
 Should any attack or charge of inconsistency be brought against 
 you, with entire confidence do I give you leave to use my name as 
 
I 
 
 i 
 
 64 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 never meaning to censure the * Tracts for the Times.* It might perhaps 
 be well, if ever my Charge is brought against the authors, to apprize 
 me of it, and my answer should set that matter at rest. 
 
 Still, I would repeat that I hardly think such an attack will be 
 made. 
 
 It has been suggested to me that if a tract were to be written, quite 
 for the Poor, about the Daily Service it would do good. The person 
 suggesting it says, * It must be restored some time, and the sooner the 
 way is paved for its restoration the better.' 
 
 I franked the enclosure in your letter the day I received it, which 
 I think was on the 31st of last month. With sincerest good wishes 
 towards yourself and family. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 Before the clouds which had gathered round the 
 Bishop's Charge had had time to clear away, another storm 
 was discernible on the horizon. 
 
 * They talk,* wrote Pusey to Harrison, October 10, 1838, * of building 
 a Church of the Martyrs here, which, emanating from Golightly and 
 Cotton, is nothing but a cut at us. So we, too, have begun canon- 
 izing ! only instead of being done by the Church it is done by one 
 or two individuals. And we are to have churches of St. [? Latimer], 
 St. Cranmer, and St. Ridley. Well, t6 5' (v piKaroyJ 
 
 At first Harrison was in sympathy with Pusey's feeling. 
 He was ' sorry to hear that the '* martyrs " were to be 
 made bones of contention in Oxford by this ill-judged zeal 
 in their behalf.' He was * not surprised at such a move- 
 ment, considering how the Marian martyrs had been in 
 a manner canonized in the English Church for the last 
 three hundred years.' Shortly afterwards he looked on 
 the proposal more favourably, and wrote to Pusey an 
 account of its origin which might seem to have been sug- 
 gested by high authority. 
 
 *Nov. 6, 1838. 
 
 * I heard the other day that it would seem in its first origination to 
 have been called forth by the publication of Froude's "Remains," and so 
 designed as an antagonist movement, as well as suggested by the 
 desire to get in some way or other another church for St. Ebbe's. . . . 
 Having had the opportunity of seeing more than, under the circum- 
 stances of the moment, you could do, of the temper of different parties, 
 
 Proposed Martyrs' Memorial. 
 
 65 
 
 I should scarcely think it right not to tell you how I think matters 
 really stand. Froude's very disparaging expressions about the 
 martyrs » have evidently stirred up a zeal in defence of their memories 
 which I think one can hardly be surprised at.' 
 
 The project of the Martyrs' Memorial had really origin- 
 ated at a small meeting in the house of the Rev. C. P. 
 Golightly. There is little doubt that it was intended 
 primarily as a protest against Froude's » Remains,' and 
 the editors of that book, Newman and Keble. Oxford 
 was already in a flutter. A question had been raised 
 which would force the editors and those who sympa- 
 thized with them to say whether they sympathized 
 with the Reformation of the sixteenth century at all; 
 and, if at all, how far and in what sense would they 
 support the project of a memorial to Cranmer, Ridley, 
 and Latimer? Pusey had not had a hand in editing 
 Froude. But he was exposed to as much pressure as 
 anybody ; and he describes in one of his letters to New- 
 man an interview which was probably a sample of many 
 others. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Oct. 23, 1838. 
 Yesterday Harrison and Sewell, to-day Churton, called upon me 
 about It. ^ Among other things, C. says that he or they thought in 
 the first mstance that you had been consulted about it, and that 
 they mistook what had been said to and by T. Mozley for what had 
 been said to and by you. However, it seems that they are very 
 anxious that it should not be a source of discord, and that we should 
 join. 
 
 I told both that I would do nothing without you, for that since it 
 had been spoken of as a hit against you, even if I should be satisfied 
 with any plan myself, I would not join in anything which did not 
 satisfy you. Further, that a plan to commemorate the Reformers 
 now was at all events suspicious, but that as certain things had been 
 said of course we could not join unless right principles were somehow 
 expressed and embodied in the very monument itself; that mere 
 general terms would not do: thus Sewell talked of their being ' martyrs 
 for the truth.* I said it must be said somehow * Catholic and primitive 
 truth ' as opposed to * Neoteric' 
 
 1 « 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Remains,* i. pp. 252, 394. 
 F 
 
wl 
 
 66 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Sewell talked of a cross in Broad Street, which would be in many 
 ways a good : besides that it is not respectful that carts, &c. should 
 drive over the place where they yielded up their souls. Churton, of 
 a church (which plan is not yet given up). I said in addition that it 
 must not be the Martyrs' Church, canonizing them ; that there might 
 be no objection to a cenotaph, provided the inscription were a sound 
 one ; but that the church must be called after some one already 
 canonized, not by individuals. 
 
 Both I put ofif by saying that the inscription must first be agreed 
 upon. I half referred Sewell to Routh for an inscription, but with- 
 drew, fearing that unless some one were at hand to suggest to him 
 what these people were about he might not see through it. 
 
 Churton's plan, which he had called to show you, was for a church 
 on the site already purchased for the new district church of St. Ebbe's, 
 which by pulling down a few houses (which the Corporation talked of 
 taking down) might be laid open to the end of Queen Street, and that 
 it might be made a little cathedral with cenotaphs. Certainly splendid 
 notions for these people to have lighted upon : one, a cross in the 
 midst of the broadest street in the city ; the other, a cathedral with 
 shrines ! 
 
 Churton's prospectus also was altogether sound, except that the first 
 sentence spoke of * pure and Scriptural truth,* instead of ' Catholic ' ; 
 but then the next had Catholic. 
 
 Now what I want you to consider is, whether we should say that we 
 would have nothing to do with the plan (in which case it might fall to 
 the ground, if we were united, or it might be carried on by the Re- 
 cordites out of the University (which would do no harm), or it might 
 be done by weak persons in the University who did not see what was 
 meant) — or should we capitulate, making our own terms ? The Record 
 may have its triumph for the time, and we might have the prece- 
 dent for setting up crosses, instead of digging them out on Whit- 
 Mondays. 
 
 I send you Hook's sermon, which Parker brought me to-day, to read 
 in your way back ; it shows me that my letters have been wasted 
 upon him, for he will neither say one thing nor the other ; not say 
 wherein he disagrees, and yet say that he does disagree. However, 
 what he does say will do good, and perhaps keep some young ones 
 quiet. What he says about Froude (whose name he does not spell 
 right) is as much as you could expect. 
 
 As the movement for the Martyrs* Memorial went on, 
 some of its supporters endeavoured to turn it into a 
 demonstration against the Church of Rome. In this way 
 it would, they hoped, receive a wider support throughout 
 the country ; and Oxford might be practically united in its 
 favour. Harrison even hoped that, when it was presented 
 
 Pusey's Refusal— Suggested Inscription, 67 
 
 in this new aspect, Pusey and Newman might be favour- 
 ably disposed towards it. Pusey, however, had made 
 up his mind, and let Harrison know it without further 
 delay. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Christ Church, Nov. 5, 1838. 
 My final conclusion about the monument is, that / had rather not 
 have anything to do with it. Three years ago I printed (Baptism, 
 Part III) that the great mercy in our Reformation was that we had no 
 human founder : we were not identified with men, or any set of men : 
 It was God's mercy that we had so little of human influence ; now, if 
 at the time the place where Cranmer and the rest suffered had been 
 marked by a cross, this would have been very well ; but now, let it 
 be done how it would, those engaged in it will more or less identify 
 themselves and our Church, in public feeling and impression, with 
 the mdividuals. It has been altogether a very unfortunate business, 
 as was likely, since it originated in wrong and unkind feelings. At 
 the same time, while I keep aloof myself, I shall be very glad if those 
 who can, would mend it : what I should like best would be a cross 
 with an inscription, as I spoke of yesterday, or the like, without any 
 mention of names. I think this might be really in the end a good, 
 although (with the turn things are taking) I think it best to keep myself 
 altogether clear. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and faithful friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Deo Opt. Max. 
 
 qui 
 
 persecutionis Marianae 
 
 ignibus 
 
 Ecclesiam suam 
 
 his in terris 
 
 lustravit atq. purgavit. 
 
 You, as Archbishop's Chaplain, might do a great deal, and Sewell, 
 one should hope. If it is to be, whatever of Catholicism can be 
 brought, *apponite lucro.' 
 
 I think the ^60^ of my inscription the best : besides, as S. Aug. 
 says, * non martyribus, sed Deo martyrum.' 
 
 A few days later Pusey stated his view of the proposal, 
 and his reasons for acting as he did, with great explicitness 
 in a letter to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 Lije of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Pressure from the Bishop. 
 
 '1 
 
 : 
 
 ! 
 
 1 
 
 1 '' 
 1 I 
 
 
 1^^ 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Christ Church, Nov. 12, 1838. 
 I fear that we shall be thrown into some confusion by a plan to 
 which, on different pleas, high sanction has been obta-ned— the 
 memorial to Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer. One should have thought 
 it very natural and a right feeling had the place where they yielded 
 up their souls been inclosed long ago, so that carts should not drive 
 over it ; but this plan of a monument was devised only to serve as a 
 party purpose : it was, in fact (as some of themselves avow), a counter- 
 movement against Froude's * Remains,' or, as one of them said, ' it 
 will be a good cut against Newman.* It was intended to set the 
 Reformers against the Fathers, and to set up certain views which 
 some people identify with the Reformers against those of the ancient 
 Church. I regret the plan, because it has seemed to me, for some 
 years, the great blessing of our Reformation that we are not (as the 
 Lutherans and Calvinists are) connected with any human founder, 
 or bound up with his human infirmities : we are neither Cranmerites 
 nor Ridleyites, but an Apostolic branch of the Church Catholic ; and 
 I fear lest this plan should tend to increase the vulgar impression that 
 we were a new Church at the Reformation, instead of being the old 
 one purified. However, the great interest in the eyes of some of the 
 warmest supporters of the plan was to obtain a new church ; and 
 now that is decided against, I have reason to think that the whole 
 plan would fall to the ground (which in the present state of things 
 were best for the union of Oxford) but that people have got so far 
 that they do not know how to retreat ; they do not seem to be able to 
 get either backward or forward to their minds. 
 
 If Pusey thought that the project would be given up, he 
 was mistaken. Even had its promoters been willing to 
 retreat, they had gone too far to do so. Nor were they 
 able, if so disposed, to make the memorial a protest only 
 against the Roman Church. It was, and it remained, an 
 expression of hostility to the Oxford writers ; and it had 
 the effect accordingly of representing the Reformers as 
 being in antagonism, not only or mainly to the Jater 
 Roman Church, but to the Catholic Fathers and Christian 
 antiquity. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford, however, was naturally anxious 
 to put the best construction on a movement which had the 
 support of many of his clergy ; and having been somehow 
 persuaded that it had no party character, he determined to 
 do his best to induce the writers of the Tracts to join it. 
 
 69 
 
 A visit from the Bishop and its consequences is described 
 in the subjoined letter to Keble. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, 
 First Sunday after Epiphany, 1839. 
 Last Wednesday I had a very kind confidential visit from the 
 Bishop of Oxford, in which you also are concerned. It related to the 
 * Memorial.' He entered into very kind and condescending detail as 
 to the line he had taken, withholding his concurrence while he sus- 
 pected party feeling, and joining when he had satisfied himself, on 
 diligent enquiry, that there was none. He then said, in his kind and 
 painfully diffident way, that he wished I would consider (seeing that he 
 was satisfied that there were no party feelings in it) whether I could not 
 join It, that he wished me to talk it over with my friends, not to give 
 an answer at once ; but he repeated several times, ' it would be in- 
 valuable (laying great stress on the word) to the Church at this moment,' 
 and that our friends (naming the Archbishop or Archbishops) thought 
 so. He did not name you and N., but evidently included you both. 
 
 The result of a long walk and consultation with N. on Thursday 
 was a letter to the Bishop stating my difficulties as to the inconsistency 
 in which it would involve me, on account both of what I had said of 
 the blessing of our Reformation not being identified with men, or 
 having any man's image stamped upon it (Holy Baptism, Part III. 
 beg.) ; and in my preface to the Catena (No. 81) on Cranmer's Zwingli- 
 anizing (p. 28) and the sad change in the second [Prayer] book (p. 30). 
 (I give these references because what I have said seems to me 
 stronger than what I observe in your Preface to Hooker.) Also, that 
 1 had spoken strongly lately against the memorial as perhaps falling 
 within the scope of our Lord's words against ' building the sepulchres 
 of those whom their fathers had slain,' and as unkind to the Church 
 of Rome, in throwing a hindrance to her reforming herself and 
 healing the schism. Still, that I thought I had a right to drop my 
 own private judgement, and to act not as an individual, but in com- 
 pliance to the wishes of my Diocesan ; but that I wished this to be 
 expressed somehow by joining my name with his, as 'the Rev. Ur. P. 
 by the Lord Bishop of O.' I said, however, that this would only 
 carry my single name, since, in your case and N.'s, too sacred feelings 
 were involved for his lordship to wish to interfere, as it might seem 
 to be abandoning your friend. (This was N.'s feeling.) I then 
 proposed another plan, which would, I thought, obviate the difficulty 
 and secure the object avowed, of a demonstration of attachment to 
 our Church, as it is, undeceiving the Romanists (if any are deceived) 
 and reassuring the country. This was to change the memorial from 
 a commemoration of the Reformers into a thanksgiving for the 
 
70 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey* 
 
 Keble on Cranmer, 
 
 
 blessings of the Reformation. I had proposed, early, an inscription 
 to this effect (which went through Harrison to Sewell, and was I think 
 proposed by him) :— 
 
 Deo Opt. Max. [rather Triuni] 
 
 Qui 
 
 Ecclesiam suam 
 
 His in terris 
 
 persecutionis Marianae ignibus 
 
 lustravit atq. purgavit. 
 
 But as the plan then was a monument (and N. would not join a 
 monument anyhow and I would not go alone : this last I did not tell 
 the Bishop) we held aloof, and so things dropped through. I named 
 also Dr. Routh's difficulty, that the present inscription was probably 
 untrue m fact, since Cranmer suffered probably for the part he took 
 against Queen Mary and her mother, not for religion. I named also 
 E. Churton's idea, that the inscription should commemorate some of the 
 chief blessings of the Reformation, though this will require a careful 
 hand. The Bishop also has an amendment which he recommended— 
 to introduce the mention of * conformity with the principles of the 
 Primitive Church ' ; so that it is to be hoped that the inscription is 
 still open to alteration on the 31st. 
 
 I then suggested for his consideration whether the Archbishop, as 
 Visitor, and himself as Diocesan (the subscribers and Committee are 
 a mixed body) could not recommend such an alteration, and send an 
 inscription, drawn up by themselves or some one delegated by them 
 recommending it for the sake of union. I told him at the same time 
 that I was writing for myself only, yet that I hoped such a plan might 
 unite all. ** 
 
 I showed the letter to N., who liked it, and though he wished not to 
 be committed, he saw no objection to this plan of commemorating the 
 blessings of the Reformation by a tablet in the church (the Arch- 
 bishop and Bishop have joined on condition that it be a church) 
 provided the inscription be a good one. And now I want you to con- 
 sider what you can do. Besides the inconsistency involved in my 
 subscribing, I felt the perplexity which it would cause our friends, and 
 I should have been very glad if our three names could have been 
 united with the Bishop's in the way which I proposed for my own 
 which would have explained the meaning of so doing in a way which 
 will not be attained in the case of my single name. However, it 
 seenied right to comply with what had been asked of me in that way 
 by the Bishop, and I have no wish to detach you from N. and leave 
 him alone. But I should be very glad if the other plan should fall in 
 with your views. And this prospect of unity would be a strong ground 
 for the Archbishop and Bishop to take, if they please, would show our 
 wish of doing what we could, and be a grateful act to them. I will let 
 you know when I hear more. I conclude from not hearing that he 
 
 71 
 
 has written to the Archbishop. I suggested in a way that Ogilvie 
 might be deputed to draw up the inscription. 
 
 Keble thought that there were serious difficulties in the 
 way of commemorating individual Reformers, as distinct 
 from the general results of their work under the guidance 
 of God's Providence. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, January 18, 1839. 
 I cannot understand how poor Cranmer could be reckoned 
 a bond fide martyr according to the rules of the Primitive Church. 
 Was he not an unwilling sufferer ? and did he not in the very final 
 paper of his confession profess himself to hold in all points the 
 doctrine of that answer to Gardiner ? And is not that doctrine such 
 as the Ancient Church would have called heretical ? In short, I am 
 not at all prepared to express a public dissent from Froude in his 
 opinion of the Reformers as a party. If the monument were confined 
 to Ridley I might perhaps think of it ; but, as it is, I should require 
 something like Episcopal authority to make me subscribe. Do you 
 think the Bishop of Oxford is enough my Diocesan as well as yours to 
 make it right for me to sacrifice my opinion as you have offered to do? 
 And ought I in any case unless Newman does ? On all these accounts 
 I should very much prefer the other plan, but I fear it is too sanguine 
 to expect the subscribers to adopt it. Anything which separates the 
 present Church from the Reformers I should hail as a great good, and 
 certainly such would in a measure be the effect of a monument of 
 acknowledgment that we are not Papists, without any reference to 
 them. As to its uniting people, I do not in the least expect it. There 
 is a deep doctrinal difference which cannot be got over. But the 
 great thing is obeying one's superiors when one really knows their 
 wishes. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford delayed his answer to Pusey, and 
 Pusey rightly conjectured that the Bishop was communi- 
 cating with the Archbishop before sending his reply. As 
 soon as he heard from Lambeth he wrote to Pusey and 
 enclosed the Archbishop's letter. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 Cuddesdon, Saturday, January 19, 1839. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 • ••••• • 
 
 You will see by the Archbishop's letter my expressed opinion 
 to him that any degree of support to the memorial merely out of 
 
72 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
 n::^S ".eTd T^J^ "- -'^^-°^ - yourself or .o .e. 
 
 ^T£:^Zt^^:i^r^^T^^-^y^ to ta.e .he 
 
 cannot bring it satukctori; to atldw^^^^^^^^^ ^"''J^" y°" 
 
 are.J..oaes open to .L orr/i^-r- £l ^^ 
 
 convinced you feel for our Reformed Chlh'?'"^''"*''"°"> ^ ^"^ 
 the memorial, to make some decSon at ' «; '. ''°" '"""°' ^PP™^= 
 may deem the fittest mode^by TeUer or t.l'"'"' ^"t"" *''^' ^^^ 
 such as shall stop the accusation!?/ I P"'''"^^""" of some sort- 
 to the ReformatC^nable To- 1 ^°"^ ''""^ '" ^"^ '^'^''' ^°'''"' 
 charges, and put to sUence the r1 ' '° '^'^''"^ ^O" ^om such 
 
 claim you as countenancTng them ^"'' "'° "^^^'^ •>"« boldly 
 
 senti-:rtreiirnrc:ror.r liVitini r- 
 sn thiSt":;: n; ;u°t t'"'-" ^- 
 
 last, let me add I tCk y'u hould d?! ' '° '^' ^^""'''' ^"<^- "'""gh 
 acquitting you, which I have alreldv d' n"" "r^"""'' '^'' '^'"'^ '» 
 unfounded charges, I mi/hlrnvself L ' .""' ^' ' ^""^ •'^'■«^^. 
 tending to the advance of Rom'anlsm. ^^''°'"'' '° '"""'°" ^"^''■'"g 
 
 I am, my dear Sir, 
 
 With much regard and respect, 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 editors of Froude's R.m ^ ^'' u^ ^" °P'"'°" ^''^t ^hc 
 position towardste kZIZioT' " '^'^"'^ ^''^'^ -" 
 
 I rZtilfrpHre TetriSrr," i: p^^ o7tf V'^^'^'"- ^^ 
 m.ght otherwise derive from heir taLnt/l ^"'^^ "^''^ '' 
 
 applied to the elucidation of «lSus truTh '^"7^'. """^ '"''"^'0', 
 Injustice to themselves and theTub ic T^h u t^^'«'^«'"' history, 
 take some opportunity of sholg'to't'lSthat:^ "°""' '" "^" '° 
 
 ::s^rrr- w!c-dSe53"-^^^^^^^^ 
 
 j;;it?^^^^^^^^^^^ -instance 
 
 would not separate hi.self fro. then. ^ e ^f'o^S 
 
 Proposed Public Letter to the Bishop, 73 
 
 excitement, and indeed the Bishop of Oxford had asked 
 him to make some declaration of his principles which 
 would be a satisfactory substitute for supporting the 
 memorial. Accordingly Pusey offered to write a pubh'c 
 Letter to the Bishop of Oxford which should comply with 
 this request. The Bishop would not press Pusey to sub- 
 scribe to the memorial if Pusey was only going to subscribe 
 m obedience to his wishes, especially if this motive for the 
 subscription was to be stated publicly. And the Committee 
 of the memorial could not at this period omit the names 
 of the martyrs; while Puse/s suggestions to Mr. Cotton 
 with respect to the inscription had not been acceded to 
 Everythmg then seemed to point to the public Letter as 
 a means of giving the required explanations. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 My dear Sir, ^'^'^ ^^^'°'^' Thursday night, Jan. 24, 1839. 
 
 You mention that a letter to myself has occurred to you as a 
 good form of declaration. After the best consideration I can give, my 
 opmion IS that it would be a desirable measure, and I foresee no ill 
 which can arise. It will not bring me into controversy, meaning fully to 
 adhere, in this respect, to what I said in my charge- viz. that ^into 
 controversy I will not enter: Further, a letter will have the advantage 
 (so far as you yourself at least are concerned) of doing immediately, 
 and m a form likely to be more immediately read, what you state it is 
 the intention of some of your friends to do by articles in a Review • 
 and I see not how / can be involved in a controversy by any man 
 writing a letter to me, which he may at all times do with or without 
 my consent. 
 
 1 will not go over the same ground again, or trouble you with my 
 reasons, but I feel satisfied some declaration is called- for, or will tend 
 to good. 
 
 There are now friends of mine staying at Rome-sensible men 
 too, and without gossip-zxid. I am assured that the language of the 
 Pope (as I am informed in one instance), and that of all the English 
 Roman CathoHcs of rank residing there, is that of joy and congratu- 
 lation at the advances which are being made in Oxford towards a 
 return to the doctrines of the * true Church.' 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 I i. 
 
74 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 I 
 
 Before th.s letter reached Pusey, he had heard that the 
 Committee of the memorial had rejected his advances. It 
 was therefore impossible to co-operate with the project 
 they had m hand. But Pusey still wished to do some- 
 thing ; he could not eulogize all the Reformers, yet he was 
 grateful for certain results of the Reformation. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Oxford, Jan. 24, 1839. 
 
 reacted by the Committee, nor will they bring it for^vard at the Dublic 
 
 Zdl'if- ""/''' 3'"- '' ^"■"^'^ -"^ "'-" -•'"her it would not be a 
 good thing to set on foot ourselves what we wished them to do for us 
 
 Sirgfhem'T \'°°' P°"'°" °^ "'^'" '° J"°'" - instead of [oui 
 joining them. To show at once what I mean, I transcribe an in 
 
 scrip lon which I thought might be placed in the chu ch ;;^L bu "t" 
 This church was built to the honour of the Holy Trinity and in 
 
 ovef Jif ch't'^^'v',"' "'•= "^ P™-''-- °^ Almghty God 
 «Th^ P '"^ '." ""' '^"''' ^"<^ °f "i^ nianifold blessings, vouch 
 safed to her at the time of the Reformation, and condnued and 
 enlarged at subsequent eras, from that time until now e Slv^n 
 the restoration of the Cup to her laity and of a pure LilurS a"" 'h " 
 Holy Word in her native tongue.' The church to be calfed TrinitJ 
 
 Lit^rS-niizr^h '"!, "''"J '" '"^'"^^ '^^ restorations in our 
 I tho^^^' . f* ^' "-^^ Restoration. The ' especially &c • 
 
 in a cht^h"' BuTl „"?'= things peculiarly adapted to be memioned 
 in a Church. But I only send this as a sketch of the sort of thin? 
 I meant : it runs heavily, and I should be glad, if you like the nlln^ 
 that you would rewrite it. N. has some feelLg L' the Re toraton 
 ought to be mentioned, and that it was cowardly not but h^ 
 
 Sr N t!d?T f '^'"•^ °^ ^"'^ words <ThrB"i, & w 
 greater. N. said he had no strong feeling about it • I thought fh» 
 
 mention of the Restoration would seem as if we wbhed fo brine in 
 a rival to the Reformation, and so would separate people off from^us 
 wteeas one rather wishes to draw them to think ^ the r^l Ssing 
 of the Reformation instead of the unreal oiessing 
 
 A J^v'l!'^'^"' °1 "l" P'^ "^ (■> '° ^^«i^^y the Bishop of Oxford and 
 Archbishop and other friends who wish us to do somethinrto ,., 
 ourselves straight with those at least well inclined to uT (This olan 
 from .t"r w"/ '"''""^ P°P"'^''°" (St. Ebbe's, it would 5 s'en 
 .^.Ar KK^"^ "I'T'"'^ '"'° °"''°^<1> '^ (' know privately) just wha" 
 the Archbishop would prefer.) (2) To set ourselves straight with the 
 country, and open the way for right principles. (3) To p oT ct ou 
 
 Proposed Tractarian Memorial. 75 
 
 friends in the country, who are now in a state of perplexity, not 
 knowing whether to join the memorial or no (I had such a letter from 
 Sir G. Prevost) : and so we hear of others who are partly falling into 
 the memorial for want of something better, partly are stigmatized 
 because they do not join. In the north it is a sort of shibboleth. Of 
 course, one would ask the Bishop of Oxford before one did anything. 
 
 I thought of rather a handsome church, and so proposed that the 
 sum to be raised should be ^10,000. The Catholics ought to do things 
 on a better scale than ultra- Protestants. If built on the proposed 
 and purchased site, it would just terminate the street which diverges 
 to the left from St. Peter-le- Bailey. If you approve, it would be a 
 good thing to send up any promises of subscription. 
 
 I am (I believe) just going to write a ' Letter to the Bishop of 
 Oxford,' explaining that we are not Papists. What we thought of 
 was trying to draw out the Via Media between Popery and ultra- 
 Protestantism. But I have not the Bishop's permission yet, though 
 I have asked it, as a distant thing. 
 
 I wish you would send up your Anti-Papistical Extracts. N. has 
 printed those from the Tracts, his writings, mine, the * Remains,' the 
 * Lyra ' ; and I think they read very well and will do good ; it were pity 
 not to have yours. 
 
 •••••••• 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Keble approved of Pusey s suggestion. But he ques- 
 tioned Pusey's sanguine anticipation of their being able to 
 raise ^io,oco. He promised i^ioo on his own account, 
 approved of Pusey's inscription, and advised that a paper 
 should be issued 
 
 * intimating that we should have been glad had circumstances allowed 
 our joining the other [plan], but our view of history not permitting 
 that, and some testimonial of the kind being thought desirable from 
 persons so circumstanced, we have devised this plan of a church with 
 an inscription to which we can conscientiously subscribe.' 
 
 Hereupon Pusey wrote to the Bishop of Oxford, asking 
 for his sanction to the plan of a church, as detailed in his 
 letter to Keble. But, considering the Bishop's existing 
 relations to the original Committee of the memorial, this 
 was impossible, as he showed Pusey in a letter on Jan. 25th. 
 That letter obliged Pusey to ^w^ up the plan of a second 
 memorial. Keble was * not very sorry.' 
 
tmm 
 
 76 
 
 ^'/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 i do not "hare, xC^T^^Zll'^Tr'''^ "'' ^""^'P'^^ ^^ich 
 whatever fault there wee we T^ M *= Reformation >. For certainly, 
 without them. We owe ou'r pecuUar n T" ''"'! ''^^" 'Apostolical' 
 
 Antiquity to them, besides £ .Cwhi^r'w"'^ M ''T'"^'' 
 ledge. Perhaps I have mistaken him u " "'""''' ^cknow- 
 
 that we should have apoeared ,. k • ""T^"' ' •^° "« ''"o* but 
 insincere, taking up the"^ Re ±11 ' /" ' '""' P°''"°"' ^"^^ '° ^e 
 
 glad that things have so ended »M ?/"! P°P">^"'y- So I am 
 6 dve so ended,— at least for the present.' 
 
 completed, as all the world knowTt If T T 
 cross which stands betweeti the T.T' r , ^ ' ^" ^'''^ 
 College and th^ n T ^ ""■ ^^"^''y ^"^^ Balliol 
 
 Churct were added to'^K '"'l- " ^'^ ^^"^ ^^g^^- 
 Oxford! '•'^ architectural decorations of 
 
 Cutern.l'jrarr.t? ^'^ "^"^^^^^ --^■'^ ^-- 
 to the Bishop of Sx^d^' n "' '° T^^' ''^ ' L^"^^ 
 ^4. St. Matthias- Day it Zl ""P'^'^'' °" ^^'^--y 
 
 pages and it w.c .^" ^" "^^^^^^ ^ook of 230 
 
 pdges, and it was written am d the dist^prf,■.^„. r 
 tions for lectures incessanf ... ^^'sfactions of prepara- 
 increa<,;n<T .. !•' "^*''^"' correspondence, and the ever- 
 
 ' My letter : the tsi::To 'T h""" "™^^ ^° ^^'"^ ^ 
 February 3 to Harmon :-' ''''''"^ 'T °" ^^'^-'>'' ^^ 
 
 s.o'JyVl^rrs^frm:;ttt^^^^^^^^ ^-r' «- - -^ 
 
 by early pains in writing.' P'^''^ ■' ''"' ^^ purchased it 
 
 On February 22, to Harrison again :— 
 
 Ba;titXw£nt rnSolT^i''""' J^'"^--' ^'^ ^^-r 
 able to treat more briefliwhaf rem^ ^ p ""''°"' '""^ ''°P« '° ^e 
 exceed two hundred paL t IT ^"' ""^ '""" *"'' ' «"PP°se, 
 
 Newman to show So^^Not havb^ fT \ ^°°^ "^"^ extracts from 
 - there is any likelihood;? S ^^:^:i^::T£^ 
 
 Letter to the Bishop, n-j 
 
 persons who hold the reality I hope it will be quite popular. 
 
 I have kept to the words of our formularies as much as I could.' 
 
 Pusey begins with an apology for defending himself at 
 all : his first instinct throughout life was to act on the 
 maxim that truth can very well take care of itself. The 
 times, however, were exceptional ; and it was due to the 
 Bishop of Oxford to show that the writers of the Tracts 
 were not unworthy of his kindness. Pusey insists on the 
 vagueness of the invidious charge of 'Popery'; and then 
 discusses the several points to which prominence had been 
 given, whether in the Tracts or by their assailants, with 
 the object of showing that the Tract- writers, 
 
 * together with our Church, held a distinct and tangible line, removed 
 from modern novelties, whether of Rome or of ultra-Protestantism.' 
 
 Thus he discusses the relation of the Church to the Bible, 
 as its guardian and, by the mouth of Catholic antiquity, its 
 interpreter; justification as effected by Christ, and not 
 by anything human, whether the faith which apprehends 
 or the works which glorify Him ; sin after baptism, as a 
 much more serious thing than popular systems, whether 
 Roman Catholic or ultra- Protestant, practically allowed ; 
 the sacramental character attaching to other rites than the 
 two sacraments of the Gospel, such as absolution, orders, 
 matrimony, confirmation— a character exaggerated by 
 Roman Catholics -and ignored by ultra-Protestants; the 
 grace of baptism, wherein Christians are made members of 
 Christ, children of God, and heirs of the kingdom of heaven 
 —a grace denied by ultra- Protestants point blank, and 
 thrown into the shade by the position assigned by Roman 
 Catholics to penance and the Holy Eucharist ; the Body 
 and Blood of Christ present in the Holy Eucharist— given, 
 and therefore present independently of reception, no less 
 than taken and received— a presence denied by Zurich and 
 Geneva, but associated by Rome with a ' carnal ' definition 
 of its supposed mode, and with consequences held to be 
 involved in it without any suflficient warrant of Scripture or 
 antiquity ; the necessity of an apostolically commissioned 
 
78 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Reception of the Letter, 
 
 79 
 
 
 i 
 
 ministry, as a safeguard against ultra-Protestant disorgan- 
 ization and lack of authority, and also against Roman 
 Catholic depreciation of the claim of the Church of England 
 to be a part of the Catholic body. These were the sub- 
 jects actually put forward by the writers of the Tracts 
 into a new prominence, as 'filling up the lacunae of a 
 popular system, and recalling to men's minds forgotten or 
 depreciated truths/ The questions about prayers for the 
 dead, invocation of saints, and celibacy, upon which Pusey 
 touches in the latter part of his Letter, had only been 
 referred to incidentally by the writers of the Tracts, al- 
 though great stress had been laid upon them by adverse 
 critics. Pusey insists, in fine, that the opponents of the 
 Tracts misunderstood the real position and teaching of 
 the Church of Rome ; that they were misled by the satis- 
 faction expressed by some Roman Catholics at the revival 
 of Church principles ; and that what they attacked in the 
 Tracts was not the real teaching of the writers but their 
 own misconceptions of that teaching. 
 
 The Letter is well worth study, not only on account of 
 its place in the history of the Movement and of Pusey 's 
 mind, but for reasons which give it permanent value. The 
 discussion of the difficult question of celibacy, its high 
 sanctions in Scripture and antiquity, its practical recom- 
 mendations, as supplying the Church with free and dis- 
 interested workers, both men and women, its dangers and 
 corruptions, historical and possible, may be instanced as 
 ranking with Pusey's happiest efforts. In this Letter 
 Pusey appears more distinctly perhaps than in any of 
 his earlier or later writings as an advocate of the Via 
 Media, The Via Media was the watchword of the Trac- 
 tarians between the Hampden controversy and the publica- 
 tion of Tract 90. It is the keynote to Newman's ' Lectures 
 on the Prophetical Office of the Church,' to his ' Lectures 
 on Justification,' and even to that remarkable article 
 in the British Critic of April, 1839, on the 'State of 
 Religious Parties,' in which, he tells us in the ' Apologia,* 
 he spoke for the last time as ' an Anglican to Anglicans.' 
 
 »v^ 
 
 Pusey and he were in energetic accord as to the direction 
 of the Movement and the principles on which it should be 
 defended ; but the ' parting of the ways ' was near at hand. 
 Already in their respective attitudes towards the Bishop's 
 charge and the * Martyrs' Memorial ' we seem to see an 
 intimation of divergence which was soon to be more clearly 
 realized, at least by one of them. It was in the summer of 
 the same year that Newman, while studying the Mono- 
 physite controversy, saw, as he thought, * the shadow of 
 a hand upon the wall' 
 
 Pusey's Letter had its effect. It reached a fourth edition 
 in twelve months. How it was welcomed in some quarters 
 will appear from the following : — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 MY VERY DEAR FRIEND, ^'^^^^Z^, Leeds, April 3, .839. 
 
 It is impossible for me to thank you sufficiently for your Letter 
 to my Lord of Oxford. It is calculated to do us here more good than 
 anything that has appeared for a long time. It is too dear for the 
 middle classes, who think much of anything they spend in books : I 
 therefore wish you to give me two dozen copies that I may send them 
 about through Yorkshire. . . . 
 
 I have advertized your Letter to the Bishop last week in our paper, 
 
 with a little adjunct. 
 
 Ever, my dear friend, 
 
 Most affectionately yours, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 But the Letter was attacked, among others, by Dr. 
 Christopher Benson, the Master of the Temple ; and this, 
 together with the criticisms provoked by Newman's 
 * Lectures on Justification,' led Pusey to prefix a long and 
 valuable preface on the subject of Justification to the 
 fourth edition of his Letter. Before publishing this preface 
 he sent the proofs to Newman. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel College, Aug. 4, 1840. 
 I have no remark to make on your preface of consequence, 
 except to thank you for the extreme trouble you have taken with me. 
 If I must say something, I would ask whether you are not too sanguine 
 
8o 
 
 H 
 
 I 
 
 't 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 in saying that we are stationary. And my lectures were not sug- 
 gested to me by any one, except the clamour on the subject. 
 
 Pusey replies : — 
 
 jA A j-j . Brighton, Aug. II, 1840. 
 
 Indeed you did write your 'Lectures on Justification' at my 
 suggestion, though you of course felt the difficulties too. It was at 
 my request that you set yourself to remove them. I have therefore 
 left the statement [that the lectures were written at the suggestion of 
 another]. It seems somehow a reason why you should not have all 
 this trouble when you did not undertake it of your own mind. 
 
 The preface mainly consists of extracts from Newman's 
 
 * Lectures on Justification,' so arranged and commented on 
 as to meet the objections which had been urged against 
 them. Thus, although the words in which the doctrine is 
 presented are Newman's, the order and method of the 
 presentation is Pusey's, and has a substantive interest of its 
 own. Pusey does not notice the question which Newman 
 had raised with reference to his statement that 
 
 * '\ '^ ^""^V)^ tendency of novelty and schismatical teaching to de- 
 velop Itself further, and detach itself more from the doctrines of the 
 Church. Stationariness is a proof of adherence to some fixed and 
 dennite standard. 
 
 He kept the statement where he had placed it, at the 
 beginning of his preface, and at the time nothing more 
 was said of it. But in after years Newman referred to it 
 as an illustration of Pusey's * confidence in his position.' 
 To Newman himself, when a Roman Catholic, the Move- 
 ment seemed to have been a steady impulse towards Rome. 
 Pusey saw in it only an influence which restored the true 
 meaning of the formularies of the English Church and 
 quickened its faith and activity by doing so. Newman 
 added, ' Pusey made his statement in good faith : it was his 
 subjective view of it 'J Of course Pusey might have said 
 the same thing of his friend. 
 
 1 t 
 
 Apologia,' 1st ed., p. 138. 
 
 ^ Wk 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 MRS. pusey's philanthropic and religious work-^ 
 
 HER ILLNESS— conditional BAPTISM — STAY AT 
 WEYMOUTH— pusey's SERMONS FOR S. P. G.— MORE 
 ALARMING ILLNESS OF MRS. PUSEY— APPROACH OF 
 DEATH— TRINITY SUNDAY, 1839 — SYMPATHY OF 
 FRIENDS — BURIAL IN CATHEDRAL — A LIVING 
 SORROW. 
 
 1839. 
 
 Pusey's memory is so closely associated in the minds 
 of Churchmen with his work as a theologian, controversialist 
 and spiritual guide, that the more intimate relations of his 
 private life are apt to be forgotten. No one, however, who 
 was admitted to the intimacy of his home at Christ Church 
 could fail to be deeply impressed with the influence which 
 his character and religious convictions exercised on all who 
 came in contact with him in his domestic circle. 
 
 His religious seriousness pervaded every detail of the 
 home life, entering into the very simplest relations with his 
 children; and hence, in spite of the even passionate aflection 
 which he felt for them, there was probably a strictness 
 about the discipline of the nursery and schoolroom which 
 friends and relations, even in those severer days, thought 
 somewhat overstrained. But indeed both parents loved 
 their children with the deepest aflection ; and their corre- 
 spondence, so far as it has survived, is full of the detailed 
 and tender interest which they took in the deveiopment of the 
 characters of their boy and two little girls. It is pleasant to 
 read that when Mrs. Pusey was away from Oxford, Pusey 
 
 VOL. II. G • 
 
82 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 himself used to be with his children at the time of their saying 
 
 their prayers in the morning and evening. During such 
 
 absences also they lived in his study, adding probably to 
 
 its normal confusion, but relieving the stress of his severe 
 
 work by their bright childish ways. Sometimes however 
 
 he would frankly acknowledge that he could not join in 
 
 their games : — * I do not find it in me.' They were, however, 
 
 always in his thoughts. Thus on one occasion, when himself 
 
 absent from home, he writes to his wife : — 
 
 [April, 1837.] 
 
 * I was very much vexed to recollect on my way to the coach that 
 I had forgotten the children and my promise. However, I blessed 
 them, as I did you, with that choicest of all blessings, " the Peace of 
 God,*' as I saw the cross on the cathedral presiding over and hallowing 
 our dear home. Tell the children that I blessed them and thought of 
 them much when I woke this morning.* 
 
 Until the year 1837 Pusey lived much in the same way 
 as did his brother canons. But his many charities, and, not 
 least, his generous contribution to the London churches, had 
 led him as early as 1835 to consider the question of his ex- 
 penditure. His growing sensitiveness also on the question 
 of social duties appears from such passages in his letters to 
 his wife as the following : — 
 
 *I am going to dine to-day with Burton to meet Dr. Russell 
 (Charterhouse, perhaps future Bishop) and only him, — to-morrow 
 Gaudy, — Monday week Bodley dinner. Eheu! fugaces labuntur anni 
 in dinnering.' 
 
 In the spring of 1837 they sold, as has been said, their 
 horses and carriage, and in other ways curtailed their 
 household expenses. All this involved some withdrawal 
 from society; and Mrs. Pusey, who now entered with all 
 her heart into her husband's feelings, if she did not go 
 beyond them, sold all her jewels, and gave the money to 
 the London churches. 
 
 These particulars of Pusey's home life illustrate the way 
 in which he practically carried out his public teaching. It 
 was on the Sunday after quietly selling his carriage and 
 horses that he told an Oxford audience : — 
 
 r 
 
 Curtailment of expenditure. 
 
 83 
 
 *We confess of ourselves that we are a luxurious people, that 
 luxury is increasing, spreading everywhere ; that it is taking possession 
 of our land ; that we know not how to stem it ; and yet we are secure, 
 as if what has taken place everywhere else would not here, as if we 
 were to be an exception to God's dealings ^' 
 
 On the evening of the same day he writes to his wife, 
 who was in Guernsey : — 
 
 'When we meet again we must try to live more like pilgrims 
 [journeying] heavenwards. I am much perplexed by my own sermon : 
 for I know not how I can act up to it, with our Heads of Houses* 
 dinners. And it has come across me, had one not better give them 
 up altogether ? * 
 
 The London congregation which listened to him on 
 St. Barnabas' Day, 1837, within a week of the sale of his 
 wife's jewels, probably little suspected his moral right to 
 make the earnest appeal contained in his striking sermon 
 on Christian kindliness and charity, in which he presses the 
 example of the saint who, ' having land, sold it, and brought 
 the money and laid it at the apostles' feet' (Acts v. 4). 
 
 * If all cannot be parted with lawfully, why not some ? Why not 
 some, not merely of our superfluities, year by year, but (what only 
 requires faith) of our substance, so that we may be poorer in the 
 sight of men, richer in the sight of God ? . . . Would there be no 
 blessing if our women broke off the ornaments (which it is at least 
 safer for Christian women not to wear), as the Jewish women of old, 
 for the service of their God ? Is there no blessing on luxuries aban- 
 doned, establishments diminished, show of display laid aside, equipages 
 dropped, superfluous plate cast into the treasury of God, the rich 
 (where it might be) walking on foot here, that they may walk in glory 
 in the streets of the City which are of pure gold ^ ? ' 
 
 It may be that the clergy are sometimes charged justly 
 with being merely rhetorical in the pulpit. It is a terrible 
 charge : but certainly it is not one which could be laid at 
 Pusey 's door. 
 
 In this matter of charity, it has been seen, Mrs. Pusey 
 was entirely at one with her husband ; in fact, the growth 
 of her character during the eleven years of her married 
 life was a remarkable testimony to the strength and 
 
 * 'Par. Serm.* iii. pp. 311, 312. Preached May 25, 1837, "* Oxford. 
 
 * * Par. Serm.* iii. 385-387. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 nature of her husband's influence. She had been before 
 her marriage occupied almost exclusively with the social 
 duties and enjoyments of a country home; and, as her 
 earh'er letters show, without those formed and intense 
 convictions which controlled the later years of her life. 
 Her tastes corresponded to her education and position, 
 and she had carried many of them with her when she first 
 came to Christ Church. Her letters show how all other 
 interests gradually gave way to religious ones. Oxford 
 interested her at first mainly through its social aspects ; 
 and it was inevitable that she should see a good deal of its 
 society. As time went on, other occupations and duties 
 withdrew her gradually, and before her death almost com- 
 pletely, from those early interests. She spent a great deal 
 of time in educating her children. She was a regular visitor 
 of the poor in St. Aldate's and St Ebbe's parishes. She 
 assisted the Rev. W. K. Hamilton, Vicar of St. Peter's-in- 
 the-East, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, in setting on foot 
 a penitentiary and in other good works. She became a 
 regular attendant at the daily services of the cathedral. 
 She set aside a portion of time each day to private prayer 
 and intercession, and to spiritual reading. She spent long 
 hours of work at manuscripts for her husband in the Bod- 
 leian Library. She even began, with her husband's full 
 sanction, a Commentary on St. Matthew's Gospel. She 
 always had possessed literary tastes ; as she grew out of girl- 
 hood into womanhood her tastes steadily developed, and the 
 heroic literature of the ocean gradually made way for Byron, 
 then Walter Scott, Goethe, Schiller, Lessing. She kept fairly 
 abreast of the better books that appeared each year. She 
 was a Latin, as well as a German and Italian scholar; and 
 could enjoy Tacitus in his own unrivalled Latin. Thus 
 she was enabled to be of great service to her husband in the 
 works which he had most at heart. She seems to have 
 collated the Tauchnitz text of St. Augustine's Confessions 
 with the Benedictine, for the Bibliotheca Patrum ; and she 
 it was who chiefly enabled her husband to contribute to 
 Prof. Carl Witte those collations of the Dante MSS. in 
 
 
 Mrs. Pusey s Religious and Literary Work, 85 
 
 the Bodleian which enrich his great edition of the poet \ 
 Writing to Tholuck on March 6, 1837, Pusey says :— 
 
 * At last my wife and I have collated all the MSS. I fear that the 
 papers are confused at first sight ; for I did not look at the directions 
 until lately, thinking that I had understood from you what was to be 
 done. They are, however, accurately done, and must have been 
 collated a second time for the sake of the orthography.' 
 
 Tholuck was very grateful : — 
 
 'The collation for Dante,' he writes, April 4, 1837, * has made me 
 quite sad. You and your delicate wife ought not to do this. It is an 
 act of loving self-denial, but the subject is not worth the sacrifice. Is 
 not your dear wife's health and your own time given you for much 
 more important tasks ? Certainly in such a case it would have been 
 quite as Christian to have said that as no one could be found to under- 
 take the work, it must remain undone. How grateful Witte is he 
 will have told you in writing.* 
 
 Mrs. Pusey was also working at one time on the Latin 
 text of St. Cyprian. But this was only a part of her 
 literary work. One day she writes from Oxford to Pusey, 
 who was in London : — 
 
 * The darkness here about four was really oppressive, and the snow 
 heavy. I could not see to read the print of the small St. Augustine by 
 the fireside : I collated about two folio pages, and was then obliged 
 to put it by, feeling my head uncomfortable. I met with three various 
 readings. I then tried to do the Jeremy Taylor, but that was too 
 much for my head. The Greek Testament I have not opened to-day.' 
 
 The next day she writes : — 
 
 * I had a restless night, but got up at nine, and before ten was seated 
 before St. Augustine, and worked at it till five this afternoon, without 
 any intentional interruptions ; but first the children came, then Henry 
 Bunsen, then Mr. Mozley and his brother, then the Miss Biscoes, 
 then Frederick, then Mr. Ashworth, and lastly the Provost and Mrs. 
 Hawkins. By-the-by, the very last was Dr. Wootten.' 
 
 She had a dread of parading her literary accomplish- 
 ments. * Dr. Spry/ writes Pusey to his wife, * asked me 
 whether "the yoitftg man'' had done anything about the 
 MSS. I said, '' the person who was to, &c., had not been 
 well, but will, I have no doubt, soon." ' She was a great 
 
 * * Div. Commedia ricoretta da Carlo * Frai viventi devo moltissimo ai 
 Witte.' Berlino, 1863, pref. kxiv. Sign. riv. Dott. Pusey di Oxford.* 
 
i; 
 
 \t 
 
 86 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 reader, too, on her own account. In 1828 and 1829 her 
 religious reading was represented by Pascal's ' Thoughts ' 
 Shuttleworth's * Paraphrase,' Jeremy Taylor, Le Bas' 
 Sermons, Wilberforce's * Practical Christianity,' Milman's 
 ' History of the Jews,' Short's Sermons. She was always 
 mterested in reading the books of any of her husband's 
 friends. On the day after Dr. and Mrs. Whately called 
 she set herself to study his ' Elements of Logic'; and in 
 the same way, intimacy with the Rev. J. H. Newman led 
 her to read through, again and again, the earlier volumes of 
 the * Parochial Sermons,'— the work which unquestionably 
 more than any other shaped the closing years of her life 
 The subjoined letter shows the thoroughness and honesty 
 with which she approached religious books on religious 
 subjects. She is writing from Ryde ; and is referring to 
 her husband's tract on Baptism :— 
 
 Dearest Edward, Sunday evening, Nov. i, 1835. 
 
 After breakfast this morning I began Part II ; since afternoon 
 church I have read to page 80 or thereabouts. Some things I am not 
 clear about others (one or two) I do not quite understand ; with the 
 whole I feel unsettled and perplexed, but all that shall stand over till 
 we meet. There are some things that come to one at once as truth, as 
 soon as they are proposed, and those are the things that one really 
 believes unhesitatmgiy. Other things (and your tract is one of them) 
 in grater or lesser degrees, stir up against themselves in one's mind 
 doubts and difficulties and perplexities. Mr. Newman's (I beg pardon 
 John s, I might almost say St. John) sermons are full of truths of the 
 hrst sort, and perhaps that is one reason why I so like them: you will 
 say that your tract contains new views, and that the sermons do noL 
 but, to me, they also certainly did at their first perusal. Two more 
 observations on the tract, ist. What you say on the insufficiency of 
 the common ideas of repentance is very nice and very, of course, home^ 
 sinking^ but I recollect at Cheltenham you solved my doubts on that 
 subject by saying that a repentance, followed by a leaving off the sin 
 repented of, or a doing of that, the omission of which was faulty was 
 a true repentance. I half xhinV there ought to be something //,^r^ 
 than this, because one should hardly be satisfied with amendment, 
 without gnef and sorrow for having offended us, from our children • 
 moreover, the words *ye that do truly and earnestly repent ' always 
 cause in me great misgivings as to my own repentance. I see one 
 piece of confusion I have made in the above lines, but stiU there is 
 
 \ 
 
 Mrs, Pusey s Health. 
 
 87 
 
 some uncertainty left. Secondly, Would the early Apostolic Church, 
 according to the tract theory, have considered all who had not been 
 excommunicated as not having fallen from grace ? (Please to answer 
 this definitely.) Then, again, our confessions [in the Prayer-book] 
 hardly seem to suit both classes, those who enjoy baptismal purity 
 and those who have lost it, and yet they must have been intended 
 for both classes. Oh, that you were close at hand, for me to talk 
 to you ! 
 
 Pusey replied at length, and concluded with the following 
 passage : — 
 
 * I see many reasons, which you do not, why John's [Newman's] state- 
 ment of truth should be attractive, mine repulsive : he has held a steady 
 course, I have not. I studied evidences, when I should have been studying 
 the Bible ; I was dazzled with the then rare acquaintance with German 
 theology, and over-excited by it ; I thought to do great things, and 
 concealed self under the mask of activity ; I read, he thought also and 
 contemplated; I was busy, he tranquil; I self-indulgent, he self- 
 denying ; I exalted myself, he humbled himself. This will pain you, 
 if you knew it not before, but do not contradict it to me ; only pray for 
 me, dearest, that this and everything else of sin may be forgiven me.* 
 
 During the early part of their married life Pusey's own 
 health was a subject of anxiety to his wife ; but after 1835 
 he became stronger, while Mrs. Pusey sank slowly into the 
 condition of an invalid. From that year she had a cough 
 which never deserted her ; and her life, speaking physically, 
 was a constant struggle against the disease which in the 
 course of five years brought her to the grave. It was her 
 illness which obliged her to be away from Oxford again 
 and again during Term time, when Pusey was obliged to 
 reside. In November, 1835, she was at Ryde. In May, 
 1837, she went on a long visit to the Channel Islands. 
 In April, 1838, she went to Clifton ; in May to Weymouth. 
 It is to her letters, written during these absences, that we 
 owe most of what we know about her ; and in them may 
 be traced the progress of that weakness and suffering 
 by which she was disciplined before leaving this world. 
 Pusey followed her with the watchful and incessant anxiety 
 which belonged to his natural character. 
 
 It was at the end of 1837 that her state of health first 
 became grave. She had rallied in Guernsey ; and she 
 
 -.*•/« ti 
 
88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 spent he winter of 1 837-1 838 in Oxford. A new and 
 heavy trouble was now awaiting her. Early in 1838 their 
 son Phihp began to show signs of some serious ill-health 
 the symptoms of which became rapidly more alarming. ' 
 
 seriousTv'irthaf l'' "T ^T^ '° ^'^^ ^- "^'"-"- * »- "een more 
 seriously il than I apprehended. Dr. Wootten has been here everv 
 
 t W ts':::,SP'- """^ !! ^^^ '^^'"'""' P-'enl anSY^XZ 
 ,hl. w f f *"" ""^^^ '"•'^ay- ^•''C'' •ool's as if he were afraid 
 
 that h.s fever would reduce him too low, his pulse being about 00 
 
 P^s^ro^hiT " '""'' "-'' '° -^ ^ -' of prfparationT; 
 
 A fortnight later Pusey writes to Newman that 
 • Dr. Wootten seems to think that Philip may very well eet thrnnah 
 
 t^£Zf- ^1o"^ °^ "'^ -n^nin/abouT The/rrfm 
 
 fh!7,hl .? '•'^'^ '^ """"'"S immediate. He even savs 
 
 eel itttt'T' ,'^'^'" ='°PP^''' '"""S"' "^ginning so early there 
 
 JX°" "''" ""^ ''"'^'y S""^'^ t" liear that Maria has a good deal of 
 affliction now, some of which is peculiariy her own. She h^ a sUter 
 
 ^srl^^ZTV^^'T^'t' ™---"'W; andotsrn,:hrgh 
 his recovery is not hopeless, has his chest affected, and we are notio 
 
 Setre,t\"f:etreTgrif hfd"^^ '''''''' '"' "'^^'^^^^ 
 ministry of the Church o^Goi' "■"""' '° ''"' '" "«= ^^"^^ 
 
 Totn *^\''"^J'"»"^ °f April, 1838, Mrs. Pusey was in 
 London : her husband insisted on her consulting a London 
 Phys.c.an But anxieties, the strain of which she was ill 
 able to withstand, did not diminish. 
 
 r '^^'^'^,;'j'f^ ^" husband, 'is not worse, but he is not better 
 God s will be done ! And may He help and stren^hen you dear;sV 
 
 iwun us; for the night, and m the morning is joy » 
 
 the contrary now : but, when Dr. W. left him last night, he S ^ 
 
 w 
 
 Scruples about Dissenting Baptism, 
 
 89 
 
 answer to my question, « He is not worse, but he is not better, and that 
 is BAD " (with emphasis). . . . 
 
 *And now, dearest wife, this is a sorrowful letter; and it is one 
 trouble which you have from casting in your lot with me, that our 
 children's lives are precarious at best ; yet many a mother might, if 
 she knew the real state of things, gladly have our sickly, and if it please 
 and when it pleases God, our dying or dead son, before their living 
 one. However, though you " must have trouble in the flesh," it will, 
 I trust, all turn to increased dependence upon His Fatherly Hand, and 
 so increase of glory. And when one thinks of this for you, one forgets 
 all the sorrow, as you one day will.* 
 
 During the latter years of her life Mrs. Pusey was dis- 
 tressed by a scruple as to the validity of her baptism. She 
 had been baptized by a dissenter : was she to be re-baptized 
 conditionally? Pusey hesitated for two years. He had 
 no difficulties about conditional baptism, Mooking upon the 
 act as a dutiful attempt to supply whatever was before 
 deficient ; but he had a decided repugnance to using prayers 
 which implied the absence of regeneration for one who 
 for half a lifetime had been admitted to the Communion.' 
 It has been impossible to ascertain the exact ground 
 of Mrs. Pusey's scruple; but there is no doubt that 
 it occasioned her very considerable anxiety. Between 
 December 31, 1837, and Easter Day, April 15, 1838, she 
 does not appear to have received the Holy Communion,— 
 an abstention which in a life such as hers had now been 
 for some time is full of significance. Excepting with her 
 husband and Mr. Newman, she observed the most scrupu- 
 lous silence on the subject ; and the allusions to it in their 
 letters are very few and guarded. 
 
 Newman first suggested that the Bishop might be asked 
 to sanction a conditional baptism. This sanction was given 
 in April, 1838 ; and Mrs. Pusey was conditionally baptized 
 by Mr. Newman on Easter Eve, April 14, at St. Mary's 
 Church. On Good Friday she wrote to him : — 
 
 My dear Mr. Newman, 
 
 When I first began to have well-grounded hopes that the blessing 
 now about to be bestowed on me would some day be granted me, 
 1 received notice of a legacy of ;^5o. It was my wish, at all events, to 
 

 *] 
 
 li 
 
 II' 
 
 90 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 employ this sum m forwarding some good work, and I consequently 
 offered it to the brother of a person in business, who wished to be 
 educated for Holy Orders, and who was not enabled to accomplish this 
 wish on his own resources. He, however, refused it, and now I venture 
 to ask you to employ it, in any way you prefer, that may be to the 
 glory of God. 
 
 Edward has, for several days past, urged me to write to you about 
 It. I should have been glad of such an opportunity of asking for your 
 prayers, had I not felt convinced that you needed not to be reminded 
 how much I must want them at such an awful period of my life. 
 
 To this he reph'ed : — 
 
 My dear Mrs. Pusey, Good Friday, April 13, 1838. 
 
 I feel much obliged indeed by your wish to entrust me with the 
 disposal of the ^50, and will gladly take charge of it. Your letter is 
 altogether most kmd-far more so than I deserve. Pray believe vou 
 have been constantly in my prayers, night and morning, and particu- 
 larly this week, again and again. Let me in turn beg you, as I do 
 most^^sincerely, to forgive me if I have at any time been rude or cold 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 My dear Mrs. Pusey, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 On Easter Day Newman dined with them : but he had 
 already received a note from Pusey. 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 I know not how to thank you for all your gentle, tender kindness 
 to me and mine especially for yesterday, which also, perhaps, but for 
 you, had never been to us what I trust it is and will be. I can only 
 say with St. Augustine, < Retribues illi, Domine, in Resurrectione jus- 
 torum. The accompanying book, which is meant as a sort of outward 
 memonal was Bishop Lloyd's, and has been mine for nearly nine 
 years, and been used by me during the latter part of the time, and so 
 seemed, amid other things, to be the best sort of token. And if 
 sendmg this book of our * Cognomenti Magni,'and a confessor, be any 
 omen though one may not wish the days of confessors to return, yet if 
 they do come, there is only one higher wish. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 rk • • A T^ . . E- B. Pusey. 
 
 Dommicd Resurrectionis, A.S. 1838. 
 
 P.S. The book, you will see, belonged once to the Bibliotheca 
 Scholarum Piarum. Perhaps it may, when God wills, to some school 
 01 the prophets in our own land. 
 
 ! 
 
 Easter Eve, 1838. gi 
 
 The book referred to is the Benedictine edition of the 
 works of St. Gregory the Great. In the first volume Pusey 
 has written : — 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 d. 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 in gratam memoriam 
 
 beneficiorum quam plurimorum 
 
 sibi collatorum 
 
 tam maxim^ 
 
 Sabbati Sancti. 
 
 A.S. 1838. 
 
 To Mrs. Pusey it was the beginning of a new life : she 
 marked this by beginning a new diary. In her now broken 
 health the absence of doubt on such a vital point was * an 
 unspeakable comfort.' Her own words to Newman, 
 written from her sick bed, may be quoted in illustration :— 
 
 My dear Mr. Newman, 
 
 Thank you for all your kind thoughts and words of and about 
 me. You comfort me more than you know of, and at Weymouth, 
 where my bodily discomforts were greater and my faith weaker, I felt 
 it was invaluable to me to know your sermon on a * Particular Provi- 
 dence.' It has cheered and calmed a sick bed, and will doubtless, if 
 such be God's will, do the same when my latter hours approach. For 
 that and much beside, especially for one act, 
 
 Most gratefully, affectionately, and humbly yours, 
 
 Maria. 
 On Tuesday in Easter week, 1838, three days after 
 Mrs. Pusey 's baptism, the whole family went to Clifton, 
 whence they passed to Weymouth, staying there until the 
 autumn. Pusey made the subjoined report to Newman as 
 soon as they reached Clifton : — 
 
 My dear Friend, Clifton, April 19, 1838. 
 
 I would not leave you in ignorance of what seems to hang over 
 us, or let you have it from a chance hand. A letter which Dr. Wootten 
 sent open by us to the physician here conveyed to us far more definite 
 knowledge of the ground of apprehension, and of the hopelessness of 
 the restoration of our dear boy, than we had derived from what he had 
 said to us. . . . It seems that the disease has been hitherto so slow 
 that some time will still be left him, to be matured for his early * call 
 to bliss.' 
 
 i 
 
 m .f . ..._ „,, 
 
92 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 In reply to a similar expression in another letter New- 
 man wrote sympathetically :— 
 
 lJJ"7 ^°^ grant, since it is inevitable, that you may have the privi- 
 lege of seeing him [Philip] fall asleep in the Lord ! • 
 
 But Philip's life was spared for many years, and although 
 always an invalid and a sufferer, he was able to do good 
 literary and other work, and his death did not occur until 
 nearly forty-two years afterwards, on January 15, 1880 
 
 From Weymouth Pusey had to return to Oxford in order 
 to complete the work of the summer Term ; he threw 
 himself into it with redoubled energy. One picture of 
 his way of spending a Sunday may be given here. His 
 brother, the Rev. W. B. Pusey, was serving the parish of 
 Garsington, and during his temporary illness his place was 
 filled by the Professor of Hebrew. 
 
 <T .. , 'Christ Church, Tune c, i8^8. 
 
 Ponv cal°c:e7"'"''^'° '"''"'"'"'^ ^ ""^ morning; he hak left his 
 ^fe in a flf IT^' "'"'°'" '°"'"'""« '"^' ''"^ g°"« ^ack with his 
 
 and a half inVn- "°' "^\ """'' °^ "'"'• ^°^ '•>« P°°y *^' -" hour 
 
 and a half in going over, so I only arrived (waiting for the post and to 
 
 finish my sermon till 9; I did not expect a letter, but should have 
 
 belore 11. In church from 11 to 1.30 (no sermon, but a great deal 
 of singmg, besides the Communion): administered the Commun on to 
 
 sermonT h "kT ^7'"' "^' "^ breakfast), and finTshed mj 
 sermon. I„ church from (nominally) 3.30 till 5: two baptisms and 
 
 ""?; "noth" '''"^""''"-^ °f - '«'- ■■ administered thT Com 
 munion to another sick person. Dinner, 6.45 to 7 ,0 • teachin.. 
 young women in church: left at twenty ^inutL to'g' In Colw 
 met an old woman who had put down two heavy bundles in the mud 
 which she could carry no further, carried them, lost our way"scram™S 
 
 and after walking up and down Cowley and losing my scarf, gave six- 
 
 a^^riranr-o.^" ''"-'' '- -<^ -^'^ '- ^-•^'i -<^ ^^ ^°- 
 
 Pusey's earlier letters from Weymouth in the Long 
 Vacation show that he was again becoming hopeful. 
 
 JI^!Z r "™"f ""u" ^^ *'''' '^""S^ ^'^ '"°^e than ever stunted 
 and aged form shows how deeply the disease has laid hold on h m 
 
 ^erTo^btfilXttsel? "'" ''-'' ''' '^^ ^ -"«•>. -^" 
 
 Sermons for S. P. G. 93 
 
 He was thus free to take his usual interest in the 
 reh*gious condition of the place he was staying at. It 
 was a 'great comfort' to him that the * pulpit of this 
 place is not yet occupied by Evangelicals/ The evening 
 lecturer, a Cambridge man, was 'a regular Catholic in theory ; 
 in practice he proposed a dinner party on Friday/ 
 
 * It is curious,' he writes, * on coming to such a place as this to 
 realize what strange half-suspicions people have of us ; not thinking 
 us quite so bad as we are represented to be, but still not knowing what 
 to make of us. However, three or four of the clergy, besides those of 
 the place, have called on me. So my stay may, perhaps, be turned to 
 good account.' 
 
 Pusey interested himself in a proposal to build a new 
 church in Weymouth. 
 
 * Its site will be,' he writes to Newman on July 19th, ' an admirable 
 one ; near the entrance of Weymouth by the road, and about opposite 
 to a R. C. chapel : so there will be A. C. versus R. C 
 
 He also undertook to preach two sermons for the Society 
 for the Propagation of the Gospel \ The S. P. G., he says, 
 is * unknown in these regions': he was to assist at the 
 ' laying the first stone of a branch society/ 
 
 ' I find it,' he goes on to say, ' very hard to be obliged to write away 
 from books. I should like to tell them something of the right way of 
 propagating the Gospel : and I suppose the S. P. G. has more of this 
 than others, from the very fact of its having colleges or monasteria, as 
 in Canada, Codrington College, Bishop's College, and I suppose the 
 Bishop of Australia will add one to his "cathedral." If you know of 
 any book about primitive spreading of the Gospel, or that of the 
 Middle Ages, or of our own Church, I should be glad if you could send 
 them me here. There is no hurry, as I may choose my own time. 
 Does Cave's Primitive Christianity (2 vols., 8vo), Stillingfleet's Origines, 
 Bingham, contain anything? Mozley, I know, would hunt, if at 
 Oxford. I should also like to have Wiseman's lecture on Missions 
 (has it been reviewed in the B. C. ?). Boniface, the apostle of the 
 Germans, was an interesting person ; if you will give Mozley the date 
 he would look out the volume of Gieseler for me ; unless you know of 
 anything better. It is a shame to give you all this trouble, but I hope 
 
 * Cf. • The Church the Converter of Regis, September 9, 1838.' Oxford, 
 the Heathen: two sermons preached Parker, 4th ed., 1859. 
 at St. Mary's Church, Melcombe 
 
94 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 you will turn off as much as you can upon others. Morris, of Exeter 
 said he should be glad to look out anything for me, and he might get 
 up the subject at the same time for himself.' 
 
 The preacher insisted on the truth, which Holy Scripture 
 certainly attests, that the Gospel must be spread by an 
 expansion of the One Body of Christ ; the true Society 
 for the Propagation of the Gospel was the Church as a 
 whole acting through the organs which God had given her- 
 and that the claims of the Society for which he was preach- 
 ing rested on the fact that it, more than any other en- 
 deavoured to act on this principle. The sermon abounds 
 m stirnng passages, which, even at this day, appeal power- 
 fully to the conscience of the reader ; it is difficult to 
 realize their effect when spoken by such a preacher and to 
 such a congregation. 
 Was the sermon to be printed ? Newman must decide. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 T !,« -1, S^Pt' 10» 1838. 
 
 I hope you will not mmd my putting on you the onus of my printing 
 or not prmtmg : it is become quite a habit to ask you about it • and 
 your slightest feeling against printing is quite enough for me. 
 
 1 should put a few notes bearing out some statements. If I print 
 what thmk you of a preface containing a justification of my implied 
 censure^upon certain societies: against the Church Missionary I should 
 
 (i) Its constitution not under Bishops. 
 
 (2) Its not placing its missionaries under Bishops, as apparent 
 
 (a) In Its negotiations with the Bishops of Jamaica and Bar- 
 badoes. 
 
 O) Its conduct towards the BUhop of Madras (Corrie), who 
 complained that it carried on all its arrangements through 
 the Secretary (Tucker of C. C. C), and that he only knew of 
 the removal of a missionary from one station to another, 
 &c., &c., by the public papers. He complained very much 
 of their mistrust. 
 
 (y) I should say, if it meant to proceed on an Apostolic plan. 
 It ought to send out Bishops to New Zealand and Sierra 
 Leone. 
 
 (4) Its examining into the experiences of its missionaries before it 
 presents then, to the Bishop, and so going on the modem principle of 
 trustmg m self only. *^ f^^t^ 
 
 i\ 
 
 Return to Oxford. gc 
 
 The improvement in Mrs. Pusey s health whilst at Wey- 
 mouth was very slight ; and Newman pressed Pusey to 
 take her to Malta for the winter. 
 
 * If you went to Malta you could have all your books with you ; 
 a steamer carries any quantity of luggage. In the winter you would 
 have hardly any fellow-passengers to incommode you, and would 
 hardly lose a day's work. When there you would be settled quite as 
 much as in England. You would find probably Rose there, and you 
 might instil good principles into Queen Adelaide, who deserves them. 
 I am quite sure that in point of usefulness you would lose no time at 
 all. They have a superb Hbrary attached to St. John's Church, and 
 I doubt not the MSS. are well worth inspecting. They come from 
 Vienna.' 
 
 Pusey at last reluctantly consented to go, if it were 
 thought necessary. But Dr. Wootten would not recom- 
 mend it ; and his hesitation was warranted by the subse- 
 quent opinion of Sir James Clarke. They left Weymouth 
 on September 12th; and having placed their little girls in 
 the care of Miss Rogers, who kept a school at Clifton, 
 they reached Oxford on the 14th— the anniversary of 
 Pusey's baptism. As to his wife's health Pusey went on 
 hoping against hope. She was examined immediately after 
 their return. Pusey wrote to Newman to say that 
 
 * while things remain very alarming in themselves, it looks like an 
 earnest of mercy, and that the prayers of my friends may yet be 
 heard.' 
 
 On the following Sunday the real truth was known. 
 Sir James Clarke visited the invalid. Later in the same 
 day Pusey wrote to Newman : — 
 
 * Sir James Clarke did not like to tell me the truth. He does not 
 think that (humanly speaking, since all things are possible to God) 
 Maria can recover, nor that it will be one of those illnesses which last 
 on for two or three years, although it may be some months yet.' 
 
 The last entry in Mrs. Pusey's diary, written in a 
 broken hand, is * Sept. 23, Sunday. Sir James Clarke 
 came.' Writing a full account to Harrison on the following 
 day, Pusey adds : — 
 
 * I told her of the prospect this morning, and as soon as she under- 
 stood it she said, with a calm smile, " Then I shall be so blessed, and. 
 
96 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 \ 
 
 God can make you happy.** A calm came over her which was no 
 result of effort or thought, but which came immediately from God. 
 You will, 1 know, recollect us and her, hereafter, at God's altar.* 
 
 He wrote also a full account to his mother. 
 
 *Poor Edward,' she observed, * finishes his second letter so like 
 himself, not thinking of self : " God's will be done ! ever ! ever ! My 
 poor children ! Yet He will provide.** * 
 
 One other friend there was whose sympathy and prayers 
 Pusey could not but ask in his great trouble. 
 
 * I have thought much of you,* writes Keble, * ever since, but how, 
 my dear friend, I can hardly tell you, except so far as this, that I try to 
 pray constantly for you both, that your calm submission may increase 
 more and more, and that others who may need it in their turn, no one 
 knows how soon, may learn of you ; also that God may give you 
 health and strength to do yet much work for His Church ; and I will 
 continue to add a petition that if it be His Will He would yet raise 
 her up, and bless you all as He best knows how.' 
 
 To which Pusey replied : — 
 
 * I do not know how to thank you for all your kindness and remem- 
 brance of me and mine, and your prayers. I knew how you would feel 
 for me, and that you would pray for me, but this detail of your concern 
 and the subject of your prayer for me was more than I deserved. 
 However, we are not dealt with according to our deserts. So I trust 
 to be made thankful for this as for everything. Yet you had comforted 
 me before, and it may be an earnest how many besides you have been 
 the means of comforting ; for scraps of the " Christian Year "— " When 
 the shore is won at last," and " Gales from Heaven if so He will," and 
 " Who says the wan autumnal sun "—as they occurred to me have been 
 a great comfort, and will be, amid whatever He sees best to send.* 
 
 Eight months were yet to pass before the end came— 
 months marked by vicissitudes of hope ever ready to spring 
 up, although unbidden, in Pusey's sanguine mind, but also 
 by the steady progress of the disease towards the inevitable 
 goal. 
 
 A week before the end came Pusey was comforted by 
 the subjoined note, characteristic in its tenderness : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Whitsunday [May 19th]. 
 I am afraid of intruding on you, and yet I do not like day to 
 pass after day without your hearing from me. You know, should you 
 
 The Approach of Death, 
 
 97 
 
 like me to walk with you in the morning, there is no reason why I 
 should not come to you at six as well as any other time. You have 
 but to send me a note overnight. 
 
 now recetd!""' '^ '"''''^' °^ '"''"''^ ^'~"' '"'"' ^^''^ ^ ^^'^ J»*' 
 
 Pray tell dear Mrs. Pusey that I am continually thinkine of her and 
 
 pmy (what I doubt not) that you may have grace^o to ^ Lm '^ 
 
 other that you may meet again in peace. F i ™ni eacn 
 
 Lucy and Mary had been brought up from Chfton to 
 see their dying mother. The parting was over on Whitsun 
 tve, when they returned to Clifton. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 six^"doi"/ ^T- ''''" ""^'/'"''y^ be soothing, Zd Is'Jo^^^ 
 s,x o clock walk ,s at an end, for from four or five to seven in the 
 
 tT^o ir "°* ''VT' °u^"^'"' ^""■«""^- ' '1° -' fcel to want 
 to go out, as one d>d m the winter : now, by His mercy one has 
 
 air at horne I am afraid of misleading you, as if I felt btter than 
 
 I do yet I w,sh th.s to be a season of penitence, and it seems 
 
 unsuned to mterest one's-self for the time on subjecU which wouW 
 
 otherwise mterest one (further than could be of any use), and on 
 
 testTone ■"" """°' 'P'"'- ' '''"" '•'^-^°-' "•-•' y-. to be 
 
 I shall probably be glad, in a short time, to send to you a German 
 who comes to me with a letter from Tholuck 
 
 „,«"^ '^•T ""'^ ^'''' '"'■' "" yesterday Dearest Maria has 
 
 parted with every earthly care. 
 
 nriTi'T^'V'^rV'^"'''' ^°' y°"' P"'^y^" ^°' "^. *Wch we much 
 prize, and feel to be a great blessing. 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, ' 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 There is no answer required to either of these two letters 
 My German is arrived : his name is Bethmann Hollweg: he is 
 at the Angel and goes to-morrow; a friend of Sack ; a Jurist • 
 
 MmriZ '"' ,'-"''"''"" P'''^""' '^y' Sack: you might se 
 
 him right on some of our views. 
 
 To which Newman immediately replied : 
 
 My d^ar Pusey, ^^^^ '9, 1839.] 
 
 will nn! f''^"'^.''' u ""^ ^°"' *° "''"^'" y"""" "<"«' ^''•^ept that I 
 win not forget what you say. But it seems to me you must not 
 suffer yourself to suppose that any punishment is meant in wha 
 IS now to be. Why should it > I mean, really it is nothing om of 
 VOL. II, IT 
 
98 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 God's usual dealings. The young and strong fall all around us. 
 How many whom we love are taken out of our sight by sudden 
 death, however healthy. Whether slowly or suddenly, it comes on 
 those in whose case we do not expect it. I do not think you must 
 look on it as * some strange thing.' Pray do not. 
 
 Shall I write to Dodgson for his Tertullian ? if you will give me 
 his direction. Of course Cornish's Chrysostom comes out in July; 
 but Baxter wishes to be beginning the October volume. We must 
 have one under another. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 Keble wrote to Pusey on the same subject : he found 
 it ' more easy to write than to speak/ 
 
 [May, 1839.] 
 You speak of dear Mrs. Pusey*s illness, compared with her former 
 strength, as if it were something so very little to be expected ; and 
 as I know from remembrance something of the feelings of persons 
 where an unexpected bereavement befalls them, I want you to be 
 on your guard against bitter self-reproach : against that kind of 
 remorse which I know is apt to come over one when a blessing 
 of which one feels one's unworthiness seems taken away : a feeling, 
 I mean, which would benumb and prostrate, instead of softening 
 and quickening, our faith. Surely in such matters as in all others 
 we do well not to think or feel as if we knew positively the cause 
 of God's dealings with us. The tone of the Prayer-book seems 
 to me so beautiful — * for whatsoever cause this sickness is sent 
 unto you ' : without pretending to search it out or to encourage 
 the sufferer to do so, with anything like certainty. The thought, 
 that it may be for this or that, seems to be the intended way of 
 humbling us. If we go on to treat ourselves as if we knew it to 
 be this or that, perhaps we go beyond God's will. In your case, 
 her untiring unsparing way of devoting herself where any good 
 was to be done was such as to make what has happened very 
 probable, quite as much so as in another case weakness of natural 
 frame might. It seems so to me at least, and I did not feel surprise 
 along with my grief when I first heard of it. Who knows but it 
 may have in it something analogous to a confessor's reward ? and 
 if so, though I feel that it would not be possible to think of it without 
 remorse, yet the remorse ought to be checked, and not permitted 
 to grow bitter. 
 
 I hope I do not pain or vex you : but I could not be easy without 
 saying a word or two, although I know how impossible it is 'to speak 
 to another's heart on such a subject. 
 God bless you ; do not trouble yourself to answer this. 
 
 Your affectionate friend, 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Trinity Sunday, 1839. qq 
 
 Pusey thought that Keble had mistaken his real ten- 
 dency, which was, as he feared, to make too little of a great 
 trial, not too much. 
 
 [Christ Church, May 13, 1839.] 
 My dear Keble, ^ j' j^j 
 
 I must thank you for your kind and soothing note, and more 
 for your friendship, of which I feel myself unworthy. God has given 
 it me, however, so I may enjoy it and bless Him for it. Thank 
 you also for the hints which you have given me : one little knows 
 oneself till the full trial has come ; but I fear that my danger does 
 not lie that way: I much more fear that I should not act up to 
 the extent of this visitation, than that I should feel it too bitterly. 
 I dread my own love of employment, if I have strength given me : 
 I dread becoming again what I was before : and yet probably I do 
 not dread it enough. In a word, I find myself in the midst of a 
 great dispensation of God towards me, which ought to bring forth 
 much fruit, and I dread falling short of it. I know His 'grace is 
 sufficient for' me, but fear myself, that 1 may fall short of what is 
 meant for me, as I have before. 
 
 I say thus much because you and N. have much too good 
 an opinion of me, and I wish you to pray for me rather among the 
 Sveak-hearted' or those who ^fall' than among those who 'have 
 stood ' or even now * stand.* 
 
 God bless you for your kindness. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 I cannot help fearing that I am even here giving you too good 
 a picture of myself, and of a feeling of excitement. 
 
 There was a faint rally during Whitsun week. Lady 
 Lucy Pusey came to stay at Christ Church. On the 
 morning of Trinity Sunday Pusey received a note from 
 Newman, which assured him that nothing that could be 
 done for him by the prayers of his friends was wanting in 
 these dark hours. 
 
 In festo SS. Trin. [May 26], 1830. 
 My dear Pusey, l / j> jy 
 
 This, you will see, requires no answer. I have nothing to say- 
 only I wish you to remember that many persons are thinking of you, 
 and making mention of you, where you wish to be mentioned. Do 
 not fear you will not be strengthened according to your day. He is 
 nearest when He seems furthest away. I heard from Keble a day 
 or two since, and he wished me to tell you they were thinking of you 
 at Hursley. This is a day especially sacred to peace— the day of the 
 
 H 2 
 
lOO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 t i 
 
 r:l 
 
 Eternal Trinity, Who were all-blessed from eternity in Themselves, 
 and in the thought of Whom the mind sees the end of its labours, the 
 end of its birth, temptations, struggles, and sacrifices, its daily dyings 
 and resurrections. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 Pusey answered at once : — 
 
 [May 26, 1839.] 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 My dear wife is now approaching the end of her earthly life. 
 By to-morrow's sun she will be, by God's mercy in Christ, where there 
 is no need of the sun. 
 
 Will you pray for me that she may have in this life some foretaste 
 Qf fuHttre joj as well as peace ? 
 
 E^'er )X>ur very a.f!ectxmatc friend, 
 
 £. B. PU£BY. 
 
 All was indeed over before sunset. The history U bc*t 
 
 told in Pusey '.s own words to Miss Rogers, who had been 
 
 his wife's (|roveme$s, and to whose tender care their two 
 
 little girls were now entrusted. 
 
 [May 27, 1S39LJ 
 
 M have little to odd about tlie U«t hoars of yoor dear child's 
 earthly life : it was closed tn nierqr sooner than wc expected ; indeed 
 Dr. WooctCA had no< anticipated a day or twx) before thai ic uixjJd 
 ha\^ taken place thii week, alihouKb he laid it might at any tiiiK!. 
 I admini^crcd the Comnuaioo to her becvs>een twelve and ooe that 
 day : she felt her end approachinif n»ore than wc koew of : sbe wisJicd 
 it to be Hi soon as k could: spoke but xtjy little afterwards : and was 
 fatigued by even that short ftcxvioe. Now .^11 uearincss is orer, aod 
 she ser>*es Him day and niitbt- She became moore ill about four, and 
 HK>ke very few words afterwards. She was moved out of bed at her 
 wish ; I think towards six I said the Commendatory Pra>'«r : she 
 thiinkcd mc, and said sbe wished to be quiet lor the tin>e. Tbe next 
 time I held hex little CASt of o«r Saviour before her sbe could scarcely 
 speak, but made a sign for quiet : after that 1 know not how long she 
 •aa cOMcious : a little before her departure I nwidc upon her forehead 
 the mark of the Cross, which sbe loved, Sind gave the Blctsing, 'To 
 Ood*t mere)' and protection we oommit tbee/ but she did act opea 
 her e>'es. Sbe was cnga|;cd in tbe strucxle whh her laat enemy, 
 whe now b coc»queied. ''Tliaiiks be to Him Wbo gi\^b us \ht 
 victory." • 
 
 When all wsts over Lady Lticy Puscy, with the true 
 imtinct of a mother, knew what would best help her soni 
 
 Sympathy of Friends. 
 
 lOI 
 
 ii 
 
 and against his first wish sent for Newman. A letter to 
 Keble describes the blessing of this visit : — 
 
 My dear Friend, "■ ^^^ 
 
 I thank you much for the soothing note which you have just 
 sent me, as well as for your past and present remembrance of ug. One 
 does feel in these times something of the communion of saints : only 
 she is puiified, I not God has been very merciful to me in this 
 dispensation, and carried me on, step by step, in a way I dared not 
 hope. He sent Newman to me (whom I saw at my mother's wish 
 against my inclination) in the first hour of sorrow; and it was 
 like the visit of an angel. I hope to go on my way Moncly, not 
 forlorn.* . , . 
 With every good wfjh for you and you«» 
 
 Ever your >ery affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. P08BY. 
 
 Pusey's calmness and self^oatrol arc peihap:* belter 
 illustrated in his letter to Harrison two days before the 
 funenil :— 
 
 'God has throroKbout dealt vtty gently aod nkorcifully with roe, 
 jilowJy axjd tenderly, lu it \*tre, unloosinf ray hold of her whom He 
 had ghi«ii m^ ami teaching me tittle by littie to resign her into Hi« 
 Hands Who can proaide belter fox her. And so oow also He has 
 been shedding nxind me a calm, which pUinly eooos not £ron» xnyaelf» 
 and which ^urpriMa mysetf. A slight momentary iodUpo^iiion mode 
 •s think it best that my dear mother, wbo had come from London to 
 bid her farewell, ibOttld not lea\>e ot CQ Saturday, and jo sbe has 
 Hayed on with nae, against my original plan, and her presence h88 
 been inexpressibly eooCbing ; so have Newman's visits, whof»» with 
 some rclucUnce, J saw, at my motber's suggc«tion. an hour after 1 
 had resigned her into our Fatbcf^ Hands. And thus I have been 
 CAJTJod on through those four days. There remains one more 
 parting, oot of sight, on Saturday At 11, when also yoa will rc- 
 meiBber me.' 
 
 And at a later date Puscy was able to acknowledge to 
 Newman himself the comfort which that visit h;id afforded 
 him : — 
 
 B[udldifh] $[altcfton], July 16^ [1839]. 
 My dkarest Friend, 
 
 God bless and reward yoo for all your love and tender kindnesa 
 towards us. I recci%^ day by day my share of it, with little acknon-- 
 Mgnftcnt, for words iail oak, ami ooe is stopped by a son of 4m^^ 
 inott thanking to the face for great kindnoML Your first visit, * in the 
 
 ( 
 
^il 
 
 1 
 
 I02 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 embittered spirit's strife,' was to me like that of an angel sent from 
 God : I shrunk from it beforehand, or from seeing any human face, 
 and so I trust that I may the more hope that it was God's doing. It 
 seems as though it had changed, in a degree, the character of my 
 subsequent life : and since it was quite unexpected, and without any 
 agency of my own, I hope it is His will that it should be so, and that 
 He will keep me in the way in which, as I hope, He brought me. 
 God requite you for it all. It is a selfish wish to wish that one's 
 prayers were better than they are : yet I hope that He will hear them, 
 not according to their and my imperfections, but according to the 
 greatness of the reason which I have to offer them, and according to 
 His great mercy. I pray that He may make you what, as you say, 
 there are so few of, * a great saint ' : and I hope that He may give me 
 TO) €(rxaT<o TOTTov eaxnrov (K(i vtto tovs TToSny croD »fO( touv (KXtKrav avrovj to 
 use Bishop Andrewes' words nearly. You cannot tell how much 
 reason I have to long for but rorros (o-xnros : if one did but realize it 
 oneself! 
 
 Among the letters of condolence which Pusey received 
 there were two marked by especial kindness, from 
 Dr. Macbride, the Principal of Magdalen Hall, and Dr. 
 Symons, the Warden of Wadham College. Pusey had 
 been on intimate terms with both of them : the Hebrew 
 scholarships at Wadham were a constant subject of 
 common interest between himself and the Warden. Dr. 
 Symons' letter may be subjoined, as showing the rela- 
 tions which still existed at this date between himself and 
 Dr. Pusey. 
 
 Wadham College, May 30, 1839. 
 My dear afflicted Friend, 
 
 We have not been, and are not, unmindful of you. I have 
 forebome to say so before, because I waited until I learnt from 
 Newman such an account as would seem to warrant my interference. 
 Under the immediate sense of such a dispensation there is only 
 one Hand that can heal or relieve, and there are boundless resources 
 within its reach. But in due time others are provided, and may 
 have their effects. Whatever consolation, therefore, if any, you can 
 derive from the consciousness that you are much in the thoughts of 
 friends, you will I trust unreservedly cherish. My wife at once, and 
 more than once since, has expressed a hope that there was strength 
 to hear or read the Scripture appointed for the Epistle on Sunday. 
 But I feel that I must not say more. Only be assured of our deep 
 interest in your present state, and believe me, always affectionately 
 yours, 
 
 B. P. Symons. 
 
 \\ 
 
 Burial in the Cathedral. 
 
 103 
 
 Mrs. Pusey was buried on Saturday, June ist, in the nave 
 of Christ Church Cathedral, and in the grave already 
 occupied by their infant daughter Katherine. The memory 
 of that day was never long absent from Pusey's thoughts. 
 Years after people observed that in walking across the 
 great quadrangle to the cathedral, more than elsewhere he 
 kept his eyes fixed upon the pavement. Many mysterious 
 reasons were given for this ; but he himself said more than 
 once that he never could forget the shroud on his wife's 
 coffin fluttering in the wind as he followed her body to its 
 last resting-place ; and he did not look up lest a vision of 
 that hour of agony should pass before him again and be 
 too much for him. 
 
 He wrote the Latin inscription which, transferred to a 
 marble slab, still marks her grave and that of her child. 
 And he added below the ancient prayer: 'Requiem aeternam 
 dona eis, Domine, et Lux perpetua luceat eis.' This sen- 
 tence cost him a good deal of anxiety. Pusey took it from 
 the Breviary. Did Keble think this an objection ? 
 
 * I have consulted my brother,* wrote Keble, * about the extract 
 from the Breviary, and he says that, as to his own feelings, nothing 
 can more thoroughly agree with them. What the notions of the 
 clergy generally might be, he cannot pretend to say. On the whole, 
 I should say that I see no reason why you should refuse yourself 
 the comfort which such a memorial seems providentially to confer. 
 If Newman is not afraid of the effect of it in Oxford, still less, I think, 
 need one fear it at a distance.' 
 
 To his brother William, who appears to have entertained 
 
 scruples on the subject, Pusey explained himself somewhat 
 
 at length : — 
 
 'June 22, 1839. 
 
 * You feel just the difficulty which has kept me so long undecided, viz. 
 that the sentence is from the Breviary. On the other hand, I have no 
 doubt of its antiquity, and indeed there is not a sentence in the 
 Officium Defunctorum which has anything to do with the modem 
 corruptions of Rome. This is a ground with me for taking this 
 sentence, that I am applying only what has come down to me ; whereas 
 were I to modify sentences from the Psalms it would be my private 
 doing and unauthorized. Newman had this feeling too ; nor was I 
 well satisfied with my attempt, whereas the sentence in question is 
 very beautiful. 
 
I04 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * With regard to cavils, I had these in my mind not so much as 
 affecting myself (for I am not in the way of seeing them, as I no 
 longer look at the Record^ &c.) as whether this could do harm to 
 right views. I was determined in adopting this by finding that 
 J. Keble (whom I expected to be sensitive as to a sentence from the 
 Breviary) went entirely along with it. . . . For myself, I cannot but 
 hope that of those who read it some will use it, as a prayer too, more 
 or less consciously, and go along with it ; and this would make me 
 proof against any further result. It is also, as the space is left for my 
 name, a sort of prayer for myself beforehand. 
 
 * I hope too, if it comes to be known, it will be a comfort to other 
 mourners : it is so unexceptionable and beautiful a sentence that it is 
 likely to recommend itself: people will be thankful to have their own 
 feelings sanctioned, and, may be, the rather remember me, as I cannot 
 but remember Froude, who first brought the subject before me.* 
 
 Something more than a quarter of a century had passed 
 when, through the enterprise of Dean Gaisford^s successor, 
 Dr. Liddell, the Cathedral was restored. The choir was 
 paved at its restoration with marble; but few earthly- 
 things gave Pusey greater pleasure in his later life than 
 the discovery that, through the consideration of the Dean, 
 the original humble sandstone slab had been left in its 
 place undisturbed. 
 
 As years went on, Pusey realized St. Paul's experience, 
 that God's consolations in sorrow make it easy to feel and 
 express true sympathy with other mourners. Throughout 
 his life his wife's death was an ever-present memory, which 
 enabled him to enter with a sympathy— at once thorough 
 and sincere— into the deepest anguish of the human heart. 
 On these occasions he often referred to his own experience. 
 More than a quarter of a century later he writes to one 
 similarly bereaved : — 
 
 * Ascot Hermitage, Bracknell, July 19, 1876. 
 *I have kept silence, because such grief as yours is beyond 
 words ; and yet, though human sympathy is vain, I have longed to 
 say how I grieved for you and with you. It is indeed (as I felt those 
 thirty-seven years ago) that the sun is gone down at noonday. I could 
 but go blindly on, not daring to look backwards or forwards, but 
 binding myself to the duties of the day, looking to Him Who had 
 brought me to the morning to bring me to the evening. For you, it 
 must be still harder ; for the more one has around one, the more sad 
 is the absence of that sun which gilded them all Then, however, 
 
 fi 
 
 A Living Sorrow. 
 
 105 
 
 I learned the blessedness of our Lord's rule (as all His commandments 
 are blessings) to " take no thought for the morrow," and so one got on 
 day by day. At first time seemed so slow, but, after a time, it began 
 to whirl as before. 
 
 * God leads every one in His own way, and specially when He lays 
 such a heavy weight of sorrow. But of one thing one is certain, that 
 He, Who " does not willingly aflflict the sons of men," must love much 
 those whom He so afflicts, and that as the chastening is great, so is 
 the love. In all that eternity He loved you and her, and knew how 
 He would join your hearts together, and then remove her first, and so 
 give you one who is already within the veil, and waits your coming, 
 and in that abode of eternal love prays for you. We know the value 
 of prayer, but we do not know what may be the special value of 
 those prayers for you and your common children. 
 
 * How one felt those simple words of J. K. :— 
 
 "Who hath the Father and the Son, 
 May be left— but not alone." 
 
 * May the God of all comfort, comfort you, as He knows how.* 
 
 So, a few weeks after the death of the youngest child of 
 his only surviving daughter, he wrote to her : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Mrs. Brine. 
 
 [Christ Church, Jan. 1879.] 
 *No one but a mother who has had her last-born child taken 
 from her can know what the loss is. What any one can say is so 
 on the surface. And they grate or seem unfeeling out of simple 
 ignorance. Everything must seem very hopeless to you. It was 
 so to me, humanly speaking, when God took your dearest mother. 
 I dared neither look backward nor forward. I dared not look 
 back to those eleven years of scarce earthly happiness. Onwards life 
 looked so dreary, I could not bear to think of it. So I bound myself, 
 as our Lord bids us, to the day, and I resumed my work for God on 
 the Monday after that Saturday when her body was committed 
 to its resting-place. I used for some time (I know not how long) 
 to see, on my way to cathedral prayers, the white, of the pall wave, 
 as it had waved with the wind on that Saturday at that particular 
 spot, and I used (as I have done since) to say a collect for her 
 as I passed to and fro by her dear resting-place, and I kept the 
 hour when she gave her spirit to God. And so God kept me on 
 day by day. It seemed as if I was in deep water up to the chin, 
 and a hand was under my chin supporting it. I thought I could 
 never smile again. It was strange to me, when I first smiled amid 
 you three at Budleigh Salterton. Many felt very lovingly for me; 
 but it was too deep for sympathy. It was all on the surface, and 
 the wound was deep down below. I remember when dear J. K. 
 came first to see me I turned the subject and spoke of other things. 
 
 I 
 
io6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 
 He wrote and said he must have been very wanting. I said "it 
 was my own doing, I could not bear it.'* So I lived on, my real 
 self sealed up, except when I had to sympathize with deep sorrow, 
 and then I found that my letters were of use, just because I owned 
 the human hopelessness. 
 
 * But then, my dearest Mary, it must be only " human " hopelessness. 
 Since God chasteneth whom He loveth, the deeper the chastening 
 the deeper the love. And so God has some great work for you in 
 you, since His hand has been so heavy. But He will, I trust, give 
 you joy in your other children ; but you cannot anticipate now what 
 He will do. " What I do thou knowest not now, but thou shalt know 
 hereafter.'' * 
 
 ♦ 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 RETIREMENT FROM SOCIETY — DEEPENED TONE OF 
 PREACHING — A NARROW ESCAPE — KEBLE'S PSALMS- 
 STAY AT BRIGHTON — CRITICISM OF BAPTISMAL TRACT 
 
 BY AN EVANGELICAL. 
 
 1839. 
 
 Mrs. Pusey's death had effects upon her husband's life 
 and career which it is not easy to exaggerate. Perhaps no 
 one but his intimate friend Newman reahzed what the 
 blow would be to him. Writing to a friend the day after 
 Mrs. Pusey's death, Newman says : * It is now twenty-one 
 years since Pusey became attached to his late wife when he 
 was a boy. For ten years after he was kept in suspense, 
 and eleven years ago he married her. Thus she has been 
 the one object on earth in which his thoughts have centred 
 for the greater part of his life'.' To use his own phrase, 
 from that hour the world became to him a different world. 
 
 His intense feeling showed itself even in the use which he 
 made of his own house. During his wife's lifetime they had 
 made great use of the drawing-room, which from its size, its 
 southern aspect, and the view which it commands over the 
 country, is one of the best rooms in Christ Church. After 
 her death he never voluntarily entered it : many years 
 passed without his ever doing so. He would not allow, 
 however, this feeling to interfere with the comfort of his 
 guests. When, after Lady Emily Pusey's death, his 
 widowed brother came to live, and, as it proved, to die 
 at Christ Church, the drawing-room was again brought 
 into use ; and Pusey, contrary to his own inclinations, was 
 often in it. But after his brother's death he avoided the 
 use of it as much as possible. ' He told me once,' writes 
 his niece, Mrs. Fletcher, * not to suggest it to him.' 
 
 * Newman's * Letters/ ii. 283. 
 
I 
 
 ii 
 
 f 
 
 io8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 *» 
 
 Although as a young man Pusey had enjoyed general 
 society, even before 1839 the difficulty of finding time for his 
 multifarious work, or of finding money for anything besides 
 his large charities, had made him again and again wish, 
 as has been already said, to withdraw from it. When his 
 wife died he bade farewell to everything of the kind. His 
 sorrow was a call to retire from the world. And, whether 
 rightly or not, he never returned to it. He carried this so 
 far as year after year to decline invitations to dinner in the 
 chapter-house or in the hall, which he might have accepted 
 as resting on a distinct ground from any private entertain- 
 ments; and by doing this he undoubtedly incurred the 
 censure of more than one of his brother canons. ' One 
 cannot draw lines,' he said ; * if I accepted one invitation 
 I should find it difficult to refuse another without giving 
 offence.' He even had doubts about entertaining the meet- 
 ings of the Theological Society at his house. 
 
 *I shrink at present,' he writes to Newman on August 27, 1839, 
 * from anything which involves a return to former habits ; and opening 
 one's house in the evening would involve all sorts of business, visiting, 
 &c. One could hardly consistently avoid it. On the other hand, it 
 would be good to resume it soon, and that perhaps the rather because 
 I could read my paper on Pelagianism.' 
 
 Pusey was not blind to the disadvantages of a life of 
 such complete retirement as his henceforth became. But 
 he took his course for reasons which such considerations 
 did not touch, while, on the other hand, he * did not wish 
 to condemn others who had not been called out of the 
 world by a great sorrow.* But the crape which he wore 
 on his hat to the end of his life, and the crape scarf which 
 he always used when attending the cathedral service, were 
 symbols of the new mode of life which befitted a sorrow 
 that could only end with death. To all who could under- 
 stand the higher pathos of human experience, his new habits 
 of complete retirement from the world suggested the appeal 
 of the old saint of patience : ' Have pity upon me, have 
 pity upon me, O ye my friends ; for the hand of God hath 
 touched me ^.' 
 
 * Job xix. 21. 
 
 A Penitential Retrospect, 
 
 109 
 
 Pusey's sorrow threw him back on himself and on God. 
 His first disposition was to see in his bereavement only a 
 punishment for past sin. Keble and Newman both warned 
 him against this exaggerated feeling, and against regarding 
 his case as exceptional. It led him to review his work in past 
 years more unsparingly than ever before. In the summer 
 of 1839 Blanco White's lapse into complete infidelity was 
 reported in Oxford ; and Pusey bitterly reproached himself 
 for the encouragement which his book on German Ration- 
 alism might have given to that distinguished but unhappy 
 Spaniard in his downward spiritual career. Later in the 
 summer Newman reported to Pusey : 'Strauss's book is said 
 to be doing harm at Cambridge : the only way to meet it 
 is by your work on Types.' Pusey could only see in this 
 circumstance another reason for recollecting the influence 
 of his own work on German theology. 
 
 * It is very shocking,' he writes to Newman, ' that Strauss's book 
 should be domg harm at Cambridge, or that, without any practical 
 end, they should be even reading it. I know nothing, except from 
 general report, about it ; so I cannot imagine in what way it is doing 
 harm. For we cannot imagine that any there should not be offended 
 with it as a whole, such as it is described. My lectures on Types are 
 incomplete, even as relates to the Pentateuch : for of all the Types of 
 the Levitical worship I had only got through the chief sacrifices. 
 I should be glad to do something for Cambridge, for I fear my book 
 on Germany did harm there.' 
 
 This sad crisis in his life could not but influence also his 
 preaching. From this time forward the nothingness of this 
 world, the disciplinary value as well as the atoning power of 
 the Cross, the awfulness and reality of the Day of Judgment, 
 assume a new prominence in his sermons. His first sermon 
 after his bereavement was preached at Budleigh Salterton : 
 it was on ' The Cross borne for us and in us ^.' Then at 
 Brighton, on the 13th of October, he preached one of the 
 most remarkable and searching of his sermons — on the Day 
 of Judgment ; and on returning to Oxford he preached, 
 before the University, on the real lessons of the Book of 
 Ecclesiastes, so often misunderstood. The text was Eccl. 
 
 ^ * Parochial Sermons/ vol. iii. serm. 3. 
 
no 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 A Narrow Escape, 
 
 III 
 
 |j' 
 
 xii. 13. The scene produced by one passage in the sermon 
 has been graphically described by the Rev. J. B. Mozley : — 
 
 * Pusey preached last Sunday, the first time in Oxford since 
 his wife's death. When he came to the last sentence of the prayer 
 before the sermon, in which the dead are mentioned, he came to 
 a complete standstill, and I thought would never have gone on. 
 He has very little mastery over his feelings. In the course of the 
 sermon there was a piece of friendly advice given to the Heads of 
 Houses, for which they would not be much obliged to him. He 
 had been talking of increase of luxury amongst the undergraduates 
 of late years, from which he took occasion to say that those in 
 station might do well to live more simply than they did. He 
 dropped his voice at this part, which had the effect of course of 
 giving increased solemnity to the admonition; for there was 
 breathless silence in the church at the time ^' 
 
 The passage uttered in a low tone runs as follows : — 
 
 * It is miserable to think that, amidst much real improvement, 
 luxury in this favoured place has even within these last fifteen years 
 much increased, that it is increasing, and yet that it is selfishness, 
 the path to forgetfulness of God, the special hardener of the heart 
 and the minister to other sin. And (may it be said with real 
 reverence for some yet older than myself, both for their persons 
 and office?) might not those in our station benefit both ourselves 
 and others by returning to the greater simplicity of times not long 
 past, and whose memory is still vivid, and from which we have 
 departed by assimilating ourselves to the world? Can we expect 
 the luxuries which are enervating and injuring our youth to be 
 abandoned until our own habits are simpler ? ' 
 
 Pusey wrote to Dr. Gilbert, the Principal of Brasenose, 
 who was then Vice-Chancellor, about some unimportant 
 misunderstanding respecting the entrance of the procession 
 into church, and he took the occasion to express a hope 
 that his plain speaking had not given offence. 
 
 * I cannot conceive any one,' said the Vice-Chancellor, * taking 
 offence at what you said, in allusion to some habits of expense 
 among ourselves. I believe there are few if any among us who 
 do not agree with you on that point; at least, I can say I have 
 heard the subject several times mentioned, and always with regret 
 at least, if not condemnation of it.* 
 
 After his wife's funeral Pusey remained in Oxford in 
 
 ' * Letters of the Rev. J. B. Mozley': Letter to his Sister (p. 94), Nov. 34, 
 1839. 
 
 close seclusion, and occupied himself mainly in finishing the 
 second and enlarged edition of the first of his three tracts 
 on Holy Baptism. On July ist he reached Brighton, his 
 intention being to take his boy Philip by coach from 
 Brighton to Portsmouth, and thence by steamer to Torquay, 
 on their way to Budleigh Salterton. They left Brighton 
 in the early morning of July -znd, but at Arundel an 
 unfortunate accident occurred : Pusey and his son were 
 very nearly killed by being thrown off the coach. The 
 incident is described by Pusey in a letter to his mother. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Lady Lucy Pusey. 
 
 Arundel, July 2, [1839]. 
 There is nothing amiss, although I write from this place. We 
 have had, however, what might have been a very bad accident : I took 
 Philip on my knee to show him Arundel Castle ; and I was putting 
 him back on the seat when the coach turned, and we both fell off. 
 We are both feeling not much amiss : he has been talking very briskly, 
 and says he is quite well, and was asking me just now whether when 
 I was well (he meant some stiffness of my neck) I would take him to 
 see the cathedral (having imagined from the milestones that we were 
 at Chichester). 
 
 As the surgeon wished to take blood, or at least put leeches on poor 
 Philip, I thought it most satisfactory to write to Dr. Price to ask him 
 or Mr. Taylor (the surgeon and apothecary who has been attending 
 him) to come over. I feel no inconvenience more than the back of my 
 neck being very stiff; we both fell on our heads : I on the top of my 
 head, Philip on his forehead ; Philip became insensible for a time ; I, 
 not ; my hat broke my fall. Altogether it is a very great mercy of 
 God. Had Philip seemed as well as he does now, I might have 
 doubted about sending for Dr. Price ; but I am glad I did ; it will be 
 more satisfactory. At first the people about told me that * the child 
 was killed,' and I thought so till I heard him cry a little. 
 
 Our further proceedings will, of course, depend upon Dr. Price ; we 
 might go back to Brighton, or go on ; or should we stay here, I have 
 friends in the neighbourhood. 
 
 It is now rather more than three hours since the accident, so that I 
 may say confidently that we are not likely to suffer materially. I will 
 write again, please God, to-morrow. 
 
 You will thank God for us, my dear mother. 
 
 Kindest love to all. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and dutiful son, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Philip sends his duty and love to you : (I told him I was >\Titing) 
 and thanks you for sending him your love. 
 
112 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ■■ 1 
 
 $ 
 
 They remained at Arundel for two days. On the 4th 
 Pusey writes : ' Philip is apparently as if nothing had hap- 
 pened ; he himself says that he has no feeling about him 
 different from before.' Pusey himself was much shaken. 
 But on the 5th Dr. Price, their medical adviser, allowed 
 them to continue their journey. He added :— 
 
 ' Truly indeed may you say " by God's great mercy " you and your 
 dear boy have escaped with your hves from such imminent danger.' 
 
 At Portsmouth Pusey wrote again to his mother : the 
 anxiety about Philip had passed, and his thoughts resumed 
 what had been their natural course since his sorrow. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Lady Lucy Pusey. 
 
 Portsmouth, July 5, 1839. 
 . . . The journey has been full of associations. At Brighton, and 
 
 of hTahh r^H T '"'' "^r"'"^' ' ^°"'^ ^^^ ''^^ "^'"g ^ i" her days 
 
 he Isle of W,ght, where we had been for my health. God grant that 
 
 I may not lose the fruit of His mercies, whether chastening of sparing! 
 
 When they reached Budleigh Salterton, Pusey writes of 
 his children, now for the first time reassembled since their 
 mother's death. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. B. Pusev. 
 
 Budleigh Salterton, July 9, 1839. 
 
 .elfi.T't'.^""^ 'f T"^ '"''^""'^' P^"^"'- ««""«' ""repining, un- 
 selfish, but completely struck down : she feels and bears her loss 
 
 just as one three times her age might : she realizes it, and bt J T 
 
 as God's Hand and in faith in Him. It would seem as if it haTbeen 
 
 LT/v H-'"' ''"'^^'' ""•"' ^''°""' "^ ^•'"^ ^-'y developed in order 
 that th,s d.spensat,on might not pass off, as it would with most of her 
 years, but that it may be blessed to her. She seems to have c^sed 
 
 o be a chUd never again to be one ; her thoughts, feelings, lan^aje 
 tenderness, her very walk and manner, are no longer that of a3' 
 I find that she is looking forward to Confirmation fthis appeared frlm 
 her askmg whether there was anything wrong in looking forward, and 
 
 h^ must be very much the working of her own mind. It majbe'thai 
 Ood .s npenmg her early, to dose her trials soon; it seems tnos 
 
 been an unspeakable mercy to see her so ripened and safe (if I do see 
 «). Dear httle Mary seems quite well again ; her buoyant spirits ^e 
 
 Literary Work Resumed. 
 
 "3 
 
 \ 
 
 a great contrast to her sister's subdued frame ; but it is all natural in 
 her. Poor Philip is lame as well as deaf, yet he enjoys being drawn 
 in a chair. It is a nice quiet place, with very good air. 
 
 Pusey set himself at once to work. He wrote to his 
 brother William, who was acting as curate at Garsington, 
 a long list of enquiries about books and references which 
 would have given a young clergyman plenty of occupation 
 for several mornings. The following letter too would remind 
 him how much there was to be done, if such a reminder 
 had been necessary. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 MY DEAR PUSEY, q^^^^^ j^jy ,^^ ^g^^ 
 
 Your letter was a great comfort to us, and was very kind. 
 Certainly your and Philip's escape has been most marvellous, and we 
 should be very thankful. I will try to say in brief many things. 
 Your Letter (2nd ed.) to the Bishop is nearly out of print, and Parker 
 wants to know about reprinting it. The first editions of St. Augustine 
 and St. Cyril are nearly out of print, and of St. Cyprian will be soon. 
 Parker says you must prepare for a new edition. He is very decided 
 as a matter of business that Keble's half volume should come out. 
 He says the oftener volumes come out the better. It can come out by 
 August I,— if we wait for 600 pages, not till October i. He says it is 
 important too for the sale to have smaller volumes than 6co pages, if 
 possible — and volumes all of a size. For myself, I am perfectly sure 
 that we cannot get through four 600 page volumes in a year. We 
 have begun Fleury. I have set Christie upon it. Two volumes are 
 to come out first. I have been much taken with the very graphic and 
 striking character of the Acts of Chalcedon, and think one or two very 
 interesting volumes of the Library might be made from the Four 
 First Councils. You have had sent to you from Wales a translation of 
 Chrysostom's de Sacerdotio : your brother opened it and sent it to me. 
 I shall acknowledge it. Mr. Jones of Beaumaris is the author. Cope- 
 land promises to bring me his translation of the Ephesians in a few 
 days. It shall go to press at once. I bury to-day that poor youth, 
 who has died sooner than I expected. Keble's Psalms have run out 
 their first edition of 1,000 (in four weeks). 
 
 With this metrical version of the Psalter, Pusey had been 
 closely associated from the first. The production of such a 
 version, which might be true to the requirements of poetry, 
 but above all things true to the sacred original, had been 
 for some years an object on which Keble had set his heart. 
 
 VOL. IL I 
 
114 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 * If I can but succeed,' he wrote to Pusey, * in keeping out 
 one irreverent hymn, I should think it worth a good deal 
 of trouble.' He regarded his own efforts as those of a 
 *very indifferent Hebraist,' and his manuscripts would 
 never have seen the light but for Pusey's importunity and 
 assistance. 
 
 At intervals between 1836 and 1838 the Psalms were 
 sent singly or in small fasctcu/t to Oxford ; every expression 
 which was at variance with Pusey's sense of the meaning 
 of the original was ruthlessly sacrificed, at whatever cost 
 to the rhythm or rhyme, and Keble had to assimilate the 
 correction as best he might with his version. The last 
 correction was made on August 22, 1838. The result was 
 a version which, although metrical, was in point of faithful- 
 ness to the Hebrew without a rival in the English language. 
 
 * Its characteristic is literalness ' ; through large portions of 
 the Psalms * it treads step by step with the sacred text ' ; 
 the author * is able, simply by a varied disposition of the 
 words, to arrange them in a metrical form, without even 
 paraphrasing them.' Thus, in a most remarkable way, 
 Keble's work is free from the defects which generally 
 attach to a metrical version ; indeed, in some respects it 
 is a more accurate rendering of the Hebrew than the 
 Authorized Version itself. 
 
 The book was printed early in 1839. On * St. Philip 
 and St. James' Day ' Pusey wrote to Bishop Bagot, asking 
 him to license it He, without noticing the particular form 
 of the request, allowed the book to be dedicated to him, 
 suggested that Mr. Keble should put his name on the title- 
 page, and gently rebuked Pusey for dating his letter by 
 the Saint's day. Pusey applied to Dr. Bandinel, the Bod- 
 leian Librarian, to discover * whether there was any pre- 
 cedent for a Bishop's licensing books in our Church. He 
 could only find that the Archbishop and the Bishop of 
 London together did.* Keble thereupon suggested two 
 forms of dedication, both of which implied that the Bishop 
 licensed them for use in his diocese; and Pusey transmitted 
 them with the subjoined letter. 
 
 Keble s Psalms — Request for Episcopal License. 115 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 MY DEAR Lord, ^^"st Church, May 13, 1839. 
 
 In asking your Lordship to * license' Mr. Keble's version of the 
 Psalms I find that I was asking more than I can learn to have been 
 practical in our Church since the Reformation, although it certainly 
 belongs to each Bishop to settle what should be sung in the public 
 worship of his diocese. As your Lordship took no notice of the word 
 * license ' in your answer to my letter, I set about ascertaining the fact, 
 which in my first application at Cuddesdon, and again now, I had 
 hastily taken for granted : and I cannot ascertain that Bishops have 
 been in the habit, in these last centuries, of licensing books for the use 
 of their diocese. 
 
 A mere * dedication by permission,* however, would not remove Mr. 
 Keble's scruples, unless it implied your Lordship's sanction that the 
 version should be used in your Lordship's diocese : otherwise, he 
 would seem to be adding to the number of unauthorized Psalmodies, 
 already too great. To this I understood your Lordship to accede, and 
 I therefore take the liberty of transcribing a title-page, and two forms 
 of dedication which Mr. Keble has sent me. I half feel that I am 
 putting myself too forward in this matter ; yet I write, instead of Mr. 
 Keble, because I originally applied for your Lordship's * license ' and 
 (your Lordship not being aware of the sense in which I used the term 
 and so assenting) satisfied his scruples by telling him that I had 
 obtained it. 
 
 Your Lordship will not think it undutiful if, dropping the notion of 
 its being called * The Oxford Psalter ' or * A new Version of the Psalms 
 for the use of the Diocese of Oxford,' Mr. Keble would still dislike 
 putting his name in the title-page ; for indeed they are called 
 'Merrick's Psalms,* and *Tate and Brady's Psalms,' and this Mr. 
 Keble would not at all like. 
 
 With regard to dating a letter from a saint's day, I would not make 
 it a common practice ; but until of late the habit of dating from them 
 seems to have been common : one finds it among the Non-jurors, who, 
 I suppose, used it in common with those of their day. We still speak 
 of those days or seasons which we still value, as Christmas rather than 
 the end of December, Easter, Whitsuntide, &c. ; our leases dated 
 Michaelmas and Lady Day imply the same. There are some old 
 Hebrew exhibitions at Christ Church which are to be paid on * the 
 Feasts of St. Michael the Archangel ' and * the Blessed Virgin Mary.' 
 I cannot but think that if people thought about the Saints' days it 
 would come natural to them to do common things in reference to them, 
 and so to date from them ; and that dating from, them, and so on, 
 carries the memory of them into little things which are done. And 
 I think that people have taken offence (as I have been told lately they 
 have done) at the Tracts being dated from them, because it implied 
 
 I a 
 
 \ 
 
ii6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 a respect for them which they did not feel, and so accidentally blamed 
 them. One would wish to avoid this, and so I would not intentionally 
 so date a letter, unless I thought the individual to whom I wrote 
 would coincide with me : but I may have done so at different times, 
 as it may have seemed to me a sort of being ashamed of my practice 
 to date one letter St. Philip and St. James, and another May i. 
 Pray excuse the trouble of this long explanation, 
 And believe me, with much respect, 
 
 Your Lordship's obliged and faithful servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 At that date Bishops had not been in the habit of 
 licensing forms of services, lessons, prayers, &c. for use in 
 their own dioceses, a practice now so familiar. Hence this 
 letter was forwarded to Archbishop Howley, who replied 
 as follows : — 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford- 
 
 MY DEAR Lord, Lambeth, May i6, 1839. 
 
 It is said by Wharton that the version of the Psalms by Stem- 
 hold and Hopkins never received * any Royal approbation or Par- 
 liamentary sanction.' A version made by King James the First was 
 allowed and recommended by his successor. The version of Tate 
 and Brady was allowed and permitted to be used, &c. by William the 
 Third. Sir Richard Blackmore's version was Hcensed by George the 
 First, but did not find admission into churches. Dr. Home, Bishop 
 of Norwich, introduced several Psalms from Merrick's version into the 
 Church of St. Mary's, Oxford. A selection of Psalms and Hymns was 
 sanctioned by Bishop Tomline in 181 5, and used in Buckden Church 
 and other neighbouring churches. In 1820 a selection of Psalms and 
 Hymns for public worship was sanctioned at York by the Archbishop 
 of that province. 
 
 The above information I have collected from the preface to a new 
 version published by the Rev. Basil Wood in 182 1. I do not believe 
 that in the eye of the law any Bishop has authority to license the use 
 of any new version in his diocese. In sanctioning the publication by 
 permitting it to be inscribed to him there can be nothing objectionable. 
 When I was Bishop of London I was frequently applied to, and, I 
 think, in some instances of selection allowed of a dedication to myself. 
 A selection by Mr. Home has been inscribed to me since I was 
 Archbishop. To translators who requested me either to give or 
 procure a regular sanction for the use of their versions in churches, 
 I replied that a request of that kind would more properly come under 
 consideration when their work had been for some time before the 
 public, and had obtained general approbation. 
 
 Revieiv by Is. Williams and Pusey, 
 
 117 
 
 In the present instance I do not see why your Lordship should not 
 accept the dedication with the title as stated by Dr. Pusey, but 
 omitting the clause which states your consent to the use of the version 
 in your diocese. Indeed I think this permission should not be asked 
 of you. It is possible that the version may be excellent, and yet 
 unsuitable to Church Psalmody. At any rate, your sanction in that 
 respect will have greater weight if it accords with the opinion of the 
 public ; and it certainly will have little effect if it does not. 
 
 I meant to have answered your conmiunication by return of post, as 
 you will see by the date, but I have been prevented by incessant 
 occupation from finishing what I had begun till this morning. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Most truly yours, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 I return Dr. Pusey's letter. 
 
 This was forwarded to Pusey on the Sunday before 
 Mrs. Pusey's death ; and at this point accordingly the 
 subject passed into Keble's hands. The book was issued 
 in June, 1839, and the first edition was sold in four weeks. 
 It was reviewed by the Rev. Isaac Williams in the British 
 O-zV/V of January, 1840: the article has a high interest of 
 its own ; but in the same number of the British Critic there 
 is an appendix to Mr. Williams' article, in which two and 
 thirty pages of small print are devoted by Pusey to illus- 
 trating the literal fidelity to the Hebrew text of Keble's 
 metrical version. This elaborate and interesting paper was 
 written during the visit at Budleigh Salterton ; as he says, 
 he certainly did not grudge the ' happy hours which are 
 spent apart from the "strife of tongues" in the hidden 
 sanctuary of the Psalms.' 
 
 At the same time he was engaged in printing the enlarged 
 edition of his tract on Baptism ; Newman enriched it with 
 some patristic references. He was also preparing for the 
 press a volume of translations, by the Rev. F. Oakeley, of 
 St. Augustine's Anti-Pelagian Treatises, with an introduction 
 of his own on the history of Pelagianism, which has never 
 appeared in print, although it was read as two papers at 
 meetings of the Theological Society. The object of this 
 introduction was to combat opposite popular errors which 
 have gathered round the heresy of Pelagius : errors which 
 
ii8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 associate with the heresy much that has no connexion with 
 it ; and errors which would apologize for it as only a healthy 
 form of opposition to the theories of St. Augustine. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Budleigh Salterton, Aug. 2, 1839. 
 My dear Newman, 
 
 I have looked over Oakeley*s translation of the de Pecc[a- 
 torum Meritis et Remissione], but there are some places (chiefly on 
 Aug.'s translation of certain texts) to which I must add notes at Oxford. 
 He is going on with the rest : I think that he has often turned difficult 
 passages happily, and hope it will read well, as I think it will interest 
 people and do good ; but I supi>ose I shall have imparted some of my 
 hard style to it. I have been reading the de gestis Pelagii, and 
 cannot hope but that P. was very dishonest at the Council of Jerusalem. 
 It is a painful exhibition of the great fall of one who had been held in 
 high repute. 
 
 Of Pusey's life at Budleigh Salterton one or two features 
 
 have been supplied by the clergyman who had the spiritual 
 charge of the place : — 
 
 *Dr. Pusey occasionally availed himself of the boat of a retired 
 tradesman. In conversation with him Dr. Pusey found that though 
 in the habit of going to church, he was really a Unitarian, at least 
 defending those principles. I quite remember his speaking to me 
 about this very seriously, and he begged me to lend him " Jones on 
 the Holy Trinity," a book on the S.P.C.K. list. An old servant who 
 waited on him, and who afterwards lived in my service for some years, 
 used to tell me of the simplicity and self-denial of his daily life, and of 
 the hardness of his bed.' 
 
 During his holidays Pusey always endeavoured to ascer- 
 tain how far Church principles, as restated by the Oxford 
 Tracts, were making their way in the country. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 August 2, 1839. 
 I saw Medley several times while he was here. He seems a very 
 nice person, and will do good, I hope ; he fears about the middling 
 classes : he says the higher, he has found, soon understood us, when we 
 explain ourselves ; but that the middle, with their horror of Popery, 
 have a fear also of being priest-ridden. Mr. K. here seems a well- 
 disposed person, though probably too easy, and taking things too 
 easily, but he is young: he had been wishing to introduce the 
 
 Stay at Brighton. 
 
 119 
 
 Wednesday and Friday service, but could not, for the chapel is uncon- 
 secrated, and Lord Rolle's private property. He has now done it. 
 Mr. Bartholomew, with whom I had one long talk, speaks very 
 encouragingly of the progress of things (as does Oakeley among the 
 lawyers). Mr. B. speaks from his experience as Examining Chaplain. 
 He named one instance in which a person, who had been preaching 
 most strongly on the other side, owned to have been turned quite by 
 the Tracts. Mr. B. himself seems to be one of those who say that 
 there is a great deal of good in the Tracts, but that they do not mean 
 to subscribe to everything in them (why should they ?). The Bishop 
 of Exeter has been praising the Tracts to the clergy, but speaking 
 against * Reserve.' I endeavoured to give Mr. B. a better impression 
 of it (and through him, I hoped, to the Bishop), but I was afraid to 
 say much, for fear of diluting Williams' * bitter,* and so making it a 
 more palatable but less beneficial medicine. 
 
 The visit to Budleigh Salterton ended on Sept. 2nd. 
 Pusey had wished to return at once to work at Oxford, 
 but his daughter Lucy's health made this unadvisable, and 
 it was arranged that they should all go to Brighton, where 
 he was joined by his mother, and remained until Oct. i6th. 
 His visit brought him into contact with several interesting 
 people ; but he went on working as at Budleigh Salterton. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [20 Marine Square, Brighton], Sept. ii, 1839. 
 I had a very pleasant interview with J. Watson on Saturday ; he is 
 staying here. I introduced the subject of Mr. B.'s discourses as a 
 * feeler ' ; and I was delighted to find him taking altogether the same 
 views as ourselves, so far ; it was quite refreshing to hear an old man 
 speaking the same things, clearly and calmly ; it seemed to link us on 
 so visibly with past generations, and that we were teaching no other 
 than had been delivered to us. He asked after you ; and, naming 
 ' Keble,' said ' I do not like prefixing the title (Mr.) to his or Newman's 
 or your name.* 
 
 I called on R. Anderson \ and he has left me a tract in which he has 
 incorporated a good deal from Bishop Jebb ; so that he seems to be 
 making progress. 
 
 Dr. Wolff seems determined to make an acquaintance with me, 
 whether I will or no. I wish I could fairly get rid of him. However, 
 it will be something if one can in any degree quiet him. I meant to 
 have sent his letter, but kept it back as too heavy. . . . 
 
 I said nothing about myself, because I know not how I am ; some- 
 times I think myself a little stronger, sometimes it seems as though 
 
 * The Rev. Robert Anderson, Incumbent of Trinity Chapel, Brighton. 
 
I20 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I were gradually declining. Perhaps both are true. My mother and 
 brother observe that I am much aged in the last year. 
 God bless you and yours. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 I should not like to date from 20 Marine Square, but that it recalls 
 past acts of kindness. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 20 Marine Square, Brighton, Sept. 18, 1839. 
 
 Thank you for your full opinion about Tertullian's treatises : I had 
 read the first ad Uxorem^ and begun the second, and come to the 
 same conclusion that there was much good in it, and no sufficient 
 reason to omit it. It is singular that we should have been thus led to 
 take a fearless line, just on the point on which Mr. Taylor taunts us 
 with the Ancient Church. The other two treatises I have not yet 
 read : for I had forgotten which they were, and read the de Habiiu 
 Muliebri and most of the de Culiu Fern,, which I thought likely to have 
 difficulties. They have ; but who will say that they are not needed in 
 the present day in the so-called * world ' .? I hope they may help also 
 in the crusade against pearls, gold, and costly array, which I have 
 been in some degree engaged in : the jewels of the ladies in London 
 would build all the churches wanted, and endow them too I believe ; 
 we must preach them into * the treasury,' and silver dishes into the 
 smelting-pot, some day, else we shall never get the funds we want, nor 
 the simplicity of Churchmen. However, this may be by-and-by ; if 
 you make Churchmen they will melt the silver dishes gladly, and one 
 must not get into the error of the L. C. [Low Church] of going to the 
 branches, instead of the root : yet breaking off jewels, or melting a 
 service of plate, would be a good decided act. 
 
 I have read the de Virg. Vel. ; I agree with you that the subject and 
 way of treating it make it not worth inserting as a whole ; and one is 
 glad to have a come-off; at the same time there are some good things 
 at the beginning, the Apostles' Creed, the statement that things con- 
 tained in it were not open to correction or amendment ; there is also 
 a good saying towards the end about Scriptura, naiura, disctpiina, 
 even while arguing against tradition : perhaps these might be worked 
 into the preface : otherwise I was thinking whether one might extend 
 your principle of publishing what was useful of Montanistic treatises. 
 1 like your principle of selection. 
 
 •••••••• 
 
 It is very pleasing to see how completely J. W. [Joshua Watson] 
 identifies himself with us : he asked much about you. He says that 
 he thinks the S. P. C. K. would not be indisposed to print tracts, or 
 portions of our Fathers, as a * Poor Man's Library of the Fathers.' It 
 might be worth trying them. 
 
 On Tertullian, 
 
 I2T 
 
 I have received a very kind letter from the Bishop of L., asking for 
 accounts of myself and my children. 
 
 I have looked through the de Exhort. Cast. My misgivings would 
 arise from the peremptoriness with which he speaks against second 
 marriages. Certainly we want to have the tone raised on all the 
 subjects connected with marriage; celibacy, living in marriage, 
 axo^a^tiv rrj 7rpo<r€vxJj ; and on some of them Tertullian would do good 
 service in this very treatise. It would be desirable, too, that people 
 should come to think it a good to abstain from second marriages. 
 People lose what is a good, simply because it never occurs to them 
 to think of it as a good ; I should think this argument (§ I. 2), ''habere 
 nos noluitj si enint voluisset^ non abstulisset^ would be felt by many ; 
 but then there are so many who are involved in second marriages 
 who would be pained ; and there are such fearful instances of the * «r/,' 
 that I have misgivings about anything so strong, especially as a 
 beginning. I do not think much of the difficult passages, except that 
 part of § 9 in its more obvious sense would not be true, or is not true 
 at all ; his ^duae uxores eundem circumstant maritum^ una spirttu, alia 
 carne ' is nicely said ; and so are many of his principles, if not so 
 peremptory. His interpretation of ' Not I, but the Lord ' is not what 
 I have been accustomed to. 
 
 The Bishop of Calcutta, I suppose you have seen, makes goodly 
 admissions in behalf of Tradition (Charge, p. 654). They would make 
 a good extract for the British Critic^ including the admission of the 
 quod ubique : if people will but go on so we may leave Tradition too 
 in their hands. 
 
 The inclosed half sheet is from the Morning Despatch ; to judge 
 from this specimen, an insipid ill-conditioned paper. It is inserted 
 as an advertisement only. 
 
 j[oshua] W[atson] wants Wood to answer the Government manifesto 
 about education. After all, the sting is in the contest between the 
 * State ' and a * voluntary society,' p. iv. We seem taught every way to 
 get rid of our * voluntary societies ' as best we may. 
 
 Kindest regards and wishes to Bowden. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 In consequence of some strong representations of the Bishop of 
 Calcutta, the Church Missionary Society sent a peremptory order that 
 the missionaries in that diocese should be placed absolutely under the 
 authority of the Bishop, upon which all the Calcutta Committee have 
 resigned. This comes from R. Anderson, who seems to identify him- 
 self with Manning and us. 
 
 Could you say, without trouble, which are the best tracts against 
 occasional nonconformity ? I want them for a servant. 
 
 While at Brighton, Pusey saw something of the Rev. 
 
122 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \k 
 
 H. V. Elliott, and sent him the second edition of his tract 
 on Baptism. 
 
 The Rev. H. V. Elliott to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Dr. Pusey, Wednesday, Sept. 25, 1839. 
 
 In returning you my grateful thanks for your second edition of 
 
 your book on Baptism, I take shame to myself for not having thanked 
 
 you many times before for your great and persevering kindness in 
 
 sendmg me your other works : and not the less so, but the more so, 
 
 because I am not (as I believe you know) disposed towards the 
 
 general system of doctrine which you advocate. The reason for my 
 
 various silences has been the hope to read carefully and accurately 
 
 the works which you have been so good as to send me ; but I am 
 
 a slow reader, and many avocations, and the reading required by my 
 
 sermons from week to week, and the accelerated velocity of modern 
 
 publications, leaves me far behind : one thing I may say, that I do 
 
 not take my opinions of the theological works which chiefly emanate 
 
 from Oxford, at second-hand, from any of your bitter adversaries. 
 
 I read them for themselves, and decline reading the works against 
 
 them. Neither do I join in hard names, but often protest against 
 
 the unfounded accusations which I hear. My great fear concerning 
 
 you all IS lest you should introduce an extreme value of forms and 
 
 ntes, to the detriment of spiritual worship, and ultimately of real 
 
 holiness : lest you should exalt the Church to a par with, or above, the 
 
 Word of God ; and bring religion to be so much identified with the 
 
 outward reception of the Sacraments as to disparage that private and 
 
 secret walk with God, without which the Sacraments themselves will 
 
 lose their power. 
 
 While I say this in all candour, speaking I know to equal candour, 
 r must add that I love the fair, gentle, and humble spirit which 
 distinguishes your books from others of the same school, in many of 
 which there is, I am sorry to be obliged to think, abundant bittemess- 
 and what is more, secret bitterness. Again, you speak out : others 
 are often so obscure that they seem to leave a back door open to get 
 out of their own proposition. 
 
 I will only add one more thing. Your books have made me pray 
 more than I ever did in my life before for the spirit of truth, unity, and 
 concord m our beloved Church— and the whole Catholic Church 
 
 I am unwilling to say anything of the afflictions with which God has 
 visited you : except that they did not pass without my poor sympathy 
 and remembrance. May God, by such chastisement, make the 
 sufferers more and more partakers of His holiness. 
 
 With undiminished affection, and the sincerest respect, believe me. 
 my dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 Most sincerely yours, 
 
 H. V. Elliott. 
 
 Letters from Rev, H. V. Elliott and Newman, 123 
 
 Mrs. Elliott is just now, and ever since you came, in village retire- 
 ment at Uckfield. Our term will soon end, and then I hope we may 
 have the pleasure of seeing you face to face. I go to her this 
 morning. 
 
 On his return to Oxford soon after this, Newman wrote 
 
 of him as follows : — 
 
 Oct. 20, 1839. 
 
 * Pusey has returned and in appearance much better. It is no exag- 
 geration to say he is a * Father ' in the face and aspect. He has been 
 preaching to breathless congregations at Exeter and Brighton. Ladies 
 have been sitting on the pulpit steps, and sentimental paragraphs have 
 appeared in the papers— in the Globe ! Fancy M' 
 
 1 Newman's * Letters,' &c., ii. 290. 
 
Church Revival in America. 
 
 125 
 
 'H 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 The following letter is appended as showing the attention which the 
 Oxford Movement was now beginning to attract in the United States 
 of America. 
 
 Mr. C. S. Henry to E. B. P. 
 
 Rev. and dear Sir, New York, Oct. 10, 1839. 
 
 I have asked my friend the Rev. Dr. Wainwright to give me the 
 enclosed note of mtroduction because I wished to take the opportunity 
 of Mr. Cogswell's visit to Oxford to send you the accompanying 
 parcel--^n which you will receive the American edition of the ^ Tracts 
 lor the Times,' as far as they have been published to this time. After 
 cndeavounng for some time without success to find a publisher who 
 would brmg out m this country on his own account an edition of the 
 Tracts for the Times' (with the related writings) I have at length 
 assumed myself the pecuniary responsibility of the undertaking. You 
 will pardon the style in which they are printed, when you consider 
 that my object was to make them as cheap as could well be done, in 
 order to secure their wider circulation. A volume of 552 pages is 
 given for one dollar ^Va, or about seven shillings sterling. 
 
 I have a deep conviction that in this country a great conflict is 
 preparing m which the Church will be called to take stand against 
 Romanism on the one hand, and the rationalizing tendencies of the 
 various other sects. I cannot (when looking at the character [of] our 
 present religious controversy) help feeling the immense importance 
 of recalling (I should rather say calling) the public mind here to 
 the entirely disregarded questions concerning the Sacraments, the 
 authority of the Church in matters of faith no less than of discipline, 
 and the more reverent study of primitive antiquity. With this 
 conviction I have been led to undertake the bringing out of the Oxford 
 Tracts with other writings m their strain by yourself, Mr. Newman, 
 Keble, Hook, &c. 
 
 Besides this I am desirous to have some well-devised effort made to 
 supply the common mind of the country with a better kind of religious 
 books than are now to be found in general circulation-infected as 
 they neariy all are with the miserable spirit of Ultra-Protestantism. 
 By judicious republications of old treatises of the great divines of the 
 seventeenth century, as well as of a later day, in harmony with the 
 
 general doctrine [of the] 'Tracts,* and by such other works as may 
 require to be specially prepared for this country, a series might 
 be brought out that with the Divine Blessing might do great good. 
 I have been for some time conferring with Dr. Wainwright in regard 
 to such a series, and hope that something may be done. Among the 
 works that I should like to include in such a series (besides the more 
 directly doctrinal works) would be a good popular History of the 
 English Reformation, one of the time of the * Commonwealth,* one 
 relating to the period from 1688 through the Non-juring times. 
 
 The religious condition of this country is now peculiarly interesting. 
 On the one hand the Romanists are at work with great ability and 
 adroitness, taking advantage of the innumerable sects into which the 
 community is split ; and on the other hand these sects are mingled 
 in a complicated strife— the so-called Orthodox or Evangelical schools 
 conflicting among themselves, yet all uniting in opposition to the 
 Unitarians, which latter body again is in hourly danger of a split — 
 that will divide the old Priestleyan Socinians against the followers of 
 the German Rationalistic form of infidelity. In the mean[time] the 
 rationalizing spirit has deeply infected the body of the yet Orthodox 
 Independents and Presbyterians. And it is a pity to be obliged to 
 add that the so-called Evangelical or Low Church party in our 
 Episcopal Church have but little comprehension and less sympathy 
 with the Catholic principles of the English Reformation. On the 
 contrary, their sympathies seem to be with the sectarians ; they are 
 vehement and bitter in their denunciations of the Oxford theology ; 
 they are inclined to secure the credit of possessing (in the minds of 
 the other sects) all the * vital piety ' there is in the Church, by sinking 
 the claims of the Church and its ministry ; and with pseudo-liberality 
 affecting to regard the distinctive features of our Church as so much 
 unessential Gothic carved work, ornamenting indeed the outward form 
 of the Church but not affecting the question of spiritual benediction — 
 which is as much warranted to other sects as to theirs ! It seems to 
 me therefore unspeakably important that true notions of the Church 
 as the depository of the Sacraments and the divinely constituted 
 dispenser of spiritual benediction, as well as deeper views of the nature 
 and significance of the Sacraments themselves, should be earnestly 
 presented. 
 
 Along with the * Tracts ' I have put for your acceptance some other 
 things which I have brought out. In themselves they have but little 
 claim upon your notice. Some of them are the crude views of a mind 
 not yet matured in its views— especially on the proper relation of the 
 speculative intellect to theology. The only reason I have for offering 
 them to you is that being yet a comparatively young learner (I am 
 but little beyond thirty years old), and having recently found myself 
 deeply indebted to you and your fellow-labourers, both for what you 
 have written and for what you have put me upon reading of others* 
 writings— I feel a natural impulse to connect with this note of 
 
126 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 acknowledgment some other visible memorials of my own mind and 
 pen. 
 
 If you should do me the favour of a line in reply, I beg to assure you 
 that any suggestions you may make concerning the great and good 
 cause in which you labour would be thankfully received, as also any 
 information of the progress and condition of your publications and 
 endeavours. 
 
 I have been unable to procure from London the second part of vol. 
 ii. of the Tracts, being yours on Baptism. The time is near for 
 needing it for our reprint. If my friend Mr. Cogswell (who has been 
 my associate in the New York Review for the past year) should fail to 
 find a copy at the booksellers, could I tax your kindness so far as to 
 put him in the way of procuring a copy for me, to send over as soon 
 as possible ? 
 
 Hoping for your indulgent reception for this hastily written and 
 long note, and your kind allowance of the liberty I have taken in 
 addressing you, 
 
 I. am. Rev. and dear Sir, 
 
 Very respectfully and faithfully yours, &c. 
 
 C. S. Henry. 
 Rev. Dr. Pusey. 
 
 ^ 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 UNION FOR PRAYER — THE LITTLEMORE * MONASTERY ' — 
 WHAT IS PUSEYISM? — THE ORNAMENTS RUBRIC — 
 PROPOSAL TO PRINT THE SARUM BREVIARY — RELA- 
 TIONS WITH THE EASTERN CHURCH— FEARS OF 
 SECESSION — GATHERING HOSTILITY. 
 
 1840. 
 
 During the spring of 1840 there was a good deal of 
 discussion on a subject which powerfully affected the inner 
 life of the Oxford party. This was a proposed union for 
 prayer. The suggestion came originally from the Hon. 
 and Rev. George Augustus Spencer, better known after- 
 wards as the Passionist Father Ignatius, who had passed 
 from an earnest phase of Evangelicalism to the Church of 
 Rome. In January, 1840, Mr. Spencer visited Oxford. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel College, January 9, 1840. 
 Mr. Spencer, the R. C, has been in Oxford, indeed is now. 
 I declined dining to meet him. He is with Palmer of Magdalen. 
 Upon this he called on me, having it very much in heart to talk to 
 every one on one particular subject. He has lately been instrumental 
 in getting Christians in France to pray for the English Church, to 
 whom the Germans are now being added, and he wants in like 
 manner to get the English to pray for the Continental Christians. 
 I suppose he would like nothing better than to have a practice set on 
 foot of praying, e.g. every Thursday (which is M<?/>day), for their 
 restoration to the true faith and for the unity of the Church. He 
 urged very strongly that all difficulties would soon vanish if there was 
 real charity on both sides. He is a gentlemanlike, mild, pleasing man, 
 but very smooth. 
 
 Pusey hesitated at first. He had declined a similar pro- 
 posal when it came from a Low Church quarter. 
 
128 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Brighton, January 12, 1840. 
 I am suspicious as to any combinations within our Church It 
 seems to me that till the system of the Church is more carried out one 
 .s rather drawing people off from the right direction by combining 
 even to realize in a greater degree what she has provided for us. U 
 IS what one has been objecting to Mr. Stuart's plan and the Low 
 Church generally. We do pray, as a Church, for the Churches in the 
 Communion of Rome, as for all others, twice daily ; they only pray for 
 us once m the year as lying under an anathema ; so that, much as we 
 are obliged to Mr. Spencer and those joined with him, our Church, as 
 a Church, has the superiority in doing for them, as a Church, what 
 they are only doing for us as individuals. (I read part of your letter 
 to Manning, who was with me, and he seemed to think that any union 
 corresponding to that of Mr. S. would put those who did not like it in 
 
 ^^t^'^V . ^^.'" "°' '^^ '**y ^^° '° ^^'-^ been a fast-day? for 
 which Thursday is specially ill-suited, besides the difficulty of insti- 
 uting pnvate fasts. I do not collect from your letter what your own 
 thoughts about it are, so send mine and Manning's 
 
 Newman rejoined that he did not see any harm in one 
 day being fixed to pray for Unity. Such an arrangement 
 did not involve the formation of a society. The new com- 
 mandment to love one another had been given on a 
 Thursday. 
 
 There the matter ended, so far as Pusey was concerned, 
 until the end of March, when Newman proposed that if a 
 union of prayer throughout the whole Church was impos- 
 sible something might be attempted within the Church of 
 England. In this modified proposal Pusey was ready to 
 coincide. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Eve of the Annunciation, 1840. 
 I should like the plan of « an union for prayer for internal union' 
 very much, if it could be shown to be regular, and not give countenance 
 to irregularities, such as October 4 commemorations, Mr. Stewart's 
 plan, &c. It would be excellent, as originating on our side, who are 
 looked upon as disturbers of the public peace, and the Lfowl Cfhurchl 
 must come into it and be softened by it. But how could it become 
 extensive and regular too 1 Could one ask the Bishop of Oxford and 
 make it diocesan, so that other dioceses might join ? or the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, so at least as to be able to say that they did not 
 
 Proposed Union for Prayer, 129 
 
 disapprove of it ? I should like the day to be Friday, unless you have 
 a decided preference for Thursday, for which there is much to be said. 
 You say, ' I could say a good deal on the subject.' I wish you would 
 in the B[rmsh] C\ritic\ Also do have an article on the use of R. C 
 books of devotion. It is much needed, for persons may readily get 
 entangled by it ; and yet the prayers of T. Aquinas and Bonaventura 
 at the end of the Breviary are so valuable. 
 
 Newman suggested hereupon that the first step would be 
 to apply to the Archbishop for his sanction, and then to 
 ask some of the leading clergymen of the Low Church party 
 whether they would co-operate. Pusey acquiesced in this ; 
 but before the Archbishop could be approached the plan 
 must be matured. ' What prayers were to be used ? What 
 was to be the day, what the hour, at which they should be 
 used? Did our Lord's precept about entering into the 
 closet and shutting the door forbid associations for private 
 prayer where the individuals were known to one another ? ' 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, April 7, 1840. 
 As to the day, I think on the whole Friday is best. As to the 
 hour, nine is xh^ proper time, but it may interfere with the business of 
 the day, and also may be {there/ore) an ostentatious hour. Early 
 rising not only would be less seen and less difficult to secure, but it 
 would involve self-denial. If I said six, it might be hard on elderly 
 people. Seven, I suppose, is the hour of prime, and so far a good 
 hour. Should it not be the same winter and summer.^ were it not for 
 elderly people,— but qu. is not seven as bad for them .? Can we take 
 any hour which will not be a difficulty to some, or many? I almost 
 incline to six. (I suppose we must give up the notion of a fixed hour. 
 The utmost we can gain will be a recommendation of one.) I think 
 I should exclude all but Church prayers, except when an individual 
 prayed alone. One has no right to fetter private prayer, but it would 
 be very inexpedient for a pHvate character to be stamped on what 
 IS social in any degree. I hardly understand your question about 
 Matt. vi. I cannot conceive the rule about *shut thy door' more 
 contravened by social prayer than by public. I drop entirely the 
 notion of a manifesto, since Keble evidently does not like it. I do not 
 like fast days ^ : I cannot tell why, except that they are efforts. 
 I suspect they are Calvinistic. * Lest she weary me ' is our direction. 
 
 Pusey, with characteristic eagerness, proposed to set at 
 once to work. 
 
 * i. e. fest days of private appoint- those ordered by the Church in the 
 ment. The writer does not mean Prayer-book. 
 
 VOL. II. K 
 
I30 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Christ Church], 
 
 Fer. 4 inf. Hebd. Pass. 1840. 
 It is an anxious thing to decide any way to whom first to apply, 
 for fear it should fail. I will send your letter to Keble this evening, in 
 case he should have any suggestions ; then, if you think best, I would 
 write to Marsh, Buddicorn (Liverpool), Snow (St. Dunstan's), Arch- 
 deacon Law, Brodrick (Bath), Elliott, who might be good indices. 
 My own notion was that one of us might write to the Archbishop and 
 Bishop of Oxford, stating generally that a wish for something of this 
 sort is felt (without specifying names), and to ask whether they would 
 have any objection to its being acted upon in their diocese or in the 
 province generally, with the sanction of the respective Bishops. Then 
 you might get Archdeacon Froude to apply to the Bishop of Exeter, 
 Keble to Winchester, Hamilton to Salisbury, Hook to Ripon, &c.,and 
 then one might apply to Archdeacons to employ clerical meetings to 
 extend it within those dioceses. I think, though, it must emanate from 
 Oxford, yet we should soon be joined by persons who would take off 
 from it the appearance of party in the sight of sincere men. 
 
 But it is an anxious thing to apply to the Archbishop, because if the 
 answer were unfavourable, there were little remedy. 
 
 Keble suggested a public petition to the Archbishop 
 that he would sanction the union for prayer. To this 
 Pusey objected that it would appear to cast a slight on 
 other Bishops by passing them over. Newman too thought 
 that it was * certain to cause jealousy.' In other respects 
 Keble concurred in the proposal. 
 
 Pusey had written to Harrison, asking him to submit the 
 plan to the Archbishop ; but before Harrison could do so, 
 Pusey again wrote to withdraw the request, on the ground 
 that * our immediate application should be made to our own 
 Bishops.' * It seems to me,' he continued, ' that it is rather 
 the office of our respective Bishops to consult the Metro- 
 politan, or, if they prefer it, to refer us to him.' He then 
 proceeds : — 
 
 * We have no one centre of unity like the Romanists; although from 
 our respect to the Abp. of C, as also from the extent of his province, 
 and that we ourselves are living in it, we are apt sometimes practically 
 to forget that there is another province and another Archbishop. I think, 
 partly owing to our insulated condition, partly to our connexion with 
 the State, we are too apt to look upon ourselves as in such sort one 
 Church, as to forget the claims which our respective Bishops have upon 
 
 Application for the Bishop's Sanction, 131 
 
 us ; that, whatever responsibility they may have to their brethren, 
 they stand in an especial relation to us, and so (however they may 
 feel their own hands tied) they have an especial right to counsel 
 direct, originate, sanction things for us. We seem to look upon our 
 Church too much (so to say) as one machine, of which the several 
 Bishops are wheels, instead of regarding each as an ^m, although all 
 united by the invisible bond of communion, as well as by outward 
 bands, into one. Perhaps I may have been more exposed to this than 
 others, from the state of Chapters, which are so disconnected with 
 their Bishops ; this, at least, never visited by him, except at ordina- 
 tions, when he appears as a guest, rather than a head. 
 
 * I suppose, however, that the Bishops may very likely either consult 
 together, or with the Archbishop, or refer us to him.' 
 
 Pusey himself applied to the Bishop of Oxford : his letter 
 contains a matured statement of the plan : 
 
 TLTxr T^«.« T Christ Church, June 11, 1840. 
 
 My dear Lord, ' ^ 
 
 I have been wishing for some time to lay before your Lordship 
 a plan, upon which some of us have been some time thinking, in the 
 hope of increased union in the Church. It is to gain persons of 
 different ways or shades of thinking to pray on one day in the week 
 for increased unity. 
 
 The bases of the plan which have been thought of are these :— 
 I. The day. -The Friday in each week, as the weekly commemoration 
 of the Passion, our Church's weekly fast and day of humiliation (and our 
 manifold divisions sadly call for humiliation), its being a Litany-day ; 
 and so one which those who do not use Daily Service still, in many 
 cases, keep of old times. As being already kept in a degree, it would 
 fall m with people's habits more, and might lead to its being better 
 kept. It is not, either, like choosing a day for ourselves. The Good 
 Friday Collects, being for the Church, and the bringing in of those 
 without, seemed to point the same way. 
 
 2. Objects,~{^) Unity of doctrine and spirit, (ii) Guidance into the 
 truth. 
 
 3. Plan.—iS) Prayers to be private, except any have members of his 
 own household for the time being whom he would like to join with 
 him, but to be limited to those living in the same house, (ii) Unless 
 strictly private, prayers from our Liturgy only to be used. 
 
 4. None to be hindered thereby from withstanding principles which 
 we respectively think wrong, from controversy, &c. 
 
 We cannot but hope that some such plan as this might, in the first 
 instance, allay some of the feelings of jealousy, mistrust, dislike, &c. 
 which exist. People could not combine together to pray that they 
 might all be one without being softened towards each other. And 
 then, ultimately, there is the blessing promised to persevering, united 
 prayer. 
 
 K % 
 
I'l i 
 
 1 ! 
 
 132 . Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey, 
 
 This we wish to attain in as quiet a way as possible : we look then 
 that the prayer should be mostly private, the union consisting in its 
 
 l^Und '^""^ "^^^^ ^""^^ ^' ^^' ^' ""^^ ^^' ^' '^^ '^"'^ ""^^^^^^ '^^ 
 But for this we need, in some degree. Episcopal sanction ; because, 
 although our object ,s one to which none would object, we would avoid 
 '^Zlf \P^^^^^d.^nt of combination which might be applied to other 
 objects which might not be desirable. 
 
 th J^'^^'V.^^ ^^r '^ '""^"^'^ ^'^"^ ^^^^ ''^^^ ^^ '^^ Church, in order 
 that It might not be looked upon with suspicion as a party measure. 
 
 rJ A ^i^° ''; ' '" '^'^''""' ^^^""^^^' ^« g^'" s^n^e who would be 
 
 thfLnl ^!- °PPrl"' ^^^'''"' ^^"^^^ of religious opinion, so that 
 the application to the Diocesan might come from both parties. 
 
 In your Lordship's diocese I have named the subject to persons of 
 
 to tet'^tlirTbt ' ''^'' '' '^''''^'^^ ^"' '^'^ ^^""^ ^^- ^^ -- ^^^^ 
 
 I did not like to go further without informing your Lordship, havin- 
 
 sufficiently ascertained this point, and not wfshing that it should b^ 
 
 puWicly spoken of, or canvassed, without ascertaining your LortJip: 
 
 If^our'^rT.^''' "'^^ ^" ^^'^ ^'^'''' '^' ^'^^^P^ ^" «ther dioceses. 
 
 makin. i^ ' m' ' "^^."'1 °^ ^^' P'"" ^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^ ^-"^tion ou 
 
 TsZtion^of ^' ""' '?"^ ^J- '''""^^'^ ^^^ ^^^-" -"^ - plan of 
 a selection of prayers from the Liturgy for this purpose, which I 
 should wish to submit to your Lordship. 
 
 ciatifn'o!-^oH '^' """u" T ^^"^^"^P^^^^ -"y^hing of a formal asso- 
 each other. When once sanctioned, the plan was, that each should 
 interest those whom he thought right and could, and those others o 
 
 fu^ cZrch'^ '''"'^'*°" ^' ^'^ ^^^'^P^' ''' "^^^^^ spread' throughout 
 
 We are miserably weakened by our divisions, and yet there is 
 
 buf^nlted '' '""^ " ^" ^'"^^'^ ^"^ ^^^^ --4, if it were^ 
 
 I do not wish to press your Lordship for any speedy answer and 
 
 have chosen the way of writing in order that your Lordship may have 
 
 the nature of the plan more distinctly placed before you 
 
 I have the honour to remain, with much respect. 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 . Bishop Bagot hesitated to act on his own judgment He 
 sent Puseys letter to the Archbishop, and asked for advice. 
 1 he Archbishop s reply illustrates at once the kindly feeling 
 piety, shrewdness, and caution of the writer. 
 
 Discouraging Reply from the Archbishop, I33 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Lord, Lambeth, June 22, 1840* 
 
 I have been prevented from returning the enclosed as soon as 
 I could have wished by the more than ordinary interruptions which 
 I have experienced for the last three weeks, and which, literally 
 speaking, have engrossed the whole of my disposable time. The 
 same press of occupation prevents me from entering at any len 'th 
 on the proposal which forms the subject of Dr. Pusey's letter. I am 
 therefore compelled briefly to say that though the object at which he 
 aims is m all respects most desirable, though I think very highly 
 of his zeal and piety, and agree with him in attributing the greatest 
 efficacy to prayer, more especially as here accompanied with active 
 endeavours for the attainment of the blessing which is sought, I fear 
 the combination which he proposes would not answer his expectations 
 in the result. It would not, in my opinion, eventually produce peace • 
 many persons who differ from him in their opinions would look with 
 suspicion on the plan ; and the prayers even of those who came into 
 It might possibly be directed to unity established on grounds very 
 different from those which he contemplates, and consequently would 
 not fall under the description of United Prayer. In truth we offer up 
 prayers in the Church for unity at least on every Sunday, and every 
 person who chooses may do the same on all days in the week : but as 
 this latter does not require the sanction of the Bishop, I do not see 
 why that sanction should be required. Indeed, I should be afraid of 
 a precedent which might in future times be applied to questionable 
 purposes, and which would introduce a practice that might be varied 
 and modified in different ways and by different persons, without 
 regard to authority. 
 
 My notion is that if Dr. Pusey and his friends should choose to put 
 forth and recommend such a plan they may do it on their own respon- 
 sibility without prejudice to the respect which is due to the Bishop ; if 
 they consulted me as a friend, I should advise them even against this ; 
 if they looked for my public approbation as a Bishop, I should. decline 
 acceding to their request. 
 
 I remember an Evangelical clergyman about thirty years ago who 
 told me that he had long been surprised that this nation had not been 
 destroyed for its sins, till at last he discovered that there were a 
 number of praying people in Yorkshire who met weekly for the purpose 
 of deprecating the punishment of the national sins. 
 
 Not very long ago I met with a proposal for uniting in prayer for 
 more copious outpourings of the Spirit. These are both proper 
 objects of prayer. But I question whether such a mode of praying, 
 except on solemn occasions prescribed by authority, is judicious. 
 
 I am really afraid of innovations, not knowing to what they may 
 possibly lead, and we have sufficient means of grace if we would only 
 make the best use of them. 
 
I 
 
 134 Life of Edward Boitverie Pusey, 
 
 As you said you should be at Canterbury during the whole of Sep- 
 tember, I have fixed Thursday, the 24th of that month, for my first 
 visitation at the cathedral. ^ 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most faithful servant, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 After an interval of three weeks Bishop Bagot wrote to 
 Pusey, mainly in the very words of the Archbishop's letter 
 but, as was perhaps natural, without mentioning the Arch- 
 bishop's name. Pusey and Newman might have a private 
 union of prayer, but the Bishop was not sanguine as to its 
 results, and he could not give it his Episcopal sanction. 
 Pusey wrote again ; and again Bishop Bagot forwarded his 
 letter to Lambeth. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Lord, Lambeth, July 20, 1840. 
 
 SDirit th^rn"? I^^- P"sey's letter, which breathes the same amiable 
 spirit that distinguishes all that comes from him. In everythinij that 
 regards the government of the Church the very learned and pious 
 dmnes who think with Dr. Pusey are accustomed to express anTto 
 pay the greatest deference to the Bishop. In this they are right • but 
 I question whether the principle as applied by them would not tend if 
 
 srarlTh"i:'''V' ^^""^^^ ^^'^^"^^ '^ '"^^^ -^h ^^-e- a 
 separate Church with customs and practices of its own, instead of 
 
 a member of our Anglican Catholic Church, concurring in usages, no 
 less than m doctrine, and further to introduce a system Hable to change 
 according to the opinions of individual Bishops in succession. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Most truly yours, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 The proposed union for prayer nearly came to nothing • 
 nearly, but not quite. Bishop Bagot did not encourage it* 
 Newman's sketch of a plan ^ was used in private for 
 some years by some friends in and near Oxford ; and it was 
 published in 1846 under the title of * Prayers for Unity and 
 Guidance into the Truth/ It furnished the idea of the short 
 
 The Littlemore ^Monastery' 
 
 135 
 
 Newman drew up the subjoined 
 •Plan for the Society of Prayer 
 for Unity':— Lord have mercy, &c. ; 
 Our Father, &c. ; O Lord, shew Thy 
 mercy upon ns; Pss. 80, 122, 133; 
 
 St. John xiii ; O God the Father, &c.. 
 for Unity; as a Prayer, Dan. ix. 16-19; 
 Turn Thou us, O Lord, we beseech 
 Thee, &c.; Veni Creator; the Lord 
 bless us and keep us, &c. 
 
 prayers circulated in 1845 by Pusey, Keble, and Marriott 
 for use at three Hours of the day for the unity of the Church, 
 the conversion of sinners, and the advancement and per- 
 severance of the faithful. In this shape they have been ever 
 since in daily use by members of a little society known as 
 the Brotherhood of the Holy Trinity, and have become better 
 known to Churchmen through the Intercessoiy Manual of 
 the Rev. R. M. Benson of the Cowley Society of St. John. 
 
 While this correspondence was going on another subject 
 was mooted which touched Pusey very nearly, and which 
 was ominous, perhaps, of coming trouble. Newman spent 
 Lent, 1840, at Littlemore, where he 'gave himself up to 
 teaching in the Poor Schools and practising the choir \' 
 But his mind was moving on more anxious questions, 
 especially, as he tells us, on the questions which led to the 
 publication of Tract 90. These were not unconnected 
 with the wish to retire from Oxford and to carry out at 
 Littlemore a plan which had been much before the minds 
 of himself and Pusey. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, March 17, 1840. 
 
 Since I have been up here an idea has revived in my mind, 
 of which we have before now talked, viz. of building a monastic house 
 in the place, and coming up to live in it myself. 
 
 It rose in my mind from the feeling which has long been growing 
 on me that my duty as well as pleasure lies more at Littlemore than 
 1 have made it. It has long been a distress that I know so little of 
 my parishioners in Oxford, but tradespeople it is next to impossible 
 to know, considering how they have hitherto been educated — at least, 
 impossible to me. It has pained me much to be preaching and doing 
 little more than preach — knowing and guiding only a few, say about 
 half a dozen : moreover, from the circumstances of the case, however 
 little I might wish it, preaching more for persons who are not under 
 my charge, members of the University. 
 
 All this is independent of any monastic scheme. I have given 
 twelve years to St. Mary's in Oxford, may I not in fairness and pro- 
 priety give something of my continual presence to St. Mary*s at 
 Littlemore ? 
 
 In such a case I should have no intention of separating myself from 
 St. Mary's in Oxford or the University. I should take the Sunday 
 afternoon service at St. Mary's, if that were an object, and should be 
 
 * ' Apologia,' p. 234. 
 
136 Life of Edward Botiverie Pusey, 
 
 Sr?oi",°^"'-'"''=^'^ ' '»"^' '^' - "-S f"" of ties as a 
 
 J:T " '^ ""^' ''• C-»-^'--d let your four volumes first 
 
 now iTrheZntff Lf"' "t^"^ ^°" *°""^ <^°- "P «<> *' 
 And now I have sa d my sav so~far ""m" ^^V.^^'^" ^''""^^ "^ -in- 
 coming : the^..r:oLZi:;Tani:;or[hi:,,'°'^'^°"''^ ^^^°«'>- 
 
 Th!"n7 ^^^'7" '"'°^' ^''°"* '^^ ^"bj^*^' °f this letter 
 h.t .^. uf" "=°"^^"'P'^*^d was substantially his own • 
 
 but the withdrawal of Newman from Oxford would be 
 a disaster to the cause which they both had at heart 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. j. h. Newman. 
 
 <^'>rist Church, March 19, 1840. 
 
 I thought much, as you will suppose, of'vour olan l' , , .. 
 hat you think at all events of retaining leTuIpft at' St M ^ ''' 
 
 -east, .r^ that end that^it wasTr^^y^l ^ ^1^ '--f 
 
 Pusey s Fears, 
 
 m 
 
 There is only one other point which I should like you to consider, 
 viz. whether it would not be compatible with your plan that you should 
 be occasionally resident (e.g. during great part of the terms) in 
 Oxford : supposing you to reside six weeks, this would make but 
 eighteen, i. e. one-third only of the year about. You know how much 
 the presence of a senior Fellow helps to form the ?i6os of the body :. 
 and you have no adequate representative. Marriott must be a great 
 loss. You, however, know the state of your own body best, but it is 
 a thing to be thought of. 
 
 Then also your Tuesday evenings certainly have been the means of 
 forming people ; so that your occasional residence in Oxford and 
 your presence among us would have great advantages. 
 
 With respect to the plan itself, one may, I think, lean much upon 
 those tendencies which gradually grow in one, and (though I do not 
 see why you should have been * continually perplexing' yourself 
 * whether you are not called elsewhere ') your reasons seem to me valid. 
 
 Then certainly it would be a grdat relief to have a /noi/ij in our 
 Church, many ways, and you seem just the person to form one. 
 
 I can then only repeat, what is my habitual prayer for you, to tpyov 
 
 TOiV \(lpQ>P (TOV KllTfvdvVOl OfOS, 
 
 For myself, one has a feeling corresponding to that with which 
 Elisha (I mean as far as outward circumstances go) may be supposed 
 to have heard the words, * Knowest thou that the Lord will take away 
 thy master from thy head to-day?' However, if I am to act more 
 for myself, I suppose it would be somehow in this way. 
 
 I hardly look to be able to avail myself of the /loi/r;, since I must 
 be so busy when here on account of my necessary absences to see my 
 children, unless indeed I should live long enough to be ejected from 
 my canonry, as, of course, one must contemplate as likely if one does 
 live, and then it would be a happy retreat. 
 
 Would it not be better to take an English rather than a Roman 
 saint, or why should it not be St. Mary's of Littlemore ? But I suppose 
 it will be some time before you obtain Aground' for such an end. 
 
 You would not make up your mind, in such a case, not to accept the 
 Provostship at all events ? 
 
 Newman would meet Pusey's suggestions so far as he 
 could. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, (.^20) March, 1840. 
 
 You cannot help writing what is kind: and what can you mean 
 by speaking in the way you do about you and me ? 
 
 What you suggest has a good deal to be said for it. Suppose I 
 began only as far as this, to be in Oxford each term for six or eight 
 weeks ? The disadvantage of being in two places is the irregularity 
 which it would cause; and it would not be compatible with having 
 others here besides myself. But I might do as much as this, build 
 
K 
 
 I'.' ' 
 I 
 
 138 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 two rooms, one for me, one for mv bonlr<! «, m,f .1, u -u- 
 afterwards be increased and rail i!f.' '°J''*V''^ '""''''"« '^°"''' 
 of Littlemore. TWs J al" ve^ fine t^""' ^l' "'' <''"'^'-P-^^°"='Se 
 
 not got the ground anYi^SdearTZl.dbrn:;"''^" ' '^^"^ 
 pe^uade the owner, a strange old man hv^g LI DorcheT.r TosL" u" 
 The whole plan necessarily is a work of time '^'^""««'^. 'o sell u. 
 
 I would not hold out against vour anH i.'.ku' . • . 
 
 1 have myself come to fhe v ew that tJe pt , 1,™"^.°?""'°"' "''" 
 ™ine, would not be tanti. xTe'e I a masf JcnU '' ,"' '■ """" "^ 
 attended to and nf h»kh„™ j . ^ "'^ College busmess to be 
 
 by -iden";rRlt'e ^h Lr^^^^^^^^^ ?/ "P '» --- 
 one would, I would have Marriott ProvncP 1 u °"^ ''""''^ ''" *" 
 taking youn- men and L, hT. ! V ' ^^ *'*' " Particular art of 
 
 B /"un^ men, and has had it from an undergraduate. 
 
 [Rest of letter gone.] 
 Hc^ce^he V^'"'.''^'^''''-' Newman to oppose it directly. 
 
 pu:ro::t tsrsn^ ;rr"^- ^^^ ■•"^'•-•— rr 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 I wUl, ?"" ^^"''^' ^''^ °^ ""^ Annunciation, 1840. 
 
 Is there not something between a rptml,, " ' j'< 
 for you and one for your books M M I. '^ ' ""^ '^° '°°"''' °""= 
 might form a wine of a Ij . i ^^' "°' ™°'"' ''^ •"''" *hich 
 
 buL the ,„:rbu't siii Qei 5 .::Lt:,r ^''V-' *°-<^ 
 
 friends staying there during the vacating J V' ""'"^ "' ^°"' 
 even find one of them can.hli f k l' ^"'^ ^^'''^P" y"" might 
 
 thaY'ttfs'fny l\tlS:' °' T' "^ ''^" ''°'"'^' ' ''° "°' ""-"k 
 
 Holton and even at Budleigh SaUeZn verl S '' ' '°'^' "°* " 
 
 If you only occupied the rooms during vacation, ;► ^- ^. r • . 
 
 occupation for a college servant or Zf. ^^*"°"^ " ""?ht furnish 
 
 about. ^ "' ""^ '*"' "hich you were anxious 
 
 iff 
 
 What is Puscyism? 
 
 139 
 
 I once thought very decidedly that the Provostship would be waste 
 of time to you in College and Hebdomadal business ; but you thought 
 that this depended more on the Provost's own will ; that he might take 
 more or less as he thought fit, and might delegate or leave a good 
 deal to others. So I supposed he might (though unless the Statutes 
 are dispatched you probably would find a good deal to do). You 
 thought the income a good thing. However, this is all very contingent : 
 I only meant * You would not make up your mind not to be Provost, 
 under any circumstances ? ' I wish Rogers were in orders ; it seems as 
 though he would have so much more weight. Marriott would be 
 a very good Provost. 
 
 • ••••••• 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 This plan was gradually matured, while at about the 
 same time Pusey's earlier plan of the house he had opened 
 in St. Aldate's for the reception of graduates — *the 
 coenobitium^ as Newman called it — came to a natural 
 termination by the election of Mr. J. B. Mozley as 
 a Fellow of Magdalen. If this effort had not realized all 
 that Pusey hoped, it did something to promote value for 
 a common life of prayer and theological study. * The house 
 in St. Aldate's,' wrote Newman to Pusey, * has ended well, 
 in spite of men's backwardness to enter it. Pattison, 
 Christie, and Mozley all Fellows.' 
 
 It was apparently during the year 1840 that the use of the 
 word * Puseyism ' became widely popular. The principles 
 reasserted by the Oxford writers had been before denounced 
 by their Latitudinarian opponents as Newmanism ; or they 
 sometimes used an obvious witticism, and called it New- 
 mania. This designation, however, was never popularized. 
 That Pusey himself greatly disliked such a use of his 
 name need not be added : it reminded him of the party 
 cries at Corinth condemned by St. Paul ; it contradicted 
 that feature of the English Reformation which he was 
 never weary of extolling, that it had not been identified 
 with any human name such as that of Cranmer or Ridley. 
 In later life, in his more playful moods, he would some- 
 times speak of a man's being condemned for being an 
 * ite ' — but he never pronounced the word in full. When 
 
IJ! II 
 
 140 
 
 ^'/e ofEdivard Bottverie Pusey. 
 
 t • 
 
 W 
 
 I 
 
 ll 
 
 , . ^^«A'^' IS PUSEYISM ? 
 
 it IS difficult to cav ivhof 1 
 
 .of views by my name ; for sKe""'"" "'"'" "'^^ ''^''^"-'e a class 
 '3 rather a temper of mnd which s ^o d?- "° ^^""''^ ''°«""«. "« 
 
 SSS:::;isSi??--ce. 
 
 P'™"» "^' ^"-h - daily public prayeT'faL" a H 7°"°"= ''"'^ '^'-i- 
 <5) Regard fortlie visible Dart nf vT . ' *"'' '^^^ts, &c. 
 
 .he house of God, which Ss' „ ensfrirr"'' ^^ "'^ "^•^--"on of 
 
 (6) Reverence for and deference tj,^ a """''• 
 o"r own Church is looked upon as thj ""'"' ^^""=^' "^ which 
 whose views and doctrines we internrtt'''''''^"*^"^" '° "»' ''"d by 
 meaning is questioned or doubtfu ,„T1°h'' T" ^''"'"'^ ^l'^" »>" 
 Church, mstead of the Reformers as tZ t'''^''""'^ '° the Ancient 
 meaning of our Church. ' ""^ """"*'= expounder of the 
 
 But, while these differencp.; =.r» „r j 
 
 difference between the Xw^sTd signed ^P ^' *^^^'^ ^ ^^^^^ «- "^ 
 of Calvm which has been oartti! ! (P"sey.sm) and the system 
 "ot as it is for the most Z I7dfj "'■"'■ '" °"^ ^■''-=''). 'S 
 persons : such points are^ ^ consc.ent.ous and eamest-mindfd 
 
 thS ^!;::inTd t ^rSe f'""-.°^ --g faith > The one says 
 Trinity. The other ClvisttK^';^ ""« '^'^'« '° the Ho,; 
 
 W The belief of an t^SsS i J''^ '" J"^''*^^""" ^y fai.h onl> 
 according to their works. ^'"'^'"' °^ '"'th good and bad 
 
 of charity (sprinkled KeXoV fSr'^' ""^"^'^"^ "^ ^^-^s 
 Him for the effacing of past sins. ^' ** ^<^<^«Ptable through 
 
 (S) The means wherebv a ma„ 1, • . 
 The one would say (the CalWnTst) V '''"^ ^"" J"^^^*^^^» remains so 
 trusting to Chnst'aLe;fh?S^^^^ ^^ -rks ahd 
 
 mandments through the g Le TcLrt ?""^ '" '^^^ ^^^'^ ^om- 
 to do what is pleasing to Go^and for n T''r^ '"^ "'"^ ^^^ ^^^^'^gth 
 and these bestowed espea'Sl^^^^^^ ^^^^ is displeasing, 
 
 which chiefly unites the^with their 2^^ Holy Eucharist as tha 
 
 Question of Revival of Ceremonial. \^i 
 
 (6) The Sacraments regarded in this, the Calvinisfec system, as 
 signs only of grace given independently of them ; by our Church as 
 the very means by which we are incorporated into Christ, and subse- 
 quently have this life sustained in us. 
 
 (7) The authority of the Universal Church as the channel of truth 
 to us. The one (our Church) thinks that what the Universal Church 
 has declared to be matter of faith (as the Creeds) is to be received by 
 mdividuals, antecedently to and independently of what they themselves 
 see to be true. The other, that a person is bound to receive nothing 
 but what he himself sees to be contained in the Holy Scriptures. 
 
 I am, however, more and more convinced that there is less difference 
 between right-minded persons on both sides than these often suppose 
 -that differences which seemed considerable are really so only in the 
 way of stating them ; that people who would express themselves very 
 differently, and think each other's mode of expressing themselves very 
 faulty, mean the same truths under different modes of expression. 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The lines on which the revival, thus popularly associated 
 with Pusey's name, had hitherto moved had been almost 
 exclusively doctrinal. In the academical society of Oxford 
 this was quite natural. But it was inevitable that the 
 question of the revival of the ceremonial which had ex- 
 pressed these doctrines in the pre-Reformation Church 
 should sooner or later come to the front. Already, at the 
 period which is now being described, the study of Liturgies 
 ancient and modern was making itself felt in a desire to 
 revive usages and symbols which were prescribed or not 
 forbidden by the Prayer-book. The Rev. F. Oakeley wrote 
 an article on the subject in the British Critic of April, 1840, 
 which attracted a great deal of attention. It was only 
 natural that Pusey should be consulted by persons who 
 were anxious to restore ancient usages wherever they could. 
 His Assistant-lecturer in Hebrew, Mr. Seager, who was 
 a keen student of Liturgies, afforded him an illustration 
 of this tendency 1.- a cross on his stole in St. Mary's, 
 such as would now be taken as a matter of course, 
 occasioned a separate controversy. Mr. Russell, who as 
 a Cambridge undergraduate had visited Pusey two years 
 before, was now working in St. Peter's, Walworth, and had 
 
 > See the account of Mr. Seager's conversation in 'Letters of Rev. J. B. 
 
 % 
 
I! 
 
 ^ 
 
 !'.■ 
 
 142 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 a'tlruto p" ''' °p""'"'' '''^^^ ^-^--'^ Rubric, 
 ills view of the whole matter, that it is given at length :- 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. F. Russell. 
 My DEAR SIR, '°' ^^'^'"^ ^'^'"^^' Brighton, Oct. 9, ,839. 
 
 tract o:i:i^:^:;z s: 'tt' ^^ t™ '°°'''"^ ^' ^"'- 
 
 some time and h^A LI ^""^^ """^ "^e" ^™n> home for 
 
 I was inTe::eS 'nt. a"n ZZ^Ti:! rf""'- ' T' '°-'^^^- 
 restoration of some vlluable?«l« l^l ^'^ '" "' ^^^ree '<> '^e 
 but I must take tTe pr vSJ of fn dde ", "''' """ °' '^'^ '"'''"''" ■ 
 singularity, and which rnay readmit V"" ^"^ '*«^'"^' P°'"'' "^ 
 tinction. You will not mTnd mv f , ""^ "^""^ °^ P«=^^°"a' d''^" 
 
 hear without much^rier;:L2/S,rof;rierd"s r ^ ^^"""' 
 the hanging a room with black velvet during ^^1'?''' "■^- 
 this a spirt foreign tn th^ r-^*; a """"s ^ent. ihere seems in 
 
 Catholicity: theX sprit orSttnT',"'' '"'''°'^' °' ^'f-°' '^=" 
 sink in the body wh2^eof hi ha, h ''." '° "^^^ '•«= '"'''^i<l"«' 
 
 of Catholic practice iT to subdue seTfThe'TT'1"."'^ '^"'^''■"^y 
 the more humble in proportS^: th diX fh^Scf f '^^"^ 
 and other things and, indeed, expressfon that I h k ^"' '".""' 
 seems to be a tendency to <=.»V Pressions that I have heard, there 
 
 meansof Church pSceswMrh^''""? ''''"""'°" ^^ "'^ ^^^ 
 tion. I hopeThafno ^hIvL ^ ^"^' °'^''°""^' ^ ""''^^^^ble profana- 
 
 heard of such an expressfo'" aT ^h'^."""''^'""^ °^ »•"= = »'"' ^ "ave 
 for a few years hrncethev would h "^' ''°"" "'' '^""^ -' °"^« = 
 be no distiLtion -^^^^JoT^^.t^:: -^rj^^^ ^^ Tm' 
 
 "::;5rtwi:rranX^ 
 
 of self, while seeming to honour God a:d the CWh T •"' ''" *'°' 
 duedness, self in some form K.c k ^ <-fturch. Vanity, unsub- 
 
 J.e fear l.t a persoTrhSi^^red TZl, Hi ^7 ' ^^ 
 t^XZT' '" ^°"^^^-- °^ '^'^ 'oo-'in. -einn'the mfdsrof 
 
 the'^ricS ftTof tTs^ent:;;] i;'°E^' "^Tr ^ ^'^-^ '° -'"re 
 temptible as^rsonal v"",y ap;l,: ^'Z Ih ,' '""'' ^^'^" = -"- 
 much more root than peop'e are awire of andT'' "k '"; ^^''''^'''y 
 because disregarded. It seems be'i^n L 't 1 ' *^' '^™" ''"''^ 
 ministers to deck their own persons our ^ ^ T"^ *"'' ^°'' ">«= 
 in keeping with the state of ourchurch wh ch' " ''"/" "' ""^"^ 
 
 ::rorrse^-^x:;5T-^^^^ 
 
 these are not holydaVfl^ T^lt Sf a^t -f- 
 
 7%^ Ornaments Rubric, 
 
 143 
 
 respects, to have fallen involuntarily into a practice conformable to our 
 state ; and such as we are, in the midst of division, our flocks rent 
 from us by the sins or neglect of their or our forefathers and our own, 
 the garment of mourning were fitter for us than one of gladness. 
 
 Of course, if there were any peremptory injunction which we were 
 unquestionably pledged to obey it would be a different thing ; but the 
 Rubric which you would enforce has been otherwise understood by the 
 majority of authorities. In doubtful cases our recourse is naturally to 
 our Bishops : of these, two or three (I believe among them your present 
 Diocesan) have expressed their disapproval of this interpretation ; so 
 that in their dioceses the plan you propose could not be acted upon, 
 nor the uniformity you wish for attained. 
 
 But, if it be not necessary, certainly it is very undesirable. Hardly 
 anything, perhaps, has given so much handle as this subject of dresses; 
 it has deterred many, made many think the questions at issue to be 
 about outward things only, given occasion to scoffing, and disquieted 
 many sober people. 
 
 If they be not necessary, certainly there is too much at stake to 
 admit of our risking distracting people's minds by questions about 
 them. The nature and efficacy of the Sacraments, the character and 
 benefit of Confirmation and Orders; the whole scheme, one might 
 almost say, of doctrine and practice is in some degree at issue. For 
 certainly the popular way of considering the mystery of the Holy 
 Trinity is very different from that of Catholic antiquity : I mean, the 
 habit of mind seems so to be, though (blessed be God) the confession 
 of true faith still remains : and the nature of repentance, fasting, alms, 
 or of judgement to come, is very different in the two systems. 
 
 As far as externals will contribute to greater reverence, it were far 
 better and far more influential to begin with that which is farthest 
 removed from self. One of the prejudices against Catholicity is its 
 supposed exaltation of the priesthood : it were better to wait till the 
 simplicity of the priest's dress were out of keeping with the beauty and 
 decoration of the church and the altar, so that when it came to be 
 enriched it should seem to be forced upon us : not to begin with our- 
 selves. It were better far to begin with painted windows, rich, altar- 
 cloths, or Communion plate. I know not whence your friend got his 
 notion of black velvet hangings for his own room. I cannot think any 
 of our forefathers would so have ornamented his room, while so many 
 of the churches of our land are so bare. 
 
 We are in danger also lest these ornaments should evaporate into 
 mere sentiment. The Low Church theology has frequent mention of 
 the Cross, and we see that it has degenerated oftentimes into mere 
 words : but as easily may the representation of it become a mere 
 shadow. It may be well to place crosses upon our churches, by our 
 altars, on our altar-cloths ; but all these things should be symbols 
 only, to remind us that as it has been borne for us, so we must bear 
 it. It must come as the expression of that which is within : else it 
 
{I 
 
 144 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 in an ..^: r ;: iti\t r^- r;r ^"^'^ •" ^^^°'^ ' 
 
 that we must Je the mot elf', """^"''""^ ^^'^-d^lgent practice 
 ing the Cros Denir„f "^ ^ '° ^""y"""? *hich we do touch- 
 Cross. °^ """^ '' "■" "^^y ^"""ition of approaching the 
 
 .hi rrit^rtrprorertrcTv^'-i^ '•'°"^'''^"' -<^y -^ 
 
 Its deep humility and ver^ nLl , "^ '" °"'' ^''^'^' ^°- 86. 
 
 and it would thLic «Z.- uff'"' *""'' ^^ ^^"^^"'^^ "> any ; 
 state in which oi^SuXnowl'^^' '" ^ ""^ P''^"''^'*' ^^ "^ «^«^ 
 
 Pbiu" i^SwLrhTay'bltiLr ?f,^'t"'^" ^"^"'^ •<' --<^ ="' 
 Church has been brou^h^homrh '' *'''"" *" Catholicity of our 
 
 on them and their cofduJtTti'''/ ■""H^ibility laid upon them : 
 (which is so calculated to win b™ if thor^"" '" '"" "^* °^ •>- 
 her and .0 perfect her) shaU be r alS or tht'm" 1 ""T '"'" 
 to her reception of those very view But withnLli^r f"'''^"'" 
 may be exposed to some grievous fallfrnmwhKu' °^ '"'^ **= 
 been preserved, such as the^in^vt'tftrto tran ^ "''^"° 
 
 v.str ra^bSX^-^- -rr '^^ — - - 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 — E. B. Pusey. 
 
 I am to return to Oxford on the i6th 
 
 yo;rSs%r[';ar srx thV"^^*^'"^ °^ ^"---^ - 
 
 impressed with the resoondh r? f ^^ '''" y^"" ^•*^ adequately 
 
 ha^e heard) have :a3u;t!raXrs'^^^^ ^'^ ' 
 
 :::';rrr:TnXt"et;;tr^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 spoken of, ani have done so a£dv U^"\'° .'""'" ^""^^ •° "^ ^^" 
 that idol, self: not serv"L C^ r ' """"S "P ^" '<^'>^< and 
 
 I am so;ry to do soTb^f ff,' f"T hT, '"" '^ ^° *"""^- -^^ 
 enough, if by any means tL veH co5d be fn T°' """= ^'^""^'^ 
 and they taught to act as mln T ,, ™ o^ your friends' eyes, 
 
 several a'ctionf befo^eth Sgrentt^t of cV" t^'^H '""""' °' "'^'"^ 
 and .beri, not amuse thUelves S^'it^^n^^ir/^"-—;^ 
 
 thirthty:urvrpr r^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ mo not 
 
 people up). What you have which is tr^eLs beei ta'th? '^' T ""'^ 
 unostentatiously by many in all times beforfy^J Ht iSScS 
 
 The Sarum Breviary. 
 
 145 
 
 and Liturgy : it has only been brought out into open day and seems 
 new to those who had forgotten it. Do not act or think as though you 
 were the Apostle of some new doctrine ; but inculcate duty simply, 
 plainly, and earnestly ; and labour (as we all should) to be more peni- 
 tential, simple, and humble-minded yourself. Contribute, if you any- 
 how may, to build churches in your destitute district : catechize your 
 children : and recollect that you have not been called into the vine- 
 yard to preach a system, much less the externals of a system, but to 
 tend your Master's sheep and lambs, to feed them and guard them, as 
 one who will have to give account. You will not, I trust, think that 
 I have taken too much upon myself in writing thus plainly, but will 
 regard it as a proof of sincerity and good will. 
 Oct. 12, 1839. 
 
 Mr. Russell wrote an explanation, which Pusey read 
 with satisfaction. In a second letter Pusey writes : — 
 
 I trust that you may be enabled to act uniformly with simplicity, 
 humility, meekness, tranquillity, bearing in mind how much is at stake, 
 how much risk there is from any superficial embracing of those views 
 that any formation of a party tends to superficialize. Misrepresented 
 you will doubtless be anyhow : only the more prospect of this there is, 
 the more cautious must you be. I think that the proposal that all 
 clergy holding certain views should on the same day resume Edward 
 the Sixth's dresses bears the character of party, and it has been so 
 regarded. For myself (but this is a matter of feeling) I should be 
 sorry to find myself in a richer dress until the Church were in a happier 
 state. At present we have the surplice for a token of purity, and the 
 scarf as the emblem of Christ's yoke. But beyond this I should de- 
 precate anything which could serve as the badge of party : at present, 
 much as the opposed party speaks of it, they can find nothing ; but 
 the agreement to adopt a dress which would be peculiar would just 
 furnish them what they want. I wish, if you republish your tract on 
 the Rubric, you would omit all about the dresses, or at least give it a 
 different turn, and not place a Rubric whose interpretation is doubtful 
 on the same footing with those which are distinct. . . . 
 
 Committing you to Him, I remain, with much interest, 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Among other projects which made their appearance at 
 this time was that of publishing the Sarum Breviary. 
 The portions of the Breviary which English Churchmen 
 could not use are but few. Pusey himself used to use it, 
 when time permitted, as supplementary to the Prayer- 
 book : that is to say, he said prime, terce, sext, none, and 
 compline, omitting matins, lauds, and vespers, which are 
 
 VOL. IL L 
 
 '4 
 
 1 ?i 
 
 I 
 
146 
 
 t^ h 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 already provided for in the Prayer-book. This practice he 
 probably adopted a little time before Mrs. Pusey's death, 
 during the anxieties occasioned by her illness. But he did 
 not at this time often recommend it to others. Deeply as 
 he valued the advantage of using the additional offices con- 
 tained in the Breviary, he was yet afraid that the practice 
 might in some cases foster what he himself never felt, a dis- 
 satisfaction with the more limited range of the daily offices of 
 the Anglican Prayer-book. Probably the proposal to print 
 the Sarum form of it was partly suggested by a more 
 thorough study of the services from which the Book of Com- 
 mon Prayer was immediately derived, a study to which 
 a considerable impulse had been given by the Rev. W. Pal- 
 mer's ' Origines Liturgicae.' Partly too it was due to the 
 increasing desire for that larger devotional use of the Psalter 
 which the Breviary services satisfy with such originality and 
 completeness ; and if the Breviary was to be used it was more 
 loyal to fall back on the old English form out of which the 
 Prayer-book had so largely been taken, than on the Roman, 
 which the English Church had never used at any period of 
 its history. But then the Sarum Breviary was difficult to 
 meet with : it was only to be found in a few college and 
 cathedral libraries, or on the shelves of a book collector here 
 or there. It had never been reprinted since Queen Mary's 
 day 1; while the Roman Breviary was to be had in every 
 form from any Roman Catholic bookseller. Thus when 
 Mr. Newman wrote his tract on the Breviary in 1836 he 
 used the Roman. The first mention of this project is in 
 the following letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 21, 1840. 
 ... I have undertaken to ask your opinion about the following 
 plans. * 
 
 [a) Publishing the Salisbury Breviary in the original as a document, 
 and as less likely to invite people to Rome than the Roman, which is 
 said to be now in much use. 
 
 * The Cambridge University Press 
 has within the last few years nobly 
 removed this discredit, through the 
 
 labours of Mr. Procter and Mr. Words- 
 worth. 
 
 Proposal to reprint the Sarum Breviary, 147 
 
 (b) Publishing the S. B., but marking what cannot be shown to be 
 Catholic, either by inclosing it in brackets or by omitting it in the text 
 and putting it in a note at the foot of the page. 
 
 {c) Translating the S. B., reformed upon certain principles, as 
 admitting nothing which is controversial, except what has the sanction 
 of Edward the Sixth's first book. This would admit of the Prayers 
 for the Departed Saints, and the mention of the name of the Blessed 
 Virgin in commemoration, but exclude the mention of the intercession 
 of the Saints. 
 
 {(i) Publishing the S. B. (original), either entire, or as in by at the 
 same time with c. It was thought that it might be understood that 
 only c was recommended for use ; aor b was published as a document 
 only. (The plan is that of younger men.) 
 
 Keble^s answer has been lost, but Newman writes to 
 
 Pusey : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, March 17, 1840. 
 I am very much pleased at your and K.'s plan about the Salisbury 
 Breviary. It is important that we should be beforehand with the 
 R. C.*s in doing it. I have a repugnance to mutilating or garbling 
 it, considering we abuse the S. P. C. K. for so doing towards Bishop 
 Wilson. The plan of first giving the text, and then adjusting it to 
 K. Edward's first book, seems to get over the difficulty without seem- 
 ing to recommend what we do not wish. 
 
 Somewhat later Keble was quite clear as to what he 
 would recommend. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, March 30, 1840. 
 I have been into Winchester to-day, and spent some time in 
 endeavouring to find out a Sarum Breviary which professes to be in 
 the College Library ; but as that is in great disorder at present I could 
 not light upon it. I do not like putting off my answer to your last note 
 any longer ; and therefore I think I am ready to say that I should 
 approve of the publication of it as a document, and of a selection of 
 parts to be translated for a devotional book, on the principle of taking 
 such things only as are virtually sanctioned by Edward the Sixth's first 
 book. It seems to me that in this way we go as nearly as we can 
 expect to providing our readers with the good of the Breviary without 
 the harm of the more irreverent parts. 
 
 This reply was thought to be somewhat unfavourable ; 
 and although a plan of publication by subscription was 
 set on foot it came for the present to nothing. Pusey 
 himself, on reflection, hesitated. 
 
 L 2 
 
 i 
 
148 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 h ! 
 
 I 
 
 * 
 
 I* 
 
 * For myself,' he wrote to Newman, ' I do not object to the plan ; 
 but should hardly like to be prominent. I have fears for our people, 
 until I hear more of their acting up to the principles of our Church, 
 fasting, &c.* 
 
 Naturally enough, at the same time there were pro- 
 posals for reprinting Eastern Liturgies. Bishop Andrewes 
 had long ago led the English Church to understand the 
 wealth of devotion which they contain. The question was 
 brought before the Publishing Committee of the Society 
 for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The Coptic Patriarch 
 of Alexandria was anxious that their Liturgy should be 
 reprinted in England * as unmutilated by the Romanists.' 
 Dr. Mill, the Professor of Hebrew at Cambridge, was afraid 
 that there might be invocations, &c. which we could not 
 sanction, and Monophysite language as well. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 17, 1840. 
 I fear that there will be great difficulty in printing the Eastern 
 Liturgies. I suppose the Patriarch might be induced to get rid of the 
 Monophysitism, but the invocations would be more difficult. For 
 though our Article only condemns * the Romish doctrine concerning 
 it,' we have been so little accustomed to the thought of the commu- 
 nion of saints, or of their praying for us at all, that we are likely to be 
 bad judges what is and what is not sound, and, if we interfered, might 
 
 do mischief. said that the only formula they had recognizing 
 
 such intercession was an address to our Lord, * By the intercession 
 of* (I forget the words) * deliver us.' But I doubt whether he was 
 to be depended on. Whom do you mean by *the Patriarch*? I 
 suppose, by the mention of Monoph[ysitism], of Alexandria. Might 
 we not succeed at Antioch or Jerusalem ? 
 
 In the same letter Pusey touches on a kindred and much 
 more important subject 
 
 'What,' he asks Harrison, 'should hinder communion from being 
 restored with the Orthodox Greek Church? Does it seem that we 
 need insist on their receiving the Filioque^ or that they would not 
 enter into communion with us because we retain it ? * 
 
 And he explains his meaning more fully in another letter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 21, 1840. 
 I did not mean, in what I said about the Filioquey to refer to the 
 
 ^i| 
 
 Hopes of Re-union. 
 
 149 
 
 printing of the Creed for the Eastern Church, but whether the differ- 
 ence was one which should prevent our being in communion with them. 
 
 It will come as a painful question to many, and to some be a diffi- 
 culty as to our Church (as they come to see the perfect unity of 
 Antiquity), why are we in communion with no other Church except 
 our own sisters or daughters ? 
 
 We cannot have communion with Rome ; why should we not with 
 the Orthodox Greek Church ? Would they reject us, or must we keep 
 aloof? Certainly one should have thought that those who have not 
 conformed with Rome would, practically, be glad to be strengthened 
 by intercourse with us, and to be countenanced by us. One should 
 have hoped that they would have been glad to be re-united with 
 a large Christian Church exterior to themselves, provided we need not 
 insist upon their adopting the Filioque, 
 
 Harrison answered this question in the words of the 
 great Cambridge divine whose learning and sympathies 
 commanded the greatest respect at Oxford. 
 
 *Dr. Mill,* he wrote, *says that, politically, Russia strengthens the 
 exclusive feeling of the Greek Church, wishing herself, I mean Russia, 
 to be regarded as the sole party capable of acting as arbiter in such 
 matters. He also says he has always found members of the Greek 
 Church very tenacious on the point of the Filioque, They always 
 begin at once on the controversy of " the Procession." ' 
 
 During this year Pusey was busy among other things in 
 a correspondence on the ' Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues 
 Bill,' and also in preparation for his edition of Tertullian. 
 On the former question he objected strongly to the indefi- 
 niteness of the Bill, to the proposed disposal of ecclesiastical 
 property in a manner different from the intention of the 
 original donors, and generally to any measure of the kind 
 when the Church was not clearly in its favour. 
 
 As regards Tertullian, he contemplated an edition of the 
 original text, and indeed obtained collations of most of the 
 extant manuscripts ; but this part of the work was suspended 
 in the hope that an absolutely exhaustive collation of MSS. 
 would make the text of the African Father less difficult. 
 Pusey never carried out this part of his plan : the admirable 
 translation of Tertullian's Apologetic and Practical Treatises, 
 by the Rev. C. Dodgson, Rector of Croft, and afterwards 
 Archdeacon, was made from the unsatisfactory text of 
 
 I 
 
ISO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Sermons — Archdeacon Manning. 
 
 151 
 
 
 ^' % 
 
 W 
 
 Rigaltius, with only a very few corrections ^ But at this date 
 the larger project was in full view, and Pusey neglected no 
 opportunity of obtaining information or enlisting assistance 
 which might promote it. In a letter to the venerable 
 President of Magdalen, Dr. Routh, he says :— 
 
 * Christ Church, April i, 1840. 
 I have been trying to obtain collations of Tertullian from Paris 
 Leyden, and Rome. ... My plan, of late, with regard to collations,' 
 has been to try to obtain collations of English MSS., and of such 
 foreign ones, as were most valuable for their age. Of Tertullian 
 I am trying to obtain collations, wherever there are any MSS. which • 
 promise to be of any value.* 
 
 Later in the year Pusey heard that Mr. J. R. Hope, of 
 Merton College, was going to Italy. In taking leave of him, 
 Pusey suggested several places where manuscripts might 
 be collated, and followed up the conversation by a supple- 
 mental letter. Mr. Hope was accompanied by Mr. Frederic 
 Rogers, afterwards Lord Blachford. They gave their time 
 most generously to carrying out Pusey's wishes. Mr. Hope 
 was in weak health, and his companion had weak eyes ; 
 but they worked hard at collating nevertheless, first at 
 Munich and afterwards in Italy. Pusey s keen interest 
 in the subject is shown in many letters which would 
 necessarily be dry enough in the eyes of any but scholars. 
 Mr. Hope indeed did Dr. Pusey the essential service of 
 placing him in communication with Mr. Heyse, a German 
 scholar, whose work was of essential service to Pusey, and 
 of whom we shall hear more hereafter. 
 
 During the Christmas Vacation of 1839, Pusey preached 
 twice at least at Brighton— on the Holy Innocents' Day 
 at Trinity Chapel, and on the First Sunday after Christmas 
 at St. Peter's, by the wish of the Vicar, the Rev. H. M. 
 Wagner. In 1840 he preached before the University on 
 Septuagesima Sunday ; he asked Newman to look at the 
 sermon beforehand, as 'being on high doctrine in part, 
 though I believe all out of the Fathers.' A second Uni- 
 
 versity sermon on Obedience was preached on November 1st 
 at Christ Church : this sermon was preached again in 1845 at 
 St. Saviour's, Leeds ^ His most remarkable sermon, how- 
 ever, in this year was preached at St. Paul's, Bristol, in aid of 
 a new church, exhibiting with great power the direct con- 
 nexion which exists between the personal devotion of the 
 soul to Christ and work for the extension of the Church ^. 
 
 During the first years of the Oxford Movement, as has 
 been said, the Church of Rome, in its proselytizing aspects, 
 was scarcely heard of. But before 1840 a change was already 
 perceptible. Bishop Wiseman had his eye on the * Tracts 
 for the Times ' ; and there were a few instances of unsettle- 
 ment or secession in private life. Pusey spent a great deal of 
 time in corresponding with a tradesman who had seceded, 
 and with a lady who was hesitating. He consulted Arch- 
 deacon Manning as to the best way of dealing practically 
 with persons thus troubled. The Archdeacon wrote him 
 a long account of his own method, which had, apparently, 
 been successful. He first of all insisted on general principles ; 
 d priori arguments, he concluded, were inadmissible. There 
 was no proof either in Scripture or history of the infalli- 
 bility of the Roman Church. All the assurance which 
 Roman Catholics have was attainable in the English 
 Church. To become a Roman Catholic was to commit 
 the sin of schism, to become responsible ' for all the abuses 
 of Romanism,' and to be guilty of ingratitude to God for 
 His gifts through the English Church. Then followed 
 discussions in detail on transubstantiation, the supremacy 
 of the Pope, the Apostolic succession, and autonomy of the 
 English Church. 
 
 Newman, too, was at work on his article on *The Catho- 
 licity of the English Church ^' It was an attempt ' to see 
 if a great deal could not be said after all for the Anglican 
 Church, in spite of its acknowledged shortcomings *.' The 
 
 » * Leeds Sermons,' on Repentance and Amendment of Life: Serm. 13, 
 and edition. Oxford, 1847. 
 
 * * Sermons on Various Occasions,' Serm. 2. 
 » British Critic^ Jan. 1840. 
 
 « ( 
 
 Apologia,' p. 230. 
 
r. 
 
 hi 
 
 : I 
 
 152 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 argument of the article came to a great deal more than 
 this ; and Pusey was pleased with it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Brighton, Dec. 31, 1839.] 
 I like your article very much. I only wish you had dwelt more 
 upon the case of the Greek Church; we make but a poor appearance 
 agamst the Roman communion, but practically the question with 
 people will be, Are we safe out of communion-not with the Catholic 
 Church but-w,th Rome .> Here, then, I think we might take refuge 
 under the shadow of the Greek Church ; people who might doubt 
 whether we were not schismatical, on account of the smallness of our 
 communion, and might have misgivings about ourselves, would feel 
 that the language of the Fathers would not apply, when it would cut 
 ott 90,000,000 in one Orthodox Church. 
 
 Newman was glad to get Pusey's approval. The Roman 
 argument from our being in a minority could only be 
 opposed by making men acquainted with the Fathers and 
 showing that the Roman Catholics are wanting in deference 
 to them. 
 
 'If so,' he added, 'the translation of their writings is the greatest 
 boon which could be given to the Church ; and if it were n^rpre- 
 sumptuous to say so, there would seem to have been some secret 
 Providence directing you to the project of translation.' 
 
 As to the Greek Church, Newman 'did not do more than 
 allude to It m his article, knowing so little about it.' 
 
 The question was by no means an abstract or unpractical 
 one. ' Thmgs are progressing steadily,' writes Newman to 
 Bowden on January 10, 1840, ' but breakers ahead ! The 
 danger of a lapse into Romanism, I think, gets greater 
 daily. I expect to hear of victims ".' Pusey was anxious to 
 enhst Newman's sympathies in a case which was occasionins 
 anxiety to several of his friends. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 , . u J . , Brighton, Jan. 12, 1840. 
 
 abou^RoLrf w .,' " I' ''"''""■' ^'^ uncomfortable things said 
 about Robert Williams : he gives people painful impressions, and they 
 have misgivings and fears about him. Keble, I recoUect. some tUne 
 
 * Kewman's ' Letters,* ii. 297. 
 
 Fear of Secessions— An anxious case, 153 
 
 ago, was one ; then very lately Oakeley, not naming him, but, by letter, 
 saying what, I assume, meant him ; lastly Manning, who has seen but 
 little of him. What has struck all is that his ^Ooi is not that of our 
 Church, his affections not with her (this last I know you feel), but 
 also that he has a supercilious way of speaking about sacred things in 
 our Church, which must be hurtful to his own habits of mind, and one 
 knows not where it might not lead him to. His giving up the transla- 
 tion of the Breviary was calculated to do him good, but that light tone 
 of mind (or at least the appearance of it) seems to have prevailed 
 again ; it deters many. But what one is chiefly concerned about, is, 
 that it seems to lay him open to some subtle snare, which may be laid 
 for him, one knows not how. He would mind you, perhaps. I wish 
 he would practise some rigid rule as to his speech. 
 
 Newman was despondent. The case was more serious 
 than Pusey had supposed. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, Jan. 15, 1840. 
 
 As to R. W. I have resigned him in my own mind some time. 
 He is quite aware and has expressed sorrow for his random speaking 
 before now. I hear that he is very much changed ordinarily in that 
 respect, and that seems to me the most alarming sign. He is too 
 serious a man to have felt himself inclined to Romanism while he 
 spoke so lightly ; but his changing his tone looked as if he felt it was 
 no jesting matter. 
 
 Since I read Dr. W[iseman's] article I have desponded much ; for, 
 I said to myself, if even I feel myself pressed hard, what will others 
 who have either not thought so much on the subject or have fewer 
 retarding motives ? 
 
 The subject of this correspondence engaged, as was 
 natural, for some time the anxious attention both of New- 
 man and Pusey. * R. W.,' wrote Newman to Pusey on 
 July 8, Ms in a very anxious state.' Later, on July 28 : — 
 
 * R. W. is stationary at present ; but what is to be done with a man 
 who begins with assuming as a first principle which is incontrovertibly 
 borne in upon his mind that the Roman is the Catholic Church, that 
 therefore the Tridentine Decrees are eternal truths, that to oppose 
 them is heresy, that all who sign the Thirty-nine Articles do oppose 
 them, and that it is a sin to be in communion with heretics ? He is as 
 docile and patient as any one can be. If you wish to see a letter I have 
 had from him, I will send it ; but I hardly know if he contemplates 
 your seeing it. Perhaps he does.' 
 
154 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 u 
 
 » 
 
 !•■** 
 
 1 
 
 '!i 
 
 Pusey, as was his wont, thought that the difficulty might 
 be as much due to moral mistakes in the past as to any 
 real occasion of intellectual embarrassment. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Brighton, Aug. 3, 1840. 
 I am glad that R. W. is stationary. The only hope of his recovery 
 seems to be in the way which you suggested for my patient, 'Whence 
 does this persuasion come ? ' * A first principle borne in upon his mind ' 
 is mspiration or temptation, and earnest-minded as he now is, he will 
 be, I hope, humble-minded enough to acknowledge that it is as likely 
 to be temptation. He ran into it years past, when 1 was at Weymouth. 
 Arthur Acland spoke to me with pain of the light way in which he had 
 been and was in the habit of speaking, the strange things he would 
 say repellmg people who were on their way to Catholicism. Surely 
 he must feel that he is likely enough to be suflfering from this past 
 want of self-discipline and control, and that he has opened the door to 
 suggestions from the evil one. I should be interested to see the letter. 
 
 Newman forwarded the letter, adding with regard to its 
 writer the following remark : — 
 
 'He has not used any words at all like " irresistibly borne in upon 
 him '—nothing can be more quiet or sober than his whole deportment. 
 His single perplexity is. How can there be more than one true Church, 
 when Scripture speaks of " one body" ? * 
 
 In returning the letter Pusey deeply regretted the state of 
 mind which it revealed, and added : 
 
 * The words " irresistibly borne in upon the mind " were yours. It 
 is a melancholy letter ; so calmly persuaded that his Church has not 
 the faith ; is opposed to it ; and that, I suppose, on the points in which 
 the Roman Church is weakest ; and that he himself has the faith, but 
 no Church, and was bom out of the true faith. It is a sad picture • 
 and this for one who has access to antiquity. However, all that can be 
 said you will have said, so 1 need not add to your sorrow by com- 
 menting. It is, on the whole, a great relief to see the letter ; one may 
 hope that light wUl come to him out of darkness, if he wait patiently 
 as he is doing.' ^ ^* 
 
 Archdeacon Manning also was consulting Pusey as to 
 a lawyer in a similar difficulty : the Archdeacon insisted on 
 the objection to the Roman claims which was presented by 
 the Eastern Church. He feared that these were only the 
 
 Gathering Hostility, 
 
 155 
 
 beginning of troubles. They made him sick and weary ; 
 but they were a moral discipline. 
 
 The same subject is referred to, at this time, by Harrison. 
 He suggested that an order of nursing sisters ' would be 
 a vent for zeal which seems at present, for want of an 
 authorized channel, to be in danger of running into Ro- 
 manism.* It is clear that Pusey had this plan already in 
 his mind. Newman writes to Bowden on Feb. 21, 1840 : — 
 
 * Pusey is at present eager about setting up Sisters of Mercy. I feel 
 sure that such institutions are the only means of saving some of our 
 best members from turning Roman Catholics \* 
 
 Indeed, the Roman controversy, even at this date, added 
 considerably to Pusey's work : he thought no trouble too 
 great if he could arrest the tendency to Rome in any mind, 
 and he became in consequence more and more liable to be 
 consulted by persons, in all classes of life, who found them- 
 selves in difficulties on the subject. He even read religious 
 novels like ' Geraldine,' although he could ill spare the time, 
 in order to be able to counteract their influence upon the 
 minds of others. Of * Geraldine ' he wrote almost fiercely 
 as a book ' likely to do extensive mischief.' The current, 
 however, did not run all one way. 
 
 'Your information,* writes Pusey to Mr. J. R. Hope, *was very 
 interesting to me. I hope there is a turning of the hearts of the fathers 
 to the children, and among our own colonies of the children to the 
 fathers also. You will have heard of a second person who had forsaken 
 our communion for Rome, rejoining it at Oakeley's chapel.' 
 
 It is clear that at this time the leaders of the Tractarian 
 movement were keenly conscious of the growing tendency 
 to defection towards Rome. They were, in their several 
 ways, endeavouring to diminish the dangers. But at the 
 moment of such anxieties from their own adherents, there 
 were gathering against them from without three forces of 
 opposition of very different kinds. There was the sincere, 
 but almost fanatical, animosity of the Puritan spirit, so long 
 dominant in some parts of the country. There was the 
 
 > Newman's ' Letters,' ii. 298. 
 
M 
 
 i 
 
 M 
 
 j 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 ill 
 
 ) ! 
 
 / 
 
 156 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 growing hostility of the Theological Liberals, who, with all 
 professions of charity in other directions, have always shown 
 a rancorous and intolerant hatred to dogma and sacerdo- 
 talism. And there was behind both the vast mass of the 
 Church of England, to some extent indifferent, certainly 
 prejudiced, but at least liable to be aroused to opposition 
 to anything doubtful, strange, and innovating. 
 
 There was thus a formidable opposition, whose weight 
 the most statesmanlike and tolerant of the Bishops could 
 not wholly ignore ; while in Oxford itself there was a 
 body of respectable and traditional authority, wanting 
 in interest and insight, who viewed with increasing dislike 
 the spread of strange principles, forgotten or ignored, the 
 force and depth of which they did not in any degree 
 appreciate. Such a body was at hand ready to be stimu- 
 lated into action by the younger and more energetic 
 spirits amongst them, who were watchful for any false step 
 on the part of their Tractarian opponents. Unfortunately, 
 the famous Tract 90 soon gave them the opportunity which 
 was required. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 -♦*- 
 
 E. B. P. TO . 
 
 On Casting Lots. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 21, 1840. 
 
 I should dread the casting lots : it might be that I had not faith 
 enough, and do not see that we have a right to employ them in so 
 solemn a matter. I should have thought the better way would have 
 been to have postponed the subject for a time (until after Easter), and 
 using Lent as a time of humiliation, pray God to enlighten one's mind, 
 and to put into it the thought which He knew to be best. It might be 
 a subject of prayer before receiving the Holy Communion. I should 
 have been afraid of the casting lots, lest it should arise from a wean- 
 someness of indecision, instead of waiting patiently for the time when 
 He would enable one to decide according to His will. 
 
 I will try, when I can, to give you a better opinion : as it is, I should 
 
 be afraid of it. 
 
 On the same. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 25, 1840. 
 
 I cannot come to any other conclusion about lots. Were you 
 to try them, and they fell out one way, I should be thankful-if the 
 other, / should not be satisfied. It seems to me to be riskmg the 
 more excellent way. For myself, it seems to me clear to what you are 
 called, though, at first, I did not feel myself entitled to lay upon you 
 what I had never been called upon to decide for myself : my own way 
 of life had looked one way since I was eighteen, and the question 
 which you have to decide was never brought before me. 
 
 But I do strongly feel (as far as one can judge for another) that you 
 are being led to be an example, if it may be, of the higher way of life, 
 and yourself to the higher holiness than I imagine you would attam to 
 in the ordinary way. God guide you. I have done as you asked, 
 sincerely, and was glad that we were near each other at St. Mary's. 
 
 Christ Church, Sept. 20, 1840. 
 All blessings attend you and yours to-morrow! With me all earthly 
 joy has become such a dream that I seem scarcely to have the faculty 
 to understand it. However, I will hope and pray that whether amid 
 joy or sorrow, together or alone, you may help each other onwards, 
 heavenwards. 
 
158 
 
 
 *i 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 E. B. P. TO Dr. Tholuck. 
 
 ^ Christ Church, Nov. 10, 1839. 
 
 My dear Friend, ^^ 
 
 I thank you very much, and God bless you for all your kind 
 thought of me in my heavy chastisement. He has been very merciful 
 to me throughout; He supported me with hoj^s for a long time, and 
 enabled me not to think of anything beyond the day ; atui then, when 
 He saw fit not to fulfil theni, He gtotly k>o$cd my hM of ihcm, and 
 at last He took her on the cvtning oi a grtJH day. Trinity Sunday. 
 And I trust that He taught me oil along thai it was 'good for rac to be 
 in trouble,' so that when I once (he«(glit that He had heard the pra>Trs 
 of my friends, and stopped the disease, 1 was fnghtcoed at the great- 
 ness of the mercy: but this was a iif«ak faith; and now I hope that 
 I feel that it is good for me to be thus, thooKh it had been Ut better 
 not to have required this chasdwiMiit. Howe\^, St b the Lord, let 
 Him do as seemeth Him good.' 'Shall a living man cnmpfciin. a man 
 for the puniihnKnl of his sins?* What troubles me 5o«st is, that her 
 ijifcots and clear mind fitted her to be of ureal use to the children, 
 at least, oi the Church. For myself, uhal happest in ihb life mattew 
 very littk, to that I am but enabkd to *sow in tours;' tittt I may *reap 
 in jcy/ And for thi.5, >^ou uill pray for me (as I do daily for a blessing 
 on your labours), and for ttm end [ teH yoo all this. 
 
 I am sorry that your commisskin bm ftred so ill. 1 uu^ absent 
 when it arrived* and I pot it into the hands of the Sub^Librarian at 
 the IkHlIcian. To him J forwarded >xmr lait directions; be returned 
 rae for answ^er, that the only persoet to be found to do it (a Jeiftuh 
 convert and teacher here), asked (he thoi^) too much, 2lo: this 
 answer I sent to the Eaglish dcffyman Irom whom 1 received your 
 OMnmiMioo, and asked him to comiiMinicBle with your friend. I har« 
 not heard from hin, and have forgiMOm his name, so I am obli^ to 
 apply to you. Would )x>ur friend, if 1 cannot find any one else, think 
 jf 10 too much ? When 1 have the answer, no more Uuie shall be lost 
 if pOMibleu 
 
 1 thank )xju for >^our remarks upon our posiikjn ; but I ha^-e good 
 courage that we can maintain If, not as relying 00 my own krK»wlcdge, 
 but because oqr Oiuich has always held it, and it haa been kept thetc 
 300 years. The position is • WhalcYcr is Catho5c Is true * : and the 
 proof of Cotholicliy *quod semper, quod ubiqoe, quod ab omnibus.* 
 %ye ard not responsible then for the sentinsct^ta of any individual 
 Fathers: they may have been severally wroog in diderent points, 
 may have interpreted Scripture uTongly. We have to do, not %k-iih 
 Ibe judgment oi indlviduah, bat with their testimony to fucts : w^e looAe 
 iipoo them as witnesses of what waa recdved as Catholic truth ; and 
 this we also receive. E.g. St. lrenac«s may be right or wroiit about the 
 MiDennaum : It is known not to have been a Cathoaic doctrine^ thetefore 
 1 am not bound to it because it is ib«md in httt, though in fotmi^g 
 one's own view* one should take hia opinion into accouat; ox tf on« 
 
 Conrspandatce, 
 
 ^S9 
 
 were incfincd the Ofkcr way (as I was), should rather remain in suspense, 
 because he and other early v^-ritcrs are against me, and ao leave 
 it among other things which the event !»hall declare. So as to 
 St. Barnabas' inteiprtiations : I think tliat, as a body, they k«> to prot^ 
 that the ancient intcfprctatioo was moch more typical than the modem, 
 as certainly that of the New TesUmenl is ; bun, wsppOTin;: the Rpistte 
 to be genuine <about which I am not clear), we are stiU not bound to 
 accept c*^fy interpretation, as wc ^ouid be if it were a Caaonkal 
 book. (And 1 am pcrsujided more and more that everything tt\ the 
 book of God's Word, as oi His world, is highly typical : nothing stands 
 akine, but everything « full of eyes, k)oking every way.) So then 
 I think that St. Barnabas' Epl«le might be \alid, as a tesdraony that 
 the interpretation of the early Church uas of such a character, without 
 its being therefore necewary to adopt each intcrprcuiion of his- 
 I should think typical interpreUlion Catholic and Xrac ; but the details 
 noiltttr of private jitdgmttt, for the most poit. All Christian antiquity 
 agrees in reganiing Scripture as very typical, and this I «»luHild there, 
 fore •coept {e\'en if there were not other groands for it, as the ajjrco- 
 ment wkh the oMer Jewish writers, and above all »i!h the indications 
 in the New Tcstatnent UjeiO ; about the details there is not this 
 Bgreemcnt, ^\\d so ihe>' are left free. 
 
 JM this is altogether a further point ; the main qucsdoo b a prnc- 
 tscal one, and one oC gi«at m«ral nomcnt ; it la this. Is a person in 
 duty bound to accept uhat the Church Cathoiic has prwounccd to be 
 niittcr of fai'.K, or no > Is It e. g. a person's duty to receive the article* 
 of the Nicenc Creed, 00 the authority of the Church, whether hi can 
 pfO\c th<tn by Scripture or no, or even if he think that Scripture goes 
 rather against any one! Our great divines, and wc after them, say. 
 Yes ; Crrdi ul iniflHgau We should »y, All the articles of the Creed 
 art true, as being the teaching of the * Church UnUersol throughout 
 Ibe world' ; if» then, .m individual do not see them to be true* he iu in 
 fault son>cwherc ; be should s«bmit.aiHl SO be wouW see. The Ultra- 
 Froicsunts on the other hand, deny this necessity of subcnission, and 
 BSKft that to be troth which each individual himself derives from Holy 
 Scripcnre ; and yet they must set up a sundard somewhere, else truth 
 most become subjcaive only, not objecti^^ ; and they wxiuld pronounce 
 tlic Sodnian to be in fatal error, 1 believe the deference, when fol- 
 lowed out, to be this: the Ultra-Protcctani believes 'the good man,* 
 tlve Inditidttil, to be lAflUliUy * gunled into all truth * ; ue, the Church 
 Universal. I think that there is a very important difference 0^ ?A>r ; 
 and it is, whether people must submit to au«boricy or no. I'eofld 
 can interpret Scripture as they please, in great measure, and therefore 
 it often co«ts them no subiaiMfon; tbc>- cannot interpret antiquity, 
 becattie it speaks more dcMtely, Sttd therefore the>' rebel against it. 
 And so, in practical matters, people can explain away what Scripture 
 sap about * fasting/ for Insunce ; but they cannot the practice of the 
 Church. I am sure it will appear more and marc that there i* * great 
 
 lAite 
 
I«> 
 
 ■ n > 1^ |» w w t iB* 
 
 i6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 difference in the moral character of the two schemes ; the one, that of 
 * private judgment,' is, at the bottom, founded on ' self,' and it is self- 
 sufficient, unsubdued, irreverent, presumptuous, conceited, dogmatic ; 
 whereas the Catholic system tends to repress self, and to produce 
 reverence. This is, I believe, the true character of the opposed 
 schemes : individuals will be better or worse than their systems, and so 
 also will hold them in different degrees. 
 
 I must own that I do not know your Dogmen-Geschichten, for I did 
 not think they were worth knowing. Which could you recommend ? 
 I wish your countrymen knew our Bull (* Defensio Fidei Nicenae ') or 
 Hooker : both are golden works. Poor Mr. Taylor seems to be going 
 on a sad way, and where he will end he probably does not know him- 
 self. But he seems sadly arrogant, and I fear that his ungovemed 
 talents will only lead him astray. I have gladly left myself room to 
 express my gladness at your restored sight, and to thank you for the 
 sermons which you kindly sent to my departed one two years ago. 
 She needs them not now, as I trust that she reads God's will in the 
 Countenance of her Lord and God ; but they have an interest. Did 
 you ever read Butler's * Analogy of Religion, natural and revealed, to 
 the order of Nature ' ? It was badly translated into German formerly, 
 and in your bad times, and not attended to. I think it is the only good 
 book among our Apologists. The argument is, * If you are not Chris- 
 tians, in consistency you must be Atheists,' which most would shrink 
 from ; so it is an appeal to the faith which yet remains in a man, in 
 support of that which has been shaken. I have been asked to obtain 
 an opinion whether a German or Latin translation would be of use. 
 Will you give me yours ? 
 
 God bless and keep and prosper you in all things. 
 
 Your very affectionate and obliged friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 I have just republished my tract on * Baptism,' Part I, of which I 
 hope to send you shortly the third edition ; you would find in it much 
 of my views on types. I wish the Sacraments entered more into your 
 doctrines. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, St. James* Day, 1840. 
 
 The Tracts shall go to Van Diemen's Land, and welcome ; if 
 they have not already gone. Palmer, of Magdalen, wants you to give 
 your * Baptism ' by him to the Archbishop of Moscow, who has in- 
 quired about Oxford views, and I thought I might do so for you 
 without asking you. 
 
 A friend of Bishop Doane has been here wishing to see you. He 
 was in the woods of Transylvania before he set out, and being with a 
 bedridden old woman, told her he was going to England, and among 
 other places to Oxford. * Ah,' she said, ' then you will see that wicked 
 old man who writes tracts.' 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 TRACT 90 — GENESIS AND METHOD OF THE TRACT — 
 LETTER OF THE FOUR TUTORS— NEWMAN'S REPLY- 
 CENSURE PUBLISHED BY THE HEADS OF HOUSES- 
 OPINIONS ON THE CENSURE— CORRESPONDENCE WITH 
 THE BISHOP— DIFFICULTIES OF THE SITUATION— AN 
 ARRANGEMENT — NEWMAN'S LETTER TO THE BISHOP — 
 palmer's PROPOSED DECLARATION— PUSEY'S LETTER 
 
 TO J ELF. 
 
 1841. 
 
 Cardinal Newman has told the world what was the 
 place of Tract 90 in the history of his own mind, and how 
 his mind came to have the history which he describes ^ The 
 object of the Oxford Movement, as he no less than Pusey 
 and Keble understood it, was to withstand the tendency 
 towards unbelief inherent in the theological Liberalism of 
 the day, by the reassertion of those principles of primitive 
 Catholicism which the Church of England, as it then was, 
 was so largely overlooking. They knew that it could not 
 be withstood by criticizing it. It would only be vanquished 
 by a definite creed, held on adequate historical grounds. 
 
 But where was this definite and primitive creed to be 
 found } The Church of Rome, on the one hand, confessedly 
 had a definite creed ; but then there w^re objections to certain 
 features of the Roman creed on the ground of Scripture 
 and of Christian antiquity; and these objections were 
 constantly insisted on by the professors of theological 
 Liberalism as being in fact fatal to the claims of any 
 definite creed whatever. One way of getting over the 
 diflficulty was to close the eyes to the force of the objections 
 in question, and to identify the cause of positive and 
 
 1 t 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Apologia/ p. 195. » 
 M 
 
-T ' ._-ui; 
 
 ii 
 
 It . 
 
 f 
 
 162 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 definite Christianity with that of the Roman Church. This 
 course was already in 1839 and 1840 finding favour among 
 some of the younger adherents of the Movement. But 
 such a course was impossible — for Pusey always, and for 
 Newman at the time in question. They knew that the 
 modern Roman Catholic system was far from being iden- 
 tical with the teaching of Catholic antiquity; and that 
 theological Liberalism could not be resisted in the long 
 run by any system, however strong and consistent, which 
 was at issue with the facts of history. But on the other 
 hand, in reply to the claim that the requisite characteristics 
 of definiteness and antiquity are to be found in the creed 
 of the Church of England, these younger men pointed to 
 the Thirty-nine Articles as contradicting the teaching 
 of Catholic antiquity. So far as the generally accepted 
 interpretation of the Articles was concerned, there was no 
 doubt much to be said for their contention. It became 
 therefore a very practical matter indeed to inquire whether 
 this popular interpretation of the Articles was the only true 
 and necessary interpretation of them. Tract 90 was an 
 effort to answer that question. 
 
 Cardinal Newman has described the motive which led 
 him to write the most famous of the Tracts as follows : — 
 
 * The great stumbling-block lay in the Thirty-nine Articles. It was 
 urged that here was a positive note against Ax\^\\c2on.\sm : Anglicanism 
 claimed to hold that the Church of England was nothing else than 
 a continuation in this country (as the Church of Rome might be in 
 France or Spain), of that one Church of which in old times Athanasius 
 and Augustine were members. But, if so, the doctrine must be the 
 same ; the doctrine of the Old Church must live and speak in Anglican 
 formularies, in the Thirty-nine Articles. Did it ? Yes, it did ; that is 
 what I maintained ; it did in substance, in a true sense. Man had 
 done his worst to disfigure, to mutilate, the old Catholic Truth, but 
 there it was, in spite of them, in the Articles still. It was there, but 
 this must be shown. It was a matter of life and death to us to show 
 it. And I believed that it could be shown \* 
 
 In this account there is perhaps a certain ambiguity in the 
 expression ' the Old Church.' If the object of the tract had 
 been to show that the Articles might be so interpreted as to 
 
 * * Apologia,* pp. 331, 332, 
 
 Genesis and Method of Tract 90. 
 
 163 
 
 sanction the whole system of belief and practice current in 
 the Western Church in days immediately preceding the 
 Reformation, it would have been indefensible. But if by 
 
 * the Old Church ' was meant— as Newman implies by the 
 reference to Athanasius and Augustine— the Church of the 
 Fathers, upon whose faith and practice the West had sub- 
 sequently more or less innovated, then Tract 90 was a 
 wholesome and necessary effort to rescue a formulary of 
 the Church of England from popular glosses which were, to 
 say the least, misleading and mischievous. Indeed, in less 
 troubled times it seems astonishing that any one should 
 seriously endeavour to interpret a carefully-worded set of 
 Articles by any other standard than the language of 
 historical theology. 
 
 Although, as has been already implied, the tract was 
 written to meet a necessity of the moment, Newman had 
 meditated a commentary on the Articles some years before. 
 The * actual cause* of his writing about them at the begin- 
 ning of 1841 was, he says, 
 
 * the restlessness, actual and prospective, of those who neither liked 
 the Via Media, nor my strong judgment against Rome. I had been 
 enjoined, I think by my Bishop, to keep these men straight, and I 
 wished so to do. But their tangible difficulty was subscription to the 
 Articles, and thus the question of the Articles came before me ^' 
 
 And that this was the author's feeling at the time is 
 illustrated by the subjoined passage. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, March 10, 1841. 
 As to the tract, I felt it was necessary for others— else I should 
 not have done it. I do think that an alternative is coming on, when 
 a Bishop must consent to allow what really does seem to me quite 
 a legitimate interpretation, or to witness quasi-secessions, if not real 
 ones, from the Church. 
 
 The tract was published in order to show that 
 
 * while our Prayer-book is acknowledged on all hands to be of Catholic 
 origin, our Articles also, the offspring of an uncatholic age, are through 
 God's good providence, to say the least, not uncatholic, and may be 
 subscribed by those who aim at being Catholic in heart and doctrine V 
 
 * 'Apologia,' p. 158. « Tract No. 90, Introduction, p. 4. 
 
 M 2, 
 
■»"^""^r^ 
 
 nm 
 
 !l' f U 
 
 164 
 
 Life oj Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The Tract attacked in Parliament, 
 
 J 65 
 
 With this view the writer reviews fourteen of the 
 Articles, insisting on the exact and literal sense, and 
 carefully separating that sense from the glosses which 
 had been attached to the words by Puritan or Latitudinarian 
 commentators. He is less happy, as would be natural, in 
 some parts of his task than in others ; but the general result 
 was summarized by Pusey, after an interval of a quarter of 
 a century, in the deliberate language which the lapse of 
 time and the experience of many troubled years entitled 
 him to use. 
 
 * For myself, I believe that Tract 90 did a great work in clearing 
 the Articles from the glosses, which, like barnacles, had encrusted 
 round. I believe that that work will never be undone while the 
 Articles shall last. Men will gloss them as they did before, according 
 to their preconceived opinions, or as guided by the Puritan system of 
 belief ; but they cannot do so undisputed. Even the Four Tutors, in 
 their censure upon Tract 90, seem to have been half conscious of the 
 force of the appeal to " the literal and grammatical interpretation." So 
 long as that interpretation shall be applied, it will be impossible either 
 to condemn Tract 90, or to import into the Articles the traditional 
 system so long identified with them'.* 
 
 To the popular eye, Tract 90 seemed to mark a new 
 departure. But in reality it was not so new, even for the 
 Tractarians, as it appeared to be. The main outlines of its 
 interpretation of the Articles had been adopted previously 
 by Pusey and Keble as well as by Newman ^ ; they had 
 'gradually and independently of one another* laid aside 
 *a traditional system which had imported into the Articles 
 a good many principles which were not contained in them, 
 nor suggested by them, yet which were habitually identified 
 with them ^.' It may be remarked, in illustration of this, 
 that Pusey *s ' Letter to the Bishop of Oxford,' written two 
 years before, had gone over much of the same ground, 
 although with the distinct object of vindicating the Oxford 
 writers from the charge of Romanizing *. And, although 
 
 * Historical Preface to Tract 90, by 
 E. B. P., p. XXXV ; 4th edition, 1870. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. iv; Newman's * Letters 
 and Correspondence,' i. 339. 
 
 ' Historical Preface to Tract 90, by 
 E. B. P., p. V. 
 
 * ' Letter to Bishop of Oxford,' pp. 
 32, 182, 183, &c. 
 
 L 
 
 the tract throughout contained a great deal of matter 
 which was unwelcome to the popular theology, it would 
 probably have escaped the attacks to which it was exposed 
 but for its treatment of Articles XXII. and XXXI. 
 
 The tract was published on Saturday, February 27th, 
 1 841. It at once commanded attention throughout the 
 country, and this result was accentuated by a debate on 
 Maynooth in the House of Commons which happened to 
 take place within a week of its publication. Lord Morpeth, 
 when defending the Maynooth grant against Mr. Colquhoun, 
 had invidiously contrasted the principles of Maynooth, with 
 which Parliament was well acquainted when it voted the 
 grant, with those of a Protestant University, some members 
 of which were allowed to 'disclaim' or explain away the 
 doctrine of the Church to which they professedly belonged. 
 The attack took the form of innuendo, and not of direct 
 statement ; but it attracted a great deal of notice. Mr. 
 O'Connell observed that his quarrel with the Oxford writers 
 was that they continued to uphold the Thirty-nine Articles. 
 In the daily press. The Times was distinguished by the calm 
 justice of its observations : — 
 
 'Whatever may be the merits or the faults of the gentlemen at 
 Oxford to whom Lord Morpeth and Mr. O'Connell alluded, it is 
 notoriously false to say that any one of them ever thought of " dis- 
 claiming " any single doctrine of the Church to which he belongs : the 
 whole aim and object of their teaching is to recommend certain 
 doctrines as identical with those of the Liturgy, Canons, and Articles 
 of the Church of England. They prefer indeed to rescue from Popery 
 the appellation of Catholic, which has ever been the inheritance of all 
 Apostolic Churches, and they are not over-zealous for the denomination 
 of Protestant, which occurs nowhere in the Prayer-book, which 
 expresses no positive belief, and which is the common property of all 
 who are separated from Rome, however widely differing among them- 
 selves. But we think it will be difficult for any man to show that in 
 this respect, or any other, their doctrine or practice (whether erroneous 
 or not) contradicts any oaths which they have sworn : and we wish all 
 who speak ill of them were equally blameless in this respect. 
 
 ' We have said so much as this, not because we desire to identify 
 ourselves with the opinions of the gentlemen in question (who, after 
 all, as Sir Robert Inglis truly said, are not the University of Oxford), 
 but partly because we were formerly led, on the very authority quoted 
 
^ 
 
 I 
 
 ll'l > 
 
 ii 
 
 HI 
 
 i66 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 by Lord Morpeth, to speak of them in terms of harshness which we 
 now regret ; and partly because it appears to us unjust and unmanly 
 to single out absent and unrepresented men for an attack in the House 
 of Commons, without any previous notice \* 
 
 In a second article on the subject, The Times used 
 language which may well be described as historical, when 
 describing the results which the Oxford Movement had 
 already produced. After referring to the meeting * at the 
 house of the late Rev. Hugh James Rose,* and the resolu- 
 tion to insist ' on the distinctive principles distinguishing 
 the doctrine of the Church of England from all modern 
 innovations, whether Popish or Protestant, and identifying 
 it with the primitive faith of the Universal Church,' the 
 writer proceeds : — 
 
 * Their teaching has now sunk deeply into the heart of the Church 
 of England; it has acquired not merely a numerical, but a moral 
 power and influence, which must henceforth make it impossible for 
 any statesman to despise and overlook, and highly indiscreet for any 
 political party unnecessarily to alienate, this element in the constitu- 
 tion of society. The younger clergy are said to be very generally of 
 this school ; it has no want of advocates among their seniors ; it has 
 penetrated into both Houses of Parliament ; and we are confidently 
 informed (we suppose, therefore, upon some foundation) that it has 
 met with countenance from the Bishops themselves. It has com- 
 pletely succeeded in awakening in the Church that vital spirit of 
 reaction, the necessity for which called it into existence. We hear 
 nothing now of a demand for the admission of Dissenters into the 
 Universities, of proposals to abolish subscription to the Thirty-nine 
 Articles, or of contemplated changes in the Liturgy ; or, if we do still 
 hear of them, the manner in which they are received, as contrasted 
 with their popularity in 1833, illustrates the completeness of the victory 
 still more forcibly ^.^ 
 
 Pusey would probably have left Lord Morpeth's state- 
 ment unchallenged, if he had been personally attacked, but 
 he felt that higher interests were at stake. Lord Morpeth 
 answered his letter at length, and with characteristic 
 courtesy; but he declined to modify his statements, while 
 admitting that his acquaintance with the literature which 
 he had criticized so severely was slight, and that his 
 impressions might be unfounded. 
 
 The first stir in Oxford, 
 
 167 
 
 * Tht TimeSf March 4, 1841. 
 
 * Ibid., March 6, 1841. 
 
 Lord John Russell too had made an assertion in the House 
 which was calculated to create anxiety. Mr. Perceval 
 wrote to ask Pusey ' whether there is the slightest founda- 
 tion for the alleged "notorious fact" in Lord John 
 Russell's speech, namely, that many (? any) of the Oxford 
 students have of late renounced the pale of the English 
 Church.' Pusey could reply confidently : * I did not see 
 Lord John Russell's speech, though I did Lord Morpeth's. 
 There is not a particle of truth of any Oxford student 
 having left the Church ; we have been preserved from it 
 hitherto, and I trust, by God's mercy, we shall be. But 
 there is no knowing what may come, so we must not boast. 
 I trust, however, people love and are grateful for their 
 Church, and so will be under no temptation to leave.' 
 
 Meanwhile in Oxford war had been declared against the 
 Tractarians in good earnest. A meeting of their opponents 
 was held in the rooms of the Rev. Edward Cockey, Fellow 
 of Wadham College: it consisted of the Rev.C. P.Golightly, 
 of Oriel College, who had been the most prominent in 
 stirring up the agitation ; the Rev. A. C. Tait, Fellow and 
 Tutor of BalliolCoUege ^ ; the Rev. Thomas Brancker, Fellow 
 and Divinity Lecturer of Wadham College ; the Rev. T. T. 
 Churton, Vice-Principal and Tutor of Brasenose College; 
 the Rev. H. B. Wilson, Fellow and Senior Tutor of St. 
 John's College ; and the Rev. John Griffiths, Sub-Warden 
 and Tutor of Wadham College. At this meeting a letter 
 to the Editor of the Tracts, the draft of which was pre- 
 pared by Mr. Tait, was discussed, altered, and finally thrown 
 into its existing form. Mr. Cockey and Mr. Brancker did 
 not sign it, lest it should have the appearance of proceeding 
 too largely from Wadham College. It was thought advis- 
 able that Mr. Golightly should not sign because he held no 
 office in his college or in the University. Some tutors in 
 other colleges, ' known to disapprove of the " Tracts for the 
 Times," ' were * asked to join in the letter, but declined.' In 
 
 * It is interesting to notice this, the religions sentiment, in opposition to 
 
 first occasion in which the future the more Catholic theology of the 
 
 Archbishop was publicly found on the Tractarians. 
 side of intolerance and of popular 
 
-*•■ 
 
 ^ 
 
 [f 
 
 i68 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 a 
 
 « 
 
 : 
 
 the event it bore the signatures, as Pusey remarked, of two 
 Latitudinarians and two Evangelicals. With Mr. Wilson 
 and Mr. Tait were associated Mr. Griffiths and Mr. 
 Churton. 
 
 The letter of the Four Tutors, as it is called, was an 
 expression of popular prejudice rather than a serious 
 theological criticism. It complained that Tract 90 sug- 
 gested ' that certain very important errors of the Church of 
 Rome are not condemned by the Articles of the Church of 
 England ' ; it laid stress on the interpretations of Articles 
 XXII. and XXXI. The tract, it urged, 'limited the 
 reference of these Articles to certain absurd practices and 
 opinions which intelligent Romanists repudiate as much as 
 we do.* The letter even complained of the reference in 
 the tract to the declaration prefixed to the Articles, as 
 warranting the taking them in their * literal and gram- 
 matical sense'; and after a few more sentences, there 
 follows a demand that the tract-writer's name (which was, of 
 course, perfectly well known to the four tutors) should be 
 made known to the world ^ 
 
 * The text of the letter of the Four 
 Tutors runs as follows: — 
 
 To the Editor of the * Tracts for 
 the Times.' 
 
 Sir,— Our attention having been 
 called to No. 90 in the series of ' Tracts 
 for the Times by Members of the Uni- 
 versity ol Oxford,' of which you are 
 the Editor, the impression produced 
 on our minds by its contents is of so 
 painful a character that we feel it our 
 duty to intrude ourselve? briefly on 
 your notice. This publication is en- 
 titled ' Remarks on certain P.issages 
 in the Thirty-nine Articles'; and, as 
 these Articles are appointed by the 
 Statutes of the University to be the 
 text-book for Tutors in their theo- 
 logical teaching, we hope that the 
 situations we hold in our respective 
 colleges will secure us from the charge 
 of presumption in thus coming forward 
 to address you. 
 
 The tract has, in our apprehension, 
 a highly dangerous tendency, from its 
 suggestmg that certain very inr portant 
 errors of the Church of Rome are not 
 
 condemned by the Articles of the 
 Church of England : for instance, that 
 tuose Articles do not contain any con- 
 demnation of the doctrines, 
 
 1. Of Purgatory, 
 
 2. Of Pardons, 
 
 3. Of the Worshipping and Adora- 
 
 tion of Images and Relics, 
 
 4. Of the Invocation of Saints, 
 
 5. Of the Mass, 
 
 as they are taught authoritatively by 
 the Church of Rome ; but only of 
 certain absurd practices and opinions 
 which intelligent Romanists repudiate 
 as much as we do. It is intimated, 
 moreover, that the Declaration pre- 
 fixed to the Articles, so far as it has 
 any weight at all, sanctions this mode 
 of interpreting them, as it is one which 
 takes them in their * literal and gram- 
 matical sense,' and does not * affix any 
 new sense* to them. The tract would 
 thus appear to us to have a tendency 
 to mitigate, beyond what charity re- 
 quires, and to the prejudice of the 
 pure truth of the Gospel, the very 
 serious diflf^rences which separate the 
 
 Letter of the Four Tutors — NewmarCs reply. 169 
 
 The letter was delivered in manuscript to Newman 
 through Mr. J. H. Parker on the evening of Monday, 
 March 8th, the day on which it was written. Newman at 
 once took it to Pusey, and they agreed upon a reply. It 
 was not sent, however, until the following day. Before 
 pending it Newman wrote to Pusey : — < Tuesday. 
 
 * Have you anything to say about my answer^ which is not yet sent ? 
 If so, I will come to you. 
 
 * Ought I to give my name ? What advantage does it give them 
 over me ? On the other hand, if they print their letter, which they 
 mean to do, will it not be a greater advantage over me, for me to be 
 known yet not to say ? 
 
 * I thought I had better not go into the question with them.* 
 
 In the event he sent the following answer, which was 
 dated on the previous night : — 
 
 * The Editor of the " Tracts for the Times" begs to acknowledge the 
 receipt of the very courteous communication of Mr. Churton, Mr. 
 Wilson, Mr. Griffiths, and Mr. Tait, and receives it as expressing the 
 opinion of persons for whom he has much respect and whose names 
 carry great weight. 
 
 'March 8, 1841. 
 
 *To the Rev<». T. T. Churton, H. B. Wilson, J. Griffiths, and A. C. 
 Tait.' 
 
 Church of Rome from our own, and 
 to shake the confidence of the less 
 learned members of the Church of 
 England in the Scriptural character of 
 her formularies and teaching. 
 
 We readily admit the necessity of 
 allowing that liberty in interpreting 
 the formularies of our Church, which 
 has been advocated by many of its 
 most learned Bishops and other emi- 
 nent divines ; but this tract puts for- 
 ward new and startling views as to 
 the extent to which that liberty may 
 be carried. For if we are right in our 
 apprehension of the author's meaning, 
 we are at a loss to see vhat security 
 would remain, were his principles 
 generally recognized, that the most 
 plainly erroneous doct ines and prac- 
 tices of the Church of Rome might 
 not be inculcated in the lecture-rooms 
 of the University and from the pulpits 
 of our churches. 
 
 In conclusion, we venture to call 
 your attention to the impropriety of 
 
 such questions being treated in an 
 anonymous publication, and to express 
 an earnest hope that you may be 
 authorized to make known the writer's 
 name. Considering how very grave 
 and solemn the whole subject is, we 
 cannot help thinking that both the 
 Church and the University are en- 
 titled to ask that some person, besides 
 the printer and publisher ol the tract, 
 should acknowledge himself respon- 
 sible for its contents. 
 
 We are, Sir, 
 Your obedient humble servants, 
 
 T. T. Churton, M.A., Vice-Principal 
 and Tutor of Brasenose College. 
 
 H. B. Wilson, B.D., Fellow and 
 Senior Tutor of St. John's Col- 
 lege. 
 
 John (iiiffiths, M.A., Sub- Warden and 
 Tutor of \\ adham College. 
 
 A. C. Tait, M.A.. Fellow and Senior 
 Tutor of Balliol College. 
 
 Oxford, March 8, 1841. 
 
 L 
 
I: 
 
 1 ) 
 
 170 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 This answer reached Wadham College on Tuesday, the 
 9th, in the middle of the day, just as the printed letter of 
 the Four Tutors was being circulated throughout Oxford. 
 The letter was not a composition to move the University to 
 action : The Times, in noticing it, advised the four tutors 
 to fight out the questions raised by Tract 90 in fair con- 
 troversy, while it playfully expressed a hope that ' they did 
 not instruct their pupils in the sort of English which they 
 appear to write ^.* 
 
 Tacitus, as is well known, speaks severely of the busy 
 people who were known in the Rome of his day as delatores, 
 and he wishes that they could have been kept more in check 
 than they were by law 2. They are, it is to be feared, a 
 natural product of the suspicion and panic which haunts 
 all governments that have been tempted to substitute 
 personal prejudice for resolute adherence to a rule of right. 
 The same influence which had prompted the letter of the 
 Four Tutors was already at work in higher quarters, and 
 it is impossible, in spite of his real virtues, to deny to Mr. 
 Golightly the merit which may attach to a pertinacity 
 which resembled fanaticism. He sought and obtained an 
 interview with the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Wynter, and urged 
 upon him the duty of * bringing Tract 90 in a formal manner 
 before the notice of the Heads of Houses, and eventually 
 of the University at large ^' The Vice-Chancellor, thus 
 urged, submitted the tract to the Hebdomadal Council for 
 discussion on March loth. 
 
 'The Heads,' writes J. B. Mozley to his sister, *have met, and very 
 furious they were. . . . Some of them could not condescend even to a 
 regular discussion of the question, so entirely had their vague appre- 
 hensions overpowered their faculties *.* 
 
 They separated without arriving at any other conclusion 
 than that they would meet again on March 12th. Mean- 
 while the report that the Heads were moving had got 
 
 * The Times, March 11, 1841. 
 
 ' Tac. Ann. iv. 30 : * Delatores, 
 genus hominum publico exitio reper- 
 turn, et poenis nunquam satis coer- 
 citum.' 
 
 ' MS. account by Dr. Wynter kindly 
 lent to the author. 
 
 * 'Letters of Rev. J. B. Mozley,' 
 p. 113. 
 
 Pusey s Letter to the Vice-Chancellor, 171 
 
 wind. Palmer, of Worcester, who had held aloof from the 
 Tract-writers since the publication of Froude's * Remains/ 
 wrote a warm letter to Newman. He ' thanked Newman 
 for the tract, which he thought the most valuable that 
 had appeared, and wished it to be known how much he 
 valued it.' He wrote in the same sense to Dr. Richards, 
 the Rector of Exeter College, in the hope^that his opinion 
 might thus reach the Hebdomadal Board. Keble and 
 Pusey, as holding professorships, felt it their duty to take 
 some definite action. Keble, who ' had seen the tract in 
 proof, and strongly recommended its publication/ wrote 
 to the Vice-Chancellor, avowing his responsibility for it. 
 Pusey also wrote to him as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 Christ Church, March 12, 1841. 
 
 My dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 Writings often appear so different according to the impression 
 with which one first t:ik:es them up that I hope I shall not appear pre- 
 suming upon your kindness if I write to you a few lines on the tract, 
 which I understand has been the subject of discussion at your Board, 
 knowing, as I do intimately, the mind of the writer. 
 
 His feelings were these : our Church has condemned nothing 
 Catholic, but only Romish errors ; yet there are certain opinions and 
 practices, more or less prevailing in Catholic antiquity, having some 
 relation to the later Romish error, which might seem to be condemned 
 by our Articles, as they are often popularly understood. 
 
 This would be a subject of great perplexity to some minds, and tend 
 to alienate them from their Church, if she have indeed condemned what 
 is Catholic. Such persons might— not merely be unable to sign the 
 Articles, but — doubt whether they ought to remain in lay-communion 
 with the Church, if she have so done. (I happen to know one such 
 case, which would, as far as an individual can be, be a great blow and 
 shock, where a person's doubts, whether he will remain in communion 
 with our Church, turn on this very point.) Thus, as he has noticed, 
 there are several opinions of there being some Purgatorial process 
 before or at the Day of Judgment, whereby those who departed out of 
 this life in an imperfect state would be fitted for the Presence of God. 
 Are all these (such an one would ask) condemned by our Church ? 
 Again, it is very common to hear any high doctrine as to the Lord's 
 Supper condemned as involving Transubstantiation, or Romanists 
 enlist in support of their worship of saints all apostrophes which one 
 may find to departed saints in the Fathers. 
 
1^ 
 
 , ! 
 
 U 
 
 . 
 
 172 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Now, of course, you feel that it is an act of charity and duty to 
 facilitate in any lawful way persons remaining in their Church : on 
 other points we are content (and I think rightly) to allow our formu- 
 laries to be construed laxly (I can have no doubt contrary to the 
 meaning of their writers). Were, e. g., the strict meaning of the Bap- 
 tismal Service enforced at once, how many valuable persons would 
 forsake the Church ! In the imperfect state in which we are they are 
 patiently borne with. Why should we not deal equally patiently with 
 another class equally valuable ? Why, if a person does not hold the 
 * Romish doctrine of Purgatory ' to be Catholic, should he look upon 
 himself as condemned by our Articles, if he hold the Greek view, or if 
 he suppose that, at the Day of Judgment, those who are saved should 
 pass through fire, in which those stained with much sin should suffer ? 
 Or (which is more likely) why should he be obliged to look on the 
 Fathers who so hold as condemned by our Church ? The rejection of 
 the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration is tolerated ; why may not the 
 belief of some Purgatorial process ? 
 
 Forgive my troubling you at this length, but I wished to show how 
 the tract had a practical bearing in relieving persons whose misgivings 
 as to remaining in our Church, or even their scruples, every one would 
 be glad to see removed. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 With much respect, 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 It can hardly be necessary to say that neither the writer of the tract 
 nor myself need any such explanations of the Articles for ourselves ; it 
 was written to meet the case of others. 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor appears to have replied by saying 
 that if any relaxation of subscription to the Articles 
 were permitted it must be permitted in the interests of 
 Socinianism, and in the case of the first five not less than 
 of later Articles. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 Christ Church, March 13, [1841]. 
 
 My dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 I thank you very much for your full explanation and your kind 
 expressions to myself, although you will anticipate that the whole note 
 was very painful to me. 
 
 You will not think that I wish to draw you into a prolonged theo- 
 logical correspondence, for which you have no leisure, if I say why 
 I think the principle of interpretation advocated in the tract cannot 
 lead to a relaxation of subscription in matters of faith, such as the five 
 first Articles, which you seem to contemplate. The author says, partly 
 
 Second Meeting of the Heads of Houses. 173 
 
 on the authority of Bishop Burnet, that these Articles were purposely 
 drawn up in a comprehensive sense, which has been often repeated as 
 to those which bear upon the Calvinistic doctrines and those on the 
 Sacraments. 
 
 To take then these in a larger sense would only be what their 
 authors intended, and would furnish no precedent for taking laxly what 
 they meant strictly. The Four Tutors have fallen into a grievous 
 mistake in representing the tract to maintain that the Articles were 
 directed against a popular system only in the Church of Rome, not 
 against its authoritative teaching or a definite system, whereas the 
 tract, p. 24, speaks of its ' received doctrine and the doctrine of the 
 Schools.' 
 
 He conceives accordingly the Articles to be directed against a re- 
 ceived, definite, authoritative scheme of doctrine in the Church of 
 Rome, though he does not think that doctrine fixed by the Council of 
 Trent, as neither were our Articles directed against that Council, being 
 anterior to it. 
 
 The writer of that tract has written a postscript to explain this 
 as well as his object in writing the tract, and I hope that your Board 
 will not come to any decision without allowing themselves time to see 
 this explanation, which will be printed very shordy. 
 
 Excuse this trouble, and believe me, with much respect. 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The Heads of Houses had met again on March 12th. Of 
 the twenty-six official members of the Board, twenty-one 
 were present. It was decided by a majority of nineteen to 
 two to censure the tract : the dissentients being the Rev. 
 Dr. Richards, the respected Rector of Exeter College, and 
 one of the Proctors, the Rev. E. A. Dayman, Fellow of 
 Exeter College. Dr. Routh, the learned and venerable 
 President of Magdalen, was, as usual, an absentee ; but he 
 ' protested very strongly in writing against the resolution 
 of the Heads of Houses V A Committee was appointed to 
 decide on the terms of the censure, and on the evening of 
 the day Newman was informed of what was in prospect. 
 
 On the next day Pusey writes to Keble : — 
 
 Christ Church, March 13, 184 1. 
 . . . The Heads of Houses have appointed a Committee, and 
 it is said mean to issue a programme condemning Tract 90. I have 
 had a kind, but very painful and decisive letter from the V. C, mis- 
 
 » 'Letters of Rev. J. B. Mozley/ p. 116. 
 
174 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Censure published. 
 
 175 
 
 
 li r 
 
 n 
 
 taking however the principles of the tract. N[ewman] says, * I assure 
 you it was a very great relief to my mind when 1 found what they 
 meant to do. I am quite satisfied.* 
 
 But, which is worse, G[olightIy] has been sending the tract to the 
 Bishops, obtaining their opinions upon an ex parte statement : he is 
 said to have received four this morning. 
 
 I fear the storm will lie heavy upon us. We must reef our sail, and 
 go softly and humbly. 
 
 Pusey never forgot that during the excitement of a 
 controversy certain Christian graces are apt to be lost 
 sight of. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 My dear Copeland, [Christ Church], March 13, [1841]. 
 
 I also want to talk to you about things. When would it be con- 
 venient to you ? Could you walk at 3 any day after Monday ? 
 
 Must we not keep strict watch over our words in this Lenten season 
 and see that we say not anything which seems like laughing at what 
 the Heads of Houses are doing, or which indicates a feelincr of 
 superiority to them } We know not how these things will turn out • 
 there seems much ground for anxiety ; and so the more jealously we 
 keep ourselves humble, the fitter it seems. 
 
 On the same morning, after obtaining Newman's permis- 
 sion, Pusey called on the Provost of Oriel to ask him to 
 * request of the Board a delay of their judgment,' until 
 Newman should have published his explanations, which 
 would be not later than the i6th. Newman wrote to the 
 Provost to the same effect on Sunday, the 14th. On Monday, 
 the 15th, the Board met ; and the Provost made a motion 
 to the effect suggested. He found himself in a minority of 
 only three or four. The majority of the Heads were too 
 angry or too panic-stricken to obey that elementary rule of 
 justice which prescribes that the worst criminals shall be 
 heard in self-defence before their condemnation. 
 
 On the same day Pusey went over to his brother's home 
 to christen his niece. His appearance is described by his 
 mother a day or two afterwards : — 
 
 'Without understanding the merits of the case, I am very sorry 
 for this Oxford business, as it makes Edward uncomfortable : he 
 has wntten to Philip upon the subject : he has quite recovered his 
 
 cold, and is, I believe, well, but looks otherwise. ... I never saw him 
 look more wretched : with his emaciated face, he looked older than 
 the clergyman of Holton, who is near my age and with a lined face, 
 only that Edward is not bald.' 
 
 The censure was published in Oxford on the morning of 
 March i6th. The Preamble refers to the University 
 Statutes which obliged all students to subscribe, as well as 
 be instructed and examined in the Thirty-nine Articles. 
 It then glanced at Tract 90 as belonging to * a series of 
 anonymous publications, purporting to be written by 
 members of the University, but which are in no way 
 sanctioned by the University itself.' It then proceeded to 
 declare 
 
 * That modes of interpretation, such as are suggested in the said 
 tract, evading rather than explaining the sense of the Thirty-nine 
 Articles, and reconciling subscription to them with the adoption of 
 errors which they were designed to counteract, defeat the object, and 
 are inconsistent with the due observance of the above-mentioned 
 statutes.' 
 
 This censure breathes the ' smouldering stern energetic 
 
 animosity' against the author of Tract 90 to which he has 
 
 since referred \ Or, as Pusey expressed himself, it was 
 
 'the vent of a long-pent-up wish to be free of usV The 
 
 disclaimer of University sanction for the Tracts was 
 
 gratuitous, as nobody had ever claimed that sanction. 
 
 The Tracts were printed and published in London, and 
 
 none of the contributors, except Pusey (and Newman in one 
 
 early tract), had ever affixed his initials. If the Heads— 
 
 so Pusey thought— ever read Newman s explanation they 
 
 would have seen the injustice of the charge of ' evading 
 
 rather than explaining the sense of the Articles.' As it 
 
 was they were condemning, and they knew that they were 
 
 condemning, not merely Newman but Keble, who ' had 
 
 eagerly avowed to them that he had given his hearty 
 
 sanction to Tract 90, and had expressed his wish that it 
 
 should be published.' Rumour said that the hot haste m 
 
 which the tract was censured was due to a wish on the 
 
 * 'Apologia,* p. 172. 
 
 « Historical Preface to Tract 90, p. xviii. 
 
1 
 
 ^j 
 
 i 
 
 176 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 part of the Heads to condemn the tract without condemn 
 
 Me K "''r '^ "^"" '' ^'^'^ -- *''-'• -o fve they 
 little knew the men with whom they were dealing ^ 
 
 persons inUefwir/nTttlS'^ "' '^^ " '^"°"'" "^ ^"^ 
 
 However much the Heads may have desired to censure 
 an anonymous tract they were not permitted for Zv 
 hours to have the satisfaction of feding that thevTre 
 
 tt: ~;Sr wT ;: typf ^'-^^^-eno, and at 
 
 REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO THE Rev. THE VICE-CHANCELLOR 
 
 Mr. Vice-chancellor, 
 
 Board has just noTL^S 7a°„' opi„r LT^ I'^H "^''•^"^i"'^' 
 my name hitherto, under the belief thT', . ' '""'^ °°' «'^^" 
 
 not. I hope it Win not su^Jrise Jou if 1^^"^' "" ' ^""""^ 
 unchanged of the truth and honestv nf ,J, *''>^.*''^','">' t>P>">ons remain 
 
 tract, and of the necess^ of^ tinglt^oT 'Irf"'"' '" ''''= 
 I am prompted by my feelinsrs tn Ihh I "'^ ^''"'^ '""«, 
 
 everything [attempt -i^ht bf a nel^TetteTs'iritr": '"^ 
 way; and, while I am sinrer^l,, c^ i ""'^"^ ^P'"'> and m a better 
 
 have give; to the memb ^of L s/ar^I h '7""' ^"' ^"'''^'y ' 
 to them for an act which evinfh 1/ ^^ '° '""™ "^y '^anks 
 
 may be made as pro^ b t trmyS'as i u W " r^^^r '-"-"> 
 intended. ^ ^ " '^ religiously and charitably 
 
 I say all this with great sincerity, and am, Mr. Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 Oriel College, March i6th, [184,]. ■'°"'* "^'^'^ Newman. 
 
 On the evening of the same day. within twelve hours of 
 the appearance of the censure, Newman's promised 'ex 
 pianatu^n of the difficulties raised by 'the Four Tutors' was" 
 pubhshed in the form of a letter addressed to the R v Dr 
 
 tutors had mistaken his meaning in respect of Articles 
 
 Mr, Justice Coleridge on the Censure, 177 
 
 XXII. and XXXI. The tract maintained that these 
 Articles * condemn the authoritative teaching of the Church 
 of Rome ' on the points in question, but not the decrees of 
 the Council of Trent, since these decrees were not published 
 when the Articles were drawn up, and differ in various 
 respects from other authoritative teaching, both earlier and 
 later, of the Roman Church. Next the writer insists that 
 the tract was written * for the times,' and for persons who 
 were at that moment exposed to the temptation of joining 
 the Church of Rome, partly on account of the Ultra- 
 Protestant interpretation which had been imposed on, rather 
 than elicited from, the text of the Articles. Finally he 
 expresses his surprise that 
 
 * persons who have in years past and present borne patiently dis- 
 claimers of the Athanasian Creed or of the doctrine of Baptismal 
 Regeneration, or of belief in many of the Scripture miracles, should 
 now be alarmed so much when a private member of the University, 
 without his name, makes statements in an opposite direction'.* 
 
 Pusey held that Newman's explanation of Tract 90 
 would have made the Hebdomadal censure impossible in 
 the form in which it was conceived. But it came too late. 
 The Hebdomadal Council was ' substantially a court ' of 
 justice in this matter. Yet its members deliberately 
 refused to hear the defence of the accused. In the words 
 of Mr. Justice Coleridge : — 
 
 'The Council knew and were indeed direcdy informed that three 
 individuals, among the most eminent in the University, and most 
 blameless in character, were substantially the persons to be affected 
 by their decree ; nor could the Council be ignorant how heavy was 
 the blow which it was proposed to strike by its sentence. The barest 
 justice therefore required, that if any one of them desired to be heard 
 in explanation or mitigation of the charge, reasonable time should 
 have been afforded for the purpose ; the more plain the case, the 
 stronger seemingly the evidence, the more imperative in a judicial 
 proceeding was this duty. One can hardly believe that five days only 
 elapsed from the commencement of the proceeding to the publication 
 of the sentence; and twelve hours of delay were respectfully solicited 
 for the defence and refused ; on the sixth day the defence appeared. 
 It is obviously quite immaterial to consider whether that defence 
 
 * « Letter to Rev. R. W. Jelf,' by Rev. J. H. Newman/ pp. 6, 9, 29. 
 VOL. n. N 
 
178 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Pusey and Kehle on the Censure, 
 
 179 
 
 \ 
 
 would have availed, or ought to have availed ; a judgment so pro- 
 nounced could have no moral weight. The members of the Board 
 must have been familiar with and should have remembered the 
 weighty lines of the Roman tragedian : — 
 
 **Qni statuit aliqnid parte inauditi alterl, 
 Aequum licet statuerit, hand aequus fuit." 
 
 * But from judges they had unfortunately made themselves parties ; 
 and it was impossible after this that in the course of the subsequent 
 proceedings in the progress of the controversy, they could be looked 
 up to as just or impartial \' 
 
 In writing Tract 90 Newman was thinking only or chiefly 
 of some younger men who saw in the Articles, as popularly 
 interpreted, a reason for joining the Church of Rome. But 
 in his eagerness to meet a particular set of difficulties, he 
 lost sight of the effect of his language, while unexplained 
 and unadjusted, upon the world at large. Such an explana- 
 tion was furnished by the Letter to Dr. J elf, but the effect 
 of the tract might have been in some respects different if 
 the substance of that letter had been incorporated with it. 
 
 Those who knew what was going on in the minds for 
 which Newman wrote could do, and did do, him justice. 
 Newman mentions Dr. Hook, Mr. Palmer, and Mr. Perceval 
 as ' gallantly taking his part '^' although they, of course, 
 knew less than Pusey and Keble. On the appearance of 
 the Hebdomadal censure Pusey sent it to Keble with a 
 proposal of his own for a declaration. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Christ Church], March 17, 1841. 
 You will be much pained by the enclosed. Newman is very 
 calm : he has written an admirable clear explanation, but the Heads 
 of Houses seem to have cut themselves off from understanding it. 
 One cannot foresee what the consequences may not be. 1 was for 
 getting signatures to a declaration at once, much perhaps as this : — 
 * We the undersigned Resident Members of Convocation, Professors, 
 and Fellows of Colleges in Oxford hold that the Thirty-nine Articles 
 are in conformity with the teaching of the Church Catholic, and that 
 some of them are opposed to the authoritative teaching of the Church 
 of Rome ; we desire only that they be so explained, not according to 
 
 > ' Memoir of the Rev. John Keble,' by the Right Hon. Sir J. T. Coleridge. 
 D.C.L. Parker, 1869. pp. 268, 269. '■' ' Apoiogia,* p. 175. 
 
 the private interpretation of modem individuals; and we are con- 
 vinced that Tract 90 of the " Tracts for the Times," rightly understood, 
 advocates no other view, and does not tend to reconcile subscription 
 to them with the adoption of any errors of the Church of Rome. 
 
 I have just written this and have no copy. If you approve of it 
 will you amend it and return it to me : I think something of the kind 
 desirable for the sake of people away from the University, who may 
 be perplexed. [I.] Williams was for waiting, although he thinks that 
 we must come sooner or later to something of this sort, and that people 
 in the country should be attended to. In London nothmg else is 
 spoken of; people who read no other Tracts, read this, under the 
 guidance of Radical papers. I did not ask N[ewman] about it, as it 
 is a defence of his tract : his general opinion was * our strength is to 
 sit still.' 
 
 Keble did not take so serious a view of what was passing 
 in Oxford as did his friends in residence. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 [Hursley, March 18, 1841.] 
 I am afraid I am grown callous to things, or do not realize the 
 mischiefs which are out of my sight-certainly I feel on the whole 
 relieved by the turn the Heads have given to their document. Iheir 
 not addressing it to the Tutors is one good thing-their not including 
 all the Tracts, another-their not specifying doctrines, a third. 1 only 
 hope they and the Bishops will not lay their heads together and 
 comrive something more stringent. But it will not be your fault, nor 
 Nfewman's], if they do. . 
 
 Now as to a counter declaration : there is a great primd faac 
 objection, that it seems to be setting one's-self agamst the Heads. 
 I think, if it is adopted, something to the following effect may be 
 added to your draught: *And we respectfully, but very earnestly, 
 deprecate any authoritative enforcement of any other interpretation of 
 them; as contrary to the recorded opinions of our standard divines, 
 and tending unduly to narrow the terms of Catholic communion, and 
 to cause divisions and offences.* , r i, 
 
 I add this query, as it seems to state the reason both of the tract 
 itself and of our protest, which latter may otherwise appear to some 
 an act of uncalled-for opposition. 
 
 I should like to know a little more exactly what you and Williams 
 mean by the perplexity of people in the country. Is it that they want 
 to be satisfied about the tract ? or to be made aware that it is not 
 Oxford which repudiates it, but only the Heads of Houses? Yours 
 perhaps may answer both purposes. ... ^ 
 
 I think this stir must do good, if only from bnngmg out such an 
 instance of good feeling as Newman's second paragraph in his Letter 
 
 to J elf. 
 
 N 2 
 
W' 
 
 i8o Lt/e of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 On the same day Keble wrote to Newman in acknow- 
 ledgment of a copy of his Letter to Dr. Jelf;— 
 
 [H. v., March i8, 1841.] 
 I am sure this must do good, and I trust the whole affair will 
 be overruled to do so. As for the Heads, their place must be re- 
 spected. Moberly is very much obliged to you for what you have 
 said of the Church in particular. It has quieted a scruple of his. 
 1 send you also a note of Wilson's. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately 
 
 J. K. 
 I do not see how the Heads could do anything more innocuous, if 
 they did anything at all. I am rather glad they have issued no direct 
 orders to the Tutors or young men. 
 
 Keble, in a second letter to Pusey, written on the same 
 day, dissuades him from the declaration. Moberly thought 
 it unadvisable. The Heads were not the University : The 
 Times had explained that fact to all the world. A declara- 
 tion would oblige people to take a side, who were not 
 ill-disposed towards the Tract-writers, but who needed time 
 for consideration. ' Our strength,' he added, ' surely is to 
 sit still, if we are but left alone.' Upon this Pusey gave 
 up the projected declaration. He had only wished to join 
 himself with Newman, adding : — 
 
 * But he can bear the heat of the day alone. He to Whom he commits 
 himself will bring his innocence to light sooner or later. So he needs 
 not the aid of such as I. . . . When the storm is over, people who can 
 appreciate him will respect him the more.' 
 
 While thus identifying themselves with Newman and 
 heartily accepting the general position taken up in the 
 tract, both Keble and Pusey used the liberty of friendship 
 to criticize it. In this Keble, as was natural, went further 
 than Pusey. On the appearance of the tract, and before 
 the Heads of Houses had censured it, Keble sent a series of 
 corrections which might * be of use in a reprint should such 
 be called for, and thought right.' The Tracts had stated 
 that Article XXXI. does not speak against the Mass as 
 being an offering for the quick and the dead for the remis- 
 sion of sin. Keble suggests that the ' offering ' should be 
 described as * commemorative.' Again, the tract speaks 
 
 Keble and Pusey on the Tract. 
 
 181 
 
 Iff 
 
 of 'justification by inherent righteousness.* Keble would 
 prefer *a righteousness within us.' Once more, the tract 
 had asserted with reference to Article XXII. that * the 
 Homily, and therefore the Article, does not speak of the 
 Tridentine Purgatory.' 
 
 Upon this Keble writes to Newman (March 14) : — 
 
 * This is the first thing which has occurred to me as questionable 
 on this revision. Did not the Trent fathers mean the Schoolmen's 
 Purgatory? And was not that different from what the Homily 
 thought of?' 
 
 And in a later letter : — 
 
 * Did I mention to you that I can hardly tell on revision of the 
 tract what to make of the statement, p. 26, that the Article does not 
 speak of the Tridentine Purgatory ? Must not Trent, speaking indefi- 
 nitely, be understood to mean the doctrine of the Roman Schools, 
 which the Article does condemn?' 
 
 Pusey, too, writing before the Heads had decided to 
 censure the tract, admits his regret at one or two of its 
 expressions. He cites the description of the Articles as 
 * the stammering lips of ambiguous formularies.' Such a 
 phrase would surely be taken hold of. But its true explana- 
 tion was quite consistent with the loyalty of the writer who 
 had employed it, as Pusey explained to Harrison : — 
 
 * March 14, 1841. 
 
 * Surely it plainly refers to the passage in Isaiah, and as in that it 
 is implied that the teaching was given in words less distinct because 
 the people were unfit to receive it, so there is something providential 
 and suited to our state in the diminished distinctness or the indistinct- 
 ness with which certain doctrines (as the Eucharistic Sacrificej are 
 retained in our formularies (as in Williams' tract on the Liturgies). 
 If persons so ill bear our Baptismal Service, how much less would 
 they bear any distinct enunciation of high doctrine as to the Holy 
 Eucharist?' 
 
 Pusey, however, told Newman that the phrase, as unex- 
 plained, gave offence to such excellent people as Joshua 
 Watson. He also represented to Newman that the tract 
 might be understood to imply that the Articles had no 
 definite meaning, but might mean anything. Nor was he 
 entirely satisfied with the language of the tract on the 
 subject of the invocation of saints. 
 
l82 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pttsey. 
 
 ■ : 
 
 li 
 
 : 
 
 ! 
 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 My dear Pusey, Sunday night, March 14, 1841. 
 
 It is very kind of you to take so much trouble about me. My 
 view is this, that as infants are regenerated in Baptism, not on 
 the faith of their parents, but of the Catholic Church, so the Articles 
 are received, not in the sense of their writers, but in the Catholic 
 sense, as far as the wording will admit. I am far from leaving them 
 without legitimate interpretation. 
 
 As to invocation, at first sight it means any calling, but this it cannot 
 mean in the Article, because of the Psalms. Some modification is 
 necessary. The definition the Homilies seem to give is, any act which 
 entrenches on the worship due to God alone. Whether ora pro nobis be 
 such is, I would say, an open question— not indifferent (as you some- 
 where put it) to the individual, but undetermined by the Article. 
 
 As to 'stammering lips,' I am very sorry that it has given offence, 
 and will withdraw it in a second edition. 
 
 Thanks about Keble. Church and Copeland have found the pas- 
 sage. I suppose I shall trouble you with the proof of my pamphlet 
 to-morrow night or Tuesday morning. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 P.S.— I think you said I might address Jelf. 
 
 The result is thus aftenvards described by Pusey : 
 
 *In its first edition, Newman drew no line as to what Article XXII 
 rejected, and what it admitted of. He ever shrank from being a leader' 
 and especially he wished not to encourage young men, upon his own 
 well-deserved authority, to go to the verge of what the Church of 
 England did not condemn, although she did not sanction it. In the 
 second edition, however, before any adverse opinion had been ex- 
 pressed, although not before prejudices had arisen, Newman, at the 
 instance of others (partly perhaps my own), supplied this, marking his 
 alterations by brackets \' 
 
 These and other criticisms led to some changes in the 
 text of the second edition of the tract, which are indicated 
 by brackets throughout. The reference to » stammering 
 lips ' is omitted, and any language which might have been 
 understood in a sense disrespectful to the Church of Eng- 
 land is modified or abandoned. In the commentary on 
 Article XXII. several new paragraphs are introduced which 
 summarize and define the sense of the general discussion in 
 such terms as to make misunderstanding, as was that of 
 
 ' Historical Preface to Tract 90, by E. B. Pusey. D.D.. p. ix. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford on the Tract. 183 
 
 * the Four Tutors/ impossible ; and at the conclusion of the 
 section on Article XXXI. Keble's suggestion is embodied. 
 Newman s Letter to Dr. Jelf further explained all that had 
 to be explained about the point of view of the writer ; but 
 both it and the alterations in the second edition left the 
 governing principle of the tract untouched. That principle 
 was that the Articles were not to be interpreted in the light 
 of the Protestant or Puritan tradition, which had so long 
 imposed a false sense upon them ; but, in the first instance, 
 by the clear meaning of their own language, or, where this 
 was doubtful, by the general sense of the Church, Primitive 
 and Catholic, of which the Church of England claims to be 
 a part, and to which she appeals. 
 
 The Hebdomadal Board, at the instigation of astute 
 advisers, had issued their precipitate condemnation of the 
 tract ; and had condemned its writer unheard. They were 
 too wise to submit their verdict for the acceptance of the 
 University through its Convocation. But there was a far 
 more important question behind— What would the Bishops 
 and the Church at large feel with regard to the matter ? 
 And to Newman in particular it was of vital interest to 
 know the mind of the Bishop of his own diocese. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford, as was indeed inevitable, was not 
 an unconcerned spectator of what was passing in his 
 Cathedral city. He was urged to take decisive steps 
 against the Tract-writers. The generosity and nobleness 
 of his own character, as well as his sympathies with the 
 general drift of the Oxford School, would have led him to 
 turn a deaf ear to this kind of advice. But he had personal 
 misgivings of his own to reckon with ; and he probably did 
 not know enough to do justice to the exact point of view of 
 Newman and Pusey. So on March 17th he wrote the sub- 
 joined letter to Pusey, enclosing another for Newman. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 Cuddesdon, March 17, 1841. 
 My dear Sir, », xt 
 
 In asking you to deliver the enclosed to Mr. Newman, 
 I take the opportunity of sending you a few lines confidentially 
 
i84 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 2-ubject Which .ust have caused you as wel, as ..self deep 
 
 i^tep; and I have done itin this W r'"°"t.'^'"'''"'' '° '^""^ "-is 
 in his readiness to comply w.th iTj-^'^^'i ^""' «'•=" confidence 
 unpleasant duty, which miJhTSvoi™:'™: T "'*= "^ '^°'" ^^^ 
 expression of my opinion I kT^lil^^ZT ""^ ^"'horitative 
 the fears which I entertain as tnTh. u, ''^'^'^"g «» yo" more fully 
 
 publication ; and ;»„ w 11 unde stand' ?"1^"'"'=" "^'''^ ^^c^"' 
 anxiety to its ejcts, Zt ont whl t^ *. "/ T ''''' ' '°°'' '^"'^ 
 throughout the Church of which Tim ^ i""" °^ ""y ^'°="«' ^ut 
 tranquillity of which I am le Jty ntTrest^d li' "' '" ""= ^""'^ ""'' 
 lutely necessary that steps shn ,M h . ' ^^P^^" '° "^ ^^so- 
 
 grounds for thT alarm a„'d otn e whi'ch T£' ''"" '°' """"^'"^ '"' 
 extensively felt in the Church i ** '■*^'°" '° >^''eve are 
 
 both more effectually andTn a mV ""^'"<^^'' '^at this can be done 
 by the author of the tract tharh' "?;' "^""^'''^ '° °"' f««=«ng«. 
 
 the Bench. I wouM n^f 'course" wTL^Ne"' °' "^ ''^"'^^^" °" 
 put forth any opinion which Za J ^^"""^n or any one to 
 
 convinced there 'aroprnts tpok^rof"' ^r"' '^''''"' ^"' ' ="" 
 yet not incompatible wkh suW r ''"' "^" ^"^ "°' Catholic', 
 
 Newman does not h imsl hold and V l\ "'' ''"■''^'"' *'"^'' ^r! 
 taught by the clergy f so thtr^ l*" ^' *°"" "°' <^«'''-«= «« see 
 be in his power to^ cla/e c^aTn 'f',^'^'' "'T"^' ^"^ " ■"■"g'" ^'^o 
 opposed to the .//nrof 'he AwiH / """^ °''"°^'°"= "Pin'ons to be 
 non-opposition tl 7he l^ tn t^al r t ° '^ '^''^^^ '°' " '^ '''- 
 also adopt respectful laneuaee ^»nH ,K " ^''^"'- '^ ^^ =«"« 
 
 speaking of the formula^ief of fheCh, .' k""'" "''^'='' "''= '^««^) *" 
 
 .he minds of many ir^yT.^^Li'ZL';^::^!^'^''' " ^"^"^^^ 
 ence and des re for Catholic tr„ti, " "'' *"°' *"" a smcere rever- 
 
 .he principles of the Church rfE„g,anT " ""'"^''^' ^"^^'"»-' '» 
 
 soLTolrSrerrpLrs 'ie ti^rf-r °"''"' "-"^■•-^ '- 
 
 Romish error have a claim to hr,.i^^/^^''°°' °" ""^ subject of 
 I shall not be referrfne tfon^ I '"^ *'"' consideration. I believe 
 ciples if 1 pointt X' IXl^Tf raT'' 1?°^'"^ '° '°'" P"- 
 Ken preached at Whitehall on'palm Lday ' "™°" "' ^'^'"^ 
 
 wimSg (in thTeero" MrTJZ ' ^°"'^^''"'="' ' ^'°^^' ^ -t 
 he should avow th« he did so ^ '^""^ °" ""^ suggestions) that 
 from me. '° '° '""sequence of a communication 
 
 nouauhr:rcit%rupot:h'' ''%v''- ^<^--<^ -"' 
 
 operate with me for the preservaln r ' ■^''' ^^ *"' '^'"^"y co- 
 me preservation of unity m the Church. I have 
 
 • i.e. not univemlly received in the Ancient Church. 
 
 The Bishop's Letter to Newman. 
 
 185 
 
 also much at heart the securing to the Church of England the cordial 
 services of men whom I believe to be sincerely attached to her, 
 and who have by many of their writings already done her essential 
 service. 
 
 I lose no time in offering these remarks, feeling how much may 
 under Providence turn on the measures adopted by the Bishop of this 
 diocese and by yourselves. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 The enclosed letter to the author of Tract 90 ran as 
 follows ^ : — 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 -. ^ Cuddesdon, March 17, 1841. 
 
 My dear Sir, * 
 
 I write with much anxiety of mind and with painful feeling, 
 but when I recollect the kind manner in which you have invariably 
 received anything I have ever said,— and calling to mind your 
 letter after the delivery of my late Charge, when, under a mistaken 
 supposition that a general censure had been contained in that Charge 
 against the authors of the * Tracts for the Times,' you offered to with- 
 draw any tracts over which you had control, if such should be my 
 wish,— I have the less hesitation in now writing, knowing at all events 
 that what I say will be received in a spirit of kindness, even if you feel 
 yourself unable to comply with my wishes. 
 
 In accordance with what I have before said, I shall equally on the 
 present occasion abstain from going into discussion upon various 
 points contained in the tract which has caused so much sensation ; but 
 I do feel it my duty to express my regret at its publication, and to state 
 to you plainly, though generally, my honest conviction of its containing 
 [entailing] much, which I am sure is directly the reverse of what the 
 writer would wish or expect from it, but what would in my opinion tend 
 both to disunite and endanger the Church. 
 
 That the object of the tract is to make our Church more Catholic (in 
 its true sense) and more united I am satisfied, and, as I have already 
 said, I will not dispute upon what interpretations may or may not be 
 put upon various Articles, but I cannot think it free from danger, and 
 1 feel that it would tend to increased disunion at this time. 
 
 Under these convictions I cannot refrain from expressing my anxious 
 wish that, for the peace of the Church, discussions upon the Articles 
 should not be continued in the publication of the 'Tracts for the 
 Times.' You will not, I am sure, mistake the spirit and feeling with 
 
 * This letter is taken from a rough draft of that actually sent. 
 
^ 
 
 
 
 i\ ^ 
 
 i86 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pttsey. 
 
 which this wish is expressed, but will consider it as the wish of one 
 who has a sincere personal regard towards yourself. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Faithfully yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 Pusey's lengthy reply to Bishop Bagot traverses ground 
 which has been gone over in previous letters ; and shows 
 what an important part he played in these negotiations. 
 One passage alone need be quoted in full. 
 
 * Christ Church, March i8, 1841. 
 • •••«••• 
 
 * But indeed your Lordship will not think that I mean to controvert 
 any of your Lordship's opinions, if I mention that many persons, who 
 would be accounted moderate persons, and who are not any way con- 
 nected with those in Oxford [I may mention in confidence to your 
 Lordship, Dr. Moberly, Head Master of Winchester], have understood 
 the tract in a very different way from that in which the Heads of 
 Houses and the Four Tutors have taken it, or in which I am pained to 
 find that your Lordship has understood it. The unhappiness, I think, 
 has been, that Mr. Newman, having written expressly on the subject 
 of Romanism in his book, and also in the British Critic, took it for 
 granted that his readers would understand this tract in combination 
 with them. He has so often spoken against Romanism, and the 
 specific Romish errors, which he has been thought to countenance in 
 this tract, that he did not think it necessary to speak against them 
 again. And so he came to be looked upon as extenuating them. 
 Again, his argument is throughout directed against popular misinter- 
 pretation of the Articles, which gives the Articles a meaning which 
 they have not in themselves. Thus people explain " General Councils " 
 not in the popular sense in which the term was used, but as though our 
 Article meant to say that Councils strictly Oecumenical could err. Or 
 in the case of the " Invocation of Saints," they would include in them 
 such apostrophes to departed friends, as one finds in the Fathers, 
 asking their prayers, which give a handle to Romish controversialists. 
 Mr. Newman began accordingly with saying that " all addresses to 
 unseen beings " were not included in the " Invocation of Saints" which 
 our Church condemns (for in the Benedicite we address the Three 
 Children, and the " spirits and souls of the righteous ") ; and then goes 
 on to contrast them with those which our Church does condemn. Those 
 who have not seen against what he aimed have thought that he meant 
 to parallel these addresses instead of contrasting them. But the chief 
 source of the charge against the tract has been that he did not bring 
 out enough what he did state in one sentence, p. 24, that what he 
 understood to be " opposed " by the Articles was, " the received doctrine 
 of the day, and unhappily of this day too, or the doctrine of the Roman 
 
 Replies from Pusey and Newman. 
 
 187 
 
 Schools.^ Hence the Four Tutors (and I suspect the way in which they 
 understood Mr. Newman influenced many others) supposed that he 
 meant to represent the Articles, or rather Article XXH. as opposed 
 only to a popular doctrine, not to the authoritative teaching of the 
 Church of Rome, and so that persons, who did not hold with those 
 popular views, but did hold with the authoritative teaching of Rome, as 
 held by enlightened Romanists, might sign the Articles. This view 
 was unhappily facilitated by the copious extracts from the Homilies, 
 while the one sentence, which declared the contrary, escaped notice. . . . 
 Mr. N. knows nothing of the substance of this letter. It would be 
 a relief to him, I am sure, at a personal sacrifice, to do anything which 
 your Lordship would desire in this matter.' 
 
 Newman was much less discursive : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Oriel College, March 18, 1841. 
 
 Mv DEAR Lord, 
 
 I am very much pained at your Lordship's letter, from the 
 expression of opinion which it contains, but not at all at what it 
 
 desires of me. . ^ 
 
 There shall be no more discussions upon the Articles in the Tracts 
 for the Times,' according to your Lordship's wish ; nor indeed was it 
 at all my intention that there should be. I need not enter upon the 
 circumstances with your Lordship which led to my writing the tract 
 which has led to your letter. I will only say that it was not done 
 wantonly, and the kind tone of your letter makes me sure that your 
 Lordship does not think so, however you may disapprove of the tract 
 
 itself. 
 
 I am, my dear Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful servant, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 The Bishop was pleased and indeed relieved by these 
 letters. He wrote a few lines of thanks to Newman, and a 
 longer letter to Pusey. He was grateful for the kind spirit 
 and ready acquiescence in which his suggestions had been 
 received. He hints that he may have something further to 
 say, but in a perfectly friendly spirit. The Letter to Dr. 
 Jelf would, he thought, do much to remove alarm and mis- 
 apprehension. Something further might be necessary ; but 
 what it should be he could not, as yet, say. Perhaps Mr. 
 Newman might address a letter to himself. He might be 
 willing to make admissions and explanations to his Bishop, 
 
i88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Letter from the Archbishop. 
 
 189 
 
 w 
 
 which he would not care to make to opponents within the 
 University. He added :— 
 
 'And here, my dear Sir, I must state that you do not quite ri^htlv 
 HeaJs c^^ Ho'r tk'',?'''"'°"' ^""^ j"'^^'"-' °f 'he Tutors 'and 
 
 thl Bor;d'Sf E of h' '''"°" P""'^ ^' heresy-the judgment of 
 ,h! 1,1 ^ °^ "°"^" ^' '^''•"■<'« which would tend to defeat 
 
 ^«^. i^tiitn^t mtiTrr^vr^^^^^^ 
 
 those who are to receive it. . ... University) over 
 
 * Believe me, my dear Sir, faithfully yours, 
 
 *R. Oxford/ 
 On March 19 Pusey wrote again to Bishop Bagot, caHing 
 
 subjoined to the second edition of his ' Letter to Dr. Jelf ' 
 He also sent to Newman the Bishop's second letter to him- 
 
 he will nTT "''' ^'■''''■"'' ^"* ''^^^''' ' ^ ^^™^«'ly trust 
 Lnl^ . !. "!' '° '°"""'' "'y^^'f °" P°i"ts on which I 
 cannot ; and enclosed the following letter for the Bishop :- 
 
 Rev. j. h. Newman to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 Mv DEAR Lord, Oriel College, March 20, 1841 
 
 myself to your Lordship and f I T^ nn, h ' ^""^ '° ^PP'°^" 
 
 Church had I never written A„^ ;f i •. '""<= B"ne oetter for the 
 culties It !« 7 , u '^ ' *''"^' ^ •'^''e a choice of diffi- 
 
 say ' Heou^ht t "^ l*?""" r*"" ''° "°' ^"'^^ '«° "-ese difficulties to 
 fu% liied ttelTan^'f"' "°' ^''^ '"=' ' ' »>"' """«^ -« - wonde " 
 
 vvh'en p:?sr!^.;— -rXirrn^^^^^^^^^^ 
 
 an opinion, or I seem underhand. Keeping silence looks like artifice. 
 And I do not like persons to consult or to respect me, from thinking 
 differently of my opinions from what I know them to be. And again, 
 to use the proverb, what is one man's food is another man's poison. 
 All these things make my situation very difficult. Hitherto I have 
 been successful in keeping people together ; but that a collision must at 
 some time ensue between members of the Church of opposite opinions 
 I have long been aware. The time and mode have been in the hand 
 of Providence : 1 do not mean to exclude my own great imperfections 
 in bringing it about, yet I still feel obliged to think the tract necessary. 
 Dr. Pusey has shown me your Lordship's letters to him. I am most 
 desirous of saying in print anything which I can honestly say to 
 remove false impressions created by the tract 
 
 Bishop Bagot was in great and natural anxiety, and as on 
 previous occasions fell back on the learning and authority of 
 the Primate. To a letter describing his earlier proceedings 
 with regard to Tract 90, the Archbishop replied in terms 
 which are too general to be of much lasting value. It 
 must be remembered that the Archbishop had not read 
 for himself Newman's Letter to Dr. Jelf, and he was anxious 
 that nothing more should be done in Oxford which would 
 prolong the controversy : — 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 MY DEAR LORD. Lambeth, March 19, .84.. 
 
 I think nothing could have been more kind, wise, and judicious 
 than the course you have taken in regard to the unfortunate tract. 
 In your letter you express your disapprobation of the exceptionable 
 part, and at the same time temper your expressions with so much 
 kindness, that the only pain which it can give the writer of the tract 
 must arise from the reflection that there must be something wrong in 
 the publication when it is deemed objectionable by one whose dis- 
 position is so friendly towards him. This proceeding on your part 
 will, I trust, have the effect of preventing any rash step on the part of 
 Mr. Newman or his friends. I hope also that nothing niore will be 
 done by their opponents to prolong a controversy injurious to the 
 Church, or to excite feelings which might have the effect of per- 
 petuating divisions. To secure this point I think we should use our 
 
 best endeavours. 
 
 Mr. Newman's Letter to Dr. Jelf is in this day's Morning Post: 
 I have not yet found time to look at it. I understand it is not con- 
 sidered as satisfactory by moderate persons. It is to be hoped that 
 his friends will not pledge themselves to the support of his opinions, 
 
 I 
 
»l 
 
 i K l>l 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 190 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 merely because they are his, without regard to their correctness. The 
 disposition of generous minds not to abandon a friend when he is 
 mvolved in difficulties has led at various times to the estabHshment of 
 permanent schisms in the Church. «»uii:.nmcnc 01 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, truly yours, 
 
 William Cantuar. 
 Upon Bishop Bagot's forwarding to the Archbishop the 
 later letters which he had received from Pusey and New- 
 man, the Archbishop wrote again and in more peremptory 
 terms : — tr tr j 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 Mv DEAR Lord, t^-ambeth], Monday, March 22, 1841. 
 
 Dr. Pusey and Mr. Newman have received your communication 
 
 l^Z.T7^''''' 1 their disposition and p'rincipleri" d 
 they would. This is so far satisfactory, and holds out a prospect of 
 a peaceab^ termination of a controversy which, if continued^ould 
 very possibly be productive of incalculable injury to the Church The 
 passages to which your Lordship refers are very objectionable and 
 
 ret"cr Itm^t^"^"^^'"?' ^'^" ^^P'^"^^^- sitisfactori in^: 
 respects. I am therefore of opinion that it would be advisable to let 
 things rest, at least for the present, rather than to come forward wth 
 exp anations inconsistent with the apparent sense of the propositrons 
 which have given offence, or expressing the same sense, H^th little 
 vanation, in different words. 
 
 It would, I think, be unadvisable that your Lordship's name should 
 be connected in any way with the discussion on this matter. 
 
 I have this instant seen Mr. Newman's Postscript to his second 
 edition, and as he can go no further in explanation he should, Tn my 
 opinion, explain no more; but it seems most desirable that the pub 
 hcation of the Tracts should be discontinued for ever. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, very truly yours, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 Bishop Bagot was exposed to all the abuse to which 
 a Bishop in his position, who hesitated to obey popular 
 clamour, would be hable. He was supposed, inaccurately 
 as we know, to sympathize unreservedly with the Oxford 
 writers. He shrank from the course which would have 
 been followed by a man of less generous temper ; but he 
 thought that if Newman would write a letter to himself 
 containing J a general avowal of cordial attachment to 
 the Church of England, and disapprobation of Romich 
 
 The difficulties of the situation. 
 
 191 
 
 doctrines (clearly as they might perhaps be deduced from 
 various parts of his other writings) he would himself be 
 exculpated from a charge of indifference and negligence of 
 duty.' The Bishop was constantly receiving very violent 
 anonymous letters from members of the extreme Puritanical 
 party. Pusey, he thought, might reflect that moderate men 
 who were * thankful for the great, though gradual, good 
 already done to sound High Church principles had been 
 alarmed by the publication of Tract 90.' Could not he and 
 his friends ' rest quietly contented with the good they had 
 already effected ? * They ' would receive the thanks of nine- 
 tenths of the sober-thinking clergy, and much of their 
 writings would be a rallying-point for future generations.' 
 They had to be on their guard against the suggestions of 
 esprit de corps, and they should remember St. Paul's tender- 
 ness for the consciences of the weaker brethren. 
 
 Newman, it was urged, was in a difficult position, and he 
 had to think of others than himself. But so also, the Bishop 
 considered, was he. The Bishop further thought that while 
 Newman's position was one of his own creation, his own was 
 not. Newman could withdraw from difficulties which were 
 not entailed on him by his office in the Church : the 
 Bishop could not, without unfaithfulness, shrink from those 
 which it was his duty to meet *. Yet it might have been 
 remembered that no man is obliged to be a Bishop ; and 
 that the responsibilities which gather round the humblest 
 of the clergy are not always of their own choosing. 
 
 After his last letter to the Bishop, Newman had been 
 hoping that the storm had blown over. 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to the Hon. and Rev. A. P. 
 
 Perceval. 
 
 Oriel, March 22, 1841. 
 
 . . . Your name has bfeen and will be very valuable to me. 
 I trust the storm will blow over now. All parties seem disposed in this 
 place to do nothing. Of course there will be a commotion in the 
 country, and we must expect two or three Bishops to express them- 
 selves, but on the whole, I do trust, quiet is the order of the day. If 
 so, I shall have said a great deal at very little cost. 
 
 » From MS. drafts of letters. 
 
 ^ 
 
n 
 
 192 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 But after hearing from Lambeth, Bishop Bagot wrote to 
 Pusey, asking him to come over to Cuddesdon * for a little 
 private conversation on this painful position of things.' 
 His motive in not asking Newman was * one of delicacy/ 
 and Pusey had been from the first the channel of com- 
 munication between them. The letter was written on the 
 23rd, and Pusey went to Cuddesdon on the following 
 morning, the 24th, returned to Oxford in the afternoon, and 
 saw Newman. That which had passed at both of these 
 memorable interviews may best be gathered from subsequent 
 correspondence. The Bishop had urged that the tract 
 should be suppressed ; that the whole series should cease 
 after the publication of two more tracts which were already 
 prepared. Of these one was on the Apocrypha ; the other a 
 continuation of Keble's tract on * The Mysticism attributed 
 to the Eariy Fathers of the Church.' He further desired 
 that when these tracts had appeared, Tract 90 should not 
 be republished ; and that Newman should tell the world 
 that this had been done in deference to the Bishop's 
 request. 
 
 Pusey, without exactly urging this, had put it before 
 Newman as a possible course ; and had insisted on those 
 difficulties of the Bishop s position which were created by 
 the opinions of * authorities in London.' 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, In Vigil. Annunc, 1841. 
 
 After writing the passage in my projected letter about the Bishop's 
 wish that my tract should be suppressed, and my submission to it, 
 I have on second thoughts come to the conclusion that I cannot 
 do this without surrendering interests with which I am providentially 
 charged at this moment, and which I have no right to surrender. 
 
 However the passage is worded, it will be looked on by the world as 
 the Bishop's concurrence in the act of the Hebdomadal Board, which 
 declares such a mode of interpreting the Articles as I adopt to be 
 evasive and inadmissible. At this moment I am representing not 
 a few, but a vast number all through the country, who more or less 
 agree with me. 
 
 I offered the Bishop to withdraw the tract, but I did not offer to 
 concur, by any act of mine, in his virtual censure of it, which is 
 involved m its being suppressed at his bidding. 
 
 Newman's Position, 193 
 
 And I am pained to see that authorities in London have increased 
 their demands according to my submissiveness. When they thought 
 me obstinate, they spoke only of not writing more in the Tracts about 
 the Articles. When they find me obedient, they add the stopping of 
 the Tracts and the suppression of No. 90. 
 
 And they use me against myself. They cannot deliver Charges of 
 a sudden, but they use me to convey to the world a prompt and 
 popular condemnation of my own principles. 
 
 What, too, is to be our warrant that, in addition to this, the Bishops 
 of Chester, Chichester, Winchester, &c. will not charge against the 
 xirn 'o^''"^^. ?"PP^"^^^ • And what is to stop pamphlets against it ? 
 Will Price of Rugby be stopped ? And one of the Four ? And the 
 Strictures ? And the Record smd the Standard} All this is painful 
 They exert power over the dutiful ; they yield to others. 
 
 1 feel this so strongly that 1 have almost come to the resolution, if 
 the Bishop publicly intimates that I must suppress the tract, or speaks 
 strongly m his Charge against it, to suppress it indeed, but to resign 
 ray living also. I could not in conscience act otherwise. 
 
 You may show this in any quarter you please. 
 
 ^^•^*~^°" ^^" observe I draw back no offer, but I do something 
 additional, resign my living, to meet something extreme which they 
 do— publish a censure. 
 
 P.S. — In fest. Annunc. 
 
 I add as follows this morning, merely to clear my meaning. 
 I am sorry you should have so much trouble. 
 
 1. The Bishops limited their wishes to my discontinuing any discus- 
 sions about the Articles in the Tracts. 
 
 2. Now they wish me besides to suppress No. 90, which I offered • 
 and to say I suppress it at their bidding, which I did not offer. 
 
 3. Considering the act of the Hebdomadal Board, it will be taken 
 however explained by them, as equivalent to a condemnation like that 
 of the Heads. 
 
 4. This would compromise principles held by vast numbers in the 
 Church. 
 
 5. And it puts me in a most painful situation at St. Mary's, with 
 both the Heads and the Bishops against me. 
 
 6. Under these circumstances I cannot co-operate with such an act. 
 And if the Bishop were to publish in any way his wish that I should 
 suppress the tract, I should do it, but I think I should resign my 
 living too. 
 
 7. Whether I should resign it if the tract were merely suppressed 
 without the Bishop's wish being published, depends on what I shall 
 see of the effects consequent on suppressing it. 
 
 This first letter was followed by a second, more exactly 
 defining the meaning of a single passage in it. 
 VOL. II. o 
 
 ■'— ' — iTTifank- 
 
■ * ' -^ 
 
 II 
 
 ■I 
 
 I 
 
 ft 4 
 
 I 
 
 »!^ 
 
 194 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 [Oriel] In fest. Annunc. [1841.] 
 When I said in my letter that if the Bishop condemned the 
 tract in his Charge I should resign my living, of course I did not mean 
 to be so indecent as to require that he should not give his opinion of 
 it in the Charge, but that if it was condemned in the general, or as to 
 its doctrine, I should feel that I had no business in his diocese. 
 I should not be signing the Articles in the sense he meant them to be 
 signed. 
 
 Pusey at once wrote to the Bishop, stating what Newman 
 felt with regard to his position, and what he was ready to 
 do, and what he would prefer not to do. The Tracts should 
 be stopped, but nothing need be said about Tract 90. 
 There were great difficulties in the way of stating that it 
 was suppressed at the desire of the Bishop. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Christ Church, March 25, 1841. 
 
 ... If Mr. Newman were to express generally that Tract 90 was 
 suppressed at your Lordship's desire, this would be construed into 
 a concurrence on the part of your Lordship with the act of the 
 Hebdomadal Board, which declares such a mode of interpreting the 
 Articles evasive and inadmissible. So that Mr. Newman would be 
 virtually concurring in, and conveying to the world, a condemnation of 
 his own principles. The act of the Heads is considered as expressing 
 their sense of the way in which the Articles ought to be signed : if 
 your Lordship seemed to concur in this, then Mr. N. would seem to be 
 signing the Articles not in the sense in which you wished them to be 
 signed, and so would feel that he had no right to hold a cure in your 
 Lordship's diocese. . . . 
 
 Should it then appear sufficient to your Lordship that Tract 90 
 should be silently withdrawn, and your Lordship's recommendation 
 confined to the cessation of the Tracts, it would, I think, obviate 
 many difficulties. The sudden and immediate stoppage of a publica- 
 tion so known as the Tracts is in itself a very decisive measure : Mr. 
 Newman most cheerfully concurs in it. Still, such an act upon authority 
 is something altogether so new that I should think it would alone im- 
 press people very strongly as to the discipline both exercised and 
 cheerfully concurred in in our Church. 
 
 Pusey followed up this letter by a visit to Cuddesdon the 
 next day. Before starting, Pusey had received no less than 
 three additional notes from Newman. 
 
 Newman's Difficulties, 
 
 195 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 TK** ^^ T .!.• , r . ^"day morning [March 26, 1841I. 
 
 TrLr J^r t^'f" ^^ ''' '^^ "^^^^ ^^^"^^^"^ I am to suppress 
 Tract 90, though of course I will do it if the Bishop wishes. I cannot 
 however, deny that I shall feel it as a severe act ^ cannot, 
 
 I. I am convinced that people will alter their opinion very much 
 
 J^;J/liVZy /!?'' ^-^^^-dy, in a measure. 'suppresln^ 11 
 perpetuate thetr first impressions. Is this just > 
 
 circul^^L^T;/"'" ^' '^^^'^' '•"'=' *°'''^ °f ">'"« "•''^h are in 
 Zu tTm K ^'■"^^""^^^P^^^W^ions are put forth and believed 
 
 on\?tr,^r"'Hl '"" T'"- ' '°°^ "P ^' P^*«^'' ^ome Strictures 
 on the tract, and I saw that they attacked a particular quotation (of 
 
 no great consequence). When I got home I looked into it/and suspec 
 my objector IS right. The state of the case was this : it was the only 
 trnTeitto °'rK'''- ^*>^/'-'-y copy of the work. I thTnk 
 \ note of Lh,?, V ;?7' '°1 ^°""'* '^^ ^'"'""'= <""• ' t''^" 'n-de 
 tcanlfcotcrthi:."'''' "^'^"^' "• '' ""^ ^^^« '^ ^PP--" 
 
 uncotllcted!"'' " ""' ""' "^ °" '''' '" ^"^"<^"' """^ *'»•> "^ '"''""^ 
 
 wht J*'^ ^"'^ ""1" '*' '^^^^2^^^ '^ " '^ '""P"""^ 'hence to this country, 
 which IS more than probable. The Tracts are reprinted in America 
 
 I cannot deny that I shall feel this suppression very much. My 
 first feeling was to obey without a word: I will obey still ; but my 
 judgment has steadily risen against the measure ever since ^ 
 
 J! L ^"^ '^""^ f ^ ^""'^ '° "'^ ^'^"'■ch. I would ask the Bishop 
 
 rom jrriMT""/"' "' "'"' ^^ "°"W "°' '"='=' "P°" - -measure 
 from which I think good will not come. 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 ... . . Oriel, Friday [March 26, 
 
 It is in vain to deny that I shall be hurt and discouraged 
 measure if the tract is suppressed at all. The feeling grows 
 every hour. If the Bishop wishes to ireai an instrument which 
 has been exerted for the Church, he may do it ; but I am sure 
 not wish It. The inclosed is for him, if you think fit. I am 
 give you so much trouble. 
 
 1841]. 
 beyond 
 stronger 
 hitherto 
 he does 
 sorry to 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 .- , ^ , Friday [March 26, 1841I. 
 
 More last words. I do think if Tract 90 is suppressed, 1 shall 
 suppress all the whole set of them from the first, as the editions are 
 exhausted And I much doubt whether I shall have heart to write any 
 letter to the Bishop at aU. ^ 
 
 02 
 
 I 
 
196 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 ) 
 
 * 
 
 II 
 I 
 
 I have no objection to put into my letter that * the Bishop had ap- 
 prehensions, &c., or more about the expedience, seasonableness of the 
 tract,* saying nothing of suppression. 
 
 Pusey arrived at Cuddesdon with the three letters in his 
 pocket, and read them to Bishop Bagot. At the close of 
 the interview the Bishop gave way upon the point which 
 Newman had chiefly at heart — the suppression of Tract 
 90. On returning to Oxford, Pusey saw Newman and the 
 Archdeacon, with whom the Bishop wished them to confer ; 
 and before night sent a report to the Bishop. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Christ Church, March 26, 1841. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have seen the Archdeacon and Mr. Newman, and have en- 
 deavoured to communicate to them the substance of my interview with 
 your Lordship to-day. The Archdeacon has arranged to come over 
 so soon as Mr. N.'s MS. is in a state of forwardness. 
 
 Your Lordship will be convinced that I found Mr. Newman very 
 anxious to meet your Lordship's views ; and I have very good hopes 
 that he will be able to do so. He had no wish that it should appear 
 that the closing of the Tracts was the result of his own judgment, 
 independent of, and anterior to your Lordship's ; he only thought that 
 it would be pleasant to your Lordship to mention incidentally that his 
 judgment concurred with or anticipated that which your Lordship gave. 
 
 He thinks that by referring to his former correspondence with your 
 Lordship, and his own language in it, and the way in which he had 
 felt and taken your Lordship's communications, he could in a natural 
 way show that your Lordship had exercised a watchful superintendence 
 over those committed to your care : he proposed, further, to intimate 
 your Lordship's having expressed an opinion on the present occasion, 
 and has no objection to state that your Lordship considered the tract 
 inexpedient or the like (I do not name the precise words, not wishing 
 to seem to prescribe to your Lordship, and more depends on the con- 
 text), so that he were not obliged to convey his own condemnation, by 
 expressing your Lordship's opinions in any such way, as could be con- 
 strued into a theological condemnation of the principles of the tract, 
 or a concurrence with the act of the Heads of Houses. He would also 
 gladly mention your Lordship's wish that the Tracts should be closed, 
 and his own cheerful acquiescence, and that they would at once cease. 
 He might add that he did this most readily, and that others by Mr. 
 Keble and myself were, in consequence, omitted. 
 
 I own, I think, with deference, that this will fully suffice to prevent 
 your Lordship's * course being misunderstood.' It will show that your 
 Lordship, with all kindness to individuals, has been for years in the 
 
 An Arrangement with the Bishop. 197 
 
 habit of privately communicating your judgment to them, and that 
 they have received that judgment ; that at the present moment your 
 Lordship has been privately in communication with those blamed, and 
 taking measures to prevent any further step which might disturb the peace 
 of the Church ; and that at the expression of your Lordship's ivish an in- 
 fluential publication, which persons apprehended, was at once dropped. 
 This is, as far as I learn, the utmost which persons at present wish 
 for : I do not mean that if it were asked them whether or no No. 90 
 should be allowed to go out of print, they might not wish it ; but it has 
 not occurred to them : they have confined themselves hitherto to the 
 wish that the Tracts should stop : they think that this would set 
 persons' minds at rest, who are now anxious as to the turn which they 
 may take, and that as soon as they become a fixed body without any 
 possibility of further additions the excitement about them will cease. 
 For there will be nothing fresh to look forward to, which is the great 
 source of excitement. They will have become historical documents, 
 and things past. 
 
 But while what those who are now anxious, are desirous of, will thus 
 be conceded in connexion with your Lordship's wish, I may say that 
 (though most cheerfully and readily conceded, as it is recommended in 
 a most kindly spirit by your Lordship) it is no slight matter. It is 
 just what our opponents have long been desiring at your Lordship's 
 hands. They have been clamouring in newspapers that your Lordship 
 should, as they call it, * put down the Tracts,' i. e. put a stop to them. 
 It does (as Archdeacon Clerke felt), however mildly conveyed, make 
 a great change in the aspect they will bear in history. It is a very 
 different thing from their having been closed naturally by their 
 authors. It does set a sort of mark upon their close and (one need 
 not shrink from owning) put some disgrace upon it, that they were 
 brought prematurely and abruptly to a close, in consequence of 
 apprehensions entertained by the Bishop under whom their authors 
 were placed, and in consequence of this desire. In another case your 
 Lordship would at once realize this, that if the Quarterly Review were 
 at this instant to be at once stopped, it would be a strong exertion of 
 influence. I do not say any of this as if we were at all pained at this 
 close of the Tracts, but only to illustrate that it is a considerable act 
 of episcopal superintendence, and that no one could doubt of the 
 vigilance and anxiety of the Bishop from whom it emanated. I do 
 not know of any similar instance in which a work so extensively 
 circulated was at once stopped at the recommendation of a Bishop. 
 I do not happen to know of any case in which ecclesiastical discipline 
 has been at all put in force in this way. 
 
 But, while the wishes of the anxious would be thus secured, a great 
 concession readily and cheerfully made, and your Lordship's solicitude 
 evinced, it does, I own, seem to me a much further step to desire the 
 ultimate withdrawal of Tract 90. The one act is that of prudential 
 precaution, the other of condemnation. And this of such condemnation 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
Nj 
 
 tj 
 
 i 
 
 ■r( 
 
 % 
 
 198 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 as has not been exercised upon works against which the gravest 
 charges are brought. Dr. Hampden's Bampton Lectures were vir- 
 tuaUy condemned by the University of Oxford, and that on the ground 
 of heretical teaching, and explaining away the doctrines of the Articles 
 yet no Bishop took the slightest notice of it. Mr. Milman's book 
 explains away many of the miracles of our Lord in a shocking way 
 is read, but passes wholly unnoticed. Books have appeared, and are 
 appearing continually, denying the doctrine of baptismal regeneration 
 terming the doctrine which our Church teaches a heresy, but no one 
 interferes with or censures them. There is, I believe, no instance of 
 a book being thus withdrawn from free circulation at the desire of 
 a Bishop. It would be a new act of discipline, on which Mr. Newman 
 with whatever pain, would obey ; but still such a one as has not 
 hitherto been put in practice, and which is not put in practice as to 
 works (such as Mr. Milman's) of the gravest nature 
 
 Your Lordship, I know, will kindly excuse the plainness with which 
 I have ventured to re-state what I mentioned to your Lordship this 
 morning. It would, as Mr. Newman said, put him in a very painful 
 position, expose him to much future misrepresentation; for if people 
 so misrepresent us when our books are there to appeal to, what will 
 they not do when they are not, and they may say what they please .? 
 
 I. mentioned that Mr. Newman had no wish to mention that he had 
 thought-not of bringing the Tracts to a close at once, as will now be 
 done in compliance with your Lordship's suggestion, but-of winding 
 them up at the close of this year. Their sudden close, as it is alto- 
 gether your Lordship's act. will thus also appear still more manifestly 
 ^ be so. Your Lordship will therefore, I hope, forgive my expressing 
 my strong conviction that this step will more than vindicate your 
 Lordships course from being misunderstood, and my earnest hope that 
 your Lordship may be able to see it in this light, and not feel yourself 
 required to inflict what, though done with all tenderness, would be felt 
 t6 be a heavy blow. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with much respect, 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 
 But before the Bishop had received this letter he too had 
 written to Pusey. His letter illustrates, in an eminent 
 degree, those features of his character which won for him 
 the warm respect and affection of his clergy. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Sir, Cuddesdon, March 26, 1841. 
 
 int.rv,-f "'%T ^^^' ^ ^r^' ^' y°" ^^" ^"^^^'"^' ^^«"ght much of our 
 mten^iew and have read over and over again Mr. Newman's distressed 
 and touchmg notes with no small emotion. 
 
 Approval of the Archbishop, 
 
 199 
 
 I cannot put them aside without hastening to relieve his feelings by 
 repeating my earnest disposition to yield the point he has so much at 
 heart— satisfied that a generous mind like his will not allow me to 
 suffer from any misconstruction by such concession. That is, that he 
 will not shrink from a frank and generous avowal that I had expressed 
 my opinion that the tract was objectionable and likely to disturb the 
 peace and tranquillity of the Church, as well as to state (what I know 
 is his intention) my advice that the ' Tracts for the Times ' should be 
 discontinued. 
 
 I am sure Mr. Newman, if he refers to my first letters to yourself 
 and him, will fully acquit me of any disposition to propose what he 
 now considers would be a * severe act* 
 
 It was his second letter (in which he twice expresses his fears of 
 being called upon, in any explanatory letter to me, to say ikat which 
 he might think * dishonest ') which led to the proposal of suppression. 
 In a word— if I do yield the suppression— I feel myself perfectly safe 
 in his hands from any partial or defective statement of my views, and 
 
 of what I have really said. 
 
 I am, &c., &c., 
 
 R. O. 
 
 On the following morning the Bishop wrote again, en- 
 closing a letter from the Archbishop. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Lord, Lambeth, March 26, 1841. 
 
 I think the arrangement which your Lordship has made is very 
 judicious, and 1 trust it will terminate the troubles which have been 
 excited by the 90th Tract. The announcement of the cessation of the 
 Tracts in a letter to your Lordship, such as you describe, will afford 
 the means of retiring with honour, and at the same time place on 
 record Mr. Newman's attachment to the Church, disapprobation of 
 the errors of Rome, and submission to spiritual authority. A letter of 
 explanation^ on the contrary, if not quite satisfactory, which it could 
 hardly be made, would have the effect of forcing you to notice its 
 insufficiency, or to appear to be satisfied, when you were not. 
 
 Your method of proceeding will, I think, be approved by all sober- 
 minded and wise men. Had you come forward with censure, you might 
 have obtained a temporary popularity, but the effect would have 
 probably been to open a breach, which might have been irreparable : 
 as things now stand, I trust that your amiable intervention will produce 
 the fruit of concord and peace, and leave at liberty a number of men 
 distinguished by their learning and piety to employ their talents in the 
 promotion of religious truth, instead of wasting their talents in defence 
 or explanation of what has been hastily written. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Most truly yours, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 
• V 
 
 200 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 \ 
 
 ■ ^ T^? ^ °^ ^^^ arrangement which I think may be doubtful 
 IS the publication of a tract on the Apocrypha. This is a sore point 
 with many people and may probably give offence. I believe that 
 nothing IS to be found in the Tracts that have been published on this 
 subject : and anything that is prepared on it might be printed here- 
 after, or even now, by the author, in a different form. On the other 
 hand. It IS but natural that the promised continuation should be given 
 of the 89th Tract on the Mysticism attributed to the Fathers,-without 
 which the dissertation would be incomplete, and it might be con- 
 venient to publish it as a continuation and not as a separate tract. 
 
 Pusey thought that the worst was over. In the subjoined 
 letter he acknowledges the Bishop's letter of March 26th, 
 and the later note which accompanied the letter of the 
 Archbishop. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 Mv DEAR Lord, Christ Church, March 27, 184 1. 
 
 We do beg to thank your Lordship most gratefully for the 
 very kind note which 1 received from your Lordship this morning, as 
 he^ conceding so graciously what Mr. Newman had so much at 
 
 He has no difficulty whatever in adopting your Lordship's words, 
 which are, I thmk, the same as in your Lordship's first letter, and 
 proposes to insert them in the letter which he is writing to you. He says 
 he has no feeling whatever about inserting words ever so strong, in 
 censure of himself, so that they do not seem to identify your Lordship's 
 judgment with that of the Heads of Houses. 
 
 He hopes to finish the Letter to-day, and that it will be ready for the 
 Archdeacon on Tuesday in type, in which way the Archdeacon would 
 be able to read it better, and any alterations which may seem advisable 
 to him or to your Lordship may equally be made 
 
 We have now only to express our deep sense of your Lordship's 
 great kindness to us on this difficult occasion as well as heretofore 
 and our sincere regret at the pain and anxiety which all this dis- 
 turbance must have caused to your Lordship. 
 
 Mr Newman, to whom I mentioned that I was going to acknowledge 
 your Lordship's kind letter, begged me say everything which could be 
 said of thankfulness for your Lordship's so great kindness and con- 
 sideration towards him. 
 
 I trust that everything now is looking to a peaceful close, though 
 there will be some echoes of the storm, and that a bright and calm 
 evening will succeed a threatening morning. 
 
 thanktVeV "'^"'"^ ""'""• *'" ^"^ ""'""="' "' '^'^'=' ='"<' 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and grateful servant, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 Further Correspondence. 
 
 201 
 
 The above was written before I received your Lordship's note, 
 accompanied by the Archbishop's letter. It is very comforting to see 
 that his Grace sympathizes with us, and agrees with your Lordship's 
 gentle course. I am afraid, I own, of some of your Lordship's other 
 brethren, lest if they seem to take the same view as the Heads of 
 Houses, clergymen under their care should feel themselves unable to 
 retain their cures under their interpretation of the Articles, and so 
 much perplexity be felt, and a slur mistakenly rest upon High Church 
 principles, as though they were inconsistent with holding cures in our 
 Church. (This was what I meant in the immediate place of my letter, 
 m which I seemed to your Lordship to be continuing to speak of Mr. N.) 
 I hope, however, all will be well. 
 
 I have not said anything about the Archbishop's letters even to 
 Mr. N., although it would have been a comfort to him to know that 
 he took the same view as your Lordship. 
 
 I omitted to say (what I felt certain of) that Mr. N. has been acting 
 on his own judgment entirely in what he has said to your Lordship : 
 he is indeed little apt to communicate his feelings as to himself: what 
 he does is the result of the workings of his own mind, though he does, 
 before he acts in important matters, consult older friends. 
 
 The Bishop sent back the Archbishop's letter that 
 Newman might read it as 'a letter containing much both 
 of kindness and caution expressed in the fewest, simplest, 
 and best words.* It may be observed that on the same 
 day the second and corrected edition of Tract 90 appeared. 
 
 In order to justify the new arrangement at which he had 
 arrived with Newman and Pusey, the Bishop had sent to 
 the Archbishop the three notes of Newman's which had 
 had so much effect upon himself. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Lord, Lambeth, March 27, 1841. 
 
 I think Mr. Newman's feelings are natural, and that there is 
 some reason in what he says. The omission of the 90th Tract would 
 doubtless increase the desire of obtaining it, and no set of the Tracts 
 would be esteemed complete by the curious in books which did not 
 contain it. I am therefore of opinion on this, as well as other accounts, 
 that it might be allowed to go with the rest, and form the conclusion 
 of the last volume. The Letter to Dr. Jelf, with the postscript, would, 
 of course, be printed with it, and it would not be amiss if passages from 
 Mr. Newman's publication on Romanism, condemnatory of the errors 
 of Rome, were appended, by way of explaining the real views of the 
 writer. 
 
 M 
 
r 
 
 202 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 !| 
 
 I am more strongly impressed, on reflection, with the importance of 
 the suggestion in my letter of yesterday, that the only addition to the 
 Tracts should be the concluding part of Tract 89. It should, I think, 
 be numbered, not as a new tract, but as 89, part 2nd, so as to be 
 mserted m the collection before the 90th, which should close the whole. 
 A new tract on the Apocrypha, attributing inspiration in any degree to 
 those writmgs, would add fresh fuel to the flame, which, under the 
 most favourable circumstances, wiU continue for some time to burn 
 fiercely. 
 
 Of course, I do not wish my name to be brought needlessly forward, 
 but I have no desire to escape any responsibility which I may incur by 
 avowing my approbation of the part which your Lordship has taken in 
 this distressmg business. I have mentioned the circumstances as they 
 stood, when I wrote yesterday, to the Bishops of London and Lincoln, 
 and they agree with me. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Most truly yours, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 
 P.S. Mr. Newman's intended letter to your Lordship would probably 
 be printed with the 90th Tract, and the citations from his work on 
 Romanism might perhaps be embodied in it with advantage. 
 
 The Archbishop, it will be remarked, does not commit 
 himself to any opinion on the subject of the Apocrypha ; he 
 only points out the inexpediency, in his judgment, of dis- 
 cussing it at the present juncture. Pusey, who was the 
 author of the proposed tract, had not a moment's hesitation 
 about submitting to his judgment. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Lord, Christ Church, March 28, 1841. 
 
 I thank your Lordship very much for your kindness in sending 
 me the two letters of the Archbishop, and for taking so much trouble 
 about It. I communicated freely to Mr. N. everything your Lordship 
 said to me of yourself (feeling assured that your Lordship would wish 
 It), but I did not like, without express permission, to repeat what you 
 had m confidence said of the Archbishop. The first letter has cheered 
 Mr. N. much : the second will yet more ; and I hope that he is now 
 much relieved by your Lordship's kindness. 
 
 The rough sketch of his letter to your Lordship was finished last 
 night ; we thought that the Archdeacon could judge better of it when 
 m type, and any alterations could be made equally. I should hope 
 that It will at all events be out in the course of a week. 
 
 I am glad that the publishing of my tract on the Apocrypha has 
 been dropped, and I agree entirely in the Archbishop's opinion upon 
 
 Newman's published Letter to the Bishop. 203 
 
 it. Mr. Newman had no wish to publish the remainder of Mr. Keble's 
 tract, as the whole could have been printed as a book with Mr. Keble's 
 name : the Tracts being so cheap, the loss of having one imperfect tract 
 would do no great harm to persons, and it would imply a more instan- 
 taneous cessation of the Tracts ; otherwise the idea, which the Arch- 
 bishop approves of, that of publishing the remainder of Tract 89 as a 
 supplement to it, not as Tract 91, had struck Mr. Newman. But the 
 other course of dropping the Tracts at once seems the more complete 
 act, and the most straightforward ; and the leaving part of the fabric 
 unfinished stamps the more upon the work, that it was suddenly broken 
 off in cheerful obedience to the recommendation of those set over us. 
 
 1 do hope that while this act stamps our own principles, it will raise 
 people's views of ready submission, and so inculcate what has been 
 taught in the Tracts, more than themselves. I hope also that the 
 cessation of the Tracts will be accepted as a peace-offering by the 
 Church. 
 
 I thank your Lordship once more, most fervently, for your great 
 kindness in all this anxious and distressing business, although we 
 needed nothing to increase our attachment to your Lordship for your 
 uniform paternal conduct towards us. 
 
 I have the honour to be. 
 With great respect and every grateful feeling. 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and obliged servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Newman set to work to complete his Letter with the 
 energy and speed which were characteristic of him. He 
 wrote it on Monday, March 29th ; on the 30th it passed 
 through the press and was revised by the Archdeacon ; on 
 the 31st it was published. It explains the objects with 
 which those of the Tracts which had been especially criticized 
 had been written ; it quotes the strong language which the 
 author had used in several publications about the Church 
 of Rome ; and it expresses his thankful and unreserved 
 submission to the Bishop's desire that the * Tracts for the 
 Times ' should be discontinued. The Bishop s personal 
 kindness ' would be in itself enough to win any but the 
 most insensible heart.' 
 
 * But/ adds the author, * I trust I have shown my dutifulness to you 
 prior to the influence of personal motives ; and this I have done 
 because I think that to belong to the Catholic Church is the first of all 
 privileges here below, as involving in it heavenly privileges ; and 
 because I consider the Church over which your Lordship presides to 
 be the Catholic Church in this country.' 
 
 < 
 
Ill 
 
 ''■) 
 
 4 
 
 ,i 
 
 r I 
 
 204 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Bishop Bagot thanked Newman most warmly for his 
 letter. He praised the spirit in which it was written He 
 added that Newman ' would not have cause to repent that 
 he had written it ».' 
 
 The consideration with which Newman and Pusey were 
 treated by the Bishop had afforded a striking contrast to 
 the earlier proceedings of the Heads of Houses. The 
 Hebdomadal censure had in fact created great dissatis- 
 faction among those persons in Oxford who sympathized 
 with Tract 90, the most important of whom was the Rev 
 W. Palmer, of Worcester College. Mr. Palmer, it will be 
 remembered, had been on distant terms with Newman, and 
 this made his support of Tract 90 more generous and 
 impartial. He was now acting with the Rev. W. Sewell 
 of Exeter College. Private negotiations were carried on 
 for a week with the Vice-Chancellor with a view to pro- 
 curing the publication of a letter which the Vice-Chancellor 
 had privately addressed to Mr. Sewell, and in which he 
 stated that the Board had not intended to pass any 
 theological censure on Tract 90. It was suggested, more- 
 over, that a disclaimer of any wish to censure the Tracts 
 generally, or what are called Church principles, might 
 be added. All that could be extorted was a statement 
 that the Hebdomadal Board had scrupulously and 
 deliberately endeavoured to guard their proceedings against 
 a violation of the privileges either of Convocation or of the 
 Theological faculty ^.' 
 
 Looked at from a distance and taken together, the censure 
 of the Heads of Houses and the discontinuance of the 
 Tracts at the request of the Bishop produced a widespread 
 leeiing of discouragement among High Churchmen. They 
 exaggerated the importance of the opinion of the Heads of 
 Houses ; and they did not know what had taken place in 
 the negotiations which had preceded the discontinuance of 
 the Tracts. The prevalent uneasiness was represented by the 
 
 • •letters of Rev. J. B. Mo.ley/ B. Pusey, D D., by Rev. W. Sewell, 
 ' Posucript to a Letter to Re.. E. """=" ^'' '"'»'• 
 
 .1 
 
 ^-i 
 
 il^iw >ri vtyr' 
 
 IV, Palmer's Proposed Declaration, 
 
 205 
 
 Rev. W. Palmer, of Worcester College, in a letter to Pusey 
 asking for his opinion on the merits of a Declaration which 
 accompanied it. 
 
 Rev. W. Palmer to E. B. P. 
 
 St. Giles', April i, 1841. 
 
 . . . You are scarcely aware of the dissatisfaction at the present state 
 of affairs which exists in the minds of the advocates of Church prin- 
 ciples throughout the country. They have seen protests, and censures, 
 University and Episcopal, explanations, concessions, the Tracts relin- 
 quished—and it seems to some of them as if people are acting under 
 the influence of a panic. I had a letter yesterday from a man of great 
 abilities and most moderate views, totally unconnected with the Tracts, 
 expressing great dissatisfaction at the Tracts being relinquished at this 
 crisis, and saying that the enemy had only to * rush in and spike the 
 guns*— that the cry seemed to be ^ Sauve qui pent /' I have had 
 letters from several most influential Churchmen in the same strain, and 
 I might mention the name of one who doubts as to the propriety of 
 discontinuing the Tracts which would command general reverence. 
 I merely mention this to show the dissatisfied state of people's minds 
 just at present. They see that all is concession to popular error, and 
 to hostile party, and that in the meantime nothing is done to save 
 Church ^r\nc\^\QS— nothing is done to remove popular mistakes — 
 nothing is done to encourage Churchmen — and some of the most de- 
 serving men in the country are trampled under foot. On the one side 
 all is triumph and ferocity, and on the other all is timidity, and 
 apology, and humiliation. Is this a proper position for the great and 
 influential body who hold Church principles ? 
 
 The Declaration is, as I have already said, no measure of hostility or 
 of party. It is an expression of opinion at which no one ought to take 
 oflence. . . . 
 
 A DECLARATION. 
 
 We, the undersigned, having learned that the publication of the 
 'Tracts for the Times' is henceforth to be discontinued, are desirous 
 of declaring our sentiments on this occasion. 
 
 While we are by no means prepared to express our concurrence with 
 all the doctrines advanced by individual writers in the Tracts, and 
 while we do not dispute the propriety of disconnecting the University 
 from any supposed sanction of those publications, we cannot but grate- 
 fully acknowledge the eminent service which their authors have done, 
 in recalling the public attention to the distinctive principles maintained 
 by the Church of England in common with the whole Catholic Church 
 of Christ. We are of opinion that the increased reverence and regard 
 manifested within a few years for the Liturgy, Creeds, Sacraments, 
 
 I 
 
r 
 
 I 
 
 I ' 
 
 206 
 
 ■Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Episcopal polity, and Apostolical succession of the Church ; the greater 
 apprehens,on of the fearful sin of schism ; and the more di igentluen 
 
 Antiomra': T ''"'V' f^'"'-'-' "^'o^- and of Chnlttan 
 Antiquily, are, to a considerable extent, attributable to the patient and 
 persevering labours of the authors to whom we have alluded. 
 
 We further avail ourselves of this opportunity to express a sincere 
 and respectful hope that all advocates of Church princTples may be 
 
 andr,MK ' "Tu '■ '''^' "° ""^^"^ -"^y ^ gi^«" '» 'he unearned, 
 
 Ind co! H ^'''' T^ ^"Jr°^ °^°""' ^''"'^•'^^ -"ay not be interrupted 
 And considering that indulgence to the corruptions of the Church of 
 Rome IS as much to be deprecated as any encouragement of the 
 
 Zl^T K ?'r"'' "' "°"''' ^"P^"' °- earnest^ope that, in 
 conducting both these controversies, the sound and saiuta,^ princes 
 of our own branch of the Catholic Church may be coTdLly and 
 unanimously adopted and advocated. "-"ruiaiiy ana 
 
 March 31, 1841. 
 
 The names of persons desirous of signing the above Declaration may 
 be forwarded to the Rev. WilUam Palmer, St. Giles's, Oxford 
 
 Pusey sent the Declaration to Bishop Bagot, who thought 
 It very moderate and not a whit beyond the strictest justice 
 due but considered that ' Church principles do not, at least 
 at this moment, need it.' In a second letter the Bishop 
 explains that ' it is the time alone which causes anxiety ' 
 If It was issued now it might be thought uncalled for It 
 would have great force, ' if opponents rashly be^an.' 
 
 Pusey had suggested to the Bishop that he himself might 
 write something : he was already contemplating his own 
 letter to Dr. Jelf. The Bishop would not discourage him 
 but he doubted the suitableness of the time. He thought 
 It 'desirable that a calm should succeed the last fortnight 
 of agitation, and that Mr. Newman's letter should have 
 time to make its own way (as I feel it will) by its own 
 power.' 
 
 The Bishop was not at all aware of the feelings which had 
 been stirred in minds for whose anxieties he would have 
 felt sincere concern. Palmer wrote to him in more explicit 
 terms than he had employed when writing to Pusey It is 
 evident that the seeds of the disasters of 1845 were already 
 being sown. ' 
 
 Palmers Explanation to the Bishop. 207 
 
 Rev. W. Palmer to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 Mv Lord, St. Giles', Oxford, April 3, 1841. 
 
 • •••• ••• 
 
 [The Declaration] is intended as an act of justice and of truth. 
 It is intended to soothe the feelings and remove the apprehensions of 
 the large and influential body of Churchmen who are attached to 
 Church principles, without coinciding in all points with the * Tracts for 
 the Times.' And may I be permitted to say to your Lordship that the 
 feelings of this body ought to be consulted, and that it would be unsafe 
 to let them remain in their present state of uneasiness and dissatis- 
 faction ? They have seen violent parties^ opposed to their views, 
 triumphing at the course of events lately. They have seen Protests, 
 Censures, University and Episcopal, Apologies, Explanations, the sup- 
 pression of the Tracts, every possible concession made on the one 
 side— and nothing in the way of conciliation on the other. They have 
 seen misrepresentations of the intentions of the Heads of the Church 
 and University spread everywhere. They have heard it boasted, that 
 the Tracts generally, and even Church principles, are censured, and 
 that the * High Church party' has received a great blow. It seems to 
 them that much has been done under the influence of the dread of 
 popular clamour, and they know not what that dread may next lead 
 to. They know not how far the Heads of the Church may themselves 
 be intimidated, and may commit themselves in a manner injurious to 
 the interests of Church principles. I have had communications from 
 moderate and leading Churchmen, regretting the discontinuance of 
 the Tracts at this crisis, because it may seem like weakness and con- 
 cession to popular clamour. 
 
 My Lord, I will venture to add (which I do with feelings of great 
 respect and reverence for the Prelates alluded to), that the present 
 outcry would never have attained its present force, had not some 
 Prelates been induced to take part in it unintentionally. The private 
 and unofficial dicta of Bishops have given confidence to violent parties, 
 who, had a different line been adopted, would have been afraid to 
 move. The Heads of the Church have it quite in their power to 
 suppress this agitation, and to restore the FAIR balance of parties, by 
 approving of the Declaration now put forward. Surely their object 
 ought not to be (I speak with the greatest reverence) to give a complete 
 
 triumph to one party. 
 
 , . . • • • • 
 
 Under present circumstances, Church principles are more or less in 
 disgrace— t\ity are supposed to be viewed with hostility or with distrust 
 in high quarters— they require some support, some encouragement. 
 
 I have the honour to remain, my Lord, 
 With the sincerest respect, 
 
 Your most faithful humble servant, 
 
 William Palmer. 
 The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 =t2.^1CJ.MM... 
 
m 
 
 208 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 But the Bishop was not to be moved. He told Mr. 
 Palmer that their objects were the same. 
 
 * Instead of withholding encouragement, I would do all in my power, 
 so far as became me, to encourage whatever could tend to advance 
 «' Church principles " as the fragment of a first debt of gratitude to 
 men who have done so much towards the great and manifest extension 
 of those principles by many of their writings.' 
 
 But he added : — 
 
 'The point in which I differ from you in your letter, is that of 
 Church prmciples being now more or less "/« disgrace'' from recent 
 events. So widely do I here differ, that in my opinion they will not 
 only themselves derive increased weight and extension from recent 
 events, but that their advocates will stand tenfold higher in the opinions 
 of Churchmen generally, after Mr. Newman's letter to myself is left 
 to work its own way for a little while.* 
 
 This letter put an end to the Declaration. Palmer 
 abandoned it ; he was rejoiced to hear that the Bishop * did 
 not anticipate any material injury to Church principles 
 from what had lately occurred.* 
 
 Pusey's sanguine temper leads him to review the situa- 
 tion as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO J. R. Hope, Esq. 
 
 Mv DEAR Hope, Octave of Easter, 1841. 
 
 You will be glad to hear that the immediate excitement about 
 Tract 90 seems subsiding, although I fear (in the minds of many) into 
 a lastmg impression of our Jesuitism, &c. ; on the other hand, they who 
 have read what Newman has written since on the subject must be 
 won by his touching simplicity and humility. I should hope, too, a 
 good deal will have been incidentally explained which people thought 
 to be done gratuitously. Every one says how Newman has risen with 
 the occasion. K[eble] writes to-day, • I cannot but think that N 's 
 coming out as he has in this whole business will do the cause a great 
 deal more good than any fresh stir, of which this tract has been made 
 the pretence, is likely to do it harm. People quite unconnected write 
 to one as if they were' greatly moved by it.' The pseudo-traditionary 
 and vague ultra-Protestant interpretation of the Articles has received 
 a blow which it will not recover. People will abuse Tract 90, and 
 adopt Its main principles. It has been a harassing time for Newman, 
 but all great good is purchased by suffering, and he was wonderfully 
 calm. ... ' 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 — ^ .» .<< 
 
 
 A Deluge of Pamphlets, 
 
 209 
 
 During April, 1 841 , pamphlets and tracts upon the burning 
 question were rained upon the Church in unwelcome pro- 
 fusion. One writer saw in the discontinuance of the Tracts 
 a triumph of Christianity ^. Another appealed to the 
 Bishop of Oxford against the bad divinity of the Tract- 
 writers ^ A country clergyman made remarks on Mr. 
 Newman's doctrine of Purgatory ^ Dr. Stedman, of 
 Pembroke College, wrote a Latin letter from Erasmus to 
 Gregory XVI., which Erasmus might or might not have 
 owned as worthy of his pen *. Mr. Golightly extracted 
 some new and strange doctrines from the writings of Mr. 
 Newman and his friends ^. Mr. Robert Lowe, afterwards 
 Lord Sherbrooke, proposed to construe the Articles by 
 themselves ^. The Rev. Joseph Rathbome asked whether 
 the Puseyites were sincere"^. Mr. Frederick Denison 
 Maurice explained to Archdeacon Samuel Wilberforce his 
 reasons for not joining a party in the Church ^. The Rev. 
 Dr. Thorpe, the well-known Low Church minister of Belgrave 
 Chapel, reviewed Mr. Sewell, of Exeter College, with less 
 of critical skill than of undoubted sincerity of purpose ^. 
 
 There were other productions better entitled to survive 
 the moment which produced them. Of these not the least 
 noteworthy was Dr. Hook's ' Letter to the Bishop of Ripon^V 
 following upon the tempestuous meeting held on behalf of 
 
 * * A Triumph of Christianity, or a 
 few observations on the discontinuance 
 of the Tracts for the Times.' By 
 the Rev. Edward Thompson, M.A., 
 Minister of Charlotte Chapel, Pimlico. 
 London, Hatchard, 1841. 
 
 ' * Appeal to the Bishop of Oxford 
 on the Divinity of the Tract- writers.* 
 By the Rev. J. Jordan, B.A., Vicar of 
 Enstone. Oxford, Wheeler, 1841. 
 
 ' ' Remarks on Mr. Newman's 
 DtKrtrine of Purgatory.' By a Country 
 Clergyman. Oxford, Vincent, 1841. 
 
 * ' Erasmi Roterodami ad Grego- 
 rium Decimum Sextum Pontificem 
 Epistola ijingularis.* Oxonii, Baxter, 
 1841. 
 
 * * New and Strange Doctrines ex- 
 tracted from the writings of Mr. New- 
 man and his Friends : in a letter to the 
 Rev.W.F.Hook,D.D.' Oxford, 184 1. 
 
 VOL. n. 
 
 • * The Articles construed by them- 
 selves.' Oxford, 1841. 
 
 ' * Are the Puseyites Sincere ? A 
 Letter to a Right Reverend Catholic 
 Lord Bishop on the Oxford Move- 
 ment.' By the Rev. Joseph Rath- 
 bome. London, T. Jones, 1841. 
 
 • * Reasons for not joining a party 
 in the Church : a Letter to the Ven. 
 Samuel Wilberforce, suggested by Dr. 
 Hook's Letter to the Bishop of Ripon.* 
 By the Rev. Frederick Denison Mau- 
 rice, M.A. London, Rivington, 1841. 
 
 • 'A Review of a Letter from the 
 Rev. W. Sewell, A.M., to the Rev. 
 Dr. Pusey.' By W. Thorpe, D.D. 
 London, Hatchard and Son, 1841. 
 
 ^^ 'Letter to the Lord Bishop of 
 Ripon.' By W. F. Hook, D.D. 
 London; 1841. 
 
2IO 
 
 Lije of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 !• 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge at Leeds. 
 Dr. Hook had * originally determined to point out in a 
 pamphlet what he considered to be the errors * of Tract 90. 
 ' But,' he writes, ' the moment I heard that the writer was to 
 be silenced, not by argument, but by usurped authority, 
 that moment I determined to renounce my intention ; that 
 moment I determined to take my stand with him, because, 
 though I did not approve of a particular tract, yet in general 
 principles, in the very principle advocated in that tract, I 
 did agree with him ^' He carried out this generous and 
 characteristic resolve at the meeting which has been referred 
 to. For a burst of eloquent indignation, in which he pro- 
 fessed his intention of * nailing his colours to the mast of 
 high principle,' he was called to order by the Bishop of 
 Ripon 2 ; and his letter was written to explain his language. 
 In doing this he did a great deal besides : his letter, short 
 as it is, is one of the boldest and wisest things he ever wrote. 
 But his speech, generous as it was, was much too impetuous 
 to be in keeping with the serious issues it discussed ; and 
 Pusey wrote to him with an affectionate freedom which 
 their long friendship alone could warrant, with deep grati- 
 tude for his sympathy, but deprecating his use of excited 
 language. 
 
 Dr. Hook's reply was creditable alike to the warmth of 
 his heart and his self-accusing humility : — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Dean's Yard, Westminster, April 30, 1841. 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 ... I am very very grateful to you for the kind advice with 
 which you conclude your letter. Always write to me when I do wrong. 
 1 have been sadly sensible of my wicked conduct at the meeting, and 
 much humbled at having brought disgrace upon the Catholic cause 
 when Newman and Palmer were maintaining it so consistently with 
 our principles. But I was taken by surprise, and somehow or other 
 anything like too great kindness or sympathy is sure to overset me. 
 If I have only time to bring my principles to bear upon my conduct, 
 I can perhaps do rightly : but my feelings of sympathy are so easily 
 
 » * Letter to Bp. of Ripon,' pp. 5,6. by W. R. W. Stephens, M.A., p. 323 
 « Cf. ' Life ol W. Y. Hook, \^.D.,' (sixth edition). 
 
 Kebles Letter to Sir John T. Coleridge, 211 
 
 excited, that you know not the difficulty I have to control them some- 
 times even in the pulpit. I have all the elements of a demagogue 
 within me. Pardon my saying so much of myself. It is in the hope 
 of obtaining your special prayers on this point. 
 
 Still more important was Wiseman's ^ Letter to Newman. 
 The purpose of this letter was to object to Newman's 
 distinction in the tract between any part of the authori- 
 tative teaching of the Church of Rome and the Decrees of 
 the Council of Trent. He was answered by Rev. W. Palmer, 
 who certainly shows by ample quotations that the living 
 authority of the Church of Rome goes quite far enough 
 beyond the language of Trent to justify Newmans dis- 
 tinction ^. Wiseman rejoined in eighty-eight pages of 
 * Remarks on Mr. Palmer's Letter ^J If he is at least equal 
 to Palmer in learning,andhis superior in temper and courtesy, 
 it is not less certain that he fails to shake Palmer's main 
 positions. 
 
 Keble also printed without publishing his ' Case of 
 
 Catholic Subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles,' in the 
 
 form of a * Letter to the Hon. Mr. Justice Coleridge' — the 
 
 heaviest moral rebuke, perhaps, which the Heads of Houses 
 
 received in the course of the controversy. Pusey was very 
 
 anxious that it should be published at once to all the 
 
 world : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [April 14.] 
 
 . . . . N. tells me that you think of printing, not publishing, your 
 pamphlet : I most earnestly hope it will not be so : people in London 
 wish to hush matters up, but it is impossible : it is only the question 
 who and how many shall write, how and in what spirit it shall be dis- 
 cussed, what impression people shall go away with. But people must 
 come to a result one way or another : the waters have not been so 
 stirred only to subside again ; and, if they did, it would be very 
 unfavourable to the principles of the Tracts. I am writing myself, 
 because one person reaches one set of minds, another another's. Clergy 
 
 * * A Letter respectfully addressed 
 to the Rev. J. H. Newman.' By N. 
 Wiseman, D.D., Bishop of Melipo- 
 tamus. London, Dolman, 1841. 
 
 2 ' A Letter to N. Wiseman, D.D. 
 (calling himself Bishop of Melipo- 
 tamus), containing remarks on his 
 
 P 
 
 letter to Mr. Newman.' By the Rev. 
 W. Palmer, M.A., of Worcester Col- 
 lege. Oxford, Parker, 1841. 
 
 * ' Remarks on a Letter from the 
 Rev. W. Palmer.' By N. Wiseman, 
 D.D.. Bishop of Melipotamus. Lon- 
 don, Dolman, 1841. 
 
55CrV! 
 
 3C=S= 
 
 h 
 
 |. 
 
 1 1 
 
 ■t 
 
 I 
 
 212 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 in Worcester have been petitioning for a Convocation ; the same was 
 set on foot in this diocese but stopped. The first feeling is against the 
 tract ; Newman's letter to the Bishop shows his beautiful ^^os, but does 
 not enter into the tract ; his letter to Jelf satisfies some, but many not ; 
 so it seems to me that the more ways the subject is presented to people's 
 minds the better. Gladstone says the excitement in London is by no 
 means over ; Tract 90 will be one of the things thrown in people's 
 teeth for years to come, so the more there is to refer them to, the 
 better : they very likely will not read, but still it will be something to 
 provide for those who will, and deprive of excuse those who will not. 
 Forgive this boldness and presumption ; but printing, not pubhshing, 
 seems a half measure, for which I should be very sorry. 
 Kindest Easter wishes for Mrs. Keble. 
 
 But Keble had already decided the matter. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, Friday in Easter Week, 184 1. 
 
 You will, I fear, think I have done imprudently, but before I re- 
 ceived your note (for which I am greatly obliged), indeed four or five 
 days since, having obtained leave from Judge Coleridge to address 
 what I want to say to him, I had actually sent my pamphlet, with 
 directions not to publish but only strike off 250 copies. It is still, I 
 imagine, open to me to publish, if it seem advisable, so that if in that 
 respect I have taken a false step it will be easily remedied. And when 
 you see it you will perhaps see that it is so particularly addressed to 
 persons of a certain authority in station that there may seem a fitness 
 in only laying it before them. I have had a good deal of conflicting 
 advice on it, and have at last in a manner satisfied myself with this as 
 probably the least of different evils. ... 
 
 We hope to have Sir W. Heathcote's newly built chapel consecrated 
 on Wednesday. Newman is coming. You cannot I fear (you know 
 how glad we should be to see you), but you will kindly remember us 
 on that day. I cannot but think that N[ewman*s] coming out as he 
 has in this whole business will do the cause a great deal more good 
 than any fresh stir, of which this tract has been made the pretence, is 
 likely to do it harm. People quite unconnected write to one as if they 
 were greatly moved by it. 
 
 But the fullest discussion of Tract go in the course of the 
 controversy occurs in Pusey's Letter to Dr. Jelf\ whose 
 name was thus a. second time connected with Tract 90. 
 Dr. Jelf was, in fact, a very natural person to be addressed 
 
 , ' *The Articles treated of in Tract 90 
 reconsidered and their interpretation 
 vindicated,in a Letter to the Rev. R. W. 
 
 Jelf, D.D., Canon of Christ Church.' 
 By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. Ox- 
 ford, Parker, 1841. 
 
 Pusey s Letter to Jelf, ' ' -213 
 
 in the circumstances. He was not a Bishop, nor a Head of 
 a House ; he did not represent any such authority as might 
 have already pronounced, or might hereafter have to pro- 
 nounce, upon the subject in dispute. On the other hand, 
 he was learned, widely respected, and sufficiently inde- 
 pendent of the Oxford writers to be treated as neutral, 
 while yet connected with them by the friendship of many 
 years. Pusey accordingly said to him all that at the 
 moment he had to say about Tract 90 in a letter of 186 
 pages, with an appendix of 41. In this letter he identifies 
 himself unreservedly with Newman and his work. 
 
 * I have felt no doubt, [after] carefully and conscientiously examining 
 both editions of the tract, that the meaning in which our friend would 
 have them [the Articles] construed in conformity with and subordina- 
 tion to the teaching of the Church Catholic is not only an admissible, 
 but the most legitimate interpretation of them : it appears to me 
 as clear that they [the Articles] are not directed against anything 
 occurring here and there in the early Church, even though not Catholic, 
 but against the existing system of the Church of Rome.' 
 
 After contending generally that the Catholic interpretation 
 of the Articles is the true one, the writer follows Tract 90 
 in its remarks on all the Articles of which it treats except 
 Art. XXXV. on the Homilies. A commentary on a com- 
 mentary is apt to be an unattractive form of composition • 
 but Pusey's fervour and the practical interest of his subject 
 go far to overcome this disadvantage. While his doctrinal 
 position is that of Tract 90, his language against Rome is 
 stronger and more explicit. Thus he illustrates at length 
 the interpretation of Art. XXXI. maintained in the tract, 
 but draws out much more fully the difference which he 
 conceives to lie between the primitive doctrine of the 
 Eucharistic Sacrifice and the sacrifices of Masses. So in 
 treating the points raised in Art. XXII. ; the tract, he 
 argues, is right in refusing to admit that any doctrine of 
 Purgatory or Pardons or Invocation of Saints is condemned 
 except the Roman doctrine ; but then what the Roman 
 doctrine is, is stated more strongly and illustrated more 
 copiously. The real danger was lest the Article should be 
 understood to deny what was Primitive as well as what 
 
■w«aar««p>'>-^««^ 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 1^ 
 
 1 I 
 
 214 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 was Roman. The popular interpreters of the Articles were 
 jealous against superstition, not against irreverence. 
 
 *Thus together with "the Romish doctrine of Pardons" the whole 
 subject of Absolution is often discarded : with Purgatory, the inter- 
 mediate state : with Invocation of Saints, the feeling of communion 
 with them in the one Church, of which they are the perfected members : 
 with the veneration of relics, the feeling that " precious in the sight of 
 the Lord is the death of His saints," and the belief in the miracles, 
 which, in some cases at least in the early Church, He certainly wrought 
 through them : thus admitting in fact the very principles of infidelity, 
 and rejecting on d priori notions what were after all the "mighty 
 works " of God's hand ; or together with the un-Catholic veneration of 
 images, people reject as superstitions all outward reverence for holy 
 things and places : they regard the Altar, whence the holy Mysteries 
 of our Redemption are distributed, as no ways distinguished above the 
 rest of God's House, nor that House itself as sanctified by the presence 
 of Angels and the unseen coming of our Lord. The mere Protestant 
 walks up and down with his hat on, " on holy ground," listening to the 
 solemn tones of the organ at Haarlem. 
 
 * It is then, practically also, of moment to distinguish what our Article 
 does condemn as Romish, lest we involve under it feelings, and 
 doctrines, and practices which are primitive. It is of moment to us 
 practically, since it cannot be concealed that many are deterred from 
 practices, which, though not essential, might still be a great safeguard 
 to them, and are countenanced or (under certain circumstances) recom- 
 mended by our Church, by the fear of approximating to something 
 corrupt in the Romish system'.* 
 
 The passages in this Letter which refer to the Church of 
 Rome, and particularly to the cultus of the Blessed Virgin, 
 were the result of much correspondence and very careful 
 study. Among several acknowledgments of a copy of the 
 Letter to Dr. Jelf which Pusey received from his friends, 
 Archdeacon Manning's was noteworthy. He was ' especially 
 grateful for the parts which are most anti-Romanistic' His 
 * whole conscience was made miserable by the frightful 
 turning aside of the affections of men's hearts from the One 
 Object of worship to the Blessed Virgin.* * Wiseman's letter/ 
 he wrote, * is to me enough to convict the whole system. 
 
 * 'Letter to Dr. Jelf,' pp. 76, 77. 
 Perhaps the nearest approach to a 
 diffeience between Tract 90 and 
 J usey's Letter is on Art XIX. Is that 
 Article a loose general description of 
 the existent Church, or a definition 
 
 whereby the claims of each portion of 
 it may be tested? The tract pro- 
 nounces boldly for the former opinion. 
 Pusey apparently hesitates, or rather 
 he writes as if the distinction was not 
 clearly before him. 
 
 Pusey s Letter to Jelf 
 
 215 
 
 His parallel of the fondness of children to their mother and 
 obedience to their father with the affections of faith is 
 dreadful.' Pusey 's motive in writing these passages, how- 
 ever, was not any wish to throw a sop to Protestant preju- 
 dices, but a sincere anxiety lest one section of the Move- 
 ment should be shutting its eyes to the danger which 
 threatened them from the Roman quarter; an anxiety 
 which was not without its ground in fact. The following 
 passage from his Letter to Jelf clearly shows his motive : — 
 
 *The character in which Rome exhibits herself in England much 
 aggravates our present difficulties : her policy is a corruption of the 
 Apostolic wisdom, to "become all things to all, that by all means it 
 may" gain some ; ** it falleth down and humbieth itself, that the con- 
 gregations of the poor may fall into the hands of its strong ones." 
 Her principle, that there is no salvation out of communion with 
 herself, makes it her first object to draw people anyhow into her 
 communion. The extent, too, of her communion is the tangible proof 
 she puts forward of her being the Catholic Church. This is a sore 
 temptation to her to bend, relax, fall in with unholy ways and usages, 
 which promote this her first end. She would further holiness as 
 much as she can ; but she cannot afford to do what is right if it Would 
 cause the unholy to part from her. She is obliged to temporize, to 
 lure, to condescend, when she cannot control. In some countries she 
 is suffering the penalty of former sins, having to support the credit of 
 false miracles, which she cannot disavow without owning the past to 
 have been a fraud ; while in all over which she has dominion she will 
 tolerate and profit by what she dares not approve; will sit by in 
 silence while men tell falsehood or use violence in her behalf; will 
 suffer visions and miracles which she does not believe to be believed 
 by her people, and to bring gain to her clergy ; and even in her own 
 guarded province of the faith will permit unauthorised doctrines (such 
 as that of the Immaculate Conception) to creep in and take the public 
 honours of truth ^ wherever men are disposed to receive them. It is 
 painful to think and speak of these things in another member of the 
 mystical Body of Christ, who once was the bulwark of the Faith and 
 a pattern of zeal, and who still has holy practices and institutions 
 which we might gladly imitate ; but Rome forces it upon us by sending 
 among us to steal away the hearts of the children of our Church, 
 boldly denying whatever corruptions our people have not before their 
 eyes ; since these things were swept away by the Reformation, and she 
 has been able to begin anew in a spirit more congenial to that of 
 religious minds here, and more approximating to early Christianity I* 
 
 > Festivals and Chnrches in honour of it. 
 » * Letter to Dr. Jelf,' pp. 159-161.^ 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 CONSEQUENCES OF TRACT 90 — WARD AND OAKELEY— 
 DIVERGENT VIEWS OF THE REFORMATION — TREAT- 
 MENT OF MR. KEBLE'S curate — PUSEY'S VISIT TO 
 THE ARCHBISHOP— EPISCOPAL CHARGES. 
 
 1841. 
 
 The hopes that the controversy might die away, which 
 so often find expression in letters of this period, were not 
 to be reaHzed. They were frustrated partly by the reiterated 
 outcries of ultra-Protestant controversialists, and partly, it 
 must be added, by the exaggerated or paradoxical ad- 
 vocacy which was sometimes employed in defence of the 
 tract. Pusey and Keble could not monopolize the defence 
 of Tract 90. The men for whom it was mainly written 
 would have something to say about it, and they would not 
 be disposed to minimize the expressions in it which had 
 provoked Low Church or Latitudinarian criticism. Indeed 
 one effect of the tract was to make a section of the Oxford 
 school, which had lately come into notice, keenly conscious 
 of its separate temper and aims, which were not those of 
 Pusey and the older men. As Newman afterwards said, 
 this section was 'sweeping the original party of the Move- 
 ment aside and was taking its place.' It was, as compared 
 with the older party, less careful about authority, whether 
 Primitive or Anglican ; more disposed to ^ /r/^n reasoning, 
 to the elaboration and advocacy of symmetrical systems, to 
 the imperious exigencies of bare logic, to bold and striking 
 generalizations, to a philosophical treatment of pure theo- 
 logy. Such a mental disposition might, and indeed did 
 eventually, lead in more directions than one ^ ; but what 
 its direction would be was as yet uncertain ; the only thing 
 
 » e. g. in the cases of W. G. Ward, F. Oakeley, and Mark Pattison, 
 
 
 / 
 
 
 IV. G, Ward and Oakeley, 
 
 217 
 
 that was clear about it to Newman was that *it needed 
 keeping in order ^* Of this section the two prominent men 
 were Oakeley and Ward. They came to be what they now 
 were out of very different antecedents, and they were very 
 unlike each other. But they were at this moment united by 
 a disposition to urge the Movement forwards in a manner 
 calculated to imperil its original scope and purpose, its 
 present coherence, and the eventual loyalty, at least of 
 some of its members, to the English Church. 
 
 Certainly not the least remarkable products of the con- 
 troversy about Tract 90 were given to the world when 
 Mr. W. G. Ward published two pamphlets and an ap- 
 pendix on the question of the day^. These pamphlets 
 contained several propositions which went beyond the 
 ground actually occupied by Newman ; and Pusey was 
 distressed not only by their general tone, but also by the 
 disparaging language contained in them about the Re- 
 formers. Certainly this language got its author into 
 trouble, which, it must be added, he took very quietly. He 
 felt bound to resign his two lectureships at Balliol, and 
 he was inhibited from preaching in Margaret Chapel, 
 of which the Rev. F. Oakeley was, at the time, minister. 
 Oakeley felt warmly about the treatment of his friend, and 
 Pusey found it difficult to say what he really thought about 
 Ward's unbalanced logic without appearing to sympathize 
 with the severe treatment that was dealt out to him. The 
 difficulty was increased by the correspondence which fol- 
 lowed between Oakeley and Puspy. Oakeley sent a message 
 from Ward to Pusey on June 22nd to the following effect : — 
 
 * Ward knew of no theological subjegt on >vhich he should venture to 
 have an opinion different from Newman. ... At the same time. Ward 
 would certainly not pledge himself not to join Rome under any circum- 
 stances, nor from what he has heard N. say, does he think he would.* 
 
 * Newman, * Apologia pro vita sua * 
 (ed. 1880),' p. 164. 
 
 * On April 10, 1841, appeared * A 
 few words in support of No. 90.* 
 Oxford, Parker, 1841. On May 21, 
 * A few more words in support of 
 No. 90/ by the Rev. William George 
 
 Ward, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College. 
 Oxford, Parker, 1841. On June 21, 
 ' Appendix to a few more words in 
 support of No. 90, in answer to Mr. 
 Lowe's pamphlet,' by the same. Ox- 
 ford, Parker, 1841. 
 
2l8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The British Critic^ 
 
 219 
 
 ! 
 
 t; 
 
 i 
 
 Then the July number of the British Critic, which had 
 now passed into the hands of Mr. T. Mozley, contained an 
 article by Oakeley on Bishop Jewel. It is a clever, but 
 one-sided essay, containing much truth, and some exaggera- 
 tions, about Jewel and the Reformers, and no adequate 
 statement of the causes which made some reformation 
 necessary. But the real interest of the article lay not in its 
 worth as a piece of historical criticism, but in its bearing 
 upon the actual circumstances of the movement. 
 
 * We cannot stand,' the writer observes, * where we are. We must 
 go backwards or forwards, and it will surely be the latter '.* 
 
 Pusey was on a visit to Ireland when he received this 
 article. It was best to go at once to head-quarters : so he 
 wrote to Newman. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Kingstown, July 20, 1841. 
 . . . Oake!ey has sent me his article in the last British Critic (my 
 own copy has not reached me). I am grieved that he and Ward think 
 it necessary to act as * public prosecutors' against the Reformers. It 
 is surely not leaving it * an open question ' if the British Critic, which is 
 supposed to express all our opinions, engages in such a crusade against 
 them. I do not see how, according to any etiquette, the British Critic 
 could, in another number, apologize for the Reformers, and if not, then 
 it is committed to a view q{ a certain section. 1 am very anxious, too, 
 about the movement tone which it implies. He speaks (last page but 
 one) as if all which had been hitherto gained since the Tracts com- 
 menced were nothing, not sufficient to justify * the breach of peace and 
 charity * which has taken place ; as though it were nothing to have 
 recovered the true doctrine of the two Sacraments, of Justification, the 
 Church, Judgment to come. Repentance, Apostolic Succession, Charity, 
 Fasting, Submission to the authority of the Church, the quod ubique, 
 &c., unless we take a certain view of the Reformation and *go 
 forwards,' he does not say whither. I should think this indefiniteness 
 in itself very injurious : it is one thing for ourselves privately to feel or 
 to say that (if so be) we have not cleared our views as to the Power of 
 the Keys, or to confess that we have or may have much yet to learn, 
 another to set persons adrift, tell them that they are to go forwards 
 some whither, urge them on, and give them (in the case of younger 
 men) neither chart nor compass. And why may not such as I, if we 
 can, think the English Reformers meant to be Catholic } There are 
 
 * British Critic, No. 59, p. 45. 
 
 
 confessedly two elements in them— submission to the authority of the 
 early Church, and perplexed views on subjects which the foreign 
 Reformers had perplexed. Why should not one think them (if one 
 can) implicitly Catholic while their language is perhaps Zwinglian ? 
 Or why should their appeal to Zurich be thought fatal to their Catholi- 
 cism, when persons confessedly Catholic, as Cosins and Andrewes and 
 Laud (who had not seen the development of the foreign Reformation) 
 maintain that the foreign Reformers meant the same as we, i. e. were 
 equally Catholic ? Why should the tables be turned and it be argued 
 that they meant that we were the same as they really are, i.e. Un- 
 
 catholic ? 
 
 I should not regret so much the breaking-up which these views 
 imply (although one does feel any parting) ; we might do all the 
 better for evidently not being a party; but I fear it will give the 
 Romanists occasion to triumph the more over our disunion, and perplex 
 still more those who are inclined to leave, when they see nothing to 
 lean on— one giving them one solution of the act by which our Church 
 was continued to us, one another. Thus I could not [but] fear much 
 perplexity in a case in which I am engaged : one tells her that the act 
 of consecrating Archbishop Parker was a sin; another, as myself, 
 justifies it. It must be a great additional temptation to secede from 
 our Church when even the one section of it, whom such people would 
 be inclined to trust, is at variance within itself, and yet attaching so 
 much importance to the point at issue as the last number of the 
 British Critic does. But I am yet more concerned for the * movement 
 party itself.' The British Critic throws out this view as the only rope 
 to a drowning man, and yet implies a doubt in italics * whether 
 // will hold: It makes one heavy-hearted and think that one's office 
 is done. 
 
 Oakeley*s article was not Pusey 's only grievance. 
 The same number of the British Critic contained also 
 a review of a lecture which Dr. Faussett, in his capacity 
 of Margaret Professor of Divinity, had delivered on 
 Tract 90 in the Divinity School. The lecturer defended 
 the popular interpretation of the Articles, and denounced 
 the tract as evasive and fallacious. The reviewer, who 
 was no other than the new Editor of the British Critic 
 himself, had no difficulty in pointing out the weakness 
 and inconsistencies of the lecture ; but, being a man 
 of great humour, he was tempted to illustrate it by 
 an apologue, which soon became more famous than either 
 the lecture or the review. Everybody in and out of 
 Oxford knew who were meant by the two dogs ' Growler 
 
220 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Puseys Anxieties, 
 
 221 
 
 ■^ 
 
 and Fido * ; and the sombre controversy of the hour was 
 lighted up by a flash of inevitable and well-nigh universal 
 merriment ^. 
 
 Pusey was by no means without a sense of humour, but 
 he distrusted humour as a weapon of religious controversy ; 
 its employment blinded men to the greatness of the issues 
 at stake and to the requirements of charity. Accordingly 
 he continues his letter to Newman as follows : — 
 
 [July 20, 1 841.] 
 
 * I enclose a letter from Jelf, written, as you see, hastily, and not as 
 meant to be seen, but which shows the effect of these articles on such 
 men. I could not but regret myself (and so did Dr. Todd) the tone of 
 the article against Dr. F[aussett] : it seems like the work of a follower 
 who wished to avenge his leader (you) and thought it did not matter 
 how hard blows he dealt, since he was not "avenging himself," but 
 forgot that, as it is scarcely known that you have ceased to be editor, 
 and it is still naturally under your influence, he was committing you. 
 If anything could create sympathy for Dr. F., or spoil our cause, it 
 would be such an article. We write mildly with our names, but our 
 supposed organ is as vehement as the Record or the Observer. 
 
 ' 1 have poured out my sorrows to you, and you will excuse it.* 
 
 Keble wrote to Newman on July 4th in the same sense 
 about the ' Growler and Fido ' article ; — 
 
 * Has not our friend,' he asked, * gone beyond the just limits of 
 Christian, and if it may be said in the same breath, of gentlemanly 
 severity in sdN'eral parts — I fear, to be honest, 1 must say— in the 
 general conception and execution of that paper ? To persons who do 
 not know M. — how far he is from everything that is spiteful, the 
 very consciousness of which, I imagine, makes him freer in his 
 rebukes— it will seem, I fear, as if something like personal malice 
 and revenge had to do with it. . . . Would it not be well to put 
 a drag on T. M.'s too Aristophanic wheels, else he will get us all 
 into a scrape? You will guess I was startled when I tell you that 
 I was rather looking for an apology for the sentence of which I com- 
 plained to you in the last number, about " How happy should I be 
 with either," &c., and instead of it 1 find him running riot in a whole 
 long paper.' 
 
 Keble added that he * particularly liked' Oakeley*s article 
 on Jewel. 
 
 Newman replied sympathetically. He did not wish to 
 
 ' See 'Letters of J. B. Mozley,' p. lai. 
 
 look indulgently at such articles as that on Dr. Faussett. 
 Indeed, he was much annoyed at it, and he would exert 
 himself to set things on a better footing. But how could 
 this be done ? Could certain subjects be excluded from the 
 British Critic ? Would it be wise or prudent to give this 
 periodical up, and allow it possibly to pass into other 
 hands ? Newman himself, when editor, had declined to be 
 answerable for Oakeley's article on Jewel ^ But he urged 
 upon Pusey— with more generosity perhaps than true fore- 
 sight—that * such effusions are the relief to many minds '— 
 safety-valves which could not be stopped without risking an 
 explosion. He himself had just suppressed R. Williams' 
 translation of the Breviary, and had prevented two intend- 
 ing seceders from going over to Rome. 
 Pusey was not satisfied : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Sandy Cove, Kingstown, July 27, 1841. 
 ... I am sorry to harass you with fresh anxieties, when yoit atre 
 already beset with so many ; but Oakeley's writings are Very painful to 
 me. As you say, 'one man's meat is another man's poison': they 
 would be to me the very strongest temptation to go over tathe Church 
 of Rome, did I, being a layman, embrace them, and they will, I fear, 
 much aggravate our difficulty in retaining many who are so tempted : 
 strong minds may be kept, or others by an instinctive feeling ; but I 
 should think in many there would be such a strong repugnance at 
 thinking that anything which had so unblessed an origin couW be 
 from God, as to outweigh everything besides. I shotfld doubt Oakeley's 
 having historical knowledge enough for such a view ; I should think he 
 was theorizing on others' facts, and going beyond them : in his 
 pamphlet he does exhibit the Reformers in such a degraded light; 
 puppets, set in motion not by any needs of their own, but by Henry's 
 lusts : going as little a way as they could, but moving because they 
 must : helpless and casting about for help, whenever it might be to be 
 had, because they had no views of their own : it is certainly unutter- 
 ably degrading to our poor Church, if not such a mark upon her, that 
 people would think it a duty to leave her. (I do not see how he 
 reconciles such a view with Cranmer's refusing to sign the Six Articles.) 
 But it is not a practical question for you as yet I hardly see how the 
 British Critic can express both this view and the opposite, and if these 
 be its principles, how Manning e. g. can continue to write in it. How- 
 
 * Mozley, * Reminiscences,* ii. 244. 
 
222 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Pusey and Ward, 
 
 223 
 
 1 
 
 ever, if he does not feel the difficulty, there is no occasion to suggest 
 it ; and I am no writer. So I am only venting my own uneasiness. 
 There is, however, the practical difficulty, whether the British Critic 
 is to express all our views, or only those of a section : it is one thing 
 to leave (as Oakeley once said) the Catholicity of the Reformation an 
 open question, another thing to brand it as he is now doing. I do not 
 see how the B. C. can take both sides without destroying the impression 
 produced by unity ; so there seems no alternative, but either saying 
 nothing about the Reformation or that the B. C. should be the organ and 
 representative of Oakeley's section. I am truly sorry to pain you with 
 all this. . . . 
 
 I was in hope that Is. [R.] Williams was at work at the Paris Breviary 
 in a form consistent with our Formularies (Edward the Sixth's first 
 Book) since the Reformation. 
 
 Things are so altered, and so much beyond me, that I feel to have 
 neither opinion nor judgment : so do not be influenced by anything 
 which I have ever expressed. 
 
 Every good wish. 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Newman's answer was marked by the consideration 
 which is his characteristic ; but it was not at all calculated 
 to reassure Pusey. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel College, July 30, 1841. 
 
 I am very sorry you are so much out of heart. As to Oakeley, I 
 suppose in my heart I dislike the Reformers as much as any one, but 
 I do not see the need of saying so, except so far as the purpose of self- 
 justification goes, and the duty of honesty. If a person asks me, I must 
 tell him ; if he says, * either you are evasive or the Reformers,' I am 
 driven to say something in self-defence. But certainly I wish with all 
 my heart the subject to be dropped on both sides. Yet on the other 
 side I suppose men will not be silent. I think decidedly there has been 
 too much of it in the British Critic, 
 
 As to the said B. C, I suppose every Review must depend on xntnwho 
 will write Jor it. It is a great difficulty to get men to write. Oakeley 
 and some others are ready writers, and have more time on their hands 
 than we have, and this has thrown it upon them. Certainly I made 
 a great effort to make it literary and scientific, but it failed. Keble 
 and Rogers wrote some articles on Poetry. I wished to stimulate 
 others to write on Astronomy, &c., &c. R. Palmer has written on 
 Grammar. But I fear I must say that, if it is to be theological, it will 
 to a certainty take a (so-called) ultra tone, if clever men are to write for 
 it. Clever men will not content themselves with defending theories 
 which they feel in their hearts to be indefensible, e. g. Palmer's views. 
 
 I assure you I shall try all I can to turn it into the literary channel, and 
 if my will has its way, I will put a stop to all attacks on the Reformers. 
 But then comes the point -if the Editor cannot get literary, &c. 
 articles. I certainly will represent the matter strongly to Oakeley and 
 Ward, but they have but one thought in their mmd. Their mmd is 
 possessed with one subject. ... ^ • v j 
 
 My }>^ovn at Littlemore is getting on, but I am very famt-hearted 
 
 about anything coming of it. 
 
 Newman was now in fact between rival influences. On 
 one side were Ward and Oakeley, with a train of younger 
 followers, Rev. M. Pattison, Rev. J. B. Morris, and others, 
 urging the wheels of an unbalanced logic in the direction of 
 Rome, although without as yet any definite idea of going 
 thither. On the other was Pusey, and— in his own way— 
 Keble, unalterably devoted to the English Church, and 
 firmly convinced that the Catholic truths and principles to 
 which the Movement had appealed were best obeyed by 
 steadfast adherence to her. Newman was still, in sympathy 
 and judgment, working with Pusey^; but Ward was at 
 his side, ready at any moment to become the Phaethon of 
 the Movement and to drive its chariot down the steep. 
 If a catastrophe was to be averted Newman must exert 
 a stronger control than heretofore over the ardent spirits 
 around him ; but he has told us, in pathetic language, 
 how at the very time when a strong wrist was most needed, 
 the reins broke in his hands 2. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, August 3, 1841. 
 Ward has just made his appearance, and tells me that some 
 letters have passed between you and him, partly about myself. I am 
 very dad indeed that he should speak openly with you about himselt, 
 but you must not (I see from what he says) take him as a fair reporter 
 about me. Every one colours what he hears by his own mind -from 
 one instance Ward has told me, I see he has done so too. I have no 
 doubt that on many points he knows more what I think than you do, 
 because he has asked me more questions, but I am as sure that he has 
 often not taken in my exact meaning ; and often mistaken a conjecture 
 or an opinion for a formal assertion. I do not know what he has 
 
 > Cf. the article on * Private Judgment/ BrUish Critic, No. 59, p. 134- 
 * 'Apologia,' p. 229. 
 
«■ 
 
 224 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 written to you about, except generally that the Reformers come in ; and 
 I say so little about them, I don't think he can have got from me more 
 than I have already direcUy or indirectly said in print. But, however, 
 It matters not. I am sure that it is right that you should have heard 
 his opinions, but I do trust he will keep them to himself as much as 
 possible. If you think it worth while, I will make remarks on his 
 letter to you, if you send it me. Of course I can be no judge whether 
 It is worth while, not having seen it— and really not wishing to see it. 
 
 P. S. I have given up the notion of a monastic body at present, lest 
 a talk should be made. I have got a room where I can put my books, 
 and myself. Also I have a number of spare cottages. If any one 
 chooses to come there from London, Oxford, or elsewhere, for any time 
 he may have a retreat, but without anything of a coenobitium. It is 
 only, in fact, furnishing him with lodgings. 
 
 Newman's letters had made it clear to Pusey that he and 
 Ward were defending Tract 90 on incompatible principles. 
 If the Reformers were disingenuous, he had himself made 
 a mistake; while if they were honest, though in no sense 
 infallible, Ward was certainly mistaken. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Sandy Cove, Kingstown, August 9, 184 1. 
 You will think it strange that I did not know your opinion of 
 the Reformers, but the preface to * Remains,' Part II, not having 
 fallen in my way, I never happened to read it, as I can and do read 
 very little. I saw from Tract 90 that you thought the Reformers took 
 the Articles in a less Catholic sense than we do, but I had no thought 
 that you held them to be ' disingenuous.' My own impression has 
 been that they wished to be Catholic, and that their appeals to 
 antiqmty were sincere (and so I thought Jewel), but that they were 
 entangled more or less with the Zwinglian notions afloat and held by 
 the foreign Reformers with whom they were unhappily intimate. One 
 might evidently interpret their declarations of submission to antiquity 
 by their Zwinglianism, or their Zwinglianism by their declarations. 
 I have done the latter, looking upon them as implicitly Catholic and 
 sympathizing with their difficulties, I mean the real practical difficulty 
 of separating what was Catholic in the existing system from what was 
 modern and un-Catholic. Ward and Oakeley urge their fraternizing 
 with Calvin, &c., as a proof of their anti-Catholicism ; but when such 
 persons as Laud, Cosins (not to say Hooker), and, I believe, all our 
 writers tiU ourselves, have interpreted Calvin, &c. in a sound sense as 
 to the Sacraments, I do not think this fair : I suppose that until one 
 saw the development of Calvinism and Lutheranism into Rationalism, 
 people would not venture to see them in their true light. The event 
 has been the comment on tendencies which persons perhaps ought not 
 
 Pusey and Newman on the Reformation, 225 
 
 to have pronounced on beforehand. Our Reformation has had, amid 
 whatever reverses, a steady tendency to develop itself into Catholi- 
 cism, and to throw out the impure elements which came into the 
 Church ; the foreign Reformation has developed the contrary way into 
 Rationalism and Pantheism ; and therefore I think we have a right to 
 infer that there was a difference in their original 7^05— ours intrinsically 
 Catholic, though with something un-Catholic cleaving to the agents in 
 it, theirs intrinsically un-Catholic, though with some semblance of 
 Catholicism. . . . 
 
 It is a great relief to me that you mean to urge Oakeley and Ward to 
 be quiet ; it is surely a diseased state of mind to be so taken up with 
 one subject, and that a sort of persecution of the memory of those 
 whose dross, we trust, God has cleansed away. I should think that 
 negative position, of taking a line against persons, a very dangerous 
 one, and very unhealthy to humility in a young man. . . . 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Pusey was mistaken in thinking that Newman had 
 written the Preface to Froude's * Remains,' to which 
 Oakeley had appealed in his article on Bishop Jewel. 
 Keble was the real author, but if the whole passage be read 
 it will be seen that Keble's motive is to defend by a Scrip- 
 tural analogy the work of the Reformation at the expense 
 of the Reformers, and not to interpret the character of the 
 work by that of the men ^ 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, August 13, 1841. 
 
 The Preface to the * Remains' is Keble's, not mine, though of course 
 I agree with it. 
 
 1 fully thought that you professed, and wished, in your late pamphlet 
 to give your views, not mine. Indeed, I fancied you had said so in 
 the pamphlet. I thought you were not unwilling to show that the 
 same interpretation might be given of the Articles, without the opinions 
 which 1 connected with it, both as regards ourselves and Rome. 
 I fancied you thought I had clogged my view with matter which gave 
 offence, and which you were wishing to remove. Of course I did not 
 think so myself, but was very glad that others should think so, if by 
 throwing my opinions aside they embraced my interpretation. 
 
 You noticed to me these additions of mine, as far as the Council of 
 Trent went, and you asked me to cut off the last sentences of the 
 tract, which related to the Reformers^ which made me suppose that 
 you felt my opinion about them. 
 
 1 really do think, and always have said, that it was wisest to show 
 
 * Froude's * Remains,' Part II, pref. p. xxii. 
 VOL. II. Q 
 
-. — *v* , -«-^ vt_» -fc; **.- 
 
 226 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 that we did no/ agree in certain points of this kind. If we did not agree, 
 we might be sure others would not ; and I think it best to provide food for 
 a// minds, and not quarrel with one liking herbs and the other flesh. 
 
 This is the only reason why I should be tempted to wish the 
 Reformers exposed at once, except indeed the v(n€<ns which is natural 
 to one. But I have felt in no hurry on this ground, as being sure that 
 it is only a question of time wAen they would be seen in their true 
 colours. And I think there is something of impatience in those who are 
 now eager to write against them. 
 
 I fear I must express a persuasion that it requires no deep reading 
 to dislike the Reformation. *A good tree cannot bring forth evil 
 fruit.' If one wants a monument, circutnspice — whence all this schism 
 and heresy, humanly speaking, but from it ? And I fear I must say 
 that the historical characteristics of its agents are such that one need 
 not go into their doctrines or their motives. 
 
 But I need hardly say that it is an unpleasant thing to me to speak 
 of persons I am so far from looking up to. As to yourself, I have not 
 pressed my thoughts upon you, as for this and many other reasons, so 
 especially for the following, that, since every one is in some way or 
 other influenced by every one else, I did not like to be the means of 
 making you, Toiovrof aJi/, think of any act or person otherwise than you 
 would have done without me. 
 
 I do not think that Oakeley and Ward are eager on running down 
 the Reformers for the sake of doing so, but as feeling that our Church 
 cannot be right till they are exposed, till their leaven is cast out, and 
 till the Church repents of them. I think they would do better if they 
 left all this to time. Truth will work. 
 
 It is not easy to answer such a question as whether the Articles are 
 disingenuously framed or no, for the question is who are the framers, 
 which is in a measure unknown. . . . 
 
 I have nowhere committed myself to the assertion that the whole 
 of the decrees of Trent can be interpreted catholically. I have not 
 attempted to draw the line how far they are Catholic. 
 
 I hope you will get some useful information about /xoi'ai by what you 
 see in Dublin. 
 
 P.S. I am just now, as you wish, stopping a book against the Re- 
 formers in quite a different quarter. ... I have written concisely and 
 drily, for my hand aches so with writing that it annoys me to write 
 many words. 
 
 Pusey had some few more words of explanation to add : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Sandy Cove, Kingstown. 
 
 No date, but end of August, 1 841.] 
 Thank you again for your full explanation. I certainly meant 
 (as I said) to vindicate your interpretation of the Articles as honest, 
 without suspecting the Reformers to be dishonest. . . . 
 
 M 
 
 
 The Reformation— The Council of Trent. 227 
 
 Every one must feel that there was a great deal of sin about the 
 Reformation in all the sacrilege and oppression to the monks, &c. 
 which took place, but I have not been accustomed to consider it as 
 being in the Reformation, as a religious act, as far as our Church was 
 concerned, or in the part which our Bishops took. I have been accus- 
 tomed to lay the sin upon the State and greedy ambitious laymen, on 
 the Sovereign, upon the indirect not the direct instruments of the 
 Reformation ; so that as for Charles' murder, the guilt rests upon [us] 
 as a nation, not as a Church. ... 
 
 Thank you for consulting my wishes about the History of the Refor- 
 mation. If this were undertaken without strong bias, I should not 
 mind any result, though I think it would shake people less, and tempt 
 them less to go to Rome (supposing the result unfavourable) later than 
 now. What I dread is, this habit of writing down the Reformers in 
 the off"-hand way of short articles and pamphlets. I should be sorry 
 indeed that a person should undertake a History with a settled bias 
 (as the German Arnold, who wrote a History of the Church, wfth a 
 view to apologise for all heretics, and consequently censuring the 
 Church), else there is more hope that a person who is bound down to 
 facts will make them less subservient to theory than one who, as Oakeley 
 and Ward, are pleading a cause under strong excitement, with only 
 reference to facts here and there. More of this, however, when we 
 meet. I shrink from the responsibility of anything great being with- 
 held on such judgment as mine. 
 
 The Romanists here certainly think that you have stated the whole 
 of the Council of Trent to be Catholic, and so think that the reunion of 
 the two communions depends only on the extension of your views ; that 
 * what has been so long a problem is now solved,' how the Church 
 could be reunited without sacrificing the Council of Trent. They 
 think they have nothing to do but to await our time for rejoining them. 
 I fear this will act unfavourably upon them : for though I believe the 
 Council of Trent mostly to have meant to oppose error, I do not think 
 the caballing spirit, which their own historians speak of, one likely to 
 be consistent with the Presence of that Spirit, Who should secure them 
 from error, or that they were so secured in things which they declared 
 to be of faith. 
 
 The difference between Pusey and Newman which is 
 observable in the foregoing correspondence may be illus- 
 trated by an extract from a letter of the Rev. T. E. Morris, 
 Student and Tutor of Christ Church. Mr. Morris had told 
 Pusey of his agreement with Tract 90, and had consulted 
 him as to the duty of mentioning this to Dean Gaisford. 
 He afterwards resigned his Tutorship in 1846: he died 
 only a few years since as Vicar of Carleton, Yorkshire. 
 
 Q2 
 
 
 i 
 
228 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Rev. T. E. Morris to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Sir, ^h. Ch., Sept. 6, 1841. 
 
 . . . You do not know, I only wish you could know, of what 
 
 service you have been to me Had it not been for you I think 
 
 I should never have been disposed to look into such writings as 
 Newman's, or have had such friends as could have brought me into 
 contact with him. 
 
 I hope you will not imagine that I am thinking my opinion of any 
 more weight now than heretofore ; I only suppose that under present 
 circumstances I shall best meet your wishes by expressing it. It was 
 some time before I perceived any difference between your teaching 
 and Newman's, but for the last two or three years (I think it is as 
 long as this) I have been unable to help thinking that there was a 
 difference so great that it must appear sooner or later. You seem to me 
 to be agreed as to what is Christian truth (and the strange circumstances 
 of the Church have made this to be a marked agreement) but to differ 
 widely as to the relation in which different parties of men stand 
 towards It, and the manner in which it may best be applied to the 
 present state of the worid. I have thought also that, while Newman 
 did not at all commit himself to any of your statements on these points, 
 you continued to speak as if you were entirely agreed with him, and 
 this I could not account for. I for some time supposed that all this 
 difficulty must be owing to my misapprehension, and have more than 
 once found myself at a loss when asked how your teaching was to be 
 reconciled with his, till one day I ventured to say to Ward, * I cannot 
 help thinking that posterity wiU look upon Pusey and Newman as 
 belonging to perfectly different schools ; they seem to be agreed on 
 those points on which all Churchmen ought to be agreed as matter of 
 course, but no further' ; to which he replied, * I am very glad to hear 
 you say so ; I have always wondered how any one could think otherwise 
 but we must remember that that agreement is one for which one 
 should be very thankful in these times.' Some further conversation 
 passed which led me to look back to Newman's letter to the Christian 
 Observer, my impression being that he had there committed himself 
 to entire agreement with your writings up to that time, but I could 
 not find this to be the case. When I speak of agreeing with Ward 
 I only mean that, so far as I can understand, his is Newman's view of 
 things, and that I have as yet seen nothing advanced to invalidate it 
 I have always heard Newman speak as if he entirely agreed with 
 Froude and Keble in their view of the English Reformation, and 
 though I cannot pretend to anything approaching to such knowledge 
 of the history as would justify my saying that such is my own view, 
 yet I must say that I have seen no case made good against it, and 
 that whenever I have been led to look into any point of the history 
 I have found it confirmed ; though from the great variety of reading 
 which, owing to past neglect, the duty of a tutor throws upon my 
 
 T. E, Morris and Seager, 
 
 ^^t^' ^ hardly manage to read any subject with such method as shall 
 enable me to refer to particular instances, and cannot substantiate the 
 
 s^e'ssTorr: ''"'"^ " ^'"'^^^ ^" "^^ "^^^ - ^ i--' 
 
 Believe me, dear Sir, yours very respectfully, 
 
 Thos. E. Morris. 
 
 Of the divergence between Newman and Pusey hinted at 
 in the foregoing letter, the Oxford world generally had 
 become aware. Mr. W. G. Ward, it appears, had told a 
 fnend of Golightly's that ' a certain party in this place 
 might now be considered to be divided into disciples of Mr 
 Newman and disciples of Dr. Pusey-the latter opposed, 
 the former no longer opposed, to Rome i.' Through Mr. 
 Gohghtly this admission soon became public property. 
 But Pusey was most unwilling to recognize any such 
 difference of view ; he would not recognize it as long as 
 he could avoid doing so ; and he took every opportunity 
 of endeavouring to engage Newman in efforts which im- 
 plied that their line of thought and action was still the 
 same. Thus when some little time later Pusey's Assistant- 
 Lecturer in Hebrew. Mr. Seager, had caused much anxiety 
 by conversation which implied a disposition to join the 
 Church of Rome, Pusey wrote to beg Newman that he would 
 influence him in an opposite direction. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 116 Marine Parade, Brighton, Jan. 3, [1842]. 
 .^l/p ^ "^"^ much wish you could quiet him. He has a theory 
 that Rome must be m the right because she is a Church (and on the 
 same ground we are also), and that it is necessary to talk down Anti- 
 Romamsm, and defend Romanism, in order to make way for Catholi- 
 
 whTth;;^; r '"'T'^^ ''''" ^^^'° ^""^ ^^^'■" '° ^^ <!"'«' because, 
 whether he will or no, he >s committing me, and using any influence 
 
 he may have from his connexion with me, against myself: I have told 
 him also that his conversation seemed to me very unsettling, and that 
 If any one went over to Romanism, who heard much of his con- 
 versation, I should think him in part responsible; but this he thinks 
 no evil But I hear again and again of the way in which he oflends 
 
230 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 people, and the suspicion in which I am in consequence held. I think 
 he would mind you. ... 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately and thankfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 
 Nor were these efforts unresponded to. 
 
 'S. is out of Oxford,' Newman replied on Jan. 13, 'but I have 
 written to h.m and am to see him on Saturday.' «! had some talk 
 with S. yesterday, he writes on Sunday, the i6th, 'and from what 
 he said, I hope he is in a better mind than he was.' 
 
 Bishop Bagot, when writing to authorize Pusey's ' Prayers 
 for Unity,' added an expression of his regret at some of 
 the articles in the recent number of the British Critic. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Christ Church, Sept. 8, [1841]. 
 I thank your Lordship for your kind note. Your Lordship was 
 
 ,n7,^ H " ^^n; anxious that it should be conducted in a right 
 spint. He was much annoyed by the article on Dr. Faussett • it is 
 Sr f'!^^^ ' ""f ""fortunate, that the writer had neve; seen 
 I>r. F., and knew not how exactly he was describing him. Mr N is 
 very anxious that there should be nothing of this sort. I also was 
 much pamed by the article on Jewel; I believe we may ant cii^te 
 that this sort of article will not be continued. AltogeThJr, it s C 
 
 ^hi^' ir^r ""'' "?"' '^^ ^^^''* ^''""''l ^^ free from anything 
 objectionable; he was alive to people's feelings about it, and J 11 do 
 what m him lies to meet them. 
 
 Ja ?k-"^^m/' ^T- V^^ '° '•''" *•>=" y°"r Lordship said about it 
 SdS riLT'"^ '"" ""'^'= '^^'~"^ "'- " ^"-••^ >- what your 
 I have the honour to be, with much respect, 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and obhged servant, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 The Oxford writers may have hoped that Bishop Baeot's 
 moderate and judicial attitude would be also that of his 
 Episcopal brethren. If they did, they were soon to be 
 rudely undeceived. A first indication of what was coming 
 was furnished by a refusal of Dr. Sumner, Bishop of Win- 
 chester, to admit the Rev. Peter Young, then curate of 
 Hursley, to Pnests' Orders. The particulars of this unhappy 
 
 / 
 
 Mr. Peter Young— Keble's Curate, 231 
 
 proceeding on the part of the Bishop are given in a letter 
 from Keble to Pusey. Mr. P. Young was going to Ireland, 
 where Pusey was staying in July, 1841, and Keble was 
 anxious that Pusey should advise him how to act : — 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, July 17, 1841. 
 . . . Just now he [Mr. P. Young] wants all the sympathy and 
 support he can get : for he has been placed in the condition of 
 something like a confessor by a severe act of our Diocesan. (I must 
 write to you of it, though I am not sure whether it is generally 
 known yet : yet 1 can hardly understand how it can be kept a 
 secret.) The fact is that he presented himself for Priests' Orders 
 last week at Famham Castle, was examined on Thursday and 
 Friday morning, and sent back ««ordained. A clergyman at 
 Winchester, Mr. Crowdy, had previously refused to sign his testi- 
 monials, on the ground of his connection with me, and because in 
 some sermon which he had heard Young had spoken as I should 
 of wilful sin after Baptism. This was no doubt known to the Bishop, 
 and he did make some technical difficulty about receiving Young's 
 testimonials, but without saying anything of any doctrinal scruple : 
 so that when on my intercession he did at last allow him to present 
 himself, we were not in the least prepared for what occurred. He 
 was immediately set to answer a long string of questions all tending 
 one way : the first being, in substance, How do you govern yourself 
 in the construction of the Thirty-nine Articles? And the last. 
 Explain Consubstantiation, Transubstantiation, and the doctrine of 
 our Church as differing from both. He answered, setting forth the 
 doctrine of a real though spiritual Presence, as distinct from corporeal 
 on the one hand and merely figurative on the other. The Bishop 
 himself, backed by both his Chaplains (James and Jacob), summoned 
 him to explain his answer; refusing to accept a statement (which 
 he made unreservedly) in the words of the Catechism and Articles, 
 and saying he wanted his own words : objecting also, as I understood, 
 to his denying that the Presence was figurative, and urging the 
 passage from Hooker, in which he seems to say that the Real 
 Presence is not to be sought in the Sacrament but in the worthy 
 receiver. The end of it was that he recommended Young to go 
 away and get clearer views on the subject : intimating also that 
 there were other points in his answer on which he should have 
 demurred (one which he specified was, his stating that the doctrine 
 of the Sufficiency of Scripture was not distinctly set down in Scripture, 
 but rather to be gathered from Catholic Antiquity): but that he 
 had no occasion to enter into them now. On the whole it looks 
 more like a deliberate beginning of serious vexation on the part of 
 
a. 
 
 f 
 
 
 232 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 authority than anything I have met with yet'. Certainly it i, , 
 most unhappy one as to the person mos.'concemed TS f one 
 man ,s more blameless and devoted than another, I should Z 
 from what I see of him that Peter Youne is that m»n • 7 i u ^ 
 a person too of remarkably good infonnatil " ' ^^ '" '* 
 
 _ Keble himself wrote to Bishop Sumner, in his own words, 
 
 th^r"''^'?,,^"!""'^ ^''"'^"'' *^ ^^y **>^t he was sure 
 there must have been some misunderstanding, and earnestly 
 beggmg the Bishop to consider whether he could be of any 
 use 'n clearmg up matters, and offering to wait on him, if 
 of Zt • '• '^'^'■^''''P ^^P"^''- ' discouraging any notion 
 
 YoZr ^'"J''' "'"''■ ^''^' ^'^^'' *^"d directed 
 Young to read the 67th chapter of Hooker's Fifth Book, 
 
 savs tlh Tk ""''T' "' "^^'^ ^^^'"^«' ^ft^"- ^hich, he 
 'Tnr. ''"""V' ' fitting time to confer with him.' 
 
 At present, wrote Keble to Newman on July in -the 
 matter wears an alarming appearance. It was plain 'from 
 the moment that Young went into the house tL a dead 
 set was to be made at him. Questions were put to him 
 which were not put to others, the first being. What is your 
 mode of mterpretmg the Thirty-nine Articles ? ' 
 Pusey of course sympathized warmly :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J, Keble. 
 My dear Keble, Kingstown, July 21, [1841] 
 
 to m. Tc trB^op-tt is ;h^tirofrm:d' r '--''- 
 
 but it is sad: it is al.oj^ether tr^ge £fh docSr""'""'"'; 
 the first put forward in the Tracts^ ft,. f !^ ^^^ °"* °^ 
 
 has bee„^indicated by te^^^op ' Sra Jf if^r"' 
 
 ctement. arising out of misconceS':; Tr:y';.Tn? thati; 
 
 Priest's Orders Re/used. 
 
 • .. J ,** apprehension was nnhappily 
 justified. Even so large-hearted a 
 prelate as Bp. Blomfield illustrated its 
 justice. * The Bp. of London rejected 
 two candidates ^ think two) for 
 asserting the doctrine of the Real 
 Presence and the Real Sacrifice; but 
 
 on the second day they came fortified 
 with quotations from our divines, and 
 were admitted The two parts are 
 eadi sad m their way.' E. B. P. to 
 Kev. J. Keble, Dec 30, 1841. This 
 circumstance seems to be referred to 
 m Newman's 'Apologia/ p. 27a. 
 
 
 233 
 
 will subside: the first question which you mention, 'How do vou 
 govern yourself in the construction of the Thirty^ Articles " 
 seems to be a key to the rest. ^rucies. 
 
 n^L^T' *' ^"a" J^^: ^°°^ '"^y ^^^ °f ■'- and *« the Bishop 
 may be persuaded that he has acted severely : meanwhile one 
 cannot but think that there is misconception, and so you may I 
 trust, remam more at your ease under your Bishop. One must be 
 
 l^.rZ'""'" 'v "' ''""> ""y °^ "'""' *° ^°'"'"" themselves to 
 
 apparent opposition to Catholic truth : rather, I suppose one must 
 
 ake .t for granted that they mean what our Church means, and 
 
 SoTn/r ^"^ ^""^T^ condemnation of truth to misconception. 
 So long as one .s satisfied that one does hold what our Church 
 holds, I do not thmk that any of us need concern himself whh 
 
 not rrTh "T,t 1 '■' ''■''""P- ^•"'"''^ '■«■ »y Bishop unhappily 
 Church < "^"'l""* °^ ^^Pi\sm^ Regeneration, yet as our 
 
 Church IS clear on the point, it seems clear that n; clergyman 
 need be uncomfortable at holding a cure in his Diocese, bf^use 
 he himself teaches us what is the plain doctrine of the ChTrch 
 And so as to the other Saci^ment. I write this because 1 fear' 
 from your • Letter' to Mr. J. C[oleridge], that you might feel yourself 
 uncomfortably placed, if your Bishop were to decla« aj nst rJ- 
 thing which you feel bound to teach: but one sees eve^ davTnd 
 
 seem to object to, but to something else in their minds, something 
 wh^ch Jhey have confused with it, and which they cannot distinSh 
 
 On Mr. Peter Young's arrival in Ireland he at once 
 betook himself to Pusey. He had now received copies of 
 his examination papers ; the originals were retained by the 
 Bishop's chaplain. After reading them, Pusey wrote both 
 to Keble and Newman, to the effect that Mr. Young had 
 m his first answer defined the mode of the Presence; that 
 If he had left it undefined as -a mystery (as Bishop An- 
 drewes) it might have been accepted ; and that there was 
 no ' ground to fear that the doctrine of the Real Presence 
 external to the soul of the receiver, had been rejected 
 by one of our Bishops.' But Newman, to Keble's great 
 satisfaction, approved of Mr. Young's answers ; and cer- 
 tainly the Bishop of Winchester did not say or do anything 
 which could make it easier for Keble to accept Pusey's 
 construction of the Bishop's act in rejecting Mr. Young. 
 
 'The Bishop,' wrote Keble to Newman on Sept. ii, 'has replied 
 to Young, simply saying that the matter cannot be setUed without 
 
234 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 a personal interview; and when he comes to visit, which is on the 2^rd 
 he w,„ fi a „„,fo Young to see him. If it was tLe merest for^alhvt 
 the world, mstead of a gravepointof doctrine, and a young cler~^ 
 character at stake, it could hardly be treated more lightlj^' ^ 
 
 Meanwhile the clouds were gathering, and were soon to 
 
 burst upon the devoted head of the author of Tract 90 and 
 
 those who sympathized with or defended him. The Bishop 
 
 of Gloucester and Bristol attacked the 'ingenuity' and 
 
 sophistry ' of the tract. 
 
 'The Bishop of Gloucester,' wrote Keble to Newman, 'thou-h he 
 sa,d he had no fault to find with either the doctrine or practice of his 
 wiUmgly take this m exchange for what 1 expect on the 23rd.' 
 
 On the 23rd the Bishop of Winchester justified this 
 apprehension only too completely. The theological matter 
 ot his Charge was such as might be expected from a 
 Bishop of the Evangelical School ; but it contained passages 
 whKh, falling on the sensitive conscience of the author of 
 The Christian Year,' led him seriously to contemplate 
 the resignation of his living. To Pusey Keble wrote on 
 bt. Michael s Day : — 
 
 JJ^^ ?^^I^^ "''""'^^'^ "^^"y '^""^'^^ ^"^ ^ ^"^ ^oJd the Bishop did not 
 which will be, I imagine, in a week or ten days, and I will then 
 sary to write to he Bishop ; but you may depend on my not resigning 
 careful as I can to drive him up to no such point/ 
 
 To Newman he sketched out the matter of his proposed 
 letter to the Bishop. He felt himself in a doubtful and 
 distressmg position, the Bishop having seemed publicly to 
 censure certain views which he was known to entertain. 
 
 While these letters were passing, Pusey was at Addington. 
 The Archbishop had sent for him in order to ascertain 
 the state of things in Oxford. The interview was very 
 reassuring, and Pusey's report of what passed, although 
 evidently written with a view to reassure and encourage 
 Newman, contains a welcome picture of the most learned 
 
 I 
 
 Pusey s Visit to the Archbishop. 235 
 
 as well as of the most equitable of the Primates in the 
 present century. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Gros[venor] Sq[uare], Oct. i, [1841]. 
 The whole of the Archbishop's manner and all he has said has 
 been very kind ; he had nothing definite to propose, but wished to 
 impress on us the importance of quiet, in order to regain the confidence 
 which had been shaken. He spoke with the greatest value and respect 
 for you as well as Keble, and for the services which had been done to 
 the Church ; he spoke very kindly of what he did not go along with as 
 expressions in the* Remains'; wished to put a favourable interpretation 
 upon things, to read them in their best sense ; hoped that all would be 
 well with quiet, and that confidence would be restored. In a word, he 
 wished us to let what had been done work, abstain from controversy 
 as far as might be, and turn ourselves to such works as might be, as 
 far as possible, of acknowledged utility, as practical works or, in my 
 case, something on the interpretation of Holy Scripture, i.e. not pro- 
 fessedly polemical. But he did not even say thus much until I asked 
 him whether he wished to advise anything. It was only the language 
 of general caution. He said what had most disquieted people since 
 Tract 90 was the British Critic (and indeed the tone of those three 
 articles does seem to have given deep offence, and some have ceased to 
 take it in). He spoke very moderately about this, as he thought 
 Jewel's opinions a fair subject of criticism, but thought that the writer 
 had * a spite against him'; the tone of the article on Dr. Faussett he 
 regretted, and on that of Sir R. P. he said, that as far as people were 
 to look to human means, the Conservatives were the persons to whom 
 we must look, and so he thought it ill-timed. 
 
 His way of speaking was so confidential that I hardly know what to 
 put on paper, but his real object is to befriend us ; he acquits us of any 
 wrong doctrine, really values the sei-vices which have been rendered, 
 wants to be able to defend us to others, and for this end, recommends 
 us * In quietness and confidence shall be your strength.' 
 
 I expect to be in Oxford late to-morrow, but am not certain. 
 
 His visit to Addington had strengthened Pusey 's old 
 feeling of respect for and confidence in the Primate, and on 
 his return he determined to make an efifort to relieve Keble 
 from the position in which he was placed by the action of 
 the Bishop of Winchester towards Mr. Peter Young. A 
 letter in which he begged the Primate to appeal to the 
 Bishop of Winchester, produced the subjoined kind but 
 disappointing reply. 
 
 
"•« 
 
 t^mmmmm 
 
 236 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to E. B. p. 
 
 Mv DEAR Sir, Addington, Oct. 1 1, ,841. 
 
 My absence from home must plead my apology for having ,n 
 
 ong postponed my acknowledgment of your lettefof October Id for 
 
 hough you obhg^ngly say that you do not wish for an answeTl shouM 
 
 mmmm 
 
 our Church, whose judgment derives importance as well fra^tLZ 
 station as from their learning and piety but which L v Ki 
 
 M you have m view ; and this is the utmost which I could ™ 
 
 ^ttiz s Shoi: °''^^"' '''" '-- '^^ Bi.ho;orv;;trer: 
 
 I remain, my dear Sir, 
 
 With sincere esteem and regard, 
 
 Your faithful and obedient servant, 
 
 W. Cantuar. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Pusey. 
 
 Harrison saw the Archbishop after the interview with 
 
 a letter to the Archbishop, with a view to placing before 
 the Episcopal Bench the grounds on which a'n,ore w! 
 able judgment of the Oxford Tracts might be formed, 
 
 Epitcop°aUhT'"V^ '■"^* "°" ^''°''^^'' ''y 'he publ'ic^don' of'tLir 
 Episcopal charges, for a respectful and temperate a.oAoyio. in whkh' 
 
 More Bishops' Charges. 237 
 
 without entering into minute discussion, or refined distinctions, you 
 rn^ht show cause why you should not be deprived of that degree of 
 
 albwed* "' ''^'^ °^ "^ ^°™"'^"«^' has always been 
 
 This advice did bear fruit, at a later period, in Pusey's 
 ' Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury.' But, for the 
 present, Pusey hesitated to take it, except at the express 
 injunction of the Archbishop. 
 
 Harrison again pressed his point, but with no immediate 
 result. If Pusey would not take his advice, the Bishops 
 would go on warning their clergy and people against the 
 Tractarians. But had Pusey taken it he would have 
 been too late. The Bishops were rapidly taking their line 
 Before the end of 1841, Sumner of Chester, Bowstead of 
 Lichfield, and Maltby of Durham— Pusey's old tutor- 
 followed the lead of the Bishop of Winchester. Longley of 
 Ripon recognized the services which the Tractarians had 
 rendered in recovering true belief about the Church and the 
 Sacraments ; but he, too, had a word of condemnation for 
 Tract 90. During the following year not only Copleston 
 of Llandaff, Pepys of Worcester, Musgrave of Hereford 
 Thiriwall of St. David's, but also Blomfield of London' 
 Dcnison of Salisbury, and even Bishop Bagot of Oxford' 
 joined, with very varying degrees of decision, in the chorus 
 of condemnation, which had so much more than anything 
 else to do with precipitating the catastrophe of 1845. Re- 
 ferring to these events in a conversation nearly forty years 
 later, Pusey said : — 
 
 'What might not the movement have been if the Bishops would 
 have understood us! I remember Newman saying to me at 
 Littlemore, "Oh, Pusey! we have leant on the Bishops, and they 
 have broken down under us!" It was too late then to say 
 anythmg: he was already leaving us. But I thought to myself. 
 At least I never leant on the Bishops : I leant on the Church of 
 England. ' ' 
 
 This expression is a key to a feature of Pusey's mind 
 which partly explains the divergence of his later career from 
 that of his illustrious fellow-worker. They were agreed as 
 
 
238 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 to the necessity of obedience ; but in Newman's mind 
 
 a'sS d't '"""* ^"''^"^>' ^^^-^ ^^^ p^- -hich p:::' 
 
 assigned to a more remote and complex, but at the same 
 time more really authoritative guide. Pusey was not 
 
 nott-T '\'V '^"-""'^^ °' "^'"^ ^'^'^^'P^' ^-^ ^^ could 
 not thmk such language the only and final means of ascer- 
 
 tainmg the sense and mind of the Church. Had he been 
 a Roman Catholic he would have leant on Councils rather 
 than on Popes ; m the Church of England he leant on 
 her CO lecfve voice in her formularies rather than o^ 
 particular and contradictory interpretations of them by 
 feT °^^!f/"'"^- When Keble, in his distress aT the 
 
 If eZin h"^' °'"T ^'^l^^Pof Winchester, was thinking 
 of resigning his pastoral cure at Hursley, Pusey stated this 
 pnnciple with great explicitness. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 Mv DEAR Keble, Oxford, Feb. 14, 1842 
 
 IS never there, except at an Ordination, dines with the ChZu^l 
 L^hlt T7 ""'.'' '"^^ "°' -^-'l himself any how as our h ad' 
 
 one Iho i My fiun/is Thlt '? T'm 1 '° ^'^^ ^" °P'"'°" '° 
 suchaCharge,EmoefortheB,hn ^' "'>^°'»fo«abie under 
 
 S'hfsbL7-S^^^^^ 
 
 it: we kTolThat : T;e'S f ' ''°"" '/ """ ^^'"''^ ="^-« 
 should be rathTr bLnt on^,.;," T""^' "''' "'"^'■°^"= ^ ^^ncy I 
 
 speaking against you, he is speaking against the truth anH 1 f^ 
 I should not think that i \.Xa "•simsi tne truth, and therefore 
 
 duty to m^L i Call c tth 'evr/i?f f '• /' " '"'^ °"^'^ 
 Bishop. . . , • ^^^^ '^ unhappily opposed by a 
 
 Your very affectionate, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 But the Movement was undoubtedly, among other things 
 a reassertion of Episcopal authority. The earfy Tracts h!d 
 
 Jiesult of the Charges. 
 
 239 
 
 insisted on the deference claimed for Bishops in the I^na- 
 tian Ep,stles ; and the moral passion for an unres fved 
 obedience to a hving ruler went hand in hand with Ihe 
 
 selt-sacrifice. To balance one principle by another is not 
 g.ven to men of all temperaments ; and it i^ rarely posibk 
 -n days of youth and inexperience. The Bishop^ may or 
 
 asXned t r-'"";"^^ ^^ ''' '"'^'^'^ -'- -hichU 
 assigned to their words now that Divine authority had been 
 
 more fully asserted on behalf of their office ; bufthdr lan- 
 guage was unhappily calculated to aggravate the difficulties 
 of the situation by encouraging Latitudinarian or Puritan 
 at acks on the Oxford writers, and by producing in he 
 
 wStl^'rr'' "'" "''^^P^^^'' ''^*™^* «f ^1^- Church 
 which the Bishops represented. No one had better oppor- 
 
 "nd t fr ■I'^'Z °' °'^^^^'"^ ^•'^ '^•-^-- -suits, 
 A 1 describes them in his published Letter to the 
 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, in 1842, as follows.- 
 
 to71n''Tjf Uo^'l' ""7.'^^" "''"^ "'^ --- of attacks, 
 for th. c' f T ""^ P"'P"' and that in language little fitted 
 for the sanctuary of God, where our Lord is "in fhe mid, ".f 
 Persons who hate the principles of the Church'o he" si^ic^Lss" 
 
 o it"tSi;Tarmixt^'r;d^'"';'^°' ^""^ ^''^ -"''-"""" 
 <,I=.H f-. ' ? P nbaldry and profaneness, have still been 
 
 Sfshois Th^J" 'heir unholy warfare under the ' banker of ou" 
 sacred things h;,v^ kI ^"^ /^'shops. Thoughtful sermons on 
 
 hear, they who understand not what they read still ni.V,=.i,; 
 the general agitation ; the repose of our on'ce pet2 XS "I 
 
 th?w"th"''T^"' """' ^'^"^P^« of our potation unsetaed 
 
 ^o^r^rttm ura/^sXt^^^^^^^^^^^^ -^-'^'^ '-^ 
 
 own language,, " to become PapZs^" ta" oT^' ^^ "'j 
 to desert our Church when occasion offers; others ar7 tau/hn^ 
 mistrust the ministers who have been labouring f^h?:.^?^ 
 
 ! i 
 
 I! 
 
 II 
 
h i 
 
 240 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 them for years : if former negligences are anywhere repaired, the 
 negligent have the popular cry ready for their plea; the serious 
 and earnest-minded stand aghast, looking in sorrowful perplexity, 
 what all this can mean. Until of late, men of more thoughtful minds 
 were the more stirred to enter into Holy Orders, because our gracious 
 Master Himself seemed to be " hiring labourers into His Vineyard," 
 and "giving each his work"; now, some such even shrink back, 
 doubting, and in dismay what our Bishops may do. What wonder, if 
 some are faint-hearted whether our Lord be in the vessel, which is not 
 only so tempest-tost, but whose very shipmen and pilots are so 
 disunited, how or whither to guide her, "neither sun nor stars 
 appearing * " ? * 
 
 The effects of these Charges soon became apparent. 
 
 *At Bristol,' wrote Pusey to Harrison on November 9, 'shortly 
 after I had preached there for the S. P. G., a clergyman preached 
 against the " hell-bom heresy of Puseyism " : the same person omits 
 in the week-day parts of the lessons, yet we are the only persons 
 censured.* 
 
 On November 17th Pusey writes again to Harrison :— 
 
 'Mr. Close the other day thanked God in his pulpit that the 
 Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol had condemned us as preaching 
 another Gospel ; and though he (the Bishop) did not mean it, his 
 words bear it out.' 
 
 * In another great city the people were instructed to look upon 
 the teaching of a portion of the ministers of their Church as the 
 teaching of Satan. Would that this were an insulated case ^ ! * 
 
 Pusey saw only too clearly whither all this might lead, 
 and, read in the light of much that has followed, the 
 language of his Letter to the Archbishop has an almost 
 prophetic character : — 
 
 * If this goes on, my Lord, where is it to end ? If our own Bishops 
 and others encouraged by them say to us — sore as it is to repeat, 
 they are their own words— " Get thee hence, Satan,"— while those 
 of the Roman Communion pray for us, and invite us, is it not 
 sorely adding to the temptations, I say not of ourselves, but of younger 
 men ? The young are guided by their sympathies more than by their 
 convictions; our position is altogether an unnatural one; it was 
 never meant, nor did he who first originated the idea of our Tracts, 
 contemplate, that we should stand thus; we never wished to be 
 leaders ; he who has been forced into that unenviable eminence loved 
 
 ' ' Letter to Archbishop of Canterburj,' pp. 114-116, ed. 3. 
 ' Ibid., p. 71. 
 
 Result of the Charges. 
 
 241 
 
 retirement and obscurity; we wished, as I said, to rouse at a critir.1 
 moment, the sense of our Church to th*. ,,Ii r critical 
 
 deposit which she was neglec^n' our first t"\ ^ P""" ^^ ^^' 
 abrupt addresses of personTwho ;h^n .K ''' ^"'^ '^^ '^^^^ 
 
 our oh7\-° "'^^r^"* Church, in connexion with our o°wn 
 
 present the fuUness Jr the'lS s'/sfe™ ' n^ ra th ^ 1^^:? 
 from modem statements and modem controversies ^we Lwew 
 much which any of us might have desired to do, in order thTt the 
 Church might be listened to, not ourselves ; in whatever deU^! 
 we have been made a party, it has been tZ =i ^^^^^"^^ degree 
 own ; .e are held togeth^er n^^t^Ly';:^^^^^^^^^^ l^or^nlu 
 and our common object of restoring our Church. ^°"^"^o« ^^ith, 
 
 h'Tj't 'IK ™^^g«f '■> O" Church, to be nothing but what 
 
 o retire from the weary strife, if it should b^ ev" nects^^ 
 into lay communion, or seek some other branch of our ChuS^' 
 which woud receive us- hnf fx^ *.u ! ^nurch, 
 
 to a Church they must belong, and they will seek Rome. 
 
 M°Z 'iot'' J" r""'! "'■"'^^ "^"°"* ruissW^.^ hive been 
 m^- X,r ^^ *''" """'"^ ^ "^'^'"^"'y <=^"ed "young 
 men these are, one may say, some of the flower of the ELlish 
 Church; persons whose sense of dutifulness binds them To her 
 who wodd to use the language of one of them, "feelTto be of 
 course the.r duty to abide in her as long as they could." WhaJ 
 
 Th! r I "? ^""'"'"^ ^ momentary ebullition, but rather ies 
 the bought of seceding from our Church should ^duallyTcome 
 famihar to people's minds, and a series of shocks foosen thei^ Cd 
 
 VOL.. II, Ti 
 
242 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 until at last they drop off, almost of themselves, from some cause 
 which in itself seems wholly inadequate, because their grasp had 
 gradually been relaxed before. What we fear is lest a deep des- 
 pondency about ourselves and our Church come over people's minds, 
 and they abandon her, as thinking her case hopeless; or lest 
 individuals who are removed from the sobering influence of this 
 ancient home of the Church, should become fretted and impatient 
 at these unsympathizing condemnations, and the continued harassing 
 of the unseemly strife now carried on under the shelter of your 
 Lordships' names, and losing patience should lose also the guidance 
 vouchsafed — to the patient '.* 
 
 * * Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury,' pp. 71-75, ed. 3. 
 
 r t 
 
 ^BS^HHi^^^T^^^^^^^^ 
 
 ' iSiJL ' J* 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 VISIT TO IRELAND-THE JERUSALEM BISHOPRIC-THE 
 POETRY PROFESSORSHIP-FRIENDLY REMONSTRANCES. 
 
 1841-1842. 
 
 In the eventful summer of 1841, Pusey spent July and 
 August m Ireland. He had intended to make this visit in 
 the previous year, partly as change of air for his children, 
 but chiefly to see the working of the Roman Cathohc 
 sisterhoods there, with a view to establishing ' an order of 
 deaconesses ' in the English Church. 
 
 Circumstances compelled him to postpone this plan in 
 1840 in consequence of his son's state of health; mean- 
 while they gave him additional reasons for making it. He 
 was particularly anxious to meet Dr. Todd of Trinity 
 College, Dublin, one of the leading Churchmen in Ireland 
 He also desired an opportunity of observing the workin- 
 of the Roman Catholic Church in a country where it could 
 control the majority of the population. It does not seem 
 to have occurred to him that the troubles consequent upon 
 Tract 90 might not be diminished by his visit at such 
 a moment. Pusey wrote in May 1841 to Dr. Todd to 
 apprise him of his intention, and received a warm welcome 
 in reply. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Todd to E. B. P. 
 
 Trin. Coll. (Dublin), May 10, 1841. 
 I am rejoiced to find that there is a chance of seeing you here this 
 summer. I hope we shall be able to get you to preach once or twK 
 m Dubhn, were it only to convince people that you do not wear a Pope's 
 tiara or a Cardinal's hat. . . . ^ 
 
 I am very glad that you are writing on Tract 90. That the view it 
 gives of our Articles is substantially true I have not the least dorbt 
 
 R 2 ' 
 
^^fumm 
 
 mfmrnmrnamtf^—:- 
 
 
 244 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 and I think it most important that it should be calmly put forward for 
 the sake of those who will candidly consider the question. 
 
 Would it be at all important for your views to examine the popular 
 books of instruction which the Romanists put into the hands of the 
 people here? If so, I will be thankful to be employed in procuring 
 these tracts and popular books for you. It may be well for you to 
 know that many Churchmen here object to Tract 90, supposing it 
 to be a dishonest attempt to strain the Articles ; and it is the more 
 important to keep this in view, because the objection is urged by those 
 who on other very important points are with you. Do you know Barnes* 
 * Cathohco-Romano-Pacificus * ? It was reprinted in Brown's * Fasci- 
 culus,* and a curious account of the author will be found in Wood's 
 *Athenae.* It is curious as showing how the Church of Rome 
 treats those who endeavour to promote peace between us, and the 
 work itself is full of learning. 
 
 In view of their old relations to each other, and from 
 respect for his office, Pusey wrote to Archbishop Whately 
 to ascertain whether he had any objection to Dr. Todd's 
 proposal that he should preach in Dublin. Whately's 
 reply is a singular illustration of the intolerance of pro- 
 fessed Liberalism. The ' dear Pusey ' of three years before 
 has now been exchanged for the stiff ' My dear Sir,' as 
 marking the distance at which recent controversy had 
 placed Pusey in the eyes of his correspondent ^ : — 
 
 The Archbishop of Dublin to E. B. P. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR, ^"8''*°"' J""* '^' ■^4'- 
 
 If you should be called on, upon any sudden emergency, to 
 preach during your residence in Ireland, you have my full permission 
 to do so. I feel sure you have too much good taste and discretion to 
 introduce controversial matter into sermons, in a country already but 
 too much distracted with controversies of its own, in addition to those 
 that are common to it with England. 
 
 But unless any such extraordinary occasion should arise, I think it 
 better that you should not preach, notwithstanding the caution with 
 which no doubt your sermons would be framed. 
 
 Just now there is, as you are well aware, a most vehement excite- 
 ment going on, in reference to a certain set of opinions with which 
 
 * Whately used to tell a humorous 
 story of an interview of his with Pusey 
 at Brighton in 1841. According to 
 this, his reason for not allowing Pusey 
 to preach in his diocese was a fear 
 
 that he would introduce * novelties.* 
 The patron of Blanco White was 
 naturally sensitive. * Life of Arch- 
 bishop Whately/ p. 215. 
 
 First Impressions of Ireland. 
 
 245 
 
 your name is mixed up ; opinions which many persons regard as so 
 * contrary to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England ' 
 that the maintainers of them ought not to be allowed to remain in the 
 Church. 
 
 Now on this question I have not as yet been called on to give any 
 public decision, but if you were understood to be preaching in my 
 diocese with my sanction, many would understand that I had thus 
 given a decision, even though you should not touch on the question • 
 and at any rate, you would probably be made more a lion, and 
 give rise to more rumours, than would be counterbalanced by any 
 advantage on the other side. 
 
 You will not, I trust, consider me as pronouncing a censure in saying 
 this, for it is quite contrary to my practice to condemn any one 
 unheard, and I have not as yet had time to look into the pamphlet you 
 were so good as to send me t'other day. 
 
 Believe me to be. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 Rd. Dublix. 
 
 After this letter Pusey of course decided not to preach 
 in any circumstances. He went by sea from Bristol on 
 July 2, and soon settled in lodgings at Sandy Cove, 
 Kingstown. His early impressions of Romanism in Ireland 
 were not very encouraging. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Kingstown, July 15, 1841. 
 I am not in the way to gain much information about Ireland. Todd 
 IS gone ; Crosthwaite, for a time ; and though I go to and fro to Dublin, 
 the railroad is so noisy, and I so little understand drawing-out, that I 
 can get little or nothing. There is also nothing in Romanism to strike 
 the eyes, except its miserable slavery to politics and sad degradation, 
 which you know more vividly than I. Right-minded people here are 
 desponding about our own Church's taking the position she should ; 
 and what one seeo of Romanism dispirits one about it ; it seems as 
 though devotion to the Blessed Virgin were to become the characteristic 
 of Romanism, and the more Catholic truth is distinctly recognized 
 among us, the more obstinately do they hold to what is distinctive. 
 One cannot but fear that they hold to it, not for its own sake, but as a 
 means of keeping the poor people and as enlisting human affections. 
 However, God, Who is having mercy on us, may burst their bonds too. 
 
 Pusey soon became painfully aware that he was the 
 subject of much silly gossip during his stay in Ireland, and 
 that there were difficulties in his case from which an 
 
msg^ 
 
 ■"- -■ XS 
 
 246 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pitsey. 
 
 « 
 
 ordinary visitor, anxious to become acquainted with the 
 characteristic institutions of the country, would be free. 
 
 Every one who knows Ireland will understand that 
 Pusey had also many offers of hospitality from its warm- 
 hearted people. Dr. Todd, who had betaken himself 
 to a country retreat at Kilkee in county Clare, was 
 especially anxious to induce Pusey to 'see the Irish 
 people in their original state, unsophisticated by any ad- 
 mixture with English or Protestantism.' *It would give 
 you,' he added, * more insight into the real relative state of 
 Romanism and the Church in Ireland than you could learn 
 from books in a twelvemonth.' Pusey, however, declined 
 every proposal that was not mainly or only religious in 
 its interest. 'It seems,' he wrote to Keble, *as though 
 visiting was not meant for me.' He found the Roman 
 Catholics sometimes embarrassingly attentive : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Aug. 9, 1841. 
 * The Roman Catholics have been so civil I have not known what to 
 make of it. I have had to fight off being introduced to the one and 
 the other, and they shake hands so cordially, and are so glad to see 
 one ! e. g.— a Roman Catholic Bishop of British Guiana.* 
 
 Among others he met Dr. Murray, the Roman Catholic 
 Archbishop of Dublin. He describes the interview in the 
 same letter to Newman : — 
 
 *. . . Dr. M. said that you said that " we agreed in principles, differed 
 in practice.'* I could not go that length myself, thinking things declared 
 de fide in the Council of Trent which I could not assent to, as the 
 necessity of confession to man as essential to the power of the keys, 
 Transubstantiation, as there defined (i.e. I do not see how to explain 
 their words, though I feel that they continually meant to oppose error 
 not truth). I hope I did not commit you by saying nothing. He was 
 evidendy apologetic, as they all are ; spoke of the Scapular (which I 
 had quoted) as of no authority : said I was "justly indignant at many 
 of the expressions in the * Glories of Mary,' that he did not know who 
 the priest was who translated it." I said something (as you do) that 
 there ought to be an authoritative declaration against such things, 
 that until there was a safeguard against them, it would be a breach of 
 duty in the English Church towards her children to risk their being 
 exposed to them. Dr. M. : " It will be, when overtures are made, to 
 
 Results of the Irish Vtstt, 
 
 247 
 
 I 
 
 consider what can be conceded " (or words to that effect, implying that 
 the Church of England was to go as far as it could, and then the 
 Church of Rome was to concede what it could, but that in the mean- 
 while they would do nothing). I said, " This is not our concern, but our 
 Bishops'.'* Dr. M. : " You are quite right there." ' 
 
 Again, later : — 
 
 * I took an opportunity of telling Dr. Murray that you spoke of [our] 
 differing from [them] in facts, not in practice only, which he received 
 without any surprise. ... I have been very busy seeing female 
 fioval *, and hope I understand something of them ; male there are 
 none, on any real monastic principle.* 
 
 Pusey saw also all that he could of the clergy of the 
 Irish Church, not excepting those who were least in 
 sympathy with Church principles. ' I remember,' he said 
 several years after, * one Evangelical clergyman in Ireland 
 on whom I was calling saying to me rather triumphantly, 
 **/will show you my Fathers." On which he pointed to 
 his bookcase, with three rather long shelves, filled with 
 the Nonconformist divines to the exclusion of everything 
 else. I said, "If these are your Fathers, you must not 
 accuse us of not being true to the Church of England." ' 
 
 He started from Dublin on August 31, and leaving Philips 
 at Brighton on Sept. i, returned to Oxford. It will be 
 remembered that during the whole of his visit to Ireland 
 he had been engaged in that most delicate and painful 
 correspondence with Newman about his relations with 
 Ward and Oakeley. His mother stayed with him at Christ J 
 Church immediately on his arrival. * Edward,' she wrote, 
 * appears to be well, but more grave and out of spirits. 
 He spent Sunday and part of Saturday at Garsington, 
 having gone to preach for William [who was at that time 
 curate there] ; and I saw him in tears on Sunday.' He was 
 beginning in fact to be affected by that growing divergence 
 from Newman of which he was himself perhaps hardly 
 conscious, yet which gave an increasing loneliness to his 
 already saddened life. 
 
 * The impression made on their 
 Roman Catholic inmates by his *re- 
 spectfol demeanour and recollected 
 
 manner' is described in the 'Life of 
 Mrs. Mary Aikeuhead,' Dublin, 1879, 
 p. 257. 
 
 i 
 
248 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 No sooner had he returned home to Oxford than a con- 
 troversy arose on the subject of his proceedings during his 
 visit to Ireland. That visit provoked some gentle and 
 some violent remonstrances from the ultra-Protestant 
 clergy; but, it is right to add, not from them alone. 
 Certainly they were founded on gossip that was itself 
 baseless, but they considerably increased the strain of the 
 situation in England. The only matter worth quoting 
 with regard to it is a passage from a letter to Dr. Todd, 
 in which Pusey sums up the impression which Irish Roman 
 Catholicism had made upon him. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Todd. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Sept. 7, 1841. 
 You may know, perhaps, that we have said that * an union with 
 Rome (1. e. as she now is) is impossible.' It is right to add that 
 while I acknowledge the great personal kindness with which my 
 inquiries were answered at the several institutions I visited, and deeply 
 respect individuals in them, the result of what I saw of the opinions of 
 Romanists m Ireland was a painful conviction that Rome had at 
 present no disposition to amend those things in her which make con- 
 tinued separation a duty. We must all long for the unity which our 
 Church prays for, and if we earnestly pray for it, God may again 
 restore a visible unity to His Church in truth and holiness ; but until 
 God gives to Rome grace to lay aside her corruptions, and to us to act 
 up to the principles and standard of our Church, it cannot be without 
 a sacnfice of duty-we might even each become worse by an union 
 If we each grow in holiness, the Spirit of Christ, Which alone can give 
 real unity, will pervade the Church so as to knit it into one ; and for 
 , this we must long and labour. 
 
 Close upon the controversy respecting Pusey 's Irish visit 
 followed that which was excited by the proposed establish- 
 ment of an Anglo-Prussian bishopric in Jerusalem. This 
 proposal, as is well known, originated with the King of 
 Prussia, Frederic William IV., who sent the Chevalier 
 Bunsen to England in the summer of 184 1, as a special 
 envoy, to press it on the English Government and Church. 
 The projected Bishop was to take charge of members of 
 the English Church, as well as German Protestants and any 
 others who might be willing to place themselves under his 
 jurisdiction. On the other hand, he was to cultivate friendly 
 
 
 f 
 
 The Jerusalem Bishopric. 249 
 
 relations with the Orthodox Church, and to promote con- 
 versions among the Jews. On October 5, 1841, an Act of 
 Parliament was passed to carry this proposal into effect ; 
 and it was agreed that the British and Prussian Crown 
 should nominate alternately to the bishopric ; that Prussia 
 should supply half the endowment, and English subscribers 
 the other half ; and that the Bishop might ordain Germans 
 who would subscribe the Thirty-nine Articles and the 
 Confession of Augsburg. 
 
 A Bishop who should supply the means of grace to 
 English residents in the Mediterranean had long been in 
 contemplation ; and at a meeting of the Archbishops and 
 Bishops at Lambeth on Tuesday in Whitsun week of this 
 year, it had been resolved, with the consent of Her Majesty's 
 Government, to consecrate a Bishop of Valetta. Bunsen's 
 visit to England extinguished this proposal. The useless and 
 ambitious project which he came to advocate had much 
 less to do with the spiritual interests of Englishmen in the 
 Levant than with the realization of schemes very alien to 
 the traditional policy of the Church of England since the 
 Reformation as well as before it. 
 
 Opinion was divided about the merits of the scheme. 
 It was natural that Puritans should welcome the slight cast 
 on the Apostolic Ministry by co-operation with a non- 
 episcopal community like the Prussian, and that Latitu- 
 dinarians should rejoice in the prospect of an increasing 
 indifference to doctrinal truth which would be promoted 
 by an artificial fusion between Lutherans and members of 
 the English Church. But the authority of Archbishop 
 Howley and Bishop Blomfield was, for whatever reasons, 
 on the side of the establishment of the bishopric, and the 
 consequence was a division of opinion among High Church- 
 men. Dr. Hook was the most considerable of its supporters ; 
 Mr. Newman and Dr. Mill opposed it heartily and from 
 the commencement : Pusey, as will appear, strangely failed 
 at first to see what principles were involved, but eventually 
 joined in condemning it. 
 
 His earlier impressions were no doubt due to the attractive 
 
 1 
 
 iSffKl*;-;., 
 
1 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 M 
 
 '*■ 
 
 If 
 
 250 Z{)^ <y Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 influence of Bunsen, his brother Phihp's intimate friend. 
 Bunsen, soon after reaching England, met Pusey at break- 
 fast on July 1st at his brother's house, and the accom- 
 plished man of the world knew well how to present his 
 proposal so as best to enlist Pusey 's sympathies, or at 
 least to disarm his opposition. 'I was led to imagine,' 
 Pusey afterwards wrote, ' that there was already a Church 
 of Jewish converts and of English at Jerusalem, and that 
 the bishop was to be sent over primarily for their sakes ^J 
 He knew of course that the rule of antiquity allowed 
 people who spoke different languages, although living 
 together, each to enjoy the blessing of a bishop: and 
 that one bishop might enter territory, within the normal 
 jurisdiction of another, in order to convert heathen whom 
 the bishop of the district had failed to win '\ 
 
 In justification of the alliance with the Prussian Pro- 
 testants, Pusey was led to hope that 'they would be 
 absorbed into our Church to which they had united them- 
 selves, and gradually imbibe her spirit and be Catholicized. 
 I trusted to the Catholicity of our Church to win those 
 who were brought within the sphere of her influenced 
 
 Mr. J. R. Hope, however, who was now in London, 
 heard of Bunsen's enterprise, and at once wrote to Pusey. 
 
 J. R. Hope, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 
 6 Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, 
 
 1 have heard to-day upon apparently good authority that Bunsen 
 IS actually endeavouring to make an arrangement by which the 
 English and Prussian Crowns shall unite as the Protestant defenders 
 of the Syrian Churches. My informant suggested that immediate 
 steps should be taken to inform the public here of the origin and 
 nature of the Prussian Evangelical Communion, and especially of the 
 expulsion of the Lutherans which accompanied its formation. My 
 own feelings run strongly against the Prussian system, which (though 
 without much knowledge) I have come to consider an eclectic 
 * Staats-religion,' any union with which would tend to harm us not 
 a little, both by association, and by the character which it would 
 procure us among the R. C. abroad. 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury,' ed. 3, p. 92 
 " Ihid., p 93. s ibj^j^ 
 
 Pleas for the Bishopric, 
 
 251 
 
 Pusey replied as follows : — 
 
 * July 24, 1841. 
 
 * I trust that our alliance with Prussia, or rather that of the State, 
 
 will bring them up towards us, not lower us to them. The present 
 
 King of Prussia, you know probably, is in heart an Episcopalian. 
 
 Altogether it seems a movement towards something better on the part 
 
 of Prussia which I should not be inclined to oppose if I could (as far 
 
 as I understand it).' 
 
 During his visit to Ireland, the subject does not appear 
 
 to have forced itself on Pusey's notice ; it is not referred to 
 
 in his extant correspondence. When, however, at the end 
 
 of September he visited Addington, he had much conversation 
 
 on the subject with the Archbishop and Harrison. This 
 
 conversation left him still well inclined to the general 
 
 policy of the measure, but doubtful as to the capacities of 
 
 the nominee to the new See for coping with the difficulties 
 
 of the situation. Early in October, he writes to Harrison 
 
 as follows : — 
 
 Christ Church, Oct. 3, 1841. 
 
 • •••••• • 
 
 Will Mill see the new Bishop of Jerusalem before he goes? He 
 probably knows nothing of our Councils and little of our theology ; 
 he is learned in his own way, not in ours : he might then very easily 
 make a mistake, as Bishop Heber did, in recognizing Mar Athanasius, 
 and as the emissary of the S. P. C. K. was ready to do ; especially if, 
 as Dr. Mill said, the Monophysites are very subtle disputants. But 
 the fact of a Bishop, sent out by us, entering into communion with 
 an heretical sect, might be more injurious than anything one could 
 imagine : it is true that it would be his individual act ; but when we 
 are sailing heavily, and people have to apply themselves, first to stop 
 up one leak, then another, no one knows what the effect of one more 
 leak may be. It must be no slight matter to restore communion 
 which has been so long broken ; we may be sure that Satan will do all 
 he can to hinder or mar it ; it must be brought about, one should 
 think, with prayer and fasting, not as an easy thing to be wrought by 
 man's will. And therefore, though I look to any openings as cheering 
 signs for the future, I am the more anxious that for the present there 
 should be the utmost circumspection. 
 
 Ever my dear Harrison, 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Pusey's sanguine estimate was not shared by some of 
 those earlier allies of the Oxford Movement who had of late 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
V 
 
 252 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 held more or less aloof from Newman. It may suffice to 
 name Mr. A. P Perr.-val Ti,^ ti- u , . 
 
 dn i;tti» f i-erceval. The Bishops as a body could 
 
 do httle to reassure them, for the reason that they had not 
 been consulted ; the whole matter had been arranged with 
 
 1 he Archbishop, when explaining his action to Mr. Perceval. 
 laKl down the principle that 'in the present state of the 
 locrS "' "'"' '°"''''^ communions rather than 
 
 furthe tr ''^T'"' ^^''^ ^""''^ '^"y '^' Archbishop 
 Iddt?howe:e;:- ' '''''''''' '' '"^'^'^'^ '^ ^^ "' 
 
 f C confint his r .''' '''?"^ ="•=" '''"^'' *'■" =«-h 'o him. 
 Church I ht °" '° "•'^ '^'^'■«y ''"'^ '"^'"''ers of his own 
 
 un respect to this particular question, the course we have taken i= 
 
 hi eteTf ' hi '^r''r^' ■■^'^^ '-' "°' ^' '"-« to'IctSo 
 tL P . ■ u patriarch, we must abandon the plan altogether 
 
 Meanwhile Newman, and indeed Dr. Mill, took a much 
 more unfavourable view of the subject. The poinT on 
 
 wftfthf r''^ T ^'""^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ Proposed'allilnc 
 h^tled hT^^ Protestants: Lutheranism and Calvinism, 
 he urged, had been condemned as heresies by the East as 
 
 sTm made h'""- T^' ^^^ ^'^'-^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^ 
 still made him more hopeful of the future, if not more 
 
 disposed to think well of the present condition of German 
 
 Protestantism. The favourable opinion, however, which he 
 
 S was r 'rr^y'"'' ^^^ congregation at Jerusalem, 
 which was pleaded as a reason for establishing the bishopric 
 amounted to about four persons^. Newman kept oufof 
 
 > 'Memoirs of J. R. Hope-Scott, 
 ^-sq., 1. 315. '^ ^ 
 
 ' 'Letter to Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury,' p. 93, 3rd ed. 
 
 Growing Fears. 
 
 253 
 
 Pusey s way at this time^ and this will explain their 
 communicating on the subject by letter, though they were 
 both in Oxford, within a few hundred yards of each other. 
 Thus it came to pass that Pusey wrote as follows to 
 Newman on the day of Bishop Alexander s consecration : 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Sunday, [Nov. 7, 1841]. 
 MilPs strong language is saddening, but cheering too that there is 
 such sympathy. Give him my best thanks. There is nothing now 
 to be done, for Bishop Alexander was consecrated to-day— i. e. nothing 
 but, as Dr. Mill writes, prayer. I have incapacitated myself for doing 
 anything by assenting to Bunsen's plan, when he explained it to me, 
 understanding certainly that there was a congregation of Jewish 
 converts, and thinking that there was no reason that they should not 
 have a Liturgy and Bishop of their own, as they do not understand 
 Syriac I did not see the objection to a Bishop of the Circumcision, 
 as I should have thought it had been good for converts from them to 
 keep the law. The movement among the Druses is very remarkable, 
 if sincere. Might not such an application justify our Church, if the 
 Orthodox Patriarch does not object, in sending out missionaries ? It is 
 something so out of the recent course of events for a nation to send to 
 be taught Christianity. •• 
 
 I wrote a very strong note to Jelf, embodying all your strongest 
 language as my own, which he forwarded to the Bishop of L[ondon]. 
 Probably such language has not found its way to him before. I 
 certainly could not, nor ought so to have written /o him : he was dis- 
 pleased ; said that I and my friends laboured under a nervous excite- 
 ment which prevented our taking a sound view of any Church question 
 (in allusion, I suppose, to the Colonial Bishoprics), that the clause I 
 objected to (the independence of the Bishop) was copied from the Act 
 for consecrating the American Bishops, that it was inserted with a 
 view to Prussia, that in other cases the Bishop probably wou/d take 
 the oath to the Archbishop. 
 
 I wrote (on Thursday) a respectful answer, urging the danger and 
 risk of any negotiations with the heretical sects, and of an heretical 
 succession in Prussia. I have had no answer, but hope your language 
 may not tell the less for that in the end. 
 
 1 wish Mill himself could see Bishop A[lexander]. 
 I do not object to Ward's use of the word Protestant, as far as I have 
 read his article, which I like much ; I only object to it when it seems 
 
 * Rev. J. H. Newman to J. R. Hope, 
 Esq., Oriel, Nov. 14, 1841 : *. . . I have 
 kept out of his [Pusey' s] way. He is 
 always taking on himself the respon- 
 
 sibility of my furiousness or bitterness ; 
 and I want him as far as possible clear 
 of this.'— * Memoirs of J. R. Hope- 
 Scott,' i. 311. 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
254 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 convertible with Anglican, as it seems to me from the context in the 
 passage I referred to, p. 477, ^New Poetry.' Lutheran, of course 
 would not do except on justification. ' 
 
 Beyond Newman were Ward and Oakeley, the latter of 
 whom continued to write confidentially to Pusey It is 
 evident from his letters that Oakeley had already, uncon- 
 sciously accepted various ultramontane positions with regard 
 to the Church, which were certainly unknown to Christian 
 antiquity But his letters show also how the unfortunate 
 project of the Jerusalem bishopric was fostering unsettlemen t 
 and disloyalty among English Churchmen-how much that 
 was precious and irrecoverable was thrown away for the 
 sake of an experiment. 
 
 Rev. F. Oakeley to E. B. P. 
 
 ^ , r ^^ Margaret Street, Nov. 16, 184 1. 
 
 Thank you for your kind note. It is the animus of the Jerusalem 
 measure from which I fear so much, rather than the Act itself whic^ 
 I know adrrnts of being more favourably represented. I wouM wil^l J 
 
 fn Th'^lf ^rt f '.^"^ "^'" '^""^ ^^^"^ ^'^hops lift up their voices 
 m behalf of Catholic doctrine, and many even disclaim, and some even 
 denounce ,t, I have no evidence whatever on the g^od sidHo se" 
 against il^.pnntd facie aspect of their measures ; andT^w 1 add the 
 current and uncontradicted account of them 
 
 I am obliged, then, to believe what has been put forward in print, 
 and what is ,n general circulation, and what appearances seem too 
 fully to justify. And that is this. That the K[ng o^ Prussia 1 ke 
 his father, wishes to unite the Protestants of his kin/dor^ diffusng 
 (materially among themselves) in one national Churchf with a view^o 
 
 approaches to Catholic doctrine as Lutheranism has retained, have 
 been merged m vague generalities. (I am told, e.g., that the words 
 
 C"i; W <;r-''t ^!^"^"^^ ^^^ ^^' doctrinal^., kistorl^t 
 Christ satd This is, &c.') And the subscription which the Lutheran 
 clergy make, whatever it be, is actually consistent with every form of 
 
 Catholl rf K • '' ^"' '"^"'^ "^ essentially uncatholic. The 
 
 Catholic Church is not, as I believe, a collection of separate bodies 
 formmg an aggregate, of circles as in a river, touching one another and 
 
 absorbed a^^i others into itself that no trace of their independence 
 remains. Now what the King of Prussia appears and i trtot^sh 
 
 C wTof S^^^^^^^ ^^^^^"^ ^^" '^^^ -^ looking u;on;he 
 
 Church of England as a sister Protestant body, with the advantage of 
 
 Consecration of the First Bishop, 255 
 
 a better government, he comes to us to borrow our form of the 
 government with the view of combining discordant elements, and 
 securing external peace and union among his subjects. All this, I can 
 quite conceive, in a good average Sovereign, and an amiable but not 
 very high-minded and deep-thinking and far-seeing man. 
 
 As respects the East, the case, I imagine, is this. It is important 
 for Prussia to engage England in a kind of Protestant league against 
 Russia, who upholds the Greek Church, and France, who upholds the 
 Roman. This would be a special political reason apart from ulterior 
 views in Prussia itself. That there are reasons of this kind at the 
 bottom of the plan, though they may not be the only reasons, I judge 
 from the fact which has been stated as from authority in the 
 organ of the Jews in London (I forget its name, but it was quoted in 
 the Record a fortnight ago), that the negotiation about the Bishopric 
 of Jerusalem was begun through Lord Palmerston, and first obtained 
 his sanction. Newman also, I know, took this view of the scheme 
 from the first. The King of Prussia is, I hear, an amiable man. He 
 is also said to have made overtures to the Archbishop of Cologne, 
 whose persecution for upholding Catholic principles is so unfavourable 
 a note of the Prussian system generally. I find him therefore much 
 praised in a Roman Catholic publication of 'liberal ' principles. What 
 this means I do not know. I wish I could think that it might be 
 taken as a proof of his being, as you say, not anti-catholic. But I am 
 not sure that, taken with the rest, one can honestly, though one would 
 in charity, make much of it. 
 
 Did our Church strongly uphold Catholic principles as well in her 
 existing administration as in her formularies, then I would hope good 
 might come of anything she does, though even then I should have 
 thought such proceedings as these had the appearance of doing evil 
 that good might come; of making ourselves koiv^voX rSiv dXXorptW 
 d/xapT»;/iara)i/ in the hope of edifying them ; as when e. g. the Church of 
 Rome allows marriages with Protestants in the idea of converting 
 them ; or indeed I have heard the same argument used by persons of 
 a religious profession in this country, to justify marriages even with 
 profligate husbands. 
 
 Erastianism is, at all events, so very like a form of Antichrist, and 
 foreign Protestantism. 
 
 On the 7th of November Michael Solomon Alexander 
 had been consecrated the first Anglo-Prussian Bishop of 
 Jerusalem by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of 
 London, Rochester, and New Zealand. Mr. Gladstone, who 
 had refused to be a trustee of the endowment of the See, 
 was present. Immediately after the event the Archbishop 
 received two protests, both of them documents of great 
 significance. The Rev. William Palmer of Magdalen pleaded 
 
 \ 
 
256 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 against 'the admission of persons of the Lutheran persuasion 
 to the communion of the new Bishop/ as well as a<^ainst 
 •the erection of a bishopric within the Dioceses of the 
 Oriental Churches.' He ended thus: 'I therefore most 
 humbly and earnestly and with tears beseech your Grace 
 to take this matter into your fatherly consideration, and to 
 spare the people committed to your charged' A more 
 important protest was Newman's ^ ; it turned exclusively 
 on the recognition of Lutheranism and Calvinism which 
 was implied in the arrangement. But it was all too late. 
 Archbishop Howley took no notice of either communication • 
 the fact was, as has been stated, that he and the Bishop of 
 London had committed themselves to the Government in 
 August and could not retire from their engagements The 
 Bishop of Oxford was obliged to repeat to Newman that 
 as he had not been consulted, he knew too little about the 
 measure to be able to discuss it : ' I really know no more 
 than what little I have accidentally heard or occasionally 
 seen in the papers : I have had no communication from 
 or with any one in authority, and the statements I have 
 heard fall. 
 
 Newman's protest was approved of by Pusey^ and Keble 
 The latter begged characteristically for 'a little expression 
 of reverence to those whom you are censuring.' Pusey had 
 now abandoned his earlier view of the subject. He had 
 committed himself to Bunsen in terms which made it 
 impossible for him to make an independent protest • but 
 he reserved what he had to say for his Letter to the 
 Primate, and this he could not write until the Parliamentary 
 papers which bore on the foundation of the bishopric were 
 published. He now knew more of Bunsen's real mind 
 Bunsen 'maintained that any father of a family might 
 consecrate the Eucharist '-an opinion which shows the 
 kind of value he would have attached to Episcopal ordina- 
 tion. In his view the proposed bishopric was 'the 
 
 Pusey's Change of View. 
 
 « Rev. W. Palmer to Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, Nov. 1841. 
 ' See 'Apologia,' pp. 249-251. 
 
 ' J. H. N. in 'Memoirs of I. R. 
 Hope-Scott,' 1.311. 
 
 Srii^" °^' new body Which was to supplant eventually 
 all the other portions of the Church >.' 
 
 Mr. Gladstone had pointed out the real object of the 
 bishopric, as described in an article in the Allgcneine 
 Z«/««^. It was not to help the Jews or Drusesfor the 
 souls of English or German sojourners or emigrants ; nor 
 
 Z ' r. 'i! P^'P°'' "^ establishing friendly communica- 
 tions with the Eastern Church. It was to inaugurate 'an 
 experimental or fancy Church, in which the Church of this 
 country takes the opportunity of declaring its distinctive 
 
 ^t'tutions to be of secondary importance, L joins hands 
 not even with the Lutheran, but with the Evangelica 
 
 Pusey 's later and final opinion is in harmony with this. 
 'The whole,' he writes to the Archbishop of Canterbury 'i. ,n 
 
 Jewish convent I ''\^°™^'^ T'^"'' °"' ^'^''°P' "^ Lutherans and 
 
 "ex^e'rirnla, Church ^tJl', "'°"^'' ?^'"'""^' '^"'^-'«'' - 
 npr.!.n= 1 ^''"'^'^"- ^"t* What an experiment ! to brin? toeether 
 
 the Ho v"# "'^" "'^ ""^ ''^'^ •^y-"-' ^'^"di"? when thT etive 
 
 inem, and exhibit these as specimens of the Enc^h'sh Churrh tni th« 
 .^Tafue^r""'""'*''^'" ''^^^"^' "^^-^ ^«^=" of CnSXnnL'; 
 
 To this he adds :— 
 
 'Again, still to think only of its efferf, ^vf^^^oii * 
 should have no safeguard that thl r if externally to ourselves, we 
 
 of the Societv fnr .!,« r • , ^ ^ ' ' """''' ^'"ce a report 
 
 UnivlSy spoke of rhen7'"'°" °^ *"' ■''"' P"'"''^''^'^ ^' '^e ofher 
 to thinT.l,!'^ lU-success in its proposed object, but seemed 
 
 to think the opportunity of preaching the Gospel to the Greeks no 
 
 ^-Men.oi„ofJ.R.Hope.Scot.,'i. 'Ibid., p. 322. Right Hon. W. E. 
 
 VOL. II. Gladstone to J. R. Hope-Scott, Esq. 
 
 
 
 If K I 
 
Ii 
 
 258 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 small compensation. The conversion of Jew, Turk, and Orthodox 
 Greek seemed to them a like object. I know not whether the Church 
 Missionary Society, which your Grace has now sanctioned, has yet 
 withdrawn its missionaries from the same Church, which it openly 
 acknowledged were opposed by the spiritual authorities, but boasted 
 that they were gladly heard by the people. Similar language has been 
 unhappily and is heard elsewhere. But any attempts at " conversion " 
 or connivance in persons forsaking the Orthodox Communion wherein 
 they were baptized, besides encouraging sin, must immeasurably delay 
 the prospect of union with that communion. We ourselves know the 
 bitterness of losing our own children, which a rival communion is 
 stealing from us. Are we to think the sorrows of another Mother, 
 when bereaved, less than our own ? We should definitely fix our own 
 principles. Our Bishop cannot at once promote union and schism ; 
 we cannot at once conciliate the parent, and rob her of her children ; be 
 a friend and an enemy. We must either rigidly prescribe to ourselves 
 our own bounds and remain within them, or give up the opening 
 prospect of ultimate union. We cannot treat the Orthodox Greek 
 Church at once as orthodox and heterodox ; orthodox in that we 
 think union justifiable, heterodox since heresy alone can justify 
 
 secession \* 
 
 Pusey dwells on the danger of any step which would 
 tend to identify us with ' the Lutheran body.' He points 
 out, in the indignant language of Tholuck, how Rationalism 
 had preyed upon its very vitals. There had been an 
 improvement, but no such improvement as to warrant the 
 gift of Episcopacy to the German Protestants. Scotland 
 was an example of the mistake of offering the Episcopate 
 to a people which had no longing for it. 
 
 * There is at present, even in the sounder part of the Luthero- 
 Calvinist body, not a vestige, among its writers, of the first condition 
 of a sound restoration, — humility ; there is rather an arrogant exalta- 
 tion of their own body, as the Mother of all in the West separate from 
 Rome ; an assumed superiority to our Church, not an acknowledgement 
 of their own defects ; the few who look for Episcopacy seem to desire 
 it, in order to organize their imperfections, not to correct them; the 
 most religious of their theological organs declare against the Catholic 
 view of it ; they distinctly tell us that it is looked upon not as anything 
 spiritual, but as an outward mechanism ; they tell us that the people 
 desire it not ; they refute the notion (and with good ground) that any 
 changes recently proposed among themselves are any symptoms 
 of such longing; there has been the wish to extend Presbyterian 
 ordination, where now there is none ; no desire of Episcopal. It is 
 
 * ' Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury/ pp. 93-96 ; 3rd ed. 
 
 I 
 
 J 
 
 Pusey s Change of View. 239 
 
 for your Grace and your Grace^s brethren to consider how, in such a 
 state of mind, you could, without risk of profanation, entrust a gift of 
 the Holy Ghost, which is undesired, set at nought, repudiated, by 
 those who are to receive it *.* 
 
 And contrasting the Archbishop's sanguine hope of 
 introducing the Episcopate into Protestant Germany with 
 the unwelcome reality, Pusey continues :^ 
 
 *Your Grace expresses a hope that this Bishopric "may lead the 
 way to an essential unity of discipline as well as doctrine between our 
 own Church and the less perfectly constituted of the Protestant 
 Churches of Europe," i.e. that they will be one Church, through the 
 absorption of the Lutherans into our Church, and the reception, on 
 their part, of all those things for lack of which they are at present 
 *♦ imperfect." Their view is wholly different ; they look to this same 
 event, only as an aggrandizement of their own body, as " securing to 
 the Evangelical Church of the German nation,"— not as " less perfectly 
 constituted" but— "aj« the Mother of all Evangelical Confessions, 
 rights commensurate to its greatness, beside the Latin and Greek 
 Churches " ; they look to it as an occasion for developing the German 
 Evangelical Church, according to " the Confession ', and with the use of 
 the liturgy, of that Church" ; and not only so, but they look upon the 
 diversities of Christian worship, as immutable, inalienable ; such diver- 
 sities, among Protestant bodies, belong to the very principle of unity, 
 and are looked upon as upheld by our Blessed Lord Himself V 
 
 Pusey 's natural temperament, and his firm trust in 
 God's providential care of the English Church, always 
 disposed him to make the best he could of a mistake 
 or a disaster. So, putting the alliance with the Prussian 
 Protestants out of view, he dwells with satisfaction, though 
 not unalloyed by anxiety, on * the consecration of a Bishop 
 to represent our ancient British Church in the city of the 
 Holy Sepulchre.' * We may look,* he even writes, *with 
 comfort and hope to an act which again gives us an interest 
 and a portion in the Holy Sef>ulchre, and unites around 
 it representatives of the three branches of the Church 
 Catholic ^* Newman could only pray, ' May that measure 
 utterly fail and come to nought, and be as though it had 
 
 > * Letter to Archbishop of Canter* • ' Prussian State-paper to all Royal 
 
 bury; p. 104; 3rd ed. Consistories,' by Mr. Hope, p. 76. 
 
 * Prussian State-paper to all the * ' Letter to Archbishop of Canter- 
 Royal Governments,' reprinted and bury,' p. 108 ; 3rd ed. 
 translated by Mr. Hope, p. 77. » Ibid., p^. no, iii. 
 
 s a 
 
f 
 
 260 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 H 
 
 never been/ Here again they were diverging from each other 
 without any suspicion of it, at any rate on Pusey's side ; 
 now, as in several recent discussions, but more distinctly, 
 the divergence of sympathies was becoming apparent. 
 
 While the Jerusalem bishopric was thus agitating men's 
 minds at Oxford and in the country, another controversy 
 was proceeding with reference to an appointment nearer 
 home. The Poetry Professorship at Oxford had become 
 vacant by the termination of Keble's statutable period of 
 office. * Keble/ wrote Mr. J. Mozley on Oct. 30, 1 841, * has 
 delivered his last lecture, which he wound up with a strong 
 protest in favour of the connexion of religion and poetry. 
 People have begun some time to think of the next Pro- 
 fessor ^' So true was this that Pusey was already cor- 
 responding about it in September, and he was by no means 
 first in the field. 
 
 The closing words of Keble's last lecture from his chair 
 would of themselves have suggested the candidature of the 
 Rev. Isaac Williams, and, accordingly, his name was put for- 
 ward by the President and Fellows of Trinity College with 
 every expectation that he would be elected. His qualifi- 
 cations for the chair were undoubted. So unbiassed an 
 authority as Mr. J. A. Froude has told us that * though 
 Williams' thoughts ran almost entirely in theological chan- 
 nels, they rose out of the soil of his own mind, pure and 
 sparkling as the water from a mountain spring' ; and that 
 he was a poet who ' now and then could rise into airy sweeps 
 of really high imagination.' The well-known lines in the 
 ' Baptistery^' which describe the relation between the actions 
 of men in this life and the eternity which lies before them, 
 by the image of the cataract which freezes as it falls, are 
 pronounced by Mr. Froude to be grander than the finest 
 of Keble's, or even of Wordsworth's ^. It might have been 
 anticipated that so accomplished a resident would command 
 general support ; and at almost any other time this would, 
 
 The Poetry Professorship, 
 
 26] 
 
 1 ; Letters of J B. Mozley/ p. 123. \ Froude, 'Short Studies on Great 
 
 Baptistery, Image^iR Subject^/ iv. i8i, 183. 
 
 3 < 
 
 in all probability, have been the case. But the claims of 
 poetry were not the uppermost consideration in men's 
 minds at Oxford in the autumn of 1841. 
 
 A second candidate for the vacant chair was proposed, in 
 the person of the Rev. James Garbett of Brasenose College. 
 Mr. Garbett was a well-read man, especially in the poetry 
 of most ages and countries, and he had 'a singular power 
 of retaining and combining all that he had ever read, and 
 of developing his own systematized views to the appre- 
 hension of others.' If WiUiams was put forward by his 
 friends as a poet, Garbett might claim to be a possible 
 critic of poetry. 
 
 But Mr. Garbett's name had not been in the first 
 instance suggested by any purely literary anxiety to pro- 
 vide for the discharge of the duties of the Poetry chair. 
 Even in September Pusey wrote to Hook : — 
 
 'Christ Church, Sept. 14, 1841. 
 * I am sorry to say that the election to the Poetry Professorship is to 
 be made a party question against Willianis. People are canvassing 
 against him, because he is a writer in the Tracts. And so they have 
 set up a person, without any claim, . . . against the author of " The 
 Cathedral," &c.,— a person of great poetic talent, deep thought, and 
 humble piety. Will you interest whom you can in our behalf, and get 
 them to interest others ? ' 
 
 There is much to be said for the statement that the 
 opposition to Williams was in fact a result of the contro- 
 versy about Tract 90. A large party among the Heads 
 of Houses had only refrained from challenging the verdict 
 of Convocation because they could not trust it to condemn 
 the tract. Now, however, an opportunity presented itself 
 of condemning Tractarianism by a side wind. If a scholar 
 and poet of Mr. Williams' eminence could be pronounced 
 unfit to be a Professor, on the ground of his Tractarianism, 
 the University would be committed, not in terms, but 
 implicitly, to the desired conclusion. 
 
 The first document which introduced considerations of 
 theological party into the contest emanated from Mr. 
 Williams' opponents. 
 
a62 
 
 Life (^ Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 My dear - College, Nov. i6, 1841. 
 
 The Professorship of Poetry will become vacant next month, 
 and I take the liberty of requesting your vote in Convocation for the 
 Rev. J. Garbett, M.A., late Fellow of B.N.C., a First Classman, 
 Public Examiner 1829, 1831, Bampton Lecturer elect for 1842. 
 
 There is another candidate, the Rev. I. Williams, Trin. Coll., a 
 writer in the * Tracts for the Times,' and more particularly the author 
 of the well-known tract on * Reserve in Religious Teaching.* 
 
 The election of Mr. Williams in Mr. Keble's room would undoubt- 
 edly be represented as a decision of Convocation in favour of his 
 party ; and the resident members of our college are unanimous in 
 thinking that this would be a serious evil, as well as highly discreditable 
 to the University. I hope that you will concur with us in that opinion. 
 
 An answer at your earliest convenience would greatly oblige, &c. 
 
 The importance of this document is that it disposes of 
 an assertion, too often repeated, that Pusey *made the first 
 open party move in this contest ^' The formal circular 
 announcing Mr. Garbett's candidature was far more guarded, 
 and Pusey replied to it in a public letter which was perhaps 
 the most important document produced by the controversy. 
 Before printing his letter he submitted a rough draft to 
 Newman, who advised him to omit remarks which it 
 originally contained on Williams* tracts and his contribu- 
 tions to the * Lyra Apostolica ' :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Nov. 1 84 1.] 
 Thank you for your remarks. I will gladly drop about the Lyra 
 and the Tracts, though it is a specimen of Williams' quieting, filial 
 character. As for the * puff* I do not Hke it myself; one feels, * What 
 ain I to praise Williams ? * also it seems ^uvavaos to print it ; I have 
 written it, and found it tell, which made me put it down ; and when I 
 told Jelf of his Church character, he said it furnished him with a roiros 
 which would be of great value. People know neither his works nor 
 him, in any adequate degree ; Jelf e. g. asked me whether his views 
 were the same as Ward's. This being so, will you be so good as to 
 look at it once more, and see if you can mend it, or whether you would 
 altogether drop it ? I do not like giving you this trouble, but it is a 
 joint matter. I do not mind myself; 1 would rather not have praised 
 Williams so, but I thought it best to put aside any such feeling, that 
 people might know what they were doing in opposing or rejecting 
 WiLiams. 
 
 * So Mr. J. R. Hope to Newman : cf. * Memoirs of J. R. Hope-Scott/ i. 317. 
 
 /. Williams and J, Garbett. 
 
 263 
 
 After adopting his censor's advice, Pusey, without further 
 delay, sent out the subjoined letter to members of Convo- 
 cation : — 
 
 Christ Church, Nov. 17, 1841. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Understanding that a circular is being sent round to all the 
 members of Convocation, soliciting their votes for the Rev. J. Garbett, 
 late Fellow of Brasenose, and now Rector of Clayton, Sussex, in the 
 approaching election for the Professorship of Poetry, I take the liberty 
 of mentioning some circumstances which may influence your decision, 
 and with which you are possibly unacquainted. 
 
 The Rev. Isaac Williams, M.A., Fellow of Trinity, was, before our 
 recent unhappy divisions, generally thought by resident members of 
 the University to be marked out by his poetic talents to fill that chair, 
 whenever it should become vacant. In 1823 he gained the prize 
 for Latin Verse ; his subsequent larger verse, * The Cathedral * and 
 * Thoughts in Past Years,' speak for themselves, both bearing the rich 
 character of our early English poetry. 
 
 To those unacquainted with his character, or who know him on!y 
 through the medium of newspaper controversy, it may be necessary to 
 state, that the uniform tendency of his writings and influence has been 
 to calm men's minds amid our unhappy divisions, and to form them in 
 dutiful allegiance to that Church of which he is himself a reverential 
 son and minister. 
 
 He is also a resident, whereas employments which involved non- 
 residence were considered a sufficient reason to prevent a member of 
 a leading college from being put forward by its Head. 
 
 On the other hand, it is a known fact, that Mr. Garbett would not 
 even now have been brought forward, except to prevent the election of 
 Mr. Williams. 
 
 Under these circumstances, it is earnestly hoped that the Univer- 
 sity will not, by the rejection of such a candidate as Mr. Williams, 
 commit itself to the principle of making all its elections matters of 
 party strife, or declaring ineligible to any of its offices (however quali- 
 fied) persons, whose earnest desire and aim it has for many years been 
 to promote the sound principles of our Church, according to the 
 teaching of her Liturgy. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 There can be no doubt that, as Pusey himself afterwards 
 confessed, this letter was not justified. He was not in a 
 position to ascribe such motives to the whole body of Mr. 
 Williams opponents. The Principal of Brasenose, Dr. Gilbert, 
 at once put Pusey in a false position by publishing a letter 
 
264 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 to him, in which he denied that the College had had any such 
 object as Pusey had stated ; while he enlarged with pardon- 
 able eagerness on Mr. Garbett's literary qualifications, and 
 added an expression of regret that a contest which * was 
 begun in generous rivalry may be assuming more or less 
 the character of religious division/ Still, whatever might 
 be the motive of Brasenose College, a large party in the 
 University certainly looked upon Mr. Garbett simply as 
 the Anti-tractarian candidate ; and at any rate Pusey's 
 anxiety that country clergymen, who were asked to vote 
 for him on literary grounds, should be made aware of the 
 real nature of the contest, was quite intelligible. 
 
 If, however, Pusey's first circular was provoked by the 
 religious partisanship which was opposed to Mr. Williams 
 it could hardly fail in turn to give prominence and acuteness 
 to the theological aspects of the contest. Among many 
 others the subjoined letter from Lord Ashley— afterwards 
 the Earl of Shaftesbury— will serve as an illustration :— 
 
 LpRD Ashley to E. B. P. 
 
 St. Giles' House, Woodyates, 
 MY DEAR Pusey, Nov. 29,1841. 
 
 My personal respect and kindness for yourself are so great that 
 I would readily acquiesce in any request of yours, if I could do so con- 
 sistently with principle. 
 
 But I will not conceal from you, in reply to your letter, that if I do 
 nothing against you, it is because I have not the power. 
 
 I have never had much predilection for the peculiar doctrines of the 
 party to which Mr. Williams belongs ; but their late opposition to the 
 appointment of the Bishop of Jerusalem (for such he is, by God's 
 blessing) has made me to abhor their opinions as much in practice as 
 1 before feared them in speculation. 
 
 Mr. Williams, I have no doubt, is a very amiable man, and if I can 
 do him any private service, you may command me. 
 
 Your affectionate cousin, 
 
 Ashley. 
 Lord Ashley followed this up by a letter to Mr. Roundell 
 Palmer, which shows how exclusively, in some minds, 
 theological considerations determined the vote against 
 Williams. 
 
 Lord Ashley's Letter. 
 
 265 
 
 Lord Ashley to Roundell Palmer, Esq. 
 
 Dec. II, 1841. 
 
 I have endeavoured to ascertain the principles of Mr. Williams, and 
 1 have found that he is the author of the tract entitled * Reserve in 
 Communicating Religious Knowledge.* 
 
 There is no power on earth that shall induce me to assist in 
 elevating the writer of that paper to the station of a public teacher. I see 
 very little difference between a man who promulgates false doctrines 
 and him who suppresses the true. I cannot concur in the approval of 
 a candidate whose writings are in contravention of the inspired Apostle, 
 and reverse his holy exultation that he had ' not shunned to declare to 
 his hearers the whole counsel of God.' I will not consent to give my 
 support, however humble, towards the recognition of exoteric and 
 esoteric doctrines in the Church of England, to obscure the perspicuity 
 of the Gospel by the philosophy of Paganism, and make the places set 
 apart for the ministrations of the preacher, whose duties must mainly 
 be among the poor, the wayfaring, and the simple, as mystic and 
 incomprehensible as the grove of Eleusis. 
 
 These, Sir, are my reasons for refusing my vote to Mr. Williams, and 
 I hope 1 have given my answer as candidly as you have required it. 
 
 I am, Sir, your very obedient servant, 
 
 Ashley. 
 
 Mr. Palmer's reply was worthy of the occasion : — 
 
 * I would wish every one who reads your Lordship's letter, and feels 
 with your Lordship, that, to justify a vote against Mr. Williams, he 
 must have recourse to some legitimate ground of disqualification in 
 what Mr. Williams has himself said or done as a theologian, — I wish 
 every such person, as an act of common justice, would read for himself 
 what Mr. Williams has written, and judge for himself whether you have 
 given a correct account of it. If 1 can at all understand Mr. Williams, 
 he has not taught, or intended to teach, what you have imputed to him. 
 I say nothing about what he may have taught ; that is another matter ; 
 it may or may not be open to objection, but, at all events, I deny that 
 it is open to those particular objections which you urge. I deny that 
 Mr. Williams has taught that the " whole counsel of God " is not to be 
 freely " declared " to all who will receive it. I deny that he has taught 
 that there is, or ought to be, a distinction of " exoteric and esoteric 
 doctrines in the Church of England." I deny (so far as I can attach 
 any definite meaning to your words) that he has " obscured the per- 
 spicuity of the Gospel by the philosophy of Paganism," or " made the 
 places set apart for the ministrations of the preacher as mystical and 
 incomprehensible as the grove of Eleusis ".* 
 
 It may be added that shortly afterwards, at Newman's 
 suggestion, Pusey withdrew his letter from general circu- 
 lation. 
 
266 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The state of things in Oxford in the middle of the 
 Michaelmas Term is thus described to Mr. Hope by 
 
 Newman : — . ^^ 
 
 *Nov. 19, 1841. 
 
 * Every nerve is being exerted against Williams. Wadham is rising 
 ns a college, and has told one of its members that if Williams is beaten, 
 Convocation is to go on to other stringent measures against us. 
 I think all persons should know the exact state of the case. Nothing 
 would more delight the Heads, in their own dominions supreme as 
 they are, than to drive certain people out of the Church. Mordecai 
 can neither do them good nor harm ; he can but annoy them. Whether 
 the Bishops, or at least some of them, would like it, is another matter.* 
 
 The canvass was kept up through the succeeding 
 Christmas Vacation. Williams* friends had not at first 
 canvassed with the energy of their opponents, and they 
 had much way to make up. But they were sanguine. 
 On Jan. 3, 1842, Newman wrote to the same friend :— 
 
 *Are we really to be beaten in this election? I will tell you a 
 secret (if you care to know it), which not above three or four persons 
 know. We have 480 promises. Is it then hopeless ? . . . I don't think 
 our enemies would beat 600 ; at least it would be no triumph 
 
 But a fortnight later the outlook was less hopeful : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 'Gladstone has got the Bishop of Oxford to write a letter to be 
 shown to Williams, to get W. to retire, because the other party are 
 obstinate. So we are thus to be used against ourselves. This is what 
 Tony Forster calls " seething a lamb in its mother's milk.'* I trust 
 and believe that none of W.'s friends will allow him to yield to a 
 suggestion of this sort. The Trinity men seem strong against it* 
 
 The circumstance thus referred to was not then accurately 
 apprehended by Newman. The Bishop of Oxford's name 
 Vas attached to a circular, which was also signed by the 
 Earl of Devon, and the Bishops of Exeter, Salisbury, 
 Ripon, and Sodor and Man, and 253 other non-resident 
 members of Convocation. This document was addressed 
 to the rival committees. It urged that for the sake of the 
 Church and the University the contest should cease, and 
 accordingly suggested a withdrawal of both candidates, 
 Mr. Garbett's committee declined to entertain the proposal, 
 
 The Bishop's Intervention, 
 
 267 
 
 unless there was no chance of his success. Mr. Williams* 
 committee was willing to compare promises, and the result 
 of this comparison was adverse to his prospects. 
 
 Three days after the above letter to Pusey, Newman 
 understood that'theTrinity men were disposed to withdraw 
 Williams, provided the Bishop would put his request into 
 writing, and would add that no condemnation of W.'s 
 opinions was intended.* 
 
 Pusey was out of heart. He had made a mistake himself. 
 He was vexed at this employment of Episcopal authority. 
 But he wished by anticipation to make the best of a result 
 which he already foresaw. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Tuesday evening, Jan. 18, 1842. 
 ... I do not like speaking about Williams : I seem so tempted to 
 put myself in, where I have no business, that I scarcely like doing 
 anything. Gladstone has put us in a wrong position : it is sacrificing us 
 to his own views, and I think taking too much upon himself ; an indi- 
 vidual has no right to make a Bishop his organ to carry out his own 
 views at such a moment ; it is either giving colour to the imputation 
 that we disregard Bishops when it suits us (though he is not Williams* 
 Bishop), or making a Bishop interfere where he is not called upon. 
 I wish some one (e. g. Rogers) could tell him so. One cannot foresee 
 what the moral effect will be ; it is giving immense power to individual 
 Bishops, teaching them to use it (as you say) against the obedient, and 
 (unless care be taken to let it be known what is the number of 
 Williams' friends) will be looked upon by many as a mere get-off to 
 save ourselves a defeat. On the other hand, no sacrifice was ever 
 made without a reward. What think you ? 
 
 Two days after the date of this letter, Mr. Williams* 
 name was withdrawn from the contest. There was a 
 comparison of promises of votes, the result of which is thus 
 stated by Newman : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel, Jan. 20, 1842. 
 . . . The contest, as you know, is over— 921 to 623. This is most 
 satisfactory for us after all the clamour and excitement. The last 
 hundred, I think, came in the last week. Had the election been three 
 weeks later and a poll taken, I think we should nearly have beaten 
 them. Woodgate's pamphlet is doing service. Numbers of the 921 
 would not have come to the poll. 
 
268 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Alluding to the contest a few days later, Bishop Bagot 
 wrote as follows, in reply to Pusey's expression of a hope 
 that the result of the contest would tend to peace ;— • 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 Jan. 28, 1842. 
 . . . Let us now hope that the termination of the contest will tend 
 at least to peace ; but, my dear Sir, there will not be peace or any 
 general right understanding, [as to] where you yourselves would lead 
 us. If you cannot restrain those younger men, who, professing to be 
 your followers, run into extremes, but who, in fact, cease to follow any 
 persons who do not go to the same extent they themselves judge to be 
 right. '' ^ 
 
 The problem of what to do with ' those younger men ' was 
 also exercising Newman ; but his panacea was not exactly 
 the sort of ' restraint ' which the Bishop was thinking of. 
 
 * I am almost in despair,'he had written to Hope on Jan. 3rd, * of keep- 
 ing men together. The only possible way is a monastery. Men want 
 an outlet for their devotional and penitential feelings, and if we do not 
 grant it, to a dead certainty they will go where they can find it. This is 
 the beginning and end of the matter. Yet the clamour is so great 
 and will be so much greater, that if I persist, I expect (though I am 
 not speaking from anything that has occurred) that I shall be stopped 
 Not that I have any intention of doing more at present than laying the 
 foundation of what may be.' 
 
 The aspect which matters now wore in the eyes of some 
 Churchmen who were slightly Pusey's seniors, and were 
 living in the country, may be illustrated by a letter from 
 the Rev. E. (afterwards Archdeacon) Churton. They were 
 not well pleased at the attitude of the younger men ; they 
 were vexed at not being consulted ; they were increasingly 
 disposed to put an unfavourable construction even upon 
 the most colourless incidents. In its candour, sympathy, 
 warm indignation, and strange misunderstandings, the 
 letter is such an instance of the extreme difficulties of that 
 moment to those who loved the Church of England as to 
 be worth printing. , 
 
 Rev. E. Churton to E. B. P. 
 
 Crayke, Dec. 9, 1841. 
 . . . There is no man living for whose piety and self-devotion I have 
 more respect than I have for yours. And I know that these qualities 
 
 A Friendly Remonstrance, 
 
 269 
 
 are eminently conspicuous in some of those with whom you have been 
 most associated. No man can know Williams without loving him. 
 You have yourself formerly in your writings cautioned some of your 
 followers against these excesses. Do you not discern enough in the 
 present time to see that there is tenfold need of such caution now ? 
 I say, as I said to you at Oxford, that it is impossible to believe that 
 God's blessing will be with these misguided efforts, in which * the child 
 behaves himself proudly against the ancient, and the base against the 
 honourable.* You, and Keble, and Newman have been placed, against 
 your own wish or purpose, at the head of a party. But when the party 
 was formed you tried to direct it. In this, I fear, you have failed, and for 
 this reason. Instead of controlling the ebullitions of the young wrong- 
 heads, you have suffered yourselves to be inoculated with their frenzies. 
 Instead of saying to them, what, I do not use the proscribed term of 
 common sense, but what ^p'^i?^ sense would have suggested, 'Wait and 
 be patient. Study Church History, and read the Fathers, before you 
 write. Try fasting before you preach it. Prepare men's minds for 
 a restoration of ceremonies before you restore them ' ; you have let 
 them get ahead of you and drag you after them. Hence your pro- 
 posal of reviving monastic life, and your very unfortunate appearance 
 at Dublin, which has so deeply perplexed our best allies there. Hence 
 No. 90, written not to express Newman's own views, but theirs who 
 would needs venture to the edge of the precipice, to show how bold 
 they were, and how little they cared for the opinion of the old 
 and prudent, which youth regards as timidity. As for yourselves, that 
 which has compelled me, most unwillingly, to forsake that entire union 
 with you in which I found so much comfort, has been that you have 
 seemed to treat these excesses as if they were providential indications 
 for your guidance, and thought it a kind of * quenching the Spirit ' to 
 keep them within rule and order. . . . 
 
 This letter is already longer than I meant it to be, but it would be 
 all idle, and worse than idle, if it was written without attempting to 
 point out a remedy. It is then thus. There are great dangers on one 
 side, most unhappy suspicions on the other. It is most true that you 
 have all three formerly, some more lately, expressed your opinions 
 unequivocally enough about the Church of Rome. But you have been 
 to Dublin since, and you know what advantage has been made of it. 
 There have been too many other things, which have alike been inter- 
 preted as marking progress to a certain end. May I beg of you 
 yourself to send me a few lines which I can show to friends in this 
 neighbourhood, to express, what I do not want to be assured of, that 
 you are not changed by your visit to Dublin ; on the contrary, as you 
 expressed to me, you are more convinced practically of the disingenu- 
 ousness of the present leaders and teachers of Romanism in Ireland 
 and in this country. 
 
 What more I would urge is, that defying all misinterpretation on 
 either side, you should now do what a filial sense of duty to the Church 
 
270 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of England, the Church of the Prayer-book, would direct. Put forth 
 some declaration of principles which may be accepted by the Church 
 as _/?««/— let it only speak the firm uncompromising language of that 
 good confessor whom you all venerate, the admirable Bishop Ken — 
 let it say you are resolved by God's g^ace to live and die * in the Holy 
 Catholic and Apostolic faith, professed by the whole Church before 
 the disunion of East and West ; more particularly the communion of 
 the Church of England, as it stands distinguished from all papal and 
 puritan innovations, and as it adheres to the doctrine of the Cross.' 
 
 With regard to the young men, if you have any such among you as 
 you cannot guide, you must let them drive their own way. But they 
 will do very little harm, if you are not supposed to direct them ; and 
 if, as I believe, you are not consulted by many of them in what they 
 do, why should you labour under the reputation which they procure for 
 you ? I can only say that the Church of all times will know how to 
 make a distinction between those who patiently abide under persecu- 
 tion, and those who do all they can to bring it upon themselves — 
 between Polycarp, and Quintus the Phrygian. . , . 
 
 Pusey replied with his wonted patience and mildness : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. E. Churton. 
 
 Christ Church, Dec. 1 1, 1841. 
 
 I thank you very much for your kind letter. I must write briefly, 
 having to look over an University sermon for to-morrow. . . . 
 
 I agree with you that it is quite unnatural that Presbyters should be 
 directing any efforts in the Church, but if the Bishops will not do it, 
 what are we to do ? W^e must give advice when asked. We have 
 always wished to direct people away from ourselves to the Church, as 
 you say, the Church of the Prayer-book. 
 
 I fear there has been a great deal of want of self-command and 
 humility among some young men, and that they have been tempting 
 God and speaking in an unchastened way. But surely Newman's 
 efforts have been strongly to produce the opposite temper, and this is, 
 I hope, for the most part that prevalent. I have been desirous of 
 instilling caution and humility and patience, and pray daily that God 
 would give it us. I do not think that in Oxford there is the unpractical 
 character you speak of, though I hear of it from Hook ; people hear 
 first before they speak of it, if they do speak of it. 
 
 Newman has just been preaching two very powerful sermons, 
 solemnly warning people who have any hope that the Holy Spirit has 
 been present with their hearts, not to forsake that Church where their 
 Saviour's Presence is. They were on * The Kingdom of God is within 
 you \' No one has any notion how much he has done to withhold 
 people from forsaking our Church for Rome ; and continually the cases 
 
 ' Sermons on Subjects of the Day/ ed. 1844, No. 21. Cf. ib. p. 348 note. 
 
 Pusey* s Reply, 
 
 271 
 
 we meet with are not such as are going over from our writings, but in 
 utter ignorance of the principles of our Church— from the Low Church 
 or No Church, not from us. 
 
 With regard to Rome, the unnaturalness of our present insulated 
 state, separated from the rest of the East and West, is felt in a degree 
 
 \^ in which probably it was not felt formerly by such men as Bishops 
 * Ken and Andrewes ; but there is no wish for a premature union : it is 
 only wished and longed and prayed for, that we may both become 
 such, that we may safely be united. Some feel this more especially 
 towards Rome, on account of the benefits she conferred on us in times 
 past ; my own thoughts (as you will see in my Letter to J elf) have been 
 
 '' directed rather to the reunion of the whole Church. I need not tell 
 you that these feelings expressed in that Letter are unaltered by my 
 visit to Ireland. Indeed, as I said publicly in my letter to Dr. M[iley], 
 the result of that visit was to make me less hopeful as to any near re- 
 union of the Church, seeing how little inclined they were to give up 
 what were the most grievous offences in our eyes. There seemed no 
 disposition to amend. Newman never would even think of any terms 
 on which the Church could be reunited ; he thinks everything of the 
 kind premature, as of course it would be in us : he works for futurity. 
 As to monasticism, I do not go further than Archbishop Leighton in 
 
 what he says about * retreats for men of and mortified tempers,' 
 
 which he regrets were lost at the Reformation. I have long strongly 
 thought that we needed something of this sort ; it is not Romanish but 
 primitive — B. Harrison, as well as others, think co-eval with Christi- 
 anity ; all minds are not formed in the same way nor need the same 
 course of training. I think it would be a great blessing to our Church 
 to have some such institutions, but this is no new view with me ; what 
 I thought when I wrote to the Bishop of Oxford I think now. My 
 visits to the convents at Dublin have not changed my views, except so 
 far that I should not think now of any formal institution, but wish 
 people quietly to form themselves. 
 
 I really must not add more except that I am grateful for your letter, 
 
 and am 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 PUBLISHED LETTER TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTER- 
 BURY— THEOLOGICAL PROFESSORSHIP— CENSURE ON 
 HAMPDEN REAFFIRMED— FEARS OF SECESSIONS— 
 NEWMAN'S MISGIVINGS — DEATH OF DR. ARNOLD — 
 
 Newman's retractation— pusey's trust in the 
 
 CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 
 
 1842-1843. 
 
 The situation of affairs in Oxford at the termination 
 of the struggle for the Chair of Poetry was undoubtedly 
 more anxious than any that had preceded it. The dis- 
 position among the younger men to give the Movement 
 a Roman direction was aggravated by a sense of failure 
 within the University, and by the increasingly hostile tone 
 of Episcopal authority. Episcopal charges were being 
 published almost every month, which scarcely varied the 
 monotony of denunciation. The Bishop of Winchester 
 refused a second time to ordain Mr. Young, a refusal 
 which obliged even the author of ^ The Christian Year' to 
 appeal to the Primate in a document which, notwith- 
 standing its studied respect and moderation, is the severest 
 condemnation of an attempt to substitute the prejudices 
 of a party for the formularies of the Church of England 
 in the administration of an important diocese. Bishop 
 Blomfield, whose scholarship and talent for organization 
 did not imply independence of the gusts of popular 
 opinion, was turning more and more decidedly against 
 the men who had strengthened his hands in the earlier 
 days of his Episcopate. * After reading No. 90,* he said 
 at a dinner-table full of young clergymen, * no power on 
 earth should induce me to ordain any person who held 
 
 Proposed Address to the Archbishop, 273 
 
 systematically the opinions of that Tract/ Archbishop 
 Howley, too, was not prevented by his chaplain from 
 a partial abandonment of the attitude which had won the 
 love and respect of the Oxford writers. Writing to Pusey 
 about a proposal of Mr. Bellasis ^ to get up an address 
 from the legal profession in favour of the Tracts, Newman 
 
 remarks : — 
 
 'Jan. 2, 1842. 
 * It seems to me his project is a very desirable one, if it can be done 
 as he hopes. The Archbishop, observe, is taking a new line. Last 
 March he stifled addresses for the Tracts because they would ehcit 
 counter addresses. Now he receives one against \\it^m, and that at 
 SUCH a moment I As if there were not excitement enough ! As if 
 not violence enough on the side he backs up ! ' 
 
 Pusey, too, was, although reluctantly, in favour of the 
 address, as is shown by the following letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO E. Bellasis, Esq. 
 
 116 Marine Parade, Brighton, 
 
 Jan. 3, 1842. 
 
 Newman has just forwarded to me a letter of yours. I was against 
 any address of sympathy to us last year as feeling that we did not 
 want it, and I was afraid lest it should call forth a counter declara- 
 tion, and commit people before they considered what they were doing. 
 I had not heard of the Cheltenham address or the Archbishop's reply. 
 But if they have begun the attack, I quite agree with you that it is 
 desirable that there should be counter addresses, else the Bishops will 
 be misled. I very much fear that they do not in the least realize the 
 state of feeling in the Church and will consequently make mistakes, 
 which may be very injurious ; it is natural to judge* of things by the 
 sensation they make : they have no idea of strong, deep, quiet feeling. 
 I hope that the Poetry election will, amid all its evils, have some effect 
 this way, but I should think such addresses as you speak of will also 
 do good, both as expressing sympathy, putting the Bishops more in 
 possession of the real state of things, and inclining them in the end 
 perhaps to wish all such addresses at an end on both sides, which will 
 tend to give us what we so much want— peace. 
 
 I like the topics you have mentioned, and agree with your reasons 
 why the barristers should begin. Excuse haste. 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 I do fear that we are suffering very much from want of courage. 
 Truths are depreciated, and things allowed to go by default, when, if 
 persons were to speak out boldly, they would carry others with them : 
 
 * Afterwards Mr. Serjeant Bellasis. He eventually became a Roman Catholic 
 VOL. II. T 
 
274 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Pusey's Letter to the Archbishop, 
 
 275 
 
 e. g. what a torrent against Tract 90, and feeble defences, instead of 
 saying boldly, that people were all sick, and are but like ill-trained 
 children, who are clamouring that the medicine is unpalatable. 
 
 Before, however, this proposal could be carried out, the 
 Archbishop found himself face to face with another question 
 which inevitably caused him much embarrassment. The 
 Queen had invited the King of Prussia to become sponsor to 
 the Prince of Wales. The controversy about the Jerusalem 
 Bishopric had directed attention to the general subject of 
 German Protestantism, and there was a strong feeling 
 abroad, especially among the clergy, against the presence 
 of a Lutheran, however estimable he might be as a man, 
 on so serious an occasion. A memorial to this effect was 
 circulated in the Diocese of Oxford, and a copy of it was 
 forwarded by Bishop Bagot to the Primate. His view of 
 of it was conveyed in a letter to Bishop Bagot and was 
 strongly adverse to the proposal. Though not surprised, 
 he regretted the fact of such a Protest, knew that it 
 would give great offence and would be useless, gave 
 precedents, e.g. of a German Grand Duke having been 
 sponsor to George IV., and recommended that the Protest, 
 if not * stifled, should be completely discouraged.' 
 
 Two or three secessions to the Roman Catholic Church 
 occurred about this time. They were sufficiently deplor- 
 able in themselves and in the time of their occurrence ; and 
 they may well have appeared to persons in the position of 
 the Primate, to warrant the distrust which he was beginning 
 to feel about the Oxford writers. The Archbishop was 
 also disappointed at the result of his interview with Pusey in 
 September, 1841. He had made the common mistake of 
 supposing that leaders of opinion can always influence their 
 followers to any extent that their relations with other people 
 may render desirable. This will appear from the subjoined 
 lq,tter of the Dean of Canterbury, Dr. Lyall, to Bishop Bagot. 
 It was evidently written at the Archbishop's suggestion : 
 
 The Dean of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Addington, Jan. 14, 1842. 
 The Archbishop told me that about three months ago, he invited 
 
 Dr. Pusey to Addington on purpose to have some communication 
 with him on the subject of the present state of things at Oxford. On 
 representing to Dr. Pusey the many serious evils, present and prospec- 
 tive, occasioned by the agitation of the opinions put forth in Oxford, 
 Dr. Pusey asked the Archbishop what course his Grace would recom- 
 mend to be pursued. The Archbishop advised that for a time, at 
 least, he (Dr. Pusey and his friends) should rest entirely quiet— neither 
 putting out any new tract or other publication, nor answering any put 
 out against him and his opinions. The Archbishop would seem to 
 have had an impression that this course would be followed. It is not 
 necessary to say that it has not, but that, on the contrary, the controversy 
 is being carried on with more heat and bitterness than before— if not 
 by Dr. Pusey or Mr. Newman themselves, certainly by their followers 
 and those over whom they undoubtedly do or can exercise influence. 
 
 Under these circumstances the Archbishop said to me, that he 
 thought Dr. Pusey and his immediate advisers and friends were bound 
 in conscience and in all fairness of argument to make some formal 
 statement declaratory of their true meaning. 
 
 It has been contended that Pusey was putting himself 
 forward unnecessarily in writing to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. He really had very little choice in the matter. 
 The feeling which was now beginning to prevail in the 
 highest places of the English Church was made up of 
 irritation and fear, and it was rapidly tending to make 
 a calm and accurate appreciation of men and circumstances 
 difficult, if not impossible. It was well described in the 
 following letter from a friend, the Rev. Thomas Henderson, 
 to Pusey a month or two later : — 
 
 * Ash Wednesday, 1842. 
 
 ' A fortnight since, the Bishop of London said this to myself : " I 
 remarked yesterday to the Archbishop, and he quite agreed with me, 
 that we had been worse treated by the Oxford writers than we have 
 ever been by the Evangelical party in the whole course of our govern- 
 ment in the Church." Again, in a letter dated as far back as Nov. 29, 
 the Bishop writes : " I confess I feel indignant at their late proceed- 
 ings, which are however, I believe, but a sample of what they intend to 
 do." Again: "They might have strengthened the Church, and I 
 believe they intended to do so — they are now doing all they can unde- 
 signedly to weaken her. But she will survive the infatuation of friends 
 as well as the hostility of foes, and I well believe the time will come 
 when the greater number of those who are now holding out the hand 
 of friendship to Rome will see their errors, and to a certain point 
 retrace their steps." ** With regard to myself," he continues, " I have 
 hitherto endeavoured to keep peace and to prevent outbreaks of party 
 
 T 2 
 
 rita 
 
r 
 
 276 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Suggestions from Newman. 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
 feeling, but the late proceedings of the Oxford men have made it almost 
 impossible to continue my endeavours with any hope of success." 
 
 *A11 this as showing grievous misunderstanding is deplorable. 
 Again, then, may your forthcoming Letter subserve the end of removing 
 it, if only in part.' 
 
 Early in October Harrison had urged Pusey to write 
 
 a public Letter to the Archbishop in explanation of the 
 
 views and principles of the Oxford writers. This task was 
 
 delayed by the pressure of regular work and irregular 
 
 controversy; but in January, 1842, Pusey reports progress 
 
 as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 [35 Grosvenor Square], Jan. 22, 1842. 
 Friday night. 
 
 It is past two, so I only wish to tell you what I have been doing. 
 I continued my Appeal to the Archbishop. I waited first for the 
 Bishop of Winchester's Charge, then for the documents, and have not 
 had time quite to finish it. I began, after what you saw, stating and 
 illustrating that the tendency to Romanism does not come from us, 
 and so that it is not merely by censuring us that it can be met. This 
 is printed, and Marriott as well as Newman like it much. 
 
 Then I have analyzed the Charges, putting first the favourable 
 (Bishops of Ripon, Exeter), then the adverse ; showing that the first 
 censure only accidentals, not the essence of the doctrine ; the latter 
 censure not us, but what they think us to be, and which we too 
 should censure. Then I have inculcated good services as a plea for 
 sympathy. 
 
 Then I have said that things are safe in the main so long as our 
 Church does not undergo any organic change, as e. g. a declaration 
 of the Bishops, or any committal of Church to ultra-Protestantism. 
 I very much dread the King of Prussia's visit. Germany does not 
 wish for Bishops, and I feel convinced is unfit to receive Episcopacy. 
 I doubt whether really orthodox persons could be found to be con- 
 secrated. * Sincerum est nisi vas. . . .* 
 
 I deeply dread the Bishops committing themselves by a Declaration. 
 I am going to Clifton in the middle of the day, hoping to return to 
 Oxford on Monday. 
 
 You will not mind my saying that your tone seems to me to grow 
 harsher and more condemnatory. Manning liked all the articles in 
 the British Critic^ except one which he had not read. You seem to 
 me to read with the bias to blame. 
 
 It is curious to notice Pusey's prescience in thus early 
 deprecating those Episcopal Declarations which, at intervals 
 in the controversies of the next forty years, may be fairly 
 
 277 
 
 4 
 
 charged with having been injurious to the true interests of the 
 Church. While committing nobody, much less the Church 
 itself, they seemed to lay claim to high authority, yet really 
 only expressed the feelings of alarm at moments of agitation. 
 As the Letter to the Archbishop was printed off in slips 
 it was submitted to Newman, who bestowed on these frag- 
 ments a much warmer approval than was usual with him. 
 
 ' I like your slips very much indeed, and think them quite beautiful.' 
 * Your peroration I like extremely : indeed the whole Apologia is the best 
 thing to my mind you have written.* * I am no fit judge at all as to 
 what the effect of your Letter will be. I am simply unable to say any- 
 thing. I liked it much myself, but that very reason made me feel that 
 perhaps many others might not like it.' 
 
 Newman, however, suggested alterations in the rough 
 
 draft of the Letter, which appear to have been adopted. 
 
 A reference to the ' engagements ' of the Bishops was 
 
 omitted lest it should be thought ' satirical.' An allusion 
 
 to the Rev. W. Palmer of Magdalen was introduced with 
 
 a view to showing how much of the existing Church feeling 
 
 had been formed independently of the Tracts ^. Newman 
 
 further suggested that the clamour against Popery was 
 
 making undergraduates turn their thoughts that way and 
 
 feel interested in Rome — undergraduates who knew nothing 
 
 about the Tracts, but of whose conversion, if it were to 
 
 happen, the Tract-writers would get the credit. Conversions 
 
 to Rome, he insisted, did not occur 'till the Bishops' 
 
 Charges so opened against us ; nor did we express fears.' 
 
 He added words which show his sense of the great and 
 
 increasing difficulty of the situation : — 
 
 * Oriel, Jan. 24, 1842. 
 * The Heads of Houses have most lamentably opened a door to all 
 mischief by their act of last March. They have proclaimed to the 
 country that their own place is Popish, without having the power to 
 obviate it. This, according to the proverb, is crying stinking fish. 
 The country naturally says, " Are we to send our children for educa- 
 tion to a place confessed by its own guardians to be unsafe ? " I confess 
 1 do not see the end of the difficulty. I suppose Church Convocation 
 must meet, but what they can do does not appear. Certain positions 
 in No. 90 might be condemned.' 
 
 * * Letter, &c.,' p. 88 note. 
 
uaftta^Bi»'«M< 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
 k 
 
 278 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 At Newman s suggestion Pusey also consulted Mr. J. R. 
 Hope ^, who warmly advised him to publish his proposed 
 Letter, ' if only to make people pause and consider what 
 our present position really is.' Mr. Hope added some criti- 
 cisms in detail. The suggestion, which in view of present 
 circumstances was of the highest importance, ran as 
 
 follows : — 
 
 J. R. Hope, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 
 Jan. 31, 1842. 
 When you speak of ' men's judgements ' I have noted that this 
 might be misunderstood as despising the Bishops. To which I wish 
 to add that I think it would be well that you should give a distinct 
 view of the authority both of individual and collective Bishops of our 
 (not the Universal) Church, showing that (as I conceive) they may be 
 listened to for discipline's sake, but must be judged, as regards authority 
 over Conscience, by the Church Catholic. And that the very same 
 principle which leads to submission to them in the one case, implies (if 
 need be) rejection in the other. Men choose to wonder why persons 
 who (as they say) so much exalt Bishops, should be ready to protest 
 against them. 
 
 The Letter itself is the most striking of these compositions 
 which Pusey produced. It loses itself less in details ; it 
 is more concerned with the statement of principles. No 
 previous task of the kind to which he had set his hand had 
 been so delicate and so difficult ; never had he written — 
 not even a year before on the subject of Tract 90 — with so 
 keen a sense of urgent and increasing danger. He is 
 obliged now to admit the existence of a tendency to Rome ; 
 but it was due, he contends, to other causes than the * Tracts 
 for the Times,' and largely to the recent growth of the 
 Roman Church in England, and to the longing for visible 
 unity. This longing, however, would be kept in check, 
 partly by the growing sense of blessings which were 
 inseparably connected with membership of the English 
 Church ; partly by such evils as the denial of the Cup to 
 the laity, and the cultus of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the 
 Roman communion. 
 
 * I need but allude to one precious Gift, whose value none can 
 estimate, bestowed on us alone in the whole Western Church, and which 
 
 » See his letter in * Memoirs of J. R. Hope-Scott, Esq.,* ii. 8 seqq. 
 
 Comments on Bishops^ Charges, 
 
 279 
 
 I cannot understand how any communicant who loves his Lord, could of 
 his own act forego. One would not speak of persons in those Churches 
 which refuse the Cup to their members ; sore as the loss is, God can 
 make up to His own any losses which they sustain where He has 
 placed them ; but for one who has had that privilege bestowed upon 
 him voluntarily to forsake the Communion wherein God has given it 
 him, it does seem such a wilful rejection of the gift of his Saviour's 
 Blood, as, in any who knew what that Gift is, one should dread to 
 think of ».' 
 
 Again : — 
 
 * Throughout all she [the Roman Catholic Church] has of excellent, 
 there is spread (to mention no more) that one corrupting leaven, the 
 joining of the creature with the Creator, setting forth another object of 
 affection, "giving His glory to another," teaching both saint and 
 sinner to rely upon the Blessed Virgin as on Him V 
 
 The burden of the Letter is a respectful and passionately 
 earnest plea against the language which had been used with 
 reference to the Oxford writers by some of the Bishops. 
 Pusey justifies this part of his Letter by referring to Law's 
 controversy with Hoadley. He then reviews the more 
 prominent Episcopal Charges which had been delivered, 
 and he could do this the more freely because as yet his 
 own Diocesan, the Bishop of Oxford, had not addressed his 
 clergy on the subject. Pusey's old tutor. Bishop Maltby 
 of Durham, had indeed complained of the Oxford writers 
 in terms which were naturally appropriated for controversial 
 purposes by the Dublin Review. The Bishops of Ripon 
 and Exeter, although finding fault with certain features of 
 the Oxford teaching, had made large and generous admis- 
 sions in its favour. The two Low Church Bishops of 
 Chester and Winchester were wildly denunciatory; the 
 former even regarding the Oxford writers as * instruments 
 of Satan to hinder the true principles of the Gospel.' These 
 two Bishops represented a narrow variety of the Popular 
 Puritanism. This leads Pusey to describe in a passage of 
 singular truth and beauty the character of the so-termed 
 Evangelical revival : — 
 
 *The instruments of that revival looked, in the first instance, 
 for the type of their doctrine, neither to the Reformers of the 
 
 ^ * Letter,' p. 12, 3rd ed. 
 
 ' Ibid., p. 13, 3rd ed. 
 
28o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 
 sixteenth, nor the great divines of the seventeenth century, but 
 to the Nonconformists. In contrast with a period in which the 
 consciousness of the great truths of the Gospel had become obscure 
 and dim, they seized, as your Grace knows familiarly, one or two 
 fundamental truths, or, rather, they condensed the whole Gospel into the 
 two fundamental truths of nature and of grace, that by nature we are 
 corrupt, by grace we are saved. Our corruption by nature, our justifi- 
 cation by faith, were not a summary only, but, in this meagre form, the 
 whole substance of their teaching. Faith also was made the act of the 
 mind, believing and appropriating to itself the merits of our Blessed 
 Lord ; the rest of the Christian system, of God's gifts, the Church, the 
 Sacraments, good works, holiness, self-discipline, repentance, were 
 looked upon but as introductory, or subsidiary, or to follow as a matter 
 of course upon these, but if thought of any value in themselves, pemi- 
 cious ; to attach value to any of them was (as we have often been 
 condemned to hear, and shocking as it is to repeat) to substitute (as it 
 might be) the Church or the Sacraments, or repentance or good works 
 lor Christ. And from this we are but partially recovering. One 
 must respect the sensitiveness of those, who, with a " godly jealousy »' 
 fear lest anything be substituted for our Ever-blessed Redeemer. 
 Still one must say that the error is with them. The narrowness of 
 what one must call the " Nonconformist - system (for on the doctrine 
 ot Holy Baptism it is plainly at variance with that of the reformers in 
 our Church as well as its Formularies) cannot span the largeness of 
 Catholic truth ; it cannot expand itself so as to comprise it, and what 
 It cannot take into its own measures, it rejects as superfluous. 
 Measured then by this rule, our teaching must needs be found 
 faulty '. 
 
 He then discusses the Jerusalem Bishopric in terms which 
 have been already referred to ; and points out in conclusion 
 the need of peace for all, and of sympathy and guidance 
 for the younger men from their fathers in Christ. One of 
 the most solemn paragraphs of his closing appeal runs as 
 follows : — 
 
 * At this anxious crisis of our Church wherein we " are a spectacle 
 to the worid and to angels and to men," have your Lordships been 
 called to your holy station in the " government of the Church of 
 Christ, where your every word and action is fraught with conse- 
 quences incalculable ; I dare not apprehend that you will not act with 
 the due reverence and caution, when you know how deeply intertwined 
 with the whole frame of our present Church these chords are, upon 
 which you have from time to time touched, and which some, who know 
 not what they are doing, would urge you to pull so vehemently; how 
 
 Episcopal Opinions on the Letter. 
 
 281 
 
 1 « 
 
 Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury,* pp. 50, 51, 3rd cd. 
 
 many, in silence yet how profoundly, sympathize ; how fearfully any 
 mistaken movement might jar through the whole system ; what tokens 
 there are that, whoever may have been here or there employed, the 
 whole is the work not of man but of God. I have no fears but that, as 
 was prayed for you \ you will " use the authority given to you, not to 
 destruction, but to salvation ; not to hurt but to help ; giving, as 
 faithful and wise servants, to the family of God their portion in due 
 season, that you may be at last received into everlasting joy." And 
 for this cause I have ventured thus to speak. On your Lordships, 
 singly in your measures, but much more were you to act collectively, 
 may depend the well-being of our Church, or the degree of her well- 
 being, during her whole existence V 
 
 The Letter was, upon the whole, well received. The Arch- 
 bishop and some other prelates were said to be favourably 
 impressed. The Bishop of Rochester spoke very kindly 
 of the Letter, but made a reserve as to the passage about 
 monasticism. The Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Denison, was 
 at once sympathetic and critical : — 
 
 The Bishop of Salisbury to E. B. P. 
 My dear Pusey ^ Wilton Crescent, March 9, 1842. 
 
 . . . It is, I am sure, always my own fault, if I do not profit by 
 reading anything you write, even if I cannot, as is sometimes the case, 
 assent to all your views and reasonings, and the present aspect of 
 things in the Church is indeed such as to fill me with anxiety, and to 
 make me consider every prospect with apprehensive thought. In 
 what you say about the Charges of different Bishops, I do not think 
 that you sufficiently bear in mind that it is the nature of all authority 
 to be repressive rather than encouraging; and again that if other 
 parties draw general and unfair inferences from expressions of opinion 
 in particular points, the authors are not and ought not to be made 
 responsible for this. Will you also allow me to say how much I regret 
 that you either have not felt disposed or not at liberty to express any 
 disapproval of the language about our own Church and that of Rome 
 which has been used in various publications, and has naturally excited 
 a very strong and general sensation. I hope you will excuse my 
 saying thus much. It is more than I have said to any one else ; but 
 as I had read your Letter before I acknowledged it, it would, I think, 
 not be acting with the openness I should wish to show towards you to 
 content myself with merely thanking you for it. . . . 
 
 Believe me, very truly yours, 
 
 E. Sarum. 
 
 * Oflfice for the Consecration of Bishops. 
 
 • * Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury,' pp. 130, 131, 3rd ed. 
 
 
-r 
 
 282 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 \l 
 
 \ 
 
 Dr. Hook was very cordial : the Letter had satisfied him 
 that Pusey's teaching about post-baptismal sin was not 
 Novatianism. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Friend, Leeds, March 3, 1842. 
 
 . . . Many thanks for your Letter to the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury. I cannot tell you how much I am relieved by what you have said 
 on Baptism in that Letter. I never could detect before the difference 
 between your view of sin after Baptism and that of the Novatians, and 
 to me, preaching as I do to thousands who have never thought of their 
 baptismal vows, the doctrine was perplexing ; a treatise on Absolution 
 would indeed be useful. 
 
 I remain, your affectionate friend, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 On the other hand, Pusey received some strong expres- 
 sions of adverse criticism. Archdeacon Hale, while holding 
 that Pusey's language about German Protestantism was 
 well worth considering, could not understand how any 
 improvement in the Roman Church could be a cause of 
 satisfaction to Pusey, since *it would only make men at 
 large more blind to her cormptions and idolatries than they 
 were before.' The Archdeacon equally deprecated * the 
 false candour which praised Dissent because of its piety,' 
 since in the eyes of the common people such praise removes 
 all real objection to a false system. * It is,' observed the 
 Archdeacon, * by the outward appearance of something or 
 other good in them, that bad men and bad things bear 
 sway in the world.' 
 
 Whatever hopes Pusey might at one period have enter- 
 tained and expressed with regard to Protestant Germany, 
 he had learnt by this time a truer estimate: he quotes 
 Tholuck to illustrate the ravages of Rationalism among 
 German Protestants ; he even goes so far as to say that 
 * even in the sounder part of the Luthero-Calvinist body 
 there is not a vestige among its writers of the first con- 
 dition of a sound restoration — humility^.' 
 
 The crucial passage in his Letter to the Archbishop had 
 run as follows : — 
 
 1 t 
 
 Letter to Archbighop of Canterbury,* p. 103, 3rd ed. 
 
 Views on Lutheranism — Aheken. 
 
 283 
 
 * Still less, I own, can I see, — even if your Grace were advised, or it 
 were lawful, to free the Bishop from those obligations by which he is 
 at present bound,— how the picture of an United Church could be 
 presented by an English and Lutheran congregation, of which the one 
 holds "One Holy Catholic Church, throughout all the world," knit 
 together by its Bishops, as "joints and bands,'' under its One Head, 
 Christ, and joined on by unbroken succession to the Apostles ; the 
 other, an indefinite number of Churches, hanging together by an 
 agreement in a scheme of doctrine framed by themselves, and 
 modified by the civil power ; of which the one holds Confirmation to 
 be the act of the Bishop, the other deems such unnecessary but 
 accepts it for its younger members : the one holds Ordination to be 
 derived from the Apostles; the other, that Presbyters, uncommis- 
 sioned, may confer it, and that those on whom it has been so con- 
 ferred, may consecrate the Holy Eucharist : the one recites the Creed 
 of Nicea, the other has laid it aside: in the one, ancient prayer, the 
 inspired Psalms, and hearing God's Word, are the chief part of their 
 weekly service ; in the other, uninspired hymns and preaching, with 
 prayer extempore : the one kneel in prayer, the other not even at the 
 Holy Eucharist : with the one, the Lord's Day is a Holy Day, with the 
 other a holyday : the one receives " the Faith " as " once for all delivered 
 to the saints"; the other, as susceptible of subsequent correction and 
 development : the one rests her authority and the very titles of her 
 existence on being an Ancient Church, the other boasts itself modern : 
 the one, not founded by man, but descended of that founded on the 
 day of Pentecost ; the other dating itself from Luther, and claiming 
 to be the parent of all, not in outward communion with the great 
 Eastern and Western Branches, and so of our own Church by whom 
 it was originally converted : the one recognizes and has been recog- 
 nized by the Ancient Church of the East, the other rejects her and is 
 anathematized by her. Still less is there any hope, that by receiving 
 Ministers ordained by our Bishops, they express any wish to be 
 received into our Church, or become one with her \' 
 
 This language attracted attention in Germany no less 
 than in England, and the Rev. H. Abeken, Chaplain to 
 the Prussian Legation at Rome, remonstrated with its 
 author, first in a private communication, and then in a 
 public letter ^. 
 
 All that Mr. Abeken wrote only too clearly showed that 
 Pusey was right in contending that the German Protestants 
 
 * * Letter to Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury,' pp. 106, 107, 3rd ed. 
 
 =» 'A Letter to the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D., in reference to certain charges 
 against the German Church, contained 
 
 in his Letter to his Grace the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury,' by the Rev. 
 H. Abeken, Theol. Lie, Chaplain to 
 His Prussian Majesty's Legation at 
 Rome. London : J. W. Parker, 1842. 
 
 <*. 
 
vr 
 
 284 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Oxford Theological Faculty, 
 
 285 
 
 did not want the Episcopate, and that it could not be 
 imposed on them against their will, or without their 
 earnestly desiring it. Mr. Abeken could not understand 
 why, without entering on this question, *the Church of 
 England could not come forward and act in common' 
 with the Lutherans * for the extension of the kingdom of 
 heaven.' The answer was, that if the Episcopate was 
 necessary, she could not dispense with it ; and her belief 
 in its necessity appeared from her maintaining it in circum- 
 stances when its absence would have very considerably 
 promoted unity among Protestants. *With regard to 
 the question now at stake,' wrote Pusey, *the pamphlet 
 contains nothing in any way to change the view put 
 forward in my own ^.' 
 
 In the spring of 1842 a statute was submitted to the 
 Convocation of Oxford having for its object a considerable 
 extension of the Theological Faculty. Two new Chairs, 
 of Ecclesiastical History and Pastoral Theology, were 
 established by the Crown, and this involved a rearrange- 
 ment of the subjects which had been hitherto handled by 
 the Regius and Margaret Professors of Divinity. The 
 Hebrew professor occupied a position which might appear 
 to make it doubtful whether he was a Divinity professor or 
 a professor of language. Pusey insisted strongly that he 
 was a professor of Divinity; that he could only lecture 
 upon books which formed part of the Sacred Volume; and 
 that Hebrew philology was ancillary to the largest depart- 
 ment of the Interpretation of the Bible. 
 
 The anticipated promulgation of a new statute led Pusey 
 to ask the Vice-Chancellor to enable him to secure in it 
 a more definite recognition of the theological character of 
 his professorship. He wrote a strong and sensible letter 
 supporting this view, but apparently without result. At 
 any rate the proposed statute was circulated in the Univer- 
 sity on April 18, and on the following day Pusey again 
 addressed the Vice-Chancellor, urging more strenuously, 
 
 * * Letter to Archbishop of Canterbury,' p. 150, 3rd ed. 
 
 in the interest both of Theology and Hebrew study, the 
 objection to the statute he had previously raised. 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor appears to have replied that the 
 Hebdomadal Council did not wish to interfere with the 
 existing arrangements for old professorships. Pusey wrote 
 again to point out that the language of the proposed statute 
 did tend to make him merely a professor of language. 
 But the Vice-Chancellor had other advisers. One object 
 of the new statute was to establish an examination in 
 Theology, and it was provided that the Hebrew pro- 
 fessor might have a voice in the election of Examiners. 
 Dr. Hampden, as Regius Professor of Divinity, wrote to 
 the Vice-Chancellor stating his objection to this proposal. 
 After enumerating some objections of a more technical 
 
 kind, he proceeds : — 
 
 'April 27, 1842. 
 
 * I have a few more weighty objections to the proposed statute in its 
 present form. I have been reluctant to put it forward lest I should 
 seem to be making an objection on mere personal grounds, which 
 I may assure you is not the case with me. I must own to you then 
 that I should object at any rate to investing the Professor of Hebrew 
 with a power not recognized by the Statutes, by making him ex officio 
 an Examiner in Theology, or even a member of a Theological Board. 
 He need not in fact necessarily be a graduate in Theology. 
 
 * If, however, the proposed statute, when ultimately brought before 
 Convocation, further goes to invest the present holder of that 
 Professorship with such power,— does it not become a serious 
 question, whether one could conscientiously vote for a measure con- 
 ferring this privilege on an individual who is identified with a class 
 of theological writers who have attracted to them the expostulations 
 and reproofs of several of our Bishops,— one who advocates the views 
 of those writers as developed in the " Tracts for the Times," and in 
 particular that number of the Tracts which has been expressly 
 censured by the Hebdomadal Board, and whose principles, it can 
 hardly be doubted, are unfriendly to the Reformation and the 
 Protestant establishment of the Church ? ' 
 
 It is clear then that Dr. Hampden was deliberately 
 endeavouring to exclude Pusey from part of the work of the 
 Theological faculty, and that on account of distrust of his 
 opinions. In accordance with the same plan of action was 
 an inflammatory lecture delivered by him in the Divinity 
 School against Tractarian teaching. 
 
 4^ 
 
I 
 
 286 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 As on other occasions, the Latitudinarian hatred of 
 dogma was too much for the toleration which they generally 
 professed. Hampden was working for the exclusion of 
 Pusey, as previously Arnold had denounced ' the Malig- 
 nants/ and Whately and Tait had stimulated the excite- 
 ment against Newman and Ward. 
 
 On Monday, May 23, Bishop Bagot delivered in St. Mary's 
 the Charge which he had dreaded and postponed. In it he 
 by one unhappy expression broke the understanding that, 
 the Tracts having been stopped at his suggestion, he would 
 say nothmg in condemnation of them. He spoke of Tract 90 
 as follows : ' Although the licence of Calvinistic interpreters 
 had often gone beyond what was attempted in the Ninetieth 
 Tract,' the Bishop ' could not reconcile himself to a system 
 of mterpretation which was so subtle that by it the Articles 
 might be made to mean anything or nothing: This last 
 expression was suggested by a Chaplain ; for few phrases 
 perhaps has the Church of England paid more dearly. 
 
 * Even my own Bishop/ wrote Newman, * has said that 
 my mode of interpreting the Articles makes them mean 
 miything or nothing. When I heard this delivered I did 
 not believe my ears. I denied to others that it was said. 
 ... Out came the Charge, and the words could not be 
 mistaken. This astonished me the more because I pub- 
 lished that letter to him (how unwillingly you know) on 
 the understanding that / was to deliver his judgment on 
 No. 90 instead of him. A year elapses and a second and 
 heavier judgment came forth. I did not bargain for this- 
 nor did he. But the tide was too strong for him ^' 
 
 The excellent and accomplished author of the phrase 
 has in later years thus touchingly alluded to it :— • 
 
 The Rev. F. E. Paget to Bishop Eden. 
 
 T Mr.. J^"- 24, 1879. 
 
 I was guilty of domg much mischief by an honest but unguarded, 
 and U-considered opmion. He [Bishop Bagot] put Tract 90 into 
 my hands and asked me what I thought of it. I answered as I then 
 thought : 'At this rate the Articles may be made to mean anythir^ or 
 
 ' ^Apologia,' p. 350. 
 
 Proposal in favour of Hampden. 
 
 287 
 
 nothing: It was just one of those short speeches which, having a 
 sting, are not forgotten. I cannot atone for my fault. All I can now 
 do is to say that the words originated with me ; and that for many 
 years greatly have I sorrowed over a misunderstood motive. 
 
 The Charge took Oxford by surprise, and its effect was 
 immediately apparent in the action of the Heads of Houses. 
 It is a curious coincidence, if nothing more, that on the 
 next day, May 24th, there appeared a notice of a motion 
 which would be brought before Convocation to abrogate 
 the Censure passed on Dr. Hampden in 1836. At that 
 date, it will be remembered, the Censure had been carried 
 in the Hebdomadal Board only by a narrow majority, 
 although passed by a large majority in Convocation ; and 
 the new statute for regulating Divinity studies, by which 
 Dr. Hampden, as Regius Professor, was made Chairman of 
 the Theological Board, had been unopposed. The Bishop s 
 language about Tract 90 may well have led Hampden's 
 friends in the Hebdomadal Board to think that his strongest 
 opponents were too divided, or too cowed, to offer any 
 very effective resistance. 
 
 It is due to the Vice-Chancellor of the day. Dr. Wynter, 
 to say that he, at least, was not in favour of the proposed 
 measure. He did not vote against it. It was his rule, as 
 Vice-Chancellor, to avoid giving a vote whenever he could : 
 he looked upon himself, when presiding at the meetings of 
 the Heads, as in the position of a ' Speaker.' But he 
 has left his opinion of this proposal on record ; it was to 
 the effe'ct that until Dr. Hampden retracted his expressed 
 opinions, no withdrawal of the Censure was consistent or 
 reasonable. 
 
 Though the University was taken by surprise, it was not 
 long before a memorial,condemning the proposed abrogation 
 of the Censure, received the signatures of persons strongly 
 opposed to each other on other subjects ; of Mr. Tait, as well 
 as Mr. Max Muller ; of Mr. Palmer of Magdalen, as well 
 as Mr. Golightly ; of Mr. Sewell, who by a recent article 
 in the Quarterly had been understood to withdraw himself 
 partly from the Tractarians, as wMl as of Mr. Newman. 
 
288 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 At the same time many of the Low Church party held aloof 
 from the opposition ; and the idea that the question was 
 only another phase of the contest between the Tractarians 
 and their opponents would have influenced the majority 
 of the Hebdomadal Board, when returning, as they did, 
 an unfavourable answer to the memorialists. 
 
 Looking to the conduct of the majority of the Heads, 
 it might have been supposed that Dr. Hampden had 
 proclaimed some change in his religious opinions: but 
 the truth would appear to be that he had done nothing of 
 the kind, although unquestionably in his public language he 
 now gave greater prominence to the popular Protestantism 
 of the day. It was in accordance with this that on 
 June 1st he had delivered, as Professor, his lecture in the 
 Divinity School. The subject was the Thirty-nine Articles, 
 In this lecture he not only said he had nothing to retract! 
 while virtually reaffirming his opinions by reference to his 
 Bampton Lectures, but he also described his opponents 
 as a virulent * Romanizing ' party banded together under 
 leaders against him. He appealed to the ' sincere part of 
 the Church in the University'; to 'all unprejudiced and 
 still Protestant members of the Church.' # 
 
 The University once more found itself committed to an 
 exasperating contest. 
 
 'You cannot imagine,' wrote James Mozley, *the state of bustle and 
 activity we have been in. The last week has been a complete dream, 
 -of interminable plannings, devisings, machinatings, talkings, walk- 
 mgs, wntings, printings, letters for the post, wafers, sealing-wax, &c. 
 . . . The new statute is expected to be thrown out by a large 
 majority. Nobody sticks up a moment for the Heads of Houses ^' 
 
 Pusey, of course, had his full share of all this work. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Christ Church, May 31, 1842.] 
 I hope on this sad occasion you will come to this house. I have 
 written to Miller of Worcester (whether he comes I know not) your 
 brother, and Manning. It would be pleasant at least that you should 
 see each other, and I you. 
 
 * -Letters of Rev. J. B. Mozley/ p. 133. 
 
 
 Censure of Hampden Reaffirmed, 289 
 
 alcLI'^^h^^/ ^'j"^"^f »*"g; ^«"nd for anxiety; the Low Church keeps 
 aloof, the Standard has begun the Anti-Newman cry ; circulars are 
 being sent on the other side ; people whom one woulcl not expect take 
 
 to paTtd^ ''^'^ T"l" -^-^^^-^^-ess, and the unwi^HngLes 
 to pam-and how much is there of stem Athanasian principle > 
 
 surprteTatl r w ^^^P^Vf '""^^""^ "^^^^"^^ ^ ^^ould not be 
 Srst us ^^^^'^^^^'^^ «f Low Church, Liberals, Anti-tractarians 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately and obliged, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Dinner will not be till six on Monday. It made one»s heart sink to 
 have to think Golightl/s name an accession. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 . , „ , Hursley, June 2, 1842. 
 
 1 shall be most glad to come to you on Monday, as you kindly pro- 
 pose, and thus get some good out of what seems an unpromising 
 affair However, I console myself in this way, that either the statute 
 will be affirmed, or, if repealed, it will be by such a combination 
 as will prove to all men the rationalizing tendency of the Puritan 
 School I hope to be with you by the Southampton coach, which is in 
 (I think) soon after five. I shall get down at your door. Moberly 
 means to post up with five more votes early on Tuesday morning, and 
 I suppose Wilson, Young, and Ryder, and perhaps Tragett of C C C 
 will come by the train that morning i ^. ^. ^., 
 
 I am, ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 J. Keble. 
 Samuel Wilberforce will not come up at all, I think. If he did 
 I cannot make out from his talk which way he would vote. I fear 
 Hamilton also means to be neutral. 
 
 In his reference to *odd crotchets,' Pusey was doubtless 
 thinking among others of the Rev. W. K. Hamilton, then 
 Canon, afterwards Bishop, of Salisbury. Mr. Hamilton 
 had never felt satisfied with the justice of the methods by 
 which Hampden had been condemned. He could not 
 oppose the suggested repeal of the Censure, though he 
 felt the inconsistency of those who, having censured, were 
 ready to withdraw the Censure without any retractation on 
 Hampden's part. 
 
 The battle was fought in Convocation on June 7th. The 
 speeches were, of course, in Latin ; the two best being 
 those of Mr. W. Sewell and Mr. Vaughan Thomas. On a 
 
 ■\rc\t TT 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 U 
 
290 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 division, the Censure was reaffirmed by a majority of 115 
 in a House of ^^Z- The Convocation of the University 
 saved its consistency; but the diminished majority ^ showed 
 that recent alarms, and perhaps Dr. Hampden's appeals to 
 the popular Protestantism, had not been without effect. 
 Still, so far as the University was concerned, the question 
 of Dr. Hampden was at an end. 
 
 The year 1842 was in Pusey s h'fe, as in the Movement, 
 a preparation for what was to follow. The inauguration 
 of the Martyrs' Memorial was naturally the occasion of 
 a demonstration against the Oxford School, although it 
 may be questioned whether so graceful an erection, sur- 
 mounted by a cross, was in the long run well calculated 
 to recommend the Puritanism which built it. Pusey was 
 distressed also by some secessions to Rome. When it was 
 said to him that they were not important people, he would 
 reply, * But they are doing wrong ; and souls are souls.* 
 
 Still graver matter for anxiety was to be found in an 
 unsettlement of minds which threatened, at no distant date, 
 a more serious catastrophe. Among Newman's companions 
 at Littlemore was one respecting whom Pusey had been led 
 to feel anxious. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Aug. 18, [1842]. 
 You will not mmd my asking you what line you adopted for the 
 
 restoration of , and whether you distinctly urged upon him the 
 
 duty of abiding in his Church. What effect do you think the use of 
 the Breviary at L[ittlemore] had upon him ? Was his self-discipline 
 proportioned to it ? or was the use of it self-indulgence ? Do you 
 think him wilful ? . . . -c «. . 
 
 tver yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 Pusey's questions annoyed Newman. They appeared to 
 imply a conception of the character of Newman's friend, 
 and of Newman's own idea of what was involved in loyalty 
 to the English Church, which assured him that Pusey must 
 be the mouthpiece of some one else. 
 
 1 On May 5 1836, the majority for censuring Dr. Hampden had been ^80 
 4n a House of 568. •* 
 
 Fears of Secessions, 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Who has put you up to write to me about 
 
 291 
 
 Aug. 20, 1842. 
 
 If you knew him 
 
 you would see that the questions you ask are unappropriate. He is 
 a very amiable fellow, sincerely humble, and * indulges * himself in 
 nothmg but in self-discipline (which I do not deny maybe an unallow- 
 able mdulgence). However, when he had been here some weeks, poor 
 fellow, his mind got unsettled again, and I gave him to this very day 
 to make it up by, whether he would promise to put aside the whole 
 subject for three years. This he has done— 
 
 (Sunday, Oriel [I do not forget to-morrow »] )— and though I feel the 
 trial is but beginning, he can do no more than promise. Please do 
 not say a word of this to any one, else I am giving explanations through 
 you to parties who have less confidence in my faithfulness to my office 
 in the Church than you have. . . . 
 
 Aug. 21, 1842. 
 
 P.S.— Ward was the sole and absolute cause of 's surrendering 
 
 himself. Manning had totally failed. I had failed also, and quite 
 despaired. Last Wednesday I told him that he must decide by 
 Saturday. He proposed going to W^ard-at first I doubted ; when he 
 pressed it, I let him go. Ward completely satisfied him in the course 
 of an hour, and he wanted to make the promise at once, but Ward 
 said he had better stay till Saturday to try himself. He could not give 
 me any account of what Ward said— only said that the views were 
 * quite new to him.' 
 
 The resettlement of Newman's friend was thus efifected 
 from an unexpected quarter. Pusey felt bound to make 
 something like an apology. He had not been able to help 
 doing what he did in questioning Newman. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Margate], Aug. 22, 1842. 
 Thank you very much for your full explanations. I asked the 
 
 questions about for a person for whom it was really worth asking, 
 
 but I cannot say any more without committing others. Of course 
 
 I will not repeat anything you say about . The person was only 
 
 afraid that you did not express as distinctly as you felt the duty 
 of abiding by our Church ; people about you had given him this 
 impression generally, not, of course, that he was prying or suspicious, 
 but It had somehow been forced upon him. I had spoken plainly, but 
 I asked you these questions in order to be able to give a definite answer 
 from yourself. There was a further practical reason which I cannot 
 tell. There really was no suspiciousness, nor anything in a wrone 
 spirit. ... Oft 
 
 * Aug. 22, Dr. Pusey's birthday. 
 U % 
 
 P 
 
 t 
 
292 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 You must not be pained at a vague sort of uncomfortableness. All 
 confidence seemed to undergo a shock about the time Mr. S. 
 went from us. Eve ybody almost suspected everyone. I found that 
 I had added to, or perhaps occasioned, much of the suspiciousness by 
 my visits to the convents. I found near friends suspecting me. People 
 do not know what to think when they are in a panic. Then too I have 
 doubted whether some (I know not who) who see you and speak of 
 you understand you (I do not mean Ward). But somehow Ward's 
 distinction between you and myself is supposed to mean more than it 
 did, and (strange to say) to imply that you are less satisfied that our 
 Church is a part of the Catholic Church than myself. This notion 
 seems to be encouraged somehow, I do not know how. The Roman 
 Catholics are very diligent in circulating it, and use it as an argument 
 to draw over those who are wavering. They give out (and even eminent 
 persons, I believe, among them) that you and a body of others are 
 coming over. I know not how much this has to do with the uncom- 
 fortableness afloat ; it was said to me last term by a Head of a House, 
 who professed himself glad to be reassured by me, but I had it more 
 directly from Roman Catholics. I only say this, because this state of 
 suspiciousness is a painful one, and it is painful to be suspected, 
 though you have been so long accustomed to commit your innocence 
 to God. 
 
 The whole amount of fear, in the case which occasioned my writing, 
 was lest, by not using definite language as to our own Church, you 
 should miss giving the direction to the minds which look up to you 
 which you would desire. I appealed to your Advent Sermons, which 
 were just what he wished ; only he still seemed to think that in con- 
 versation people took a different impression, or he would have liked 
 sonifithing published with your name ; but there is your letter to the 
 Bishop, which at the time I forgot. Your articles in the British 
 Critic he appreciated and valued. 
 
 Newman's answer shows, on the one hand, the misgivings 
 about his position which he unhappily could not disguise 
 from himself, and, on the other, his sensitive apprehension 
 of what was involved in loyalty to the English Church. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, in fest S. Bart [1842]. 
 
 ... I am not at all surprised or hurt at persons being suspicious 
 of my faith in the English Church. I think they have cause to do so. 
 It would not be honest in me not to confess, when persons have a right 
 to ask me, that I have misgivings, not about her Orders, but about 
 her ordinary enjoyment of the privileges they confer while she is so 
 separate from Christendom, so tolerant of heresy. (Do you see that 
 the Bishop of Jerusalem has been allowing an unconverted Jew to lead 
 
 Newman's Growing Misgivings, 293 
 
 extempore prayer in his house and presence ?) But I think few people 
 have any right to know my opinion. 
 
 What I was hurt about, was, as I said, that persons should think me 
 capable of holding an office in the Church, and yet countenancing and 
 livmg familiarly with those who were seceding from it. I do not see 
 how this could be without treachery. The very fact that I hold a 
 living ought to show people that I am necessarily in the service of the 
 English Church. 
 
 Commenting on the foregoing admission by Newman 
 of his misgivings and their grounds, Pusey anxiously 
 replies : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Margate, undated, end of Aug., 1842.] 
 One must fear that very many, through misbelief or unbelief, do lose 
 much of the privilege of the Holy Communion in our Church ; and 
 yet it seems as though to pious Low Church people what is lacking in 
 knowledge is often supplied by love, and that the grace of the Sacra- 
 ment is conveyed to them, even while they know not what It is. 
 I have been struck, at least, by finding what a deep and real joy It has 
 been to many who are least informed, who knew not What they were 
 receiving, and yet coming to their Lord, had that saying fulfilled in 
 them, * He that cometh unto Me.' I hope, then, that what you mean 
 is, that you have misgivings lest much of the privileges of the Sacra- 
 ments be forfeited by individuals in our Church through the heresy 
 tolerated in her, not that they are, through the condition of our Church, 
 withheld from any who believe, and seek to live aright. . . . 
 
 The correspondence marks a point in the divergence 
 which was gradually taking place in their minds respecting 
 the claims of the English Church. Pusey by turns en- 
 deavoured to arrest it, and to shut his eyes to it; but 
 there it was— full of portent for the coming years. 
 
 The summer months produced a long succession of 
 Episcopal Charges, which were little calculated to relieve 
 Pusey's anxieties. Newman, who had an eye to all that 
 was going on, kept Pusey duly informed of them. On 
 August 20th he writes : — 
 
 * The Bishop of Worcester's Charge is the worst specimen of all. He 
 says the Rubrics must not be adhered to with " Chinese " exactness.' 
 
 Eour days later : — 
 
 ' You see two more Bishops, Hereford and Worcester, have joined 
 the growing consensus of the Bench against Catholic truth. Hereford 
 
 '; !l 
 
294 ^^f^ 9f Edward Bottverie Pusey. 
 
 spoke of the " Nicene " era as " semi-heathen " till some one reminded 
 him that the Apostles' age was wholly heathen. Neither Charge can 
 have any weight, except with those who consider that the consensus of 
 the Bishops is the voice of the Church.* 
 
 In two cases the more prominent Episcopal assailants of 
 the Tracts were removed by death. At the beginning of 
 the year, Dr. Shuttleworth, Bishop of Chichester, and in 
 August, Dr. Dickinson, Bishop of Meath, died before 
 delivering their Charges. * What a most solemn, sobering 
 event,' wrote Newman to Pusey on Jan. 13th, *the Bishop 
 of Chichester's death is! I don't think anything has 
 happened in my time which has so struck me.* Seven 
 months later: *You saw the Bishop of Meath's death, 
 Dr. Dickinson \ your antagonist. He was to have de- 
 livered a Charge against the Tracts the day he died.' 
 Pusey thought he saw in these solemn events a token of 
 God's presence with the Church of England : * It is awfully 
 strange how two of these Charges were withheld. It looks 
 like, '' Thus far shalt thou go." ' 
 
 The Episcopal Charges would have had comparatively 
 little effect if only Pusey and Newman had been still of 
 one mind. But Newman has told us that from the date of 
 the Jerusalem Bishopric he was, as regards membership 
 with the English Church, *on his deathbed 2.' He had 
 shifted his ground in defending the position of the English 
 Church. Hj 'sunk his theory to a lower level.' What 
 could be said 
 
 * after the Bishops* Charges? after the Jerusalem "abomination'*? 
 Well, this could be said : still we were not petty ; we could not be as if 
 we had never been a Church ; we were " Samaria." This then was 
 that lower level on which I placed myself, and all who felt with me at 
 the endof 1841 V 
 
 Among these Pusey could not be reckoned. He did not 
 think of the English Church as ' Samaria ' ; and yet he was 
 unwilling to admit even to himself, and much more to 
 admit to others, the growing difference with his friend. 
 His love for, and personal loyalty to Newman, his hope 
 
 * He was the author of • The Pope*s Pastoral Letter/ 
 « 'Apologia/ p. 257. ' Ibid., p. 364. 
 
 Perplexity of Friends — Dollinger^s opinion. 295 
 
 against appearances that Newman was still where he had 
 been until 1 841, prevented his answering appeals to explain 
 himself; since such explanation might too easily have 
 increased the existing divergence from his friend. Yet 
 there was no mistaking the significance of such an appeal 
 as Hook had made to him in the early part of the year. 
 It represented a temper of mind which might have been 
 conciliated at the time, but which, if treated with apparent 
 reserve or neglect, threatened serious alienation : — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Jan. 31, 1842. 
 
 I do wish you and Newman would just point out to us what is your 
 standing-point — the position you have decided to take. At present 
 the whole system seems so nearly that of attacking the Church of 
 England and palliating the Church of Rome. If you will take your 
 ground on the Caroline divines, or anywhere, so that it may be fixed, 
 men's minds would be calmed. Alas ! now I see and hear from all 
 quarters of a most strong reaction against Church principles, and of 
 indiscretions on the part of our friends. Oh ! for a few months of 
 
 ' I am your truly affectionate friend, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 This difficulty was increased when Roman Catholics 
 began to express to him the hope, natural enough to 
 persons in their position, that the Movement would lead 
 people to join the Roman Church. Not only undistin- 
 guished members of the Roman Church, but theologians 
 like DoUinger — at that time little thinking that he would 
 ever be alienated from the See of St. Peter by definitions 
 of an impossible infallibility attaching to it — wrote to 
 Pusey in this sense : — 
 
 Dr. Ign. von Dollinger to E. B. P. 
 [Translation.] 
 
 ^ Bad Kreuth, Sept. 4, 1842. 
 
 Very honoured Sir, > r t> t 
 
 ... I dare say I do not tell you anything new when I mention 
 that in Germany also all eyes— of Protestants as well as of Roman 
 Catholics — are turned in fear and hope towards Oxford; it becomes 
 more and more probable that your great and memorable movement 
 will have essential influence also on the course of religious development 
 
 ^1 
 1^1 
 
296 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 in Germany. As a matter of course, and you will most likely not 
 expect it otherwise, all the voices of German Protestantism express 
 their most decided disapproval of your direction, while on the Catholic 
 side a proportionally increasing sympathy is shown. I have read 
 almost all your works, most particularly also your Letter to the 
 Bishop of Oxford and what you have written about Tract 90, and 
 though some passages were painful to me or seemed to me erro- 
 neous, there is far more in them with which I can entirely agree, 
 nay— what seemed to be written out of my own soul. With the 
 greatest interest I read, I even devour, the numbers of the British 
 Critic as soon as they arrive here ; also the works of Newman, and the 
 excellent book by Faber, * Sights and Thoughts,' &c. From all these 
 writings I retain such an impression, that I feel almost inclined to call 
 out : * Tales cum sitis, jam nostri estis,' or if you like it better thus : 
 * Tales cum sitis, jam vestri sumus ! * Everything, with us in Germany 
 also, points more and more distinctly towards a great religious Consum- 
 mation towards a drawing together of kindred elements, and of a 
 corresponding separation of those which are not akin. Once more, 
 and most probably for the last time, the attempt is now made in 
 Germany to assert again the old Protestantism of the Symbolical 
 Books ; but the Union, established by Prussia, has deeply wounded it, 
 and on the other side the corrosive poison of Hegel's Pantheism, in 
 union with the destructive criticism of the Bible, is spreading inces- 
 santly. Even the Protestant theological faculty at Tubingen, formerly 
 the chief support of the still positive Christian Theology in Protestant 
 
 Germany, is now almost completely in the hands of Hegel's party ! 
 
 May I now ask you to express to Mr. Newman in my name the 
 especial respect which his writings have raised in me? Gladden me 
 very soon again with a letter, and be convinced that every commission 
 from you will always be a source of pleasure for me. 
 
 Entirely yours, 
 
 I. DOLLINGER. 
 
 The unexpected death of Dr. Arnold on Sunday, June 1 2, 
 1842, withdrew one of the keenest opponents of the Oxford 
 Movement, whose character invested his opposition with 
 high moral interest. This is not the place to discuss either 
 his influence on religiun in England, or the consequences 
 of his somewhat early death. It was however, as a matter 
 of course, followed by a proposal to erect a memorial to 
 him of some kind ; and Newman, Pusey, and Keble, as 
 old Fellows of Oriel, discussed whether they could con- 
 sistently subscribe. Keble was first applied to. It was 
 characteristic of the generosity of the three friends, that in 
 
 Proposed Memorial to Dr. Arnold, 297 
 
 spite of the somewhat outrageous imputations and attacks 
 Dr. Arnold had made on them in his famous article, they 
 were not unwilling to subscribe to a memorial so long as 
 it did not identify the University with Arnold's Latitu- 
 dinarian Theology. They fully appreciated Arnold's work 
 in improving Public School education. They were ready 
 to support a memorial at Rugby. In the event, the 
 difficulty was postponed. The money subscribed was 
 applied to the foundation of scholarships to be enjoyed 
 by Dr. Arnold's sons in succession; and, in 1850, it was 
 divided between the erection of a new library at Rugby 
 and the foundation of the Arnold Historical Essay at 
 Oxford. When at last the acceptance of the Oxford prize 
 was proposed to Convocation, the serious events of 1845 
 had rendered those who might have deprecated it 
 powerless for all purposes of organized resistance. 
 
 The year 1842 closed amidst increasing difficulties and 
 apprehensions of difficulty. The Heads of Houses took up 
 a position more and more hostile. The Provost of Oriel 
 refused to give the necessary college testimonials for candi- 
 dates for Holy Orders to young men of the highest 
 character, except on the condition of rejecting Tract 90. 
 Another Head of a House, who had known Pusey well, 
 refused to look at him when they met in the street. 
 Another declined to receive into his college any of the 
 young men to whom Pusey had offered board and lodgings. 
 These things would not have mattered, if there had not 
 been an anxiety of a graver kind. Newman resolved 
 publicly to retract the 'declamation' in which he had 
 indulged against the Church of Rome. He called it 
 declamation as distinct from argument ; it expressed un- 
 reasoning passion rather than deliberate judgments of the 
 mind, and a man need not be on his way to Rome, or 
 other than an attached member of the English Church, in 
 order to regret language which, however sanctioned by 
 the usages of bygone controversy, is condemned by most 
 sensitive consciences — whatever be their religious convic- 
 
298 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 tions— in our own day. But Newman had in his published 
 writings called the Church of Rome a ' lost Church * ; he 
 had spoken of the ' Papal apostasy ' ; he had feared that 
 the Council of Trent had bound the Roman Communion 
 to the * cause of Antichrist * ; it was * infected with heresy/ 
 
 * spell-bound as if by an evil spirit*; in the seat of St. Peter 
 
 * the evil spirit had throned itself and ruled.' There are 
 other expressions to the same effect, which a sensible and 
 reverent man might well wish not to have employed without 
 thereby implying a tendency to Roman Catholicism ^ 
 
 Newman has, in later years 2, assigned to this retractation 
 a place in the Romeward movement of his mind ; but at 
 the time it need not have implied more than a desire to 
 review ill-considered or intemperate language. Newman 
 announced the publication to Pusey. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, 
 The Martyrdom, [Jan. 30], 1843. 
 I very much fear you will think it necessary that I should ask 
 your pardon for something I have been doing, as if it were rash— but 
 my conscience would not stand out. You have before now truly said 
 that / have said far severer things against Rome than yourself— and 
 I am so sure of it that I have thought I ought to unsay them. This 
 I did about six weeks or two months ago, and 1 believe what I have 
 said is in the periodicals— but I have not seen it yet. I have said 
 nothing of course on doctrinal points, but only as to abuse. You 
 stand on very different grounds, and have to unsay nothing. I would 
 not take advice of any one, because I wished to have the sole respon- 
 sibility. . . . 
 
 Pusey's love of, and trust in, Newman led him to make 
 the best of an act which, had he been consulted, he would 
 have deprecated. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, 
 Feast of the Purification, 1843. 
 I always think you have good reason for what you do and 
 should not venture to think you * rash.' In the present case, Ward 
 
 * Letter to the Conservative Journal, Feb. 1843. 
 ' 'Apologia,' pp. 325-333. 
 
 Pusey* s view of Newman* s Retradation. 299 
 
 had, through F. Barker, prepared me to see something which would 
 give me subject for reflection, but I was not surprised. It seemed to 
 me simply that you thought a certain tone of speaking against Rome 
 or Roman doctrine wrong, and that you wished publicly to avow what 
 you thought wrong. But it seemed also as though you did not think 
 any form of speaking against Roman doctrine wrong (as Ward, 
 I believe, does) since you did not retract certain expressions in the 
 same sentences, which did speak against it, but more gently. 
 
 As you have mentioned the subject, I may as well say, what does 
 perplex some friends (I do not mean of Jelfs or Hook's school), and to 
 which Ward gives an edge which you did not mean. This is in the 
 last sentences, in which you do not speak of Anglican doctrine as 
 decidedly tenable, but only as the strongest position against Roman 
 doctrine, as the only tenable position, if any be so. And you expressly 
 say no more than a Roman Catholic does. You probably know that 
 there are those who watch at every expression of yours to make it as 
 Romanizing, or as mistrustful of our position in the abstract, as they 
 can, so to identify you with themselves. I do not mean by this mis- 
 trust, merely the doubt whether we can, while insulated, be altogether 
 in a healthy condition (for this I do not think myself), but the doubt 
 whether our Church will hold. Such a doubt I conceive you would 
 not have expressed, it being contrary to your principle to express 
 doubts, while only such. However, I fear some friends will be 
 dismayed. 
 
 Friends are also perplexed as to the form of your letter, the 
 singularity of your apparently writing to a newspaper (since they 
 have headed it *to the Editor'), the distance of date, so that some 
 have denied its genuineness, others think it must have some further 
 meaning than they see. Its form throws an air of mystery about it. 
 I wish it had rather been in the British Critic^ and perhaps it might 
 yet be thrown into a form, removing those perplexities, in the next 
 number. I fear we must make up our mind for perplexity, but good 
 must come in the end from an act of conscience. I did not for a 
 moment wish it otherwise. 
 
 Ever yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 This letter distressed Newman, for he had read it 
 hurriedly, and overlooked the fact that Pusey was not 
 taking the part of unfriendly critics, but pleading for 
 puzzled friends. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Friday, Feb. 3, 1843. 
 
 I am very much vexed that you should have heard of the matter 
 you write about from any one but me, but it is not my fault. 
 iW letter, containing the proof, instead of coming to me, got into 
 
300 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Bloxam*s hands, who knew nothing about it, and he, most incautiously, 
 instead of sending it to me, published it to the Oxford world, while 
 I knew not that others knew it. Else, Ward knew no more of it than 
 any one else. 
 
 Nothing was further from my wish than to imply any doubt about 
 the Anglican theory— but I had rather not speak at all on a subject, 
 which I have done as a matter of conscience. If persons will criticize 
 the mode^ let them. They have criticized me too often already, for me 
 to be called on to justify myself to them. If you are asked, the simple 
 case is that you knew nothing about it. Please say I am obstinate 
 and dangerous and impracticable. 
 
 P.S.— If all the Bishops will censure me personally, it is not 
 wonderful (by-the-by) that I have my quid pro quo : I have no 
 character to lose. 
 
 Pusey had no difficulty in setting matters right. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Saturday morning, Feb. 4, 1843. 
 My very dear Newman, 
 
 I must have written very awkwardly and implied a good deal 
 
 which I did not mean ; for I have given you pain somehow. What 
 
 I wrote was from myself; any perplexities I alluded to were from 
 
 persons who look up to you unfeignedly and have been formed by 
 
 you in God's Hands. 
 
 I am sorry that I alluded to W[ard] ; but I did not refer to what you 
 allude to, of which I know nothing. 
 
 I really do not think you know how much people love and respect 
 you, and what sympathy they feel with you. I should never have 
 written about persons who * criticize'; it was on account of persons 
 who were perplexed ; persons younger than yourself, who look up to you 
 and did not know how much you meant. 
 
 I felt satisfied that you did not mean to imply any doubt about. 
 Anglican views; nor, do I think, ought others; I only meant that 
 some would have liked to have known more explicitly that you 
 did not. 
 
 Forgive my troubling you thus ; do not think or say any more of 
 what I have said ; I have wished I could have had some share of your 
 trials. But I have not been worthy of them. 
 If I may say so, God bless you in them. 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Newman replied by sending a copy of his ' Retractation ' 
 to Pusey. He would not write to Keble : he had not heart 
 for it. Pusey, he thought, did not understand one of his 
 
 Correspondence with Newman, 301 
 
 greatest troubles, which was that younger persons trusted 
 him who should not. ' Intimate friends,' he added, ' have 
 made it a reproach against me that I use words in my 
 writings which are formally true in my sense, but which in 
 their effect are far more anti-Roman, " keeping the word of 
 promise to the ear," but *' breaking it to the hope." ' Pusey s 
 anxiety was to rally him from this despondency, and to 
 restore him to confidence in his position and his work. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 My very dear Newman, Monday [Feb. 6, 1843]. 
 
 I am very sorry to find that, if I understand your note right, you 
 feel circumstances connected with your letter so much. I am writing 
 to K. and can say all you would say. Indeed all will be well, though, 
 at first, pain must attend all sacrifice and acts of conscience in propor- 
 tion as they are such. Anyhow, young men ought to trust you, and 
 must trust you, and cannot help it ; it is plainly part of God's appoint- 
 ment ; He draws people around you, in the first instance against your 
 will, in a way in which they are drawn around no other ; and since 
 such is His will, it will be yours to accept it. I suppose if it were not 
 a cross to you, it would not be so, or be safe. But since it is so, you 
 will accept it and all it involves. 
 
 Ever yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 I do not think, if such be your feeling, that you need think that you 
 have put K. in a perplexing position, as though he ought to do the 
 same as you have done. On looking back to some things which I 
 have written, I certainly am shocked to find the words * Rome, a seat 
 of Anti-Christ,' though never used in its strongest sense. Still, unless 
 some fitting opportunity offered, I should not do anything, thinking it 
 probably forgotten, and to go out of my way to do it now, would look 
 something forced and systematic. It seems to me both right in you to 
 do it, because it was in your mind ; and right in me not to do it, 
 because I could not do it naturally. 
 
 To Keble, Pusey expressed his fear that Newman was 
 * sadly harassed by the condemnation of Bishops, and by 
 things said on one side and the other, so that something 
 soothing might be of use to him.' He added :— 
 
 *Feb. 6, 1843. 
 *N.'s letter seems to me only a withdrawing of language which 
 always surprised me, as being so much bolder than any I should have 
 
302 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ventured upon. It seemed to me to belong to a mind of so much 
 greater power and grasp than mine that he could venture to speak 
 what was altogether beyond me. The letter is evidently a withdrawal 
 of a certain tone of speaking only, since, in Tract 38, he leaves 
 unnoticed language in which he used milder terms (I suppose the 
 whole passage was the adoption of Bishop Hall's language). Alto- 
 gether I do not see that people ought to be disturbed about it. 
 C. Marriott said, he was " very glad of it." * 
 
 A last illustration of the troubles of this period may be 
 supplied by Pusey's letter to the Rev. W. Gresley. In 
 this letter we see the equable spirit, based on his firm con- 
 fidence in God, which enabled Pusey to hold his ground 
 in a period of such weary anxiety. Mr. Gresley had 
 written about a person who was tempted to go over to the 
 Church of Rome. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. Gresley. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 11, 1843. 
 Your letter, though very painful, was welcome. It is very sad 
 to see persons, who might do the most good in our Church, tempted 
 to leave it; but it is a trial which they and we have to go through. 
 Stirring times are times of trial. God purifies the Church by shaking 
 it. He says *I will shake the earth,' and when He shaketh it, some 
 will be terrified, not awed only, others will be shaken out. We have 
 been brought to see some of our own practical deficiencies ; it was 
 necessary to our restoration ; but it requires often a very submissive 
 heart and firm faith to see and feel these keenly, and yet not be 
 shaken. And so they are continually the most serious minds which 
 are shaken. And we have much need to pray for each other, when the 
 foundations are thus shaken. Yet most earnest-minded persons have 
 stood at last, and so, I trust, will your friend. 
 
 If I may offer you any advice, I should say that I have found in such 
 cases the most efficacious way to be, first to find out whether there be 
 not something amiss in themselves which gave them the first bias, e.g. 
 if they have exposed themselves to influences which were not intended 
 for them, as the visiting of convents, or institutions, or attending 
 services out of curiosity, or trying to form an estimate of the holiness 
 of different portions of the Church, to which no one is equal ; or again, 
 entering into controversy for which they were not fitted ; or again] 
 speaking lightly or rashly against things in their own Church, without 
 due humility. I have generally found, in such cases, that people have 
 been able to trace their first bias towards leaving their Church to 
 something wrong in themselves. 
 Then, generally speaking, to persons in this frame of mind, anything 
 
 Pusefs Trust in the English Church. 303 
 
 said against the Church of Rome is rather irritating and does harm 
 It would also mostly lead them into topics of controversy of which 
 they are not judges. Controversy too is a bad element. 
 
 But what is really calculated to win and to awe people are the 
 manifest tokens that God is present with our Church, raising her from 
 the dust restoring her, calling her and her sons to more devoted 
 service, fitting her, as a whole, for some higher office, which He has in 
 store for her No one can doubt this. All eyes everywhere are on our 
 Church. All, however they interpret it, acknowledge that there is a 
 great work going on within her. It is going on everywhere, in all her 
 parts ; m Scotland, America, all her colonies ; one may say in every 
 district and village a work of restoration is manifestly going on It is 
 one work everywhere ; the same course and the same difficulties, the 
 same kind of restoration, the same longings for a higher life, the same 
 doctnnes and practices anew brought into life ; the same thwarting from 
 the world or from imperfect religionism, and the same gradual winning 
 of and from them and leavening of them : the same trials of those 
 who, whether laymen or clergy, bear witness to the truth, the same 
 temptations to leave the Church for Romanism ; so that at the foot of 
 the Alleghanies you might fancy yourself so far (an American said to 
 me) at Oxford. All this and so much more is an indication that God 
 IS acting upon our Church as a whole ; wherever He is leadincr the 
 Church, people must feel He is leading her as a Church ; so that one 
 who IS least disposed to bear with our actual defects, and whose centre 
 of unity IS Rome, said, * elsewhere it seems as though it were ordered 
 that individuals should be gathered in one by one ; with our Church 
 God seems to be dealing as a whole.' And this is the more manifest, 
 since It IS not that certain individuals are being led in a certain way 
 the work which is going on is varied, different in degree, often in form • 
 amidst opposition, opposers and opposed are being led alike ; those who 
 are unconsciously opposing truth, are being won by the truth, which 
 in the error they mistake for it, they oppose : or while opposing one 
 truth, they are caught by another ; or their minds are being deepened 
 and prepared for it unconsciously. Or, to look to acts, what new life 
 do such large plans as the Bishop of London's Metropolis Churches 
 Fund, the Colonial Bishoprics, imply in the Church ; or again the 
 restoration of Daily Services, of more frequent Communions, of 
 Fasting, even of single Prayers, as the Church Militant, the Offertory 
 It seems as if everywhere the Church were awakening, and putting on 
 her jewels, and preparing to meet her Lord. Everything is restoration 
 and life, even amid seeming death. 
 
 But where restoration and life are, there is the presence of the Holy 
 Spirit, the restoring look of her Lord. And where her Lord is, there 
 it is safe to be, and unsafe to leave. In the words of Mr. Newman's 
 awmg appeals, ' If in your Church you have found Christ, why seek 
 Him elsewhere? If you leave the place where He has manifested 
 Hmiself to you, are you sure that you shall find Him?' Where the 
 
304 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey, 
 
 Lord has a work to be done, there every one [is] in his place and 
 order, however humbly he may think of himself or his office. No one 
 knows what he may not disarrange by leaving it. One may with 
 reverence say, * Except these abide in the ship.' They may as far 
 as in them lies be going contrary to God and marring His work, or 
 losing their share in it, and their crown. It is not for me to judge 
 those who have gone from us, but in all the cases which I have known, 
 I have seen both a wrong temper even among much good, leading 
 them away, and in some cases, very painful ill fruits of their secession. 
 On the other hand it is very remarkable how really earnest persons 
 have been in great peril of going, and perhaps just been saved, and 
 then been rooted in our Church, sometimes withheld by means preter- 
 natural, so that both those who have stayed and those who have gone 
 have been tokens the more where duty lies. 
 
 I have written much of this in greater haste than I should wish, but 
 if it can be likely to be of any use to you, pray use it as you wish. 
 
 I have more which I wished to write about what I should call 
 
 specially your School, who seem to me not sufficiently alive to our 
 
 actual defects and so are too apologetic, and lose influence by not 
 
 admitting what ought plainly to be admitted. But it may be enough 
 
 to have hinted this. 
 
 Yours most faithfully, 
 
 Cathedral-time. E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 But Pusey's confidence in the Church of England was 
 mingled with the trouble which lay heavy on his heart. 
 He could not but be pained by observing Newman's 
 distress at the course which things were taking. New- 
 man knew that Pusey felt thus, and he had tried to spare 
 him by saying nothing about his protest against the 
 Jerusalem Bishopric, and his retractations. But such 
 expedients are apt to defeat their object : the heart out- 
 strips the understanding in quick-sightedness. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Tuesday in the 3rd week in Easter, 
 
 May 2, 1843. 
 I wished if I could to have written a few lines to you on Easter eve. 
 It comes heavily to me sometimes, to think that some of the miserable 
 judgements passed upon you, and the sad want of sympathy (in some) 
 with you (more than e. g. with myself), must at times be wearisome to 
 you. I have wished to obtain some share of what has fallen pecu- 
 liarly upon you, but I have not been worthy. I wished, in wishing you 
 the Easter joys, which I was sure you would have, to say that I had, 
 infinitely rather than the whole world, have all the judgements, harsh 
 
 [\ 
 
 Pusey's Trust in the English Church, 305 
 speeches suspicion, mistrust which have fallen upon you, only that 
 
 LTthl vi ,""• ' ';°^''" "•'^'^^^^ degree%ou miy at'^ime 
 feel hem, which I can only conjecture, it might be cheering that one 
 who loves you thmks them a portion of your treasure. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Pusey's wish was to be fulfilled sooner than he anticipated. 
 Before a fortnight had passed from the date of this letter 
 he had preached the condemned sermon. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
Sermon on the Eucharist. 
 
 307 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 PUSEY^S CONDEMNATION— SERMON ON THE EUCHA- 
 RXST — DELATION — CONDEMNATION WITHOUT A 
 HEARING — FAILURE OF ATTEMPTS TO SECURE RE- 
 CANTATION—SENTENCE OF SUSPENSION — PUSEY'S 
 PROTEST— WEIGHTY REMONSTRANCES— SERMON PUB- 
 LISHED—ATTEMPTS TO OBTAIN LEGAL REDRESS. 
 
 1843. 
 
 On the fourth Sunday after Easter, May 14, 1843. P"sey 
 preached at Christ Church, before the University, the 
 sermon which, in its practical effects upon himself and the 
 Church at large, though not in its theological and spiritual 
 power, was the most important sermon of his life. It will 
 be necessary to enter in some detail into the circumstances 
 of the condemnation of this sermon by the authorities of 
 the University. The story has never yet been told. 
 
 Nowadays, and in calmer times, the fact that a sermon 
 had been condemned by certain Doctors of no great 
 theological eminence, might produce no marked effect in 
 the Church at large. But in 1843 the whole Church of 
 England viewed the theological decisions of the ordinary 
 University officials as utterances of grave ecclesiastical 
 importance. Many circumstances too, had as we have 
 seen, been helping to excite the popular mind in a manner 
 adverse to the Tractarian leaders. In consequence, the 
 fact that one of Pusey's sermons was thought worthy of 
 condemnation by a University tribunal, so soon after 
 Newman had incurred the censure of the Hebdomadal 
 Board for Tract 90, materially affected the attitude of many 
 Churchmen towards the Tractarians. Their opponents felt 
 justified in more vigorous action. Those who knew little 
 
 about the sermon were excited and alarmed ; while Bishops, 
 who might have allayed the excitement, were tempted then, 
 as they were not unfrequently afterwards, to fall in with 
 popular feeling. At any rate they felt themselves unable 
 any longer to resist and control what they took to be the 
 current of Church opinion. And the strange mystery 
 which the Oxford Doctors succeeded in throwing round 
 their quasi-judicial proceedings only intensified the ill 
 effects of their unjustifiable sentence. 
 
 Pusey's public teaching followed a course or system, 
 instinctively ^ rather than designedly. The pietism of Spener 
 had left a mark upon him which lasted ; he began with the 
 needs of the human souJ. « He has devoted himself,' writes 
 Mr. J. B. Mozley, *to the consideration of Sin: its awful 
 nature : its antagonism to God : its deep seat in our nature : 
 the remedy provided for it by our Lord's meritorious suffer- 
 ings and death, and the application of that remedy in the 
 ordinance of Baptism. . . . Baptism is a new birth, an 
 entrance into a new world, the communication of a new 
 nature. And sin is in Baptism pardoned. . . . But^then 
 comes the fact that men live after Baptism : sin comes \jp 
 again, and has to be dealt with again. . . . Here the easy 
 way to peace ends, and a rough and difficult one begins 2.' 
 
 It was in the development of the line of teaching thus 
 based on the double foundation of Revealed Truth and 
 personal experience, that Pusey wrote his sermon, 'The 
 Holy Eucharist a Comfort to the Penitent.' 'When,' he 
 afterwards remarked, * people said that I had scared them 
 about post-baptismal sin, I was led to preach a course of 
 sermons on Comforts to the Penitent. Of these the sermon 
 on the Holy Eucharist was one. It was a singular case of 
 mistaking what people's feelings would be. For I chose 
 the Holy Eucharist as the subject at which they would be 
 less likely to take offence than at Absolution. But we know 
 what happened.' 
 
 * The immediate reason for Pusey's 
 writing his tract on Baptism was that 
 one of his pupils was on the point of 
 leaving the Church for Dissent on 
 
 account of the leachmg of the Prayer- 
 book. 
 
 ^ Mozley's * Essays,* ii. 158-9. 
 
 X a 
 
r 
 
 308 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 As the title implies, it is a practical, and in its design 
 uncontroversial, sermon, having for its object not the formal 
 statement of disputed or forgotten truth, but the encourage- 
 ment of a certain class of souls. As Pusey said of it sixteen 
 years afterwards : — 
 
 *It implied rather than stated even the doctrine of the Real 
 Objective Presence, and was written chiefly in the language of the 
 Fathers. Its one object was to inculcate the love of our Redeemer 
 for us sinners in the Holy Eucharist, both as a Sacrament and as 
 , a commemorative Sacrifice. As a Sacrament, in that He, our 
 Redeemer, God and Man, vouchsafes to be "our spiritual food and 
 sustenance in that holy Sacrament.** As a commemorative Sacrifice, 
 in that He enables us therein to plead to the Father that one meri- 
 torious Sacrifice on the Cross, which He, our High Priest, unceasingly 
 pleads in His own Divine Person in Heaven \' 
 
 How the Eucharist is a support and enlargement of life in 
 Christ is shown from the types, the prophecies, and the direct 
 language of our Lord which refers to it. It has this virtue 
 because in it Christ is present, in the presence of His Flesh 
 and Blood, which are indissolubly united to His Eternal 
 Godhead. It brings comfort to the penitent as well as 
 strength to the saint, because He is the Redeemer, Who 
 forgives the sins of all who approach Him with faith. 
 This, it is shown, is the teaching of Scripture, Fathers, 
 Liturgies ; and the sermon concludes with some practical 
 considerations, addressed to the Chapter of Christ Church, 
 which at that time only sanctioned a monthly celebration 
 of the Eucharist in their cathedral, and to younger people 
 who might be unduly impatient for the realization of 
 a privilege which implied higher spiritual attainments than 
 they had as yet reached. The only approach to theological 
 controversy in the sermon occurs in a passage in which 
 Pusey incidentally puts aside Transubstantiation as an 
 explanation of the mode of Christ's presence in the 
 Eucharist^. To quote his own comment thirty-one years 
 later: * Having disclaimed at the outset of my sermon all 
 controversy, by saying that "if we are wise we shall never 
 ask how they can be elements of this world, and yet His 
 
 * Preface to • Univ. Sermons,* vol. i. p. vL • p. 7. 
 
 Mozleys Account 309 
 
 very Body and Blood," and so in fact disclaimed Transub- 
 stantiation' (which undertakes to answer this question), 
 ' I thought I might afterwards use freely the language of the 
 Fathers, which I chose in preference to my own. And it 
 never occurred to me that any question would be raised on 
 the subject* Pusey's mind had long moved amidst high 
 sacramental truths, and he was perfectly clear that the 
 teaching of the Church of England on this subject was not 
 at variance with that of the * ancient Fathers and Catholic 
 Bishops ' to whom the framers of the Anglican rule of 
 doctrine appealed. Nothing therefore was further from his 
 thoughts than that the truths with which he wished to 
 console those whom he had roused to a deep sense of sin 
 should appear heterodox or even startling to any of his 
 hearers. 
 
 J. B. Mozley has described the scene and its consequences 
 with his wonted vividness : — 
 
 *The audience listened with the attention it always does to 
 Dr. Pusey, and then the audience went away. There were the 
 usual effects of edification and admiration produced. The remarks 
 upon it were pretty much the same as usual: it was pronounced 
 a useful sermon, an eloquent sermon, a striking sermon, a beautiful 
 sermon. Some said it was a long sermon, others that it was not 
 longer than usual. It was, of course, said to contain high doctrinal 
 views on the subject treated of; but as all Dr. Pusey's sermons 
 contain high views, there was nothing to draw attention in this 
 remark. In short, it was one of Dr. Pusey's sermons ; the audience 
 recognized that fact, went home, were perfectly at their ease, thought 
 nothing more about it, — the reverential impression excepted, of course, 
 which that preacher's discourses always leave on the mind, — when 
 all on a sudden comes, like a clap of thunder on the ear, the news 
 that the Board of Heresy is summoned to sit on Dr. Pusey '.* 
 
 When the sermon was over the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. 
 Wynter, walked away from the Cathedral with the Provost 
 of Oriel, Dr. Hawkins, and what passed and what fol- 
 lowed had better be described in the Vice-Chancellor's own 
 language in a manuscript account of the whole proceedings, 
 which has been placed at the disposal of the writer by the 
 great courtesy of Dr. Wynter's representatives. 
 
 * 'Essays by J. B. Mozley, D.D.,' ii. pp. 150, 151. 
 
f 
 
 310 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Commencement of Proceedings. 
 
 311 
 
 1 (. 
 
 *We both expressed ourselves startled and dissatisfied with the 
 statements made with regard to the Eucharist, but we both agreed 
 that it would be inexpedient to take any public notice of it^ being 
 conv'nced that the writer would be able by ingenuity to ez'ode any 
 direct charge of heterodoxy. In the afternoon of the same day I had 
 occasion to know that the sermon had been much remarked upon, 
 and that it had awakened in the minds of many persons grave doubts 
 whether it was in conformity with the doctrine of the Church of 
 England. On the following day (15th) I had further reason for 
 believing not only that it had been much disapproved, but that it 
 would probably be proposed to me to deal with it under the statute 
 de Concionibus. Accordingly on Tuesday, the 1 6th, I received a visit 
 from the Margaret Professor of Divinity, the sole object of which 
 was to request that I would take measures for putting in force the 
 statute de Concionibus, in regard to Dr. Pusey's sermon, the Margaret 
 Professor himself and many others, as he told me, entertaining strong 
 suspicion that it would be found to contain doctrine not in accordance 
 with that of our Church. In reply to this request I gave, as far as 
 I recollect, a promise to put the statute in force.* 
 
 It is impossible to suppose that Dr. Faussett did not 
 know the terms of the statute of 1836, by which, in token of 
 its disapproval of Dr. Hampden's teaching, the University- 
 had transferred from Dr. Hampden to the holder of his own 
 professorship the duty of being one of the judges who were 
 to decide upon the orthodoxy of a delated sermon '. Since he 
 was bound to occupy this position, nothing could have been 
 more indecent than that Dr. Faussett should have thus put 
 himself forward as Pusey's accuser. It is the first of the 
 series of most extraordinary blunders which were committed 
 in the course of these proceedings. When, however, such 
 a complaint was made to him by a Divinity Professor, the 
 Vice-Chancellor, quite apart from all other considerations, 
 could not but send for the .sermon. It would have been 
 difficult perhaps for a Vice-Chancellor in those days to tell 
 a Professor of Divinity, in the words of the statute, that his 
 ' ground of suspicion ' was not * reasonable ^,' a course which 
 according to the statute was the only alternative. 
 
 * *Ne quid vero detrimenti capiat 
 interea Universitas, Professoris ejus- 
 dem vicibus fungantur alii . . . et in 
 consilio de Concionibus habendo 
 pra.elector dominae Margaretae comi> 
 
 tissae Richmondiac* 
 
 ' Tit. xvi. § II *ab alio aliquo 
 rationabilem suspicionis causam af- 
 ferente.* 
 
 The Rev. the Vice-Chancellor to E. B. P. 
 
 ,, ^ St. John's College, May 17, 1843. 
 
 Mv dear Sir, ^ o > / /> **j 
 
 I have been called upon to request from you a copy of the 
 sermon which you preached before the University on Sunday last. 
 I do not know that at this period of time it is necessary that I should 
 express my own opinion upon it. But in candour and fairness 
 I think it right to confess that its general scope and certain particular 
 passages have awakened in my mind painful doubts with regard to its 
 strict conformity to the doctrines of the reformed Church of England. 
 I have therefore to request that you will have the goodness to send 
 me a copy of your sermon for the purpose of dealing with it as I am 
 directed by the statute, Tit. xvi. § 11. 
 
 I remain, my dear Sir, 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 P. Wynter, V.C. 
 The Rev. the Regius Professor of Hebrew. 
 
 Pusey replied as follows : — 
 
 Christ Church, May 17. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I would have sent you the sermon, but that I thought it might 
 
 save trouble if I were to add some references in some places to mark 
 
 that I was using the language of the Fathers, not my own. Of course 
 
 I shall make no other alterations. 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 In reply to a further letter on the same day, asking, 
 because of the state of his health, for a little more time to 
 complete the references, the Vice-Chancellor wrote with 
 characteristic courtesy : — 
 
 MY DEAR DR. PUSEV, ^t. John's College, May 17, 1843. 
 
 I grieve to hear that you are still suffering from illness. I beg 
 that you will not risk any accession of it by making any unnecessary 
 dispatch in completing the references to your sermon. I shall not 
 look for it until the time you mention, two or three days hence ; nor 
 so soon if the exertion which you deem it necessary to make should 
 be likely to retard your restoration to health. 
 
 I am, yours very faithfully, 
 
 P. Wynter. 
 
 On the same evening Pusey wrote to Keble : — 
 
 Mv dear Friend, Wednesday evening [May 17, 1843]. 
 
 ... I wish just now to tell you of my troubles. I have learnt 
 this afternoon that some one has applied to the V.-C. to put in force 
 
312 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 the statute of the six or seven Doctors against me for a sermon last 
 Sunday on the Holy Eucharist, and he has sent for a copy of it. 
 There is nothing to be done for me, but to pray God that it turn to 
 the good of His Church, and of myself. I do not know whether it is 
 generally known, so do not say anything of it, until you hear it from 
 others : for there is no need in anticipating excitement : we have too 
 much of it. 
 
 Ever yours very affectionately and gratefully, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 And on the following morning to Newman : 
 
 Thursday morning. May i8 [1843]. 
 You will be very sorry that the storm has at last reached me. 
 God guide me through it, for it may be a heavy one, not for myself, 
 but for its effects on others. I have asked the Vice- Chancellor 
 for two or three days that I might put references to my sermon. 
 I thought this best, that they might not be exposed unconsciously to 
 condemn e.g. St. Cyril of Alexandria when they thought they were 
 only condemning me. You will be glad to hear that I did not pass a 
 more fevensh night than usual, nor have I more fever this morning 
 No one can help me at present : when I have had my sermon 
 transcribed I shall be glad to send it to you, to consult you about the 
 defence. I am quite sure there is nothing against the Church of 
 England ; but what my judges may think, I know not. I heard from 
 the V.-C. yesterday afternoon. Do not name it, except to Copeland 
 and Marriott as a secret, unless it is known, which I do not know. 
 There may be excitement enough by-and-by, so one would not 
 anticipate it. 
 
 During the remainder of the week Pusey was engaged, so 
 far as his bad health would permit, in selecting passages 
 from the Fathers to illustrate his sermon ; the whole was 
 copied out in a legible hand, apparently by W. J. Copeland. 
 On Monday, May 22, this copy, with full references, was 
 sent to the Vice-Chancellor, accompanied by an explanatory 
 letter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. the Vice- Chancellor. 
 My dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 I send a copy of my sermon, as the statute directs, hoping that it 
 will be more legible than the original would have been. I have read 
 It over and corrected it, and (as the statute requires) declare it to be 
 an authentic copy. The phrases enclosed in brackets were not 
 delivered, the sermon being already long, and so form no part of the 
 ^inquiry but I thought it more authentic to have them inserted (the 
 ^nscnber omitted them by mistake), although I believe one only, 
 
 Letter to the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 313 
 
 containing passages from the Fathers, contains doctrine. The words 
 [in a manner], p. 7, were inserted after preaching the sermon, before 
 I had your note, to make the translation perhaps more correct. 
 
 I have taken the longer time which you kindly allowed, since 
 there has been little in each day in which I could thus employ 
 myself. 
 
 My object in inserting these passages was to show that 1 was not 
 rashly using high language in speaking upon a great mystery, but that 
 of teachers who have ever been had in honour. Indeed, I most 
 closely followed St. Cyril of Alexandria, whom all must respect as one 
 of the greatest defenders of sound faith, and whose Commentary on 
 St. John has seemed to me, of aU I know, to enter most deeply into 
 the depths of that Divine Gospel. I have rot however followed him 
 alone, but other of those teachers to whom the Reformers individually 
 appealed, and [to whom] we have since been directed, as expositors 
 of Holy Scripture. 
 
 I have withheld from adding more references, lest it should protract 
 your time too much. 
 
 As you have expressed candidly your own first impressions, your 
 kindness will not think me trespassing upon your time if I explain 
 myself further. I felt so entirely sure that I heartily concur with the 
 doctrine of the Church of England, I have so often and decidedly 
 expressed my rejection of the doctrine of Transubstantiation, and the 
 Canon of the Council of Trent upon it, that, neither before nor after 
 preaching my sermon, had I the slightest thought that any could 
 arraign it as contrary to the doctrines of our Church, however people 
 will dispute irreverendy. 
 
 Allow me to say, that the more I have examined it word by word, 
 the more convinced I am that no proposition can be formed out of it, 
 in its real meaning, contrary to that doctrine which I hold entirely! 
 May I explain my belief on this subject further, as it will throw light 
 on the language of the sermon 1 I believe that after Consecration the 
 Holy Elements are in their natural substances bread and wine, and 
 yet are also the Body and Blood of Christ. This I believe as a 
 mystery, which others have long ago pointed out in, and which I 
 believe is implied by, our Liturgy and Articles. It has been explicitly 
 stated by divines of great reputation in our Church, a few of whose 
 words I thought it not unfit to have transcribed in some spare pages 
 of the sermon. I hold this as a mystery, and Bp. Andrewes' words 
 exacdy convey my feeling. 
 
 I do not attempt to explain the 'how' which seems to me to have 
 been the error of the R. C.s and the Swiss Reformers, the one 
 holding that because it was the Body of Christ, it was not bread ; the 
 other that because it was bread, therefore it was not His Body. 
 
 I hold both, as I do the absolute fore-knowledge of God and man's 
 free agency, without having any thought to explain how ; and believe 
 both, as Bp. Andrewes says, as a mystery. 
 
 
SH 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 While then I hold that they are really * elements of this world' (as 
 I called them in my sermon, p. 4) I feel satisfied that it is perfectly 
 consistent with our Church to use also language speaking of them as 
 the Body and Blood of Christ, as I feel assured she does in her 
 Liturgy. 
 
 In this I am doing what the whole of the Fathers of the Church 
 have done, and you, I am sure, would be sorry to set our Church and 
 the collective Ancient Church at variance. 
 
 I was pained to hear of your first impressions ; I trust however that 
 they will be removed by a closer examination. 
 
 Should that unhappily not be the case, I may request that you will 
 choose that course allowed by the statute which permits the accused 
 to answer for himself. 
 
 I pray that God may guide you : and remain, 
 
 Yours faithfully and respectfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 While Pusey was preparing to send his sermon, the 
 Vice-Chancellor was preparing the court which was to 
 try him. 
 
 * The delay,' writes the Vice-Chancellor, * which Dr. Pusey requested 
 enabled me to proceed with greater caution and deliberation in the 
 selection of the six Doctors, the tribunal which the statute appointed 
 for the disposal of such cases. In consequence of the incapacity of 
 the Regius Professor of Divinity, Dr. Hampden, occasioned by the 
 disabling statute of 1836, the Margaret Professor, as a matter of course, 
 acted in his place ; and yet one of the complaints made against me was, 
 that I had selected Dr. Pusey's accuser to be one of his judges.' 
 
 What the Vice-Chancellor here describes with singular 
 naivete 3.S 'a matter of course,* viz. that he should appoint 
 Dr. Pusey's accuser to be one of his judges, was, it is 
 needless to say, looked upon by Pusey's friends, and indeed 
 by the world at large, as a grave impropriety, which from 
 the first he should have made every effort to avoid. 
 
 The other members of the court were Dr. Jenkyns, Master 
 of Balliol ; Dr. Hawkins, Provost of Oriel ; Dr. Symons, 
 Warden of Wadham ; Dr. Ogilvie, Regius Professor of 
 Pastoral Theology; and Dr. Jelf, Canon of Christ Church. 
 Upon the appointment of Dr. Hawkins, the Vice-Chan- 
 ccUor in his narrative observes : — 
 
 * The only opinion he had expressed to me respecting the sermon 
 was in accordance with mine, that though highly objectionable it 
 
 Selection of Six Judges, 315 
 
 might nevertheless be in all probability capable of such explanation 
 by the writer as would relieve him from any serious consequences. It 
 cannot therefore be true that I made choice of Dr. Hawkins as one 
 who was already prejudiced against the sermon and had made up his 
 mind to condemn it.' 
 
 The whole course of Dr. Hawkins's relations to the 
 Tractarians generally, and to Dr. Pusey in particular, both 
 before and on the present occasion, would leave it doubtful 
 to a less interested observer whether the Provost's mind was 
 so free from prejudice as the Vice-Chancellor confidently 
 assumed. 
 
 That so old a friend as Dr. Jelf should have consented to 
 sit upon the Board which tried Pusey was inevitably 
 a matter much commented on in the University. Dr. Jelf 
 felt it due both to Pusey and to himself that he should 
 explain an act which could not but be painful to both of 
 them. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Jelf to E. B. P. 
 
 [Christ Church], May 25, 1843. 
 [Private and Confidential.] 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 Thus much, I think, I may say without impropriety, that I 
 never should have undertaken so invidious and painful an office (even 
 with the hope of benefiting you, which, on the V.-C.'s suggestion, was 
 my so/e motive for not declining) unless from my recollection of the 
 sermon, added to your subsequent explanations, 1 had entertained a 
 confident hope that (however I might lament the tone and judgement 
 of the sermon) I should find no doctrine there which it might be 
 necessary to condemn. 
 
 You will recollect that only one-sixth part of the responsibility rests 
 with me, and that a stranger {perhaps an enemy) might have done 
 you more harm. At any rate I have acted to the best of my judgement, 
 in the most painful conjuncture of my life. Whatever may come of 
 it, I must find my consolation, under Divine grace, in the singleness 
 of the purpose towards my friend and towards the Church. God 
 bless you. 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend. 
 
 (Not signed.) 
 
 The Six Doctors met for the first time, under the presi- 
 dency of the Vice-Chancellor, in the Delegates' Room, on 
 Wednesday, May 24. The statute under which the pro- 
 
3i6 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ceedings were taken \ and the statute of May 5, 1 836, which 
 made it impossible for the existing Regius Professor of 
 Divinity, Dr. Hampden, to take part in the proceedings, 
 were duly read. Then the sermon was read through ; and 
 this was followed by some desultory conversation respecting 
 the course to be pursued. The meeting then adjourned, 
 that its members might more carefully consider the contents 
 of the sermon ; and the Six Doctors may be presumed to 
 have spent the next day, the Festival of the Ascension, in 
 this employment. A letter from Pusey to his mother, on 
 this day, suggests, among other points, an estimate of his 
 judges which is widely different from that of the Vice- 
 Chancellor, but in close agreement with that of the Univer- 
 sity generally. 
 
 Ascension Day, 1843. 
 ... I wish, my dearest mother, you could see how perfectly calm 
 I am about my affairs. I commit them to God and feel that they do 
 not belong to me or affect me. In many respects, it is a very good 
 thing that I am the person it falls upon. Some things are as adverse 
 as possible, as that the Provost of Oriel and the Warden of Wadham 
 are among the assistants of the Vice-Chancellor ; yet Jelf does not 
 think It hopeless since he has consented to be one. I trust in my 
 friends prayers and that God will defend His truth ; for that only have 
 I spoken. All my friends say that good must come out of it somehow. 
 So I am quite at rest. It seems as if something very momentous was 
 going on, but that I had nothing to do but to wait for it, and pray and 
 abide, as I trust, under the shadow of His wings, and be at rest, 
 lie not anxious, my dearest mother : all will be right. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and dutiful son, 
 
 E. B. PusEY. 
 
 est quod SI qms pro concione aliqua, roenti respondebit. ^^ 
 
 h",hf,y •'■^ ?"'"' P"*"-":""" • J. Demde vero Vice-CancelUrins 
 
 Condemnation without a hearing, 317 
 
 On Saturday, May 27, the Six Doctors met again, each 
 bringing with him a written judgment on the sermon. 
 Jelf alone would say that ' with much that is objectionable, 
 in tone and language, and tendency, there is nothing 
 tangible which can be called "dissonum'' to our Church's 
 teaching; there is to my mind clearly nothing " contrarium." ' 
 The other five condemned the sermon, some in the general 
 terms which betrayed a fatal want of familiarity with the 
 subject, and Dr. Faussett and Dr. Hawkins with some 
 attempt to justify their conclusion by an examination of 
 passages. The Provost of Oriel wound up his criticism of 
 the sermon by stating that he was 
 
 'further of opinion that the preacher did not design to oppose the 
 doctrine of the Church of England, but was led into erroneous views 
 and expressions, partly by a pious desire to magnify the grace of God 
 in the Holy Eucharist, and partly by an indiscreet adoption, in its 
 literal sense, of the highly figurative, mystical, and incautious language 
 of certain of the old Fathers.' 
 
 Upon this, says the Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 * when each of them had delivered separately his opinion upon the 
 sermon,— the greater number of them in writing,— I proceeded to 
 declare that I considered Dr. Pusey guilty of the charge made against 
 him— namely, that he had preached certain things which were either 
 dissonant from or contrary to the doctrine of the Church of England.* 
 
 What these * things' were was never publicly stated, and 
 apparently for the reason that the judges were not agreed 
 on them, and that the vague hostility to the sermon in 
 which they were agreed would not bear general dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 In his letter of May 22, Pusey had requested the Vice- 
 Chancellor to * choose that course allowed by the statute, 
 which permits the accused to answer for himself.* It was 
 true that the statute did not provide in express terms that 
 the author of a delated sermon should be heard in explana- 
 tion or defence of his language, and the Vice-Chancellor 
 appears to have considered this omission as a sufficient 
 reason for not granting Pusey a hearing. The Vice-Chan- 
 cellor would seem to have forgotten that all laws, not 
 
1 • 
 
 3^8 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 excepting University Statutes, presuppose some general 
 princpes of justice; and that nothing is more contrariant 
 to Enghsh notions of justice than that a man should be con- 
 demned unheard. It is a rule of natural reason, well ex- 
 pressed by Seneca in words already quoted, * Qui statuit 
 ahquid parte inaudit^ alterd, aequum licet statuerit, haud 
 aequus fuit and is fully recognized in our Common law. 
 The rules however, of the Canon law are, perhaps, still 
 more to the purpose, since a sentence of suspension brings 
 Pusey s case under its jurisdiction. Among many passages 
 that might be quoted two will suffice: * Caveant judices 
 Ecclesiae, ne absente eo, cujus causa ventilatur, sententiam 
 proferant, quia irrita erit.' 'Absens nemo judicetur: quia 
 et Divinae et humanae leges hoc prohibent^/ 
 
 The Vice-chancellor cannot have been altogether unmind- 
 ful of these considerations ; and it would have been easy for 
 him, as well as his duty, to have acquainted himself with the 
 previous practice of the University of granting a hearing to 
 those who were thus accused. Between the date of the 
 passing of the statute de Concionibus and 1640, four cases 
 are mentioned by Antony Wood ; in each of them the 
 inculpated preacher appeared in person before the Vice- 
 Chancellor. There were at least four other cases after the 
 Restoration, in all of which the same practice appears to 
 have been followed. Regardless, however, both of principle 
 and precedent, regardless of his character and his lei^rning 
 Fusey was condemned without a hearing. 
 ^ The Court next proceeded to discuss the penalty to be 
 inflicted. It became necessary/ says the Vice-chancellor, 
 to consider what description and what degree of punish- 
 ment should be awarded to the offence ; and this I thought 
 It right that I should take time to consider. And so the 
 meeting separated.' The statute provided that the Vice- 
 Chancellor might deal with the offender in one of two 
 ways, namely, «eum pro arbitrio vel a munere praedicandi 
 intra praecinctum Universitatis suspendet, vel ad ea quae 
 protuht recantandum adiget' 
 
 ^ Corp. Jur. Can., ed. 1879, vol. i. pp. 530-4. 
 
 Recantation or Suspension ? 
 
 319 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor, then, had to choose between recanta- 
 tion and suspension ; and the Six Doctors were unable to 
 agree. One of them who had opposed a sentence of 
 suspension during the debate, felt constrained on the 
 following day to communicate to the Vice-Chancellor his 
 change of opinion to the severer course. 
 
 The Provost of Oriel to the Rev. the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 Oriel College, May 28, 1843. 
 My dear Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 As I openly expressed an opinion yesterday against any sus- 
 pension for preaching in Dr. P.'s case, I think I am bound in fairness 
 to tell you that upon reconsideration, and looking to the probable 
 intention of the statute and probable effects of passing over this (and if 
 this, then all future cases of objectionable preaching) with reference to 
 young hearers and young preachers and our duty towards them — I am 
 greatly shaken in my opinion, and indeed incline towards the opinion 
 0/ those who thought suspension necessary. 
 
 In so very difficult a question I think you will not consider this note 
 
 as intrusive. -c- * * 1 
 
 JLver yours most truly, 
 
 E. Hawkins. 
 The Rev. the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor has left his own opinion on 
 record. 
 
 * Of the two,' he writes, * I considered recantation as the less severe ; 
 and before therefore I proceeded to inflict the other, I thought it right to 
 endeavour, if possible, to bring about a recantation. And foreseeing 
 that if I should summon Dr. Pusey before me for this purpose in the 
 presence of those who had adjudicated upon the sermon, it might 
 happen that he would refuse to recant, and thus an interview painful 
 to all parties might be productive of no beneficial result, I determined 
 upon endeavouring to ascertain privately whether or not it would be 
 likely that he might be induced to recant the offensive doctrine. 
 Hence it became necessary to draw out from the sermon certain 
 propositions, by his assent to or dissent from which his readiness to 
 recant might be tested. Now this was a task of which I felt the 
 extreme difficulty and delicacy. The propositions, if framed by myself 
 alone, might be objected to on various grounds. The form, the sub- 
 stance, the expressions used, the conclusions which would legitimately 
 be arrived at, might have been altogether unsatisfactory— or might 
 have satisfied some among my coadjutors, and have displeased others. 
 In order therefore to lessen the probability of such disagreement, I at 
 once resolved to consult the Provost of OrieL* 
 
h 
 
 320 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Vice-chancellor then submitted to the Provost 
 a proposed form of ' recantation,' to which Pusey might 
 
 mo^r- , "kT r """^'^ •'^ ^^P^<=^^^' ^ '-« -act and 
 more vulnerable document than would have been devised 
 
 Thif." iT'' ''''"''"■' "^° «^^«rdingly drafted another. 
 . This took the strange form of ' objections ' to the sermon. 
 
 My dear V. C, ^- ^•' ^^y 30, 1843. 
 
 ,. ^ i *'*''* endeavoured so to frame the above Ejections as to avoid 
 and rstm rf ^ any^o^W not expressly st/ted Tthe Art^Ces 
 2 be sure to be n"'T hT^"""'- ^'^""^■■'^^""^ ''"^^ y°- ^'at"- « 
 
 ^s :;|,^, - s^i r bSsiTd r t 'iir-T. 
 
 tS^^dlSllTroC^'' "'^^^ "^' ^-'^ -'■'^•^ -'^^' ope-Say 
 
 should do so m the exact words which your objections rive a, in ,h 
 answer to No. i.and so, mutai.S mutandis, to Nos Tanf r'AnJ,, h 
 d.savowal should perhaps be communicatek first to the six D D s 
 
 yol':;:;roinT " ^^^ "^™ ^°" ' -"■ -*' -P- ^- - a^ny^our 
 
 Ever yours most truly. 
 The Rev. the Vice-Chancellor. ^- "awkins. 
 
 Pu!;vthlfa«oAV""'K™'~"'°' '''"' y°" ^''°"''J "'«"'■■'"' to Dr. 
 fI7, K "^ ^'""^ ^'""'"^ objections over and above these 
 
 s^cal objecfons-so reserving to yourself full liberty to act as vou 
 may judge necessary after you shall have received Dr. P's answer 
 
 :?rt'ti:et'LT,Lri« Tn-dtT • '- - '"-~^' 
 
 through this task as a '^LTou(^ i^ 'Z^l^:^^:;-: ^^ 
 abstract duty, not allowing myself to think of the suErof t^^ 
 
 The Vice-chancellor adopted this ingeniously constructed 
 document, presumably as a test of Puseys readiness to 
 
 wa's held' o7 ^"'^ u"'^"'"'^'^ '■^^^"^^*'°" °f whatever 
 was held offensive m the sermon, so as to escape further 
 
 catTn'rT ^■- ^''' "^^ ^^'^^^'^ *° °P-" ^^'"•"uni. 
 cations with a view to applying this test. It may be 
 
 J elf as Intermediary. 021 
 
 hoped that the selection of Dr. Jelf for such an office was 
 
 T-^f T ,?^ ^' *'*°"^'* '* •" ^''^'°"« *at the relation in 
 which Jelf stood to Pusey rendered his intervention at this 
 juncture, as the sequel showed, highly detrimental to Pusev's 
 interest. Dr. Jelf, it is true, had been an intimate friend of 
 Pusey s from his youth ; he was so still, at this moment ; 
 and he had declined to condemn the sermon when sitting 
 at the Board. There are, however, cases in which a friend 
 IS much more embarrassing to deal with than an op- 
 ponent ; and this was. one of them. In dealing with his 
 friend Pusey allowed himself to be entangled with en- 
 gagements to which it is inconceivable that even his 
 simple-heartedness could have agreed, had he not forgotten 
 that his friend was after all the accredited messenger 
 of his opponents. Had Pusey been in the least degree 
 a man of the world, he would, in the circumstances, at 
 once have taken leave of his old friend with a bow, and 
 have courteously explained that he would only communicate 
 with the Vice-Chancellor directly, and in writing. Whereas 
 he unfortunately betrayed himself into a situation which 
 only increased his difficulties. Pusey has left on record an 
 account of what passed at the first of these extraordinary 
 interviews : — ' 
 
 'I received,' he says, 'no communication whatever, before it was 
 pnvately announced to me [by Jelf] that my sermon had been cin! 
 rieHin!.; , ' """^"^ ^' "^^ '^"e time that the V.-C. positively 
 
 that out of ^l"r ' ''''""^- "-' '""^ ""-e time I was ^formed 
 
 emi'loved fn r "^"''^ '° "'"'^"^ ^' °"^" ^^^'"^' "e, he was 
 employed m drawmg up certain statements of doctrine, which if 
 
 I could s.p, the sentence might be reversed. The fict of my 
 
 receiving these statements, the nature of them, and their contends 
 
 7Z the VrS ""n' '■ " "" '° ^ ^ ='""'^ "^'-'e communS 
 from the Vice-Chancellor to myself: I was to take no copy of them • 
 
 thrA r°r"" "° ^"'""^ ^"O"' ^"y''''"g <=°"'ained in them Fo; 
 the sake of the peace of the Church, 1 accepted even these conditions.' 
 
 It may be permitted to think that the peace of the 
 Church would have been far better secured by an im- 
 mediate rejection of terms which ought at once to have 
 excited suspicion. 
 
 VOL. II. y 
 
322 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Newman had heard that communications between his 
 judges and Pusey were going on, and had offered to be of 
 any assistance in his power. But Pusey had already pre- 
 cluded himself from consulting anybody. He writes : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Quite private. 
 
 Wednesday morning, May 31. 
 My dear N. 
 
 I find that this communication from the V.-C. is entirely confi- 
 dential, with the view of staying ulterior consequences ; so I cannot 
 have recourse to your kind help. 
 
 My first impression is that there is but little hope but that the 
 sermon will be condemned : but there may be a way out still, or He 
 may overrule people's hearts. One thing only I desire for myself, 
 not to compromise His truth. Do not think I am worried. Every- 
 thing will be right. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Wednesday morning. 
 
 There can be no doubt that in assenting to these con- 
 ditions imposed on him by the Vice-Chancellor, Pusey 
 committed a grave error of judgment. He ought to have 
 insisted upon the entire publicityof all that passed between 
 himself and his judges, and also on full liberty to consult 
 his friends. But he allowed them to exact from him an 
 engagement which they should have been ashamed to sug- 
 gest, and still more to use afterwards in a manner which cast 
 reflections on Pusey's sincerity. Of all men Pusey needed, 
 at such a difficult juncture, the counsel of his friends: 
 Keble and Newman were eminently fitted to advise him ; 
 but the tactics of his opponents effectually cut him off from 
 their assistance. 
 
 Upon Dr. Jelfs reporting that Pusey was willing to 
 accept the conditions, the Vice-Chancellor entrusted him 
 with the second stage of the commission. He was to show 
 Pusey a * statement * of objections to his sermon, which, 
 as we have seen, had been drawn up by the Provost of 
 Oriel, and slightly altered by the Vice-Chancellor. This 
 document ran as follows ; — 
 
 Formal Statement of Objections to the Sermon. 323 
 
 * [Confidential.] 
 
 ' Over and above some grave objections to the general tenor of the 
 sermon as not in harmony with the authoritative teaching of the 
 Church of England, it is particularly objected : 
 
 * I. That certain passages, as in p. 5 S "that Bread which is his flesh"; 
 p. 6, "how must he not be thought to abide in us by the way of 
 Nature " ; p. 7, " His Redeemer's very broken body" ; p. 8, " My flesh 
 and blood which were given for the life of the world and are given to 
 those for whom they had been given"; p. 9, "touching with our very 
 lips that cleansing blood," &c.— convey the idea of some carnal and 
 corporal presence of Christ in the holy Eucharist; as if it were 
 intended to maintain that the Body and Blood of Christ were not 
 received in that Sacrament **only after a heavenly and spiritual 
 manner" (see Article XXVIII., and Declaration annexed to the 
 Communion Service). 
 
 ' 2. That some passages, as p. 7, " God poureth out for him yet the 
 most precious blood of his only begotten Son ; they are fed from the 
 Cross of the Lord because they eat his Body and Blood"; p. 9, "that 
 that precious blood is still in continuance and application of his one 
 oblation once made upon the Cross poured out for us now, conveying 
 to our souls, as being his Blood with the benefit of his Passion, the 
 remission of our sins also "—suggest the idea of some continuation or 
 repetition in the Eucharist, in order to the remission of sins, of the 
 Sacrifice of Christ upon the Cross ; as if the writer did not maintain 
 that the " one oblation of Christ " was " finished upon the Cross " or 
 that "the offering of Christ once made is that perfect redemption, 
 propitiation and satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world both 
 original and actual ; and that there is none other satisfaction for sin 
 but that alone." (See Article XXXI.) 
 
 * 3. That some passages, as p. 4, " Elements of this worid and yet his 
 very Body and Blood"; p. 5, "that bread which is his flesh," &c., 
 represent the body and blood of Christ as present with the consecrated 
 elements by virtue of their consecration before they are received by the 
 faithful communicant and independently of his faith ; as if it were 
 maintained that " the wicked and such as be void of a lively faith " 
 when they partake of " the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ 
 are partakers of Christ " ; or that Faith is not " the mean whereby 
 the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper." (See 
 Articles XXVIII., XXIX.) ' 
 
 Together with this statement Dr. Jelf presented to Pusey, 
 for his signature, a second document, which, as will be seen, 
 is based on the foregoing. 
 
 * The references are of course to the form the passages are found on pp. 12, 
 manuscript sermon. In the printed 13, 18, 20, 23. 
 
 Y 7. 
 
324 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Puseys Explanations. 
 
 * I. I did not intend to convey the idea of "any " carnal or corporal 
 presence of Christ^ in the holy Eucharist, and I do not maintain that 
 ** the natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ " are present in 
 the Eucharist, or that "the body and blood of Christ are received 
 in that Sacrament except only after a heavenly and spiritual 
 manner.'* 
 
 *2. I did not intend to suggest the idea of any continuation or 
 repetition in the Eucharist, in order to the remission of sins, of the 
 sacrifice of Christ upon the cross ; and I do maintain that " the one 
 oblation of Christ was finished upon the cross " ; and that " the ofifering 
 of Christ once made is that perfect redemption, propitiation, and 
 satisfaction for all the sins of the whole world both original and 
 actual ; and that there is none other satisfaction for sin but that 
 alone." 
 
 * 3. I did not intend [to represent the body and blood of Christ as 
 present with the consecrated elements by virtue of their consecration 
 before they are received by the faithful communicant and indepen- 
 dently of his faith] ^; and I do not maintain that the wicked and such 
 as be void of a lively faith, when they partake of the sacrament of the 
 body and blood of Christ, are partakers of Christ ; nor do I maintain 
 that Faith is not the mean whereby the body of Christ is received and 
 eaten in the Supper.' 
 
 Pusey returned both these papers to the Vice-Chancellor 
 with a lengthy letter, the full text of which is given in the 
 appendix to this chapter; its drift may be understood 
 from the following extracts : — 
 
 * No. I I can adopt entirely, as being in the words of our Formu- 
 laries ; only in one place, I have inserted the full words of our rubric, 
 which I supposed you intended, thinking it safer to adhere to those 
 words. . . . 
 
 * To the first part of No. 2, 1 should except in point of form, because 
 it is no part of our authorized Formularies, and there is no authority, 
 and it might be a dangerous precedent to admit the right of individuals 
 to propose Formulae drawn up without sanction, for subscription. 
 
 * I do not know also whether, if I adopted it, I should use it in your 
 sense or no. The words [continuation or] are to me ambiguous. . . . 
 
 * The latter part of No. 2, I, of course, entirely and cordially adopt, 
 being again the statement of our Church. . . . 
 
 *3. To the first part of this which I have enclosed in brackets 
 I must object, not only on the ground upon which I objected to 
 the beginning of No. 2, but also because it goes beyond the Formularies 
 
 325 
 
 * Dr. Pnsey lias written here — 
 • Christ's natural Flesh and Blood.' 
 ^ These brackets were inserted by 
 
 Dr. Pusey on his returning the paper 
 to the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 of our Church ; the latter part (as being the words of our Formularies) 
 I of course entirely accept. ... 
 
 * Yet having given this explanation, I must say that I do it because 
 I conceive you to have sent me the propositions and objections as an 
 act of kindness, instead of any proposition of my own, which I might 
 be required to retract. 
 
 * But if this private explanation fail to satisfy you, I must respectfully 
 apply for the other, as the only statutable course. I must say that 
 to me the past course of inquiry into my sermon, such as these 
 " objections " imply, seems to me an undue extension of the statutes. 
 The statute speaks of certain definite statements which shall be 
 retracted — " ad ea, quae protulit, recantandum adiget." The passages 
 objected to are not supposed (I conceive) to be such as could be 
 proposed to any one to recant (some of them are words of the 
 Fathers), but only, it is supposed, that a certain opinion is implied 
 in them. I am sure that no proposition could be formed from my 
 sermon contrary to the Formularies of our Church, which I adopt. 
 This sort of " constructive " disagreement with the Formularies of 
 the Church seems to me something very different from that con- 
 templated by the statute, which refers to definite statements. 
 Conscious of my own innocence, I cannot contemplate anything 
 ulterior; yet although I am quite sure that you personally mean 
 everything which is kind towards me individually, I must say that 
 I should consider any ulterior measure, founded on such constructive 
 objections as are here alleged, without exhibiting to me what I have 
 asked for in such case, definite propositions of my own and not 
 adhering to our Formularies, as unstatutable as well as harsh and 
 unjust. 
 
 * I am sure, my dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, that you will not think 
 these strong words, as meant otherwise than with respect to your 
 office and a sense of personal kindness : but there is too much at 
 stake for me to think it right to withhold my strong feeling on this 
 subject.* 
 
 Dr. Jelfs preliminary mission had been discharged on 
 Tuesday, May 30: on May 31 Pusey had received the 
 promised papers, again through Dr. Jelf, and had returned 
 them to the Vice-Chancellor on the same day. On the 
 afternoon of Thursday, June i, the Vice-Chancellor and the 
 Six Doctors met for a third time, and in order to consider 
 Pusey 's reply. That it did not satisfy them goes without 
 saying. They saw in it a challenge to enter upon a pro- 
 found and serious theological inquiry for which they could 
 not but be conscious of being themselves inadequately 
 
326 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Failure of Negotiations, 
 
 327 
 
 V I 
 
 equipped, and the conclusion of which might be fatal to the 
 vague condemnation of the sermon at which they had 
 already arrived. Another paper was accordingly drawn up 
 for Pusey's signature which was more in the form of a direct 
 recantation. It consisted of three propositions, of which 
 the first two were extracted from the sermon, and 'not* 
 inserted in each extract ; while the third contained a pro- 
 posed explanation of a phrase which Pusey had employed. 
 This paper, which is in the Vice-Chancellor's handwriting, 
 is subjoined :— 
 
 * Will Dr. Pusey say, among other things which might be put in this 
 same form : — 
 
 * We do not touch with our own lips in the Holy Eucharist that 
 cleansing Bloo^t,— meaning the very blood of Christ '. 
 
 * Goit poureth not out Jor us now the most precious blood of his 
 only begotten \ 
 
 *By ''elements of this world and yet His very bodv and blood" 
 I mean only that they are spiritually so, and not carnally ; not His 
 natural flesh and blood '.' 
 
 With regard to this form of recantation, Pusey observed 
 later to a legal friend :— 
 
 *So far were these from being what I had asked for, ''definite 
 propositions supposed to be contrary to the Formularies of our 
 Church," that one related to the subject of the carnal presence of 
 the Body and Blood of our Blessed Lord, upon which I had accepted, 
 the day before, the statement drawn up by the Vice-Chancellor 
 himself: a second was a passage of St. Augustine, which I had 
 quoted, and which was applied in a sense which St. Augustine had 
 not m his thoughts, nor 1, in quoting them ; the third, since I was 
 allowed no copy, nor even to have in my hand the paper upon 
 which they were written, I have forgotten. I considered this, I own 
 as mere mockery : I said to the individual who brought them to me' 
 "It never can be intended that I should recant such statements 
 as these." * 
 
 Dr. Jelf carried back to the judges the notes which he 
 had taken down from Pusey's lips. When asked to recant 
 
 * * Sermon,* p. 23. 
 
 • * Sermon.' d. 18. 
 
 The 
 
 sermon 
 
 reads *yet| for *now,* but with the 
 same meaning. 
 ' * Sermon,' p. 7. The italics re- 
 
 present the exact words of Pusey in 
 
 his sermon, which are not clearly 
 
 marked on the Vice-Chanccllor s 
 copy. 
 
 the statement that we * touch with our own lips Christ's 
 cleansing Blood,* Pusey had observed ; — 
 
 * I do not say it after any corporeal manner ; I say it in no other 
 sense than St. Chrysostom says, " Our tongues are reddened, &c." 
 I say it only, because after consecration they are called the Body and 
 Blood of Christ. It was an adaptation of the words of the Ancient 
 Church, " Lo, this hath touched my Hps," &c. * 
 
 When asked to deny that * God poureth out for us now 
 the most precious Blood of His Only Begotten,' Pusey 
 explained : — 
 
 * I adopt St. Augustine's words in no other sense than as our Church 
 teaches us, to thank God " for that He doth vouchsafe to feed us, who 
 have duly received these holy mysteries, with the spiritual food of the 
 most precious Body and Blood of His Son," &c. It never crossed my 
 mind to make any allusion in these words to the Sacrifice, or, until 
 I saw the objection yesterday, that any one could connect the doctrine 
 with them.* 
 
 When bidden to assert that by * His very Body and 
 Blood ' he meant that the elements are only * spiritually so, 
 not carnally, not Christ's natural flesh and blood,' Pusey 
 replied : — 
 
 *Yes. I had no physical meaning. I deny everything physical, 
 and I meant only a spiritual body in a spiritual and sacramental way.* 
 
 That evening * the judges * met again to receive Dr. Jelf s 
 report. They were not satisfied. In the Vice-Chancellor's 
 words, subsequently addressed to Pusey, * the utmost that 
 could be said of the statements which Dr. Jelf took down 
 from your mouth was that they were qualifications of the 
 language of the sermon.' The Six Doctors considered that 
 they ' had made two attempts to bring about a recantation 
 and had failed.' It was also * strongly impressed * on the 
 Vice-Chancellor's * mind that besides particular objections, 
 an exception had been taken to the general tenor of the 
 sermon, which of course no recantation could touch.' And 
 so he 'at length made up his mind that no course remained 
 but to proceed to what' he *felt to be a very severe 
 measure, but nevertheless the only alternative, namely, 
 suspension.' 
 
i?| 
 
 328 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The official notification of the Sentence ran as follows:— 
 
 J^l T ' ST"' ^"'"y ^- '^- P- Aedis Christi Canonicus, 
 
 Universitatem Man .4'« proxime elapso habits, quaedam Uoctrinae 
 
 Idemque Edvardus Bouvene Pusey S. T. P. postulant! Vice-Cancel- 
 lano Conconis suae verum exemplar eisdem terminis conscriptum. 
 yirtute Jurament. trad.derit: Mihi igitur Vice-Cancellario verbis, quae 
 rHh?hT'"°"'^ vocabantur, in medium prolatis et rit6 perj^nsis, 
 adh,b.to con^bo sex ahorum S. Theologiae Doctorum scHicet D 
 
 D. Doctons Jelf, D. Doctoris Ogilvie, necnon et Praelectoris 
 Dommae Margaretae Comitissae de Richmond, criminis objec.i dktum 
 Edvardum Bouvene Pusey S. T. P. reum inventum, a munere prae^ 
 dicand. mtra praecmctum Universitatis per duos annos suspendere 
 
 Philippus Bliss, ''• '^™'^''' V'CE-Cancellarius. 
 
 Registrarius Univ. Oxon. 
 
 On the morning of June 2nd Dr. Jelf announced the 
 sentence to Pusey. The Vice-Chancellor allowed Dr Jelf 
 to tell Pusey that he had not had a hearing. Pusey at once 
 set to work on a Protest against his suspension. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 My dear N. [J""^ 2, 1843.] 
 
 Before you leave 0[xford] I should like you to see the copy of 
 my Protest and give me your opinion. I am quite at ease. 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Puse/s engagement to be sileiit respecting the com- 
 munications between himself and the Vice-Chancellor 
 made him feel it impossible to protest against his sentence 
 m adequate terms. He was obliged to be silent about his 
 enforced silence. He could say nothing about those vague 
 presumptions, or those untheological inferences of the 
 documents sent to him by his judges, which betrayed the 
 unjustifiable grounds of his sentence. He would have 
 been far better off if they had suspended him, as they had 
 condemned him, at once and without a word of com. 
 
 Sentence of Suspension — Pusey s Protest 329 
 
 munication. As it was, he could only make a Protest 
 which, read in the light of what had really passed, expresses 
 very feebly the flagrant injustice of the proceedings. 
 
 Protest. 
 
 Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 You will be assured that the following Protest, which I feel it 
 my duty to the Church to deliver, is written with entire respect for 
 your office, and without any imputation upon yourself individually. 
 
 I have stated to you, on different occasions, as opportunity offered, 
 that I was at a loss to conceive what in my sermon could be construed 
 into discordance with the Formularies of our Church ; I have requested 
 you to adopt that alternative in the statutes which allows the accused 
 a hearing ; I have again and again requested that definite propositions, 
 which were thought to be at variance with our Formularies, should, 
 according to the alternative in the statute, be proposed to me ; I have 
 declared repeatedly my entire assent ex animo to all the doctrinal 
 statements of our Church on this subject, and have, as far as I had 
 opportunity, declared my sincere and entire consent to them in- 
 dividually; I have ground to think that, as no propositions out of 
 my sermon have been exhibited to me as at variance with the doctrine 
 of our Church, so neither can they, but that I have been condemned 
 either on a mistaken construction of my words, founded upon the 
 doctrinal opinions of my judges, or on grounds distinct from the 
 Formularies of our Church. 
 
 Under these circumstances, since the statute manifestly contemplates 
 certain grave and definite instances of contrariety or discordance from 
 the Formularies of our Church, I feel it my duty to protest against 
 the late sentence against me as unstatutable as well as unjust. 
 
 I remain, Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 Christ Church, June 2, 1843. E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 In his own words, Pusey protested against his sentence 
 as * unstatutable as well as unjust,' 
 
 * I. Because I conceive that the statute contemplates so strongly 
 "grave and definite instances" of contrariety or "discordance from the 
 Formularies of our Church," that I was satisfied that the alternative of 
 the summary condemnation permitted to the V.-C, and resorted to in 
 my case, was intended only in flagrant and extreme cases. It could 
 not, I conceive, have been intended in cases in which the existence 
 of the " crime alleged " could not be ascertained, except by a hearing. 
 Any other interpretation of the statute would set it at variance with all 
 the principles of ecclesiastical and civil law. 
 
 * 2. I had "ground to think" "that I had been condemned either on 
 a mistaken construction of my words, founded upon the doctrinal 
 
330 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 opinions of my judges, or on grounds distinct from the Formularies of 
 the Church." That I had not only "ground to think this, but actually 
 knew it, I was obliged to withhold, when I wrote my Protest. I said, 
 in consequence, to the Vice-Chancellor, in a letter with which I ac- 
 companied my Protest, '* Had I been allowed to mention all I knew, 
 my Protest must have been much stronger." 
 
 *3. I now say that I consider it both "unstatutable and unjust," 
 because it has been rested partly on misconstruction of my words, 
 inferring from them what is not contained in them, partly on grounds 
 foreign to my sermon, partly on grounds foreign to, and opposed to, 
 our Formularies, which my judges, not myself, have contravened *.' 
 
 Pusey sent his Protest to the Vice-Chancellor on the 
 evening of June 2nd. The letter which accompanied it 
 must have suggested to the Vice-Chancellor what the 
 contents of the Protest would have been, had Pusey 
 not been bound down by the fatal engagement to 
 secrecy. 
 
 My dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 In drawing up the accompanying Protest, which it is my purpose 
 to make public, I have avoided anything which might betray how 
 much I really know of the grounds of my condemnation, in which case 
 I must have spoken very much more strongly. I showed it to Dr. Jelf, 
 that he might tell me whether it trenched upon what I knew con- 
 fidentially. 
 
 To yourself, individually, I would, in candour, state, that while 
 entirely unconcerned about myself, I feel, most strongly, the exceeding 
 injustice of the late sentence, and I think that some of my judges will 
 in time repent of it. 
 
 It does seem to me so utterly contrary to all justice, that when, of 
 three sets of propositions, I accepted entirely the first and largest, 
 of the other two, I accepted ex animo all which was contained in our 
 Formularies, rejected only so much of one proposition as was clearly 
 beside our Formularies, and demurred to another, because I did not 
 understand your meaning, expressing at the same time my entire 
 concurrence ex animo with all in our Formularies— it does seem to me 
 to be so utterly contrary to all principles of justice and equity (not to 
 speak of charity) to afford me no further opportunity of vindication, 
 that I can only say I pray that my judges may not, in the Great Day, 
 receive the measure which they have dealt to me. 
 
 I have done what in me lay for the peace of the Church. 
 
 Yours faithfully, 
 Christ Church, June 2, 1843. E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 » E. B. P. to E. Badelcy, Esq., Statement No. a. 
 
 The Promise of Silence, 
 
 331 
 
 All is now past, but I would now explain that I thought that the 
 papers given me by Dr. Jelf were only preliminary ; else I should have 
 attempted to substitute other words for those which I bracketed, which 
 might have conveyed my meaning formally. 
 
 The publication of Pusey 's Protest was the first notifica- 
 tion to the world, that anything whatever had been done 
 since the sermon had been sent for. There had been 
 rumours as to what was passing ; but nothing was known 
 on authority. The Six Doctors had met four times : the 
 sentence had been signed and sent to Pusey : but it had 
 never been published. 
 
 * On Dr. Pusey*s authority, of course it could not be doubted that he 
 had been actually suspended. ... So all that day people were looking 
 about impatiently for the fact itself. They went to the doors of the 
 College halls, to the Common rooms, to the doors of the Schools, and 
 all the public places where University notices of all kinds are posted ; 
 they could find nothing new ; there was a notice that some livery- 
 stable-keeper had been suspended from University communications 
 for letting a tandem, or some such offence, but no Dr. Pusey. The 
 divinity beadle was seen going about, but it was only the announce- 
 ment of the next Sunday's preachers. There was not, nor is there to 
 this day that we know of, anything to show ^.' 
 
 The Protest made no reference to the communications 
 which had passed between Pusey and his judges through 
 Dr. Jelf. Pusey, as we have seen, conceived himself to be 
 debarred from any such reference by the silence which had 
 been imposed on him, and which he understood to refer no 
 less to the fact than to the nature of the communications. 
 But when his Protest was made public, it became apparent 
 that his scrupulous observance of this contract would 
 involve inconveniences for his judges which they had not 
 at first foreseen. The truth was, that Pusey*s judges had 
 never thought of giving him a hearing before condemning 
 him ; but now they did not wish to be supposed to have 
 condemned him unheard. As a matter of fact they had 
 done so ; and then, after condemning him, had endeavoured 
 to extort from him a recantation of propositions which, in 
 
 ' British Critic ^ No. Ixvii, July, 1843, p. 205. 
 
M 
 
 332 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the sense he had used them, the more instructed members 
 of the Board would not have condemned. And now they 
 were obhged to face, not only Pusey's friends, but all fair- 
 mmded people in the University and elsewhere, who, 
 without knowing or caring much about theology, had 
 distmct Ideas of the requirements of justice. They were 
 becommg eager to make the most that could be made of 
 what had passed between Dr. Jelf and Pusey after the 
 condemnation of the sermon. If Pusey had not been 
 heard, he had at least been communicated with ; if 'not 
 before his sermon was condemned, at least before sentence 
 was pronounced. But they could not avail themselves of 
 even this expedient for improving their case (if it did 
 improve it) without themselves violating the compact which 
 they had imposed upon Pusey. To tell all the world what 
 had passed between Dr. Jelf and Pusey would have made 
 their case worse than ever: but could it not be arranged that 
 the fact of some communications with Pusey might be made 
 known, without any relaxation of the obligation to secrecy 
 as to the nature of those communications? Even before 
 the appearance of the Protest, and on the day of the 
 sentence, this question had presented itself to the acute 
 apprehension of the Provost of Oriel. 
 
 THE Provost of Oriel to the Rev. the Vice-chancellor. 
 My dear Vice-chancellor, ^"'^ ^^"'^'^ J""" '' ^^43- 
 
 Although your commumcations with Dr. Pusey have been themselves 
 pnvate and confidential, I do not see any reason why M. /J should 
 be pnvate-the fact that Dr. Pusey had written to you a note accom 
 panymg his sermon, and that in consequence of it you had priva'eTv 
 inquired of h.m through a mutual friend whether he was likely"^^^ make 
 
 ustn7on~; " ^^f /^ satisfactory-before you proceeded to 
 suspension,-and proceeded to suspension when you had ascertained 
 that he was not likely to offer any satisfactory expLations. 
 
 hSZ^ZlT^A ""''"'"^ '" '^T'''' ^^^ ^"^^ ^^ ^^^^^ communications 
 tZZ\ T ^"^P^"s^°"> I think we should sufficiently obviate 
 
 warmly ""''^"'"''^ "'^'' ' ^"^^^ "P^" '^^' -^^^t per'haps too 
 And, posszdly, this course may also prevent the necessity of your 
 
 The Provost* s Ingenious Suggestion, 333 
 
 having to make any further statement of objections to Dr. P. to become 
 
 the basis of future controversy. 
 
 Ever yours most truly, 
 
 E. Hawkins. 
 The Rev. the Vice- Chancellor. 
 
 I think this was your own opinion yesterday afternoon, though per- 
 haps it was rather lost sight of at our evening session. 
 
 But when the Protest itself was distributed in every 
 common-room in Oxford, the full effect of Pusey's ob- 
 servance of his engagement upon academical opinion was 
 immediately apparent. The Protest made no allusion to 
 any hearing. The University would take it for granted 
 (which was in fact the case) that there had been no hearing. 
 Thereupon, and to prevent such damaging inferences, the 
 Provost of Oriel wrote to Dr. Jelf calling in question 
 Pusey's * veracity and honesty,' on the ground that in his 
 Protest he had made no reference to those communi- 
 cations which had passed between himself and the Vice- 
 Chancellor. Dr. Jelf sent this letter to Pusey, who thereupon 
 immediately repudiated the charge, not only in a letter to 
 Jelf, but in a more lengthy letter to the Vice- Chancellor, in 
 which he complains of the unfair position in which he was 
 placed by his scrupulous observance of the obligation to 
 secrecy, which it now appeared that he was only to adhere 
 to so far as it favoured his judges. He writes : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. the Vice- Chancellor. 
 
 Junes, 1843. 
 ... I am quite willing to say absolutely nothing or to enter into 
 the fullest explanation, as you think best or give me leave. Only 
 I cannot make, or allow of, half-statements (such as were those of the 
 Provost of Oriel, in part also mis-statements) which, without the full 
 explanation, would throw suspicion on my truth. I have kept the 
 whole nature of the communications a strict secret from my nearest 
 friends, as I was enjoined ; but unless equal silence is imposed upon 
 all, I must regard the understanding at an end, and myself released 
 from an engagement which was understood to be mutual. 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor hereupon consulted the Provost of 
 Oriel, who suggested that Pusey might adopt the subjoined 
 form of postscript ^ to his Protest. 
 
 * . The original draft is in the Provost's handwriting. 
 
334 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Provost's Proposed Supplement to Pusey's Protest. 
 I framed my Protest of yesterday's date under an impression that 
 I was not at liberty to mention the fact of private communications 
 havmg been made to me on your part. As this may possibly create 
 m some mmds a misapprehension of the actual circumstances, I would 
 now say by way of explanation that the words of my Protest, so far as 
 regards this pomt, apply to my not having been allowed an opportunity 
 of explammg and defending myself before you in your public capacity. 
 
 Pusey of course refused to adopt a document which 
 implied an altogether inaccurate account of the facts, and 
 replied ; — 
 
 E. B. P. to the Rev. the Vice-chancellor. 
 
 _, Christ Church, Whitsun Eve, 1843. 
 
 There seems to me some strange misunderstanding as to the facts of 
 the case, because the words you have suggested to me, viz. ' apply to 
 my not havmg been allowed an opportunity of explaining and defending 
 myself before you in your public capacity' imply that I had such 
 opportunity privately. This I understood that I had not ; on the 
 contrary I would still apply for it, if possible, with a view that, if 
 I established the innocency of my meaning, the sentence might be 
 rescinded. ** 
 
 ... I cannot adopt yours [your form of Postscript] because it implies 
 that which, m my view, never took place. I have no objection to its 
 being stated that « certain private communications were made by you 
 to me without leading to any satisfactory result,' provided I be allowed 
 to say that secrecy is imposed upon me as to the nature of those 
 communications, and also that no reports are circulated as to their 
 nature. If they are, so as to affect my character for truth, I must 
 conceive myself at liberty both to publish the letter which I sent to 
 you this morning, and also a detail of the circumstances, as far as 
 I know them. I am sorry to write thus, but I must take the liberty of 
 reminding you that had you maintained the same silence which you 
 imposed upon me, this difficulty would not have arisen, for it is not the 
 fact of my having had private communications from you, but the 
 supposed nature of those communications, such as the Provost of Oriel 
 represented them to Dr. Jelf, which would affect my character for 
 truth. ' 
 
 To this the Vice-chancellor replied, endeavouring as best 
 he could to justify the terms of the postscript which he had 
 suggested at the Provost^s dictation. The letter, which is 
 given in the Appendix to this chapter, is valuable as giving 
 an account of the objects which influenced the judges in 
 
 Supplement to Protest, 
 
 335 
 
 their communications with Pusey, but it clearly shows that 
 whatever complexion the Provost might now endeavour to 
 give to those secret negotiations, Pusey was condemned 
 without a hearing. 
 
 But his judges were still, with the aid of the Provost's 
 suggestions, taking advantage of Pusey's faithful adherence 
 to his promise of silence. It was known that there had 
 been communications. It was believed that they were of the 
 nature of a hearing previous to the condemnation of the 
 sermon, and it was supposed that Pusey had disingenuously 
 suppressed all mention of it. He was therefore driven to 
 publish the subjoined supplement to his Protest. 
 
 Supplement to Protest. 
 
 Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 When I drew up my Protest, I felt myself bound not to allude 
 to the fact, that, after it was announced to me that my sermon had 
 been condemned, I received confidential communications from your- 
 self. I had been informed, when I received them, that the fact of my 
 having received them, as well as their contents, was strictly confi- 
 dential, and this injunction to entire silence had not been removed. 
 I felt it therefore even my duty to ascertain that there was in my 
 Protest nothing which could trench upon that confidence. 
 
 I expressed to yourself privately, at the time, my sense of the 
 kindness of your intentions personally, in making to me the first 
 of those communications ; and of this I was thinking, when, in 
 my Protest, I spoke of not casting *any imputation upon yourself 
 individually.* 
 
 To the nature of those communications I can make no allusion, 
 since you saw right to impose silence upon me. It is sufficient to say 
 that after they were concluded I received a message from yourself, 
 * Dr, Pusey has my full authority for saying that he has had no 
 hearing^ It ever was, and is, my full conviction, that had I had the 
 hearing, which (for the sake of the University and the Church) I 
 earnestly asked for, I must have been acquitted. 
 
 These communications, then, in no way affect my Protest. I add 
 this explanation, because, while I retain my strong conviction that my 
 sentence was both * unstatutable and unjust,' it is right, since I am 
 now at liberty so to do, to acknowledge the kindness of your own 
 intentions to me individually. 
 
 I remain, Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 Christ Church, June 6, 1843. 
 
/ 
 
 336 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 How deeply Pusey felt about this matter I, m„ 
 expressed in the following let er th^rT n .K q f ''*'^ 
 to the Protest. ^^^ Supplement 
 
 E. B. p. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Christ Church], 
 Even the rest of this «rr»-i , I" '^''" ^^" '^"°- ■^'»3, June 1 1. 
 
 told me yesterdaj e ti rsl,e sLlrV'- "^k'^" '" "P""' ^-^ 
 about my Protest being '^Jesuulcar-lr'' '" '^l ^"""'"^ '"''''"'^'' 
 at it,' &c., which malceft neces a^ to det^ °"' ^''' "'"'"'^ '^'■=e"««d 
 One line to which r K, I ^ determme how to act. 
 
 these things die a natra,dea?r"co"'"'"^ "'^ '"°™-"^' ^ '» '«' 
 stop privately the ProtesHn London Thk""^ °"" ''^P"'^''''" '° ^0", 
 Will at once shift the U^^ tC^ ^ndTtrthH^:- 
 
 as I knew it, that they wTuW make out I „. Z' ' '"""'• ^= ^O"" 
 against me; people lui believe us f/h"' ."'' °' '"^""^^^^^ 
 controversy will be about my vemc L ' M h "'n^'- ^J"^ "'^ *'"''<= 
 to the truths of the sermon whenTa^X'"'' " '"'"'°'' P^°P'« 
 
 whe;rsi'^\ttmtTtoMTh: vicf ?h ""^ r-""" ^-"' ("••"•^" 
 
 had I been allowed to allude to th. f ?T'"°' ^ ""''' ^''^^ ^one, 
 a Statement of the facts I k„ow Tht : ,!"' ' '"^*^ ^°"°»-d •>; 
 and show that my animu/wtTo tej theTru'th'^ '" '''"' '"*= '"^^--• 
 
 Statlr^Tn^arf ^TdrTH- ' ^^"<^ ^°" '''^ ^^ -^ .he 
 return to-^orroryou had ttrt"' no"th! '^ ^'-^"--.lor's 
 premature or they steal a march upon"'e ^'''"^' lest 1 seem to be 
 inis IS miserabJe work fnr c.,.«k « j * 
 
 *Drawn.eoutofthenetth?ch heyha^^^^^^^^^ "" ^"^^ -^ 
 
 art my God.' ^ ''^'^^ ^^^^ P^^'^y ^r me, for Thou 
 
 Ever your most affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Another Delation, 
 
 337 
 
 the sentence was intended to mark as dissonant from or 
 contrary to the doctrine or disciphne of the Church of 
 England as publicly received. This address was signed in 
 the main by adherents of the Movement, but also by some 
 persons who had no connexion with it. Its motive was 
 well expressed in a private letter which one of the signatories 
 wrote at the time to the Vice-Chancellor :— 
 
 * The fact is that the silence of the gentlemen who examined the 
 sermon is very perplexing to us who may have to preach at some time 
 or other before the University. We have no means of knowing what 
 is held to be heretical doctrine respecting the Eucharist (for this is 
 supposed to be the point on which objection has been taken) and 
 consequently cannot avoid the danger which Dr. Pusey has incurred.' 
 
 The writer certainly was not thinking of himself when 
 he added, 
 
 ' Those who agree in the main with Dr. Pusey's teaching are of course 
 the most perplexed *.' 
 
 This perplexity was by no means merely theoretical. 
 Delation of University sermons was in the air. On Ascen- 
 sion Day, May 25, the Rev. T. E. Morris, Student and Tutor 
 of Christ Church, had preached before the University by 
 the Dean's appointment. In his sermon he had spoken of 
 *Laud the martyred archbishop, who, let us trust, still 
 intercedes for this Churgh.' On the following day the 
 Vice-chancellor sent for the sermon ' under the provisions 
 of the statute, Tit. xvi. § 11.' Mr. Morris sent the sermon, 
 together with extracts from Anglican divines illustrating 
 his language. On the following Wednesday the Vice- 
 Chancellor informed Mr. Morris that all the notice he had 
 to take officially of the sermon was to require that Mr. 
 Morris would ex aninio express his assent to the Twenty- 
 second Article ; a request which was apparently based on 
 the presumption that it is impossible to believe in the 
 intercession of the saints without invoking them. Mr. 
 Morris of course had no difficulty in complying with the 
 Vice-Chancellor's desire ; he * did not see that what he had 
 
 * Rev. F, A. Faber, Fellow of Magdalen, to the Vice-Chancellor, Tune 5, 1843. 
 VOL. II. 2 
 
 
■^ — ^IW— *■! 
 
 i\ 
 
 338 
 
 1 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Another Remonstrance, 
 
 . ' 
 
 said involved Invocation [of the Saints] at all.* He read 
 the Article, received back the copy of his sermon, and, so 
 far as the University was concerned, the matter was at 
 an end^. 
 
 The situation is described, not without a touch of 
 humour, by one who was keenly alive to all that was 
 passing, and deeply felt its extreme seriousness. 
 
 Rev. C. Marriott to Rev. W. Cotton. 
 
 Oriel, Whitsunday, 1843. 
 The Heads here are got most unreasonably jealous, and fancy we 
 are going straight over to Rome. ... I think it will only make a 
 disturbance, and do anything rather than further the cause of low 
 doctrine. T. Morris also, in preaching at Ch. Ch. for the Dean, 
 said that we might hope that Archbishop Laud still interceded 
 for the Church of England and for this University. He was had 
 up, and admonished for this (as if on purpose to show the dotage 
 of our authorities) as tending directly to the Invocation of Saints. 
 However, he protested against receiving any such admonition as 
 official and authoritative, and only had in that way Article 22 to read 
 out ! ! This is all within the last fortnight. I hope to preach to- 
 morrow and the next day. ... I hope they will not have me up ! ! 
 
 'Can you not agree with me,' wrote Mr. Faber of 
 Magdalen again to the Vice- Chancellor, ' that those clergy- 
 men who agree with Dr. Pusey's theology are in much 
 insecurity from a want of knowledge? It is but yester- 
 day that I overheard a gentleman say, "I trembled for 
 Marriott." * 
 
 But the Vice-Chancellor was inexorable. To public 
 memorials and to private communications, he returned 
 practically the same answer. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 Respecting as I do the motives of those who have signed the 
 paper conveyed to me by you, and ready as I am at all times to 
 satisfy the reasonable demand of members of Convocation, I regret 
 that I cannot in the present instance comply with their request. It is 
 my plain duty as Vice-Chancellor to abide by the Statutes of the 
 University, and as these do not prescribe, so I have scarcely a doubt 
 they do not permit, the course which is now suggested to me. For 
 
 » Rev. T. E. Morris, to the Editor of The Times, Christ Church, June 7, 1843. 
 
 339 
 
 the silence of the Statutes on this point, satisfactory reasons may be 
 
 presumed— reasons which are not applicable to me alone, but to 
 
 yourselves individually, and to the University at large. 
 
 I beg to subscribe myself, &c., 
 
 P. Wynter V.-C. 
 The Rev. H. Wall, E. B. Eden, E. Hill, &c 
 
 The position taken up in this document is extraordinary. 
 Here was a statute intended to guard the University 
 against the public teaching of false doctrine. It had been 
 put in force with the extreme result of suspending an 
 eminent scholar from the most serious of his public duties. 
 But the plain intention of the statute was nevertheless 
 defeated by the refusal to state the grounds on which it 
 had been put in force. No one was instructed ; no truth, 
 real or supposed, was guarded ; while numbers were greatly 
 and not unreasonably irritated by what had taken place. 
 
 That matters would be pushed further was inevitable. 
 A second address to the Vice-Chancellor, on the part of 
 non-resident members of the University, was forwarded to 
 him by Mr. Badeley. 
 
 To THE Rev. the Vice-Chancellor of the University of 
 
 Oxford. 
 We, the undersigned non-resident members of Convocation, beg 
 leave respectfully to express our serious regret at the course which 
 you have adopted with reference to Dr. Pusey's sermon. 
 
 We deprecate that construction of the statute under which Dr. 
 Pusey has been condemned ; which, contrary to the general principles 
 of justice, subjects a person to penalties without affording him the 
 means of explanation or defence ; and we think that the interests 
 of the Church and of the University require, that when a sermon is 
 adjudged unsound, the points in which its unsoundness consists 
 should be distinctly stated, if the condemnation of it is intended to 
 operate either as a caution to other preachers, or as a check to the 
 reception of doctrines supposed to be erroneous. 
 
 (Signed) Dungannon, M.A., Christ Church. 
 COURTENAY, B.C.L., All Souls, M.P. 
 W. E. Gladstone, Christ Church. 
 John Taylor Coleridge, M.A., Exeter. 
 &c. &c. 
 
 The correspondence between Mr. Badeley and the Vice- 
 Chancellor illustrated the tension of feeling at the time. 
 
 z 2 
 
! 
 
 34° Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Mr. Badeley informed the Vice-chancellor that he had been 
 entrusted with an address, and begged to know when and in 
 what manner it would be convenient to the Vice-Chancellor 
 to receive it. The Vice-Chancellor replied that he would 
 gladly receive Mr. Badeley, or any other gentleman who 
 might bring the address. That he would also receive the 
 address he would not say until he knew what was the 
 authority under which Mr. Badeley acted, and what were 
 the contents of the address. Mr. Badeley then enclo.sed 
 a copy of the address, and stated that it was signed by 230 
 non-resident members of Convocation. The Vice-Chan- 
 cellor drew an odd distinction between the address itself 
 and an exact copy of it, and suggested that the address 
 Itself should be sent to him by post. Upon receiving it, he 
 could only express his indignation and scorn by despatching 
 his reply to London by the hands of the University Bedel. 
 It ran as follows : — 
 
 Sir, ^^* John's College, Oxford, August 4, 1843. 
 
 The address which, as you inform me, you were commissioned 
 to present to me, reached me by yesterday's post ; I return it to you 
 by the hands of my bedel. 
 
 When a document of a similar nature, upon the same subject, was 
 some time smce presented to me, I was induced from respect for the 
 presumed motives of those who signed it, not only to receive it, but 
 to state the ground on which I felt myself precluded from complyinc- 
 with the request which it contained. But the paper which you have 
 transmitted to me presents itself to me under very different circum- 
 stances, and demands from me a different course of procedure. 
 
 In whatever point of view I feel myself at liberty to regard it 
 whether as addressed to me in my individual or my official capacity* 
 It is deserving of the strongest censure. 
 
 In the former case, it imputes to me, by implication, that in a 
 matter wherein every thoughtful man occupying my position would 
 most deeply feel its painful responsibilities, I have acted without due 
 deliberation, and am capable of being influenced by many to concede 
 that which I have already denied to a few. Assuming it to be 
 addressed to me in my public capacity, a graver character attaches to 
 It If it be not altogether nugatory, then it is an unbecoming and 
 unstatutable attempt to overawe the Resident Governor of the 
 University in the execution of his office. 
 
 In either case, I refuse to receive it ; and I hold it to be my duty 
 to admonish those who may have hastily signed it, while I warn 
 
 The Vice-Chancellors Reply. 
 
 341 
 
 others who may have been active in promoting it, to have a more 
 careful regard to the oaths by which they bound themselves upon 
 admission to their several degrees ; this act of theirs having a direct 
 tendency to foment, if not create, divisions in the University, to 
 disturb its peace, and interfere with its orderly government. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 
 Your faithful, humble servant, 
 
 ^ n A ^ ^ \li \ P- WYNTER, V.-C. 
 
 E. Badeley, Esq., M.A. ' 
 
 Mr. Badeley replied by assuring the Vice-Chancellor that 
 no disrespect was intended either for his character or office ; 
 that he was only approached in his official capacity by 
 those who, as members of Convocation, had a right to 
 approach him. To Pusey he observed : — 
 
 E. Badeley, Esq. to E. B. P. 
 
 Temple, Aug. 6, 1843. 
 ... I have had a curious correspondence since I saw you with the 
 Vice-Chancellor respecting the address of the non-residents upon 
 your case ; the result of which is that he refuses to receive the address 
 and has sent me a most angry, I may almost say a most insulting 
 letter, which I suppose must be published. He tells us to pay more 
 regard to our oaths than thus to disturb the peace of the University 
 and interfere with its orderly government ! However, he has at least 
 had the address and seen the names of those who signed it, and these 
 appear to have annoyed him a good deal \ I have written to him very 
 calmly and respectfully, and so have left him in the wron^r. 
 
 1 sincerely hope you like Dover and find its air beneficial to you. 
 I trust your health may soon be fully re-established. 
 
 Ever, my dear Dr. Pusey, with the greatest respect and regard, 
 
 Yours most sincerely, 
 
 E. Badeley. 
 
 J. B. Mozley amusingly describes the impression pro- 
 duced by this correspondence. 
 
 Rev. J. B. Mozley to Rev. R. W. Church. 
 Have tidings of the correspondence between Badeley and the 
 Vice-Chancellor reached you ? The V.-C. has positively refused to 
 receive the address, and attributed malicious and seditious motives 
 
 * Mr. Badeley is nnintentionally 
 unfair. It appears that the Vice- 
 Chancellor framed his reply before 
 seeing the names appended to the 
 address, and * with the idea that the 
 whole scheme originated with a few 
 hot-headed partisans.' When he saw 
 
 the names of some whom he resf)ected, 
 or admired, or regarded as friends, 
 attached to the paper, he did not 
 think it honest to alter his reply. 
 Rev. Dr. Wynter to Mr. Justice 
 Coleridge, Jan. 18, 1844. 
 
f 
 
 "^Siien 
 
 I- i 
 
 i I 
 
 I . 
 
 342 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 to the signers of it ! says they are acting against their University 
 oaths! You never saw such a document for unbridled folly. 
 Gladstone, Judge Coleridge, and all are put together, and the whole 
 set put down as boys ; and the V.-C. acts as if he were the Vice- 
 Chancellor of the universe. Badeley is amazingly on the gut vive 
 about It, enjoying it more than I can describe. Gladstone is 
 excessively mdignant ; Hook rages. The latter has dedicated a new 
 work of his to Pusey ; I question whether he has not written it on 
 purpose to dedicate it. On the whole, it is a rich climax » 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor's reply to the non-resident members 
 of Convocation appears to have had effects which he could 
 not have intended. Mr. Justice Coleridge was one of the 
 signatories, and the admonition to regard the oaths which 
 they had taken was, in the case of a judge, freely and 
 disagreeably noticed by the press. The Provost of Oriel, 
 too, administered to him * an authoritative rebuke,' and the 
 result was a correspondence with the Vice-Chancellor. At 
 its close occurs the subjoined passage :— 
 
 Mr. Justice Coleridge to the Rev. the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 T* U V J^"- S> 1844. 
 
 It would be very much out of place here to re-agitate the question 
 ... and we neither of us strengthen our case by simply reaffirming 
 our opinions. But I must beg permission to say to one with whom 
 I wish to stand well, that I am much misunderstood if I am supposed 
 to be careless of disturbing the discipline of the University, still more 
 of encouraging disloyalty to the Church, to which, ignorant as I 
 unfeignedly profess myself to be, the Provost himself is not more 
 sincerely devoted than I am. My conduct proceeded and proceeds, 
 on the most undoubting conviction that the course pursued towards 
 Dr. Pusey was not only cruel to him and radically unjust in principle, 
 but most dangerous to the Church, and directly conducive to the ver^ 
 ends which yet, I doubt not, it was honestly intended to prevent. 
 
 The impression created by the proceedings which have 
 been just described may be learnt from the subjoined paper 
 written by the Rev. Isaac Williams, and apparently intended 
 for publication. 
 
 •Nothing,* the writer observes, *has occurred in our time so 
 pregnant with great consequences as the late conspiracy in Oxford 
 A barrier has given way ; as in the march of revolutionary measures 
 when the divinity that hedges round the person of a king has been 
 
 » * Letters of J. B. Mozley/ p. 145. 
 
 Isaac Williams^ Narrative, 
 
 343 
 
 broken through, the first overt act never stops : so is it with our 
 natural reverence for a holy person, when under any violent impulse 
 this sacred feeling is trampled on, and God's withholding hand is 
 withdrawn, it may be augured to be the prelude of fresh events. 
 Certainly nothing has been known in our days like the feeling with 
 which it has been received, by all within the more immediate circles 
 of Oxford society : men look at each other as if some wicked thing 
 had been perpetrated on which they could not venture to speak ; 
 in all there is a deep feeling that it is not to end here, and a sense 
 of love and reverence for the injured person, strongly entertained, 
 but never perhaps before fully known or expressed, breaks out in 
 sayings from men of all opinions which has much struck me. " He 
 is so marked by the hand of Heaven by sacred sorrows, and in every 
 way," said one, "there is something so sacrosanct about him, 
 that they dare not touch him ; it cannnot be.'* " Why, he is like 
 a guardian angel to the place," said another. "One feels as if 
 one's own mother had been insulted," says a third, " it overwhelms 
 one as something shocking." There is also a very general impression 
 that the sermon itself is no more than a handle for a preconcerted 
 measure, which is confirmed by the fact that they have resolutely 
 refused to mention any one objectionable proposition in the sermon, 
 or in what way it is discordant with the Church of England : all 
 whom I have met with considered the sermon very innocent and 
 unexceptionable. Add to which the circumstance of a similar attack 
 at the same time upon another, where the particular charge being 
 specified it was at once found untenable and frivolous. . . . 
 
 * Setting aside the moral weight of Dr. Pusey's character, and that 
 of his station as a Canon of Christ Church, as a man of genius, 
 neither the University nor the nation have seen his superior for 
 centuries. Add also that there is in the English character a strong 
 sense against unfair dealing : persons in no way connected with 
 this Movement are loud against this proceeding. " I am no friend 
 to them and to their views," said one man in my hearing, " but this 
 is a sad business ; what will the world say of such a judge and jury } " 
 
 * Again, will it urge men to Rome ? This is the apprehension of 
 many. I think not : for two reasons ; first, that when a person feels 
 that others have a desire to thrust him from his place, he becomes 
 actuated by a double desire to retain it more fully and broadly; 
 and a desire to urge the party to Rome is too evident. In the second 
 place. Dr. Pusey himself is the one of all others least inclined to 
 secede to Rome : and the late occurrence has not only combined 
 and rivetted together the whole Catholic body in the English Church, 
 but especially around himself, by sympathy and affection brought 
 out and strengthened to an inconceivable degree. Now all these 
 are elements the working of which prognosticate their final success 
 in the struggle. Add to which, beyond all, the strength which 
 always has moved the world, and shaken it to its centre, the strength 
 
vV^MMivqmwi 
 
 il KM 
 
 il 
 
 I 
 
 344 Lt/e of Edward Bouverle Pusey. 
 
 of principle: "it is but little," says Aristotle, "in outward show 
 but m worth and power far surpasses all things/' Cthmoreovr; 
 never has prevailed except when persecuted : and from^he b^gS 
 
 When the truth appeared and was not persecuted. Since the time 
 of whtch .t ,s sa>d,"And wherefore slew he him? burLause Ws 
 own works were evil and his brother's good," it has passed into 
 a pnncple observed by the wise man: "Let our stren«h be The 
 ^w of justice. He was made to reprove our thoughts This is 
 gr.evous unto us even to behold, for his life is not like other men' 
 his ways are of another fashion • he ab<;t;.in^,l, f otnermens, 
 
 from filthiness. Let us see if his words be ^rue." . °" "''' "' 
 
 * OXONIENSIS.' 
 
 sertlf? ^^'^\l^^ ""^de up his mind not to publish his 
 ermon, lest ,n the existing state of opinion, he should be 
 casting wtth h.s own hands that which is most sacred, to 
 be outraged and profaned'.' Newman, however, advised 
 pubhcatton, and Pusey had already prepared a preface and 
 ded.cat.on when he received from Mr. (now Sir) T D 
 Acland a letter strongly urging him not to publish. Many 
 of Pusey s friends, Mr. Acland said, were anxious that he 
 
 Ac and that 'tt would be like Puseys character to submit 
 to authority, however unjust' Pusey himself would gain 
 by such an act of dutiful submission. On the following day 
 Mr. Acland wrote again, giving the opinion of Mr. Gladstone 
 on the other side Mr. Gladstone was for publication, 
 sooner or later Sooner or later Pusey must. If the Vice- 
 Chancellor would not, put the Church in possession of what 
 had been condemned. 
 
 Pusey again asked Newman^s advice, while forwarding to 
 him Mr. Acland's first letter. ^ 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. j. h. Newman. 
 
 The enclosed note from A at i^ t' ^H "^''^' ^"''^ ^^ ' ^^^'^ 
 nW*»r1m*. \A'AA I ^^^ "^"^^ distressed and per- 
 
 £ot :• 'iJ'i^'' "'""""^ ""^ ^■^^V'^^r.y, and do dreadThe 
 
 ceptible uLiL^lshinr„?„ri a"£„t "cVrS t.:^, 
 * ' The Holy Eucharist a comfort to the Penitent/ prcf. 
 
 The Question of Publishing the Sermon, 345 
 
 and next Chester, Winchester, Durham). This is my only dread ; as 
 for going against [the] authority [of the Heads] (whether it is from 
 having lived with them so long as equals) I cannot feel it. I have 
 gone against them already. 
 
 I gave up my own feelings at first to your judgement ; at first my 
 feelings were to risk anything rather than publish ; the conviction of 
 the necessity seemed to come over me, and, at last, the general expec- 
 tation that I should publish seems to supersede private judgement. 
 
 I send you the only slip I have of the Preface that you may see its 
 tone. If you see any shade of doubt, I could write to J. K. or even 
 Justice Coleridge, who (though I am personally unknown to him, yet 
 intimate with his brother) has written me a very kind note. 
 
 Newman was clear. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, June 9, 1843. 
 
 My feeling is that you must not seem afraid to publish— i. e. that 
 non-publication must not be your act (especially since the sermon 
 is expected and in the press). 
 
 If any person in authority, who had not seen the sermon, as our 
 Bishop, allowed you to say that he strongly dissuaded it, or even to 
 write a letter which you could publish, I think that your own character 
 would be secure, as Acland says, with Anglicans. 
 
 But there are a number of unsettled people up and down. Will not 
 they in their hearts think that you go much further than you do? 
 Will not the general effect be produced that ' the Movement has taken 
 in the doctrine of Transubstantiation ' ? Will it not be taken for 
 granted by opponents ? Will not the fear of a secret spreading dis- 
 loyalty to Anglicanism gain ground .-* Will you not be hailed by the 
 Pope, who (I find) has just given you up ? On the other hand is the 
 question, whether your sermon will not read Popish anyhow to most 
 people. 
 
 The question of authority seems to me absurd, as to you. It is 
 a mere pretence. 
 
 No doubt the Vice- Chancellor and the six doctors would wish the 
 sermon not published — it will put them into an awkward situation. 
 
 I never can make up my mind in a moment, but I have said enough 
 to answer your immediate question. In my opinion you cannot refrain 
 from publishing unless protected by some Bishop or (e. g.) by a request 
 signed by good names, as Judge Coleridge's. 
 
 Whether with this it will be expedient for you to refrain, I should 
 
 like a little more time to think about. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 P.S. Would it not be worth while to ask Hope ? He goes away 
 
 to-night. Keble does not like to give his opinion on a sudden, 
 
 I like the Preface very much. 
 
34^ Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 On the next day Newman added, by way of postscript r— 
 Rev. J. h. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Ti,o « I jj- • , , Littlemore, Saturday. 
 
 . ; Kr"!^ additional thought I have had is, that I suppose your 
 not publishing will be considered a de/eat-yoMr publishing a victory^ 
 by persons who incline Romeward. I very much fear that any occur- 
 rence which tends to impress upon their imagination that our Church 
 disowns Catholic doctrine, e.g. your absolute submission, may do 
 great harm to them. ^ 
 
 In the case of No. go,no Catholic doctrine wasinvolvedm continuing 
 the Tracts. In submitting simply, I surrendered nothing. Of course 
 It IS a question whether ^^« will not be making the Heads of Houses 
 ot more account than a Gospel truth. 
 
 Pusey decided that although he would submit to real 
 authonty, such as that of the Bishop of Oxford, if desired 
 by him not to pubh'sh, it would be * mere hypocrisy to 
 pretend to withhold his sermon out of deference to the 
 authority of the Vice-Chancellor.' He had already submitted 
 the preface to Newman, and Newman had suggested 
 corrections. Keble also advised pubh'cation, but discouraged 
 Pusey's proposed dedication of it to Newman. He was in 
 favour, however, of the suggestion of a short Catena of 
 Anghcan authorities, as an appendix to the sermon. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 - . . , , Hursley, June lo, 1843. 
 
 . . . 1 think so much of a Catena as will put people on their 
 guard would be a charitable thing ; perhaps two or three of the strongest 
 
 TU ° f^r?^/T^'^ P^''^^"'* ^^^^^ y^"' ^"h°"' disrespect to the 
 Bishop of Oxford, refer to the Catena in the Tracts on the Eucharistic 
 bacrince, for that, I suppose, contains most of what you would put in ? 
 
 Pusey at once took Keble's advice. The sermon appeared 
 in the last week of June, with Pusey's preface corrected by 
 Newman, Copeland's Catena of Anglican divines, and a large 
 apparatus of notes, mainly patristic, intended to show that 
 the doctrinal language of the sermon was throughout, either 
 in the letter or in substance, that of the primitive fathers of 
 the Church. 
 
 It was received as might be expected. Setting aside the 
 party necessarily opposed to high doctrine on the subject of 
 
 The Sermon Published, 
 
 347 
 
 the Eucharist, there were only a few who thought that it 
 contained anything to warrant the suspension of its author. 
 There was, however, a larger number who complained of 
 its * exaggerated * or * rhetorical' language ; they meant that 
 it expressed a dogmatic and devotional temper which, 
 though not contrary to that of the Church of England, was 
 in advance of their own. Of the acknowledgments of Pusey's 
 nearer friends, two may be quoted : — 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Bisley, July i, 1843. 
 
 We got your sermon yesterday, and I make haste to thank you 
 for it in my brother's name and Isaac's and my own, not doubting that 
 I shall find that there is one waiting for me when I get back to 
 Hursley. I am really quite at a loss to imagine how they can justify 
 their sentence without condemning almost all the writers in your 
 Catena, and certainly all the Fathers. Anyhow, you surely have done 
 your part for Peace and Truth both, and I feel certain you will have 
 no cause to regret what you have had to bear — even though it should 
 have the effect, which I suppose we have much reason to fear, of 
 bringing out a sad quantity of profane and low doctrine in most of the 
 schools which make up the Church of England as we see it. If such 
 evil exists, it may be better on many accounts that the fact should be 
 known. There are, I suspect, many good persons who think them- 
 selves Peculiars, who would draw back from that system if they 
 understood that it really implies low views of the Blessed Sacrament. 
 
 In the meantime I am very sorry that your course of instruction on 
 the remedies of post-baptismal sin should be so interrupted, and 
 I hope that when you have refreshed your health, which for all our 
 sakes you should now make your first care, you will go on with it in 
 some other shape. Many a wounded conscience will bless you for it. 
 
 It is unpleasant to have hindered your having the comfort of ex- 
 pressing your sympathy with Newman, yet I cannot say that as yet 
 I regret it on the whole. It seems to me more in keeping with the 
 tone of your Preface, and the absence of all controversial topics. 
 
 With most grateful love. 
 
 I am, ever yours affectionately, 
 
 J. Keble. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone, who had signed the address of non- 
 residents to the Vice-Chancellor, was especially satisfied 
 with the justification of his action which the language of 
 the sermon supplied. 
 
/ 
 
 i' S 
 
 
 ■, 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 348 Life of Edzvard Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P., to E. B. P. 
 
 ,,„ ^ »3 Carlton House Terrace, June v>, \Za% 
 
 Mv DEAR Dr. Pusev, •* ' ^^' 
 
 I have this morning received and read your sermon, and I be? 
 you to accept my best thanks for your kindness in sending it to me^ 
 Without presummgto go beyond my own sphere, I must say that the 
 surpnse and regret with which I first heard of the Vice- Chance Ws 
 proceemngs m relation to it are augmented by its perusal, and I am 
 quite at a loss to account to myself for steps which seem so groundless 
 However unwarranted, they must be deeply painful to one who'e 
 
 IctSchuXfE r h'"'." '""^' '" ''^'"'"y- yours with the 
 Thl. f /k °^^"Sland, and u may at first sight seem strange that 
 lies the J ^'"^l fhou'd fall on such an one ; but doubtless fherein 
 lies the special wisdom of the appointment. I cannot tell you with 
 what warm appreciation I read your Preface. 
 
 With the earnest prayer that you may enjoy abundant support and 
 guidance through these critical events, ^^ 
 
 I remain, my dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., &c. ^" ^- Gladstone. 
 
 Pusey was especially delighted with this generous letter 
 and often referred to it long after. His acknowledgment 
 of It shows how his own hopeful temperament, and his 
 unshaken trust in God, enabled him to treat the sentence 
 which had been unjustly passed on him as a mere incident 
 m the Divine plan for restoring true faith and a higher 
 Christian life in his day and generation. 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 I have been wishing much to thank you I^^^rt^l^^f-^., 
 my brother will have told you how little able I have been to S I 
 was a great comfort to me, being nearly, or altogether, the firs 
 I received; and although I was quite satisfied as to the meanlne^ 
 my sermon, I had, after so much had been said, become anxb s^ in 
 a degree, how it might strike English Churchmen, who could not have 
 much direct acquaintance with the Fathers. As one of "hese I wis 
 much cheered by your early letter, coming also when illness mlde me 
 eel more anxiety than I might in health. On the whole, howevTr 
 I have been and am of good cheer about this and all thiU wWch 
 concem our Church. We cannot suppose that so great a restofatron at 
 
 chec J T^r '". "h" ''""."^ *^ ""''°"' "^^-^"Xl 0-wbacks and 
 checks, and disquietudes, and sufferings. No great restoration ever 
 
 i 
 
 Hook's Letter. 
 
 349 
 
 took place without them. But while all who are allowed any way to 
 be concerned in it must expect their share, directly or indirectly, on 
 the whole one must be of good courage. He will not, one trusts, leave 
 His own work unfinished, and there seem so many rudiments of good 
 everywhere, yet to be developed ; so much which is promising yet 
 perhaps not fixed or hardened enough to endure a fiery trial ; so many of 
 His soldiers (as one trusts) yet in the wrong camp, that one cannot but 
 hope that we shall have a breathing-time yet ; and although all these 
 beginnings of strife seem but the preludes of some fearful conflict in 
 which the Church shall be purged by suffering, one cannot but hope 
 that He is holding back those gigantic powers of evil, with which we 
 are encompassed, until He shall have called together His own army, so 
 that none shall be by mistake upon the wrong side, and faint hearts 
 be gradually strengthened. 
 
 This is my comfort also among the thickening troubles, which more 
 immediately affect you ; you will have drawn your own comfort from 
 the same consciousness of God's Providence, Who has not been wearied 
 by our many provocations, but is manifesting Himself thus visibly 
 among us. Yet mutual consciousness of the same trust encourages 
 each, and so I have not scrupled to write it. 
 
 Hook had written to Pusey at once on hearing of the 
 Vice- Chancellor's sentence. 
 
 Vicarage, Leeds, Whit Sunday [June 4], 1843. 
 
 My poor dear Friend, 
 
 Having been thinking of you, and praying for you all the week, 
 and having gathered from the Times that all was going on well, 
 1 opened your letter on my way to church, that I might have greater 
 joy on the festival— when lo ! the festival is turned into a fast ! My 
 poor wife is crying over your Protest, and I can scarcely restrain 
 myself. I remembered you this day at the altar. 
 
 What are you to do ? We have told our people so long to hate 
 heresy and to regard as heresy what the Church pronounces to be 
 such, and the Church and the University are so identified in the 
 minds of men— University men- that I should think you ought to 
 demand of the Bishop an investigation under the Church Discipline 
 
 Act. 
 
 We must petition now for a Convocation of the Church. 
 
 We must urge strongly the necessity of the Bishops resigning their 
 estates for the education of the poor. We shall never do well while 
 we have rich Bishops. 
 
 I suppose that we in the country had better remain quiet for the 
 
 present. 
 
 I hate to be called a Puseyite— it looks like an heretical denomma- 
 tion— but depend upon my standing by you in your prosecution. So 
 will Churton, from whom I have heard. I am quite willing to resign 
 
[ i': H 
 
 i; 
 
 11 
 11 
 
 350 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 my living to-morrow if need shall he P.if t ^ n 
 length of Oakeley, Ward, &c '""^ ""»°' ^o the 
 
 May the God in Heaven bless and guide you. 
 
 Your devoted friend, 
 Love to Newman. w. F. Hook. 
 
 letter Z/h'T''^'"" ^'''^ '^'' ^'""''y ^"'J enthusiastic 
 
 preach '' ITI 'T^r't "■"^■'"^ ^^^^^ *« ^-^ -^ 
 preach in the Pansh Church of Leeds during August 
 
 Your dcng so,' he writes, ' would show that yL te "ot 
 s. eneed, and .t would be the best means of letting my 
 people perceive the affection and respect I entertafn for 
 you. I am anxious to find out some means of publicly 
 markmg my sympathy.' Pusey was obliged to dec ne 
 
 Both chest and limbs,' he wrote, 'are too ;eak. Alfirst' 
 too, I made up my mind not to preach anywhere during 
 my^^s^uspension without the express sanction of the 
 
 h s mind. He dedicated to Pusey a sermon, preached 
 
 Haward:r'?;rH 1- '" -^^'^ '""^ ^^P^'«^ Ch'urch at 
 Hawarden . The dedication stated that there had be^n 
 
 KseToTm!'^''?"" °' ''P'"'^'' '^^-- ^'--'f -d 
 Pusey on matters of importance, but Hook wished to record 
 
 h.« respect for the profound learning, the unimpeachab e 
 
 S oT^'r. ''' '''"^*'^" ^^'"P^'- -th which, in the 
 mids of a faithless and pharisaical generation,' PusU 'had 
 maintained the cause of true religion, and preached the 
 pure, unadulterated Word of God.' ' By the puScatL of 
 your truly evangelical sermon,' Hook continues, ^^'ha^e 
 put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.' This sentence 
 
 thTcrsTbi P '"^'^ *° ''^^^ '^^" '^^^- ^''^ -"^ - 
 
 only anxious to"'' """"k '°"^'^'' ^"^ gratified, and 
 
 beweerrL '^•"uT" '^' """^'''" *° ' differences • 
 between them to which Hook had felt bound to refer 
 
 iiefore the sermon appeared the Act Term had come tn 
 
 an end, and Oxford was deserted. The CommemoraTon If 
 
 no^'6^^':tti"'^ '" '"^'^' '"'■ "• "">■ '°' Stephens' -Life of 
 
 I 
 
 Mr. Everett — Pusey s Health. 
 
 351 
 
 June a8, 1 843, was signalized by an extraordinary uproar 
 in the Theatre, occasioned partly by the unpopularity of 
 one of the Proctors, and partly by a proposal to confer 
 an honorary D.C.L. degree on the American Ambassador, 
 Mr. Everett, who was a Socinian. Upon the decree being 
 submitted in the usual form to Convocation, it was received 
 with cries of Non-placet ; but the degree was conferred in 
 spite of a demand for the scrutiny of votes, which, it was 
 asserted, had not been heard in the noise. 
 
 It will be remembered that at the time the University 
 was still a Christian corporation, every one of whose 
 members professed their acceptance of the Creeds and other 
 formularies of the Church. In the light of Pusey 's recent 
 suspension, the honour conferred on Mr. Everett could not 
 but suggest to the world at large that the ruling powers 
 at Oxford took but little pains to protect the central 
 truth of our Lord's Divinity. Yet they had just expressed 
 a narrow and intolerant antagonism to sacramental language, 
 which was sanctioned by the primitive Fathers to whom the 
 Church of England had always appealed, and which had 
 the approval of a long catena of staid Anglican Divines. 
 
 It was no wonder that Pusey 's health soon became 
 a serious matter of anxiety to his relatives in the midst of 
 all this trouble. He left Oxford as soon as Term was 
 over, and stayed with his brother at Pusey House, and there 
 he gradually became stronger. But that he should still 
 feel his suspension deeply was inevitable in so sensitive 
 a character. He brooded over the phrase in the Vice- 
 Chancellor s sentence, *criminis reum,' and, as occasion 
 offered, he withdrew from intimacy with those who had 
 condemned the doctrine of the sermon. * I continued my 
 intercourse,' he afterwards said, * with Dr. Jelf, telling him 
 I was quite sure he could not have condemned the sermon. 
 It would have seemed indifference to truth that those who 
 condemned it should have continued on friendly terms with 
 me.' A fortnight after the sentence he met Dr. Ogilvie in 
 the street, and showed by his manner that he thought 
 a friendly greeting out of place and insincere. He appears 
 
♦^i 
 
 II 
 
 i 
 
 352 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 to have written later in the year to the Warden of Wadham 
 
 ^h.. t'- r;f ^i ^"'^' ^'"^'^ ^^''^ ''-'^^ or implied 
 tha their old friendship could not be maintained after all 
 
 that had passed. All three were much pained ; Dr. Symons 
 and l^r Hawkins entered into an elaborate justification of 
 • In r 'l^yj^'i'-'''-' ^t might be deemed an open 
 question whether Pusey was entirely well-advised in this 
 No one who was intimately acquainted with him can doubt 
 that the condemnation of a truth of such importance 
 appeared to him a grievous wrong against God, and that he 
 cou d not with any sincerity condone such a condemnation. 
 Besides, he would have been more than human if he had 
 
 TJ \ I ^'^'' ''''^*"''^'" ^^ '^' '''^'"^'^^ that he had 
 
 received But it was perhaps inevitable that the world at 
 
 arge, who did not know him, would suppose him to be 
 
 swayed by personal feelings only. He resumed his friend- 
 
 whenlh ;• """'"'' ^"' "^"^'^^ ^- >^-- ^^^--Tdl 
 when he had again preached the doctrine for which he had 
 
 been condemned, and in more explicit terms, from the 
 University pulpit, and without a word of public censure. 
 
 Pusey had protested against his sentence as unstatutable 
 as well as unjust : and this opinion was supported by many 
 EaT;? S Ik'' rr'""''' ^''' ^-"^ell Palmer (now the 
 
 5 tt c;^ n'"'^ ^'^ '" ""'^y ^'^""^ ^P^'"^*^" i" the matter 
 of the Six Doctors, namely, that what the Vice-chancellor 
 
 had done was quite illegal, and must, and would be, set 
 
 aside upon appeal to any superior authority, havina 
 
 Z:^^ f mT""' '' '^' ^^^'^ -^^^-^^^ that an 
 Z'^TTwwr ^' "^''^ '" '''' ^^"^^ ^^Q-^en's Bench 
 for a prohibition to prevent the Vice-chancellor from 
 taking any steps for carrying his ^pretended sentence ' into 
 effect^ Sir Roundell had no doubt that such a course 
 would not be inconsistent with the oath Dr. Pusey had 
 taken as a member of the University. 
 
 Pusey then was morally justified in entertaining the 
 question of an application to the Queen's Bench and 
 Newman^s opinion that he must do so for the saLe of 
 waverers decided him. ^^ 
 
 Querela nullitatis. 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 353 
 
 Littlemore, July 31, 1843. 
 The lawyers in London are, I am told, very strong in recommending 
 you to go into the Queen's Bench, or the like. Badeley was going 
 to write to me about it, but he has not yet. I do feel very much that 
 in a great question such as this you should neither have the fidget 
 nor the onus of acting for yourself, but should choose, as it were, 
 a committee for you, and let them act. If your suspension passes 
 sub silentio, it is in vain to tell people who are inclined towards 
 Rome that the world thinks you wronged. Did I wish to lead on 
 persons towards Rome, my best step would be to recommend ac- 
 quiescence on your part. I feel as strongly as you can the calamity 
 oi failing in such an attempt. But the lawyers at present seem 
 to think that there is no risk of this. 
 
 Accordingly Pusey took counsel with Mr. E. Badeley 
 and Mr. James Hope, who encouraged him to think that 
 the laws of the University might yet afford the desired 
 redress; and that there might be some tribunal at Oxford 
 before which a suit Querela nullitatis might be instituted. 
 But before anything could be done it was necessary to be 
 justified with a legal opinion. In drawing up the case 
 Pusey s friends in the Temple found themselves face to face 
 with a serious difficulty. Even in a matter of this im- 
 portance, Pusey had characteristically kept no copies ^ of 
 his letters to the Vice-Chancellor, or of the papers which 
 had been transmitted to him for signature. On applying 
 to the Vice-Chancellor for permission to see either all the 
 communications or at least his own letters, Pusey met with 
 a courteous refusal. The consequence was that Puse/s 
 case was never fully placed before the eminent counsel 
 whose opinions he asked. It contained Pusey 's account of 
 what had happened and copies of the Vice-Chancellor's 
 letters to Pusey, but none of Pusey 's letters to the Vice- 
 Chancellor, and none of the documents sent to Pusey 
 through Dr. Jelf. With such incomplete materials a case 
 was drawn up and submitted to the Queen's Advocate, the 
 
 *u* '^^^ ^*^^* °^ neglect lasted younger friends, he would allow copies 
 throughout his life. In his later to be made of important Ittters. 
 years, m deference to the wishes of 
 
 n 
 
 VOL. II, 
 
 A a 
 
354 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \ 
 
 -\i 
 
 t 
 
 1 
 
 t; 
 
 J. 
 
 Attorney-General, and the Solicitor-General. The two 
 first, Sir J. Dodson and Sir Frederick Pollock, were of 
 opinion that, *as Dr. Pusey was not cited, or permitted to 
 be heard in his defence, the sentence pronounced against 
 him by the Vice-Chancellor was a nullity in law, and that 
 the Querela nullitaiis would lie, and might be prosecuted 
 before the Vice-Chancellor in person.' If the Vice-Chan- 
 cellor refused to entertain it. Dr. Pusey had a remedy at 
 common law by Mandainus, The Solicitor-General, Sir 
 W. Follett, delayed his answer for some time, and at last 
 gave an opinion which weakened the effect of the preceding 
 one. He raised a question as to the character in which the 
 Vice-Chancellor and his assistants must be considered to 
 have acted. If they constituted a criminal court, then 
 their sentence would be invalid, because Dr. Pusey had not 
 been heard in his defence. But if the statute under which 
 they acted be taken merely as one of the regulations of the 
 University for those who voluntarily choose to become 
 members of it, and agree to its rules, then the rules of the 
 ordinary courts of law were not applicable. The statute, 
 Sir W. Follett thought, did not necessarily require a hearing; 
 and his impression was that the courts of law, if applied to' 
 would not interfere in the case. 
 
 As Pusey meant to raise the question of the validity of 
 his sentence in a court of law, he was bound to assume its 
 invalidity by a formal act. When his turn to preach before 
 the University came round, he could not, legally speaking, 
 allow himself to acquiesce in the supposition that the Vice- 
 Chancellor's sentence debarred him from the exercise of his 
 privilege. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. the Vice-Chancellor. 
 
 Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 As my proper turn of preaching as Canon in the Cathedral of 
 Christ Church will be on Sunday, the 12th of next month, I wish 
 to renew the protest, which I have already offered, against the pro- 
 ceedings taken against me, as being unstatutable and void. 
 
 I wish then formally to state that it is my desire to fulfil the duties 
 of my office and to take the turn of preaching belonging to it, and 
 
 Proposed Suit in a Spiritual Court, 355 
 
 I would request you to inform me whether you prohibit me from 
 
 ^ *^°'"^- I remain, Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 Your humble servant, 
 Chnst Church, Oct. 30, 1843. £. B. Pusey. 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor replied as might, perhaps, have 
 been expected. 
 
 The Rev. the Vice-Chancellor to E. B. P. 
 Sir St. John's College, Oct. 31, 1843. 
 
 I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 30th 
 
 instant. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Pusey. 
 
 I remain, Sir, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 P. Wvnter, V.-C. 
 
 Had the counsel, whose opinions had been taken, been 
 unanimous, the Vice-Chancellor's position might have been 
 shaken, or Pusey might have carried the case into a com- 
 mon-law court. As it was, the difference of opinion, the 
 obsoleteness of the proposed method of proceeding, and 
 a general distrust of University courts, led Pusey, after 
 some delay, to abandon any further effort in this direction. 
 
 When there was no longer any prospect of obtaining 
 redress from the authorities of the University, through the 
 intervention of a civil court, Pusey fell back upon the 
 course which he had wished to follow immediately after his 
 suspension. In those days the spiritual character of the 
 ecclesiastical courts had not yet come into question ; 
 and he determined to raise the question of his orthodoxy 
 in them. This course was in every way more welcome to 
 him than the other. A question of religious truth could not 
 be decided elsewhere than in a Church court. He had 
 a conversation on the subject with Mr. J. Hope immediately 
 after his suspension, who was clearly of opinion that no 
 privileges of the University would, as Pusey feared was 
 possible, prevent the suit under the Church Discipline Act. 
 
 This idea, as we have seen, was set aside, for a time, when 
 Pusey was endeavouring, under advice, to take another 
 course. Upon the failure of that endeavour, he fell back 
 
 A a 2 
 
356 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 upon his earlier and more congenial plan of an ecclesiastical 
 suit, with a theological, as distinct from a merely legal, 
 issue. The proposal now was that Mr. H. A. Woodgate, 
 Fellow of St. John's College and Rector of Belbroughton, 
 should institute a friendly suit against Pusey, with a view 
 to testing the theological soundness of the sermon. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Aug. 21, 1844. 
 
 . . . Personally I prefer the plan of being prosecuted by Woodgate 
 to being prosecutor, but I wished to do simply what seemed best. 
 I have no answer as yet from H[ope]. The decision would thus be 
 on the doctrine, not on the form, and it would be a judicial decision 
 in favour of the truth. At least, one could not contemplate anything 
 so miserable as a contrary decision, although I suppose I ought, 
 as matter of earnestness, to be prepared to hold my professorship by 
 the issue. Anyhow, I should need the prayers of my friends that 
 what is good should not, on occasion of me, turn to evil. , , , 
 
 May He bless you for all your love. 
 
 Ever your most affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 In mentioning the subject to Keble, Pusey gives another 
 reason for wishing to carry the case into an ecclesiastical 
 
 court : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Vigil of St. Sim. and St. J., 1844. 
 "With regard to my own affairs, my object has been N[ewman]. 
 I felt that evil had come upon the Church on occasion of me, and 
 he feels so acutely everything connected with heresy and heretical 
 judgements, that I felt bound to do everything which in me lay to 
 remedy it. Else I should have myself looked upon the act as the 
 mere informal decision of the Vice-Chancellor and the majority of 
 his advisers, but not committing the University, unless it should 
 recognize it by any subsequent act. ... 
 
 Ever yours gratefully and affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Accordingly, Pusey formally applied to the Bishop of 
 
 Oxford. 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 Christ Church, Oct. 12, 1844. 
 . . . Ever since my sentence my friends have been wishing that 
 in some way or other it should be set aside. My own long illness, 
 and then the extreme difficulty of the case, owing to the confusion 
 
 Application to the Bishop of Oxford, 357 
 
 of our statutes, and other circumstances over which they had no 
 control, delayed any decision until almost now. The only legal 
 remedy, they find, is so intricate and obsolete, and unused in the 
 University, that it becomes a question whether it should be tried. 
 There is not the slightest doubt that the sentence was illegal, but 
 the remedy is precarious. 
 
 But this leaves things in a very uncomfortable state. To you, 
 I may speak freely. I have been condemned, and with me the doctrine 
 I taught, for above a year, and no one has said anything in my 
 behalf. To the laity this seems as if I were really condemned. They 
 do not know the legal difficulties, and suppose that if there was 
 a wrong there would be a remedy ; that if I had not been rightly 
 condemned, I could have redress. I have had painful experience 
 of this. At Clifton, where I have been for years in the habit of 
 preaching and administering the Holy Communion, so much and 
 in part such indecent offence was taken at my assisting in adminis- 
 tering the Holy Communion, that I have been obliged to desist. I am 
 looked upon as one condemned. Nor would this cease by the mere 
 expiration of my sentence. The cessation of the sentence is no 
 acquittal. I am crippled in everything I do. Except with my friends, 
 who think too kindly of me, I am an object of suspicion everywhere! 
 ... A friend of my own (Mr. Woodgate) will apply to your lordship to 
 issue a Commission on my printing a sermon which had been already 
 condemned in the University. Had the sermon been rightly con- 
 demned, this would have been a most grave offence, much graver than 
 preaching it originally. 
 
 I do then most earnestly implore your lordship not to refuse the 
 
 Commission. I have no anxiety whatever about the issue if you grant 
 
 it. I am quite sure that I can substantiate all the doctrine of my 
 
 sermon to be that of the Church of England. Your lordship is the 
 
 Bishop to whom I might most look for help in this ; you have, I know, 
 
 suffered in private through the imputations on the soundness of my 
 
 teaching. Such a step would produce manifold good ; it would tend 
 
 to reassure people's minds which were grievously shaken ; it would 
 
 settle what doctrine is allowed in our Church ; it would take off the 
 
 pressure of this condemnation, take the question out of an uneccle- 
 
 siastical court, and settle it according to the authority of our divines 
 
 of the Church. On the other hand, without such a course, I see 
 
 nothing before me but deeper and more miserable confusion. 
 
 Your lordship cannot appreciate what it is to feel that the truth has 
 been condemned through one's-self, and people's minds unsettled ; 
 none can, save one to whom it has happened. 
 
 I do then beseech your lordship, if you think that I have, during 
 these ten years, laboured, with others worthier than myself, in the 
 restoration of sound doctrine and for the well-being of our Church, not 
 to refuse me the means of being freed from these difficulties, and of 
 having a fair trial , , . 
 
358 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I hardly know whether I have explained clearly what I wish your 
 lordship to do: a friend of mine will request your lordship to issue 
 a Commission under the Church Discipline Act, to inquire whether 
 there be prima fade ground for considering whether my sermon be 
 unsound (this ground my condemnation itself furnishes), and then to 
 send on the cause to the highest ecclesiastical court (the Arch- 
 bishop's). 
 
 The Bishop naturally asked Pusey why he did not 
 endeavour to obtain a remedy in the University court. 
 Pusey in reply described to the Bishop what he had 
 endeavoured to do and what had been the result. He had 
 now no other means of obtaining a fair trial excepting 
 through the Archbishop's court. As matters stood, he 
 could preach nowhere without having the express sanction 
 of the Bishop : and he was said to have been 'justly con- 
 demned for having taught Transubstantiation.' If the 
 Bishop should feel hesitation on the technical ground of the 
 publication of the sermon within the precincts of the 
 University, Pusey would republish it at Reading, to ' keep 
 the question clear of the University.' 
 
 Bishop Bagot, as was his wont, asked the Primate what 
 he advised. The Archbishop was * pained* at what he 
 thought a very morbid sensitiveness on Pusey's part. In 
 a second letter he gives reasons against entertaining Pusey's 
 proposal. 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to the Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Lord, Addington, Oct. 30, 1844. 
 
 I have looked with attention at the 86th of the 3rd and 4th 
 of Victoria, and am confirmed by it in the opinion which I at first 
 expressed respecting the inexpediency of the proceeding proposed by 
 Dr. Pusey. By this act a discretion is left to the Bishop of proceeding 
 or not, on complaint being made to him. // shall be lawful for the 
 Bishop ; but this is not followed hy— and he is hereby required. And 
 even if the clause were decidedly compulsory, it could only relate to 
 a complaint made bona fide. 
 
 In the present case the accuser must come forward with a charge of 
 heresy-which at the same time he believes to be unfounded. The 
 Commissioners appointed to inquire [if the cause is to proceed) must 
 report that there is sufficient prima facie grounds for instituting 
 proceedmgs against the party accused, and if the Bishop shall think 
 
 The Opinion of the Archbishop. 359 
 
 // to proceed against the party accused, articles must be drawn 
 up, &c. 
 
 From this it appears that, in order to bring the case before a higher 
 tribunal, the Commissioners must be satisfied that there is ground for 
 the charges, and the Bishop must agree with them in opinion. 
 
 If this is their real opinion, the proceeding will not be much to 
 the advantage of the accused ; if not, both the Commissioners and 
 the Bishop will be implicated in a transaction of rather a dubious 
 character, certainly not straightforward. These considerations I should 
 apprehend are decisive. If we look to expediency, it is evident that 
 nothing could be more inconvenient to the Bishop than to be called on 
 to proceed against authors of publications in which erroneous opinions 
 on points of theology are advanced. Such complaints would be preferred 
 against persons of all parties, and I do not see how you could refuse 
 entertaining any complaint after having proceeded in the case of 
 Dr. Pusey. For on the supposition that the sermon in question 
 contains matter of heresy, it is evident that his object in publishing 
 was not to disseminate false doctrine, but to vindicate himself in the 
 eyes of the public from the charge. And it would surely be hard that 
 the step which he has taken in self-defence should subject him to 
 prosecution, and especially if other publications, of a decidedly 
 offensive character, are unnoticed. The real object of the proceeding 
 would, however, be generally understood, and I cannot but think that 
 whatever might be the issue, contentions would be multiplied without 
 any benefit to the parties concerned, and offence needlessly given to 
 the University, which a Bishop of Oxford would of course wish to avoid. 
 
 In stating my opinion, I do not wish to dissuade your lordship from 
 taking a legal opinion if you have any doubts. You will act right in 
 doing so. 
 
 I am sorry that Dr. Pusey should feel as he does on this painful 
 subject. I see no necessity for his resigning his professorship, and 
 I trust that he will reconsider the matter, and not act under the 
 influence of excited feelings in this respect. 
 
 1 remain, my dear Lord, 
 
 Your faithful servant. 
 The Lord Bishop of Oxford. W. Cantuar. 
 
 In a later note the Archbishop reinforces these arguments 
 by observing that Bishop Bagot could not allow the case 
 to go forward without implicitly * passing on the sermon 
 a judgment so unfavourable as to render some further 
 proceeding necessary/ For this, it is implied, the Bishop 
 would not be prepared. The Bishop of Oxford, accordingly, 
 forwarded to Pusey the Primate's letter, with his own 
 decision. 
 
 1 1. 
 
 1^1 
 
360 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Sir, Blithfield, Nov. 5, 1844. 
 
 Although I have been long in giving a final answer to your 
 letter I can assure you the delay has not arisen from inattention to 
 the subject, to which I have given the best consideration in my power 
 from the first, and which has caused me much anxiety. The subject, 
 too, IS one of so grave a character, involving so many considerations, 
 that this (coupled with my wish to do what you thought but justice to 
 yourself, if it could be done with propriety) led me not to trust my own 
 judgement. I therefore placed the correspondence in the Archbishop's 
 hands, anxious for a better opinion than my own as to the strict 
 legality of the proceeding, and wishing also to know whether he 
 coincided m my doubts and feelings as to the nature of the projected 
 measure ; to speak plainly, whether, in his opinion, I ought to become 
 a party to what, from the first, I thought bore the appearance of an 
 indirect and doubtful transaction. I felt it, too, to be a case in which 
 It became a Bis/tofs duty to consult the Archbishop, and to obtain 
 his unbiassed opinion. 
 
 T I "°7,^"/^«s\^is letter to me, which expresses every sentiment 
 I have felt from the first ; and the more I have considered the subject 
 the deeper those first impressions have become fixed. One point' 
 however has been omitted, viz. that if I were to issue a Commission! 
 It must be for the purpose of ascertaining the authorship, not of obtain- 
 ing information in respect to the doctrine ; of that I must be 
 supposed to have formed my own judgement, and that judgement so 
 unfavourable as to render further proceeding necessary. Here again 
 I should be placed in a false position. 
 
 In conclusion, my dear Sir, I must distinctly state that I cannot 
 consent to become a party to what I consider not to be a straight- 
 forward proceeding. I feel strongly for the painful position in which 
 you have been placed, and I feel sure that you have, in your natural 
 anxiety to do what you consider only justice to yourself, overlooked 
 many points, in the scheme suggested by some of your friends, which 
 would not have escaped you, had you been called upon to judge calmly 
 in another's case ; and, further, I am confident you would not wish me 
 to become a party to what I could not look upon as an open upright 
 course, even if, upon consideration, you disagreed with me in that 
 opinion. 
 
 I trust however that you will calmly reconsider the matter, and not 
 suffer my inability to accede to your request to induce you to take 
 what I really think would be a rash and uncalled-for step, were you to 
 resign your professorship. ^ 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 With sincere esteem, faithfully yours, 
 The Rev. Dr. Pusey. r^ ^^^^^^^ 
 
 No Legal Redress possible. 
 
 361 
 
 Pusey had little heart to answer the Bishop : in returning 
 the Archbishop's letter he commented on its arguments, 
 and once more stated his reasons for wishing that the case 
 could have been tried in the Court of Arches. To this 
 last appeal the Bishop seems to have made no reply. He 
 had already decided on his course; and indeed it would 
 have been difficult for him, after asking the Primate's 
 counsel, to set it aside. When this became clear to Pusey, 
 he fell back once more upon the idea of a suit in the Vice- 
 Chancellor's Court, and again consulted Mr. Badeley. 
 
 * I am not surprised,' wrote Mr. Badeley, * at the Bishop's determina- 
 tion, nor do I altogether complain of it, though I think what he says 
 about straightforwardness somewhat absurd. The object was a legiti- 
 mate one, and the course sufficiently straightforward to satisfy any 
 casuist.' 
 
 After pointing out more at length the difficulties of 
 prosecuting a suit of Querela mdlitatis, from its * unusual ' 
 character, Mr. Badeley added : — 
 
 * I talked about the case this morning to Roundell Palmer, and his 
 opinion was, in which I am disposed to concur with him, that if you 
 are anxious on your own account, and for your own vindication, to 
 proceed, it may be proper to do so ; but if it is merely for the satis- 
 faction of others, and under an idea of keeping them in the Church, 
 that it is not worth while ; for that none who are so far on the road to 
 Rome will be turned back by any resuhs of the Querela. Dodson, 
 Hope, Palmer, and all of us regard the sentence as no ecclesiastical 
 censure ; as quite independent of the Church ; as a mere arbitrary and 
 unconstitutional exercise of magisterial authority in the University ; 
 and, if it be so, persons have no right to regard it in any other point of 
 view, or to take offence at any imaginary assumption of their own 
 inconsistent with the real merits of the case.' 
 
 Even if a suit in a civil court were successful, and the 
 Vice-Chancellor's sentence were annulled as illegal, he might 
 then claim to give Pusey a hearing, and then inflict a censure 
 in a more regular form. Pusey of course thought that 
 his theological position was too impregnable for anything 
 of the kind to happen ; but he forgot how little weight 
 would be attached to strictly theological considerations, 
 and, in spite of what had happened, was too sanguine 
 
362 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 about receiving an impartial hearing on the merits of 
 the case. 
 
 A Jegal vindication of himself now seemed hopeless • 
 but Pusey could still, as he thought, fall back upon one 
 consolation. He had, he believed, the good opinion of his 
 Bishop, at least so far that his Bishop would not condemn 
 the doctrme of his sermon. He asked the Bishop to allow 
 him, for the comfort and support of others, to state this to 
 the world. 
 
 The answer however was unfavourable: more unfavour- 
 able, we may venture to think, than it would have been 
 two or three years before. On the one hand the current of 
 public opinion was now running strongly in one direction, 
 and on the other hand those in authority were beginninnr' 
 to recognize that the revival of true Anglican principles'^ 
 with Its appeal to the Primitive Church, really involved 
 logical consequences far beyond what had been contem- 
 plated by the old High Churchism with which they had 
 originally identified it. Bishop Bagot was sorry that Pusey 
 should have misunderstood his meaning. 
 
 In saying that to allow the suit to proceed, he would be 
 placed in 'a false position,' the Bishop was not referring to 
 the doctrine of the sermon ; the ' false position' was that of 
 issuing a commission to ascertain the authorship of the 
 sermon, about which there was no room for doubt. 
 
 * You are, of course,' he added, 'at full liberty to state your application 
 to me that I would issue a commission of inquiry and then transmit 
 the matter to the Court of Arches, as also your readiness to resign your 
 professorship, and my opinion that you were not called upon to take 
 that step ; but I cannot accede to your request on the grounds that 
 my refusal to issue that commission was from approbation of your 
 sermon, as this would not be correct.' 
 
 The Bishop, it will be observed, still did not condemn the 
 sermon ; he only would not allow that the course on which 
 he had resolved was determined by his recognition of its 
 orthodoxy, or had any reference whatever to its theological 
 merits. All that was left was that Pusey should despon- 
 dently apologize for his misunderstanding. 
 
 Serious effects of the Suspension. 
 
 363 
 
 There was no more to be done : Pusey had to wait for 
 more than a year until his next University sermon gave 
 him the opportunity of repeating, without challenge, all the 
 doctrine for which he had been condemned. But the 
 mischief had then been done. 
 
 The history of this miserable episode has been given at 
 length ; for it was critical both for the University and the 
 Church. Dean Church says, * that though it was the 
 mistake of upright and conscientious men, the policy of 
 the authorities was wrong, stupid, unjust, pernicious \' * If 
 the men/ he says, ' who ruled the University had wished to 
 disgust and alienate the Masters of Arts, and especially 
 the younger ones who were coming forward into power 
 and influence, they could not have done better V So 
 far as the University is concerned, this act, in connexion 
 with the similar acts of 1841 and 1845, may be said 
 to have sealed the doom of the old regime — the authority 
 of the Heads, and the old ecclesiastical polity of Oxford. 
 Tories must have seen the hopelessness, Liberals the im- 
 possibility of things remaining as they were. It was a 
 call for great University Reform. So far as the Church 
 was concerned, it was very disastrous. It showed the 
 younger men that they had nothing to hope for from 
 the typical men of the older generation. A narrow 
 and ignorant view of the Anglican Formularies, not as 
 they were meant to be, but as two or three generations 
 — partly careless, partly bigoted, partly untheological— 
 had taken them to be, was to be stereotyped and thrust 
 on all the Church, clergy and laity alike. It made men 
 either despair of Anglicanism, or realize what they had to 
 expect if they remained true to their Church awaiting its 
 deliverance. If Pusey, with his learning, piety and position 
 could be treated in this way, what were others to expect ? 
 
 And the lesson in one notable direction went deeply 
 home. 
 
 1 ( 
 
 The Oxford Movement,' p. 293. 
 
 ' Ibid. 290. 
 
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE ON THE CONDEMNED SERMON. 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. the Vice-Chancellor '. 
 [Private and Confidential.] 
 Mv DKAR Mr. Vick.Chaxci:ux>r, 
 
 .^ ^* * ?^*I^ ""^^ ^ wliangly givt my opliiloo on the f^^tld 
 •Utcfocnts uhich have been put inio my handw. 
 
 Na I I cm fldo|X entirely, as being in the wofdt of our Fonmi- 
 fcMPics ; only in one pi»oc^ I have inserted the iuU wocds o^ our rubric, 
 whxh I supposed you intended, thinking ic safer to adhere fo 
 tho^e words. 
 
 I feel that I M^t to say thiU in adopclnir these uords I do no( 
 imply (whit they do not imply) that I do no« fally believe the real. 
 Ihof^h j^rt/ua/. Presence of our Bk5sed Saviour*! Body and Blood 
 m the Hofy Eucharist aUbough the m^i^ oi th«t Pieseiice, with 
 B«hop Aodrtwes, Ardibisbop Biamhall, and others, I leave on- 
 denized as a mystery. 
 
 I may refer to the foOou-ingr aucborities in our own Church as 
 maintainii^ tbe docirioe o( a real spiritual Presence, in the saioe 
 i«y In which I myself hoid it. Bishop Amfrruvs rKesp.ad Card. 
 
 1^ n^ t, ^'"f*'- '• '• 7^' ^****^^ ^^^^ (Catholic Appeal. 
 p. 93). Bishop Bziu^n (quoted aod apprwed by) Bhhop WkiU iCotiL 
 
 1'^Jl^'J^ 173). Archbishop Laud (ConC uith FIAer. p. 294), 
 Archbishop /rnr^^^/ (Works, p. 226). Bishop Ta^ (On the Red 
 Pr^cnce of Christ in the Holy Sacrament, I S ; Works, ix. wi. 
 Bishop C^si^ jHi«. of T«ns, iii. » 2.. Dean>.^ (On the Cr^J 
 
 rtAyrr. p 216). Bishop ^/// ,00 f Cor. xi. 23), Bishop A'«» { Expos, 
 erf Church Cat.), Bishop i^mi^ (Nee and adv. of freq. CcJhb. 
 ZZ^IJ ^n Art. X.XVIII.). Archbishop ^9^^ (SerTon Tran. 
 JiilMBMIiw^n yoL VII.), and recently the pr^MiH BdiJ^6 cf ExHer 
 
 \^Zl ^^r '^ f '^•"' ^^^^ *"^ ^^'^^ " ^ *<idley, 
 JLaiimer, and Cranmer). ^^ 
 
 To the first port of No. 2. 1 should except \np<M affirm, because 
 it 18 no part of our authorited Fonnularies, and there U no aistboriiy, 
 
 • bos abore, p. js^ 
 
 \ 
 
 Appendtx to Chapter XXIX. 365 
 
 and It might be a dangerous precedent to admit the right of individuals 
 to propose Formulae drawn up without sanction, for subscription. 
 
 I do not know also whether, If I adopted it, I should use it in 
 your sense or no. The words [continuation or] arc to me ambiguous. 
 
 The word which I used occurs in Bishop Overall (who was 
 employed to draw up thr part of our Catechi)«m on ilw Sacraments), 
 and a8 people arc wont to appeal to the authors of the Thirty-nine 
 Articles, I may in the same way appeal to the writer of this part 
 of our Fonnularies. He says on the words of the Consecration 
 Prayer— ' sufficient Sacrifice,*— ' This word refers to the Sacrifice 
 mentioried before, for we still continue and commemorate that Sacri- 
 fice, which Christ once made upon the Cross, and this Sacrifice which 
 the Church makes is only commemorative and sacramcnt.Hl *.* 
 
 Tbe bttcr port of No. 2, I, of coor^, entirely and cordially ado|X, 
 boog Again the stafftfiMM of our Church. 
 
 I would say farther that I did not understand tbe passj^es of 
 St. Augustine quoted fts baving any rcfeienoe to the doetfltte of 
 the Sacrifioe; it was altogether bot in my mind when I quoted 
 them; noc, in my own words quoted (p. 9K did I at all conoect 
 the itsnMon of tins with the doctrine of the Eucbaristic Sacrifice, 
 buff, as in all which preceded, with the leccptioo of the Holy 
 Eucharist. 
 
 I hope, I need scarcely *ay, that I believe the only ^ meritorious * 
 Sacrifice to have boetl offered by out Blei^scd Lord, once for all, 
 Upon tbe cross. Yet I caanot but bold, with tbe great curTc«t of 
 our divines, that tbe commemorating, pleading, i^howinfc forth, 
 rep«t«entia(, to Ahnighty God in the Kuchariitic Sacri6oe, that 
 One nsfffiioffieiis Sacrifice, b u-eU-plcasing to God and obtains His 
 fiivoar to His Church. 
 
 3. To tlie ftrst port of this whSch I have encloMd in bracfcets 
 I must object, not only 00 tbe ground upon which I objected to 
 the bc^ginoiflf of No. 2, but also because it goes beyond the Formularies 
 of our Church ; the latter port (as beio^ tbe words of our Formularies) 
 I of course entirely accept. 
 
 Wuh regard to the first part, our Church Mi>»s absolutely nothii^. 
 It has retainod tbe ancient uords, *The Body of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ,' witb nlmnoe to the consecrated elcinents, and says. ^Tbe 
 Body of Christ b^svir. taken and eaten in the Supper; ooly after 
 a spiritual, and heavenly manxker,' which bat bocti pointed out as 
 connrctipg It with the consecnuod ektnonts, which arc given by tbe 
 minister axMl (aJun by tbe consmunicant. 
 
 • Of. Cotio, Worlds, v. p. ip(i. In 
 the la»t dnm of this qaotatlMi.Cotai 
 ftdb^s AS his own the wocds of 
 Msiiooatut. That these notes weie 
 not OvetaU's bit Cosirrs it dxiwa by 
 his edltioQ, ib. fttL &t. In 1843 the 
 
 tfidltkoftl view which ascnted tbsoi 
 to Otcmll tull hdd its fiouad ; tbe 
 Mh vol. of Codn*s Weries la tbe A^lo* 
 ratbftUr LEltfary oaly apiKarod twelve 
 ytars Utcr. 
 
366 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 (f 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XXIX, 
 
 367 
 
 A number, accordingly, of our divines ^ use the language of the 
 Ancient Church that bread and wine become [sacramentally and in 
 a mystery] the Body and Blood of Christ. Bishop Overall says, 
 * Herein we follow the Fathers, who, after consecration, would not 
 suffer it to be called bread and wine any longer, but the Body and 
 Blood of Christ V 
 
 I beheve fully and entirely that * the substance of bread and wine ' 
 
 remains after consecration; that the 'Body of Christ is given, 
 
 taken, and eaten in the Supper only after an heavenly and spiritual 
 
 manner,' and that * the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received 
 
 and eaten in the Supper is faith,'— and believing this ex animo, 
 
 I should think it an invasion of the liberty of conscience to be 
 
 required to state that about which our Formularies have said nothing. 
 
 Bishop Cosin was permitted to state the precise contrary to what 
 
 is here required. He says, *Our faith does not cause or make 
 
 that Presence, but apprehends it as most truly and really effected 
 
 by the Word of Christ, and the faith whereby we are said to eat 
 
 the Flesh of Christ is not that only whereby we believe that He died 
 
 for our sins, but more properly that whereby we believe those words of 
 
 Christ, *" This is My Body " V 
 
 Bishop Overall distinctly rejects their opinion, * who think that 
 the Body of Christ is present only in the use of the Sacrament and 
 in the act of eating, and not otherwise *.' Our Church also by 
 directing that *if any remain of that which was consecrated, -the 
 Priest and such other of the communicants as he shall then call 
 unto him, shall immediately after the Blessing, reverently eat and 
 drink the same,' while she allows the Curate to have *any uncon- 
 secrated ' for his own use, seems to show that she regards them extra 
 ustim as different from ordinary bread and wine. 
 
 To sum up in a few words, I disclaim any interpretation of my 
 words, which implies anything * fleshly, carnal,' or, as Bishop 
 Overall « says, 'physical and sensual.' I declare solemnly that 
 I had in writing that sermon no thoughts except of what was 
 spiritual, and as Bishop Overall again says, ' after an heavenly and 
 incomprehensible manner*.' In the very words which have been 
 
 * *Bp. Taylor, Thomdike, Bp. 
 Sparrow, Johnson, Herbert, Bp. 
 Beveridge, Brett, Bp. Wilson, Wheat- 
 ley ; to the same effect Bp. Andrew as, 
 Archbishop Bramhall, Bp. Montagu, 
 Bp. Cosin, Sutton, Grabe. The 
 language that we receive '-''the very 
 Body and Blood of Christ " is used 
 by Sutton, Bailey, Bp. White, Arch- 
 bishop Laud, Bp. Cosins, Bp. Fell, 
 Bp. Hackett, Bp. Ken, Bp. Beveridge, 
 Archbishop Sharp, Leslie, Johnson. 
 Bp. Taylor directly says that we 
 receive the same which was bom of 
 
 the Blessed Virgin, though spiritually. 
 I do not add references, as before, to 
 save time.' 
 
 '-' The language is that of Bishop 
 Cosin : Works, v. p. 121. 
 
 ^ * Hist, of Transubstantiation,' ch. 
 iii. § 4. Works, iv. 171. 
 
 * Here again Pusey quotes Cosin 
 and not Overall. Cf. Cosin's Works, 
 v. p. 131-. 
 
 * i.e. Bishop Cosin, ubi supra. 
 
 * Cosin's Works, v. 131, 'after an 
 heavenly, and invisible, and incom- 
 prehensible mamier.' 
 
 quoted, * elements of this world, &c.,' I meant to express both my 
 denial of Transubstantiation and that I had no thoughts as to the 
 mode of the Presence of Christ in the Holy Eucharist. This, I may 
 say, has been the constant habit of my mind, in all my teaching, 
 and this 1 have ever expressed when writing (which I was not here) 
 controversially. In the words of Archbishop Bramhall translating 
 those of Bishop Andrewes), * Christ said, " This is My Body" ; what 
 He said, we do steadfastly believe. He said not after this manner, 
 that manner, neque con, neque sub, neque trans. And therefore we 
 place it among the opinions of the schools, not among the articles 
 of our faith. The Holy Eucharist, which is the Sacrament of peace 
 and unity, ought not to be made the matter of strife and contention ' 
 (Answer to M. de la Milleti^re, beg.') I would rather say with Bishop 
 Andrewes, * Of the mode of the Presence we define nothing rashly, 
 nor, I add, do we curiously inquire, no more than how the Blood 
 of Christ cleanseth us in our baptism ; no more than how in the 
 Incarnation of Christ, the human nature is united into the same 
 Person with the Divine *.' 
 
 I have given my explanation at greater length than I meant, 
 that I might seem to hold back nothing. It would have been easy 
 for me to have taken the negative propositions exhibited to me, 
 and have expressed my adoption of them, but it did not seem to 
 me honest and satisfactory, because, as being negative, they would 
 not express all my meaning. 
 
 Yet having given this explanation, I must say that I do it because 
 I conceive you to have sent me the propositions and objections as an 
 act of kindness, instead of any proposition of my own, which I might 
 be required to retract. 
 
 But if this private explanation fail to satisfy you, I must respectfully 
 apply for the other, as the only statutable course. I must say that 
 to me the past course of inquiry into my sermon, such as these 
 * objections' imply, seems to me an undue extension of the statutes. 
 The statute speaks of certain definite statements which shall be 
 retracted-* ad ea, quae protulit, recantandum adiget.' The passages 
 objected to are not supposed (I conceive) to be such as could be 
 proposed to any one to recant (some of them are words of the 
 Fathers), but only, it is supposed, that a certain opinion is implied 
 in them. I am sure that no proposition could be formed from my 
 sermon contrary to the Formularies of our Church, which I adopt. 
 This sort of ^constructive' disagreement with the Formularies of 
 the Church seems to me something very different from that con- 
 templated by the statute, which refers to definite statements. 
 
 1 Bramhall's Works, i. p. 8. quam in baptismo nostro, quomodo 
 
 Kesp. ad Bell., c. 1 p. 11 [13I : abluat nos Sanguis Christi, non ma^s 
 
 1 raesentiam imquam) credimus, nee quam in Christi incarnatione, quomcSo 
 
 minus quam vos, veram. De modo naturae Divinae humana in eandem 
 
 praesentiae nil temere definimus, addo, hypostasin uniatur.' 
 
 ncc anxi^ inquirimus; non magis 
 
 'I 
 
368 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 Conscious of my own innocence, I cannot contemplate anything 
 ulterior; yet although I am quite sure that you personally mean 
 everything which is kind towards me individually, I must say that 
 I should consider any ulterior measure, founded on such constructive 
 objections as are here alleged, without exhibiting to me what I have 
 asked for in such case, definite propositions of my own and not adhering- 
 to our Formularies, as unstatutable as well as harsh and unjust. 
 
 I am sure, my dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor. that you will not think 
 these strong words, as meant otherwise than with respect to your 
 office and a sense of personal kindness : but there is too much at 
 stake for me to think it right to withhold my strong feeling on this 
 subject. o o 
 
 I remain, my dear Mr. Vice-Chancellor, 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 Christ Church, May 31 [1843]. E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 The Rev. the Vice-Chancellor to E. B. P.» 
 
 St. John's College, Saturday evening [June 3, 184^1 
 My dear Pusey, ^^^ 
 
 I do not at all press upon you the adoption of the words which 
 I proposed to-day. If anybody were likely to draw from them the 
 influence you suggest they ought to be avoided. 
 
 You state your impressions as to what has passed between us : 
 allow me to state mine. 
 
 When the decision as to the sermon was pronounced, it remained 
 for me to select one of the two courses prescribed by the statute. To 
 suspension I had the greatest aversion without at least giving you the 
 opportunity of showing whether you could recant. With this view 
 
 '''u- '^^'t^""^ ^"^ "P^""^ y°" ^^""^ ^^'"8^ hroMg\,t before the tribunal 
 which had given judgement upon the sermon merely to say that you 
 would not recant, I endeavoured with the help of the Provost of Oriel 
 to frame a document to which if you had assented, nothing would 
 have remained but some formal proceeding in accordance with it. 
 But this you did not do: you proposed modifications, and you 
 excepted against a word which was of considerable importance as 
 being an mdication of particular opinions. You also objected to 
 adopting words which did not occur in the Formularies of the Church 
 -an objection which I did not consider valid, because having in 
 your sermon raised a suspicion that you held something contrary 
 to what the Church held, it would not have been possible to allay 
 such a suspicion by confining yourself simply to the language of the 
 Formularies. You also requested that if you were called upon to 
 recant you should have the very words of the sermon put before you 
 for that purpose, as the statute (I admit) enjoins. Seeing then that 
 
 * Sec above, p. 334. 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XXIX, 
 
 369 
 
 you could not adopt the paper first proposed to you, I next endeavoured 
 to ascertain whether you would be likely to recant the very words of 
 the sermon, and for this purpose passages were selected as a specimen 
 of what might be required under that head ; but to these also you 
 made objections, and the utmost that could be said of the statements 
 which Dr. Jelf took down from your mouth was that they were 
 qualifications of the language of the sermon. These two attempts to 
 bring about a recantation having substantially failed, and it being 
 strongly impressed on my mind that, besides particular objections, an 
 exception had been taken to the general tenor of the sermon, which, 
 of course, no recantation could touch, I at length made up my mind 
 that no course remained but to proceed to what I felt to be a very 
 severe measure, but nevertheless the only alternative, namely— 
 suspension. This is my version of what has passed, and if it diflfers 
 materially from yours it is because, as a matter of necessity, it was 
 entrusted to a third person, who, however friendly to both of us and 
 admirably qualified for a peacemaker, could not exactly put himself 
 in the place of either. 
 
 With regard to my having consulted the Provost of Oriel, I feel 
 satisfied that when Dr. Jelf returns this can be explained to you with- 
 out any imputation upon my good faith. 
 
 In conclusion I leave you at liberty, as I shall feel myself to be, to 
 say that * certain private communications were made from me to you 
 without leading to any mutually satisfactory result,' and that secrecy 
 IS imposed upon you as to the nature of those communications. 
 I shall also consider you at liberty to publish your account of what has 
 passed, if any reports of their nature affecting your character for truth, 
 traceable to an authentic source, shall be circulated. 
 
 Believe me to remain, 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 P. Wynter. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Bb 
 
CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 NEWMAN'S RESIGNATION OF ST. MARY'S— LUCY PUSEY'S 
 DEATH — ADAPTATION OF FOREIGN DEVOTIONAL 
 BOOKS— RENEWED PROPOSAL TO TRANSLATE THE 
 SARUM BREVIARY. 
 
 1843-1844. 
 
 PUSEY had been suspended at the end of the Summer 
 Term of 1843. Before the next Term began, Newman had 
 resigned the Vicarage of St. Mary's. 
 
 He has himself pointed out the significance of this step, 
 and how it followed upon a long series of misgivings which 
 had been created by his study of the Monophysite and 
 Donatist controversies, and fostered by the affairs of the 
 Jerusalem Bishopric, Tract 90, and the reiterated Epis- 
 copal Charges which had followed ^ Nor can it be doubted 
 that the proceedings in connexion with Pusey's sermon on 
 the Holy Eucharist had had their effect in hastening his 
 resolution. All these events appeared to Newman to show 
 that the English Church, so far as she was represented by 
 Ecclesiastical authority in England, offered no welcome or 
 home to primitive and Catholic teaching, but rather treated 
 it as something foreign to her spirit. 
 
 As often happens, an incident of less moment, but touch- 
 ing Newman very closely, at last precipitated his decision. 
 A young man who had been for a year living with him at 
 Littlemore, and whose loyalty to the English Church had 
 been the subject of correspondence between Newman and 
 Pusey in August, 184:^2^ suddenly joined the Church of 
 
 Newman's Reticence ivith Pusey. 371 
 
 Rome^ Newman *felt it impossible to remain any longer 
 in the service of the Anglican Church, when such a breach 
 of trust, however little he had to do with it, would be laid 
 at his door V It made him realize most clearly how little 
 control he really exercised over his younger followers, and 
 also how great was the attraction of Rome to himself. 
 *The truth is,' he writes to J. B. Mozley on Sept. i, 
 ' I am not a good son enough of the Church of England to 
 feel that I can in conscience hold preferment under her. 
 I love the Church of Rome too well V 
 
 Pusey could not but be greatly distressed and shocked 
 at such a decision, though it could not have taken him 
 by surprise. Newman had talked to him as well as Keble 
 on the subject in the preceding Lent. But Pusey had 
 endeavoured to act on the maxim of hoping against hope 
 in Newman's case so successfully that he had up to this 
 point been blind to what was going on in Newman's mind, 
 and still more to what was, humanly speaking, inevitable. 
 From the year 1838 their paths had been diverging from 
 each other. It may be doubted whether Pusey really 
 appreciated the extent of the divergence. He constantly 
 threw himself into Newman's language and position, out 
 of love and trust and deference, and in cases where his own 
 unbiassed inclinations would have counselled hesitation: 
 and he received in turn from Newman constant proofs of 
 affection and sympathy which, although never intended to 
 do so, were likely to disguise the realities of the situation. 
 Newman himself was well aware of this*; and Pusey, it 
 must be added, had had opportunities of recognizing it too. 
 Mr. T. Morris' remarkable letter in 1841 ^ was one of several 
 indications which a less resolutely hopeful mind than 
 Pusey's would have appreciated more accurately than he 
 did. But it must be remembered that Keble, not Pusey, 
 was at this eventful time Newman's real confidant : indeed 
 this had been the case for some ^m^ years ; as was natural 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Apologia/ pp. 333-354. 
 
 • See p. 390. 
 
 \ 'Apologia,' pp. 299, 341. 
 
 Ibid. p. 342. 
 • Newman's ♦Letters,' ii. 423. 
 
 * See the instructive passage in 
 'Apologia,' pp. 354,355. 
 
 * Seep. 228. 
 
 B b 2 
 
372 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey, 
 
 enough. For Keble was the older man, and sympathized 
 more nearly with Newman's feeh'ngs as regards the 
 Reformation. Of his strong inclination towards Rome, 
 Keble of course was aware : to Pusey Newman could not 
 at present break it. James Mozley was the only person 
 in Oxford to whom he had explained the real state of 
 things ^. 
 
 The first intimation to Pusey of his immediate intention 
 of resigning was as follows : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 iir- t- Friday, Aug. 25 [1843!. 
 
 With yours one has come from Lockhart, who has been away three 
 weeks, saymg he is on the point of joining the Church of Rome : he is 
 m retreat under Dr. Gentili. 
 
 How sick this makes one ! the sooner I resign St. Mary's the better 
 — but I will not act hastily. 
 
 Pusey replied at once :— 
 
 ,, . . ^ , ^over, II S. after Trinity, Aug. 27, 1843. 
 
 It is indeed very sad; I had hoped that once received within the aovn 
 he was safe. It is the sorest trial of all : one becomes indifferent to what 
 is said of, or done to, oneVself; one becomes accustomed to hear 
 even those one loves and reverences evil-spoken-of, thinking it a con- 
 sequence of what one loves and reverences in them ; but these things 
 are heavy because one sympathizes with those who cause the sorrow, 
 and our Church has not yet the strength to hold such. It is very 
 dejecting year after year, but it too must have its end, in humbling 
 and purifying our Church. ^ 
 
 I know the bitterness of losing at last those whom one tried to save ; 
 but blessed is he whom Thou chastenest, O Lord ' 
 
 With regard to St. Mary's, you will not have thought that,afler what 
 you told me, I had any feeling but that of sorrow, that it ought to be 
 so. I thought that you probably meant to avoid connecting your 
 resignation with any act, e.g. my suspension, lest it should cause 
 perplexity Some perplexity it must for the time cause ; but every- 
 thing else has been turned to good, and so will this too, and all which 
 duty requires. 
 
 God comfort you at all times with that comfort wherewith you have 
 comforted others and me. / ^ 
 
 Newman resigned his Jiving on Sept. 18. Writing to 
 Pusey three days later, Keble described himself as much 
 
 * Newman's 'Letters/ ii. 426. 
 
 Pusey s Thoughts about the Resignation. 373 
 
 grieved but not surprised at Newman's having given up 
 St. Mary's, and asked Pusey what he thought of it. In the 
 same letter he also asked how Pusey was accustomed to 
 meet the Roman challenge about visible unity. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 . . [Sept. 23, 1843.] 
 
 N. s givmg up St. Mary's is a great blow ; I said what I could 
 agamst it m Lent, but he then told me a private reason, which he said 
 he had named to you,— that young men, who looked in a given direc- 
 tion, misunderstood him, and interpreted in their own sense whatever 
 he said, so that he was in fact leading them whither he wished not. He 
 said that he had named this to you, and that you had said (to the 
 effect) that * you doubted whether in his situation you could retain 
 St. Mary's without sin,' or * whether he could retain it without sin.' 
 After this, I had nothing more to say ; had it been on public grounds 
 only, I would have urged all I could , but, as it was matter of con- 
 science, I dared say nothing. This seems hardly to agree with your 
 impression ; however, it is done now, so do not say anything to N. 
 about my impression. 
 
 My feeling about unity is, I believe, the same as N[ewman's], that 
 we have a degree of unity left, although not the highest sort, yet that 
 there is enough to make the Roman, Greek, and our own Church 
 parts of the one Church, though, with holiness, unity has been im- 
 paired, and we all together suffer for it. It has come as a comfort to me 
 that most of the marks of unity, mentioned in Eph. iv, remain, and that so 
 we may be one body still, as having the Presence of the One Spirit, One 
 Lord, one hope, one faith (that of the Creeds sanctioned by the whole 
 Church), one baptism. One God and Father of all. The very language 
 of St. Cyprian seems also a comfort, since he insists so much that^'what 
 is really cut off must die ; since then our present state after 300 years 
 shows that, however maimed, we have a vigorous and increasing life, 
 we are not cut off. I cannot but strongly hope that however the 
 Reformation may have been carried on, it has been overruled, so that 
 our Church should be the means of some great end in acting upon the 
 whole Church, and that through her means we may all be brought into 
 one upon some primitive basis. At present, we seem providentially 
 kept apart, lest we borrow each others' sins. If but holiness grow in 
 both, then all the hindrances to union will somehow fall off, like 
 Samson's withs. While then we are promoting, by His help, truth 
 and holiness, we are in the most direct way preparing for union. 
 
 I cannot think much of the Roman challenge for a more visible 
 unity, which one should have expected from Holy Scripture, until they 
 can show the holiness also, which Holy Scripture foretells ; if they did, 
 or when they do, we shall soon be at one. At present, the who e 
 Church seems to have forfeited the highest degrees of both ; it was 
 
374 
 
 Life of Edward Boitverie Pusey, 
 
 through want of holiness that the schism of East and West began ; 
 good Romanists confess that the schism at the Reformation was owing 
 to the sins of the whole Church ; with returning holiness unity in its 
 higher degrees would return. 
 
 • 
 
 It seems as if heavy times were coming, and that we were but at 
 * the beginning of sorrows.' However, we do * see our signs ' ; so 
 heavy nights are but to usher in a joyous morning. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Two days after writing this letter, on Monday, Sept. -5, 
 Pusey was at Littlemore, on an occasion sadly memorable 
 in the history of the English Church. It was the seventh 
 anniversary of the consecration of the chapeP, and as 
 Newman had resigned St. Mary's just a week before, it was 
 understood that this would be his farewell sermon : perhaps 
 only a few felt instinctively that it might be, as it was, his last 
 sermon from a pulpit of the Church of England. But whether 
 clearly or dimly, the importance of the occasion was realized ; 
 and although it was vacation and a Monday morning, and 
 a day without any place in the Church calendar, the chapel 
 was full of friends who had come from Oxford. The service 
 was, as always, simple : on the previous anniversary Newman 
 had described the ceremonial as *poor and mean and 
 unworthy,' like the widow's offering, who yet did * what she 
 could 2/ It seems, however, that the church was decorated 
 with flowers— not so common an adjunct of worship then 
 as now ; and that the service was musicals When New- 
 man mounted the pulpit, there was a kind of awestruck 
 silence: everybody knew that something would be said 
 which nobody would ever forget. And the * Parting of 
 Friends ' is perhaps the most pathetic of all the sermons of 
 this greatest master of religious pathos : it is the last and 
 most heartbroken expression of the intense distress which 
 could not but be felt by a man of extraordinary sensitiveness 
 when placed between what he believed to be a new call of 
 duty on one side, and the affection of highminded and 
 
 * 'Semionson Subjects of the Day.* and ed. 1844, p 452 
 * Ibid. p. 442. 3 Ibid. p. 433. ^ ' 
 
 Last Service at Littlemore, 375 
 
 devoted friends on the other : it is the cry which tells the 
 world that a work of spiritual and religious restoration, to 
 which no parallel had been witnessed in Europe for at least 
 three centuries, was, at least to the mind of one who had 
 hitherto had the chief hand in promoting it, a failure. 
 
 The sermon is the outpouring of the preacher's thoughts 
 at the moment about the Church, his friends, and himself 
 The notes throughout are a sense of failure and disappoint- 
 ment and the bidding farewell. The concluding apostrophe 
 to the Church of his birth gives pathetic utterance to the 
 perplexity and sorrow that filled so many hearts at that 
 most critical moment : — 
 
 *0 my mother, whence is this unto thee, that thou hast good things 
 poured upon thee and canst not keep them, and bearest children, yet 
 darest not own them ? Why hast thou not the skill to use their 
 services, nor the heart to rejoice in their love ? how is it that whatever 
 is generous in purpose, and tender or deep in devotion, thy flower and 
 thy promise, falls from thy bosom and finds no home within thine 
 arms? Who hath put this note upon thee to have "a miscarrying 
 womb and dry breasts," to be strange to thine own flesh, and thine eye 
 cruel towards thy little ones } Thine own offspring, the fruit of thy 
 womb, who love thee and would toil for thee, thou dost gaze upon with 
 fear, as though a portent, or thou dost loathe as an offbnce— at best 
 thou dost but endure, as if they had no claim but on thy patience, 
 self-possession and vigilance, to be rid of them as easily as thou 
 mayest. Thou makest them " stand all the day idle," as the very con- 
 dition of thy bearing with them ; or thou biddest them be gone, where 
 they will be more welcome ; or thou sellest them for nought to the 
 stranger that passes by. And what wilt thou do in the end thereof?' 
 
 Few who were present could restrain from tears. Pusey, 
 who was the celebrant, was quite unable to control himself 
 On the evening of this sad day, he wrote to his brother 
 William : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. B. Pusev. 
 
 Christ Church, Sept. 25, 1843. 
 
 I am just returned, half broken-hearted, from the commemoration 
 at Littlemore. The sermon was like one of Newman's, in which self 
 was altogether repressed, yet it showed the more how deeply he felt all 
 the misconception of himself. It implied, rather than said, Farewell. 
 People sobbed audibly, and I, who officiated at the altar, could hardly 
 
376 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Seager's Secession. 
 
 377 
 
 If 
 
 I 
 
 help mingling sorrow with even that Feast. However, ' the peace of 
 God which passeth all understanding,' closed all. 
 
 If our Bishops did but know what faithful hearts, devoted to the 
 service of our Lord in this His Church, they are breaking! Yet, 'at 
 eventide there will be light.* 
 
 Be not downcast at what I have written. There must be heavy 
 night before the joyous morning ; first evening, then morning. God 
 bring us all to that morning. 
 
 The sermon at Littlemore, although the last sermon, was 
 not the last public ministration of its author in the English 
 Church. Once more he was to celebrate in his own church 
 of St. Mary's ; while the friends who owed everything to 
 him gathered round the altar, with conflicting emotions of 
 hope and fear. Some who were present in the gloom of 
 that early October morning, felt that they were assisting at 
 the funeral of a religious effort which had failed. Others, 
 perhaps, were already anticipating, not very distinctly, the 
 future which was awaiting— but still at a distance of two 
 years— their trusted friend and teacher. Pusey was, as 
 always, hopeful that, in some way not as yet clear, all might 
 yet be well. The service itself, and Newman's part in it, 
 were a warrant of his sanguineness. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Oct. 14, 1843. 
 I did hope to be at the H. C. to-morrow, and when you mentioned 
 to me that L. would be absent, it occurred to me that as, in happier 
 days, humanly speaking, at the beginning of the weekly Communion 
 at St. Mary's, I assisted you, so I might, if so it be, be joined with you 
 at the close of your office there, and we might end together. Unless 
 then it were a comfort to some (which it might be) to receive both » 
 from you, it would be such to me, to assist ; only I should (as I imagine 
 you meant) specially wish to assist only, and that you should con- 
 secrate. 
 
 Ever yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Newman's resignation was quickly followed by another 
 trouble, which touched Pusey closely. During the last 
 four years the Rev. C. Seager had been Pusey s assistant 
 
 * I. e. both Elements in the Holy Sacrament. 
 
 Lecturer in Hebrew. He was an accomplished Hebrew 
 
 scholar ; but he was not a mere philologist ; he loved and 
 
 read the Fathers, and he was fond of pastoral work. 
 
 Without any warning, however, he joined the Church of 
 
 Rome just before the beginning of the October Term. 
 
 Pusey knew full well that Seager's secession would add to 
 
 the difficulties of his position in Oxford. Writing to 
 
 Dr. Todd, he observed : — 
 
 *Oct. 25, 1843. 
 * I would not displace him, as he taught only the grammar of 
 Hebrew, and did not influence the young men ; and I feared to 
 unsettle him, or drive him off to Rome. So now he has left me with 
 all the odium which could attach to me. However, I have done 
 righteously by him.* 
 
 The news was hailed with natural exultation by Pusey's 
 opponents, especially by such of them as achieved notoriety 
 by controversial agitation. 
 
 Rev. C. p. Golightly to Rev. W. S. Bricknell. 
 
 My dear Bricknell, 
 
 Seager has joined the Church of Rome. I send you this news 
 to meditate upon on your way to Oxford to-morrow. ... I have just 
 communicated the fact to the Record, Standard, and Morning Herald, 
 and, in lieu of comment, a copy of Pusey's last printed notice, appointing 
 Seager to lecture for him in the Hebrew classes. . . . 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 C. P. Golightly. 
 Oxford, Friday. 
 
 The effect of these events on minds of another order and 
 
 more nearly related to Pusey was very emphatic. In 
 
 particular, Archdeacon Manning was thoroughly alarmed 
 
 by some letters from Newman which he had shown to 
 
 Pusey. 
 
 Archdeacon Manning to E. B. P. 
 
 Lavington, 22nd Sunday after Trinity, 1843. 
 
 • ••••••• 
 
 I can no longer deny that a tendency against which my whole soul 
 turns has shown itself. It has precipitated those that are impelled by it 
 into a position remote from that in which they stood, and from that in 
 which I am. This has suddenly severed them (so far at least, alas I) 
 from me. With the knowledge I communicated to you, it is an 
 
378 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 imperative duty for me to be plainly true to myself at all cost and 
 
 so Tow and T" '^ '''^f '° '« "'^'" '»>-'' ^ -""^ ^-' anythTng but 
 strenJ^h T t ''"'""^y-*"- ^° '»°ything but use the poor and smal 
 
 n o fhe , '° T- °"'''' ^'■°™ P^^='"^ "" blindfoW and unaware 
 
 years oVthTbrbkoT'rr'' '"''"'• ' '''' '° "^^ •^-» ^^ - 
 ycdrs on ine brink of I know not what • all th^ wk;i« « j- 
 
 t^Jet T', tr "^^' ^" "^^ -" = -<l' i -tha non^rr ' s^ 
 Wee, "f fr. !>'V° """ ^"^''^'^ ^'^"^^h; none so safe^ guTdes 
 lyp rt And .hirhas' ''^T"' ^"^^"'"^ "" (^"^ -^nows.S „ 
 m^trS Fed for r. ^ '°" °^ "'°'^'' '" "^ '"'"'^ "'«' ""akes 
 
 p.e..n.^yseS^^^^^^ 
 
 There remains for me nothing but to be nkin w. T 1 
 
 do fhtf the Roman system and its deferential points I can 
 
 nrs -trofTyin, \Z Si'" 5^-- ^^^ ^ J„- ^ 
 
 On November 5, whfch fell on a Sunday in 1843, the 
 Archdeacon had <said what he felt' about Rome Mr 
 J^B^Mozey described it as a 'testification sermon against 
 thcBnnsh Cn^u:.- Mozley did not like ' either the matle 
 
 b; eVrTf ."^(^^-7)--ed reallyso carried away 
 by fear of Romanism that he almost took under his 
 patronage the Puritans and the Whigs of 1688 b ause 
 hey had settled the matter against thf Pope.' RefS". 
 U>th. sermon, Keble said long after, ' I always feared wTat 
 would become of Manning when I heard of his violent fifth 
 of November sermon. Exaggerations of this kind provoke 
 a Nemes.s,and it did not surprise me so much as it gZed 
 me to hear that he had become a Roman Catholic ' ' 
 
 After all the controversy of the summer of 1843, and the 
 exctement produced by Newman's resignation, the Michael! 
 mas Term was comparatively quiet. Newman after an 
 unsuccessful effort to retain the chapelry of LiUlem'e- 
 
 Newman in Lay Communion. 
 
 379 
 
 It was when visiting Oxford on 
 th.s occasion that Archdeacon Manninjr 
 paid the visit to Littlemore which has 
 been often described. Newman, who 
 
 had heard of the sermon, would not 
 see the preacher, and desired one of the 
 innriates of the novii to tell him so very 
 avilly. ' 
 
 A 
 
 an effort which was perhaps scarcely consistent with the 
 grounds on which he had resigned St. Mary's — had retired 
 into lay communion. He Hved in the Httle * Monastery* on 
 the Cowley Road at Littlemore, surrounded by three or four 
 younger friends, regularly attending the services at the village 
 church, in which Mr. Copeland ministered, and observing 
 the Hours in the little chapel at home. He had given 
 fair warning to Oxford and to the world of his state of mind ; 
 but he was inevitably an object of the deepest interest to 
 friends and opponents. Sometimes old acquaintances like 
 Mr. Tyler, of Oriel, had an opportunity of cross-questioning 
 him ; while younger men, who had long depended on him, 
 were anxious to ascertain, if they could, whether he was 
 moving, and whither. Littlemore assumed in not a few 
 minds the character of a place of pilgrimage, and the road 
 thither was associated with meetings and conversations 
 which gave it in many a memory a unique spiritual interest. 
 Pusey would walk out there as often as he could, but 
 neither as a pilgrim nor to gratify curiosity. He was intent 
 on doing anything he could still do to retain his friend in 
 communion with the English Church. His letters refer, 
 once and again, to these visits, and the value he attached to 
 them. 
 
 His own confidence in Newman was as great as ever ; he 
 could not, or rather would not, believe that he would not 
 still remain in the Church of England. But he felt that he 
 must be defended from misrepresentation, and cheered by 
 the expression of the unabated affection that his friends felt 
 for him. For instance, it was currently reported that the 
 continued publication of Tract 90 was a breach of the 
 obedience which Newman professed to the Bishop of 
 Oxford. Pusey wrote to the Bishop for a contradiction of 
 this report, asking for permission to publish his reply. The 
 Bishop replied as follows : — 
 
 Cuddesdon, Oct. 11, 1843. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Till I received your letter this morning, I was not aware of 
 
 the serious and unfounded charge brought against Mr. Newman of 
 
380 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 Ji w"i.'"°'"" ^'" ''^'"^ *"'' "' *'y ^"'^^""2 =» republication 
 I lose no time in stating that when I requested the ' Tracts for 
 
 licatk^'n'"nf t""1 ''^''; ^°"'^''''' ^ ■"'«'•' ^'^^'^ ^^g^«'«d the pub- 
 
 for re, ° M ^' "/°™"'^ "° P^" °f '"y '"J"""i°" °r request 
 
 (for reasons well considered at the time) that there should be no 
 republication of that tract. " u uc no 
 
 as'^tZheT-^""' themselves at liberty to express their opinions 
 as to the poucy or propriety of having published more editions 
 of that tract, but the accusation of Mr. Newman's having done so 
 contrary to promise, is unfounded and unjust 
 No one, however, who has the slightest knowledge of Mr. Newman 
 
 him "a^'l 7r''- "'"' '° ^"^^ ^ '^'^"^^ "' unfaithfulneTtn 
 n v'7 1 1 ""'t" '" "n''<="5=^^for me to state to Mr. Newman 
 or yourself that nothing I have ever said or written can have given 
 the remotest grounds for the accusation. 
 
 rni^r"!,""*!' "f/""^^'/™"* ^hat quarter so serious a charge may 
 come and should niyself, deem it undeserving of notice : at the same 
 
 of this leue". "^'"""^' ^"^ "^ ^' ""^"y '° •"'"^^ -y "- 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, 
 
 Faithful.'y yours, 
 
 R. Oxford. 
 
 Again, when Newman's birthday came round, Pusey sent 
 him an engraving, with a letter which meant much more 
 than the ordinary affectionate greeting on such an occasion. 
 1 he engraving appears to have reached its destination ; the 
 note which accompanied it was dropped in the road. It 
 ran as follows : — 
 
 Christ Church, 
 • Mv DEAR NEWMAN, Q^inq^^gesima S. [Feb. 18], 1844. 
 
 If such as I might express anything in sending what is so 
 solemn, ,t would be the hope that in all the sorrows and anxie ies 
 
 thrn h ^Z t^"^'"«"=' ''"d 'hat as each pang comes over you, 
 
 to Him m/"^ '^'^°? '" °''' "'• y°" "'" <^°'"'"" our Church 
 to Him, Who endured It for us. 
 
 Ever yours most gratefully and affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Newman replied in terms which were evidently intended 
 to check illusive hopes on Pusey 's part. 
 
 I; >( 
 
 ,X 
 
 Puse/s Confidence in Newman, 
 
 381 
 
 Littlemore, Feb. lo, 1844. 
 My dear Pusey, 
 
 A note from you has been picked up on the road and brought 
 to me. It relates to the present you have made me to-day, and is 
 most kind, as all you do is. 
 
 It is, however, written under a false impression from which I can 
 relieve you. I am in no perplexity or anxiety at present. I fear 
 I must say that for four years and a half I have had a conviction, 
 weaker or stronger, but on the whole constantly growing, and at 
 present very strong, that we are not part of the Catholic Church. 
 I am too much accustomed to this idea to feel pain at it. I could 
 only feel pain, if I found it led me to action. At present I do not 
 feel any such call. Such feelings are not hastily to be called 
 convictions, though this seems to me such. Did I ever arrive at 
 a full persuasion that it was such, then I should be very anxious 
 and much perplexed. My case is described in the note of p. 414 
 of my new volume of sermons. 
 
 Alas! I fear I have removed pain from your mind in one way, 
 only to give a greater pain in another. And yet is it possible you 
 can be quite unprepared for this avowal ? It was the Monophysite 
 and Donatist controversies which in 1839 led me to this clear and 
 distinct judgement. 
 
 May all good attend you and all comfort, my dear Pusey, is the 
 prayer of yours affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 Pusey*s imperturbably sanguine disposition rallied again, 
 even after this letter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Vigil of St. Matthias, 1844. 
 My dear Newman, 
 
 Thank you much for all your tenderness to me. I did know 
 what you wrote, for I was one of the two persons to whom Manning 
 showed the letters which you gave him leave to show. They were 
 to me what you would suppose : I wonder that I can even laugh 
 again ; it seems unhealthy and wrong : however, as I said to Manning, 
 I have such conviction that you are under God's guidance, that I look 
 on cheerfully still, that all will be right,— I mean, for our poor Church 
 and you. I did not, however, mean to allude to this, but, if such 
 as I may say it, there has seemed to me such a sensitiveness to ills 
 around us, as distressed me very much. I hardly knew what to 
 say when with you, for fear of awakening some painful train of 
 thought. I know that if we are humble we may feel anything safely, 
 and that I am not fit myself to be keenly alive to ill in others, that 
 all about me is blunted : still one cannot help being anxious, when 
 one sees what seems so sharp an edge, lest it pierce its sheath. 
 
382 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 K 
 
 II 
 
 I feared lest you desponded of our ever being better than we are, 
 and so that we might lose the benefit of fervent prayers, which 
 might be heard from us. I felt that you had a right to judge and 
 feel, where I had not; still, the more I love you and the more 
 I feel that you have a right to do what I have not, the more I shrunk 
 from what I acknowledged you might have a right to say. It was, 
 as I said, like seeing a friend with a sharp instrument, which one could 
 not trust one's-self with. 
 
 This does not look for any answer. Indeed, of late, I have wished 
 to know nothing, lest my very knowing it should be hurtful. I have 
 the same confidence in you as ever. If such as I may say so, God 
 
 be with you, as He is. -c «. . 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Newman naturally thought that Pusey was mistaken in 
 tracing to ' sensitiveness ' on his part a view of things which 
 he believed to be justified by facts independent of both of 
 them. 
 
 My dear p., Littlemore, Vigil of St. Matt[hias], 1844. 
 
 Thanks for your note, which I know it gave you pain to write. 
 I do not doubt that there must be some fault in me which has led 
 you to such impressions ; but think you mistake in attributing my 
 manner, &c. to sensitiveness, or sharp feeling. Suppose it has been 
 in part a latent wish to convey to you in detail my view of things 
 which I dared not say bluntly, and a sort of fidget that you drd 
 not know? And I think you do not put yourself enough into my 
 position, and consider how a person would view things, and at the 
 end of near five years. I suppose it is possible for a Church to 
 have some profound wound, which, till healed, infallibly impeded the 
 exercise of its powers and made attempts to act futile. How should 
 we feel, e. g., if we saw a man with a broken leg attempting to walk .? 
 But if such a state be possible, what would a person's feelings be 
 who saw it but those which we entertain towards such a disabled 
 man? Would he be wrong in having them? However, I repeat, 
 I have no doubt there is fault in me, which has made you so write. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 No anxiety— and there were many— which weighed on 
 Pusey at this time equalled that which he felt on the score 
 of Newman. With reference to this, Keble had written 
 to him : — 
 
 * Jan. 23, 1844. 
 
 *I think night and day of your anxieties: would that I could 
 really help you. I myself for some time have hardly dared to expect 
 
 Lucy Pusey s Illness, 
 
 383 
 
 any other [event] than you now fear : but I am fearfully cold, I fear, 
 about it. Yet when one does a little realize it, it seems a depth of 
 disappointment beyond imagination. But surely there are those to 
 whom there will be light in the darkness.' 
 
 A few weeks after this correspondence with Newman, 
 Pusey was called away from Oxford to what proved to be 
 the deathbed of his eldest daughter, Lucy. 
 
 Since Mrs. Pusey s death, Pusey 's three children had 
 lived little with their father in Oxford. Philip had been at 
 school in Brighton : Lucy and Mary under the care of 
 Miss Rogers at Clifton. Pusey always saw them in the 
 holidays, and in the Long Vacations took them with him 
 to the seaside. Mary's health was good ; but in different 
 ways Philip and Lucy were constant sources of anxiety. 
 At the end of 1843, Philip was so ill that Mrs. Bartlett, at 
 whose school he was, wrote to request Dr. Pusey to remove 
 him ; * as the presence of one so sickly prevented parents 
 from placing their children with her.* Lucy had, all 
 through these years, alternated between convalescence 
 and the return of illness ; and at last, in the early spring of 
 1844, her chronic ill-health was aggravated by an attack of 
 whooping-cough which ended in disease of the lungs. 
 
 At this time his daughter Lucy was more to Pusey than 
 his other children, more, perhaps, than any other person in 
 the world. As his eldest child she naturally and largely 
 took a high place in his domestic affections ; but she was 
 also from her tenderest years in intimate sympathy with 
 his religious hopes and efforts, so far as this was possible 
 for one so young. Very early in life she listened to and 
 read Newman's sermons with spiritual enjoyment; and it 
 had been a special feature of Mrs. Pusey's training that she 
 should make the most of Newman's teaching. At Pusey's 
 request Bishop Bagot had confirmed her when twelve years 
 old ; and this was followed on the next day. Trinity Sunday, 
 1 841, by her first communion, — an occasion of the greatest 
 joy to her father. 
 
 * Every wish of my heart,' wrote Pusey to the Rev. B. Harrison, on 
 June 8, 1 841, *was fulfilled in dear Lucy's deep silent devotion, and 
 
 M 
 
384 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 ' 'I 
 
 awe and thankfulness on Saturday and especially on Sunday. Every 
 anxiety was removed, and her dear mother's unwearied pains richly 
 blest.' 
 
 It was shortly after this that she formed a purpose of 
 devoting herself in a single life to the care of the sick and 
 poor for Christ's sake. For several years Pusey himself 
 had earnestly prayed for the restoration of the religious 
 life, and especially of sisterhoods, to the English Church. 
 It was therefore natural that Pusey s interests should be 
 especially concentrated in a child who represented to him 
 her mother, and the fruit of Newman's teaching, and one 
 of his own most earnest hopes of religious restoration for 
 the English Church. 
 
 *She was the one being,' he wrote to Newman on April 22, 1844, 
 * around whom my thoughts of the future here had wound.' 
 
 * I cannot tell you,' he wrote to his son, April 23, *how her simplicity 
 and devotion and love wound round my heart, and how I loved her, or 
 how I longed that she should be, and join with others in being, what 
 she longed to be.' 
 
 Pusey does not appear to have anticipated the blow 
 which was soon to fall on him. 
 
 * Dear Lucy,' he wrote to Newman on April 2, *is still suffering from 
 the whooping-cough, though her chest, which was tried the other day, 
 is still sound. Still, the very trying it implies apprehension whether 
 there was mischief.' 
 
 But on April 3rd he went to Clifton, and found at once 
 that humanly speaking her recovery was hopeless. 
 
 Sorrow was to bring him and Newman very closely 
 together again ; how intimately and spiritually the sub- 
 joined letters will show. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Clifton, Easter Tuesday [April o], 1844. 
 My dearest Friend, ■" 
 
 All is peace here, with the certain prospect how it will end, 
 though not how soon. It was hurrying on with a terrific rapidity 
 when I wrote, though I knew it not ; on Easter Eve came a solemn 
 pause ; and in this I suppose we are still. She said to me last night, 
 * Now I am so near death, it seems that my love of God is not what it 
 
 t^m 
 
 Correspondence with Newman, 
 
 385 
 
 should be ; so we are now praying for it, and this pause seems to be 
 
 ^'T,^"^'/° "^ ^"^""^ '^^^P^'' "measure of it before she parts. She is 
 
 a child of your writings : in looking over her books, I find the date of 
 a volume of your sermons, on her birthday, nearly eight years ago, and 
 1 asked you for them, as her dear mother had been some time forming 
 her mmd m them. The term is quite uncertain ; there is prospect of 
 her remammg more than a month, perhaps, with me : but it might at 
 any time be cut short to two days, so we are even evidently wholly in 
 His Hands. I wished to teU you how we are and what we loner for 
 1 suppose St. Francois de Sales is the best book ; Dalgairns will li'ke to 
 know that the translation which he has corrected so nicely is of ereat 
 use and comfort. ^ 
 
 I should stay on here, unless there were appearances that she would 
 be continued here through the term, and then I thought of comin- up 
 to give my four lectures on two following days, spending the rest of 
 the week here. 
 
 You will be kindly glad to hear that as yet she does not suffer, and 
 her beautifully calm face is something joyous to look on. 
 
 I asked her whether she had any message for you. She said, ' Give 
 him my respectful love, and thank him for all his kindness to me.' 
 
 God reward you, my dear friend ; this is now the second of mine, 
 at whose parting I have felt what a blessing your sermons and your 
 love have been to them. , 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Pusey, Littlemore, April 10, 1844. 
 
 You may fancy what an heartache your note of to-day has given 
 me. Yet all is well, as you know better than I can say. What would 
 you more than is granted you as regards dear Lucy.? She was given 
 you to be made an heir of heaven. Have you not been allowed to 
 perform that part towards her? You have done your work-what 
 remains but to present it finished to Him Who put it upon you.? You 
 are presenting it to Him, you are allowed to do so, in the way most 
 acceptable to Him, as a holy blameless sacrifice, not a sacrifice which 
 the world has sullied, but as if a baptismal offering, perfected by long 
 though kind and gentle sufferings. How fitly do her so touching words 
 which you repeat to me accord with such thoughts as these ! ' Love ' 
 which she asks for, is of course the grace which will complete the 
 whole. Do you not bear in mind the opinion of theologians that it is 
 the grace which supplies all things, supersedes all things, and is all in 
 all } I believe they hold, though a dying person were in a desert, 
 without any one at hand, love would be to him everything. He has in 
 It forgiveness of sins. Communion of Saints, and the presence of Christ 
 Dear Lucy has been made His in Baptism, she has been made His in 
 suffering : and now she asks to be made His by love. 
 
 VOL. IL c C 
 
386 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Well may you find her sweet countenance pleasant to look upon, 
 when here at a distance I have such pleasure in thinking of her. 
 May we have that great blessedness, when our end comes (may 
 I especially, who need so to pray more than others), which is hers, 
 that gift of love which casts out all imperfection, all doubt, all sorrow. 
 
 Should you have a fit time for doing so, pray tell her that she is 
 constantly in my thoughts, and will not (so be it) cease to be ; —as she, 
 who has gone first, is in my mind day by day, morning and evening, 
 continually. 
 
 All blessing on you both, and on your other dear charge at Clifton, is 
 the prayer ot yours, my dear Pusey, 
 
 Most affectionately but most unworthily, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 Early in the morning of April 22nd she passed away. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Clifton, Fer. ii. inf. Hebd. ii. post Pasch. 
 
 My VERY DEAR FRIEND, t^P"' "^' ^^"^ 
 
 * Blessed be the Name of the Lord.* Your prayers and those of 
 my other friends have been heard ; the child, educated in, and (in 
 a manner) of your sermons, has been accepted, and is in Paradise. 
 The struggle was so long and so severe that I could not but think it 
 a realizing, in a degree, of a wish she had named to me (about two 
 years ago, I think) that she might die a martyr. ... I longed that it 
 should be over, and sighed at each return of life, or each sign of 
 remaining strength, though 1 was withheld from praying that it should 
 be except as He willed. I left it wholly to His wisdom and mercy. . . . 
 
 I ventured to give her in charge to pray for us all in the presence of 
 her Redeemer, and, if it might be, for those institutions to which she 
 had herself hoped to belong. I especially recalled to her how much 
 she owed to you. . . . The crowning blessing was at the end. She had 
 seemed again and again all but gone, and when I expected the last 
 sigh, the cough returned and seemed to recall her to life, and the 
 
 suffering was to begin again All at once her eyes opened wide, and 
 
 I never saw such a gaze as at what was invisible to us, which continued 
 for some time ; and after this had continued for some little while, she 
 looked at me full in the face, and there came such an unearthly smile, 
 so full of love also ; all expression of pain disappeared and was 
 swallowed up in joy : I never saw anything like that smile : there was 
 no sound, else it seemed almost a laugh for joy, and I could hardly help 
 laughing for joy in answer. I cannot describe it : it was utterly unlike 
 anything I ever saw : it seemed as if she would say, * All you have 
 longed for for me is fulfilled,' and when her blessed spirit was gone, her 
 eyes, which were looking gently heavenwards, retained such a lustre 
 (such as they never had before) that they seemed more than living. 
 
 Lucy Pusefs Death, 
 
 387 
 
 It turned at once all sorrow into joy : it seemed like one already in 
 
 Paradise inviting me thither A few days ago this seemed to me the 
 
 heaviest blow that could fall upon me : she was the one being around 
 whom my thoughts of the future here had wound ; and now I would 
 not exchange that smile for worlds. * Heaviness has endured for the 
 night, but joy has come in the morning.' I cannot sorrow for one 
 whom I have seen with the light as of Heaven. . . . 
 
 Pusey interpreted the smile which is here described 
 more distinctly and confidently in another passage. 
 
 ' I feel certain that it was our Blessed Lord Whom she saw : I had 
 often in the night used part of the prayer, " Soul of Christ," &c., more 
 than once as a whole, and especially that part, "O good Jesus, hear me, 
 and suffer me not to be separated from Thee." ... I repeated to 
 her the Blessing, " May the Face of the Lord Jesus Christ appear to 
 thee mild and joyous." . . . The lustre of her eyes and the heavenly 
 love of the smile, seemed a reflection of His Countenance. If so 
 while in the body, what must it be now! God be thanked for His 
 unspeakable mercy to me a sinner.* 
 
 Pusey asked Newman to make arrangements about the 
 funeral. She was to be buried in the Cathedral at Christ 
 Church. 
 
 *Do you think'— wrote Pusey to Newman on April 22— * there would 
 be any harm in putting on the stone "puella jam in votis Christo 
 desponsata," since this had been a deep and abiding feeling with her 
 since I first named it almost four years ago. I mean the Latin to 
 express that it was only in votis, not actually so.* 
 
 The coffin was to be *as simple as herself,' with the 
 * cross upon it which she so loved.' The cross could not be 
 added in Clifton. *My friends here,' wrote Pusey, *are 
 already too deeply committed by their connexion with 
 myself ^' Dr. Bloxam was asked to give directions to 
 some one about making a cross, which could be put on at 
 Oxford. In transmitting this commission to Bloxam, 
 Newman added, ' In reward you shall see Pusey's letter to 
 me about her ; she was a saint.' 
 
 Newman's acknowledgment of Pusey's account of his 
 daughter's death followed at once. 
 
 * The Miss Rogers* school had suffered through their relations with Pusey. , 
 
 C C 2 
 
388 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Use of Foreign Devotional Books. 
 
 389 
 
 My dearest Pusey, Littlemore, April 24, 1844. 
 
 How can I thank you enough for your letter and its sacred 
 contents ? rather how can we all duly thank Him Whose mercies have 
 enabled you to write it ? You do not want comfort — so on all accounts 
 but few words are becoming from such as me. I now but fear that 
 you will find yourself overcome in body and mind afterwards, when the 
 present exertion is over. 
 
 I have ordered a plated cross eighteen inches long, and foliated 
 (I think they call it), by Bloxam. 
 
 There seems to me nothing against the words — in votis. I suppose 
 it is good Latin. The question is whether it will not be commonly 
 mistaken by voto devincta. I like it very much. 
 
 The twenty-second of April is memorable to me already on many 
 accounts — two are these. It is the anniversary of Wood's departure 
 last year, and of our commencing here the year before. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 P. S. On second thoughts, since you expressly say * the simple 
 cross,' I shall order a plain one not foliated. 
 
 Pusey begged Newman to be at the funeral, which took 
 place on Saturday, April 27. Lucy Pusey was laid at the 
 side of her mother and sister in the nave (as it then was) of 
 Christ Church Cathedral. 
 
 Pusey sought refuge from his anxieties and sorrows in an 
 increase of his habits of personal devotion, and in efforts to 
 lead others to deeper and more spiritual communion with 
 God. He now engaged in editing a translation of the first 
 of a series of devotional works, adapted from foreign writers 
 to the use of the English Church. In this he was only 
 following high precedent. Bishop Andrewes had con- 
 structed his * Devotions ' out of ancient liturgies. Sherlock 
 had taught the ' Practical Christian ' that the Breviary and 
 the Missal contained prayers of exquisite beauty. The 
 * Spiritual Combat ' had been edited for the use of the 
 English Church by a London clergyman in the seventeenth 
 century, and recommended in the eighteenth by Bishop 
 Wilson. The ' Introduction to a Devout Life,' by St. Francis 
 de Sales, had been brought to the notice of English Church- 
 men under the auspices of Laud ; and Laud had sanctioned 
 by licence the * Epistle of Christ to a Devout Soul,* by 
 
 Lanspergius. Of Luis of Granada, the 'Spiritual Exer- 
 cises ' had been translated in one century, the * Paradise of 
 Prayers * in another. Jeremy Taylor had embodied Nierem- 
 berg in his * Contemplations of the State of Man' ; Hickes 
 had translated F^n^lon ; Robert Boyle, Nicole ; Ball, of 
 St. Bartholomew's the Less, Bellarmine's *Art of Dying'; 
 while Wesley had published, in his * Christian Library,' 
 works of Juan d'Avila, Molinos, Francis Losa, Fenelon, and 
 the * Letters ' of Brother Lawrence. Thomas a Kempis 
 had been at home in the English Church since the days of 
 Queen Elizabeth^. The original works of Massillon and 
 Fendlon had long been welcome to English Church-people. 
 Pusey only proposed to extend the use of foreign writers ; 
 but to extend it under safeguards and upon a principle. 
 Believing as he did that the whole spiritual life of the 
 Church was the work of God the Holy Ghost, even when 
 mingled here and there with human exaggerations or 
 misconceptions, he held that the devotional literature, in 
 which this life found expression and guidance, was God's 
 gift to all branches and members of the Church, and not 
 only to that portion of her which immediately produced it. 
 And there were special reasons just now for drawing on 
 some of these sources of spiritual strength. 
 
 * In the present time there is a craving after a higher life ; stricter 
 and more abiding penitence ; deeper and fuller devotion ; mental 
 prayer; meditation upon God and His holy mysteries ; more inward 
 love to Him ; oneness of will with Him in all things ; more habitual 
 recollection in Him amid the duties of daily life ; entire consecration 
 to God ; deadness to self and to the world ; growth in the several 
 Christian graces in detail; self-knowledge, in order to victory over 
 self; daily strife ; stricter conformity with our Lord's blessed com- 
 mandments and all-holy life, sympathy with His passion, 'the 
 fellowship of His sufferings'; oneness with Him. Yet in all, people 
 feel that they lack instruction ; they see dimly what God would 
 have of them,— they see not how to set about it V 
 
 Pusey began with Avrillon's * Guide for passing Lent 
 Holily/ one of the most useful of the series. He prefixed 
 
 * Cf. Pusey's * Letter to the Bishop * Avrillon's ' Guide for passing Lent 
 of London/ 1851, pp. 83-93. Holily.' Preface, pp. 1, 2. 
 
 \ -^ 
 
390 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 to it some remarks vindicating the principle and pointing 
 out the limits of his adaptations. He proposed at first to 
 prefix a dedication to the Church of England, and consulted 
 Newman about it as well as about the translation of the 
 Breviary. Newman replied : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 My dear p. 0"el, Saturday, Dec, 2, 1843. 
 
 Your proposed Dedication has put it into my head to say 
 to you what it did not strike me before to do-though I certainly think 
 I ought. 
 
 It is this. I am quite of opinion that any Breviary, however 
 corrected, &c., will tend to prepare minds for the Church of Rome. 
 I fully think that you will be doing so by your publication. . . . 
 
 I do not think our system will bear it. It is like sewing a new 
 piece of cloth on an old garment. 
 
 Did I wish to promote the cause of the Church of Rome, I should 
 say, Do what you propose to do. 
 
 I have before now been of another opinion. If it seems wonderful 
 to you that I should change right round without showing distress 
 at the intentions expressed from time to time of editing Breviaries, 
 I fear I must account for it in a way which will pain you— that my 
 dislike of approximating Rome has diminished with my hope of 
 avoiding her. Now, as before, / am not unwilling that Breviaries 
 should be published— though for different reasons. But, as I have 
 tried, while I had a charge in our Church, to do nothing against her, 
 so now you should have my opinion on the subject. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 Of course, Newman's letter did not convince Pusey. 
 Newman meant that Rome was alone the true home of all 
 that Pusey wished to secure for the Engh'sh Church by his 
 adapted books. Pusey, believing that the English Church 
 was Catholic, believed that she had a right to and could 
 assimilate all that was really Catholic in the devotional 
 literature of the Church of Rome. It would raise the tone 
 of the whole English Church ; it would not make indi- 
 viduals disloyal to her. It would influence the devotional 
 life of the English Church, as the publication of the 
 •Library of the Fathers* was influencing her theology. 
 Newman, of course, could not agree. 
 
 Translation of the Breviary, 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 391 
 
 ,- T^ Littlemore, Dec. 18, 1843. 
 
 My dear Pusey, * ' ^^ 
 
 I have been intending to answer your most kind and affectionate 
 
 note ever since it came, and now I am driven up into a corner for time. 
 
 I must seem very cold and reserved to you— the truth is I have 
 not had courage to tell you all I think. This has lasted a very 
 long time — for years. Indeed, one has no right to scatter about one's 
 own notions, when they are recent, lest they should be but accidental 
 and random. But some time or other I must tell you. And perhaps 
 I must choose some serious season, as I do for telling you as much 
 as this. 
 
 Whether the publication of a Breviary is to lead our Church 
 towards Rome or individuals in it (which is your question) can 
 only be decided by experiment. It is like attempting to bend a stick : 
 if it does not bend, it will break. If you do not move the whole 
 Church, to a certainty you are moving individuals ; there is no 
 medium. Now in calculating the prospective resistance, the fact 
 that the Bishops are averse to the Breviary, and that some have 
 pledged themselves against it, is a very anxious fact. Again, you 
 must take into account generally, the opposition of the nation to 
 Rome. I do not think it enough, according to my feeling of the 
 matter, to say, * I leave it to a higher power whether or not He 
 leads our Church to Rome, in consequence of my act'; I think 
 you must contemplate another alternative and say, * I think it right, 
 and therefore leave it to Him altogether and absolutely what becomes 
 of my act, whether He overrule it to the movement of the whole 
 Church or of individuals in it, more or fewer.' I am only stating 
 my feeling. 
 
 Things have so silently changed (e.g. the fact of the Bishops' 
 Charges, the secret growth of Roman tendencies in various minds, &c.) 
 that I had not very fully mastered my own thoughts about the 
 publication of a Breviary now, till your proposed Dedication made 
 me realize them. 
 
 As to Isaac W[illiams] you must not take him as a judge of 
 consequences— he advocates causes as strongly as possible till they 
 touch on their effects, and then is perfectly shocked and amazed 
 to find that fire bums. 
 
 As to the Fathers, to return to your remark, I do now think, 
 far more than I did, that their study leads to Rome. It has thus 
 wrought in me. But of course I ever have thought it required 
 a safeguard to keep it from Rome, because in the history of the 
 Ciuirch their theology has led to Rome on a very large scale; vide 
 the advertisement to my third volume of Sermons. 
 
 You are not paining me by writing to me, and I grieve not to 
 answer you, but I am sorely perplexed whether I have any right 
 to distress you, and that is the beginning and the end of it. 
 
 : s ■ 
 
M 
 
 392 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 And now, my dearest Pusey, do not think that I doubt for a moment 
 that, whatever you do, done as you will do it, will turn to good • 
 only you seemed to pledge yourself to be choosing the good, and 
 to involve yourself in consequences-and that frightened me. 
 Ever yours most affectionately, compared with whom 
 
 I am nothing, 
 
 J. h: N. 
 
 Keble, unlike Newman, approved of this renewed pro- 
 posal to translate the Breviary, and of Pusey's Preface to 
 the adapted works. He wrote a long letter, pointing out 
 omissions which would be necessary to make the Breviary 
 conformable to English Church doctrine, while insisting on 
 the principle that nothing that was retained should be 
 altered. In a second letter he added :— 
 
 .K ' ^^T ^'''' rj^' i^"""^^^ °^ ^^^* "^^ ^'^^^PS' s°"^e of them, I think 
 the Bishop of Oxford, said against editing R. C. books of devotion 
 as an objection to this undertaking? Might it be removed by 
 communication with him or in any other way? Will not some 
 bookseller share the expense, if he may be allowed to share the 
 profit ? If this is thought undesirable, I hope you will put me down 
 for at least ^100 towards it. I hope N. and you sometimes confer 
 about It : how is he ? ' 
 
 Newman's letters had however raised serious scruples in 
 Pusey's mind as to the consistency of his project with 
 loyalty to the English Church : and as Keble had not met 
 these scruples, Pusey wrote to him again on the subject. 
 Keble, who seems to have thought that there was more 
 reserve and distance between Newman and Pusey at this 
 time than was really the case, begged him to consult 
 Newman. He added :— 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 tir-*v ^ . Hursley, Jan. 9, 1844. 
 
 With regard to the risk of publishing an English Breviaiy at 
 all even in the most expurgated shape, I own I cannot well com- 
 prehend It: that is, I cannot comprehend how it should have 
 
 «.,f Tr^I! '""■""? *'* ^°°^ '°" °f P"^°"^ = but to say that 
 our Church cannot bear such a book, and that it is inconsistent 
 
 Tort If'tv' '° 'r- '""'J* "^"^ *° •"<=■ ■^'^^'^ "« - -^ scanda Ing 
 sort of thmg. As to the Services of St. Mary in particular. I can 
 
 better comprehend your difficulty : even as an o.Wu^-„, ,o reconcile 
 
 / 
 
 Keble' s Approval — Dedication of Avrillon, 393 
 
 people to the Breviary generally, it seems that it might be desirable 
 to omit them ; but why should this extend to all the black-letter-days ? 
 unless it be that you would not like to exclude (so far) the greatest 
 Saint whilst you are honouring the rest ? and I do not know that 
 I could answer this very well. Yet it does seem to me that leaving 
 out such a body of holy commemorations will enormously diminish 
 the beauty and utility of the book. But still I would have it go 
 on, and as you say, if the plan be a truly good one, more Saints' 
 days may perhaps be added hereafter. Any hymns or other passages 
 which you wish, I will of course try to translate ; but they must 
 be sent to me in good time, as I am very slow in such works, and 
 getting more and more so. 
 
 Avrillon appeared just before Lent. The effect of 
 Pusey's correspondence with Newman appears in the 
 following Dedication. It had been slightly altered since 
 Newman saw it. It is hardly possible to avoid contrasting 
 the tone of this Dedication with that of the passage already 
 quoted from Newman's last sermon, especially as regards 
 the relation of the writers to their Mother, the Church of 
 England. 
 
 'To 
 
 Our Mother 
 
 In whom we were new bom to God, 
 
 In whom we have been fed 
 
 All our life long until this day, 
 
 In whose Bosom we hope to die, 
 
 The Church of England^ 
 
 Beloved and afflicted. 
 
 And by affliction purified, 
 
 Once the Parent of Saints, 
 
 Now through our sins fallen, yet arising, 
 
 In 
 
 Reverent and grateful affection, 
 
 from 
 
 Her humblest and most unworthy Son, 
 
 With the earnest prayer 
 
 That his infirmities and shortsightedness 
 
 Mar not any way God's gracious work towards her, 
 
 Nor what is purposed 
 
 For the holiness of her children 
 
 Bring aught of evil to her.' 
 
 The publication of Avrillon provoked misgivings and 
 even remonstrances from some of Pusey's friends. 
 
 i 
 
394 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pitsey, 
 
 • ♦. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 My dear Friend, ^^^' "*' ^^'*'^- 
 
 . . . With regard to my own R. C. books, I am editing them 
 because I do not know of others of equal value or of the same kind. 
 How should it not be that in so numerous Churches as those in 
 communion with Rome, with such very devoted and self-denying 
 and contemplative lives as so many have led, they should not have 
 much by which we can profit ? 
 
 Of course I cannot expeci to approve my own judgement to others 
 in all things, but on the subject of the system as to the Blessed 
 Virgin, you have no reason to fear from me, for I cannot see my 
 way one step into the practical system of devotion to her. But 
 surely we must, in these difficult times, make all allowance for all 
 people, even as we wish to be well-constructed ourselves. 
 
 It has only lately occurred to me, that I shall probably be suspended 
 again next year, if I live so long, i. e. upon my first sermon. 
 
 Do not be impatient, my dear friend, but pray for us. 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 The Rev. W. K. Hamilton (aftemards Bishop of Salis- 
 bury) feared that such books might make English Church- 
 people dissatisfied with their own position. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. K. Hamilton. 
 
 My dear Hamilton, ^^* Thomas' Day, 1844. 
 
 I am grieved that you think my editions of foreign works (for 
 Roman Catholic they are not, as 1 edit them) tend to foster an 
 unfilial spirit. My own object was two-sided: (i) to obtain what 
 was very valuable ; (2) to present it in such form as should not lead 
 to devotions, &c., uncongenial to our Church. People were using 
 Roman Catholic books extensively already, and this was unangli- 
 canizing them. There was not the choice, if one would, whether 
 they should use them or no. The only question was, how ? Again, 
 people were restless, because they had not guidance; they had 
 cravings unsupplied (as I said in my first Preface). These books 
 do set them at rest. I receive most grateful thanks for the provision 
 made within our Church, for knowing what they may use, instead 
 of being tempted to use Roman Catholic books, as stolen goods, 
 of which they knew not whether they were theirs or no. Simple, 
 truly Anglican minds have thanked me exceedingly. Then, why 
 should it unsettle people? Why should we suppose that we have 
 all good in ourselves? Why should not such flourishing Churches 
 as Spain and France have been, with men so wholly abstracted 
 from this life and living to God, lives so devoted as we have scarcely 
 
 Remonstrances from other Friends. 
 
 395 
 
 any notion of, with burning zeal for the conversion of sinners, all 
 on fire with the love of God, produce works which might be of use 
 to us ? . . . Yet we have been contented to borrow from Calvinists, 
 Lutherans, our own Dissenters. 
 
 The task which, from the feeling of its necessity, I have taken 
 upon myself, I feel to be a difficult and an anxious one. But I know 
 that it has brought both to translators and readers deeper thoughts 
 of devotion, and so I hope God's blessing will rest upon it. I felt 
 when I began it that I was throwing away what little reputation 
 1 had left : but I felt it to be worth the cost. You would be shocked 
 to have all this explanation. But what you feel, that, of course, others 
 do also, and your Bishop probably, and I should be glad to mitigate, 
 at least, his apprehensions. . . . God be with you ever. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Copeland's difficulty had been of a distinct character. If 
 it was desirable to have recourse to the Roman Church for 
 books of devotion, did not this imply a greater wealth of 
 spiritual life in that Church, and was not such a fact, if 
 a fact it was, suggestive of other conclusions beyond ? 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Sept. 24, 1844. 
 
 You must not indeed let my doing R. C. books raise painful 
 doubts or comparisons in your mind. So large a Communion must 
 have produced more than ours. Then so much of theirs is the 
 fruit of Monastic Orders (all their best books I think) that it is 
 wonderful that God should have given us what He has without 
 them. Then on the very subject we were speaking of, how much 
 is there not in Bishop Wilson's S. P. for meditation at least ! I do 
 not know yet, but 1 doubt very much whether the German Catholic 
 Church has produced as much as God has bestowed on us. Spain 
 again has one very bright galaxy about the time of St. Theresa, but 
 all which she has seems to centre about that time. We are wishing 
 to make our own the best (if we have wisdom to find it) which 
 God has given elsewhere anywhere in the Church : how should it 
 not be more than we have ? And yet if God gives us grace to use it, 
 it becomes our own, and so far sets us in communion with the 
 Church everywhere. 
 
 I write this, on account of an expression of pain which escaped 
 you on Sunday. 
 
 The projected translation of the Breviary had not origin- 
 ated with Pusey. Several hands had been engaged upon 
 
3S6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Failure of the Breviary Scheme, 
 
 397 
 
 it, ever since the appearance of Newman's tract (No. 75) 
 * On the Roman Breviary as embodying the substance of the 
 devotional services of the Church Catholic' Prominent 
 among these translators was Mr. Samuel Wood ^ of Oriel 
 College— a layman of saintly life, whose early death was 
 deeply mourned by Pusey and Newman. His manuscripts 
 passed by his will into the hands of Mr. Robert Williams ; 
 and Mr. F. Oakeley was also actively interested in the work. 
 Pusey was asked for advice and assistance when Newman, 
 through misgivings as to the English Church, was no longer 
 willing to give them. He endeavoured to employ the 
 partial control thus placed in his hands by discouraging 
 whatever appeared to be inconsistent with the teaching of 
 the English Church ; and, feeling that he could thus hope to 
 give the enterprise a healthy turn and to satisfy a widely- 
 felt spiritual craving without encouraging disaffection to the 
 English Church, he did what he could to urge his friends to 
 complete it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Ilfracombe, July 5, 1844. 
 You will be glad to hear that R. W. will make any use of 
 our friend Wood's MSS. of the Breviary we wish, trusting to us 
 that we must know what is wanted for our Church more than he. 
 So then, as soon as the Hymns on the Passion are done, I hope 
 you will set to work about this, and first of all see if you think 
 there is anything, here and there, in N.'s hymns which he would 
 like to retract, and then we could begin printing at once. 1 am 
 anxious not to lose time. . . . 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 But the troubles of the next two years were fatal to this 
 as to other pieces of work which Pusey had at heart. 
 Fragments of the translation of the Breviary, in brown- 
 paper wrappers, appeared in the Oxford shops, and were 
 used in the private chapel of Newman's monastery at 
 Littlemore. But the work was never completed : although 
 the idea has shown a persistent vitality and has been partly 
 
 * He was an uncle of the present Viscount Halifax. 
 
 realized in the * Day Hours of the Church,* based on the 
 ancient English use of Sarum, and other less important 
 or popular compilations which have in later years shaped 
 the devotional life of a not inconsiderable number of 
 English Churchmen ^ 
 
 * Since Dr. Liddon wrote these 
 words the edition of the Sanim 
 Breviary, published by the Cambridge 
 
 University Press, has made the ancient 
 devotions of the English Church easily 
 accessible (see p. 146). 
 
 ■I^I I M i S-i 
 
I 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 VISIT TO ILFRACOMBE— PREACHING WITH THE BISHOP 
 OF EXETER'S SANCTION — NEWMAN'S POSITION — 
 PUSEY S FEARS AND HOPES— DEATH OF MR. J. W. 
 BOWDEN. 
 
 1844. 
 
 During the Easter Term which followed his daughter's 
 death, Pusey worked as hard as ever. Besides his lectures, 
 he edited and wrote prefaces to two volumes of the * Library 
 of the Fathers ^' When the Term had ended he went to 
 Ilfracombe with his two surviving children. 
 
 During a short preceding visit to town he saw Mr. J. W. 
 Bowden at Roehampton. Mr. Bowden's contributions to 
 the *Lyra Apostolica ' and his ' Life of Gregory VII. * had 
 made him, although a layman, a leading mind among the 
 Oxford writers. He had lately lost his father, and was now 
 in very ill health, and found great comfort in the visits 
 both of Pusey and Newman. How completely Pusey was 
 forgetting his own troubles in those of others and in his 
 work, appears from a letter to Newman, which he wrote 
 from Clifton, on the eve of taking the Bristol Channel 
 steamer to Ilfracombe. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Clifton, July 2, 1844. 
 
 I should have written, after my visit to Bowden, had not Johnson 
 been returning to you. He spoke as if he thought well of himself, and 
 said his physician spoke of his returning to St. Leonards in much the 
 same state as last year. I, for the first time, became heavy-minded. 
 God bless you in this and all your sorrows. 
 
 My, or your, httle books promise to go on faster now. That on the 
 Spiritual Life, by Surin, is half through the press, and with it I hope 
 
 ' St. Cyprian's Epistles, and St. Augustine's Homilies on the New Testament 
 vol. i. ' 
 
 Philip Pusey s Confirmation, 
 
 399 
 
 to bring out *The Hidden Life*; what you have now sent me completes 
 the fourth ; and by the end of the Vacation I hope to have the 
 Paradisus. 
 
 While I was in London, I heard of a most dreadful instance of what 
 you allude to in a sermon, God's awful avenging of the profanation 
 of the Holy Eucharist. It was received, with warning of the danger 
 of receiving unworthily ; not swallowed, the head being turned aside 
 to conceal this from the clergyman : and the poor wretched being, who 
 was before so weak that the medical man did not suppose that she 
 could live through the day, became endued with such supernatural 
 strength that she could scarcely be held down : the medical man 
 seemed frightened when he saw her again, and said he could do no 
 more for her. The nurse said he seemed glad to get away. She 
 herself speaks with awful vehemence of her soul being lost. This is 
 the second instance 1 know, myself, of actual *possession'as the result 
 of profanation, or hypocritical receiving. It is dreadful to speak of it 
 in this way : yet God seems to be showing us openly, what at other 
 times passes secretly, as a witness to His Sacraments. 
 
 Poor Philip is thought to be decidedly better, and is looking forward 
 
 earnestly to his Confirmation this month. We are to set off early 
 
 to-morrow for Ilfracombe : twice before I have sailed from Bristol : 
 
 the first time with all to brighten life ; each time since what was 
 
 dearest was removed from sight. All seems set or setting: if His 
 
 Light but arise ! 
 
 Ever yours affectionately and gratefully, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 I do not mean to write heavily on the anniversary of the day when 
 poor Philip's life and mine were so wonderfully preserved ; I hope, for 
 something. 
 
 Pusey was, of course, still a marked man ; the majority of 
 Englishmen regarded him as a dangerous character, who 
 had been rightly condemned by the most learned University 
 of the country. Mr. Chanter, the Vicar of Ilfracombe, was 
 anxious that Pusey should preach in his church ; but popular 
 excitement against him ran as high in Devonshire as else- 
 where. It was supposed that a University suspension held 
 everywhere; and Mr. Chanter's invitation was considered an 
 act of lawless audacity. Pusey himself, though without any 
 illusions as to the range or character of academical juris- 
 diction, still felt that there were in the circumstances sound 
 moral reasons for obtaining the distinct sanction of the 
 Bishop of the Diocese before accepting the invitation. 
 A little more than three weeks after Pusey' s arrival at 
 
400 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 M 
 
 fii 
 
 » ' 
 
 Ilfracombe, Bishop Philpotts came to hold a Confirmation 
 in the parish, and Philip Pusey was confirmed. Pusey 
 wrote : — 
 
 * Ilfracombe, Vigil of St. James, 1844. 
 ' My poor boy was confirmed to-day, and the Bishop of Exeter kindly 
 rriade it (unasked) the more impressive to him, by confirming him 
 singly, continuing the imposition of hands all the time, and speaking 
 louder that he might hear.* s 
 
 After the service, Mr. Chanter asked the Bishop to 
 sanction Pusey's preaching. 
 
 * The Bishop,* writes Pusey to Newman on July 24, * said that he 
 thought it would not have been wise in Mr. Chanter to have asked me 
 without consulting himself, that it did not fall in his (the Bishop's) 
 way to ask me to preach, for that no occasion offered for it ; but he had 
 no objection to any of his clergy asking me. On parting, Mr. C. again 
 asked the Bishop whether he distinctly understood that the Bishop 
 had no objection whatever to his asking me to preach. To which the 
 Bishop said without any hesitation, " Certainly none." 
 
 * I saw the Bishop privately : he was very courteous to me, as he 
 always is ; said he was glad to see me at all times, especially in his 
 Diocese, asked to see me if I should go to S. Devon, praised my 
 meekness (while I felt it half hypocrisy, since I am preparing to 
 appeal against the Vice-Chancellor) ; said that he saw nothing to 
 censure in my sermon, that I had been hardly dealt with, though he 
 thought that he differed in expression, but expression only, from myself, 
 expressed value for my opinion on other matters, &c., &c., &c. : but said 
 nothing about my preaching, which I did not think had been named to 
 him.* 
 
 Pusey asked Newman whether he thought it advisable 
 for him to preach with this sanction. Newman replied : — 
 
 'July 28, 1844. 
 ' I really think you may do as you like ; it certainly would seem 
 acknowledging the oecumenical authority of the Six Doctors if you did 
 not preach at Ilfracombe now, and did (say) next year. Certainly 
 the Bishops ought to take you up. But it is in vain to expect what is 
 orthodox and Catholic from them. Do men gather figs of thistles?' 
 
 On August nth Pusey preached in the parish church of 
 the Holy Trinity, Ilfracombe, in aid of the funds for a new 
 church at the foot of the Capstone Hill, The subject, 
 * God is Love/ was especially congenial to the preacher ; 
 
 Preaching with the Bishop's sanction. 401 
 
 and its application to the circumstances of Ilfracombe is 
 enforced with characteristic fervour. 
 
 A fortnight later he preached a second sermon for the 
 parochial schools, on the glory conferred by our Lord's 
 Incarnation on Christian childhood ^ On this, as on the 
 former occasion, the church was crowded, and a great many 
 Dissenters formed part of the congregation. They were 
 surprised at Pusey s evangelical tone,— in the true sense 
 of that expression,— at the sincerity and fervour with which 
 he enforced those truths of Revelation which they too 
 sincerely held. They joined in a request that his sermons 
 might be printed. Pusey wrote to the Bishop of Exeter to 
 ask whether the sermons, preached with his sanction, might 
 be dedicated to him. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 Himley Park, Aug. 29, 1844. 
 Your letter has given to me very great gratification, but no 
 surprise- except perhaps that I was not prepared to find Dissenters 
 (of a class, probably, much opposed to you before) candid enough to 
 do you justice. 
 
 I shall esteem myself honoured by your dedication. It may be well 
 to say, as the fact is, that I know not the contents of the sermons so 
 dedicated : but that I most willingly accept your proposal, as a testi- 
 mony of my confidence in you, when I sanctioned your preaching, 
 that you would not preach anything in the diocese of Exeter which its 
 Bishop would not be glad to hear, or which would give reasonable 
 ground of offence to any sober-minded and faithful Christian. 
 
 I am, in haste, very faithfully yours, 
 
 Rev. Dr. Pusey. h. Exeter. 
 
 The Bishop's acknowledgment of the copy sent to him 
 was very cordial : — 
 
 My dear Sir, Bishopstowe, Torquay, Oct. 29, 1844. 
 
 I have been shamefully remiss in so long delaying my thanks to 
 you for your two admirable sermons. I feel their value more than 
 I can express, and am sensible of the honour which is conferred on 
 my name by having it associated with them. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, with very sincere regard and esteem, 
 
 Yours most faithfully, 
 
 H. Exeter. 
 
 t^xrJ^^ l^^n '^ ^*- ^^"- ''''"*• •''» c^»^<^ in My Name receiveth Me.' 
 Whoso shall receive one such little 'Occasional Sermons/ serm. v. 
 
 VOL. II. D d 
 
li 
 
 i! 
 
 I" 
 
 402 Lije of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Pusey spent his forty-fifth birthday at Ilfracombe ; and 
 Newman, as usual, wrote to him, in anticipation of the 
 day, but in terms which were very far indeed from being 
 conventional. 
 
 The Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, August 18, 1844. 
 
 I write you a line anticipatory of next Thursday, and will take the 
 opportunity of the day, not only to make the customary good wishes, 
 but to try to remind you of the good which exists, not in wish or hope, 
 but in accomplishment all around you. What I mean is, that 
 I happened to travel down from London with E. Coleridge the other 
 day, and he told me he feared you were in a state of dejection, and 
 really this ought not to be. It has made me very anxious. Will you, 
 please, think of this— that, whatever be the event of things (of which 
 we know nothing, and whether good or bad we may know nothing) 
 yet nothing can hinder the fact that it has pleased God to work, and 
 to be working, through you more good than can be told. Is it not 
 a good that souls should be made more serious ? that they should be 
 turned towards themselves and towards repentance ? that they should 
 spend their substance, not on themselves, but in the service of religion? 
 that they should have truer views of the soul ? more reverence, more 
 faith, more love ? Now, has not Divine Mercy made you the means 
 of all this in a way far beyond your own highest expectations ? If so, 
 is not this a fact realized, against which nothing can be put? Is it not 
 a hundred times more certain that these things are good than that 
 joining the Church of Rome is evil? Is it not then wrong to be 
 downhearted ? 
 
 Again, are not such tempers and habits as He has made you His 
 instrument in creating in the souls of so many, a token and warrant 
 that good must come in the end ? May you not safely leave the issue 
 to Him Who has promised it will be a blessed one, for the beginning is 
 blessed? Good beginnings lead to good endings. You need not 
 balance, though I just now said it, the certain good that is, against 
 the probable evil that is to come, but let the certain good be a comment 
 and more true interpreter of what seems to you evil. Divine Goodness 
 allows you to* see fruit, and in that you surely may rejoice, as St. Paul 
 says— and leave Him to do what He will with His own work. It is 
 His work, not yours— have faith in the work- and believe that He will 
 perfect and complete it in a way suitable to His original design. Surely 
 Gamaliel's advice applies— let us follow it, not the pattern of such as 
 Jonah, who would have things his own way. 
 
 Excuse this abruptness, my dear Pusey ; take it in love from 
 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 Pusey on the English Church. 
 
 403 
 
 Pusey replied : — 
 
 -,, , , [Ilfracombe, Aug. 21.] St. Bernard's Day, 1844. 
 
 Thank you for all the tender affection of your note, which makes you 
 ascribe to me thmgs which do not belong to me. I hope I shall profit 
 by It somehow, as by all your love. 
 
 I do not know whether C[oleridge] has understood me, but perhaps 
 I have seemed to wish to have matters more my own way, than I do. 
 The tendency Romewards, when I was first told it, did shatter me, and 
 I felt like one who had been left ashore, and the tide sweeping by 
 I knew not whither ; but this has for some time past away. I have 
 been unanx.ous, whither things developed, whether in what I can see 
 or what I cannot see : I believe implicitly all which the Church 
 believes hold myself opposed to nothing which I do not see, and 
 thmk that any one may see further and truer than I do : although 
 I must act on what I see myself. 
 
 But what does seem impressed upon me with a conviction deeper 
 than I can say is that God is with our Church, acting not» upon 
 individuals, but dealing with it, if we do not forfeit it. It is this dread 
 which has made me write strongly to C[oleridge] and some few friends 
 besides. Things seem in\ ^vpoO oK^fj,. It is not that I mistrust God's 
 goodness, but man's, our own, prayerlessness. I hear of continual 
 prayer among the Roman Catholics ; there may be such among 
 ourselves ; but there is much want of love and disunited prayer • I do 
 trust much prayer in secret (which one hears of from time to time) 
 yet many who wish us gone from misunderstandings, &c. If then there 
 be this prayer on the one side, and we ourselves neither know our 
 blessings, nor what to pray for, or pray languidly, what may we not 
 lose ? My feeling is, that it may be with us, * Except these abide in the 
 ship ye cannot be saved.' And so, while I have misgivings whether 
 people are careless about it, it cannot but be a heavy matter. Jeremiah 
 was allowed to weep for his people, and Ezekiel to sit astonished seven 
 days, and St. Paul to have great heaviness of heart for his kinsmen 
 according to the flesh ; and so, now that the work which God seemed 
 to have in store for our Church seems threatened, I, a sinner, may 
 have sorrow for what my own sills may, to an extent I know not of 
 have caused. However, I ought truly to say, I ought to have more 
 sorrow I am obliged to eat and drink and sleep, when saints would 
 have been enabled to fast and pray and have turned away God's 
 displeasure from their land. However, I have prayed solemnly and 
 do pray that God, if it be His will, would allow any remaining sorrow 
 which can come to me, without injury to the Church or to souls, to be 
 rather than this ; and so I wait the end. ' 
 
 • • . 
 
 May He bless you for all your love. 
 
 Ever your most affectionate and grateful friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 » It seems that ' only * must have been accidentally omitted. 
 
 D d il 
 
!-. 
 
 404 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Newman could not, in his then state of mind, allow such 
 a letter as this to close the subject. He wrote the following 
 
 reply : — . o 
 
 ^ ^ Littlemore, Aug. 23, 1844. 
 
 . . . What you say pains me very much. Surely what St. Paul and 
 the prophets before him mourned so bitterly, was not the downfall of 
 a system, but the degeneracy of a people, whereas now our people 
 have more promise (be it great or little) than before, not more cor- 
 ruption. 
 
 Can a true Church become weaker, while her children become 
 better ? Can a true Church lose her children, and those her better 
 ones ? If not, you are anxious about an impossibility. 
 
 Surely it will be unlike the ordinary ways of Providence if her better 
 sort of children, after years of patient waiting and steady personal 
 improvement, and against their feelings, wishes, and interests, leave 
 a true Church. It seems to me simply unaccountable in the ways of 
 Providence- and the expecting it implies so far forth a doubt whether 
 ours is a true Church. 
 
 • 
 
 Be sure, my dear Pusey, when the blow comes, we shall in God's 
 
 mercy have strength given us to bear it. 
 
 Pusey answered this letter on the evening of the day on 
 which he had preached his second sermon at Ilfracombe. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Sunday Ev., Aug. 25, 1844- 
 
 My very dear Newman, 
 
 I say things so badly and have so little of that wisdom which 
 would enable me to say them aright, that I am afraid of doing harm 
 by anything I say. However, I ought to say something, because 
 I have not yet made my meaning out to you. I have no fear what- 
 ever about the fall of what is called Anglicanism : no anxiety that- 
 the present Movement should end in what I see myself. One can but 
 look to a re-union of the Church as the end, and how that should be, — 
 whether by the explanation of the system as to St. Mary, so that such 
 as I can understand it, or the modification of the mode of its expres- 
 sion—in a word, on what terms and in what way we be re-united to the 
 rest of the Western Church, must be in His Hands, Who will guide, 
 I trust, her and ours. I have no reserve on this point ; I have seen 
 enough now of the writings, or rather of the lives of saints, wholly to 
 mistrust myself, though what they might do safely I cannot do. 
 
 God has, too, so wonderfully kept us together, so strangely held 
 people back in our communion, and then gave them contentment and 
 growth in it, that I had ceased to have fears about it, sorrowful as are 
 the losses from time to time which we undergo. I looked hopefully 
 
 Fears and hopes. 
 
 405 
 
 on, and trusted entirely that while our Church is what it is, and did 
 
 not commit itself in a wrong direction, and had thus visibly the means 
 
 of grace, the body of her better children would stay in her. I trusted 
 
 that any crisis would be averted, until she were leavened. I trust so 
 
 still. It would be so miserable that she should be left of those who 
 
 have been God's instruments in restoring her to what she is becoming. 
 
 The thought of it bewilders me and turns me dizzy, and I cannot think 
 
 it will be. But what fears I had arose, my very dear Newman, from 
 
 letters which H. W[ilberforce] showed me, when I met him in Kent at 
 
 my brother's. They seemed to me more definite than any I had seen 
 
 before. It was under the feeling that your will might be swayed, if, the 
 
 prayers continuing in the Roman Church, there were not more prayer 
 
 for you among ourselves (though doubtless there is very much) that 
 
 I wrote in that way to C[oleridge] (though thinking nothing definite) ; 
 
 and my object was to impress upon those to whom I wrote that more 
 
 seemed to me at stake, and so there was need of more earnest prayer, 
 
 than they thought for. In a word, the well-being of our Church seems 
 
 to me, by God's Providence, to have been wrapped up in you. I mean 
 
 in the same way as that of the Church Universal was in St. Athanasius, 
 
 or Israel (in its disorders) in one of its judges. I do not mistrust. 
 
 But seeing what looked like an anticipation of what would be such 
 
 a blow, I could not but do as I did, pray, under the conditions I said. 
 
 It was all I could do. I never meant to tell you of it. And then 
 
 I wished other prayers should be more earnest. I am more at rest 
 
 now ; partly perhaps from natural sanguineness ; partly seeing in 
 
 different tokens how God's Hand is still with us, and so hoping on ; 
 
 partly from the act itself. So now be not pained any more. I could 
 
 never have been saved but for sorrow. 
 
 I hope that harm from my Sentence may yet turn to good ; or 
 at least may be turned aside, though my sin produced it. I trust it 
 has done me good. Outwardly also, it has severed me from persons 
 whom I was wishing to influence. I trust, by God's mercy, it may have 
 been of some use to me to be laid aside. 
 
 If there is this lull which the English Churchman has said, it is 
 a most marvellous thing, as though that was true now—* the fierceness 
 of man shall turn to Thy praise, and the remainder of wrath shalt Thou 
 restrain.' Certainly it is out of the usual course, that the stronger 
 things are said, the quieter opponents should become. 
 
 Poor Philip, finding that all hope of Holy Orders is probably gone 
 through his infirmities (as they now give all prospect of his life), looks 
 to a yiovi} : he asked me whether I hoped for them for men also, and 
 seemed to think there was then something sacred in store for him. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 In a postscript Pusey discusses Newman's wish that 
 English Church-people should no longer trust him : — 
 
"^mr 
 
 ■■«■ 
 
 406 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * It might be right in you to wish that people should not have 
 confidence in you, and yet right in us to have it and wish that they 
 should have it, and I felt that / could not have had any hand in doing 
 what could any way prepare for what would be (I speak not of self) so 
 deep a wound to our Church. In a word, write or speak or act as 
 I may, I do not believe that it ever can be ; it goes against my whole 
 nature to believe it. I cannot think that we should be so utterly 
 deserted as that it should be permitted.' ; 
 
 Newman was placed in a position of extreme difficulty 
 by his desire on the one hand that Pusey should not 
 entertain false hopes, and on the other that he should not 
 be pained, as he necessarily would be by being forced to 
 abandon them. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Oriel College, Aug. 28, 1844. 
 (I only had your letter this morning.) 
 
 My dear Pusey, 
 
 I have great anxiety about answering you. For myself I like to 
 know and prepare for the worst of things— it distresses me not to look 
 things full in the face, and in my case it is on the whole a saving 
 of pain— but I cannot tell whether it is so to others. I would not for 
 the world give you pain I could avoid. It would be most unworthy 
 and shocking in me. Yet in so painful a subject, it does seem 
 better to me to have all out once for all (which I had hoped 
 Manning had done last year) than to keep hacking and hacking 
 bit by bit. 
 
 Surely great part of one's pain is from suspense, anxiety, suspicion, 
 anticipation— surely if I could but make you feel the worst, it must be 
 a relief to you. 
 
 You very greatly overrate my consequence, and the surprise which 
 any step on my part would cause. I beheve a great number of persons 
 are prepared for it. More and more are coming to expect it daily. 
 I cannot realize it myself— any more than that to-day I may be in 
 Oxford and to-morrow in York. You cannot realize it. But I believe 
 we, who are close to the act, are the persons most difficult to be 
 impressed with an anticipation of it. The shock and unsettlement 
 attending it I have felt acutely for years — but every month is recon- 
 ciling the minds of persons to it. 
 
 What am I to say but that I am one who, even five years ago, had 
 a strong conviction, from reading the history of the early ages, that we 
 are not part of the Church ? 
 
 — that I am one whose conviction of it now is about as strong as of 
 anything else he disbelieves— so strong that the struggle against it is 
 doing injury to his faith in general, and is spreading a film of scepticism 
 
 NewmatCs Secession probable — Pusey s Reply, 407 
 
 over his mind — who is frightened, and cannot tell what it may end in, 
 if he dares to turn a deaf ear to a voice which has so long spoken 
 to him. 
 
 — that I am one who is at this time in disquiet when he travels, lest 
 he should be suddenly taken off, before he has done what to him 
 seems necessary. 
 
 For a long, long time my constant question has been, ' Is it a dream ? 
 is it a delusion ? ' and the wish to have decisive proof on this point has 
 made me satisfied to wait— it makes me satisfied to wait still — but, 
 should such as I be suddenly brought down to the brink of life, when 
 God allows no longer time for deliberation, I suppose he would feel he 
 must act, as is on the whole safest, under circumstances. 
 
 And now, my dear Pusey, do take in the whole of the case, nor shut 
 your eyes, as you so kindly do continually, and God bless all things to 
 you, as I am sure He will and does. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 The effect of this letter on Pusey is best described by 
 
 himself. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 My dear N. Friday evening [Aug. 30, 1844]. 
 
 I do not shut my eyes now ; I feel everything I do is hollow, 
 and dread its cracking. But though I feel as in a vessel threatened 
 with shipwreck, I trust that our Lord is still in her, and that, however 
 perilled, she will not perish. I seem as if the waters were gathered on 
 heaps on either side; yet trust that we are Israel, not Pharaoh's 
 army, and so that they will not fall. This has been my feeling since 
 the letters to Manning ; I can hardly do anything or take interest in 
 anything ; perhaps it is all the better that it is so ; but it seems like 
 building on with a mine under the foundations. However, as I recover 
 myself, I do hope that God will not allow this to be, nor destroy His 
 work in the midst of the years, and so I hope, and commit things to 
 Him Who can sway all hearts. I hardly know what sorrow can reach me 
 now which does not involve the injury of single souls or of the Church ; 
 and so what I have done may involve nothing, in that all other 
 chastening which I can have has been bestowed upon me already, 
 except bodily suffering. However, it is done ; I have desired and do 
 desire that anything short of the loss of my own soul or that of others 
 may come on me, so that our Church do not undergo that loss. How- 
 ever unworthy, He may accept it still. 
 
 Ever, my dear Newman, 
 
 Your very affectionate 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
1 m -T 
 
 ■■AHtMiMaMai* 
 
 408 Li/e of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 On the day of writing this letter from Clifton, Pusey had 
 administered the Holy Communion to Mr. J. W. Bowden, 
 whose illness had been for some weeks becoming in- 
 creasingly serious. Apart from their friendship for Bow- 
 den, Pusey and Newman each felt an especial interest in 
 his case as that of a man who had shared their intimate 
 convictions, and was now passing into the Eternal Worid. 
 To Pusey, Bowden's ' simple good faith ' and * sweet calm 
 tranquillity 1 ' were illustrations of the truth and office of 
 the English Church which could thus brighten for her 
 children the valley of the shadow of death. Newman 
 * expected that Bowden*s illness would have brought light 
 to his own mind, as to what he ought to do V 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 My dear N. Brighton [Sept. 3, 1844]. 
 
 Bowden seemed to think I should tell you something of his 
 state. I wish I could say anything as to his bodily state, which should 
 be cheermg ; but you will know all. There are more decided sorrowful 
 symptoms than when I saw him in London, though not such, I believe, 
 as should make one think that he would be very soon taken from us! 
 Yet they are, I fear, distressing, and he seemed to feel that he wanted 
 much the prayers of all his friends. 
 
 
 
 Ever your very affectionate 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 A fortnight later, and all was over. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Pusey, ^7 Grosvenor Place, Sept. 17, 1844. 
 
 Marriott has told you all that was to be told pretty nearly. 
 Dr. Bernard considered that his end was so near that, if he was to be 
 moved, no time was to be lost. He said too he thought that he could 
 be moved with safety, and that the moving might even for the time be 
 of service to him. He kindly came with them. Bowden was most 
 happy and peaceful all day, and did not complain of being overtired 
 They put him to bed directly he got here. Next morning at four 
 o clock he had a httle coughing, and was at once suffocated. She saw 
 It at once— nothing was to be done. 
 
 I shall stay here certainly tiU after the funeral : how much longer 
 
 Mr. Bowden's Death. 
 
 409 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Apologia,' pp. 357, 359. 
 
 * Ibid., p. 359. 
 
 I do not know. I suppose not long, perhaps no time. Mrs. Bowden 
 bears it as no one could but herself. . . . 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 E. B. P. to Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Christ Church, Sept. 18], 
 
 My very dear N. ^^P^-j Emb. Wed., 1844. 
 
 1 was going to write to you to-day, though what have I to say 
 to you which has not been said to you by Him Who is ever with you ? 
 These peaceful departures are bright spots in a cloudy sky. *Lord, 
 brighten our declining day.' I could not but think, from some words 
 which he used, that he suffered more in body than he allowed to appear, 
 for Mrs. Bowden's sake. He thought each closing day so much of 
 his trial over. I was struck too by the way in which he asked for our 
 prayers. And this makes that bright calm close the brighter. God 
 be praised for His mercies. 
 
 What a long, long past seems closed ; it makes one think that there 
 can be but a short remaining earthly future. Yet He, I trust, is in the 
 cloud now, Who was in the pillar of fire before. 
 
 I have not written to Mrs. Bowden, because she has now in you all 
 which she can have on earth. But give my love to any of the dear 
 little ones, whom it would not interrupt. 
 
 Ever, my dearest Newman, your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 It was but last year we compared [notes] ; I had had twenty years 
 of your friendship, he only had more. Thank you very much for your 
 account. 
 
 Bowden's calm death was not without a certain although 
 passing effect on Newman's convictions. * When one sees 
 so blessed an end, and that, the termination of so blameless 
 a life, of one who really fed on our ordinances and got 
 strength from them, ... it is impossible not to feel more 
 at ease in our Church ^' Pusey, with his quick sensitiveness, 
 was alive to this result of Bowden's death, and his buoyant 
 sanguineness led him to make more of it than the facts 
 would warrant. ' I have been most cheered,' he wrote to 
 Newman, ' to hear of the comfort you have had in your 
 late sorrowful but blessed occupation.' But Newman had 
 sobbed bitterly over Bowden's coffin to think that * he left 
 me still dark as to what the way of truth was \* 
 
 * 'Apologia,' p. 359. » Ibid. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 I 
 
CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 OPPOSmOxX TO THE NEW VICE-CHANCELLOR—DEFEAT— 
 PROPOSED NEW UNIVERSITY TEST— CONDEMNATION 
 OF MR. WARD — ATTEMPTED CONDEMNATION OF 
 TRACT 90— PROSECUTION OF MR. OAKELEY. 
 
 1844-1845. 
 
 At the beginning of Michaelmas Term, 1844, Dr. Wynter's 
 term of office as Vice-ChanceJIor expired. Next in the 
 order of succession was Dr. Symons, Warden of Wadham. 
 Dr. Symons, as one of the Six Doctors, had joined in the 
 condemnation of Pusey s sermon ; or, as Pusey himself 
 would have said, of the doctrine contained in that sermon. 
 Whilst at Ilfracombe, Pusey had received a letter from 
 L, Marriott, insisting on this consideration, and asking 
 whether it would be necessary to oppose Dr. Symons' 
 nomination. Pusey thought that it would, not for any 
 reason personal to himself, but 'as a protest against heresy.' 
 He gave this opinion subject to Newman's assent. It would 
 seem that at the time Newman expressed no opinion : those 
 of the younger men who were verging towards Rome were 
 opposed to the protest against Dr. Symons on the ground 
 that it was useless to struggle for Catholic truths in the 
 Knghsh Church, and that Dr. Pusey s judges represented 
 ner true principles. 
 
 When the Senior Proctor, Mr. Guillemard of Trinity, asked 
 Dr. Wynter, the outgoing Vice-chancellor, on what day the 
 nomination of his successor would take place in Convocation 
 Dr. Wynter was unable or unwilling to satisfy him Yet 
 almost immediately after this application a circular was 
 
 Opposition to Dr. Symons' Appointment, 411 
 
 issued, addressed to all the Masters of Arts of Wadham 
 College, inviting them to dinner in the hall on Oct. 8th— 
 a pretty plain intimation of the date of the event. This 
 circular was the signal for others : the war had begun. The 
 British Critic having expired in 1843, its more moderate 
 successor, the Christian Remembrancer, appeared in October 
 with a vigorous article on * Dr. Symons and the Vice- 
 Chancellorship.' The writer argued that Dr. Symons share 
 in the condemnation of Dr. Pusey justified the opposition 
 to his nomination, and contended that the real disturbers 
 of the peace of the University were those who by their 
 arbitrary measures made such opposition necessary, in 
 order to preserve the rights of Convocation. If the 'Wynter 
 dynasty' had already encroached on those rights, what was 
 to be expected from its successor ? 
 
 * If Dr. Wynter, a sort of High Churchman, thinks proper to suspend 
 Dr. Pusey without a trial, and to arrogate to himself and his suc- 
 cessors the power of refusing degrees to persons whose theology they 
 dislike', not a fortiori, but a fortissimo, what could be anticipated 
 from Dr. Symons ' ? ' 
 
 It was well for Oxford that no long time would elapse 
 before the question was decided : and from the first there 
 was no probability of a majority for the opposition to Dr. 
 Symons, notwithstanding the signal defeat of the Heb- 
 domadal Council on May 2nd 3. The natural unwillingness 
 of members of Convocation to interfere with the routine of 
 academical government was reinforced by the misgiving 
 whether victory, if it were attainable, would secure the 
 objects which the opposition had at heart. Keble indeed 
 contended that it would ' make the next man, whoever he 
 
 * Alluding to the case of the Rev. 
 K. G. Macmullen. 
 
 " Christian Remembrancer, Oct. 
 »'''44. P- 537- 
 
 - A statute had been on that day 
 proposed to Convocation substituting 
 read Dissertations for Disputations, 
 as exercises for the degree of B.D., 
 the virtual effect of which was to place 
 the refusal of the degree iu the hands 
 
 of the Regius Professor of Divinity and 
 the Vice-Chancellor. This measure, 
 intended to support Dr. Hampden 
 in his contest with Mr. Macmullen, 
 was rejected by 341 votes to 21 — 
 * a majority/ remarked C. Marriott, 
 •which makes its proposers look 
 rather foolish' (letter to Bishop of 
 New Zealand, May 9, 1844). 
 
412 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 be, more careful '.' Pusey became more decided as the 
 day of nomination approached. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. B. Pusey. 
 
 October, 1844. 
 I use no concealment now, if I ever did, that I think Dr. S. ought 
 
 U ,h/,T -^^ ^ '"■°'^'i ''^^'"'' ''""y ''"^ •'«^«i<^«l decisions. 
 If he University accepted him without a protest, it seemed like 
 
 making itselfa party to it.' ' "^ 
 
 And, referring to those of his friends who on various 
 grounds refused to join in the opposition to Dr. Symons 
 he added : — ' 
 
 \.2k ^°'^ T'T ^°°^ *"' """^ °^^" ^'''^ independence : but so many 
 good people have crotchets. It is the most difficult thing to bring 
 people to act together: every one has a way of his own, or grounds 
 ot his own, instead of acting on broad principles.' 
 
 The nomination was fixed for Tuesday, October 8th 
 Pusey had gone to Pusey with his mother, who, since his 
 eldest daughter's death, had spent a great part of her time 
 with him. ' Poor Dr. Pusey,' writes his sister-in-law, ' looks 
 much harassed by this coming election of the Vice-Chancellor 
 at Oxford' ; and this would not have been lessened on his 
 returning to Oxford on Saturday, October 5th. 
 
 Lady Lucy Pusey to Lady Emily Pusey. 
 
 iTj J 1. , . Oxford, Oct 5, 1844. 
 
 Edward hears that there may be 900 voters coming up. Dr. Hook 
 has made an exceeding blunder, and thrown things just at the last 
 into extreme confusion. He has given out, on a conjecture, that only 
 Mr. Ward's friends are going to vote, so he shall not come up This 
 ■s to be contradicted in The Times. Edward says we are all in a 
 great mess. This is all dictated by Edward. 
 
 The result was a foregone conclusion : the opposition to 
 Dr. Symons' nomination was defeated by 882 votes to i8« 
 The minority was certainly small ; yet that a protest of 
 such a kmd should receive so many votes was quite un- 
 expected by the majority. 
 
 Although Pusey, in his sanguine way, tried to make the 
 
 • ' Letters of Rev. J. B. Mozley,' p. 154. 
 
 t 
 
 % 
 
 Defeat of the Opposition, 413 
 
 best of a serious defeat, he could not, upon reflection, fail to 
 see that he had been wrong in sanctioning the contest at 
 all. He sanctioned it as a 'protest against heresy'; but in 
 this case the question of heresy was so bound up with the 
 personal issue between himself and his judges, that the 
 protest could not be made without being attributed to 
 a selfish motive. Pusey was too conscious of the purity of 
 his own motive to take this into account : but nevertheless 
 it had much to do with the result. The contest of October, 
 1844, marks the transfer of the mass of the country clergy 
 who were members of Convocation from an attitude of 
 vague sympathy with the Tractarian leaders to the cause 
 of their opponents. Newman, with his keen statesmanlike 
 instincts, was painfully aware of its significance. He writes 
 to Pusey : — 
 
 * Littlemore, F. of St. John, 1844. 
 * The country parsons are of unfathomable strength : they and the 
 Conservative feeling which moved with them turned out Sir Robert 
 Peel in 1829; brought in the Duke of Wellington in 1834 ; censured 
 Hampden in 1836; and made Symons Vice-Chancellor in 1844.' 
 
 Newman indeed attributed the error of embarking on the 
 last contest to the letters of the Rev. John Morris, under 
 the signature of N. E. S., in the English Churchman, But 
 Pusey would not disavow his own responsibility for what he 
 now felt to have been a wrong method of asserting a right 
 principle. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 My dearest N., 
 
 56 Marine Parade, [Brighton.] 
 Mo. in Oct. of Xmas. [Dec. 30], 1844. 
 
 The mistake about opposing the V. C. was mine, much more than 
 N. E. S.'s; C. M. wrote to me, when at Ilfracombe, and although 
 I wished the matter to be decided by others I fear it was decided 
 in consequence of what I said myself. I was applying a principle of 
 yours, of a protest against heresy, in a wrong way : and I did not get 
 at your real opinion, being prevented, I forget how, from seeing you. 
 
 Meanwhile the majority of the Heads of Houses were at 
 least as much alive as Pusey to the mistake which had been 
 
 J 
 
414 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 made by the opposition to Symons ; and they proceeded 
 without delay to take advantage of it. Mr. E. Coleridge, 
 of Eton, had reph'ed to some taunts of the majority on 
 Oct. 8th, by observing, * We have a saying at school that 
 when a little boy fights a big boy, the big boy does not 
 bully him again 1.' The *big boy' in the Hebdomadal 
 Board was of another mind. This was his hour. * There 
 is a general set upon us from all quarters/ wrote Mr. J. B. 
 Mozley, ' Conservative and Radical. The press never was 
 so malignant V 
 
 In June, W. G. Ward, Fellow of Balliol, had published 
 his ' Ideal of a Christian Church considered in comparison 
 with existing practice.' Its immediate purpose was the 
 defence of certain articles in the British Critic against 
 criticisms in the Rev. W. Palmer's * Narrative of Events 
 connected with the Tracts for the Times.' But the book 
 was much more than a large controversial tract. It was 
 a substantial treatise, marked by the combination of moral 
 fervour and implacable— or perhaps rather unbalanced- 
 logic which were characteristic of its author. It was and is 
 valuable as pointing out undeniable shortcomings and evils 
 in the practical system of the Church of England ; and if 
 the * Ideal of a Christian Church' with which she was 
 placed in contrast had been only the Church of the primi- 
 tive ages, Mr. Ward's book could never have been un- 
 acceptable to honest and earnest Anglicans. As it was, 
 the * Ideal ' in the writer's mind appeared to be, at least 
 largely, the actual Roman system; while the points in 
 which the Church of England, in spite of her practical 
 deficiencies, had approached more nearly than Rome to 
 a truer ideal, were altogether ignored. Thus— apart from 
 incidental provocative phrases— this brilliant work failed 
 to achieve a religious success which was within its author's 
 reach, and furnished a weapon to the opponents of the 
 principles with which he was associated. 
 
 Pusey had been reading the book during the Long 
 
 » • Letters of Rev. J. B. Mozley,* p. 156. 
 * Ibid., letter of Nov. 8. 1844. 
 
 Mr. Ward's 'Ideal of a Christian Church.' 415 
 
 Vacation, and wrote to Hook, who had been much disturbed 
 by it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Ilfracombe, Aug. 16, 1844. 
 I know, my dear friend, you will not be impatient. I have read 
 most of Ward's very strong book (in which however he is very careful 
 as to the subject you mention, the worship of the Blessed Virgin) ; 
 there is so much of religious earnestness and practical wisdom in it, 
 that, however it makes one wince sometimes, I trust it will do us 
 good. 
 
 Hook rejoined that Ward 'maligned the English Church 
 for the purpose of eulogizing that of Rome.* 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Christ Church, Sept. 5, 1844. 
 If you knew . . . Ward you would be more patient. For myself, 
 I see, on the one hand, how deeply in earnest and conscientious 
 and really personally humble he is, very affectionate too and loving ; 
 on the other, I feel how deep our wounds are, and that we shall get 
 no good until they are probed to the bottom, and therefore, however 
 painful the process and rough the hands may seem, I am glad to 
 undergo it, and thankful for it. Indeed, he does not * malign our 
 Church for the purpose of eulogizing that of Rome,' but I believe his 
 feeling to be this in part : we have great practical evils, such as 
 neglect of discipline, of care of the poor, carelessness as to heresy, and 
 alas ! so many more, and as long as we have this high opinion of 
 ourselves, and contempt of our neighbours, there is no hope of our 
 mending. If we obtain humility, all will be well : and I do feel 
 1 myself have learnt of him, in learning a humbler tone. 
 
 Pusey took now a more decided step. * I have taken an 
 opportunity,' he wrote to Newman, * in my new preface ^, 
 with some reserve, to express my sympathy in Ward's 
 articles and his book.' But undoubtedly in thus expressing 
 himself he was pushing his chivalry to its utmost limits. 
 The * Ideal of a Christian Church ' was certainly open to 
 serious criticism from an Anglican point of view, and it 
 helped to swell Dr. Symons' majority on October 8th. 
 The Hebdomadal Board, under the presidency of the new 
 
 ' Surin*s * Foundations of the 
 Spiritual Life,' pref. p. 55, note a, 1st 
 ed. In the 1874 ed. this note was 
 
 omitted, the circumstances which led 
 Pusey to write it being altogether of 
 the past. 
 
4i6 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 and victorious Vice -Chancellor, was not likely, in these 
 days, to let it alone ; and the results of its deliberations 
 soon showed themselves. 
 
 On Nov. 30th Mr. Ward was summoned to appear before 
 the Vice-chancellor. He was asked, first, whether he 
 disavowed the authorship ; and, secondly, whether he dis- 
 avowed certain passages in the book. His reply was that 
 he could not answer without consulting his friends, and 
 perhaps taking legal advice. This the Vice- Chancellor 
 allowed him to do, and on Dec. 3rd Mr. Ward again 
 appeared before him. On this occasion Mr. Ward declined, 
 under legal advice, to answer any question whatever until 
 he knew more definitely the course which it was intended 
 to adopt against him. The Vice-Chancellor did not keep 
 him long in suspense. On Dec. 13th notice was given of 
 three propositions to be submitted to Convocation on 
 Feb. 13th. By the first of these it was declared that 
 certain passages in the * Ideal of a Christian Church ' were 
 utterly inconsistent with the Thirty- nine Articles, and with 
 Mr. Ward's good faith in subscribing them in order to his 
 admission to the degrees of B.A. and M.A. By the second 
 Mr. Ward was to be degraded from his degrees. The 
 third proposed a ' test to be imposed on all persons, lay or 
 clerical, who might hereafter be suspected of unsound 
 opmions, in place of simple subscription.' Every such 
 person was to declare that he subscribed the Articles in the 
 sense in which he believed them to have been originally 
 drawn up, and to be imposed by the University at the 
 present time ^ 
 
 On the day following the publication of this notice, 
 Mr. Ward presented a letter to the Vice-Chancellor, which 
 he immediately published. He explained why he had not 
 before avowed his authorship of the * Ideal ' ; and he now 
 
 I 
 
 * The proposed test ran thus : * Ego 
 A. B. articulis fidei et religionis, 
 necnon tribus articulis in Canone 
 XXXVIo comprehensis subscripturus, 
 profiteor, fide mea data huic Universi- 
 lati, me articulis istis omaibus et 
 
 singulis eo sensu subscripturum in quo 
 eos ex animo credo et primitiis editos 
 esse et nunc mihi ab Universitate 
 propositos, tanquam opinionum mea- 
 rum certum ac indubitatum signum.' 
 
 Proposed New Test. 41 y 
 
 acknowledged it, and accepted full responsibility for all its 
 contents. 
 
 On the same day Newman saw Pusey, and discussed 
 the situation. At first he could only suggest a petition to 
 the Board from people of all parties, and based on general 
 considerations only. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Dec. 16, 1844. 
 What IS drawn up should expressly waive any opinion on the 
 two first Articles and on the general question, but put the matter on 
 the ground of the peace and comfort of the place, the desirableness 
 of a good understanding between residents, of frank intercourse, &c.— 
 on the wretchedness of gossipping, talebearing, prying, delating— in 
 short, of Golightlyism. I really am sanguine that men, if but written 
 to, when they see names, would come into this. No time ought to 
 be lost. 
 
 But when he heard that Pusey had determined never to 
 sign the test if it were proposed to him, he suggested that 
 Pusey should at once say so in a public letter. The 
 following letter, as if written to a personal friend, was 
 therefore sent to the English Churchman, as soon as New- 
 man had read it. It was evident that in proposing the test 
 the Heads had outwitted themselves. 
 
 Christ Church, Advent Ember Week, 
 
 My dear Tuesday, [Dec. 17], 1844. 
 
 You ask me what I should do in case this new test, to be 
 proposed to Convocation, should pass. I would say at once, that 
 others, not so immediately affected or intended by this test as 
 I am, need not, I should think, make up their minds yet. I plainly 
 have no choice : it is not meant that I should take it, nor can I. 
 
 You will not mistake me ; I sign the Articles as I ever have since 
 I have known what Catholic Antiquity is (to which our Church guides 
 us) in their * literal grammatical sense,' determined, where it is 
 ambiguous, by *the faith of the whole Church' (as good Bishop 
 Ken says) * before East and West were divided.' It is to me quite 
 plain that in so doing I am following the guidance of our Church. 
 
 The proposed test restrains the liberty which Archbishop Laud 
 won for us. 
 
 Hitherto High and Low Church have been comprised under the 
 same Articles. 
 And I have ever felt that in these sad confusions of our Church, 
 VOL. IL E e 
 
4i8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Pusey's Refusal to take it. 
 
 419 
 
 I 
 
 things must so remain, until, by the mercy of Almighty God, we be 
 brought more nearly into one mind. 
 
 But as long as this is so, the Articles cannot be (which the new 
 test requires) *certum atque indubitatum opinionum signum.* 
 
 How can they be any * certain and indubitable token of opinion ' 
 
 when they can be signed by myself and ? This new test requires 
 
 that they should be : one then of the two parties who have hitherto 
 signed them must be excluded. We know that those who framed 
 the test are opposed to such as myself. It is clear then who are 
 henceforth excluded. Thd test is indeed at once miserably vague 
 and stringent ; vague enough to tempt people to take it, too stringent 
 in its conclusion to enable me to take it with a good conscience. 
 
 Beginning and end do harmonize, if it be regarded as a revival 
 of the Puritan * Anti-Declaration,' that the Articles should be inter- 
 preted according to * the consent of Divines ' ; they do not in any 
 other case. This shifting of ground would indeed (were not so much 
 at stake) be somewhat curious ; how those who speak so much of 
 * fallible men' would require us now to be bound in the interpretation 
 of the Articles by the private judgement of the Reformers (it being 
 assumed, for convenience sake, that Cranmer, Ridley, and Hooper, 
 agreed among themselves), instead of Archbishop Laud's broader and 
 truer rule, * according to the analogy of the Faith \' It would indeed 
 be well, if all who have urged on this test could sign the first and 
 eighth Articles, in the same sense as Cranmer and Jewell. Well 
 indeed would it be for our Church, if all could sign the twenty-seventh 
 in the same sense as all the Reformers, except perhaps Hooper. One 
 could have wished that, before this test had been proposed to us, 
 the Board who accepted it and proposes it to us, had thought of 
 ascertaining among themselves whether they themselves all took 
 *all and singular of the Articles in one and the same sense.* 
 
 And yet while they enjoy this latitude, how can the signature 
 of the Articles be any * certain and indubitable token of people's 
 opinions ' ? 
 
 However, this is matter for others ; my concern is with myself. 
 
 I have too much reason to know that my own signature of the 
 Articles would not satisfy some of those from whom this test emanates, 
 since, when a year and a half ago, I declared repeatedly (as I then 
 stated) that I accepted and would subscribe, ex animo^ every state- 
 ment of our Formularies on the solemn subject upon which I preached, 
 that offer was rejected ; and this on the very ground (I subsequently 
 learnt) that they did not trust my interpretation. 
 
 When, then, they require that the signature should be 'certum 
 atque indubitatum opinionum mearum signum,' it is plain that they 
 mean something more than what I offered and they refused to accept. 
 
 The Articles I now sign in the way in which, from Archbishop 
 Laud's time, they have been proposed by the Church \ this test 
 
 * See Heylin's 'Life of Laud,' pp. 178-182. 
 
 
 I should have to receive not from the Church, but from the University^ 
 in the sense in which it is proposed to me by them. Could I then 
 ever so much satisfy myself that I could take the test according 
 to any general meaning of the words, I must know from past 
 experience that I should not take it in the sense in which it was 
 proposed to me. 
 
 I could not then take it without a feeling of dishonesty. 
 
 You will imagine that I feel the responsibility of making such 
 a declaration, knowing, as I must, that in case, in the present 
 state of excitement, the Statute should pass, younger men, whom 
 it may involve in various difficulties, might be influenced by my 
 example. I know, too, of course, that some will be the more anxious 
 to press the test, in hopes that my refusal to take it may end in 
 my removal from this place. Whether it would or no, I know not. 
 But, whatever the result, it seems to me the straightforward course. 
 It is best, in cases of great moment, that people should know the 
 effect of what they are doing. 
 
 1 am ashamed to write so much about myself, but I cannot explain 
 myself in few words. What is my case, would probably be that 
 of others. It has often been painful to witness the apparent want 
 of seriousness in people when things far more serious than office, 
 or home, or even one's allotted duties in God's vineyard, have been 
 at stake. But people can feel more readily what it is to lose office 
 and home and the associations of the greater part of life. It will 
 be a great gain, if what is done is done with deeper earnestness. 
 For myself, I cheerfully commit all things into His hands. Who 
 ordereth all things well, and from Whom I deserve nothing. 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 No one in our day would defend an attempt on the part 
 of the University to impose a doctrinal test which the 
 I^ishops did not impose at ordination. No one would think 
 of substituting for subscription to the Articles in the literal 
 and grammatical sense, subscription in the sense, or rather the 
 very various senses, of the original compilers of the Articles, 
 as to which, every student of the Reformation knows, 
 a hundred questions might be asked that could not possibly 
 be answered. Nor would the majority of the Hebdomadal 
 Board have embarked on this wild crusade unless they had 
 been blinded by party feeling, and unable for the moment 
 to estimate the general bearings of a measure which was 
 deemed necessary to satisfy it. 
 
 Lady Lucy Pusey 's correspondence at the time reflects 
 a mother's natural anxiety. 
 
 E e 2 
 
420 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 Lady Lucy Pusey to Lady Emily Pusey. 
 
 On the proceedings against Ward. 
 
 421 
 
 [35 Grosvenor Square,] Dec. 20, [1844]. 
 My dear Lady Emily, 
 
 I am sure both you and Philip are sorry for what is going 
 forward at Oxford and for Edward's letter in the English Churchman. 
 I fear for the consequences. Private. When he first knew of the 
 intended Statute, he called it a struggle for life or death, but he 
 did not think of declaring his own opinion publicly, but he thought 
 he might be attacked : he doubts their power of turning him out 
 of his Canonry, as he was given it by the Sovereign's Patent, under 
 the Great Seal. As the party goes by his name, they would doubtless 
 be glad to get rid of him, being the supposed head : Dr. Hawkins 
 and Dr. Cardwell were the persons most urgent about these measures. 
 
 Pusey and his friends, however, were not alone in their 
 objection to the proposed test. Dr. Tait, one of the Four 
 Tutors who had delated Tract 90, and who was now 
 Head Master of Rugby, could not but feel that the sense 
 in which he and his friends subscribed the Formularies was 
 not such as to enable them to welcome the imposition of 
 a test designed to make subscription more stringent. He 
 was not prepared to save Mr. Ward from degradation. 
 The excesses of Latitudinarian liberty in one direction did 
 not warrant the excesses of Tractarian liberty in another : 
 in Mr. Ward ' liberty had degenerated into licence.' But 
 the test would mean danger for persons whom the Vice- 
 Chancellor and the Heads would desire to protect. So 
 Dr. Tait employed his Christmas holidays in writing to the 
 Vice-Chancellor a letter, of which this topic is at once the 
 motive and the leading feature: — 
 
 * If there is one point to which they [i. e. the Latitudinarians] are, 
 from their very principles, pledged, it is to a dislike of more tests 
 than are absolutely necessary. The damnatory clauses of the 
 Athanasian Creed and the i8th Article (to say nothing of many 
 other points of difficulty, which have not like them been made public 
 by an appeal to Parliament), must of necessity warn them to pause, 
 before they bind themselves more strictly than now to the letter 
 of the Articles \* 
 
 > 'Letter to the Rev. the Vice- 
 Chancellor, on the measures to be 
 proposed in Convocation on Feb. 13,' 
 
 by A. C. Tait, D.C.L., Head Master 
 of Rugby School. W. Blackwood, 
 Edinburgh and London, 1845. 
 
 
 I 
 
 Pusey s hostility to the proposals of the Hebdomadal 
 Board was not confined to their projected new test. It 
 was no less directed against their plan for degrading Mr. 
 Ward. Pusey did not himself accept — he deeply regretted — 
 the anti-Anglican language of parts of the * Ideal.' But he 
 resented, with the whole force of his moral nature, the 
 pretended zeal for orthodoxy which proposed to visit such 
 language with extreme penalties while it left error, which 
 to a serious Christian should appear much more vital, 
 altogether uncensured. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Advent, Ember Wednesday, [Dec. 18,] 1844, 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 ... I do think these measures against Ward absolutely shock- 
 ing, because (i) the Heads of Houses themselves think him honest; 
 and how is his subscription (on any hypothesis) so bad as those 
 who impugn the doctrine of the Trinity or deny the grace of the 
 Sacraments ? While Archbishop Whately is Archbishop of Dublin, 
 the zeal against Ward only makes the indifference as to grave heresy 
 the more shocking. Picture Rome (which indeed you do not know, 
 my dear friend, on its good side) as bad as you can, what should 
 you think of a judge who punished adultery with death and appointed 
 a murderer to high station ? Should you think his punishment of 
 adultery a proof of his sensitiveness of any breach of the law of God ? 
 
 (2) Ward is really very greatly benefitting the Church by his 
 practical suggestions and opening people's eyes to amend things. 
 It is shocking to think of * degrading' one by whom we are 
 benefitting. 
 
 (3) For the Low Church who cannot receive the Baptismal Service, 
 except by some violent perversion, to help to hunt down Ward is 
 most outrageous. 
 
 1 wish you would read the extracts from Ward's book calmly. 
 1 think they would modify some of the (forgive the word) bitterness 
 of your feeling against W. ; they may show his real affection to 
 our Church although you do not understand his way of showing it. 
 
 In haste, your very affectionate, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 I find that persons who think and have spoken strongly against 
 Ward's book, as W. Barter, E. Churton, &c., still strongly deprecate 
 the measure and are going to vote against it : others again will 
 vote for No. i and against 2. I shall vote against both, but explain 
 that I do not agree with the book, and this I hope will relieve the 
 embarrassment of some who would not like to speak, yet would not 
 wish to seem to approve of the book. 
 
V I 
 
 422 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 (\ 
 
 i \ 
 
 w 
 
 I 
 
 Hook could not see * why Ward should not be condemned 
 merely because he has done some good amidst much harm/ 
 Mr. W. K. Hamilton had received a letter from Pusey 
 written in terms resembling that to Dr. Hook. 
 
 Rev. W. K. Hamilton to E. B. P. 
 
 ; 
 
 My dear Sir, ^^^^^» Sarum, Dec. 20, 1844. 
 
 ... I quite agree with you that the toleration of unsound 
 teaching— the making light of Truth— has been so common at Oxford 
 as to throw no inconsiderable suspicion around any measure emanating 
 from the authorities there as a protection to it ; and as far as I can 
 see at present this measure would throw many snares in the way 
 of delicate consciences, and possibly force many out of the communion 
 of our Church. . . . 
 
 With regard to the proposed degradation of Ward, I do feel much 
 more perplexed. I read his book with intense interest, I may say 
 with very great profit, but I quite abhor the disloyal feeling to our 
 Church in which it is written. Very probably he has not overstated 
 our most grievous shortcomings as a Church, but there is no evidence 
 of publishing a parent's dishonour with sorrow, and the effect upon 
 any doubtful mind must be to detach it altogether from us. Then 
 it appears to me that in his indifference, or almost his contempt of 
 her, his spiritual parent, he has overdrawn the picture of the Roman 
 Church. . . . 
 
 What seems wanted is to maintain the loyal feeling towards our 
 Church, and at the same time to draw persons on to an appreciation 
 of better things than we have for ages enjoyed: in fact, to act 
 as Ward recommends in the latter part of his book, but abstaining 
 from his undutiful tone. . . . 
 
 Ever, dear Sir, yours gratefully attached, 
 
 W. K. Hamilton. 
 
 Meanwhile an effort had been made in Oxford to 
 organize an intermediate or moderate opposition to the 
 proposed test. A meeting was held in the rooms of 
 Mr. Eden of Oriel College, and it was attended by 
 C. Balston, Daman, Donkin, Heathcote, and others. It 
 came to nothing, owing to a discussion on the Reformation 
 which was occasioned by remarks in Eden's introductory 
 speech. Combination among the Liberal opponents of the 
 test was attempted, but with no greater success. 
 
 * Every one,* wrote Newman to Pusey on Dec. 27, <has his o\vn 
 opinion, and there are no older persons to whom others might 
 
 Mr, Gladstone on the new Proposals, 423 
 
 defer. ... I have not seen Church or Mozley ; but I fear they 
 would confirm my desponding view of Oxford.* 
 
 Pusey thanked Newman for checking his sanguine anti- 
 cipations. But, naturain expellas furcd — : he could not but 
 be sanguine in the next paragraph of his reply. 
 
 56 Marine Parade, Brighton, 
 
 My dearest N. ^°' *" ^*^^* o^ Xmas. [Dec. 30], 1844. 
 
 ... It is indeed an anxious thing, when one thinks of the 
 2,900 members of Convocation, and that our whole Church is stirred 
 to its foundations ; there is no calculating on numbers ; it seems 
 taken out of all human calculation and agency almost ; and so, since 
 it is a crisis, I trust the more in Him Who alone can dispose the issue. 
 
 Yet almost every one writes sanguinely, and certainly it will re-unite 
 persons who have been scattered or were not with us on the last 
 occasion. John Miller (Worcester), Manning, E. Churton, Hook 
 (thus far), Gresley, Archdeacon Berens, Saunders (Charterhouse), 
 R. Wilberforce. Then some of these take it up warmly, as Saunders, 
 also. Manning, if he votes at all on i and 2, will vote against them. 
 Keble writes : * It is pleasant to hear from all sides of the disgust 
 which the test is exciting. But I fear it will go hard with Ward.' 
 Moberly is only afraid that the test should be withdrawn, and so 
 the Heads be saved a defeat. Badeley : * I hope, from all I hear, 
 the test will be defeated. E. Hawkins, who is in the way of seeing 
 people, told me everybody he had met with was strong against it.' 
 
 Richards tdls me people in London are lukewarm about a Com- 
 mittee. I am to write to-morrow to try to rouse them. I wish 
 Copeland would try to keep people together in Oxford, but I have 
 to write to him about the Paradisus, and will say something myself. 
 
 Meanwhile, it is a great comfort to see a very deep undercurrent 
 of good steadily flowing on, and that in persons who are the formation 
 of our own Church. I have of late been allowed to come in contact 
 with more of such minds than heretofore, and to see very deep 
 workings. . . . All consolations be with you always. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The considerations which told most effectually against 
 the proposals of the Hebdomadal Board are powerfully 
 stated by Mr. Gladstone ^ He expresses with unanswer- 
 able force the absurdity of making a man subscribe the 
 Formularies * in the present sense of the University,' and, 
 
 * Letter to Archdeacon S. Wilberforce. 
 i. pp. 249-255. 
 
 Life of Bishop Wilberforce/ 
 
424 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 with prophetic insight, described the proposed test as 
 *a violent blow to the whole doctrine and practice of 
 subscription/ If tenaciously adhered to it would * break 
 down subscription altogether^• *in my view,' he added 'a 
 very deplorable catastrophe.' And although the proposi- 
 tions extracted from Mr. Ward's book might be each and 
 all of them deserving of censure, yet how inequitable was 
 It to censure them and to leave errors of an opposite kind 
 but of a much more deadly character, unnoticed I Mf 
 Ward IS to be censured for what he wrote of the Reforma- 
 tion, what is to be done with regard to other prominent and 
 dignified members of the University ^V Was it censurable, 
 he asks, to disparage the Reformation, but permissible to 
 promulgate heresy respecting the Revealed Nature of 
 Almighty God ? 
 
 ^ Archdeacon S. Wilberforce also, who was at the time 
 in general sympathy with the policy of the Hebdomadal 
 Board, represented to the Vice-chancellor the * bungling ' 
 character of this attempt to secure the end which its pro- 
 moters desired \ In fact, as general discussion proceeded, 
 the defenders of the proposed test became less confident 
 and fewer in numbers. Consequently at the meeting of 
 the Hebdomadal Board on Monday, Jan. 13, it was resolved 
 to withdraw the test. This resolution, however, was not 
 made public for ten days. On January 23rd the notice of 
 December 13th was reissued, but with the omission of the 
 last proposal, and the insertion of a note to the effect that 
 the projected test would not be submitted to the House 
 
 Attention was now concentrated, by both sides, on the 
 case of Mr. Ward. Were the proposed measures against 
 Mr. Ward legally within the competence of the University > 
 Messrs. Bethell and Dodson gave an opinion strongly 
 against their legality \ * Any opinion,' said the Hebdomadal 
 advocates of the degradation, ^could begot for two guineas ^' 
 btUl, cheap as the opinion was, it made them uncomfortable. 
 It was diflficult to bring on the measure in spite of such an 
 
 \ ;Li/eofBp.Wilberforce.M. 251. 
 Ibid., p. 257. 
 
 \ \\^A ^°^i^y's ' Letters; p. 15^. 
 * ibid , p. 160. 
 
 Petition for Censure of Tract 90. 425 
 
 opinion. Accordingly a case was submitted to the Solicitor- 
 General, Sir C. Wetherell, Dr. Adams, and Mr. Cowling. 
 They ruled that the University had the power to degrade, 
 that the passages from Mr. Ward's book justified action 
 being taken against him ; and that if Convocation should 
 vote his degradation, the only appeal would lie to the 
 Queen as Visitor. This opinion was circulated among 
 members of Convocation. 
 
 Meanwhile, although the proposed test had been with- 
 drawn, a new weapon against the Oxford school was 
 devised to take its place. In 1841 the Heads of Houses 
 had published a resolution of their own in language drawn 
 up by the Provost of Oriel, which condemned Tract 90 as 
 * evading rather than explaining the sense of the Thirty- 
 nine Articles, and reconciling subscription to them with 
 the adoption of errors they were designed to counteract.' 
 Pusey and Newman, at that date, would have welcomed 
 the proposal of such a censure to the acceptance of Convoca- 
 tion. They had no doubt what would have been its fate ; but 
 the Hebdomadal Board never ventured to propose it. Much 
 however had happened since 1841. Newman had resigned 
 St. Mary's. Pusey had been suspended. Some secessions 
 to Rome had taken place : it was already rumoured that 
 Newman might secede. Ward's book appeared to many 
 minds to justify the action of the Hebdomadal Board in 
 past years; while the vote on the proposal to negative 
 Dr. Symons' nomination to the Vice-Chancellorship ap- 
 peared to show that Convocation had now parted company 
 with the Tractarian leaders, and might be relied on to obey 
 the guidance of the Heads of Houses. 
 
 Accordingly arrangements were made for inducing the 
 University to adopt as its own the opinion of Tract 90 
 which four years before had been formulated by the Heads 
 of Houses. The usual agencies were already at work. 
 
 ^ Golightly,* wrote Mr. J. B. Mozley, ' is in thick communication 
 with Dr. Ellerton, and is coming in and going out of College every 
 day. He and E. and F. are the trio on the subject \' 
 
 * J. B. Mozley's 'Letters,' p. 161. 
 
 
426 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 An address was presented to the Vice-chancellor, signed 
 by 476 members of Convocation \ asking him to submit 
 the censure of 1841 to Convocation for its approval : and 
 notwithstanding the irregularly short interval between the 
 presentation of the petition and its discussion 2, it was 
 resolved by the Hebdomadal Board, at their meeting of 
 February 3rd, to comply with the prayer of the petitioners 
 by asking Convocation, at its meeting on the 13th, after 
 condemning Mr. Ward, to censure Tract 90. 
 
 ^ * Only an exceedingly vulgar animus of a party,* wrote J. B. Mozley 
 could have brought itself to wake up a thing from four years ago', 
 ^nd apropos to nothing, to censure a man who has withdrawn from 
 the University'.' 
 
 Probably the proposal to condemn Tract 90 was partly 
 due to an epigram of Mr. Ward's. Ward had said that he 
 subscribed some of the formularies in a non-natural sense, 
 and this phrase was thenceforth applied to the interpreta- 
 tion of the Articles advocated in Tract 90. Pusey always 
 resented its injustice: he maintained that the interpretation 
 of the tract was at least as natural and honest as the 
 ordinary Protestant interpretation. And Newman, after 
 he had become a Roman Catholic, and therefore when he 
 was under a temptation to make a present of the tenable- 
 ness of his position as an Anglican to its Puritan or Liberal 
 opponents, asserted no less strongly his repudiation of the 
 moral stigma conveyed by the term * non-natural.' In 
 a letter to the Times, dated Feb. 24, 1863, referring to 
 a criticism of Mr. F. D. Maurice, who was at the time 
 engaged in a hostile correspondence with Pusey, Newman 
 wrote : — 
 
 * I maintained in Tract 90 that the Thirty-nine Articles ought to be 
 subscribed m the literal and grammatical sense; but I maintained 
 also that they were so drawn up as to admit, in that grammatical 
 sense, of subscription on the part of persons who differed very much 
 
 Pusey s Appeal to Newman, 
 
 427 
 
 * The whole correspondence with 
 the signatories ol this address is in the 
 hands of the writer. From this it is 
 clear that this attack on Tract 90 was 
 in no way originated by any member 
 of the Hebdomadal Board. It was 
 
 started by an in>ignificant agitator 
 whose name was never intended to 
 transpire. 
 
 " J. B. Mozley's ' Letters,* p. i6r. 
 ' Ibid., p. 163. 
 
 from each other in the judgement which they formed of Catholic 
 doctrine.' 
 
 Still, the word * non-natural ' did its work. It was worth 
 a great deal to the opponents of the Movement during the 
 year 1845. 
 
 Pusey knew that the proposed censure of Tract 90 was 
 just as much aimed against himself as against the author 
 of the tract. The preamble to the censure stated that 
 modes of interpretation such as those of the tract *had 
 since been advocated in other publications purporting to be 
 written by members of the University.' * They proposed,' 
 wrote Pusey in 1865, *to condemn not the author of Tract 90 
 alone, but its defenders ejt masse, such as the late W. B. 
 Heathcote and myself K' He hoped therefore that the 
 attack on Tract 90 would rally Newman to the defence 
 of the Tractarian position in Oxford. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Shrove Tuesday [Feb. 4], 1845. 
 
 It is wretched to have holy seasons, which one needs, thus 
 broken in upon: however, I must break in on yours. I would have 
 come out to-night, but that I thought to see Copeland, and that he 
 would have learnt from you what you think best. 
 
 I should hof)e the Heads would suffer from the invidiousness of 
 proposing the condemnation of Tract 90 at nine days' notice. Might 
 one possibly fight with more advantage now than if it were to be put 
 off by the Proctors' veto, if one can get it ? There is no time to lose in 
 deciding which course to take. 
 
 Recollect that I am committed to Tract 90 as well as you, and so 
 are so many others who would feel the blow, as I should not for myself : 
 so give me your judgement, as to the best line for our common defence. 
 Could you send in an answer by one to-morrow, when there is to be 
 a meeting ? I would not use or hint at your name, except to Marriott 
 or Church. 
 
 His sanguine temperament had again blinded him to 
 the process which had been steadily advancing in Newman's 
 mind. Newman had no heart for resistance, in a case 
 where defeat would be an indication from above that he 
 ought to leave his present position. 
 
 * Tract 9D, with Historical Preface by E. B. Pusey, pref p. xxiii. 
 
428 Life of Edward Bouvene Piisey. 
 
 My dear Pusey, Littlemore, Feb. 6, 1845. 
 
 nnf u7^"^y^"T",^^°^y^"^"^^^ book through Copeland. I should 
 not be honest ,f I did not begin by saying that I shall be glad 
 
 looking for external circumstances to determine my course-and I do 
 no w,sh this daylight to be withdrawn. Moreover, I have had to take 
 
 rndtv^rat?'.'' "T' '^"'' ^'^^ ' "" ^^^^'y ^'^^ ^"^ -^--d to 
 alone n it, not, 1 fear, from tenderness towards him, so much as that 
 It would be a more dignified thing if I stood by myself 
 
 aDoroxil?'' ',t''/-^''' r^ P"^" "^""^ '^' ^"^ ^ ^^"^^ "ot honestly 
 approxnnate m the famtest degree to an appeal ad misericordiam. 
 
 All this makes me a bad adviser. But again my raw opinion is worth 
 
 o two LoH T ^ f '"^'J'* ^' '^ ^^^^^ ^^^^'"^ ^'^h «^h-^^' ^nd one 
 or wronTo "'^\'^/^^^P' ^^^^ ^ b^^in to have a view, whether a right 
 
 nothing ""^ "^^^^'^^ ^' '^'^ "^^"^^"^ ^°"^d ^o™e to 
 
 th^l ^"^ ^^l ^^^?' ^ '"PP""'^ *^^ ^"^y ^^^o" ^or "Sing it would be 
 the hope that the Hebdomadal Board could not bring forward a^ 
 
 occaSri^tlT'''"'' "'"' '''"^' ^^^^ " ^^ encouraged to do by the 
 occasion of the meeting on the 13th. Yet on the other hand, if the 
 
 f^nr:r P '" '''"' ^'^^ "^y '^ ^^^^^^ «"~-"^ ^ --"y should 
 fear that the Protestant spirit in the University is roused, and that it 
 
 7^acZ^' ^It' ""'''' ^I ""T^^' ' '^ "- - -y c w : 
 
 Lone aT; H ^ ^'^ T ^ '^^' ^^ victories-the Exeter matters-the 
 
 d rmtnlln'o^r^ K^ '"" "' ^'^ ^'''^^^ "''^ ^" ^^^ ^« ^^^ -tural 
 S pCi^ewate 5"^^^^^"^^"- ^^^«"^-^' they disperse French mobs 
 
 be .Tn \ ^^^'"' '^ '^'y ^^'^ ^""^ i^ o" ^gain. would it not 
 
 opinions ? If ,t be said that no act of the University can narrow 
 a subscription which Church and State have left open a's the 1™ 
 say) this can be said also of the proposed measure I do not see then 
 
 miLTbe t oScr "'^"^ ^ '-''^ -'-' - ^~ (^^ ^^^^ 
 
 I wish I had more or better to say, but I can think of nothing else. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 p c r.r .. J^"^ "• Newman. 
 
 Kb. Of course if the measure Tvere brought forward again there 
 would be an apparent feebleness and unworthiness in the P octo ! 
 having vetoed it-which showed itself in Hampden's case- and an 
 unpleasant imitation or paralleling of the then Proctors' conduct 
 
 Another letter, to another correspondent, shows how 
 fatally Pusey was mistaken in thinking that he could 
 
 Newman's Unwillingness to Resist. 429 
 
 any longer expect hearty counsel or co-operation from 
 Newman. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to Rev. J. Miller. 
 
 My dear Miller, Littlemore, Feb. 11, 1845. 
 
 Many thanks indeed for your kind and feeling letter, though 
 I could not help sadly smiling at your thinking me deficient in patience. 
 I suppose many persons think so, but they are wide of the mark, and 
 time, which shows so many things, will prove that to talk of patience is 
 nihil ad rem, in this matter. 
 
 The matter now going on has not given me a moment's pain— nay, or 
 interest. I did not even open the letter at once in which came the 
 information of what the Hebdomadal Board had done, and I think 
 I should go to bed quietly Thursday, Friday, Saturday night, though 
 the news of Thursday's proceedings did not reach me. 
 
 Nothing that has yet happened all along has caused me to take any 
 step which I have taken— though much has happened heretofore to 
 augment the pain under which I acted. But now I have no pain about 
 these ecclesiastical movements. I am too far gone for that. 
 
 . . . Considering this conviction came on me going on for six years 
 ago, when you think how much I have written against it, how much 
 I have done in keeping others from it, I do not think, whatever be my 
 fault, you will accuse me of want of patience. 
 
 It is now near six years since I have said a word against the Church 
 of Rome, except in my letter to the Bishop of Oxford four years ago, 
 when he bid me. 
 
 I know how much this will pain you ; but I have borne patiently 
 the charge of impatience long— and the truth must be known now. 
 
 After writing to Newman on Shrove Tuesday, Pusey 
 wrote to Mr. Gladstone, who had just resigned the Presi- 
 dency of the Board of Trade in Sir R. Peel's Cabinet on 
 the question of the Maynooth grant. 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq. 
 
 My dear Gladstone, ^*^"^^ Church, Shrove Tuesday, 1845. 
 I can write more freely to you, now you yourself are free, and 
 commit, I suppose, no one but myself: and much misgiving as the 
 announcement caused me as to our immediate prospects, I felt much 
 comfort that you are free, parted from those whom I mistrust, so as 
 not to be responsible for their acts, and reserved, I trust, under God's 
 Providence and by His grace, for a future day. 
 
 I am sorry to break in upon you thus, although your time, I suppose, 
 is scarcely ever your own ; yet I could not but wish to write to you, as 
 to this monstrous attempt to condemn at nine days' notice Tract 90, 
 
430 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 I 
 
 and with it one to whom we all owe more than we can say— God's 
 
 chosen instrument to us for our souls' good. 
 
 I know not what will or can be done, but I am sure you will do what 
 
 you can to avert such a blow. ,. . i- • . r „ 
 
 Yours most faithfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 You will not suppose that by the first page I wish for any answer. 
 The only object of my note is the second. I must feel the uncongeniality 
 of mind and principle between you and your late colleagues, more than 
 you, who are obliged to look on everything on its best side. I must 
 not write on thus : but only say that in expressing my own feelings I do 
 not mean to elicit yours nor to imply that they are the same. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone's reply defines with great explicitness his 
 attitude to the controversy which was dividing Oxford. 
 
 W. E. Gladstone, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 
 13 Carlton House Terrace, Feb. 7, 1845. 
 My dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 No man more bitterly deplores than I do the more recent changes 
 
 in the views of Mr. Newman : but I never felt anything more strongly 
 
 than the proceedings now meditated at Oxford : it is enough to make 
 
 the heart burst to witness them. They pass mere argument, and 
 
 appear like the fruits of a judgement of God. 
 
 Of my own motion however, and without concert or advice, I wrote 
 yesterday to Dr. Hawkins a letter, intended by way of appeal, from 
 myself as a member of the Convocation, to the Board of Heads : and 
 in terms as respectful as I could devise, I have demanded time. I made 
 some reference to Mr. Newman : but the main tenor of the letter was 
 to demand time on the ground of public decency, and that I may have 
 some opportunity of considering the matters on which I am called 
 to vote. 
 
 I have written again to-day at greater length, in the way of objection 
 to the form of the Proposal on many grounds : and have selected two 
 particular interpretations from Tract 90 (Articles XII. and XIX.), which 
 I, as at present advised, adopt, and ask to know whether they are or are 
 not included in the vote for condemnation ; pointing out that the 
 Proposal itself tells me nothing, and that to give my voice upon the 
 matter involved in a state of such ignorance would on my part be 
 profanation. 
 
 Although sorrow for Oxford and the Church is even at this moment 
 the strongest feeling in my breast, yet indignation at this proposal to 
 treat Mr. Newman worse than a dog really makes me mistrust my 
 judgement, as I suppose one should always do when any proposal 
 seeming to present an aspect of incredible wickedness is advanced. 
 
 But I feel most strongly that this is a season in which there is no 
 effort that ought not to be made : and in writing as I have done I have 
 
 •*wMa 
 
 « HiniLl- » ii*i 
 
 Dr, Hook's Hesitation, 
 
 431 
 
 assumed a character most offensive to me and most unwholesome, only 
 to avert, or rather to contribute by God's help a ten-thousandth part 
 towards averting, greater evils. 
 
 I hope that if necessary there will be a veto : for the sake of the 
 Church, and of the character of Oxford. Its effects on the Tract 90 
 may be many-sided : but it is upon the whole for every interest that 
 the first principles of morality and justice should be observed. 
 
 And after all, looking back on the countless mercies we have received, 
 I am hopeful of the issue : and should be even more so but for that 
 which the Heads of Houses do not know. 
 
 Most sincerely yours, 
 
 VV. E. Gladstone. 
 
 Dr. Hook, although, in the event, he voted against the 
 condemnation of Ward's book, as well as against his degra- 
 dation, was at first so afraid of countenancing Romanism 
 if he voted with Pusey, that he decided not to vote at all. 
 He added ; — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Feb. 6, 1845. 
 
 I do honestly confess that the publication of Romish Methodism by 
 yourself and your eulogy of the founder of the Jesuits^ had some 
 influence upon my mind, and makes me pause as a strong, decided, 
 vehement Anti-Romanist. These publications and the legendary Lives 
 of the Saints^ will have the same effect in England as the fanatical 
 movement in France; they will make men decided infidels. Infidelity 
 and Romanism will always go hand in hand; except where, as in 
 England, Romanists act with caution and take the philosophical line, 
 such as is taken by Wiseman. 
 
 If a wise, decided, cautious address be got up to the Heads of 
 Houses, calling upon them to propose the degradation of Dr. Whately, 
 and showing the points of heresy in his works, I shall be most willing 
 to sign it— not, of course, till I see what it is. 
 
 My present intention is not to vote. I should have voted against 
 the test 
 
 Hook wrote with an impetuosity which was at once the 
 charm and the danger of his character ; but Pusey took 
 every man's language literally, and felt it necessary to 
 
 * Pref. to Surin's * Foundations of 
 the Spiritual Life/ xix, xxii. note. 
 These references, however, do not 
 amount to a eulogy. 
 
 * * Lives of the English Saints.* 
 Pusey regretted this publication, 
 
 especially after the appearance of the 
 life of St. Stephen Harding. He and 
 Mr. Gladstone are referred to as 
 * men of great weight ' in * Apologia,' 
 P- 339- 
 
432 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 H 
 
 discuss Hook's criticisms in a characteristic letter, which 
 concludes as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. r- u - o 
 
 Feb. 7, 1845. 
 
 To me, the condemnation of Newman when he has retired successive'y 
 from every means of influence, Tracts, British Critic, St. Mary's, inter- 
 course with young men, residence, sermons, Lives of the Saints, and 
 has won more souls to Christ than any besides, is beyond measure 
 dreadful. I should expect some dreadful chastisement to follow. 
 *They entreated him shamefully and beat him, and sent him away 
 empty.* He has been, to an amazing extent, God's messenger to us for 
 the good of souls, and now men would cast him out. 
 
 Notwithstanding the widespread anxiety respecting New- 
 man's future, the attempt of the Hebdomadal Board to 
 utilize the odium against Ward for the purpose of con- 
 demning Tract 90 provoked warm indignation among 
 moderate men, who had no sympathy with Ward, and no 
 enthusiasm, to say the least, for the tract in question. 
 
 Ven. Archdeacon Churton to E. B. P. 
 
 Crayke, Feb. 5, 1845. 
 
 Let us hope that now the worst seems come we shall soon see better 
 days. The attempt to overwhelm Newman with Ward, Achilles with 
 Thersites junior, will bring up every vote that can be mustered. 
 
 My good friend John Miller and I have been corresponding a good 
 deal about a Protest we are concocting against [the] Hebdomadal 
 Board— which must be 'put down' as a public nuisance. Where could 
 we have a meeting after Convocation to draw up resolutions condemna- 
 tory ? Query, in Exeter or B.N.C. Hall ? 
 
 As the day approached it became known that the Heads 
 of Houses would not, in any circumstances, have things 
 their own way. The Proctors for the year, Mr. Guillemard 
 of Trinity and Mr. R. W. Church of Oriel, had decided to 
 exercise their statutable right of forbidding proceedings in 
 Convocation which they judged inexpedient for the Uni- 
 versity. They were urged to do this by others than the 
 friends of Newman and Pusey. 
 
 Rev. W. K. Hamilton to E. B. P. 
 My dear Sir, Q\os^, Salisbury, Feb. 8, 1845. 
 
 In a very nice letter I received this morning from Stanley of 
 University, he tells me the Proctors intend to veto the proposal about 
 
 The Attitude of the Liberals. 433 
 
 Newman. This is a very great relief to me, as it is quite impossible 
 for me to get away on Thursday. I am very sorry not to vote against 
 Ward's degradation, but my feeling about the other measure is 
 necessarily a much stronger one. Was it necessary that Convocation 
 should be called together in Ember week? if not, it is really shocking 
 that when love for our Church is the plea for its assembling, one of her 
 most solemn seasons should be profaned, as it must be on Wednesday 
 next, by much feasting, and on Thursday by much excitement of strong 
 if not bitter feeling. 
 
 I have done all I can here ; and I hope all who go up will vote 
 with you. 
 
 If it is generally known that the Proctors intend to veto the proposal 
 about Newman many will stay, I should think, away. 
 
 I remain, my dear Sir, yours gratefully attached, 
 
 W. K. Hamilton. 
 
 It will be gathered from this letter that the Rev. A. P. 
 Stanley and other younger members of the Liberal party 
 in Theology were exerting themselves to defeat the pro- 
 posals of the Heads of Houses. A fly-leaf, which bears 
 marks of Stanley's hand, insisted on a supposed analogy 
 between the proceedings against Dr. Hampden and those 
 of which Mr. Ward was the object : ' the wheel of time had 
 come round,* 'the victors of 1836 were the victims of 
 1845.* The object of the paper was to condemn the 
 proceedings against Hampden, and to induce Liberals to 
 vote for Mr. Ward. 
 
 Whatever may be said against the proceedings in con- 
 demnation of Dr. Hampden, it would be superfluous at 
 this distance of time to point the many obvious ways in 
 which the analogy between the two cases advanced by 
 Mr. Stanley broke down. While, however, the younger 
 Liberals had many motives for assisting the Tractarians 
 on this occasion, as a matter of fact it was not they who 
 saved the Tractarians from disaster, as in after-times Dean 
 Stanley so often boasted. * The Liberals of his school,' 
 as Dean Church says, * were still a little flock ... too 
 young and too few to hold the balance in such a contest. 
 The Tractarians were saved by what they were, and 
 what they had done and could do themselves \' If this 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 * Church's * Oxford Movement,' p. 340. 
 
 rf 
 
434 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 statement requires further proof, an analysis of the signa- 
 tures to the vote of thanks to the Proctors for their action 
 on February 15th (to be mentioned directly) would give 
 ample evidence. 
 
 But if the opposition of the young Liberals to the 
 proceedings against Mr. Ward was not very weighty and 
 not altogether disinterested, it was much more creditable 
 to Liberal principles than the course taken by the older 
 representatives of Liberalism. The Provost of Oriel had 
 been for many years a Liberal in Church matters. He was 
 the friend of Copleston, Whately, Bunsen, and Arnold. He 
 had supported the attempt to abolish subscription at matri- 
 culation : he had been the great defender of the Liberalism 
 of Hampden. He was now acting with sincere ultra- 
 Protestants like Dr. Symons, who were in no sense Liberals; 
 but he himself had not at all abandoned the latitudinarian 
 eclecticism which his older friends were anxious to fit on 
 somehow to the system of the Church of England. Yet 
 his fear of a stronger religious faith than his own now led 
 him not merely to assent to, but to be the principal author 
 of measures compared with which the action taken against 
 Hampden was a civil expression of disapprobation. 
 
 The scene on the 13th of February has been so graphi- 
 cally described both in Dean Church's 'Oxford Movement* 
 and in the Life of Mr. W. G. Ward, that it is unnecessary 
 to enter much into detail here. The Sheldonian Theatre 
 was crowded with Masters, no one but voters being 
 admitted. When the Registrar had read the selected 
 passages from the * Ideal ' on the score of which the con- 
 demnation of the book was to be pronounced, Ward made 
 his defence. The book was condemned by a majority of 391 
 votes; the degradation of Mr. Ward was affirmed by a 
 majority of 58 only. The tide of victory seemed, however, to 
 be still flowing strongly for the ultra-Protestant cause, when 
 the proposal to condemn Tract 90 was brought forward. 
 Then, to the unconcealed disgust ^ of the victorious party 
 headed by the Vice-Chancellor, the Proctors rose in their 
 
 * Cox's • Recollections of Oxford/ p. 345. 
 
 The Censure Vetoed. 
 
 435 
 
 places to exercise the veto which statutably belonged to 
 them. Never in the history of the University was the 
 procuratorial * non placet ' more courageously or more 
 wisely uttered. 
 
 An address to the Proctors thanking them for their 
 conduct was signed by men of all parties in the University. 
 Not only the friends of the Movement, but Mr. Stanley of 
 University College and Mr. Jowett of Balliol appear among 
 the signatories, which altogether amounted to some eight 
 hundred ^ The address was presented to the Senior 
 Proctor by the Rev. C. Marriott on March i st. 
 
 The victory, however, on the whole lay with the assailants 
 of the Movement ; and as new Proctors would enter upon 
 office after Easter they determined to renew their efforts to 
 procure a condemnation of the Ninetieth Tract. 
 
 It will be remembered that on March 22, 1836, Mr. 
 Bay ley of Pembroke and Mr. Reynolds of Jesus College, 
 the Proctors for the year, had vetoed the proposal that 
 Dr. Hampden should be suspended from certain privileges 
 and duties attaching to his professorship ; and that, when 
 they had gone out of office, the proposal which they vetoed 
 was carried on May 5th in the same year by an over- 
 whelming majority^. It was hoped that a similar reversal 
 of the procuratorial veto might be repeated. But any such 
 expectation overlooked the difference between the cases. 
 It was one thing for the Proctors to use their veto as an 
 expression of little more than their own opinions ; it was 
 another to use it on behalf of a very large and influential 
 minority ^ 
 
 * The procuratorial veto,* so wrote a keen observer, * has been treated 
 in this case as if persons somehow or other felt that they had no real 
 right to complain of it ; as if there was an impression, whatever might 
 be said in an ordinary party view against it, that the Proctors had, 
 after all, a fair right to do what they did do *.* 
 
 But the address to the Hebdomadal Board in favour of 
 
 * Cox, p. 346. The printed list pp. 558, 561. 
 
 is 546, but many names were sent in * Ibid. The author of the remark- 
 after it was struck off. able article on * Recent Proceedings 
 
 * See vol. i. pp. 378, 385. at Oxford,' was the Rev. J. B. Mozley. 
 ' Christian Remembrancer^ No. 48, 
 
 F fa 
 
436 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 another attempt to procure a condemnation of Tract 90 
 received comparatively few signatures, and was treated 
 with coldness in unexpected quartera 
 
 Pusey on his part felt that if Newman was to be by any 
 possibility saved from going to Rome, Tract 90 must not 
 be condemned. The condemnation of Tract 90 would be 
 interpreted by Newman as a last sign from Heaven ; it 
 would precipitate his secession. This motive led Pusey to 
 suggest to Mr. Gladstone that he should ask the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury to dissuade the Heads of Houses from any 
 further measures. But Mr. Gladstone felt that matters had 
 been further complicated by the action of one of Ward's 
 friends. Immediately after the decision of Convocation on 
 Feb. iT^, Mr. Oakeley had written a public letter to the Vice- 
 Chancellor, in which he claimed to hold (as distinct from 
 teaching) all Roman doctrine ; and four days later this was 
 followed by another letter to the Bishop of London, in 
 which he brought this clause formally under the notice of his 
 Diocesan. Whatever is to be said of its theological tenable- 
 ness, nothing could be more frank than Mr. Oakeley 's 
 attitude, nor more unequivocal than the terms in which he 
 brought his theological position under the notice of authori- 
 ties who could not but condemn it ; but his action at this 
 juncture greatly added to Pusey s difficulties, and lessened the 
 prospects of that ' peace' which Pusey so earnestly desired. 
 Mr. Gladstone, as the following letter shows, was willing 
 to do anything in his power to promote the cause of peace. 
 But could Dr. Pusey answer for Mr. Ward or Mr. Oakeley ? 
 Had they not used, were they not likely to use again, 
 language which was provocative and indefensible ? 
 
 W. E. Gladstone, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 
 13 Carlton House Terrace, Feb. 17, 1845. 
 I concur with my whole heart and soul in the desire for repose ; 
 and I fully believe that the gift of an interval of reflection is that which 
 would be of all gifts the most precious to us all, which would restore 
 the faculty of deliberation now almost lost in storms, and would afford 
 the best hope both of the development of the soundest elements that 
 are m motion amongst us, and of the mitigation or absorption of those 
 which are more dangerous. 
 
 Mr. Gladstones View of the Situation. 437 
 
 Then as to my addressing the Archbishop. I have no right or 
 reason to suppose that any representation from me would come to him 
 with any special advantage. Still, it is impossible not to see from his 
 late Pastoral, and still more from his Charge of last autumn, that no 
 one more fervently ensues peace than our Primate ; and if it were your 
 desire that I should write to his Grace, I should readily do so, as my 
 addressing him would be simply in the way of information, and would 
 not be with the view of drawing him into communication with myself. 
 
 My opinion continues to be, that the subject of the Ninetieth Tract 
 will most probably not be revived ; but I by no means state this as 
 a reason for doing nothing of the kind you indicate. 
 
 However, it occurs to me that the Archbishop's first thought might 
 naturally be, that the hope of peace must depend on the pacific inten- 
 tions and desires not of one side or body only, but of all ; and that if 
 you, on behalf of the assailed, take the initiative, it would be very fair 
 to ask you what guarantees, or at all events what reasonable expecta- 
 tions, you can hold out that they will keep the peace. The signs of the 
 last few days do not altogether give such a promise. For instance, even 
 in his defensive speech, admirable as its tone was in all personal and 
 in some other respects, Mr. Ward chose to carry his theology to 
 a point beyond any which he had theretofore reached, and to pro- 
 pound an Ultramontane definition of Roman doctrine, viz. whatever is 
 approved by the Pope. 
 
 It is true indeed, as I conceive, that Mr. Ward represents an indi- 
 vidual, not a class ; and it is difficult to make others responsible for 
 his proceedings. But Mr. Oakeley is a man who appears generally 
 desirous to manage his opinions, extreme as they are, with gentleness 
 and consideration for the peace of the Church. Yet he has just pub* 
 lished, as I perceive with great pain, a challenge to the academical 
 authorities, founded on the votes against Mr. Ward ; with respect to 
 which I will only say, that I cannot conceive how it could be in place 
 until the validity of those votes should have been established, either by 
 the sentence of an appellate tribunal, or by a legal certainty that the pro- 
 ceedings of the Convocation cannot be brought under review elsewhere. 
 
 It is on this account that I have replied to you, instead of acting at 
 Qnce on your suggestion. 
 
 Pusey thanked Mr. Gladstone for his letter, but ac- 
 knowledged that he could in no way answer for the 
 action of Oakeley and Ward. But the prospect gradually 
 brightened. On the following day Pusey wrote to Mr. 
 Gladstone : — 
 
 * There seems a general impression that the Heads are becoming 
 more pacific; and that the renewed requisition against us will be 
 a failure. . . . Your communications with the Board and your name 
 have done us good service.* 
 
43^ Life of Edivard Bouverie Ptisey. 
 
 A day or two later Mr. Gladstone acted on Pusey's 
 suggestion that he should apply to the Archbishop of Can- 
 terbury. He reported the result in the following letter:— 
 W. E. Gladstone, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 
 '3 Carlton House Terrace, Feb. 22, 1845. 
 I have had a kind note from the Archbishop of Canterbury, in 
 which he expresses his opinion that there will be no further proceed- 
 ings at Oxford m respect to the 90th Tract. 
 
 I lose no time in making known to you the circumstance, as it may 
 contribute to reassure your mind (on mine it leaves no doubt) ; but 
 probably it would be well to keep back the Archbishop's name except 
 from persons altogether in your confidence. 
 
 If there be no intention of reviving the matter, what a conclusive 
 estimony does this afford that the interposition of the Proctors was no 
 less wise and just than it was courageous. 
 
 Robert Phillimore is desirous to sign the thanks. I mention this in 
 case his name should not have been otherwise transmitted. 
 
 Believe me, your sincerely attached 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. w. E. GLADSTONE. 
 
 Thus this chapter of the history of the Movement had 
 well-nigh closed. Mr. Ward was degraded, and the question 
 of Tract 90 was not to be re-opened. But in order to 
 complete this portion of our subject, it is necessary to follow 
 for a while the fortunes of the Rev. F. Oakeley. 
 
 Mr. Oakeley, as will have been seen, had declared in his 
 letter to the Vice-Chancellor that he held (though he did 
 not claim to teach) all Roman doctrine, and had subse- 
 quently repeated this claim in a letter to the Bishop of 
 London. Thereupon the Bishop requested Mr. Oakeley to 
 resign his licence as minister of Margaret Chapel. In this 
 the Bishop was acting at the suggestion of Dr. Chandler 
 the Dean of Chichester, within whose London parish 
 Margaret Chapel was situated. Mr. Oakeley pleaded for 
 delay but offered to take no part in the church services 
 until he gave a reply. Meanwhile he wrote very earnestly 
 to Pusey, with a view to inducing Pu.sey, Keble, and others 
 to withdraw their support from the Church Societies, and 
 to mduce others to do the same, unless the Bishop of 
 London withdrew his request. Pusey and Keble both felt 
 unable to comply with this suggestion ; and the Bishop 
 
 Mr. Oakeley condemned by the Court of Arches. 439 
 
 9 
 
 on his part, found the case to be full of unsuspected 
 difficulties, and at last decided against withdrawing Mr. 
 Oakeley's licence, but with the proviso that the circum- 
 stances might still be the subject of legal determination. 
 
 Pusey, however, had been obliged, in his correspondence 
 with Oakeley, to express himself with regard to Oakeley's 
 actions in terms which inevitably led to a certain estrange- 
 ment, and a loosening of those personal ties which, in binding 
 Oakeley to himself, bound him also to the Church of 
 England. This was inevitable ; but it did not prevent Pusey 
 from doing what he could to help his friend even to the last. 
 Mr. Oakeley*s letter to the Bishop of London was made the 
 basis of a suit in the Arches Court, which was opened on 
 June 9. Mr. Oakeley himself did not appear, nor was he 
 represented by counsel. On June 30 Sir Herbert Jenner 
 Fust, the Dean of the Arches, revoked Mr. Oakeley 's licence 
 to officiate at Margaret Chapel or elsewhere in the diocese, 
 and prohibited him from performing any ministerial office 
 in the Province of Canterbury until he retracted his errors. 
 The judge held that if any Roman doctrine was opposed to 
 the doctrine of the Thirty-nine Articles, Mr. Oakeley must, 
 according to his own statements, hold it ; and that such 
 a position was inconsistent with his engagements as a 
 minister of the Church of England. 
 
 This decision added to the unsettlement and distress of 
 many minds. In order to relieve this, Pusey, besides 
 preaching to the distressed congregation at Margaret 
 Chapel on the day before the judgment \ wrote at length on 
 
 * Cf. 'The Blasphemy against the 
 Holy Ghost,' a sermon preached at 
 Margaret Chapel on the feast of St. 
 Peter, 1845. Oxford, 1845. The sermon 
 has the following dedication : — 
 * To the Congregation 
 Of Margaret Chapel, 
 With whom he has often in common 
 
 worshipped. 
 To whom he has, Irom time to time, 
 
 with joy ministered, 
 
 And with them, in their devout services, 
 
 Found rest and joy, 
 
 This Sermon, 
 
 Preached by God's mercy, to remove 
 
 anxieties, 
 
 On a day of gladness, 
 
 And the eve of heavy sorrow. 
 
 Is inscribed, 
 
 With the affectionate prayer. 
 
 That the God of all comfort 
 
 Will, in our common sorrow, comfort 
 
 them, 
 
 And Himself, the Teacher and Guide 
 
 of all, 
 
 Replace the guidance and teaching 
 
 Of which in His inscrutable Providence 
 
 He has permitted them to be deprived.' 
 
il 
 
 440 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 the subject to the English Churchman. He pointed out that 
 Mr. Oakeley's case had been undefended : consequently it 
 created no precedent. Had it been defended, some parts of 
 the Judgment must have been modified. The judge had 
 assumed that ' the Articles have one plain definite gram- 
 matical sense, and that whoever does not see this simply 
 strains them, because he has a repugnance to their meaning. 
 Nothing, Pusey added, ' can be less true.' But the judge 
 had condemned Oakeley's claim to hold all Roman doc- 
 trine and not all constructions of the Thirty-nine Articles 
 which might differ from his own. Mr. Oakeley's case, then 
 did not really affect anybody except himself. That a decree 
 of the Court of Arches was not a decision of the Church was 
 clear from the fact that when a few years earlier this same 
 court had decided in favour of the primitive practice of 
 Prayers for the Dead, 'the Bishop of one of our first sees felt it 
 to be h.s duty on the following Sunday to preach against it 
 m the cathedral church of our metropolis.' Pusey deplored 
 the inequitable onesidedness which tolerated anything in 
 one direction and nothing in another. The rulers of the 
 Church would do well to commit her to God, and <let her 
 drive under His guidance ; to thrust her, by measures of 
 peremptory repression, would mean a situation in which 
 the fore part ' might ' stick fast and remain immoveable ' 
 while the 'hinder part' was broken by the violence of the 
 waves. Pusey did not explain-there was no need for 
 doing so-who were meant by the ' fore parf and who by 
 the * hinder part. ^ 
 
 The events of the next few months were to afford a 
 tragical illustration of the last - named feature of the 
 catastrophe thus described. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 • 
 
 RUMOURS AND ANXIETIES— AN APPEAL FROM PUSEY— 
 manning's feeling towards ROME — NEWMAN'S 
 SECESSION— PUSEY'S LETTER TO THE 'ENGLISH 
 CHURCHMAN ' — KEBLE'S COMMENTS — REVIEW OF 
 PUSEY'S POSITION. 
 
 1844-1845. 
 
 Since his resignation of St. Mary's in September, 1843, 
 Newman had Hved in the * monastery' at Littlemore, 
 surrounded by a few most intimate friends, while the little 
 church of St. Mary's, Littlemore, was served by the Rev. 
 W. J. Copeland. Newman and his associates spent their 
 time in attending the daily services in the church, in 
 observing the Canonical Hours at home, and in an amount 
 of literary work and anxious correspondence which left no 
 margin of leisure. During the last year of his life in the 
 Church of England, Newman was reading for or writing 
 his * Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine,' and 
 his mind was so far detached from the Anglican position 
 that his secession was at any moment at least possible. 
 Pusey alone, hoping against hope, could not altogether 
 resign himself to recognize what was plain to most ; and, 
 as we have seen, went on consulting him as if they still had, 
 as much as ever before, practical interests, anxieties, and 
 hopes in common. 
 
 With the keen desire that everything should be done 
 likely to re-establish Newman, it was a great distress to him 
 when, shortly after his return from Ilfracombe in Sep- 
 tember, 1844, Mr. Eden, the new Vicar of St. Mary's, 
 showed him a letter from Copeland, in which the latter 
 begged to be relieved of his charge at Littlemore. The 
 strain of so difficult a situation might well be too great 
 
ll 
 
 442 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 for one so deeply attached to Newman, yet at the same time 
 
 suclT/- '°" ""^ ?' ^''"'■'^''' ^"' ^"^^y *''°"gJ^t that, at 
 Zt 7f ' ^°"^"J^r*tio„s of a personal character only 
 ought not to be entertained. 
 
 E. B. p. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 *^*'™' ^^''"'•ch. I Sth Sunday after Trinity. 1844. 
 My DEAR Copeland, ^ ^ 
 
 freely to'me'rfefLTh '" T "^^ °' y°"^^' ^ y°" ^P^^'' ^ 
 confidentia Ind i H ^\'^'^^'\ »''°"gh ^e otherwise felt kto be 
 
 let us stay where we are, and we shall see the salvatiorof thV L ord 
 
 a broken limb. So pray, you must stay on. ^ 
 
 Cod bless and comfort you. 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Copeland obeyed Pusey and remained. But another 
 
 anxjety followed. Mr. A. J. Christie, Fellow of Orie 
 
 i M4. He had been a pupil of Pusey, and Pusey was 
 greatly attached to him, not merely on account of hi 
 marked ability, but for higher reasons which a singularly 
 devated and attractive character could not but suggest^^ 
 Mr. Chnstie had apparently, after the fashion of perplexed 
 young men of that time, been asking advice in very various 
 quarters, and had at last become much perplexed as to 
 whether he should be ordained at all. 
 
 I thinf thTt^/h" ^^*"^^' "^^^^ Newman to Pusey on Oct. 12, 'what 
 
 But i T thinW fr •"'' '"' "''^'"'^ ^' "^" ^-^^ ^^y b^ ^-^^ for it. 
 iiut why I thmk this IS a matter of impression, and I cannot eive 
 
 fuX tV IT""^^ '° "°^ ^''"^ ^^ -' P--bly sign our Anides 
 but he thinks he can. He goes with Ward ; I cannot.' 
 
 A, y. Christie^ of Oriel, 
 
 443 
 
 Pusey's love and reverence for Newman — his inability to 
 think that any real divergence of conviction was possible — 
 prevented him from seeing that they were really looking at 
 the question from different points of view. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Saturday evening, Oct. 12, 1844. 
 
 What you say must decide me not to say anything to C[hristie], 
 grievous as it is, in so great a degree to lose his direct services for our 
 Church. I asked the Bishop, not without the secret anxiety one has 
 about everything, but still with the faith that all would come right. 
 However, now he has, of his own mind, resigned it (though it costs 
 him a good deal, and more as the time of final decision approaches), 
 I must not dissuade him against your ' impression,' who see so much 
 further, that * he would one day be sorry for it.* 
 
 So, 1 have done. But 1 wish you would think whether, this resigned, 
 Medicine is the best line for him. If things go on well, and he is led 
 on in the line which his publication of S. Ambr. de Virg. points to, he 
 might, in a single state, do good service as a physician of the poor 
 (perhaps in some such establishment as, by God's blessing, Holy Cross 
 may become). Else Instruction seems more his line. He wishes to do 
 anything you, or you and I, might think best for him. He seems to 
 have no preference for Medicine, and he would have a great deal very 
 revolting to go through. He would like you to say what you think 
 best for him. 
 
 I have nothing more to say now, thank you. 
 
 Pusey was too uncomfortable to let the matter rest. 
 Five days afterwards he wrote again to Newman. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Thursday night [Oct. 17, 1844]. 
 
 Christie called upon me by appointment after I saw you, and his 
 determination had given me such a pang yesterday that I could not 
 help talking with him about it. I could not find from him, although 
 1 asked him plainly, any reason why he should not be ordained, nor 
 that he went further than myself as far as appeared without going into 
 the details of each doctrine. 
 
 Your strong expression staggered me, and I should not think myself 
 fit to think one way when you think another ; still, I should like to 
 know more what you think best for Christie, in whom, as a pupil and 
 on other grounds, I have so much interest. It seems so sad for such 
 services to be lost, and hopes which he himself has had as long as he 
 can recollect, and which, so one might hope, were drawings, to come to 
 nothing. 
 
 If you are not coming soon into Oxford, I should like to walk out to 
 talk with you. 
 
m 
 
 444 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 in driLr'''!^'' '^'' •■'P"'^^ "'^"^ Newman should be 
 Pu a^ Oxfo^H r"""".' ^''"'■P °' ^^f°^^' - '-'her of 
 Mr Golight;'' '^ '"""^' '^^" authority on the subject. 
 
 Rev. C. p. Golightlv to Rev. W. S. Bricknell. 
 
 My dear Bricknell, °'''°''''' ^""^^y- N°^- '' >844. 
 
 corresp::„'iSetSr^^^^^^^^ f- so.eo.her 
 
 portLtfl"thrM"*"- V''"''^ '■°*^^'^^ ascertained one very im- 
 
 a quondam Fellow ofS; a frienlrwir^^^^^ ''™"'^^ °^ 
 
 has twice called on Ley and'L Tv , [T V ^""^ ""^ i"^"™^"' 
 
 from his own lips ^' "^ satisfaction heard the statement 
 
 mu^hlTyt rcomeTwl :"'u''T "" '^^'^ *''^ '-^' ^ ^•'-^ 
 house. The rX whiiT 'Y""''^^' ^"'^ '^'"'^ ^"^ ^'^^P ^' "X 
 Puseyite Movemem TmTl^' t '°"^. ='"'' ^""°"« -«'-'« "Pon the 
 
 chu.h wo . tr nii:::;;- vi^^z zr-'- °^ °- 
 
 Believe me, yours most truly, 
 
 T uncT, f^ 1 ^* ^- GOLIGHTLY. 
 
 Nov. I, 1844. 
 SaL'sTn luStri:;.' "'' "'^'' "^ ^"'"'"« '^•^ Communion of 
 
 I Jh^ ''^*'''' ^"^"^ N'^"'^" ''°""'' th^!-- way into the 
 mevtable, a widespread perplexity. Among the letters 
 
 Account of Newmans despondency. 
 
 445 
 
 which Pusey had to write with reference to this perplexity, 
 the subjoined is remarkable. It contains an account of 
 Newman's ' despondency,' as Pusey now conceived of it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Prebendary Henderson. 
 
 [Christ Church], Nov. 14, 1844. 
 My dear Henderson, 
 
 You are quite right in thinking that N[ewman] has no feelings 
 
 drawing him away from us : all his feeHngs and sympathies have been 
 
 for our Church : he has toiled for it as no other has, constructed 
 
 defences for it, and brought out her system, as no other could. What 
 
 I fear is a deep and deepening despondency about her, whether, with 
 
 all the evils so rife in her, the tolerance of heresy and the denial 
 
 of truth, she is indeed part of God's Church. From time to time 
 
 he seems encouraged by tokens of God's grace vouchsafed in her, 
 
 but the tide sets the other way : he is very heavy-minded. He does 
 
 feel sympathy very much, or the want of it : he has felt very much 
 
 what has been said of late : he said the other day, * I have a literal 
 
 heartache.' But it is not this, I believe, which has been doing the 
 
 mischief, but, what you say, the tolerance of heresy. He seems to me 
 
 to have the keenest and most reverent perception of the offensive- 
 
 ness of heresy, that I ever witnessed. It is something quite of a 
 
 different kind from anything that I ever saw elsewhere ; I know not 
 
 how to convey the thought. It is a sort of reverent shrinking from it, 
 
 as one might conceive in a very pure mind from something defiling. 
 
 It seems even to affect his frame, as one might imagine *a sword 
 
 piercing,' a pain shooting through every part. 
 
 Of course I do not mean to blame our Bishops ; but in the habits in 
 
 which we, and much more they, were brought up, the mind was 
 
 directed to certain gross forms of heresy, such as the Socinian, and 
 
 scarcely realized the others at all — thought of them as something 
 
 abstract, not being brought in contact with them, or seeing their 
 
 effects. Thus, in America, a Nestorian Bishop was actually recognized 
 
 by some of our Bishops, and in England very unguarded language 
 
 has been used about the heretical bodies in the East. We are so 
 
 practical a people, that we can hardly see a thing to be wrong which 
 
 we do not see working ill. Hence, people even who assent to the word 
 
 ecoro/fos, often cannot see any great harm in its denial, because they 
 
 do not see its bearings. Then, too, we are so inured to our existing 
 
 evils that we do not feel them acutely. We have been so accustomed 
 
 to hear the Sacraments denied, that it hardly seems to strike our 
 
 Bishops, when 500 clergy (I think) sign their denial of them. On 
 
 the other hand, anything new does strike us. And thence the 
 
 anomaly of great apprehension expressed, all along, as to what has 
 
 been taught from this place, while glaring heresy passes unnoticed. 
 
 Thus the Bishop of Gloucester leaves unnoticed Mr. Close and all 
 
k 
 
 i) 
 
 446 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey, 
 
 his profaneness and his public denial of the word e.oro.o., but 
 renews what he had said three years ago about persons who, to say 
 no more, are earnest about the Faith. 1 know he [Newman] felt this 
 very much. Then as to myself, I know he looks on the silence of the 
 Bishops as a confirmation of my condemnation, and a tacit giving up 
 of the truth. I trust something boldly said of this would do good 
 I should have been most glad too if anything could have been said 
 publicly about his great services to the Church. 
 
 But after all our great resource must be prayer. Some of us 
 proposed to ask any earnest persons we could to use some earnest 
 prayers daiJy, with reference to the distractions of our Church and 
 those distressed in her and about her. Tickell's loss, which is a very 
 sore one, IS ground enough for this. I thought of, as a groundwork 
 the use of the Lord's Prayer three times daily in honour^of the Holy 
 
 I,>r h ''^ P ' 7^1^" V}"'^^ '"^"'^ ' "'^^ ^^'^ ^P^^'^^ '"Mention, 
 with the De Profundts. The object is that the prayer being short 
 
 should be earnest, concentrated, persevering. Individuals could add 
 more. Copeland thought of the Collect for Whit-Sunday. Tell me 
 what you think, and ask whom you can, asking them to ask others 
 laying a stress on the prayers being very earnest. We might obtain 
 an army of prayer and then might hope. 
 God be with you ever. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 How profoundly men's minds were moved by the reports 
 that were abroad may be inferred from Dr. Hook's sub- 
 joined letter to Pusey, a letter in which the writer's fervid 
 and mipetuous character betrays him into some expressions 
 which his better judgment would have withheld. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 Leeds, Nov. 23, 1844. 
 
 I am so very glad and thankful that Newman has been saved 
 from this downfall : may he be still preserved from the fangs of 
 batan. Although I am quite convinced that the number of Roman- 
 izers IS very small, yet there are several persons who would follow 
 Newman, and I should myself fear that any person going from light 
 to darkness would endanger his salvation. I should fear that it 
 would be scarcely possible for any one who should apostatize from 
 the only true Church of God in this country to the popish sect, to 
 escape perdition : having yielded to Satan in one temptation he will 
 go on sinking deeper and deeper into the bottomless pit. You will 
 readily believe, therefore, that in your proposal to pray for these 
 
 i 
 
 Is Rome Antichrist? 
 
 447 
 
 poor persons now under the temptation of Satan, I shall cordially 
 acquiesce. 
 
 For you and Newman I make very great allowance. You have 
 been sorely persecuted : you have been unjustly used. If you are 
 really, what we have always given you both the credit of being, holy 
 men, you will be preserved from this awful downfall to which Satan 
 is alluring you. All my letters concur in pitying both you and 
 Newman, but they think that in his case, he has not had strength or 
 grace to stand the fiery trial : he has been sorely tried : we thought 
 that, like a saint, he would have triumphed over the temptation. 
 It is now supposed that he is embittered against his own Church : 
 and by his embittered spirit his eyes have been blinded so that he 
 cannot see the soul-destroying errors of the Romish sect. It is 
 predicted that there will be a falling away ere Antichrist comes. 
 Romanism is preparing the way for infidelity, and I do believe that 
 Christianity will at last be reduced to a very small number of persons, 
 a compact body of holy men prepared to resist Antichrist, and to 
 show when our Lord shall appear that there still is faith upon earth, 
 although it has nearly disappeared. I look therefore not to any great 
 re -union of the Catholic Body, but to the improvement of our own 
 Church that it may be the Body prepared for our Lord's reception. 
 • •••••• 
 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 Pusey could not acquiesce in Hook's language about the 
 Church of Rome. It is not necessary to admit her claims 
 because we hesitate to describe her as Antichrist. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 [Ch. Ch., Nov. 24], 1844. 
 
 I am frightened at your calling Rome Antichrist, or a fore- 
 runner of it. I believe Antichrist will be infidel and arise out of what 
 calls itself Protestantism, and then Rome and England will be united 
 in one then to oppose it. Protestantism is infidel, or verging towards 
 it, as a whole. I think the sects see further than you do, in that they 
 class * Popery ' and what they call * Puseyism ' together, i. e. that the 
 Churches and what submits to authority will be on the one side in 
 the end, the sects and private judgement on the other. The ground 
 seems clearing and people taking their sides for the last conflict, and 
 we shall then see, I hope, that all which hold *the deposit of the 
 Faith ' (the Creeds, as an authority without them) will be on one side, 
 * the Eastern, the Western, our own,* and those who lean to their own 
 understanding, on the other. I wish you would not let yourself be 
 drawn off by your fears of * Popery.* While people are drawn off 
 
448 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 to this, the enemy (heresy of all sorts, misbeh*ef, unbelief) is taking 
 
 possession of our citadel. Our real battle is with infidelity, and from 
 
 this Satan is luring us off. 
 
 God bless you ever. ^ _ . . ^ . , 
 
 Your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 The renewed agitation to procure a condemnation of 
 Tract 90 was a matter of concern to Pusey, chiefly on 
 account of the effect which, as he feared, it might have 
 upon Newman. He therefore at once sent to Newman on 
 hearing from Mr. Gladstone that the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury thought there would be no further proceedings against 
 the tract. Newman hastened to assure him that his own 
 convictions were independent of the events of the day, 
 whatever they might be. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, Feb. 25, 1845. 
 . . . Thank you for your kindness about Tract 90. Nothing that 
 has happened has made me go one way or the other, from the first 
 (near six years). If I have a clear certain view that the Church of 
 England is in schism, gained from the Fathers and resting on facts 
 we all admit, as facts (e. g. our separation from Rome), to rest on the 
 events of the day is to put sight against faith. We may allowably go 
 by events when we have no other guide. That events, as events, 
 have a providential direction, who doubts? and that we should 
 be deeply thankful for them— but we must not be blown about by our 
 impressions of them. My dear Pusey, please do not disguise from 
 yourself, that, as far as such outward matters go, I am as much gone 
 over as if I were already gone. It is a matter of time only. I am 
 waiting ; if so be that if I am under a delusion, it may be revealed 
 to me— though I am quite unworthy of it— but outward events have 
 never been the causes of my actions, or in themselves touched my 
 feelings. They have had a confirmatory, aggravating effect, often. 
 
 Ever yours very affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 Pusey still dreaded the possible effects of any apparent 
 withdrawal of confidence from Newman. He continued to 
 consult him about difficult cases of spiritual perplexity 
 which were brought to him, and Newman replied as fully as 
 in bygone years, though perhaps with somewhat more of 
 hesitation and constraint. To one such reply Newman 
 
 lL_ 
 
 Appeal to Newman. 
 
 449 
 
 iadded some lines which show how difficult it was becoming 
 for the two friends to keep up their old relations of unre- 
 served intimacy and confidence. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, Wednesday, March 12 [1845]. 
 
 I have been thinking of you a good deal lately. Three Sundays 
 I have been in Oxford, but have not had the heart to call on you. 
 I would I knew how least to give you pain about what, I suppose, 
 sooner or later must be. You see Meyrick considers he had three 
 distinct warnings, and is full of horror at the thought of his having 
 hazarded a neglect of them. One must make no other person's 
 impressions a guide to oneself. I put it as an illustration (nor am 
 I speaking prominently about myself) when I say, what I ought to say, 
 yet shrink from saying, that 1 suppose Christmas cannot come again 
 without a break-up— though to what extent or to whom I do not 
 know. It is better to tell you this at this season, than to wait for 
 a more joyful time. 
 
 All blessings be with you, my dear Pusey, prays 
 
 Your affectionate friend, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 Pusey was greatly distressed. He begged Newman to 
 consider the unsettlement of convictions and the disunion 
 among families which were caused by the apprehension of 
 his leaving the English Church. He reminded him of his 
 article on the Catholicity of the English Church in the 
 British Critic. Why should Newman think the Roman 
 claim so strong ? Could he not see, as Pusey saw, a token 
 of Christ's Presence with the English Church in the signs 
 of growing life within her, and of the proofs afforded by the 
 conduct and experience of her individual members of the 
 grace and power of her Sacraments ? Newman replied : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, March 14, 1845. 
 
 • ••• •••• 
 
 The unsettlement I am causing has been for a long while the one 
 overpowering distress I have had. It is no wonder that through 
 last autumn it made me quite ill. It is as keen as a sword in many 
 ways, and at times has given me a hteral heartache, which quite 
 frightened me. But in proportion as my course becomes clearer, this 
 thought in some respects becomes more bearable. The disunion 
 of families indeed remains, and is enough to turn one's head : but 
 
 VOL. II. G g 
 
il 
 
 I' 
 
 450 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Newman's Reply — Pusey's Anxiety. 
 
 451 
 
 I I 
 
 H 
 
 I 
 
 in proportion as one feels confident that a change is right, in the 
 same proportion one wishes others to change too : and though it is 
 anything but my wish that they should change because I do, of course 
 it cannot pain me that they should take my change as a sort of 
 warning, or call to consider where the Truth lies. 
 
 I wrote the article on the Catholicity of the English Church to 
 which you refer (as I told you not so long after it, as we were walking 
 back from St, Ebbe's one day, just as we were opposite Bulteel's 
 Chapel) to satisfy my own mind. John Miller, I believe, saw at the 
 time that it was written by an unsettled person. I never simply 
 acquiesced in it. When doubts of our Catholicity came powerfully on 
 me, I did all I could to throw them from me — and I think I never can 
 be ashamed of doing my utmost, as I have done for years, to build 
 up the English Church against hope. My doubts were occasioned 
 by studying the Monophysite controversy — which, when mastered, 
 threw light upon all those which preceded it, not the least on the 
 Arian. I saw as clear as day (though I was well aware clear 
 impressions need not at once be truths) that our Church was in the 
 position towards Rome of the heretical and schismatical bodies 
 towards the primitive Church. This was in the early summer of 
 1839; in the autumn Dr. Wiseman's article on the Donatists com- 
 pleted my unsettlement. Since that time I have tried, first by one 
 means, then by another, to overcome my own convictions ; three 
 separate attempts I recollect,— my article on the Catholicity of the 
 English Church— that on Private Judgement— and my Four Sermons. 
 1 have retreated and kept fighting. . . . 
 
 Where are we to stop? where am I to stop? what to believe? 
 Each one has his own temptations. I thank God that He has 
 shielded me morally from what intellectually might easily come 
 on me— general scepticism. Why should 1 believe the most sacred 
 and fundamental doctrines of our faith, if you cut off from me the 
 ground of development ? But if that ground is given me, I must 
 go further. I cannot hold precisely what the English Church holds 
 and nothing more. I must go forward or backward, else I sink 
 into a dead scepticism, a heartless acedia^ into which too many in 
 Oxford, I fear, are sinking. You cannot take them a certain way 
 in a line, and then, without assignable reason, stop them. If they 
 find a bar put on them, a prohibition, from within or without, they 
 come to think the whole matter a dream, a sham, and fall back 
 to an ordinary life. 
 
 I have said all this because you have asked me, with a double 
 anxiety ; on the one hand the distress of paining you, on the other 
 the feeling that I am not at all doing justice to my own convictions 
 and the ground of them. 
 
 As to the signs of growing life in the English Church, I think 
 it most fair and right to dwell on them, when one has no clearer 
 grounds— but I do not know how to doubt, the Fathers would have 
 
 said that we were not the Church and ought individually to join 
 the Church— and if the body of the English Church is about to join 
 the Church so much more reason have we to praise God. As to 
 individuals, by joining the Church of Rome, hindering that greater 
 event, this again is a good reason, if one has no clearer reason to 
 go by than those of apparent expediency. 
 
 That our Lord may in His mercy give grace through our sacra- 
 mental rites, as He does (we humbly and surely believe) in so 
 many instances, proves nothing beyond the fact that He does so in 
 those instances. Whether it is an ordinary or extraordinary grant 
 is not proved thereby. Multitudes of people flocked to the holy 
 robe of Treves just now, and cures were wrought. Faith might 
 thus be rewarded, even though the robe was not a genuine relic. 
 
 I suppose, even though a Church be schismatical, yet if it have 
 the Apostolical Succession, and the true form of Consecration, Christ 
 is present on its altars, and that H6, Who is thus really present, 
 should give of His presence to those who believe Him present, 
 in spite of the obex, is not hard to believe, and is, I believe, allowed 
 in the Church of Rome. 
 
 And now what have I to say, but to express a trust, that where 
 so much is at stake, Divine Mercy would reveal to me unworthy 
 clearly what is His will about me, and what is not. 
 
 Ever yours very affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 What you and others urge upon me, and what I feel myself, 
 the unsettlement of mind I should cause, would, I suppose, make it 
 a clear duty to state, as best I could, my reasons. As far as I see, 
 I shall resign my Fellowship by November. 
 
 After this letter Pusey seems to have lost nearly his last 
 hope of Newman's remaining in the Anglican Church. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. A. Woodgate. 
 
 35 Grosvenor Square, Good Friday night, 
 [March 21], 1845. 
 My dear Woodgate, 
 
 I left Oxford upon a very distressing illness of one under my 
 charge, and somehow I did not read your letter (which was forwarded 
 to me here) until to-night. And now I fear my note will arrive to 
 turn Easter joy into sorrow. It relates to our friend Newman. His 
 despondency about our condition has been deepening since 1839; he 
 has done all he could to keep himself where he is ; but his convictions 
 are too strong for him, and so now my only hope is that he may be an 
 instrument to restore the Roman Church, since our own knows not 
 how to employ him. His energy and gifts are wasted among us. But 
 for us it is a very dreary prospect. Besides our personal loss, it is 
 
 Gg 2 
 
I 
 
 452 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 a break-up, and I suppose such a rent as our Church has never had. 
 Besides those already unsettled, hundreds will be carried from us, 
 mistrusting themselves to stay when he goes. It is very dismal. 
 
 I do not speak publicly of it, lest it should hasten what is so very 
 miserable, but I doubt very much whether next Advent he will be any 
 longer with us. 
 
 God comfort you. It makes me almost indifferent to anything, as if 
 things could not be better or worse. However, if one lives, one must 
 do what we can to gather up the fragments that remain, and meanwhile 
 pray for our poor Church. 
 
 To Keble Pusey wrote in similar terms. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 ZS Grosvenor Square, Easter Friday, 
 [March 28], 1845. 
 I hear that he [Newman] is not at the Oriel election this year. I did 
 not expect it. It looks like an approaching parting. I fear, whenever 
 It IS, the rent in our poor Church will be terrible ; I cannot conceive 
 where it will end, or how many we may not lose. 
 
 On April 17 Newman sent to Pusey a clergyman who 
 was in difficulties * about his safety in the English Church.' 
 ' I said,' Newman added, ' I had rather not speak on the 
 subject, and he wishes in consequence to talk to you.* 
 Pusey, of course, welcomed him. 
 
 It was characteristic of the intensity of Pusey s belief 
 in God's providential guidance and of his love for Newman, 
 that he gradually brought himself to think of Newman's' 
 secession as determined, like a prophet's mission, by reasons 
 peculiar to himself, and thus in no sense an example to be 
 followed by others. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 Christ Church, 5th Sunday after Easter, 1845. 
 
 I should like to know what you think could best be done by any in 
 that terrible shock awaiting us. 1 am hoping that people may come 
 to think that he has a special mission and call, and so that it may not 
 be looked upon as an example to all who have learnt of him ; but it will 
 be, I fear, a most fearful rent, draining our Church of so much of her 
 strength. 
 
 Ever your affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Letters to Keble. 
 
 453 
 
 
 Again he writes to Keble : — 
 
 Ilfracombe, July 8, 1845. 
 
 People have been anxious that you should in some way do some- 
 thing to cheer and reassure people at such a time as this. They are 
 so discouraged that it would seem as if some would join Rome out of 
 mere hopelessness. They resign themselves as by a sort of fascination, 
 as though it must be sooner or later, * Why then not at once ? and so 
 the step would be taken, and all suspense at an end.' I have myself 
 looked upon this of dear N [ewman] as a mysterious dispensation, as 
 though (if it be indeed so) Almighty God was drawing him, as a chosen 
 instrument, for some office in the Roman Church (although he himself 
 goes, of course, not as a reformer, but as a simple act of faith), and so 
 I thought that He might be pleased to give him convictions (if it be so) 
 which He does not give to others. At least, I have come into this 
 way of thinking, since I have realized to myself that it was likely to be 
 thus. . . . 
 
 Manning and I, I found, have each been preaching in L[ondon ^] just 
 to show that we wished to go on as before, and did not despair. 
 C. Marriott, I think, suggested to you some hopeful dedication of 
 your little book of poetry '^ to the children of our Church, who are 
 indeed so very full of hopefulness to us. But I hear this is not to be 
 out for some months. Could you not give us something else : as those 
 Sermons on the Catechism, which I liked so much, and found so good 
 for my children ? I think something of this sort, not going out of your 
 way, but reassuring people, would do more good than anything 
 besides. You have been so much nearer to Newman, as in the 
 publication of the * Remains,' Tract 90, &c., that reassurance about you 
 would encourage people more than anything else. . . . 
 
 Ever your grateful and affectionate 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 As the report of Newman's approaching secession spread 
 among those who had followed and trusted him, Pusey's 
 correspondence became more and more exacting ; while at 
 the same time his distress of mind revealed itself in an 
 apparent indecision, which, when the event had actually 
 taken place, entirely disappeared. 
 
 This indecision is visible in some phases of his corre- 
 spondence with Dr. Hook, before the consecration of 
 St. Saviour's, Leeds— a matter which will be dealt with in 
 the succeeding chapter. But another person who was alive 
 
 * See * Parochial Serm. ' vol. ii. s. xvi, and * Occasional Serm.' s. vii. 
 
 * The ' Lyra Innocentium.' 
 
f 
 
 i< ! 
 
 I' 
 
 454 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 to it, and was especially anxious to correct it, was Arch- 
 deacon Manning, who had sent Pusey his recent Charge 
 to the clergy of his archdeaconry. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Archdeacon Manning. 
 
 Tu 1 /. J"^y 29, 1845. 
 
 Thank you for your Charge. While it is in a cheering tone, 
 IS there quite love enough for the Roman Church } * If one member 
 sutter &c ... We are so far worse off than our neighbours, if we 
 suffer both ways ; [if we] cannot by the vitality of the Church retain 
 many who are good, or turn bad into good. However you do put 
 
 mut hT"^^ '^T T T''""^' ^"^ "^^^ y°" ^^y «f chastenings 
 must do good. I only desiderate more love for Rome. When the 
 batdc with infidelity and rebellion comes, we must be on the same 
 
 Such gentleness towards Rome appeared to his corre- 
 spondent to imply a dangerous inchnation to admit her 
 claims. The event has shown that this was a mistake 
 Strong convictions, like strong men, can always be con- 
 siderate and generous. It was precisely because Pusey had 
 no misgivings respecting the claims of the Church of 
 England that he did not cherish the fierce feelings or use 
 the fierce language towards Rome which more respectable 
 divines than the Puritans have sometimes deemed a neces- 
 sary feature of Anglican loyalty. Manning of course agreed 
 that we owe duties of charity towards the Roman Church • 
 but he was anxious to point out what they did not include 
 as well as what they did. 
 
 Archdeacon Manning to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 Lavington, Aug. 8, 1845. 
 
 Let me endeavour to say to you what I feel about it. 
 
 . '* ^>f TJV'^l?"'"^ ^^ ^^"^^ ^ P"^^ Christian charity as to 
 a member of the Cathohc body : we owe the same also to the Churches 
 of the East. I do not find you expressing the latter feeling, and that 
 seems to me the cause why you are misunderstood to have not a 
 
 to rRlt ctrch.^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ ^"^ ^ '-'^' ^-^- -^ ^-^n^ 
 2 We owe to the Church of Rome a special kind of charity because 
 
 there are in it things of which we dare not ourselves partake 
 
 We are bound to use no language which can arrest the course 
 
 Manning on Right Feeling towards Rome, 455 
 
 of spiritual and intellectual purification, which, I trust and believe, 
 is advancing in parts, or in individuals of that Communion. 
 
 A Roman Catholic said some time ago of certain Oxford men, 
 * They are forging new chains for themselves and rivetting ours* 
 
 This seems to me to be the effect of an undecided and weak tone, 
 and to be highly wanting in charity. 
 
 3. We owe it in charity to the whole Church, and to the Roman 
 inclusively, to do all we can to deepen and perfect the spiritual life 
 of the English Church ; for however many things we may learn 
 of them, there are some, of God's great mercies, which they may 
 learn of us. 
 
 Now one powerful obstruction to the very work in which you are 
 spending yourself arises, I believe, out of the tone you have adopted 
 towards the Church of Rome. Will you forgive me if I say that 
 it seems to me to breathe not charity, but want of decision ? The effect 
 of this, as I have had opportunity of observing among the parochial 
 clergy, is to make them withdraw in doubt and misgiving. 
 
 4. We owe, above all, the largest and tenderest charity to our own 
 Church, and unless we do more than express //, I mean unless we act 
 upon it, and are governed by it, I am led to doubt the reality of our 
 more enlarged view of charity. Is it not like the philosophical 
 benevolence which embraces nations and neglects kindred, and yearns 
 after strangers while it slights the ties of home and blood ? 
 
 Now what are the facts but these — 
 
 The Church of Rome for three hundred years has desired our extinc- 
 tion. It is now undermining us. Suppose your own brother to believe 
 that he was divinely inspired to destroy you. The highest duties 
 would bind you to decisive, firm, and circumspect precaution. 
 
 Now a tone of love such as you speak of seems to me to bind you 
 also to speak plainly of the broad and glaring evils of the Roman 
 system. Are you prepared to do this ? If not, it seems to me that 
 the most powerful warnings of charity forbid you to use a tone which 
 cannot but lay asleep the consciences of many for whom by writing 
 and publishing you make yourself responsible. . . . 
 
 Believe me, my dear friend, 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 H. E. Manning. 
 
 But Pusey's attitude at this juncture created perplexity 
 in still higher quarters. He had written much against 
 Rome in the past: and, while avoiding denunciatory 
 language, such as Newman had employed, had carefully 
 pointed out contradictions between Roman and Primitive 
 teaching and practice. Was not this a juncture at which 
 he might, with great advantage to the Church of England, 
 put forth something in this sense ? So at least thought 
 
 i\ 
 
rp» 
 
 
 \ 
 
 456 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Mr. B. Harrison, and, there can be little doubt, a more 
 important person at Lambeth, who probably inspired 
 Harrisons letter. The letter, however, was simply Harri- 
 son s, and as it contained no references to the wishes of the 
 Archbishop, Pusey was able to answer it with the freedom 
 which was natural in writing to a younger friend and pupil. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Christ Church, Sept., Ember Week, Tuesday, 
 My dear H., [Sept. 16, 1845]. 
 
 to sav \^f^ kn°»'/*''at ''mount of pain it will give you, but I ought 
 
 ourTwn Church ° '^ '"'' ""= P°'"'^*= «^°""'' "^ '°^« -"^ duty to 
 our own Church, as an instrument of God for man's salvation in 
 
 bS and 'VTl''- '"' ^"" "^ '"<= ^''^ of "f«. His Body knd 
 ciurc'h whici ttX :iT '° -'-"— descended from that 
 t,wL P '^"^ ^"^' *° "^^^ ^°"''- I cannot any more 
 
 take the negative ground against Rome ; I can only remain neraT 
 
 persons who are really in any risk of leaving us 
 
 .„ hf","''' '^^ "'^' "'^''' '^"^'^""y '^ twofold ;"the weight of Roman 
 authority, as supported by miracles, by the high life of her saints the 
 
 t f :Zencrofs%':''' T '° ""= ^'^""^ """y "^ .he Chulcta'd 
 tne eminence of St. Peter (interpreted as it is, of old, of the see of 
 
 sSa/'s^m Tht;" '" '"^' ^r °^^°^'^-' '"^ ih o^r 
 
 spiritual system, their greater zeal and success in missions th„ 
 
 thT;^;.t~ :ni tt'-'- v^^ ''°°^' '••- .rr::Tr'vour 
 
 ine greater love and devotion in their spiritual writings On thp 
 other hand, are our numberless divisions, the plague oV dtis o^ 
 
 mintTlTruths rr'/'t' ^"if '"''' ^""^ ""■^""'^^d denial oftnTa- 
 mental truths of the faith, the toleration of all heresy while truth h,. 
 
 been impugned by different authorities in the rhnr'.lT i 
 protested against it, our fratemiz°"g with Protestants' the tone'r 
 
 rhJh^STRrr •^°""t ^- -^•-'^y^ou-^rand 
 
 'Z TJ "^^"'"^ ^° ««"««' among us. (' How can we,' they sav 
 anX l^ T ^^''"'^' ^^ y°" '^" "^' if instead of ovingTe 
 
 n?',T ^/' '''''°"'= ^"°"'"-' And I cannot deny that iUs 
 not a dislike of parts of the Roman system only )-A^ain thirr: J L 
 want of indiyidual guidance, the infrequency of seS and Com 
 
 XTach tir'""h ^^"-'/r'^ tley hL by trjerylSe" 
 Ut" h ^ ' °l ^ °" ^"'•°P^ '^^ 'Jiffi="'ty of knowing what 
 
 Some'orther.h ' '""'' "'°'°«'^™ ^P""^*''^ "P -- i" Oxford? 
 some of these things you too must feel to be real evils And th* 
 
 our uJS T:r "'r 'i:^'" ' ^^^^ ^°"'"'' intmLttfJiS 
 
 our succession, is to point out how God has owned and is owning our 
 
 The Right Method. 
 
 457 
 
 Church, His good Providence over her, His gifts in her, the life He is 
 giving her. These encourage people and give them heart. And so 
 I should say, any great movement in the right direction, as the 
 Colonial Bishoprics, St Augustine's, any decided token of life, cheers 
 them. We are in danger, lest people drop off out of mere despondency. 
 
 It wall be disappointing to you that I can do nothing to reassure 
 people in the way you speak of. I am afraid lest I fight against God. 
 From much reading of Roman books, I am so much impressed with 
 the superiority of their teaching ; and again, in some respects, I see 
 things in Antiquity which I did not (especially I cannot deny some 
 purifying system in the Intermediate State, nor the lawfulness of 
 some Invocation of Saints), that I dare not speak against things. 
 I can only remain in a state of abeyance, holding what I see and 
 not denying what I do not see. I should say that wherein I have 
 changed, it has been through Antiquity \ 
 
 My practical line (if God continues me here) would be much 
 as heretofore, to teach whatever Antiquity teaches as being herein in 
 the line of our Church, and to try to promote practical holiness, 
 leaving the result to God, and praying Him, with good Bishop 
 Andrewes, to heal our divisions, &c. 
 
 In asking for prayers for * unity,' I meant that we should ask of 
 God to bring us into one mind. His Own, without presuming what 
 that mind is. Let us all desire to be conformed to His, and surely 
 we shall. If we wait until we are agreed wherein we ought to be 
 at one, this is not to pray for it, until we know it. If people are 
 convinced that they are wholly in the right and their opponents wholly 
 in the wrong, then, if they formed definite thoughts of unity, it would be 
 that others should be as they. Be it so, only let us pray for one 
 another, and God will hear us in His way. If we pray not, we shall 
 never be at one. * God maketh men to be of one mind in one house.* 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 We should recollect that we are praying for Greek and Roman 
 Ordinations, by the very force of the Collect, as well as our own. 
 
 But in answering other correspondents, it may be ques- 
 tioned whether Pusey's theory that Newman*s case was 
 so peculiar as to form no precedent for others was calcu- 
 lated to withhold any from following him. So strong, 
 however, in Pusey's mind was this conviction that, even 
 so late as July, 1845, he wrote to Newman for advice with 
 regard to some people under his own charge, who were 
 tempted to join the Church of Rome. Could an ordinary 
 
 « Compare Pusey's letter of Nov. 27, 1845, to the Bishop-elect of Oxford, 
 * Life of bishop Wilberforce,' i. 305. 
 
'I 
 
 1 1 
 
 458 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 T^.u^^^r *° ""'^^'•«t^"d the historical question on 
 which the Roman claims were rested? To what extent 
 ought the fact of their having been brought under Puseys 
 spin ual guidance to weigh with them ? ' What weight 
 should be attached to the very remarkable gift of grace 
 wh.ch they have received in our Church, and which has to 
 myself seemed very amazing ? ' If Newman thought none 
 of these grounds valid for deciding against considering 
 the claims of the Church of Rome, what course would he 
 recommend ? < Your case,' Pusey added, ' if so it is to 
 be, I look upon as a special dispensation. I suppose of 
 course that if it is so. Almighty God is pleased to 'raw you 
 for some office which He has for you.' Newman could not 
 admit Puseys theory of the peculiarity of his case, and 
 dechned to answer his questions. 
 
 When Pusey's birthday came round, Newman wrote with 
 his wonted affection, but with a certain reserve dictated by 
 nis own convictions : 
 
 My DEAR Pusey, Littlemore, August 22, 1845. 
 
 I do not like this day to pass without sending you a Hne to show 
 my remembrance of it, though I have nothing else to say May vou 
 cole," '"". *"' '^^^' " ^"'^^^^^'°° °f themfincreasinTas The'year 
 Tk upTel'rth "rf"""^- ^"' ^" ^°°''' "" ^°" •'^^ finished God- 
 lor remammg. He surely is working through you and others in His 
 own way, and will bring out all things happily at last. 
 
 Believe me, ever yours, my dear Pusey, 
 
 Most affectionately, 
 
 remfm^rancXtSiJ"''^'™^ '""^ ^""^ ''^'" "^ -"■■'^"■<^-' 
 
 But the end of Newman's connexion with the English 
 Church was close at hand. On Sept. a8 he had to announce 
 to Pusey an event which was serious in itself, and more 
 serious as a symptom of what would follow it. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 My dearest Pusey, Littlemore, Sept. 28, 1845. 
 
 news • but'rmulVn V*? ■' """ 'n *"' "'"'' y°" *'" fe«' '° ^e painful 
 news , out 1 must not delay to tell you. 
 
 Newman's Secession. 
 
 459 
 
 I 
 
 Dalgaims left us yesterday. His father and mother come into 
 Oxford in a few days, and he thought it best that it should be over 
 
 before he saw them ^^^^ ^^^^^ affectionately, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 On October 3 Newman took a step which spoke for 
 itself. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Pusey, 
 
 Oct. 3, 1845. 
 
 I have written to the Provost to-day to resign my Fellowship. 
 Anything may happen to me now any day. 
 Anyhow, believe me, my dear Pusey, 
 
 Yours most affectionately ever, 
 
 J. H. N. 
 
 What followed is a matter of history. On October 9, 
 Father Dominic, the Passionist, was at Littlemore. The 
 period of hesitation and suspense, within which Pusey 
 had never quite ceased to hope, and certainly had never 
 ceased to pray, was at an end. The dreaded event 
 had come at last ; Newman was lost to the English 
 Church. 
 
 For some days it would seem neither Pusey nor Keble 
 had the heart to write to one another. But Pusey poured 
 out the thoughts that filled his mind in the subjoined 
 letter which appeared in the EnglisJi CJiurchmati of 
 October 16th. It was addressed, not, as has sometimes 
 been supposed, to Keble, but to an ideal or imaginary 
 friend, whom for the moment Pusey supposed himself to 
 be taking into his confidence. A composition of this kind 
 committed nobody else to sympathy with its statements ; 
 while it enabled the writer to make them with entire 
 confidence and unreserve, and above all, to use Pusey's 
 phrase, to avoid any appearance of the style and authority 
 of a Bishop, while yet addressing a very large and deeply 
 interested circle of readers. It is a letter which no man 
 could have written who had any doubts about his own 
 religious position ; — the recent disaster had obliged him 
 to act, and conscience left him no ground for question as 
 to what that action should be. 
 
 i 
 
 imm 
 
\^M 
 
 \ !• 
 
 I 
 
 |) I'i 
 
 i 
 
 460 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 My dear Friend, 
 ,nH H-^^'*' ' "'^ **^ '^ '"" ""^ *^' ^"'^ "'s paths in the great waters. 
 
 mvstlrv ^l cT' "«!, "'"" ^™'" ^°°'' "°^''^' '' '^ a" «^=eeding 
 have7one F '^°"«,'*"""^« '^ »>« ''^'^ ""^^ '" our Church should 
 have gone. Even amid our present sorrows it goes to the heart to 
 look at that former self, and think how devotedly he worked for our 
 Church ; how he strove to build her up. It looks as if some e^d 
 
 he7hTd r: '''""' .''' '^"^"^ ' ^"^^ ^" '-'"""-t raised upTor 
 her had not been employed as God willed, and so is withdrawn 
 There ,s a jar somewhere. One cannot trust oneself to think, wh^^; 
 h.s keen sensitiveness to ill was not fitted for these troubkd times 
 
 as you know, hke the p.ercmgs of a sword.' You know how it seemed 
 
 pierce through his whole self. But this is with God. Our business 
 .s with ourselves. The first pang came to me years ago, when I had 
 
 ited t'o Z'ufr' '""'^ °" '"^ ^°"""^«- The fear was sug- 
 won t tT' • V ^^ ^"^V ^^"''''^y ^°' '^'" °''>«. that he may L 
 
 tTere is ,n '"I T^' °^ ^°'^'' «'°^ """""^ "'«'"' *hile among us 
 here is so much indifference, and in part dislike, may it not be fhat 
 heir prayers may be heard, that God will give them whom they p^ 
 
 for,-we forfeit whom we desire not to retain ' ' 
 And now must they not think that their prayers, which they have 
 
 offered so long,-at times I think night and day or at the h2 
 
 becauTelrre'^'^ '"" '''''"'■ .^"^ "^^^ "°' ^ '^-^ forfeited Mm 
 because there was, comparatively, so little love and prayer? And so 
 
 now, then, m this critical state of our Church, the most perilous cris's 
 
 t^hrough which It has ever passed, must not our first lesson be increa" 
 
 1 may now say that one set of those ' Prayers for unity and guidance 
 
 hev or% ". ' """"'T" """' ''''' ^?°' -•"« ^™"> him. Had 
 they, or such prayers, been used more constantly, should we be as 
 
 r^nu's.""- "^""'^ ^" *'"'' ^°"'"^'- -<1 ^-'-- have come 
 
 I ^^'\',^''^ ^^^ '' *"" "* '*"'- "e can bring us even through this 
 lo s. We ought not indeed to disguise the greatness of it. T is the 
 
 value. It may be a comfort to us that they do. In my deeoest 
 
 TZ V^: '"'^'" ^"''^'P^"'™ °^°"' '°«' J -- told of the sTng 
 of one of their most eminent historians, who owned that they werf 
 entirely unequal to meet the evils with which they were beset Xt 
 
 life to T^""' 1!'"".'"^ '°'"' '"°^""'"' which'should S S 
 Ine wis N f ^""''' ^""^ 'h,^' f*"" '^'^ he looked to one man, and that 
 one was N. I cannot say what a ray of comfort darted into my mind 
 It made me at once realize more, both that what I dreaded ShT^ 
 
 Letter to the ^English Churchman* 
 
 461 
 
 and its end. With us, he was laid aside. Engaged in great works, 
 especially with that bulwark against heresy and misbelief, St. Athana- 
 sius, he was yet scarcely doing more for us than he would if he were 
 not with us. Our Church has not known how to employ him. And, 
 since this was so, it seemed as if a sharp sword were lying in its 
 scabbard, or hung up in the sanctuary because there was no one to 
 wield it. Here was one marked out as a great instrument of God, 
 fitted through his whole training, of which, through a friendship ot 
 twenty-two years, I have seen at least some glimpses, to carry out 
 some great design for the restoration of the Church ; and now after he 
 had begun that work among ourselves in retirement — his work taken 
 out of his hands, and not directly acting upon our Church. I do not 
 mean, of course, that he felt this, or that it influenced him. I speak of 
 it only as a fact. He is gone unconscious (as all great instruments of 
 God are) what he himself is. He has gone as a simple act of duty 
 with no view for himself, placing himself entirely in God's hands. 
 And such are they whom God employs. He seems then to me not so 
 much gone from us, as transplanted into another part of the Vineyard, 
 where the full energies of his powerful mind can be employed, which 
 here they were not. And who knows what in the mysterious purposes 
 of God's good Providence may be the effect of such a person among 
 them ? You too have felt that it is what is unholy on both sides which 
 keeps us apart. It is not what is true in the Roman system, against 
 which the strong feeling of ordinary religious persons among us is 
 directed, but against what is unholy in her practice. It is not anything 
 in our Church which keeps them from acknowledging us, but heresy 
 existing more or less within us. As each, by God's grace, grows in 
 holiness, each Church will recognize, more and more, the Presence of 
 God's Holy Spirit in the other ; and what now hinders the union of the 
 Western Church will fall off. As the contest with unbelief increases, 
 the Churches which have received and transmitted the substance of 
 the Faith as deposited in our common Creeds must be on the same 
 side with it. * If one member suffer, the other members suffer with it,' 
 and so in the increasing health of one, others too will benefit. It is 
 not as we would have it, but God's will be done ! He brings about 
 His Own ends, as, in His Sovereign wisdom, He sees to be best. One 
 can see great ends to be brought about by this present sorrow ; and the 
 more so, because he, the chosen instrument of them, sees them not for 
 himself. It is perhaps the greatest event which has happened since 
 the Communion of the Churches has been interrupted, that such an 
 one, so formed in our Church, and the work of God's Spirit as dwelling 
 within her, should be transplanted to theirs. If anything could open 
 their eyes to what is good in us, or soften in us any wrong prejudices 
 against them, it would be the presence of such an one, nurtured and 
 grown to such ripeness in our Church, and now removed to theirs. If 
 we have by our misdeeds (personal or other) * sold our brother,' God, 
 we may trust, willeth thereby to * preserve life.' 
 
462 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 It is, of course, a heavy thing to us who remain, heavy to us indi- 
 vidually, in proportion as any of us may have reason to fear lest, by 
 what has been amiss in oneself, one has contributed to bringdown this 
 heavy chastisement upon our Church. But while we go on humbled, 
 and the humbler, surely neither need we be dejected. God's chastise- 
 ments are in mercy too. You, too, will have seen, within these last few 
 years, God's work with the souls in our Church. For myself, I am 
 even now far more hopeful as to our Church than at any former period 
 — far more, than when outwardly things seemed most prosperous. 1 1 
 would seem as if God, in His mercy, let us now see more of His inward 
 workings, in order that in the tokens of His Presence with us, we may 
 take courage. He has not forsaken us. Who, in fruits of holiness, in 
 supernatural workings of His grace, in the deepening of devotion, in 
 the awakening of consciences, in His own manifest acknowledgement of 
 the ' power of the keys,' as vested in our Church, shows Himself more 
 than ever present with us. These are not simply individual workings. 
 They are too widespread, too manifold. It is not to immediate 
 resuhs that we ought to look, 'the times are in His hands'; but this 
 one cannot doubt, that the good hand of our God, which has been 
 over us in the manifold trials of the last three centuries, checking, 
 withholding, guiding, chastening, leading, and now so wonderfully 
 extending us, is with us still. It is not thus He ever purposed to leave ' 
 a Church. Gifts of grace are His Own Blessed Presence. He does 
 not vouchsafe His Presence in order to withdraw it. In nature, some 
 strong rallying of life sometimes precedes its extinction. It is not so 
 in grace— gifts of grace are His love, and * whom He loveth. He loveth 
 unto the end.' The growth of life in our Church has not been the 
 mere stirring of individuals. If any one thing has impressed itself 
 upon me during these last ten years, or (looking back into the order- 
 ings of His Providence) for a yet longer period, it has been that the 
 work which He has been carrying on is not with individuals, but with 
 the Church as a whole. The life has sprung up in our Church and 
 through it. Thoughtful persons abroad have been amazed and im- 
 pressed with this. It was not through their agency nor through their 
 writings, but through God's Holy Spirit dwelling in our Church, 
 vouchsafed through His ordinances, teaching us to value them more 
 deeply, to seek them more habitually, to draw fresh life from them, 
 that this life has sprung up, enlarged, deepened. And now, as you too 
 know, that life shows itself in deeper forms, in more marked drawings 
 of souls, in more diligent care to conform itself to its Divine Pattern, 
 and to purify itself, by God's grace, from all which is displeasing to 
 Him, than heretofore. Never was it so with any body whom He pur- 
 posed to leave. And so, amid whatever mysterious dispensations of 
 His Providence, we may safely commit ourselves and our work, in good 
 hope, to Him Who hath loved us hitherto. He Who loved us amid 
 negligence so as to give us the earnest desire to please Him, will 
 surely not forsake us now He has given us that desire, and we, amid 
 
 Keble's Comment 
 
 463 
 
 whatever infirmities individually, or remaining defects as a body do 
 still more earnestly desire His glory. ' 
 
 May He ever comfort and strengthen you. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Few men could have written thus unselfishly under the 
 stress of a blow which involved great personal and far- 
 reaching discredit with friends and superiors, and a keen 
 mental distress and anxiety which threw all other con- 
 sequences of the occurrence into the shade. Few men 
 could have put from their thoughts so resolutely the 
 human and worldly aspects of the occurrence, and have 
 placed it simply in the light of God s will and the widest 
 interests of His kingdom. Pusey knew full well what 
 impetus would be given to the fierce prejudices against 
 himself which were already entertained by the Puritan and 
 the Latitudinarian, but he did not on that account shrink 
 from tracing Newman's conversion to the prayers which 
 had been offered for him in the Roman Church, or from 
 speaking of that Church as * another part of the vineyard ' 
 into which his friend has been * transplanted.' On the 
 other hand, he is as sanguine as ever, ' far more hopeful as 
 to our Church than at any former period,' and this because 
 ' the supernatural workings of God's grace ' in it are not 
 * simply individual workings,'— efforts traceable in the lives 
 of one or another of its members,— but so ' widespread ' 
 and ' manifold ' as to show that it is in and through the 
 body of the English Church that the Divine Spirit is 
 making Himself felt. Such a letter, written at such a time, 
 was an evidence that Pusey had never despaired of the 
 Spiritual Republic. His faith in and love for the English 
 Church never were stronger than at this moment of extreme 
 discouragement. 
 
 This letter caused Keble to break the silence. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 My dear Pusey, Hursley Vicarage, Oct. 21, 1845. 
 
 I believe I have not written to you since the thunderbolt fell. 
 But I consider that I have heard from you through the letter in the 
 
!l 
 
 t ^ 
 
 464 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 English Churchman^ and many thanks for the comfort it gave me 
 in common with thousands more. Now again I have to thank 
 Marriott for a great deal of rehef which he has sent me to-day by his 
 report of dear J. H. N. as not having proceeded at once as though 
 he were taking up a hostile position, which somehow I had feared 
 was the case, and which seemed to me a very miserable thing. But 
 by Marriott's account his step hitherto has not been so very incon- 
 sistent with my theory of neutrality towards Rome being our natural 
 
 position. ... • 
 
 Ever your very affectionate 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Newman had not yet published his * Essay on the De- 
 velopment of Christian Doctrine ' ; and rumour in Oxford 
 and elsewhere was busy in manufacturing and propagating 
 stories of what it would be like. 
 
 My dear K. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Oct. 22, 1845. 
 
 The reports about N.'s book are anxious, but he loves us, and one 
 has good faith about things. But he uses very decided language 
 as to the Roman Church being * the one only fold of the Redeemer,* 
 and wishes and prays that others may follow him. 
 
 I have been ashamed to put myself so forward at such a crisis, 
 when you were silent, yet since God had let me, unworthy, see some 
 of His workings with people's souls, I thought I might comfort others 
 with the comfort wherewith He (I hoped) had comforted me. 
 •• • • • • • . 
 
 Yours most affectionately and gratefully, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 At the same time, Pusey was cheered by a visit from the 
 Bishop of Oxford. The Bishop assured him of his full 
 confidence, and of his sure persuasion that if * only ten ' 
 were left, Pusey himself would certainly be one of them. 
 
 To those who did not know Pusey, his attitude towards 
 Newman during the years 1 844 and 1 845 may have appeared 
 unintelligible. Pusey's own unshaken and unshakeable faith 
 in the English Church warranted him in taking what in any 
 other less sure of his ground would have been liberties with 
 his own position. He could not at first bring himself to think 
 that Newman would ever desert a cause the claims of which 
 
 Review of Pusey' s Attitude. 
 
 465 
 
 appeared to himself to be so entirely unassailable by con- 
 troversy. When at last it was forced upon him that 
 Newman would become a Roman Catholic, he endeavoured 
 to reconcile his own unswerving love of and deference for 
 Newman with his absolute faith in the Presence of Christ 
 with the English Church, by the supposition that Newman 
 was, at any rate for a time, the subject of a special call or 
 dispensation, having for its object the promotion of some 
 great blessing or improvement in the Roman Church ; and 
 therefore that his secession was no more entitled to general 
 imitation than was the mission of the Prophet Jonah to 
 Nineveh. He could not even bring himself to allow that 
 Newman was doing wrong, though he held that it would have 
 been wrong indeed in himself or any other member of the 
 English Church to follow his example. Such a position 
 IS of course open to obvious criticisms ; but the heart has 
 a logic of its own, which is often, in point of courage and 
 generosity, more than a match for that of the bare under- 
 standing. It was so in this case. Pusey accompanied his 
 friend as far as his conscience would allow ; even when he 
 could no longer agree with him, he clung, as it were, to his 
 hand, with unabated friendship which many mistook for 
 agreement. When, however, Newman at last took the 
 final step, Pusey drew back and parted from him, with 
 deep sorrow of heart but with absolutely unimpaired con- 
 victions. He quietly resumed those general duties to the 
 Church at large imposed on him by God's providence- 
 duties which had now become far more burdensome by the 
 loss of his dear friend and great associate. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Hh 
 
f i 
 
 If 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS — FIRST PROJECT OF A CHURCH 
 FOR LEEDS — LAYING THE FOUNDATION STONE — 
 COSTLY GIFTS— ALTAR PLATE — ALARM AT SECESSIONS 
 — OBJECTIONS RAISED BY HOOK AND THE BISHOP 
 OF RIPON — CONSECRATION — SERMONS — AN ADDRESS 
 TO THE BISHOP — PUSEY'S ANTI-ROMAN POSITION — 
 RELATIONS TO NEWMAN — HIS UNCHANGING FAITH IN 
 THE ENGLISH CHURCH — NEWMAN'S MATURE ESTI- 
 MATE OF PUSEY, 
 
 1845-1846. 
 
 Pusey's attitude with regard to Rome and the English 
 Church at the time of Newman's secession has just been 
 described. Personally he was in no way shaken. He did 
 not share in the general dismay entertained by many 
 earnest Churchmen. In spite of the anxiety and distress 
 occasioned to himself by his friend's secession, he continued 
 the more positive methods for strengthening and extending 
 the hold of the Church upon the masses. 
 
 It has been seen with what munificent generosity he had 
 contributed to the Bishop of London's scheme for building 
 churches in East London. And in this he had been 
 seconded by the devoted and self-sacrificing spirit of his 
 wife. The same generosity and zeal for the spiritual 
 welfare of men were now to go forth in another direction — 
 in one of the great northern towns. In the same month in 
 which Newman joined the Church of Rome, the church of 
 St. Saviour's, Leeds, built entirely by Pusey's liberality, 
 was consecrated. 
 
 While Mrs. Pusey was lying on what proved to be her 
 deathbed in the early months of 1839, the discussion which 
 
 
 First Offer of a Church for Leeds, 467 
 
 preceded the erection of the Martyrs' Memorial was in 
 progress. Pusey, it will be remembered, had declined to 
 identify himself with Mr. Golightly's scheme for paying 
 monumental honour to three of the reformers ; but he was 
 willing to contribute to a church which should commemo- 
 rate the blessings * which we owe to the Reformation' 
 When Pusey stated this to Hook, the latter discerned an 
 opportunity which might be made the most of:— 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 ... , ^^ Vicarage, Leeds, April 3, 1839. 
 
 We do most sadly want churches here. For two or three thousand 
 pounds we could build a handsome one. Now many of our friends 
 (wherem I think them, I confess, to have been mistaken, since we 
 ought to honour all who have suffered hardship for the Church) refused 
 to subscribe to the Oxford Memorial. Ought they not to show that it 
 was onjnnc/pie only that they refused to give,-but that their money 
 IS ready for the building of a church } They might easily raise the 
 sum wanted. I should say, let it be at least equal to the sum raised 
 for the Memonal. Let them come to Leeds-a most needy place. 
 Let the church be dedicated to St. Bede, or Paulinus, or to some of 
 the worthies of our Northern Church. Let it be erected by contri- 
 butors to the Oxford Tracts and their friends-or by any other title by 
 which you would prefer to have yourselves called. ... 
 
 Ever, my dear friend, 
 
 Most affectionately yours, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 Mrs. Pusey's death, and the cares which followed it, 
 delayed Pusey's answer to this appeal. But he did not 
 forget it. We have seen that he looked upon his wife's 
 death chiefly in the light of a chastisement for sins of his 
 own ; Keble had had to warn him against excess of bitter 
 self-reproach. From this date he regarded himself habitu- 
 ally as a penitent ; and the question was how to bring forth 
 works meet for repentance. He determined to retrench 
 personal and domestic expenses even more than heretofore, 
 and to devote the money thus saved to the public purposes 
 of the Church. He is himself the penitent referred to in 
 the subjoined letter ; but there was no reason for saying 
 this to his correspondent, and more than one against 
 doing so. 
 
 H h :z 
 
14 
 
 !Ji 
 
 468 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 [Pusey], August 14, 1839. 
 I know a person who wishes in such degree as he may, if he lives, to 
 make up a broken vow, in amount if not in act. It would amount to 
 about ^1,500. It would be a long time before it could be raised, as it 
 must be raised probably out of income. Supposing it ever raised, 
 would it build you an Oratorium, such as you wish ? The only con- 
 dition which the person wishes to annex is an inscription such as this 
 — * Ye who enter this holy place, pray for the sinner who built it,' to 
 which I suppose there would be no objection. If you approve of it, as 
 soon as any money comes in to him available for this purpose, it shall 
 be paid to your account through me, and might gradually accumulate 
 so as to raise somewhat above the ;f 1,500, if he should live, or make 
 a nucleus for building a chapel, if he should not. 
 
 Hook thanked him warmly for his ' offer of a church to 
 be built by a friend.' He added : — 
 
 August 16, 1839. 
 I see no objection to the inscription, but you forget that the leave of 
 the Bishop must be obtained for it. I will, however, mention it to our 
 dear good Bishop, and of course he will not object. Who would ? 
 And so I may close with your offer. I should like, if it be true, to have 
 it said that the church is built by writers of the Oxford Tracts,— or 
 something to mark the school from which the good deed emanates. 
 
 Believe me, with the truest affection. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 The Bishop consented to the inscription, provided the 
 parties were living for whom the prayers were required. 
 Pusey wished to leave matters in Hook s hands. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Christ Church, Dec. 2, 1839. 
 My poor friend did not mean to make any ' demands ' or conditions 
 as to church-building. All he really wants is the inscription, and, 
 having obtained that, he will gladly leave the rest to you. What I said 
 was suggested by what you wrote some time since, in which you pro- 
 posed that some of us should build an oratory at Leeds, after the plan 
 at Littlemore. 
 
 The reason for suggesting Holy Cross as the dedication 
 of the new church was that Holy Cross Day (Sept. 14th) 
 was 'a great day for' Pusey. On that day he had been 
 made a member of Christ by baptism ; and he observed it, 
 as the Prayer-book Calendar suggested, as a festival of 
 
 Proposed Purchase of a Portuguese Church, 469 
 
 the Redemption, in its relation to himself, throughout the 
 last forty-nine years of his life. 
 
 The destruction of convents in Spain in the spring 
 of 1840 led Pusey to think that it would be 'an act of 
 piety to gather up some of the fragments, and replace 
 them in a church in this country.' * I hear,' he wrote to 
 Hook, * of a church which cost ;^3o,ooo to be sold for 
 ^.3,coo.' A fortnight afterwards this idea took a more 
 concrete form : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Christ Church, June 5, 1840. 
 I have an opportunity of buying a church for my friend in Portugal 
 near the coast. It is offered for £i,ooo, but the expenses of removal 
 will I suppose be very heavy, though it is hoped that the duties might 
 be remitted. 
 
 Now what would be the expenses of bringing the materials from the 
 coast to Leeds ? I see you are on a navigable river, but the expense 
 might still be so great that it might be unadvisable to bring it there, 
 or at least more than the ornamental work. 
 
 I do not yet know the size of the church ; it is a conventual church, 
 and if not bought would be desecrated ; but after all, it may not answer 
 the purpose, or may be sold already, but I thought it right to ask these 
 preliminaries. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 Hook replied that nothing could be easier than water- 
 carriage by the river Aire to Leeds. But he was willing to 
 release Pusey's ' friend ' from his promise, if he thought he 
 could carry out his purpose better elsewhere than at Leeds. 
 But Pusey preferred to build a church at Leeds. If his 
 * friend * could succeed in buying the Portuguese church it 
 would be more beautiful than any of English make at the 
 same cost. In a later letter Pusey adds : — 
 
 'July 17, 1840. 
 ' I have no objection to its being known (which you suggested might 
 be of use) that I am the instrument of the church being thus built at 
 Leeds, but I should wish particularly that the degree of interest which 
 I take in the matter should be kept as quiet as may be, lest it should 
 be fixed upon me. How pertinaciously e.g. has the ;^5,ooo given to 
 the London churches been fixed upon Keble, although he has denied 
 it again and again ! ' 
 
 By the close of 1 840 the site of the new church had been 
 
470 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 purchased, and it was arranged that Pusey should preach 
 at the laying of the first stone or at the consecration. In 
 1 841 Pusey and Hook had gone so far as to discuss and 
 endeavour to select a curate for the church. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 My dear Friend, Vicarage, Leeds, Feb. 23, 1841. 
 
 I wish you clearly to understand what I desire with respect to 
 your church. You will pardon me if, to express my wish concisely, 
 I use an offensive (because made a party) term, but I wish for a fair 
 living representative of the Oxford Tract system ; one who will not 
 offend people by adopting some minor but offensive (unjustly) points 
 in the first instance, while all the greater things are neglected ; one 
 who will not talk of the celibacy of the clergy, and then marry : who 
 will not talk of fasting, and never fast : &c., &c., but who will be 
 a living example of what he preaches, and will proceed from right 
 principles to right practices, preserving a consistency in all his ecclesi- 
 astical arrangements. Send in short such as you approve of. I want 
 consistency in him, an agreement, as far as may be, between what he 
 says and what he does ; one who may be an example to me as well as 
 to others ; who may be to me what the hermits were to St. Chrysostom. 
 Now I do not mean to say that I want every clergyman to be thus. 
 We have all our different callings ; some are called to mix more with 
 men than others. Then those who have families cannot do all that 
 they ought to do in self-denial. You know not, my dear Pusey, how 
 perplexed, how miserable I sometimes am, from not knowing how to 
 act, pulled on one side by the claims of my family, on the other by the 
 claims of the parish. In your prayers for unity, sometimes remember 
 
 your poor friend. ... . , ... 
 
 I am, my dear friend, 
 
 Most affectionately yours, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 At the same time arose the question how the new church 
 
 was to be endowed, and to what amount. Pusey writes 
 
 about this just before the troubles concerning Tract 90 :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 22, 1841. 
 I am suspicious about endowments : we want more than all we can 
 get for the present, and cannot afford to provide for posterity. We 
 must shift as we can, and trust that when by God's mercy we have 
 weathered the present storm, He may give the peaceful days of Solo- 
 mon, when His house shall be built in beauty and glory and solidity. 
 I would not hinder others ; but if I had an estate of ^20,000 at my 
 command, these seem days in which we should rather sell lands and 
 houses and lay the price at the Apostles' feet, than endow churches 
 
 Site of the Church, 
 
 471 
 
 with them. The Church is in greater present need than she was then. 
 ... I should be glad to get rid of pews and pew-rents, and have the 
 offertory substituted. The Church might employ a voluntary system, 
 though Dissenters cannot ; she wants it in aid, only not as a substitute 
 for endowments. . . . 
 
 The vision of an imported church from Portugal having 
 disappeared, Pusey set himself to consider how a new 
 church might be built in England by ' his poor friend,' whom 
 he now speaks of as ' Z ' : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 27, 1841. 
 How large should Z's church be ? He wishes to have no galleries ; 
 his notion was, if he cannot get anything from abroad, to begin on 
 a plan which might admit of embellishment subsequently : if he lives 
 long enough, he would gladly spend ;£6,ooo on it. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 In June, Pusey sent Hook the plans * for Z's church.' 
 He proposed at first to spend ;{^ 3,000 on solid stone- work, 
 only so much being carved as to avoid unsightliness. He 
 wished to know whether a site could be secured near the 
 church for what might ultimately be a * clerical college.' 
 This Dr. Hook was able to do : he had already purchased 
 the land on which a church might be built. This land was 
 situated in a part of Leeds which, until Dr. Hook's appoint- 
 ment to the Vicarage, was untouched by the ministrations 
 of the Church. Soon after that event the Rev. J. W. Clarke 
 and the Rev. G. Elmhirst, as curates of Dr. Hook, began 
 work in this district. Mr. Elmhirst must have been no 
 common man. To great earnestness he united cheerfulness, 
 simplicity, and excessive self-denial. He utterly sacrificed 
 his health to the souls and bodies of his poor neighbours ; 
 he left Leeds with a broken constitution in 1841, and died, 
 not long after, in Italy. 
 
 It was at the instance of this devoted man that Dr. Hook, 
 assisted by other Churchmen in Leeds, purchased the site 
 on which the new church was built. He bought it originally 
 with a view to building a school ; and he built a very good 
 one. But in order to acquire the site for the school he 
 
 ■■W 
 
 ;i< iM 
 
 
 « : 
 
 i 
 
 III 
 
 n 
 
 1; 
 
 ■\Jtr- 
 
i ^! 
 
 472 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 had to purchase a much larger piece of ground, of which 
 a part was consecrated as a cemetery for the use of the poor 
 • in that part of Leeds, while the remainder was offered to 
 Pusey, at Dr. Hook's instance, by the school trustees, as 
 a site for the proposed church. This site had been known 
 as St. Peter's Bank, having been formed, at least in part, 
 out of the refuse of a coal-mine. The position was com- 
 manding, but the ground was far from good; after the 
 foundation-stone had been laid it was discovered that the 
 shaft of the disused pit took a direction which made an 
 outlay of £1,000 necessary in order to make good the 
 foundation. 
 
 The district in which the church was to be placed contained, 
 at the date in question, something less than 6,000 persons. 
 But the population was rapidly increasing, and was with 
 rare exceptions poor; the well-to-do tradesmen lived in 
 other parts of Leeds. Narrow streets, with low houses, 
 were inhabited by mill-labourers and mechanics ; and among 
 or around these ran a branch of the river Aire, whose * waters 
 were brown and thick with mud, and dye-grease, and drains.' 
 The physical discomfort was outdone by the moral 
 degradation ; every form of the foulest vice flourished, as 
 was natural, in rank luxuriance ^ The moral, as well as the 
 mental atmosphere, was heathen, without the restraining 
 forces which occasionally made heathenism respectable. 
 
 In July, 1841, tenders for the new church were sent in, and 
 preparations were made for laying the foundation-stone on 
 September 14, 1842. Pusey was to have been present on 
 the occasion, and to have preached in the parish church ; 
 but the controversies about Tract 90 and the Poetry Pro- 
 fessorship had not been without their effect on the lower 
 middle-class Protestantism of Leeds. The Vicar of Leeds 
 had hitherto identified himself unreservedly with the Oxford 
 School, and he was watched by a numerically powerful 
 party with anger and suspicion. 
 
 e/c^^^. ^^? sinking letter of the Rev. J. Slatter in Pollen's 'Five Years at 
 at. Saviours, Leeds, pp. i6-ai. 
 
 'f 
 
 Laying the First Stone— Inscription, 473 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Vicarage, Leeds, Jan. 31, 1842. 
 
 With respect to the laying of the first stone of the projected church, 
 I think that the best thing will be to have it done very quietly by 
 myself, without attracting the notice of the public to it, as would be 
 the case were you to come. Under the present excited feelings every 
 stone which would be laid would be regarded as laid with a Popish 
 intent : and we should have remonstrances addressed to the Bishop, 
 who would be sure to attend to them, and the edifice would be so 
 altered as to be more like a meeting-house than a chufch. You have 
 no idea of the exasperated feeling of the Low Church people here : 
 many of those who were coming round have gone back — violently so. 
 ... It is known that the town is to be inundated with tracts, and 
 to be made so hot that in six months the Low Church people think 
 I shall be forced to resign. . . . 
 
 On the whole, I repeat it that the stone of the church had better be 
 laid without any greater ceremony than a few prayers offered by me ; 
 and you had better preach the consecration sermon. 
 
 I am, your truly aff"ectionate friend, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 Pusey, of course, agreed to keep out of the way; and the 
 foundation-stone of the new church was laid without 
 attracting any particular attention. 
 
 Mr. Derick had been selected to be the architect of the 
 new church. In August, 1842, Pusey wrote to Hook as 
 ^oWovJs:^ [August, 1842.] 
 
 Mr. D[erick] tells me that it is usual to put an inscription in a bottle 
 with a text of Scripture under the first stone of a church. In case then 
 you have not prepared anything, I have written the facts and selected a 
 text and some prayers, which I suppose might readily be engraven. . . . 
 
 Z likes the inscription ; it expresses his feelings : so I hope you will 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The subjoined inscription was engraved on the stone : — 
 
 *This First Stone 
 of Holy Cross Church, 
 In the Parish of Leeds, and County of York, 
 
 was laid 
 
 Under the Altar, 
 
 In the name of Penitent , 
 
 To the Praise of his Redeemer, 
 
 On Holy Cross Day, 
 
 A. D. 1842. 
 
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474 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 God forbid that I should glory save in the Cross of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ, whereby the world is crucified unto me, and I unto the world. 
 
 Saviour of the world, Who by Thy Cross and Precious Blood 
 hast redeemed us, save us and help us ; 
 
 We humbly beseech Thee, O Lord. 
 By Thine Agony and Bloody Sweat, ^ 
 By Thy Cross and Passion, 
 In the Hour of Death, | ^^^^ ^ord, deliver us. 
 
 In the Day of Judgement, ) 
 
 Lord, remember me when Thou comest into Thy kingdom.' 
 
 Pusey was much pleased by the account of what had 
 taken place at laying the first stone of the new church. 
 * Everything,' he wrote, * was managed beautifully.* Even 
 Oakeley had been interested. Pusey dwelt on * the wisdom 
 and piety of engaging people's affections and turning them 
 in the right channel on such occasions.* 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 My dear Friend, ^^"^^ Church, Sept. 27, 1842. 
 
 The service is indeed very beautiful. Z was much affected by 
 it and your account of the day, as also by the poor man's wish to con- 
 tribute towards a monument to him. He wishes you, if you think 
 right, to thank him, and tell him that the Church, if he be permitted 
 to finish it, must be his monument ; he wishes to be a penitent and 
 would have no other (indeed, feels himself very unworthy of this, 
 which is of all the greatest), but would ask him for his prayers. 
 
 1 have been thinking how such gifts as the organ might be accepted 
 without Z's seeming to claim more than he may be permitted to do, 
 in that he calls himself the founder : and Littlemore furnishes a hint. 
 They have there, within the rails of the Altar, a tablet with the names 
 of those who contributed to the building, and over them the text, 
 Neh. xiii. 14— * Remember me, O my God, concerning this, and wipe 
 not out my good deeds which I have done for the house of my God 
 and the offices thereof (I am not sure whether in full). There is 
 a blank wall in the chancel of Holy Cross Church necessarily, in 
 which I thought, instead of a niche, there might be a tablet with 
 a canopy where the names of benefactors might in like way be 
 inserted. This would find vent for any feeling like the poor man's : 
 and as Z probably will never be able to build tower and spire, perhaps 
 some one will be found hereafter to add the tower, another the spire. 
 In the present state of destitution, one should not like to have a sub- 
 scription for this. Handsome embellishments, such as the tower and 
 spire ought to be, should be done in a noble way. 
 
 My heart turns much towards Leeds. I have been very thankful 
 
 Progress of the Work. 
 
 475 
 
 that He seems to be calling you on to some higher way of self-sacrifice. 
 If I may venture so to say, what I have missed in your system and 
 that of others who would be classed with you (e.g. Jelf, Churton, 
 Palmer, Gresley), is the element of austerity, severity. ... I should 
 say, it seems to me to run throughout the writings of this class : there 
 is a tone of easiness and satisfaction with all things, and an inaptitude 
 to see what is amiss. Of course, this is one element of the true 
 character ; yet only one. We should love, and be thankful for, and 
 hope well of our Church ; and yet be conscious of her deficiencies, as 
 good Bishop Andrewes was, and as Daniel * confessed his own sins 
 and the sins of his people.' I suppose the general neglect of fasting, 
 until of late, has fostered this want of severity : but Catholic truth will 
 never strike deep root in our Church without it. It is what we still 
 most want : we have abundance of right-minded, earnest clergy (God 
 be praised), but we seem to have few above the average character, 
 persons to cope with extraordinary difficulties, such as those of our 
 days are. Things are taken far too easily. And therefore I felt the 
 more thankful (and the more for the love I must have to you) that as 
 God has these many years, and before us, made you a witness to one 
 portion of Catholic truth, so now He is leading you to that which will 
 give completeness and consistency to your insight into that truth, and 
 deepen the character which I so much value and love. This is the 
 striking side of Manning's character, so wonderfully shown in his 
 sermons, and so leading him into the unseen world ; and one ver>' 
 impressive part of Newman's deep impressiveness. . . . 
 God bless you and yours. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 The building of the church went on slowly. Z's money 
 had to accumulate; and it may be remembered he had 
 also been condemned by the Vice-Chancellor for a sermon 
 at Oxford. Little therefore was done during 1843. In 
 November, 1843, Pusey writes to say that the sum required 
 by the contract was ready, and that he hopes the consecra- 
 tion will take place on Holy Cross Day, Sept. 14, 1844. 
 Meanwhile Hook had begun to look forward to this occa- 
 sion with considerable misgiving : — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Leeds, Nov. 20, 1843. 
 
 As to the interest taken in Holy Cross Church, it is confined to the 
 
 poor people in the neighbourhood— I mean a friendly interest. The 
 
 exaggerations and falsehoods circulated about it in the North are 
 
 extraordinary, and I really dread the consecration. I think we shall 
 
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476 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 require a troop of horse to keep order. The church will be filled with 
 scoffing Methodists. . . . 
 
 Believe me to be, my ever dear friend, 
 
 Very affectionately yours, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 As the new church rose from the ground, Pusey became 
 greatly interested in its details. He had, however, no 
 special knowledge of art, and was obliged to fall back 
 upon men who had of late been making Christian art 
 a special study. Mr. Upton Richards introduced him to 
 Mr. Benjamin Webb, at that time an active member of 
 the Cambridge Camden Society^ ; and some of his corre- 
 spondence with this accomplished man well illustrates his 
 ideas upon questions of church furniture and arrangement. 
 In selecting painted glass for the new church, he * wished to 
 go back to the austerity and simplicity of the older school 
 of painting, yet with correctness of drawing and beauty of 
 outline and countenance in which the ancient glass was 
 defective.' A more pressing subject was the reredos. The 
 feeling of the Camden Society was against giving the 
 prominent position to the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and 
 the Ten Commandments, which had been customary in 
 English churches since the Reformation. More room was 
 wanted for such artistic treatment of the mysteries of 
 Redemption as has since become general. Pusey's con- 
 sideration for popular predilections in favour of the tradi- 
 tional arrangement, and his own conservatism of feeling 
 on such subjects, are remarkable. 
 
 E. B. P. TO B. Webb, Esq. 
 
 Clifton, F. of Holy Innocents, 1843. 
 I should be very sorry to go against any decided feeling of those 
 who are doing so much for Church architecture; yet I cannot but 
 think that, however it may have been brought about that we have 
 the Commandments, Creed, and our Lord's Prayer near the altar, 
 there is much good in it. You will feel that in reviving what is old 
 we are not to disregard the actual position of the Church. Needs 
 may have arisen and have been providentially provided for, even 
 by uncatholic means. I thought there was much deep thought and 
 
 > Latterly Prebendary of St. Paul's, and Vicar of St. Andrew's, Wells 
 btreet. 
 
 
 f 
 
 The Ten Commandments. 
 
 All 
 
 reverence in Williams* tract * On the Providential Superintendence over 
 our Liturgy,' and again Newman speaks very cheerfully, somewhere, 
 of our Church taking up things uncatholic in their origin and 
 moulding them into what is Catholic. Now, I suppose, many ways 
 the use of the Ten Commandments is and has been of great benefit 
 to our Church. In our absence of discipline or private confession 
 they stand as a fence around the Holy Communion, warning people 
 not to break in ; then, they suggest a detailed Catholic self-examination, 
 and detailed confession to God : they are a protest against any 
 doctrine of justification by what people think to be their faith, or by 
 feelings : they imply what we so much want — continued repentance. 
 All thoughtful people also seem to have felt that what we have most 
 need to be anxious about in this revival of our Church is lest this 
 mighty stirring of men's minds be wasted through want of sternness 
 with self, and that there is a danger in the very * beauty of holiness ' 
 without its severity. I cannot but think that the Ten Commandments, 
 with their strict warning voice, are far more valuable to us, as 
 attendants on the altar, than images or pictures or tapestry would be. 
 Since also they were placed in the Ark, I do not see why they should 
 not now stand in a place of honour under canopies. They are God's 
 words, and represent what His Hand traced: since then a canopy 
 is a conventional mark of dignity, I do not think the ecclesiologist 
 has ground for objecting to their being put under them. 
 
 I write this in self-defence, for I had been much impressed with 
 the arrangement at Littlemore, in which, as perhaps you know, three 
 [canopies] occupy the centre behind the altar, of which again the 
 centre contains the cross : two on each side of the three centre 
 [canopies] contain the Ten Commandments, &c. This tends to revive 
 the mystical meaning of numbers, the three behind the altar, of which 
 the centre only is occupied, being, I know^ a very impressive symbol, 
 and again combining with the four to form that which is the symbol 
 of reconciliation between God and the world— seven. I had conse- 
 quently asked Mr. Derick to design a reredos of some richness (which, 
 as well as the altar, was to be painted), the three richest canopies 
 encompassing the altar. The cross again being specially suited 
 to Holy Cross Church, I own I should be very unwilling to give up 
 this, for I think it may still be a valuable characteristic of our Church : 
 still, I should like to know what your feelings are about it. . . . 
 
 With every good wish, 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 
 He held, with some tenacity, this opinion in favour of 
 retaining the Commandments above the Altar. He begged 
 his correspondent to consider 
 'whether there might not have been something providential in the 
 
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478 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 way in which, contrary to the tendency of current doctrine \ and 
 as a correction of its errors as well as the loss of discipline, the Ten 
 Commandments had, by common consent, come to be over the altar ; 
 whether it might not have been so ordered because we needed it.* 
 * Certainly,' he adds, * they are as they stand in that holy place, a con- 
 tinual witness to us. As different Churches have their different usages, 
 so I thought this might have grown up, as of special value to us.* 
 
 In those days church building was so comparatively rare 
 a thing that few details could be taken for granted. Pusey 
 had to answer or decide questions which were not much in 
 his way. What should be the material of the reredos— 
 wood or stone ? What was to be the place and size of the 
 porch ? What the position of the organ ? How were the 
 angels at the Ascension in the painted glass to be robed ? 
 What was to be the colour and pattern of the altar-cloth ? 
 What designs were to be adopted for needlework on the 
 pulpit, faldstool, and credence (termed by Pusey * pro- 
 thesis')? These ecclesiological matters were not familiar 
 ground to Pusey, and he is largely in the hands of his 
 younger and better- informed correspondent. Now and 
 then he gets out of artistic detail into questions of principle. 
 Thus, with reference to the material and form of the altar :— 
 
 ' I could not myself put up what should seem to be a mere table. 
 When truth was not denied, tables were altars, as well as altars holy 
 tables ; now, they seem to me to involve at least a withdrawal of the 
 truth ; and if insisted upon, a denial of it. I dare not myself be any 
 party to putting up a table ; I would sooner have the consecration 
 of a church suspended. I would spare any needless offence; but, 
 if this be one, it seems to me unavoidable. But I hope with a few 
 years it will much diminish, and every altar is a gain.' 
 
 With regard to the altar-cloth, it appears, there could 
 only be one. * As long,' wrote Pusey to Mr. Webb, ' as 
 there is only one colour, I suppose violet best suits the 
 state of our Church.* 
 
 Pugin had offered through Mr. Webb a design of the 
 * Holy Face ' of our Lord in one of the windows. 
 
 * I like his design,' wrote Pusey, * very much. The only thing about 
 which any one can have doubts is the introduction of The Holy Face. 
 
 » He is referring to the Antinomian cation, as popularly preached by the 
 tendency of Luther s theory of justifi- Low Church clergy. 
 
 Altar Plate, 
 
 479 
 
 1 fear lest people will not contemplate it reverently as a symbol but 
 only think of it as a legend. Else the words, " Is it nothing to you, &c." 
 do bring out its meaning. There are two remaining in Cirencester 
 Church.* 
 
 Pusey was himself accustomed to dwell much in devotion 
 on the Human Face of our Lord ^. He continues : — 
 
 * I can hardly imagine a countenance more reverential, or on which 
 the mind could dwell with more repose and comfort, than the 
 Crucifixion by Albert Durer. As far as the expression of that Coun- 
 tenance could be transferred, I should be very sorry to see it replaced 
 [in the new church] by any other. Again, for the Agony, one by 
 a modem German artist (it is one of the frescoes in the chapel at 
 Munich) is, for the Countenance, everything I could wish.* 
 
 The illness and death of Lucy Pusey brought about 
 a further contribution to the gifts for the proposed church. 
 
 E. B. P. TO B. Webb, Esq. 
 
 Miss Rogers', Crescent, Clifton. 
 Wednesday in Easter Week [April lo], 1844. 
 
 The sudden illness of my eldest daughter, who is now sinking 
 under consumption, has broken off my intercourse with Mr. Derick, 
 but it gives me an occasion of applying to you sooner than I expected 
 about the sacramental plate. She has a sum of perhaps £^0 which 
 had been given her, and this she wishes to give to something connected 
 with the altar in Holy Cross Church. She has been nearly three 
 years a communicant. There is also another sum, about the same 
 amount, which might be similarly spent. These would perhaps 
 purchase two cups set with some precious stones, if not very costly. 
 Or you could tell me what their expense would be likely to be. 
 I liked very much the pattern I saw at your house in L. Of precious 
 stones, my dear child's preference is to the carbuncle, as the type of 
 the fire of Divine Love, or emerald, or a dark blue. 
 
 You would know whether it would be best to use the same stone 
 throughout, or the four chief Church colours, or again twelve precious 
 stones. Her preference (for any single stone) is to the dark blue. 
 
 I think it is not unusual to insert in the form of a prayer some 
 reference to the donor ; as Propitius esto Dojfiine— you would know 
 what forms there are authority for. One of the two, from whom this 
 sum comes, is departed, but it is a sort of offering in her lifetime. 
 I should only put the Christian names. He to Whom the words are 
 used knows the rest. 
 
 When the cups, or one, is executed, I should like to have theni, or it, sent 
 down here, that, if so be, she may see what she would oflfer, while yet here. 
 
 * The picture which was brought altar in the chapel of the Pusey House, 
 to him from Spain by his brother Oxford, may have given a special 
 Philip, and which now is over the direction to his thoughts. 
 
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480 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 iH! 
 
 When Pusey wrote this it seemed that all would soon be 
 over. There was, however, a respite; and Lucy Pusey 
 rallied sufficiently to take a keen interest in the proposed 
 gift. Mr. Webb proposed five rubies, to Lucy's great 
 satisfaction. She discussed with her father the inscriptions 
 on the sacred vessels. 
 
 E. B. P. TO B. Webb, Esq. 
 
 For the paten she inclined to »Panem Angelorum manducavit 
 homo. Alleluia.' (*At all events,' she said, M should like one with 
 Alleluia.') For the chalice, ' Calicem salutaris accipiam. Alleluia.' 
 
 For the commemorative inscription, do you think a Bishop would 
 accept of vessels, inscribed * Orate pro bono statu, &c.' unless (which 
 one dare not anticipate) she should be still alive, when the church is 
 consecrated. I thought some intermediate form which could be 
 looked upon as the prayer of the individual, and which yet others 
 might use as a prayer, would be safe from objection and yet attain 
 the end. Any one who habitually prayed for the departed would 
 repeat such a prayer. I mean a form as analogous to that of 
 Nehemiah, ' Remember me, Lord, for good,' or in tombstones, where 
 the^ prayer is directly from the deceased. Were there such a form 
 as * Propitius esto, Domine, Luciae Mariae quae— Deo et Eccl. S. 
 Crucis, &c.,' a person reading it would involuntarily pray it. 
 
 My dear child likes the thought of the cross in jewels very much. 
 She loved to see the cross everywhere. 
 
 Lucy Pusey died on April 22nd. Two days afterwards 
 her father wrote to Mr. Webb :— 
 
 Clifton, Eve of St. Mark, 1844. 
 
 You will be kindly glad to hear that your great promptness in 
 sending the sketch for the chalice and paten was an occasion of deep 
 interest to my child on the last day of her earthly life. The subject 
 being so very sacred, I could show it her even then ; and she pointed 
 with much pleasure to the jewels, especially to that in the cross, and 
 looked with reverential interest on the Crucifixion. We settled too 
 four of the female saints, St. Mary, her own St. Lucia, St. Catherine, 
 St. Agnes (whose age she recollected even then). We had lately 
 received the Holy Communion for the last time together, so that the 
 inscription with the Alleluia has a special interest. 
 
 I thought you would like to know this, and seeing your note on her 
 bed, which I had placed there to explain some things from it, she 
 asked with interest about you. 
 
 There is now no immediate hurry, thinking that some who loved 
 her would like to give perhaps a precious stone or two, in order to 
 be thus united with her. One has given me a topaz and a small gold 
 bracelet, which might be used for gilding. 
 
 Gifts of fewels. 
 
 481 
 
 Pusey thought that his friends might contribute jewels, 
 which had been used as ornaments, to decorate the holy 
 vessels which were thus connected with his daughter's 
 memory. Of his wife's jewels scarcely any remained : she 
 had sold them some years before her death for the London 
 poor. An unmarried donor sent him at once ' a garnet 
 necklace, earrings, and brooch, which,' he adds, ' she preferred 
 to giving me an amethyst brooch, because they were the 
 more sacred, having been given by one, now, she trusted 
 in Paradise.' He then applied to his nearest relations. 
 Mr. Pusey sent a gift of money: Lady Emily sent some 
 rings in which were set diamonds and pearls. Their 
 children, Edith and Clara, wrote, begging that they might 
 contribute something to the memorial of their cousin. 
 
 Certainly Pusey pursued his quest in the most un- 
 promising quarters. * I conclude,' he wrote to Keble, ' you 
 have no precious stones by you : only sometimes they 
 come where one should not expect. Some of my friends 
 who have them are giving them to me to enrich dear Lucy's 
 chalice.' Keble must have been amused at this application. 
 * I fear,' he wrote simply, * we have no jewels to offer.' 
 
 Eventually it was arranged that one chalice should be 
 Lucy Pusey 's memorial, adorned with jewels offered by her 
 friends ; while the other chalice and two patens should be 
 the gift of Lucy, her brother, and sister. 
 
 As the consecration was intended soon to take place, it 
 became necessary for Pusey to select an incumbent for 
 the new church. In August, 1844, the Rev. R. Ward M A 
 Incumbent of Christ Church, Skipton, accepted the charge.' 
 He had for many years enjoyed the confidence of Dr. Hook. 
 'Tell Newman,' wrote Hook to Pusey in 1838, *that I can 
 never be sufificiently thankful to him for sending me that 
 excellent man. Ward.* 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 My dear Friend, Hfracombe, Aug. 16, 1844. 
 
 Perhaps you have heard what gives me great joy, that Ward 
 has decided to take charge of Holy Cross Church, with Slatter under 
 him, at which J. K. also is very much rejoiced. So, by God's mercv 
 
 VOL. H. I i ^' 
 
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482 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 1; 
 
 have perplexities turned to good. I hope soon to be in a condition 
 
 to ask you what you think about the district of Holy Cross Church. 
 
 I do not wish to come under the Act ; there is plenty to provide for ; 
 
 and I thought, if W[ard] sees good, rather a large district might be 
 
 annexed to it in which chapels might hereafter, by God's blessing, 
 
 spring up. A good collection at the consecration might build one. 
 
 I thought of proposing Easter Tuesday as the day of consecration, 
 
 so that the consecration might always fall upon a festival, and it 
 
 would give a local and sacred interest and employment to what is 
 
 often a time of idleness. ... 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 It was originally hoped that the church would be con- 
 secrated on Sept. 14th— Holy Cross Day in the Church 
 Calendar. The Bishop of Ripon objected. He had not 
 been consulted about the dedication of the church : his 
 approval of its proposed name had been taken for granted. 
 The suggestion that the church should be consecrated on 
 Holy Cross Day raised in his mind a scruple not only as 
 to the day of consecration, but as to the dedication of the 
 church. He feared that he might be committed to * some 
 legend.' 
 
 'Everything,' wrote Pusey to Hook, *that I touch seems to go 
 wrong. It has not been my fault, I trust, that Holy Cross Church 
 has been so much talked of. I have tried to stop it ; and even 
 wrote anonymously in a newspaper to correct exaggerated statements 
 about it. However, so it is : and in the present sensitive state of 
 people's minds, " every feather shows which way the wind sets," 
 and I know the sort of feeling there will be that this rejection of 
 the name by which it has unhappily become known far and wide, 
 is a sort of movement in condemnation of certain people. . . . 
 Altogether this objection to the name disheartens me completely, 
 and I know not what else may be objected to : whether the stained- 
 glass windows, and whether it may not be better to defer presenting 
 it for consecration until the whole is completed, although this involves 
 the loss of a year, which one would be very sorry to incur.* 
 
 Pusey's anticipations that more difficulties were before 
 him were not without reason. Some one wrote to the 
 Bishop objecting to the design for the west window. The 
 Bishop had seen and approved the design : but he now 
 objected to the representation of the Holy Face of our 
 Lord. 
 
 Some Objections of the Bishop. 
 
 483 
 
 *I have told the Bishop,' writes Pusey to Hook, *that the same 
 Countenance of our Lord is, of old, in Cirencester Church : it is 
 not necessarily connected with the legend of St. Veronica (which 
 Tillemont e.g. gives up). It is a sort of "Ecce Homo!" I thought 
 that the Bishop knew all and had passed it. Now, I know not 
 what he will do. The church is, I believe, conveyed over to him 
 and I have said he may do with it what he thinks right. I cannot 
 be a party to taking away the Angels. If the Bishop thinks right 
 to take out part of the window and put in white glass he must. 
 I commend the whole to our Lord, to Whose glory it was meant, 
 and would have nothing to do with this myself, but pray Him to 
 dispose it all, as is most for His glory.' 
 
 The Bishop was much annoyed. He cannot but have 
 felt that he ought to have looked more carefully at the 
 designs. He certainly made a grave mistake in using 
 language which implied that Pusey had not dealt quite 
 straightforwardly. 
 
 * As,* he wrote to Pusey, * I have made this discovery of subjects 
 being introduced of which I never had any distinct intimation, 
 I shall feel it my duty to inspect the church myself, previous to 
 the consecration, in order to see that other matters of the same 
 kind have not occurred.* 
 
 To this Pusey replied with some warmth :— 
 
 * I have to]d your Lordship or shown to your Lordship everything 
 about which you asked. Your Lordship asked for the drawings 
 and I sent them. You wished to see everything yourself, and I sent 
 them you to see. I really cannot think that it was for me to set 
 myself to think what your Lordship might object to, and perhaps 
 awake objections by so doing. . . . Your Lordship asked me to 
 let you yourself see these drawings, and as you returned them without 
 any objection, I concluded that you objected to nothing.' 
 
 Fresh difficulties were created by Sir Herbert Jenner Fust's 
 decision against the stone altar in St. Sepulchre s, Cam- 
 bridge, on January 31, 1845. In view of this case nothing 
 had yet been decided between the Bishop and Pusey as 
 to the material and form of the altar in Holy Cross Church. 
 Mr. Webb, who was present in the court, described the 
 Judgment to Pusey as ' deplorable ' : the tone of his letter 
 led Pusey, in his wonted manner, to make the best he 
 could of it. 
 
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484 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ■'ti 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Webb. 
 
 Christ Church, 
 F. of the Purif. [Feb. 2], 1845. 
 We must not be unduly downcast with such wretched decisions. 
 It does not alter our actual position. If they drive people into 
 themselves to think more of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, we may gain 
 by them. One is sorry for this seeming triumph over truth : but 
 the Eucharistic Sacrifice is offered now on wooden altars, or, it 
 may be, on tables unseemly for it. And belief may deepen, by God's 
 blessing, amid things adverse more than in prosperity. . . . 
 
 But what was to be done about Holy Cross Church? 
 Might the Bishop be asked to allow of a moveable stone 
 altar, or a carved wooden altar with a stone slab ? 
 
 The Bishop allowed Pusey to take an opinion as to 
 whether a moveable wooden altar with a stone slab would 
 be permitted under the terms of Sir H. J. Fust s Judgment. 
 Pusey seems to have taken the opinion of Mr. James Hope 
 and Mr. (afterwards Sir) R. J. Phillimore, who held that such 
 a Table was permissible. Meanwhile the Bishop had made 
 up his mind for himself. He promised to consecrate the 
 church in October provided the Holy Table be of the 
 material of wood, moveable, and if the plate with the 
 inscription to which he had objected were not there. The 
 ground of this last objection was that the inscription might 
 imply Prayers for the Dead. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 [August, 1845.] 
 The Bishop has finally refused to consecrate the Church, if the 
 plate with my daughter's name is there, on the ground that it involves 
 his sanctioning it, because he believes that he is not required to 
 consecrate the church— that is at his own option. He is wrong in 
 law, in this. However, so he has decided. There is then nothing 
 to be done, but to keep back that part of the plate, the two chalices 
 and one paten, on the day of the consecration. . . . The legal 
 question as to Prayers for the Departed, supposing these to be ruled 
 as such, is clear in our Church. . . . 
 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 However, Dr. Longley was endeavouring to meet Pusey *s 
 wishes about the patronage of the church, although legal 
 difficulties, arising out of the Leeds Vicarage Act, presented 
 
 Change in the name of the Church. 485 
 
 themselves. Counsel's opinion had been given that under 
 the terms of this Act every church subsequently consecrated 
 in Leeds must be in the patronage of the see of Ripon. 
 *In case I have the power,' the Bishop wrote to Pusey, 
 *I shall not object to vest the patronage in the four 
 persons whom you name, namely, yourself, your younger 
 brother, the Rev. C. Marriott, and the Rev. Richard Ward.' 
 It was in their names that the church was eventually 
 presented for consecration. 
 
 Under the pressure of objections which were so much 
 more easily raised than settled, even Pusey, sanguine as he 
 was, had at times begun to lose heart. Three months 
 before the date of the Bishop's decision respecting the 
 plate and the altar, he had poured out his disappointment 
 to Hook. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 [April 20, 1845.] 
 Everythmg about St. Saviour's is seemingly where it was four 
 or five months ago. I know not whether there is not prayer 
 enough, but not one step is gained. The Bishop does not 
 decide against, but neither does he decide for anything. It is 
 very wearing; but I would rather have any weariness, than 
 a contrary decision. One's heart is quite sick with continual 
 anxieties day after day. A feather taken off would be a relief. The 
 year is advancing, but nothing is settled about the buildings, and 
 the building season is hastening by ; the session is waning, but 
 nothing is setded about the nomination to the church : the glass • 
 almost at a standstill, yet nothing about the window of Bearing 
 the Cross, although there is not an emblem in it, or figure, for 
 which there is not authority in our English churches. I have 
 been anxious not to commit the Bishop, but there is nothing but 
 discouragement; and it discourages others too that the wish to 
 benefit our Church should be thus met. Even my dear child's 
 present of a most beautiful chalice is questioned because it has 
 her prayer before her departure, her prayer in offering it, * Propitius 
 esto, Domine, Luciae, &c.* 
 
 However, I have the deep feeling that for such as me, it is only 
 fit to have disappointment in all I do. May God forgive me and 
 spare my work for His Son's sake. 
 
 It had novir been finally settled that the church should be 
 called St. Saviour's, and that it should be consecrated in 
 October, 1845. Who would preach at the consecration? 
 
 ii 
 
 HI 
 
 I 
 
 ! ^' 
 
 \ 
 
 <l 
 
 m 
 
486 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 That Pusey, the real founder of the church, should do so 
 was a natural arrangement. But Pusey, it will be remem- 
 bered, had been suspended from preaching at Oxford by 
 the sentence of the Vice-Chancellor. The period of his 
 suspension was over ; but until he resumed preaching in 
 Oxford, he did not like to preach elsewhere without the 
 express sanction of the Bishop of the diocese. The Bishop, 
 while unwilling to forbid his preaching, was also unwilling 
 expressly to sanction it. Hook, indeed, before the Oxford 
 suspension, had proposed that Pusey should preach both 
 at the laying of the first stone of the new church and 
 at its consecration ; but the progress of events at Oxford, 
 and the Bishop's attitude towards the new church, had not 
 been without their effect on his impulsive, though generous, 
 nature. He still wished Pusey to preach at one service, 
 but doubted about the Bishop's giving an express sanction 
 for his doing so. The Bishop would probably preach 
 himself in the morning; Pusey might do so in the 
 afternoon. 
 
 In August, 1845, Pusey suggested daily sermons in St. 
 Saviour's during the week following the consecration. This 
 practice, which has since become so general as to attract no 
 attention, was a novelty in the Church of England forty or 
 fifty years ago. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Ilfracombe, August ii, 1845. 
 
 I thought there might be a course of earnest sermons (more 
 directed to the feelings, perhaps, than on ordinary occasions of regular 
 continued instruction) on solemn subjects, as the Four Last Things, 
 Repentance, &c. Will you preach one of them, or more if you can ; 
 at all events, on the Sunday ? I thought that perhaps we might have 
 two every day, and that one might ask some others likely to be there 
 or to come. I should like to have asked J. Keble, Manning, Is. Wil- 
 liams. I think a good deal might be done in this way. According to 
 Bishop M^Ilvaine's account, there were genuine * revivals in this way 
 in the Church in America,' and the R. C.s have something of the 
 kind in their missions. 
 
 However, good must come, one should hope, from earnest stirring 
 sermons, with earnest intercession, at least to some. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Proposed Sermons at the Consecration. 487 
 
 Hook had agreed with Mr. R. Ward, the incumbent- 
 designate of the new church, that Pusey should preach 
 once every day during the week. He cordially accepted 
 the scheme of two sermons a day by different preachers. 
 He would not preach himself, but he begged Pusey to ask 
 Keble, Manning, and Isaac Williams to help him. ' Will 
 you write at once,* he asked Pusey, * in my name as well as 
 yours ? ' He suggested that Dodsworth should be added 
 to the list. * I am ready,* he continued, ' to do anything 
 you think right, now that I know you to be a good 
 Anglican.' Pusey replied in the highest spirits. He sent 
 Hook a list of the proposed subjects, and added : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Aug. 25 (?), 1845. 
 
 My wish is that they [the sermons] should be, as perhaps I said, 
 warm, energetic, earnest, with both severity and love, and addressed 
 more to the feelings at the end than sermons generally are. 
 
 I think it would be best that you should take share, because the 
 object would be the stirring up of people's souls in Leeds. There will 
 be more difficulty to find preachers for the latter part, because people 
 will wish to get back to their parishes, at least for the Sunday. 
 
 I have written to Manning, am writing to Is. Williams and Keble. 
 I shall have sermons, I hope, from Copeland and C. Marriott. 
 
 I do hope that a good deal might be done in this way, and that we 
 shall not leave the instrument of preaching in the hands of others. It 
 too is a gift of God and a means of grace. . . . 
 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PUSEV. 
 
 Hook objected, oddly enough, to Copeland's name, on 
 
 the ground that *he will certainly go to Rome with 
 
 Newman.' He added : — « * « 
 
 *Aug. 24, 1845. 
 
 * If any of the preachers fall away into the fearful schism of Rome, 
 
 against which I am accustomed to preach so very strongly (I am this 
 
 very day about to denounce the heresy of Rome in praying to saints), 
 
 more mischief will be done thgin I can calculate. If Copeland preaches, 
 
 I ought to have some pledge that he is not going over to Rome. You 
 
 know how I abhor Popery.* 
 
 Pusey assured Hook that Copeland was quite safe. The 
 Bishop cordially approved of the whole plan of the sermons. 
 Hook invited Pusey to stay at the Vicarage for the occa- 
 
 <t 
 
 II f 
 
 * 
 
488 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 II' I) 
 
 sion, but desired that he should consult the incumbent of 
 St. Saviour's as to whether it would not be expedient, for 
 practical reasons, to stay in the house attached to St. 
 Saviour's. Pusey ' did not know how far people might not 
 misinterpret his not being with Hook.' * I wish,' he added, 
 'to do whatever is best, neither compromising you nor 
 giving needless occasion to misconstruction.' 
 
 Hook rejoined : — 
 
 'Sept. 22, 1845. 
 
 * I really know not what to advise ; for as to what people will say^ we 
 know that, whatever is done, " Evangelicals " will say everything that 
 is unkind and false. And I believe that it matters in these days very 
 little what one does. Men think what they imagine maliciously that 
 one ought to do, and state it as a fact that that is done.' 
 
 It was eventually decided that Pusey should stay at 
 St. Saviour's. 
 
 There might have been no further difficulty ; but within 
 three weeks of the day fixed for the consecration, Newman 
 left the Church of England. Towards the end of September 
 rumours of his immediately approaching secession were 
 already in circulation. When Pusey assured Hook that 
 Copeland would not follow, he added, * At least, as things 
 now are he has no thought of it. But what will be the 
 result of the next few years many, I fear, would not take 
 upon themselves to say for themselves.' Hook was, not 
 unnaturally, alarmed at a hastily - written sentence into 
 which he read more than it meant, but which was likely 
 to increase prevalent suspicions. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook Ta E. B. P. 
 
 Sept. 22, 1845. 
 The latter part of your letter distressed me. Surely we ought 
 to put forward the Protestant view of our Church in the strongest 
 way, if there is danger of persons apostatizing to Rome. I shall take 
 this course indubitably. I find that many sensible and right-thinking 
 men take a very different view of poor Newman's fall from that taken 
 by Woodgate. They think that his strong mind will soon be disgusted 
 with the abominations of Popery, and will lapse into infidelity. It will 
 be awful indeed if we find him at the head of an infidel movement, 
 for infidelity is only waiting for a leader to be aggressive. 
 The times indeed are out of joint. 
 
 Yours most affectionately, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 i» M0 \}iti0mm 
 
 • ^ - " »' 
 
 Hook and Pusey on Secessions to Rome, 489 
 
 Pusey 's reply is important, as stating clearly one of those 
 
 deep convictions which from first to last shaped his 
 
 religious life. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Sept. 24, 1845. 
 
 I am very sorry to have distressed you. I wholly forget what I wrote. 
 But I am quite sure that nothing can resist infidelity except the most 
 entire system of faith ; one said mournfully, * I could have had/a/M ; 
 1 cannot have opinions.^ One must have a strong, positive, objective 
 system which people are to believe, because it is true, on authority out 
 of themselves. Be that authority what it may, the Scriptures through 
 the individual teaching of the Spirit, the Primitive Church, the Church 
 when it was visibly one, the present Church, it must be a strong 
 authority out of one's-self. 
 
 I am sure that our Church will do absolutely nothing, through any 
 
 * Protestant view ' or system in it. It is only by identifying itself with 
 some stronger authority that it can have any hold of people's minds. 
 If we throw ourselves in entire faith upon the early undivided Church, 
 and say dogmatically, * Whether this people will hear or whether they 
 will forbear,' ' This is the truth, the voice of the whole Church, and, in 
 it, of God, to you,' this will tell. But in proportion as we do this, I am 
 sure that our protest against Rome will be weakened, and that we 
 shall see that she is Catholic in some points, at least, where we have 
 been taught to consider her uncatholic. 
 
 What I wish to do is to treat positive truth uncontroversially, and 
 leave the issue with God. 
 
 But on October 9, as we know, Newman had taken the 
 decisive step. The consequences, with respect to St. Saviour's, 
 Leeds, were at once apparent. Archdeacon Churton de- 
 clined to be one of the preachers after the consecration : 
 
 * Late events had too much disheartened him for any public 
 effort.' He would ' stay at home and pray to Him Who 
 walked the waves to still a storm which is past our powers 
 of pilotage.' Hook thought that the proposed course of 
 sermons must be given up ; and Pusey himself had been 
 too intimate with Newman not to think that Hook would 
 be relieved if he were not present at the consecration. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 [Christ Church], Oct. 16, [1845.] 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 I would not of course do in your parish what you would 
 not wish, and therefore, if you so think best, I will not be at the 
 
 « 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 ---«,rV 
 
^ 
 
 II 
 
 III 
 
 It, I 
 
 490 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 consecration at all. My only feeling is for others. I had written to 
 t. Clhurton] that I see no ground why what is for the good of souls 
 should be given up. . . . Things distressing around, so far from being 
 any occasion for not exerting ourselves in anything which we hope 
 to be for God s glory, seem the very reason why we should the more. 
 1 am sure that mcreased prayer, and more devoted exertion, are the 
 only remedies in this crisis. 
 
 A^Z """"' ^'° '^''^ '"'° ^*''^°""' *'■* ^^^' '"J"n' of adding to 
 dejection as if we were paralyzed. The plan, having been once 
 
 arranged, cannot be abandoned without a virtual confession of dis- 
 qualification on our own part to preach. You have no idea of the 
 extent of dejection. ... To me the abandonment of the plan appears 
 a most mistaken step. f f » 
 
 However, you must judge as you think best 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 E« B PusEV 
 
 ,nH^r ^^'^ f ""'"^ ^' ''°"" ^**'"8 and weeping for our own s'ins, 
 and the sins of our people, this would be a different thing. If we are 
 
 Is ^r GodthLTur '" '"""• ' ^" "" *''^*^ ^''°""' «'- "P-"^' 
 
 Hook would not hear of Pusey's absence :— 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Vicarage, Leeds, Oct. 17, 1845, 
 Robert Wilberforce is with me, and I have consulted him, and we 
 have agreed that it would be inexpedient to give up the sermons 
 fol n ''' ^«"' i''^' *'y ^^ •^"•^^ °°' be continued beyon7the 
 
 .t would be supposed that you were prohibited by the Bishop. I only 
 hope things will be done as quietly as possible. You must remember 
 that there are not five persons in Leeds who will sympathize with you. 
 
 Pusey persevered in insisting that the week of sermons 
 should not be given up. 
 
 tol'thir r'"' *'*r°'^ '° """"^ °" °"- '9. 'as if we were coming 
 toge^er to preach controversy, or lecture on the Church's Apostolical 
 commission How can one preaching on earnest subjects stir up 
 Puntanism ? And after all what harm can Puritanism do ? And then 
 
 Im'tr, K ^°1' r '"""^ f" ^^'^'^ ' '^'^^'' ^ Puritanism clamours, it 
 will be ashamed afterwards.' 
 
 Upon this Hook consented, somewhat reluctantly, to 
 carrying out the original plan. If the sermons were to be 
 pnnted, they might as well be preached. 
 
 [▼ >,_ '.r ■ i *• < 
 
 Hook re-assured. 
 
 491 
 
 Not that Hook was satisfied by Pusey's assurance that 
 the sermons would be practical and uncontroversial. He 
 would wish them to be controversial, only in an anti-Papist 
 
 sense. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Oct. 20, 1845. 
 
 If you were to preach on the Church, Apostolical Succession, or 
 
 anything else, evincing an attachment to the Church of England, you 
 
 might do much good. Your abstaining from such subjects at this 
 
 time will only confirm people in the opinion that you do not love the 
 
 Church of England. ... I hope you will be guided right, and I daily 
 
 pray for it. But no words can express my fears. 
 
 To this letter Pusey replied : — 
 
 Christ Church [Oct. 21, 1845]. 
 
 I have been frightening you, or you yourself. I do not suppose 
 there will be a Romanizing word from beginning to end of the 
 sermons. I wish to write for people's souls, not controversy. All 
 I have said about confession lies in this sentence : Mf it is too awful 
 to any one to bear this (knowledge of one's sins) alone, or does any- 
 thing weigh heavily, or need we counsel, or long we for peace through 
 His pardoning words, our Church has taught us how to obtain it 
 by opening our grief [or, as she says, by a special confession of sins]. 
 Great grace has been so bestowed by God on those who seek it for His 
 forgiveness and His love.* 
 
 You probably expected much more. I wijl leave out what of this 
 you like, although you will see that I have used our Church's own 
 words, not mine. If you like, I will leave out the words in brackets, 
 which are from the Visitation of the Sick, although it is certainly great 
 * reserve ' not to teach what our Church teaches. . . . 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Hook at once responded with the impetuous and generous 
 warmth which characterized him : — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Vicarage, Leeds, Oct. 25, 1845. 
 A thousand thanks for your letter. It is perfectly satisfactory. 
 I see now that you understand the state of things here, and I shall 
 have perfect confidence in you. The services may do infinite good, but 
 may do much mischief also— all depends upon discretion, surrounded 
 as we are by malignant spirits, anxious to misrepresent anything. . . . 
 
 Yours most affectionately. 
 
 My very dear old friend, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 I; ■■ 
 
 fV 
 
 I 
 
 jl 
 
\ 
 
 ill 
 
 I I I 
 
 i| 
 
 492 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Hook was not the only person connected with St. Saviour's 
 who gave tokens of the panic that was created by Newman's 
 secession. The Bishop of Ripon had approved of the plans 
 for the church and of the course of sermons. Now that the 
 church was completed, he objected first to three portions of 
 the west window, then to the cross over the chancel-screen 
 and last of all to the altar-linen, which had been specially 
 worked for the church. Pusey interposed no remonstrance • 
 he left It to the Bishop to give orders for the removal of 
 anythmg of which he disapproved. ' It would have saved 
 expense and vexation,' observed Lady Lucy Pusey, ' if the 
 Bishop had done this before.' 
 
 The visit to Leeds was a great effort to Pusey. He had 
 to go alone. He could no longer associate himself with 
 ' the friend of above twenty-two years, who was to him as 
 his own soul,' with whom he had hitherto shared whatever 
 labours he had undertaken for the Church, 'and whose 
 counsel had been to him for the last twelve years, in every 
 trial, the greatest earthly comfort and stay'.' Nor of the 
 nearer friends who remained was any able to accompany 
 him. His wife's illness detained Keble ; their own ill- 
 health Marriott and Williams. Archdeacon Churton was 
 kept at a distance by misgivings ; Archdeacon Manning by 
 business. Pusey's sense of solitude appears in a letter to 
 his son, who was still at school at Brighton :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO P. E. Pusey. 
 Christ Church, Vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude, 
 My DEAR Philip, i84S, 6 o'cI. [a.m.] 
 
 f1,.„ , ■ • •."^°".*'" Pe'-'^aps have heard in part of my many sorrows ; 
 
 tW.^-?„ K IT? "' •■ "'"'' ^^ ^''^ "^""S^ ^°">« fr«h sorrow 
 
 there is no human help for ,t ; something may be done now and then 
 
 I have been trying what I could do, and this and the sermons I hope 
 
 *brr. i^ f" ^^''^ '^'''" "P ^" ""y ''"'«' ^° 'hat I have not bee^ 
 j.ble to tell you how much joy it gave me, amid all this sorrow, to hear 
 that you were fighting steadily, with God's help. , 
 
 Leeds soon. I write this Ime that you may know about our services 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Leeds Sermons/ pref., p. ii. 
 
 Ill 
 
 The Bishop's Last Objections. 
 
 493 
 
 and pray God to bless what we would wish to be for His glory. The 
 
 Plate will, I hope, be presented on All Saints' Day. 
 
 May He ever bless you. ^ «. . ^ /• i_ 
 
 ' ^ Your affectionate father, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 I am not depressed myself. Things are in God's Hands, and so 
 1 feel like one who, if I live, am to go through a great deal of pain, not 
 knowing how things will end, but only saying, Thy Will be done, Thy 
 Will be done. 
 
 A long day's journey, partly by coach and partly by rail- 
 road, brought Pusey to Leeds late on the evening of the 
 day on which this letter was written. Tired as he was, he 
 had at once to face new difficulties. 
 
 *Hook,' writes the Rev. J. B. Mozley, 'was exceedingly hearty, though 
 very nervous beforehand and apprehensive. He had a declaration 
 against Popery, ready to take off the effect of the meeting in that 
 direction. . . . The Bishop too was dreadfully nervous, and in fact 
 one would suppose Pusey was a lion or some beast of prey, — people 
 seem to have been so afraid of him. The Bishop was afraid of being 
 entrapped into anything, and objected to this and to that V 
 
 It will be remembered that the founder of the new church 
 had made it a first condition of his offer that it should 
 contain an inscription of the words, * Ye who enter this holy 
 place pray for the sinner who built it' This condition had 
 been accepted by the Bishop, * provided the party was alive 
 for whom the prayers were required.' On the eve of the 
 consecration, the Bishop, who had forgotten a consent 
 given in happier circumstances, declined to proceed with the 
 consecration until the inscription was removed. He was 
 told that the church was only built on the condition of its 
 being there. He now expressed his fear that the unknown 
 founder might by this time be dead ; but on being assured 
 that he was alive, the Bishop waived his objection. It was 
 agreed that if the founder should die while his Lordship was 
 still Bishop of Ripon, he should be informed of the event. 
 The founder lived to see the Bishop Primate of all England, 
 and survived him fourteen years. 
 
 Pusey's hope that the Communion plate might be 
 presented on All Saints' Day, without further alteration, was 
 
 * •Letters of Rev. J. B. Mozley/ p. 172. 
 
 :. 
 
 ' 
 
 ; 
 
 ii 
 
 I 
 
 I I 
 
 l| 
 
494 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 disappointed The Bishop objected to the inscribed prayer 
 that God would be merciful to Lucy Pusey. For the time, 
 therefore, the Plate was withheld ; in the following spring 
 Pusey was able to suggest a new inscription ^ which gave 
 
 ifflf- 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 •II 
 
 ■ t 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS (EXTERIOR). 
 
 expression to his deceased daughter's wishes, while it also 
 met with the Bishop s approval. 
 
 The consecration itself, on the Feast of St. Simon 
 
 * The inscriptions finally chosen ran * Calicem salutaris accipiam et sacri- 
 
 as follows : on the paten, • Partem Jicaho hostiam laudis. Alleluia' and 
 
 angelonivimanducavithomo. Alleluia, ' Mors tua sit mihi gloria sempUerna 
 
 Alleluia, Alleluia' \ on the chalice, et nunc et in perpeiuum: 
 
 1 
 
 The Consecration, 
 
 495 
 
 and St. Jude, passed off happily. It was a fine day; 
 a mild October sun did something to relieve the wonted 
 gloom of the neighbourhood. From the early morning 
 the church gates were besieged. The Vicar of Leeds 
 and a large majority of the local clergy took part in the 
 proceedings. Two hundred and sixty clergy in all were 
 present. The people of the neighbourhood gazed with 
 wondering but not unfriendly ^y^ on the unwonted sight of 
 the long procession of surpliced clergy, as it wound up from 
 the schoolroom at the bottom of the hill to the western 
 door of the church. There, beneath the much-questioned 
 inscription, the Bishop received the petition for consecra- 
 tion ; the 24th Psalm was repeated in alternate verses, as 
 the procession passed up the nave ; and the Bishop took 
 his seat on the north side of the altar, where the legal 
 formalities were completed, and the usual service of con- 
 secration proceeded with. The clergy filled the chancel 
 and the transepts ; all the other seats and the passages 
 were closely packed with the laity. Matins were said by 
 the incumbent, the Rev. R. Ward ; the Psalms were chanted 
 to Gregorian tones by the choir of the new church, assisted 
 by that of the parish church. The founder himself chose an 
 anthem befitting the penitential spirit in which the church 
 was offered to Almighty God. It was Atwood's ' Enter 
 not into judgment with Thy servant, O Lord,' and it was 
 sung without an organ accompaniment. The Bishop 
 preached on Isaiah v. 4, taking occasion to point out the 
 blessings which we enjoy as members of the English Church, 
 and the dangers which would be incurred by ungrateful 
 abuse of them. The offertory amounted to £^^^. The 
 Bishop himself was celebrant ; there were ^\q. hundred 
 communicants ; and the service, which had begun at half- 
 past eleven, did not conclude until after four o'clock. 
 
 When, at its conclusion, the clergy reached the school- 
 room which they had left five hours before. Dr. Hook 
 proposed an address to the Bishop, to be signed by the 
 clergy who were present, pledging them to loyalty to the 
 Church of England. With the object of such an address 
 
 i 
 
 s\ 
 
 ( 
 
494 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 disappointed. The Bishop objected to the inscribed prayer 
 that God would be merciful to Lucy Pusey. For the time, 
 therefore, the Plate was withheld ; in the following spring 
 Pusey was able to suggest a new inscription \ which gave 
 
 i 
 
 ST. SAVIOL'R S, LEEDS EXTERIOR). 
 
 expression to his deceased daughter*s wishes, while it also 
 met with the Bishop's approval. 
 
 The consecration itself, on the Feast of St. Simon 
 
 ' The inscriptions finally chosen ran * Calicem salutaris accipiam et sacri- 
 
 as follows : on the paten, ' ranem Jicabo hostiam landis. Alleluia' and 
 
 angelorunimamhtcavithomo. Alleluia^ ' Mors tiia sit mihi i^loria sempiUnia 
 
 Alleluia, Alleluia ' ; on the chalice, et nunc et in perpciuum' 
 
 The Consecration, 
 
 495 
 
 and St. Jude, passed off happily. It was a fine day; 
 a mild October sun did something to relieve the wonted 
 gloom of the neighbourhood. From the early morning 
 the church gates were besieged. The Vicar of Leeds 
 and a large majority of the local clergy took part in the 
 proceedings. Two hundred and sixty clergy in all were 
 present. The people of the neighbourhood gazed with 
 wondering but not unfriendly eyes on the unwonted sight of 
 the long procession of surpliced clergy, as it wound up from 
 the schoolroom at the bottom of the hill to the western 
 door of the church. There, beneath the much-questioned 
 inscription, the Bishop received the petition for consecra- 
 tion ; the 24th Psalm was repeated in alternate verses, as 
 the procession passed up the nave ; and the Bishop took 
 his seat on the north side of the altar, where the leg-al 
 formalities were completed, and the usual service of con- 
 secration proceeded with. The clergy filled the chancel 
 and the transepts ; all the other seats and the passages 
 were closely packed with the laity. Matins were said by 
 the incumbent, the Rev. R. Ward ; the Psalms were chanted 
 to Gregorian tones by the choir of the new church, assisted 
 by that of the parish church. The founder himself chose an 
 anthem befitting the penitential spirit in which the church 
 was offered to Almighty God. It was Atwood's ' Enter 
 not into judgment with Thy servant, O Lord,* and it was 
 sung without an organ accompaniment. The Bishop 
 preached on Isaiah v. 4, taking occasion to point out the 
 blessings which we enjoy as members of the English Church, 
 and the dangers which would be incurred by ungrateful 
 abuse of them. The offertory amounted to £^^^, The 
 Bishop himself was celebrant ; there were five hundred 
 communicants ; and the service, which had begun at half- 
 past eleven, did not conclude until after four o'clock. 
 
 When, at its conclusion, the clergy reached the school- 
 room which they had left ^\^ hours before. Dr. Hook 
 proposed an address to the Bishop, to be signed by the 
 clergy who were present, pledging them to loyalty to the 
 Church of England. With the object of such an address 
 
 \i- 
 
496 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Pusey had, of course, entire sympathy, but the terms in 
 which it was drawn up were too largely due to the heated 
 controversy and panic of the time to be welcome to him. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS (INTERIOR), 
 
 as it appeared some years later. 
 
 The clergy were too tired and hungry to do more than agree 
 that there should be an address, while its terms were left 
 open for further discussion. 
 
 Pusey' s Sermon in the Evening. 
 
 497 
 
 At the evening service Pusey preached to a very crowded 
 congregation. His subject was the loving penitence of 
 St. Mary Magdalen, with whom he associates himself, both 
 in her sin and her repentance. He reminds his audience 
 more than once that the church was the offering of a 
 penitent ; he assures them that ' as yet this stray sheep is 
 not laid up in the everlasting fold,' and that it * was a joy 
 to him that his penitent love had called forth that of 
 others.* All that his hearers knew was that Pusey knew 
 who this penitent was, and they might further have inferred 
 that Pusey knew him intimately. But that the penitent 
 was himself, the preacher, was more than any would have 
 surmised ; although this circumstance added greatly to the 
 power of the sermon. It was sufficient for Pusey that God 
 knew his singleness of purpose, his lowly penitence, his 
 hopeful perseverance in spite of all hindrances, his sincere 
 concern for the souls of his fellow-men. Unaffected by 
 general suspicion, by the hesitancy and changeableness 
 of Hook's support, or by the scarcely concealed distrust of 
 the Bishop, he was able thus quietly, without the knowledge 
 or appreciation of men, to dedicate his noble offering to 
 God. 
 
 During the octave of the consecration, nineteen sermons 
 were preached besides that of the Bishop ; three sermons 
 on four of the days and two on the others. Of these ser- 
 mons Pusey delivered no less than seventeen ^ ; ten were 
 entirely written by him ; the others he preached for their 
 respective writers ; but he appears to have added to each 
 some of his own thoughts. He seems to have broken down 
 when attempting to utter one of the most solemn passages 
 in Keble's sermon on ' the Last Judgment 2.' This sermon 
 is probably the finest in the series, but Pusey's own con- 
 tributions to the course were not unworthy of the occasion. 
 These sermons illustrate, as well as any he has published, the 
 two governing characteristics of his religious mind— the vivid 
 intensity with which he grasped the realities of the unseen 
 
 * The Rev. W. U. Richards and the Rev. W. Dodsworth were able to be 
 present to preach their sermons. * ' Leeds Sermons,' p. 84. 
 
 VOL. IL K k 
 
 
 (. 
 
496 
 
 Life of Edzvard Boitverie Pitsey. 
 
 Pusey had, of course, entire sympathy, but the terms in 
 which it was drawn up were too largely due to the heated 
 controversy and panic of the time to be welcome to him. 
 
 ST. SAVIOURS, LEEDS .INTERIOR), 
 
 as it appeared some years later. 
 
 The clergy were too tired and hungry to do more than agree 
 that there should be an address, while its terms were left 
 open for further discussion. 
 
 Pusey s Sermon in the Evening. 
 
 497 
 
 At the evening service Pusey preached to a very crowded 
 congregation. His subject was the loving penitence of 
 St. Mary Magdalen, with whom he associates himself, both 
 in her sin and her repentance. He reminds his audience 
 more than once that the church was the offering of a 
 penitent ; he assures them that ' as yet this stray sheep is 
 not laid up in the everlasting fold,' and that it * was a joy 
 to him that his penitent love had called forth that of 
 others.' All that his hearers knew was that Pusey knew 
 who this penitent was, and they might further have inferred 
 that Pusey knew him intimately. But that the penitent 
 was himself, the preacher, was more than any would have 
 surmised ; although this circumstance added greatly to the 
 power of the sermon. It was sufficient for Pusey that God 
 knew his singleness of purpose, his lowly penitence, his 
 hopeful perseverance in spite of all hindrances, his sincere 
 concern for the souls of his fellow-men. Unaffected by 
 general suspicion, by the hesitancy and changeableness 
 of Hook's support, or by the scarcely concealed distrust of 
 the Bishop, he was able thus quietly, without the knowledge 
 or appreciation of men, to dedicate his noble offering to 
 God. 
 
 During the octave of the consecration, nineteen sermons 
 were preached besides that of the Bishop ; three sermons 
 on four of the days and two on the others. Of these ser- 
 mons Pusey delivered no less than seventeen ^ ; ten were 
 entirely written by him ; the others he preached for their 
 respective writers ; but he appears to have added to each 
 some of his own thoughts. He seems to have broken down 
 when attempting to utter one of the most solemn passages 
 in Keble's sermon on ' the Last Judgment^.' This sermon 
 is probably the finest in the series, but Pusey 's own con- 
 tributions to the course were not unworthy of the occasion. 
 These sermons illustrate, as well as any he has published, the 
 two governing characteristics of his religious mind— the vivid 
 intensity with which he grasped the realities of the unseen 
 
 * The Rev. W. U. Richards and the Rev. W. Dodsworth were able to be 
 present to preach their sermons. ^ * Leeds Sermons,' p. 84, 
 
 VOL. IL K k 
 
 III 
 
,;.ir 
 
 T t 
 
 Iliti 
 
 i 
 
 498 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 world, and the hopefulness which animated his whole con- 
 ception of the relations between the soul and its Maker and 
 Redeemer. The penitent is conducted from the abyss of 
 humiliation and defilement, but without any compromise of 
 moral truth, to the Presence Chamber of heaven. 
 
 Pusey was much cheered by the spiritual results of this 
 effort, so far as they could be measured* 
 
 * The sermons,' he wrote to Keble, * became a sort of " retreat " for 
 people to think in stillness over very solemn subjects. And yours 
 impressed persons much. It was a very blessed time. God's blessmg 
 seemed visibly settled there. People came, day after day, to the three 
 sermons (mostly), listened very earnestly, and returned home with 
 a deepened sense of responsibility. This was expressed very affectmgly. 
 It was a very cheering week. There seemed such a much deeper spirit 
 among the clergy, a greater sense of the need of intercession.' 
 
 Meanwhile Hook became very uneasy, and false rumours 
 increased his discomfort. He therefore wrote to Pusey 
 expressing his conviction that Newman's secession made 
 a strong anti-Roman declaration necessary, if he was to 
 hold his own in Leeds against Puritanism no less than 
 against Rome. He probably overrated the value of such 
 documents ; he certainly attached to vehement language 
 about Popery a value which it does not possess for any 
 except the impetuous or half-educated. But it is difficult 
 at this date to do full justice to the anxieties of the 
 
 position. 
 
 Pusey received this renewed appeal just as he was pre- 
 paring to preach on the Eve of All Saints. But he lost no 
 time in answering it in terms of characteristic mildness and 
 
 ^^^"^"'^^"- Vigil ofAll Saints, 1845. 
 
 My dear Friend, ** . 
 
 I am looking over my sermon for 7.30, but I wish just to 
 relieve you of your anxiety : first, there is no new clergyman come to 
 St. Saviour's ; secondly, I do not know any Romanizers with me. The 
 only persons whose sermons have been preached are C. Marriott's, 
 J. Keble's, Is. Williams', with Richards and Dodsworth, all of whom 
 
 you knew of. 
 
 You really have no reason to dread St. Saviour's : there has been no 
 reserve with the Bishop. Ward is no Romanizer but devoted to his 
 Master's work simply. He has told the Bishop all he wishes ; pray 
 do not mistrust him, nor think that I am going to make any instrument 
 
 The Address to the Bishop, 
 
 499 
 
 of St. Saviour's. I do not wish to meddle. And I am sure W[ard] 
 needs no advice of mine, although I would say to him what you say. 
 
 With regard to the address to the Bishop, I think it would do good : 
 I do believe much good has been done by this meeting : people, as far 
 as I have seen, are going back to their work more cheerfully and 
 devotedly, with hearts warmed by those fervent responses at the day 
 of the consecration. I have heard nothing which has cheered me so 
 much this long time. With devotion in our Church all will be right 
 in the end. Pray do not make use of the declaration without seeing 
 me. It would be cruel to me to make what is in fact my gift to Leeds 
 (since but for me it would not have been given) an occasion of fresh 
 suspicion against me, by putting out a document which I cannot sign. 
 My dear friend, no one can suspect you of Romanizing, except such as 
 object to what the Church really teaches, as Romanizing, which you 
 know many do. 
 
 Nothing can really have been quieter than the services at St. Saviour's. 
 There has not been a word Romanizing. And they have, by God's 
 blessing, done good, I know, to some consciences. 
 
 Pray have confidence in me that I mean all I say, and say to you 
 
 all I mean. God bless you. 
 
 Your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 It would have been a great misfortune if Pusey and Hook 
 had been unable at this juncture to unite in some expression 
 of hopeful loyalty to the Church of England, although it 
 was plain that Pusey could not assent to the ultra-Protestant 
 kind of manifesto which for the moment Hook was advo- 
 cating. In the end Hook, as generous as he was impulsive, 
 gave way, and the subjoined document, which had been 
 written by Pusey, was forwarded to the Bishop of Ripon : — 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 The late occasion of the consecration of St. Saviour's Church 
 having united together many, whose office lies out of your Lordship's 
 diocese, with those over whom you are set in the Lord ; it will not, we 
 trust, seem out of place, if we take this occasion of expressing in 
 common our respectful sympathy with your Lordship amid the great 
 and sorrowful distresses of this time. Yet amid our deep sorrow for 
 the departure of those who have left our Communion, we trust, that by 
 the mercy of God, there is no ground for discouragement, even in our 
 present manifold distresses, but that His Fatherly Hand which has 
 been over our Church, hitherto preserving and guiding her so mercifully, 
 will be with her to the end. In reliance upon His gracious aid, we 
 earnestly desire to give ourselves the more devotedly to those duties 
 to which He has been pleased to call us in this portion of His vineyard, 
 
 K k :Z 
 
 * ■ 
 
 ! 
 
 !J 
 
500 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 h 
 
 
 in thankful acknowledgement of His great and undeserved mercies 
 vouchsafed to us in it. And since every good gift is from God, we 
 humbly commend ourselves to your Lordship's prayers, as we ourselves 
 hope to offer more fervently henceforth our own imperfect prayers for 
 your Lordship, and other Bishops of our Church. . 
 
 (Signed) W. F. HooK, D.D., Vicar of Leeds. 
 E. B. PUSEY, D.D. 
 
 Edw. Churton, M.A., Vicar of Crayke, 
 and 156 others. 
 
 How completely Hook had recovered the feelings towards 
 Pusey which were natural to him will appear from the 
 letter which Pusey received soon after his return to Oxford. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Vicarage, Leeds, November ii, 1845. 
 
 My very dear Friend, 
 
 I wish much to hear how you are after all your exertions last 
 week, and to tell you how entirely to my satisfaction all things were 
 done. The dear clergy of St. Saviour's seem to be setting to work in 
 good earnest. Ward will preach at the parish church on Sunday, D.V., 
 and I at St. Saviour's. My own flock, who are devoted to the Via 
 Media like their pastor, and who were alarmed at first lest I should be 
 wishing to introduce a Romanizing system, seem to be quite contented 
 with things as they are. I hear from all quarters that much good has 
 been done to the strangers who attended, especially to some wrong- 
 headed but right-hearted young men. 
 
 With reference to your plate, I intend always to remember Her in 
 my commemoration of the Departed, that is, once every day and 
 especially at the Holy Communion. I feel that from my friendship for 
 you I may have the privilege of doing this. 
 
 If in anything relating to the late transactions I have hurt your 
 feelings or expressed my own too strongly, I should ask your forgiveness 
 if I did not feel sure that I have obtained it already. I have been 
 much perplexed and worked upon by opposite parties, and had many 
 troubles, and my nerves are so thoroughly shaken that I mean to go 
 away for a week or ten days. This is very wrong, but I cannot help it : 
 you know not all I have to go through : I mention it now that you may 
 pray for me the more earnestly. 
 
 I think in a preface or dedication of your sermons, it might be 
 expedient to mention the fact that a stronger address was at first 
 designed, but that all hard words were softened that all might unite in 
 expressing devotion to the Church of England. I am afraid when the 
 address goes to the Bishop he will take the opportunity to administer 
 a reproof : I doubt the policy of the measure. I also think you should 
 turn the matter well over in your mind before you dedicate the sermons 
 
 m 
 
 Return to Oxford. 
 
 501 
 
 to him, unless you have his permission. He may think it an attempt 
 to involve him. 
 
 When next you come to Leeds you must be my guest. 
 
 I am, your devotedly attached old friend in the Via Media, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 The memory of * that blessed peaceful week,' as he called 
 it, at St. Saviour's, was a great source of strength and 
 consolation to Pusey in the troubles which now surrounded 
 him at Oxford. His last thoughts about it are expressed 
 in the preface to the volume of sermons which were preached 
 at Leeds, and which were published at the close of the 
 same year. In the subjoined words Pusey takes a last look 
 at a passage in his life which, associated as it was with 
 trouble and anxiety, had yet been so full of encouragement 
 and hope : — 
 
 * On the late occasion God did bless very visibly the solemn services. 
 There seemed, so to say, to be an atmosphere of blessing hanging 
 around and over the Church. How should not one hope it, when, 
 besides those gathered there, many were praying Him, in Whose 
 hands are the hearts of men, and Who turneth not away the face of 
 those who seek Him? It was the very feeling of those engaged, that 
 God was graciously in a heavenly manner present there. He seemed, 
 amid the solemn stillness of those services, to speak in silence to the 
 soul of each; and many hearts were there by His secret call, and 
 through the Holy Eucharist which we were permitted daily to celebrate, 
 stirred to more resolute, devoted service. To Him be the praise. Whose 
 was the gift'.* 
 
 Pusey returned to Oxford only to find himself in the 
 midst of other difficulties created by Newman's departure. 
 One of the first letters he had to write was to the husband 
 of one who had joined the Church of Rome, and to whom 
 Pusey tried to explain how the avoidance of the usual 
 controversial topics against Rome was to be reconciled with 
 tenacious allegiance to the Church of England. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Spencer Northcote. 
 
 Christ Church, Th. after All Saints, 1845. 
 
 I did not answer your wife's letter, being so very hurried, and 
 obliged to do everything against time, and also that I had nothing to 
 
 » < Sermons preached at the Consecration of St. Saviour's, Leeds,' pref. p. ix. 
 
 
 i 
 
 il 
 
 ! 
 
 
 } 
 
502 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 w. 
 
 i< 
 
 II 
 
 s.ay, except what would give pain. Those who go seem to be sadly 
 hurried on. Almost every case seems to me to have that about it 
 which is a token against it. ; 
 
 The first reason why I left off saying anything against Roman 
 doctrine to persons who were drawn towards Rome, was that it seemed 
 to me to be appealing too much to private judgement. It seemed to 
 be making individuals judges between the Churches, whereas the 
 great body in the Church must necessarily be incompetent to enter 
 into the question. Then too controversy seemed to jar the mind, and 
 put it in a bad and irritated state. Then also people seemed to be 
 better bound by their affections than by negatif ns. Our duty to our 
 own Church is irrespective of every question whatsoever as to the 
 Church of Rome. It is our duty to God, Who has placed us in it, and 
 made her the channel of His grace to the soul. This seemed to me 
 a direct appeal to people's affections and responsibilities, whereas, in 
 controversy, they usually forgot both. It seemed to dry them up. 
 
 This was my ground at first. Afterwards I began to hope that the 
 actual decrees to which the Roman Church is bound might be so 
 explained, e.g. by another General Council, that they could be accepted 
 by us, and that the Churches were not hopelessly at variance. But in 
 proportion as one hoped this, one could not but be hindered from 
 speaking against the decrees. I began to hope that what is commonly 
 called * Poper}' ' might not be a part of the formal system to which the 
 Roman Church was actually committed. There is, of course, still 
 a very serious objection to joining a system in which these things are 
 tolerated and encouraged. Still the positive grounds seemed to me 
 most to come home to persons. They are grounds of thankfulness 
 and duty to Almighty God, Who has given us, where we are, so many 
 blessings, so that if any are not saved, it is wholly their own fault. 
 
 The rejection of our own Church is so solemn and awful a step that 
 I believe that it will in the end retain many who would not be retained 
 by any grounds against the Church of Rome. It is rejecting her whom 
 God has not rejected. I wish time could have been gained. People 
 seem hurried away, so as not to give themselves time calmly to see 
 their duty. 
 
 I am very tired with a night journey from Leeds. What I saw there 
 was very encouraging. Indeed, the deepening earnestness of persons 
 in our Church, as it is a token for the future, so it binds one the more, 
 as being a token of God's gracious Presence. 
 
 You will be glad of the enclosed Intercessions. I hope that they 
 will be used widely, and that the religious poor will be able t.o join in 
 the first simple form. 
 
 God bless you ever. 
 
 This is a letter which is obviously dealing with the needs 
 of a particular correspondent. But it is impossible, when 
 once the question of the Roman claims has been raised, to 
 
 Roman Controversy Inevitable, 
 
 503 
 
 prevent an appeal to private judgment, which has to 
 decide just as really whether those claims are accepted 
 or set aside. It is true also, as Pusey says, that contro- 
 versy is pregnant with moral mischief; but when we are 
 confronted with a controversial position, how is it to be 
 avoided ? Pusey is on strong ground— ground which he 
 knew from experience to be strong— when he urges that 
 men are better bound to a Church by their love of her than 
 by their rejection of some other Church. Loving as he 
 did the Church of England devotedly, he could not under- 
 stand how others did not share this affection, or how it 
 could fail to be strong enough in their case, as it was in his, 
 to dispense with the necessity for the controversial weapons 
 of divines of a former generation. But as time went on, 
 the necessities of his position obliged Pusey to abandon, or 
 at least to modify, this non-controversial attitude towards 
 Rome. For Rome made statements which, if true, traversed 
 and rendered impossible the position of the Church of 
 England as a portion of the Body of Christ. But were 
 those statements true? It was practically impossible to 
 avoid this issue, and accordingly, within a few weeks, we 
 find Pusey writing, on the defensive indeed, but still in 
 active controversy with Roman teaching. 
 
 The appearance of Newman's essay on the * Development 
 of Christian Doctrine ' was one of the causes which com- 
 pelled Pusey to recur to a more adverse position with 
 regard to the claims of Rome. Pusey had expressed hopes 
 about that essay in his sanguine way ; but when it appeared, 
 it must have shown him that between him and the friend of 
 so many years a wider gulf existed than he had supposed. 
 Development, as stated by Newman, was, so Pusey thought, 
 more likely to be effectively employed in advancing 
 destructive theories than in the interests of the creed of any 
 portion of the Christian Church ; it was opposed, moreover, 
 to the Vincentian rule of the quod semper, &c., which in 
 Pusey's mind was the base of the Tractarian movement. 
 Certainly in his Whit-Sunday sermon of 1843, Newman had 
 indicated the direction in which his own thoughts were 
 
 j 
 
 t) 
 
 I 
 
 \ 1 
 
I 
 
 I. 
 
 1 1 
 
 !M 
 
 I 
 
 1 1 
 
 504 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 moving ; but Pusey was not attentive to such unwelcome 
 indications, and may easily have persuaded himself to think 
 of the sermon as a theological incident of no particular 
 significance. Now, however, he was face to face with a 
 theory having a peculiar fascination for a large class of 
 modern minds, and obliging him for their sake, if not for 
 his own, to weigh its worth. 
 
 Later in the spring he had occasion to write to the 
 Rev. T. E. Morris, who at the beginning of Lent Term, 
 1846, had resigned his tutorship at Christ Church on 
 account of the secession of his brother, the Rev. J. B. 
 Morris, to the Church of Rome. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. T. E. Morris. 
 
 My dear Morris, 
 
 Christ Church, March 6, 1846. 
 
 It was a comfort to us to see you undisturbed amid so severe 
 a shock. I am very sorry to see your brother so vehement : it is out 
 of love for us ; but I wish he had more love for her through whom he 
 has become whatever, by God's grace, he is. No good can come from 
 thus shutting the eyes to all there is of good in her that nurtured him, 
 and calling her * The Establishment,' as Lord J. Russell, &c. do. Cope- 
 land said this morning, * I could have imagined any amount of good, 
 if each side were alive to see what there is of good and noble in 
 the other ; but no good can come of this.' Some, I hear, of those who 
 have gone over, have been sorely disappointed at what they have 
 found (not of those with whom your brother is) ; they had left a higher 
 standard than they found. I trust they may do good in raising it. 
 But will none ever leave their stiff theory of ' extraordinary grace,' and 
 when people are drawing their life from Sacraments, will they always 
 
 think that the Sacraments 1 cannot write it. However, we must 
 
 have patience and pray. Mysterious as it all is, I cannot think that such 
 good men as J. H. N. and your brother will be thrown away there, sorely 
 disappointing as to me dear N.'s extreme line is, and unconvincing. It 
 seems to throw me further back ; I had hoped that things which go so 
 far beyond their own Formularies would have disappeared. I could 
 not imagine dear N. writing, as the French R. C. writers do, of the 
 Blessed Virgin, and exciting the feelings by descriptions of her love 
 and tenderness. It would be an entirely different r^Bo^ from his 
 sermons. And I cannot think it will be. But his defence in his 
 essay is as disappointing to me as it is unsatisfactory. If the French 
 language is to come in, I do not see (as Bishop Medley said to me 
 once) of what use the Epistle to the Hebrews is to be to us. . . . 
 
 \%\ 
 
 The Anti-Roman Position. 
 
 505 
 
 Remember me, with kind sympathy, to your father. Things are 
 deeply mending, if we wait, work, and pray. 
 
 God be with you ever. yours affectionately 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 Friday after First Sunday in Lent, 1846. 
 
 Macmullen is gone to J. K. at Hursley. Dear Williams is sinking 
 very gently. The Heads say, * We want peace.' I wish it had been 
 found out sooner. 
 
 Writing to another person on March 2, 1846, Pusey 
 expresses his convictions, as he took stock of them after 
 the recent shock, in the following terms : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO A Lady. 
 
 Christ Church, first Monday in Lent, 
 Feb. [March] 2, 1846. 
 To sum up what I mean as to our position, I believe with our 
 divines — 
 
 1. That the authority of the Pope, which was set aside, was human 
 and not Divine. 
 
 2. That the Pope, excommunicating unjustly Queen Elizabeth and 
 her adherents, his sentence was not confirmed in heaven against us, as 
 the event shows. 
 
 3. That there were real corruptions at the time (as R. C.'s confess), 
 which we set ourselves to reform by ourselves, having a right so to do, 
 whether it was the wisest course or no. 
 
 4. That in so doing, and in the Reformation itself, we contravened 
 no decision of the Church, nor ruled anything contrary to the faith. 
 
 5. That having the Apostolic Succession, we have the Sacraments, 
 and being neither heretics nor schismatics, we have their grace, with the 
 power of the keys. 
 
 6. That having these, we have all things necessary to our salvation, 
 and that those among us who would be saved anywhere, would be 
 saved in the Church of England. 
 
 7. That having the Succession, we are the Catholic Church in 
 England, i. e. that Church which God planted here for man's salvation. 
 (This I say without implying anything as to R. C.s among us, although 
 I think the temper shown, as among the Irish, certainly is no mark in 
 their favour.) 
 
 8. That having been placed by God in this Church, we have no 
 right to choose for ourselves. 
 
 9. That there are very serious things in the Roman Communion 
 which ought to keep us where we are. I would instance chiefly the 
 system as to the Blessed Virgin as the Mediatrix and Dispenser of all 
 present blessings to mankind. (I think nothing short of a fresh 
 Revelation could justify this.) Then the sale of Masses as applicable 
 
 IV 
 
 t> 
 
5o6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 to the departed, the system of Indulgences as applied to the departed, 
 the denial of the Cup to the laity. 
 
 lo. I should also say, that if it were clear that the Church of Rome 
 was the Church, of course we should have nothing to do but to 
 submit. While we do not see this, then such grounds as I have 
 named, which we cannot see to be right, are strong grounds for re- 
 maining where we are. I feel at once held by the Church of England, 
 and repelled by these things in the Roman Church. I find myself 
 (with our divines) as far off as ever from being able to use the prayers 
 to the Blessed Virgin they use, and repelled by the language of their 
 devotional book— 'have recourse to Jesus and Mary'; 'by the aid of 
 Jesus and Mary.* 
 
 I cannot think that all this, so different from what one finds in the 
 early centuries, can be right. It goes far beyond the Council of Trent ; 
 yet however hereafter, in any reconciliation of the Churches, those 
 decrees might be ruled so as not to authorize this, an individual cannot 
 act thus. He will not separate the letter from the practical system. 
 It would be wrong to join the Roman Church unless one was convinced 
 beyond all doubt that it was the only Church ; that out of it was no 
 salvation. Now it may be these very things are marks that we 
 should not consider her thus exclusively the Church. She is unlike 
 the Church when the Church was one. Claims of power which had 
 been limited by General Councils divided the East and West. The 
 temporal claim of Rome has a note upon it, that it has been the 
 breaker of unity, first in the East, at last with ourselves. And Rome 
 herself has suffered by it. As I said in my last, grave persons speak 
 of the Court of Rome as having been the most wicked in Europe ; 
 none can speak more strongly of [those] times than Baronius ; a very 
 religious Roman Catholic nobleman at Rome so speaks now. It is the 
 temporal authority which has made it so. This may well make one 
 pause ere one commits oneself to believe that that system alone, not 
 being that even of the first five centuries, is Divine. * As far as the 
 constitution of the Church is concerned,' Mr. N. wrote rightly in 1840, 
 * the separation between Rome and England does not constitute so 
 great a difference from the age of St. Cyprian, as does the ecclesiastical 
 monarchy of Hildebrand from that of St. Augustine.' 
 
 In spite of this being the real state of Pusey 's mind, it 
 was natural enough that Newman should hope for his 
 conversion to Roman Catholicism. They had worked 
 together for so many years, they had been on terms of such 
 intimacy and generally of such entire sympathy with each 
 other, that it required in both of them a severe effort of the 
 imagination to anticipate that they would work apart from, 
 and, on certain subjects, in opposition to each other for 
 
 Intercourse with Newman after his secession. 507 
 
 the remainder of their lives. Thus it was that at first 
 Newman may have expressed himself in private more or 
 less confidently on the subject of Pusey's* conversion to 
 Rome, especially to younger men who had looked up 
 to both of them. Writing with the unrestrained fervour of 
 a neophyte, who no doubt, without meaning it, read his own 
 reflections or wishes into Newman's words, Mr. J. B. Morris 
 actually ventured to report to his brother: 'Inter nos, 
 N. thinks from past events in P.'s life that he must ere 
 long be deranged or a Catholic' Neither of these alterna- 
 tives was to be realized in the sense of the writer; the 
 world had abundant evidence of Pusey's sanity to the end 
 of a long life, and all efforts to induce him to become ' a 
 Catholic,* otherwise than as he had always been, were 
 doomed to disappointment. 
 
 After Newman's secession the friends saw nothing of each 
 other for two months. The walks to Littlemore were dis- 
 continued. At the end of Term, in December, Newman 
 called at Christ Church. Pusey afterwards spoke of New- 
 man's manner as ' sharp.' They met again on February 18, 
 and this meeting also would seem to have been marked by 
 a certain constraint. Newman followed it up by a letter 
 which depicts in his own inimitable way his affection and 
 his disappointment. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Littlemore, Feb. 21, 1846. 
 My very dear Pusey, 
 
 How rightly I judged that it was best at present that we should 
 not meet I This has been the reason of my keeping away from you. 
 Since 1 saw you on Wednesday, I have heard that you thought my 
 manner, on the only time I called, at the beginning of December, 
 sharp. Such misunderstandings must be just now. What good then 
 is there in meeting to mistake each other? It is the same with writing. 
 I cannot write so as to please even myself. W. U. Richards, as hearing 
 from you, spoke of this supposed sharpness of mine to Morris, as an 
 evidence of deterioration of ^^oy in me, which should act as a dissuasive 
 from joining the Church of Rome. That is, a number of persons are 
 making great sacrifices in credit and circumstances : their brethren, 
 who feel called to remain as they were, pass this over altogether, and 
 in the face of it have the heart to scrutinize the details of their manner 
 in conversation, in order to find a charge against them. Surely such 
 
 
 i 
 
 . 
 
 
5o8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 critics are in want either of arguments for their own cause, or of charity. 
 
 May none of us hereafter be judged by so severe a judgement as is 
 
 now exercised towards the converts generally! And after all, that 
 
 severity perhaps has no other foundation than the newness of their 
 
 position, which their censors have not entered into. 
 
 Would I could say something which would sound less cold than this, 
 
 but really I dare not. I could not without saying something which 
 
 would seem rude. Alas ! I have no alternative between silence and 
 
 saying what would pain. May the day come, when it will not be so. 
 
 Then old times will come again, and happier. 
 
 Till then, _, or • . 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 This letter was written during the last hours which 
 Newman spent alone in his home at Littlemore, when his 
 heart was full almost to breaking of the memories of the 
 past. On the following day, Quinquagesima Sunday, 
 February 22, he left Littlemore, and spent the evening with 
 his friend, Manuel Johnson, at the Observatory, where he 
 passed the night. Copeland, who was with them, kept 
 Pusey informed of what had passed, and on the following 
 morning, when his nine o'clock Hebrew lecture was over, 
 Pusey went up to the Observatory to say good-bye to his 
 old friend, who was to leave Oxford for good later in 
 the day. 
 
 Pusey was too much distressed to say more than he 
 could help. He wrote to Keble within the two days- 
 February 22 and 23— without alluding to the subject which 
 filled his heart. But he sent after Newman to Oscott 
 a short note, to assure him of his affection. This note 
 drew from Newman an appeal which had been impossible 
 during their interviews with each other; it expresses the 
 tone— happily transient— of the new convert, and gives 
 a picture of Pusey 's religious progress and position which 
 in the 'Apologia' he acknowledged to be quite erroneous. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Maryvale, Oscott, Birmingham. 
 My dear Pusey, Feb. 26, 1846. 
 
 Thank you for your affectionate note. I will but say that 
 I cannot conceive, and will not, that the subject of so many prayers 
 
 i. 
 
 
 Decreasing Intercourse. 
 
 509 
 
 as are now offered for you, beginning at Rome, and reaching to 
 Constantinople and England, should ultimately remain where you are. 
 And I am confirmed in this expectation by observing how very much 
 you have changed your views year by year. I think the year can hardly 
 be named which you ended with the same view of the Roman Church 
 as you began it. And every change has been an approximation to 
 that religion. 
 
 This, my dearest Pusey, is an earnest which satisfies me about the 
 future, though I don't tell others so— nor am I anxious or impatient at 
 the delay, for God has His own good time for everything. What does 
 make me anxious, is, whenever I hear that, in spite of your evident 
 approximation in doctrine and view to the Roman system, you are 
 acting in hostility against it, and keeping souls in a system which you 
 cannot bring out into words, as I consider, or rest upon any authority 
 besides your own. 
 
 Excuse this freedom, and do not let me pain you. I am in a house 
 in which Christ is always present as He was to His disciples, and 
 where one can go in from time to time through the day to gain strength 
 from Him. Perhaps this thought makes me bold and urgent. 
 
 .Ever yours very affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 Pusey did not reply for a fortnight. He then wrote to 
 announce the recovery of the Rev. I. Williams from the 
 illness which had so long threatened his life. He added: — 
 
 Thank you very much for your most affectionate note. I have given 
 a wrong impression about myself in some things. But I have not time 
 to explain now. And explanation could only give pain. 
 
 Ever your very affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Christ Church, Third Sunday in Lent, 1846. 
 
 t 
 
 The intervals in their correspondence were lengthening. 
 A month later Newman acknowledged Pusey's note. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Maryvale, April 15, 1846. 
 I do not like Easter to pass without your getting a line from me to 
 assure [you] of my love and constant thoughts of you. My love to the 
 children too, with one or other of whom I suppose you are. 
 
 Your news about Isaac Williams was most cheering. There have 
 been many prayers offered up here, that he might be reserved, till he 
 was a Catholic— but all is in God's hand. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman, 
 
 II 
 
 >i 
 
 
 i 
 
 i ■ 
 
Ii 
 
 510 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Pusey did not acknowledge this note. On July 11 
 Newman wrote again : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 My dear Pusey, ^7 Grosvenor Place, July 11, 1846. 
 
 I wish it were not my lot to write letters distressing to your kind 
 heart. It will not always be so, I do believe. Our present sorrows are 
 the necessary process of a joyful end. 
 
 You may guess what I write about. Mrs. Bowden expected that her 
 last letter, enclosing your papers, would have prepared you for what 
 then was to be, and now has taken place. However, from your letter 
 received this morning she finds it has not sufficiently done so. She has 
 asked me in consequence to write a line to you to express her concern, 
 that one so considerate and anxious as you have shown yourself in 
 her trial, should have been accidentally left unacquainted with the 
 termination in which it has issued. 
 
 Ever yours, my dear Pusey, 
 
 Very affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 This note obliged Pusey, as he thought, to make his real 
 position clearer to Newman, and to put an end to the 
 unfounded expectations in which Newman's affection 
 induced him to indulge. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 My dear Newman, Tenby, Sunday night, July 12, 1846. 
 
 Thank you very much for your kind and tender letter, as well 
 as for that which I had at Easter. 1 did not write sooner, partly 
 because I have been much overworked for a long time, till now, when 
 I am told to recruit, partly because I thought I could hardly write 
 anything which would not pain you. For^^u have one wish for me ; 
 and I am no nearer that than heretofore. I cannot unmake myself; 
 I cannot see otherwise than I have seen these many years ; I have 
 come to think otherwise in some details ; but as [to] the one point 
 upon which all turns, I am no nearer to thinking that the English 
 Church is no true part of the Church, or that inter-communion with 
 Rome is essential, or that the present claims of Rome are Divine. 
 I earnestly desire the restoration of unity, but I cannot throw myself 
 into the practical Roman system, nor renounce what I believe our 
 gracious Lord acknowledges. 
 
 And so I must go on, with joy at the signs of deepening life among 
 us, and distress at our losses, and amazement that Almighty God 
 vouchsafes to employ me for anything, and thinking it less than I ought 
 to expect when ever>thing is brought to a contrary issue from what 
 I desire. 
 
 f 
 
 Unchanging Faith in the English Church, 511 
 
 I know that you too will joy at all at which I joy, in itself ; for you 
 must joy far more than I at any signs of increasing holiness, or the 
 return of penitents. Yet if I were to write that there were these 
 consolations, I feared lest you should think that I was propping myself 
 up by these tokens of God's grace. Yet it is a subject of joy, both in 
 itself, since it is so to the blessed Angels, and as showing the Presence 
 of His grace, more evidently than heretofore, drawing souls to Himself. 
 
 I wished also that the writer of the article upon me in the Dublin 
 Review should know that he entirely misunderstood the grounds upon 
 which I said no more about the Roman Church in my sermon on the 
 power of the keys, i. e. that I had no such motives as he ascribed to me. 
 But this privately only. I have no wish to be less censured. I was . 
 pained by several things. I should have thought a person who knew 
 so much ought to have known more, and he would not so have written. 
 However, it is my own fault, if it is not useful to me. ... No good can 
 come from these personalities ; however, there will be all sorts of 
 blunders and mutual pain at first. 
 
 Thank you much for your kind message through C. as to your 
 probable destination. I felt very glad you would be there, although 
 one could not help a pang that the Propaganda is in part directed 
 towards England. However, I have a faith that all will come right, 
 wherever you are, though I see not how ; and all, past and present, is to 
 me a great mystery which I sigh over. 
 
 I am here recruiting, having had a cough, off and on, for these seven 
 months, but it has now nearly disappeared. I was feeling very worn, 
 but now, by God's mercy, have a feeling of returning health, which 
 I have not had these many sore months. 
 
 I have not sent you my little * adapted ' books, since I hear some 
 R. C.s are very much displeased about them, although others have 
 been very kind. You will know how sick at heart it makes me to 
 write this. 
 
 You will be kindly glad to hear that poor Philip is going on well in 
 spirit, while in body more crippled and with more disease. He has, 
 at last, given up, amid his increasing disorders, the one wish of his 
 heart, to enter Holy Orders, and has now, he says, one only thing to 
 live for, that God's Will should be fulfilled in him and his own will 
 perfectly conformed to His. You will remember Him the more for this 
 his wish. 
 
 My head is half in a whirl, with all the thoughts of the past, in 
 writing such a letter as this to you. 
 
 God be with you ever. your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 I cannot write on the subject of your letter, nor would you wish me. 
 Thank Mrs. B[owden] for wishing me to hear, as would least pain me. 
 C. Marriott's love. 
 
 But the prolonged strain had been too much for Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
512 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \\ 
 
 A fortnight later he was dangerously ill. He wrote a short 
 note in pencil from his sick bed to ask for Newman's 
 prayers. 
 
 Tenby, July 30, 1846. 
 My dearest N. 
 
 1 am very seriously ill, although not as yet mortally. A low- 
 fever has settled in a weak part, the membranes of the chest : it seems 
 to increase and my strength to diminish. The physician does not think 
 it will end fatally. You will pray earnestly that God will have mercy 
 upon my body and soul, and spare a sinner, and give him true 
 repentance. 
 
 Ever yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Pusey rapidly became too ill to write or read letters. 
 Newman wrote for a further account, and, getting no 
 answer, he fancied that Pusey must be in greater danger 
 than was really the case, and set off for Tenby to see him 
 once more. Pusey had rallied somewhat, but the inter- 
 view caused a relapse. A few days later Philip wrote to 
 Newman : — 
 
 * My father wishes me to tell you that the object of your prayers has 
 not yet been granted, for although the physician says he is better, 
 yet this is the day in which there has been most fever and weakness.' 
 
 Happily it was not long before Pusey entirely recovered. 
 But after this there was no intercourse between the friends 
 for seven years. Their mutual affection underwent no 
 change ; but such a silence was probably necessary if they 
 were to understand the permanence of their new and altered 
 relations to each other. Gradually Pusey abandoned the 
 hope which had for a moment flitted before his mind that 
 Newman might some day return to his old place in the 
 English Church ; and Newman learnt that Pusey was not, 
 and never really had been, likely to take the step which he 
 himself had taken. From time to time his later letters 
 may have expressed hopes which may be right and 
 charitable in a sincere Roman Catholic, but his deliberate 
 judgment is given in the 'Apologia.' He tells us that 
 when he became a Roman Catholic he was often asked, 
 'What of Dr. Pusey.?* and he adds, 'When I said that 
 I did not see symptoms of his doing as I had done, I was 
 
 Newman's maturer estimate of Pusey. 513 
 
 sometimes thought uncharitable 1.' It would seem that, as 
 time passed, Newman had gradually perceived that the 
 language and the hesitations on Puse/s part, which he had 
 in 1845-6 interpreted as meaning approximation to the 
 Church of Rome, were really due to an intense affection for 
 himself, and that Pusey's convictions respecting his own 
 duty had undergone no change whatever since the days of 
 their early friendship. Thus in the same passage he says ;— 
 
 * People are apt to say that he [Pusey] was once nearer to the Catholic 
 Church than he is now ; I pray God that he may be one day far nearer 
 to the Catholic Church than he was then ; for I believe that, in his 
 reason and judgment, all the time that I knew him, he never was near 
 to it at all^' 
 
 This seems an appropriate point at which to pause in the 
 account of Pusey's life. The events recorded in this last 
 chapter have in a special way displayed his strength and 
 character under very trying circumstances, and given oppor- 
 tunities for a fair estimate of his true position as a faithful 
 son of the Church of England. In the whole project of 
 St. Saviour's, its building, its consecration, and all the 
 attendant circumstances and controversies, the following 
 aspects of Puse/s work, character, and position are specially 
 illustrated. First, the history shows the quiet way in which, 
 wisely and boldly, as well as with self-effacing liberality, he 
 hoped to build up and extend the Church by strengthening 
 her hold over the masses of population in the great cities. 
 Again, it illustrates that persistent temper of mind (with 
 occasional fluctuations of despondency, it is true) which 
 enabled him to persevere under the specially depressing 
 and annoying opposition that met him, and the exaggerated 
 suspicions characteristic of the time. But, further, it shows 
 the method by which he determined to assert and defend 
 the true principles and claims of the Church of England. 
 He as much as any one realized and deplored the danger 
 that resulted from the secession of Newman ; but he was 
 not to be led aside into indiscreet violence and denunciation 
 with a view of defending himself and others against the 
 
 * • Apologia,* p. 138. 2 Ibid. 
 
 VOL. II. L 1 
 
 \ 
 
 { 
 
 I', 
 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
 I 
 
514 l^if^ 9f Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 general charge of Romanizing. He contented himself with 
 a calm and restrained appeal to the ancient and primitive 
 teaching of the Church, and with the evidences of life and 
 practice as a natural outcome of that teaching. In dark 
 days, when hearts were failing, and friends were straying 
 away from the fold of the English Church, and beckoning 
 him to follow ; whilst a vast mass of obloquy and misun- 
 derstanding, taking every shape that could wound a sensi- 
 tive and affectionate nature, fiercely bade him begone, he 
 had to defend himself more than once against the double 
 assault ; to show that in his loyalty to Christian Antiquity, 
 he had only taken the Church of England at her word ; to 
 show that she offered all the blessings, whilst she was free 
 from great drawbacks that are to be found elsewhere ; but 
 also to show that in resolutely making the most of all the 
 positive truth that she directly or implicitly sanctions, lies 
 the best safeguard in the long run against disloyalty to her 
 claims. This method— suspected by some, scoffed at by 
 others, and utterly contrary to the whole tide of popular 
 prejudice— may truly be said to have been justified in the 
 sequel. Every one acknowledged that a critical moment 
 in the Revival had come. That Revival was no longer a 
 movement in Oxford— it had begun widely to affect the 
 whole Anglican Communion. And it was at this critical 
 moment that Pusey's power was shown. He had learnt, 
 from Keble and through Newman, the strength and claims 
 of the Anglican position, and in faith and hope was ready 
 to defend it with his own method and with true weapons. 
 Thus, in spite of everything adverse, he was able to rally 
 round him the more devoted of the younger clergy and to 
 point them to a higher and a brighter future. 
 
 It was in a very true sense, then, wider and deeper than 
 even Pusey himself understood, that *an atmosphere of 
 blessing* hung around the consecration of St. Saviour's. 
 It was God's blessing on Pusey's faith and devotion — it 
 was His benediction on the renewed life of His Church 
 in England. 
 
 INDEX TO VOLS. I. AND II. 
 
 A. 
 
 AcIand,SirH.W.,i.,78«. 
 Ac and, Sir Thomas, i. 295. 
 
 ii'i ""-^"'"^^^^^^^^ 
 
 Additional Curates Fund, sermon in 
 aid of, 11. 23. 
 
 ^Tm. '° *' ^''P- °^ Canterbury, 
 
 Address" to the Vice-chancellor, on 
 
 P._s^saspens.on,ii. 336; second, on 
 
 ' Aikenhead, Mrs. Maiy, Life of," cited, 
 
 11. 347. 
 
 Aldate's, St.. Oxford, house in, 
 
 CoenobiUum,'i.339; ii. 139. 
 Alexander, M. S., Anglo-Prussian Bp. 
 at Jerusalem, 11. 2«;5. 2<;k 
 
 Ambrose, St., Ham^;n'o%i.4,s; 
 F. s preface to, 439. ^ ^ ' 
 
 Ammon, Dr. von, i. 149. 
 
 Andrea, i. 159,172. 
 
 Andrewes, Bp., ii. 148, 3,, ^go 
 
 Anglo-Catholic Librtr^, 1^1^' 
 
 a86^ °' ^^'^^°S'' P'^^^^^' »• 
 Apocrypha and S. P. C. K., ii. ig. 
 A(|umas, St. Thomas, < Catena Aurea/ 
 
 Arabic Catalogue, i. 203, 204, 27c 
 
 riiP'-''^^^^^"^^^"^^P«"^e"ce,' , 
 
 5"c 1a]- '"4 ' ''^ ^^"^^*^ ^^^°™' 
 325, ap5; Tract on Fasting, 282 
 
 in ^/r^^L"^?'^^^^^'^ Mali^ants- 
 m Edinburgh Review, 382, ,8^ 
 
 fatistr^^^- ^- ^-'^^dvice'o'n 
 2^ '^* °^' "^"^ ' ^^*th of, ii. 
 
 Arnold Historical Essay, ii. 297. 
 
 'f^ ^T^^^ ^^^" Tract 90 recon- 
 sidered. Letter to Jelf, by E. B. P ' 
 n. 212-215. 
 Anmdel, accident at, ii. m. 
 
 Ll 
 
 Ascot, i. 288. 
 
 ^'.?^?: }^^^ (aften^-ards Earl of 
 Shaftesbury), i. 24,25.295; ii. 264, 
 
 AshworJ,;. A.CB.N.C.),i.339 • 
 Asiatic Translation Society, i. 21c 
 Association of Friends of the Church » 
 1. 268. ' 
 
 Athanasius, St., i. 436. 
 
 Attomey-General's opinion on Hamp- 
 den case, 1. 387. ^ 
 
 Augusti, i. 107. 
 
 — AntiV^'r"n'^^5,436,438. 
 Anti-Pelagian Treatises, ii. 117 
 
 —-Confessions, the,' edited by 
 
 E. B. P., first vol. of Library of the 
 
 Avila Juan d', ii. 389. 
 Avrillon, ii. 389, 393. 
 
 B. 
 
 Badeley, E., ii. 330, 339.34,, 353, 
 
 Badger, Shropshire, P.'s first sermon 
 at, 1. 144. 
 
 Bagot Bp ii. 14; Charge of, 1838, 
 .^2-63; 68, 71,73, 115, 131, ,3^4 
 
 T^^T ^°' '^^-^^5. 186, 187 
 188. 189, 192, 194, 196-198, 202, 
 206. 208 230, 237, 266, 268, 274 
 Charge of, 1842, 286,287; 356-358 
 360, 362, 379, 464. ^5 , 
 
 Bail, 11. 389. 
 
 Bandinel, Dr., Bodleian Librarian ii 
 114. ' ' 
 
 Baptism. See Tract. 
 
 Bar-Hebraeus, i. 98, 99. 
 
 Barker. F. M. R. (Oriel), i. 339. 
 
 Barker, Mana Catharine, i. 22, 27, 20 
 
 "6, 119, 123, 124-128, 130, 131; 
 
 pu:;;.'^VsT' '''' '''^ '''' '''' 
 
 Barker, Raymond, i. 23, 115 
 Barnes, Dr Sub-dean and Canon of 
 Christ Church, i. 193. 
 
 
 ! 
 
5i6 
 
 Index. 
 
 Index. 
 
 517 
 
 Bayley, E. G. (Pembroke College), 
 
 Proctor, ii. 435- 
 Beauvais Cathedral, 1. 28. ^ 
 Bellarmine, ' Art of Dying, n. 389. 
 Bellasis, E. (afterwards Serjeant), n. 
 
 Benson, Dr'. Christopher, ii. 79- 
 Benson, Rev. R. M., Intercessory 
 
 Manual of, 11. I35- ^ 
 Berlin, Pusey at, i. 78-87, 95-97- 
 
 Bernstein, i 20:i. _,,__. ,,^ 
 Bialloblotzky, Dr. Ch. K. F., i. 160. 
 Biblical Repertory, 1. 161. 
 Bickersteth, Rev. E., i. 435- 
 BlackwoocTs Magazine, 1. 235. 
 Bleek, Professor, i. 95- 
 
 Bligh, Sir J. D., at Kton, 1. 13. 
 Blomfield,Bp. (of London),!. 16^169, 
 
 170, 172, 329,426; ".37, 23a »., 
 
 237. 249, 255. 272, 438. 
 Boddington, Miss, 1. I44» '45- 
 Boden Professorship of Sanscrit, 1. 
 
 Boisen, L. N., i. 108,122. 
 
 Bonn, Pusey at, i. 105, 178; , 
 
 Bouverie, Hon. Philip (afterwards 
 
 Pusey), father of E. B. P., 1. 1-4, MO- 
 Bowden, J. W., i. 200. 277; u. 152, 
 
 155' 398,408. 
 Bowdler, John, 1. 259. .. 
 
 Bowstead, Bp. of Lichfield, 11. 237. 
 Boyle, Robert, ii. 389- 
 Brancker, Rev. T., ii. 167. 
 Brandis, Professor, i. 107. 
 Brasenose petition, presented to tne 
 
 Vice-Chancellor, i. 379. 
 
 Bretschneider, i. I49- , . , .. 
 Breviary, proposed translation ol, 11. 
 
 145-148, 390-396. . 
 
 Brewster, Sir David, ^•CJ^'/-^?^-. , 
 Bright, Dr. W. (Prof, of Eccl. Hist.). 
 
 i. 436, 439- .. ,„^ -,^ 
 
 Brighton, i. 329* 33i *, i*- io9» "9» 
 
 Bristol, Marquis of, at Eton, i. I3- 
 
 British Association at Oxford, i. 219. 
 
 British Critic, the, i. 161, 235, 364; 
 ii. 5. 78, ii7» 15»» 208, 219, 223, 
 ^^i, 411. , , 
 
 British Magazine, the, i. 235, 2O3, 
 283,327,328.331,334; "•3,4«» 
 
 Broihe^hood of the Holy Trinity, ii. 
 
 135. 
 Brougham, Lord, i, 294. 
 Brown, R. (F.R.S.), i. 219. 
 Buckden.i. 19-21. 
 Buckland, Dr. William, i. 19.V 
 Budleigh-Salterton, ii. 109, 112, 1 15, 
 
 119. 
 
 Bull, Dr., i. 325-327- 
 
 Bulteel, H., i. 197-.. „ _, 
 
 Bunsen, Chevalier, u. 248, 250, 250. 
 
 Bunsen, Christian, i. 77- , . ,,^ 
 Burgess, Bp. (of Salisbury), i. 220, 
 
 382. 
 Burke, E., i. 254. ^ ^ ._, ^r 
 Burton, Rev. E.. D.D. (Reg. Prof. 
 
 Div.), i. 23, »90, 227, 367- 
 * Byronism,' i. 41-43' 
 
 Calixtus, i. 160. 
 
 Calvin, i. 3.H- , ^ . «, .0/: 
 
 Cambridge, Archdeacon, 1. 183, 18O. 
 ' Canonicus,' signature of P. m tne 
 
 British Magazine, ii. 4- 
 Canon Law, cited, ii. 318. 
 Canterbury, Abp. of. f^^ "f^i^y- „ 
 Cardwell, Dr. (Principal of St. Alban 
 
 Hall), i. 385- . 
 Carnarvon, Lord, 1. 2, 294. 
 Carpenter, Dr. L., i. 219. 
 Carter, Rev. T.,i. 12. 
 Casting Lots, ii. I.«i7' _ . 
 Catalogue of Arabic MSS., i. 203, 204, 
 
 27s, 287, 295, 323- 
 Cathedral reform,i. 225-231.233-235, 
 
 39i» 397- T> * : T 
 
 Cave, Sir Thomas, Bart, 1. i. 
 
 ' Cecil, Richard, i. 281 
 Ceremonial, revival of, u. 14, »4»- 
 Chaldee, Pusey studies, 1. 96- 
 Chalmers, Dr., i. 234- ^^ . 
 Champneys, Kcv. W. W., i. 305- 
 Chandler, Dr. (Dean of Chichester). 
 
 Chanter, Rev. J. M., ii. 39? 
 Chapel Royal, St. James , 1. 17- 
 Chapman, James (afterwards Bp.), at 
 
 Eton, i 13- 
 Chateaubriand, i. 253. 
 Christ Church Cathedral, spire ot, i. 
 
 235. 
 Christian Advocate, the, i. 404- .. 
 Christian Observer, the,i. 278 ; u. 10, 
 
 Christian Remembrancer, the, ii. 411- 
 'Christian Year, The.' i. 128, 224, 
 
 371 ; ii. 48, 96, I05' 
 Christie, A. J., ii. 442. 443- 
 Chrysostom, St., Homilies on the 
 
 New Testament, i. 41 7» 436- 
 
 on the Romans, i. 438, 439* 
 
 on the Statues, u 443- . _^ 
 
 Church, Rev. R. W. (Dean of St. 
 
 Paul's), i. 66-69, 358, 389, 430» 
 
 434, 436; ii. 363. 432, 433, 434- 
 Church in London, wanU ot, i. S^Z- 
 
 Churton, Rev. E. (afterwards Arch- 
 deacon), i. 24, 318, 257; ii. 368- 
 
 270, 432, 489- 
 Churton, Rev. H. B. W., i. 305. 
 Churton, Rev. T. T. (B. N. C.), one of 
 
 the Four Tutors, ii. 167. 
 Clarke, Rev. J. W., ii. 471. 
 Clarke, Sir James, ii. 95. 
 Claudius, i. 157. 
 Claughton, Rev. P. C. (afterwards 
 
 Bishop), i. 337. 
 
 * Clement, Father,' ii. a. 
 
 Clerke, Rev. C. C. (afterwards Arch- 
 deacon of Oxford), i. 34, 387, 334. 
 Clinton, Fynes, i. 33. 
 Close, Rev. F., i. 123, 134-138. 
 Cockey, Rev. E., ii. 167. 
 
 * Coenobitium, the,* i. 339; ii. 139. 
 Colchester, Lord, i. 183. 
 Coleridge, Rev. E., i. 13 ; ii. 414. 
 Coleridge, H. N.. i. 13. 
 Coleridge, Mr. Justice (Sir J. T.). 
 
 i. 60. 198, 361, 363; ii. 177, 339, 
 
 342. 
 Coleridge, S. T., i. 354. 
 Colquhoun, Mr., ii. 165. 
 Condemned Sermon, the, ii. 306-363. 
 Confirmation, i. 17 «. 
 Conservative Journal, the. ii. 398. 
 Convocation of the University, i. 385, 
 
 387 ; ii. 384, 287, 290. 
 Convocation of 1571, quoted, i. 417. 
 Conybeare, Mr., Bampton Lecturer, i. 
 
 147. 
 Copeland, Rev.W. J. (Trinity College), 
 
 i- 305, 342; ii. 174, 312, 346, 395, 
 
 396, 442, 487, 488. 
 Copleston, Dr., Provost of Oriel Col- 
 lege (afterwards Bishop), i. 100, 
 
 >34» 370 ; Charge, ii. 237. 
 Corpus Committee, i. 378, 379, 381, 
 
 385- 
 
 * Correspondence illustrative of Oxford/ 
 
 cited, ii. 329. 
 Cotton, Rev. R. L. (Provost of 
 
 Worcester College), i. 319, 374. 
 Cotton, Mrs. (Charlotte Bouverie 
 
 Pusey), sister of E. B.P., i. i. 
 
 * Country Clergyman, A,' ii. 309. 
 Courtenay, Lord (afterwards Earl of 
 
 Devon), ii. 339. 
 
 Cox, Rev. Hay ward, i. 376. 
 
 Cox, Valentine, * Recollections of Ox- 
 ford,* cited, i. 180 «., 181 «., 376, 
 380; ii. 434. 
 
 Cradock, John Hobart, i. 13. 
 
 Cuddesdon, i. 144, 179, 189, 190. 
 
 Cumberland, Duke of, i. 395. 
 
 Cureton, Rev. W., i. 337. 
 
 Cyprian, St., i. 414, 437, 438. | 
 
 Cyril, St., of Alexandria, i. 435, 436, 
 
 438. 
 of Jerusalem, i. 430, 434. 
 
 D. 
 
 Daill^, i. 414. 
 
 Dalby, Rev. W., i. 195. 
 
 Dalgaims, Rev. J. D., i. 439. 
 
 Dalton, J., i. 219. 
 
 * Daniel the Prophet,' i. to6. 
 
 Dayman, Rev. E. A., ii. 173. 
 
 Deaconesses, Order of, proposed, ii. 
 
 243. 
 Dealtry, Dr., i. 396. 
 
 Declaration of Assent to teaching of 
 
 Church, i. 305. 
 De Concionibus, the statute, ii. 310, 
 
 316, 318. 
 De Dominis, Antonio, i. 173. 
 Deists, English, i. 359. 
 Denison, Edward (alterwards Bp. of 
 
 Salisbury), i. 13, 32, 433 ; Charge, 
 
 ii. 337 ; 366, 381, 344. 
 Denison, Rev. G. A. (afterwards 
 
 Archdeacon), i. 140, 197. 
 Denison, John Evelyn (^afterwards 
 
 Vise. Ossington), i. 13. 
 Derick, Mr., ii. 473. 
 ' Devil's Pulpit, the,' i. 317. 
 Devon, Earl of, ii. 366. 
 Dickinson, Dr., i. 379; ii. 5, 6, 294. 
 Diocesan (Oxford) Society for the 
 
 Religious Education of the Poor, 
 
 u. 33. 
 Dodgson, Rev. C.^ i. 436; ii. 149, 
 
 150. 
 Dodson, Sir J., Queen's Advocate, 
 
 ii- 3.54- 
 Dodsworth, Rev. W^, ii. 13, 22. 
 Dollinger, Dr. von, i. 438 ; ii. 296. 
 Dowdeswell, Dr. ^Canon of Ch. Ch.), 
 
 i. 194. 
 Dublin Review, the, ii. 379. 
 Duncan, P. B., i. 386. 
 Dungannon. Lord, ii. 339. 
 Dupuis, i. 88, 89. 
 Dwight, H. E., i. 86, 87, 94. 
 
 'Earnest Remonstrance, An,' i. 380, 
 
 381, 384, 385; ii. 5,7- 
 Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues 
 
 Bill, ii. 149. 
 Eden, C. P. (Oriel College), ii. 433. 
 Eden, Robert John (afterwards Lord 
 
 Auckland and Bp. of Bath and 
 
 Wells), i. 13, 13. 
 Eden, R. (Bishop of Moray and Ross), 
 
 ii. 386. 
 
 ii^ 
 
 I 
 
 J' 
 
5i8 
 
 Index, 
 
 Edinburgh Review, i\itf\. 235 n., 382, 
 
 384 ; ii. 27. 
 Eichhorn, Professor, i. 72, 159. 
 
 * Eirenicon,* quoted, ii. 8. 
 Ellerton, Rev. E., i. 217 ; ii. 425. 
 Elliott, Rev. H. V., i. 331 ; ii. 121, 
 
 12a. 
 Elmhirst, Rev. G., ii. 471. 
 English Churchman, the, ii. 413, 
 
 417. 439, 460-463- 
 Ephrem, St., i. 438. 
 
 Ernesti, i. 159. 
 
 ' Essays and Reviews,' i. 176. 
 
 Estcourt. T. G. B., i. 90, 91. 
 
 Eternal Punishment (What is of faith), 
 
 i. 129. 
 
 Eton, i. 12-18. 
 
 Evangelical Movement, the, i. 255. 
 
 * Evangelicals,' ii. 8. 
 Everett, Mr., ii. 351. 
 Ewald, Professor, i. 75, 105. 
 Ewart, William, i. 13. 
 Exeter, Bp. of. See Phillpotts. 
 
 F. 
 
 Faber, Rev. F. A., ii. 337, 338. 
 
 Faraday, Professor, i. 219. 
 
 Farnham, Lord, i. 202. 
 
 Farrar, Prof. A. S. (Canon of Dur- 
 ham), i. 32, 175. 
 
 Fasting, Tract 18 on, i. 280, 281. 
 
 Faussett, Dr. (Margaret Professor of 
 Divinity), i. 293, 305 ; ii. 219, 310. 
 
 Fawkham, Kent, i. 88. 
 
 Fenelon, ii. 389. 
 
 Fichte, i. 157. 
 
 Field, Rev. F., i. 438, 439. 
 
 Folkestone, Viscount, i. i. 
 
 Follett, Sir W., Solicitor-General, 
 
 "• 354- 
 
 * bormula of Concord,* i. 155. 
 
 Forshall, J. (Exeter College), i. 181. 
 
 Frayssinous, i. 253. 
 
 Fremantle, Sir T. F. (afterwards Lord 
 
 Cottesloe\ i. 30. 
 Freytag, Professor, i. 105, 113, 189, 
 
 206, 207. 
 Froude, Rev. Hurrell, i. 104, 198, 
 
 277 ; ii. 37» 65, 72. 
 Froude, J. A. (Professor of Modem 
 
 History), ii. 260. 
 Fust, Sir H. J. (Dsan of the Arches), 
 
 ii. 439, 483. 4»4. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gaisford, Dr. (Dean of Ch. Ch.), i. 
 
 182, 375, 434. 
 Garbett, Rev. J., ii. 261, 262. 
 
 Garsington, ii. 92, 113. 
 
 * Geraldine,* ii. 1 55. 
 Gerhard, i. 172. 
 
 German Theology. See H. J. Rose, 
 E. B. P., and Historical Enquiry. 
 
 Gesenius, i. 204. 
 
 Gieseler, i. 107. 
 
 Gilbert, Dr. (Principal of Brasenose 
 College, afterwards Bp. of Chiches- 
 ter), i. 375; ii. 25,210, 264. 
 
 Gladstone, W. E. (Right Hon.), i. 
 257. 293, 306, 307, 309, 376; ii. 
 255, 257, 339, 344, 348, 424, 430, 
 
 437. 43^. 
 Gloucester, Duke of, i. 294. 
 
 Goethe, i. 281. 
 
 Gottingen, i. 71, 72, 77. 
 
 Golightly, Rev. C. P., i. 197, 337, 
 
 374; ii. 12,65, 167, 170, 209, 287, 
 
 377» 444. 
 Greeuhill, W. A. (M.D.), i. 206, 337, 
 
 409-413. 
 Gregory, St., i. 436. 
 Gresley, Rev. W., i. 32 ; ii. 303. 
 Greswell, Rev. Richard, i. 32. 
 Grey, Earl, i. 292. 
 Greifswald, i. 99. 
 Griffiths, Rev. J., ii. 167. 
 Grove, Wantage, i. 219. 
 
 * Growler and Fido,' ii. 219. 
 Guardian, the, i. 176. 
 Guernsey and Sark, ii. 23, 25. 
 Guillemard, Rev. H. P., ii. 410, 432. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hadleigh Conference, the, i. 267, 
 272. 
 
 Hale, Archdeacon, ii. 282. 
 
 Hall, C. H. (Dean of Ch. Ch.), i. 23. 
 
 Halle, Pietistic school of, i. 159. 
 
 Hamilton, Rev. W. K. (Canon, after- 
 ward Bishop, of Salisbury), ii. 84, 
 
 289, 394, 420, 433- 
 
 Hammond, i. 337. 
 
 Hampden, Dr., i. 299, 311, 313, 360, 
 363; BamptonLectures,36i, 362,414, 
 415 ; appointed Professor of Moral 
 Philosophy, 364, 365 ; appointed 
 Regius Professor of Divinity, 370, 
 
 372, 377, 384; ii- 285, 287, 288, 
 290. 
 Hampden Controversy, i. 359-390. 
 
 * Hampden's Past and Present State- 
 
 ments compared,' i. 377. 
 
 * Hampden's Theological Statements, 
 
 &c., i. 375.415- 
 Harborough, Earl of, i. I. 
 Hare, Archdeacon, ' Memorials of 
 
 Hampden,' cited, i. 361. 
 
 Index, 
 
 519 
 
 Harrison, B. (afterwards Archdeacon 
 of Maidstone), i. 212, 236, 277, 
 288, 296, 317, 331, 332, 335, 342, 
 353, 376, 399; ii-4, 12, 32, 36, 4.:^, 
 44, 45, 64, 67, 76, 95, 130, 148, 
 15.?, 181, 236, 240, 251, 276, 456. 
 
 Hastings, i. 210. 
 
 Hawkins, Rev. Dr. (Provost of Oriel 
 College), i. 139, 168, 199, 210, 287, 
 304, 309> 313, 360, 375; ii- 174, 
 297> 3'4, 317* 3i9> 320, 333, 334, 
 352, 434- 
 
 Hay, Dr. (^Canon of Christ Church), 
 i. 194. 
 
 Hebrew Prayer-book and S. P. C.K., 
 ii. 19. 
 
 Hegel, i. 158. 
 
 Henderson, Rev. T., ii. 275, 445. 
 
 Hengstenbeig, E. W., i. 86, 
 
 Henley, Lord, i. 225-227. 
 
 Herbert, Hon. E. C. H., i. 14. 
 
 Herbert, Lady Emily, i. 27. See 
 Pusey, Lady Emily. 
 
 Herder, i. 157, 159. 
 
 Heurtley, Rev. C. A., D.D. (after- 
 wards Margaret Professor of Di- 
 vinity), i. 430. 
 
 Hickes, translator of Fenelon, ii. 389. 
 
 Hill, Rev. J., i. 305, 374. 
 
 * Historical Enquiry into Theology of 
 Germany,* i. 146, 153, 159, 170, 
 171, 172, 208. 
 
 Hoare, Archdeacon, i. 236, 397. 
 
 Holton Park, i. 275, 287, 367. 
 
 Holy Baptism, i. 287,324. 6>tf Tract on. 
 
 Holy Trinity Church (Oxford), ii. 36. 
 
 Home for Theological Students, i. 
 338; ii. 139. 
 
 Hook, Rev. W. F. (afterwards Dean 
 of Chichester), i. 24, 227, 264; 
 ii. 79, 178, 209, 210, 249, 261, 
 282, 295, 349, 350, 394, 415, 421, 
 
 431, 432, 446, 447> 467-491- 
 
 Hope, J. R. (afterwards Hope-Scott), 
 ii. 150, 155, 208, 250, 251, 253, 
 266, 268, 278, 353, 355, 
 
 Hope-Scott, J. R., (previously J. R. 
 Hope\ Memoirs of, ii. 252, 253, 
 256, 257, 26i, 278. 
 
 Horace's Satires, i. 31. 
 
 Hornby, J. J. (afterwards Rector of 
 Winwick), i. 13. 
 
 Home, Bishop, i. 253, 
 
 Houghton, Mr., i. a 16. 
 
 Howard, Hon. G. W. F. (afterwards 
 Earl of Carlisle), i. 11. 
 
 Howley, Dr. (Bp. of London, after- 
 wards Abp. of Canterbury), i. 17, 
 182, 202, 234, 370, 428, 432 ; ii. 2, 
 7a, 116, 133, 134, 189 190, 199, 
 
 201, 234, 236, 237, 239, 240, 241, 
 249, 252, 255, 273, 274, 358. 
 
 Hug, 1. 91, 92. 
 
 Humboldt, W^ von, i. 81. 
 
 Hussey, R., i. 197, 337, 385. 
 
 Hynm of the Church Militant, i. 298. 
 
 ' Ignatius, Father * (Hon. and Rev. 
 
 G. A. Spencer"), ii. 127. 
 Ignatius, St., Epistles of, i. 414. 
 Ilfracombe, ii. 398-406. 
 Inglis, Sir R, H., i. 197. 
 Inspiration, i. 168, 1 71-176. 
 Ireland, visit to, ii. 218-234, 243-247, 
 
 269. 
 Ireland, Dr. (Dean of Westminster), i. 
 
 234. 294. 
 Irenaeus, St., i. 414. 
 Irish Church Temporalities Bill, i. 
 
 266, 273. 
 Isle of Wight, i. 288. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jackson, Cyril (^Dean of Christ 
 Church\ i. 23. 
 
 Jackson, Rev. J., i. 444. 
 
 Jacobi, i. 157. 
 
 James, J., i. 197. 
 
 Jebb, Bp. of Limerick, i. 147. 
 
 Jelf, R. W. (afterwards Canon of 
 Christ Church), i. 12, 18, 26, 28, 30, 
 31, 49, 9i» 96, 100, 116, 117, 122, 
 210, 285, 295; ii. 176, 212-215, 
 3>4, 315, 321, 323, 325, 328, 333, 
 351- 
 
 Jenkyns, Dr. (Master of Balliol Col- 
 lege), i. 136, 375 ; ii. 314. 
 
 Jerome, St., i. 414, 415. 
 
 Jerusalem, bishopric at (Anglo- 
 Prussian), ii. 248, 280. 
 
 Jeune, Dr., i. 327. 
 
 Jewel, Bp., i. 337. 
 
 Jews, the, i. 127. 
 
 Jones of Nayland, i. 256. 
 
 Jordan, Rev. J., ii. 209. 
 
 Jowett, Rev. B. (afterwards Master of 
 Balliol College), ii. 435. 
 
 Justin Martyr, i. 414. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kant, i. 157. 
 
 Keate, Dr. (Head Master of Eton), i. 
 
 12. 
 
 Keble, Rev. John, i. 32, 54 ; candidate 
 for Provostship of Oriel, 134, 136, 
 138; criticizes P.'s book on 'Theo- 
 logy of Germany,* 166 ; opposes 
 Peel, 198; 200, 219, 226; on the 
 Reformed Parliament, 266 ; on the 
 
 M 
 
 l« 
 
 tf| 
 
 it 
 
 I 
 
 (I 
 
520 
 
 Index. 
 
 Index, 
 
 Irish Church Temporaliries Bill, 
 267 ; sermon on National Apostasy, 
 267, 271, 276; Tracts 4 and 13 
 written by, 277; composes In- 
 stallation Ode, 295 ; 305, 323, 334, 
 
 335» 34i» 342. 353, 355» 364, 3«6. 398. 
 400, 424-432, 436,440.441 ; ii. 21, 
 
 23. 35. 30, 57. ^9> 7^. 75. 96-J02, 
 103 ; metrical version of the Psalter, 
 113; 146, 147, 173,178, 179-181; 
 'Case of Catholic Subscription to 
 the Thirty-nine Articles, ii. 211 ; 
 225» 231, 232, 234, 238, 256, 260, 
 288, 297, 301, 311, 346, 347, 356, 
 373. 378, 382, 392, 393, 452, 453, 
 4^3, 4^.492. 
 
 Keble, Rev. T., i. 277. 
 
 Keble College Chapel, i. 139. 
 
 Kennicott, Mrs. i. 217. 
 
 Kidd, Dr., i. 30, 55. 
 
 Knatchbull, Dr. W.. i. 181. 
 
 Knox, Alexander, i. 260-262. 
 
 Kosegarten, Gottfried, i. 99. 
 
 Kosegarten, Professor, i. 99, 206. 
 
 Kynaston, H. i. 337. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lady, a, letter from P. to, ii. 505. 
 
 Latin Essay (1824), i. 64. 
 
 Laud, Archbishop, i. 203 ; ii. 388. 
 
 La vie, Germain, i, 13. 
 
 Law, Henry (afterwards Dean of 
 
 Gloucester), i. 12, 14. 
 Lawrence, Archbishop, i. 23. 
 Lawrence, Brother, Letters of, ii. 389. 
 Lanspergius, * Epistle of Christ to a 
 
 Devout Soul,' ii. 388. 
 * Lectures on Daniel,' i. 1 76. 
 on the Catholic Church, by Dr. 
 
 "Wiseman, ii. 4. 
 Leeds, St. Saviour's Church, ii. 466- 
 
 501. 
 Legge, Dr., Bishop of Oxford, i. 113. 
 ].eicester, Earl of, i. 300. 
 Leipzig, battle of, i. 16. 
 Lerins, St. Vincent of, i. 414. 
 Less, Dr. Gottfried, i. 78. 
 Lessing, i. 125, 157. 
 Letter of the Four Tutors, ii. 168, 169. 
 to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 
 by E. B. P., extracts from, i. 257 ; 
 
 "• 2, 237, 239, 240, 241, 252, 257- 
 
 259. 278-281, 283. 
 
 to the Bp. of Oxford, ii. 76-78. 
 
 to the Earl of Radnor, i. 304. 
 
 Letters : — 
 
 Arnold, Dr., to W. A. Greenhill, i. 
 
 409. 
 to E. B. P., i. 28a. 
 
 Letters {continued) : — 
 Ashley, Lord, to Roundell Palmer, ii. 
 
 265. 
 
 to E. B. P., ii. 264. 
 
 Badeley, E., to E. B. P., ii. 341, 361. 
 loVice-Chancellori^Dr. Wynter), 
 
 ii- 339. 
 Bagot, Dr. (Bp. of Oxford), to Rev. 
 
 J. H. Newman, ii. 56, 185, 188. 
 
 to Rev. W. Palmer, ii. 208. 
 
 to E. B. P., ii. 61, 63, 71, 73, 
 
 183, 198, 268, 360, 362, 379. 
 Bickersteth, Rev. E., to E. B. P., i.435. 
 Blomfield, Bp., to E. B. P., i. 170. 
 Boddington, Miss, i. 144, 145. 
 Boisen, L. N., i. 108. 
 Church, Rev. R. W., i. 66-69. 
 Churton, Rev. E,, to E. B. P., ii. 268, 
 
 432. 
 
 Coleridge, Rev. Edward, i. 12. 
 
 Mr. Justice, to Vice-Chancellor 
 
 (Dr. Wynter), ii. 342. 
 
 Denison, Rev. E. (Bishop of Salis- 
 bury), to E. B. P., ii. 281. 
 
 Dollinger, Dr., to E. B. P., ii. 295. 
 
 Dwight, H. E., to E. B. P., i. 87. 
 
 Elliott, Rev. H. V., to E. B. P., ii. 
 122. 
 
 Faber, Rev. F. A., to Vice-Chancellor 
 (Dr. Wynter), ii. 337. 
 
 Farrar, Rev. A. S., i. 32. 
 
 Freytag, Professor, to E. B. P., i. 113. 
 
 Froude, Rev. H., to J. H. Newman, 
 
 i; 354. 
 Gaisford, Rev. Professor, to Bishop of 
 
 Oxford, i. 182. 
 Gladstone, W. E., to E. B. P., i. 306, 
 
 309 ; ii. 348, 430, 436, 438. 
 Golightly, Rev. C. P., to Rev. W. S. 
 
 Bricknell, ii. 377, 444. 
 Greenhill, W. A., i. 337. 
 Hamilton, Rev. W. K., to E. B. P., 
 
 ii. 422, 432. 
 Hampden, Dr. , to Editor oi Edinburgh 
 
 Review^ i. 384. 
 
 to Vice Chancellor (Dr. Wynter), 
 
 ii. 285. 
 Harrison, Rev. B., to W. E. Gladstone, 
 
 i. 376. 
 
 to E. B. P., ii. 43, 64, 149. 
 
 Hawkins, Rev. Dr., to E. B. P., i. 313. 
 to the Vice - Chancellor (Dr. 
 
 Wynter), ii. 319, 320, 332. 
 Henderson, Rev. T., to E. B. P., ii. 
 
 275. 
 Henry, Mr. C. S., to E. B. P., ii. 124. 
 Hook, Rev. W. F., to E. B. P., ii. 79, 
 
 210, 282, 295, 349, 431, 446, 467, 
 
 468, 473i 475, 488, 490» 491 » 500- 
 Hope, J. R., to E. B. P., ii. 250, 278. 
 
 4 
 
 Letters {continued) :— 
 Howley, Archbishop, to Bp. Bagot, ii. 
 
 I '6, 132, 134, 1 89, 190, 199, 200, 358. 
 
 to Bishop Lloyd, i. 182. 
 
 to Rev. A. P. Perceval, ii 252. 
 
 — — to E. B. P., i. 428 ; ii. 236. 
 Jelf, Rev. R. W., to E. B. P., i. 18, 28, 
 
 49, 116, 117, 122, 315. 
 — to Dr. Lloyd, i. 96. 
 Keble, Rev. J., to Rev. A P. Perceval, 
 
 I. 226, 266. 
 
 —^ to Rev. J. H. Newman, 1. 355 ; 
 
 II. 180, 181, 220, 233, 234. 
 
 to E. B. P., i. 200, 400, 427, 429, 
 432, 44»; ii. 71. 96,98, io<, 147, 
 »79, 212, 231, 234,289,346,347, 
 
 ^382,392,463. 
 
 Lloyd, Dr., to E. B. P., i. 112. 
 
 Longley, Dr. (Bishop of Ripon, after- 
 wards Abp. of Canterbury), to 
 E. B. P., ii. 483. 
 
 Lyall, Dr. (Dean of Canterbury), to 
 Bisnop Bagot, ii. 274. 
 
 Manning, Archdeacon, to E. B. P. 
 
 ,ii-377,454. 
 
 Marriott, Rev. C, to Rev. W. Cotton, 
 ii. 338. 
 
 Melbourne, Lord, to Abp. Whately, i 
 369. 
 
 Morris, Rev. T. E., to E. B. P., ii. 228. 
 
 Mozley, Rev. J. B., i. 338 ; ii. 288. 
 
 to his sister, i. 370 ; ii. 27, no, 170. 
 
 — - to Rev. R. W. Church, ii. 341. 
 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., i. 310,389; ii. 
 
 277. 
 
 to Bishop Bagot, ii. 187, 188. 
 
 Jo J W. Bowden, i. 355 ; ii. ,55. 
 
 to Rev. Hurrell Froude, i. 024. 
 
 355- ^ 
 
 to Rev. Dr. Hampden, i. 302. 
 
 to J. R. Hope, ii. 266. 
 
 to Rev. R. W. Jelf, ii. 177. 
 
 to Rev. J. Keble, i. 357. 
 
 to Rev. J. Miller, ii. 429. 
 
 to Rev. J. B. Mozley, ii. 371. 
 
 to Rev. A. P. Perceval, i. 278, 
 
 300,302; ii. 191. 
 
 '~~,^°,f • ^- P-' i- ^^7, 223, 233, 248, 
 
 355, 308, 426, 430, 433, 443 ; ii. 2, 
 
 9, 10, 38, 52, 58, 79, 92, 95, 96, 97, 
 
 ??;'!^"I' ''?' '-^5, i37, 147, 
 153, 160, 163, 169, 182, 192, 194, 
 
 195, 222, 223, 225, 230, 267, 277, 
 291, 292, 293, 298, 299, 345, 346, 
 353, 372, 381, 382, 385, 388, 390, 
 391, 400, 402, 404, 406, 407, 408, 
 413, 417, 423, 442, 448, 449» 458, 
 459, 507, 508, 509,510. 
 
 to Mrs. Pusey, ii. 90. 
 
 to the Four Tutors, ii. 169. 
 
 521 
 
 Letters {continued) :—. 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., to Dr. Wynter 
 
 (Vice-Chancellor), ii. 176 
 Oakeley, Rev. F., to E. B. P., ii. 2^4. 
 Paget, Rev. F. E., to Bishop Eden, 
 
 ii. 286. 
 
 Palmer, Rev. W. (Worcester College), 
 to Bishop Bagot, ii. 207. 
 
 to E. B. P^ ii. 205. 
 
 Palmer, Sir W., i. 265. 
 
 Parker, Rev. John, i. 26. 
 
 Phillpotts, Dr. (Bishop of Exeter), to 
 
 E. B. P., ii. 401. 
 Plumer, Rev. C. J., i. 57. 
 Pusey, E. B., i. 7, 49, 59, 60, 63, 64, 
 70-77, 88, 89, 97, 113, 152, 154, 
 290, 345, 354; ii- 19, 26, 47, 76, 
 92,93, 104,140, 157, 176,417,460. 
 — - to Bishop Bagot, ii. 14-16, 59, 
 62, 68, 115, 131, 186, 194, 196, 200, 
 202, 230, 356. 
 - — to Miss Barker, i. 1 18-120, 123- 
 134, 138, i4i-'43; (now Mrs. 
 Pusey), 224, 336; ii. 22, 36, 82, 
 87, 08. 
 
 to E. Bellasis, ii. 273. 
 
 to Dr. Bull, i. 325, 326. 
 
 to Archbishop (^Howley) of Can 
 
 terbury, i. 257. 
 to Rev. E. Churton, ii. 270. 
 
 to Members of Convocation, ii. 
 
 263. 
 
 to Rev. W. J. Copeland, ii. 174, 
 
 395. 396, 442. 
 
 to Rev. W. Dalby, i. 195. 
 
 to P. B. Duncan, i. 386. 
 
 to Dr. Gilbert, Principal of Brase- 
 
 nose, ii. no. 
 
 — to W. E. Gladstone, i. 293, 307, 
 369 ; ii. 348, 429. 
 
 to W. A. Greenhill, i. 410. 
 
 to Rev. W. Gresley, ii. 302-304. 
 
 to Rev. W. K. Hamilton, ii. 394. 
 
 • to Rev. B. Harrison, i. 212, 236, 
 
 288, 296, 317, 332, 353, 399 ; ii. '12, 
 44, 45, 64,67, 76. 88, 95, loi, 130, 
 148, 181, 240, 251, 276, 383, 456. 
 
 — to Rev. Prebendary Henderson, 
 11. 445. 
 
 to Archdeacon Hoare, i. 397. 
 
 to Dr. Hook, ii. 88, 261, 394, 
 
 415, 421, 432, 447. 467, 468, 469, 
 470, 471, 473, 474, 481, 482, 484, 
 485, 486, 487, 489, 490, 491, 498. 
 
 to Mr. J. R. Hope, ii. 155, 208, 
 
 251. 
 
 to Rev. J. Jackson, i. 444. 
 
 — - to Rev. R. W. Jelf, i. 27, 57, 
 285. 
 
 ■ to Rev. H. Jenkyns, i. 136. 
 
 H 
 
 
522 
 
 Index. 
 
 Letters (continued) : — 
 Pusey, E. B., to Rev. J. Keble, i. 138, 
 166, 167, 353, 398, 400, 424, 432, 
 440; ii. 2 1, 30, 5 7, 69, 74. 96, 99, 101, 
 146,173,178,211,232,238,288,301, 
 
 31 1 » 356, 373. 452. 453, 464, 498. 
 
 to a Lady, ii. 505. 
 
 to Dr. Lloyd, i. 82, 92, 97, m, 
 
 184, 188. 
 . to Dr. Longley (Bp. of Ripon), 
 
 ii. 483, 499- 
 . to Archdeacon Manning, 11. 454. 
 
 to Rev. T. E. Morris, ii. 504. 
 
 to Rev. J. H. Newman, i. 101, 
 
 104, 112, 150, 168, 194, 211, 213, 
 220, 223, 260, 280, 284, 287, 289, 
 301, 304, 329> 353, 356. 3^7, 420- 
 422, 424, 426, 430, 431, 433, 442 ; 
 ii. 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 33, 25, 37, 38, 54, 
 65, 80, 88, 90, 91, 93, 94. 95» 97. 
 
 100, 
 137, 
 
 154, 
 
 235, 
 291, 
 
 322, 
 
 loi, 108, 109, 118, 119, 120, 
 128, 129, 136, 138, 147, 152, 
 
 218, 220, 321, 224, 236, 229, 
 245, 246, 253, 262, 367, 290, 
 293, 298, 300, 301, 304, 313, 
 
 328, 3.^6, 344, 356, 372, 37<>> 
 380, 381, 384, 386, 387, 398, 400, 
 403, 404-406, 408, 409, 413, 423, 
 427,428,443,510,512. 
 to Rev. J. Spencer Northcote, ii. 
 
 501. 
 
 to Rev. John Parker, i. 55, 65, 
 
 90 ; ii- 33- 
 to his niece, Edith Pusey, 1. 315. 
 
 to his brother Philip, i. 319, 392- 
 
 396. 
 
 to his brother. Rev. W. B. Pusey, 
 i. 109,110, 218,323, 378, 279,316; 
 ii. 103, 113, 375, 413. 
 
 — tohisdaughter, Mrs. Brine, ii.105. 
 
 — to his mother, Lady Lucy, ii. 1 1 1, 
 113, 316. 
 
 — to his son, ii. 384, 493. 
 
 — to Rev. Henry John Rose, ii. 19. 
 
 — to Rev. Hugh James Rose, i. 1 76. 
 
 — to Rev. Dr. Routh (President of 
 Magdalen College), ii. 150. 
 
 — to Rev. J. F. Russell, i. 401 , 405 ; 
 ii. 142-145. 
 
 — to Rev. R. Salwey, i. 39, 63, 64, 
 88, 89, 215. 
 
 — to Rev. R. Scott, ii. 28. 
 
 — to Archdeacon Spooner, ii. 13. 
 
 — to Rev. J. H. Stewart, ii. 34, 35. 
 
 — toT. H., i. 173. 
 
 — to Professor Tholuck,i. 163, 197, 
 208, 337, 396, 397, 388 ; ii. 84, 158- 
 160. 
 
 — to Rev. Dr. Todd, ii. 348, 377. 
 
 — to Rev. B.Webb, ii. 476-480, 484. 
 
 Letters {continued) : — 
 Pusey, E. B., to Duke of Wellington, 
 
 i. 187. 
 to Rev. R. I. Wilberforce, i. 183. 
 
 to Rev. H. A. Woodgate, ii. 451. 
 
 toDr.Wynter(Vice-Chancellor), 
 
 ii. 171,173,311,312, (protest) 339, 
 330, 333, 334, 335, 354, .^64-368. 
 
 Pusey, Lady Lucy, i. 1 7 «• ; ii. 96. 
 
 to Lady Emily, ii. 41 3, 420. 
 
 Pusey, Mrs., to E. B. P., ii. 85, 86. 
 
 to Rev. J. H. Newman, ii. 89, 91. 
 
 Pusey, Philip, to E. B. P., i. 28. 
 
 Pusey, P. E., to Rev. J. H. Newman, 
 ii. 512. 
 
 Rose, Rev. H. J., to E. B. P., i. 176, 
 
 352. 
 
 to Rev. J. H. Newman, i. 365. 
 
 to Rev. A. P. Perceval, i. 263. 
 
 Russell, Rev. J. F., to a Friend, i. 
 
 405-408. 
 
 "to E. B. P., i. 404. 
 
 Symons, Dr. B. P., to E. B. P., ii. 102. 
 Tholuck, Professor, to E. B. P., i. 98, 
 
 99, 162, 331, 333; ii. 85. 
 Todd, Rev. Dr. ^Trinity College, 
 
 Dublin), to E. B. P., ii. 243. 
 Ward, Rev. W. G., to E. B. P., ii. 217. 
 Wellington, Duke of, to Sir W. 
 
 Knighton, i. 186. 
 
 toE. B. P., i. 186. 
 
 to Dr. Hampden, i. 374. 
 
 Whately, Rev. R. (Archbishop of 
 
 Dublin), to E. B. P., ii. 244. 
 White, Rev Blanco, to E B. P., i. 106. 
 Wynter, Dr. P. (Vice-Chancellor), to 
 
 E. Badeley, ii. 340. 
 
 to E. B. P., iu 310, 311, 355, 368. 
 
 to Rev. H. Wall and others, ii. 
 
 338. 
 Z. to E. B. P., i. 48. 
 
 Liberalism, Pusey's, ' J7i gfl ?^ 
 Library of the i'ath'ers. The, i. 409- 
 
 447; ii. 113, .^98- 
 Liddell, Rev. H. G. (afterwards Dean 
 
 of Ch. Ch.), i. 337; ii. 104. 
 
 * Life of Abp. Whately,' i. 267 ; ii. 344. 
 
 * Life of Joseph Blanco White,' i. 199. 
 
 * Life of Mrs. Mary AikenheacI,' ii. 347. 
 Littlemore, Newman at, i. 370, 436; 
 
 ii- 237, 374, 378«-, 379- 
 
 Liturgies, ii. 141, 148. 
 
 Lloyd, Dr. (Regius Professor of 
 Divinity, afterwards Bishop of 
 Oxford;, i. 23, 62-64, 97, 98, 100, 
 112, 113, 114, 117, 123, 178, 1S3, 
 184, 186, 187, 193, 199, 201, 202. 
 
 Lockhart, W., ii. 370, 373. 
 
 London, Bp. of. See Blomfield. 
 
 ipi 
 
 ! Ii 
 
 Index. 
 
 Longford Castle, i. 376, 465. 
 
 Longley, Dr. (Bp. of Ripon. afterwards 
 Abp. of Canterbury), i. 33 ; Charge, 
 II. 237, 366, 482-486, 499. 
 
 * Lord of our Life,' hymn, i. 298. 
 
 Losa, Francis, ii. 389. 
 
 Lowe, Robert (afterwards Lord Sher- 
 brooke), ii. 209. 
 
 Lowth, Bp., i. 172. 
 
 Lucke G.C.F.,i. 106, 159, 189. 
 Luis of Grenada, ii. 389. 
 Lushington, Dr., i. 387. 
 Luxmoore, J. H. M., i. 12, 115. 
 Luxmoore, Mrs. (Elizabeth Bouverie 
 Pusey), i. I, 115. 
 
 Lyall, Dr. (Dean of Canterbury), ii. 
 
 27.S. 
 *Lyia Apostolica,' i. 263. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macbrlde, Dr., i. 96 ; ii. 102. 
 
 * Make Ventures for Christ's Sake,' i. 
 331. 
 
 Maltby, Rev. Edward, D.D. (after- 
 wards Bp. of Chichester and of 
 Durham), i. 19-22, 234, 237, 279. 
 
 Manners-Sutton, Abp., i. 113. 
 
 Manning, Archdeacon (afterwards 
 Cardinal), ii. 151, 154, 21^, 377, 
 378,454. 
 
 Marriage of Pusey and Miss Barker, 
 
 ^ i- 143. 
 
 Marriott, Rev. C, i. 335, 436, 438; 
 
 ^'1. 338, 4.^5, 485, 492. 
 
 Marsham, Dr. Bullock- (Warden of 
 Merton Collge), i. 386. 
 
 Martyrs' Memorial (at Oxford), con- 
 troversy on, ii. 64-76, 290. 
 
 Maurice, Rev. F. D., i. 345, 350; 
 11. 209, 426. 
 
 Maurice, Rev. Peter, ii. la. 
 
 Melanchthon, Locitheologici, i. 155. 
 
 Melbourne, Lord (Prime Minister), 
 
 ^/- 294,370, 372. 
 
 Menzies, Alfred, i, 277. 
 
 Methodology, Theological Encyclo- 
 paedia of, i. 106. 
 
 Metropolis Churches Fund, Bp. Blom- 
 neld's, i. 329. 
 
 Michaelis, i. 159. 
 
 Mill, Rev. W. H., D.D., i. 214, 315 ; 
 ii. 148, 149, 349. 
 
 Miller, Rev. J., i. 262,386; ii. 429. 
 M liner s • Church History,' i. 414. 
 Missionary Exhibitions, ii. 36. 
 Mitcham, Surrey, i. 9. 
 
 Moberly, G. (afterwards Bp. of Salis- 
 bury), i. 197, 305. 
 Molinos, ii. 389. 
 Montrose, Duke of, i. 12. 
 
 523 
 
 Morpeth. Lord, ii. 165, 166. 
 Morris, Rev. J K, ii. 413, 507. 
 Morns, Rev. T. E., ii. 228, 337, 338, 
 
 37', 504. 
 Mosheim, i. 414. 
 
 Mouhrie, J., i. 12, 13. 
 
 Mozley, J. B. (afterwards Regius Pro- 
 fessor of Divinity), i. 338; ii. 139, 
 282, 307, 309, 341, 371, 372, 378, 
 435. 
 
 * Letters,' cited, i. 215, 338, 370, 
 
 371, 372, 429 ; ii- 27, no, 141, 170, 
 173, 204, 220, 260, 288, 297, 342, 
 414, 425, 426, 493. 
 
 Mozley, Rev. T., i 91 ; ii. 218, 219. 
 
 'Reminiscences,' cited, i. 139 «,, 
 
 »;r^",9'^w'3<5^' 365.434; ii. 221. 
 Muller, Max, Professor, i. 10;. 106 • 
 
 ii. 287. 
 Munk, Salomon, i. 96. 
 Murray, Dr. (R. C. Abp. of Dublin). 
 
 ii. 246. 
 Musgrave, Bp. (of Hereford), ii. 237. 
 
 N. 
 
 National Apostasy, Keble's sermon 
 on, i. 271, 276. 
 
 National Society for the Education of 
 the Poor, i. 259. 
 
 Neander, Augustus, i. 85, 95, 154. 
 
 Neate, Charles, Fellow 'of Oriel Col- 
 lege, i. 140. 
 
 Neave, Sheffield, i. 13, 33. 
 
 Nelson, Robert, i. 259. 
 
 Neubauer, Dr. A., i. 216. 
 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., first meets Pusey, 
 ^- 55 ; ^*l, 93, 167, 168, 194, 198, 
 199, 211, 213, 223, 233, 248-252, 
 260,271; Parochial Seimons, 272, 
 273; Tracts I, 2,3,6,7,8,10,11, 
 15,-277. 278, 280, 287, 300, 302, 
 304, 30.^, 3io, 324, 331, 334, 335, 
 
 34S 355, 356, 357, 3^5, 3^7, 368, 
 371-373, 389, 416 «., 420, 422, 424, 
 43.^,434,436,441,442,443; Tract 
 71,11.2; .^,5-12,18,36,37,38,52, 
 54. 50, 05, 78, 79, ^9-91, 94, 95, 96- 
 103, 109, 113, 117, 118, 119, ,2^, 
 
 127, 134; the Littlemore Monas- 
 
 Ia^''4^~'^9' 't7, 151, 152-155, 
 160; Tract 90, 161-163, 169, iji, 
 
 183, 191-196, 203, 218, 220-224, 
 226, 229, 232-235, 237, 345, 246, 
 249, 253, 256, 259, 262, 265, 266- 
 268, 273, 277, 278, 286, 287, 290- 
 294, 297-302, 304, 312, 322, 336, 
 344, 345, 353, 35^ ; resignation of 
 St. Mary's, 3 70-372; 374, 376, 380^ 
 382, 384-388, 390, 391, 403-407; 
 
 \ 
 
524 
 
 Index. 
 
 Index. 
 
 525 
 
 death of J. W. Bowden, 408, 409, 
 
 413. 4'7» 422, 423. 426-428, 44«- 
 443, 448-452 ; secession, 458, 459, 
 
 464* 503, 507-5 '2. 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., ' Apologia pro 
 Vita Sua,' cited, i. 58, 60, 199, 315, 
 
 273. 357 ; "• 3» 4. 54. 78, 80, 151, 
 161, 163, 163, 175, 178, 217, 223, 
 233, 256, 286, 294, 298, 370, 371,51 3. 
 — — * Letters and Correspondence,' 
 cited, i. 55, 61, 102, 103, 138, 142, 
 143, 164, 211, 221, 280, 302, 323, 
 
 354»355»357»359.372,389; "-58, 
 io7» 123, 152, 155, 164, 371, 408, 
 
 409- 
 'Newmanism' or * New- mania,* ii. 
 
 139- 
 Newton, Bp., i. 329. 
 
 New Zealand, Bp. of, ii. 255. 
 
 Nicoll, Dr., i. 99, 121, 180, 181, 188, 
 
 204, 211. 
 
 Nieremberg, ii. 389. 
 
 Niton, Isle of Wight, i. 288. 
 
 Nitzsch, i. 106. 
 
 * Non-natural sense,' origin of the 
 
 term, ii. 426. 
 Norris, Rev. H. H., of Hackney, i. 
 
 256, 258. 
 Norlhcote, Rev. J. S., ii. 501. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oakeley, Rev. F., i. 24, 197, 334, 341' 
 430; ii. 117. 141, 317, 318, 254» 
 
 396, 436, 438. 439- 
 O'Connell, Mr., ii. 165. 
 Ogilvie, Dr. (Professor of Pastoral 
 
 Theology), ii. 314, 35i. 352. 
 Old Library, Christ Church, i. 31. 
 Old Testament, revision of, i. 117, 
 
 118, I30. 
 
 Oriel College, i. 55-60, 89, 93, loi, 
 
 140, 179, 268. 
 Origen against Celsus, i. 431. 
 *Origines Liturgicae,' by Rev. \V. 
 
 Palmer, ii. I46. 
 
 * Orthodoxism,' i. 154, 156, 161, 169. 
 
 * Our Pharisaism,* i. 331. 
 
 ' Oxford Malignants, The,' i. 381. 
 Oxford University Commis:>ion, i. 63, 
 
 Pacian, St., i. 437. 
 
 Paget, Rev. F. E., ii. 286. 
 
 Paine, Tom, i. 265. 
 
 Palmer, Roundell (afterwards Earl of 
 
 Selbome), ii. 265, 353. 
 Palmer, Rev. W. (Magdalen College), 
 
 ii. 387. 
 
 Palmer, Rev. William (Worcester 
 College, afterwards Sir W.), i. 263, 
 264, 265, 272; ii. 146, 171, 178, 
 204, 205, 211, 256, 268, 369, 414. 
 
 Paris, visit to, i. 28. 
 
 Parker, Rev. J., of Sweeney Hall, i. 
 I3» 25, 26, 33, 71,90; ii. 33. 
 
 Parker, Mr. J. H., i. 443; ii. 169. 
 
 'Parochial Sermons' (Pusey's), ii. 22, 
 23, 25, 30, 109. 
 
 * Pastoral Epistle, A, from His Holi- 
 
 ness,' i. 379 ; ii. 5. 
 Pattison, Rev. Mark, i. 339, 439. 
 Peel, Sir Robert, i. 197, 199. 
 Pellico, Silvio, i. 288. 
 Pepys, (Bp. of Worcester), ii. 237. 
 Perceval, Hon. and Rev. A. P., 1. 
 
 226, 227, 264; ii. 178. 
 Pfaff, i. 172. 
 Phillpotts, Dr. (Bp. of Exeter), ii. 266, 
 
 400, 401. 
 Pietism, i. 156. 
 
 * Plain Sermons by contributors to 
 
 Tracts for the Times,' ii. 18. 
 
 Plumer, Rev. C. J., i. 57. 
 
 Pocock, Nicholas, i. 405. 
 
 Pococke, Dr., i. 205, 21;. 
 
 Pollock, Sir Frederick, Attorney- 
 General, ii. 354. 
 
 Polycarp, St., martyrdom of, i. 414. 
 
 Porchester, Lord (afterwards third 
 Earl of Carnarvon), i. 13, 14, 24, 
 28, 50. 
 
 Porter, Rev. G., i. 32. 
 
 Poit, Archdeacon, i. 193. 
 
 Pott, David Julius, i. 72, 76. 
 
 Powell, Archdeacon, i. 172. 
 
 Praed, Winthrop Mackworth, i. 13. 
 
 Praetorius, i. 156. 
 
 Prayers lor the Dead, Abp. Ussher on, 
 ii. 5. 
 
 * Principles, The, of Church Reform,* 
 
 by Dr. Arnold, i. 225. 
 Professorship of Poetry, controversy 
 
 on, ii. 260-271. 
 Prussia, King of (Frederic William 
 
 IV.), ii. 248. 
 Psalter, Keble's metrical version of, 
 
 ii. 113, 114, 117. 
 Purgatory, Tract 79 on, ii. 7, 8. 
 Pusey, Charlotte Bouverie (Mrs. 
 
 Cotton), i. I. 
 Pusey, Edith, i. 315. 
 Pusey, Edward Bouverie. {See 
 
 Letters.) 
 
 (Volume L) 
 
 Birth and parentage, i ; influence 
 of his mother, 6; at school at 
 Mitcham, 9 ; sent to Eton, 11; his 
 
 contemporaries at Eton, 13, 14; 
 life at Eton, 15; confirmation, 17; 
 pupil of Rev. Edward Maltby, D.D.. 
 19; first acquaintance with Miss 
 Barker, 22; at Christ Church, 23; 
 political Liberalism, 27, 133; goes 
 abroad, 28; home difficulties and 
 depression, 29; rides and hunts, 30; 
 reading for degree, 31 ; accurate 
 verbal scholarship, 32; examination 
 and first class, ib ; Swiss tour, 33- 
 41; 'Byronism,' 41; first contact 
 with unbelief, 44; his brother 
 Philip s marriage, 49 ; Oriel Fellow- 
 phip Examination, 54; elected 
 Fellow, 57; Oriel common room, 
 54, 58 ; Dr. Lloyd's lectures, 62 ; 
 wins Latin Essay, 64 ; first visit to 
 Germany, 70 ; at Gottingen attends 
 lectures of Pott and Eichhom, 73 ; 
 at Berlin— -Tholuck , Schleiermacher, 
 Neander, 79-87 ; returns to Oxford, 
 87; plans for clerical work, 89; 
 University election ^1826), 90 ; Oriel 
 Quingentenary, 92 ; second visit to 
 (iermany, 94 ; at Berlin, 95 ; at 
 Greifswald with Kosegarten, 98 ; 
 offered tutorship at Oriel, 100; at 
 Bonn with Freytag, 104; life at 
 Bonn, 108; death of youngest 
 brother and return to England, 1 1 1 ; 
 overwork, 112; engagement to Miss 
 Barker, 116; ill-health and stay at 
 Brighton, 117; proposes revised 
 translation of Old Testament, ib. ; 
 project abandoned, 120; correspon- 
 dence with Miss Barker, 123 ; * The 
 Christian Year,' 128; his views on 
 Catharine of Siena and popular 
 education, 131 ; Roman Catholic 
 Emancipa tion, Test and Corporatioii 
 Acts, 132 ; the Provostship of Oriel, 
 135; a regretted decision, 139; 
 death of his father, 140; ordination 
 and marriage, 142 ; first sermon, 
 144; 'Theology of Germany,' con- 
 troversy with Rev. H. J. Rose, 146- 
 177 ; Rationalizing repudiated, 173, 
 175. 177» 184, 185; settlement at 
 Oxford after marriage, 1 78 ; death 
 of Dr. Nicoll, 180 ; appointed to the 
 Professorship of Hebrew, 186; or- 
 dained Priest, 189; installed as Canon 
 of Christ Church, 191 ; first Hebrew 
 lectures, 194 ; University Election in 
 1829, 197; supports Sir R. Peel, 199; 
 death of Bishop Lloyd, 202 ; Arabic 
 Catalogue, 203-207 ; B.D. and D.D. 
 degrees, 208 ; birth of his daughter 
 Lucy, 208 ; Oxford society in 1830, 
 
 209 ; serious illness, 210 ; Newman's 
 'Arians,' 213; foundation of Pusey 
 and Ellerton Hebrew Scholarships, 
 216; 'The Devil's Pulpit,' 217; 
 British Association at Oxford, 219; 
 first University Sermon, 221 ; death 
 of infant daughter Catherine, 222 ; 
 'Remarks on Cathedral Institutions,' 
 225-232 ; Cathedrals as Schools of 
 Theology, 230; comments on the 
 pamphlet, 233-236 ; relation to the 
 Oxford Movement, 272-274; first 
 Tract, 'On Fasting,' 279; Dr. 
 Arnold's comments, 282 ; thoughts 
 on Church questions, 285; illness, 
 287 ; thoughts in sickness, 288 ; 
 remarks on Newman's early works, 
 289; on Religious Tests, letter to 
 Mr. Gladstone, 292 ; at Ramsgate, 
 296 ; letter to Tholuck on Rational- 
 ism in Germany, 296 ; Hebrew New 
 Testament, 297 ; defence of Sub- 
 scription, 302; 'twenty-seven ques- 
 tions,' 304 ; reply to Provost of Oriel, 
 310; relations with Hampden, 311; 
 correspondence with Blanco White, 
 314, 315 ; Tholuck's visit to Oxford, 
 331; Tract on Baptism, 323, 343- 
 358; Christ Church business, 325; 
 wants of the Church in London, 327 ; 
 munificent gift, 330; 'The Theo- 
 logical Society ,'332; Home for Theo- 
 logical Students, 339; continuance 
 of the Tracts, 355 ; recommended 
 for Regius Professorship of Divinity, 
 369; pamphlet against Hampden, 
 375 ; criticism of Hampden's Inau- 
 gural Lecture, 377 ; letter to Tholuck 
 on Hampden controversy, 388 ; on 
 Cathedral reform, 396 ; on the 
 ministry and the priesthood, 400; 
 correspondence with J. F. Russell, 
 401-405; on the Fathers, 410; 
 primitive doctrine, 414 ; the idea of 
 the Library of the Fathers, 420; 
 theory of translation, 422 ; appeals 
 to Keble, 424; to the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, 428; Prefaces to 
 the Library, 433, 436 ; influence of 
 the Library on the Oxford Move- 
 ment, 434; other patristic works, 
 438 ; dedication of the volumes, 440. 
 
 (Volume n.) 
 On Newman's Tract on Purgatory, 
 7; defence of revived ceremonies, 
 14; difference with S.P.C.K. Com- 
 mittee, 18; activity in preaching, 
 20; preaches twice in Oxford, 22; 
 visit to Guernsey, 33; sermon on 
 
 '. 1 
 
 I 
 
-1^- 
 
 "I i n I ■■ ^i 
 
 526 
 
 Index, 
 
 Patience and Confidence (Nov. 5), 
 25, a6; at Churchill, 25; Passive 
 Obedience, 27; political temper, 29; 
 doctrine of the Eucharist, 31 ; Con- 
 version and Baptism, 32 ; the Prayer 
 Union, 34; colleges of clergy, 36; 
 letter of spiritual counsel, 47-51; 
 correspondence with Bp. Bagot, 
 58-65 ; proposed Martyrs' Memorial, 
 correspondence on, 65-75 ; proposed 
 Tractarian memorial , letter to Keble, 
 75 ; ' Letter to the Bishop of Oxford/ 
 76 ; its effects, 79 ; religious 
 character of home life, 8 1 ; curtail- 
 ment of expenditure, 82 ; holidays at 
 Clifton and Weymouth, 91 ; sermons 
 for S.P.G., 93 ; continued illness of 
 Mrs. Pusey, 97; her death, 100; 
 sympathy of friends, loi ; burial in 
 the Cathedral, 1 03 ; inscription on 
 her grave, ib. ; effects of her death 
 on Pusey, 107; preaches at Budleigh 
 Salterton and at Brighton, 109; 
 preaches before the University on 
 Luxury, no; accident at Arundel, 
 in; visit to Budleigh Salterton, 
 112; resumes literary work, 113; 
 applies for * licence ' for Keble's 
 Psalms, 115; enlarged edition of 
 Tract on Baptism, 1 1 7 ; at Brighton, 
 1 19 ; proposed Union for Prayer, 
 1 27-132 ; the Littlemore Monastery, 
 fears about, 136; 'What is Pusey- 
 ism?' 139; revival of ceremonial, 
 141; the Ornaments Rubric, 142; 
 the Sarum Breviary, 145 ; hopes of 
 Re-union, 148 ; the Ecclesiastical 
 Duties and Revenues Bill, 149; 
 University Sermon on Obedience, 
 1 50 ; sermon at St. Paul's, Bristol, 
 151; consults Archdeacon Man- 
 ning, 151 ; fear of secessions, 152; 
 letter to the Vice-Chancellor, on 
 Tract go, 171 ; on Newman's 
 explanation, 177; corresponds with 
 Bishop Bagot on Tract 90, 1 86-202 ; 
 * Letter to Dr. Jelf,' 212; letter to 
 Newman on article in British 
 Critic, 218; distrust of humour in 
 religious controversy, 220; second 
 letter on the article, 221; Pusey 
 and Ward, 223, 226; divergence 
 from Newman, 227, 237, 247, 260; 
 letter to Bishop of Oxford on 
 British Critic, 230; on refusal of 
 Priests' Orders to Peter Young, 233; 
 visits the Archbishop at Addington, 
 234 ; first suggestion of * Letter to 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury,* 237 ; 
 on Bp. of Winchester's Charge, 238 ; 
 
 visits Ireland, 243 ; is welcomed by 
 Dr. Todd, of Trinity College. ib'\ 
 decides not to preach, 245; im- 
 pressions of Romanism not en- 
 couraging, ib. ; meets the Roman 
 Catholic Archbishop of Dublin, 246; 
 returns to Oxford, 247 ; controversy 
 on his proceedings in Ireland, 248 ; 
 on the Jerusalem bishopric, ib. ; 
 meets Bunsen, 249 ; letter to Newman 
 on Bishop Alexander's consecration, 
 253; change of view, 257; the 
 Poetry Professorship, 260-271 ; 
 letter to E. Bellasis on proposed 
 address of legal profession in favour 
 of Tracts, 273 ; to Rev. B. Harrison 
 explaining principles of the Oxford 
 writers, 276; prescience in depre- 
 cating Episcopal Declarations, 276 ; 
 'Letter to Archbishop,' 277; con- 
 sults J. R. Hope, 278 ; characteristics 
 of the 'Letter,' 278; reception of 
 the 'Letter,' 281 ; adverse criticism, 
 282 ; attracts attention in Germany, 
 283 ; prof)Osed extension of the 
 Oxford Theological Faculty, 284; 
 attempt of Dr. Hampden to exclude 
 Pusey, 285 ; Pusey's distress at 
 secessions, 290; perplexity of friends, 
 294 ; correspondence with Newman 
 on his retractation, 298-302 ; trust 
 in the English Church, 302-305 ; 
 sermon at St. Mary's, May 14. 1843, 
 306 ; Mozley's description of the 
 scene, 309; delation of the sermon, 
 ib.\ letters to Keble, Newman, and 
 the Vice-Chancellor, 311-314 ; ap- 
 pointment of six doctors to examine 
 the sermon, 315 ; Dr. Jelf's explana- 
 tion, 315; letter of Pusey to his 
 mother, 316; condemnation without 
 hearing, 317 ; recantation or suspen- 
 sion ? 319; Jelf as intermediary, 
 320; statement of objections, 322; 
 explanation, 324; failure of nego- 
 tiations, 327; suspension, 328; 
 protest, 329-336; letters of remon- 
 strance, 338-341 ; Isaac Williams' 
 account, 342 ; question of pub- 
 lishing the sermon, 344; sermon 
 published (June 1843), 346: letters 
 from Mr. Gladstone and Dr. Hook, 
 348, 349 ; ill health, 351 ; cessation 
 of oid friendships, ib.\ Querela 
 nullitatis, 353; proposes suit in 
 spiritual court, 355 ; applies to Bp. 
 of Oxford, 357 ; Abp. of Canterbury's 
 opinion, 358 ; no legal redress, 361 ; 
 correspondence on the sermon, 
 364-369; distress at Newman's 
 
 Index, 
 
 resignation of St. Mary's. 371; 
 thoughts about the resignation, 373 ; 
 last service at Littlemore, 374; 
 contmued confidence in Newman, 
 381 ; translation of A^Tillon's 
 * Guide,' 389; remonstrances on 
 publication of Avrillon, 394, 395 ; 
 failure of the Breviary scheme, 396 ; 
 visit to Ilfracombe, 398; preaches 
 there, 400 ; letters from the Bp. of 
 Exeter, 401 ; letters on the English 
 Church, 403-406; on Newman's 
 probable secession, 406; death of 
 J. W. Bowden, 409; opposition to 
 Dr. Symons' appointment as Vice- 
 Chancellor, 410 ; defeat, 412 : Ward's 
 * Ideal of a Christian Church,' 414 ; 
 sympathy with the book, 415; letter 
 on proposed new test, 417-419 ; on 
 proceedings against Ward, 421; 
 appeals to Newman to defend 
 Tractarian position, 427; corre- 
 spondence with Mr. Gladstone, 
 Dr. Hook, and others, 4 29-433, 436- 
 438; sermon at Margaret Street 
 Chapel. 439 ; urges Copeland not 1 
 to resign Littlemore. 442 ; anxiety 
 about A. J. Christie, ib.; letter on 
 Newmans * despondency,' 445; 
 objects to term 'Antichrist' applied 
 to Rome, 447; appeals again to 
 Newman, 449; letters to Keble, 
 452, 453; correspondence with 
 Manning and Harrison, 454-457- 
 letter to the English CAurc/iman on 
 Newman's secession, 460-463 ; 
 Pusey's relation to him, 464; St' 
 Saviour's, Leeds, built by P.'s 
 liberality, 466 ; correspondence with 
 Dr. Hook,. 467 -476; proposed 
 purchase of a Portuguese church, 
 468; laying the first stone, 473;' 
 inscription, ib.; the Ten Command- 
 ments, 476; church furniture and 
 decorations, 478 ; gifts of jewels, 
 481; difficulties about consecration! 
 482; about the stone altar, 483; 
 • change in name of church, 485; 
 proposed sermons at consecration, 
 486; alarms about secessions, 48S ; 
 a week of sermons, 490; further 
 difficulties, 492; the consecration, 
 494 ; Pusey's sermon, 497 ; address 
 to the Bp. of Ripon, 499 ; return to 
 Oxford, 501 ; letter to Rev. J. S. 
 Northcote, ib.; publication of 
 Newman's ' Development of Chris- 
 tian Doctrine,' 503; anti-Roman 
 attitude, 504-506 ; intercourse with 
 Newman after his secession, 507; 
 
 527 
 
 leave-taking, 508 ; decreasing inter- 
 course with him, 509 ; unchanging 
 faith m English Church, 510; ill- 
 ness at Tenby, 512; estimate of his 
 position in 1845, 513. 
 Pusey, Eleanor Bouverie, i. i. 
 Pusey, Elizabeth Bouverie, i. 1, 7, 11 4. 
 
 See Luxmoore, Mrs. 
 Pusey, Harriet Bouverie, i. i. 
 Pusey, Henry Bouverie, i. i, iii. 
 Pusey, Lady Emily, her accomplish- 
 ments and character, i. 51 ; friend- 
 ship with her brother-in-law, 52 • 
 her novel ' Waldegrave,' ib. See 
 Herbert, Lady Emily. 
 Pusey, Lady Lucy, mother of E. B. P., 
 
 J- i.5-7;i«. 100, 111,112, 247,316. 
 l^usey, Lucy, eldest daughter of E. B. P 
 
 1. 208 ; ii. 383-388, 479, 480. *' 
 Pusey, Lucy, sister of E. B. P., i. 1. 
 Pusey, Mrs. {see Barker, Miss M. C.\ 
 1. 179, 180, 209, 210, 220, 224,288, 
 336 ; ii. 22, 36, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 
 o7» 89-91, 95, IOC, 103. 
 Pusey, Philip, eldest brother of E. B.P., 
 1. I, 9» 12, 28, 49, 161, 298, 319' 
 392, 394- 
 Pusey, Philip E., son of E. B. P., i. 
 
 438, 439; ii. 9', 92. III. 
 Pusey^ Rev. William Bouverie, brother 
 
 °^i^' \^'' *• ^' 92, 109, 218, 223, 
 278, 316; li. 112, 375, 412, 485. 
 
 Pusey (Berkshire;, parish church of, i. 
 191, 208, 209. 
 
 Pusey and Ellerton Hebrew Scholar- 
 ships, foundation of, i. 217. 
 
 ' Puseyism,' i. 279; ii. 139, 140. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quarterly Revie7v, i. 235 ; ii. 287. 
 Querela nullitatis, ii. 353-355- 
 
 R. 
 
 Radnor, Earl of, i. 294, 304. 
 
 Ramsgate, stay at, i. 296. 
 
 Rathbome, Rev. Joseph, ii. 209. 
 
 Record, The,\. 173; ii. 9, jo. 
 
 Reform Bill, the, of 1832, i. 265. 
 
 Rein hard, i. 172. 
 
 ' Remarks on the Prospective and Past 
 Benefits of Cathedral Institutions,' 
 
 ^ »• 225-235. 
 
 Reynolds, H. (Jesus College), Proctor. 
 
 ". 435. 
 Richards, Rev. Dr. (Rector of Exeter 
 
 College), ii. 173. 
 Riddell, Rev. James, i. 11. 
 Ripon, Bp. of. See Longley. 
 Roberts, Rev. Richard, i. 9, n. 
 
 ^ 
 
528 
 
 Index. 
 
 Index, 
 
 Rohr, i. 1 58. 
 
 Rogers, Mr. Frederic (Lord Blach- 
 
 ford), ii. 150. 
 * Rokeby,* i. 43. 
 Rokeby Castle, i. 144- 
 Roman Catholic Emancipation, i. 13a, 
 
 199, 201, 202. 
 Rose, Rev. Hugh James, i. 147 sqq.y 
 
 154, 160, 163, 164, 176, 263, 267, 
 
 351. 365; "• '9- 
 Rotunda, the, South wark, 1. 217. 
 Routh, Dr. (President of Magdalen 
 
 College^, i. 375 ; "• I50» i73- 
 Russell, John Somerset (afterwards 
 
 Lord Hampton), i. 12. 
 Russell, Lord J., i. 133, 39i. 397 ; "• 
 
 167. 
 Russell, Rev. J. F., i. 400-408; li. 
 
 141-145. 
 Ryder, Rev. T. D., 1. 439. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sack, Karl Heinrich, i. 106, 107, i->i, 
 
 ^53 , . ^ 
 
 Sacy, Silvestre de, 1. 99, 204, 200. 
 
 St. Clement's, Oxford, i. 78, 88. 
 
 St. Paul's Cathedral, meeting in 
 
 chapter-house, i. 396. 
 Sales, St. Francis de, * Introduction to 
 
 a Devout Life,' ii. 388. 
 Salisbury, Bishop of. See Burgess 
 
 and Denison. 
 Salwey, Richard, i. 24, 29, 63, 64, 88, 
 
 215. 
 Sander, M. F., i. 160. 
 Sandon, Lord, i. 24. 
 Sark and Guernsey, ii. 23, 25. 
 Sarum Breviary, the, proposal to 
 
 publish, ii. 145, 146, 390-396; 
 Saunders, Rev. Augustus Page, i. 190, 
 
 197. 
 Schelling, i. 157. 
 Schleiermacher, Frederick Ernest 
 
 Daniel, i. 78, 80, 82, 95. 
 Schonhausen, i. 95. 
 * Scholar Armed, The,' i. 256. 
 'Scholastic Philosophy, the, con- 
 sidered in its Relation to Christian 
 Theology,' i. 361. 
 Schultens, i. 203. 
 
 Scott, Rev. R. (Balliol College, after- 
 virards Dean of Rochester), i. 430; 
 ii. 27, 28. 
 Scott, Sir Walter, i. 43, 254, 444. ^ 
 ' Scriptural Views of Holy Baptism. 
 
 See Tract on Baptism. 
 Seager, Rev. C, ii. 141, 229, 377. 
 Seeker, Abp., i. 172, 203. 
 Semler, i. 157, 159, 160, 375. 
 Seneca, cited, ii. 318. 
 
 Sermons by E. B. P. : — 
 
 Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, 
 preached at Margaret Street 
 Chapel, ii. 439. 
 Baptism, ii. 22. 
 
 Church, the, the Converter of the 
 Heathen, two sermons preached at 
 Melcombe Regis, ii. 93. 
 Cross, the, borne for us and in us, 
 preached at Budleigh Salterton, 
 ii. 109. 
 Christian Kindliness, ii. 23, 83. 
 Divine Judgment, ii. 30. 
 Day of Judgment, preached at Brigh- 
 ton, ii. 109. 
 Eccles. xii. 1 3, preached before the 
 
 University, ii. 109, no. 
 Glory, the, of God's House, ii. 
 
 220. 
 Grieving the Holy Spirit, ii. 35. 
 Holiness (first sermon), i. 144. 
 Holy Eucharist, the, a Comfort to 
 the Penitent, preached before the 
 University (the condemned ser- 
 mon), ii. 307, 344. 
 Jesus Christ, the Foundation of 
 Christian Faith and Hope, ii. 30. 
 Love of God, ii. 400. 
 Luxury, preached in Oxford, ii. 82. 
 Obedience, preached before the Uni- 
 versity, again at Leeds, ii. 151. 
 Obeying Calls, ii. 25. 
 Our Pharisaism, L 3U. 
 Patience and Confidence (Nov. 5), 
 
 ii. 25, 26. 
 Sudden Death, ii. 25. 
 At St. Saviour's, Leeds, ii. 500. 
 
 Sewell, Rev. William (Exeter Col- 
 lege),!. 293, 305 ; it 204, 287, 298. 
 
 Sherlock's 'Practical Christian,' ii. 
 388. 
 
 Short, Rev. Thomas Vowler (after- 
 wards Bp. of St Asaph), i. 24, 190, 
 
 374- ^ ^ , . 
 
 'Short Studies on Great Subjects, 
 
 J. A. Froude, ii. 260. 
 Shrockh, the historian, on preaching, 
 
 i. 156. 
 Shuttle worth. Dr., supports Peel 
 
 against Inglis, i. 199 ; ii. 294. 
 Sikes, Dr.T.,ofGuilsborough, i. 256, 
 
 257» 258. 
 Simeon, Rev. C, i. 400. 
 Sisters of Mercy, ii. 155. 
 Slane, Baron de, i. 206. 
 Smith, Dr. (Dean of Christ Church, 
 
 afterwards of Durham), i. 189, 193, 
 
 210. 
 Smith, Dr. Pye, i. 147. 
 
 Smith, Rev. Sydney, i. 396. 
 
 SocietyforPromotingChristian Know- 
 ledge,!. 218, 297; !i. 19,148. 
 
 Society for Propagation of the Gospel, 
 "•93>94. 
 
 * Society for the Reformation of Prin- 
 
 ciples,' !. 256. 
 Southey, Mrs., i. 144. 
 Spalding, i. 157. 
 
 * Specimens of the Theological Teach- 
 
 ing of the Corpus Committee at 
 Oxford, i. 379. 
 
 Spencer Hon. and Rev. Augustus 
 
 (' Father Ignatius '),ii. 127. 
 Spencer, Hon. George, !. 13. 
 
 Spener.i ,55, ,59 ,6o,i72;!i.307. 
 
 * Spiritual Combat,' the, ii. 388. 
 Spooner, Archdeacon, ii. 13.* 
 Spring-Rice. Mr.. !. 292. 
 
 Stanley, A. P. (afterwards Dean of 
 Westminster), !. 282; 328; li. A^r, 
 435. ^ • 
 
 Stanley, Lord (afterwards Earl of 
 Derby), i. 12, 266, 273. 
 
 Stedman, Dr. (Pembroke College) ii 
 309. ** ^' * 
 
 Steinbart, i. 157, 159. 
 
 Stephens Rev. W. R. W., ' Life of Dr. 
 ^ Hook,' cited, !i. 210. 
 
 Stemhold and Hopkins, !. 298. 
 
 Stevens, Thomas, !. 259. 
 
 Stewart, Rev jH.. ii. 34, 35. 
 
 Strauss, David F., ii. 109. 
 
 .Strauss, Dr. Friedrich, !. 78. 
 
 Subscription, undergraduate, Hamp- 
 den on, !. 299; Newman on, 300 ; 
 Heads of Houses pass a resolution 
 adverse to, 301 . 
 
 'Subscription to the Thirty-nine Arti- 
 cles,' !. 310. 
 
 Sumner, Charles Richard (Bp. of Win- 
 chester), !. 432 ; ii. 330-333, 272, 
 
 Sumner, John Bird (Bp. of Chester, 
 afterwards Abp. of Canterbury), i 
 i;«.; ii. 337, 279. 
 
 ^unn s • Foundations of the Spiritual 
 Life,' !. 415, 431. 
 
 Swiss tour, !. 33-41. 
 
 Symons, Rev. B. P. (Wadham Col- 
 lege),!. 181, 393, 375, 385 ; !i. 103, 
 
 3'4, 35 3» 410-412, 436. 
 Synac, study of, i. 94-96. 
 
 529 
 
 of the • Four Tutors,' ii. 167, 287, 
 420. " " 
 
 Talbot, the Hon. J. C.,!. 190. 
 Tanhum, Rabbi, Arabic Commentary 
 
 of, 1. 215, 216. , 
 
 Taylor Jeremy. ' Contemplations of 
 
 the State of Man,' ii. 389. 
 
 Taylor, Rev. Robert, i. 217. 
 Teller, i. 157. 
 
 ;j!^^»^"i^"'»-4i4,436, 437; ii. 149. 
 1 est and Corporation Acts, i. 1 25 
 
 Tests, Religious, Bill for Aboliiion 
 of, 1. 292. 
 
 Theodoret, original text of, i. 4^0. 
 Theological Faculty at Oxford! ii 
 
 284. 
 
 Theological Honour School, i. 2 5 , • 
 Theological Society, the, i. 332-^3.^5 
 
 TK^V' ^.t°;;3-^^ ' ii. 108, 117. 
 
 ThirlwalLBp. (of St. David's), ii. 237. 
 
 Iholuck, Augustus, i. 78, 94, 98, 99, 
 160-162, 197, 208, 237-248, 296, 
 321-323,388; ii. 84,85, 158-160, 
 258, 282. 
 
 Thomas, Rev. Vaughan, ii. 290. 
 Thompson, Rev. Edward, ii. 200. 
 Thorpe, Rev. Dr., ii. 209. 
 
 Tiemey, Sir Matthew, i. 118, 12^. 
 129. *^* 
 
 Tillotson, Abp., i. 172. 
 
 T. 
 
 T. H., letters to, i. 173, 174. 
 
 * Taberi Annals,' Kosegarten's, !. go. 
 100. ^^' 
 
 Tait, Rev. A. C. (Balliol College, 
 afterwards Abp. of Canterbury), one 
 VOL. II. M m 
 
 Times, The, li. 165, 166, 170, 180. 
 Todd, Rev. Dr. (Trinity College, Dub- 
 Im), I. 380 ; !i. 243, 246, 248, 377. 
 Townsend, Rev. G., ii. 1 4. " 
 
 * Tracts for the Times,' i. 253-264 
 
 f.7°' ^76-284 ; 335,345, .^51, 404.' 
 11. 2, 8, 196-200. 
 
 No. 18, i. 280, 281. 
 
 No. 21, i. 280. 
 
 No. 66. i. 283. 
 
 — No. 67-69, on Baptism, !. 323, 
 
 331, 343-350, 352, 367 ; ii. 1 1 1, II 7. 
 No. 71, ii. 3. 
 
 No. 72, ii. 5. 
 
 No. 79, ii. 8. 
 
 No. 81, ii. 31,32. 
 
 No. 82, ii. II. 
 
 - — No. 90, ii. 161-242, 426. 
 Trower, Walter J. (afterwards Bp. of 
 
 Glasgow), i. 140, 197. 
 Twesten. !. 158, 161. 
 Twistleton, Mr. (afterwards Lord 
 
 Saye and Sele), !. 13 
 Tyler, Rev. J. E., i. 100, 134, 225; 
 ^ »• 4, 379. 
 Tytheriy, sermon at, i. 144. 
 
 U. 
 
 Uhlmann, !. 95. 
 
 Unbelief, first contact with, i. 46 sqq. 
 
 t 
 I 
 
530 
 
 Index, 
 
 • Union for Prayer,' ii. 1 27-1 34- . .. 
 United States, Tractarianism in, 11. 
 
 124-126. 
 Uri, John. i. 203, 204. 
 Ussher, Abp., on Prayers for the 
 
 Dead, i. 416 ; ii. 5. 
 
 V. 
 
 Valetta, proposed Bishop of, ii. 249. 
 
 Van Mildert, Dr. Regius Professor 
 of Divinity, afterwards Bp. of Dur- 
 ham), i. 23, 172. 202. 
 
 Vansittart, Dr., i. 181. 
 
 Ventnor, i. 288. 
 
 Via Media, the, ii. 78. 
 
 Vienne and Lyons, martyrs of, i. 414. 
 
 Vincent of Lerins, i. 414. 
 
 Wagner, Rev. H. W., ii. 150. 
 
 Walden, Lord Howard de, i. 13. 
 
 Wale, A. M., i. 12. 
 
 Warburton, Bp., i. 172, 229. 
 
 Ward, Rev. Richard, ii. 485, 4S7, 
 
 494' 
 Ward, Rev. W. G., ii. 217, 414-416, 
 
 424, 426. 
 Waterland, 1. 413. 
 Waterloo, battle of, i. 16. 
 Watson, Mr. Joshua, i. 256, 258, 
 
 259>329; "• 181. .. ^ „ 
 Webb, Rev. Benjamm, 11. 476-480. 
 Wegscheider, i. 158. 
 Wellington, Duke of, i. 186, 187, 
 
 294, 295, 374- ^^ . . ^ .. 
 Wesley, Rev. J., * Christian Library, 
 
 ii. 389. 
 
 Wetherell, Sir C, i. 90. 
 
 Weymouth, stay at, ii. 92, 93. 
 
 Whately, Dr. (Principal of St. Alban 
 Hall, afterwards Archbishop of 
 Dublin), i. 179, 198, 222, 360, 369, 
 
 37O' 379; "• 244- 
 
 White, Rev. Blanco, i. 106, 165, 166, 
 i99» 3H» 3i5» 360, 361, 363; "• 109- 
 
 Wilberforce, Rev. H. W., i. 430. 
 
 Wilberforce, Rev. R. L, i. 104, 181, 
 183, 197, 200; ii. 364. 
 
 Wilberforce, Archdeacon S., ii. 424. 
 
 Williams, C, L 337- 
 
 W^illiams, Rev. George, i. 176. 
 
 Williams, Rev. Isaac, i. 279, 335 ; "• 
 117,260,342-344,492. 
 
 Williams, Mr. Robert, ii. 39^- 
 
 Wilson, Bishop, i. 3*4 ; "• 3^8. 
 
 Wilson, Horace Hayman, i. 214, 215. 
 
 Wilson, Rev. H. B. ;St. John's Col- 
 lege), i. 374 ; ii- 167. 
 
 Wiseman, Bishop (afterwards Car- 
 dinal), ii. 4, 151, 211. 
 
 Wolfian philosophy, i. 156. 
 
 Wood, Antony k, i. 328 ; ii. 318. 
 
 Wood, Sir Charles (^afterwards Lord 
 Halifax), i. 373. 
 
 Wood, Mr., i. 292. 
 
 Wood, S. F. (Oriel), i. 431 ; ii- 39^- 
 
 Woodgate, Rev. H. A., i. 200 ; ii. 356. 
 
 451- 
 Wootten, Dr., i. 288, 316 ; 11. 95. 
 
 Wynter, Dr. (President of St. John s 
 College, Vice-chancellor), i. 375 5 
 ii. 170-173, 287, 309, 310. 3"' 
 3i2-3i4> 317, 320, 327» 3*9' 334. 
 335» 336-340* 341 «-. 354» 355» .W- 
 411. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Yorke, Sir Joseph, i. 203. 
 
 Young, Rev. Peter, ii. 230, 231-233. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Z., i. 44» 45-48» 344- . , ^ ^ , 
 ' Z.' (founder of St. Saviour s, Leeds), 
 
 ii. 471, 474, 475- 
 Zwingli, study of, i. 323, 354. 
 
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 «?^ 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 i 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
Oxford 
 
 HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 i 
 
 S 
 
 I 
 
( 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 
 y 
 
 Lt/e of 
 'nrd Bouverie Pusey 
 
 Duel OR V'JNITY 
 
 CHRIST CHURCH; RKGIUS PROFESSOR OF 
 HE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 BY 
 
 it.C.l. 
 
 LnH)ON. D,D 
 
 ATE CANON fXOR . PAtJr/> 
 
 i'RF.fAKeu IfHIt 
 
 ) JOHNSTON, M.A. 
 
 ■ m A WD THFm.' 
 
 i-XTUS5R OF 'fKETON 
 
 ..v. rOBKRT r WTI-SON" D. D. 
 
 HOK. Ill.l.. 
 
 
 'OLUMES: VOL, III 
 
 '/»-' 
 
 LU 
 
 a:. 
 
 T.ONDON 
 ANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 .' YORK: T,-^ FAST i6TH STRV'Ttt 
 1894 
 
 .; 
 
 \l 
 
ix 
 
 ?.. -'■ 
 
 
 t- V 
 
 X 
 
 ,\- 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 V 
 
 
 \' 
 
N* 
 
 \ 
 
 r 
 
 
 Life of 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 DOCTOR OF DIVINITY 
 
 CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH ; REGIUS PROFESSOR OF 
 
 HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY PARRY LIDDON, D.D. 
 
 D.C.L. ; LL.D. ; LATE CANON AND CHANCELLOR OF ST. PAUL's 
 
 EDITED AND PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION BY THE 
 
 REV. J. O. JOHNSTON, M.A. 
 
 CHAPLAIN AND THEOLOGICAL LECTURER OF MERTON COLLEGE 
 VICAR OF ALL SAINTS, OXFORD ; AND THE 
 
 REV. ROBERT J. WILSON, D.D. 
 
 WARDEN OF KBBLE COLLEGE 
 HON. FELLOW AND FORMERLY TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE 
 
 IN FOUR VOLUMES: VOL. Ill 
 
 With Portraits and Illustrations 
 
 ■ 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST i6th STREET 
 
 1894 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
t 
 
 
 PREFACE TO VOL. Ill 
 
 1 
 
 V. Z 
 
 f 
 
 The present volume continues Dr. Liddon's bio- 
 graphy of Dr. Pusey, roughly speaking from 1845 to 
 1858, over a period which, in its relation to the English 
 Church, must be considered the most important 
 portion of his life. Dr. Liddon himself in a general 
 division of his work used to describe this period 
 as 'the Struggle.' Dean Church, in the concluding 
 passage of his account of the Oxford Movement^ 
 speaks of the record of this time as ' almost more 
 important than the history of the Movement ' itself. 
 Many incidental matters of wide and deep interest 
 were exercising Pusey's mind, and were being urged 
 forward by him during these years. He was ad- 
 vancing Hebrew studies in the University by the 
 conscientious discharge of his professorial duties. 
 He was promoting plans for the extension of Uni- 
 versity education. He was endeavouring to protect 
 what he felt were the deeper interests of education 
 amidst the reforms of a University Commission. 
 He was restoring ' the religious life ' in the Church 
 of England by the organization of Sisterhoods. 
 
 a 3 
 
' 
 
 VI 
 
 Preface. 
 
 Vll 
 
 f 
 
 \\\ 
 
 But the real importance of his work at this period 
 was of a different character. It lay in his slowly 
 converting the authorities of the Church and the 
 country at large to the belief that the ground on 
 which the Tractarians stood was solid. In 1845 
 the mass of English people were inclined to believe 
 that Tractarian principles had no rightful home in 
 the Church of England, and that those who held 
 them must eventually accept the whole Papal system. 
 Pusey was striving through all these years to shew 
 that the contrary was the case, that, when freed 
 from Puritan gloss and Protestant tradition, the 
 Anglican Formularies legitimately covered all that 
 Tractarians had advanced. By re-iterated assertion 
 and convincing argument, as well as by persistent 
 refusal to retreat or to move Romewards, he 
 brought men first to consider and then to acquiesce 
 in his own view of Anglicanism. It was thus that 
 he vindicated the Anglican claim to the doctrine of 
 Regeneration, of Absolution, of the Real Presence, 
 of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, and other important 
 truths. 
 
 His position was naturally regarded at first with 
 the gravest suspicion. It involved a view of Angli- 
 canism long lost sight of in the Evangelical and 
 Latitudinarian teaching that was current ; it was 
 popularly confused with Romanism ; many who had 
 held it had joined the Roman Communion: yet 
 Pusey, while maintaining it, refused to identify 
 himself with any declaration against Rome. The 
 present volume helps to explain on what grounds 
 
 n 
 
 Preface. 
 
 he adopted such a position. No one was more 
 anxious than he to prevent secessions to Rome : 
 not only was he conscious of the grave defects 
 of the Papal system, but he was also in dread 
 of weakening the National Church, which he felt 
 must necessarily be the great stronghold of national 
 religion. Still he was convinced that nothing would 
 cause more numerous secessions than any action 
 curtailing that Catholic tradition of primitive doctrine 
 and practice which had been Providentially retained 
 at the Reformation and to which the Caroline divines 
 had constantly appealed. The Church of England, 
 as we know it at present, shews how far he achieved 
 his purpose, and how far his convictions were well- 
 grounded. 
 
 But throughout all this long warfare it must be 
 noticed that Pusey never liked controversy for 
 controversy's sake, nor indeed was it as a mere theory 
 that he was anxious to defend the Sacramental 
 system. If he loved and defended it, it was because 
 he believed that it was the appointed way for re- 
 storing men to their true relation to God, and for 
 enabling them with Divine aid to develop the full- 
 ness of the Christian character. It was the desire, 
 in one word, * to save souls,' that actuated him in 
 incurring so much obloquy and in enduring this 
 long struggle. 
 
 By the date at which this volume closes, the work 
 of vindicating the Catholic side of Anglicanism was 
 far from being completed. But the principle on 
 which that vindication rests was beginning to be 
 
Vlll 
 
 Preface. 
 
 I \ 
 
 acknowledged, and was recommended by the perti- 
 nacious loyalty and self-sacrificing work of the 
 Catholic party. It was already recognized by some 
 of the rulers of the Church who had originally been 
 suspicious, and also by the common sense of the 
 nation which was watching the course of events. 
 
 Meanwhile Pusey's influence was steadily spread- 
 ing throughout the English Communion. It was felt, 
 that amidst the ecclesiastical troubles of the day he 
 was in reality the one great leader, in spite of his 
 own reluctance to acknowledge it. It was begin- 
 ning to be seen that not only was there more to be 
 said for ' Puseyism ' than had been thought to be 
 the case, but that its existence w^as fundamentally 
 strengthening the Church of England. In view of 
 the new forces that were gathering both against 
 the Church and religion, many were thankful that 
 it was so. 
 
 We are bound again to record the sense of 
 grateful obligation felt by Dr. Liddon to all those 
 who have so generously lent correspondence for 
 the purpose of this biography. We must our- 
 selves specially thank Sir Henry Longley, K.C.B., 
 and others in this regard : we have also to thank 
 Mr. Ryman Hall of Oxford, for the use of Mr. 
 Keble's portrait ; and Miss Marriott of Eastleigh, 
 Hampshire, for permission to insert the portrait of 
 the Rev. Charles Marriott. 
 
 CONTENTS OF VOL. Ill 
 
 -♦••- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 1845. 
 
 EARLY DAYS OF ANGLICAN SISTERHOODS 
 
 P.AGE 
 I 
 
 CHAPTER II. 1845-1846. 
 
 FIRST UNIVER- 
 
 RELATIONS WITH BISHOP WILBERFORCE 
 SITY SERMON AFTER SUSPENSION 
 
 33 
 
 CHAPTER III. 1846. 
 
 THE JERUSALEM BISHOPRIC— BISHOP GOBAT*S APPOINT- 
 MENT—SCHEMES FOR EXTENSION OF UNIVERSITY 
 EDUCATION— ILLNESS AT TENBY .... 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 1846. 
 PENITENCE AND CONFESSION . 
 
 70 
 
 94 
 
 CHAPTER V. 1847. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS -the FIRST HARVEST OF DISAP- 
 POINTMENT 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 1847-1848. 
 
 pusey's isolation— his attitude towards ROME MIS- 
 UNDERSTOOD—LETTERS TO MR. GLADSTONE— PRO- 
 JECT OF A COMMENTARY ON HOLY SCRIPTURE 
 — LAST PHASE OF THE HAMPDEN CONTROVERSY 
 
 112 
 
 137 
 
X 
 
 Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 1845-1849. 
 CARE OF THE POOR— IRISH FAMINE — FREE TRADE — 
 
 Gladstone's election for oxford university- 
 admission OF jews to parliament — deceased 
 wife's sister bill— appendix : correspondence 
 
 CHAPTER Vni. 1847-1849. 
 
 HAYLING island — VOCATIONS TO A SINGLE LIFE — PARK 
 VILLAGE — MISS SELLON — FOUNDATION OF THE 
 DEVONPORT SOCIETY — THE BISHOP OF EXETER's 
 INQUIRY — THE CHOLERA AT DEVONPORT 
 
 PAGE 
 
 167 
 
 186 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 1847-1850. 
 
 THE GORHAM CASE — THE BAPTISMAL CONTROVERSY- 
 APPENDIX : CORRESPONDENCE .... 
 
 201 
 
 CHAPTER X. 1850. 
 
 RESULTS OF THE GORHAM CONTROVERSY — PROCEEDINGS 
 IN LONDON CHURCH UNION — WORK ON THE ROYAL 
 SUPREMACY — CONTROVERSIES WITH M ASKELL, ALLIES, 
 AND DODSWORTH — LETTER TO REV. W, U. RICHARDS 
 
 238 
 
 u 
 
 K^\ 
 
 CHAPTER XL isso. 
 
 PROTEST ON THE ROYAL SUPREMACY — PROPOSED ANTI- 
 ROMAN DECLARATION — DECLARATION OF LOYALTY 
 TO THE ENGLISH CHURCH BY PUSEY AND KEBLE — 
 SECESSIONS OF ARCHDEACONS MANNING AND R. I. 
 WILBERFORCE 
 
 271 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 1860-1862. 
 
 PAPAL AGGRESSION — BISHOP BLOMFIELD's CHARGE — 
 LETTER TO BISHOP OF LONDON — BISHOP WILBER- 
 FORCE's INHIBITION — INHIBITION WITHDRAWN — AP- 
 PENDIX : CORRESPONDENCE 29I 
 
 CHAPTER XHI. i852. 
 
 THE EXETER SYNOD— PLACE OF LAITY IN SYNODS — RE- 
 VIVAL OF CONVOCATION — BOOK ON THE 'COUNCILS 
 OF THE CHURCH * 34^ 
 
 Contents, 
 
 XI 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 1850-1852. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS — THE SECOND HARVEST OF DIS- 
 APPOINTMENT — correspondence: beginnings of 
 
 RITUALISM — penitentiaries — IRVINGISM — PURGA- 
 TORY 
 
 PAGE 
 
 355 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 1854. 
 the university reform act OF 1854. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 1853-1858. 
 
 commemoration, 1853 — FIRST ELECTION TO HEBDOMADAL 
 COUNCIL — UNIVERSITY BUSINESS —DEATHS OF LADY 
 EMILY PUSEY, PHILIP PUSEY, LADY LUCY PUSEY, 
 DEAN GAISFORD, DR. MILL, CHARLES MARRIOTT . 
 
 379 
 
 403 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 1853-1860. 
 
 SECOND PERIOD OF EUCHARISTIC CONTROVERSY — SERMON 
 ON THE HOLY EUCHARIST — CASE OF ARCHDEACON 
 DENISON — CHARGE OF THE BISHOP OF BRECHIN . 422 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 LIST OF TRACTS FOR THE TIMES 
 
 INDEX 
 
 473 
 481 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 THE LARGE STUDY AT CHRIST CHURCH 
 PORTRAIT OF JOHN KEBLE . . . . 
 
 FACSIMILE OF ONE OF DR. PUSEY's LETTERS . 
 
 Frontispiece 
 to face page 96 
 
 tt 
 
 n 257 
 
 DR. PUSEY*S LODGINGS IN CHRIST CHURCH (dRAWING- 
 
 ROOM side) p, 403 
 
 PORTRAIT OF CHARLES MARRIOTT . 
 
 to face page 420 
 
 / 
 
'{ 
 
 1 
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY DAYS OF ANGLICAN SISTERHOODS. 
 
 1845. 
 
 'Be it mine 
 One law to cherish, and to track one line, 
 Straight on towards heaven to press with single bent 
 To know and love my God, and then to die content!' 
 
 New.m-vn's Occasional Verses, cix. 
 
 A SLIGHT anticipation of the chronological order of 
 events was for obvious reasons necessary in the concluding 
 pages of the last volume. But as a matter of fact the 
 buildmg of St. Saviour's, Leeds, was far from being the 
 only great practical scheme which occupied Pusey's thou<^hts 
 m the dark days of 1845. Simultaneously with this^'his 
 thoughtful interest was enlisted in another kind of work 
 which, although it did not at the moment attract so much 
 attention, was yet destined to have very wide and deep 
 results on the life of the English Church. On March 26 
 i«45, at Park Village West, Regent's Park, under Pusey's 
 guidance, there was inaugurated the first attempt to revive 
 the Sisterhood life in the English Church. 
 
 Several influences would appear to have combined to 
 guide Pusey's mind in this direction. The first call 
 for such institutions was found in the condition of the 
 
 VOL. III. B 
 
2 Life of Edward Bouverie Pnsey. 
 
 great cities, and especially of the East End of London, 
 which for many years had occupied so large a pLice 
 in Pusey's thoughts and charities. He was satisfied that 
 unless the hands of the clergy were strengthened by 
 the disciplined love of Christians, not of necessity in holy 
 orders, but led by Divine grace to give themselves up to 
 a life of sacrifice, little could be done to recover masses of 
 population which had outgrown all the existing machinery 
 of the Church. Influencing him also in the same direction 
 were the considerations suggested by conversations which 
 he had often heard in his early years, in which the difficulty 
 of finding suitable employment for many unmarried women 
 had been much insisted on. Indeed, this had been a tradi- 
 tional source of uneasiness among the gentry and middle 
 classes in England ever since the Reformation ^. Such ideas 
 were, so to speak, in the air. An able writer, with even 
 violent prejudices against the Church of Rome, regrets that 
 
 * in the wholesale extirpation of monastic institutions the nunneries 
 were swept away. The good which would have resulted from con- 
 verting them into Protestant establishments is so obvious, that few 
 persons can have regarded the present state of society in these 
 kingdoms, as it affects women, without regretting that an opportunity 
 for alleviating so much evil should have been neglected ^' 
 
 Another consideration was suggested to Pusey by his 
 studies. It was impossible to read the Catholic Fathers, 
 especially St. Augustine and St. Jerome — writers who, for 
 different reasons, profoundly influenced him — without ob- 
 serving the stress which they laid on the single life, whether 
 of men or women, when consecrated to the service of 
 God. This side of their teaching had been lost sight of by 
 that section of Anglican divines which regarded antiquity 
 not as a guide in faith or morals, but merely as a storehouse 
 of polemical weapons against the Church of Rome. But the 
 nobler minds in the English Church had never altogether 
 forgotten this element of early Christian belief and feeling. 
 Hooker, though a married man, yet held that a single life 
 
 ^ ♦ The Protestant Monastery, or * Quarterly Review, xxii. 90, July, 
 
 Christian CEconomics,' by the Rev. 1 819, art. ' British Monachism.' 
 Sir George Wheler. 12 mo, 1698. 
 
 Calls for Sisterhoods, q 
 
 is a thing * more angelical and divine \' Bishop Andrewes 
 m his well-known 'Devotions; gives thanks for' the Virgins' 
 flowers of purity, celestial gems, brides of the Immaculate 
 Lamb ; and it is recorded of him on his tomb in St 
 Saviour's, Southwark, that ' coelebs migravit ad aureolam 
 coelestem \' Bishop Montague insisted on the distinction 
 between precepts of morality and counsels of Christian 
 perfection ^ Laud declared that, in disposing of ecclesias- 
 tical promotions, he should prefer the single man before 
 the married ' ; Jeremy Taylor says that ' Virginity ' of the 
 'chosen and voluntary' kind is 'a life of an-els the 
 enamel of the soul, the huge advantage of religion, the 
 great opportunity for the retirements of devotion « ' Thorn- 
 dike maintains that ' in the profession of monastic life there 
 is ground for presuming that those who live in it come 
 nearer what our baptism professeth, by the means thereof, 
 than others can do 7/ It was this conviction which had 
 led to the memorable effort of Nicholas Ferrar to establish 
 a religious community at Little Gidding in the time of 
 Charles I. ; and, in the next century, the deepest motive 
 for such institutions is stated in a noble passage of Law's 
 * Serious Call ' :— - 
 
 ' If the religion of Christians is founded upon the infinite humilia- 
 10ns, the cruel mockings and scourgings, the prodigious sufferings, 
 the poor persecuted life and painful death of a crucified Son of God • 
 what wonder is it if many humble adorers of this profound mystery- 
 many affectionate lovers of a crucified Lord-should renounce their 
 share of worldly pleasures and give themselves up to a continual 
 course of mortification and self-denial ; that thus suffering with Christ 
 here, they may reign with Him hereafter ? 
 
 * If truth itself hath assured us that t/iere is but one t/nnj: needful 
 what wonder is it that there should be some amongst Christians so 
 full of faith as to believe this in the highest sense of the words, and to 
 desire such a separation from the world, that their care and attention 
 
 J;?S^p-ci^;a,Par.er,i8,6, .k!^,^^:^- ^^^^ 
 
 fo^i'iS^^^-'p--"^- ^- c;:^SiJ^orS:^^:r^^^ 
 
 lora rarker 1854. Sect, xxxvii ; Works, v C71 ^u ;. 
 
 S. MaK'xS- :'/• ' ^"- "'• '' '' ^^^t' ^ """ ? '"^ -Ua.ion 
 
 B 2 
 
^ I 
 
 4 Life of Edward Bouverie Pttsey. 
 
 to the one thing needful may not be interrupted ? If our Blessed Lord 
 hath said, I/thou wilt be perfect^ go and sell that t/tou hast, and give 
 to the poor, and thou shall have treasure in heaven ; and come and 
 follow J/^'y— what wonder is it that there should be some such zealous 
 followers of Christ, so intent upon heavenly treasure, so desirous of 
 perfection, that they should renounce the enjoyment of their estates, 
 choose a voluntary poverty, and relieve all the poor they are able ? 
 If the great Apostle, St. Paul, hath said, ^^ He that is unmarried careth 
 for the things that belong to the Lord, how he may please the Lord; " 
 and that '"''there is this difference also between a wife and a virgin; — 
 the untnarried woman careth for the things of the Lord, that she may 
 be holy both in body and spirit ;^' — what wonder is it, if the purity and 
 perfection of the virgin state hath been the praise and the glory of the 
 Church in its first and purest ages ^ ? ' 
 
 But the Puritan feeling of the seventeenth century had 
 set strongly in an opposite direction to that of Christian 
 antiquity and the best English divines. The average 
 Puritan divine regarded the married state as a kind of 
 certificate of Protestant orthodoxy. The ' Evangelical 
 Revival ' which had honourably distinguished itself by 
 insisting on a Christian's renunciation of the worldly life, 
 could not, in this particular, disentangle itself from the 
 fetters of the Puritan tradition; and thus, in the early 
 years of this century, Puritan zeal combined with worldly 
 indifference to depreciate the single life consecrated to the 
 service of God ; and the language of the Fathers, which 
 seemed so much a matter of course to the early and 
 undivided Church, had almost the character of a new 
 revelation ^ to the student-minds of the Oxford Movement. 
 
 This consideration weighed with Pusey all the more 
 from causes nearer home. The disposition and intentions 
 of his daughter Lucy seemed to him to have about them a 
 Providential character. As a very young child she appears 
 to have expressed her desire to lead a single life, devoted 
 to God's service : and her father, it need not be said, was 
 not likely to check this. Such a desire specially recom- 
 mended itself to his sympathy, because after his great sorrow 
 
 * Law's * Serious Call,* chap. ix. 
 [vide Christian Remembrancer, vii. 
 
 P- 257] 
 
 ^ The publication by Mr. A. J. 
 
 Christie of a translation of St. Am- 
 brose's treatise on Virginity caused 
 quite a sensation. 
 
 Calls for Sisterhoods. 5 
 
 in May, 1839, Pusey considered that henceforth a single life 
 had been ordered for himself by Divine Providence : and 
 sorrow made entire self-consecration to God easy, and, if the 
 expression might be used, natural. Then, too, he saw around 
 him religious zeal which threatened to waste itself in irregular 
 efforts. He knew something about hearts, sick of this 
 world, whose very energy threatened to become disease, and 
 to prey upon itself if not guided by some outward rule. 
 Might they not drift into extravagances, or even away from 
 the English Church, if the warmth of their religious feelings 
 was uncontrolled ^ ? Thus on December 18, 1839, he writes 
 to Keble: — 
 
 *N[ewman] and I have separately come to think it necessary to 
 have some " Sceurs de Charite " in the Anglo-Catholic [Church]. He 
 is going to have an article on it in the B\ritish\ C\ritic\. If no one 
 else writes it, he will do it himself. I have named it since to very 
 different sorts of persons, and all are taken with it exceedingly, (except 
 B. H[arrison], who (as Archbishop's Chaplain) is half afraid of it,) and 
 think that there would be numbers of people who are yearning to be 
 employed that way. My notion was that it might begin by regular 
 employment as nurses, in hospitals and lunatic asylums, in which last 
 Christian nursing is so sadly missed. B. H. says that in Guy's the 
 nurses are called still " Sister Agnes," "Sister Mary," &c.' 
 
 Another correspondent to whom Pusey applied was the 
 Rev. W. Perceval Ward, Rector of Compton Valence. Mr. 
 Ward had resided much abroad, and had interested himself 
 in the Sisterhood of St. Vincent de Paul, as well as other forms 
 of the community life on the continent. He pressed upon 
 Pusey that unless the English Church could produce some- 
 thing which should emulate the work of those beneficent 
 associations, the population of our large towns would be lost 
 to reh'gion altogether, or would become Roman Catholic. 
 
 Rev. W. p. Ward to E. B. P. 
 
 Feb. 24, 1840. 
 Certainly our undisciplined minds, our internal differences, and our 
 external separation, seem to present insurmountable difficulties. But 
 yet I do not see that a doubtful success should deter you from so plain 
 a duty. The simple truth, from which we cannot escape, is that 
 thousands of souls, the care of the Church of England, are, year by 
 
 » Cf. Drit. Crit., No. 63. Oct. 1841, p 367. 
 
'1 
 
 
 p 
 
 6 1-iJe of Edward Bonverie Pusey. 
 
 year, allowed to perish, because we dare not make ventures beyond 
 our old and, for these times, inefficient machinery. Surely at such 
 a time everything but principle is to be risked. 
 
 Newman's thoughts on the subject at this moment are 
 given in a letter to his friend Bowden :— 
 
 Feb. 21, 1840. 
 * . . . Pusey is at present very eager about setting up Sisters of 
 Mercy. I feel sure that such institutions are the only means of saving 
 some of our best members from turning Roman Catholics ; and yet 
 I despair of such societies being made externally. They must be the 
 expression of an inward principle. All one can do is to offer the 
 opportunity. I am sceptical, too, whether they can be set up without 
 a quasi- vow.' . . } 
 
 Somewhat earlier Pusey had written still more fully to 
 the friend whose great practical ability would have made 
 his opinion and co-operation especially valuable. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Christ Church, Dec, 1839. 
 I want very much to have one or more societies of * Sceurs de la 
 Charity ' formed : I think them desirable (i) in themselves as belonging 
 to and fostering a high tone in the Church, (2) as givini,- a holy 
 employment to many who yearn for something, (3) as directing zeal, 
 which will otherwise often go off in some irregular way, or go over to 
 Rome. The Romanists are making great use of them to entice over 
 our people ; and I fear we may lose those whom one can least spare ; 
 but this is secondary. J think the other two primary, and that they 
 are calculated to draw a blessing upon the Church in which they are 
 found, as the Fathers always speak of the virgins. It seemed best that 
 at first they should not be so discursive as those of the Romish Church 
 m Ireland, but be employed in hospitals, lunatic asylums, prisons, 
 among the females. Do you know of any who would engage in it on 
 a small scale, quietly, or one who would be a Mother Superior, i. e. 
 one fitted to guide it ? . . . 
 
 Ever your very affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Hook does not appear to have answered Pusey's earlier 
 letters on the subject: his hands were too full. But in 
 June, J 840, he wrote at some length his hopes of what was 
 possible. 
 
 * Newman's * Letters and Correspondence,' ii. 299. 
 
 Hookas Proposals. j 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Vicarage, Leeds, June 9, 1840. 
 
 ... I perfectly agree with you in thinking it to be most important 
 to have a class of persons acting under us and answering to the Sisters 
 of Charity in some foreign Churches. But there will be great diffi- 
 culties in the way. Although we shall obtain the co-operation of the 
 really pious of all classes ultimately, there will be much opposition 
 from those * Evangelical' ladies who at present control the visiting 
 societies, and employ the clergy as their agents : and we ail know 
 that the Record spirit in such persons will hurry them into all kind 
 of calumnies in which they will be joined by the profane. This in 
 itself ought not to be cared for ; but it would be important to avert 
 the storm untii we have been able to obtain a fair hearing from those 
 of their followers who are really pious. I am always an advocate for 
 exhibiting works before principles. Let the good be done before we 
 tell people why and how it is done. What I should like to have done 
 is this : for you to train an elderly matron, full of zeal and discretion, 
 and thoroughly imbued with right principles, and for her to come here 
 and take lodgings with two or three other females. Let their object 
 be known to none but myself, and I would speak of them merely as 
 well-disposed persons willing to assist my curates and myself, as other 
 persons do, in visiting the sick. We should attend to their principles^ 
 but draw up no rules, except such as might be absolutely necessary 
 for the guidance of the household, and there should be no distinction 
 of dress. You should lay down for them some plan for their guidance 
 in visiting the sick : I mean, how far they may read and pray under 
 my sanction as priest of the parish. Let this go on for twelve months 
 at least. We could then have a meeting of our friends prepared to 
 support this establishment, and we could consult with the matron as 
 well as with my curates, and at that time, with experience gained, 
 draw up rules, such as would be adapted to the circumstances of 
 English society, and we could at that time also decide on the dress to 
 be worn- which ought to be just sufficient to distinguish them and 
 yet not sufficient to subject them to remark. . . . 
 
 Believe me to be most affectionately yours, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 Hook, who hoped that his own sister would take up 
 this life, characteristically suggested that Pusey should 
 adopt * Greek terms and forms rather than Latin ones ; as 
 less likely to give unnecessary offence.' * Remember,' he 
 wrote, * you are in advance of the age : deal tenderly with 
 the babes.' 
 
 While Pusey was corresponding with Hook on the 
 subject, he was also communicating with an English 
 physician, Mr. W. Greenhill, who was studying medicine 
 
f 
 
 8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 in Paris. Mr. Greenhill undertook to obtain for him the 
 rules of the Sisters of the Order of St Augustine, and also 
 those of St. Vincent de Paul. Besides assisting Pusey 
 materially by his inquiries and letters, among other things 
 he proposed to translate a German Protestant pamphlet 
 on the subject. Pusey, after criticizing the pamphlet on 
 other grounds, observed that — 
 
 [Sept. 20, 1840.] 
 It seems to go no further than we have got already, forming volun- 
 tary associations among persons in the midst of domestic duties, and 
 \yith very little notion of discipline, or of their acting under the direc- 
 tions of the spiritual pastor. They are, at most, allies, not troops 
 under his command. It is even curious, how he finds himself in 
 a difficulty, that the plan which he proposes would fail in some 
 respects because the parties had domestic duties, and yet that it does 
 not occur to him that there might be found those who had no con- 
 straining domestic duties, and so might give themselves wholly to 
 this work. It is deficient in recommending self-devotion. 
 
 It would do us harm, too, that he speaks so strongly against vows, 
 as of something inferior. We, who are admitted to the priesthood, 
 are under vows ; we devote ourselves for a whole life : why should not 
 women also for their offices ? It seems to me a more religious way of 
 devoting themselves to their office, than if they reserved to themselves 
 the power to draw back. Our very word 'devoting himself implies 
 a vow. Only, of course, they should have proved themselves, before 
 they venture to make it. We must be very slow about making vows, 
 because in the state of things around us, there are so many temp- 
 tations to break them ; but still I should be sorry for anything to be 
 published against them in the abstract. 
 
 There is also a certain indefiniteness in his way of speaking (which 
 Germans are so apt to fall into) about the * rule of love,' * of free love ' ; 
 as though love were less free because under rule. I do not think it 
 would suit us, whose great difficulty it is to be brought under rule. 
 Then, too, there is a vagueness of speech, religiously, which I think 
 would be bad for us. . . . 
 
 Meanwhile, the desire to attempt some form of disciplined 
 life devoted to prayer and good works received a reinforce- 
 ment from an unexpected quarter. The Society of Friends 
 has always been distinguished for its combination of philan- 
 thropic efifort with attempts to cultivate the Christian life 
 as understood by its founders ; and some of its members 
 at this juncture made a proposal to supply the wards of 
 Guy's Hospital with nurses who should pursue their work 
 
 till 
 
 Quaker Sisters—Offers of Service, 9 
 
 in the spirit of Sisters of Charity. This proposal was sub- 
 mitted to Mr. Harrison (the father of the Archbishop's 
 Chaplain), who then controlled the affairs of the hospital ; 
 and he drew up a few rules to be adopted by the applicants. 
 These rules included, among other things, attendance at the 
 daily and Sunday services in the Chapel— an obligation 
 which it seems the Quakers were willing to accept, but 
 which, Mr. Harrison thought, would give a Church-like 
 direction to the effort. Mr. B. Harrison reported this to 
 Pusey, and asked whether he knew any ladies who would 
 devote themselves to such an object. Pusey bethought him 
 of Dr. Hook's sister. He sent her the paper which described 
 the Quaker project, observing that it 'contained an open- 
 ing for something better.' Yet he was bound to say that 
 he could not discover in the plan, as proposed, those moral 
 features which alone command success in such enterprises. 
 It only contemplated so much self-denial as was essential 
 for a nurse's work. 
 
 * Its error,* he observed, * seems to be the prevailing error of the 
 day, that money will produce everything. Persons of Christian temper, 
 self-devotion, self-denial, are to start up at the touch of this golden wand, 
 instead of being raised up as God's blessing and gift to His Church.' 
 
 In August, 1840, Hook replied: — • 
 
 * My sister would do well for one of the Sisters of Charity : but she 
 must devote herself at present to my mother. It is a great thing to 
 find the first movement made by the Quakers. It will smooth the way 
 before us.' 
 
 In October, Miss Hook had made up her mind, and her 
 brother was roused. 
 
 * I have received a letter,' he wrote to Pusey, * from my sister, who 
 has determined never to marry and to become a Sister of Charity, if 
 she survives my mother. . . . What I wish you very earnestly to do 
 is to . . . warn her that her very first duty is to devote herself 
 entirely to my mother. To my mother both myself and my sister are 
 indebted for all our early impressions of religion.' 
 
 Miss Hook was indeed far from being the only person 
 who was being silently drawn towards a devoted single life. 
 Already rumours were abroad of such an institution having 
 been already set on foot. 
 
 1-- — •«.* »-*'«^ ^^•h»*^-» 
 
■ I 
 
 lO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 Inquiries about Religious Rides. 
 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to Miss Giberne. 
 
 Nov. 4, 1840. 
 What you hear about a convent is a mere mistake. I know nothing 
 of it. But I am very glad to hear that such ideas are spreading, and 
 talking is the first step to doing. Several places are in agitation for 
 establishing Sisters of Mercy, whether for hospitals or for parochial 
 visiting ; but I expect nothing of them yet. It is a great thing if 
 persons communicate to each other their ideas and wishes. No one can 
 begin solitarily, but the feeling that there are others like-minded gives 
 at once confidence and opportunity. . . . Women (no, nor men still 
 less) would not live together without quarrelling, as things are among 
 us. A very strong religious principle and a tight discipline would be 
 necessary. But it is a very good thing for people to be thinking 
 about. Nothing would need more counting the cost ^ 
 
 But there was at least one very decided approach to 
 a dedicated life. 
 
 E. B P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Trinity Sunday [June 5], 1841. 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 A young lady, who is very grateful for your teaching, is pur- 
 posing to-day to take a vow of holy celibacy. She has difficulties and 
 anxieties in her position. She has attended St. Mary's since she has 
 been in Oxford, and hopes to receive the Holy Communion there 
 to-day, as also being part of her self-devotion. It was wished that you 
 should know it and remember her. You will know her by her being 
 dressed in white with an ivory cross. . . . 
 
 Yours ever gratefully and affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The lady referred to in this letter was Miss Marian 
 Hughes, who has lived to become the revered Superior of 
 the Convent of the Holy Trinity, Woodstock Road, 
 Oxford. Near her, knelt Lucy Pusey, to receive her first 
 Communion, and to consecrate to God the short life which 
 was to end within three years. Newman celebrated, and 
 Pusey was present among the congregation. 
 
 Shortly after her self-dedication Miss Hughes went to 
 Normandy with the Rev. C. and Mrs. Seager, in order to 
 study, so far as might be possible, the 'reHgious* life 
 among women in France. At Bayeux they made the 
 acquaintance of the Bishop, and of the Abb^ Thomine, 
 
 * Newmans • Letters,* &c, ii. 315. 
 
 Canon of the Cathedral and Archdeacon of Caen. M. Tho- 
 mine was the director of fifteen convents, and he allowed 
 Miss Hughes to go as a visitor to the Hotel Dieu 
 m Bayeux, which was served by a community of White 
 Augustines or Ursulines. She was received with great 
 cordiality, and was allowed to ask as many questions as 
 she liked. She found the nuns as fervent and simple- 
 hearted as could be wished : perfect harmony reigned 
 between the different grades of Sisters, and the hospital and 
 schools under their management were admirably conducted. 
 The Rule of this House had not been published ; but Miss 
 Hughes was allowed by M. Thomine to learn much of it. 
 She afterwards visited the Convent of the Visitation at 
 Caen, which was, of course, under the published Rule of 
 St. Francis de Sales. Pusey was much interested in these 
 details, and in such information as Mr. Seager could collect 
 about the conditions under which temporary vows were 
 allowed in the French Church. In the regulations of the 
 first English community of Sisters it is not difficult to trace 
 the influence of the information thus conveyed. Indeed 
 the Rule first adopted was largely taken from that of 
 St. Francis de Sales, though it was modified after a few 
 years of practical experience. 
 
 It will be remembered that Pusey had intended to visit 
 Ireland in 1840 in order to make inquiries respecting the 
 working of the Roman Catholic Sisterhoods in that 
 country. He carried out this project in 1841, but although 
 he visited some convents, and witnessed the reception of 
 a Sister, there is no evidence of his having gathered from 
 this quarter much experience or information which could be 
 turned to account in his projects for Anglican Sisterhoods. 
 Naturally the realization of his plans and hopes with 
 regard to the * religious * life of women in England, as of 
 all great projects of real and permanent value, was attained 
 but slowly. Even before the troubles of 1843 arising out 
 of the sermon on the Eucharist, there was much that was 
 unfavourable to any further prosecution of such plans. But 
 Pusey had already seen in such delay the hand of God's 
 
 u^ 
 
fT 
 
 lO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \ 
 
 K * 
 
 Km 
 
 I If 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to Miss Giberne. 
 
 Nov. 4, 1840. 
 What you hear about a convent is a mere mistake. I know nothing 
 of It. But I am very glad to hear that such ideas are spreading, and 
 talkmg is the first step to doing. Several places are in agitation for 
 establishmg Sisters of Mercy, whether for hospitals or for parochial 
 visiting ; but I expect nothing of them yet. It is a great thincr if 
 persons communicate to each other their ideas and wishes. No one can 
 begin solitarily, but the feeling that there are others like-minded gives 
 at once confidence and opportunity. . . . Women (no, nor men still 
 less) would not live together without quarrelling, as things are among 
 us. A very strong religious principle and a tight discipline would be 
 necessary. But it is a very good thing for people to be thinkinn^ 
 about. Nothing would need more counting the cost '. ** 
 
 But there was at least one very decided approach to 
 a dedicated life. 
 
 E. B P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Trinity Sunday [June 5], 1841. 
 My dear Friend, ^ ^ 
 
 A young lady, who is very grateful for your teaching, is pur- 
 posing to-day to take a vow of holy celibacy. She has difficulties and 
 anxieties in her position. She has attended St. Mary's since she has 
 been in Oxford, and hopes to receive the Holy Communion there 
 to-day, as also being part of her self-devotion. It was wished that you 
 should know It and remember her. You will know her by her bein^ 
 dressed in white with an ivory cross. ... 
 
 Yours ever gratefully and affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The lady referred to in this letter was Miss Marian 
 Hughes, who has lived to become the revered Superior of 
 the Convent of the Holy Trinity, Woodstock Road, 
 Oxford. Near her, knelt Lucy Pusey, to receive her first 
 Communion, and to consecrate to God the short life which 
 was to end within three years. Newman celebrated, and 
 Pusey was present among the congregation. 
 
 Shortly after her self-dedication Miss Hughes went to 
 Normandy with the Rev. C. and Mrs. Seager, in order to 
 study, so far as might be possible, the 'religious' life 
 among women in France. At Bayeux they made the 
 acquamtance of the Bishop, and of the Abbd Thomine, 
 
 * Newman's • Letters,' &c, ii. 315. 
 
 Inquiries about Religious Rules. 
 
 II 
 
 Canon of the Cathedral and Archdeacon of Caen. M. Tho- 
 mine was the director of fifteen convents, and he allowed 
 Miss Hughes to go as a visitor to the Hdtel Dieu 
 in Bayeux, which was served by a community of White 
 Augustines or Ursulines. She was received with great 
 cordiality, and was allowed to ask as many questions as 
 she liked. She found the nuns as fervent and simple- 
 hearted as could be wished: perfect harmony reigned 
 between the different grades of Sisters, and the hospital and 
 schools under their management were admirably conducted. 
 The Rule of this House had not been published ; but Miss 
 Hughes was allowed by M. Thomine to learn much of it. 
 She afterwards visited the Convent of the Visitation at 
 Caen, which was, of course, under the published Rule of 
 St. Francis de Sales. Pusey was much interested in these 
 details, and in such information as Mr. Seager could collect 
 about the conditions under which temporary vows were 
 allowed in the French Church. In the regulations of the 
 first English community of Sisters it is not difficult to trace 
 the influence of the information thus conveyed. Indeed 
 the Rule first adopted was largely taken fi-om that of 
 St. Francis de Sales, though it was modified after a few 
 years of practical experience. 
 
 It will be remembered that Pusey had intended to visit 
 Ireland in 1840 in order to make inquiries respecting the 
 working of the Roman Catholic Sisterhoods in that 
 country. He carried out this project in 184 1, but although 
 he visited some convents, and witnessed the reception of 
 a Sister, there is no evidence of his having gathered from 
 this quarter much experience or information which could be 
 turned to account in his projects for Anglican Sisterhoods. 
 Naturally the realization of his plans and hopes with 
 regard to the * religious ' life of women in England, as of 
 all great projects of real and permanent value, was attained 
 but slowly. Even before the troubles of 1843 arising out 
 of the sermon on the Eucharist, there was much that was 
 unfavourable to any further prosecution of such plans. But 
 Pusey had already seen in such delay the hand of God's 
 
12 
 
 Life of Edward Bouven'e Pusey. 
 
 Support of Laymen 
 
 13 
 
 7 
 
 Providence: time was needed to discipline and ripen 
 cnaracters before anything could be attempted with good 
 hope of success. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Miss M. Hughes. 
 
 [Christ Church], Feb. 9, 1843. 
 ... A longing for a life more given up to devotion and charity is 
 bems put .nto the minds of persons of both sexes. I have heard of 
 much of this sort since I last saw you. The time is not lost, but rather 
 gained, which passes before any formal institution is made. It is too 
 great a work to be brought about readily and yet solidly. It might 
 
 before tr'T'" ^''^'^"«-"'« ""ich people have to go throu^ 
 before they enter upon it are a means of disciplining them to enter 
 upon It anght ; and they, meantime, may be disciplining themselves 
 by learning to give up more readily their own wills, bearing contra- 
 
 atd fear oT ( od'' 't:" '' '"7'"-" ^""''""^-''^ '" "«= »---<> '°- 
 and fear of God. The great dangers in beginning any such institu- 
 
 lon would be, that people would not be sufficiently ready to give up 
 
 command "^f '''"' ""'""^ '" ^^ ^'^'^ '" ""^'^ "-"). °' "»' have 
 command of temper, so as to bear the ways of those who might be 
 
 a general notion of wishing to devote themselves to God's service 
 
 that «h.le such institutions are for the time withheld, people are being 
 mT'i'ft '° t^'^-" '"^^ '" ' "-P- ^P-'. -d 'o welcome them 
 GoTwess Jou'" ' "'"'' '^ '^"""""^'^ P"^" f- ''«='"• • • • 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 When, on April 22, 1844, Lucy Pusey died, it might have 
 seemed that her father's hopes of restoring the consecrated 
 single life for women were still very far from realization 
 But, as Pusey afterwards said, he had charged her, as she 
 lay dying, to pray in the presence of her Redeemer for the 
 I mstitutions to which .she had hoped to belong ■.' He felt 
 It might have been in answer to her prayers, that on the 
 day of her funeral two letters were written to him which 
 not only told him how many other eminent Churchmen 
 shared his desire for the establishment of Sisterhoods but 
 also gave him great hopes that their foundation was much 
 nearer than had seemed probable. One of these letters was 
 
 ' Sec vol. ii. p. 3S6. 
 
 from Mr. (afterwards Sir T. D ) Acland, giving an account of 
 two meetings which had been held in London to consider 
 the subject. At the first meeting a letter was read from 
 Bishop Blomfield. The subject was occupying the Bishop s 
 earnest thoughts. The Bishop had consulted the Primate ; 
 and although he could not pledge himself beforehand to 
 accept any particular plan, he was ready to consider any 
 matured suggestions. The second meeting was held on the 
 day of Lucy Pusey's funeral : it was attended by Lord 
 Lyttclton, Lord Clive, Lord Camden, Lord John Manners, 
 Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Watts-Russell, Mr. Acland, besides 
 Rev. W. Dodsworth and Dr. Hook. Mr. Gladstone, who 
 was absent, wrote in warm sympathy with the object of the 
 meeting. 
 
 The second letter to Pusey on that day was from Lord 
 John Manners (now Duke of Rutland), officially communi- 
 cating the result of the deliberations of this meeting. 
 Dr. Hook had urged that a Lady Superior must first of 
 all be found, since the initiative scheme and plan of pro- 
 ceeding must come from her who was to work it ; and 
 Lord John Manners had been instructed by the meeting 
 to ask Pusey whether he knew of any person who was 
 qualified for such a post. When doing so, he informed him 
 that the meeting 
 
 *had resolved to take preliminary- steps for the establishment and 
 permanent maintenance of a Sisterhood living under a religious Rule 
 and engaged in some work of mercy such as 
 
 * I. Visiting the poor or the sick in their own homes. 
 
 * 2. Visiting hospitals, workhouses, or prisons. 
 
 * 3. Feeding, clothing, and instructing destitute children. 
 
 * 4. Assisting in burying the dead.* 
 
 What a solace these letters were to Pusey can easily 
 be imagined. But for the moment he could make no 
 useful suggestion to the London Committee. Many names 
 suggested themselves, but nobody was exactly ready for 
 a part which implied, besides great gifts of character, much 
 special preparation both of heart and life and experience. 
 As Pusey said, in writing to his brother William at this 
 
 f, if «-...».-> — '-^t,^ — - — •■- 
 
 ^ — • 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 '/'■ 
 
 
 ,\ 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 14 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Piisey, 
 
 time, ' The more anxious I am for these institutions, the 
 more anxious I must be that they should be begun in 
 a holy way.' 
 
 Pusey s feeling is further illustrated by his correspondence 
 with the father of a young lady who was anxious to become 
 a Sister. This was the Rev. H. T. Ellacombe, Vicar of 
 Bitten, in Gloucestershire, and afterwards Kector of Clyst 
 St. George, near Topsham ; so well known in the later 
 years of his life as a leading authority on the subject of 
 Church Bells. Mr. Ellacombe was a man whose knowledge 
 and sympathy made him acquainted with all kinds of 
 subjects and all kinds of people. He had been educated 
 at Oriel under Provost Eveleigh, who held so high a place 
 in the affectionate respect of Keble. He was an intimate 
 friend too of Newman's. 
 
 Mr. Ellacombe wrote to ask Pusey whether he could not 
 find for his daughter some situation as a governess where 
 she would enjoy religious advantages and have full occupa- 
 tion. After regretting that he could at the moment make 
 no practical suggestion, Pusey added :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. T. Ellacombe. 
 
 June 9, 1844. 
 . . . It is perhaps going beyond what your letter would strictly 
 entitle me, but if, as a father, I may write to a father, I would venture 
 to suggest what I would do myself, were she my child. I cannot 
 doubt myself that this drawing of people's minds towards a more 
 devoted life, giving themselves to His service, and the ministering to 
 His poor, is, in the main, of God. It has been growing wonderfully 
 during the last years ; the minds in which it has been awakened have 
 been the sort of minds which one should expect God would draw 
 onwards : some of those who have been led that way (whom I myself 
 know) have been brought to it remarkably. There has, too, I know, 
 been for some years prayer that God would give us these institutions. 
 It will still be the question whether any individual mind is prepared 
 for it. . . , 
 
 Were I her father, I should certainly not, in any case, abruptly 
 check the feeling which she has so strongly, nor even attempt to 
 divert it, only try its steadfastness. It seems to me to want guidance 
 and discipline, and this she herself wishes for. A time of probation 
 might be imposed, during which she might be living, in your house, 
 and among your poor, something of the sort of life she wishes for 
 
 Plans of the London Committee, 15 
 
 hereafter. But I cannot help the feeling that a mind so energetic, 
 and so strongly penetrated with this longing, might become something 
 which might give you deep pleasure and be a source of blessing to 
 others. I have myself seen something of the life of * Sisters of 
 Charity' and of themselves : and certainly I cannot but deeply long 
 for something of this kind among ourselves, free from that which 
 pains me in the Roman system. Such an institution is actually 
 contemplated in London (as you have seen probably in the papers) 
 which Lord J. Manners has set on foot : he has the conditional appro- 
 bation of the Bishop : and some years ago a plan of the same sort 
 was sanctioned by the Archbishop of Canterbury (although not carried 
 OMt because the individuals did not then come forward). This gives 
 a sort of substance to it. Our authorities permit that the trial should 
 be made. It is nothing Utopian, nor the conception of individuals 
 merely. . . . 
 
 The subject has been very near my heart for some years • the 
 daughter whom it pleased God lately to take to Himself, had 
 chosen that life and was preparing for it : and I saw in her the 
 healthful influence of looking forward to it. To our Church I am 
 sure it would be a great blessing. We have deep needs, which Sisters 
 of Charity alone can meet, and which as far as they are met now 
 being relieved by Roman Catholic institutions, the remedy instead 
 of attaching, is withdrawing our poor from us. To our own educated 
 ranks, I am sure, it would be often an exceeding relief, while to many 
 ardent minds, like your daughter's, it will remove many sore tempta- 
 tions away from our Church, and develop high energies. 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 Mr. Ellacombe naturally wished to know how, if his 
 daughter could not be a governess, she was to spend the 
 time which might elapse before the formation of a Sisterhood. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. T. Ellacombe. 
 
 Christ Church, June 14, 1844. 
 . . . What one should next wish for your daughter would be, for her 
 to prepare herself in calmness and self-command for that great 
 employment to which she wishes to give her life. The natural place 
 seems to be your own house and among your own poor, and if you 
 had Daily Services, I think she might be put upon a plan, which 
 would be beneficial and calming for her at present, and prepare her 
 for anything more hereafter, if God gives it. But a good deal would 
 depend on what sort of co-operation she might find at home, whether 
 any of her sisters would like the same sort of domestic life— I mean, 
 a life distributed between devotion, charity, and family recreation. . . \ 
 
 As the plans of the London Committee slowly took 
 shape, Pusey wrote again to Mr. Ellacombe :— 
 
r 
 
 i6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 * Ilfracombe, Feast of St. James, 1844. 
 
 * I have just heard that it is arranged that a house should be taken 
 for Sisters in London, whenever God should make it clear that any 
 are called to it. But at present there is only one ready, and I think 
 that the intervening time will be really a gain in that the individuals 
 will be preparing themselves and understand better how great a pre- 
 paration of heart is necessary.* 
 
 The difficulty which confronted the earnest minds which 
 were bent on this work of reviving^ Sisterhoods was to 
 find a Superior. How could a Superior be forthcoming 
 who had not been trained in the life which she was to 
 form in others ? Clearly, she must be a person of very 
 exceptional qualifications and fjraces. There would be no 
 lack of ladies with a vocation to a Sister's life: but a 
 ready-made Superior was what was wanted. The em- 
 barrassment was serious; and it ended in a course which 
 had been considered impossible. The institution at starting 
 had for the moment to dispense with any Superior at all. 
 
 A small but fairly suitable house was secured for the 
 purpose of the Sisterhood by the Committee of laymen who 
 had made themselves for the time responsible for the 
 expense of this new venture. To those who are familiar 
 with the spacious buildings and beautiful chapels of some of 
 the Sisterhoods of the present day, it may be not without 
 interest to describe the poorness and cramped surroundings 
 of these first beginnings of revived religious houses in 
 England. The house in which the Sisters were to take up 
 their quarters was a small detached house not many minutes 
 walk from Albany Street, Regent's Park. It has long since 
 disappeared. It contained on the ground floor a parlour, 
 a recreation room, and a small oratory leading into each 
 other. The upper rooms were partitioned into six cells, 
 and there were four attics. The kitchen served as the 
 refectory. The house was throughout plainly furnished. 
 The oratory had a small altar-table with a black cross and 
 scarlet cover, and a lamp. A picture of Christ crucified, 
 copied from Albert Diirer by Mrs. Dodsworth, and some red 
 baize on the walls and windows, completed the decorations. 
 
 * The ixovi]! wrote Pusey to Keble on March 1 , 1 845, ' is to 
 
 Home of the First Sisters. 17 
 
 be opened in Easter week with two Sisters. There may be 
 four more before Trinity Sunday.' Accordingly on Wednes- 
 day m Easter week, March 26, 1845, two ladies arrived at 
 1 7 Park Village West. Their names were Miss Jane Ella- 
 combe, known in the community as Sister Anne, or later 
 as Sister Jane, and Miss Mary Bruce, known as Sister Mary. 
 Neither, unfortunately, was in strong health : the youn-er 
 Sister Mary, soon required all the attention that could'^be 
 given her. 
 
 After a few weeks they were joined by Miss Terrot 
 a daughter of the Bishop of Edinburgh. The father was' 
 as he told Pusey, ^ very far from those tendencies which 
 commonly go by the name of Tractarian ' ; but his daughters 
 had ' a desire for greater usefulness, and for more intimate 
 communion with persons whom they could look to as real 
 followers of Christ ' than was afforded by their northern 
 home. So the Bishop, ' despairing of their viewing their 
 present position more favourably,' gave 'not a reluctant 
 consent ' to their wish to enter a Sisterhood. 
 
 It was not until some few weeks later that the young 
 institution had a Superior. The lady who was chosen to 
 preside over it was Miss Langston. She was ten years 
 older than any of her companions : and seems to have 
 been a person of * strong understanding, fervent piety 
 and extreme simplicity of manners.' Pusey certainly 
 was impressed by her fervid desire to engage in a more 
 devoted service of God and in works destined to relieve 
 the poor and aflSicted, and still more by the anxious self- 
 distrust which is apparent in her correspondence. She 
 never spared herself: she worked harder than any one 
 else. This is certainly true, though no doubt she may not 
 have possessed the ideal qualities of a Superior, fully able to 
 guide a Sisterhood in those anxious days. In fact, no one 
 in the Church of England, whether directors or Sisters, had 
 at that time any practical experience of the requirements 
 of such a life. 
 
 Miss Langston's arrival was speedily followed by that of 
 others : two were introduced by Mr. Dodsworth, of Christ 
 VOL. III. Q 
 
 <^. 
 
T " W' ■ " 
 
 m 
 
 i8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 V- 
 
 Church, Albany Street \ in whose parish the Sisters' house 
 was situated, and two more by Mr. Upton Richards. 
 Pusey was * regarded as the founder, and his office was that 
 of spiritual superintendent ' ; and he was assisted in his 
 work by Mr. Dodsworth. 
 
 So unobtrusive was the inauguration of it, that amid the 
 graver anxieties which during the spring of 1845 centred 
 in Littlemore and Oxford, Pusey forgot even to inform Keble 
 of the opening of the house in Park Village. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 35 Grosvenor Square, Easter Friday [March 28], 1845. 
 
 I am vexed that I forgot that you did not know upon what day 
 the little Sisterhood was to commence. Two Sisters entered their 
 home on Easter Wednesday, one [is] Miss E[llacombe]. They are 
 very promising ; a third we expect on Friday week. We, i.e. Dods- 
 worth and myself, had a little Service with them on Wednesday : they 
 were in floods of tears, but of joy, in the prayers for them. On 
 Sunday at a quarter to 8 is to be their first Communion subsequent 
 to their solemn entrance. Will you remember them then ? 
 
 In 1 845 any such enterprise as we are describing would 
 have been impossible, had it not been for the generous 
 support of the body of laymen, whose liberality and activity 
 have been already mentioned. They regarded it however 
 from a point of view very different from Pusey s. To them it 
 was less an effort once more to restore the consecrated single 
 life than an attempt to relieve the misery and ignorance 
 of the great towns, and as a tribute to the wisdom and 
 forethought of Robert Southey. A quotation from his 
 ' Colloquies ' was placed at the head of the remarkable 
 Paper which they issued shortly after the first Sisterhood 
 was opened, and which deserves to be preserved in its 
 entirety, as recording the intimate relation of some of the 
 best laymen to the most important practical religious effort 
 of that day. 
 
 \ Confidential. "[ 
 
 Sisters of Mercy. 
 
 'There is ... in such associations, nothing but what is righteous 
 and holy : nothing but what properly belongs to that epr)<TK€Ui, that 
 
 » Pusey had taken a great interest in the building of this church and con- 
 tributed ;^iooo towards it. 
 
 Circular of the Committee. 
 
 mercies to this island, notwithstanding the errors whirh t^'' 
 and^the offences which cr, to Heaven.^X, 'SoS^foI I 
 
 For many years the internal condition of our ^eat town, .n^ ti, 
 
 :rsTe?a™e;l;r"""''^" °^ »'-' ''''^' ''-^ ^^'^•^^ 
 
 Amid lIlXZtStTdir "^ "" "V-y ordinary remedies, 
 necessarily avanittlT., ' ^"^^ unsystematic efforts would 
 
 necessarily avail litt e. The very extremity also of the misery rendered 
 « for the most part inaccessible to the efforts of individuaUhS 
 miSsThe^nlSo^r'^"^ ^"""^ time, impressed upo'nX'htfu. 
 
 ofr,he,ateMr L,.h "!,"'°r-°'^"""''^ =y='«'"- ^nd foremost 
 of th^ r.r Mr Southey, deeply impressed with the value of some 
 
 advocated, with the wonted energy of his powerful mind, the formation 
 
 'thiln^h''"''"^ °r "''''• '^'•'^y y^^^' h-"--.' he said r. S 
 nt ines aTr ."r^?.\^^«'''=^'*'^°<l England may hav^ hs 
 them " ' °^ ^''""'y- '' -^ «ri"°"^'y i" need of 
 
 The feeling which, under God's good Providence this Pam^cf o„^ 
 deservedly popular writer widely com'municatedhaT^^^^^ 
 
 works of mIrcT "°" " °" '"' ~"'"""' '^^^"'^'^ »° 
 
 ma?/.:rtifv"thr'"' °' '''°-"- '"' Deaconesses in France and Ger- 
 Sh, !I '^ conviction, and the mode in which it is there 
 
 thought the necessity may be met. 
 
 At the same time a longing to be employed in such offices has 
 
 n rTvSle"" =''^""^ ^"^'"^ "P '" the mind of persons who 
 to them! ^^'^cumstances would be enabled to give themselves 
 
 1 < 
 
 Colloquies/ vol. ii. p. 330. 
 C 2 
 
20 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Rule of the Sisterhood. 
 
 21 
 
 Certainly, for a length of time, earnest and continual prayer has 
 been made to ' the Giver of all good gifts,' that He would bestow upon 
 us similar societies, adapted to our condition, if He saw it to be good 
 for our Church: whence we may the rather hope that the fee.ing 
 which has of late so wonderfully increased, has been of His gift, \\ ho 
 alone disposeth the hearts of men. 
 
 Yet even thus, there were intervening difficulties to be removed. 
 Especially, women, although trusting that they are called by the 
 leadincr and grace of God to a life of devotion and charity and 
 desirous of giving themselves to it, seem to need the outward pro- 
 tection of an institution through which they might enjoy mutual help 
 and comfort, and the sympathy and respect of their fellow Christians. 
 The removal of such difficulties seemed to fall within the provinces 
 of lay members of the Church. Some of those whose names are 
 subscribed to the annexed engagement have accordingly from time 
 to time consulted together, and agreed ' to take the preliminary steps 
 for facilitating the establishment and permanent maintenance ot 
 a Sisterhood living under a religious Rule, and engaged m relieving 
 distress wherever it may be found. 
 
 ' The works of mercy contemplated are such as— 
 
 * I. Visiting the poor or the sick at their own houses. 
 
 * 2. Visiting hospitals, workhouses, or prisons. 
 
 ' 3. Feeding, clothing, and instructing destitute children. 
 *4. Giving shelter to distressed women of good character. 
 
 * 5. Assisting in the burial of the dead.' 
 
 They did not take any active steps without ascertaining (at least 
 to their own satisfaction) that the general object which they have 
 in view is neither in opposition to the principles of the Church ot 
 which they are members, nor to the opinions of its chief rulers. While 
 at the same time they think it right to avow distinctly, that no explicit 
 sanction has been given from persons in authority to a plan which 
 is unavoidably in some sense experimental : but it has been thought 
 right to resort to the advice of private clergymen, who had for some 
 
 years considered the subject. o- . • f 
 
 The present institution has commenced in the parochial district 
 
 of Christ Church, St. Pancras, in which is a large population of 
 
 destitute poor. . 
 
 The incumbent will undertake the direction of its active duties ; 
 which in the first instance will be to visit the poor and sick, to discover 
 uncomplaining misery, and to instruct poor children. These duties may 
 be enlarged hereafter in many ways, as the numbers and resources of 
 the institution increase. It is proposed that six hours in each day shall 
 be criven to active works of mercy. The members of the institution 
 wilfonly visit under the direction or sanction of the parochial clergy. 
 
 Out of various persons who have expressed a desire to join the 
 institution, three have already entered upon their new mode of life. 
 Two more will join the institution about Whitsuntide. 
 
 A detached house has been engaged for three years, and furnished 
 with suitable simplicity. 
 
 After careful consideration, it has been estimated that an annual 
 sum of /300 a year (assuming the number of Sisters not greatly to 
 exceed six at first), and a further sum of ^200 for furniture will be 
 required. 
 
 Two ladies have kindly undertaken to collect the fund for the 
 furniture among their female friends. 
 
 The following engagement has been entered into in reference to 
 the annual support of the Sisterhood :— 
 
 * We the undersigned, having contributed, or intending to contribute, 
 to the maintenance, for the term of three years, of the Houss about to 
 be opened in the district of Christ Church, St. Pancras, for the 
 reception of Sisters of Mercy, hereby express our intention of using 
 our best endeavours at the close of that term, if the experience obtained 
 in the interval shall justify the expectation of the permanent con- 
 tinuance of the institution, to place its resources upon the footing 
 which may be requisite for its regular support: 
 
 John Manners. 
 
 Clive. 
 
 Camden. 
 
 Lyttelton. 
 
 John Hanmer. 
 
 Adare. 
 
 w. monsell. 
 
 W^ E. Gladstone. 
 
 R. M. MiLNES. 
 
 F. H. Dickinson. 
 J. D. Watts Russell. 
 
 T. D. ACLAND, J UN. 
 
 F. A. M'Geachy. 
 
 A. J. B. Hope. 
 
 Subscriptions in aid of the above-mentioned object are received by 
 Messrs. Drummond, Charing Cross, under the name of ' Fund for 
 Sisters of Mercy: , 
 
 Like many great institutions, a Sisterhood ' is not made, 
 it grows.' The simple dedicatory service at Park Village 
 West on Easter Wednesday, 1845, was not the inaugura- 
 tion of the first permanent Sisterhood ; it was the beginning 
 of a series of experiments which resulted in many Sister- 
 hoods. Almost everything characteristic to such institutions 
 had yet to be determined ; and could only be determined 
 finally in the light of experience. There was for some 
 time abundant occupation for unsympathetic or discon- 
 tented critics of this new venture. Only by degrees could 
 its novel relationships and duties be rightly understood. 
 
 The first requisite for a Sisterhood is a Rule of Life. 
 Without a Rule of some kind, religious enthusiasm is of 
 Httle avail whether for the sanctification of the soul or for 
 
 L 
 
22 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 purposes of philanthropy. Enthusiasm is the raw material 
 
 of the life of a Sisterhood, but if it is to be a lasting and 
 
 a fertilizing force, it must be controlled and directed by 
 
 a Rule. 
 
 Three years later, in a letter to Mr. A. J. B. Hope, about 
 
 the early days of the Park Village community, Pusey 
 
 wrote : — 
 
 * Quinquagesima, 1848. 
 
 *\Ve naturally went by experience. Lord John Manners procured 
 us the rules of the Sisters of Charity at Birmingham. I had some 
 rules by me, used by different bodies in England and on the continent. 
 We took as our basis St. Augustine's rule, as extant in an Epistle * 
 of his to some *' Sanctimoniales," whom he had brought together; think- 
 ing it most in accordance with our Church to take rules from one 
 of the Fathers of the Church. On this we engrafted others ; always 
 bearing in mind the character of English churchwomen. When it 
 was done, Dods worth and myself looked over it, with a view to what 
 the Bishop cf London would think ; and several little points were 
 altered (language chiefly) on his saying, "The Bishop would not like 
 that.'* This was kept to be shown to the Bishop, whenever trial 
 enough had been made of the institution, for him to be ready to take 
 it up. We could not bring it before him sooner y without asking him 
 to do the very thing which he naturally did not wish to do yet. For 
 if he saw the rules and sanctioned them, the Sisterhood would have 
 been at once under his sanction. This we wished, but could not 
 ask for. When we had thus reviewed the rules, we showed them 
 to J. Keble.* 
 
 Pusey was as far as possible from criticizing Bishop 
 Blom field on the score of his caution. In dealing with 
 new religious experiments. Church authority has been 
 always, and rightly, cautious. The founders of great 
 orders in the Middle Ages had to wait some time for the 
 approval of the highest authority; and it by no means 
 followed that any form of enthusiasm was at once sanctioned 
 and made useful. Macaulay thinks that the Popes would at 
 once have welcomed Wesley and Joanna Southcote whom 
 the Church of England bishops left out in the cold ; but 
 there is every reason from history to think that the Popes 
 would have at least waited to see what these enthusiastic 
 people were likely to be, or to effect, before doing so. As 
 
 * St. Aug. Ep. 211, Opp. ii. 783 sqq., ed. Ben. 
 
 Daily Life of the Sisters, 
 
 23 
 
 soon as Bishop Blomfield was willing to see the Rules, Pusey 
 was delighted to submit them to him. If they were not 
 shewn to him at first, this was out of consideration for 
 the Bishop's natural unwillingness to be prematurely com- 
 mitted to the details of a plan which had not yet stood the 
 test of experience. Mr. Dodsworth's letters to Pusey bear 
 abundant witness to their mutual desire that the Bishop's 
 wishes should be anticipated as far as might be. While 
 the details of the Rule were under discussion, Mr. Dodsworth 
 writes : — 
 
 April 28, 1845. 
 * The Bishop seems as favourably disposed as I could have expected. 
 We must try to strike out of the rules what would offend him, so that 
 no essential point is sacrificed.' 
 
 The Rule of the Sisterhood consisted, in its complete 
 form, of thirty-three chapters, which are not so much a dry 
 code of directions as a series of spiritual exhortations. The 
 object of the Sisterhood is there stated to be ' to afford 
 opportunities for persons apart from the world and its 
 di.stractions to perfect holiness in the fear of God, and to 
 grow in the love of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, 
 especially by cherishing and showing forth love to Him 
 in His poor and afflicted brethren.' Then the various 
 Christian graces of humility, charity, modesty and purity, 
 voluntary poverty, and obedience are insisted on, and 
 practical directions are given for the cultivation of them. 
 There follow the various elements of the devotional side of 
 the Christian life : attendance at the offices of the Church, 
 Holy Communion, the practice of self-examination, con- 
 fession, meditation or mental prayer, and mortification or 
 fasting. The daily life of a Sister is next provided for by 
 rules for 'the intentions or purpose with which she is to 
 perform the successive actions of the day; for silence at 
 certain hours, as befitting souls which have fixed their gaze 
 on God ; for the management of thoughts during silent 
 employments; for the avoidance of inquisitiveness or 
 meddlesomeness ; for intercourse with persons outside the 
 Sisterhood; and for times of recreation. Directions are 
 
24 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey, 
 
 also given for admitting new Sisters, for the conduct of the 
 Superior, and for the hfe of the lay Sisters, thus providing 
 for the religious organization of the society. The rest of 
 the Rule may be described as a series of appendices, con- 
 cerned with the details of daily life and work. The last 
 portion is devoted to the works of mercy which the 
 Sisterhood was to undertake ; visiting the sick, teaching in 
 schools, the admission of distressed women to a temporary 
 home, and the distribution of time among these several 
 occupations. 
 
 As this is the first beginning of the revived organization 
 of the Sisterhood life, it may be interesting to describe how 
 the day at Park Village was spent. 
 
 5 . . . . 
 
 . . Rise. 
 
 5.20-6.15 . 
 
 . . Breviary offices of Matins and Lauds. 
 
 6.15-6.45 . 
 
 . . Private devotions. 
 
 6.45-7 . . 
 
 . . Make beds and clean up rooms. 
 
 7-7.30 • • 
 
 , . Prime. 
 
 7.30-8.30 . 
 
 , . Service in Church. 
 
 8.30-8.55 . . 
 
 , . Breakfast. 
 
 8.55-9.10 . , 
 
 . Terce. 
 
 9.10-12.30 
 
 , . Visiting the poor. 
 
 1 2.30- 1 . . 
 
 . . Repose. 
 
 1-1.20 . . 
 
 . . Sext and self-examination. 
 
 1.20-3 . . . 
 
 , . Dinner and recreation. 
 
 3-5 • . . < 
 
 , . Nones and visiting the poor. 
 
 5-6 ... . 
 
 . Service in Church. 
 
 6-7 .. . 
 
 , . Vespers and devotions on the Holy Communion. 
 
 7-8 .. . 
 
 . . Supper and recreation. 
 
 8-9 ... . 
 
 . Reading religious books. 
 
 9-10 . . 
 
 . . Compline, self-examination, and private devo- 
 
 
 tions. 
 
 10 . . . 
 
 . . Retire to rest. 
 
 It will be observed that besides the Morning and Evening 
 Service of the Church of England, the Sisters said daily in 
 their private chapel the seven Hours of the Breviary. 
 But it was the Breviary not only translated but altered and 
 adapted with the omission of all legendary matter, invocations 
 of saints, and all other features deemed inconsistent with the 
 doctrine of the English Church. The morning and evening 
 ofhces of the Church did not take up so much time in 
 
 Explanation of Use of the Breviary, 25 
 
 associated devotion as was needed by the members of 
 a Society entirely devoted to the service of God : and the 
 older formularies, from which the Prayer-book itself had 
 been taken, yielded the material which was wanting to 
 supply the deficiency. Pusey explained the principle on 
 which he had arranged these devotions in the following 
 letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Mr. a. J. B. Hope. 
 
 Quinquagesima, 1848. 
 
 We knew of no resource but to go to the same source from which 
 our English Prayer-book is taken, and to give them such devotions 
 as ivefelt sure we could ourselves use in the Bishops presence. The 
 devotions consist chiefly of the Psalms (which some one calls the 
 Prayer-book of the Church) which are said in the course of each week, 
 and the 119th and some few others every day. But the use of the 
 Psalms alone would hardly keep the attention probably. There are 
 also Hymns, from the same source and of the same character as the 
 Veni Creator, readings from Holy Scripture and from the Fathers 
 in the morning, responses of the same character strictly as those in 
 the English Prayer-book, but not the same, else it would be simple 
 repetition. 
 
 I would say further what there is not. There is, of course, nothing 
 discountenanced or only half- countenanced by the Church of England. 
 There are not even prayers for the departed, nor any legends, much 
 less any mention of the intercession of the saints, nor the Black-letter 
 days in the calendar : there is nothing but what is framed on the 
 service of the Church of England : there is 710 passage read from 
 a Father which J could not myself preach in a sermon before the 
 Bishop, nor any prayer which the Bishop himself might not use. Nor 
 is there anything to draw people off from the English Prayer-book. 
 
 It would, then, not be true to say that it is the Breviary translated 
 which they use. It is in no other sense the Breviary than our English 
 Prayer-book is the Breviary. The compilers of our Prayer-book took 
 as much as they could without making the service too long for the 
 people. Some think it too long, as it is. We have only taken more 
 of the same sort, with the addition of passages from the Fathers, the 
 same Fathers of whom our Homilies speak so highly, and Hymns. 
 
 It is to be noticed that in drawing up these devotions 
 nothing was admitted which the English Church had not 
 sanctioned expressly or in principle. Pusey refrained from 
 acting even on the principle of his editions of Avrillon and 
 other foreign devotional works adapted to the use of the 
 English Church. In these works he had admitted everything 
 
26 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Care of Health, 
 
 27 
 
 which he believed to be true, and which the English Church 
 had not condemned in terms. 
 
 * I know and have regretted,' Pusey continues, * that the Bishop of 
 London disapproved of my ''adaptation " of Roman books. I would 
 have altered anything which I knew his Lordship to disapprove of, 
 as departing, if he so thought, from the English Church. But in 
 these adaptations I admitted whatever I believed to be true^ believing 
 it also not to be contrary to the teaching of the Church of England : 
 in the Devotions of the Sisters there is nothing but what is counten- 
 anced and sanctioned in principle by the Church of England. There 
 is nothing to which any objection could be made by any one^ unless it 
 were that it is taken from the Reman Breviary^ and that our English 
 Prayer-book has in common. It surely cannot be made an objection 
 to a thing, in itself wholly unobjectionable, that it is used by a body 
 •of other Christians. One of Doddridge's hymns is printed in very 
 many of our Prayer-books.' 
 
 Thus, with regard both to the rule and the devotions of 
 the Sisterhood, Pusey was acting on the principles of the 
 English Church when claiming, as the best Anglican writers 
 had claimed, that the spiritual endowments of the whole 
 Catholic Body belong to the English portion of it no less 
 than to the rest. 
 
 The Sisters wore a distinctive dress. Nowadays no 
 one thinks more of it than of a clergyman's black coat or 
 a soldier's uniform. But fifty years ago it was a novelty, 
 and was regarded, even by some sensible people, with dislike 
 and apprehension. Pusey had seriously to defend this prac- 
 tice. Six months after the opening of the Sisterhood, 
 in Nov. 1845, there was a temporary revulsion of feeling 
 among the poor in the neighbourhood against the Sisters. 
 They began to regard Mr. Dodsworth and the Sisters as ' dis- 
 guised Roman Catholics.' They gave up attendance at the 
 services at Christ Church. Mr. Dodsworth was alarmed, 
 and set himself to consider how the rising prejudice could 
 be best disarmed. He thought that it was partly due to 
 the dress worn by the Sisters and suggested modifications. 
 Pusey did not welcome the suggestion. He thought it 
 would be a pity to sacrifice to mere prejudice a regula- 
 tion which had so much in reason to recommend it, and 
 
 to ' put the Sisters into a disguise.' In the end the Sisters' 
 dress was very slightly altered. 
 
 The practice of the Sisterhood with respect to matters 
 bearing more immediately on bodily health is described by 
 Pusey to Mr Hope as of * extreme simplicity.' 
 
 * They have all which is necessary, good food, warm clothing, firing ; 
 and as Holy Scripture says, " having food and raiment, are therewith 
 content." Some of them, you know, although of the rank of clergy-, 
 men's daughters, had nothing of their own : and, being themselves 
 supported by others, they could not wish to have mere superfluities. 
 But real care is taken of their health. They keep the Fasts of the 
 Church : but their mode of keeping them is regulated by a physician, 
 and is not so strict as that of some was before they went there. There 
 is nothing distinctive, except great simplicity ; but their general diet 
 was regulated by the same kind physician.* 
 
 There was of course a real danger that, in their ardour 
 and in the general inexperience of ascetic life, the Sisters 
 might attempt to practise mortifications to which their 
 bodily strength was unequal. Pusey's moral sympathy with 
 all forms of self-sacrifice may have made him, at the early 
 date to which we refer, less alive than he afterwards became 
 to the necessity of checking ascetic excesses in the Sisters. 
 Writing many years afterwards to a Sister on the subject, 
 Pusey observes, * Formerly we had to learn our experience 
 about the effect of fasting ; physicians too.' But it is quite 
 clear that from the beginning Pusey at any rate was not 
 unaware of the danger arising from unwise excesses in the 
 direction of asceticism. He was not a rigourist at Park 
 Village: indeed Mr. Dodsworth questioned whether the 
 rules were not too much relaxed. 
 
 The following sketch of the ordinary daily routine of this, 
 the first Sisterhood, is interesting. The institution had 
 not been open for three weeks when one of its members. 
 Sister Anne, whom we have before met with as Miss Jane 
 EUacombe, described her life to her father as follows : — 
 
 17 Park Village West, April 11, 1845. 
 
 ... I am now, thank God, getting very well and strong again, and 
 we are very happy— we three. Our district is in the worst part of 
 Mr. Dodsworth's district— where there are a great many low Irish 
 
28 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 people. They give away a great deal here to the poor, but there 
 is such a great deal of misery and excessive poverty amongst our 
 people. I call that our district, for it has no other regular visitors 
 except the clergy, but wherever there is any distress made known 
 to us we are to go, though, while few, Fitzroy Place will suffice us 
 I think for some time. The people are all very glad and thankful 
 at our coming to them— and we have not met with anything like 
 a word of rudeness. We go to them to relieve their bodily wants, 
 but principally our office lies in religious instruction and guidance 
 •as far as God gives us help. We do not find (though you will say 
 we have not had a long trial) that we have too long a time for visiting ; 
 it is about a quarter of an hour's walk from home, besides which we 
 have plenty of exercise in going up and down stairs to the different 
 floors. We are out from 9 till i, and again after dinner from a little 
 after 3 till 5. The recreation hours are from a quarter to 2 till 3, 
 and from 7 till 8. Except then, unless for some urgent cause and 
 after leave given, of course we do not see any one who might kindly 
 come to the Home. Mr. Dods worth is very kind. He orders us all 
 about our visiting : we do not know any one else but Mrs. Dodsworth 
 and one other lady, beside Dr. Crawford. Would you be so kind 
 as to send me my * Pearson on the Creed,' which I left behind me 
 to be sent afterwards, and please not to direct to me by any name, 
 but only 17 Park Village West. Everything of that sort is common 
 property, of books I mean ; and of course we are no longer known 
 as Miss this or Miss that; the number of the house is quite enough 
 for any direction ; it will be easy enough to know who it is for. We 
 live in a very quiet place ; the house does not join any other ; and 
 there is very little passing. 
 
 Now, my dearest papa, I must say good-bye. With my best love to 
 dear mama and my dear brothers and sisters, and love to Mary and 
 all kind friends. 
 
 Believe me to remain, 
 
 Your very thankful and affectionate child, 
 
 J. J. Ellacombe. 
 
 The work in which the Sisters were to engage had been 
 sketched by the Committee. They began as we have seen 
 to visit the poor in the neighbourhood of the Regent's Park. 
 They went from house to house and from room to room 
 in the most crowded parts of the thickly-populated dis- 
 tricts of that part of London. But after a time they gave 
 up house-to-house visiting, as it was generally known among 
 the poor that they would gladly go wherever they were 
 wanted. They were too few to do more ; their whole time 
 was filled up by attendance on the sick poor, and in visiting 
 
 Visiting the Poor — The Ragged School. 29 
 
 those to whom they were sent by the parochial clergy. 
 Soon *even rough hard-looking men recognized them as 
 *' sisters of mercy " ' ; and they were called in to cases of 
 sorrow or distress. One poor person sent them to another ; 
 and they had to economize their scanty resources — to lend 
 linen when they would gladly have given it, and to lend 
 much less than was needed for efficient relief. 
 
 Besides visiting the poor the Sisters set on foot a Ragged 
 School, for those children who were too poor or too dirty 
 to be taken into the National School at Christ Church. 
 
 *The Ragged School,' wrote Pusey, reviewing the work after two 
 years' experience, " has been a great blessing. I must have told you 
 of the case in which, on beginning the Prayers, a little boy stood 
 up and said, " Father told me never to kneel." The father was an 
 infidel ; the child was made a Christian. There have been other 
 cases, in which unbaptized children, growing up, were prepared for 
 T^aptism, and gave proofs afterwards in their life, of Baptismal grace. 
 Their " Ragged School," you know, consists of children not fit to be 
 received into the National School. . . . These children, taken often 
 from bad and careless families, when they were fitted to go to the 
 National School, have been remarked on by teachers there, as the 
 best children. I told you perhaps a story which shows how much 
 the Sisters are loved. Lately an arch of the house gave way. No 
 harm happened : the house was propped up. But in their district, 
 the report was that •* the house had given way, and they must all have 
 been killed, but that they were such good people." But, indeed, one 
 hears abundantly how much they are beloved.' 
 
 One effect of the Ragged School was the improvement 
 that became visible in the families where the children 
 attended it. The Sisters gradually won the hearts of the 
 parents through their kindness to the children, and thus 
 the school was a missionary power in the older generation 
 as well as a source of instruction and civilization to the 
 younger. 
 
 During Pusey's visits to London he did what he could 
 to strengthen the hands of the Sisters, by taking part, as 
 far as he could, in their work. But he felt that for 
 such a work, they required all the spiritual comfort and 
 strength which a well tested Rule and life of devotion could 
 give ; and that what this Rule and life should ultimately 
 
3P 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 be, was a most anxious question only to be determined 
 after much prayer, study, and experience. 
 
 The establishment of the Sisterhood, in its inchoate and 
 tentative form, provoked, as Pusey had anticipated, much 
 discussion on the part of young Churchwomen and their 
 parents respecting the claims of such a life, the nature of 
 a vocation to it, and the circumstances in which other 
 duties might or might not be set aside in order to 
 accept it. 
 
 One of the many letters which Pusey had to write may 
 here be given as illustrating his view of the subject. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. E. T. Richards. 
 
 Vigil of the Ascension, 1845. 
 
 . . . The Sisterhood of Mercy . . . will both awaken the desire to 
 join it in some, and meet the desire already existing in others. And 
 there will often be difficulty between seemingly conflicting duties. 
 I think, however, that it will be as much on the part of parents as of 
 children ; the difficulty is (the whole subject being so new to us) to 
 see whether any individuals have a real call to a' more devoted life, as 
 we hope we have to enter into Holy Orders. We should not oppose 
 a son, who, after some preparation of mind, felt himself drawn to go 
 as a missionary, although it perhaps involves parting with him for 
 life ; we think nothing of a daughter's marrying, although it breaks all 
 ties ; indeed parents, with seme sorrow at the parting, still think it 
 a subject of congratulation that their daughter is settled, so as 
 to be happy. The real difficulty (I have felt for years) will be for 
 parents to be convinced that their children will be happy so, while it 
 is thus untried. And yet it is a very happy lixe ; those whom I have 
 seen looked very peaceful and had a holy calm about them, and the 
 little Oratory of the little Sisterhood in London I could well think the 
 most peaceful place in the whole of London. Those who are there 
 (Jane Ellncombe among them) are happier than they ever were before. 
 Jane E. is very happy and calm. She is a very superior person. . . . 
 1 should think too that parents might feel in some cases that their 
 daughters would not be likely or would not wish to marry, and so 
 would be glad that after their departure they should have so happy 
 a home. The widow of a Scotch Bishop told me this of her daughters : 
 they had long wished for this life, and she was glad that they should 
 have hereafter so peaceful a home. The difficulty, as you say, will be 
 in the lifetime of parents, and this again will be different according to 
 the number of children, the age of parents, occupations, &c., how 
 much they would be missed, &c. For it very seldom happens that 
 a family like Miss 's remain together. Sons go into professions and 
 
 The Duty of Parents, 31 
 
 leave home ; daughters are married. I do not see that there can be 
 any general rule. Again, in many families, e.g. where they live much 
 in London, a daughter is compelled to live a miserably useless life, 
 which drives them to marriage, and so they leave their parents' home 
 at last. I heard lately of a young person, engaged to be married, but 
 who said that had she known of an actual Sisterhood in our Church 
 she should never have made the engagement. I know one whose 
 married life is not a happy one, and whose early longings were 
 to be a Sister of Charity, had there been any opening. I hear of 
 others. 
 
 Now, especially, there is a great drawing of minds that way, so that 
 I cannot doubt that it is of God : it has sprung up in different minds, 
 apart from each other. One cannot doubt from past history that 
 individuals are so drawn as God calleth, one this way, another that. 
 
 What, then, I should think the best in every such case would be for 
 parent and child to pray to know what is God's will. If a longing 
 were to last for some time steadily, and the person so drawn were 
 to improve during that time, so that it should seem that, in other 
 respects she were led by the grace of God, then a parent might the 
 rather think that this too was given by him. It is sometimes very 
 difficult to say. In one case, I have been for two or three years 
 restraining a young person, a clergyman's daughter, where the father 
 is in advanced years, and she the only child remaining at home ; and 
 yet the mother being there too, I can hardly satisfy myself that this 
 exceedingly strong drawing ought not to be followed; i.e. that it 
 would not be better if the father gave his consent and blessing. One 
 of the three in London is (between ourselves) a Bishop's daughter 
 (not English), who has given his consent, as being the best for his 
 daughter. 
 
 I should think that the best way, generally speaking, would be to 
 wait and pray, and see how God's Providence seemed to lead things. 
 I am quite sure that these institutions would be a great blessing both 
 to individuals and to the Church ; that there is an ardent spirit rising 
 up in our Church which needs them ; that it will be best regulated in 
 them (I feel sure that Mr. E[llacombe] hereafter will be very thankful 
 that his daughter has entered one) ; and that ardent minds will so be 
 kept most safely in our Church. I know minds whose great temptation 
 to leave our Church for that of Rome has been, that we have not these 
 institutions, and are stayed and quieted by the prospect of them. This 
 is a long explanation, but your note seemed to invite it. The subject 
 has been in my mind these many years ; indeed, five years ago, my 
 dear Lucy learnt from me the desire to be, in the language of the 
 Fathers, ' Sponsa Christi ' ; it was her one most animating wish, and 
 now what she longed for, she has found. May we all find Him by 
 Whom we have been sought and found. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
32 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 The experiment at Park Village led, as was natural, to 
 attempts at imitating it. More than one clergyman 
 thought that he might * start a Sisterhood' just as he 
 would institute a coal-club, with a view to better carrying 
 out his own duties to his parishioners; and Pusey was 
 asked for counsel and assistance. His experience had 
 taught him that the foundation and growth of a Sister- 
 hood must be a matter of much prayer, study, toil and time ; 
 that it is mainly due to a higher than human agency; 
 that a clergyman may be an excellent parish priest, and 
 yet entirely without the knowledge or characteristics which 
 would enable him to promote the foundation of such an 
 institution. He was inclined to discourage entirely the 
 tendency to multiply small local Sisterhoods ; and of late 
 years the wisdom of this advice has been generally recog- 
 nized. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. D. S. [afterwards Archdeacon] Govett. 
 
 Oxford, Dec. I, 1855. 
 ... I think that the plan of clergy ' forming Sisterhoods * is an 
 amiable mistake. Of course the clergy can help. . . . Many can 
 carry on a work : few can begin it. Sisters can only be trained m 
 a Sisterhood : and, if God gives the increase, future Superiors would 
 come best from the training in existing Sisterhoods. ... 1 believe 
 that our best way, if God gives us the ability, would be ourselves to 
 go into the streets and lanes of the city, and compel them to come in. 
 Then we should understand better what the life of a Sister of Mercy 
 is. But especially we should train ourselves, if we would know how 
 
 to train others. 
 
 People would not so readily find fault with rules or with people, if 
 they had felt the difficulties for which those rules are framed. 
 
 If I had had no duties here, and had fluency, I would long ago 
 
 have asked leave to preach in the alleys of London, where the Gospel 
 
 is as unknown as in Thibet. 
 
 God be with you. 
 
 Yours most faithfully, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 KELATIONS WITH BISHOP WILBERFORCE-FIRST 
 . UNIVERSITY SERMON AFTER SUSPENSION. 
 
 1845-1846. 
 
 Almost coincident in point of time with Newman's 
 departure, was the appearance on the scene of Oxford life 
 of the gifted prelate who was destined to have many and 
 vanous relations with Pusey in the years that followed 
 Five days after Newman joined the Church of Rome 
 Samuel Wilberforce, then Dean of Westminster, received 
 a letter from Sir Robert Peel, announcing that Bishop Ba-ot 
 had accepted the see of Bath and Wells, then vacant by the 
 death of Bishop Law, and offering him, with the Royal 
 assent, the see of Oxford. 
 
 It was understood that Dr. Bagot was anxious to be 
 relieved of a position, the difficulties of which would have 
 taxed the resources of a man of much greater knowledge and 
 resolution, although, generally speaking, they could hardly 
 have been met by more courtesy and consideration than 
 his. To Pusey in particular the withdrawal of Bishop Bagot 
 was a most serious loss. Notwithstanding the deep disap- 
 pointment caused by the Bishop's Charge about Tract 90 
 Pusey had for many years sought and found at his hands 
 sympathy and confidence, and such practical assistance as 
 the Bishop could conscientiously give him. ' We may have 
 a cleverer man,' said Pusey, ' but we are hardly likely to 
 have a more fatherly Bishop.* 
 
 Dr. Wilberforce, although like his brothers, Robert and 
 Henry, an Oriel man, had been less intimately connected 
 than they with the Oxford Movement. He had been in all 
 
 VOL. III. p 
 

 34 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 senses less influenced by Oxford ; not being a Fellow of 
 his College, he had gone down into the country after his 
 ordination, and, although he had to a considerable extent 
 diverged from the strict Evangelicalism of the Clapham 
 School in which he had been brought up, he still retained 
 much of its phraseology and sentiment: Mr. Keble had 
 once truly predicted that such influences would cling to 
 him to the end of his life. He was well versed in religious 
 literature, if not so deep a theologian as his elder brother 
 Robert; he was as versatile as his younger brother Henry ; 
 and he possessed practical ability in a far higher degree 
 than either of them. This ability had been trained and 
 developed by his work as a parish priest and as an energetic 
 archdeacon ; but even so great a gift had less to do with 
 his power of influencing men than a very sympathetic nature, 
 which sought for and inspired the warm regard of all who 
 really knew him. The importance of such an appointment 
 to the see of Oxford was generally recognized ; it could 
 not but affect Pusey very intimately. 
 
 Pusey and Bishop Wilberforce resembled each other in 
 the fact that, among the elements of their character, affection 
 predominated ; but the circumstances of their lives were as 
 different as possible. Although not without experience 
 of men and aff'airs. Pusey had been a student all his life: 
 and the world of books was to him a very real world, in 
 which he felt thoroughly at home. Bishop Wilberforce, on 
 the other hand, used to say, ' God has set me to deal not 
 with books, but with men.* Each was probably at times 
 impatient of the other's way of looking at life and conduct : 
 though at times they met on the ground which was entirely 
 common to both. 
 
 Wilberforce was only five years younger than Pusey ; but 
 at the University five years represents more than a whole 
 generation. Pusey was academically distinguished when 
 his future bishop became a member of Oriel College ; and 
 Wilberforce carried with him into the country the Oxford 
 estimate of Pusey's learning and capacity, and the recol- 
 lection of his personal kindness. In 1836 the clergy of 
 
 Samuel Wilberforce- Early Relations with Pusey. 35 
 
 his rural deanery had resolved that the laws of ' prae- 
 munire as affecting the election and consecration of Bishops 
 were unchristian'; and that an agitation for their repeal 
 ought to be set on foot. But before doing anything, Mr. 
 W.loerforce wrote to ask Pusey for information. 
 
 Kev. S. Wilberforce to E. B. P. 
 
 „,.„ , Freemantle, Aug. 20, 1836. 
 
 : • ■ ^\ 111 you let me ask you your opinion of the laws as at orient 
 ex,s.mg of the best mode of attacking them-of the A' W 00 n" 
 we should at once endeavour to achieve-e.g. whether we sho Id go one 
 step beyond petu.onmg for the repeal of the praemunire laws, of con! 
 tent ourselves w.th that-whether such an attempt can be a movement 
 for sepa,atmg more effectually Church and State, which we as cteens 
 
 should of course hold to be unlawful-where I can get the best LfoZ 
 ..on and arguments upon the matter so as to be tforoughly up o "h" 
 subject when discussed at the Chancellor's Visitation. ^ 
 
 ans Jers ,f' """''^"'"^'y •"'"S^'' to you for such and such speedy 
 answers to my questions as you are able to send me. I trusi thai 
 your trouble will not be entirely thrown away-as 'he praemunt 
 er^ctments appear to me one of the salient points of aTour ev" 
 
 loTwragititi:^"" °^ "'^ ^''"-'' -'■ - ^^^^^^ ™-t give :i; 
 
 Believe me to remain, my dear Pusey, 
 
 Most truly yours, 
 
 Samuel Wilberforce. 
 Five months later Mr. Wilberforce writes again to Pusev 
 and with an object which was characteristic of many of the 
 efforts of h.s later life. He wished to make such changes 
 m the Pastoral Aid Society as would induce Oxford High 
 Churchmen to support it. 
 
 Rev. S. Wilberforce to E. B. P. 
 MV DEAR PUSEY, ^^ Grosvenor Square, Jan. 23, ,837. 
 
 You will I hope, excuse my troubling you with a few lines to ask 
 
 yt^Sfo sup;rr"'' ^'^^ '' ^"^•^ ^ ^•'-«- - --"• -^^^ 
 
 I suppose it to be (i) that they should give up all lay agency 
 
 all f?K''r'°""' **':"' '"^"^'^'^^^ °f '"^ "Character of'^dSal 
 
 hfftL T "''°'' =''^"" ^"^y ^"PP'y- • • • That is to say 
 
 est mon';ar'f°h "°-"»ti°" of a Cume require to be satisfied by 
 
 lest.mon.als of h.s good character, but that this being done they do 
 
 1) 3 
 
I} 
 
 36 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pitsey. 
 
 not pretend to exercise any superintendence over him but leave this 
 
 to his Bishop. 
 
 Is there anything more ? I do not ask this from mere curiosity, but 
 because one influential member of the Society has just applied to me 
 to know what alterations of the Rules would recommend it to the 
 support of ' our Oxford friends,' with a view if possible of persuading 
 the Society to adopt them. 
 
 As the question is to be adjusted to-morrow week, I should feel 
 much obliged to you if you would let me hear from you on the subject 
 as soon as you can. 
 
 Believe me to remain, my dear Pusey, 
 
 Most sincerely yours, 
 
 Samuel Wilberforce. 
 
 These relations, however, did not prevent an early and 
 widening divergence between the future Bishop of Oxford and 
 the leaders of the Oxford School. In 1838 Wilberforce was 
 Select Preacher before the University ; and, without naming 
 Pusey, attacked the teaching of the latter on post-baptismal 
 sin, as set out in his Tract on Baptism ^ In consequence 
 of this, and of another sermon containing 'hits' at Newman, 
 Newman declined in July, 1838, to receive further contribu- 
 tions from Wilberforce to the British Critic'^ \ and it was 
 impossible for Pusey at the time to conceal his vexation at 
 the position which Wilberforce was taking up^ 
 
 For a moment this growing divergence of feeling was 
 arrested by the death of Mrs. S. Wilberforce, on March 10, 
 1841. Two years had not yet passed since Pusey himself 
 became a widower : and his o\yn sorrow, deep and abiding, 
 enabled him to enter with warm sympathy into the grief of 
 a younger man. In nothing did Pusey 's genuine character 
 come out more clearly than in his letters to those in 
 bereavement ; they were the unaffected, unconventional 
 outpouring of his own inner experiences, illuminated by 
 the consolations of religion, and they never failed to draw 
 towards him the hearts of those to whom they were 
 addressed. Pusey's letter is the only one which Wilberforce 
 mentions in his diary, among the ' many ' that he received 
 
 ' 'Letters of J. B. Mozley.* pp 73' 74- 
 
 * ' Life of Bishop Wilberforce,' vol. i. p. 1 25. 
 
 ' 'Letters of J. B. Mozley,* p. 74. 
 
 Growing Divergence, 07 
 
 on the day of the funeral \ He wrote, on that very day, 
 to express his warm gratitude. 
 
 Archdeacon Wilberforce to E. B. P. 
 
 My DEAR Pusey, '^^^ ^^""'^^ Winchester, March 17, 1841. 
 
 Thank you very sincerely for your kindness in thinking of me 
 and writing to me in this hour of my deep distress. I thank you also 
 for the whole tone of your letter. It expresses exactly that at which, 
 m great weakness and confusion, I am endeavouring to aim. It does 
 seem to me that such a blow should usher in a wholly different sort 
 of life ; and I dread nothing so much as starting back into worldly 
 or easier schemes. 
 
 I would most seriously entreat you to pray for me and for the five 
 poor children who have lost they know not what. 
 
 I cannot write about it ; but I feel your kindness in writing, and 
 am ever, 
 
 My dear Pusey, most sincerely yours, 
 
 S. Wilberforce. 
 
 But in a time of so much puWic excitement, it was not un- 
 natural that the sympathies which Pusey's letter had evoked 
 were lost sight of a few months later amidst the rush of 
 Oxford controversy. The struggle for the Poetry Professor- 
 ship in the late autumn of 1841 seems to have precipitated 
 Archdeacon Wilberforce into a more defined opposition 
 to the Oxford School than he had consciously taken up to 
 that time. In a remarkable letter to Sir George Prevost, 
 he states his reasons for voting against Rev. Isaac Williams 
 and for Mr. Garbett, the Low Church candidate; and, 
 among these, he places first * Pusey's unhappy letter V He 
 
 *felt obliged more and more ... to take on all occasions a position 
 of more direct opposition to the school than 1 had of old thought 
 necessary, being content before to feel that whilst I honoured their 
 zeal, and was abashed by their holiness, and joined heartily in much 
 Church truth they had brought forward, I was myself of another 
 school of opinion and feeling ^' 
 
 The years which followed illustrated this resolve. He 
 came up to Oxford in October, 1844, to vote for Dr. Symons 
 
 * 'Life of Bishop Wilberforce,' i. i8i. 
 
 * See vol. ii. p. 263. 
 
 ' Letter to Sir G. Prevost, 'Life of Bishop Wilberforce/ i. 205. 
 
' 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 III' 
 
 38 
 
 Life of Edwnrd Bouvcrit Pusey. 
 
 as Vice-Chabccllor: and In the i^Tcat stnigglc of the 
 following Februiiry he had no doubt of the duty of punish- 
 ing Ward ; although he was dcq>ly convincc<i of the * in- 
 expediency* of the .itteinpt to condemn Tract 90. He 
 disapproved of Pusey's sermon on the Eucharist, not 
 as * putting fomard the Transuhstantiatton vicv^/ but as 
 *a sort of misty exajjj^enttion of the whole truth which is 
 very likely to breed in othcn« direct errors,' and • in hnc 
 ua-Anglican.' He described * Avrillon's Mode of keq)ing 
 Lent, with an Introduction by Pusey/ aa being * fuller of 
 aad and humiliating bits of superstition than anything; of 
 his * he had yet seen. One of his letters, written immediately 
 after the consecration of St. Saviour's, gives in fullej<t confi- 
 dcnce the estimate which Ik: had formed of Puicy during 
 those trying weeks which folJowxid Newman's secession, 
 when he himself was Bishop-designate of Oxford. 
 
 Dr. WiLBEJtFORCit TO MiSS NOEl^ 
 
 Not. 9, 1845. 
 I must wy a word or ivo abcnit FuMry. 1 quite bdic«^ him 
 to be a very boly wwin. I oxild sit at his feet. B«l iheo I see 
 that he is i/ I undemaBd Cod's Word aright, ino*t dark m to 
 many parts of Chritt's blessed OoKpel. //< now, Hciir>' say^. Acknow- 
 lodiec$, that what / said of old in 1837, of his *$in after Uapcism* 
 view, wjia qpatte true. 1 see tlut be h» greatly helped, and i$ helping, 
 to noake a pany c^ Maii-Romanizers in the Church, to lead $omc 
 to Rome, to drive bock from sound views those ninonjcst us uho 
 love Christ, for another half centui>', and to maloe others grovel 
 in low unworthy vieu^ of their Christian sUtc. tremblinjc alu-ays 
 bdoce an bard MjttMr, thankin^g dirt u-illintirly ct>duTed bolioess, 
 &c. Now there most be samt am$t why so good a nrun should hlH 
 iBto such fearful cnrors and do such de«p mHchtei; and that cautt^ 
 I believe, is a great want of humility, veUtng itself frvm his eyes under 
 lh« iip[H:arance of eat ire abrt^cmcnt I see it in all his writings and 
 doaags. Hb law letter about Newnvin I think deept>* painful utterly 
 sophistical atxl &ke. He saysu io€ inttancc, that he docs not think 
 himself as an EngliO) Ctiurchtnan at libeity to hold afl Rooiaa 
 
 Crifia'sm of Puscy. ^9 
 
 head of the jxirty since Ne^^-man's secession ; this very Leeds ^^ 
 appoinfed Holy Week; his Jcltcr to his own Bisbop-all secfn to n*e 
 M\ of cgociMk aMUttptkm. I am called abnipdy to dinner 
 
 The last wordi of this passage will show that it wis 
 written hurriedly, and therefore must not be criticizetl too 
 closely. The whole letter sliows that, in spite of his appre- 
 ciation of Pusey s goodness, he was at this time strongly 
 opposed to both the portion Puscy occupied and hii method 
 of defending it. Such ho:itility partly arose no doubt from 
 the prejudices previously alluded to, of hi$ eariy training. 
 Hut these were rdnforccd by more recent intimacies with 
 the leaders of the Ix>w Churdi and Latitudinurian parties. 
 Hi^ intimates of tluit day. Bishop Sumner Clicvalier Hunscn, 
 F. D. Maurice, and hU; relations witii the Court, as a chaplain 
 to Prince Albert, show that he was not likely heartily to 
 s>Tnpathi2e with the Catholic trutlis which Puscy was 
 reviving, or the type of Christian life he wajb helping to 
 develop. Besides, it was a moment when very few even 
 of those who were most intimate with Oxford undemood 
 Puscy's poritioo. There was a widi!5prt:ad expectation that 
 he would follow Newman's example in seceding: his utter- 
 ances were interpreted in th;it sense, and his profeswons to 
 the contrar>' fell on deaf cam. Even Newman had for 
 a moment misintiirprctcd his apiwrcnt hcsilaiiun. It is 
 little «irpri«ing tlicn if one whose sympathies liad drifted 
 so far away from tl>c Oxford School, shews little apprecia- 
 tion of the soundness of Puseys theological ground, and 
 of the difficulties with whicli he had to contend. At any 
 rale this letter, though with some inconsistency, exprcssim 
 a definitely hostile judgment, which must be kept in view, 
 as a factnr in the situation, during the ten ycani which 
 followed on the events of i>i45. 
 
 Puiiey on his part was entirely imconscious that he was 
 •^ ■■•••A MMii r I : V iStOA U ^r% Ihiamkl M 
 
 M ^ 
 
40 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 information and suggestions as would not be likely to be 
 forthcoming from any other quarter. 
 
 Accordingly on Nov. 15, 1845,— the day on which he had 
 himself joined with the rest of the Chapter of Christ Church 
 in the election of the Bishop,— Pusey wrote to his future 
 Diocesan. The purpose of his letter— as he himself has stated 
 in later years — was to convey to the new Bishop information 
 * which might be useful to him and to the Church '—informa- 
 tion not respecting the Oxford movement generally, but with 
 reference to *a definite class of minds.' He refers of course 
 in this expression to the men who had not followed Newman, 
 but were deeply perplexed by his secession, and who were 
 for the time mainly reassured by Pusey s own steadfastness. 
 It seemed to Pusey vitally important that these should be 
 retained in the Church if possible : at least it was beyond 
 all things desirable that the new Bishop should understand 
 their perplexities. Pusey 's letter was an offer of explana- 
 tions which no one else could supply, and which he might 
 reasonably assume would be welcomed by its recipient. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop-Elect of Oxford. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 You will, I suppose, by the same post receive the official address, 
 requesting you, I think, to undertake the office of Bishop of this 
 diocese. It was a solemn and touching form which we went through 
 in your election to-day, showing what our relation to a Bishop 
 should be. 
 
 I could not write at first, being very much pressed for the sermons 
 for Leeds, and you would have felt a letter of congratulation very mis- 
 placed. A letter of sympathy is perhaps what you would have looked 
 for from me. It does seem strange, and is, I think, a token of God's 
 mercy, that whereas some of the offices of a Bishop would seem fitted 
 to your natural gifts, you should by God's appointment have been 
 called to a see which most of all requires supernatural. I hear privately 
 from your brother Henry that you feel it so ; and so I may the more 
 venture to express my sympathy with you. One hopes the more that 
 any one will be an instrument in the hands of God, when he feels him- 
 self unequal to the office whereto he is called, and so depends the more 
 wholly on Him Who by His providence has called him. 
 
 It is indeed a time oi intense anxiety ; we have scarcely seen the 
 beginning of the troubles with which we are threatened. I fear that 
 the unsettlement is exceeding great, and that there are lurking seeds 
 
 Pusey s Letter to the new Bishop. 41 
 
 of doubt very often where nothing comes to the surface. A little 
 while ago people seemed inclined to give up everything out of mere 
 dejectedness. Of course such a loss as we have just had must be 
 intensely painful and perplexing to thousands who owe all their religious 
 bemg to his preaching, or published sermons. Then each unhinges 
 another, and so it spreads until one sees not where it is to end. As 
 far as I can see, what is chiefly at work is, not attraction towards 
 Rome, but despondency about ourselves. 
 
 I can well suppose that you, in common with many others, will 
 have been surprised, and perhaps pained, at the line which I have 
 myself taken. I felt, as I have heretofore, that I must risk everything 
 if I was to do anything. I did feel that there was a strong definite 
 position to take in positive attachment to our own Church, and awe at 
 His presence Who has guarded her by His providence, and blessed 
 her with His grace, apart from every other question. Love is the real 
 element that binds ; not antagonism. I have been led to this by the 
 experience of perplexed minds for many years; I found that contro- 
 versy irritated and had no good effect whatever upon them ; some- 
 times an hour's controversy with others undid all I had been doing by 
 the irritation which it caused; on the other hand, I found that the 
 sense of God's gifts in our Church made them calm and happy. 
 
 I did not intend to write so much about myself. It is, I fear, mis- 
 placed when you have so many solemn thoughts about yourself and 
 your approaching consecration. Yet you will have distractions, else I 
 would not have broken in upon you ; and I hope that anything which 
 bnngs before you more vividly our perils may, so far from distracting 
 you, rather promote that frame of mind which you would row most 
 wish to cherish -mistrust of self and full trust in God. 
 
 I know not whether my own sense of our perils has not been 
 deepened by knowing of the sort of persons, lay or clerical, who have 
 been comforted by my Letters \ Still I have all hope, both in God's 
 good providence which has been over our Church hitherto, and in the 
 actual tokens around us, especially our young persons, and in the 
 deepened frame of mind and reverence so widely visible. But I am 
 sure that, in this diocese, it will need all the wisdom which any can 
 obtain to rule aright the Church of God. 
 
 Yet God's providence has been so wonderfully shown in the character 
 of the Bishop whom He has given us these last sixteen years, and now 
 again in our not having one such as some with whom we have been 
 threatened, that I trust that your coming here is an act of the same 
 graciousness, and the more, from the little which your brother Hfenrvl 
 has told me. l /j 
 
 For myself, I can too readily think that any apparent connexion 
 
 The reference is to the four letters 
 to the English Churchman about 
 Oakeley and about Newman's secession. 
 i>ee vol. ii. pp. 440, 460-463. This letter 
 
 to Bishop Wilberforce, as well as that 
 of Nov. 27, is copied from 'Life of 
 Bishop Wilberforce/ i. 300-306. 
 
 I 
 
'/ 
 
 ■I' 
 
 '- 4 
 
 i 
 
 
 k 4 
 
 !; • 
 
 |l' 
 
 '!' 
 
 42 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 with myself would rather embarrass you with many; else it would 
 have given me much pleasure if, in the retired way in which I live, my 
 house could be of any service to you at any time that your duties 
 should call you into Oxford. 
 
 I wish my prayers were more such as I might hope would be heard 
 for you. 
 
 Wishing you all blessing, I would remain, 
 
 Yours most faithfully, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 Christ Church, Nov. 15, [1845]. 
 
 P.S.— I have written this as to a future Bishop, I know not whether 
 in ignorance ; to an actual Bishop its style must have been different. 
 
 More than a week elapsed before the Bishop-elect 
 replied. 
 
 The Bishop-elect of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 Alverstoke Rectory, Nov. 24, 1845. 
 
 Private . 
 
 My dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 Your letter has remained unanswered until now from the diffi- 
 culty I felt in replying to it. I cannot reply to it without a cordial 
 acknowledgment of the kindness of its tone towards myself, and an 
 earnest return of its desire for our beloved Church, of a hearty, 
 faithful, truthful peacefulness of inward spirit. At the same time, 
 I cannot say this without adding what 1 feared might pain you (this is 
 what kept me silent), and that perhaps the more because anything 
 I say must be incomplete and abrupt, since it would be plainly im- 
 possible if it was not, as it is, unfit that we should enter into a corre- 
 spondence upon the subject. 
 
 I could not then but say how very deeply (to go no further back) 
 the Letters to which you allude had pained me, and that 1 cannot feel 
 that the language therein held as to the errors of the Church of Rome 
 is to my apprehension to be reconciled with the doctrinal formularies 
 of our own reformed Church. In saying this I speak I know as you 
 would have me, with entire frankness, and so I would leave the subject. 
 
 In one point at least we can agree entirely— in our sense of the 
 greatness of the common danger, and of the extremity of my own ;— 
 and for the prayers and intercessions you promise me I thank you 
 from the bottom of my soul. 
 
 I am ever, my dear Dr. Pusey, most sincerely yours, 
 
 S. OxON (Elect). 
 
 P.S. I had written * Private ' ; but I erase it, as upon consideration 
 I should prefer having my opinion on the subjects touched on in this 
 letter as widely known as possible. My address will be the Deanery, 
 Westminster. S. O. 
 
 It was a disagreeable surprise for one in Pusey's anxious 
 position, entertaining as he had done such hopeful expecta- 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 Further Letter from Pusey, 43 
 
 tions, to receive thus early a plain intimation that the attitude 
 of his future Bishop was so different from all that he had 
 anticipated, as well as from that of the previous occupant 
 of the See. Dr. Bagot had never questioned either Pusey's 
 theological judgment or his unswerving faithfulness to the 
 Church of England. Pusey lost no time in replying, with 
 the unguarded candour of conscious loyalty. So far from 
 retreating from the attitude taken up in the Letters to which 
 the Bishop objected, he insisted on, if he did not extend it. 
 
 * 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop-elect of Oxford. 
 
 Mv dear Lord, '^^^- 27, 1845. 
 
 Your mentioning your address seems to imply that you thought 
 I might wish to write again to you, and so I take occasion to explain 
 myself further upon one point. I did not mean in my last Letter [to 
 the English Ckurchman] to say anything definite as to my own belief, 
 except simply that I received all which the Ancient Church received, 
 and that m so doing I believed that 1 was following the guidance of 
 my own and of (^od by her. I did not mean to state anything 
 definitely as to myself, but only to maintain, in the abstract, the tena- 
 bihty of a certain position, in which very many are, of not holding 
 themselves obliged to renounce any doctrine >rwa//j/ decreed by the 
 Roman Church. And this I knew would satisfy many minds, who do 
 not wish to form any definite opinions on those doctrines, yet still 
 wish not to be obliged to commit themselves against them. 
 
 i p^"' '" ^^'^ ' ^^^ "^^ speaking of what is commonly meant by 
 Popery,' which is a large practical system, going beyond their 
 formularies, varying perhaps indefinitely in different minds. I meant 
 simply ' the le/fer of what has been decreed by the Roman Church ' ; and 
 this 1 have for years hoped might ultimately become the basis of union 
 between us. 
 
 And now I hope you will not object to hear how this does seem to 
 me consistent with subscription to our formularies, although it is no 
 other than I said in my defence of Tract 90. 
 
 The ground on which I rest is that since our Church, both by the 
 declarations of the Reformers, by her Canons, and by the combined 
 teaching of approved divines, refers to Antiquity, the early Church, 
 the quodubique, &c.— then in receiving what is so taught, I am following 
 the teaching of my Church. If then anything in our formularies 
 seems, according to any received interpretation, to be at variance with 
 that teaching, 1 think myself compelled, on her own principles, to 
 inquire whether these formularies necessarily require that interpreta- 
 tion. If, of two interpretations, one goes against Antiquity, while 
 the other falls in with it, I think that I am acting on the principles of 
 
44 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 our Church in adopting that which falls in with it, and interpreting 
 her in harmony with Antiquity to which she appeals. 
 
 It is in this way that I have received everything which I have 
 received. Whatever I have received, I received on the authority 
 of the Ancient Church. I may say, too, I received some things 
 against my will. My bias was to keep the position which those in 
 our Church had usually held. I have mentioned the change in myself 
 to very few ; because what I had at heart was simply the revival of 
 holiness and true faith among ourselves, and I trusted that God in His 
 mercy giving us this * would provide * for the rest. Practically, when 
 people come to me for guidance, I endeavour to withhold them from 
 what lies beyond our Church, although, if asked on the other side, 
 I could not deny that such and such things seem to me admissible. 
 
 If I may explain my meaning, the remarkable Acts of SS. Perpetua and 
 Felicitas, which were beyond question genuine, contains a very solemn 
 vision, which involves the doctrine of process of purification after 
 death by suffering, to shorten which prayer was available. 1 came 
 upon it while reading the Acts for another purpose : it was great pain 
 to me. The ground was taken from under me. I had interpreted 
 passages (as of St. Basil), as I saw wrongly, under a bias the other 
 way ; solemn as it was I could not, taking all together, refuse my 
 belief to an intermediate state of cleansing, in some cases through pain. 
 The history was a revelation, at a very solemn time, to a martyr; 
 falling in with much which might be the meaning of Holy Scripture 
 and very much in the Fathers, and stamping it upon my mind. 
 I could not escape it. The effect has been that I have since been 
 wholly silent about Purgatory (before I used to sptak against it). 
 I have not said so much as this except to two or three friends. Some 
 of my nearest friends do not know it. 
 
 In like manner, I found that some Invocation of Saints was much 
 more frequent in the early Church than I had been taught to think, 
 that it has very high authority, and is nowhere blamed. This is wholly 
 distinct from the whole system as to St. Mary, as what I before said 
 is from the popular system as to purgatory. In this way, then, and 
 partly from the internal structure of the Article [xxii], I came to think 
 that our Article did not condemn all ' doctrine of Purgatory ' or Invo- 
 cation of Saints, but only a certain practical system ; and then I came 
 afterwards to see that the actual Roman formularies did not assert 
 more on these subjects (as apart from the popular system or * Popery') 
 than was in the Ancient Church. 
 
 Practically then I dissuade or forbid (when I have authority) Invo- 
 cation of Saints ; abstractedly, I see no reason why our Church might 
 not eventually allow it, in the sense of asking for their prayers. 
 
 I fear that by all this I shall distress you more than before : and 
 yet.it is well that you should know the state of our minds, and how 
 we came to it. I have unshaken faith in our position ; I believe that 
 Cod's hand is with our Church and that all will come right. But 
 
 Further Letter from Pusey. 45 
 
 I cannot give up my implicit faith in the Ancient Church, nor limit 
 my subscription to it. If our formularies were set authoritatively 
 (i.e. by any interpretation of the English Church) at variance with 
 the Ancient (which God forbid !), I should have to give up our 
 formularies. I have full confidence that it will not be so. 
 
 I hardly know what my relation to yourself will be ; we seem in 
 such an un-episcopal state ; electing you, it seems, in a very affecting 
 and solemn way, as our own Bishop, and then, in no relation with the 
 Bishop, when elected, except privately, or in concurrence with the 
 Ordinations. I may therefore the rather speak what I know, that any 
 declaration which should require people, by virtue of their subscrip- 
 tion, to declare, upon the various subjects mentioned in our Articles, 
 against the letter of the Roman decrees, would cause the loss of the 
 labours of many valuable and devoted men. And I suppose it is 
 not a wide step, now, between a person's being obliged to resign 
 ministerial duty, and thinking that he has no more place in the Church 
 of England. 
 
 I cannot but think (as I said) that it has been by God's providence, 
 that in the Council of Trent the Bishops there assembled were with- 
 held in so marked a manner from any condemnation of ourselves, and 
 that our Articles, being drawn up before the Council, were not levelled 
 against it. I cannot but think that Rome and we are not irreconcilably 
 at variance, but that, in the great impending contest with unbelief, we 
 shall be on the same side, and in God's time, and in His way, one. 
 
 However, I do not speculate on the future. The present 'is a time 
 of intense anxiety though of hope. I am myself satisfied about my 
 subscription ; in fact, it is no other than that of Keble and others 
 perhaps nearer to yourself. I would willingly give up office, if 1 
 thought that my mode of subscription was not allowed; but I have 
 thought it better to satisfy my own conscience privately, than add to 
 the confusion by speaking publicly on any controversial subject. 
 I did not mean to say so much to you ; but as you spoke of your 
 impression of the untenability of my mode of subscription, I thought 
 I had best, even at the risk of making you place still less confidence 
 in me, explain to you the state of other minds, over whom you will 
 be placed in the Lord, by my own. 
 
 Forgive me any pain I give you, and believe me, yours very faith- 
 fully and humbly, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 It must be admitted that, if the object was to conciliate 
 Bishop Wilberforce, Pusey had not taken the best course 
 to secure it. He had reasserted, in its main features, the 
 line which he had taken in defence of Tract 90, but with- 
 out any such account or kind of explanation as would have 
 recommended it to his correspondent. On the contrary 
 
w 
 
 46 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ■ I 
 
 W 
 
 if 
 
 u> 
 
 he had expressed himself in such terms as were not un- 
 reasonably calculated to increase the anxiety. 
 
 The Bishop, as was well known afterwards, was far from 
 accepting the principle which was plain enough to Pusey, 
 that Scripture itself could not be defended if the authority 
 of Christian Antiquity was set aside. Apparently, also, he 
 did not realize the great importance of Pusey's distinction 
 between the /e/ter of the Roman formularies and the />rac- 
 /teal Roman system ; nor could he fall in with the principle 
 that if the current interpretation of one of our own formu- 
 laries contradicted Antiquity, another equally admissible 
 interpretation, which was in harmony with Antiquity, must 
 be preferred. Pusey's argument, so far from recommending 
 itself to him, only convinced him that the estimate of 
 Pusey which he had expressed to Miss Noel was sub- 
 stantially accurate. So, five days after his consecration, 
 he replied to Pusey in terms which showed not only 
 that, for some time to come at any rate, the old relations 
 between the Oxford School and the Bishop of Oxford 
 would be impossible, but also that Pusey should not be 
 surprised if the Bishop (however little he understood the 
 theological questions that were involved) openly pronounced 
 judgment against him. 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to E. B. P. 
 
 The Deanery, December 5, 1845. 
 My dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 My mind has been lately so entirely occupied in ways you will 
 easily conceive, that I have been led to postpone for a few days 
 replying to your last letter. There is, as you anticipated, much in it 
 which is distressing to me. But before 1 very lightly touch on one 
 or two of those points, I wish to say a word on the nature of the 
 communication itself. 
 
 It seems to me to appertain strictly to the office to which God has 
 called me, that I should seek to bear as a Father in Christ (however 
 unworthy) the burden, not of these only, but of all the difficulties, 
 mfirmities, or temptations which may harass the minds of any who are 
 entrusted (in whatever measure) to my charge and who wish to com- 
 municate with me. Such therefore I would always be ready to listen 
 to, and if possible to aid, not by controversy, but by a true sympathy 
 and by any practical counsels which God may enable me to offer. 
 
 Ah Episcopal Reproof. ^n 
 
 Only this must be borne in mind, that such communications stand 
 wholly apart from any judgment or step which I may be compelled to 
 pronounce or take by any public act, in which these same persons 
 may embody the difficulties or errors which they have communicated 
 to me, and from which I have sought by private counsel to withdraw 
 them. 
 
 Having said so much, I would add that I am as far as possible from 
 bemg unable to enter into the difficulties of which you speak. But 
 1 must also say that I trace our present difficulties to a different 
 source, and look for our escape from them, if it please God, from 
 a different quarter from those to which you point. I do not doubt 
 that a longing after greater devotion, after a higher and more self- 
 denymg character, and after a greater life of Christian charity, than 
 they met with around them, was the spring which originally moved 
 many of those who have been foremost in the recent Movement. But 
 I believe that instead of seeking for these, where only they could be 
 found, in a fuller and more personal knowledge of God and the eternal 
 relations of the ever-blessed Trinity as revealed in God's Word, they 
 were drawn aside by forms and trappings which seemed to promise 
 them that which they sought in a system which must really obscure 
 the truth to all, and especially to those by whom it was self-chosen 
 Thus they were led from God instead of to Him. With the appear- 
 ance to themselves of peculiar self-abasement they lost their humility • 
 with great outward asceticism they were ruled by an unmortified will • 
 they formed a party ; and thus being greatly predisposed to it, the 
 perverted bias of one master-mind has sufficed to draw them dose 
 to or absolutely into the Roman Schism, with all its fearful doctrinal 
 errors. 
 
 The Bishop might have stopped at this point ; since 
 Pusey would have understood himself to be at any rate 
 partly referred to in the sentence of his correspondent. 
 But he proceeds : — 
 
 I should not speak as I have said that 1 would, if 1 did not add that 
 there appear to me to be in yourself too many traces of this evil ; of 
 a subtle and therefore most dangerous form of self-will ; and a tendency 
 to view yourself as one in, if not now the leader of, a party. This 
 seems to me to lead you to judge the Church which you ought to obey • 
 sometimes to blame, sometimes almost to patronize her; and hence to 
 fall into the further error of undervaluing the One inspired Revelation 
 of God's will given to us in His perfect Word. I would suggest to you 
 as instances, your abandoning what you had learned as a matter of 
 I- aith from your Church's exposition of God's Word on the evidence 
 of an aUeged vision, whereas the truth of no one of the Articles of the 
 Faith rests on such evidence, an evidence manifestly open (as the 
 mere facts of animal magnetism may showj to every form of uninten- 
 
48 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ? 
 
 tional deceit. Again, the same spirit seems to me to be involved in 
 your being ready to give up any one of our Formularies (which refer 
 for their authority straight to God's Word and the Apostolical 
 Creeds), if you, as an individual, think that you can find in early 
 Christian writers contradictions of them. 
 
 Will you let me then pray you to weigh carefully the mere possibility 
 of my views being right ; and see as in God's sight whether you may 
 not unawares have been led to foster the spirit of party, to shake the 
 obedient reverence due to our Church, to lose sight in some measure 
 of the supreme authority of Holy Scripture, and so to hold great truths 
 partially, and therefore untruly. Should you admit even the possibility 
 of this being true, you will agree with me that not to take any new 
 step, but to watch most earnestly against self-dependenci and the 
 spirit or acts of party, is at this moment your especial duty. 
 
 I have answered your appeal plainly : I believe that you would have 
 me do so. Only let me further say how earnestly I pray that the God 
 of Peace may Himself heal these our open wounds, and bring together 
 into the clear light of His truth hearts which to His eye may be nearer 
 than they seem to be to us. Should He make me His humble instru- 
 ment in working such an end, my highest aim will be richly 
 accomplished. 
 
 I am ever, my dear Dr. Pusey, your faithful friend and brother, 
 
 S. OXON. 
 
 Anything more unhappy than such a correspondence 
 as this cannot well be imagined. At that moment it 
 was most desirable that all who were really loyal to the 
 cause of the Church of England should understand each 
 other, and, if need were, exercise a generous tolerance in 
 order the better to do so. It would have been indeed 
 a gain if the two men, who by their position, gifts, and 
 character were bound to sway the minds of a great 
 number of Churchmen, could have been in sympathy with 
 one another. But it was one of the greatest of the many 
 serious misfortunes under which the Church of England 
 then laboured, that at the very outset of Bishop Wilber- 
 force's episcopate such unhappy relations should have been 
 established between him and Pusey. 
 
 It is impossible to attempt to allot the share of the blame 
 for such grave misunderstandings. It is evident enough that 
 Pusey, in his somewhat hasty but single-minded anxiety 
 to explain the whole position to his new Bishop, did un- 
 wittingly contribute to this unhappy state of things. It must 
 
 Unhappy Relations with the Bishop, 49 
 
 be allowed that, considering the many secessions that were 
 occurring, there was sufficient in Pusey s letter to excite sus- 
 picion in the mind of one who had no closer sympathies with 
 the Tractarian movement than had Dr. Wilberforce at that 
 moment. On the other hand. Dr. Wilberforce had no doubt 
 much more to learn than he supposed about the theological 
 position of the Church of England, about the Oxford School, 
 and about Pusey himself. And it was no good omen for 
 the immediate future, that the new prelate, five days after 
 his consecration, and before he had reached his diocese, 
 should thus admonish one who was probably the most 
 learned, and amongst the most saintly of his clergy, on a 
 ' dangerous form of self-will,' and his ' tendency to party 
 spirit,' and should exhort him as a special duty to watch 
 most earnestly against ' self-dependence.' Only after the 
 lapse of years, and after still graver misunderstandings 
 between the two men, did the clouds so far clear away as 
 to enable the Bishop not only to appreciate the drift of 
 Pusey s efforts and his sincere loyalty to the English 
 Church, but to invite his hearty co-operation in schemes 
 for the welfare of the Church. 
 
 For the present, however, Pusey 's public actions were 
 no more calculated to improve his relations with his new 
 Bishop than were his private letters. The two years of 
 suspension from the duty of preaching in the University 
 pulpit had expired in June, 1845 ; and Pusey had been for 
 some time anxiously considering what would be the most 
 useful subject for the sermon which he would soon have 
 to preach. It was suggested to him that he should preach 
 the condemned sermon over again, in order to compel the 
 Heads of Houses to give him a real hearing. This project 
 had been resisted by Marriott. 
 
 * If,' he wrote to Pusey on Oct. 19, 1844, 'by preaching the same 
 sermon you call on the six doctors for another decision and a hearing, 
 are you not forcing them for the sake of consistency into a position 
 unfair to our poor Church ? and is it not, at present at all events, 
 (hubtful whether they can be considered to have condemned any 
 doctnne at all? Is it not but an attempt to wound us all through you, 
 by seizing any opening for doing so .? Do not their supporters ge'nerally 
 
 VOL. III. E 
 
f ■ 
 
 50 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 through the country allow that there is no wrong doctrine in the 
 sermon, but [say] that it was injudicious, and that something must be 
 done against us ? I know of no one who condemns the doctrine. My 
 notion is what Judge Coleridge says, that you cannot be placed in 
 a better position than you now hold, but may be in a much worse. It 
 [the sermon] has opened [a way for] the true doctrine more deeply 
 and extensively than anything else could have done, into people's 
 hearts, where it has carried it with sympathy for yourself.' 
 
 Newman had not then left the English Church, but he 
 had lost all heart and hope in her. Pusey therefore turned 
 to Keblc for advice. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. ). Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, 
 Vigil of SS. Simon and Jude, 1844. 
 
 ... It seemed to me that should I live to have another preaching- 
 turn, I might preach the same doctrine over again, as gradually as 
 I could, preaching the whole doctrine. This Newman seemed to think 
 at once the best plan, and caught at it : * It seems to me the best 
 thing you have said.' But what is to be done, if I am again con- 
 demned ? And yet it would be very uncomfortable to preach before 
 the University, with this sort of stigma upon me, as though there were 
 a subject upon which I had been judged unsound. I hardly see how 
 I could go on with my course, as though nothing had happened. 
 I had thought of taking for my text, * The words that I speak unto 
 you, &c.,' removing the heretical interpretation of the text, and inculca- 
 ting the actual inhabitation of the Holy Spirit, as connected with the 
 Holy Communion, which again brings us round to the high doctrine, 
 and re-aflfirming the two doctrines at which people rebel, the Real 
 Presence by virtue of the consecration, and the Eucharistic Sacrifice. 
 Tell me, at your leisure, pray, what you think. 
 
 Ever yours gratefully and affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 Keble's reply was, like himself, cautious and decided : — 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, Nov. 19, 1844. 
 On turning over in my mind every way the case you put to me, 
 what you should do when the two years are over, I cannot see that 
 anything would be better than to go on in what might be called 
 a natural way, i.e. to take up the subject where you left it off, re- 
 capitulate it as you naturally would do at such a distance of time, 
 and in so doing of course re-assert the two great doctrines of the 
 Sacrifice and Real Presence. This will give them an opportunity, 
 if they think proper, of removing their censure, yet without undue 
 
 'The Entire Absolution of the Penitent! 51 
 
 controversy or challenge on your part. And if they do not take it up 
 .tw.ll be equivalent to allowing the substance of what they before 
 tried to silence. ... ^ ""='""= 
 
 Ever, my very dear friend, 
 
 Your very affectionate 
 
 J. K. 
 As Newman's secession was soon expected, it was sug- 
 gested to Pusey that it would be of real help if he resumed 
 his place as a preacher before that event took place ; it was 
 hoped that his sermon might ' cheer ' some waverers. But 
 Isaac. Williams and Copeland, as well as Keble, were against 
 any attempt to preach before it came in the ordinary course • 
 Pusey therefore decided to wait. Soon however after his' 
 return from the consecration of St. Saviour's, Leeds he 
 began to 'read ' for a University sermon, which he was to 
 preach in his own turn on February i, 1846. Pusey,as has 
 been already stated, prepared for a University sermon as 
 seriously as for writing a book : it was generally three or 
 at least two months on the stocks ; and, when delivered it 
 represented only a fragment of the wide investigations which 
 had preceded it, and some of which survived in elaborate 
 notes or an ample appendix. 
 
 The subject which Pusey chose was ' The Power of the 
 Keys, or, as it was described,— with a view to being intro- 
 duced into the course which Pusey was working out in the 
 University pulpit,-' The Entire Absolution of the Penitent ' 
 His family were filled with anxiety at the prospect of 
 a new sermon, and possibly of another suspension ; and 
 their apprehensions were shared, though for different 
 reasons, by others. 
 
 Archdeacon Manning to E. B. p. 
 My dear Friend, Lavington, Jan. 10, 1846. 
 
 forgive' ,;;.^T".rt''^" ^'"-^ "'^' ^"'^ '^^"^^^ ^ =^y ■■« superfluous, 
 forgve me? I think you are sure to have a preaching-turn before 
 
 T.^TTr'V.^''^ ^'""^ something you said to me once at Brighton 
 I am led to think you have been inclined to take some subject under 
 the view of bearing witness to the Truth. The more I have thought 
 Of It, and the more (without discussion on my part) I have gathered 
 the opinions and feelings of others, the more I earnestly hope and 
 
 E 2 
 
) 
 
 52 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Mr. Golightiys Anxiety, 
 
 53 
 
 beg of you to treat of some subject in which those that watch for 
 you may be disappointed. My reasons are more than I can hope 
 now to give. It seems to me that Truth itself will be more jeopardized 
 in many minds by a renewal of contests : that any new questions will 
 seem like a personal retort on your part, wholly out of keeping with 
 your past silence, which has been invaluable to you as an example : 
 that it will savour of * striving and lifting up,* which both for your 
 sake and for those who oppose you seems to me a course which our 
 Great Example would not warrant. Hardly anything could be so 
 hurtful to us as that you should be again the centre of a public 
 contest : or that people should seem to see you always associated 
 with University conflicts. It appears to me that your work is with 
 and for the Church eminently, and that to allow the University to 
 intercept you by its narrow jurisdiction is most unhappy, and tending 
 unspeakably to increase the doubt, irritation, unsettlement, and aliena- 
 tion of heart which is too prevalent already. . . . May you be guided 
 with a sure and true light from our only Guide. 
 
 Believe me, my dear friend, 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 H. E. M. 
 
 The subject of the sermon had, however, been already 
 settled. Pusey took the opportunity of pointing out to 
 Manning how largely his earlier steps had been influenced 
 by a desire to show such sympathy with Newman's state of 
 mind as might help to retain him in the English Church, 
 and that there were others for whom he now desired to do 
 the same. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Archdeacon Manning. 
 
 [Brighton, Jan. ii, 1846.] 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 . . . The subject of my sermon is fixed for me : ' The Power 
 of the Keys.' (i) It seemed most natural to go on with my course 
 *0n the Comfort to Penitents ' just as I should have done : (2) it has 
 ' got out * that I am going to preach upon it, so that to give it up 
 would be to imply some weakness somewhere. And then happily 
 all our formularies are so decisively favourable, that there is no con- 
 ceivable point of attack. 
 
 When dear N[ewman] was as yet undetermined, I did what I could 
 with reference to him : sometimes to take off invidiousness from him, 
 as in the defence of Tract 90 ; then in all I did about vindicating 
 myself; and my plan for this sermon was in hopes of taking off the 
 edge of what he felt so keenly. The present form was suggested 
 by K[eble] as the most natural. The execution is of course mine. 
 
 I should like to send you the whole if I have time. Will you tell me 
 what you think of the enclosed ? I do not like to gloss over the 
 subject altogether, although I feel, as you do, the importance of 
 avoiding attack. But I really do hope that at Oxford also they are im- 
 pressed with the great seriousness of the present crisis, and desirous 
 to commit things to God's hands, rather than take them into their 
 own. 
 
 Thank you most truly for your prayer and for all your love for one 
 unworthy. God requite it to you. 
 
 In Him your very affectionate 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Archdeacon Manning was only anxious that Pusey*s 
 statement should be full and systematic, defining what 
 was intended to be included and to be excluded. 
 
 Archdeacon Manning to E. B. P. 
 
 Reigate, Jan. 13, 1846. 
 The point on which I should think a clear statement most needed 
 is that which practically differences the Church of England from the 
 Church of Rome— namely, the necessity of Confession to the forgive- 
 ness of penitents. It seems to me plain beyond doubt from such 
 passages as Bingham brings to the point, that in the early centuries 
 such a necessity was not supposed to exist ; and that confession was 
 not a necessary condition to Communion. This, I think, will be the 
 point in which it will be necessary to be clear. 
 I am ashamed of writing in this way to you. . . . 
 
 Believe me, my dear friend. 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 H. E. Manning. 
 
 Another person was roused by the purport of Pusey's 
 sermon. Mr. Golightly felt bound by his conception of 
 his duty to come forward at such a crisis. He addressed 
 a public letter to the Vice- Chancel lor, Dr. Symons, draw- 
 ing attention to Pusey's Letters to the English Churchman 
 in October, 1845, and desiring that, before Pusey was allowed 
 to preach, the Vice-Chancellor would require him to sign 
 Article XXII. He then proceeds to discuss other passages 
 in Pusey's works, his adaptation of Roman Catholic books 
 to the use of the English Church, his defence of Oakeley, 
 and the recent secessions to Rome, and to urge that ' Dr. 
 Pusey may reasonably be called upon to consider very 
 seriously whether he is again able to attach his bojid fide 
 
I 
 
 I*- 
 
 I 
 
 54 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey. 
 
 II 
 
 Ji 
 
 and ex animo subscription to the formularies of our 
 Church. 
 
 Replying to a letter of Mr. J. B. Mozleys. who wished 
 him now to define his position as distinct from that of 
 Oakeley, Pusey notices Golightly's letter to the Vice- 
 Chancellor, and the couVse which he might deem it his 
 duty to take with respect to it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. B. Mozlev. 
 
 Brighton, 131 Marine Parade, Jan. 10, 1846. 
 Many thanks for your kind anxiety about me. No hint has come to 
 me m consequence of Golightly's letter. I hope anyhow to take ward- 
 ing by the private negotiations of two and a half years ago 
 
 If asked to sign the Articles, I think I must say something as to 
 he mode m which 1 sign them: as, « I sign them in thrsense which 
 I have so often explained, and which, although i, difes Mr V C 
 rem yours I believe to be the grammatical sense 'or the^ike' 
 'I sign the Articles in their grammatical sense apart from any in er' 
 pretation put upon them.' But on this I must consult. I ^J^Z 
 seem to take a test in a sense in which 1 do not take i Evemhfn^ 
 depends on the appearance of honesty; ab o.nni „on so^uTfa2 
 veru„. opprobrio guogue turpi, while 1 am desirous not lo^ltl 
 handle agamst myself or others. ^ 
 
 • Yours affectionately, 
 
 Mozley replied at once :— ' 
 
 Rev. J. b. Mozley to E. B. P. 
 
 T-L , , Oxford, Jan. 12, 1846. 
 
 Thank you for your kind note. I see Golightly in his letter ex- 
 pressly fixes upon you what you carefully avoided in your Let ers.n 
 
 ^rLd"^ He r^ak^'""""; "''i "^^""'^'"^ ^""-'^ ^^ ^^"^^<^^ 
 t°ion nf\h 1 ! ^°" "'^""'^>' y°"'^"'- Perhaps this is an indica- 
 
 o see that T T^ "'" ''"" '''"' P^°^°^* -"' be sharp enoigh 
 
 urrrised It'some"' ""k """"'"^' ^°"^^^'^' '^"' ' ^"""'^ "«' be 
 surprised at some push bemg made to get the vacuum filled ud in 
 
 some way or other, and make out a regular case of identTty ^ 
 
 2rT:r^ ''.r" '° °''''""y'' S™""''' ' ="PP°=e °"e has not much 
 more to do w.th .t, now that Oakeley and those who put it forward 
 
 h!I?°H'; \ ""f '^'■' '^^'^ ^' "° oP^n supporters of i that one 
 has to defend and sympathize with ai extra So one seems toT 
 
 XTd^Tser Thfs '' 7'"" °'^^"*^-i '^ "- .o:nTJlys 
 grouna myself. This would set matters straight with many persons 
 
 who [are] so very suspicious of us now. Not that it is necess^v 
 
 to go out of our way to say it ; but if it comes in one's way one 3 
 
 Question of Subscription, 
 
 55 
 
 be ready to do so. I am going now on the supposition that Oakeley's 
 ground is in //^^^ untenable, which I suppose one must say it is, 
 however one would have allowed him to hold it while he was in our 
 Church. 
 
 I mean that with respect to subscription to the Articles one's public 
 line is cleared, however one may regret the cause [of] it, by Oakeley's 
 secession. It seems hardly possible to have anything more to do 
 with his ground now, and one may relieve oneself of thinking anything 
 more about it. And if we are pushed in that direction our answer 
 is ready. I am speaking of course of our public line generally and 
 not of any explanations to the V. C. or Hebdomadal Board. 
 
 In the act of subscribing, however, I suppose we have nothing to 
 do with explanation one way or another. I say this with reference 
 to what you throw out in your note. You will act of course on much 
 better advice than mine in the matter, but it seems to me we should 
 lose ground considerably by appending any kind of explanation to our 
 act of subscription. Though it simply amounted to a truism (the 
 sense which I believe, &c.) it would be taken for a dishonest reserva- 
 tion, and a concession on our part that we had not the same right 
 to sign the Articles aTrXiy that others have. At least I should much 
 fear so. 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor delayed his reply to Golightly until 
 January 14. He expressed disapproval of Golightly's pub- 
 lishing his letter to himself while it was still under his 
 consideration ; and he had some doubt of the correctness 
 of Golightly's reasoning in some instances. But, for the 
 rest, he and his correspondent were of one mind. Golightly 
 need not apologize for raising the question of requiring 
 Dr. Pusey to subscribe the Articles : but the Vice-Chan- 
 cellor had doubts whether anything would be gained by 
 insisting on Dr. Pusey's subscription. He had observed 
 that in the Letter to which Mr. Golightly made particular 
 reference, Dr. Pusey not only plainly intimated his readi- 
 ness to subscribe the Articles, but gave a studied exposition 
 of the grounds on which subscription might be made. 
 As these grounds were certainly very different from any 
 that would have appeared satisfactory to the Vice-Chan- 
 cellor and his correspondent, it seemed reasonable to con- 
 clude that the application of the Statute would in the 
 present case be ineffectual, and being so would be worse 
 than useless. At the same time, the Vice-Chancellor 
 pointed out to his correspondent that ' if, unhappily 
 
 >Mi « =i.^»A^L-^-.; 
 
Ill 
 I 4 
 
 ^ 
 
 I't 
 
 Hi 
 
 56 
 
 Lt/e 0/ Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 erroneous doctrine should at any time be delivered from 
 the pulpit of the University, the Statutes provide a remedy 
 and one which cannot be rendered inoperative by an un- 
 satisfactory subscription to the Articles.' 
 
 The Vice- Chancellor sent Pusey a copy of his reply to 
 Mr. Golightly, and he accompanied it with the subjoined 
 note : — 
 
 The Vice-Chancellor to E. B. P. 
 
 i,T T^ ^ Wadham College, Jan. 14, 1846. 
 
 My dear Dr. Pusey, ' ^ 
 
 Having this day given my answer to an application made to 
 me by Mr. Golightly (with the particulars of which 1 have been aware 
 that you were made acquainted) I have thought it respectful towards 
 yourself, and right, to send to you a copy of it. The publication of 
 Mr. Gohghtly's letter has called for a more explicit answer than 
 might have been otherwise needful. For, by declining to interfere, 
 11 became requisite for me to state plainly and without reserve 
 the considerations which weighed with me. The application indeed 
 made it appear to me a duty to do what I had deliberately forebome 
 to do before, viz. to look much into your recent publications. The 
 reason of my previous forbearance was, that I apprehended from the 
 little which I did read, that I might be driven to a conviction with 
 which I was most unwilling to be impressed. I should be now wanting 
 in what I owe to yourself if I did not say that the further reading 
 has occasioned me the deepest pain. Much has appeared to me so 
 plainly and directly at variance with several Articles of the Church 
 and with the actual engagements of any one who had pledged himself 
 to the office of a teacher in it, that I cannot without great concern 
 dwell even in thought upon it. My long and habitual personal regard 
 will not allow the entrance into my mind of a suspicion unfavourable 
 to yourself; I cannot however but fear that your authority may tempt 
 others to a conduct which would in their cases involve the sacrifice of 
 moral integrity as well as of Christian simplicity. The grace especi- 
 ally needed is spiritual discernment to discriminate the path of duty. 
 I am, my dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 Very sincerely and faithfully yours, 
 
 B. P. Symons. 
 Many a man would have lost heart altogether when 
 Bishops and Vice-Chancellors only communicated with 
 him to tell him that he was wanting in some part of ele- 
 mentary morality. But Pusey, conscious of his motives, 
 was prepared to meet a storm of public and private dis- 
 approval. The sermon was finished on January 20 : and 
 
 Preparation of Sermon, 
 
 57 
 
 although Keble had already suggested the subject, New- 
 man's secession and other matters had greatly modified the 
 situation, and Pusey wished to know whether, after reading 
 the sermon, Keble still advised him to preach it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 131 Marine Parade, Brighton, Jan. 20, 1846. 
 
 I have been longing to write to you, but waiting until some 
 pressing things were done. • I have been wishing, too, to send you my 
 sermon, which is all but finished, begging you to object to anything 
 you think inexpedient, undesirable. I have wished too, at least in 
 matters which relate to the Church, to be out of my own hands, and 
 under guidance, and that you would tell me what to do. While dear 
 N[ewman] was with us, I meant to take his counsel, although I some- 
 times mistook it ; and it seems now as if the mistakes made were 
 when I had an opinion of my own, e. g. about dear Isaac standing for 
 the Poetry Professorship. Again, I committed myself to Bunsen 
 about the Jerusalem Bishopric, not understanding it, I believe. 
 
 I fear now it is too late to ask about the subject of th's sermon, 
 although Manning would have wished it otherwise : Richards dreads it. 
 Yet if I were bid, and a subject given me, I could even yet write upon 
 it, although time presses. My grounds for taking it were : (i) that it 
 was the natural subject ; that which came next in my series, * the 
 Power of the Keys.' (2) It seemed, for any doctrinal subject, the most 
 unassailable ; for all our formularies are in our favour ; there is nothing 
 against it ; nothing, I thought, upon which a question could be raised. 
 (3) It is taking away on one side the harsh appearance of the doctrine 
 of repentance, without the remedial system ; and now for not quitting 
 it, there comes (4) that people have come to know pretty extensively 
 that I am going to preach upon it (the Heads talked of it last term), 
 so that it might seem as if I were afraid the ground were untenable, 
 and so friends might be dispirited : those who think ill of me might urge 
 it as a proof the more of want of straightforwardness and mistrust 
 in our own cause. 
 
 I have shown the statement about the Holy Eucharist in the 
 recapitulation to Manning and Marriott, and they do not think it 
 assailable ; but this is a detail on which I should like anyhow to have 
 your judgment. I am now writing on the general subject, (i) whether 
 you would think it anyhow advisable not to preach on the Power of the 
 Keys ; (2) if you do, to give me a subject to preach on. I do not see 
 how a word of what 1 have written can be touched ; but it seems obstinate 
 to go on in my own way without asking you as to the general question. 
 
 I am obliged to break off in haste to save the post. How is Mrs. 
 Keble ? Troubles are very thick on us. 
 
 Ever your affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
) 
 
 I 
 
 ; 
 
 \ ' J 
 
 if I 
 
 58 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Keble's decision was characteristic. Pusey should preach, 
 as he intended, on ' the Absolution of the Penitent.' But 
 he should, if he could, prepare another sermon, to be used 
 if at the moment, for whatever reason, it should seem in- 
 advisable to carry out the original design. The sermon 
 was printed before delivery : the slips were sent to Keble 
 * to except against every word which you doubt of.' After 
 this second perusal, Keble repeated. his previous opinion 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 January 28, 1846. 
 
 .... Some think that if you had by you one of your plain 
 practical sermons, in the same tone e.g. with the last which you 
 preached at Brighton and published, it would be a golden opportunity 
 of doing good to some of the scc.res who will be present out of 
 curiosity or a worse motive, to substitute that sermon for the present 
 one ; that no one would dream of there being anything like recanta- 
 tion in so doing, or if there were a chance of their doing so, that you 
 might easily obviate it by an introductory sentence or two ; and that, 
 in this way, some men might be surprised or shamed into good feeling, 
 who would simply set up their backs against the sermon at present ; 
 and so it would come by-and-by with a better chance. I tell you this, 
 not knowing how far it is right, but feeling that it quite depends on the 
 question whether you have such a sermon by you or no, for I am sure 
 it is quite too late to write one. If you have, it seems to me that you 
 cannot be wrong in either taking that or this as your own judgment 
 and feelings may incline ; only I would show it to Marriott or some 
 such person, who may be able to help you in detecting everything 
 which the critics might lay hold of. If you have no such sermon by you, 
 it seems a plain and an intended course that you should go on with 
 this. I shall be very sorry if I give you trouble or perplexity by this. 
 
 This was followed up by a long letter containing pro- 
 posals for twenty-six alterations in the printed text of the 
 sermon. These were mostly verbal ; and witji scarcely an 
 exception they were adopted by the preacher. He also 
 received comments on the sermon from Archdeacon 
 Manning and Isaac Williams, which were carefully weighed. 
 
 At last the ist of February arrived. The scene in the 
 Cathedral was a far more remarkable one than that 
 which had been witnessed on the occasion of the con- 
 demned sermon in 1843. Pusey's own position was, 
 and was felt to be, in many respects different. In 1843 
 
 The Scene of the Sermon. 59 
 
 Newman was still at his side ; he had not yet resigned 
 St. Mary's. Now, in Oxford at least, Pusey stood almost 
 alone : Marriott and Copeland, with their many and varied 
 excellences, could not occupy the vacant place. In 1843 
 the charge of Romanizing was in the air, but as yet 
 nothing had occurred to give it point and emphasis. Now, 
 as the Puritan controversialists were never weary of telling 
 the world, not a few of the most accomplished Tractarians 
 and Newman himself had practically admitted its justice— 
 at least in their own case— by their secession to the Roman 
 Catholic Church. In 1843, although Pusey had been the 
 object of frequent attacks, his learning and his character 
 had forbidden as yet any more violent expression of party 
 animosity ; v/hereas now he stood before the University as 
 a condemned man — condemned, it is true, without having 
 had a hearing, and by a process which deprived the con- 
 demnation of moral weight — but still, before the University 
 and the world condemned, and emerging for the first time 
 from the silence which the sentence of condemnation had 
 imposed on him. It was impossible that an extraordinary 
 interest should not attach to his reappearance in the Univer- 
 sity pulpit ; and the sermon was anticipated and listened 
 to with greater eagerness— it is probably not too much to 
 say — than any other University sermon in the present 
 century. 
 
 The arrangement of Christ Church Cathedral in 1846 
 was very unlike that of the present day. A solid organ- 
 screen, dating from the Restoration, and pierced by some 
 glazed apertures, cut off the real choir of the church from 
 the transepte and truncated nave, and left a much smaller 
 area within which it was possible to hear a sermon. Never- 
 theless the choir thus shut off from the pulpit was crowded 
 from end to end : the organ-loft looked as though it might 
 give way, such was the mass of Undergraduates who had 
 got into it ; even the triforium had been invaded by eager 
 listeners. Every inch on the floor of the church was 
 occupied. * Dr. Pusey,' writes an eye-witness, ' had to move 
 slowly through the dense mass on his way to the corner 
 
 lL 
 
6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Sketch of the Sermon. 
 
 6i 
 
 of the Cathedral where the Vice-Chancellor and Doctors 
 assemble, visible to nobody but those immediately along 
 the line he had to pass ; his perfectly pallid, furrowed, 
 mortified face looking almost like jagged marble, immov- 
 ably serene withal, and with eyes fixed in deep humility on 
 the ground, formed a curious contrast with the thick expec- 
 tant crowd, which the beadles moved aside for him ^' The 
 procession of Heads was obliged to pass straight from the 
 transept to their seats, instead of following their accus^ 
 tomed course, down the south aisle, and then up the nave. 
 When he reached the pulpit, Pusey as usual knelt in prayer, 
 disappearing from sight until the conclusion of the hymn. 
 The sermon lasted for a little more than an hour and a half; 
 and was listened to with perfect stillness until the Blessing 
 was pronounced. His voice showed no signs of nervous- 
 ness : from first to last it was perfectly clear, even, and 
 strong. 
 
 Pusey's power in the pulpit was in no sense that of 
 a popular preacher. He owed nothing to those arts and 
 accomplishments which have been carried to their greatest 
 perfection in the Church of Massillon and Bourdaloue, and 
 which have never been altogether neglected in any part 
 of Christendom. He had no pliancy of voice ; no command 
 over accent, or time, or tone ; he did not relieve or assist 
 the attention of his audience by a change of pace, from 
 fast to slow, or by pausing between his paragraphs, or 
 by looking off his pages ; his eye was throughout fixed 
 on the manuscript before him, and his utterance was 
 *one strong, unbroken, intense, monotonous swing, which 
 went on with something like the vibrationi of a deep 
 bell.* Nor did Pusey's method or matter supply the 
 defects ~ if defects they were — of his manner as a preacher. 
 Masses of learning — much of it derived from sources of 
 which the majority even of an University audience had 
 never heard — were only relieved by long, reiterated exhorta- 
 tions, to which fancy, or invective, or anecdote rarely 
 contributed any such element as could modify the reign 
 
 * Guardian, Feb. 4, 1846. Letter by J. B. Mozley. 
 
 of a Stern monotony. Yet men, old and young, listened 
 to him for an hour and a half in breathless attention : 
 because his moral power was such as to enable him to 
 dispense with the lower elements of oratorical attraction ; 
 or it would have rendered their presence an intrusion 
 on higher and holier ground. As J. B. Mozley said, 
 'Pusey seemed to inhabit his sentences.' Each sentence 
 was instinct with his whole intense purpose of love, as he 
 struggled to bring others into communion with the truth 
 and Person of Him Who purified his own soul ; and this 
 attribute of profound reality which characterized his dis- 
 course from first to last, as it fell on the superficial and 
 somewhat cynical thought of ordinary academical society, 
 at once fascinated and awed the minds of men, and — 
 whether they yielded their convictions to the preacher 
 or not — at least exacted from them the homage of a sus- 
 tained and hushed attention. 
 
 The sermon was preached on St. John xx. 21-23, and 
 especially on those words of our Lord to His Apostles, 
 ' Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them.' 
 It opened with a reference to the preacher's recent suspen- 
 sion, as due to his own ' secret sins.' Then he glanced 
 at the course of teaching which the suspension had inter- 
 rupted. He had been engaged in exhibiting to the penitent 
 Christian the means of his restoration, and the earnests of 
 his pardon. Of these means he had spoken first of the 
 Holy Eucharist, as less likely to provoke controversy than 
 Absolution, although coming later in the order and experi- 
 ence of the Christian life; and he now summarized his 
 condemned sermon in a few well-chosen words, which 
 reasserted to the very full its doctrinal position ^ He then 
 passed to the subject before him. All forgiveness of sin 
 is from God. The Church or her ministers are not instead 
 of, but the instruments of Christ, the One Absolver. That 
 He, the One Absolver, did delegate to His Church the 
 absolving power, was plain from the words spoken in the 
 upper chamber ; and that the Church of England recognizes 
 
 * * Entire Absolution of the Penitent,' p. 3. 
 
62 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Its Practical Suggestions, 
 
 63 
 
 this His gracious and awful gift, is clear not only from 
 the less explicit absolutions pronounced over congrega- 
 tions where general sin only may be presumed, in the Daily 
 Service and the Holy Communion, but also and especially 
 in the absolution of the sick after private confession. * By 
 His authority committed unto me, I absolve thee from all 
 thy sins,' are the words which she puts into the mouth of 
 her priests in the chamber of death ; and when those 
 words are read in connexion with the sentence in which 
 an Anglican Bishop addresses the man whom he is ordain- 
 ing as a priest, ' Whose sins thou dost forgive they are 
 forgiven,' there can be no doubt that the Church of England 
 teaches the reality of priestly absolution as explicitly as 
 it has ever been taught, or is taught to-day in any part 
 of the Catholic Church. 
 
 A large part of the sermon is devoted to practical and 
 spiritual aspects of the subject. Thus, looking to the absence 
 of public and private discipline in the Church of England 
 during past years, he sees a bright side even to that 
 conspicuous neglect of the will of our Lord, which is 
 involved in the neglect of Holy Communion. It is better 
 not to communicate than to communicate carelessly and 
 profanely. 
 
 * My whole object, brethren, in all this which I would say, is the 
 comfort of penitents, according to the provisions which our Church 
 has made for them. Elsewhere ^ I have sought, from the practice of 
 primitive antiquity, to vindicate the practical state of our Church, in 
 which Confession is dispensed with as matter of necessity, and left to 
 the consciences of individuals. Yet certainly they who leaving private 
 confession discretionary, put their hand to the work of restoring 
 public discipline, thought not that things would be amongst us as they 
 now are ; for Ridley spake of public discipline as " one of the marks 
 whereby the true Church is known in this dark world ^" and Latimer 
 (with others) saith, " To speak of right and true Confession, I would 
 to God it were kept in England ; for it is a good thing V* Yet God 
 Who in His wisdom suffered their designs to come to nought *, has 
 
 * Note M on Terlullian, pp. 379 
 sqq. (Library of the Fathers). 
 
 ^ * Certaine Conferences betwene Dr. 
 N. Ridley and Mr. H. Latimer,' quoted 
 in Wordsworth, App. p. 135. 
 
 ^ Sermon on the Third Sunday after 
 
 Epiphany, quoted by Wordsworth, 
 App. p. 69, and Ridley, ib. p. 71. 
 
 * See the account of the several 
 attempts to restore public discipline 
 frustrated, Wordsworth, App. p. 41, 
 sqq. 
 
 thereby the more cast upon the Church herself, and, we may trust, 
 would make her discipline the purer, in that He has deprived her of all 
 outward aid in restoring it. And we may even be thankful that the 
 rules which remain \ requiring all her members to partake of her 
 ordinances, have passed into disuse. For this is most certain, that to 
 encourage indiscriminately the approach to the Holy Communion, 
 without a corresponding inward system whereby they, who are entitled 
 so to do, should know intimately the hearts of those whom they so 
 encourage, has brought with it an amount of carelessness and profana- 
 tion, which, if known, would make many a heart of those who have 
 done so, sink and quake. 
 
 * It is, then, we may trust, of God*s manifest mercy to this portion of 
 His Church, that He has, at the same time, by His Providence allowed 
 almost all remains of that outward compulsory system to be broken 
 down ; and by His Spirit within has aroused, and is arousing, people's 
 consciences more and more, to desire the full provisions which He has 
 laid up in her for wounded souls. For so shall the whole be the more 
 seen to be His work, and discipline be not the constraint of the dis- 
 obedient, but, as oftentimes in the oldest times 2, the longed-for refuge 
 of earnest minds, the binding-up of the broken-hearted, the austere 
 yet loved chastisement of the flesh, " that the soul may be saved in the 
 Day of the Lord." We can bear no sudden restoration. But in this 
 and all things we need but patiently to wait for His Hand, Who is so 
 graciously and wonderfully restoring us. That type of fatherly rule 
 must be the characteristic of our Church : ** volentes per populos dat 
 jura." " The people shall be willing in the day of Thy power." ' 
 
 He had felt he had no choice as to whether he would 
 preach on the subject. The reason was imperative and 
 overwhelming. 
 
 'There is no choice. Consciences are daily awakened by God's 
 Spirit ; some to the knowledge of a frightful past ; others, it may be, 
 are unduly burthened. Satan, in the absence of skilful advisers, who 
 might guard the soul against evil, at first subtle, but very desolating, 
 has spread his snares with a dreadful wisdom. Luxury, and the sins 
 of a self-indulgent people, the corruption transmitted from one brief 
 generation of youth to another, or self-originated through the early 
 deceits of Satan, have spread among us a widely-wasting mass of 
 evil, unknown mostly, unwarned against, and therefore the more 
 destructive. Too many know how sin, commenced with scarce the 
 knowledge that it was sin, has, for years of life, cankered every pur- 
 pose of good ; perhaps prepared for deeper, more overt, deadly sin ! ' 
 
 * See eighth Rubric, at the end of 
 the Communion Service, and Can. 22. 
 
 '^ See notices of voluntary confes- 
 sion with a view to public penitence, 
 
 in note M on Tertullian ; S. Aug. de 
 quaestt. 83, q. 26; Serm. 232, § 8; 351 
 de Poenit. § 7 ; and Hooker, vL 4. 6. 
 
h 
 
 <l 
 
 
 :; 
 
 tJ 
 
 ft 
 
 I. 
 
 
 i 
 
 I? ' 
 
 1^ 
 
 
 i^ 
 
 I! 
 
 6» 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 He has a word of comfort for those who, from whatever 
 reason, have no opportunity of making confession and 
 receiving absolution. 
 
 ' It is certain by the consent of the Universal Church, that whoso 
 is truly contrite of any the most deadly sin— all, which the Ancient 
 Church subjected to years of penitence, and then by imposition of 
 hands formally restored, yea, if he had on him the sins of the whole 
 world, and longeth for Absolution, is absolved. And if the comfort is 
 for a time withheld, while as yet he knows not to whom to turn, who 
 knows what deeper penitence God may not amid this suspense be 
 working in his soul ? God's delays are man's benefits. *' Ask, and 
 ye shall receive." ' 
 
 In a Christian University— such as Oxford by its statutes 
 and legal character then was — there ought, he pleads, to be 
 no such difficulty. The College tutors were, with hardly 
 an exception, ordained priests of the Church. 
 
 * It is one of the especial blessings of this place that each is assigned 
 to the care of one who, by his sacred office, is bound to care for his 
 soul. Blessed as that relation has been to many of us, more blessed 
 far might it be to the young, would they recollect that they, with 
 whom they are brought into this relation, are not mere guardians of 
 discipline, but ministers of God. And if the soul of any be bnrthened, 
 they are, by the very name of their office *, protectors, guardians, and 
 in the place of parents. We need no new relations, but to bring into 
 fuller life what God has given us ^' 
 
 Even after this lapse of years the sermon cannot be read 
 without renewing something of that moral and spiritual 
 glow which illuminated the souls of the majority of the 
 great congregation which listened to it. The concluding 
 paragraphs are a magnificent exhortation to those who have 
 sinned deeply and have been pardoned, to devote their lives 
 to some self-denying form of Christian work. 
 
 But apart from its theological and spiritual interest, this 
 sermon was really a moral victory for Pusey. In the state- 
 ment of his whole theological position, he threw down 
 a challenge to his opponents, and they did not dare to take 
 it up. Some time before preaching the sermon he had 
 seen Dr. Jelf, and told him that he meant to reaffirm the 
 doctrine of his last sermon. ' Take care,' said Dr. Jelf, * how 
 
 ^ Tutores. ''' * Entire Absolution of the Penitent,' pp. 47-59. 
 
 I. 
 
 No Delation attempted. 
 
 65 
 
 you do it : because if they suspend you a second time it 
 will be in perpetuity.' Pusey replied that he had only used 
 the language of St. Ambrose and other Fathers. * They 
 care nothing about the Fathers/ rejoined Dr. Jelf, 'you had 
 better use the language of English divines.' This advice 
 was acted on : Pusey restated the doctrine of the condemned 
 .sermon exactly, partly in the words of the Communion 
 Service, and partly in those of Bishop Wilson's * Sacra 
 Privata.' 
 
 The reality of Priestly Absolution was probably even less 
 welcome to the Puritan and Latitudinarian members of the 
 University than the re-statement of the doctrine of the 
 Eucharistic Presence. But in teaching the truth and 
 efficacy of the Absolving Power, Pusey was also legally 
 as well as theologically on unassailably strong ground, 
 and he knew it. 
 
 * He had,' says J. B. Mozley, 'such a huge weight of Church authority 
 with him that he seemed to occupy the whole ground and possess the 
 building for himself. He seemed to turn the vast tide of clamour 
 which has been trying to disconnect us from the Church so lonij upon 
 the other side \' ^ 
 
 Pusey s opponents understood the situation. Some of 
 them would gladly have acted on the Vice-Chancellor's 
 hint that Pusey should be delated. But what was there 
 to delate ? The priestly commission to absolve given in 
 the Ordinal, and the authoritative interpretation of that 
 commission in the words which the Visitation Service puts 
 into the mouth of individual priests, ' ^y His authority 
 committed unto me, I absolve thee from all thy sins,^ are 
 integral parts of the Prayer-book. Read in the plain sense 
 of the English language they covered everything Pusey 
 had advanced. His opponents and the Puritan party 
 generally had not yet ventured— as they did afterwards, 
 and have since— on the non-natural interpretation of these 
 passages : an interpretation so violent as to surpass 
 altogether that which they had themselves endeavoured 
 to fasten upon Newman. They knew too well that an 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 * 'Letters of J. 13. Mozley,' p. 176. 
 
I 
 
 I- 
 
 ^1 1 
 
 I. > 
 
 II 
 
 / 
 
 H 
 
 66 jLi/f «3/" £«*»>•</ Bouvtrit Puaty. 
 
 attack on Puscy in respect to the whole «rmon wo<.ld 
 rtar a^Snt, at any rate before , ^--rs.^y puW.c 
 ho«..ver generaUy prejudiced in th«r favour T'K.rchsae 
 tion ^va. pardonably in exce^ of the.r valour : and I u^c^s 
 sermon was left alone But he had prepared for the «-orrt. 
 SJTs detenni.«d this time that, if he were condemned 
 h. would be hea«i before his condemnalK>n. I« <"J" «» 
 «:curc this he sent his sermon by post, out of Oxford. 
 SLiately after preaching it. Had the Vicc^Cha^e Uo 
 asked him for the sermon, he could have appealed to the 
 statute which p^wides that if a delated :«rmon ,s not 
 tthcomin,, the preacher shall be examined m person 
 respecting the point on which he h;u been delated . 
 That this p««:aution was not »1\<f ^^" JJ"'^'^^^/;; 
 bccan>e ap,«rent from a leading article m m Tmrsot 
 Tucsdav. Feb. 3. That artick would appear to have been 
 iritten by some one who had heard the sermon- and ,t 
 accurately reflect* the «ared and fanatical ;"'t--'t^" «[ 
 ?W« opponents who. as J. B. Mo.ley had ob^rvcd four 
 Lonths p'e^iou^ly. 'talked and acted as 'f./^^V «"^ 
 Tlion, or^some bea-U of prey V The writer -^ e-O'^^JJ 
 that he co».!d to provoke a delation o the «^"^7- ^^J' 
 sncerinc at the >^upposed insincerity of PuK:y s refercnc* to 
 r^« .in.- of his own which God had punished by suspen- 
 J^ he proceeded to point out. and with justKe. t^ut U« 
 sermon on the Absolution of the ^•"-.tent «a,jhe Jt 
 and natural conclusion' of the sermon wh.ch had been 
 condemned. 
 
 . U bcn.,^' he co«U«u«. 'the «imc '<»««'« ^^^^f^.X^^ 
 W Ae Ch^S. or E.^nd ; it «hibi,. .h* ««»« ck«d. »»^'^ 
 
 S; «;. »"-HUC«d will pen^e, i.- Tl-.'"" ll^^f^SS 
 S^'annccncc* the **«>mp,ioa of the "1^^^'^^^^^^ 
 the tenacity vrith *hkh the hoJy warnor m prcfuxed to hght 
 
 IgMidMal ligbt*.' 
 
 noa l>»bf re, tic iH ^ 
 
 • •Utteis of J. ^ Mo<tky» p. 17«- 
 
 77tt Heads uwt/ Pcact! 
 
 67 
 
 The writer was loo shrcivd to refer to the formularies of 
 the Church of England ; and he U evidently not less angr>' 
 with the text— as indeed he had evcr>' reason for being— 
 than with the sermon. On this occasion the Je^din^ journal 
 thundered in vain. The cooler heads at Oxford knew 
 u Iwt was and what w;u not capable of being represented 
 with any chance of success as * a doctrine repudiated by the 
 Church of England/ A second secret tribunal would have 
 been impo.<.siblc ; and Posey s opponents could only r<^et 
 that the Reformers lud done their work incompletely and 
 that the Prayer-book conUuncd * relics of Popery ' behind 
 which Puscy could only too easily take ^iclter. 
 
 The day.-« passe<i, and no ijummons from the Vicc- 
 awnccllor arrived. ' Puscy/ wrote J. 13. Wozlcy. • is in 
 high spirits,— good spirits rather: and I think a little 
 feeling of sitisfaetion at liaving silenced his silciicers so 
 cffcctually might a little mingle with his feelings"/ The 
 usual formula in regions inhabited by the Heads of 
 Houses was that the sermon was ' much to be lamented but 
 noc to be complained of«/ 'Mr. MiWmay of Merton/ 
 writer* Lady Lucy Pu^- to Lady Kmily two days after 
 the sermon, • tells me that the Warden^ whose opinions 
 were vcr>' differcait from Edward's^ had said '• tliey were not 
 going to do anything, and that they wanted peace*." ' ' The 
 Heads say " We want peace." * wrote Puscy to Rev. T. E. 
 Morris ; ' I wiih it had been fouikl out sooner/ He wrote 
 to Keble of the general result as ' a great and undc:<cr>ed 
 mercy, which he Iruxtcd had helped to quiet minds' that 
 were in doubt about the claims of the Englisli Church. 
 
 The publication of the sermon in London followed 
 writhin a few weeks upon its delivery. Vwuiy added some 
 I»ges of preface, in which he discusses, from the point of 
 view of religious common-sense rather tlian that of Church 
 .luthority, the objection* whJch were urg4)d ag«liiM (ho 
 sermon. With characteristic gentlrnnf he doalu wilh \\\yy\ 
 widespread feeling or temper, so ihrikult to OIUil>'/t., uIimIi 
 set itself agiliist the special doclHnr* i«nd pmcttCM wliluli 
 
 F a 
 
68 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Churton's Approval. 
 
 69 
 
 I! 
 
 (I 
 
 i 
 
 ti 
 
 he was advocating. The sermon was sent by Pusey to 
 many friends, and to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Mr. 
 Harrison acknowledged it : but objected to Pusey s reference 
 in his preface to Roman Catholic books of direction for 
 confessors ^. Pusey replied : 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Christ Church, March 2, 1846. 
 
 With regard to my quoting R. C. manuals. People object to all 
 confession as applied to the young, because their minds, they say, are 
 poisoned. I know how the young suffer from want of confession. 
 Every case of penitence I know of (and it is borne out by others) 
 began in early sin for which confession would have been the remedy. 
 I must know of some 1000, 1 believe I may say thousands (for one hears 
 indirectly of so much more without hearing names) of deadly early 
 sin, which confession might, by God's blessing, have saved. I believe 
 this prejudice sown against confession is purely the work of the devil. 
 Yet it is being done diligently. People are not ashamed to read and 
 circulate the work of an infidel. I felt it then a duty to protest 
 strongly against all this. And in proof of it, what words could I refer 
 to but the R. C.s themselves.^ It is the only evidence. Bailly too 
 has just been infamously misrepresented in a tract circulated by a 
 R. C. convert (?). Such converts make one think of the Jewish saying, 
 * Proselytes are the leprosy of the Church.' 
 
 I purposely had the two sermons done up together. The first 
 sentence of my sermon meant (as The Times perfectly understood it) 
 to acknowledge that I deserved the chastisement of God, not the 
 censure of man. I meant to reaffirm the doctrine of the sermon, 
 while I owned that I myself for * secret faults,' not for the doctrine, was 
 so chastened. Others may, if they please, acknowledge the authority 
 of the Six ; I protested against it ; I believe my sermon to contain 
 God's truth, and that is dearer to me than man's authority. One 
 must protest against heresy even in the Abp. of Dublin, or against 
 authority put forth against the truth in the Six. . . . 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Archdeacon Churton had been unwilling to take part 
 in the consecration services at St. Saviour's, but he hailed 
 the appearance of Pusey's sermon with genuine satisfaction. 
 He had his criticisms to make on portions of it. As to the 
 general worth of the sermon, the Archdeacon expressed 
 himself as follows : — 
 
 * See ' Entire Absolution of the Penitent/ Pref. p. xii. 
 
 I 
 
 Feb. 26, 1846. 
 I did not wish to write to thank you for your sermon before I had 
 read it. Having now found time to do so in the midst of many 
 occupations, it is due to your kindness in sending it to me, and to 
 the good earnest doctrine of the sermon itself, to thank you for it 
 very heartily. 
 
 As none of the Oxford Doctors appear to have found fault with 
 it, one is relieved from all fear as to the doctrine, and there was no 
 occasion for me to read it, as I did your sermon on the Holy Eucharist, 
 wondering when and where the condemned proposition would appear. 
 I hope it is not too much to say that which I really feel most inclined 
 to say on this happy result : I do not so much congratulate you on 
 an event which has virtually effaced the former discouragement, as 
 I am grateful to a good Providence which has protected you in deliver- 
 ing your own soul of truths so important, and so deeply affecting our 
 hopes of better days and reviving discipline to the afflicted Church- 
 so calculated at once to put the individual conscience of hearers and 
 readers on an earnest self-examination, and to awaken the hearts of 
 the young candidates for the Church's ministry in Oxford and else- 
 where to a sense of the responsibilities, the difficulties and dangers, 
 as good Bp. Bull would have said, of the Priest's sacred office. I 
 trust I am truly grateful for this restoration of our hopes ; and let 
 me humbly and heartily believe, that God, Who has given you such 
 a portion of faith and patience, has still good work for you to do in 
 the midst of all our pressing and perilous controversies. . . . 
 
 Ever very sincerely yours, 
 
 Edw. Churton. 
 
Bishopric offered to Mr. Gobat, 
 
 71 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE JERUSALEM BISHOPRIC— BISHOP GOBAT'S APPOLNT- 
 MENT— SCHEMES FOR EXTENSION OF UNIVERSITY 
 EDUCATION— ILLNESS AT TENBY. 
 
 1846. 
 
 It was indeed a moment of relief to Pusey when he 
 found that the truths which he had so boldly stated in his 
 sermon were not to be immediately and directly assailed. 
 But it was a relief in only one direction. The tide of 
 secessions continued ; the attitude of the authorities was 
 generally hostile ; many hearts were in consequence failing 
 in love and loyalty to the English Church. And, amidst 
 it all, the unhappy complication about the Jerusalem 
 Bishopric was revived, and that in an intenser form. 
 
 It will be remembered that when in 1841 it was proposed 
 that a Bishopric at Jerusalem should be established, Pusey 
 had at first tried to make the best of the experiment. 
 Therein he differed widely from Newman, who has de- 
 scribed the scheme as the blow which finally shattered his 
 faith in the Anglican Church 1. Fuller reflection and a rude 
 experience of its effects on the minds of others, and pre- 
 eminently on Newman, had led Pusey to pray earnestly that 
 it might be abandoned at the first opportunity. 
 
 After holding the office between four and ^vt years, 
 Dr. Alexander, the first Bishop, died suddenly on Nov. 23,' 
 1845. According to the terms of the agreement between the 
 British and Prussian Governments, the nomination to the 
 vacant post now rested with the latter. On March 7, 1846, 
 
 1 < 
 
 History of my Religious Opinions,* p. 143 (ed. 1865). 
 
 Baron Bunsen wrote to the Rev. S. Gobat, offering him the 
 succession to Dr. Alexander, and assuring him that the 
 King of Prussia's presentation had the * unconditional appro- 
 bation ' of the British Government, and would receive the 
 'canonical sanction' of the Archbishop of Canterbury ^ 
 The offer was accepted. 
 
 Mr. Gobat had been employed in Abyssinia by the Church 
 Missionary Society while a Lutheran pastor 2, and had pub- 
 lished a Journal of his work which shewed how little alive 
 he was to such doctrinal questions as would certainly con- 
 front him at Jerusalem. At this moment, however, he was 
 in Deacon's orders in the Church of England, having been 
 ordained by Bishop Blomfield in August, 1845. 
 
 Pusey felt it a matter of duty not to acquiesce in 
 Mr. Gobat's appointment. He hoped not only to prevent 
 it, but to get rid of the Bishopric altogether. With this 
 view he appealed to Mr. Gladstone, asking him to write 
 a letter to Dr. Mill, who was Chaplain to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, and was anxious to shew the Archbishop any 
 evidences he could of the feeling of sound Churchmen on 
 the subject. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 Clifton, Thursday in Holy Week [April 9], 1846. 
 
 What a misery it would be if the ultimate object of the Prussian 
 Government were attained, and they were to receive Episcopacy from 
 us, and we were to become the authors of an heretical Succession. 
 I should think it would split the English Church at once ; it would 
 put one, if one lived to see it, in a most distressing position. To be 
 alive to heresy is a mark of full soundness of faith. To give Epis- 
 copacy to Prussia now, or even to prepare for it, is like arraying 
 a corpse, or whitening a sepulchre. Surely, while they are struggling 
 for the very elements of the faiih, recovering what they can, indifferent 
 about some doctrines, hostile to others, it would be very miserable 
 to mix ourselves up with them or commit to them so sacred a deposit. 
 
 Then, for our relations with the Eastern Churches, I suppose the 
 persons who would be likely to be chosen would be the very unfittest. 
 From our long unacquaintance with Eastern heresies and the very 
 
 ^ 'The Jerusalem Bishopric: Docu- 2 * Memoir of Bishop Gobat.' Lon- 
 
 ments,&c.,' by Pi of. Heckler. London, don, Nisbet, 1884, pp.56, 57. 
 Triibner, 1883, pp. 130-132. 
 
I-, h 
 
 I 
 
 *: 
 
 ll^ 
 
 72 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 nature of them, and our want of teaching in the dtoXoyin^ and the very 
 popular character of our own practical system, it is to be feared that 
 most among us would be very little able to engage in intercourse with 
 the Eastern heresies, especially the Monophysite. . . . 
 
 Yours most faithfully and obliged, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone had, like Pusey, originally approved of 
 the plan, and had also for some time ceased to support it. 
 He replied to Pusey that he agreed in thinking that the 
 continuance of the Bishopric at Jerusalem boded little 
 good and more evil to the English Church, while it tended 
 in no degree towards improving Lutheranism. Still, 
 while recommending immediate resistance to the appoint- 
 ment of Bunsen's nominee, he deprecated any attempt at 
 present to get rid of the Bishopric, and suggested that it 
 had better be left either to die a natural death or to be 
 altered so as to render it * safe instead of slippery.' 
 
 Pusey could not bring himself to take Mr. Gladstone's 
 advice. He was not prepared to acquiesce in the consecra- 
 tion of a second Bishop, and to limit his efiforts to the 
 object of securing a proper appointment. On the day of 
 his receiving Mr. Gladstone's letter he wrote the subjoined 
 letter to the Rev. B. Harrison, requesting him to place it 
 before the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Clifton, Easter Monday [April 13], 1846. 
 My dear Harrison, 
 
 I have an anxious subject to write upon, on which I know you 
 must think differently from me, but on which I wish only to state 
 facts, the Jerusalem Bishopric. I seem to have the fate of Cassandra ; 
 yet I must do what in me lies, and leave things to God. These things 
 make me fainthearted sometimes, so as to create a sort of doubt, * Are 
 these persons whom I am anxious to see retained in our Communion, 
 after all, to go ? is it God's will ? and am I perhaps striving ignorantly 
 against His will in trying to detain them.? I see what is likely to 
 shake them and say so, and still it is done ; and they are shaken and 
 at last they go. Am I not simply wasting time in trying to do any- 
 thing ? ' You, I believe, thought so long ago. Yet what can one do 
 if one sees people who love our Church, and wish to serve her, shaken ? 
 One cannot without a pang see those go who wish to serve God in 
 her. I know not how much you know of the feelings or mind of those 
 
 'If 
 
 Appeal to the Archbishop. 73 
 
 who have left us, or whom we are in danger of losing. They have 
 not mostly been what are called Romanizers, i. e. they have not been 
 drawn to Rome, but frightened from ourselves. Dear N. said to me 
 (it must be some few three or four years past, I think), ' I feel less 
 against Rome, now I see less chance of escaping it,' or to this effect ; 
 i. e. (as I interpreted it), the more he feared about the English Church, 
 the more he was obliged to submit his mind to the doctrines of the 
 Roman, which was his only alternative. It was a long struggle. He 
 clung to our Church. The doctrine as to St. Mary was a difficulty to 
 him for years. I believe (and so does another friend who saw him 
 even closer than I), that the Jerusalem Bishopric was that which 
 struck the blow from which he never recovered. He said, that nothing 
 which was said by any of those who wrote upon it came near the 
 depth of the ground on which he deprecated it. That same feeling 
 still exists in others. I feel all this the more deeply, because I was 
 misled by Bunsen myself in the first instance ; and now when people 
 speak of it, and how others are shaken by it, it is like ' a sword in 
 my bones.' One whom we both love said to me a short time past, 
 himself pale and agitated, ' If the Bishops did but know the feeling 
 there is about the Jerusalem Bishopric, their hands would tremble 
 while they consecrated another Bishop.' He is one who knows the 
 minds of many who are distressed, more than even myself. He said 
 to me, what I said just now, 'They who will leave us will not be 
 Romanizers, but persons pressed by the doctrine of unity, and dis- 
 tressed by things among ourselves.' * They are not in the least 
 prepared for Roman doctrine in itself; they will receive it, because 
 they cannot do otherwise, on authority.' 
 
 Such is a state of things which I cannot but wish respectfully made 
 known to the Archbishop ; you know my own grateful feelings to him, 
 and so does he himself; he cannot think I could write or mean any- 
 thing but what is entirely respectful; and so, while this letter is 
 confidential from any one else, I should be glad if it could be made 
 known to the Archbishop. 
 
 Things have seemingly much changed since the first appointment 
 was made ; we have seen more of the Prussian temper and what they 
 mean by it, and that the statements of Bunsen and Abeken are no 
 index whatever of the mind of their countrymen. It does not seem 
 to be a straightforward proceeding on the part of the K[ing] of 
 Pr[ussia] towards the English Church. It is not a people asking 
 at the hands of the English Church what we have and they have 
 not ; they plainly look on this as a concession on our part, not on 
 theirs ; as if we were coming down to their level, not they rising to 
 ours. It is a recognition of Evangelicalism on our part, not of the 
 necessity, or even expediency, of Episcopacy on theirs. We commit 
 ourselves to Lutheranism ; the King of Prussia alone commits himself 
 to Episcopacy. The Jerusalem Bishopric is a sort of experiment on 
 the part of the King of Prussia, how far his subjects can be familiarized 
 to Episcopacy, as a better sort of government than their own, without 
 
 I 
 
i'\ 
 
 ll 
 
 I 
 
 !i 
 
 74 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 any idea of any spiritual gift through it. But were this to succeed, 
 things would be far worse. A jealous heedfulness against inter- 
 mingling with heretics has, you know, always been a mark of the 
 Church. To be the parent of an heretical Succession would be very 
 miserable ^ Yet I suppose there would scarcely be an individual 
 among the German Protestants who holds the true doctrine of the 
 Sacraments, or the Nicene Creed as it was held by the Fathers at 
 Nicaea. And this is one thing which people feel so keenly. Whereas 
 the English Church has, since the separation, always been rising 
 upwards towards the early Church, this is mingling her with those 
 whom the early Church would have counted heretical. 
 
 The other parties with whom the Jerusalem Bishopric connects us 
 seem to me no less dangerous. It would require almost Apostolic 
 wisdom not to commit us very dangerously in such varied relations. 
 The expectations of those who in this country most speak of the Jews, 
 seem more likely to terminate in Anti-Christ than in Christ. Certainly, 
 as far as there is ground to believe, with many of the Fathers, that 
 Anti- Christ will arise out of the Jews, the present expectations of the 
 Jews, encouraged by these their friends, directly tend that way*. 
 Then for our intercourse with the E[ast]. You are, I believe, much 
 interested in this. Yet what immeasurable evil one step in a wrong 
 direction might do ! You well know how little of theologians (strictly 
 so called) our clergy mostly are, and least of all the persons likely 
 to be thought of on account of other parts of their office. Their 
 theology is professedly so popular, that what was part of the faith 
 to the Ancient Church is to them mere speculation. Thus M. Gobat 
 (who I see is spoken of) writes in his Abyssinian Journal as though 
 the Monophysites were only in the wrong, because they thought at all 
 upon the subject of their heresy, and that the Church was equally 
 wrong on its side (such at least is my memory of the book). Now 
 besides the actual mischief of such an one being a Bishop at all, 
 consecrated through our Church, what almost certainty there is that 
 
 * That there was at times a very 
 real danger of amalgamation with the 
 Prussian State Church, from which the 
 English Church was providentially 
 delivered, appears from the ' Memoir 
 of Bishop Gobat,' London, Nisbet, 
 
 1844, pp.305, .^I4» 315- 
 
 ^ On the Judaizing character of 
 much of the teaching in the Anglo- 
 Prussian body at Jerusalem, see 
 ' Sermons preached at Jerusalem in 
 1842 and 1843,' by Rev. G. Williams, 
 M.A., Preface. Mr. Williams al- 
 ludes to the substitution * of the ex- 
 ploded literal, forthe received spiritual, 
 interpretation of the prophecies relat- 
 ing to the privileges and glories of the 
 Israel of God,' and to * views which 
 
 sometimes go the length of looking 
 to the restoration of the bloody sacri- 
 fices of the law, and the re-establish- 
 ment of the Levitical ritual.' Com- 
 pare the satisfaction which was felt 
 that after 'more than 1700 years,' an 
 Israelite by birth had been made 
 Bishop in Jerusalem (' The Jerusalem 
 Bishopric Documents, &c.,' London, 
 Triibner, 1883, p. 25), and the petition 
 addressed to Bishop Alexander by 
 ' Charlotte Elizabeth.' (Cf ' Israel's 
 Ordinances examined ; a Reply to 
 Charlotte Elizabeth's Letter to the 
 Bishop of Jerusalem,' by Moses Mar- 
 goliouth, of Trinity College, Dublin. 
 London, Wertheim, 1844.) 
 
 i 
 
 Appeal to the Archbishop, 75 
 
 he would commit us in some way with the Monophysites. You re- 
 collect probably how, a few years ago, some of the United States 
 Bishops did receive a Nestorian Bishop into Communion (and would 
 have gone further, had he not, by God's Providence, shown his char- 
 acter further), and what scandal it produced. And what a shock this 
 again would be in our Church. 
 
 I did hope that the sudden death of Bishop Alexander might be 
 of God's Providence, to put an end to the Jerusalem Bishopric. There 
 seems to have been a blight upon it. It yielded no fruit. The changed 
 position of the Germans and the dislike to it on the part of many in 
 the English Church seemed a ground why the Archbishop might 
 withdraw, and not use his personal power of giving the Succession, 
 or consecrating a Bishop, without the advice of the whole English 
 Church. 
 
 However, I am merely to state facts. We shall have losses still. 
 But the minds of some are tranquillized. Yet everything depends 
 upon our having peace. When people's minds are in such a state 
 as they now are, every breath does harm. If nothing new happens, 
 I hope they may become more firmly rooted. But the loss of dear 
 Newman has been an intense shock. You would be frightened if you 
 knew how deep and wide the shock has been, or who, or what sort 
 of people, know not what will become of them hereafter, although they 
 see no definite time of going. Yet, as I said, I do hope they might 
 get rooted, if nothing new happens. But it is of the intensest import- 
 ance that things should be still. In a drought any breath will carry 
 off leaves which, if space were given, might again be green and render 
 their office in the tree which bears them. 
 
 I cannot say what an exceeding blessing a suspension of the Jeru- 
 salem Bishopric would be. I hope to pray earnestly for it. It would 
 make one breathe again. 
 
 I am sure that if the Archbishop were to read M. Gobat's Abys- 
 sinian Journal he could not consecrate him ; so people say, who would 
 make a public protest against it, if done. But this is only a part of 
 the evil. I feel as [if] I could bless God more fervently for the 
 suspension of the Jerusalem Bishopric than for the life of a dying 
 child : by how much the Church must be dearer to one than one's own 
 life or one's child. 
 
 You will present my best respects to His Grace. 
 
 All Easter blessing be with you. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Pusey*s correspondent was not sympathetic. He thought 
 that love of the Church of Rome had had more to do 
 with Newman's secession than repulsion for the Church of 
 England. If the Prussians did not wish for Episcopacy, 
 
1 
 
 t 
 
 * 1 
 
 76 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 the King of Prussia did, and that was the matter of main 
 concern. To give up the Bishopric, when an English 
 Bishop had died, in order to prevent the appointment 
 of a Prussian, would be held to be bad faith by the 
 Prussian Government. Mr. Harrison could not think that 
 the Jews would be worse for having a Bishop ; and the 
 grace of Consecration, together with the influence of 
 Lambeth, might be trusted to enable such a Bishop to 
 deal wisely and faithfully with Eastern heretics. If the 
 Jerusalem Bishopric had not achieved much, there was the 
 less reason for interfering with it. With regard to Mr. 
 Gobat's theological opinions, as expressed in his published 
 * Journal of a Three Years' Residence in Abyssinia,' Mr. 
 Harrison attempted to gloss over the real character of his 
 statements, without any clear appreciation of the questions 
 involved in them. As a matter of fact Mr. Gobat had used 
 language which suggested that he treated the doctrine of 
 the Church on the subject of our Lord's two Natures as 
 a matter of indifference. 
 
 Pusey was deeply grieved at the contents and the tone 
 of this letter. In spite of hopeful anticipations at the time 
 of his appointment, he had said * We shall lose Harrison if 
 he goes to Lambeth ' ; and he feared that his words were 
 now being fulfilled, and that his pupil was not unaffected 
 by that temptation to make compromises of principle, which 
 no doubt sometimes besets those who are concerned in the 
 delicate complexities of Church administration. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. B. Harrison. 
 
 Third Sunday after Easter [May 3], 1 846. 
 
 I conclude you did not expect an answer to your letter; you 
 mistook mine in some things, but it is not of any moment to remove 
 the impression, whatever it was. We seem like persons, communi- 
 cating facts or impressions to the other, as a sort of duty ; neither 
 expecting, or hardly, to produce any effect on the other's mind ; and 
 each probably pained by what the other says : I should be exceed- 
 ingly, if I thought you could really apologize for Mr. Gobat's lan- 
 guage. Looking upon you as a representative of a class, as every one 
 is, more or less, it would go far to make me despond as to our yet 
 seeing even the dawn of any better day for the English Church. 
 
 Proposed Protest against Mr, Gobat's Ordination. 77 
 
 Marriott, W. H. Mill, Church, J. B. Mozley, Scott of 
 Hoxton, and others joined Pusey in his efforts. But their 
 efforts and representations were apparently powerless. It 
 was announced that Mr. Gobat was to be ordained Priest 
 by the Bishop of London in St. Paul's Cathedral on Trinity 
 Sunday. This gave the opportunity of raising a formal 
 protest at the time of the ordination against Mr. Gobat's 
 published opinions. But Pusey was obviously not the 
 person to make that objection. 
 
 E. B. P. to Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Whit Tuesday, June 2 [1846]. 
 
 It is not for such as I to suggest anything to you. However 
 Dodsw[orth] has been told that M. Gobat is to be a candidate 
 for Ordination as Priest next Sunday by the Bishop of London at 
 St. Paul's. 
 
 It would be very miserable if he were to be ordained without any 
 protest thus publicly in the face of the English Church. It would be 
 impossible afterwards to do anything. But I know not how people are 
 to sit still, and think that those words of appeal in the Ordination 
 Service are to be said and none to answer. There seems something 
 which one would wish to avoid in the London clergy opposing the 
 act of their own Bishop, i. e. one would rather have it done by others, 
 if it could. But on an emergency D[ods worth] would do it. 
 
 He mentioned to me the former objection that it was recognizing 
 the Jerusalem Bishopric, but this would not be so now, since this is 
 an objection to his being admitted to the Order of Priesthood in the 
 English Church until he have publicly recanted heresy publicly put 
 forth. 
 
 Could you do it by yourself or in conjunction with others ? Dods- 
 worth is writing to Manning and Hook, I to Gresley and Marriott, but 
 without much hope except from Marriott. Hope would prepare any 
 legal information which might be necessary as to the mode of proceed- 
 ing. I suppose this occasion ought not to be missed. 
 
 Will you kindly answer D. as I am returning to Oxford, and it is 
 important for him to know ? 
 
 Ever your affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 D. thinks a letter from Judge Coleridge to the Bishop of London or 
 Archbishop of Canterbury would be of use. If you think so, perhaps 
 you would say so to him. 
 
 You will have had Dr. Mill's letter speaking about an investigation ; 
 but, if this is satisfactory, i. e. if M. Gobat does disavow all heresy, the 
 Church ought to know it. It ought to be made known before he is 
 ordained. 
 
[ 
 
 78 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 To the Rev. W. Gresley Pusey wrote — after explaining 
 the circumstances : — 
 
 * Could you either, by yourself, or with others, appear, to allege the 
 impediment ? I should fear it would be very injurious, if one who had 
 so publicly avowed heresy were admitted without any disavowal. It 
 is enough to make the very stones cry out.' 
 
 It must not be supposed that the whole English Episco- 
 pate was silently acquiescing. Dr. Phillpotts of Exeter, one 
 of the ablest prelates on the Bench, had, on May 25, 
 addressed to the Archbishop of Canterbury a public 
 protest, in which he notified his dissent from the consecra- 
 tion of another Bishop on seven grounds. He pointed 
 out that the Bishop was not to come under all the 
 obligations of the English Episcopate by signing the 
 Canons, and that the ' United German Church was a new 
 and, until these few years, an unheard-of denomination ' ; 
 that the Liturgy used by the German Protestants was 
 * grievously defective on more than one momentous parti- 
 cular,' while it was sanctioned under the terms of the 
 Jerusalem Bishopric Scheme ; and that candidates for 
 ordination in Jerusalem, if Germans, were required to sign 
 the Confession of Augsburg as well as the Thirty-nine 
 Articles. Bishop Phillpotts* objection was to the scheme 
 of the Jerusalem Bishopric : he does not notice Mr, Gobat s 
 personal disqualifications. 
 
 The stir thus made so far prevailed that Mr. Gobat did 
 not present himself in St. Paul's on Trinity Sunday. The 
 Bishop of London intimated that he could not ordain him 
 to the priesthood until both he and the Archbishop were 
 satisfied on the subject of his orthodoxy. Mr. Gobat there- 
 upon addressed to the Bishop of London an 'explanation ' of 
 the language in his Journal. This amounted to a retractation 
 of its literal and obvious meaning, and was followed by his 
 subscribing the Three Creeds and the Thirty-nine Articles, 
 and by a statement that * in particular he fully subscribed 
 the language of the second Article.' He was ordained 
 Priest at Fulham, and five days later was consecrated Bishop 
 at Lambeth on July 5, 1846. 
 
 Proposed University Extension, 
 
 79 
 
 Pusey, however, was by no means absorbed in ecclesias- 
 tical controversy. He was always interested in every pro- 
 posal to extend University education on economical lines 
 and on Church principles. At this time he was engaged 
 in the first of many efforts which he made in this direction, 
 and which were at last more or less realized by the founda- 
 tion of Keble College, in which he took so important a part. 
 
 In the summer of 1845 a large number of men, most of 
 whom were connected with political life, were strongly im- 
 pressed with the necessity of strengthening and extending 
 the Universities so as to enable them to do more to meet 
 the wants of the growing population of the country and 
 of the empire, and so discharge their own deeper and wider 
 responsibilities. Sir Robert Peel was greatly interested 
 in the subject of increasing the number of undergraduates 
 at Oxford and of reducing their expenses. Dr. Cotton, 
 the Provost of Worcester, found the Vice-Chancellor and 
 others favourably disposed to entertain the question ; and 
 a meeting was held at the house of Lord Sandon (after- 
 wards Earl of Harrowby) to draw up a public statement, 
 which ultimately assumed the form of a memorial to the 
 Hebdomadal Board. 
 
 Philip Pusey wrote to his brother : — 
 
 * July 20, 1845. 
 
 * The principle will be to combine men of all parties : and there 
 ought to be no fear of the matter falling into the hands of the Low 
 Church, as we ought to have Halls added to many Colleges and several 
 new Colleges built. Gladstone will no doubt take an active part in 
 promoting it. I have mentioned you to Sandon as friendly to the 
 plan, but should like to have your direct authority on the subject.* 
 
 Pusey at once replied at length to his brother on the 
 subject. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Philip Pusey, Esq., M.P. 
 
 Ilfracombe, July 21, 1845. 
 I have no doubt whatever of the absolute need of increased 
 education at Oxford. To take the Clergy alone ; we are crippled 
 everywhere for the want of them ; it is useless to build new churches 
 without an enlarged supply of Clergy. What is wanted everywhere 
 and for everything is — not funds, but men. But our present supply is 
 
8o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey. 
 
 \ 
 
 »if 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 li 
 
 necessarily limited, and I should think decreasing, rather than in- 
 creasing, in consequence of the openings and fresh demnnds for 
 educated men elsewhere. 
 
 Still more we need an example of reducing expense. The great 
 besetting evil of a decaying wealthy state is self-indulgence ; while 
 good has certainly wonderfully increased on the one side, since our 
 times, yet on the other and with others so has luxury, eating out the 
 energies of many of our young men, and rendering them unfit for 
 anything. On a public occasion, one of the oldest tutors of a chief 
 College in Oxford told the young men that the prevailing vice was 
 * socordia,' a listless indifference and inexertion about anything, con- 
 nected with luxury and self-indulgent habits. Any plan which should 
 set an example of simpler, more self-denying ways, would act most 
 healthfully on the rest of the University. There is a very good spirit 
 abroad, counter-working this apathy and careless self-indulgence, 
 although I fear that of late things have rather gone back : still there 
 is a great deal of good, which might be called out by the example of 
 simpler ways 
 
 And for the Clergy (to speak of what must always be a great body 
 of the University, and on whom so much everywhere depends) inex- 
 pensive habits are manifestly more desirable than ever. Of course, 
 self-indulgence, besides the peril of more grievous sin, is opposed to 
 the very first principles of a clergyman's duty ; but, 1 fear, the worse 
 habits and acts have been too common, which self-indulgence naturally 
 leads to, and which, at the best, embitter and cramp subsequent life 
 and duty. One, much about Colleges, said to me that he used to be 
 a Churchman, but that he had seen so much of the lives of those who 
 were soon after ordained as Clergy, that he did not know what to 
 think about anything. I fear he has become a sceptic, on account of 
 the inconsistent lives of our future Clergy. 
 
 But then, too, everything shows that we want Clergy who should live 
 upon a Httle ; and so God, in His Providence, is leading us this way. 
 Ill-endowed Cures are what are chiefly multiplied. If our people are 
 to be provided at all with Clergy, it must be with such as are content 
 with little more than food and raiment. 
 
 But, more generally, as luxury is the decay of any state, so the 
 antidote must be simplicity in every class. 
 
 It would then, over and above the increase of numbers, be of 
 exceeding value to have persons living more simply, in a state of 
 education, and would, I doubt not, act most healthfully upon our existing 
 [Collegiate] bodies. But for this, it would be most desirable that we 
 should have bodies so educated, in which simplicity should be the rule. 
 
 I shall be very thankful if, as you say, all can join in it. We ought 
 all surely to have the confidence that whatever is right will, in what- 
 ever degree, tend to advance the truth somehow, by God's blessing. 
 Disunion and want of natural love is our great bane. Of course, one 
 must act, one's self, upon one's own principles ; but whatever there is 
 of earnestness and devotedness anywhere must be on the side of God 
 
 Details of the Proposal. 8i 
 
 somehow, and working secretly to His ends. With Him then I leave 
 cheerfully the issue of all which is done for Him and His glory, know- 
 ing that if things are not done our way, anything which is so done 
 (which IS far better) will be overruled in His. 
 
 But I shall be very glad if people, otherwise seeing things differently, 
 can unite m any broad, large plan upon the common principles of the 
 University and the Church. It would be one step towards healing our 
 miserable disunion. 
 
 God bless you and all you would do for others. 
 
 Mr. Pusey replied by sending his brother a copy of the 
 paper drawn up at Lord Sandon's. It pointed out that 
 University education did not keep pace with the extension 
 and multiplication of schools or with the requirements 
 of the Church and the country. It recommended the 
 foundation of * new departments in existing Colleges, or, if 
 necessary, of new collegiate bodies.' It suggested that 'in 
 such institutions, if the furniture were provided by the 
 College and public meals alone allowed to the exclusion of 
 private entertainments, annual College payments might be 
 reduced to ^60 a year, and the total annual expense to ;^8o.' 
 This paper was signed by thirty-two peers, members of 
 Parliament, and leading clergymen. Pusey s enthusiasm 
 was kindled by the encouragement of self-denial and 
 simpi city of life which was involved in the project. He 
 replies as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Philip Pusey, Esq., M.P. 
 
 [Ilfracombe], July 29, 1845. 
 
 I am very glad of the paper you sent me. I cannot but hope 
 very much from all these efforts on a large scale, and especially when 
 the object is to foster greater simplicity and self-denial and all the 
 habits connected with them. 
 
 I should think you were quite on the safe side in setting the total 
 expenses at ^80, but the more there are in a College, the more 
 economical. 
 
 If you could get them to consent to open new Halls on this principle 
 I think you might get Heads who, for the sake of carrying out the 
 prmciple, would discharge the office gratuitously. I should think 
 you would do best with distinct Colleges or Halls, not one College 
 only, but several. ^ 
 
 However, what we most want in all these things, is to pray Him in 
 Whose Hands they are, to direct them. He does often give us, very 
 VOL. III. G 
 
82 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Piisey. 
 
 w 
 
 wonderfully, and beyond all our expectation, what we pray for per- 
 severingly. 
 
 May He be with you ever. 
 
 Charles Marriott, who was always interested in plans for 
 missionary and clerical colleges, was at this time busying 
 himself in endeavouring to interest others in the project for 
 a new college in Oxford. 
 
 'The earthquake,' he wrote to Bishop Selwyn with reference 
 to Newman's secession, 'goes off as great earthquakes do, with 
 smaller ones lingering behind. I think, however, that nothing falls 
 but what was before severely shaken. In the meantime, we have 
 some schemes for building again "the rebellious and the bad city," 
 especially one for a new college here, to be conducted on strict 
 and religious principles, and, if possible, to have a will and life of its 
 own. Some are against its being here : but I hope it will be carried. 
 1 think nothing will do us so much good.' 
 
 It was to this scheme in its early form— which never 
 was realized— that Pusey referred in a communication 
 to Mr. Gladstone, who had taken a leading part in the 
 meeting at Lord Sandon's. Pusey was afraid that the 
 public men who were engaged in trying to extend Univer- 
 sity education and lessen its cost, were on the one hand 
 proposing more than could be achieved in the way of 
 collegiate extension, and on the other were likely to forget 
 that it is advisable that simple and inexpensive habits 
 should have a religious motive and sanction. 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 Ilfracombe [Aug. 23], 1845. 
 C. M. wrote this at my request, because we felt that a formation 
 of new institutions is absolutely essential to the plan in which you have 
 taken an interest. I am glad of everything which may be tried as an 
 experiment, because everything which tends to increased simplicity, 
 ipso /ado, tends to good. It is in the right direction. But the mere 
 increase of existing colleges must (i) be inadequate in amount ; (2) it 
 may very likely be one-sided. From local circumstances, very few 
 colleges can enlarge themselves, fewer will. You know the locality of 
 Oxford well, and how few can, except at an exceeding outlay, enlarge 
 themselves. Of some who could, e.g. our own, or Magdalen, it is 
 hardly to be hoped except in another century. There might then be 
 a great danger of alteiing the balance of things, by the infusion of one 
 element only ; in one word, I hardly can calculate what the conse- 
 
 The Religious Sanction of Economy. 8^ 
 
 quences might not be, of enlarging Worcester or Wadham (if so be) 
 alone. But then, besides, it will be more difficult really to carry out 
 the two systems in the same college. It was urged as a difficulty to 
 placmg the Missionary College in Oxford, that it would be in an 
 uncongenial atmosphere, on account of the expensive habits of 
 others, &c^ I felt that its object would support it. But how much 
 IS the difficulty aggravated, if economy is the only avowed object. 
 If there IS no higher principle put forth to support it, no countenance 
 from the Heads or Fellows living among them, nor any other aim 
 except to be educated cheaply, because they cannot afford to be 
 educated expensively; instead of learning to ' bear hardness as good 
 so.diers of Christ.' And all this in the same college. It is to be 
 expected that such will seek such self-indulgence as they can, because 
 they are only to be expected to debar themselves from it, because by 
 the res angusia domi, it is withheld by them. ' 
 
 If the plan is to succeed, it must be made respectable. Voluntary 
 poverty must uphold the involuntary. One or more institutions in 
 which all alike were poor, would keep others in countenance, in which 
 some only were so ; it would raise the * poor students ' as a class when 
 some should be ^ pauperes Christi: This, however, may be esoteric. 
 Exoterically, it is quite impossible that the plan you and my brother 
 wish for can be carried out, without new institutions. In mere point 
 of numbers it cannot. In its flourishing times, Oxford was full of 
 halls, of which there are the remains now. 
 
 Philip memioned two objections to this : (i) that the friends of the 
 plan would fall asunder on the question of appointments : (2) the ereat 
 increase of expense. 
 
 As to (I), I think it might be met by vesting the appointment of the 
 hrst Head m some one in whom all moderate people might have con- 
 fidence, e.g. the Archbishop of Canterbury, leaving the Head to 
 appoint the first Fellows with the sanction of the Archbishop ; and 
 If all could not agree even in this, so much of the plan might be carried 
 on by such as do. 
 
 For (2), if the system of halls could be revived (which would be far 
 best), there would be scarcely any additional expense, nothing worth 
 naming. And then any of these which were good, might, as Tbelieve 
 of old, become colleges, [by] becoming endowed ; others might con- 
 tinue [halls] ; bad ones drop through. But for this the consent of the 
 Heads IS necessary, and I know not who would have the appointment 
 whether the Chancellor necessarily. ' 
 
 Yet a college is really no such great additional expense, where 
 people wish to live simply. Junior Studentships at Christ Church are, 
 I think, ^30 per annum, l^o would find food and raiment. A Warden 
 then and six Fellows might be founded for ^350 per annum, i.e 
 at 3 per cent, about ^12,000. This is an odd way of calculating- 
 however it is, I suppose, mostly, this is inversely as to their worth. 
 Ihis might be enough for a good-sized college. 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Disappointed Hopes, 
 
 85 
 
 A college, as you know, can be chartered by the Crown alone. 
 
 I am very glad to hear that you and Philip are going on a tour 
 together in Ireland. Should you be at Pusey before for a day or two, 
 I should be glad to get over with C. Marriott to talk over the plan 
 with you and T. A [eland] and Philip. I am sure that we ought to 
 have several colleges or halls, in time, if Oxford is really to be an 
 adequate place of education. 
 
 This is only a supplement on externals to C. Marriott's, which are 
 the strong grounds. T. A[c]and] is of course welcome to see both, if 
 you think it worth while. 
 
 Wishing you all blessing, 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 ♦ E. B. P. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone was delighted with Marriott's plan. Why 
 should not the author of such a plan at once try to 
 realize it ? As to Pusey*s wish to give a religious character 
 to the College, he suggests that it would be enough to 
 found a frugal College without making any profession that 
 would justify hostile minds in treating it as a novelty or 
 peculiarity. 
 
 Marriott could not act on this suggestion until he knew 
 whether he could get two or three such men as he wanted 
 to help him. But the excitement and anxiety of the follow- 
 ing October caused a temporary delay in carrying out such 
 efforts as Mr. Gladstone proposed. 
 
 However, in the spring of 1846 the Hebdomadal Board 
 replied to the memorial that had been presented to them 
 by the meeting at Lord Sandon's. Of course they agreed 
 in the opinion that the University ought to be extended. 
 They were however mindful that much had been done 
 * since the peace of 1814' to meet the increased demand 
 for admission. On the proposal to build and endow 
 a new college they observed that it * was suited rather to 
 ancient munificence than to the economical views of modern 
 times.' Even if it were possible to found a new college on 
 economical principles, it was, they held, Mittle likely that 
 a new institution would long continue better or more 
 economical than the old. ... In a few years the general 
 character and regulations of any new institution would 
 probably be as like the rest as these were like one another.' 
 
 The question of additional buildings in existing colleges 
 was a matter for each college to decide upon. The reply 
 was generally discouraging enough, but it contained one 
 very good suggestion. It recommended the foundation of 
 exhibitions to be conferred, not upon grounds of literary 
 merit, but of poverty, character, and economical habits, for 
 the direct purpose of aiding those and only those who 
 needed such assistance. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone did not conceal his disappointment at this 
 reply of the Heads of Houses. Pusey's experience of them 
 had prepared him to be grateful for very slight encourage- 
 ment. 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 Clifton, Thursday in Holy Week, 
 [April 9], 1846. 
 
 .... I am almost' surprised at your being disheartened by the 
 answer of the Committee of Heads. You have been accustomed to 
 their mode of proceeding these many years. I never expected any- 
 thing but tolerance. They do not see their way to anything new : 
 I hardly expected that they would. I did hope they might have con- 
 sidered the question of ' Additional Collegiate Buildings, belonging 
 though not attached to existing colleges,' a sort of halls. I believe 
 the real hindrance to this was that it required a new statute ; and 
 they are weary (at last) of all these contests, and wish to go in stillness 
 (which is so far good). But they do not object to others founding 
 colleges ; only they say they have no faith, either that persons in 
 these days will found colleges, or that, if founded, they would be 
 better than those existing. I did not suppose that they would [have 
 such faith]. If they could reduce expense in the existing colleges, 
 they would : and what they cannot do, they do not suppose that 
 others can. But they leave it open for people to try if they can. And 
 this is all I ever wished from them ; not to object. Let the trial be 
 made, and we should see whether a Head who lived with and for his 
 young men would not bring that about which they cannot, and in 
 time raise the tone of the whole. 
 
 I do not see, then, that there is any ground to be discouraged. 
 C. Marriott still retains his opinion strongly that much, very much, 
 might be done. It is no difficulty that the existing Heads look 
 coldly on the plan. The very object is, by God^s blessing, that fresh 
 life should be infused into the body by a new institution. They offer 
 no objection to the trial being made. The only questions then are 
 (i) whether the Crown would charter a college poorly endowed in the 
 first instance, with the moral certainty that it would receive enlarged 
 endowments hereafter. (All our colleges almost have received endow- 
 
 : ( 
 

 n 
 
 86 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Other Plans, 
 
 87 
 
 it , 
 
 ments since their foundation.) (2) Whether they would leave the 
 nomination in the first instance to the individuals who found it (the 
 Heads, subsequently, being elected, as in other cases, by the Fellows). 
 (3) Whether our friends could raise that moderate sum and place 
 Marriott at the head of it. He is prepared, himself, to endow it, in 
 part, out of his private property. . . . 
 
 It is of no use to complain that others are lukewarm. If they allow 
 us to act, it is our own fault if we do not. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone thought that Government would not grant 
 a charter unless for a plan recommended by the Bishops or 
 those highest in station. He suggested ihat. in the early 
 stages of the proposed effort, the sanction of Government 
 might be dispensed with. Pusey pleaded that many diffi- 
 culties would vanish if Government would charter a collcfre 
 sanctioned by ecclesiastical authorities. The Archbishop, 
 he thought, might be induced to sanction the experiment. 
 But who would undertake the labour of raising contribu- 
 tions? Pusey and Marriott would shape the plan, draw 
 up a body of statutes, and Marriott would give himself to 
 working it out. But then, Pusey added : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 April 15, 1846. 
 We are not the persons to originate the plan. Our lay friends 
 proposed a plan to the University. The Comm[ittee of the Heb- 
 domadal Board] throw cold water on a part of it, but admit of the 
 trial being made. Have enough of them [i.e. the laymen who 
 addressed the Heads of Houses] confidence enough in C. Marriott 
 to carry out a part of the plan ? Of course one cannot expect Lord 
 Sandon, or Ashley, or Lord R. Grosvenor to join. The trial is inde- 
 pendent of party, unless people make over self-denial as a character- 
 istic of party. It is a great trial which C. Marriott proposes to make, 
 whether by giving up his mind and energies to form young men, 
 living with them, sharing their fare, &c., he can form them to 
 a higher tone of Christian life than is common at our University. 
 He is confident that, by God's help, he can ; and such confidence is 
 a good earnest. Will our lay friends put him in a position so to do? 
 He would be sacrificing much ; and I should be inclined to think that 
 it were best for him to leave matters to that issue— if our lay friends 
 think the trial so far worth making as to take pains about it, to look 
 on this as God's will for him : if not, not to attempt to force his plan. 
 But if people will not with energy carry out this plan, they have no 
 reason to blame the Committee ior their cold answer : fjr the Com- 
 mittee will only have spoken the desponding truth that whether from 
 
 our divisions, the multiplicity of other objects, the fewness of those 
 who will exercise self-denial for a great object, people will not found 
 a new institution like our forefathers. N[ewmanJ can get one founded 
 in the Roman Church ; C. Marriott cannot in the English. 
 
 If you like to show this note to A[cland] or any other, pray do. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Keble had heard of the answer of the Hebdomadal Board 
 to the London laymen. He supposed that it was hopeless 
 to attempt to establish an economical college at Oxford, 
 and was now in favour of engrafting a department for poor 
 students in general on the Missionary College of St. Augustine 
 which had been lately founded at Canterbury. Pusey was 
 alarmed at so serious a defection. Without Keble's sanction 
 he knew full well Marriott's plan would have little or no 
 chance of success. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Pusey, April 21. 
 [Tuesday in ist week after Easter, 1846.] 
 
 I have just seen a letter from Acland to my brother embodying 
 your doubts as to a new college at Oxford, and proposing to engraft 
 one on St. Augustine's. With regard to this, my misgiving would be, 
 * Are we prepared for missionaries at home.'" If we could once gain 
 the idea (and I suppose it is fixing itself), that we do need for our 
 towns, mines, manufactories, real missionaries, one might hope that 
 a new day would dawn upon our Church. 
 
 But I do not think that this supersedes the other. We want to 
 reform habits at the Universities themselves. St. Augustine's will 
 act only very indirectly on Oxford. A college in Oxford itself such us 
 C. M[arriott] has conceived, in which the Head and Fellows should 
 give a quid pro quo to those who would live in habits of discipline, 
 simplicity, self-denial ; living with and for those under their charge 
 would, I trust, powerfully affect both Heads and members of other 
 colleges. It would show that the present habits are not invincible. 
 The change would be gradual, but it would make itself felt. The weak- 
 ness of Oxford now is the want of moral influence over young men. 
 Outward discipline will, of course, not affect this. Yet there are many, 
 and would be more, who do wish for guidance, if the barrier which 
 a mere system of discipline interposes could be broken through. And 
 there are those in every college, tutors as well as young men, who 
 would be acted upon by seeing before their eyes the working of 
 a better system. C. M. has good confidence that much might be 
 made of such a plan, and the confidence of such an one is a good 
 
i4l!i 
 
 11 |i 
 
 i-Hi 
 
 till 
 
 M 
 
 88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 augury. Heads, while they entertain each other with fish, soup, 
 turkeys, claret, perhaps champagne, of course cannot recommend 
 simple, self-denying habits to young men. Yet there are those among 
 the Heads who are weary of all this ; some who have never wholly 
 given in to it. I cannot but think that a very extensively beneficial 
 effect might be produced. There are a great many minds which 
 would take courage from such a system, and would tend, by their 
 sympathy, to encourage and to extend it. 
 
 The answer of the Heads, cold as it is, is as much as, except at 
 sanguine moments, I expected from them, i. e. toleration, while they 
 did nothing themselves. They say, No good will come of it, and 
 people will not make the attempt ; but if any like it, let them try. 
 This is all we really needed. They may slight it ; one is not to expect 
 that those educated there will be elected to scholarships or fellow- 
 ships elsewhere. Better perhaps that they should not. But they may 
 be a race of men who will make themselves felt wherever they go, 
 even while they think themselves nothing. 
 
 I had written two letters to Gladstone before I heard of your plan, 
 which indeed was but last night only. He entertains it, and thinks that 
 the Government would not stickle about the person nominated as the 
 Head if the plan generally were sanctioned, at least by some of the 
 leading Bishops, but that they would not advise the Crown to give 
 a charter without some such sanction— which, of course, is right. 
 I was going to write to C. M. to ask him to draw out his plan and 
 submit it to the Archbishop. Now if a letter can find him in time, 
 I would suggest that he should go to confer with you at Hursley. . . . 
 
 Keble deferred to Puseyand Marriott: he had misunder- 
 stood the reply of the Heads. But he was less hopeful 
 than were his friends about the success of such a college 
 founded in Oxford. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, April 29, 1846. 
 ... I am really quite ashamed to be so much consulted on 
 a matter of which I know so little, and to feel that it is owing to 
 my having talked rashly and peremptorily about it. When I took 
 hold of the notion of St. Augustine's being applied to this purpose, or 
 rather of a second college being founded there, I had quite supposed 
 that the Heads had put an extinguisher on the Oxford plan. But 
 C. M[arriott] says no, and that if the money could be found, neither 
 they nor the Government would extinguish it, and moreover that there 
 is quite a sufficient store of good feeling in the body of the University 
 to hinder the plan from being quite laughed down there. If so, I am 
 sure I should be very sorry to be the person to hinder such a plan. 
 But it should be considered among other things, whether the Heads 
 
 Keble' s Opinion, 
 
 89 
 
 would not have both the power and the will to persecute the poor 
 clerks and their teachers pretty effectually. Also whether the advan- 
 tages of public lectures (with a few exceptions) are not more apparent 
 than real ; and whether there is not a wrong Theology so got into the 
 air about the pulpits of Oxford, that young men would stand on the 
 whole a better chance elsewhere. I don't urge the point of expense, 
 as I believe C. M. is prepared to meet that. Although I make all 
 these objections I think I incline now towards Oxford more than any 
 other place ; but don't quote me, for I am writing very off-hand. . . . 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 J. Keble. 
 
 Keble wrote one more note on the subject to Pusey, 
 while the latter was staying at Tenby in August, 1846. 
 He was trying to ' allay the scruples * which existed gene- 
 rally, as he found, against placing the proposed college at 
 Oxford. Pusey was always for Oxford as against any other 
 .site. ' Oxford,' he would say, * is the centre : if you wish to 
 do good generally you must work here, not in the country.' 
 But Marriott was willing to meet the difficulty by collecting 
 the money, if it could be collected, first, and deciding on 
 the site afterwards. He went to see Mr. Justice Coleridge 
 at Ottery. They agreed that three or five persons should, 
 if possible, take the position of founders ; the names sug- 
 gested were Mr. Justice Coleridge, Sir J. Awdry, Mr. Glad- 
 stone, and Archdeacons Manning and R. I. Wilberforce. 
 They might act as one founder, and make or withdraw 
 proposals boldly and decidedly, appeal for and receive 
 money, in short, ' act as a snowball,' which gathers sub- 
 stance as it rolls on. 
 
 But Pusey's connexion with the plan was for the time 
 cut short by the serious illness to which allusion was made 
 at the end of the last volume. Early in the long vacation of 
 1846 he went with his children to Tenby, in South Wales. 
 Before starting he spent some days with his mother in 
 Grosvenor Square ; but they were not less busy than his 
 days in Oxford. His sister-in-law. Lady Emily Pusey, had 
 been alarmed at his appearance. 
 
 * I can imagine,' wrote his mother to Lady Emily on July 6, * Edward's 
 looking paler than when he was at Oxford, as he underwent so 
 
'! 
 
 I III 
 
 ;^ I il 
 
 , il 
 
 90 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 much more fatigue here. Excepting the Sunday, when he dined at 
 Mr. Dodsworth's, he did not have his dinner until between 9 and 10 
 o'clock at night. He was some days out of the house by 6 o'clock 
 in the morning : always between 7 and 8. This must always tell 
 against a frame which is not strong.' 
 
 Pusey in fact used to spend the greater part of the day 
 at the Sisterhood in Park Village : from early in the morn- 
 ing until eight or nine at night, continually seeing persons 
 who came to consult him from outside, or his spiritual 
 children in the Sisterhood. A member of the Park Village 
 community observes that Pusey never took a solid meal in 
 the home. He never eat with any one. The Sisters pro- 
 vided some milk and coffee for him : and this, with a morsel 
 of dry bread, was all that he took during his visits. The 
 Sisters did what they could to persuade him to cat more. 
 When they brought him his milk and coffee he would smile 
 and say, quoting St. Francis of Assisi, * You take great 
 care of Brother Beast.' In later years he had to modify 
 his practice very considerably. But referring to the time 
 we are describing, he observed, ' I used to find two ways of 
 fasting which most tired me : always taking too little, and 
 abstaining entirely until late in the day — half-past five.' 
 Other habits there were which tried his strength : such as 
 kneeling himself during many hours while hearing confes- 
 sions — a practice which he was obliged to abandon. 
 
 Even a few days of such a life as this were not likely to 
 improve Pusey's health. But, as has been said, he went 
 down to Tenby, and the change of life at first seemed to 
 rally him. His cough grew better : and he took walks, 
 some of them longer than his strength would permit. Soon 
 after his arrival Marriott had visited him : and after one of 
 their walks Pusey shewed signs of a low fever which rapidly 
 developed into a dangerous illness. The visit of Newman to 
 Tenby — ten months after his conversion to the Church of 
 Rome — has been already referred to. Keble was greatly 
 concerned : he too, at this time, was laid up, and forbidden 
 to take work in his parish church. In writing to Pusey, 
 he very characteristically gives the advice which illness 
 
 Illness at Tenby, 
 
 91 
 
 suggested, by describing his own reflections about himself 
 and his work. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, August 4, 1846. 
 My dear Pusey, 
 
 May I answer Miss Rogers' kind note, for which pray thank 
 
 her very sincerely, to yourself? Indeed, my dear friend, we have 
 
 been thinking of you much and often : we have too many things to 
 
 remember you by, ever to pass a day without often thinking of you. 
 
 And now I hope that God will give us the happiness of hearing that 
 
 your strength is returning, and that your troublesome cough has quite 
 
 left you. I have some little cough, of which the worst is that 1 am 
 
 forbidden to do any duty for a time. It has so rarely happened to 
 
 me that 1 scarce know how to behave myself; but I am sure it would 
 
 be a [good] thing if these temporary hindrances made one feel more 
 
 than one does, how little, how fearfully little, one has done for one's 
 
 flock hitherto. It is indeed a feehng which ought to oppress one 
 
 more than it does, when one goes into such parishes as Mr. Monro's, 
 
 or such as I suppose Hook's to be, and then comes back and sees the 
 
 ' nothing done,' with which one is sadly surrounded in one's place : no 
 
 pastoral confidence, no work that one can see going on. Then again 
 
 one considers that if one were worthy to do any good, yet one knows 
 
 for certain that it is better for one not to see it : and so one tries to 
 
 go on and do some little, in the hope that the least is better than 
 
 nothing. . . . 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 J. K. 
 
 On September ist Pusey was at last able to leave Tenby : 
 he then spent nearly two months with his elder brother at 
 Pusey. On his arrival. Lady Emily Pusey describes him * as 
 not able to dine or take any of his meals with us : in the 
 evening he came to lie on the sofa in the drawing-room.' 
 Her diary is, at this time, full of the details of Pusey 's life 
 — it shows how deeply she was interested in everything that 
 concerned him and how greatly they were in sympathy with 
 each other. Pusey used to ride almost daily with his brother 
 or Lady Emily, or his nieces : and his health rapidly 
 improved. 
 
 * Sept. 9. — Philip persuaded Dr. Pusey to drink some wine, which 
 appeared to do him good. 
 
 *Sept. 27.— The weather is very beautiful to-day. Dr. Pusey went 
 to church to-day, the first time since his illness. 
 

 I) 
 
 ^ 
 
 i> 
 
 ; 
 
 :. 
 
 92 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * Oct. 2. — Dr. Pusey rode out to-day ; great is the improvement in 
 his health every day. 
 
 * Oct. II. — Dr. Pusey read the second Service to us, as the rain 
 poured in torrents.' 
 
 Before leaving his brother's house, Pusey wrote a long 
 letter to Keble. The greater part of it is taken up with 
 questions arising out of the translation of the * Paradise of 
 the Christian Soul/ and its adaptation to the use of the 
 English Church. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Feast of St. Simon and St. Jude, Deo Gratias^ 1846. 
 
 I have delayed writing continually, both because the health of 
 my body was so fluctuating, that the report of one day would contra- 
 dict that of the preceding, and so I had no definite time at which to 
 thank you for your prayers and to say that thus far they had been 
 heard, and also that I wished to write to you about outward things, 
 before I wrote as I wished, about inward. For I felt that after I had 
 written about inward, I could not again write about outward ; at least, 
 only as asking an opinion, not as giving one. 
 
 The outward things do not, however, amount to much. C. Marriott 
 has asked you about the Commentary, and I am sure that the best 
 thing for us would be to see what you have written, as you will not 
 object, and, as far as we can, take that as our model. It has always 
 been a puzzle with me how to write a Commentary, as well it and 
 everything else might be— how to blend together critical and practical. 
 I should like very much to see something done, and indeed it seems 
 one of the great wants of our Church. . . . 
 
 I wished also to say something about your employment in the 
 ' Library of the Fathers.' I do not like your doing what any one else 
 can do ; as indeed, I do not like it, in my own way, for myself. When 
 we began, there was a great work and seemingly few hands, and we 
 had to take the responsibility of it ; but still my own share of it has 
 been a good deal out of my line : it has been useful to me, I trust, in 
 other ways, but has not helped in my own professorial duties. There 
 are others now, who could correct St. Chrysostom, who could not write 
 a Commentary nor a * Lyra Innocentium.' I seem to have it on my 
 conscience, that (although in part against my will) I have entangled 
 you in doing what others could do, while they cannot do what you can. 
 In this way also, 'every one hath his own gift of God.' It seemed 
 quite natural that you should revise your brother's translation ; for it 
 does not seem fitting for a younger man : but I do not like your going 
 
 * This marks the day as the first anniversary of the consecration of St. Sa- 
 viour's, Leeds. 
 
 Correspondence with Keble, 
 
 93 
 
 on with Prevost's or what another, can do. It is a weight upon 
 
 me. ... 
 
 And now, having read the enclosed, will you give me some peniten- 
 tial rules for myself? I hardly know what I can do. 
 
 From this point the letter passes to ' inward things.' His 
 illness had led Pusey to consider whether he could not work 
 harder and be stricter with himself than heretofore ; in fact 
 it contains an application to Mr. Keble with regard to his 
 own inner life which will have presently to be dealt with 
 more fully. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PENITENCE AND CONFESSION 
 
 1846. 
 
 *The Golden Keys each eve and morn. 
 I see them with a heart forlorn, 
 Lest they should Iron prove to me — 
 O set my heart at liberty. 
 
 May I seize what Thou dost give, 
 Seize tremblingly and live.* 
 
 Lyra Apostolical xvi. 
 
 It was not surprising that during the long hours of 
 Pusey's sickness and slow recovery in the autumn of 1846, 
 he should feel more intensely than ever that solemn sense 
 of personal sinfulness which had weighed upon him con- 
 tinuously through his life. 
 
 In his sermon on ' The Entire Absolution of the Penitent ' 
 he dealt in his own thorough way with the whole question 
 of the doctrine and practice of Confession and Absolution, 
 and with the Church authority for both. It is not necessary 
 therefore here to shew that though the general practice 
 of confession had died out in the English Church before 
 the Church movement commenced, yet the theory and 
 principle of personal confession and absolution was part 
 and parcel of the system of the Church of England, re- 
 cognized in Prayer-book and Canons, and supported by 
 a long catena of sound Anglican divines. Moreover, the 
 accidental allusions in history to its regular use by emi- 
 nent ecclesiastics and laymen, though not very frequent, 
 are of such a character as to shew that it was looked on 
 as nothing foreign or exotic in the life of the Church of 
 England. 
 
 The question of making use of Confession, 95 
 
 At several moments of his earlier life Pusey had been 
 forced by illness, or by trouble, to that solemn and search- 
 ing converse with conscience which confession at once 
 expresses and relieves. Thus, after his illness in 1831, we 
 find him writing to Newman : — 
 
 * I fear that often the desire of attaining some which I thought 
 a great end, and the consciousness of being engaged in a good cause, 
 has engrossed me too entirely, and made me think of my existence too 
 much in reference to what might be accomplished by my means here, 
 instead of looking pre-eminently to the preparing myself to meet my 
 God.* 
 
 Again, his wife's death in 1839 appeared to him to be 
 a punishment for his own sins. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 May 7, 1839. 
 You will pray for me that I may humbly and penitently resign her 
 to Him Who gave her to me, and that the sins may be forgiven me 
 for which, out of the usual order of His dealings, she, once so strong, 
 is taken from me. 
 
 Pusey, to use his own words, dreaded his love of 
 occupation, as a diversion from that close dealing with 
 conscience which might lead to a true self-knowledge. 
 It was in order to fix and deepen the sense of sin that 
 he had offered, as an unnamed penitent, to build a church 
 in Leeds. He looked upon his suspension in 1843 as a 
 punishment for ' secret faults 1.' When his daughter Lucy 
 died he wrote in the same strain. Her death was a 
 * punishment for his sins.' Keble deprecated this view: 
 Pusey still insisted on it. 'I am indeed,' he wrote to 
 Keble in April, 1844, *in earnest that all my sorrows are 
 the fruits of my own sins, and all my chastisements so 
 many mercies. " Ut nos hie urere et purgare, et in aeternum 
 parcere digneris." ' 
 
 This being the state of his mind, and since in his public 
 and private teaching he constantly insisted on the gravity 
 of post-baptismal sin, and on the reality of the absolving 
 power lodged in the Church, it was inevitable that the 
 question of making use of Confession himself should now 
 
 * • Entire Absolution of the Penitent,' p. i. 
 
96 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 n 
 
 present itself, with increasing urgency, as a matter of per- 
 sonal duty. Especially when others came to him to make 
 confessions, and to receive absolution, he must have asked 
 himself whether he ought not to do as they did. But it 
 must be remembered that, neither now nor at any other 
 time in his life, did he treat the practice of private con- 
 fession as a matter of absolute obligation on the part of 
 any one. Besides, he had extreme difficulties in his own 
 case. He was so overwhelmed with the consciousness of 
 his sins that he shrunk from making a confessor of one of 
 those friends with whom he was associated in common 
 work, and outside this circle there was no one whom he 
 could choose as a spiritual guide. 
 
 A full idea of his feelings and difficulties in the matter 
 may be gathered from a letter addressed to Keble a few 
 months later. Indeed, it is a letter so sacred in its con- 
 fidence that a biographer might well shrink from publishmg 
 it, but at the same time it cannot well be withheld, if Pusey's 
 sense of personal sinfulness and of the gravity of sin is to 
 be rightly understood. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 St. Cyprian's Day (Sept. 26), 1844. 
 I must pain you in return far more than what you say can pain 
 me I am quite unfit to think anything or express anything, one way 
 or the other, about what you tell me, except that it seems a marvellous 
 part of God's dealings with people in our Church, that He is givmg 
 them such quickened apprehensions of sin. But as you give me 
 a hint that you might ask an opinion of me, I must speak, though it 
 will very much pain you. My dear wife's illness first brought to me, 
 what has since been deepened by the review of my past life, how, amid 
 special mercies and guardianship of God, I am scarred all over and 
 seamed with sin, so that I am a monster to myself ; I loathe myself; 
 I can feel of myself only like one covered with leprosy from head to 
 foot • guarded as I have been, there is no one with whom I do not 
 compare myself, and find myself worse than they ; and yet, thus 
 wounded and full of sores, I am so shocked at myself, that I dare not 
 lay my wounds bare to any one : since I have seen the benefit of con- 
 fession to others, I have looked round whether 1 could unburthen 
 myself to any one, but there is a reason against every one. I dare not 
 so shock people : and so I go on, having no such comfort as in good 
 Bp Andrewes' words, to confess myself ' an unclean worm, a dead 
 
 M^'-l%'i^jki}4i^i^jk^ie\t-»i^^ikiJ^ '"-t'!r>."" 
 
 
 4- *; 
 
 J^J^Z^^^ 
 
I 
 
•I 
 
 Language of Saintly Men, gy 
 
 dog, a putrid corpse,' and pray Him to heal my leprosy as He did on 
 earth, and to raise me from the dead : to give me sight, and to forgive 
 me the io,oco talents ; and I must guide myself as best I can, because, 
 as things are, I dare not seek it elsewhere. 
 
 You will almost be surprised that, being such, I should attempt, as 
 I do, to guide any. I cannot help it. Those whom I in any way 
 guide were brought to me, and by experience or reading, or watching 
 God's guidance of them, I do what I can, and God Who loves them 
 has blessed them through me, though unworthy. But I am trying to 
 learn to wish to influence nothing on any great scale ; to prefer, 
 I mean, every one's judgment to my own, and only to act for myself 
 as I best may, and for any souls whom He employs me any way to 
 minister to. When I can, it is a comfort to use words classing myself 
 with other sinners : it is a sort of disowning of what people make of 
 me. I hope all this will not shock you too much, or do you harm ; 
 the real testimony to the life of the Church is not in such as me but in 
 simple people, such as my own dear child : He is working marvels 
 among such ; it quite amazes me to see His work with individual souls. 
 So then pray be not dismayed at what 1 write. 1 have not said so 
 much to any one for fear of dismaying them. It seemed as if I had no 
 right. But there is abundant, super-abundant proof of God's great 
 grace with people's souls in our Church, though I am a poor miserable 
 leper. . . . 
 
 I grieve thus to grieve you, but I cannot help it. 
 
 Ever your unworthy but still affectionate 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Such language as this, the reader will bear in mind, 
 must not be construed by the ordinary use of conventional 
 language even in Christian society. But it is rather the 
 expression of that estimate of human sin and of the sinner's 
 utter unworthiness in the sight of God which underlies, for 
 instance, the language of the General Confession in the 
 Prayer-book, and which in all ages has been characteristic 
 of those really advanced in holiness of life. St. Paul was 
 not hyperbolical when he called himself *the chief of 
 sinners. Similar thoughts about themselves have been 
 entertained by saints of all ages— by the dying Augustine ; 
 by St. Francis of Assisi and Bishop Andrevves ; by St. Vin- 
 cent de Paul and John Bunyan ; by St. Francis of Sales 
 and John Wesley ; by St. Philip Neri and Charles Simeon. 
 Pusey's guide and correspondent, Keble, also habitually 
 wrote and expressed himself, with reference to his own life, 
 VOL. III. H 
 
98 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 in similar terms. His penitence, it has been said, poured 
 itself out in language which to many would seem extrava- 
 gant ; and he could speak of ' self-abhorrence as a duty, 
 a necessity, and a joy ^/ 
 
 This language of saintly men has always been mis- 
 understood; it has been thought by some to be unreal, 
 and by others to point to the practice of heinous sin, of 
 which they were absolutely guiltless. For instance, Charles 
 Simeon had written of himself: — 
 
 * I scarcely ever join in the confession of our Church without per- 
 ceiving, almost as with my bodily organs, my soul ar a dead and 
 putrified carcass ; and I join in that acknowledgment, " There is no 
 health in us," in a way that none but God Himself can conceive V 
 
 And in consequence of this temper one of his friends 
 thought that ' his frequent sighs and groans were indications 
 of something habitually and essentially wrong in his con- 
 duct 3.' The truth, of course, is that with nearness to God 
 comes a new and more exacting standard of sin and holi- 
 ness : and sins of temper or of self-assertion are naturally 
 referred to in terms which the blunted sensibilities of men 
 of the world would only apply to the grossest acts of 
 wickedness. * I have heard of Thee,' cried the saint of old, 
 * by the hearing of the ear, but now mine eye seeth Thee ; 
 wherefore I abhor myself, and repent in dust and ashes *.' 
 
 Pusey's indecision on this matter was brought to a close, 
 partly by the extreme mental distress which followed on 
 Newman's secession, and partly by the new and constraining 
 stimulus to his conscience which had been occasioned by his 
 sermon in February, 1846, on the * Entire Absolution of the 
 Penitent.' He is thinking of himself when, as was his wont, 
 he speaks in general terms, ' People have through years of 
 life purposed to confess (if God enable them) at their death. 
 But what instinctive reverence for Almighty God tells them 
 should be done before death, should, if possible, be done 
 in life .* The illness at Tenby caused him finally to make 
 
 ^ Lock's 'Biography of John Keble,' ^ Ibid., p. 520. 
 
 P- 233- * Job xlii. 5, 6. 
 
 "^ Cams, * Memoirs of Charles » * Entire Absolution of the Peni- 
 
 Simeon,' 3rd ed., p. 363. tent,' ed. 1846, Preface, p. iv. 
 
 Preparation for Confession, 
 
 99 
 
 up his mind. Those who know anything of the ex- 
 periences of the human soul can recognize in the course of 
 such events as these the leadings of God's providence 
 
 On his returning to Oxford after this illness in the 
 autumn of 1846, he first of all wrote to Keble, asking for 
 some rules for himself as a penitent :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Feast of St. Simon and St. Jude, Deo eratias iR^f; 
 • My dearest Friend, gratias, 1S46. 
 
 Ih.rHl* V ^'" y^" ^^^e "^e some penitential rules for myself? 
 hardly know what I can do, just now, in a bodily way, for nourish! 
 ment I am ordered ; sleep I must take when it comes ; cdd is bad for 
 doth "ho rl"''^'^^ ' ^" ^^^^"^ ^"-^^h ^- Resume the h^r 
 
 because I am bid ; for I am weary of being under no authority • and 
 
 ye rs^For °'ltho"'r? '"" ""'^^ ^"^'^ ^"^ ^^^ ^^ near^ t;enty 
 years For although at one time I wished to fancy myself under 
 
 a Bishop I yet really am under none, and do, in everyth nTaCsT 
 
 what U.11 ; which is an unnatural state. I can hard^make^Sr^^^^ 
 
 and except perhaps in Passion Week, and not always then I have no 
 interruption of occupation : so that my whole life is irrernltr r H 
 mostly what I can, when I can: and^nythinri set S^^ I can 
 dispense myself from, for some seeming charity ^ ' ^ 
 
 God bless you ever and requite you all your kindness. 
 
 Ycurs affectionately, but His most unworthy servant, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 Keble's humble nature shrank from taking Pusey at his 
 word. He thought that the troubles of the time were 
 providential modes of real penance, whereby one is merci- 
 fully permitted to supply the want of those more direct 
 and outward penances which one naturally thinks of in the 
 first place, but which in His inscrutable wisdom and good- 
 ness God often seems to interdict.' Pusey, in reply, wrote 
 on the same day (All Saints' Day, 1846), begging Keble 
 to hear h.s confession. Keble assented, and after some 
 allusions to the date, added: 'Do not punish yourself 
 too sharply in the meantime. I suppose compunction of 
 heart is the thing : and if that is longer kept up by a less 
 measure of outward rigour, the less should be preferred ' 
 Into the preparation for his confession Pusey carried the 
 
 H2 
 
 N 
 
lOO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 whole intensity of his character. He gave a full month to 
 the work. His letters to Keble show how the sense of sin 
 possessed and depressed him. He could no longer address 
 Keble as friend, but only as * father ' : he was unworthy to sign 
 himself ' your very affectionate,' and substituted * grateful ' 
 or * unworthy.' Keble could not allow this to pass without 
 notice. ' I beseech you,' he wrote, * do not leave off calling 
 me friend.* Pusey proposed to go for the occasion to a 
 lodging in Hursley ; he wished * to make a sort of Retreat.' 
 He would not go to the vicarage as a visitor. He even 
 shrank from using Hursley Church for his confession : 
 * I could not bear,' he wrote, * to associate your altar with 
 my miseries.' * Come to me,' he wrote afterwards, ' please, 
 when it suits you ; but when you come, come as God's 
 priest : if I might ask, do not shake hands, or — anything 
 of this world.' 
 
 Pusey had also been importunate in begging Keble for 
 a rule of penitential discipline. 
 
 * As to directing you,' answered Keble, * I know I shall be utterly 
 bewildered, were it only from ignorance and inexperience. You must 
 really think beforehand what is most likely to do you good. Mere 
 suffering is the first and simplest thought : but then there are duties 
 to be done. And have we a right to disqualify ourselves for them ? 
 Is it not best to leave it to the Almighty to do so if He see fit, by 
 sickness ? ' 
 
 Pusey could not rest in these general considerations, 
 however incontrovertible. He must have some definite 
 prescription : but he would furnish his guide with the 
 knowledge of his own condition, which might enable him 
 to write it. 
 
 * I am,' he wrote, * a great coward about inflicting pain on myself, 
 partly, I hope, from a derangement of my nervous system ; hair-cloth 
 I know not how to make pain : it is only symbolical, except when 
 worn to an extent which seemed to wear me out. I have it on again, 
 by God's mercy. I would try to get some sharper sort. Lying hard 
 I like best, unless it is such as to take away sleep, and that seems to 
 unfit me for duties. Real fasting, i. e. going without food, was very 
 little discomfort, except in the head, when the hour of the meal was 
 over, and Dr. W[ootten] said and says, "It was shortening my life." 
 Praying with my arms in the form of a cross seemed to distract 
 
 Another University Sermon, 
 
 lOI 
 
 .r 
 
 me and act upon my head, from this same miserable nervousness 
 I thmk I should like to be bid to use the discipline. I cannot even 
 smite on my breast much because the pressure on my lungs seemed 
 bad. In short, you see, I am a mass of infirmities. But I might be 
 able to do something, in faith, if I was bid to do it.' 
 
 Before however Pusey could complete this duty of 
 making his confession, he had to discharge another which 
 he would willingly have postponed or delegated to other 
 hands. He had promised some months before to take his 
 turn as University preacher on Advent Sunday, Nov. 29 ; 
 and a sermon always made a great demand on his thought 
 and time, until it was over. Now he had at the same 
 time to prepare for the University pulpit, and for making 
 his Confession. 
 
 The subject of the sermon was already determined on. 
 On St. Luke's Day, October 18, Dr. Jeune, the Master of 
 Pembroke College, when preaching before the University, 
 had attacked Pusey for his sermon on Absolution in the 
 preceding February. Pusey had ' neither time nor strength 
 of head ' to reply as he could have wished : but having 
 written something, he sent the polemical part of his sermon 
 to Keble. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church [Nov. 12], 1846. 
 . . . Will you kindly look at these pages .? Dr. Jeune preached on 
 
 u, u .f ^^ ^ ^^^"'''" ^^""^""^ Confession (which he has since 
 published), pulling mine to pieces, quoting passages throughout, trying 
 to show Confession to be Roman not English, and saying that one 
 who taught as I do is ' a Romanist.' Connecting this with the 
 difficulties of Bittlestone in the diocese of Worcester, I thought it 
 might be good to vindicate the use of Confession as Anglican. The 
 whole of this IS really an answer to Dr. Jeune, but I have not used his 
 words nor alluded to him otherwise than in p. i, ^ since it has been 
 denied.* 
 
 Dr. J. puts the question upon a fair issue, (i) that we are not 
 allowed to use the Form in the Visitation for the Sick in private 
 confessions : (2) that it does not mean to remit sins, but to absolve 
 from Church censures. In both, of course, he must fail : so that it is 
 good ground, if one may take it, and at the same time brings before 
 people again the question whether it may not be a duty to them. 
 
 Yours very gratefully, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
102 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Keble replied at once ; — 
 
 * I see nothing for which I am not very thankful in your " part of 
 a sermon." One is sorry that the pulpit should be a place of excep- 
 tions and rejoinders. But, in this case, I scarce see how it could be 
 helped.' 
 
 The sermon is an Advent sermon to which a polemical 
 turn is imparted by the necessity of replying to Dr. Jeune. 
 It dwells less on the absolving power than on the duty 
 and happiness of true repentance. The text, * Whose sins 
 ye remit they are remitted,' is exchanged for, ' If we would 
 judge ourselves we should not be judged.' The preacher 
 does indeed traverse Dr. Jeune's two positions. To the 
 arbitrary assumption that the confession and absolution 
 which the Prayer-book prescribes for the sick room might not 
 be used on other private occasions, Pusey answers in effect 
 that the Church, having allowed the efficacy of absolution of 
 sins, cannot conceivably limit its use by the physical condi- 
 tion of the sinner, and that at any rate the need of confession 
 is often not less felt in health than in sickness. To the 
 theory that the absolution in the Visitation Service relates 
 only to the removal of Church censures, Pusey rejoins that 
 the portion of the old Latin form which might have been 
 understood to relate to such censures is omitted from the 
 English office, and that part only is retained which directly 
 relates to the remission of sins. In the case of public 
 Church censures, the priest would be already well-informed, 
 and there would be no need of confession : the absolution 
 is given for sins disclosed in confession, of which the priest 
 previously knew nothing. * What waste,' exclaims the 
 preacher, * of precious moments on which eternity may 
 hang, to "move the sick to confess sins'' and then in 
 solemn words, which sinful men may well tremble to use, to 
 "absolve him," if truly penitent, "from all his sinsl' if this 
 solemn act is not of value to his soul, or relates only to 
 Church censures, under which these sins do not come ^' 
 But the predominant elements of the sermon are of 
 
 1 < 
 
 ; Entire Absolution of the Penitent,' Serm. ii. pp. 14, 15. (Univ. Serm. vol. i. 
 ser. ni.) ^ 
 
 ■ ■ i« II J I wme^mgii^)^ 
 
 > 
 
 A First Confession, xoo 
 
 a personal and devotional kind ; and they are lighted up 
 with a new meaning when we know, as none of his hearers 
 knew at the time, that the preacher himself had been 
 going through a great spiritual struggle to attain to true 
 penitence, and that he was even then practising what he 
 was preaching. He \s speaking to himself in such a pas- 
 sage as the following : — 
 
 * Penitent thyself thou shalt learn to speak to the hearts of penitents. 
 
 . Thou knowest too well the wounds which enter the soul ; thou wilt 
 
 know the healing wherewith the Great Physician shall have healed 
 
 thee. Thou knowest the sorrows and plague of thine own heart; thou 
 
 wilt know the comfort, wherewith thou shalt be comforted of God\' 
 
 In the evening of the day Pusey wrote to his mother, 
 * All is well, and I too, by God's mercy. Sermon li long. 
 A little tired in the afternoon, but not in the evening.* 
 
 On the following Tuesday, December i , he went to Hursley 
 and made his confession ; and before leaving he sent a thank- 
 offering in money for Hursley Church, *from one who 
 feels himself unworthy to offer it himself.' A day or two 
 later he wrote more at length. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 ,, ^ Oxford, Dec. 7, 1846. 
 
 My dearest Father, 
 
 I dare not write much, yet thus much I may say, in comfort for 
 all the sorrow I gave you last week, that I cannot doubt but that 
 through your ministry and the power of the keys, I have received the 
 grace of God, as I know not that I ever did before. I can no more 
 doubt of His mercy vouchsafed to me thus far, than of my own past 
 misery. All indeed is very bad. . . . However, things seem with me 
 other than they ever were before; at least, I seem to hate myself more 
 thoroughly, and, bad as my prayers are, still to have a love and hope 
 I never knew before. So although, through my wretchedness, you 
 have seen that what is seeming may be hollow, yet through God's 
 unbounded mercy you will have seen anew that His grace is vouch- 
 safed through His Ordinances to penitents, however fallen. You will 
 pray that it be not in vain. You will know, in some little measure, 
 what a hard task is before me. To think of myself as last in God's 
 sight (had He made me such) would be nothing; but to feel that 
 I have had gifts of nature and drawings, above others, and to feel that 
 this wreck is my own making, it is very bitter May it only be 
 
 * ' Entire Absolution of the Penitent,' Serm. ii. pp. 41, 42. 
 
I 
 
 104 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 healing. And then I found my late sermon printed. Alas! what 
 a key you have to it. I hardly know how I could have got through 
 it now. Oh, that that miserable, miserable thing should be I ! Yet 
 I trust, by His mercy, it is no more I. It ought to have cut one's 
 heart open to read it. However, do not think (I pray) that I need 
 comfort. It seems to me the most blessed sorrow (when occupation 
 does not take it away) I ever felt. God would not deal thus with me, 
 if He had not pardoned me. 
 
 ••••••••• 
 
 May God requite you. 
 
 In Him your very affectionate and grateful son, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Pusey had brought with him a disciplinary rule of life 
 for himself, which Kcble was to sanction. Its chief pecu- 
 h'arity is its definite and practical character. It was not 
 an attempt to regulate feeh'ngs or states of mind, but to 
 shape life by practical efforts. Nor does it seem to have 
 been taken from any known external source whatever : it 
 was suggested by his own experience. 
 
 Some of these rules were of an ascetic description, which 
 the majority of people in our day cannot even understand 
 much less admire, but which may not on that account be 
 less valuable, at any rate in some cases, in forming the 
 Christian character. Pusey, under the guidance of the 
 Apostle's habit of keeping his body under subjection \ 
 made rules for all his outward life, with Keble's sanction. 
 He resolved, for instance, to be in bed by eleven o'clock if 
 possible : to rise at six, after giving ' five minutes to collect 
 himself and commend himself to God * ; to wear hair-cloth 
 always by day unless ill ; to use a hard seat by day, and 
 a hard bed by night ; not to wear gloves or protect his 
 hands ; to travel as poorly as possible, except when health, 
 or pressure of time, or duty to his mother, obliged him 
 to do otherwise ; to eat his food slowly, and penitentially, 
 * making a secret confession of unworthiness to use God's 
 creatures, before every meal ' ; not to take wine or beer, 
 unless obliged to do so by a physician; to abstain, as 
 strictly as his physician would permit; never to notice 
 
 * I Cor. ix. 27. The original is much stronger: vTrwwia^oj Zovka-^orjw. 
 
 .7" 
 
 A Rule of Life, 105 
 
 anything unpleasant in what was set on table, but to take 
 it by preference, and in a penitential spirit. 
 
 But if the body was to be mortified, much more the mind. 
 Pusey resolved ' to mortify curiosity in all the ways I can ' ; 
 to look at nothing out of curiosity; to keep the eyes down 
 when walking, except for the sight of nature, associating 
 himself mentally with the Publican ; to ask himself before 
 reading anything whether it was God's will that he should 
 read it; never to set aside solid work in order to read 
 newspapers or letters. His rules about the use of speech 
 will explain to those who can remember it the peculiarities 
 of his conversation ; its stern repression of all humour, its 
 profound seriousness, its unexpected pauses and silences, 
 its grave and charitable protests. He determined ' not to 
 ' speak of himself or of his work, whenever he could help 
 
 * doing so ; to blame another only after asking himself the 
 'question, "Would my Lord have me say it?" and to 
 
 * accompany the blame by an act of self-humiliation ; to 
 
 * soften, if possible, any unfavourable judgment of others 
 
 * that he heard ; to give way in argument wherever it was 
 
 * not a duty to maintain his opinion ; to avoid excitement 
 *or jesting when speaking, except when with children, "as 
 ' unfit for me " ; to pray daily for o-e/xi^o'rrys ^ ; to interrupt no 
 
 * one else when speaking ; to stop, if interrupted ; to give 
 
 * way if another should begin speaking at the same time ; 
 
 * never to argue in Chapter against any opinion of -' 
 
 * (except for some grave cause), but, at most, simply to 
 
 * explain ; never to complain of anything which happens 
 
 * either to himself or to the Church, since his own sins were 
 
 * the cause of the one, and might contribute to the other ; 
 ' never to mention bodily pain except as an explanation of 
 
 * silence which might be misunderstood ; always to acknow- 
 ' ledge ignorance of a subject, unless it was inexpedient, as 
 ' distinct from humiliating, to do so ; to address every one, 
 ' especially inferiors in rank, as his superiors in the sight of 
 ' God ; to thank all who waited on him heartily, and calling 
 
 * to mind that he did not deserve anything at their hands.' 
 
 * I Tim. iii. 4, 8. 
 
io6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Mi 
 
 \ i 
 
 Pusey did nothing by halves ; and he resolved to bring 
 his devotions and his ministerial work under the domain 
 of penitential rule. The sense of penitence was to colour 
 all the departments of prayer and even praise. He would 
 join in Intercessions, ' as unfit to be heard for any one * ; 
 in the Gloria Pairi and Pater noster, as ' unworthy to take 
 on my lips the Name I have so dishonoured ' ; in profes- 
 sions of duty in the Psalms, as ' what I would do, but the 
 contrary of what I have done*; in Thanksgiving, * to thank 
 God that I am not in hell, and for my absolution, and that 
 the devil did not enter into me altogether, as he did into 
 Judas'; in the responses after the Commandments, so as to 
 ' pray for the conversion of the worst sinners— myself chief.' 
 He also resolved : — 
 
 ' To pray God to enable me to pray before each break in the Service 
 at the beginning of Psalms, Canticles, before singing Creeds, hearing 
 each Lesson, and three times in the Litany, and before Communion 
 service, and immediately after any distraction, and then to try to 
 throw my whole soul into the prayers ; to write down how often 
 1 omit this.* 
 
 Other resolves about devotions were : 
 
 * To repeat the Penitential Psalms or verses of them when walking 
 alone, or in Chapter. Always to repeat any prayer in which I have 
 been distracted [during the Church service] as fervently as I can, as 
 soon as I may, after returning home. To pray for some grace at every 
 Communion, and be watchful to treasure it, and now, at first, at least, 
 humble penitential love. To pray God daily for any trouble which 
 may be good for my soul, and not injure the Church. To pray God 
 daily, if it be good for me, to give me sharp bodily pain before I die 
 and His Grace in it.' ' 
 
 The same spirit was carried into his ministerial work ; 
 he was to do everything in the spirit of a penitent. He 
 would *aim at commencing every ministerial act with 
 inward confession,' that he was * so very unfit to be a 
 minister of God.' Another rule was, * Always in taking my 
 place in the Cathedral, or on going to the Altar, to make an 
 act of humiliation, as one who ought to be shut out from 
 it. The first shall be last.' Another, *To hear all the 
 very worst confessions, very penitentially, as worse myself.' 
 Another, 'To give advice or opinion to any person, as 
 
 V 
 
 Other Regulations, 107 
 
 being unfit to speak. « O take not the word of Thy Truth 
 utterly out of my mouth." ' Another, ' In any undertaking 
 or plan, as in the case of St. Saviour's or the Sisters, or 
 thinking or praying for them, to pray God that it be not 
 marred through my sins.' Another, 'Not to desire to 
 minister to any one, as being unfit, but to pray God that 
 it may be as is best for their souls, and that if [I do minister 
 to them] I may learn of them.' Another, ' To minister to 
 
 holy persons (as , , &c.), as so very unfit even to be 
 
 with them.' 
 
 Other rules were to deal with general habits :— 
 
 * To aim to offer all acts to God and to pray for His grace in them 
 
 before commencing them, as conversations, while people are coming 
 
 into the room or before I enter a room, each separate letter which 
 
 I write, each course of study, and in the course of each of these, if 
 
 contmued long, and His pardon at the end, and note down omissions. 
 
 Never, if I can, to look at beauty of nature, without inward con- 
 fession of unworthiness. 
 
 * To make mental acts, from time to time, of being inferior to every 
 one I see [especially the poor, or when preaching, or the neglected, or 
 the very degraded, or children, or if I catch any one's eyes]. 
 
 * To drink cold water at dinner, as only fit to be where there is not 
 a drop " to cool this flame." 
 
 * To make the fire to me from time to time the type of hell. 
 
 * Always to lie down in bed, confessing that I am unworthy to lie 
 
 down except in hell, but so praying to lie down in the Everlasting Arms. 
 
 ' Whenever I cannot take the last place outwardly, to take it 
 inwardly. 
 
 ' To make act of internal humiliation, whenever any mark of out- 
 ward respect is shown me (as by young men, college servants, &c. at 
 Christ Church;.* 
 
 Pusey made rules also to help him in bringing every 
 thought under the constant empire of rule. He would 
 aim at not letting his imagination dwell on unreal circum- 
 stances or situations, but to drive all thoughts of this life 
 away, except of what is actual or impending. When 
 thoughts arose which were the consequence of past sins, he 
 would say, ' Lord, have mercy.' When enabled to think 
 anything in any way good, he would thank God as quickly 
 as he could, * if only by one thought.' He would impress 
 on himself that ' nothing is my own but my sins.* 
 
/ » 
 
 io8 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 Pusey proposed some rules which his adviser disallowed. 
 Keble was anxious lest Pusey should humble himself at 
 the expense of others. ' One is not/ he wrote, ' always to 
 say what one really thinks of oneself, even when in some 
 respects the subject might seem to call for it.' In the 
 same way, Pusey must be careful not to do harm to social 
 mferiors by expressing his sense of moral inferiority to 
 them. As to those points there was no difficulty: but 
 there were others behind. Pusey was very anxious ^to 
 use " the discipline " every night with Psalm 51.' Keble did 
 not advise it. Pusey entreated. * I still scruple,' wrote 
 Keble, ' about the discipline. I could but allow, not enjoin 
 It to any one.' Another rule which Pusey begged to 
 have set him was, * Not to smile, if I can help it, except 
 with children, or when it seems a matter of love (Kke one 
 who has just escaped the fire).' But Keble hesitated. 
 * I should not be honest,' he wrote, * were I not to con- 
 fess that I cannot yet reconcile myself to the not 
 smiling. ^ Is it not a penalty on others, more than on 
 oneself?' Pusey 's proposal not to read letters when he 
 was engaged in serious work, in order to mortify 
 curiosity, leads Keble to observe, *I suppose the rule 
 about reading letters relates to the time when you 
 receive them; my temptation often is rather to leave 
 them unread.' Keble, who was fond of saying that we 
 may always learn from those to whom we minister, 
 when returning the rules wrote to Pusey: * May 
 I copy those of the rules which seem as if they would 
 help me ? Of course not any which you would rather 
 not' Whatever he may have thought of this, Pusey 
 could not but consent: he sent Keble a copy of the 
 rules, adding : — 
 
 ' Forgive me if I cannot but be anxious that you should not out 
 upon yourself what is only for such as me. I am naturally of strong 
 
 constitution : you are not Again, I cannot compose out walking • 
 
 you can. To me then to repeat Penitential Psalms is to escape 
 Idleness (and it is very badly done at the best). From you it mijjht 
 take away some of the little leisure you have to write for the children 
 ot the Church. 
 
 Keble' s Judgment. 
 Keble writes in reply : — 
 
 109 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, 2nd Wed. in Advent [Dec. 9], 1846. 
 My dearest Friend, and Son that ought to be Father, and something 
 more than I can say, — 
 
 It is but little that I can write to you just now— little in every sense 
 compared with what it ought to be-but God be thanked if He has 
 made His precious gifts available to you through the like of me • but 
 what if I should myself be a'aoKc^zof -will not all this greatly add to 
 .my burden ? You must pray for me, you must indeed, for I really told 
 you the simple truth about myself, and though He has been very 
 merciful to me, I know I am very very wanting— callous as I some- 
 times feel, at other times it quite frightens me to think of other 
 persons' contrition whose story is nothing like so shameful as mine • 
 but enough of this just now. Only do pray simply that I may be 
 contrite-that is really what I want and need. You need not fear my 
 treating myself too austerely : my tendencies and habits, I am sorry 
 to say. He far too much the other way, and circumstances besides are 
 against it: yet I hope that by His great blessing the having your 
 Rules by me will be of use : were it only for the feeling of shame 
 which will come over one at the thought of such a thing being in 
 one's desk while one is all ease and comfort. At the same time, when 
 I think of all your illnesses, I half repent of having put my name to 
 some of the outward Ru'es : but you really must remember that they 
 are your own not mine, I being so soft and so ignorant, and that I can 
 ill afford to bear the responsibility of bringing any sort of illness upon 
 you. For my sake, and for all our sakes, be not hard upon yourself— 
 remember what is said about * often infirmities.' If it were not for 
 paining you, I should scruple about your kind and too-large gift to 
 Hursley Church : it is not a case of pressing need, and I am not 
 afraid of funds falling short : but as it is I can only say, God make it 
 a blessing to you, and repay you a thousandfold all the comfort and 
 help you have been and are to me : but I try to make allowance for 
 that— and now no more about self. 
 
 I hope before this time you will have great comfort from your 
 London journey— mine was merely about external matters; but there 
 were a great many comfortable things, and I do hope matters are 
 rather settling among us. iMy dear wife continues pretty well and 
 very grateful to you. Accept both our kind love-and believe me, 
 niy dear son, yet fatheriy friend, your very affectionate father in Christ 
 (is It not almost too daring to say so ?), 
 
 J. K. 
 
 The spiritual relationship thus established between Pusey 
 and Keble continued until the death of the latter in i865. 
 Three times at least in every year Pusey went to Hursley 
 
 II 
 
no 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 A Life of Seclusion, 
 
 III 
 
 til 
 
 in order to make his confession ; and the times of these 
 visits were also used by the friends for talking over urgent 
 religious questions. In one sense this arrangement must 
 be regretted, at least by the biographer ; as much of the 
 highest interest which would otherwise have survived in 
 correspondence was thus irrecoverably lost. 
 
 Pusey s rule of life which Keble thus sanctioned was 
 a rule for himself. It was the product of his own mind, 
 and it was suited to his own case and temperament. No 
 mistake could be greater than to suppose that he recom- 
 mended it for general use: every souL he used to say, 
 has its own history, and must be treated separately. In 
 advising others he was wont to be indulgent as to matters 
 in which he was severe with himself: *You live in the 
 world,' he would say, * more than I do, and you would 
 naturally do this or that * ; or ' You have not much con- 
 stitution to fall back on, and must not attempt too much.' 
 Though his language in speaking of faults of temper or of 
 self-assertion in his own case was as vehement as we have 
 seen, he would deal in a spirit of the utmost gentleness 
 with far graver faults in the case of others. 
 
 In addition to all these rules for his life, it must be borne in 
 mind that, as has already been said, he had, ever since his 
 wife's death in 1839, avoided all social gatherings. He re- 
 frained from dining with his brother Canons in Chapter ; and 
 he begged Archdeacon Manning, when staying at Cuddcsdon 
 with Bishop Wilberforce, to save him from an invitation 
 which it would be difficult either to accept or to decline. 
 About this time he wrote to his eldest brother, who had 
 asked him to a dinner-party at Pusey, in the following 
 terms : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Phiup Pusey, Esq. 
 
 [Undated, but 1845 or 1846.] 
 I had rather say in wTiting that I feel myself more and more 
 
 unfit for anything like a dinner-party. It does not suit me in health, 
 
 or any way, body or mind. It is now six years since I have dined out. 
 
 although when in your own house I have gladly seen the friends you 
 
 kindly wished to see me. 
 
 But it is an understood thing among my friends that I do not dine 
 
 \ 
 
 out, and I should get into endless inconsistencies by meeting friends 
 at dinner at your house whom I do not meet elsewhere. Thus to-day 
 a friend declined for me an invitation to meet Gladstone and Hook 
 and other friends from Lord Wicklow on the ground that I had left 
 off dining out for years Of course, you and Lord W. are very 
 different, but still I have now an answer everywhere ; whereas if 
 I once begin again it is very difficult to stop, and to refuse to meet 
 the same persons elsewhere. Yet I never feel so little satisfied with 
 myself as at a party of any sort, and I shrink from any step towards 
 getting back to them. 
 
 I am really sorry not to do anything you wish me to do, but my 
 present life of comparative loneliness seems to me to have been 
 marked out for me by God's Providence, and I find myself best thus. 
 
 Your very affectionate brother, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Pusey's solitary life was in harmony with a standard 
 and practices of penitence which others could only attempt 
 at some risk of unreality ; but his example is not on that 
 account the less valuable. All the world cannot, and 
 should not if it could, wear a hermit's garb and live 
 austerely : but the example of the Baptist is not therefore 
 less valuable, as a reformer of society no less than as a saint 
 of God, for men of all nations and of all time. 
 
u 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS — THE FIRST HARVEST OF 
 
 DISAPPOINTMENT. 
 
 1847. 
 
 The Church of St. Saviour's, Leeds, was the oflferinf^ of 
 a penitent. But no penitent, intent upon providing him- 
 self with those opportunities of a true self-discipline which 
 arise out of the disappointment of our dearest hopes, could 
 have done better for himself than was done for Pusey by 
 the early history of the church for which he had made so 
 many sacrifices. That history was full of bitter morti- 
 fications. Two series of secessions to Rome in 1 847 and 
 1851, and the outward estrangement of his old friend 
 Dr. Hook during a long term of years, might at that time 
 have seemed to be the only results of Pusey's great effort. 
 
 It would be unnecessary to enter into all the wearisome 
 details of the disasters at St. Saviour's and of the personal 
 differences between two good men like Pusey and Hook, 
 if it were not for two reasons. The events at St. Saviour's, 
 some account of which has already been given to the world, 
 have always been supposed to reflect seriously on Pusey 's 
 character for wisdom and loyalty; it seems required there- 
 fore that a more complete narrative should now be given. 
 But there is a more important reason for entering into the 
 matter. The troubles at St. Saviour's illustrate very aptly 
 the difficulty, at the moment, of an understanding between 
 the different sections of Churchmen, and the variety of 
 their methods, if not of their attitude, towards Rome. 
 
 T/w Revs. R. Ward and R. G. Macmullen. 1 13 
 
 The first Vicar of St. Saviour's was the Rev. Richard 
 Ward. His appointment had given great satisfaction to 
 Dr. Hook, who at this time knew more of him than Pusey 
 did, and who also recommended him for the appointment. 
 In Lent, 1846, there were at the Vicarage of St. Saviour's 
 four clergy besides the Vicar ; the number was increased 
 in May. Besides the daily morning and evening Services 
 in the church, they observed some of the Hours of Prayer 
 at home. The Holy Communion was celebrated on Sun- 
 days and Holy days. Their poor neighbours welcomed 
 them with the generosity with which, when left to them- 
 selves, the poor will welcome any effort to help them to 
 higher things ; and, at first, the neighbouring clergy were 
 friendly, some of them even intimate. 
 
 Mr. Ward, however, finding himself unable to control 
 and make the most of this concentration of religious 
 force at St. Saviour's, invited Pusey to spend a considerable 
 portion of the Long Vacation at Leeds. This was of 
 course, impossible. In the late autumn, however, Pusey 
 sent the Rev. R. G. Macmullen to Leeds in the hope 
 that he might be able to organize and invigorate the 
 work. When he arrived the situation was somewhat 
 stramed. Mr. Ward had just published a Manual for 
 Communicants, some features of which gave umbrage to 
 Dr. Hook ; he had also, with questionable prudence, Tntro- 
 duced into the Parochial Library the Littlemore ' Lives of 
 the Saints.' A translation of the Breviary, or of portions 
 of it, adapted to the use of the English Church, was in 
 use by the clergy of St. Saviour's in the prayer-room at 
 the Vicarage, in addition to the morning and evening 
 service of the Church of England at the church. And, 
 with regard to all this, a great many incorrect rumours had 
 reached the ears of the Vicar of Leeds. Mr. Macmullen's 
 arrival threw new life and energy into everything. The 
 schools were better organized and attended to; the 
 Wednesday class rose from twenty or thirty to double 
 that number; catechizing on Sunday afternoons was 
 commenced; and the church was crowded on Sunday 
 VOL. III. I 
 
114 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey* 
 
 evenings with listeners to his pointed and effective 
 sermons. 
 
 But he also helped to bring matters to a crisis. On All 
 Saints* Day he preached a sermon on the Intercession of 
 the Saints. It would be very difficult to prove the sermon 
 to be condemned by any formulary of the Church of 
 England ; but a complaint concerning it was made to the 
 Bishop of Ripon. The Bishop ruled that it was not con- 
 trary to the doctrine of the Church of England, but that 
 its silence on certain points was * objectionable.' Hook 
 wrote a somewhat bitter remonstrance to Pusey. The 
 clergy of St. Saviour's, he said, were undoing all that he 
 had been endeavouring to do for ten years. They were 
 strengthening the hands of infidelity ; they were using the 
 Church of England to propagate the principles of Popery ; 
 in fact they were unprincipled men, against whom he would 
 wage a war of extermination. Of Pusey himself Hook 
 complains that he had planted ^ a colony of Papists * in the 
 heart of Leeds. 
 
 *You have sent Mr. Macmullen here, and he is acting as Curate, 
 without the Bishop's licence ; I hope the Bishop, now that he knows 
 this [respecting the sermon], will send him to the right-about ; so 
 that when, having done Romish work in England, he goes over to 
 the Popish Church, where his heart is, he may not refer to this 
 clandestine act * as a proof of there being no discip.ine among us.' 
 
 Hook wrote strongly, as feeling indignant : he could, 
 he said, honour open enemies ; he despised traitors. He 
 was no longer as heretofore * yours affectionately,' but only 
 * yours truly.' 
 
 Pusey, however, knew how to turn away wrath by a soft 
 
 answer. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Christ Church, 
 22nd Sunday after Trinity [Nov. 8], 1846. 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 There is some dreadful misunderstanding somewhere. We 
 have been labouring together these many years for our common 
 Mother, have * walked in the house of God as friends * ; you formerly 
 
 * i. e. his officiating in Leeds wilhout a licence. 
 
 Pusey s Reply io Hook's Charges. 115 
 
 have risked your life for her and for her children. I have in the last 
 year. I felt before my illness that I had been overworked, I was worn 
 out : I laboured often night as well as day ; I had not a feeling of 
 health for more than a whole year of toil and sorrow. I felt that 
 I could not stand it. But what could I do.^ God brought me at that 
 perilous crisis work to do, often thankless ; I cast away everything, so 
 that I might, by God's mercy, retain children of our Church wiThin 
 her. What the extent of misgiving was then, you probably can never 
 know. There was an extensive gloom and despondency among 
 persons who loved our Church and desired to remain in her. I speak 
 strictly when I say that people (clergy also) seemed (in the language 
 of Holy Scripture) ' like the ripe fig, ready to drop into the mouth of 
 the eater ' ; they were panic-stricken ; and as men in a panic needed 
 to be reassured. They seemed bewildered. What a gap f/iey stood 
 in, who at that time cheered their brethren by their own confidence 
 and faithfulness to the Church of England, God knows : I suppose 
 man will never know. May He forgive the imperfections of any of us 
 m so doing, Whom in it we desired to serve, and accept our imperfect 
 service, although men call us ' traitors ' for it. We are men, my dear 
 friend, frail fallible men ; I am a sinner, chief of sinners ; I cannot 
 doubt that I have not the discernment I should have had, had I been 
 holier ; I do not vindicate anything I did ; it was, of course, full of 
 imperfections ; but I was not and am not a ' traitor ' ; I risked, as 
 I said, everything for the Church of England : had I had any mis- 
 giving, I could not have done what I did ; I did faithfully, according 
 to the wisdom which God gave me, what I did, as to Him, and for 
 His Church, of which He has made me, unworthy, a minister, and 
 I do trust that He overruled my imperfections to His ends, and that 
 you, my dear friend, will live to see the fruit of our joint toils and of 
 those of His other servants. 
 
 All this is a long tale about /; I do not, in itself, mind if any one 
 blames me ; I deserve it, if not for what they blame, yet for something 
 else; but these * unhappy divisions' are doing countless harm, and 
 therefore I wish to clear myself to you, not of miserable imperfections, 
 but of having any other end than that of performing, according to the 
 ability He has given me, the office He has assigned me as a minister 
 of the Church of England. 
 
 The conflux of clergy at the consecration of St. Saviour's was no 
 doing of mine ; my only thought in the course of sermons which were 
 preached was to win souls to Christ. But God did make it an occa- 
 sion of strengthening many a faint heart ; and if you could know how 
 devoted ministers of the Church of England, not yielding to yourself in 
 loyalty to her, have thanked me with tears in their eyes for my labours 
 during the past year, you would think otherwise of me than you do. 
 
 And now, my dear friend, let me tell you that I stand on no other 
 ground than yourself, that of Ken, Andrewes, and Bramhall— the 
 primitive, undivided Church. . . . 
 
 I % 
 
 L.L -—..Jt-—^..- -a 
 
ii6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 In principle, surely then, my dear friend, we are one; and if in 
 details we differ, or if you think it your duty to speak against the 
 Church of Rome, and I think it best to be silent, surely this difference 
 is not such that you should change * yours affectionately ' into * yours 
 truly.' 
 
 After dealing in detail with all the charges, Pusey passes 
 to a more interesting topic which had been raised in 
 Hook's letter, and often since — the relation of Newman 
 and his friends to the young Rationalistic school which 
 was then growing in Oxford. 
 
 Will you listen calmly to one word about Rationalism and Infidelity? 
 I do not say that there has not been some great sin in Roman Catholic 
 countries which has occasioned infidelity in France, Spain, and Italy ; 
 and I have been accustomed to appeal to the state of things in France 
 when people were harassed by the much lesser evils among ourselves. 
 But you must not be one-sided. Modem Rationalism is not the growth 
 of Romanism. It had its root in English ground, whether in the 
 hypocrisy of degenerate Puritanism or the licentiousness of the Cava- 
 liers. By God's mercy it was removed from us ; but it was translated 
 to France, and in Germany it, far more than * French frivolity' 
 (although Voltaire had his miserable influence), was the parent of 
 German Rationalism. The decayed Lutheranism and Pietism resisted 
 for a while, but, having no intrinsic life, while resisting fell into its 
 arms. Whatever Rationalism there is at Oxford or Cambridge (and 
 here, I trust, its extent has been much exaggerated) is of German 
 origin. I dreaded it twenty-one years ago. It was repelled for a time, 
 when it showed itself in Dr. Hampden's Lectures, but they who chiefly 
 opposed it were put down, and it has sprung up afresh through pupils 
 of Dr. Arnold's. Its origin is ultra- Protestant in Germany ; it was 
 brought here by those who Germanized, Liberals. It existed indepen- 
 dently and anterior to any teaching of Newman's (these are simply 
 matter of fact and dates), it shows itself among those, of course, who 
 are opposed to Catholic truth. The ' Fathers ' find no more favour at 
 its hands than the Middle Ages ; you and I no more than Newman. 
 Of course, it is glad to take hold of the secessions to justify itself ; but 
 it hates your teaching just as much as it does mine, and speaks with 
 contempt of both of us, and says that Rome is, at least, clearer and 
 more definite. Forgive me then, but it is not (as matter of fact) true 
 that * N. and those others were (God forbid) the agents of the Evil 
 One, in bringing Rationalism into Oxford.' It is clearly contrary 
 to dates and facts. Newman, while he was with us, was its most 
 powerful and successful antagonist. 
 
 I have tired your patience, my dear friend. You have turned my 
 * joy into heaviness' : there is enough to weigh one down now, and you 
 add to the burden. I was gladdened at the prospect of new churches in 
 
 F 
 
 
 9 
 
 Enquiry by the Bishop, nj 
 
 Leeds, and the good of which I know St. Saviour's has been the 
 instrument (although it would only seem mockery to tell you of this 
 now), and you write me a letter enough to break one's heart, but that, 
 notwithstanding my sins, I still trust in God. 
 
 And now, in the Name of our Master and only Saviour, Whom we 
 both alike wish to serve, to Whom we are each to render an account, 
 'judging nothing before the time,' and * not judging Another's servant,* 
 may I ask you to pray Him, the God of all peace, that if it be to His 
 praise and glory. He would make this to end in peace ? Or would 
 you use, if you do not, the prayer for Unity in our Common Prayer- 
 book ? 
 
 God be with you and bless you always. 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 I am quite sure, however it has come about, that this misunder- 
 standing is the work of Satan, and that Ward, Macmullen, and Case 
 are devoted servants of our Church. 
 
 It would be too much to say that Hook was satisfied. 
 But a man of his generous nature could not but be touched 
 by Pusey's appeal. ' I am sincerely sorry/ he wrote, ' that 
 I have hurt your feelings, and I pray you to forgive me.* 
 Pusey must not suppose that Hook meant to call him a 
 traitor, or to imply that he had acted dishonourably. He 
 thought, however, that appearances were against the clergy 
 of St. Saviour's, and added, ' I have now stirred you up, 
 and shall remain quiet for the present.' 
 
 Pusey set himself to find out, if he could, the true state 
 of the case at St. Saviour's. But he found that the matter 
 had passed out of his hands. A long series of complaints 
 against St. Saviour's had been brought before the Bishop 
 of Ripon. Mr. Ward had had an interview with the 
 Bishop, had explained the story about the Lives of the 
 Saints and the use of the Breviary, and had submitted 
 his own tract on the Holy Communion to the Bishop's 
 judgment. The Bishop was taking time to consider his 
 decision with regard to the book, and the continuance of 
 Mr. Macmullen at St. Saviour's. 
 
 Pusey then turned to Hook, whom he hoped to per- 
 suade to adopt a more tolerant and unsuspicious attitude 
 towards the clergy of St. Saviour's. 
 
ii8 
 
 It 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 My dear Friend, Christ Church, Nov. 14, 1846. 
 
 I thank you for your lucid letter. I will not enter any more 
 into controversy now ; it does no good : what we want, by the mercy 
 of God, is peace and charity and humility. Things are, by His mercy, 
 in a better state than they were last year: I hope that the worst is 
 over. But if you would believe me, who have seen more of their minds 
 than you, the one thing which above all the rest has been shaking 
 men's minds, is the embittered temper of men against each other. 
 There must be a secret Presence of His Good Spirit, which keeps the 
 ship together ; else it seems that it must go to pieces, so little is there 
 of that pitch with which the Ark was held together. Christian love, of 
 which the Fathers say that the pitch wherewith it is recorded that the 
 Ark was covered within and without is a type. 
 
 I am sure that we must bear with one another, and not assume that 
 what one's self sees or thinks to be the teaching of the Church of 
 England must be so clear to others, that they are dishonest if they do 
 not hold it. I believe that if you were to select any one portion in the 
 Church and make it a standard for the whole, so that all who do not 
 agree with it should leave the Church, you would leave it a mere 
 handful. We cannot afford to part with the Evangelicals as a body, 
 nor all who at present deny Baptismal Regeneration. Our sins have 
 brought us into this state of confusion ; and we must pray God to 
 pardon them and bring us out of it. I never could use the language, 
 that Low Church [people] ought to leave the Church. If we could but 
 obtain rest, not 'biting or devouring one another,' we might hope, 
 while we each seek God, to meet with one another in Him. But while 
 there is all this bitter railing, and people are 'throwing dust into the 
 air,' they will never understand one another, nor come to the truth. 
 Many in the Church of England think of you just as ill as they do of 
 me. They cannot help it. The Church of England was, in great 
 measure, asleep, and let them learn earnest religion where they could, 
 and so many an earnest mind sucked in truth and error together. We 
 cannot turn round now upon the Evangelicals, when but for the sin of 
 the Church they would (at least the good among them) have learnt from 
 her the full Gospel of Christ. We must have patience with one another 
 and pray God. The Evangelicals think you are not of the Church of 
 England ; you that they are not. You think that I go beyond the 
 Church of England and the Fathers, I suppose ; I believe that because, 
 as the Church of England directed me, I follow the 'old Catholic 
 Doctors,' I teach and hold the doctrines of the Church of England. 
 Who is to judge between us ? If you were to appeal to the Bishops, 
 many of them would condemn yourself. You think I have left my old 
 principles ; I aver that I have not. ... We look at things, prominently, 
 from two different points of view ; you have one set of evils chiefly in 
 your eye, I (may be) another. Let us each pray for grace to do what 
 
 Hookas Standard of Doctrine. 
 
 119 
 
 God gives us to do with a single eye to His glory, and not to judge one 
 another, and (as in the case of Midian) every one turn his sword against 
 his fellow. . . « 
 
 I have entire confidence in Ward, as a loyal son of the Church of 
 England ; but one must set one's ' face like a flint,' else it would be 
 enough to bewilder any one to be told, ' You do not belong to us ' ; 
 'go'; 'it was an honest act in those who went,' &c. You recollect 
 the story of the Dervish, who was persuaded at last that his dog was 
 a sheep, every one telling him so ; if it were not for one's love for the ' 
 English Church, and for strong feelings against some things in the 
 Roman, and for real sympathy in some people, it were almost enough 
 to make one doubt whether one stood on one's head or one's feet. I am \ 
 sure many who might have been good members of the English Church { 
 have been edged overboard so. 
 
 God be with you and bless you, my dear friend. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 But Hook seems to have regarded Pusey 's letter as 
 a ' declaration of open war.* He himself, without claiming 
 to be Pusey's equal in learning, had read the ante-Nicene 
 Fathers, the chief works of St. Chrysostom and St. 
 Augustine, and our best English divines. He could not 
 agree with Pusey in thinking that we can go to the old 
 Catholic doctors to judge the Church of England. 
 
 * The Church of England,' he continues, ' took them for her guide 
 when she reformed herself— here was her principle. Upon her prin- 
 ciple we may act, but then we must always act in subjection to what 
 she ruled at the Reformation — i. e. provided in her Formularies. With 
 all deference to you, / think that the Reformers were as likely to know 
 what was really Catholic and primitive as you are ; and what, accept- 
 ing their teaching. Convocation was overruled by Divine Providence 
 to adopt— that I receive as the voice of the Catholic Church.' 
 
 After some further observations, he proceeds : — 
 
 * And now, my dear Pusey, let us continue to respect and love, but at 
 the same time to understand, one another. I shall continue to oppose 
 the corruption of one Sacrament when the grace of Baptism is denied, 
 and the corruption of the other Sacrament when the doctrine of the 
 Mass is introduced. I shall contend against Romanism in our Church, 
 as well as against Evangelicalism. You may do, and your friends at 
 St. Saviour's, as you think proper. My people will be warned, and 
 that is enough for me. As by my carelessness they have been exposed 
 to danger, I must be doubly diligent on this point. . . . 
 
 ' I repeat it. Take your stand openly against me at St. Saviour's, 
 
I20 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 and I shall be the greatest of all possible friends with you all. We can 
 go down and hold conference with the officers in an enemy's army, as 
 was often done in the late war. But I cannot permit light and dark- 
 ness, sweet and bitter, to be confounded, and whether the light and 
 the sweet be with me or the good folks of St. Saviour's, I must pro- 
 claim that the difference between us is on essentials. Ward is not 
 loyal to the Church of England. He has himself told me and written 
 to me that to the Church of England he could not defer. He is, 
 therefore, to me a heretic. 
 
 * Yours affectionately, 
 
 *W.F. Hook.' 
 
 In the postscript to this letter, Hook formally states his 
 complaint against Pusey: — 
 
 * And what do I complain of.? I complain of your building a church 
 and getting a foot in my parish to propagate principles which I detest 
 —having come under the plea of assisting me to propagate the prin- 
 ciples I uphold : I complain of your having selected one to oppose me 
 and my principles who approached me as a friend, and who now 
 admits that in so doing he did wrong, and that before he undertook 
 to oppose me by causing a division in Leeds, he ought to have reflected 
 that he was not the proper person to have been your agent. I have 
 said to him and he has wept— Et tu Brute? 
 
 *It is really cruel, mere Jesuitism, thus to misrepresent the injured 
 party— the party injured through an excess of charity, as the perse- 
 cuting party. It is wicked. 
 
 * Now that you declare open war you will find me liberal enough ; 
 but while you were stabbing me under the fifth rib with a smile I had 
 a right to speak out. Oh ! Pusey, do seek for simplicity of mind— but 
 even here I am charitable : I hope you are deceived.' 
 
 There was no doubt at bottom a theological difference 
 between Hook and Pusey. Pusey thought that the appeal 
 of the Church of England at the Reformation to antiquity 
 was to be taken seriously ; Hook practically regarded it 
 only as a useful controversial weapon against the Church 
 of Rome. If the Church of England appealed to antiquity, 
 so Pusey argued, she meant antiquity to be studied and 
 followed by her children ; Hook maintained that the ideas 
 of the Reformers about antiquity were practically final, 
 and that to differ from them was disloyal to the Church 
 of England. Thus they read the ancients with different 
 eyes: Pusey desired to know exactly what they meant 
 and to follow it; Hook was willing to agree with the 
 
 w 
 
 Misunderstandings, 
 
 121 
 
 Fathers so far as they were in agreement with the Re- 
 formers of the sixteenth century. Pusey had no doubt 
 that on such grave subjects as the Papal claims or the 
 cultus of the Blessed Virgin Mary, antiquity, honestly 
 cross-questioned, was distinctly favourable to the Anglican 
 'position ; although there were other subjects, such as 
 prayers for the faithful departed, or the Eucharistic Sacri- 
 fice, as to which the English Church does not speak with 
 the clearness of primitive antiquity. Hook thought that 
 Anglican silence involved a prohibition of primitive doc- 
 trine, i^usey was convinced that it ought to be interpreted 
 by the appeal of our Reformation to antiquity, and that 
 single divines were at liberty to go beyond English formu- 
 laries in this direction, so long as they did not contradict 
 any explicit statements. 
 
 He therefore could hardly accept Hook s language as 
 to the documents of the Reformation being practically 
 infallible and irreformable. After elaborating his own 
 belief, he continues: — 
 
 * Forgive me, my dear friend : I know, in your love for the Church 
 of England, it pains you if it be not thought perfect ; yet others may, 
 with good George Herbert, sigh over that in "the second Reforma- 
 tion which did not reach the first " and yet be true sons of the Church 
 of England.* 
 
 He then adds, with reference to matters at Leeds : — 
 
 * You talk about fighting, protesting. Popery, (Sec. I really do not 
 know what you are fighting about, what you wish to protest against. 
 The Breviary was never used, the English Lives of the Saints was 
 withdrawn ; the little book on the Holy Eucharist is before the Bishop. 
 Surely, since the appeal has been made to the Bishop things may be 
 left with him. St. Saviours is (as you intended by the Act you pro- 
 cured) a distinct cure. You are no more responsible for St. Saviour's 
 than for London. True, it was built because you wished it, and, out of 
 love for you, there rather than elsewhere. Yet, legally, you gave no 
 consent to its being built. It was built under an Act for building 
 Churches, without leave of the Incumbent. You have diminished 
 your income (God be praised Who put it into your mind) and your 
 responsibilities too. You and 1, I imagine, have no further responsi- 
 bility as to St. Saviour's. It is with the Bishop. But I do hope well, 
 and that you will find hereafter, that St. Saviour's has taken from you 
 a heavy weight, 6000 souls, and will not prove a thorn to you. 
 
122 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * It makes my heart bleed to see all this division ; when I had hoped 
 that much good would be done both by this and the Church of All 
 Saints, and another, which will be the fruits of St. Saviour's. " O pray 
 for the peace of Jerusalem," and, I speak in deep, real earnest, that 
 God will forgive me those sins, for which what I had hoped to be to 
 His glory, seems to become an occasion of further division.* 
 
 Hook had his rejoinder : — 
 
 Nov. 1 8, 1846. 
 
 *You tell me I have no more to do with St. Saviour's than with 
 London. Be it so. But if my neighbour has a hornet's nest close to 
 my garden gates, and my children are likely to be stung by them, 
 I must ask him to remove the nest or I send to the constable. And if 
 there be Romanizing at St. Saviour's I shall send to the Right Reverend 
 Constable — come what will.' 
 
 After discussing Pusey s statement that St. Saviour's was 
 built under an Act of Parliament, and after pointing out 
 that, had he chosen to do so, he could have built the church 
 himself, Hook proceeds : — 
 
 * I must beg to inform you that I am not a Cranmerite— neither can 
 I look upon our Reformation as you do. It seems to me to be the 
 Low Church view. I receive the Formularies as reformed by Convoca- 
 tions of the English Church— the last Reformation being in 1662. 
 I am glad to know that the Reformers in all the Convocations took for 
 their principle the Bible and the Primitive Church. They knew what 
 was best. They acted under Divine guidance, and I wish not to go 
 beyond them. I do no^ think the Church of England perfect, and if 
 a Convocation is called to carry on the Reformation further, I shall 
 probably take my place, if elected as a proctor, on the Reform 
 benches.' 
 
 It is not necessary to quote more than the conclusion of 
 
 Pusey 's reply. 
 
 [Nov. 19, 1846]. 
 It is not for me to dissuade you from appealing to the Bishop as 
 to St. Saviour's whenever there is real ground for it. But, my dear 
 friend, you must know full well that the major part of what we hear 
 is a lie. * Fama mendax' urges Tertullian, when people believed lies 
 about Christians. I never heard a story about myself which I did not 
 know to be more or less a lie. ... But again, it is very different 
 to tell the Right Reverend Father of a diocese and to warn people 
 against a church. If he on closer inspection pronounces the supposed 
 hornets to be bees, even //the honey be not quite of the same colour 
 and taste as yours; yet still if he allows them to get their honey 
 where they will, or to make it, why then you must be quiet, and not 
 
 More Misunderstandings, 123 
 
 say that the honey is poison. We are forbidden by a wise Canon 
 to preach against neighbours' sermons, without first going to the 
 Bishop. What else is it to warn people either publicly or privately 
 against St. Saviour's ? I am sure one cannot be too cautious about 
 what one repeats. What if one should have sown dissension, by 
 repeating unwittingly of a brother what is untrue ? . . . 
 God bless you ever. 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 I wish you could have provided all Leeds with churches without 
 any help from me. If churches are built even out of envy and strife 
 I hope God will overrule it to good. 
 
 Hook replied : — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Ti/r,r T.^.^ T- Vicarage, Leeds, Nov. 20, 1846. 
 
 MY DEAR Friend, ** ' ' > ^^' 
 
 As I have no time to waste in special pleading, I shall tell you 
 what I shall do. 
 
 Knowing St. Saviour's to be a semi-papal colony, however careful 
 the clergy there may be to keep within the letter of the law, I shall 
 take an early opportunity, and I expect one soon to offer, of speaking 
 of it as I think, and so of disconnecting it in men's minds from 
 Leeds. 
 
 I 7?iust warn persons against having any connexion with the estab- 
 lishment there, because it was through my blindness that the church 
 was permitted to be built; and I am, therefore, in duty bound to 
 prevent the mischief from extending further. The affliction and curse 
 hath befallen me because of my sins— but these sheep, what have they 
 done? 
 
 That I shall repudiate St. Saviour's is decided— //^«/ will depend on 
 circumstances. 
 
 Do not write upon this subject any more, for it is useless. When 
 I compare your defence of St. Saviour's with what goes on there, 
 you only make me the more suspicious. You are either incorrectly 
 informed, or you have got into the habit of defending a cause. I am 
 not going to argue with you. If you are, as you say you are, agreed 
 with me in principle, instead of writing, you will set to work to eradi- 
 cate Romanism at St. Saviour's. If in your attempt to do so you fail, 
 then we shall be in the same boat. I do not care for what men say : 
 I look to what they do. What you have done is to send Romanizers 
 here— one of them the friend of some of the late perverts ;— if glided 
 or in ignorance, try to prevail upon them to resign. Undo what you 
 have done, or at least attempt it. If you either cannot or will not, 
 do not write any more. All you can say is that you think that they 
 are not Romanizers— and all I can say is that, as I know them to be 
 Romanizers, I shall warn all men of the danger of touching pitch. 
 
124 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 As to yourself— you tell me that our principles are the same. I re- 
 joice to hear it, as I, of course, believe mine to be right. . . . 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 . . . Bennett writes me word that Dodsworth's three curates are 
 gomg over to Rome. How long before the clergy of St. Saviour's will 
 follow them ? 
 
 Pusey was ready to break off the correspondence about 
 St. Saviour's as Hook desired. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 My dear Friend, Christ Church, Nov. 21, 1846. 
 
 Once more, do not hastily believe reports. Mr. Bennett's 
 mformation is inaccurate. One of Dodsworth's curates, Gordon, has 
 left him : the other two have not, and have no intention of doing so. 
 When will there be an end of circulating groundless reports? 
 
 I shall not trouble you again, in private, about St. Saviour's. But 
 let me earnestly ask you this. You say ' this affliction and curse ' and 
 your previous ' blindness ' befell you ' because of your sins.' Then let 
 us humble ourselves and pray God to guide us. I hope to do so, and 
 especially this Advent, and you will pray for me. And you, my dear 
 friend, while you attribute the building of St. Saviour's to your sins, do 
 not seem even to suspect that your vehement excitability, and hard 
 judgements of others and readiness to believe evil of them, can be in 
 part from the same infirmities. 
 
 I have no reason to fear lest Ward and his friends should leave us. 
 But your (forgive me) intolerance is enough to disturb any one who 
 is not firmly settled. Do let us humble ourselves, and remember the 
 Judgement Day when we must give account of all our acts and words 
 and want of charity and 'believing evil,' and pray God to 'guide our 
 feet into the way of peace.' 
 
 Will you use with me the Seven Penitential Psalms daily and give 
 yourself wholly to God to guide you, not forestall what it ought to*be ? 
 Anything done against St. Saviour's will shake very many hearts 
 through the kingdom. 
 
 Farewell. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 There can be no doubt that Hook was better informed 
 than Pusey as to the drift of Ward's mind. If Hook 
 was too suspicious to be always capable of an equitable 
 judgment, Pusey was too sanguine to be accurate in his 
 estimate of what men, whom he loved and trusted, were 
 
 Hook more urgent, 125 
 
 likely to do. The day before Pusey last heard from Hook, 
 he received a letter from Ward, which showed that there 
 was more reason than he had supposed for anxiety as to 
 Ward's position as regards the English Church. 
 
 The Bishop meanwhile had decided on the matters sub- 
 mitted to him. He took exception to the particular form 
 in which Ward had stated the Eucharistic Sacrifice and 
 Presence, and he desired Mr. Macmullen to retract the 
 assertion that the Blessed Virgin intercedes, — a retractation 
 for which it surely would be difificult to allege authority 
 either from Scripture or the formularies of the Churc^h of 
 England. Hook, in the meanwhile, made up his mind 
 that the present administration of St. Saviour's must come 
 to an end. On his return from Bishopsthorpe, where he 
 had been on a visit, he wrote to Pusey as follows : — 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 My dear Pusey, Vicarage, Leeds, Dec. 12, 1846. 
 
 / call upon you in Ihe name of God most solemnly, to persuade 
 Ward to resign, to withdraw Macmullen and Case, and to give the 
 patronage of St. Saviour's to the Bishop. 
 
 This, after serious reflection, I am convinced is the only way in 
 which you can make reparation for the mischief which you have, 
 unintentionally, done to the cause of Christianity in Leeds. 
 
 If you refuse to act on this solemn appeal made to you in the name 
 of our God and Saviour, we must labour for Ward's suspension, and 
 the Bishop, having sequestered the living, will I trust place a man 
 there who will do his duty. 
 
 You have made me a truly wretched man. What my course ought 
 to be, whether to leave Leeds or not, I do not yet know. 
 
 Yours still affectionately, in the hopes that you will take the honest 
 straightforward course I have pointed out. 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 Before Pusey's reply could reach Hook an incident had 
 occurred which put an end to any friendly relation between 
 Ward and the Vicar of Leeds. On December 15, Hook 
 delivered a lecture at the Leeds Church Institution on 
 *The Three Reformations, Lutheran, Roman, Anglican,* 
 by way of making his own position clear in the eyes of 
 his parishioners. A scene which took place at the close 
 
126 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of his lecture is thus described by himself, in a more than 
 usually vehement letter to Fusey. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 [Dec. 19, 1846.] 
 
 Mr. Ward came out of St. Saviour's parish into the parish of Leeds 
 on Tuesday, and after I had read a lecture to my parishioners on the 
 Via Media, attacked me with a fierceness which nothing but a doubt 
 of his sanity at the time could justify, exhibiting a specimen of a want 
 of recollectedness and self-control not creditable to your party. But 
 I have forgiven him, and he saw, I hope, his error. He then publicly 
 asserted that in vindicating the Via Media I was opposing principles 
 for which the clergy of St. Saviour's were responsible. They have not 
 only, on this ground, shaken the faith of persons unfortunately con- 
 nected with them, but in spite of the Homilies they proclaim that it is 
 sinful to speak against the Church of Rome. But when I say this, 
 I know that I shall be silenced by special pleading. 
 
 But now comes a point on which no special pleading can be avail- 
 able. Mr. Ward deliberately declares, and has written to me stating 
 the fact, that he and the clergy of St. Saviour's were sent to Leeds 
 for the purpose of opposing my principles : that my principles of the 
 Via Media are precisely those which they are commissioned to oppose 
 more strongly than the Evangelical. On my remonstrating with him on 
 the impropriety of a person like himself, under many obligations to me, 
 and always having expressed gratitude — taking a situation for the very 
 purpose of opposing me in my own parish— he has been overwhelmed 
 with grief, and says that such is the fact, though he cannot justify it. 
 
 Now, dear Pusey, did I deserve this at your hands ? I have stood 
 by you when you were, as I thought, misrepresented and persecuted : 
 I have placed my own character in jeopardy as a sound Anglican 
 to defend you. And you repay me by approaching me as a friend, 
 offering to obtain a new church for me — in my parish— while all the 
 while you were organizing a plan to oppose me ! ! Is this acting like 
 a Christian .'* Is this (which I had strong grounds to suspect long 
 since, but which is now not only admitted but proclaimed) conduct 
 that can be justified by any but a Jesuit? Do not mistake me— I do 
 not think you are a Jesuit ; but I believe you to be under the influence 
 of Jesuits. Your own representatives here say as much; they seem to 
 admit that you were only the puppet while others pulled the strings. 
 
 You say that if you cannot carry all your points against the Bishop 
 many will leave the Church of England. This is a thing to be desired. 
 The men at St. Saviour's, if honest men, must leave the Church of 
 England; and I suspect now that they are prohibited from serving 
 Rome through the Church of England, they will do so. Whether you 
 ought to go, I cannot take upon myself to say. . . . 
 
 You must not wonder at my not signing myself yours affectionately. 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 Pusey s Defence, 
 
 127 
 
 Pusey could but immediately deny, with the most solemn 
 emphasis, any intention of offering the slightest opposition 
 to the great work which Hook was doing at Leeds. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 My dear Friend, Christ Church, Dec. 20, 1846. 
 
 I am just returned from the Ordination and Holy Communion. 
 I only write this line to say that what you tell me about Ward's being 
 sent to oppose you, is wholly unintelligible to me. I never dreamt of 
 anything of the kind. The one object for which I selected Ward was 
 as a laborious parish priest ; who, I hoped, would lead a self-denying 
 strict life, and practise the Cross he preached. I had not one thought 
 of controversy or of anything but of souls being won to Christ. You 
 will recollect how carefully I avoided any topic of controversy, in 
 preaching myself, at Leeds. 
 
 I had not a thought of opposing you, but of carrying on the same 
 work you were doing. There must be some terrible mistake, but 
 wherein it has arisen I know not. You and Ward do not seem able 
 to understand one another. However, before God^ at Whose Altar 
 I have just been^ and Whose Presence I hope I know, I never had 
 even the remotest thought of opposing you in Leeds or anywhere else, 
 either when I asked Ward to accept the charge of St. Saviour's or at 
 any subsequent time, nor, in recommending any whom I did recom- 
 mend, did I act from any other motive, or had any bye-end in view, 
 except simply to send persons who, I believed, would give themselves 
 wholly to the work of their ministry. To have done as you think 
 I have done, would, of course, have been rank hypocrisy. I would 
 have come to Leeds to explain ; only now, my being there would make 
 matters worse. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 P.S. I hold Ward's teaching [in his tract on the Holy Eucharist] as 
 Patristic and not against our Formularies. 
 
 On Christmas Eve, Hook wrote once more, and much 
 to the same effect as before. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Dec. 24, 1846. 
 
 Ward has let my people know that his principles and mine are wide 
 as the poles asunder. This known, when the St. Saviour's people go 
 over to Rome, which I hope they will do soon, persons worthy of con- 
 sideration will see that it has not been the result of my teaching : for 
 the abuse of names I care not a straw, but I am bound to take care 
 that my usefulness here is not interrupted. And so, my good Pusey, 
 
128 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 let us forgive and forget, and after this Christmas Eve let us only 
 remember that we have agreed to differ, and that we will love as 
 differing friends. yours still affectionately, 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 A blessing to you this Christmas. Depend upon it you are mistaken 
 in MacmuUen. 
 
 On this point Hook was right. If he expressed himself 
 with unguarded vehemence, he took the measure of men 
 more accurately than Pusey. Still, it is probable that at 
 St. Saviour's, Hook, by his vehemence, helped in some 
 degree to precipitate the result which they both deplored ^ 
 Whether the secession could have been ultimately prevented 
 It is useless to inquire: as a matter of fact it was precipitated. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 
 Vicarage, Leeds, December 30, 1846. 
 You are aware by this time that Macmullen and his dupes have 
 gone over to the Mother of Abominations, guilty of the deadly sins of 
 
 heresy and schism. 
 
 Ward and Case remain, I suppose to make more dupes : though 
 strong measures must be taken on my part. I cannot permit a church 
 and establishment to remain in Leeds for the destruction of souls 
 without seeking to abate the nuisance. 
 
 I called upon you most solemnly in the Name of the Great God to 
 persuade Ward to resign, and to withdraw your other people. It is 
 now too late to do this entirely, but if you have any sense of honour 
 or of justice you should withdraw Ward and give the presentation to 
 
 the Bishop. 
 
 I must take steps to denounce you and your followers as being 
 
 in my opinion heretics. 
 
 I regard you as such from your last letter. If your view of the 
 Eucharist be not that taken by the Church of England, instead of 
 bending your own spirit to the Church, you must, as you say, leave 
 
 the Church. . . . 
 
 And so farewell. I believe you will be sorry for the incalculable 
 mischief of which you have been the cause : not so your advisers. 
 
 W. F. Hook. 
 
 On Jan. 1, 1S47, Mr. Macmullen and two laymen from 
 St Saviours were admitted into the Church of Rome. 
 
 * Mr. Macmullen said that he owed who bad opened his eyes to the real 
 his conversion to Rome to Dr. Hook, character of the Church of England. 
 
 Marriott at Leeds. 
 
 129 
 
 Had it been possible for Pusey to go and help towards 
 quieting minds at St. Saviour's, it would have been, on 
 every account, desirable that he should have done so. 
 But, as matters stood, his presence in Leeds would only 
 have embittered the breach with Hook ; and with char- 
 acteristic unselfishness, Charles Marriott, as one of the 
 trustees of St. Saviour's, placed himself at Pusey's disposal 
 to be sent to Leeds whenever Pusey wished. Marriott 
 seems at once to have appreciated with accuracy how serious 
 the situation was. His singularly calm and penetrating 
 mind was less liable than Pusey's to that disturbance of 
 the judgment which strong affections often involve ; and 
 men who were awed into reserve by Pusey's position and 
 character, often showed themselves to Marriott in some 
 light which allowed him to see the real state of the case. 
 
 On Jan. 7 he went to Leeds, and on the next day, 
 before seeing Hook, reported to Pusey as follows : — 
 
 *St. .Saviour's, Leeds, Jan. 8, 1847. 
 * There was more to complain of here than you thought for, through 
 MacmuUen's indiscretion (to say the least). And at last, the state of 
 things being what it was, the Bishop was right in strongly pressing 
 his removal. I shall know more before I see you, but I must also say 
 that I am convinced Ward is unequal to his post, and can only be 
 safe here with a man able to lead him in a wise and quiet course. 
 I still deprecate his resigning at present, because it would shock so 
 many, and might harm himself.* 
 
 That same evening Marriott saw Hook. Hook told 
 him that St. Saviour's was a nursery of Romanism. Ward 
 must resign, and the presentation be placed in the hands 
 of the Bishop. Hook ' wished to be considered henceforth 
 an opponent not only of Romanism but of Puseyism.' 
 Marriott's real trouble was to get at the facts. ' I am 
 most puzzled,' he wrote to Pusey, 'by flat contradictions 
 about what Ward has himself said.' Hook's information 
 was second or third hand ; and he was too excited to 
 review it critically. * Hook.' wrote Marriott, * is so hasty 
 in conversation that I do not report him to have said 
 what he has not said twice or three times, and under strict 
 questioning.' When Marriott subjected Ward to what 
 
 VOL. III. K 
 
I30 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I! 
 
 |i 
 
 would appear to have been a severe cross-examination, 
 he could discover in Ward's memory no trace of some of 
 the most irritating things which he was reported to have said. 
 But he also had spoken on the impulse of the moment ; 
 and there can be no doubt that his memory was largely 
 at fault. 
 
 The result of Marriott's mission to Leeds was that Ward 
 agreed to resign St. Saviour's. It went sorely against 
 Marriott's inclination to advise this course ; but he thought 
 that with a *more patient and less variable man/ the trustees 
 might hope to ' quench calumny by lack of fuel.' Marriott 
 saw the Bishop of Ripon, who was of course much pleased 
 at the resignation. But Mr. Ward's own parishioners were 
 by no means satisfied. It is not often that a year s work 
 can command such an expression of confidence and affec- 
 tion as that whereby 322 communicants of St. Saviour's 
 endeavoured to persuade the Bishop not to accept Mr. 
 Ward's resignation. 
 
 * During the whole period/ they plead, *that Mr. Ward has had the 
 charge of us, we have never heard from him either in public or private 
 any teaching which would induce us to join the Roman communion, 
 or tend in any degree to shake our confidence in our Mother the 
 Church of England ; and we beg most respectfully to state our deep 
 conviction, that by the removal of Mr. Ward from ministering among 
 us, whenever it may occur, we shall be deprived of a blessing and 
 a privilege which will not easily be replaced.' 
 
 But the Bishop was inexorable. Mr. Ward had ' weakly 
 yielded to sinister influences'; and had * attempted to 
 establish at St. Saviour's a system foreign to the spirit of 
 our Church.' In such cases it would be unfair to scan too 
 closely the terms in which Bishops announce the decisions 
 at which they have arrived. 
 
 Pusey's next letter to Hook is a very generous acknow- 
 ledgment of his own share in these troubles. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Hook. 
 
 Feb. [5], 1847. 
 I own myself quite mistaken about Macmullen, and that I did much 
 mischief in sending him to Leeds. It will happen to one that one 
 sees one side of a person only, i. e. that he involuntarily shows one 
 
 M»PWP»^W?^9P«i" 
 
 Fresh cause of Disagreement. 
 
 131 
 
 one who had bee! ^^^'Z^Tt ^ .^^STIJ^'\T 
 
 About Case, my dear friend, I was not mistaken. . . . 
 
 th.Vh 1, ?■?',, "^ ^°" ''^'■^ "S^' '" ^^'' 'hat it was of importance 
 that he should have good Anghcans about him, and his Se in 
 one or two mstances was in following the wishes of o^heTs nstead 
 of ruhng them. Macmullen took the lead (as bein? intefwt ?=,n 
 superior person) in a way that he ought not. . . ^ '"'^"=«"aUy a 
 
 One of my greatest sorrows about the Da<!t is th,f ,o <■ t u 
 
 contrihiifpH t,^ t),« „ r ■ """"'• '"« past is, that as far as I have 
 
 ately, and where he might have been eminently useful. . 
 
 E. B. P. 
 Hook was again as affectionate as ever. He was perhaps 
 mak,„g an .dol of h.s parish,' and he ' accepted the punish- 
 ment which St. Saviour's had inflicted on him ' with 
 gratitude.' He had good hopes. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hook to E. B. P. 
 T » t Feb. 6, 1847. 
 
 for^hefmu'e"' The' 'h '"f h"''""". "-"' "^ ^" ''^ '"°- P^^ent 
 lor tne tuture. . . . The chief damage done to me is one in which vou 
 
 canno sympathize. I have lost the confidence of the good ord Church 
 and Kmg men who used to support me because they thought me 
 a supporter of our constitution in Church and State They have 
 fought my battles ; they have felt disgraced by the late proceediSgl! 
 and henceforth they will adhere to the Evangehcals. . . .It has £ 
 .t'htV"''''T l'"^'"" ■"'" "'^' ' ^^'^ ^<^-^°«d, and of late years 
 
 Ma^r^ Ki'"^ ^""" 'i'^'" "^"^ ' ""^"^ '"^'l^ ~°-«rts to godliness 
 May God bless you, my dear friend. S"""ness. 
 
 It might have been hoped that peace was fully re-estab- 
 lished between Pusey and Hook. But further correspon- 
 dence having been necessitated by complications, in part 
 the result of tlie secessions at St. Saviour's, Hook's excitable 
 spirit could not refrain from replying in the following 
 terms.— 'I deserve,' he wrote to Pusey, 'the worst sus- 
 picions; and no one can be blamed for suspecting me to 
 be a Romanizer and a Jesuit because I allowed myself 
 to appear as a friend of yours.' After a letter of singular 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 vehemence he ended by declining all further private corre- 
 spondence ^ Pusey of course could not answer this letter. 
 But within three weeks Hook himself re-opened private 
 correspondence with Pusey, to claim ;f2i2 — the balance 
 of the collection at the Consecration of St. Saviour's, of 
 which he said Ward had ' defrauded ' the church by placing 
 it in Pusey 's hands, while he himself, as Vicar of Leeds, 
 ought to have had control of it. In order to recover this 
 sum he threatened proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts 
 immediately after Easter. Hook added : — 
 
 March 15, 1847. 
 
 Since I wrote last things have taken a turn here. All my people 
 have rallied round me; the Bishop is quietly putting down the 
 Evangelicals, and we shall all be prepared to make our stand against 
 any one whom you and Ward may send to head what you must pardon 
 me for calling the faction which was formed at St. Saviours. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 W. F. HoOK. 
 
 As to the £212 Pusey 's explanation was complete. 
 Before the service at the Consecration, Hook had given up 
 his legal claim on the collection to Ward. The ;f2i2 had 
 been placed in the offertory, on behalf of another person, 
 by Pusey himself; and the money, with the Bishop of 
 Ripon's consent, was being retained for a chapel in St. 
 Saviour's parish. Pusey added characteristically : — 
 
 * If you, notwithstanding your consent on the faith of which I put in 
 the ;£2I2, claim it and the Bishop approves, I will pay you ^212 out of 
 my own income, involved as I am. ;£2I2 is not a sum to quarrel about, 
 much less after so many years.* 
 
 For the rest, Pusey was 
 
 o 
 
 ' very thankful to hear of the turn things had taken, or rather which 
 I hope God has given them. I was deeply pained at the persecution 
 which Jackson told me you were undergoing.' 
 
 Hook dropped his vehemence without changing his tone 
 of suspicion and defiance. He was satisfied on being 
 assured that the money would go to build a church in 
 
 * In this letter Hook falls back from ' Yours affectionately, ' to 
 faithfully.' 
 
 Yours 
 
 mmimmmmmmmgmmmim^ 
 
 -iJ ."...«,»W 
 
 , 
 
 Rev. A. P, ForbeSy Vicar, 133 
 
 Leeds. He frankly told Pusey, however, that he must 
 view with distrust any one whom Pusey might appoint 
 to the incumbency of St. Saviour's. A burnt child, he 
 said, dreads the fire. 
 
 The condition of things at St. Saviour's in February, 
 1 847, is thus described by Pusey to Keble : — 
 
 *Feb. 3, 1847. 
 * St. Saviour's is a complete wreck. The daily service given up, and 
 [the services] only precariously supplied on Sunday by a clergyman of 
 another church, who must be soon worn out, if this goes on. Now the 
 sick are not visited ; the children not taught ; no one can take charge 
 of them.* 
 
 Keble had suggested several names. He advised Pusey 
 to apply to some one whose name would not be associated 
 with their own ; ' some Cambridge man, or some one from 
 St. Columba's.' He added, ' I almost think I would rather 
 let Hook and the Bishop nominate, than incur any serious 
 chance of another outbreak.' All the persons of whom 
 Pusey had at first thought had failed him : Mr. George 
 Williams, of King's College, Cambridge ; Mr. J. H. Pollen, 
 of Merton College, Oxford ; Mr. Hickley, of Trinity Col- 
 lege, Oxford ; and others. 
 
 Pusey then fell back on one of whom he had thought at 
 first, the Rev. A. P. Forbes, of Brasenose College, Oxford. 
 Pusey had heard that Mr. Forbes was to be offered some 
 work at St. Augustine's, Canterbury. On finding that this 
 was not the case, he offered St. Saviour's to Mr. Forbes, 
 who began his work there on Trinity Sunday, May 31, 
 1847. But the new Vicar did not remain long enough at 
 Leeds to justify Pusey's choice. He soon entered on that 
 distinguished career which will be remembered as that of 
 the man who in piety and learning stands first among the 
 modern Bishops of the Church of Scotland. 
 
 St. Saviour's brought Pusey into trouble with many 
 other persons besides Hook. He asked the Bishop of 
 Ripon to allow Mr. Case to remain at St. Saviour's ; and 
 was met by a peremptory refusal, accompanied by a stern 
 reference to ' the danger of the course which ' Pusey * had 
 
.\JABi 
 
 134 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 been long pursuing.' He begged Archdeacon Churton to 
 pray with hkn that the appointment of a successor to Mr. 
 Ward may be to the glory of God, and to the saving of 
 men s gouls, and to tell him if he knew of any simple self- 
 denying (unmarried) priest who would labour to gather in 
 his Master's lost sheep, and preach energetically from the 
 heart to the heart, without technicality or undue love of 
 ceremonial. * I am very anxious,' Pusey added, * that Ward's 
 successor should be one in whom the Bishop could place 
 confidence.' Archdeacon Churton's reply must have shown 
 Pusey hew Isolated he was at this moment. ' I will be no 
 party,' he wrote, * not even by a prayer, to an appointment 
 which is to be made, as it now seems, in contrariety to 
 Hook's wishes. I will therefore only pray that you may 
 be directed to see clearly what the present exigency docs 
 really require.' In a second letter Archdeacon Churton 
 makes an earnest appeal to Pusey to turn the tables on his 
 calumniators, and right himself in the eyes of all true 
 Anglicans, by resigning the patronage, either altogether or 
 for this turn to the Bishop.' But Pusey could not do 
 this. He was pledged to the plan of a college of priests at 
 St. Saviour's ; and although the Bishop would allow him 
 to attepipt this on his own responsibility, Pusey had good 
 reason to think that the Bishop would not himself appoint 
 a man who would be favourable to it. Indeed he had been 
 told that the Bishop * thought daily service a loss of time 
 in a large parish ' : what then would become of the fuller 
 devotional life which it was desirable that an associated 
 body of clergy should lead ? v 
 
 Pusey also asked Archdeacon Manning to suggest a new 
 incumbent ' who could, ever so slowly, build up St. Saviour's 
 after this hurricane from the desert which has swept all 
 away.' Pusey added, ' It is heartbreaking, but one must 
 not choose one's own chastisements.' Manning was ready 
 to try to find a man for the vacant post. But his reflec- 
 tions on the import of what had happened could not but 
 add to Pusey's distress. 
 
 I 
 
 M 
 
 Archdeacon Manning on St. Saviour's, 
 
 Archdeacon Manning to E. B. P. 
 
 135 
 
 Jan. 23, 1847. 
 As to the Leeds event I have felt very truly to share in your dis- 
 appointment and distress-(yet, my dear friend, is heartbreaking a 
 word of the Church ?— I know you only used it esoterically to me)— 
 and, indeed, I regard it as a real disaster to us all. I almost fear to 
 say what my thoughts are about it lest I should seem to censure, or 
 should renew your pain. It appears to me to bring out many sad facts, 
 such as the real disunion among those who were united— 1 mean 
 Hook, and your friends— the real change of Hook's tone-and the im- 
 possibility of uniting with him on the basis he had laid down in his late 
 lecture, &c. All this reinforces those who desire to depose both him 
 and others from all public respect. And I cannot but feel that such 
 events happening one by one at the Altars which have stood as chief 
 signs to be spoken against, do reasonably throw upon the whole body 
 of men we most hold with a public imputation of uncertainty, and 
 secret unsteadiness. I cannot wonder that great and extensive mistrust 
 has grown up. 
 
 You know how long I have to you openly expressed my conviction 
 that a false position has been taken up in the Church of England. The 
 direct and certain tendency, I believe, of what remains of the original 
 Movement is to the Roman Church. You know the minds of men about 
 us better than I do, and will therefore know both how strong an im- 
 pression the claims of Rome have made on them ; and how feeble and 
 fragmentary are the reasons on which they have made a sudden stand 
 or halt in the line on which they have been, perhaps insensibly, movin<r 
 for years. ^ 
 
 It is also clear that they are 'revising the Reformation' : that the 
 doctrine, ritual, and practice of the Church of England, taken at its 
 best, does not suffice them : that the theology of Andre wes, Thorndike, 
 Overall, and Bp. Forbes is too strait for them. All this proves to 
 me that the waters have overpassed the bounds of the Church of 
 England taken at any time since Henry VIII. Of course all this would 
 be found variously and in various measures in various minds— no three 
 exactly agreeing together— which is a chief danger. 
 
 I say all this not in faultfinding but in sorrow. How to help to heal 
 it I do not pretend to say. 
 
 One thing, I trust, will be done. I mean, that no men may be sent 
 to St. Saviour's as to the Infirmary. It is a work too great and good 
 to be risked for the sake of any individual minds. 
 
 I fear this letter will add heavy thoughts to you, but how can we be 
 free from them .? 
 
 May all peace and strength be with you— my dear friend. 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 H. E. Manning. 
 
136 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 As was suggested at the commencement of this chapter, 
 the troubles at St. Saviour's were typical of the difficulties 
 that beset the Church Revival at this moment. It had 
 stirred forces the right guidance of which was a task of 
 no slight difficulty. Some of the young, ardent, unbalanced 
 minds which were influenced by it were in continual danger 
 of following Newman's example. Older and abler adherents, 
 like Manning and Churton, were watching anxiously, but 
 with widely different feelings, to see what would be the final 
 outcome of the Movement. The Bishop of Ripon and 
 Dr. Hook, being themselves in authority, could not but be 
 influenced by the vast mass of excited and suspicious Puri- 
 tanism with which they had to deal ; and, not entirely at 
 one with Pusey on theological principles, they failed to 
 distinguish his present attitude from the general Roman- 
 izing position. Pusey, meanwhile, was endeavouring, with 
 his usual patience and loyalty, to vindicate the Catholic 
 traditions of the English Church, about which he had 
 himself never seriously hesitated. 
 
 It is satisfactory to reflect that, after the troubles and 
 losses of the next few years, the principles which Pusey 
 maintained had vindicated their claim within the English 
 Church ; and Archbishop Longley, Dean Hook, and Dr. 
 Pusey were found working side by side in strengthening 
 and building up the Church to which they were all alike 
 devoted. 
 
 o 
 
 ^ 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PUSEY's isolation — his attitude towards ROME 
 MISUNDERSTOOD— CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. GLAD- 
 STONE — PROJECT OF A COMMENTARY ON HOLY 
 SCRIPTURE — LAST PHASE OF THE HAMPDEN CON- 
 TROVERSY. 
 
 1847-1848. 
 
 At no time in his life was Pusey so largely cut off 
 from human sympathy as during the ten years which 
 followed Newman s secession. During this time he was 
 an object of widespread, deep, fierce suspicion. Some 
 Heads of Houses- would not speak to him when they 
 met him in the street. The post brought him, day by 
 day, from all parts of the country, various forms of insults. 
 by letters signed and anonymous, reflecting on his honesty 
 or his intelligence, as might suit best the writer's fancy. 
 The circle of his old friends— even of those who had not 
 followed Newman— was seriously diminished. Anglicans 
 like Churton, Sewell, and W. Palmer, were more distant 
 than in former years, even if they did not express disap- 
 proval after the fashion of Hook. Not a few of the younger 
 and more brilliant minds, shocked by Newman's secession, 
 yet unprepared to follow him, were already drifting away, 
 under the stress of an unbalanced logic, towards this or 
 that form of infidelity. His intercourse with junior 
 members of the University was more restricted than in 
 former years ; acquaintance with him was regarded by the 
 governing authorities in the University as a reason for 
 viewing those who enjoyed it with suspicion, or as at heart 
 
138 Life of Edward Bouverie Pitsey, 
 
 possible converts to the Church of Rome. If Pusey was 
 visited by Oxford friends, it was more or less by stealth ; 
 if acquaintance with him was avowed, it was, at least in 
 some circles, in a deprecatory and apologetic tone. He 
 was, in the words of a vigorous writer at the time, widely 
 regarded as ' tainted ' ; he * wandered about as an ecclesi- 
 astical Cain, with the Vice-Chancellor's mark on his fore- 
 head, and an Exeter Hall anathema on his head.* 
 
 When, in the Christmas Vacation of 1846, he visited 
 Clifton to be with his only surviving daughter, he was 
 invited to preach in Clifton parish church on Christmas 
 Day. Thereupon two or three of the local Puritans inti- 
 mated their intention of walking out of the church * with 
 marked and significant stampings, the moment he mounted 
 the pulpit.' Such \i ravening wolf from the banks of the 
 Isis'— again to quote the vivid language of the local 
 writer—could not be allowed to devour these lambs at his 
 good pleasure. Nevertheless he was asked to preach by 
 the Rev. H. Richards at Horfield Church on the following 
 Sunday. One who was present describes the scene. 
 
 * The incumbent and curate were officiating ; in a pew under the 
 pulpit m a plain black gown sat the man whose name is known 
 throughout the kingdom- arraigned on the platform of our great 
 cities, and pronounced with something like a supernatural sense of 
 dread by the smallest coteries of the remotest village-one of no hi-h 
 or haughty bearing however, with authority in his eye, or commanding 
 intellect enthroned on his brow, but drooping his head meekly on his 
 breast, he seemed rather to shrink from than challenge observation. 
 Of all the simple people that crowded that simple church not one 
 looked more humble or more unconscious of self, or of the stealthy 
 or fixed glances which were directed to him from time to time by the 
 stray comers, some of whom, I have litde doubt, expected to see the 
 celebrated Pusey (an heresiarch in the eyes at least of half the Church) 
 of some fearful oudine, differing from other men in his form and 
 visage : no horn or cloven hoof, however, protruded to reward their 
 curiosity \' 
 
 The eye-witness proceeds— and it must be remembered 
 that he writes * in all the fervour of his Protestantism ' :— 
 
 » Quoted from the Bristol Times, in the Guardian of Feb. 3, 1847. 
 
 Sermon at Horfield. 
 
 139 
 
 * While the last Psalm was being sung, the Professor left his pew 
 (no officious sexton leading the way), and ascended to the pulpit, on 
 the floor of which he knelt down in private prayer, his upraised hands 
 and grizzled thin hair being the only parts visible, until the singing 
 had concluded, when he rose and prayed in a contrite and almost 
 thrilling tone. Yet was there nothing affected in all this; on the 
 contrary, whatever Dr. Pusey's opinions or doctrines may be, so far 
 as man can judge of man, you would have said his character was that 
 of pious humility and self-abasement. 
 
 * His text was taken from part of the sixth verse of the twenty- first 
 chapter of Revelation. " And He said unto me, It is done. I am Alpha 
 and Omega, the Beginning and the End." Never before did I hear so 
 beautifully evangelical a sermon as this from the man who has given 
 a name to a party which is supposed to represent a different principle 
 in the Church. It had but one fault, it was fifteen minutes too long. 
 Nevertheless, it was listened to throughout by that little crowded 
 church-full with fixed and rapt attention, though it was neither 
 declamatory, noisy, nor eccentric ; but plaintive, solemn, and subdued, 
 breathing throughout, I may say, a beauty of holiness and a Christian 
 spirit so broad and catholic, so deep and devotional, that while the 
 most zealous Protestant could find nothing in it he might not approve, 
 the most bigoted Roman Catholic could not enter an exception to 
 a single expression that it contained. I never recollect so feelingly 
 apposite a sermon for the close of the year, the very last week of 
 which was then lapsing beneath our feet — we seemed, as it were, to 
 look back with him from an eminence, in serious review upon the 
 transactions of the year, ere it had yet passed from our sight, while 
 ever and anon, in touching recurrence and solemn effect, came the 
 words, " It is done," which were every time, with some beautiful 
 feature of novelty, illustrated and enlarged upon. He seemed, how- 
 ever, to love to dwell upon the sad and melancholy ; and his voice, 
 though clear and distinct, had something mournful, and at times 
 almost wailing, about it. The subject and the season, indeed, would 
 seem to invite such a feeling, and at moments you could almost fancy 
 you were hearing some office for the departing year, at the close of 
 which, as if in mournful cadence, came the word (for in the language 
 in which it is written it is but one word) " It is done." There he 
 stood, a plain, and to all appearance, an humble and lowly man, 
 preaching to a simple people, and speaking with the melancholy 
 meekness as of one stricken and tried, yet uncomplaining. The very 
 gloom of the little church (for the four candles by which he had to 
 read his sermon, and which were hardly sufficient to cast a faint 
 reflection on the fixed countenances of the attentive listeners, were all 
 the light which parochial economy could afford) seemed in keeping ; 
 yet this plain and apparently unpretending man, of mild manners and 
 of middle years and stature, who now preached a sermon more 
 perfectly free from controversy than ever I before heard, had himself 
 
140 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 been foremost in the greatest controversy of the age, so as to attract 
 the eyes of the kingdom to his collegiate retirement. 
 
 *"Who be that that preached?" said one young rustic maiden to 
 another as we left the church ; "a monstrous nice man, but dreadful 
 long." 
 
 ' " Don't you know ? " replied the other ; " it is that Mr. Pewdsey, 
 who IS such a friend to the Pope ; but come along, or we '11 be late 
 for tea " ; and away they trotted.' 
 
 The writer's own reflections are worth quoting as 
 showing how much was felt at this date to depend upon 
 Pusey's steadfastness, and how difficult it was for those 
 who did not know him as yet, to be sure that he would be 
 true to the Church of England to the end : 
 
 * Like some lone column, the only one of a stately row which once 
 adorned the portico of some great academy, but which in melancholy 
 senes, one by one, have sunk, undermined, or fallen prostrate, he still 
 stands, though alone. There is a solemn, but sad sense of solitude 
 m the feelmg with which you contemplate him ; while at the same 
 time there is in his very isolation something of insecurity, as though 
 you feared the fate which levelled all the rest awaited him also, and 
 you expected daily to hear that he too had disappeared. Yet, not- 
 withstanding predictions and apprehensions, he still stands: the 
 slender shaft has not snapped under the weight of academic censure 
 and public obloquy that has been heaped upon it ; but 
 
 "By the billow-beaten side 
 Of the foam-besilvered main, 
 Darkling and alone he stands." 
 
 And if in some years more he still remain stationary and stable, 
 still be found occupying his place within the pale of the Anglican 
 Church, I shall regard him with as much triumph and satisfaction 
 as I now watch him with anxiety ; for if he abide with us, he will 
 have established his character for fixed and founded principle, under 
 an ordeal severe and trying. Those who call themselves his opponents ^ 
 in the Church taunt him with duplicity in remaining-they impatiently 
 and petulantly demand the reason of his stay, and inquire why he 
 tarries, after his old associates have passed the line ; while his " old 
 associates " themselves beckon to him with dim fingers from Rome 
 to follow— voices long familiar to him and long loved, I have no 
 doubt, with which he held deep and lofty converse in the shadowy 
 cloisters of Oxford-voices which, even in their fall, must still have 
 fond and affectionate associations for him- these call to him, too, 
 from their delusive retreats at Oscot, «* to come over," nor loiter behind 
 his personal and intellectual friends and literary colleagues. These 
 are things and temptations to try a man's principles and solidity : 
 
 The Strength of the Church of England. 141 
 
 those who are in, wishing to thrust him out, impugning his sincerity 
 and taxing his patience ; and those who are out, appealing to old 
 feelings and old friendships to induce him to follow — tests, light, it 
 is true, to fixed and rooted conviction, but full of peril to Edward 
 Bouverie Pusey, if his principles are as infirm as by some they are 
 represented to be.' 
 
 Pusey might have lessened the suspicion with which he 
 was regarded, if he would have consented publicly to join 
 in those vague popular declamations against the Church of 
 Rome which are the stock-in-trade of Protestant oratory. 
 He did indeed reject, with the deliberation warranted by solid 
 learning, the * modern parts' — as he called them — of the 
 Roman system, and especially those claims to an exclusive 
 Catholicity which involved a denial of Christ's presence 
 and grace in the Church of England^. This he was 
 saying in private every day of his life, by letter or by 
 word of mouth, to those who sought his advice ; but 
 undoubtedly, now as always, he preferred to vindicate the 
 claims of the Church of England by asserting her intrinsic 
 merits, rather than by proclaiming and denouncing the 
 errors of the Church of Rome. 
 
 Thus we find him writing to the Rev. W. J. Copeland, 
 who found his position at Littlemore full of trials, arising 
 from its associations, and the importunities to which he 
 was exposed at the hands of his old friends : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Hay ling I. [Aug. 1847.] 
 
 You have been so accustomed to heartaches these many years, so 
 much more than any of us, daily and hourly, that you can under- 
 stand how the thought of your giving up duty goes through one. 
 Yet you can think it possible that your having been continually with 
 our friends at Littlemore, watched all their movements, seen them 
 gradually losing their hold and letting go, may have insensibly biassed 
 your view of things, not as matter of judgment, but as matter of 
 impression and feeling. It could not be otherwise. It is almost 
 a marvel to me that it has not done so more. It is one of those 
 instances of the great hold which the Church of England really 
 
 * He fully accepted Keble's words, 
 written at this time to the Rev. W. U. 
 Richards : * I am more and more and 
 more surprised how any one professing 
 
 deference for Antiquity should think it 
 necessary to accept the exclusive 
 Roman views.* 
 
142 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 has over those formed in her, and by God's good Spirit in her; and 
 I am persuaded she would not have this power, unless it were given 
 her from above. But every one almost must have felt more or less 
 the influence of merely having doubts continually brought across the 
 mind ; it is like living in an unhealthy atmosphere ; one breathes, 
 inhales it, insensibly. I suppose I myself ohook some people, as 
 being unloyal to the Church of England, although I do believe her 
 to be a great instrument in God's hands, and that His Holy Spirit 
 is lodged in her. . . . 
 
 I do wish you would put down all your difficulties about the Articles 
 in detail and show them to J. K[eble]. Until we do this, we increase 
 our difficulties often, letting them multiply into one another, and each 
 bear the force of all the rest, instead of being single items. There 
 must be some way of signing the Articles rightly, since J. K., who has 
 so much more of God's Holy Spirit, and so much more insight and 
 tenderness, has no difficulty. I am satisfied they are anything but 
 *a condemnation of the generation of God's children,' and only 
 condemn what is really wrong. I cannot think of your giving up 
 without being appalled. 1 know I am not worthy to counsel you 
 about anything, except to go to the father of this Movement, and 
 of each, J. K., and to do what he advises. . . . 
 
 God comfort and guide you. your very affectionate 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Pusey s confidence in the Church of England, and the 
 exact form of his mental attitude towards the Roman 
 Church at this period, appear very clearly in the subjoined 
 letter : — 
 
 My dear 
 
 Your letter and sorrows have been much on my mind, although 
 I could not write as I would. 
 
 I wish you could be employed in some way which would lead you to 
 the Fathers. They have been these many years the same comfort 
 to me, as modern Roman writers have been a discomfort to you. And 
 on the same ground, I cannot think that while the children own their 
 fathers, the fathers would disown their children. I read them, learn 
 of them, live among them, as a child ; adopt their words, say what they 
 say, do not say what they do not. I live in them as my home. I have 
 not gone about proving to myself our identity with them. I feel it. 
 Theirs is my native language : they are familiar accents. But it does 
 impress upon me that the English appeal to Antiquity is something 
 real and substantial. I could preach volumes of St. Chrysostom and 
 St. Augustine without rebuke. I do not think a Roman Catholic could. 
 If I should have a difficulty here and there, from a conjecture as to 
 some intermediate purification, or some invocation of a saint (and they 
 
 The Fathers and Rome, 
 
 143 
 
 are very rare), a R. C. who should preach such courses of sermons, with 
 no mention of St. Mary or of the Saints (for on St. Mary there is entire 
 silence, and Martyrs are mentioned only some few times on their 
 Festivals with regard to miraculous cures by praying at their tombs), 
 would be considered lax or heterodox. I think I have understood that 
 Ave Maria, [or] some commendation to her, is introduced into every 
 Roman sermon. . We have translated straight through, two thick 
 volumes of St. Augustine : all his sermons on the New Testament. 
 There was not a word to explain— nothing which one might not, as far 
 as doctrine is concerned, preach in our English pulpits. I hear they 
 are preached, changing t^e style a little. Now conceive a Roman 
 Catholic preaching 133 sermons without any allusion to any one 
 characteristic doctrine of the modern system ! Should we not be soon 
 at one, if this could be ? And not this only, but St. Augustine's thick 
 folio volume on the Psalms, and half a one on St. John, one might 
 preach through (except for the difference of the Bible, which is neither 
 theirs nor ours). How would not a R. C. be suspected, if he did so ! 
 R. C.s sometimes appeal to Antiquity, and say, * If St. Augustine were 
 to rise and come among us, which would he choose ? ' I cannot but 
 think he would blame both, and bid us be at one in the faith which he 
 taught, the faith once for all delivered to the Saints. But I cannot 
 think that while we cherish him, he would side against us, or take part 
 with them, who could not teach only what alone was taught in his day. 
 And so my own hopes have been that, as we became more penetrated 
 with the spirit of the Fathers, we should meet backward in the parents 
 of both. Can you imagine St. Augustine writing * Ad majorem Dei [et] 
 sanctae Mariae gloriam '— when there is not anything special about 
 St. Mary in all his writings ? Do you not think such a juxtaposition 
 would startle him ? I know how it is defended : still it is a fact, that 
 these things are pressed forward now, and were unknown then. The 
 current tone of devotion which is now made the popular mode of 
 influencing minds is quite different from that which the Fathers would 
 foster, and turns upon another subject. One who wishes us to be 
 gained over to them, suggests a prayer to the Blessed Virgin (just the 
 same prayer as I should use to the Holy Trinity), or says the Rosary 
 of the Seven Dolours of the Blessed Virgin for this [object] ; several 
 others send medals of the B. V. as Dispensatrix of all graces, to be worn 
 by people : (I think, as an act of the will, it might produce its effect.) 
 This is very different from St. Augustine ; and until they come to us with 
 St. Augustine's language and doctrine, I think they must not assume 
 that St. Augustine would condemn us because we do not receive what 
 he did not teach. 
 
 Yet neither did we think, I think, that those holy men of more modern 
 times, from whose books we have learnt, would condemn us now^ I mean 
 where they now are. In the flesh, there may surely be ' invincible 
 ignorance ' on the one side as well as the other ; i. e. the ignorance of 
 long prejudice, accustomed to view the other from one side only, and 
 
144 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 Refusal to Denounce, 
 
 145 
 
 not really understanding it. Most R. C.s are accustomed to nothing 
 but foreign Protestants, a class whose fate and history shows them 
 to be really essentially different from us. Say what people will on 
 one side and the other, bodies which have lapsed almost wholly into 
 Arianism in France, Socinianism in Switzerland, Rationalism in Ger- 
 many, are not akin to us. Nor are the fragments of life among them. 
 That ^ sympathizes with Dissent, not with the Church of England. 
 One need not use many words on this : one may assume it. What 
 marvel then that R. C.s, accustomed to foreign Protestantism, condemn 
 us. But, besides, if they condemn us, it is mostly not upon our doctrine, 
 which they do not know, but on the bare fact of our separation from 
 themselves, and our non-submission to the Roman see. But clearly, 
 as to the right of this, early Antiquity is with us. 
 
 Besides, they condemn us (if they do so) «;?heard. If things had gone 
 on as they did before [W. G.] Ward (as Copeland says), like Phaeton 
 with the chariot of the sun, took the reins out of his father's hands, 
 and threw all things into confusion, England would soon have been 
 Catholicized (I do not mean Romanized in Ward's language). The 
 same great work is going on now, and a far deeper work than in more 
 prosperous days, and far wider. It must have its fruits. The seasons 
 are in God's hands. But when the harvest ripens, Rome must own us 
 as a Church ; and God, we may trust, will make us healthfully one. 
 
 But some of Pusey's best friends were anxious that, 
 because of the distrust occasioned by secessions at St. Sa- 
 viour's, Leeds, he should set himself right with general 
 opinion by some explicit and public statement against the 
 Church of Rome. This Mr. Gladstone had urged, and 
 Pusey replied as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq. 
 
 Christ Church, Sexag. S. [Feb. 8], 1847. 
 
 My dear Gladstone, 
 
 Richards has read me part of a letter of yours, in which, speaking 
 more kindly of me than I deserve, I am sure, you express a doubt as to 
 my present line of public neutrality as to the Church of Rome. 
 
 It would take long to say how I came to this, partly through one 
 I love as a father (not J. H. N.) ; partly through finding the contrary 
 irritate those to whom alone it could be of any use ; partly because 
 I must accompany it, probably, with qualifications still more unaccept- 
 able to those who blame or suspect my silence ; partly because I think 
 we have enough to do at home ; partly because I think it engenders 
 a bad spirit ; and then, personally, because I had no call for it. 
 
 And now my position is wholly changed. Time was when we were 
 allowed to act upon ^ the Church ; Bishops, even if they chiefly censured 
 
 ^ i. e. foreign Protestantism. * i. e. influence. 
 
 us and us alone, still let us go on, and said something of the good done. 
 Now (I do not blame them) they are all against us. When I was 
 condemned for my sermon, not one spoke for me. The Bishop of 
 Exeter half retracted the value of his permission to preach. I can 
 preach in two pulpits in London, and here and there in a village. 
 I could not, even before these troubles, preach at St. Saviour's, although 
 the instrument of building it. All confidence in me is gone. I do not 
 mean that it has not been my own doing ; still it is gone, except among 
 some who love me, and shaken among some of these. 
 
 Everything seems then to withdraw me from attempting to do any- 
 thing for the Church— I mean to act upon her — as a whole. I feel 
 myself a suspected person, go to no meetings, take part in no Societies 
 (though I continue to subscribe). I should only make a thing suspected 
 by taking part in it. 
 
 On the other hand, even before this break-up, God had begun to 
 give me a more individual work, and a large parish, as it were, in the 
 cure of souls who came to me. This showed me part of a great inner 
 work which He has been and is carrying on more deeply now in human 
 souls, than when things were most prosperous. This seems now the 
 work He gives me to do, when He has withdrawn the other. I hope 
 to have done with controversy of all sorts, within the Church of England 
 or without. My sermons on Absolution were not meant to be an 
 exception to this ; but to supply a great practical want. I have been 
 in controversy great part of my theological life ; now I may, if God 
 permit, *go down to my grave in peace.' 
 
 I do not wish to give up any duty which God gives me ; and, of 
 course, what I publish (if God enable me) must act, more or less, upon 
 the Church, by acting (if He permits it) on individual souls in it. 
 
 It was an unusual thing that He gave to presbyters any such office, 
 as seemed to come upon us, unencouraged by Bishops, to fight the 
 battle against heresy, and recall people to forgotten truth. Dear 
 N[ewman] felt this more than I. On looking back to his first Tract, 
 his rallying-cry was ' Our fathers, the Bishops ' ; when they cast him 
 aside, he felt that his work was done. 
 
 I was never under a Bishop, although I wished to think so, and so 
 felt and feel it less. Indeed, I am not depressed, even while I write 
 this. I have full faith in the English Church, even while this storm 
 is on her, and it seems as though she must be let drive, because no one 
 can or will guide her. Yet *wind and storm fulfil His word,' and will 
 carry her whither He will, and those in her to the haven where they 
 would be— Himself. 
 
 In my individual relation to any one, i.e. if any one consults me, I do 
 not omit to speak strongly on the modem part of the Roman system, 
 as a ground for staying where they are. My little books are a tacit 
 protest against it, in that they omit it. 
 
 However, I do not mean that there are not all sorts of faults on my 
 part, and that I have not added much to the confusion. I felt, too, that 
 
 VOL. III. L 
 
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 146 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 r 
 
 in trying to keep others in our Communion, I was throwing away any 
 remaining confidence in [me]. I did it deliberately, and do not com- 
 plain. I am only accounting to you for the line which I, henceforth, hope 
 to keep, unless Bishops should be given us who place any confidence in 
 me : I mean, not to engage in controversy or to interfere in anything 
 which concerns the Church, unless it comes individually to me to do. 
 
 You did not wish for this explanation ; but I thought it due to you, 
 having shown your love for me as to St. Saviour's, and you may show 
 it to any friends whom you do not think it will tend to depress. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 If I did say anything publicly about the Church of Rome, it would 
 be that no good can come of this general declamation against it, 
 without owning what is good and great in it. Many feel this, who 
 love the Church of England deeply. Words like the Bishop of 
 R[ipon]'s * had been moved away from the hope of that Gospel ' seem 
 to them simply shocking. Our protest can, I think, be only healthful, 
 effective, if we allow what we ought and what, if people acquainted 
 themselves with the good side of the Roman system, they would. If 
 ever, as a Church, we should put forth all we can admit as true, we 
 might be listened to as to what we except against. But this vague 
 declamation is sorely against * Caritas.' 
 
 So you see I am not a physician for these days ; and my medicine 
 is stronger than people would take, so I had best keep it to myself. 
 
 Pusey, although constantly forced into a leading position, 
 was genuine in underrating his influence and the effects of 
 his silence. His desire for the present was to work quietly 
 at the projected Commentary and with individuals, and let 
 other men talk. Thus he writes : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq. 
 
 Christ Church, 4th S. after Easter [May 2], 1847. 
 ... If you have any opinion as to anything I could do or undo 
 for the Church, I should be glad to know it. My own bias is to 
 be still. I seem to have an €pyov before me, if it please God, in the 
 Commentary, and I am disposed to work on in that, influencing the 
 Church indirectly, as He may give me to do, but not attempting any- 
 thing directly. I have no call. . . . 
 
 Ever yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone perhaps, from his circumstances, saw 
 more clearly than did Pusey himself how easily his silence, 
 at such a time, might be misconstrued. He had great 
 
 ^ 
 
 Rumours and Contradictions, 147 
 
 doubts whether the world at large understood the strength 
 of disapproval with which Pusey regarded both the seces- 
 sions and the formation of the desire to secede. The tone 
 of Pusey s letters in the end of 1845 might, he thought, 
 have given the impression that Pusey did not take any very 
 strong view of the positive evils and dangers to which, 
 independently of the act of desertion, persons joining the 
 Roman Church expose themselves. 
 
 ^ Pusey s real difficulty in acting as Mr. Gladstone de- 
 sired at this juncture lay in his relations with other minds 
 that were being drawn more or less powerfully ifi a Roman 
 direction. He could not allay the suspicions of one set 
 of friends without forfeiting the sympathies of another set, 
 whose loyalty to the Church of England seemed for 
 the moment largely bound up with their confidence in 
 his power of entering into their troubles and difficulties. 
 He had present to his mind the Divine maxim about 
 breaking the bruised reed and quenching the smoking flax. 
 On the whole he preferred to endure the general and 
 deepening suspicion. Everything, he used to say, will be 
 set right at the Day of Judgment. 
 
 Pusey's difficulties arising out of the secessions to Rome 
 may be illustrated by the case of the Rev. E. G. K. Browne, 
 Curate of Bawdsey, who had become a Roman Catholic at 
 the end of the year 1845. In August, 1847, Mr. Browne 
 travelled accidentally with a Low-Church Irish clergyman, 
 who describes his experience in a letter to the Standard-,— 
 
 * On entering a diligence in the town of Caen, in Normandy, a few 
 evenings ago, I made the usual apologies for disturbing the passengers 
 already seated, when the imperfection of my French (I suppose) drew 
 from a gentleman seated opposite, the inquiry concerning myself and 
 a companion, "English, I presume, gentlemen.?" On our replying 
 in the affirmative, quick was the rejoinder, " So am I." And not long 
 after the avowal, " I was lately a clergyman of the Anglican Church : 
 I am now a Catholic, and hope soon to be admitted into the Order of 
 Jesuits." 
 
 * The speaker was a young man of very spare habit, quick, lively 
 eye, but so exceedingly boyish in appearance, that I was induced to 
 ask, " Do I understand you rightly that you had taken Orders in the 
 Church of England ? " to which the reply was " Yes ; I was the 
 
 L % 
 
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 ^•e<w 
 
 r«wa 
 
 148 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 r 
 
 Rev. George Browne for eighteen months, but I am now a layman 
 again. I left the Church of England by the express advice of 
 Dr. Pusey, whose last words to me were, * Mr. Browne, you had 
 better go to Rome, and God go with you '." ' 
 
 This sensational statement was met by a direct contra- 
 diction. 
 
 * It seems best to say,' wrote Pusey, * once for all, that if any person 
 ever said anything of the sort he was guilty of wilful untruth. I never 
 advised any individual whatever to go to Rome or to leave the 
 English Chqrch. Such advice mostly comes from a very different 
 quarter.' 
 
 Meanwhile, before reading Dr. Pusey's letter, Mr. Browne 
 corrected the Irish clergyman's account of his own report 
 of Dr. Pusey's advice. 
 
 *I never used the words he [the Irish clergyman] attributes to me, 
 but said that the worthy and excellent Dr. Pusey advised me to the 
 following effect. " If, Mr. Browne, you cannot bring your mind to 
 believe in the Apostolic Succession of the Anglican Church, go to 
 Rome, and God go with you. But if, on the contrary, you are con- 
 vinced, after diligent study, that we possess the Apostolic Succession, 
 then remain where you are." ' 
 
 But if the Irish clergyman's memory had done an 
 injustice to Mr. Browne, Mr. Browne had done, however 
 unwittingly, a greater injustice to Dr. Pusey. Pusey's last 
 statement is sufficiently explicit : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the ' Morning Herald.' 
 Sir, 
 
 I see in a letter of Mr. Browne, republished by the Gtiardian^ 
 that he says that I did not advise him to * go to Rome,* but, hypo- 
 thetically, to the effect that, if he were not convinced that we had the 
 Apostolic Succession, he should go to Rome ; if he were convinced 
 that we had it, he should stay. I certainly never turned a young man 
 adrift in this way, to find out for himself that we have the ApostoHc 
 Succession. Whatever of this sort I said, was said, after having 
 impressed upon him, at some length, the fact that we have the Apo- 
 stolic Succession unquestionably. It was said in order to cut off all 
 thoughts of leaving the English Church. My argument was, * It is 
 a matter of absolute certainty that we have the Apostolic Succession. 
 This is a fact which can be proved in a narrow compass. Since, then, 
 the Church of England has this, and also the true faith " once for all 
 delivered to the saints," there is nothing to impair her authority over 
 
 ■ • 
 
 I > 
 
 Plan for a Commentary on the Bible, 149 
 
 us, and we, in her, have the Sacraments and whatsoever else we need 
 to be saved.' It is sometimes of use to narrow the grounds of contro- 
 versy ; and it is to me a mystery how persons who are persuaded and 
 know that we have the Sacraments and the Presence of Christ among 
 us, can go elsewhere to seek Him Whom we have. 
 
 Pusey sought refuge from these heartaches in a scheme 
 of which he was not the author, but of which he lived to 
 complete the only part that was ever completed. The 
 idea of a Commentary on the whole Bible, written with all 
 the aids afforded by modern scholarship, but in accordance 
 with Primitive and Catholic faith, had originated, it would 
 appear, with the Rev. G. Forbes, of Burntisland in Scotland. 
 He mentioned something of the kind to Marriott, who 
 suggested to Pusey that the editors of the Library of the 
 Fathers would be the best editors of the Commentary. The 
 proposal was particularly welcome to Pusey, not only 
 as belonging to what he used to call his ' own subject,' but 
 also because he maintained that Scripture interpreted in 
 such a manner as to exhibit not only the barren philological 
 or historical import of the text, but the deeper truths 
 beneath which constitute its 'mind' and justify us in 
 describing it as inspired, would be the most powerful of all 
 possible reinforcements of Church principles. * People talk 
 of Tractarianism,' he would say ; ' but, after all, the most 
 Tractarian book I ever open is the Bible.' 
 
 Pusey described his project as ' a Commentary for the 
 unlearned.' Instead of making a display of acquaintance 
 with modern criticism, it would give only those results of 
 criticism which appeared to be well established, while 
 taking no account of the process by which they had been 
 reached. It would take as its basis the Authorized Version, 
 ' wrought as that is into the very substance of devotional 
 minds amongst us'; but additional meanings, latent in the 
 original, although perhaps inevitably unexpressed in the 
 Authorized Version, and in some few cases, other renderings, 
 would be suggested. The language of the Fathers would 
 be embodied in the Commentary ; when there were different 
 Patristic explanations, the commentator would select the 
 
i^ii7i"i -j- 
 
 ^50 
 
 Life oj Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 most authoritative or probable, and ignore the others. 
 The exposition 
 
 * should be confined to one or two spiritual interpretations (where 
 these are called for) relating to Christ and His Body the Church, or 
 the soul of each individual member of Christ's mystical body, rather 
 than give manifold spiritual meanings. For these, although all contained 
 in the depths of Holy Scripture (as the prismatic colours are in light), 
 and all beautiful, still rather perplex a reader who has not been ac- 
 customed to look for them, or to consider how they may be evolved 
 out of that original light. In attempting this, the writers would hope 
 (following the Fathers) to take as their guides, leading interpretations 
 in Holy Scripture itself.' 
 
 But the point on which Pusey laid especial stress was 
 that each commentator should * endeavour in all good 
 faith to introduce nothing of the writer s own into Holy 
 Scripture : his business being to set forth the meaning of 
 Holy Scripture itself, to extract truths from, not to import 
 them into it.' 
 
 * This,' Pusey observes, ' the writers would desire to do, in the full 
 conviction, that all truth does indeed lie in Holy Scripture, although 
 individuals must necessarily be unable to see more than the skirts of it ; 
 and they therefore defer to the wisdom of those before them, and of 
 the Church collectively, not as anything additional to Holy Scripture, 
 but as derived from Him Who is the Wisdom of God, teaching them 
 to understand Holy Scripture, through that Holy Spirit Who inspired it. 
 
 * In this attempt their hope is, not to involve the reader in contro- 
 versy, but, on the contrary, to bring back whom they may, from 
 restless an4 often irreverent controversies and speculations, to the 
 deep, pure, calm waters of the river of God, hoping that by reverent 
 contemplation and study of it, we, in God's good time, may find the 
 full truth, which now is too often divided among us ; see its reality, 
 which in disputation too often eludes men's grasp ; and be refreshed 
 by it, or rather by Him Who is the Truth, instead of being dried up by 
 controversies about it. 
 
 * They are also convinced, that the great bulwark against modem 
 scepticism lies in the reverent study and unfolding of the meaning of 
 Holy Scripture itself; that Holy Scripture so studied does carry with 
 it the conviction of its own Divinity; and that thereby alone (with 
 corresponding life) can the Faith be maintained against the unbelief 
 of "the last days V" 
 
 The first step to be taken was to consult Keble, who 
 
 ' From the Guardian, May 26, 1847, P- 33^. 
 
 Keble consulted. 
 
 151 
 
 • • 
 
 r^ 
 
 J 
 
 ' 
 
 was said to have completed a fragment on the Epistle to 
 the Romans^. 
 
 * I am sure,' wrote Pusey to Keble on Oct. 29, 1846, *that the best 
 thing for us would be to see what you have written, as you will not 
 object, and, as far as we can, take that as our model. It has always 
 been a puzzle with me how to write a commentary, as well it, and 
 everything else, might be ; how to blend together critical and practical. 
 I should like very much to see something done ; and indeed it seems 
 one of the great wants of our Church.' 
 
 Keble was quite sure that his ' fragment * was of no use : 
 it had been written in days when he had not yet learned 
 from the Fathers how the Bible should be interpreted. 
 
 *I have been just looking,' he wrote to Pusey on Nov. 16, ^at the 
 fragment of a commentary which I did many years ago on the Epistle 
 to the Romans, and if I was not quite sure that it will not do, I would 
 send it as you desire. I had no notion then of patristic interpretation, 
 therefore the thing will not do in its substance : and the form of it is 
 too analytical for a popular Comment, which I suppose is what we now 
 chiefly want : to mention no other reasons, of which I have more than 
 I could wish.' 
 
 Pusey wrote again to consult Keble about the editorship. 
 
 * What do you think of the editors of the Library of the Fathers 
 without their names .? Some one I asked said, " If you three ^ are to 
 take a chief part in it, it is just as well to do it openly." Or perhaps 
 Manning may join.* 
 
 Keble thought it more prudent that only one of the 
 editors of the Fathers should edit the Commentary. Pusey, 
 as Hebrew Professor, ought in any case to be named. 
 Other names which would give more confidence than his 
 own were those of Moberly, Mill, Manning, Isaac Wil- 
 liams. Keble's observations upon the character of the 
 proposed Commentary, upon the sense and degree in which 
 the Fathers could be embodied in it, upon the methods by 
 which it might be made, in a good sense, popular, will be 
 read with interest, even in days when commentaries 
 abound as they do in our own. 
 
 ' This has been published, since Mr. Keble's death, in ' Studia Sacra.* Oxford. 
 Parker, 1877. Cf. pp. 45-148. 
 ' Keble, Pusey, Marriott. 
 
MM)V 
 
 152 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Manning unable to help. 
 
 153 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Jan. 19, 1847. 
 ... As to the Commentary, all of us here most welcome the plan 
 and wish it undertaken : I long to be helpful in it, but somehow I do 
 not feel that it is in me. I cannot please myself with anything that 
 I have tried of the kind, but I shall not be easy till I have endeavoured 
 and sent you a specimen. Do you mean that all the interpretations 
 should be strictly patristical, or only on patristic principles 1 I should 
 suppose, the latter : were it only for this reason, that so much of the 
 Scriptures is not included (is it not so ?) in what remains of the ancient 
 Commentators. In the historical parts, I suppose it will be desirable 
 to be as descriptive as reverence and discretion will allow. It will 
 help to meditation, and will recommend the book in the same manner 
 as pictures do. Then will it not be necessary to break up the whole 
 into short sections, not adhering to our received divisions of chapter 
 and verse except where the sense loses little or nothing by it? And 
 I suppose, where the original gives a clear reference to some other text 
 which is lost by our present translation, we may without undutifulness 
 explain and supply it : our marginal translations giving a kind of 
 warrant for the process. The sections should be short, and the 
 paragraphs, and the sentences not involved : and N B. the print 
 lar^e and clear-, this last point is worth sacrificing a great deal for. 
 I would circulate a specimen of the type with the Prospectus. Every- 
 thing which illustrates the Prayer-book and ritual of the Church 
 should be especially brought out : and for such a neighbourhood as 
 this it would be a great thing to have the rural illustrations and 
 allusions which take up so much of the SS. made much of, as corre- 
 sponding with men's daily tasks. . . . 
 
 Pusey was especially anxious to secure the co-operation 
 of Archdeacon Manning. But the Archdeacon declined to 
 be one of the editors. Would he then contribute something 
 to the work that was to be edited ? 
 
 * It is in your line,' wrote Pusey to him on Feb. 17, 1847. * Whom can 
 we look to for doing anything to draw out the meaning of the Gospel 
 for the poor, if you do not .? Must we own things are so confused, that 
 no one has leisure to study Holy Scripture, or put down some of its 
 meaning for others ? * 
 
 Manning was hurt at this last sentence, to which he 
 ascribed, not altogether unjustly, a certain exaggeration. 
 He again declined to take part in the Commentary ; and 
 for reasons, the force of which could not be disputed. 
 Pusey, with his incessant and inexhaustible energy, was too 
 
 \' 
 
 apt, perhaps, to forget that everybody cannot usefully 
 attempt everything. 
 
 Archdeacon Manning to E. B. P. 
 
 Lavington, Feb. 20, 1847. 
 
 . . . One of the worst causes of estrangement I have met with in 
 particular minds has been this exaggerated way of describing our 
 state. Particular persons have confused themselves, and see things 
 through their own atmosphere. It seems to me that the way to make 
 confusion is for us to fill our hands over-full of work. Our several 
 places assign a certain kind of measure of work to each, and I think 
 we shall do it least insufficiently by not (without due cause) increasing it. 
 
 It is because I am thankful that I am able to keep out of confusion 
 that I have refused and do continually refuse proposals of all kinds 
 which do not seem to fall within my duty or power to do as they ought 
 to be done. Yours is only one of many. It is also because by this 
 means I am able to secure such a quantity of leisure as to diminish 
 my insufficiency in some small degree for other real works of a spiritual 
 sort that I wish to decline every additional employment I can. And 
 it is also because I see so many men all round me, abundantly able, 
 and with abundant leisure to do what you wish, that I feel no reluctance, 
 except from my affection to you, in declining it. 
 
 It is very difficult for us to transfer ourselves to another man's 
 place. I trust I have never urged anything on you beyond your 
 power. Let me say that I doubt whether any one without a cure of 
 souls can quite measure the time taken up in serving others: and 
 I may add that this is the lesser demand on my time. 
 
 In a word, then, it is because I wish to avoid in myself personally 
 the confusion from which we are happily free that I feel my first 
 answer to be right. 
 
 Now, my dear friend, do not think I have written this with a shadow 
 of soreness. 1 know your tender and affectionate regard too well to be 
 even in danger of it. . . . 
 
 Yours unworthily but affectionately, 
 
 H. E. Manning. 
 
 Dr. Moberly would not undertake a share in the 
 editorship ; Dr. Mill declined with great regret ; Isaac 
 Williams was not well enough. Pusey, no doubt, made 
 a mistake in thinking that any man, however busy, if he 
 were only learned and devout, could find time for a great 
 and most responsible work : he had to fall back upon 
 Keble and Marriott, with himself, and this ultimately 
 resolved itself into himself, as sole contributor and editor 
 of the Commentary on the Minor Prophets. But this 
 
 t 
 
1 
 
 l! 't 
 
 154 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 contraction of a noble plan was the result of time and 
 disappointments. For the moment Pusey was full of 
 enthusiasm and hope. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Second Sunday in Lent [March i], 1847. 
 . . . Now comes what is of great moment, the writers. I have 
 expressed to your brother the hope that you, with perhaps his help and 
 Isaac Wilhams and Wilson, could undertake the Gospels. Forgive 
 me speakmg about yourself, but I thought that what you said about 
 writmg as vividly as reverence permitted, belonged to you rather than 
 
 takeThem '' ' °^^^'' ^^'"^' ^'''' ^^'"""^ ^ '^''"^'^ ^^^^ ^""^ ^^ ""^^'■- 
 
 CM[arriott] is willing to undertake anything which is given him: 
 1. e. he ha^s studied several parts, but none so especially as to make it 
 his own .pyo. If you and others could undertake the Gospels, then 
 he might be able to choose. ^ ' 
 
 r.I^tJ' ^^^i^^^^^l,^^ ^^^^ t° l^^lP ? I know not why he has done 
 nothing. He is an able person, is he not ? 
 
 Did Wilson or any other whom you know express a wish or 
 rforgeTwho ""'*""''''* ""^ "°°'' °^ ^-'""'^ ? Some one did : 
 
 I think yon named Butler of Wantage. I suppose he has not very 
 much readmg yet. Do you yourself know him to be qualified ' 
 
 In the Old Testament, C. M. and I have been thinking of Copeland 
 (only you w.ll, ,f you please, bid him work, and not destroy what he 
 
 ?HcU:rBtni:Si.5:r' '"'^''"' ''-'-" ^='™- ■'-•"^p^ 
 
 Of pe^S^rdstSVuSatif ^^^-^ ' '- - ""'^ - -•''"^ 
 
 Lapnmaudaye will help, but I do not know whether in the Old or 
 
 New Testament. It is a very great work, but its very greatness seems 
 
 Would you like any other title for the Commentary than 'Com- 
 mentary for the Unlearned ' ? I could not say the '^oTr/ becal 
 
 iaShil^^n-JeScL"^""^'"' -" "^'" -^^'^ ^-^ ^- ^'^^ 
 I have written to J. Mozley about it, who takes interest in it : he 
 
 pa";'; S rrklTo^" ''^" ^ ""''' ""^'^ = -'^ '•>« ^"^-nce o^^ 
 
 wi'dTe'trMSSbi:. '""^ " •'""^ "" '•'^ --^ '" p-^' - 
 
 Suggested Contributors. 155 
 
 If C. M. were to set to work now, he would be able to bring out 
 something by next year. . . . 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful son, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 In his sanguine manner Pusey made the most of any 
 encouragement. 
 
 *The prospects of the Commentary,' he wrote to Keble a week 
 later, * are going on well. Spranger is longing to set to work on the 
 Psalms ; your brother, whom I have referred to you, is ready to work ; 
 Barrow of Queen's is at work on the Books of Samuel, and there are 
 others who, I hope, will work when they have a pattern to go upon.' 
 
 Keble replies that he had no doubt of Wm. Butler's com- 
 petency, and that he would press the other writers whom 
 Pusey had named to select their own work. In a later 
 letter, Keble objected to Pusey 's proposal that he should 
 provide a ' specimen ' of the Commentary. ' I canmt do 
 it,' he writes on April 21, ' and you must not press me for 
 it : it will be a great deal better for the plan to have your 
 " specimen " not interfered with by others.' 
 
 A day later Pusey sends to Keble a list of some con- 
 tributors to the Old Testament. 
 
 Genesis 
 
 Exodus, Leviticus 
 Joshua, Judges 
 I Samuel sqq. 
 Psalms . 
 Ecclesiastes . 
 Isaiah . 
 Jeremiah 
 Minor Prophets 
 
 T. Morris. 
 
 Spranger. 
 
 Kay. 
 
 Barrow, Queen's. 
 
 Spranger. 
 
 Copeland. 
 
 Perhaps I. 
 
 G. Williams, King's. 
 
 He adds : — 
 
 * C. Marriott is to take the Epistle to the Romans. May we think 
 of the Gospels as undertaken by you, your brother, Isaac Williams, 
 and Wilson .? They ought to be done by persons working together. 
 Then one might go on to ask Moberly and others what they would take.' 
 
 Keble was so far carried away by Pusey's eagerness 
 that he consented at last to write * something of a specimen 
 of the way in which I could perhaps manage part of 
 a Commentary/ But, he added, ' it must not be printed as 
 a specimen, nor shown, except to be criticized, without my 
 
 
156 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 leave.' Pusey hoped *that the specimen would not be 
 short. The sort of commentary I am trying to compile on 
 the Minor Prophets is very long, and there should be 
 some proportion/ 
 
 Pusey's further intercourse with Keble on this subject 
 took place during a visit to Hursley and to Hayling Island 
 in the Long Vacation of 1847. But he was constantly 
 writing on the subject to other contributors. Here is his 
 idea of what a commentary on Genesis should be, stated in 
 correspondence with the Rev. T. E. Morris, Student of 
 Christ Church, who was to undertake that part of the 
 work. It offers a singular contrast to the most modern 
 projects for elucidating the first book of Holy Scripture. 
 In such projects the commentator is too much occupied 
 with assigning the several portions of the book to earlier 
 writers (who are supposed to represent different, or hostile, 
 but always crude theological conceptions) to allow himself 
 time to notice that everything, or almost everything, that 
 can give it religious worth or interest, has disappeared. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. T. E. Morris. 
 
 Tuesday in 3rd week in Lent, 1847. 
 
 I send you a prospectus of what we were speaking of. I hope 
 
 that we shall have several setting to work soon. Did you express 
 
 a preference for Genesis ? You ought to work on the Old Testament 
 
 having studied Hebrew. Our plan is to read all we can of the Fathers 
 
 or old writers on it. On Genesis there is good store ; our idea is 
 
 to condense and rewrite, in short sentences, if we can, giving the 
 
 cream, or what seems most edifying, drawing it out of the text itself 
 
 and then dwelling upon it, or expanding it, as seems best. 
 
 I could lend you some of the most important vols, to take to 
 Elstree — as 
 
 Tostatus. Rhabanus Maurus. 
 
 Com. a Lap. Dionys. Carthus. (I hope). 
 
 Then, if you cannot get at them, 
 
 Origen. St. Cyril Alex. 
 
 St. Aug. (St. Ambrose you can have in 8vo). 
 
 St. Chrys. 
 
 These will give you probably most which you want. 
 
 It puts me into good heart to think of it. It is a great work, if God 
 give us strength. It is to be in 4to, so there will be good space for 
 writing. •* *^ 
 
 
 Fate of the Commentary, izj 
 
 In more difficult parts, I suppose we shall comment on verse by 
 verse, elsewhere by sections, and so I suppose mostly in Genesis 
 
 For some years after this the Commentary fell into the 
 background. The Gorham controversy, and the secessions 
 which followed it, made other labours imperatively neces- 
 sary: some of the writers dropped their task; others 
 published in a separate form what they had begun for 
 Pusey. Pusey himself suspended— he only suspended— his 
 own share in it. When he resumed it some years later it 
 ^yas practically as sole contributor and sole editor. He 
 had hoped in 1847 that such a project of work would 
 afford to some friends a healthy relief from the contro- 
 versial anxieties of the immediately preceding years: 
 Holy Scripture would restore a sense of the true relative 
 proportions of questions which had in some cases been 
 exaggerated or disturbed. ' The very thought of such 
 a plan,'— he wrote to Keble,—* would tend to give some 
 people courage which they want.' In later years Pusey 
 bitterly lamented the failure of this— the most cherished 
 project of his life ;— except so far as his own share in it 
 was concerned, it was a failure. The reason is not only to 
 be found in the painful and engrossing events of the time : 
 a great common work, such as was projected, required the 
 stimulus and concert which nothing but constant inter- 
 course could supply. The Tracts had been fed by the 
 Theological Society which met at Pusey's house: the 
 Library of the Fathers was due to the constant and 
 intimate intercourse of the editors with each other and 
 with others at Oxford in the earlier days of the Move- 
 ment. When the Commentary was proposed, the events 
 of 1845 had led to 'the Dispersion'; and, unless Pusey 
 could have succeeded — which may well be doubted — in 
 re-establishing at Oxford a company of men, with a common 
 enthusiasm and definite aims, it was almost inevitable 
 that the great plan of giving to the Church of England 
 a Commentary on Holy Scripture, written with all the 
 knowledge its editors could command, and at the same 
 time in thorough harmony with Patristic teaching, should 
 
158 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 come to nothing. Those who were dispersed however were 
 spreading Church principles in another way. 
 
 The year 1847 witnessed another phase of the controversy 
 about Dr. Hampden. Lord John Russell had in the early 
 part of the year signified to the Archbishop of Canterbury 
 his intention to recommend Dr. Hampden for a Bishopric. 
 It is a sign how little influence the convictions of orthodox 
 Churchmen had at that time on political leaders that, in 
 spite of what had previously happened, the appointment 
 was contemplated. But the secessions of 1 845 had weakened 
 the High Church party so seriously that no formidable 
 resistance need at the moment be apprehended from that 
 quarter. It was also thought that such an appointment 
 would be a tribute to the memory of Dr. Arnold, whose 
 ' Life and Correspondence ' had among certain circles com- 
 manded much sympathy and admiration. 
 
 The translation of Dr. Musgrave, Bishop of Hereford, 
 to the See of York, vacant by the death of Archbishop 
 Harcourt on Nov. 5, 1847, enabled the Prime Minister to 
 carry out his intention. On Nov. 15 T/ie Times announced 
 the appointment of Dr. Hampden to the vacant Bishopric ; 
 at the same time observing, that there was ' no party worth 
 taking into account ' to which such an appointment could 
 be agreeable, and frankly describing it as a political 
 blunder. 
 
 Pusey 's relation to this, the last phase of a controversy 
 which had begun in 1836, was, as compared with the earlier 
 phases, inconsiderable and indirect. He felt that he was 
 out of court : that the condemnation of his sermon, and the 
 secession of his friends, made it impossible for him to take 
 prominent leadership. When, writing to the Bishop of 
 Oxford, Lord John Russell stated that ' Dr. Pusey must 
 be considered the leader and oracle of Dr. Hampden's 
 opponents/ he was merely trusting to common report, 
 and perhaps was ready enough to associate the opposition 
 to Dr. Hampden with the whole weight of unpopularity 
 that, at that time, attached to Pusey's name. The Re- 
 
 Dr, Hampden nominated Bishop of Hereford, 159 
 
 monstrance of thirteen Bishops against the appointment, 
 and the action of the Dean and Chapter of Hereford,' 
 were resolved upon, it need hardly be said, without 
 any consultation with Pusey ; and the opposition to Dr. 
 Hampden's confirmation at Bow Church was primarily the 
 work of Keble, although, as was natural, Pusey concurred 
 and assisted in it. However, Pusey could hardly have 
 allowed events to take their course without any inter- 
 ference on his own part ; such inaction, at such a time, 
 on his part, would have shaken the confidence of many 
 who trusted him, and whom his influence and example 
 held in loyalty to the Church of England. 
 
 On the day of the announcement of Dr. Hampden's 
 appointment to Hereford, he wrote to Harrison, as 
 having the ear of the Primate. After referring to' the 
 recent appointment of Dr. Prince Lee to the new See of 
 Manchester, Pusey continues :— 
 
 Nov 15, 1847. 
 And now comes this appointment of Dr. Hampden. I doubt not 
 that his own views have been amended through that note which was 
 put upon them in 1836; that he struck back out of a very perilous 
 course which he was in, and took refuge in the popular theology as 
 most akin to liberaHsm. Still he has most pointedly refused to retract 
 any of the very grievous things which he said, and by which he gave 
 great scandal to the Church ; and you too,when the Heads of Houses 
 proposed to repeal the Statute, satisfied yourself that he had not 
 removed the ground of the censure. 
 
 I suppose that the offence actually continues since the Bampton 
 Lectures have been obstinately defended and are still on sale, 
 I imagine. Probably his elevation to the Episcopate might be hin- 
 dered at Bow Church. But it would be more satisfactory if from 
 him, as from Mr. Gobat, a statement could be obtained which should 
 satisfy the Church that, however he explained what he had done, he 
 adhered to the sound expression of the Faith now. 
 
 God have mercy ! The times are very dark, though with light in 
 them. 
 
 The Hampden question could not but enter into Pusey's 
 correspondence. The practical question was whether any 
 and what steps could be taken to prevent the confirmation 
 of the appointment. Archdeacon Churton had discouraged 
 resistance : Pusey replied with some of his old fire : 
 
i6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 E. B. P. TO Archdeacon Churton. 
 
 Nov. 23, 1847. 
 
 Many of these secessions do more harm by paralyzing us than 
 even in themselves. It seems as if this trouble were allowed to bring 
 together by a common pressure those who were scattered. Earnest 
 Evangelicals feel it. As for secular, i. e. worldly persons, they will 
 rail on, and say it is all party faction. They have been saying so 
 from the first. It harms only those who like to believe lies. I do 
 most earnestly protest against being hindered from anything by what 
 people say, or by the Archbishops, if it were so, betraying us. A pro- 
 test is essential, else we connive at heresy. This has been unsettling 
 people, and I suppose did unsettle dear Newman more than anything, 
 *a strong principle of heresy living and energizing in the Church.' 
 
 We have had too much of 'let alone.' H. J. Rose warned us 
 before Dr. H.'s first appointment (I have his letter) that evil would 
 come unless something was done: there was something written in 
 the British Magazine, but it was too late. If you do not protest 
 now, it will be too late when you groan under him as Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. . . . 
 
 He will be opposed at Bow Church, if by no others, by J. K[eble] ; 
 but anything which is done will strengthen much the hands of the Arch- 
 bishops. I hear that four of the Bishops are very indignant. Petitions 
 are going from four Rural Deaneries in the diocese of Gloucester; 
 some are petitioning the Archbishops not to consecrate until the case 
 has been investigated ; some, their own Bishops not to assist ; some 
 apply to the Dean and Chapter of Hereford. And most, I hope, to 
 God. It is a very serious crisis for evil or good. 
 
 J. K. is very earnest ; he writes, * The hint about petitioning the 
 Bishops for delay seems to me an exceedingly good one.' He says, 
 * I hear from several quarters how earnestly people are feeling about 
 it ; Hamilton for one, I am told. Moreover, I heard on what seemed 
 good authority that Lord J. is fascinated by Arnold's ** Remains," and 
 that this is the secret of these appointments. This makes it more 
 than ever a matter of life and death.' 
 
 Q 
 
 Keble's letters and action show that he felt more 
 strongly on this subject than Pusey himself. It was, as 
 has been said, Keble who instigated the opposition to the 
 confirmation of Dr. Hampden at Bow Church. 
 
 E. Badeley, Esq., to E. B. P. 
 
 Temple, Nov. 18, 1847. 
 . . . Judge Coleridge handed to me in court yesterday a letter 
 which he had had from Keble, who seemed desirous of having 
 * oppositores ' properly instructed to prevent the confirmation at Bow 
 Church ; but I don't know whether it is contemplated. The Judge 
 put a quaere in his note to me, as to * the wisdom of opposing.' 
 
 Opposition at Bow Church. 
 
 161 
 
 A doubt was suggested by Keble whether the Staf of P. 
 
 at least that of ot i-r*»r. 17ttt ^"cmer rne btat. of Praemunire, or 
 
 On Nov. 21 Keble writes to Pusey— 
 
 persons as thD^n of ihthetf^^^^^ I ^'""l'^ '"^^ ^"""^ -^' 
 person of Hereford .J:^7^;^ tttVrcJdr: J^^^"^*^'^ 
 
 Thereupon Pusey and Keble set to work to draw up 
 articles for the 'oppositores ' ' in Bow Church, and, followZ 
 
 proctor, Mr. Townsend, they endeavoured to institute 
 a su.t agan,st Han,pden in the Ecclesiastical Courts. Th s 
 could only be done with the consent of Bishop WilberfJrc 
 the D.oce.san to whom Dr. Hampden, as Vicar of Ewelme'' 
 was responsible for his public language. ' 
 
 E. Badeley, Esq., to E. B P 
 
 ord'lrt ;^'f^^^"^"^^^^^*^" Mr. Townsend visited Oxford in 
 
 Oxford fT ^' ^""'' '^^" ^PP^^'^^ '- the Bishop of 
 Oxford for Letters of Request, by which the case would be 
 
 At a later date Keble characteris- 
 tically made himself responsible for 
 the legal expenses— which Badeley 
 estimated at 2000/. There is no doubt 
 that Pusey did not allow the burden 
 to fall on him alone. ' Keble,' wrote 
 Badeley to Pusey on Jan. 21, 1848, 
 has sent me the guaranty for the 
 costs signed by himself only : do you 
 VOL. III. 2^ 
 
 know of any others who would be 
 willing to join with him?' The 
 object was that ' the expense should 
 not fall on those who m ere put forward 
 as the nominal objectors.' 
 
 ' The Vicarage of Ewelme was at 
 this time united to the Regius Pro- 
 fessorship of Divinity. 
 
 / 
 
 \. 
 
 I /i 
 
l62 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 \ 
 
 transferred to the Court of Arches. The Bishop promised 
 to grant these letters, and on Dec. i6 actually signed them ; 
 but he withdrew them when he was legally advised that, in 
 granting them, he was expressing a judgment adverse to 
 Dr. Hampden's orthodoxy ^. He afterwards explained that 
 he had granted them under the idea that he had no power 
 to refuse. Under the influence of the Provost of Oriel, he 
 read through the Bampton Lectures, and arrived at 'the 
 conviction that they did not justly warrant those suspicions 
 of unsoundness to which they had given rise, and which so 
 long as he trusted to selected passages, he himself shared ^.* 
 The letter to Dr. Hampden in which the Bishop of 
 Oxford made this statement exposed him to a great deal 
 of criticism at the hands of Bishop Phillpotts ^ and others ; 
 to Pusey and Keble it seemed a disaster at least as serious 
 as the publication of the Bampton Lectures themselves. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. C. Marriott. 
 
 114 Marine Parade, Brighton, 
 
 Sunday evening, Jan. 2, 1848. 
 . . . The mischief of the Bishop's letter is, that it pronounces, 
 almost ex cathedrdy that the language of the B[ampton] L[ectures] is 
 hardly an object of slight blame in the English Church. You recollect 
 how you spoke of them, that in every third page there was something 
 which grated against one in matters of faith. At least, so I under- 
 stood you speaking to Mr. T[ownsend]. And yet all which the Bishop 
 says in censure is, * I long for the manifestation of a more reverential 
 spirit, in the discussion of the highest mysteries of our faith,' and in the 
 same sentence, he designates it * a thoughtful and able history of the 
 formation of dogmatic terminology.' It were enough to make the hair 
 of a sensitive person stand on an end. Between ourselves, strictly, 
 Dodsworth was greatly troubled at it. He said, * It makes one ask, 
 Can this indeed be a part of the Church of Christ which, while it is so 
 jealous of any sympathy with the other branches, tolerates anything 
 on the side of heresy ? ' This strictly for yourself that you may not 
 undervalue the effect of the Bishop's letter. I agree with D. that it is far 
 more injurious to the Church than Dr. Hampden's appointment. An 
 act of tyranny hurts not the Church ; the betrayal by her own guardians 
 does. The Bishop can hardly have thought that he was virtually 
 sanctioning the use of the language of the Bampton Lectures in any 
 pulpit in his diocese, except as far as it was unpractical, yet language 
 
 * ' Life of Bishop Wilbei force,' i. 486. ' Ibid. i. 487. * Ibid. i. 489-493. 
 
 • 
 
 <> 
 
 Dismay at Dr. Hampden's appointment 163 
 
 as irreverent. And henceforward, with his quasi-judicial sanction, 
 
 the Bampton Lectures are to take their place, along with Bishop 
 
 Burnet, as part of the manifold exposition of the theology of the 
 
 English Church. I think his letter is the greatest blow the Church 
 
 has had smce Newman's secession. And just now N. has returned, 
 alas ! ' 
 
 I am not disturbed, because I never attached any weight to the 
 Bishops. It was perhaps the difference between Newman and me • 
 he threw himself upon the Bishops and they failed him ; I threw 
 myself on the English Church and the Fathers as, under God, her 
 support. ... . ' 
 
 Pusey wrote on the spur of the moment, and under the 
 influence of his conversation with Mr. Dodsworth ; and it 
 must be admitted that his way of speaking of the Bishop's 
 letter betrays something like panic, or at any rate a dis- 
 turbance of his wonted judgment. Keble's estimate of 
 the situation was calmer. But he, like Pusey, thought that 
 C. Marriott was disposed to underrate the mischief of the 
 Bampton Lectures and the seriousness of attempts on the 
 part of authority to extenuate their real purpose. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, Cras Epiph., 1848. 
 ... It IS surprising to me that C. M. should not think more of 
 Hf?mpden]'s holding that which is = all heresies put together, viz. 
 plain Latitudinarianism. But I put it down partly to his being out 
 of health. I trust there will be such a rally against Rationalism 
 that It will quite outweigh the result of this one bad appointment. 
 Have you seen Moberly's article on Arnold and Bunsen.? It must 
 have its weight. I quite agree with C. M.'s opinion that if people 
 swerve to Rome for such things as this, they must be very odd kind of 
 people. R. C.s might much more reasonably come to us on account 
 of Archbishop Mac Hale preaching up murder. 
 
 Your most affectionate 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Notwithstanding the withdrawal of the Letters of 
 Request, Pusey and Keble were busily engaged in pre- 
 paring theological matter for the use of counsel at Bow 
 Church. 
 
 * I found things,' writes Pusey to Marriott on Jan. 2, 1848, Mn 
 Godliman Street, in most utter confusion. Our articles of indictment 
 
 M 2 
 
 m 
 
 71 
 
164 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 just in the state in which they were sent in. The heads of K.'s articles 
 (that is his preamble) not fitted in into the sequel (the allegations). 
 I spent five and a half hours there on Friday, and put them to rights : 
 at least ready to be copied out.' 
 
 A great deal of time, which neither Pusey nor Keble 
 could well afiford, was devoted in the winter of 1 847-48 to 
 the task of presenting an elaborate theological criticism, 
 such as might be used in a legal argument, on Dr. Hamp- 
 den's Bampton Lectures. It was all lost labour. On 
 Dec. 28 the Chapter of Hereford elected Dr. Hampden as 
 their Bishop; the Dean, and the Rev. H. Huntingford, 
 B.C.L., Canon Residentiary, dissenting. At the con- 
 firmation which was held in Bow Church on Jan. 11 there 
 was no theological argument whatever. The only point on 
 which the Vicar-General and Dr. Lushington would hear 
 arguments was whether — notwithstanding the * praeconisa- 
 tions' with which the proceedings were opened by the 
 Apparitor-General of the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 inviting all objectors to the confirmation to come forward 
 and make their objections in due form of law — any objector 
 was to be heard at all. It was ruled that the law did not 
 allow any opposition whatever to the confirmation of the 
 election. 
 
 This legal decision shocked a great many of the clergy 
 and serious people because it seemed to reduce the act of 
 confirmation to an ostentatious unreality ; and the question 
 was asked whether it would not be better to give up forms 
 which had ceased to be anything better than idle formalities. 
 Pusey, who especially felt the danger of seeming to invoke 
 the Name of God to sanction such proceedings, yet would 
 be no party to abandoning a usage which once had afforded 
 to the Church protection against unfit pastors, and might in 
 better times do so again. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Archdeacon Harrison. 
 
 114 Marine Parade [Brighton], Jan. 14, 1848. 
 
 Nothing depends upon me else I would not give up the shred of 
 an old form, even if it lay to rot, like dung on the face of the earth. 
 I should hope it might still, in its very decay, help forward the shooting 
 
 Continued Opposition, 
 
 165 
 
 (^ 
 
 of the new life, whenever God should give it. They are at least a 
 witness of what we have had, what a Church ought to have, what 
 through our sins we have lost, what we should pray for, and be 
 humbled that we have not. It is certainly humbling enough, if (as the 
 late explanation of the Statute goes) there is no help whatever, if any 
 person, however unfit, whether on moral or doctrinal grounds, be 
 chosen by the Minister of the day for a Bishop, except in a resistance 
 to the law. We shall see, I trust, whether this interpretation be right. 
 At least I believe there is the Queen's Bench yet, and the Queen in 
 Council. 
 
 But supposing these adverse, we are in a different position from 
 what you imagined us to be in when I wrote to you. One need not be 
 impatient,. or wish to throw away the very shadow of a shade. ' Son 
 of man, can these bones live } ' I would not part with the very dust 
 into which what once had life was dissolved. It is a memorial of 
 better days past, and when it really pitieth God's servants to see her 
 in the dust, He will raise her up. Only if there is to be any hope of 
 a restoration, people must see and acknowledge that they are in an 
 evil case. Moses was sent when the children of Israel cried to God 
 by reason of the bondage. When fresh burdens were put upon them 
 they complained to their very oppressors. I too shall deprecate any 
 disposition in Churchmen to sweep these forms away ; but I should 
 deprecate still more if they were to acquiesce, as by a sort of optimism, 
 and not feel that we are in a worse position than when you could 
 write confidently to me a few weeks ago, that ' the Archbishop would 
 feel that there was a constitutional remedy provided by the confir- 
 mation at Bow Church.' . . . 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Still, the decision of the Vicar-General and Dr. Lushing- 
 ton at Bow Church was challenged in the Court of Queen's 
 Bench, to which, on Jan. 24, an application was made for 
 a mandamus compelling the Archbishop of Canterbury to 
 hear objections to the confirmation of Dr. Hampden. 
 The application fell to the ground, as the judges were 
 equally divided ; Mr. Justice Coleridge and Mr. Justice 
 Patteson being in favour of granting the rule. Lord 
 Denman and Mr. Justice Erie against it. The objectors 
 were represented by Mr. Badeley, among others, who 
 reported to Pusey as follows : — 
 
 Feb. 20, 1848. 
 * My speech gave satisfaction both in Court and out of it ; even 
 Lord Denman spoke highly of it ; but I have reason to think it made 
 an important impression on Judges Patteson and Coleridge. . . . The 
 
 i 
 
r 
 
 i66 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 aid you gave me was very important ; and I have to thank you very 
 much for your kindness.* 
 
 The eloquent conclusion to Mr. Badeley's argument 
 states the issue which was presented to the Court with 
 clearness : — 
 
 * My Lords, the question whether Dr. Hampden is fit or unfit for 
 any particular bishopric shrinks into absolute insignificance when 
 compared with the question now before your Lordships. The influ- 
 ence for good or evil of any single Bishop can be but limited in its 
 extent, and short in its duration. He will soon die and be buried ; 
 and the good or the evil which he may do may in a few years cease to 
 be felt. But, my Lords, the appointment of Bishops, the right of the 
 Crown to nominate without appeal, and without control, and without 
 any responsibility at all, is to continue for ever. The injury therefore 
 to the Church of England, if its pastors are thus to be forced upon it 
 at the mere beck of the Prime Minister of the day, will be incalculable ; 
 for a succession of prelates may thus be perpetuated who may be 
 a disgrace to Christendom. God forbid, my Lords, that that should 
 ever be so ! but undoubtedly it may happen ; it may be even more 
 than possible, if your Lordships discharge this rule.' 
 
 Eventually Dr. Hampden was consecrated at Lambeth 
 on March 26 ; the Bishops of London and Winchester are 
 said to have declined to take part in the ceremony. 
 
 \ 
 
 . 
 
 h 
 
 •i.-i 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 CARE OF THE POOR — IRISH FAMINE — FREE TRADE— 
 GLADSTONE'S ELECTION FOR OXFORD UNIVERSITY- 
 ADMISSION OF JEWS TO PARLIAMENT — DECEASED 
 
 wife's sister bill. 
 
 1845-1849. 
 
 Amidst the din of controversy, Pusey lost none of that 
 interest in social and philanthropic questions which had 
 distinguished his earlier years. This interest was sus- 
 tained not only by his own conviction of the essentially 
 religious character of such questions, but by his intercourse 
 with his elder brother, of whose public life they formed 
 a prominent if not an engrossing feature. He was, for 
 instance, very keenly interested in the question of helping 
 the poor, especially in Ireland. In February, 1845, his 
 brother had paid him a visit at Christ Church ; and their 
 conversation had mainly turned on the subject. He 
 followed up the talk by an earnest letter, which concludes 
 in the following words : — 
 
 March 4, 1845. 
 * Life is whirling on rapidly with both of us : each year seems to me 
 more intensely rapid; and this, my dear Philip, will be a blessed 
 close of your course, to be the benefactor of the poor of Christ. " Seek 
 judgment, righten the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the 
 widow." This will be far better than any such occupation such as 
 I have heard you express the wish you had been early engaged in, 
 as a lawyer*s : for these end in themselves ; they furnish an occupation 
 and there end. Loving, earnest exertions for Christ's poor last beyond 
 the grave. " I never remember to have read," says the aged St. Jerome 
 (and he was most widely read), " I never remember to have read that 
 any died by an evil death, who readily showed works of mercy. He 
 
 
i68 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 hath many intercessors, and it cannot be but that the prayers of many 
 should be heard." Has He not Himself said, "Whatsoever ye have 
 done to one of the least of these My brethren, ye have done it unto 
 Me"? . . . 
 
 * God bless you ever, my dear Philip.* 
 
 In deference to his brother's suggestion Philip Pusey 
 formed a plan of riding round Ireland, with a view to 
 making accurate observations of the condition of the Irish 
 peasantry. In a letter to his brother, he writes :— 
 
 July 31, 1845. 
 The case of the Irish peasantry seems to me very strong, and 
 though their murders and cruelties should not be palliated, their 
 combinations seem to me to have been founded on the preservation 
 of their families from starvation, because the possession of land is 
 their sole dependence since they have had neither employment nor 
 poor-rate to look to. However, I hope to be able to go over, and 
 that some good or other may come of it. 
 
 Your affectionate brother, 
 
 Ph. Pusey. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone was to have accompanied Mr. Pusey in 
 the projected Irish tour. The Times, however, anticipated 
 them, by sending a Commissioner to Ireland whose reports 
 appeared to exhaust the subject. Pusey had earnestly 
 desired that his brother might concentrate his mind on one 
 definite and philanthropic object in his political life ; and 
 feared a fresh disappointment might throw him into a de- 
 spondent inactivity. To Mr. Gladstone he writes :— 
 
 Christ Church, Sept. 3, 1845. 
 * I have just seen Philip at Pusey, and was very grieved to find 
 him in bad spirits about giving up his Irish tour with you, and yet 
 feeling that The Times reporter had taken his work completely out of his 
 hands, and that there was now no longer any object for him. I am very 
 sorry for it, for I had looked forward with great pleasure to his having 
 such an employment for his mind, and to his travelling with you. 
 It is sad to think of his clear mind left without any adequate occupa- 
 tion, to waste itself, because it has none, and that he might do much for 
 the moral restoration of our land, and no one employs him. I do not 
 wish for any merely political employment for him ; but I think Sir 
 R[obert] P[eel] has made a miserable mistake in not finding out some 
 unpaid employment in which he might turn his clear mind to good 
 account.' 
 
 Fast' day for the Irish Famine. 
 
 169 
 
 
 ) 
 
 To Philip himself, after much sympathy and encourage- 
 ment, he writes : — 
 
 'Christ Church, Oct. 6, 1845. 
 
 **' Cheerily on," then, my dear Philip; I find it such a comfort to 
 commend myself and my own work to God, and then to trust to Him 
 what becomes of it. And so nothing discourages me. I am heavy- 
 hearted at times: but I 'spring up again: and I find that nothing 
 relieves heavy-heartedness so much, as to be at work for God, in 
 what measure one may. And yours is such, as well as mine, for it 
 is for His poor. You cannot think what a relief it is, at the beginning 
 of each of one's employments, to commit it and oneself, if but in one 
 thought, to God. It so lightens everything. And then one may go 
 on, as if one were not one's self, or working for one's self, but for 
 Him. And one trusts that He will bring it to good somehow. And 
 He has signally blessed you last year. To have undone that griping 
 Scotch Report, and brought people to think of the poor in Scotland, 
 and see how to relieve them, would be no slight thing, were it a work 
 of a whole life. 
 
 * So that be of good cheer, and may He ever cheer and bless you.' 
 
 The Irish famine of 1847, as might be anticipated, laid 
 great hold on Pusey's mind : and he was delighted at the 
 appointment of Wednesday, March 24, as a fast-day, on 
 which the nation, in view of this judgment, was to humble 
 itself before God. 
 
 * How,' he wrote to Keble, * would you advise one to observe the 
 day of humiliation ? ... I am to be in London, and have (alas for 
 me) six general confessions (I mean six confessions of a life) to receive. 
 Would it be wrong to receive one on that day, if one humbled oneself 
 
 all the while as much as one could ? ' 
 
 • 
 
 Keble replied : * Receiving confessions seems to me 
 
 a most appropriate work for the fast-day. It is so great 
 
 an humiliation.' Pusey, who was staying with his mother 
 
 at ^S Grosvenor Square, spent the day — indeed, the whole 
 
 week before and after — in very hard work. His way of 
 
 spending Sundays in London at this time is described 
 
 incidentally by his mother : — 
 
 * Feb. I, 1847. 
 
 * Edward preached at Margaret Street at the eleven o'clock service 
 yesterday ; he went out of the house at seven o'clock, and did not 
 return for his breakfast until half-past two, and preached at Mr. Dods- 
 worth's at seven, and had some gentlemen to call upon him here 
 near ten o'clock. . . . He was up a great part of Saturday night, 
 writing his sermons,* 
 
 . t*^^ •/»*«-• S**^i—*i« 
 
lyo Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The fast-day was observed with every outward mark of 
 solemnity and strictness. Many columns of The Times were 
 devoted to reports of sermons in the metropolis ; and that 
 journal stated that every shop in London was closed, with 
 the exception of a Quaker's. Pusey 's remarkable sermon ^ 
 at Margaret Chapel shows how intimately the preacher 
 had made himself acquainted both with the general char- 
 acter and the particular details 2 of Irish misery, which he 
 describes with the accuracy of an inspector's report, but 
 with the intensity of Holy Scripture :— 
 
 Deaths are now uncounted, counted here and there by fifties or 
 by hundreds ; but the dead are often buried unheeded, uncoffined, 
 unwept,^ amid the extremity of misery, by those who loved them 
 most. « There are no widows to make lamentation." The husband 
 carries his wife's uncoffined remains, the brother his sister, the mother 
 her child, without a tear, to the grave ; the inward misery and cry 
 to God, the only prayer over their remains ! The prophet's words 
 seem fulfilled, " Weep ye not for the dead, neither bemoan him " ; or 
 again, '* I praised the dead that are already dead, more than the 
 living which are yet alive ^" ' 
 
 Another passage may be quoted :— 
 
 *They who witness it say, « It exceeds all, save the siege of Jeru- 
 salem." Horrors there are, which one could scarce name except in 
 the solemnity of Scripture language. The curse on the house of 
 Ahab IS fulfilled on members of Christ, "Him that dieth of Ahab in 
 the city shall the dogs eat." More horrible yet is the temptation to 
 sin ; for what must be the misery where, for a morsel of food, one 
 man could be found to murder two children! Well-nigh all the 
 sorrows of the Lamentations over the city, "once full of people, that 
 sitteth solitary," are there ; "the tongue of the sucking child cleaveth 
 to the roof of his mouth for thirst " ; the young children, hundreds 
 upon hundreds in one cityS "ask for bread, and no man breaketh it 
 unto them."' 
 
 1 I 
 
 ■ Chastisements neglected fore- 
 runners of greater,' published in * Occa- 
 sional Parochial Sermons,' sermon vi. 
 Parker, 1865. 
 
 * Pusey refers to the * Narrative of a 
 Journey from Oxford to Skibbcieen,' 
 by Lord Dufferin and the Hon. G. F. 
 Boyle (the late Earl of Glasgow). They 
 were at the time undergraduates at 
 Christ Church, and they persuaded 
 some of their fellow-students to give 
 up all luxuries for a given time and 
 
 devote the proceeds to the relief of the 
 starving Irish. Other sources of infor- 
 mation were Mr. Elihu Burritt's 
 journal of a visit of three days to 
 Skibbereen and its neighbourhood ; 
 and a great many private letters, 
 giving details 'too horrible to be 
 published.' 
 
 ^ ' Chastisements neglected fore- 
 runners of greater,' pp. 17, 18. (' Oc- 
 casional Sermons.') 
 
 * Galway. 
 
 •<»»^' 
 
 Denunciation of Luxury, 
 
 171 
 
 
 V 
 
 But sympathy with suffering and even present self-denial 
 with a view to relieving it, would be unequal to the 
 demands of the occasion, if they did not lead to some 
 efforts to resist the habits of luxury, which, in Pusey's 
 judgment, were increasing their hold, with fatal effect, on 
 modern life. It must be remembered that he was preaching 
 to a well-dressed congregation, some of them related to 
 the wealthiest people in the country. 
 
 * Whatever amendments there may have been among us, luxury and 
 self-indulgence have been increasing among us : no class has been 
 contented with the expenditure of their forefathers ; new luxuries 
 have invaded us ; luxuries have become comforts, and comforts have 
 become necessaries and our idols. In its turn, luxury is the parent 
 of covetcusness ; and covetousness of unjust gain, and of the grinding 
 of the poor. We will not limit our self-indulgence ; and so in order 
 to obtain it cheaply, we pare down the wages of our artisans. They 
 who have seen it, know that full often the very clothes we wear are, 
 while they are made, moistened by the tears of the poor. How has 
 the same desire of cheapness, to vie with others, impaired the char- 
 acter of our trade, and made practices common which our forefathers 
 would have counted, what they are, dishonesty ! ' 
 
 Sir Robert Peel's Bill for the repeal of the Corn Laws 
 interested Pusey deeply. He probably did not gxw^ much 
 thought to its political bearings, but he wished it well, as 
 a measure designed for the relief of the poor. Again, 
 writing to his brother on the question of the endowment of 
 Roman Catholicism, he says: — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Philip Pusey, Esq., M.P. 
 
 Christ Church, June 13, 1846. 
 
 For myself, I hope that everything done for the Roman Catholics 
 will work to good, both in doing away irritation at present, and 
 tending ultimately to bring us together. I do not see anything to 
 object to in giving seats to Irish Roman Catholic bishops, or endowing 
 Colleges for them, or paying, their clergy if they would receive it. 
 I do not see anything amiss, or any principle violated, in doing any- 
 thing /<7j///V^/j//^r the R. C.s. 
 
 But * robbing Paul to pay Peter ' never does any good. Be it ever 
 so much that they were ill-treated at the Reformation (although all 
 their Bishops came over), yet there is not more of Church property, 
 after all the miserable squandering, than is sufficient for the needs 
 of the English-speaking Irish Church. They say, too, that the Irish 
 
■«•««■ 
 
 w 
 
 172 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Church will not accept it. It is worse than the fable of the dog in 
 the manger, to desire to deprive others of what they do not want 
 themselves, to bring them down, without raising themselves. I objected 
 to the Appropriation Clause, because I think it went to confiscate 
 Church property to secular purposes. No blessing ever came of this 
 or will come. This wealthy nation, which could afford— was it twenty 
 millions or forty?— for a theory about slavery, can do what it will, 
 if it will. Or, at least, let people be consistent. If the act was wrong, 
 let them begin by undoing their own share in it. The spoliation of 
 monasteries, which was a real robbery of the poor, which all acknow- 
 ledge to have been the original cause of the evil system of the poor-laws, 
 is as bad as any one can make out the transfer of Church property 
 in Ireland. Let people come to such work with clean hands. If the 
 Dukes who possess Church property. Whig or Conservative, would 
 give up what no one can doubt was wrongfully given them, they may 
 say what they will about the Church in Ireland. I examined the 
 subject, you will recollect, very carefully some years ago, according 
 to the returns of the Commissioners, and I found that almost every 
 case of inadequate provision for our poor people had its root in the 
 transfer of monastic property. The monks did provide for their 
 wants : their ecclesiastical non-resident successors have been learning 
 to do it : the laymen have done nothing. 
 
 I did not mean, however, to get into this subject. My object in 
 writing this letter was to show how far I go along with you. I should 
 think that people will bear anything done positively for the Roman 
 Catholics ; that they will not bear spoliation. 
 
 For myself, I am more and more indifferent to everything outward, 
 in my inward self: and that from the deep conviction that things 
 are in higher Hands than ours, and that He 
 
 'shapes our ends. 
 Rough-hew them how we will.' 
 
 There is an inward life in the Church (I do not mean, of course, 
 in the clergy) which ever thrives in difficulties, and draws life out of 
 death. 
 
 God bless you ever. 
 
 The brothers were not at one on the Irish Church 
 question. Mr. Pusey had supported the suppression of 
 the Irish bishoprics in 1833: but the subject was not 
 referred to between them except indirectly. Pusey's 
 method was to drop extinct controversies, and to make 
 the most of present occasions for suggesting or doing 
 good. The relations between the brothers may be illus- 
 trated by one more letter, written in the autumn of the 
 year of Pusey's illness at Tenby. 
 
 " 
 
 Oxford University Election of 184J, 
 
 E. B. P. TO Philip Pusey, Esq., M.P. 
 
 173 
 
 Pusey, Vigil of St. Simon and St. Jude, 1846. 
 
 ... I will not say many words of thanks for all the kind 
 thought for me and my children ; but I pray daily that we may all 
 be gathered together, where there is no weariness, nor sickness, 
 nothing to harass without, no sinking of the heart within, no sorrowful 
 memories, nor heavy anticipations, no combats, nor sins, nor failings, 
 but the everlasting, ever-blessing Presence of God. 
 
 To this end, I cannot say with how very much of interest I see any 
 and every exertion of yours for the poor: for I believe that the 
 prayers of the poor for us here are among our best treasures, and 
 good deeds done for them a choice treasure at the Day of Account. 
 And so politics, your seat in Parliament, agriculture, your studies, 
 all interest me in this one way, that they may be turned to account 
 for the poor. We, the clergy, are bound by our vows (even so far 
 as we are employed in secular studies) to draw * all our desires and 
 studies that one way.' We may engage in many things, we must 
 have one end. And one end we all have, the glory of God in the 
 good of man ; and so I will pray, and you will too, that God will 
 accept the work of your hands, and make you an instrument of good 
 to His poor, and, so making you, bless you here and hereafter. 
 
 God bless you all. your very affectionate brother, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 In July, 1847, Parliament was dissolved, and Mr. Est- 
 court, who, with his colleague Sir R. Inglis, had for many 
 years represented the University, announced to his con- 
 stituents his intended retirement. That Mr. Gladstone 
 should be asked to become a candidate for the vacant seat 
 was almost a matter of course. After a brilliant Univer- 
 sity career, he had forced his way rapidly to the Secretary- 
 ship of the Colonies ; he had been, while still a young man, 
 in the language of the public press, ' not only a Minister but 
 a leading Minister.' His intimate relations with Church- 
 men in the University were sufficiently well known: he 
 was in active sympathy with them ; and it was well under- 
 stood that his loyalty to Church principles had obliged 
 him to make political sacrifices. He was opposed by 
 Mr. Edward Cardwell, nephew of the Principal of St.* 
 Alban Hall. Mr. Cardwell was a man of ability and cul- 
 ture, but hardly likely to elicit the enthusiasm of the Uni- 
 
 \'\ 
 
 
74 
 
 i| 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 versity. He had no relations with the Church movement ; 
 but as he had voted for the Maynooth grant, ' the anti- 
 poptiy fire-engine '—to quote The Times—' played on both 
 the candidates with absolute impartiality/ 
 
 In a short time, however, it became clear to Mr. Card- 
 well's Committee that he had no chance of success as 
 against Mr. Gladstone. His name was withdrawn ; and 
 thenceforth the contest lay between Mr. Gladstone and 
 a candidate who was already in the field, and who repre- 
 sented frankly the Low Church and Protectionist interest. 
 This was Mr. J. E. Round, of Balliol College, Recorder of 
 Rochester, and member for North Essex. Mr. Round's 
 Oxford Committee was almost entirely composed of the 
 opponents of Tractarianism : the only distinguished ex- 
 ception was Mr. William Sewell, whose presence on that 
 Committee was a sign of the alarm with which he had 
 been inspired by the events of 1845. The contest now was 
 rather a religious than a political one ; and Mr. Gladstone's 
 cause was generally taken up by High Churchmen with 
 great warmth and alacrity. 
 
 Pusey, of course, shared this feeling. He did not join 
 Mr. Gladstone's Committee; his name, in the existing 
 state of things, would have provoked more opposition than 
 it could have conciliated support. Moreover, among 
 Mr. Gladstone's supporters there were men of distinction 
 with whom serious Churchmen could not have had much 
 in common. But the real meaning of the contest may be 
 gathered from a comparison of the members of the Oxford 
 Committees : and they show that Mr. Round represented 
 the anti-Tractarian policy of the Heads of Houses, Mr. 
 Gladstone all that the Heads had endeavoured to crush. 
 
 The election was held in what was then the dead of the 
 Long Vacation. The poll was opened on Thursday, July 29, 
 and was closed on Tuesday, August 3. Mr. Gladstone 
 was proposed by Dr. Richards, the high-minded and 
 generous Rector of Exeter, in a speech which did justice to 
 his subject. The Master of Balliol, Dr. Jenkyns, proposed 
 Mr. Round. In the event, Sir R. H. Inglis, the sitting 
 
 \ 
 
 Jewish Disabilities, 
 
 175 
 
 member, was returned at the head of the poll with Mr. 
 Gladstone as his colleague, whose majority over Mr. Round 
 was 173. 
 
 Pusey was staying at Hayling Island ; and he came up, 
 as was then necessary, to vote for Mr. Gladstone. * I am 
 very thankful,' he wrote two months later to the Rev. 
 H. A. Woodgate, * for Gladstone's election ; but we too 
 had allies who have no great love for us or the truths 
 we hold.' But a question soon arose which led Pusey to 
 modify his satisfaction. On Dec. 2 Lord John Russell 
 announced his intention of introducing on Dec. 16 a motion 
 for the removal of the civil and political disabilities affect- 
 ing her Majesty's Jewish subjects ; and Mr. Gladstone 
 intimated to Pusey, through Mr. T. D. Acland, that he 
 should feel it his duty to support the motion. Pusey 
 immediately sent an almost violent protest to Mr. Glad- 
 stone. At its conclusion, he says : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 [Dec. 13], 1847, Gloucester Gate, 
 
 Mo. night, returning to O. on Wed. 
 
 You would put great difficulties in the way of those who wish or 
 are bound to pray for the Parliament as Christian : I could pray for 
 it only as apostate, and as having prepared by this step for the coming 
 of Antichrist. 
 
 I know that this is an idle protest. But as you in a manner wished 
 me to know, I am bound in conscience to make it. I felt, when 
 I supported you, that I should witness acts which I should regret. 
 There was one past act (the 'godless colleges') which 1 deplored. 
 Still I voted, and wished others to vote, on the plain principle of 
 personal confidence in you as a religious statesman, who felt the 
 responsibility of your own acts. I voted for you out of personal 
 affection and regard for you, and the confidence which I had in you 
 as a religious man. Had I known that you would have joined in 
 what I account an anti-Christian measure, 1 could not have helped 
 to put you in a position which would have led to such a result. 
 I would rather, for your own soul's sake, that you had been out of 
 Parliament. 
 
 You will not understand this as expressing a regret, either that you 
 were elected, or that I had any share in your election. We did it 
 with our eyes open, as to your general line of politics, though not 
 expecting this. We have no reason to complain. It seems one more 
 
■«« T»y 
 
 ^ 
 
 1. 
 
 176 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 hint to Churchmen to have nothing to do with politics. Your election 
 
 seemed the one thing which could still interest me in them. If the 
 
 Legislature pass this, I could take no other interest in it than, 
 
 I believe, St. Paul would have had me take in Nero. 
 
 God have mercy. t tt- «• • i- • t 
 
 In Him your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 To this Mr. Gladstone sent an answer expressive of his 
 sincere regard for Pusey s feelings, and a real deference to 
 his opinions. He explained his own grounds for his action, 
 and the pain and reluctance with which he was now pre- 
 pared to surrender the view in which he had previously 
 agreed with Pusey. He had, however, come to feel that 
 so far from individuals only being responsible for the 
 attenuation and corruption of the Christian profession of 
 the State, the State had with open eyes deliberately, 
 though gradually, withdrawn its religious tests — even for 
 the Divinity of Christ. While influenced by the civil 
 argument for the Jew, he was still more impressed by the 
 danger to religion from insisting on tests, which were 
 notoriously in very many cases mere hollow professions. 
 
 Pusey thought that government, like everything else, 
 should be conducted on purely Christian principles. Mr. 
 Gladstone replied, * That any man in any country can in 
 this age of the world give///// effect to Christian principles 
 in the work of government is, alas ! very far beyond my 
 belief.' 
 
 Another question— of social as well as theological im- 
 portance — which at this period occupied much of Pusey's 
 attention, was the proposal to repeal the laws which pro- 
 hibit marriage with a deceased wife's sister. Even in 
 1840 he had been greatly concerned about an agitation in 
 this direction : and wrote a vigorous criticism of a pamphlet 
 which was designed to promote it^ In this notice Pusey 
 made use for the first time of the remarkable Epistle of 
 
 * British Critic^ Oct. 1840, pp. 528 
 sqq. Notice of ' Observations on the 
 prohibition of Marriage in certain 
 
 cases of relationship by affinity. 
 Second Edition.' 
 
 Deceased Wifes Sister Bill, 
 
 177 
 
 St. Basil ^ which has since been so familiar and effective 
 a feature of the controversy : but he was by no means only 
 c»ccupied with the Biblical aspect of the discussion. 
 
 *I wish,* he writes to Harrison on Oct. 7, 1840, 'that there could 
 be some counter-demonstration of abhorrence and disgust : showing, 
 too, how the repeal (of the present law) would inflict a real hardship 
 on many who now live as brothers and sisters, but would then be 
 separated. One advocate has already given people to understand, 
 on Paley's maxim, that there is nothing morally offensive in any 
 incest, beyond that of own brother and sister.' 
 
 Harrison suggests in reply that ' some party or parties 
 were bent on such a marriage,' and he describes a peremp- 
 tory refusal, on the part of Archbishop Howley, even to 
 discuss the subject with them. Pusey threw himself into 
 the matter with his wonted energy : suggested that the 
 advertisements on the subject which were appearing in the 
 papers should be collected and commented on by Mr. 
 Maitland, the Archbishop's Librarian ; explained to Har- 
 rison that on studying Lev. xviii. 6 he found that it was 
 more decisive than he had anticipated; and, finally, wrote 
 a letter to the British Magazine which might serve as 
 a guide and encouragement to others, and which was 
 reprinted as a separate pamphlet^. His reason for this 
 republication was that already, both in 1841 and 1842, 
 Bills were brought into Parliament with a view to repealing 
 more or less of the existing Law of Marriage. 
 
 From this date, so far as Pusey was concerned, the 
 subject dropped until 1847, when it was again forced on 
 his attention. The parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields refused 
 a charity to the child of a marriage with a deceased wife's 
 sister, on the ground of the child's illegitimacy ^ ; and at the 
 same time a Mr. Chadwick of Liverpool based his defence 
 against a charge of bigamy, on the ground that one of his 
 two so-called wives was the sister of his previously deceased 
 wife. In view of these cases, Mr. Stuart Wortley moved in 
 
 * Ep. 160, ad Diodorum. 
 
 ' *A Letter on the proposed change 
 in the laws prohibiting Marriage 
 between those near of kin/ by the Rev. 
 
 VOL. III. N 
 
 E. B. Pusey, D.D. Oxford, J. H. 
 Parker, 1842. 
 
 ' The Queen v. St. Giles-in-the- 
 Fields, in the Court of Queen's Bench. 
 
 II 
 
'' ^ 
 
 It 
 
 178 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the House of Commons on May 13 for a 'Royal Commis- 
 sion to inquire into the state and operation of the Law of 
 Marriage, as relating to the prohibited degrees of affinity, 
 and to marriages solemnized abroad or in the British 
 Colonies.' Sir Robert Inglis spoke against the motion, 
 but would not divide the House ; and the Commission 
 was accordingly appointed. Mr. Edward Badeley was 
 retained as counsel for the parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields 
 in the Court of Queen's Bench ; and he applied to Pusey 
 for assistance in the preparation of his argument. The 
 substance of Pusey 's replies may be gathered from the 
 striking argument which that accomplished lawyer pre- 
 sented to the Judges of the Queen's Bench on June 15 a>d 
 June 30, 1847 ^ But, before long, Pusey had to take a more 
 directly personal and public part in the question. Early in 
 December, 1847, he was summoned to give evidence before 
 the Royal Commission, which was by that date at work. 
 And a week later (Dec. it, 1847) his mother wrote : — 
 
 'Edward has been sadly busy of late. For many nights he has 
 not gone to bed until three o'clock, and last night he sat up entirely. 
 His business has been to enlarge the evidence which he gave when 
 he was examined by the Commissioners about the marriage of sisters.' 
 
 This evidence, together with Mr. Badeley's speech in the 
 Queen's Bench, he published separately in 1849^, when 
 Mr. Stuart Wortley was bringing a Bill into Parliament to 
 legalize the hitherto prohibited unions. 
 
 It is anticipating the course of events to refer to this 
 publication ; but the opinion may here be expressed that 
 the Preface to these two documents is the most vigorous of 
 Pusey's contributions to the subject. When he composed 
 it he had had time to marshal his knowledge and to con- 
 sider fully all that could be said against him. All the 
 most important evidence that was given before the Royal 
 Commission is passed in review : Pusey's Preface is in fact 
 
 * Speech of Edward Badeley, Esq. 
 Cf. Pusey's ' Marriage with a Deceased 
 Wife's Sister, &c.,' 1849, pp. 74 sqq. 
 
 * * Marriage with a Deceased Wife's 
 Sister prohibited by Holy Scripture 
 
 as understood by the Church for 1 500 
 years : Evidence, &c., by E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D. : to which is appended a Speech 
 by Edward Badeley, Esq., M.A.' 
 Oxford, Parker, 1849. 
 
 ' 
 
 Deceased Wife's Sister Bill. 
 
 179 
 
 a Report to the public on the opinions and information 
 offered by the other witnesses. He has to defend the 
 existing prohibition against many lines of assault of various 
 opponents. Mr. T. Binney, who held that bigamy as well 
 as slavery were ' apparently tolerated ' under the circum- 
 stances of the Apostolic age and by Scripture itself, is asked 
 what authority can he on his principles produce whereby it 
 should be forbidden now. Archbishop Whately, who held 
 that the Levitical degrees are not binding upon Christians, 
 is begged to consider the authority of the * Table of for- 
 bidden degrees.' Dr. Wiseman, in order to accentuate the 
 authority of the Roman Church, and in particular its dis- 
 pensing power, had maintained that these marriages are 
 disapproved of in the Mosaic law, yet that they are not 
 contrary to the Christian law, but are a mere matter of 
 ecclesiastical legislation ; Pusey reminded him that, if he is 
 right, it must follow that ' amid the hardness of heart ' of the 
 earlier people, marriages were forbidden to them which are 
 allowed under the light and grace of the Gospel. With 
 deep regret he reviews also the evidence of his old Oriel 
 friend, the Rev. J. E. Tyler, who held that the Mosaic law 
 of marriage referred to the political or municipal rather than 
 the moral branch of the Mosaic dispensation. 
 
 Then, after summarizing the Scriptural evidence, Pusey 
 points out that the hope that man's moral instincts will 
 save him, if the relaxation of the Divine law is once 
 allowed, from going further, is contrary to all that we 
 know of human nature. 
 
 * We are disinclined to see the consequences of what we are doing. 
 People wish to act blindfold, when they are resolved to act, and 
 doubt what the results may be. And, on that very ground, it is of 
 moment to open their eyes, if we can. An alarming range of lax 
 practice is laid open in this, which is the very centre of morals. For 
 if the Levitical degrees are abandoned, there remains no safeguard 
 (save where and as far as the Church holds her ground), except man's 
 natural instincts. But what are these instincts ? Are they one uniform, 
 distinct, powerful voice of nature, making herself heard equally under 
 all circumstances, in every moral or religious condition, so that she 
 cannot be mistaken, nor, without a convulsive shock to nature herself, 
 be disobeyed? All experience tells us the contrary. It is against 
 
 N2 
 
 yi 
 
:i\ 
 
 il 
 
 i8o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 nature itself to say that our moral instincts do not very materially 
 depend upon our whole moral condition. Such as we ourselves are, 
 as moral or religious agents, such are our moral instincts. These 
 sacred instincts are not a dream, nor a mere creation of custom, 
 because they vary indefinitely in different stages of man's moral 
 being. God forbid ! Like conscience itself, they are the Voice of 
 God within the soul, sweeping over the very inmost strings of our 
 moral being, although the sounds be jarring, unharmonious, uncertain, 
 low, when the instrument itself is discordant or unattuned ; the sounds 
 are fine, and delicate, and harmonious, then only, when the Finger of 
 God, the Holy Spirit, hath repaired and conformed it anew to that 
 state wherein His Hand formed it, and it yields itself to His touch '.' 
 
 In acknowledging a copy of Dr. Pusey's and Mr. Badeley's 
 joint work, which had been placed in his hands with a^iew 
 to the debate on Mr. Stuart Wortley's measure, Mr. Glad- 
 stone wrote asking Pusey's assistance in preparing his own 
 speech in opposition to the measure. Pusey readily com- 
 plied with this request, and his answer, as being not with- 
 out interest at this time, is printed in the Appendix. 
 
 The debate was distinguished by a long speech from 
 Mr. Gladstone, in which he reproduced several arguments 
 from this letter: but the motion for the second reading 
 was carried by a majority of 34 — 177 to 143. The Bill, 
 however, did not live to be read a third time during that 
 session. 
 
 ^ 'Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister/ &c., by E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 Parker, 1849. Preface, pp. xxx, xxxi. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 ' 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER VII. 
 
 -M- 
 
 E. B. P. TO W. E. Gladstone, Esq., M.P. 
 
 [Christ Church], Eve of St. Mark [1849]. 
 
 I am very thankful to hear of the line which you are to take on 
 this Bill. 
 
 In answer to your questions, i. I see nothing to be said against 
 J. K[eble]'s interpretation of rroppfin, Acts xv, and the ground seems 
 to me very strong. 
 
 2. I meant that the Early Church considered the marriage of first 
 cousins allowable, while it held all which fell under the Levitical 
 degrees as prohibited, and among these the wife's sister. ... I men- 
 tion (Evidence, p. 17) the first prohibition of the marriage of first 
 cousins (in the sixth century), founded doubtless on that instinctive 
 feeling mentioned by St. Augustine. But this did not introduce any 
 confusion into the mind of the Church. It remained clear what was 
 prohibited by Divine law (the Levitical degrees), what by the Church's 
 law : see St. Thomas Aquinas (Evid. p. 25) and the Schoolmen 
 generally. The confusion (such as now exists in the Roman Church) 
 began when the unhappy Pope Alexander VI. dispensed with what 
 was before accounted Divine law ; for then Roman Catholics were 
 driven to the alternatives, (a) Popes can dispense with Divine law ; 
 or O) the Levitical law is no longer Divine law. Most, with Bishop 
 Wiseman, take /3. 
 
 3. On Lev. xviii. 18, St. Basil has said all that I see admits of being 
 said. 
 
 The words *as long as she liveth' may (as to the Heb.) have 
 equally either sense you propose, * an extensive expression giving 
 emphasis,' or *to limit the prohibition to the lifetime.' J. Keble, 
 I think, takes the former in his third explanation (I have it not at 
 hand). 
 
 One concession I made, may be limited, as to the interpretation 
 of the Jews before our Lord. I know not whether you saw a letter 
 from me in 7Ae Guardian some weeks past, before Easter. J. K. 
 sent me, from Robert Cornish, a notice that in Deut. xxvii. 23 there 
 is in the LXX. the interpolation 'ETrtKarapaTo? 6 Koificdfxfvos /xfra 
 db(\<f)ris trji yvvaiKos uvtov. The very existence of this addition cannot 
 
IT 
 
 Ml 
 
 i I 
 
 W 
 
 182 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 be accounted for, except on the fact that the Alexandrian Jews, at 
 the least, believed the marriage with the wife's sister to be pro- 
 hibited by Holy Scripture— and this very much strengthens the 
 case of the Karaites, whom one should otherwise have trusted less 
 than the Talmudists. There is then a case of uncertainty at least, 
 on this side, with the strong positive ground upon the other. I think 
 the ground which you put may stand as an additional difficulty. If 
 you take v. 18 in what seems to some its obvious sense, it would only 
 prohibit marriage with the wife's sister in her lifetime ; and if you 
 take V. 17 in what would by itself equally seem the obvious sense, 
 it would only prohibit marrying the step-daughter in the mother's 
 lifetime. But it is universally confessed that a marriage with a step- 
 daughter is against nature itself. You cannot then argue safely from 
 what appears at first sight, if there are grave grounds on the other 
 side. 
 
 As far as I saw myself, I felt Lev. xviii. 18 to be a difficulty as to 
 the Old Testament, to be mitigated only. For as I saw no difficulty 
 in admitting at the utmost (on the hypothesis)—* Suppose then, it was 
 conceded to the Jews, for the hardness of their hearts, that they 
 might marry their wife's sister, after the wife's decease, and although 
 contrary to the principle involved in Lev. xviii. 6 and 16, yet so 
 Polygamy was conceded to them, contrary to the first principles of 
 the law of marriage given at the Creation. It does not follow, that 
 the one concession was meant to be extended to us, any more than 
 the other. And those who maintain the contrary, go against the 
 sense of the whole Christian Church, until in a.d. 1500 a monster 
 of a Pope set the example by allowing such a marriage.' 
 
 But again, as to Lev. xviii. 18, St. Basil's second argument is a very 
 strong one. (You would find his letter in my pamphlet some years 
 ago, or, in the original, Ep. 160, ed. Bened.) He urges (which is 
 evident) all sins of incest, really prohibited in the law, are not pro- 
 hibited by name [e.g. the daughter], but certain incests which were 
 the custom of the lands of Egypt and Canaan, Lev. xviii. 3. I may 
 as well give his words. 'The lawgiver seems not to include every 
 sort of sins, but especially to forbid those of the Egyptians whence 
 Israel removed, and those of the Canaanites, to whom they removed. 
 For so stand the words (Lev. xviii. 3 quoted). So that it is probable 
 that this sort of sin was not at that time indigenous {(finoXiTtCfaeai) 
 among those nations. Wherefore neither had the lawgiver any need 
 to guard them against it, but was satisfied with untaught habit {t<^ 
 aatSoKTO) €d€i) to reprobate this defilement.' He then meets the 
 difficulty, * How then having forbidden the greater, does he pass in 
 silence over the less?' He answers, 'Because the example of the 
 Patriarch [Jacob] seemed likely to injure some fleshly persons, so 
 that they should live with sisters together.' 'What then must we 
 do ? say what is written, or work out in addition to Holy Scripture 
 {'irpo(r€$€pydC€aBai) what is passed over in silence ? * 
 
 > 
 
 Appendix to Chapter VIL 
 
 183 
 
 It is little to say that I like St. Basil's mode of reasoning better than 
 my own, and it seems to me capable of being brought out with great 
 force. One would put first the general prohibition. Lev. xviii. 6, which 
 has been held as the rule of the Christian Church ; then, mentioning 
 that it is obvious that all cases really prohibited are not so by name 
 (as the daughter), one would argue from the parity of case in 
 Lev. xviii. 16, purity being the same in both sexes, &c. — the judgment 
 of the whole Church— our own, &c. In a word, bring out the positive 
 grounds strongly. Then meet objection, * But it is said that it is 
 allowed in Lev. xviii. 18.' Ans. Take this, at its very outside, it 
 is a prohibition of a special form of polygamy. There may have been 
 special reasons why this polygamy should be forbidden. It does not 
 follow, because any specific sin is not expressly included in a pro- 
 hibition, therefore it is permitted ; also suicide would not be forbidden. 
 We cannot make inferences from our mere ignorance of the circum- 
 stances, why Almighty God expressly forbade one thing and not 
 another. He had not allowed marriage with the wife's sister. The 
 very utmost that could be said, would be, that in prohibiting polygamy 
 of this sort, Almighty God had not expressly prohibited second 
 marriage, having virtually condemned it just before, under the pro- 
 hibition of the brother's wife. The Mosaic is not a complete code 
 of legislation, giving each particular instance of what is forbidden. 
 It is addressed to the affections, not to the intellect only. The same 
 commandment is repeated several times, as of adultery in this 
 very chapter, v. 20, although it had been already forbidden in the 
 Decalogue; a person's gleaning his own fields is prohibited twice. 
 Lev. xix. 9, 10 and xxiii. 22 ; the law * Vex not the stranger,' is repeated 
 three times, Ex. xxii. 21 ; xxiii. 9 ; Lev. xix. 33 (besides Deut. x. 18, 19) ; 
 and on the other hand, it appears from the Prophets that things not 
 expressly prohibited by the law, were still understood to be forbidden. 
 Thus St. Basil instances Amos ii. 7 ; God by Amos speaks of it as very 
 offensive to Him, * A man and his father will go in unto the same 
 maid to profane My Holy Name.' It is clearly not forbidden by 
 God for the first time through Amos. He speaks of it as one of the 
 offences which would bring down His judgments on Israel, and yet 
 St. Basil says, ' that father and son should not use one concubine 
 (fTaipa) is not written in these laws, and yet in the Prophet is thought 
 worthy of the strongest censure.' And he adds, as a general principle, 
 * How many other sorts of impure passions, the teaching of devils has 
 invented, but Holy Scripture is silent upon, not choosing to defile its 
 own decency (affivov) by the names of foul things, but has censured 
 them under the general name of uncleanness, as also the Apostle 
 Paul saith, " Fornication and all uncleanness, let it not be once named 
 among you, as becometh saints " : but including under the name of 
 uncleanness the unmentionable doings of men and those of women, 
 so that silence does not altogether give free license to voluptuaries.* 
 If other dreadful things are expressed, at least the sin Rom. i. 26 is 
 
\ * 
 
 , 
 
 M 
 
 life 
 
 184 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 nowhere alluded to in the Old Testament ; and what would be any 
 one's idea of purity or any other virtue, if he limited himself to the 
 bare letter of what is forbidden there ? There are flagrant sins against 
 purity, not forbidden by the letter of Holy Scripture. 
 
 With this I should hope the rest of St. Basil's argument (whether 
 you tell the House of Commons that it is St. Basil or no) would work 
 in well, that we do not know the grounds why one thing is inserted 
 and another omitted in Holy Scripture ; we do not know, except from 
 Holy Scripture itself, what the then customs of the Egyptians and 
 Canaanites were; that there is no more need to account for the 
 omission than for that of the daughter: that there is an obvious 
 reason why this special polygamy should be forbidden (the fear lest 
 the precedent of Jacob should be abused), and since it was forbidden 
 virtually in v. 16 there was no need to repeat it. 
 
 This seems to set the Old Testament more in harmony in th'^ the 
 sister-in-law and wife's sister are equally prohibited, and this polygamy 
 over and above ; and then the Talmudists may easily be thrown over, 
 as those who may have kept some traditions truly, and yet, in the 
 main, corrupted the word of God through them. I know not how it 
 was that this argument of St. Basil was not in my mind ; certainly, 
 were I to give my evidence now, I should put this forward as the 
 explanation of Lev. xviii. 18. 
 
 You mention a great difficulty as to the State. Certainly the more 
 the State detaches itself from the Church of England, the greater the 
 difficulty is on these subjects. For it has no guide but the Church ; 
 and if it rejects that, it must flounder endlessly. I see not what 
 standard it can substitute. Some, I hear, feel that it is hard to affix 
 State penalties to that which the Roman Church allows by dispensa- 
 tions. Practically, however, the Roman Catholic marriages of the 
 wife's sister are among the lower orders who are not affected by laws 
 as to property. They would take it as a concession, but do not 
 want it. 
 
 But then, of course. Parliament cannot stop with this measure, but 
 must take off* the civil penalty from any marriage in which the Pope 
 is thought to be able to or does dispense. And this is one invidious 
 part of this Bill. They are trying to get in the thin edge of the wedge. 
 They appeal to other nations. Why then not propose to allow uncles 
 to marry their nieces > Because, they know, the English would revolt 
 at it at present. And yet there is not one word to be said, from Holy 
 Scripture, the Church, habits of mankind, human instinct, for the one 
 more than for the other. At least, what is done, let people do it with 
 their eyes open, not hoodwinked. 
 
 However, what the State is to do when it casts off* the guidance of 
 the Church, and is to act upon some heathen principle, I know not what ; 
 some abstraction or ideal of its own. and to have education theories, 
 &c., of its own, is no concern of mine. But I do wish that the State 
 would deal openly with the Church. It is hard enough for the Church 
 
 
 Appendix to Chapter VIL 
 
 T85 
 
 to learn to act for itself, when for so long the State has bound her 
 hand and foot, at first following her and adopting what she taught, 
 and for the last century legislating for her, and now, it seems likely 
 to be, against her. It is sad to see the fruits of this state of things 
 in Archdeacon Hale, who by * law ' means * Civil, State, Act of Parlia- 
 ment law,' and does not seem to have given a thought to the law of 
 the Church. (Evidence.) If the State withdraws its prohibitions, at 
 least let it leave to the Church to act for herself, whereas Mr. Stuart 
 Wortley says, * What the State proclaims lawful is lawful, and there- 
 fore no Clerk shall be punishable for breaking Ecclesiastical laws, 
 because they are no longer laws of the State,' which is a direct 
 interference with the constitution of the Church. 
 
 I see, with regret, each link of the old system broken, both with 
 regard to the State and to the Church ; to the State, because it is 
 dropping the relation on which our prayers for Parliament are founded, 
 and assuming a nondescript character which will in the end be infidel ; 
 and to the Church, because having been so long forbidden in any way 
 to act for herself, she is disabled from doing so now, through long 
 disuse. 
 
 I shall be very thankful to see this Bill thrown out, because it will 
 imply a strong moral feeling on a question which is at the centre of 
 all morals and our whole domestic life. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 \ 
 
71 
 
 i\ 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 HAYLINC; ISLAND— VOCATIONS TO A SINGLE UFE-PARK 
 VILLAGE— MISS SELLON-" FOUNDATION OK THE DEVON- 
 PORT SOCIETY— THE BISHOP OK EXETER'S 1NQUIR>— 
 THE CHOLERA AT DEVONf^ORT, 
 
 The summer vacations of 1847 and 1848 were spent by 
 Pittcy at Haylinj: Inland, to which he was attracted by the 
 quiet of the pface and the s>ini>athy oT a ncighbcniring 
 clergyman, tJie Rev. E. T. Richards, Vicar of Fariington. 
 whom he very highly esteemed. He had with him his son 
 Philip and his JiltJc daughter Mary; and Charier Marriott 
 spent part of the time in 1847 as a visitor. They lodged 
 at a house in the Crescent ; and Pusey u.wl to express hb 
 delight in the * quiet beach where Ik- could walk without his 
 hat, and without the fear of being interrxipted by stranger^/ 
 Utcr on Si.stcr Mary, of the Park Village community, joined 
 them; as did Mr. and Mrs. Crawley, of Littlcmore. 
 
 * People in the neighbourhood.' uriies Mrs. G. Huotttiuford m 
 daughter of Mr Richxrd,, who u^s there M the lime, 'fooked u^on 
 Dr. Pusey w a kiDd o^ strange being. His lil^t there wm a «Ht of 
 mystery to the wotld. He avoMed •ociety oi^ v^us occupied irith hi> 
 own woric, accept when engaged mth tbofe who cam« to him kir 
 
 BfcMdcs hi* family and Mr. Marriott, there were ^mc 
 ladies .staying in the house, combining a stay by the seaside 
 with the opportunity of obtaining help to tiietr religious 
 Ufc. Pusey always .said the daily morning and evening 
 service with th<xsc who were staying in the house, and who 
 
 Siqy ai Haylinj Island. 
 
 187 
 
 were willing to attend, as well as the day hours, from 
 Prime to Compline. 
 
 'Many peopk,' co«)tinuc$ MrtL Hantincfocd, ^ised to co(i>e and go : 
 it WAS a busy time, ainl yet a time of recrcc&tV!«n. There ^u4 a cert^n 
 awe d 1>T. Puicy, which prei^ented his seeing sonae people in their 
 cvcr>'day behavtov: b«t «« were very ii>trry at tiiRics. Little chikireii 
 wore noffe at home vlih him tbjtn the rest of the irorkl.* 
 
 The house was constantly brightened by the presence 
 of the younger mcmbcfS of Mr. Richards family. 
 
 * Dr. Posey,' says Mrs. Hunt!n|;fbri)y * look a great deal of notice of 
 them, atxl one of the boys asked him ooe day to tell them a story. He 
 agreed : and taking down the beautiful print of the " Good Shepherd '* 
 gathered uji aJl round him, and with his arm rouod ooe little ^llow, 
 and another 00 his knee, drew oat the story of the poor lo« sheep and 
 the Good Shepherd in soch language as the little ones coaki well 
 undcrstaxKl, and with many a uwd of help for the eWcr children 
 afooadj who^e Itltle troobkt be knew a good deal about.* 
 
 He preached in the Parish Church on almost every Sun- 
 day evening during his visits ' ; and on St. Bartholomew's 
 Day, 1848, when the collcciiun -'ifter the sermon assisted 
 the Vicar to repair Soutli Hayling Churchy and especially 
 to restore the ancient font. 
 
 It wa:j amongst such peaceful and prayerful $*irround- 
 iogs that Pusey was b<^inning to feci more and more 
 deeply the pressure of those anxious questions necessarily 
 involved in the revival of Sisterhood life. Probably he had 
 liardly realized the gravity and intricacy of those ques- 
 tions— questions often involving delicate family relations — 
 which he would be called upon to settle, nor tlie forco of 
 prejudice that the Religious life would not unnaturally exdtc, 
 nor the difficulty <>f guiding and restraining the emotional 
 and sensitive characters with whom he would be brought 
 in oootact. It must be remembered that in Engbnd and 
 in English families, with the exception of the limited circle 
 of the older Roman Catholics, there had been for centuries 
 literally no experience of the Religious life. The .special 
 
 ^ OMwrmeo prcaebedtn Hftjliig k(» own Uie.— on Kn|>r: 'FiirocbUl 
 IdMd C^mk ii tbf bcMifal tcr- SefUMOs.' vol. 11. p. ». 
 
 ma»— foil of expeficiioes detfm ftom 
 
 1 
 
i88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey, 
 
 Gossip. 
 
 189 
 
 vocation of a Sister of Mercy, the character involved and 
 the claims of such a character, were altogether unknown. 
 It was indeed rare that Christian parents had been called 
 on to surrender a son to the missionary cause. The 
 devotion of such a man as Bishop Selwyn the elder, 
 whereby he was led to surrender a *good career' as a 
 clergyman at home, was regarded even by some estimable 
 Bishops as quite 'inexplicable.' That young ladies who 
 were considered 'serious' should object to theatres and 
 dancing was looked upon as a pardonable eccentricity. 
 But that those who were not 'Evangelical' should take 
 a stricter view of life, should shrink from 'society/ dHd 
 entertain thoughts of a vow of celibacy in face of an 
 eligible marriage, was almost inconceivable. Besides, there 
 was then generally, especially amongst religious-minded 
 people, a very high and right sense of filial obligation ; 
 there was also the notorious jealousy of interference on 
 the part of a spiritual guide in the private arrangements 
 of family life. 
 
 With his unworldliness and simplicity, with his over- 
 whelming sense of Divine guidance, the sanctity of the 
 human soul, and the nothingness of all worldly objects 
 and aims, Pusey found himself, almost before he was aware 
 of it, opposed to the wishes and judgments of respected 
 friends, and sometimes thwarting the most cherished aims 
 which they entertained for their children. Again, his small 
 knowledge of the outer world and his own disciplined 
 disposition were not the best qualifications for gauging 
 any excitable and emotional temperaments with which he 
 might have to deal. And in these delicate relations, which 
 a gainsaying and censorious world could not rightly appre- 
 ciate, he laid himself open to misconceptions and gossip 
 against which a man more worldly wise would have been 
 on his guard. Hence it is very far indeed from being 
 a matter for surprise that at the time, and indeed for years 
 after, Pusey became the subject of all sorts of imputations 
 and charges, the result of excited religious animosity acting 
 upon and exaggerating imperfect information. It is easy, 
 
 \ 
 
 without entering into any details, to understand the direc- 
 tion which these cruel suspicions, arising out of the neces- 
 sarily close relations existing between a spiritual guide and 
 those whom he guided, would be likely to take. 
 
 In one direction, however, the gossip went so far that 
 Mr. Keble thought it good that Pusey should be made aware 
 of the manner in which his conduct was being misinter- 
 preted. After alluding to the report which caused him to 
 write— namely, that he administered the Holy Communion 
 daily to a Sister without any one being present— Keble 
 expresses his fear lest his friend should ' unwittingly give 
 some a(^op/x7i of reproachful speech or thought,' whilst he 
 'was very likely before God doing the very work of 
 
 angels.' 
 
 June 8, 1849. 
 
 ' Do, my dear friend, forgive me for saying this. I know by sad expe- 
 rience how necessary the rules are which commonly regulate this kind 
 of intercourse— necessary, I mean, for the generahty of persons— and 
 does it not seem therefore a part of charity for those to keep them up 
 for others' sake, who on their own account might not need them ? . . . 
 I am sure you do not forget that your work is eVi ^vpov ok/x^j?, and 
 it would be a thousand pities if it were damaged for want of a little 
 caution on this head.' 
 
 In reply Pusey. besides contradicting the rumour about 
 his having administered the Holy Sacrament to one 
 person alone, submitted the whole facts of the case un- 
 reservedly to Keble's judgment. The gossip soon died 
 away, only to be revived from time to time to the great 
 annoyance of Pusey s friends. In his simplicity, Pusey 
 himself was as unconscious of the gossip as he was regard- 
 less of the means to avoid it. The fact is, as Keble 
 suggests, that he was so centred on the great spiritual 
 effort on which his heart was set, that he was too little 
 careful of social conventionalities, the observance of which 
 would have prevented these misinterpretations of his conduct 
 and relieved his friends of the pain which he could not 
 understand that he was causing them. 
 
 Rarely however at any time did one of these exaggerated 
 and distorted stories appear in a sufficiently definite form to 
 
190 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 Park Village Community, 
 
 191 
 
 U i 
 
 be dealt with according to its merits. The extent to which 
 these stories might go is shewn by the fact that once when 
 travelling unrecognized in a stage coach, he was confronted 
 with the grotesque statement that it was his habit to sacri- 
 fice a Iamb daily ; and it was with difficulty that he convinced 
 his informant that the story was not founded on truth. But 
 the visit to Hayling Island which has just been described 
 gave occasion many years afterwards for one open charge 
 which fortunately admitted of being thoroughly sifted. 
 During a correspondence in The Times on the subject of 
 Confession, the well-known S. G. O. had the hardihood to 
 formulate a fully detailed and explicit accusation, which as 
 a matter of fact referred to one of Pusey*s young visitors 
 at Hayling Island. It ran as follows : — 
 
 *A young lady some years since came under the influence of 
 a Director or Confessor of the Church of England. He obtained 
 a complete ascendency over her. She before him took a vow of 
 celibacy for two years, unknown to her parents. An offer of marriage 
 was made to her, with their approval. There was no question of her 
 marrying, until after the time of her vow should have expired. But 
 even then, she had scruples, unless her director would give his 
 sanction ; this, even when solicited by her parents, he refused to do. 
 The result was, she remained single, and died so \* 
 
 The story was further decorated with other details about 
 Pusey having enjoined the wearing of a particular dress, 
 and separation from home and society, and about * the 
 weaving of meshes of priestcraft,' and the cruel disregard of 
 parental authority. Happily for the sake of Pusey and of 
 the truth, the young lady's father, whose friendship with 
 Pusey had never been interrupted, was still alive. He 
 wrote at once to The Times, giving an explicit denial to 
 S. G. O.'s story. The real truth of the matter was, so the 
 father stated, that Dr. Pusey had prevented his daughter 
 from taking a life-long vow by allowing one for two years 
 only ; and that when the two years were expired Dr. Pusey 
 had nothing at all to do with the case. He further ex- 
 pressed his deep gratitude for Pusey's ' kind and valuable 
 services ' to his dear daughter. 
 
 * The Times t Dec. ao, 1866. 
 
 This charge is typical of many others which differ from 
 it only in the fact that they were not sufficiently definite 
 for refutation. Whatever opinions may be held as to the 
 wisdom of Pusey's action and advice in difficult and delicate 
 cases of this kind, every imputation of moral obliquity 
 turned out to be absolutely groundless. 
 
 Akin to such anxieties and complications was Pusey's 
 ever-increasing responsibility for the Sisterhood in Park 
 Village, Regent's Park. In 1848, it had been in exist- 
 ence for the three years for which its support was 
 at first guaranteed, and some of the laymen who had 
 promoted the original foundation were not unreasonably 
 anxious that it should be more distinctly sanctioned and 
 controlled by the Bishop of London. Mr. A. J. Beres- 
 ford Hope had a correspondence with the Bishop of 
 London, and subsequently put himself into communication 
 with Pusey. The Bishop, he urged, ought to know what 
 rules were observed and what Devotions were used by the 
 Sisters. The Devotions used in the private chapel were, 
 as a matter of fact, taken from the Breviary : all invoca- 
 tions of saints, and even prayers for the faithful departed, 
 being omitted. But ' the Breviary,' whether adapted or 
 not, was a word which scared even sensible people, who 
 probably knew little of its contents or of its relation to the 
 English Prayer-book. 
 
 Pusey agreed that the rules should be submitted to the 
 Bishop. They had already been revised in order to meet 
 his wishes ; but there would be no difficulty about further 
 modifications. The Devotions, used in the chapel, could 
 hardly be revised without being completely destroyed. 
 No exception could be taken to them in detail, composed 
 as they were of Holy Scripture and a few passages from 
 the Fathers: while everything open to objection in its 
 character had been omitted. 
 
 * I see no course,' wrote Pusey to Mr. Hope, ' except that of telling the 
 Bishop what we have done, and upon what principle we did it, and how 
 we thought that what we did was free from the objection which he made 
 
 to "adaptations" in his Charge of 1842 We had only done what 
 
 the compilers of our Liturgy bore out.' 
 
■■'^\ 
 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 192 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The Bishop returned the Sisters' rules to Mr. Hope, so 
 Pusey informs Keble, 
 
 'saying that he saw nothing to object to, if wisely and judiciously 
 carried out, and that he should say so to any who complained to him. 
 This is a very great gain : before this he was very displeased with me, 
 and even spoke, though he afterwards quite retracted it, as though 
 I ought not to speak in his diocese. The ground of his displeasure is 
 my little books.* 
 
 In another diocese an enterprise akin to that of the Park 
 Village community was now obtaining more direct episcopal 
 sanction. This was the work which was begun at Devon- 
 port by Miss Sellon. 
 
 Miss Sellon was the daughter of an officer in the Royal 
 Navy, who had retired from the service and was living in 
 Devonshire. She was on the point of leaving England for 
 her health, when she saw the Bishop of Exeter's appeal 
 of New Year's Day, 1848, for help to relieve the spiritual 
 and moral destitution of the great seaport in his diocese, 
 the population of which had altogether outgrown all exist- 
 ing provisions for religious teaching and worship. The 
 Bishop asked for at least four large churches, for additions 
 to the scanty endowments of the existing clergy, and not 
 least for ' schools on an ample scale and in larger number.' 
 It was this part cf the Bishop's appeal which especially 
 attracted Miss Sellon ; and she obtained her father's consent 
 to offer herself to help in such work. 
 
 At the suggestion of some mutual friends in Oxford, 
 Pusey, who had previously made Miss Sellon's acquaintance, 
 sent her with a letter of introduction to Mr. Kilpack, the 
 first incumbent of the Peel district of St. James', Ply- 
 mouth, which had been taken out of the parish of Stoke 
 Damerel. It had a population of between 4,000 and 5,000, 
 almost entirely of the labouring classes, and was without 
 church and schools. Miss Sellon placed her services at 
 the disposal of Mr. Kilpack : she and a friend who accom- 
 panied her were ready to teach in schools or to under- 
 take any other kind of charitable work which might be 
 wanted. 
 
 Miss Sellon's Work at Devonport 193 
 
 After they had brought some order and discipline into 
 a school which had lately been started, Miss Sellon attempted 
 a more difficult problem. This was to form a free industrial 
 school for girls and to organize a night school for boys 
 from twelve to sixteen, who were employed in the Govern- 
 ment works. Her success in these directions won the warm 
 approbation of those who were best qualified to judge. 
 These schools naturally led on to her undertaking in some 
 measure the preparation of candidates for baptism and con- 
 firmation ; for the clergy were too few to grapple with the 
 many spiritual needs of the district. She also established 
 a school for starving children and a Home for the orphan 
 children of sailors. She interested herself also deeply in 
 the case of the female emigrants on board vessels which 
 touched at the port. 
 
 When she had been at work less than a year, Pusey, 
 after visiting the scenes of her labours, writes to the Rev. 
 E. Coleridge : — 
 
 *Jan., 1849. 
 *The works of mercy opened at Devonport . . . embrace the 
 whole range of which our Blessed Lord speaks relatively to the Day 
 of Judgment. There are thousands of little ones to receive in His 
 Name and with them to receive Him ; hungry and thirsty in whom to 
 feed Him and give Him drink ; strangers in whom to take Him in; 
 sick in whom to visit Him. 
 
 * But, in detail. There are for the morning, besides the Infant School, 
 three schools to visit and superintend ; there is an opening already for 
 two other schools in the very worst part of Devonpoit, where a paid 
 mistress could hardly be sent, and there are no more funds to provide 
 one, if she could : there is this Industrial School to be opened, which 
 may well occupy the whole time of two persons ; and of these, one 
 must have no common energy and resources to interest and instruct 
 perhaps 100 children or young women, while engaged busily in work- 
 ing with their hands for their livelihood. For every evening in the 
 week there is either the class of young women to be prepared for 
 Confirmation and otherwise taught, or the boys' school, which lasts 
 from 7.30 sometimes until 10. Besides this, there are the poor 
 orphans to be gathered in, and continually tended and taught, and 
 carefully watched too (just as a parent's eye is over a child, though it 
 perceives it not) lest, before they have unlearnt their evil and learnt 
 good, any should teach another the evil it may have learnt, or they 
 should keep up in one another the memory of evil from which they 
 are now sheltered. And most of what is now begun may be multi- 
 VOL. III. o 
 
 !| 
 
194 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 plied well-nigh a thousandfold. For who is to teach the 5,242 chil- 
 dren in Devonport, where there are no local funds ? Then, there lies 
 beyond, the visiting of the female emigrants, where a few hours' work 
 may be the means, in God's Hands, of [promoting] an orderly and 
 Christian mode of life during months of their voyage, in which they 
 have no one to take care of their souls. There is the multiplied 
 visiting of sick, starving, fevered, dying, recovering, poor ; all ignorant, 
 all neglected except by the clergy, who ought themselves to be many 
 more (for what are seven clergy among 40,000 souls ?).* 
 
 Such enterprises required many workers, an organization 
 of work, and above all a temper and rule of life which would 
 make a high and self-denying standard of effort natural 
 and easy. Earnest Christian women were offering to give 
 their help : but without some rule and order their strengHi 
 and gifts would only be wasted. 
 
 * One woman,' wrote Pusey to the Rev. E. Coleridge, * is a good 
 teacher of children, another has a good method of arranging their 
 employments or forming their moral habits ; one can teach classes 
 well, another speak to them individually, another superintend work or 
 household duties ; another has a quick eye in nursing the sick or 
 dying, to see what will best relieve them ; another understands how 
 to relieve poverty. Everything is carried on best by co-operation, 
 each supplying what God has given to each. And then too, supposing 
 other unmarried ladies, into whose heart God should put it to help 
 these poor forsaken ones, to obtain leave to come and help, was each, 
 her day's work done, to return to her lonely lodgings, without sym- 
 pathy amid difficulty or temporary failure of hopes ? Was all to be 
 done in a broken disjointed way ? ' 
 
 This question was soon answered, and in the best way. 
 The Bishop of Exeter came to Devonport for a Confirma- 
 tion, and after seeing the work, gave his hearty sanction to 
 the establishment of a community of Sisters of Mercy to 
 carry it on. This indeed was the origin of the Sisterhood 
 afterwards known as the Devonport Society. Its rules 
 were simple, and the Bishop became the official visitor. 
 The outward badge of membership was a plain black dress, 
 with a black cross. Of this Pusey wrote : — 
 
 * When our ladies may wear crosses of diamonds or rubies in ball- 
 rooms or at dinner-parties, who will grudge these Christian women 
 their black wooden Cross, to assure the poor people that their visitors 
 are not come curiously to pry into their distress, but on their Saviour's 
 message of love, or to awe the bad ? ' 
 
 The Devonport Society — Royal Favour, 195 
 
 The success at Devonport appeared to Pusey one more 
 token of God's presence in and favour towards the English 
 Church. He wrote of it in tl:e following terms : — 
 
 * It has been so wholly God's work of love for the salvation of these 
 neglected souls. It has been, you know, my comfort these fifteen 
 years, that the great work which has been going on throughout the 
 English Church, in the revival of forgotten truths and greater earnest- 
 ness and love and deeper reverence, could not be traced or attributed 
 to any individuals. It was far beyond the work of man. And now in 
 this work which has been called by a clergyman " the regeneration of 
 Devonport," the results have been so far beyond the means employed, 
 the change so great, so blessed, so instantaneous ; what would have 
 been a blessed fruit of years, has been the work of months. One can 
 only say again and again, what one has said often these fifteen years, 
 ** This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in our eyes." It is 
 a common saying, " Morice Town in November is quite different 
 from Morice Town in April." The same bad words are not heard in 
 the streets ; the very value of houses is increased, because they are 
 more respectable. One said earnestly, " I speak plainly ; I know 
 Morice Town well ; I have been over it carefully this morning ; it is 
 so charged that I would not say one word against the place, for fear 
 I should be fighting against God." It does make one's eyes fill with 
 tears of thankfulness, to think how good and loving God has been in 
 this great work of love for their souls, and how many besides may yet 
 be rescued out of this wasting mass. I cannot think or speak of it 
 without tears coming to my eyes.' 
 
 The Sisterhood at Devonport was at first patronized by 
 distinguished persons, notably by the Queen Dowager. 
 Royalty, however, is always and necessarily much at the 
 mercy of second-hand informers; and a person who had 
 visited Devonport and, without calling on Miss Sellon, had 
 consulted with one of her well-known and avowed opponents, 
 persuaded the Queen to withdraw her countenance, which, 
 amidst the confusing voices of subsequent controversy, she 
 of course was unable again to grant. 
 
 So good a work as that begun by the Sisters at Plymouth 
 was not likely to be allowed to go forward without interrup- 
 tion. The attack was in the main directed against the new 
 district church of St. Peter's, Eldad, the incumbent of which, 
 the Rev. G. R. Prynne, laboured with singular devotion 
 and charity among the poor around him. He was charged 
 with such practices as chanting the Litany, bowing at 
 
 O 2 
 
196 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Inquiry by the Bishop, 
 
 197 
 
 the Name of Jesus, turning towards the east at certain 
 portions of the service, onnitting prayer before the sermon, 
 preaching in the surplice, using the Offertory Sentences and 
 prayer for the Church Militant, collecting the alms of the 
 congregation in alms-bags of velvet, and then ' laying them 
 on the altar with kneeling and prayer/ The Bishop of 
 Exeter was appealed to ; but his reply only strengthened 
 Mr. Prynne's hands. The remaining resource was an indig- 
 nation meeting ; at which everything was said that, in the 
 opinion of the conveners, the Bishop ought to have said and 
 did not say. It was inevitable that the Sisterhood should 
 come in for their share of denunciations ; and the ^ow- 
 Church Vicar of St. Andrew's, a local solicitor, and the 
 editors of two local papers, contrived to extract from 
 three poor girls, who had been inmates of the Orphans' 
 Home, such information with respect to the private and 
 devotional habits of the Sisters as might produce an in- 
 flammatory effect on the imaginations of the less religious or 
 less instructed people. The Sisters bowed to the cross. 
 They said ' lauds ' in the ' oratory.' They called Dr. Pusey 
 ' father.' Dr. Pusey ' administered the Sacrament of the 
 Lord's Supper every day in the chapel when he was at 
 the Home, and once in a small dormitory where a Sister 
 was ill.' The Sisters wore crosses. They would not allow 
 discussion of matters that went on in the house. ' Friday 
 and Wednesday were called festival days and no work 
 was done on them.' These and other 'charges' equally 
 false or equally foolish were the staple of the indictment. 
 
 Bishop Phillpotts was only seriously concerned about one 
 point. He was before all things for maintaining the law 
 of Church and State, and the charges implied that Pusey 
 had administered the Holy Communion in an unconse- 
 crated building, and without a licence, to persons who 
 might have attended their parish church. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 Bishopstowe, Feb. 12, 1849. 
 This is a most unfortunate case. The course I have taken on other 
 occasions is that of enforcing Discipline, the general relaxation of 
 
 which has been the bane of our Church. I should be wanting in 
 candour to you if I did not frankly avow that a grave irregularity 
 seems to me to have been committed by you ; and if, on full inquiry, 
 1 shall find this to have been the case, you are the last person who 
 would think me wrong in vindicating discipline. 
 
 I am very much annoyed by the matter. 
 
 Many thanks for your kind intention to send me your paper on the 
 question on which I wrote to you. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Sir, very faithfully yours. 
 Rev. Dr. Pusey. H. ExETER. 
 
 P.S. The statements in the Plymouth newspaper are of such a kind 
 as make me deem it necessary to hold an inquiry on the spot on 
 Thursday next, at 11.30 a.m. The matter, which concerns your 
 name, may probably be stated : therefore, if you think proper, you may 
 address a letter to Miss Sellon, or any one else, containing any state- 
 ment of particulars which you would wish to be adduced. The inquiry 
 will nof be private. 
 
 On the following day Pusey received a letter to the same 
 effect from the Bishop of Exeter's chaplain, the Rev. W. 
 Maskell, who 'hoped that Miss Sellon might be wise enough 
 to give up what was unessential, and firm enough to retain, 
 at whatever loss, all that is essential to the working of 
 a Sisterhood of Mercy.' 
 
 The inquiry was held on Thursday, Feb. 15, 1849, in 
 the Mechanics' Institute at Devonport. It was conducted 
 by the Bishop in person. The Bishop examined the 
 children from whom the evidence had been obtained, and 
 soon reduced their statements to the standard of sober 
 fact. It appeared that the Holy Communion had not been 
 administered by Pusey or anybody else except for the sake 
 of sick persons ; only one of these in the oratory ; and all 
 with the permission of the Vicar of the parish. When one 
 of the girls referred to Dr. Pusey's visits to the Home, the 
 Bishop observed that 
 
 * there could not be a just prejudice entertained on the ground of 
 the visit of Dr. Pusey to the Orphans' Home. Not,' he added, 'that 
 1 do not know that nineteen possibly out of every twenty in this room 
 couple criminality with the name of that clergyman. I should be 
 ashamed if I did not avow openly that the acquaintance with that 
 gentleman is not in the least discreditable to any of them, and that 
 these ladies are honoured to have him for a friend, and they have 
 a right to enjoy his friendship.' 
 
198 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 This avowal elicited many hisses and some cheers. The 
 inquiry into the private communions in the chapel led the 
 Bishop to observe that he knew Mr. Philip Edward Pusey, 
 who had been with his father at Devonport, to be an 
 invahd ; that he had been brought to him for the purpose 
 of receiving a Bishop's blessing ; and, he added, * I thank 
 God that I was enabled to give it, because I saw that it 
 gave to him and to his venerable father real comfort/ 
 After examining Miss Scllon, in public, he allowed her 
 to read a long written defence of the work and life in the 
 Sisterhood. He then pronounced his judgment. ' He could 
 *not profess to have approached the subject with eiitire 
 ' impartiality. He came with a feeling of veneratioiTfor 
 
 * Miss Sellon's work and character. He went away with 
 
 * a feeling that he could not express— of admiration and 
 
 * reverence— of unmixed admiration. He could wish that 
 
 * the cross and flowers had not been placed on the altar 
 *in the oratory. But ladies were ladies. If the irre<Tu. 
 
 * larities were strange, they were by no means so strange 
 *as the works of mercy the Sisters had performed. Miss 
 ^Sellon might leave that room with the gratitude and 
 ' approbation of all those whose good opinion she would 
 
 * value.' 
 
 Mr. Dyke Acland, who had been present, sent Pusey 
 an enthusiastic report of the proceedings. 
 
 *The Bishop,' he wrote on Feb. 16, 1849, 'spoke as boldly with 
 regard to you ,n public as he had done to me warmly in private, per- 
 fectly fearless of any reproach it might bring upon himself; he spoke 
 of her nnimacy with you as one of which he felt, however the public 
 might choose to cast opprobrium upon it, was in his opinion an 
 honour to anyone. The day was a wonderful one-I should think 
 altogether unseen in our times. It was a great privilege to serve her 
 
 tit'hs^rnH r/^ ^h-f-yers of many were heard; and those who 
 withstand what is good must have gone away ashamed.' 
 
 Pusey was not at this time accustomed to experience 
 much kindly treatment at the hands of Bishops, and he 
 was filled with thankfulness and joy at the courage and 
 decision of the Bishop of Exeter. ^ Everything,' he wrote 
 to Keble, 'IS most blessedly over at Devonport. The 
 
 Cholera at Devonport, 
 
 199 
 
 Bishop has done nobly. Hearts won to the Sisterhood. 
 You will see details in the papers. Thanks be to God.' 
 
 The Bishop had hinted in his judgment that Miss Sellon 
 was doing too much : and her exertions, followed by the 
 strain and excitement of a public trial, led the way, 
 naturally enough, to an illness. Shortly after Easter, Pusey 
 wrote to Keble : — 
 
 * I must go to Devonport at Whitsuntide, as Miss Sellon is in a state 
 balancing between life and death. If these prostrating attacks of pain 
 are removed, she may still serve God here by His mercy. If they 
 continue, she will at last fall into consumption. You will pray for her, 
 for she seems to have a work given her to do.' 
 
 After a short time Miss Sellon came to Oxford, where she 
 would be able to secure rest, and would find companionship 
 in Miss Mary Pusey and her governess. This visit to Oxford 
 gave occasion to some of those gossiping rumours which, 
 however baseless and absurd, were, as has already been 
 said, too widely circulated by the tongue of scandal to be 
 ignored by Pusey's friends. 
 
 On her return, however, to Devonport Miss Sellon found 
 a noble opportunity of silencing her critics, whether in the 
 streets of Plymouth or in the Common-rooms of Oxford. 
 On June 5, 1849, a case of cholera was discovered on board 
 an emigrant vessel in the port of Plymouth. The terrible 
 scourge rapidly spread, and especially in the crowded 
 streets and alleys of Devonport. The small band of Sisters 
 immediately devoted themselves with great energy to the 
 care of the sufferers, and won all hearts by their self- 
 forgetting labours. 
 
 * The Sisters,' wrote the Rev. G. R. Prynne, * were not living in my 
 parish at the time, and when the cholera broke out with deadly 
 violence, I had a visit from Miss Sellon one evening. "I am come,'* 
 she said, " to ask if you will accept the services of myself and Sisters 
 to visit the sick and dying in your parish." A distrustful thought 
 crossed me. Shall I bring these devoted ladies from another parish, 
 I thought, to such scenes and such danger ? I must have hesitated, 
 and said some words to this effect. " You must not look upon us as 
 mere ladies," said Miss Sellon, "but as Sisters of Mercy; and the 
 proper place for Sisters of Mercy is amongst the sick and dying ; if you 
 refuse our aid, we must offer it elsewhere." "I will not refuse," 
 
200 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 i 
 
 i| 
 
 I replied: "come with me." And together we went, accompanied 
 by Mr. Hethng, into the very worst of it. From that night their 
 work began and abated not, until, through God's mercy, the sickness 
 itself did V 
 
 Mr. Prynne's curate, the Rev. G. H. Hetling, in his 
 report to the Bishop of Exeter, concludes his eloquent and 
 detailed account as follows : — 
 
 * It has been my lot in life for one quarter of a century to have seen, 
 and borne an active part in, very much of suffering, pain, and death. 
 Formerly, in medical practice, I have seen the whole course of cholera 
 in London, Paris, and Bristol, and lastly here in my office of deacon. 
 I have beheld many acts of self-devotion to its sufferers and victims, 
 yet never have I witnessed anything that surpassed, or even eqi^lled, 
 the self-abandonment and self-sacrifice of these humble Sisters. 
 Miss Sellon (who, though ill, has been on the spot every day) and her 
 fellow-workers may justly be added to the list of female heroines. In 
 this opinion persons of all views coincide, and they who formerly op- 
 posed them cannot now withhold the meed of praise. Truly one more 
 reason may be deduced from such visitations for the establishment of 
 Sisterhoods, for in what other manner could such effectual assistance 
 have been secured ? ' 
 
 * Appendix fpp. i6, 17) to 'Letter to Miss Sellon,' by Henry, Lord Bishop 
 oftxeter. London, Murray, 1852. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE GORHAM CASE — THE BAPTISMAL CONTROVERSY. 
 
 1847-1850. 
 
 From these scenes of spiritual growth and self-devotion, 
 it is now necessary to turn to the great doctrinal discussion 
 which, in its manifold results, was more fruitful in anxiety 
 and loss to the Church of England than even the events of 
 1845. On Nov. 2, 1847, the Rev. G. C. Gorham, Vicar of St. 
 Just-in-Penwith, Cornwall, was presented by the Crown to 
 the vicarage of Brampford Speke. Both benefices were at 
 that time in the Diocese of Exeter ; and Bishop Phillpotts 
 had reason from a recent correspondence to think that 
 the opinions of Mr. Gorham with regard to Baptismal 
 Regeneration were unsound and incompatible with the 
 formularies of the Church. He was therefore reluctant to 
 institute him to another cure of souls within his own 
 jurisdiction. Consequently when Mr. Gorham applied for 
 institution to his new benefice, the Bishop, on Nov. 13, 
 informed him that, before complying with his request, it 
 would be necessary to ascertain by examination whether 
 he was sound in Christian doctrine. In December, 1847, 
 and March, 1848, the Bishop held an examination of 
 Mr. Gorham, which lasted altogether for eight days. As 
 a result he was confirmed in his suspicions of unsound 
 doctrine. Mr. Gorham, in fact, though accepting all the 
 formularies of the Church, did so in a Calvinistic sense. He 
 understood Mr. Gorham's position to be that it is not in 
 Baptism that spiritual regeneration is given or conferred ; 
 in particular that infants are not made therein members of 
 
202 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Christ and the children of God. Accordingly he refused 
 to institute Mr. Gorham to the living of Brampford Speke. 
 
 On June 15, 1848, at the instance of Mr. Gorham, a 
 monition was issued from the Arches Court of Canterbury, 
 directing the Bishop of Exeter either to institute Mr. Gorham, 
 or to show cause why he should not do so. The case was 
 argued at length in January and in June, 1849, and on 
 August 2 of that year Sir Herbert Jenner Fust, the Dean of 
 the Arches, gave judgment that the Church of England held 
 the doctrine of the spiritual regeneration of infants in the 
 sacrament of Baptism, and that Mr. Gorham * did oppose 
 this article' of the teaching of the Church, and that the Bishop 
 of Exeter had shown sufficient reason for not instituting 
 Mr. Gorham to the living of Brampford Speke. 
 
 Mr. Gorham appealed from the Arches Court of Canter- 
 bury to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, which 
 in 1833 had, by a well-known oversight, been constituted 
 the supreme court of appeal in all ecclesiastical cases. 
 
 It was at once seen that there was ground for grave 
 anxiety on the part of Churchmen as to what might be the 
 result of this appeal. An essential doctrine of the Church 
 was in question ; and the constitution of a civil court gave no 
 security for an adequate spiritual judgment. Moreover the 
 position assumed by the Supreme Court of Appeal raised the 
 whole question of what was involved in the Royal Supremacy. 
 So far as the doctrine held by Mr. Gorham was con- 
 cerned, the formularies of the Church seemed indeed to be 
 explicit enough. But it must be remembered, on his behalf, 
 that they had at least been accepted in varying senses 
 from the sixteenth century, and not always in accordance 
 with the High Church view. Still the fact remained that 
 Mr. Gorham seemed to be contradicting the true and literal 
 sense of the formularies, and to be justifying his position 
 under shelter of the law. 
 
 What the opinions of Mr. Gorham really were, it is 
 perhaps unnecessary to attempt to define. But it may 
 be convenient to state here, as explanatory of the whole 
 position, what in the sequel were held by the Final Court 
 
 Mr, Gorham' s Appeal to the Privy Council, 203 
 
 of Appeal to be the doctrines advanced by him. In the final 
 decision on the matter by the Judicial Committee of the 
 Privy Council, the judges stated : * The doctrine held by Mr. 
 Gorham appears to us to be this — that Baptism is a sacra- 
 ment generally necessary to salvation, but that the grace of 
 regeneration does not so necessarily accompany the act of 
 Baptism that regeneration invariably takes place in Baptism; 
 that the grace may be granted before, in, or after Baptism ; 
 that Baptism is an effectual sign of grace, by which God 
 works invisibly in us, but only in such as worthily receive 
 it — in them alone it has a wholesome effect; and that, 
 without reference to the qualification of the recipient, it is 
 not in itself an effectual sign of grace ; that infants baptized 
 and dying before actual sin, are certainly saved ; but that 
 in no case is regeneration in Baptism unconditional.' It is 
 unnecessary to point out that the statements censured by 
 the Bishop, and the positions of Mr. Gorham as defined by 
 the Privy Council, are by no means identical. In order to 
 understand the history, it seemed necessary to state this 
 fact in anticipation. 
 
 As was inevitable, Pusey had closely followed the case from 
 the first. His own earlier writings, notably his Tracts on 
 Baptism, would have alone rendered him specially interested 
 in any controversy dealing with the initial Sacrament. He 
 at once set himself to work to reprint the third of the 
 Tracts on Baptism which he had published in 1H35; but 
 he could not get it ready in time for the trial before 
 the Judicial Committee. He foresaw also that this case 
 might have the efTect of laying a new emphasis on the 
 authority of the Crown in controlling the spiritual affairs of 
 the Church of England. The recent incidents at Bow Church 
 in connexion with the confirmation of Dr. Hampden's 
 appointment to the See of Hereford had caused many 
 to fear that the Crown could at pleasure advance to the 
 dignity of the Episcopate a clergyman whose doctrine was 
 seriously questioned. Might not the Gorham case shew that 
 the Crown could mould the doctrines of the Church as well 
 as appoint her rulers? Might it not under the guise of 
 
204 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 giving, in a civil court from which there was no appeal, the 
 legal interpretation of Church formularies, affect the claims 
 and position of the Church of England as a teacher of 
 primitive truth ? The Gorham case had already begun 
 before the Hampden case was decided ; and there can be 
 no doubt that these were the two main causes of the second 
 wave of secessions to the Church of Rome. 
 
 Those whose minds were, for whatever reason, already 
 looking towards Rome, were not sorry that matters should 
 be brought to a head at any cost. They felt a secret satis- 
 faction at the thickening symptoms of difficulty and danger 
 for the Church of England. Pusey, on the other hand, was 
 pointing out that the shortcomings or misfortunes of the 
 Church of England do not prove the claims or doctrines 
 of the Church of Rome to be true or even tenable ; and 
 he held, moreover, that in the settlement of existing con- 
 troversies, time was on the side of truth, and everything 
 was to be gained by waiting. From the very first he 
 could contemplate a decision of the Privy Council against 
 the Bishop, without despair, Writing to Harrison as soon 
 as Mr. Gorham's appeal from the decision of the Arches 
 Court was announced, he says, 'A judicial decision on 
 a doctrinal question, reversing an ecclesiastical judgment 
 and deciding against the Creeds, would be a miserable 
 thing, though one must, if God avert it not, make the 
 best of it, and sit down by the waters of Babylon, toiling 
 on under bondage.' He accordingly had regretted the 
 decision of the Bishop of Exeter not to institute Mr. 
 Gorham. He thought that Mr. Gorham might possibly 
 have been won by kindness, but that he would only be 
 exasperated by law. It was undeniable that the full 
 doctrine of the Sacraments had been largely ignored if 
 not denied by individuals in the Church ; and the process 
 of recovery of spiritual truth or health, after a long 
 interval of disuse or error, is necessarily slow. But he 
 was of course indisposed to criticize a prelate, whose 
 courageous loyalty to unpopular truth was so deserving 
 of respect. So the Gorham case followed its course until 
 
 Preparation for the Trial. 
 
 205 
 
 it reached the Judicial Committee, before the Bishop of 
 Exeter asked Pusey for assistance in defending his position. 
 In a series of letters he then plied Pusey with various 
 theological and liturgical questions, the answers to which 
 involved a vast amount of study and labour. * I am the 
 more emboldened,' he says, 'to propose this trouble to 
 you, because you will, I am confident, regard it as a con- 
 tribution to the maintenance of Catholic truth on a funda- 
 mental Article.' As the hearing of the appeal approached, 
 Pusey had also several interviews with Mr. Badeley in 
 London, and contributed, as before in the Hampden case, 
 abundant materials to his argument. 
 
 'Thank you,' wrote Mr. Badeley after the trial, * again and 
 again for all your valuable and impartial assistance. ... I think 
 I made the judges understand the opus operatum, and I gave them in 
 substance what you had written about it.' 
 
 On December 11, 1849, the case came on for hearing 
 before the Judicial Committee. The Court consisted of the 
 two Archbishops and the Bishop of London, together with 
 seven lay judges. Archbishop Howley had died in the 
 midst of the Hampden trouble, and on the recommendation 
 of Lord John Russell, Dr. J. B. Sumner had succeeded him. 
 It was unfortunate that both he and the Archbishop of 
 York should have already in some measure committed them- 
 selves before the matter came before them judicially ; the 
 Archbishop of York had dealt with the matter in his 
 Charge, and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in a recent re- 
 publication of an earlier treatise, had prefixed to it a preface 
 dealing with the controversy. The hopes of Churchmen 
 could only be fixed upon what Dr. Blomfield, the Bishop of 
 London, might be able to accomplish. 
 
 More than two months elapsed between the hearing of 
 the case and the delivery of the Judgment. It was a time 
 of very great anxiety. As soon as the pleadings were over, 
 Mr. Badeley expresses his fears in a letter to Pusey. 
 
 E. Badeley, Esq., to E. B. P. ^^^ ^^^ ^g^^ 
 
 What is to be done if the Privy Council decide wrongly ? Robert 
 Wilberforce asks this in a letter of Saturday, and suggests that some 
 
206 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 move should be thought of in Convocation, to repudiate their decision 
 on behalf of the Church. But this will be dirtlrult. 1 shull hv K'lnd 
 if you will consider this, for it i?* most important ; and wc ought to 
 be prepared for the worst' 
 
 In a second letter (Dec. 27) Mr. Badcley writes : — 
 
 * In spite of what Keble says, I fear that a great many will be 
 unsettled if the judgment is against us, and will connjidrr (his a signal 
 for their quitting the English Church, unless some effort is made on 
 the part of the Church to repudiate the decision and upset the tribunal 
 itself.' 
 
 Mr. Badeley's anxiety was not without justification. T'or 
 instance, Archdeacon Manning had already entered on that 
 line of thought which led to his joining the Church o^ 
 Rome. Pu.««cy again found hntiself, as six year* before^ 
 shewing all tlw: sympathy he possibly could with a friend 
 whom his own a>nvictions would not allow him to follow. 
 But on this occasion lie is able, and careful, to state the 
 exact limits of his convictions more definitely than he did to 
 Newman. The Archdcaooci liad apparently asked Pusey 
 whether he could accept the I>ccrccs of the Council of Trent 
 
 £. B. P. TO Akchdkacon Maxnjng. 
 My DEARF.^rr Fkiend. Aihmjc, Dartmovth [Dec 1849]. 
 
 . . . Whether whit WA$ dOM at the Rcfonnntioo wa* th^ vkiscit 
 or lx« Ihin^, whether ire ha\^ since sutlcred UiHtt things which were 
 dome or left vndooe, is noc I soppoie Ihe question, but whether what 
 UT did was a fofmfti act of scbism. 0»e wljcht say, whether (be 
 extremity cf the case did not bcur out the reforming by ourselves. 
 Certain!)* the Couttdl cd Trent itself admits a gitnl extent of previoo* 
 abuse. 
 
 It i$ to me a great comfort that the Coondl of Trent did not de6ne 
 more than it did, but srill, if, as an Kngiish Churchman, one may so 
 spenlc^ it docs scenti to bAve been too /asti^cative '. I mippose the Mie 
 q( Indulgences in Germany^ HolUnd, and Switzcriand was exceedingly 
 prortigMt. It seems to ha\>c occasioned the schum in alL Yet the 
 Couttcil of Trent maintains Indu^gencet broad))' without defining 
 them, xt ever having been in the Church. Thu$> as far as the letter 
 i:ocs> the Council of Trent is Dot committed to anything [si$ to the 
 eifect of Indulgences] be)>ond ihi« life. In truth, iKX«vdipg to its 
 words they [i.e. th<: effects of Indujgencei] cmj;hi to be restrained to 
 this V(c. Yet they i^c oot in the practical system. 
 
 [i.e. 
 
 to dttead txhi'mii cttcvs awi tibttses.] 
 
 Cht the Canons of the Council of Trent. 207 
 
 I should then on this and other groandi be ditlKiinest* if I signed 
 the Council of Trent with the peactical comment pat upon it. 1 can 
 then hope well for ttie fature, when, as 1 trust, the Cbunchos of England 
 and Rome may come to an uiKlersunding ; and yet coold noc as an 
 indiyiduai, ch\ thH and aonic other grounds, petsfess that I myMlf 
 receive it. 
 
 It seems to me thiit wt have brm Itmhing in the one way; the 
 Roman crhurch in the other: if Inxh were to sup|>]y w!ui v^t have 
 omitted wc might meet. 
 
 Wo ha>^ protested against Indulgence*; the)* hai-c maintained 
 them, but not nooMtarily in the same sense. 
 
 They anathcmattxe tho*e nbo do not regard the Apocr>'piul books 
 as Canonical ; wie keep St. Jcrocne's Canocn, )^et acting on t«» act oo 
 a rule whkh tbe)% if tbey expiiiincd thcmMlvt^ m|ght acknowledge. 
 
 Tbe)' say that there are «e\Tn Sacruncnts, bat anatbcmattte those 
 wbo wy that the)* are all equal ; we, uith the Ancient Church, separate 
 otffthc two great Sa<ramcat8 whkli (low^ed from our Lord's t^dc ; bat 
 only say of the rest that they hai-c noc the like nature of Sacraments. 
 The 'conupc foJIowii^ of the Apoutes' dearly belongs to the then 
 COmnuM practice of not administering it [i.e. Extreme Unction] until 
 there should be no human hkclihood that he [i.e. the sick pcf»on] 
 could recover, 10 that what is in Holy Scripture foor w>corer>-, ^tfoj 
 administered only when tbete uiijt no hope of it. 
 F. of the Circumciskm [1850]. 
 
 Since writing the above, l^ldeley's pleading's took up xm»ch tlnke 
 (not bat that he \trf well understood the subject}, and the >*ear has 
 come to iti do^e. Ail blessings be around you in that which has imw 
 dawned. 
 
 1 hftve Jmt t>eai mdi^g through again the Couttdl of Trent. 
 
 What I felt before comes out fully to loe again, on reading it as 
 A whole, tbat it %% 10 manifokJiy not directed again5«t us. Indeed, as 
 you know v^ell historically, it was taken np with the errors of Luther 
 chiert). There are his very wofd». But I mean, reading it through 
 ai a whole, it is so vtny plain that it had not us in its mind. 
 
 Still 1 hax^ two great dasMS of dtffioaltietf as to the Council of Trent. 
 
 I. If 1 had been bora a Roman Catholic, I soppoee that 1 should 
 have committed all dllTiculties to God, and receii^ on the authority 
 of the Charch, and shatting my eyes, what I did not utHfterMand. As 
 it », noc owing allegiance to the Church of Rome, I cannot rtcdve 
 en autkcrity what docs not come to me on the auithority of tl)e whole 
 Church. But since I caiknot do this it i» to me an abstract qoc^tiofk 
 I am not called upon to submit : and )>ec there are i«at<tnents in it» 
 whkh I cou(d only receive in the mo«t implidt submission^ shutting 
 my tyt^ and my onderstanding. For the Council of Trent goe^ noc 
 00 what dear Ncwntun goes, Devekkpmcnt* hot 00 Apostolic tradition^ 
 and that in its vtr>' strict senscv 'quae ipsius Christi ore ab ApcttoSt 
 •OOipeae, aut ab ipsis Aposoolis, Sp iritu SaiKto dktance, quasi per 
 
2o8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Ptisey. 
 
 manus traditae ad nos usque pervenerunt \* Now, m no sense, 
 I suppose, could the doctrine as to Indulgences, Invocation, Purgatory, 
 be so called. 
 
 I had hoped to finish this last night, but was too tired, and am to 
 set off this morning for the rest of the week, but I hope to write again 
 soon. This is to convey to you all wishes for this year from the Father 
 of Mercies and the God of all comfort. 
 
 My other difficulty about the Council of Trent would be, that some 
 of its Articles I could not take in the sense in which they are popularly 
 taken, unless I were to resign my own understanding, which, of course, 
 one should to the Church. 
 
 And so this it is, on which all turns. I could not subscribe the 
 Council of Trent (as now interpreted), for for this it matters not whether 
 the Articles are more or fewer which I could not so sign — except on the 
 belief that the Roman Church alone were the Church of Christ. And 
 I can see no ground to anathematize the Russian Greek Church as 
 well as our own. The claim several times made parenthetically in the 
 Council of Trent, to be * mater omnium et magistra,* is surely unhistoric, 
 in the way in which it i^ow advances, claiming to appoint all patri- 
 archs, &c. Gu^ranger says [writes] to the effect that there will be 
 no unity until the Roman Missal be adopted in all lands ; to the 
 exclusion of the Greek. And now, without the consent of the Greeks, 
 they are making a new Article of faith, and that out of Council. 
 Alas ! alas ! 
 
 I should say that as to the Council of Trent, I feel a separate 
 difficulty as to some of its anathemas. I could not, as an act of my 
 own, anathematize those who do not hold what was not an article of 
 faith as once for all delivered to the saints. 
 
 You know how I hate this word /. But I write as a member and 
 priest of the English Church. I hope that the three Churches could 
 come to a right understanding. As a member of the English Church, 
 I am not resting on private judgment in not submitting to the Roman. 
 Yet their very books of controversy invite one to private judgment : 
 for why, as they do from Bellarmine [downwards], bring one passages 
 from Holy Scripture and the Fathers, if one is not to weigh them ? 
 One might as well not have them at all. And when the passages 
 of the Fathers are spurious, this makes things worse. And this is 
 a further difficulty, that practices grew up through forgeries, as the 
 Decretals and so many passages of the Fathers on which they rest. 
 
 My state of mind then is not to reject things, hoping that they may 
 be explained ; but I do not accept the Council of Trent, not being 
 bound to do so, as a Code of Faith. 
 
 I must break off this unsatisfactorily, else I shall be too late. 
 
 May God be with you and you with Him this year and for ever. 
 
 Ever your affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 * Cone. Trid. Sess. iv. De Can. Scripturis. 
 
 On Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, 
 
 209 
 
 In reply to this, Archdeacon Manning explained that his 
 inquiry about the formularies of the Church of Rome was 
 due to this difficulty. The Final Court of Appeal in the 
 Church of England failed in his judgment to satisfy two 
 essential laws, flowing from the principle that the sole 
 absolute and ultimate tribunal and judge, both of doctrine 
 and discipline, is the Church of Christ. These laws were, 
 that this tribunal and judge must be (1) purely spiritual, 
 and (2) within the Church. The Judicial Committee ob- 
 viously fulfilled neither of these conditions. If this argu- 
 ment was sound, was it possible to continue allegiance to a 
 supremacy, which involved such consequences } 
 
 Pusey thereupon answered as follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Archdeacon Manning. 
 
 Jan. 1850. 
 The sense in which I took the oath ^ and in which it was explained 
 to me, was that it related to jurisdiction only, that the State was the 
 ultimate administrator of justice. And this I see in CoUyer, P. II. 
 B. vi. p. 256, ed. 8, 433 fol., is the sense in which it was explained 
 authoritatively by Q. Eliz. that she intended to stretch the regale no 
 further than it was carried by K. Henry VIII. or K. Edw. VI., 'and 
 was of ancient times due to the imperial crown of this realm, i.e. under 
 God to have the sovereignty and rule over all manner of persons born 
 within these realms, dominions and countries, either ecclesiastical or 
 temporal, so as no foreign power ought to have any superiority over 
 them.' 
 
 The 'Act of Assurance,* ib. p. 358, 8vo, 481 fol., is entitled assurance 
 of the Queen's power over all estates and pointed against the 'juris- 
 diction of the see of Rome,* and maintains * the ancient jurisdiction 
 over the state ecclesiastical,' and it says ' to ascertain the sense and 
 set forth the extent of this solemn engagement, it is provided that the 
 oath of supremacy made in the first year of this reign shall be taken 
 and expounded in such form as is set forth in an admonition annexed 
 to the Queen's Majesty's injunctions, published in the first year of 
 H.M.'s reign, i.e. to confess and acknowledge in H.M., her heirs and 
 successors none other authority than that was challenged and lately 
 used by the noble King Henry VIII. and King Edw. VI., as in the said 
 admonition more plainly may appear.* 
 
 Our consciences then are plainly clear ; the sense in which we took 
 the oath, is that recognized as the only sense by the authority which 
 imposed the oath. If any attempt be made to stretch the power of 
 any Court beyond the ' ancient jurisdiction of the temporal Sovereign,* 
 
 * i. e. of the supremacy of the Crown. 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
2IO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 this would be a case of abuse or oppression, against which pro- 
 tests must be made and redress sought. But it does not aflfect our 
 obligations. It may be a question whether any Court can exercise 
 jurisdiction, without some interpretation of the laws which it enforces ; 
 e.g. were the question in the Church of Rome as to the denial of any 
 prerogative attributed commonly to the B.V. it would be the question, 
 whether it was included or no in the received formularies of the 
 Koman Church. Yet such interpretation seems to be forbidden by 
 the I O. Eliz. c. I Supremacy Bill, that ' no persons shall be authorized 
 by the^Oueen, her heirs or successors, to exercise any spiritual juris- 
 diction, ^hall have any authority or power to determine or judge any 
 matter or cause to be heresy, but only such as had been heretofore 
 determined, ordered or adjudged to be heresy by the authority of the 
 Canonical Scriptures, first four General Councils or any of them, or 
 any other General Council wherein the same were declared heresy, &c., 
 or such as should hereafter be adjudged to be heresy, by the High 
 Court of Parliament with the assent of the clergy in their Convocation^ 
 anything in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding.' 
 
 It may be that the present constitution of the Court attempts to 
 reconcile impossibilities, and that this case (for which I think I under- 
 stood there has been no precedent) is meant to show it to us. But 
 then this is a ground for the change of the constitution of the Court. 
 The only question determined by the Act as to the Supremacy, is, that 
 the Queen should in these realms be the supreme authority over all 
 persons, that no causes should be carried to Rome or * beyond seas,* 
 as the Council of Carthage too forbade. But it does not determine 
 of whom the ultimate Court should be composed. If it is found to 
 involve *the interpretation of doctrinal formularies,' and this to be 
 ' equivalent to definition,' then according to that very Act it is more 
 than was intended, for it is stated by whom heresy is to be defined, 
 i. e. any new definition is to be made through Convocation, although 
 having legal and penal authority through the State. Still the authority 
 is ecclesiastical. 
 
 But, notwithstanding the tenor of the pleadings, I do not see as yet 
 that the decision of the Privy Council need involve any principle at 
 all. For clearness' sake, the doctrine of the Church of England was 
 stated, but that doctrine is really notorious. We have no grounds as 
 yet to think that the judgment of the Privy Council will even seem to 
 determine this. If it should seem to go beyond the powers of a lay 
 tribunal, then is the time for the Church to consider what is to be 
 done. But I do not like to anticipate evils. I have assumed that by 
 luithin the Church and out of the Churchy you mean * the spiritual 
 authorities of the Church.' 
 
 Henry Wilberforce was also writing in the same sense 
 as Archdeacon Manning. He dreaded a favourable de- 
 cision on the part of the Judicial Committee more than 
 
 Defining Potvers of the Final Court 
 
 211 
 
 an heretical one; the latter might lead to resistance to 
 the secular Court ; the former might tempt Churchmen 
 to overlook the real character of the Court, in their satis- 
 faction at its action. 
 
 Pusey felt the pressure of this new and anxious aspect of 
 the case. It was important to know what were the functions 
 of the Final Court of Appeal. Did it only elucidate the 
 legal sense of documents ? Or were bond fide doctrinal 
 decisions, as to matters left more or less undecided by the 
 Church, inseparable from such elucidation ? 
 
 E. B. P. TO Mr. Justice Coleridge. 
 
 Jan. 9, 1850. 
 This is clear to me, as I have put in the enclosed^ paper, (i) that 
 the same authority which imposes upon us the oath of supremacy, and 
 gives the Queen power to judge in ecclesiastical causes, forbids any 
 one, acting under those powers, to declare anything to be heresy which 
 has not already been so declared, or shall hereafter be declared by 
 Parliament with the assent of the clergy in their Convocation. 
 
 (2) It plainly follows that it was not intended to give any judicial 
 body the power to settle what is the doctrine of the Church of England, 
 i.e. to make or pronounce that to be her true doctrine or not her 
 doctrine, which was not already acknowledged or denied to be her 
 doctrine. For to pronounce anything for the first time to be false 
 doctrine is to pronounce that to be heresy, which had not been so pro- 
 nounced before, which is a power denied to any judicial body acting 
 under that Act of Parliament. 
 
 (3) The Acts all speak of 'the ancient jurisdiction of the temporal 
 Sovereign.* But the definition of heresy never was left to the temporal 
 Sovereign. It is ihQ jurisdiction only of the Pope which is denied, and 
 the jurisdiction of the temporal Sovereign which is enforced. 
 
 By this, I understand, that if any person is wronged, or conceives 
 himself wronged, it is meant that the cause should be righted within 
 these realms and that by the temporal Sovereign. I do not know 
 what the * ancient jurisdiction' was ; but clearly, in no * ancient juris- 
 diction ' could any power but the Church itself determine anything to 
 be heresy, which was not previously so determined. 
 
 We are then (I am satisfied) clear as to our oaths. The question is 
 (l) whether this delegation of judgment in cases of heresy to laymen 
 is not incompatible with the prohibition that anything should be deter- 
 mined to be heresy without Convocation .'* 
 
 (2) If this exercise of jurisdiction does, of necessity, involve the 
 power of determining doctrine to be heresy, or not to be heresy, are 
 
 * The extract from letter to Archdeacon Manning, as given above. 
 
 P 2 
 
212 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 we not giving up a prerogative of the whole Church into the hands 
 of certain persons appointed by H. IVI.'s Prime Minister, anyhow to 
 the Civil Power ? 
 
 The case of Mr. Gorham may be one of these cases. He clearly 
 denies that original sin is remitted in Baptism. He holds, that if 
 infants have the 'praevenient grace* given to them, original sin is 
 remitted to them thereupon, antecedently to Baptism ; otherwise, he 
 holds that original sin disqualifies an infant from receiving Baptism 
 rightly. The Nicene Creed declares that * there is one Baptism for 
 the remission of sins ' ; a General Council (one of Carthage received 
 by the whole Church) declared that, consequently, all infants had 
 original sin, and that that sin was by Baptism remitted, and pronounced 
 * anathema * on those who denied it. Mr. Gorham's teaching then is 
 clearly heretical. 
 
 Now if the Judicial Committee were simply to say, * This doctrine 
 has been declared heresy by a General Council, by the plain express 
 words of the Canonical Scriptures,* this would be acting in conformity 
 with the I Q. Eliz. c. i. But instead of this, the whole tenor of the 
 pleadings went on the supposition that they were to adjudge what is 
 and what is not the doctrine of the Church of England. On one side, 
 it was done on a sudden pressure, as men act in a fire, without having 
 time to think how or in what way it must be put out. The immediate 
 pressure was, lest a Supreme Court should deny true doctrine to be 
 the doctrine of the Church. It was only afterwards that one could 
 think at leisure of the other evil, whether the whole proceedings were 
 not radically wrong. In fact, a right decision may be worse than 
 [a] wrong. A wrong decision might rouse people to oppose the whole 
 system. A right decision as to doctrine might induce them to 
 acquiesce in a wrong principle, which might issue in most disastrous 
 consequences. If the Judicial Committee may decide whether or no 
 Baptismal Regeneration is the doctrine of the Church of England, 
 it might determine whether such or such a theory of the Inspiration 
 of Holy Scripture is so, (Sic, &c. Now the question in my mind, upon 
 which I wished to consult you, is, whether the office of a Judge does 
 not necessarily, in some cases, involve the new interpretation of those 
 authorities upon which he founds his judgments ? For if this be so, 
 then he, in fact, by his judgment, limits or enlarges (as it may be) 
 the meaning of those authorities. And if so, then, in matters of faith, 
 a Judge would be, by so determining, in fact, declaring that to be 
 heresy, which was not before so declared, contrary to the provisions 
 of the very Act under which he judges, and entrenching on the au- 
 thority of the Church. 
 
 Even as to the Inspiration of Holy Scripture, not only are not its 
 nature and limits defined, but being assumed, it is not stated either 
 in the Creeds or Articles. The Nicene Creed asserts that the ' Holy 
 Ghost spake by the Prophets ' ; it implies their authority, * accord- 
 ing to the Scriptures.' The Articles declare what Scriptures are 
 
 Mr. Justice Coleridge s Explanation. 
 
 213 
 
 'canonical' ; and that what is proved thereby is to be believed. But 
 this is very far short, of course, of what the whole Church has ever 
 believed as to the Inspiration of Holy Scripture. 
 
 Now if the Privy Council may decide as to Baptismal Regenera'ion 
 of all infants, which has been ruled by the whole Church, why should 
 it not as to cases hitherto undetermined in the Church of England, as 
 the Inspiration of Holy Scripture, and either make a new rule, or 
 declare that the Church of England is indifferent what doctrine its 
 members hold ? 
 
 I suspect that in maintaining the right of the temporal Sovereign to 
 have any subject righted, without his going to a tribunal abroad, the 
 State overlooked that in matters of faith they were aiming to combine 
 things necessarily incompatible, i.e. that they did not see that the 
 judgment of the individual in a matter of faith might involve what 
 they disclaim, the determining of the faith itself. They meant to 
 claim the right of deciding all causes on certain fixed principles ; they 
 overlooked that the principles might not in all cases be so fixed, and 
 so, if they were to decide at all, they would be forced into doing what 
 they disclaimed, declaring that to be heresy which had not previously 
 been so declared. 
 
 If this be the case as to the Privy Council, the question would be, 
 how it can be remedied. All which i Eliz. c. i requires is, that the 
 (2ueen should have the appointment of the Judges. But it might be 
 provided, that in all cases involving the determination of doctrine, 
 they should be the whole Synod of Bishops. 
 
 Mr. Justice Coleridge's reply, so far as it is a defence of 
 the Judicial Committee, defends it, not as a final Ecclesi- 
 astical Court of Appeal, but as a Court of civil lau'yers 
 empowered to deal with the temporal consequences of 
 decisions on questions of doctrine and discipline. But his 
 letter has all the value which attaches to anything on such 
 a subject proceeding from a very accomplished lawyer, who 
 was also a devoted Churchman, and dealing with the question 
 before it had been complicated by issues arising out of the 
 Gorham and subsequent decisions. 
 
 Mr. Justice Coleridge to E. B. P. 
 
 Park Crescent, January II, 1850. 
 I could not answer your letter, as I wished, yesterday, nor before 
 post-time to-day : yesterday Keble was here all day transcribing with 
 the help of Mr. Copeland, and correcting a paper on our present 
 Church grievances, and I was busy with him. To-day I have been 
 in Court and am only now returned. Keble's paper of course turns 
 in part on the subject on which your thoughts are occupied, and will 
 
214 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 On Final Court and Supremacy, 
 
 215 
 
 serve, I think, in some measure and sense, to quiet men's minds as to 
 their position while it rouses them to better and secure it. 
 
 Now I come to your question, which for clearness' sake I transcribe : 
 * Whether the office of a Judge does not necessarily in some cases 
 involve the new interpretation of those atithorities upon which he 
 founds his judgments?' By the word 'authorities' I understand you 
 to mean the precedents, decisions, text-books, &c., which are to guide 
 him in his judgments, not the authority which gives him his juris- 
 diction. 
 
 Understanding you thus, I answer that his office in all cases may, 
 and in fact will in many, or some at least, involve such consequences. 
 In deciding a particular case he is to bring it under a rule to be 
 gathered from previous authorities— whether it falls under the rule or 
 not must of course depend on the true understanding of the rule— and 
 that again on the true interpretation of the authorities. The Judge 
 may think those authorities have been misunderstood, that the lan- 
 guage has been construed too largely, or too strictly, or that inferences 
 have been drawn not warranted by the context, or the circumstances 
 unc^er which it was used. 
 
 It is in this sense I answer your question affirmatively ; and it seems 
 unnecessary to illustrate my meaning by any instances. But then 
 a lawyer would not admit your consequence ; that, * in fact, he by his 
 judgments limits, or enlarges, as it may be, the meaning of those 
 authorities.' He may enlarge or limit the previous interpretation, but 
 exhypothesi he is seeking to find the true meaning, which must always 
 be the same: if he goes beyond, or falls short of that, his judgment 
 must be wrong ; but the meaning of the authorities remains the same. 
 For example, we are to find our rule of decision in a particular statute 
 —that has been before expounded in a case decided in the Common 
 Pleas— and that decision has governed similar cases since. We^ how- 
 ever, think that their exposition was incorrect, and we either exclude 
 a case from this rule, or bring one within it, which according to that 
 exposition would fall within, or without it, as the case may be ; in 
 other words, we construe the statute more strictly, or largely, than 
 they had done. Still I need not say that the authority, by which both 
 profess to be guided, has but one meaning and remains unchanged. 
 
 The distinction between an encroachment of jurisdiction and an 
 erroneous decision is often very fine ; perhaps the true test is this : 
 the former may be ascertained when the Judge begins his inquiry- 
 he has no right to commence it— he is wrong from the beginning— and 
 must be so all through— however correctly he draws his conclusion 
 from his premisses : in the latter he is right in his beginning, and 
 wrong only in his conclusion. E.g. let there be a Judge with juris- 
 diction only in cases of heresy: A. B. is libelled before him for 
 a denial of the Divinity of the Second Person— here upon the face of 
 it the charge is within the jurisdiction :— the Judge may decide rightly 
 or wrongly whether the language proved amounts to a denial-but 
 
 there can be no excess of jurisdiction — he was right in beginning to 
 examine into the case. • . . But suppose the charge on the face of it 
 is of a matter merely of order or discipline, he ought to refuse to enter- 
 tain it at all, and if he pronounces that to be heresy, he is not only 
 wrong in his decision, but wrong in deciding on it at all. In the 
 former case his decision might be appealed against to the proper 
 Court of Appeal : in the latter we should restrain him from going on 
 to a decision at all by our writ of prohibition. 
 
 Now, tried by this test, I am not sure that there is any objection to 
 the mere procedure of the Privy Council to hear the Gorham case : 
 the matter directly at issue in the Court below was the right to insti- 
 tution — a step in order to the attainment of a temporal right, induction 
 and enjoyment of the benefice. 
 
 That right might have depended on some mere fact, wholly inde- 
 pendent of spiritual considerations, such as canonical age, learning, 
 morals, (Sic, but jurisdiction cannot depend on the nature of the 
 questions to be discussed collectively in the cause, but upon that which 
 is directly to be decided by the judgment. The distinction will be 
 obvious, if we suppose the Bishop to have libelled Mr. G[orham] for 
 heresy — then whether heretic or not is the thing to be decided^2.\\d. 
 the objection to the P[rivy] C[ouncil] entertaining that question at all, 
 is an objection on Church principles to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Let us suppose that by law a heretic could not inherit land. A. B. 
 claims an estate as heir-at-law to his father C. B. against D. who is in 
 possession. No one can doubt that such an action might properly be 
 brought in the Court of Queen's Bench. But D.'s defence is that he 
 is next heir in default of A. B., and that A. B. cannot inherit because 
 he is a heretic, e.g. an Arian. To which A. B. replies, .admitting 
 Arianism, but denying that he is therefore a heretic. Now perforce 
 the Court of Queen's Bench must examine this question, in order tc 
 arrive at its judgment, on the title to the land. It may decide wrongly, 
 but it cannot exceed its jurisdiction. In the Gorham case, therefore, 
 I am inclined to think that the crucial difficulty does not arise. I quite 
 agree that in the manner of dealing with this collateral point, a more 
 seemly course might have been taken, more in analogy with the pro- 
 ceedings under similar circumstances, in our old Common- Law Courts. 
 When the same precise question shall arise between the same parties 
 in the pending quare impedit, instead of asking these Bishops to come 
 and hear an argument upon it, as assessors, whom we shall listen to 
 or not, as we think best, we shall send to the Archbishop for his certi- 
 ficate, and be bound by his decision. 
 
 You will not understand me as defending the constitution of the 
 Court of Appeal, and I quite think that we are called on now to exert 
 ourselves vigorously for a better ordering of such things— and it seems 
 to me that the Gorham case furnishes a safe and favourable time for 
 the effort. Although no harm may be done in this case, yet the same 
 Court is the Court of Appeal for directly spiritual cases. And the 
 
' l» m mm 
 
 2l6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 II 
 
 composition of the Court on the present occasion, as well as the exclu- 
 sion by statute of all spiritual Lords from sitting on such appeals, 
 cannot but strike ordinary men strongly. 
 
 It seems to me you are quite right in your view of the Supremacy, 
 and it is very important that your view should be as generally made 
 known as possible. I am very glad you have given me permission 
 to show your letter, where I think it may be useful. I shall make use 
 of your permission pretty freely, but not inconsiderately. 
 
 It occurs to me to mention, that the limit as to the declaration of 
 heresy, which binds the Court of Arches, appears to me equally to 
 limit the Court of Appeal- for they are to decide only whether the 
 judgment of the Court below is right, and must of course try its cor- 
 rectness on the same principles, which the Court below was bound to 
 regard in arriving at its judgment. 
 
 I believe I have said all that occurs to me on a subject which I confess 
 I am not so much at home in, as perhaps I ought to be -and I am 
 afraid I have not given you much help. But I very sincerely beg of 
 you to apply to me again and again if you think I can throw any more 
 light on any difficulties. It will be a real satisfaction to me to work 
 under you and with you in such a cause. I am only afraid I may 
 disappoint you. I came into the world somewhat too soon to have 
 devoted much time to these considerations, when I had leisure ; and 
 now I have too little to acquire much sound knowledge on them.' 
 I hope you are better. 
 
 Believe me most truly and affectionately yours, 
 
 J. T. Coleridge. 
 
 It may be worth your while to know that the meeting of the P[rivy] 
 C[ouncil] on Tuesday is only to consider the case, and consult on the 
 judgment-the framing it must, I should think, be a work of time 
 By an old rule of Privy Council, majority binds-and nothing is said 
 of difference of opinion. 
 
 If you think it worth while, will you let Keble see my letter, as he 
 may be advised to work on with his paper, and expand it ; and 'it may 
 answer doubts in his mind. 
 
 In other respects do what you will with it. 
 
 In forwarding this letter to Keble, Pusey says :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [January 13, 1850.] 
 But the real question seems, ' Is the doctrine of the Church of 
 England sufficiently defined or no ? ' or, in any case in which it is not 
 defined, has the Civil Power the right conceded to it, to define it ' 
 
 J. C.'s answer seems to me to come to this-* It cannot defineit as 
 matter of faith ; it can define it as matter of discipline.' As to Holy 
 Baptism, the doctrine of the English Church must continue to be the 
 doctrine of the Creed, and her Formularies ; but for all purposes of 
 
 Pusey s Tolerant View of Mr. Gorharn's Position. 217 
 
 discipline, the Supreme Court must have the right of construing the 
 authorities : and if so, it may construe them right or wrong. 
 
 I should fear that the admixture of a few Bishops, or forming 
 a Court of a few Bishops only, would be worse than the present state 
 of things. For it would probably be too easy to select a few lax 
 Bishops. Of the whole body, one should hope that they would be 
 overruled to do nothing inconsistent with the Faith. 
 
 The profound disquiet of deeply religious minds at this 
 time appeared in the case of Archdeacon R. I. Wilberforce ; 
 he wrote in his distress to ask Keble whether, whatever 
 the Privy Council might decide, it was not a duty to refuse 
 to communicate with Mr. Gorham on the ground that he 
 had been condemned as a heretic by the Ecclesiastical 
 Court of Canterbury. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, Feb. 5, 1850. 
 
 I send you a note which has set me thinking very much, and 
 I hardly know how to get over it. What I have told W. is— (i) That 
 a man must not I suppose be counted a heretic without a distinct 
 sentence of a competent Court : (2) That this sentence (of the Arches) 
 hardly amounts to that : (3) That the way perhaps might be to pro- 
 ceed against him for direct heresy under the Church Discipline Act : 
 (4) That in the meantime the Archbishop I suppose must stay proceed- 
 ings, and we might have time to prepare ourselves for such a crisis. 
 
 I think your argument in the proof-sheets must do good— only that 
 people's thoughts spring deeper. your ever-loving (in haste) 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Pusey could not agree. He would have let Mr. Gorham 
 alone, in the hope that in time he might be converted, as 
 others had been converted, to an acknowledgment of the 
 truth. The Low Church clergy in tilting against the 
 doctrines of Baptismal Grace were often making war, not 
 on the doctrine of the Church, but on some aspect or con- 
 sequence with which they themselves had erroneously 
 
 invested it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Christ Church], Feb. 7, 1850. 
 
 It is quite natural that people should feel very acutely now, 
 
 particularly such as W., who have not had the existence and overt 
 
 toleration of heresy continually brought against them as a note against 
 
 the Church of England. One's answer and one's comfort is, out of 
 
2l8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey, 
 
 Kebles Fears, 
 
 2\g 
 
 which we cannot get by any human means, God is helping us out of 
 It by restonng truth. It seems a case in which we ' must let the ship 
 drive and not try to ' thrust it into ' any ' creek.' Had measures, like 
 this, been taken against Mr. Woodward, at Bristol, we should have lost 
 one who IS now an earnest maintainer and teacher of the truth It 
 seems like a state of bodily health, in which physicians look on, wait 
 for God, and leave off remedies for a time, to see how He will work in 
 the frame. 
 
 But then as to the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration, I suppose 
 the majority of those who in words impugn it are really contending 
 agamst something else : e. g. Mr. Goode against a belief that a person" 
 having been baptized, must necessarily be in a state of salvation 
 (1. e. of grace, he means, I suppose). Others define, as you know, 
 regeneration to be that from which a person cannot fall. These 
 surely, are m error as to a matter of a fact : it is not proved that they 
 are heretics, it does not appear from what they say that they mean to 
 deny anything which the Church affirms. This, I suppose, must be 
 he Abp. of \ ork's case (I did not read his Charge), in that he argued 
 that Cranmer, &c., could not have held Baptismal Regeneration because 
 they held Predestination, i. e. he did not know what the doctrine is 
 
 As you say, they are not proved heretics. Dr. Hinds' was a very 
 bad case. He must have recanted, had there been any discipline. 
 Yet we hope that he is not, in his inmost heart, a heretic. 
 
 I hardly know what he means by *our Bishops Aav/nr committed 
 themselves to an heretical course.' For they have taken *no course' 
 at all. 
 
 I suppose that Mr. Gorham's publication would bring him under 
 the Church Discipline Act, yet it is hardly perhaps the same as if he 
 had himself written it. It is an answer to his Bishop, and one sort 
 of punishment has followed on it. I fear it might look like vindictive- 
 ness. I wish the Bprof E. had taken the ground of his denying the 
 One Baptism for the remission of sins.' It would have brought out 
 before the Church what Mr. Gorham's special heresy is, and shown 
 a good many that they do hold Baptismal Regeneration in that they 
 believe original sin to be remitted in Baptism. 
 
 I do not see that W.'s case of 'our Bishops committing themselves 
 to a wrong course,' has come, or is likely to come. The very thine 
 which we are pressing for, 'judgment of Bishops in the case of heresy ' 
 would be the very test ; but one would hope that God would overrule 
 any decision. 
 
 I cannot imagine the case which W. puts, as to a Bishop giving 
 m.ss,on to Gorham on Ihe distinct understam/ing that he denies the 
 doctrme of One Haptism for the remission of sins.' I should think 
 that most who impugn Baptismal Regeneration would start at its beinir 
 supposed that they denied this. Mr Baring (London) did not suppose 
 that there were above six clergy in the English Church who held with 
 Mr. Gorham. 
 
 I cannot, here, answer what you probably can, whether one com- 
 municating with one, holding heretical errors, but not by any act 
 severed from the Church, would so sever himself.'' The answer seems 
 to be what you suggest, that a person is not a heretic until he is proved 
 and declared such, and as such ejected. I should have thought many 
 might have been puzzled by Mr. Gorham's statements. The heresy 
 comes out in some seven or eight places, amid a great deal of declara- 
 tion of accepting the Formularies of the Church and believing what 
 the Church believes. 
 
 Keble held out. He felt that if Mr. Gorham was not 
 
 condemned as a heretic, he was condemned as being so 
 
 much hke one that to hold communion with him would be 
 
 scandalous. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, 
 Shrove Saturday, [Feb. i6], 1850. 
 
 I wish 1 may be wrong, but fear that you in your loving heart 
 a little underrate the difficulty which R. W. has raised. Surely in the 
 case supposed (the Archbishop giving mission to Gorham after Sir 
 H. J. F.'s sentence) it would be different from all the tolerance of 
 heretics which we have hitherto borne with as we might, because none 
 of those were condemned heretics. y/"G[orham] were condemned as 
 a heretic^ so to fraternize with him would be breaking the Sacramentum 
 Unitatis (would it not?) and intercepting our communion with the 
 Head. Ought we in such a case to look to the visible consequences ? 
 I do not think, however, that he was condemned as a heretic, but only 
 of false doctrine, as Oakeley. But it looks so like the other, that 
 I fear it will be very scandalous : and to prevent this I proposed the 
 suit : which even apart from this apprehension some think desirable. 
 Might it not have the effect of bringing into strong light Mr. G[orham]'s 
 peculiar doctrine, and so showing the Low Church in general that they 
 need not be disturbed at anything that happens to him? I have 
 written to our Bishop, stating the difficulty and what occurred to me 
 on it, and particularly pressing this last point. I hope I may not have 
 done harm ; but it is always a relief to me when I have told him 
 things, and he is so cautious that one has no fear of committing him. 
 
 I wonder what you think of the Bp. of L.'s proposal. 1 fancied we 
 ought to be very thankful for it; but how the restless ones take it 
 I don't know. It was remarkable in the Education Meeting on Thurs- 
 day how every allusion to non-jurorship was caught up and hailed by 
 the crowd. 
 
 These excessive and hasty alarms expressed in private 
 letters by Pusey's friends were in danger of finding open 
 expression at the meetings of thosis Church Unions which 
 
220 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ^Clergy Proceedings Bill.' 
 
 221 
 
 were now being formed throughout the country An 
 effort was made in the London Church Union to call the 
 further attention of Churchmen, and of the Government 
 to the importance of the questions raised by this appeal to 
 the Privy Council. At a first meeting Pusey, who had come 
 up from Asherne near Dartmouth, was present, but without 
 Keble. He reported to Keble that 'some very strone 
 and painful words ' fell from those who were disposed to 
 make the worst of the situation. He had had to threaten 
 to withdraw from the meeting of the Committee unless 
 a very exaggerated statement of the claims of the Crown 
 was modified. He was indeed on the point of ieavin- 
 when Charles Marriott persuaded the authors of the reso- 
 lution to accept a compromise. Pusey wrote apologetically 
 to Keble about the resolution which actually passed. He 
 hoped that his friend would not think it too strong It 
 ran thus : — *" 
 
 ' That by the suit of Gorham v. the Bishop of Exeter now oend- 
 ing by appeal in the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, as well 
 as by the case of Escott v. Martin in the year 1842, it appears that 
 the Crown, through a Court constituted by Act of Parliament alone 
 
 emeTc" theT"- '° "^"f""' "^■"=^' °^ ''''' "^^ '^ «-' "^ 
 r^t^ek of dtcir; ''"' '"^^^P^"'''-- °f '"^ Courts of the Church 
 
 These alarms were not unshared by Archbishops and 
 Bishops alike. A conference of the Bishops was held on 
 the subject ; and as a result of their deliberations, the Bishop 
 of London introduced into the House of Lords on Feb 5 
 i«50, the ' Clergy Proceedings Bill,' to which allusion has 
 already been made. By this Bill a new Court of Appeal in 
 cases of heresy was to be substituted for the Judicial Com- 
 mittee^ It was to consist of the two Archbishops, the three 
 senior Bishops according to the date of their consecration, the 
 Lord Chancellor, the Dean of the Arches, the Judge of the 
 Consistory Court of London, and the Regius and Margaret 
 Pro essors of Divinity at Oxford and Cambridge. As the two 
 Ecclesiastical Judges represented spiritual persons, the Lord 
 Chancellor was the only layman, pure and simple, in the 
 proposed Court. Bishop Blomfield, in introducing the Bill 
 
 described it as a strictly Church tribunal ; and Archbishop 
 Sumner, when supporting the Bishop of London, urged that 
 the present state of the law on the doctrine and discipline 
 of the Church was acknowledged to be excessively defec- 
 tive. It was chiefly owing to the defective constitution 
 of the Court of Appeal that the Church now stood in a posi- 
 tion of some difficulty ; it could never be satisfactory that 
 questions relating to the doctrine and discipline of the 
 Church should be submitted to a tribunal of laymen. 
 
 It would seem that this measure was proposed by the 
 Bishop of London at this juncture in the hope that the 
 Privy Council would hesitate to pronounce on a subject 
 which the Bill implied they were unfit to settle. But, as 
 we shall see, this hope was destined to disappointment. 
 The opposition of the Government finally disposed of this 
 well-intended and generally well-conceived effort to lighten 
 the burden of the Church, and to solve a difficult question 
 that vexed the minds of Churchmen, and it may be said of 
 statesmen, for the next forty years. 
 
 Already rumours were in circulation to the effect that 
 the decision of the Judicial Committee would be against the 
 Bishop of Exeter ; and the Bishop was already thinking how 
 to act in such a contingency, and from this time until the 
 judgment was delivered Pusey's correspondence seems to 
 have been chiefly concerned with this practical side of the 
 question. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 6 Clifford Street, Feb. 14, 1850. 
 
 You have doubtless heard that the judgment is to be against us : 
 forgive the plural pronoun. I cannot consider myself as more than 
 the party in whom the common question of the Church is to be tried. 
 
 Something seems to have arisen —but it is unwise to build hope upon 
 it— that may shake the resolution of the Committee. The delay, the 
 anxiety which is known to be felt as to the mode of expressing the 
 judgment— and perhaps the final impossibility of their devising words 
 which shall not stultify the eminent persons who are to use them, for 
 it has been understood that they are to affirm the Church's doctrine, 
 while they are to pronounce the denial of it not to justify a Bishop in 
 refusing mission to the clerk who denies it— may, after all, enforce an 
 opposite decision. 
 
\ 
 
 I 
 
 222 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey, 
 
 It is anxiously wished by them to crive the judgment next week- 
 before Baron Parke starts for the Midland circuit-and Thursday is 
 the day named, as the most likely. 
 
 Now, it will probably be deemed by me right to address the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury in a public letter, as soon as shall be possible, 
 after the judgment, //// be adverse. In that case, I must speak plainly 
 respectmg his own erroneous statements on Baptism. Inter alia, 
 I shall notice the following sentence in his Charge of 1841, p. 35 :— 
 
 * He instituted His Sacraments that they who observed them might 
 be a visible Body of witnesses to Him in the world : and that, after the 
 usual manner of the Divine operations, there might be known and 
 manifest channels, in which His Spirit might flow, to the edification 
 and comfort of believers.' 
 
 This is a marvellous statement, coming from a Bishop, now grown 
 mto an Archbishop, in this branch of Christ's Church. How he can 
 reconcile his description of Sacraments to the exclusive application of 
 the term to Baptism and the Lord's Supper-or, rather, how he can 
 speak of the * usual manner of the Divine operations ' as being that 
 which God is pleased to adopt in those two Sacraments— it is no^t very 
 easy to conjecture. 
 
 Be that as it may, I venture to ask your assistance in animadverting 
 on the passage. The/////<?r you can conveniently make your argument, 
 so long as it shall be sent soon, the more I shall be obliged. 
 
 In his Grace's comment on the Gospel of St. John iii. 5 is the 
 passage which I enclose. It is really startling to read such a state- 
 ment from such a place. This, too, I wish to deal with -and shall be 
 thankful for your aid. But, if there be not time for both, pray send 
 me the former, as the more needed. 
 
 Yours, my dear Sir, 
 
 Always most faithfully, 
 
 H. Exeter. 
 
 P.S. To say, as his Grace says, or manifestly intends to say, that 
 the prayers of faithful parents, or pro-parents, are necessary to the 
 efficacy of Christ's Baptism, is manifestly gross Pelagianism. Pray 
 tell me where I can find a canon of the Church to that effect. 
 
 Perhaps, in writing your answer, you will kindly bear in mind my 
 infirmity of vision. I shall be grieved to lose a word of what you 
 may say. 
 
 Pusey 's first thought vvasnowas always 'What would Keble 
 say?' and the Bishop of Exeter's extract from the Arch- 
 bishop's Charge of 1841 was sent to Hursley accordingly. 
 Keble thought that the words admitted of a better inter- 
 pretation than had been put on them by Bishop Phillpotts, 
 but he was as strong as ever in favour of doing something 
 
 Archbishop Sumner s previous language. 223 
 
 to relieve the Church of the charge or suspicion of acquies- 
 cence in heresy. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, Feb. 19, 1850. 
 . . . The questionable clause ['after the usual manner of the Divine 
 operations') may be fairly enough taken to mean what Hooker says, 
 E. P., V. Ivii. 3. If you look at it, you will see at once what I mean. 
 It seems to me only right and charitable to make the best of the 
 doctrinal statements of such men as the Archbishop. And as I fully 
 expect that we shall have in some way or other to make some public 
 statement in which his sayings will have to be noticed, I am very glad 
 that you are placing the matter in that light before the Bishop. What 
 a strange turn the matter seems to be taking. I cannot frame any 
 producible statement in my own mind for whoever will have the honour 
 of pronouncing that judgment. I cannot see by what subtilty the 
 premiss and conclusion can be tacked together. It will be very scan- 
 dalous and must lead to some such measure as the Bishop of London's. 
 It will not I hope be felt by R. VV. as affecting his position ; but how 
 about our other restless friends ? What will be our right course : e.g. 
 as to communion with Gorham, &c. ? I still find myself driven back 
 to the notion [of] prosecuting him for heresy ; which, however, I fear 
 is not practical, as you say no more of it, and Coleridge does not 
 answer my questions about it. I think I must enclose you another 
 letter from R. W. 7 his objection to such a course has been started, 
 and I feel it strongly :— viz. that if one were driven by appeal to the Final 
 Court under the Church Discipline Act, it is really little or no better 
 than the present. As to the Bp. of London's new Court, I don't think 
 we ought to be satisfied with it or with any other which has not the 
 sanction of Convocation : nor with Convocation itself, unless we had 
 a better way of appointing Bishops. Whatever we assent to we must 
 take as the Radicals do, or as the Church party in France — avowedly 
 as a mere instalment. ... 
 
 Ever your most loving 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Pusey acquiesced in Keble's proposal for a prosecution of 
 Mr. Gorham for heresy, and suggested this course to the 
 Bishop. The Bishop, in thanking Pusey for his support, 
 adds the following postscript : — 
 
 *6 Clifford Street, Feb. 20, 1850. 
 
 * There is one matter on which I am very anxious — to do what I can 
 
 to prevent eager Churchmen from renouncing our Church, if the 
 
 judgment be what is expected— and still more if such functionaries as 
 
 the two Archbishops and the Bishop of London have declared in 
 
224 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 favour of it. That no such men, nor any individual men, can commit 
 the Church, is certain ; yet I much fear that many will act as if it 
 were otherwise. Pray tell me what you would think it best to say, in 
 order to stop them.' 
 
 In a second letter Pusey, following Keble's suggestion, 
 had endeavoured to throw the shield of Hooker over 
 Archbishop Sumner's equivocal language about the Sacra- 
 ments. But Bishop Phillpotts would not have it so. In his 
 reply he adds a postscript to the following effect : — 
 
 6 Clififord Street, Feb. 22, 1850. 
 * I am sorry to say that our friend Maskell seems to have a morbid 
 eagerness to find all wrong in our Church, and to make out a case 
 for his own secession. I wish he may stop short of Rome ; but 
 I have very strong apprehensions. You have probably seen his 
 first Letter on the Position of the High Church Party. It is on the 
 Supremacy — clever, but, I think, unsound.' 
 
 Pusey at this time must have been the most trusted corre- 
 spondent of Bishop Phillpotts on the subject which occupied 
 his mind. The Bishop writes again on the following day : — 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 [Confidential^ London, Feb. 23, 1850. 
 
 My DEAR Sir, 
 
 I hear nothing more. All seems doubtful, except, I fear, that 
 the doubt of what will be the general character of the judgment, is 
 very small. The difficulty of devising words which may satisfy the 
 lay Judges, /^r their own credits' sake, is our only hope. 
 
 In respect to my position, as to Institution, it is as follows : — 
 If the decision be against me, my jurisdiction, /r^ hdc vicCy passes 
 to the Superior Ordinary, the Archbishop ; but, if it be for me, while 
 the decision of the Archbishop's Court is affirmed, there is a mode of 
 obtaining a remitting of the case to the Archbishop /^rj^«^j//^. It is 
 thus : — 
 
 Besides the * Duplex Querela,' an action of * Quare Impedit ' against 
 me at the suit of the Crown is pending. Supposing me to be dis- 
 missed from the ' Duplex Querela,' the action may nevertheless go 
 on ; and, if it does, the Court of Queen's Bench would certainly send 
 the case to the Archbishop, who would be required to certify whether 
 Mr. G[orham] was of unsound opinions according to the evidence of 
 the examination. His Grace, in this case, would doubtless certify 
 that Mr. G. was not of unsound opinions. A writ would then issue to 
 me from the Court of Q[ueen's] B[ench] commanding me to institute* 
 This writ (I write confidentially) 1 should, as you, I hope, doubt 
 
 Bishop Phillpotts* intentions. 
 
 225 
 
 not that I should, disobey. This disobedience would bring me into 
 a contempt ; and, on motion for attachment, I should be committed 
 till I purge the contempt— i. e. till it should please God to release me 
 both from prison and from life. 
 
 Probably this would be the best course for the case to take; but. 
 there is little hope that the first step be taken— that the Judicial 
 Committee decide in my favour. If it be, the rest may follow. 
 
 Now, I entreat you not to notice this communication to any one. 
 I have thought it necessary to ascertain exactly my position, in order 
 to my own guidance. But I should be very sorry if it should become 
 prematurely known. 
 
 Yours very faithfully, 
 
 H. K. 
 
 Maskell's published letter gives me great concern. I consider it 
 the mischievous and most ill-timed effiision of a very self-willed 
 man. 
 
 My own course oi Protest, or whatever it he, cannot be shaped till 
 I know what the terms of the judgment shall finally be. 
 
 Meanwhile, I earnestly ent/eat your kind and able consideration of 
 the points likely to be involved, and of the best mode of dealing with 
 them. 
 
 One supposition is, that they will decide thit the doctrine of 
 Spiritual Regeneration in Baptism being acknowledged as the doctrine 
 of the Church, Mr. Gorham did not, at the examination, express 
 anything contrary to, or inconsistent with it. Yet this must require 
 much ingenuity to state with decent plausibility. 
 
 Keble was being consulted at each step of this corre- 
 spondence with the Bishop of Exeter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 22, 1850. 
 
 I send you more stunning intelligence than any yet. What would 
 you advise me to advise the Bishop ? 
 
 The prosecution upon Mr. G.'s special heresy might be some stay. 
 People cannot be thinking of the Creed when they speak of ' open 
 questions.' 
 
 What should be the point of the Bishop's Protest : to say Anathema 
 to those who deny the remission of sins in Baptism, or what ? 
 
 This report that the Archbishop of Canterbury and the 
 Bishop of London were ready to treat 'the grace and 
 efficacy of Baptism as an open question ' was a great shock 
 to Keble. 
 
 VOL. III. Q 
 
i 
 
 m i 
 
 226 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Idea of a Diocesan Synod. 
 
 i| 
 
 M 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, 
 Ember Saturday in Lent, [Feb. 23], 1850. 
 
 May He be with us, for surely it is a sad strait. It seems, 
 however, so far clear, that we must all in our places protest : and 
 I should have thought that the simple ground of the Creed, as e. g. 
 I have stated it to our Bishop, would be sufficient to take at first. 
 A Bishop is only bound to due obedience to his Metropolitan : and of 
 course he continues under his obligation to drive away bad doctrine. 
 As at present advised, I should not use the word ' Anathema,' but 
 should hold the Archbishop to his own Court's decision, demanding 
 a Synod. I should also intimate something of possible suspension of 
 Communion till the matter was synodical.y settled. 
 
 I had also considered that if Sir H. J. F. should give the matter 
 against us, we could not consistently appeal to the P[rivy] C[ouncil], 
 even under the Church Discipline Act. 
 
 I cannot think that the Nonjurors' position was so very bad or 
 useless an one. I seem to trace our present life in good measure 
 to it. 
 
 I am ashamed to say nothing has been done yet about the prosecu- 
 tion for heresy. 1 will try and write to Badeley by next post. I did 
 not know till last night that you consented to that step. 
 
 On the next day Keble sends further thoughts as to the 
 course which the Bishop might take in the event of an 
 adverse decision. In this letter we trace to its source the 
 Bishop's resolution to summon a Diocesan Synod in order 
 to reaffirm the Catholic doctrine on behalf of his Diocese. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, St. Matthias, 1850. 
 
 It strikes me that the regular way in the case supposed would 
 be for the Bishop to summon a Diocesan Synod and for the whole 
 Diocese to move synodically, protesting, setting forth the true doctrine, 
 and demanding a Provincial Council to settle it : of course also com- 
 municating their proceedings to the Bishops and Archdeacons of all 
 other Dioceses in communion with the See of Canterbury. In this 
 way the matter would be brought officially under cognizance of this 
 whole branch of the Church ; and there would be no excuse for 
 parsons to sli^jht or disparage it on personal grounds. 
 
 This is all I can say to-night. 
 
 Ever yours most lovingly, 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Fuscy sent on Keble's suggestion to the Bishop, but 
 with a modification of his own. He was anxious that the 
 
 227 
 
 language of the Creed, ' One Baptism for the remission of 
 sins,' and not any statement drawn up by the Bishop of 
 Exeter, should be the formula of concord. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 25, 1850. 
 
 I sent your suggestion, but I hope it was agreeable with your 
 meaning that I suggested putting prominently the Article in the 
 Creed ' One Baptism for the remission of sins,' setting forth that it 
 had been denied in the Diocese: that he had refused Institution to 
 a clerk, &c. ; that his act had been sanctioned by the highest Eccle- 
 siastical Court, reversed, &c. ; that he called upon his clergy to 
 reaffirm that such was the faith of the Church. 
 
 I did this because I hoped that the acknowledgment of the remission 
 of original sin would be a great step towards agreement on Regenera- 
 tion ; that people would have no misunderstandings (i.e. those who by 
 * Regeneration ' mean 'Conversion'), that they would not be held 
 back by a fear of driving a large number of the clergy away, and that 
 we should not have the disgrace and scandal of stormy and dissentient 
 Synods. 
 
 I should quite dread an appeal to the Church whose animus seemed 
 to be, that all should be ejected who did not hold Baptismal Regenera- 
 tion : (i) because people are inured to the present state of things and 
 dislike strong measures ; (2) they are hopeful about individuals, and 
 would not eject them ; (3) there is the misunderstanding about the 
 term ; and so (4) I should expect to be defeated and we should be 
 worse off than now. The Church seems to me like a sickly person 
 recovering : one would watch his strength returning and not put it to 
 any decisive trial one could help, which one did not feel morally sure 
 it would stand. 
 
 But the Lord will provide. 
 
 I see that I suggested a Diocesan Synod as you proposed, and 
 communication [of] their sentence to other Bishops, Archdeacons, as 
 you said. But I was afraid to say anything about asking for a Pro- 
 vincial Council before again asking you, fearing that things would go 
 wrong. We are so unused to strong measures. 
 
 Mr. Badeley thought it impossible at the time to prose- 
 cute Mr. Gorham for heresy. But the Bishop of Exeter 
 took up warmly the other proposal that he should summon 
 a Diocesan Synod. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 London, Feb. 28, 1850. 
 I thank you very much for your suggestion of a Diocesan Synod, 
 for the purpose which you mention— and, if the judgment be to the 
 
 Q3 
 
s^ 
 
 228 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The Bishops s Protest. 
 
 229 
 
 •! ! 
 
 effect of regarding Baptism an open question, or anything like it, 
 I shall be greatly inclined to act on the suggestion. 
 
 The very step would indicate vitality, and might tend to rouse 
 other portions of our Church. 
 
 A practical difficulty would arise from the extent of my Diocese, 
 and the great number of my clergy — more than 800. 
 
 This demands consideration, and it seems not unlikely that time 
 will be given to us for consideration. 
 
 The decision of the Judicial Committee was now so fully 
 anticipated that its substance was filling men's minds even 
 less than its possible consequences. Thus on the very eve 
 of its publication Bishop Phillpotts writes to Pusey mainly 
 about Mr. Maskell's pamphlet and the necessity for a clear 
 understanding as to what is and is not involved in the 
 Royal Supremacy. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 Bishopstowe, March 7, 1850. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am very much obliged for all your papers, which I deem most 
 valuable. If it be necessary— and when it is necessary— I shall not 
 scruple to avail myself of your kind offer to come hither. 
 
 I am informed by this day's post, that it is possible judgment will 
 be given to-morrow. Yet, as notice was promised by Lord Campbell 
 to be sent to me— and none has arrived— I doubt the accuracy of the 
 rumour. It may indeed have been sent to Exeter. 
 
 Yours most faithfully, 
 
 H. Exeter. 
 
 I feel that the position in which the case now stands leaves me no 
 option but to deal with the Archbishop plainly and decisively. 
 
 I am very glad that you have turned your thoughts to the Supremacy 
 question. I have drawn up a Petition to the Queen, in which I have 
 entered into it pretty fully, and should be glad to shew it to you before 
 it is sent. At present, I am stopped, till we know what is to happen 
 on Friday. It may not be necessary. 
 
 Maskell's very offensive Pamphlet has done much harm. Every one 
 whom I talk with on the subject agrees in condemning its tone and 
 resisting its argument. I have told him my mind very plainly. 
 
 On March 8, 1850, the Judicial Committee gave its award. 
 Of the lay judges, Vice-Chancellor Knight Bruce alone 
 dissented : of the three prelates who attended the hearing, 
 the Bishop of London dissented ; the Primates of Canter- 
 bury and York concurred. 
 
 The Court described the limits of the authority of the 
 Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in cases of this 
 kind in the following words : * This Court, constituted for 
 the purpose of advising Her Majesty in matters which come 
 within its competency, has no jurisdiction or authority to 
 settle matters of failh, or to determine what ought in any 
 particular to be the doctrine of the Church of England. Its 
 duty extends only to the consideration of that which is by 
 law established to be the doctrine of the Church of England 
 upon the true and legal construction of her Articles and 
 Formularies ; and we consider that it is not the duty of any 
 Court to be minute and rigid in cases of this sort. We 
 agree with Sir William Scott in the opinion which he 
 expressed in Stone's case, in the Consistory Court of 
 London, " That if any Article is really a subject of dubious 
 interpretation, it would be highly improper that this Court 
 should fix on one meaning, and prosecute all those who 
 hold a contrary opinion regarding its interpretation." ' 
 
 And taking this view of their authority they decided with 
 regard to the opinions of Mr. Gorham (their statement of 
 which has already been quoted) that they are ' not contrary 
 or repugnant to the declared doctrine of the Church of 
 England as by law established, and that Mr. Gorham ought 
 not, by reason of the doctrine held by him, to have been 
 refused admission to the vicarage of Brampford Speke.' 
 
 It was natural that the Bishop of Exeter would not 
 quietly accept such a reversal of his own decision ; besides, 
 he was most thoroughly alive to the consequences which 
 were likely to ensue. His first step was one for which he 
 had for some days been preparing in his correspondence 
 with Pusey. In reply to the Bishop's question what he 
 should do to prevent secessions to Rome in the event of an 
 adverse judgment, Pusey had supplied him with materials 
 for a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. This Letter 
 appeared on March 25, 1850. Few documents of the kind, 
 since Law's Letters to Hoadley, can rank in importance 
 with this famous Protest. Deep conviction and common- 
 sense, trenchant logic and indignant irony are in their turn 
 
230 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Mr. Goodes Reply to the Bishop. 
 
 231 
 
 brought to bear with triumphant effect on the judgment 
 of the Judicial Committee. Space will not allow a sum- 
 mary of a document that belongs to history ; but its 
 concluding sentences must be quoted. After noticing that 
 'serious doubts have been raised in the minds of many, 
 whether the Church, if she continue passive under this 
 judgment, would not forfeit her claim to be a portion of 
 the Church of Christ/ the Bishop entreats the Primate to 
 call together his comprovincial bishops ; and invite them 
 to declare what is the faith of the Church on the articles 
 impugned in this judgment. He then concludes as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 ' I have one most painful duty to perform. I have to protest not 
 only against the judgment pronounced in the recent cause, but also 
 against the regular consequences of that judgment. I have to protest 
 against your Grace's doing what you will be speedily called to do, 
 either in person, or by some other exercising your authority. I have 
 to protest, and I do hereby solemnly protest, before the Church of 
 England, before the Holy Catholic Church, before Him Who is its 
 Divine Head, against your giving mission to exercise cure of souls, 
 within my diocese, to a clergyman who proclaims himself to hold the 
 heresies which Mr. Gorham holds. I protest that any one who gives 
 mission to him till he retract, is a favourer and supporter of those 
 heresies. I protest, in conclusion, that I cannot, without sin— and, 
 by God's grace, I will not— hold communion with him, be he who he 
 may, who shall so abuse the high commission which he bears ^' 
 
 The form and manner of this remarkable pamphlet was 
 entirely the Bishop's : Pusey could not, if he would, have 
 supplied it, and some parts of it would not have befitted him. 
 But of the solid material not a little was Pusey's. On the 
 day that the Letter appeared in London the Bishop wrote to 
 Pusey : ' Accept my warmest thanks for the great trouble 
 which you undertook for me, and have performed most 
 judiciously.' One service entails another. Mr. Goode, 
 who was now the main advocate of Mr. Gorham's views 
 on Baptism, replied to the Bishop of Exeter 2. On one 
 
 * * A Letter to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury,' by the Bishop of Exeter, 
 p. 90. London, Murray, 1850. 
 
 2 * A Letter to the Bishop of Exeter, 
 containing an examination of his Letter 
 
 to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 from William Goode, M.A., F.S.A., 
 Rector of All Hallows the (Jreat and 
 Less.' London, Hatchard, 1850. 
 
 point the Bishop had made an historical error. He had 
 unguardedly alluded to the Canons of the Fourth Council 
 of Carthage as being received by the whole Church. Pusey 
 had pointed out that his statement of the case was open to 
 criticism ; but the warning reached the Bishop too late to 
 be of service. The Bishop's Letter had been published. 
 Mr. Goode denounced the misstatement, *when proceeding 
 from a Bishop,' as a 'discredit to us all.' The Bishop fell 
 back on Pusey for assistance. Pusey's reply ^ to Mr. Goode 
 on this point is inadequate : all that could be safely said was 
 that at a late date, though certainly before the Reforma- 
 tion, the Canon quoted by the Bishop was accepted by the 
 Eastern and Western Church. The Bishop's statement 
 was undoubtedly incorrect. But so strong was the evidence 
 for the acceptance of the Canons considered that Pusey is 
 able to cite the authority of Baronius, Schelstrate and 
 Tillemont in their favour. Pusey at this time contemplated 
 a complete reply to Mr. Goode's pamphlet ; and had made 
 preparations for it, when his time and thoughts were ab- 
 sorbed by dangers from an opposite quarter. 
 
 But in another way also the Bishop tried to relieve the 
 widespread anxiety among Churchmen. He endeavoured to 
 obtain a decision that the Judicial Committee of the Privy 
 Council never ought to have dealt with Mr. Gorham's case at 
 all. He applied to the Court of Queen's Bench for a Rule to 
 prohibit the institution of Mr. Gorham, on the ground that 
 an appeal from the Court of Arches lay properly to the 
 Upper House of Convocation, and not to the Queen in 
 Council. The Rule was refused on April 25, and a month 
 later the Bishop appealed to the Court of Common Pleas, 
 but with a like result. Thence he applied to the Court 
 of Exchequer, where Sir Fitzroy Kelly obtained a rule nisi, 
 which however, after arguments, was discharged on July 8. 
 It was clear that no remedy was to be obtained in this way 
 from the Civil Courts. But the Bishop had been preparing 
 for these failures ; and on the morrow of the decision of the 
 Court of Common Pleas he placed his plans before Pusey. 
 
 ' Guardian, May i, 1850, p. 307. 
 
'Jiff ■■■,--- ,p-.^-^»>—-,-^i — 
 
 232 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Bishop's Final Protest. 
 
 233 
 
 « 
 
 HI 
 
 ' 
 
 1 ! 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 Draper's Hotel, 28 Sackville Street, 
 May 28, 1850. 
 
 My failure in the attempt to annul the judgment of the Judicial 
 Committee has not much surprised, nor at all disheartened, me. I 
 hope I have faith enough to see and feel— as well as to acknowledge 
 — that it is best for us, that results are in the disposal of higher 
 Wisdom than man's. 
 
 The close is now approaching. On Friday next, I shall obey the 
 monition of the Court of Arches, by bringing Mr. Gorham's Presenta- 
 tion into Court, and so leaving matters open for the Institution of him 
 by the Archbishop. 
 
 But it appears to me that I am bound to lay before His Grace the 
 special reasons on which I ought to call on him not to institute ; in 
 other words, the special heresies declared by Mr. G. 
 
 I earnestly ask your advice and assistance on this point, both as 
 to the form in which my Protest should be made— and also as to 
 the particular statements of Mr. G. to be adduced as the ground of 
 Protest. 
 
 I enclose a Paper— part of a Letter— addressed to me, two or three 
 weeks ago, by one of the ablest of our Judges, and a well-read and 
 very sound Churchman. 
 
 I think his view so important, that I am much inclined to avail 
 myself of it— perhaps in a Letter to my Clergy; and in the first 
 instance, in my Protest to the Archbishop. 
 
 I may tell His Grace that the Judicial Committee have not decided 
 that Mr. G.'s heresies are not heresies ; but only that his statements, 
 on which their judgment was formed, were merely of the neutral 
 character stated in the enclosed paper; that, therefore. His Grace 
 must bear the undivided responsibility of pronouncing by the solemn 
 act of conferring the Cure of Souls, that the holding of such heresies 
 is not a disqualification. 
 
 I heartily wish I could see you ; but that, I fear, is too much to ask 
 
 Yours, my dear Sir, most faithfully, 
 
 [Signed] H. Exeter. 
 Rev. Dr. Pusey. 
 
 Pardon my having recourse to an amanuensis. 
 
 The execution of this resolution was delayed by the pro- 
 ceedings in the Court of Exchequer ; on their failure, the 
 Bishop obeyed the monition of the Court of Arches. He 
 accompanied this serious act by a solemn protest, in which 
 he pointed out the difiference between that statement of 
 Mr. Gorham^s teaching which the Judicial Committee had 
 framed as the basis of its decision, and those statements of 
 
 Mr. Gorham himself, which the Bishop held to be contrary 
 to the doctrine of the Church, and which had determined 
 him to refuse institution to the living of Brampford Speke. 
 Mr. Gorham had stated that remission of sins, adoption 
 into the family of God, and regeneration must take place, 
 in the case of infants, not in, or by means of, but before 
 Baptism ; he had not only denied the invariably regen- 
 erating efficacy of the sacrament, but had taught that 
 when there was any such thing as regeneration at all, it 
 was conferred altogether independently of the sacrament. 
 This was very different from the error which the Judi- 
 cial Committee had acquitted. Pusey was of one mind 
 with the Bishop as to the importance of the distinc- 
 tion between the opinions which Mr. Gorham really held, 
 and the opinions which the Judicial Committee attributed 
 to him. Mr. Gorham had been refused institution for 
 reasons which had not been taken into consideration by 
 the body which ultimately decreed that he should be 
 instituted. 
 
 After stating his point, with his wonted ability, the Bishop 
 concluded as follows : — 
 
 *Now we, the said Henry, Bishop of Exeter, taking the premises 
 into our serious and anxious consideration, and furthermore consider- 
 ing that the judgment of Her Most Gracious Majesty in Council on 
 the said appeal was pronounced solely in reliance on the statement 
 made in the report and recommendation of the said Judicial Com- 
 mittee, as being a just, true, and sufficient statement, do, by virtue 
 of the authority given to us by God, as a Bishop in the Church of 
 Christ, and in the apostolic branch of it planted by God's providence 
 within this land, and established therein by the laws and constitution 
 of this realm, hereby solemnly repudiate the said judgment, and 
 declare it to be null and utterly without effect in foro co7iscientiae^ 
 and do appeal therefrom in all that concerns the Catholic faith to 
 " the sacred Synod of this nation when it shall be in the name of 
 Christ assembled as the true Church of England by representation." 
 
 * And further, we do solemnly protest and declare, that whereas 
 the said George Cornelius Gorham did manifestly and notoriously 
 hold the aforesaid heretical doctrines, and hath not since retracted 
 and disclaimed the same, any Archbishop or Bishop, or any official 
 of any Archbishop or Bishop, who shall institute the said George 
 Cornelius Gorham to the cure and government of the souls of the 
 
 ij f 
 
1 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 234 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 parishioners of the said parish of Brampford Speke, within our diocese 
 aforesaid, will thereby incur the sin of supporting and favouring the 
 said heretical doctrines, and we do hereby renounce and repudiate 
 all communion with any one, be he whom he may, who shall so 
 institute the said George Cornelius Gorham a§ aforesaid. 
 
 * Given under our hand and Episcopal seal this 20th day of July, 
 in the year of our Lord 1850. 
 
 *H. Exeter.' 
 
 The protest was unavailing. The Bishop persisted in his 
 conscientious refusal to institute Mr. Gorham, who notwith- 
 standing was instituted on August 6, 1 850, by Sir H. J. Fust, 
 as Dean of the Arches, under the fiat of the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury. 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER IX. 
 
 -•♦- 
 
 The following letter, which was addressed by Dr. Pusey to the 
 public press in December, 1849, is of sufficient importance to be 
 preserved here. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 As two of the correspondents of the Morning Chronicle have 
 commented upon Mr. Badeley's statement as to * praevenient grace,' 
 you will allow me, in justice to him, although without his sanction, to 
 clear up the misunderstanding. 
 
 The question was not about * praevenient grace ' in itself, but as to 
 the doctrine of ' praevenient grace ' as applied to infants. The very 
 definition of * praevenient grace,' as quoted by the ' Catholic Priest,' 
 * ea quae initium boni operatur in hominibus, sive quae facit ut hofno 
 bene veltt^' or that of our loth Article, ' the grace of God by Christ 
 preventing us, that we may have a good wiily is plainly inapplicable 
 to unconscious infants, who are incapable of any good will at all. 
 Mr. Gorham's peculiar doctrine is, that infants, being born in original 
 sin, are thereby unworthy recipients of Baptism, unless there be an act 
 of * praevenient grace* (Gorham Examination, Ans. 15, p. 83). Upon 
 this act of * praevenient grace ' antecedently to Baptism, he holds that 
 those to whom it is given receive regeneration (Ans. 19, p. 85), 
 justification (Ans. 125, p. 197), adoption as sons (Ans. 40, p. 94; 
 Ans. 60, p. 113 ; Ans. 96, 97, p. 172), and he makes Baptism a public 
 attestation of this (Ans. 88, p. 169). In a word, he substitutes this 
 act of * praevenient grace * for Baptism, so that Baptism becomes the 
 outward seal of a grace already given, and he says that it * confirms 
 faith' (Ans. 38, p. 93), which our Church in the Catechism asserts that 
 infants cannot have. It is in this sense, as applied to infants, that 
 Mr. Badeley says that the phrase * praevenient grace ' is unknown to 
 the primitive Catholic Church or the Roman Church (as it clearly is). 
 
 The Nicene Creed must mean now, what it always meant. The 
 Article, ' One Baptism for the Remission of Sins,' existed in the 
 Baptismal Creed (as attested by St. Cyprian) before the Council of 
 Nice. Tertullian, not a century after St. John, speaks of the Inter- 
 
•PPBi 
 
 ( 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 236 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 rogatories of Baptism as coming from the Apostles. St. Cyprian, his 
 disciple, mentions *one Baptism for the remission of sins' as included 
 in those interrogatories. He states that remission of original sin was 
 the very object of Infant Baptism. In the Pelagian controversy it was 
 allowed, on both sides, that children were, by the rule of the whole 
 Church, baptized * for the remission of sins.' The Council of Carthage 
 (a.d. 418), which was received by the whole Church, asserts that 
 * little ones, who could not as yet themselves commit sin, are therefore 
 truly baptized for the remission of sins, that in them what was con- 
 tracted by their birth might be cleansed by their re-birth.' So far 
 from a * praevenient grace ' being necessary for the remission of 
 original sin, in order that Baptism might be efficacious, the Church, 
 from the first, held and (since the Nicene Creed must have the sense 
 it always had) holds, that original sin is remitted by Baptism. It is 
 implied by the practice of Infant Baptism itself. Infant Baptism 
 would have no end, unless original sin were remitted by it. Unless 
 original sin were remitted to all infants, it would be cruel to baptize 
 infants without any possibility of knowing whether they have this 
 act of * praevenient grace,' without which Baptism (according to 
 Mr. Gorham) must be received unworthily. 
 
 It was this doctrine which Mr. Badeley said was unknown to the 
 Church. It is clearly contradictory to our own formularies, which 
 presuppose the child to be in a state of nature, until by Baptism it is 
 made ' a child of grace.' This view of Mr. Gorham is so novel that 
 it has been said by one who ought to know well, that scarcely three 
 clergymen in the Church of England hold it with him ; and I should 
 hope that Mr. Gorham himself has not sufficiently considered that 
 his statement really contradicts the doctrine of the Nicene Creed. 
 I am sure that most of those who deny baptismal regeneration have 
 no idea that they are denying that original sin is (as the Church 
 believes) remitted to infants in Baptism. And yet, since original sin 
 is then remitted, and the infant is incapable of actual sin, it is thereby 
 placed in a state of grace ; and this is what was expressed by the 
 Ancient Church, that * what was contracted by their birth was cleansed 
 by their re-birth.* Mr. Goode, certainly, in commenting on Bishop 
 Davenant's statements, that 'all baptized infants are absolved from 
 the guilt of original sin,' and that * Justification, Regeneration, and 
 Adoption of baptized little ones confers upon them a state of salvation 
 pro conditione parvulorum,' states * the great and all- important doc- 
 trine to be contended for is that an adult is not necessarily in a state 
 of spiritual regeneration because he was baptized as an infant * (' Infant 
 Baptism,' p. 275). If Mr. Goode means by this that an adult is not 
 necessarily in a state of grace, and so may require a solid and entire 
 conversion, notwithstanding the gift of God in Baptism, no Christian 
 instructed in the first principles of the Faith would contend with him. 
 
 I would simply add that the denial of * praevenient grace ' in infants 
 before Baptism has nothing to do with the statement that God does, 
 
 Appendix to Chapter IX, 
 
 237 
 
 in St. Augustine's words, 'gratiam latenter infundit et parvulis.' 
 * Praevenient grace,' by its very nature, they cannot have : since this 
 is grace ' disposing us that we may have a good will,' and when 
 received is followed by co-operating grace, 'working with us when 
 we have a good will,' whereas infants plainly can neither have a good 
 will, nor act upon it. 
 
 Some of the above thoughts might, if followed out, tend to the peace 
 of the Church ; and to this end you would not object to admit this 
 
 ^^"^ ^^"^^- Your humble servant, 
 
 A Doctor of Divinity. 
 
 I enclose my name privately, to authenticate my letter. 
 
r 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 RESULTS OF THE GORHAM CONTROVERSY—PROCEEDINGS 
 IN LONDON CHURCH UNION— WORK ON THE ROYAL 
 SUPREMACY— CONTROVERSIES WITH MASK ELL, ALLIES, 
 AND DODSWORTH— LETTER TO REV. W. U. RICHARDS. 
 
 1850. 
 
 ■;;( 
 
 J 
 
 The admission of Mr. Gorham to his new benefice under 
 the sanction of the highest legal tribunals was a compara- 
 tively unimportant consequence of this decision of the 
 Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The correspond- 
 ence of the last chapter has shown how painfully strained 
 and anxious were the minds of many Churchmen as to 
 what was involved in the trial. The authority of the 
 Judicial Committee to decide in doctrinal questions had 
 not been seriously examined so long as it was unexercised. 
 But while the lay judges were actually engaged in this task, 
 it was being argued by able writers that the existence of 
 the present Court could not be justified, and yet it was 
 only the legitimate working out of the position which the 
 Church had deliberately adopted at the Reformation ; that 
 therefore for the last three centuries the Church of England 
 had forfeited the right to be a true portion of Christ's 
 Catholic Church. When the decision was actually given, 
 the doctrinal question was added to the previous constitu- 
 tional difficulty, and not a few minds regarded it once more 
 as ' the handwriting on the wall/ which warned men that the 
 Church of England was no safe home for believing souls. 
 
 Among those who thought thus were men of wide learning 
 and of high reputation ; and it seemed as if the events 
 of 1845 would be repeated, not in Oxford especially, but 
 
 Proposed Meetings of Protest, 
 
 239 
 
 throughout the English Church. And the authorities of the 
 Church of Rome were naturally not slow to make the most 
 of the occasion. 
 
 *The only resource for the Church of England in this her time of 
 need,' said Bishop Wiseman, ' is, I am persuaded, a return to the 
 bosom of the Catholic Church ; and I doubt not that this decision, 
 guided as it has been by mere worldly wisdom, cannot appear other- 
 wise than as a providential event, overruled by God for the advance- 
 ment of His holy religion, and the triumph of His universal Church'.* 
 
 Of the two sources of gravest uneasiness, — the doctrinal 
 question about Regeneration and the constitutional question 
 about the Royal Supremacy, — the latter could only be 
 fought out by long and careful controversy. The former 
 subject admitted of some immediate action. The Church 
 had at that time no opportunity of any united expression 
 of faith such as is now provided in the meeting of Convo- 
 cation or even in Diocesan Synods. But it was felt that 
 meetings of Churchmen might be held all over the country 
 to reassert what was held to be the doctrine of the Church. 
 Of course they were quite aware, as was said at the time, 
 that this was a mere demonstration ; but they knew that 
 it would be of no slight weight. It was with a view to 
 action of this kind that the London Church Union met on 
 March 13th, five days after the decision of the Judicial 
 Committee. Pusey had already been writing to various 
 quarters on the different subjects at issue, ' in hopes,* as 
 he told Keble, ' of allaying the fears of some who were 
 terribly shaken.' He entreated Keble to be present at 
 the meeting of the Union, and to be a member of a sub- 
 committee. It contained, he said, * turbid elements, and 
 would sadly need some oil.' The meeting appears to have 
 done little beyond agreeing to an address to the Bishop 
 of Exeter, thanking him for the firm and consistent course 
 he had maintained, and appointing a sub-committee to 
 consider what measures should be taken in consequence 
 of the judgment. 
 
 ' • Final Appeal in matters of Faith : 
 a lecture delivered at St. George's 
 Cathedral, Lambeth,' by Dr.Wiseman, 
 
 Roman Catholic Bishop of London. 
 London, Strange, 2 1 Patemosler Row, 
 1850, p. 20. 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 : ;ii 
 
 •1 
 
 :k 
 
 
 240 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 That something must be done became increasingly ap- 
 parent. While the London Church Union was endeavour- 
 ing to organize a large public meeting in London, protests 
 and declarations were being made in very various quarters. 
 Of these the most important, in its terms, and in view of 
 the names attached to it, was drawn up at a meeting held 
 at Mr. J. R. Hope's house in Curzon Street. 
 
 Resolutions. 
 
 1. That whatever, at the present time, be the force of the sentence 
 delivered on appeal in the case of ' Gorham v. the Bishop of Exeter,' 
 the Church of England will eventually be bound by the said sentence, 
 unless it shall openly and expressly reject the erroneous doctrine 
 sanctioned thereby. 
 
 2. That the remission of original sin to all infants in and by the 
 grace of Baptism is an essential part of the Article — * One Baptism 
 for the remission of sins.' 
 
 3. That— to omit other questions raised by the said sentence — 
 such sentence, while it does not deny the liberty of holding that Article 
 in the sense heretofore received, does equally sanction the assertion 
 that original sin is a bar to the right reception of Baptism, and is not 
 remitted except when God bestows Regeneration beforehand by an 
 act of prevenient grace (whereof Holy Scriptures and the Church are 
 wholly silent), thereby rendering the benefits of Holy Baptism altogether 
 uncertain and precarious. 
 
 4. That to admit the lawfulness of holding an exposition of an 
 Article of the Creed, contradictory of the essential meaning of that 
 Article, is, in truth and in fact, to abandon that Article. 
 
 5. That, inasmuch as the Faith is one, and rests upon one principle 
 of authority, the conscious, deliberate, and wilful abandonment of the 
 essential meaning of an Article of the Creed destroys the Divine 
 foundation upon which alone the entire Faith is propounded by the 
 
 Church. 
 
 6. That any portion of the Church which does so abandon the 
 essential meaning of an Article of the Creed, forfeits, not only the 
 Catholic doctrine in that Article, but also the office and authority to 
 witness and teach as a member of the Universal Church. 
 
 7. That by such conscious, wilful, and deliberate act, such portion of 
 the Church becomes formally separated from the Catholic body, and 
 can no more assure to its members the grace of the Sacraments and 
 the Remission of Sins. 
 
 8. That all measures consistent with the present legal position of 
 the Church ought to be taken without delay, to obtain an authoritative 
 declaration by the Church of the doctrine of Holy Baptism, impugned 
 by the recent sentence ; as, for instance, by praying licence for the 
 
 A Tutors' Protest. 
 
 241 
 
 Church in Convocation to declare that doctrine ; or by obtaining an 
 Act of Parliament to give legal effect to the decisions of the collective 
 Episcopate on this and all other matters purely spiritual. 
 
 9. That, failing such measures, all efforts must be made to obtain 
 from the said Episcopate, acting only in its spiritual character, 
 a re-affirmation of the doctrine of Holy Baptism, impugned by the 
 said sentence. 
 
 H. E. Manning, M.A., Archdeacon of Chichester. 
 
 Robert I. Wilberforce, M.A., Archdeacon of the East 
 
 Riding. 
 Thomas Thorp, B.D., Archdeacon of Bristol. 
 W. H. Mill, B.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Cambridge. 
 E. B. PUSEY, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Oxford. 
 John Keble, M.A., Vicar of Hursley. 
 W. DODSWORTH, M.A., Perpetual Curate of Christ Church, 
 
 St. Pancras. 
 William J. E. Bennett, M.A., Perpetual Curate of St. Paul's, 
 
 Knightsbridge. 
 Henry William Wilberforce, M.A., Vicar of East Farleigh. 
 John C. Talbot, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 
 Richard Cavendish, M.A. 
 Edward Badeley, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 
 James R. Hope, D.C.L., Barrister-at-Law. 
 George Anthony Denison, M.A., Vicar of East Brent. 
 
 A second Protest, due in part, if not mainly, to Pusey's 
 influence, proceeded from the younger and not the least 
 brilliant Tutors at the University of Oxford, and bore forty- 
 five signatures. It showed that the Church feeling and faith 
 of the University had by no means been destroyed by the 
 secessions of 1845 ; and it was notorious at the time that 
 the address was warmly sympathized with by some resi- 
 dents who did not, for personal reasons, feel able to sign it. 
 A close scrutiny of the document reveals the fact that it 
 was in part modelled upon some of the declarations against 
 Tract go, and retorts upon the authors of the judgment of 
 the Privy Council the charge of nournatural interpretation 
 of the Formularies, which, nine years before, had been 
 levelled so freely against Newman. It runs as follows: — 
 
 Whereas by the Statutes of the University of Oxford all Tutors 
 are required to instruct the pupils committed to their charge 
 * especially in the Rudiments of Religion and the Articles of Doctrine 
 set forth in the Synod held at London in the year of our Lord 1562 ' 
 (Vid. Corpus Slat. Tit. iii. § 2) ; 
 
 VOL. in. R 
 
.^pr-^ 
 
 
 a 
 
 ii 
 
 242 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 And whereas it is declared in the 8th of those Articles that * the 
 three Creeds, Nicene Creed, Athanasian Creed, and that which is 
 commonly called the Apostles' Creed, ought thoroughly to be received 
 and believed, for they may be proved by most certain warrants of 
 Holy Scripture,' — and it is an Article of the Nicene Creed,* I acknow- 
 ledge one Baptism for the remission of sins ' ; 
 
 And whereas it is in the Formularies of the Church of England, 
 amongst other passages containing and expressing the like doctrine, 
 asserted of an infant ' lawfully ' baptized, that ' this infant being bom in 
 original sin and in the wrath of God, is now by the laver of Regenera- 
 tion in Baptism received into the number of the children of God 
 and heirs of everlasting life,' — and the same doctrine is in express 
 terms declared in the * Catechism to be learnt of every person before 
 he be brought to be confirmed by the Bishop,' to wit, * My Baptism, 
 wherein I was made a member of Christ, the child of God, and an 
 inheritor of the kingdom of Heaven ' ; 
 
 And whereas notwithstanding these and other like clear, distinct, 
 and explicit assertions of the Faith of the Church of England, in 
 common with the whole Church of Christ, principles of interpretation 
 have recently been applied to the Formularies of the Church bearing 
 upon the Sacrament of Baptism, by which opposite and even contra- 
 dictory opinions may appear to be equally and indifferently tenable by 
 Ministers and other members of the Church of England, thereby 
 endangering the One Faith of Christ ; 
 
 We the undersigned Tutors in the University, deeply persuaded of 
 the extreme peril of all interpretations of our Articles, Creeds, and 
 Formularies which are at variance with and evasive of their * true, 
 usual, literal meaning,' and desiring to secure ourselves as instructors 
 of youth in this University from any suspicion of agreeing with or 
 acquiescing in such interpretations, do solemnly declare, that, in the 
 discharge of the duties imposed upon us by the above Statutes, we 
 teach and maintain, and, by the help of God, will continue to teach 
 and maintain, the remission of sins to all infants, in and by the grace 
 of Holy Baptism, and also the regeneration of the same universally by 
 that Blessed Sacrament, not only as a tolerated opinion, but as an 
 essential doctrine of the Church of England in common with the 
 Universal Church of Christ. 
 
 Thomas Shadforth, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of University 
 
 College. 
 William Hedley, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of University 
 
 College. 
 Edward C. Woollcombe, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Balliol 
 
 College. 
 John R. T. Eaton, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Merton College. 
 Henry B. Walton, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Merton College. 
 William Sewell, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College. 
 William Andrews, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College. 
 
 A Tutors Protest, 
 
 243 
 
 James P. Tweed, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College. 
 Frederick Fanshawe, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Exeter 
 
 College. 
 Richard C. Powles, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Exeter College. 
 Charles Daman, M.A., Tutor of Oriel College. 
 George Buckle, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Oriel College. 
 James E. Sewell, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of New College. 
 William E. C. Austin, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of New 
 
 College. 
 Henry G. Merriman, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of New College. 
 George G. Perry, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Lincoln College. 
 George Fereman, M.A., Chaplain and Tutor of All Souls 
 
 College. 
 Frederick Bulley, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Magdalen. 
 Edward H. Hansell, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Magdalen. 
 Thomas Chaffers, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Brasenose. 
 William Pulling, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Brasenose. 
 John A. Ashworth, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Brasenose. 
 George Hext, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Corpus Christi 
 
 College. 
 Osborne Gordon, B.D., Censor of Christ Church. 
 Edward R. Dukes, M.A., Student and Tutor of Christ Church. 
 Thomas P. Rogers, M.A., Student and Tutor of Christ Church. 
 Arthur W. Haddan, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Trinity 
 
 College. 
 
 Samuel W. Wayte, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Trinity 
 
 College. 
 Thomas Briscoe, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Jesus College. 
 William Dyke, B.D., Fellow and Tutor of Jesus College. 
 Edmund S. Ffoulkes, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Jesus 
 
 College. 
 Evan Evans, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Pembroke College. 
 Bartholomew Price, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Pembroke 
 
 College. 
 Richard Greswell, B.D., Tutor of Worcester College. 
 William Andrew, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Worcester 
 
 College. 
 
 We, the undersigned, being engaged in public instruction in the 
 University, concur in the above Declaration. 
 
 Constantine E. Prichard, M.A., Fellow and Catechetical 
 
 Lecturer of Balliol College. 
 Edmund Hobhouse, M.A., Fellow and Divinity Lecturer of 
 
 Merton College. 
 JOHN Ley, B.D., Fellow and Divinity Reader of Exeter College. 
 George H. Heslop, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of 
 
 Queen's College. 
 
 R 2 
 
244 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 
 \\ 
 
 Nicholas Pocock, M.A., Public Examiner in Disc. Math, et 
 
 Phys., Queen's College. 
 William Beadon Heathcote, B.C.L., Fellow of New College. 
 John C. Andrew, M.A., Fellow, Mathematical and Greek 
 
 Lecturer, of Lincoln College. 
 Edward Hill, M.A., Student and Mathematical Lecturer of 
 
 Christ Church. 
 William Stubbs, B.A., Fellow and Philosophical Lecturer of 
 
 Trinity College. 
 George Petch, M.A., Fellow and Rhetorical Lecturer of 
 
 Trinity College. 
 
 Oxford. April 2% 1850. 
 
 This Protest was a manifesto addressed to parents by 
 persons who were engaged in tuition and public instruction 
 at Oxford ; but two other declarations with a wider scope 
 were drawn up and circulated among members of the 
 University, and addressed to the Queen and the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury respectively. The declaration of the 
 Tutors had only repudiated that particular interpretation 
 of the Formularies which had been put forward by the 
 Judicial Committee. The addresses to the Queen and the 
 Archbishop refer not only to the theological import of the 
 recent decision as implying that the teaching of the Church 
 of England on the subject of Baptism was 'ambiguous,* 
 and so * tending to produce an universal scepticism ' ; but 
 also and especially to the unsatisfactory character of the 
 Final Court of Appeal. The Queen was prayed to give her 
 Royal Assent to the proposal that all questions touching 
 the doctrine of the Church of England should be referred 
 to a Synod ; that the judgment of such a Synod should be 
 binding upon the temporal Courts; and that the question 
 of the grace of Baptism should be referred to the Church 
 itself, in such a way as the Queen might be advised by the 
 collective Episcopate. The Archbishop also was entreated 
 to take such measures with advice of the Bishops of both 
 provinces, as would ensure the ultimate decision of all 
 doctrinal questions by a Synod, and the authoritative 
 reaffirmation of the truth which had been called in question 
 by the recent judgment. Both petitions were headed by 
 
 Keble on the Court of Appeal, 245 
 
 the venerable name of Dr. Routh, President of Magdalen. 
 The only other Head of a House who signed was the Rev. 
 Dr. Harington, the Principal of Brasenose. Every effort 
 was made by Professor Hussey to interest other Heads of 
 Houses to come forward ; but, from whatever cause, the 
 application was unsuccessful. The preparation and cir- 
 culation of these petitions had added not a Httle to 
 Pusey 's usual correspondence. What form they should 
 take was for a while under discussion. 
 
 *Bull,' wrote Pusey to Keble in April, 1850, Ms for a declaration 
 rather than a petition from members of the University : what should 
 you be for? A petition to the Crown, and for what ends ? for a Synod, 
 or for Convocation, or for both, to reaffirm the doctrine impugned t and 
 then for a right Court of Appeal for matters of doctrine ? I fear that 
 a declaration is of no use whatever except to free individual con- 
 sciences.' 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 April 26, 1850. 
 
 I should have thought that there could not be a better petition than 
 Mr. Hussey's, if we ask for Convocation generally. If, as the Bishop 
 of Exeter recommends, and, as I suppose, is wiser and more prac- 
 tical, we ask only for a Session to reaffirm or settle this doctrine, so 
 far as it may have been disturbed, a very simple statement would be 
 sufficient. Asking for a new Court of Appeal is a longer business. 
 Whenever it is done, there is one topic which I should say ought to 
 be more dwelt on than it has generally been in petitions which 1 have 
 seen for that end : viz. that the authority from which this jurisdiction, 
 so far as it is conferred by Parliament, emanates, is not only Lay, but 
 without the Church. Were it the Queen's supremacy, we could bear 
 it better, for the Queen is a Catholic Christian ; but this is a restraint 
 of her supremacy by a set of people— the House of Commons— who 
 may be anything. I don't feel as if I could draw it up well for the 
 University : but if anything occurs to me I will send it. 
 
 We have got our Bishop's reply to our Petition : very kind, but 
 most unsatisfactory in doctrine, &c. I will send it you when copied. 
 
 People are feeling more and more that we 7nust come to agitate for 
 *no Establishment.' 
 
 By all means petition^ and do not only declare. 
 
 I think I like your first title best, * Faith of the Church of England 
 
 maintained, &c.* t- 1 • 
 
 Ever your most lovmg 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Petitions from the clergy continued all the while to pour 
 in upon sympathetic and, more or less, unsympathetic 
 
 I, 
 
 'I 
 
^Jif^'^ 
 
 246 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Meeting at St. Martin's Hall. 
 
 247 
 
 11 
 
 (. 
 
 ; 
 1 
 
 I* il 
 
 (I 
 
 ( 
 
 authorities. Thus, ten were addressed to the Crovyn ; 
 twenty to the Archbishop of Canterbury ; two to the 
 Northern Primate ; ten to the Bishop of London, including 
 one from four Bishops of the Church of Scotland ; twenty 
 to the Bishop of Exeter ; five to the Bishop of Bath and 
 Wells ; two to the Bishop of Bangor ; four to the Bishop 
 of Peterborough ; three to the Bishop of Oxford ; three to 
 the Bishop of Sah'sbury ; one to the Bishop of Winchester ; 
 one to the Bishop of Worcester ; three to the Bishop of 
 Rochester ; one to the Bishop of Norwich ; three to the 
 Bishop of Chester ; six to the Bishop of Ripon ; seven to 
 the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol ; three to the Bishop 
 of Chichester, and one to the Bishop of Ely ; two to the 
 Bishop (Maltby) of Durham ; two to the Bishop (Prince Lee) 
 of Manchester ; two to the Bishop (Hampden) of Hereford. 
 
 While the protests were finding their way to Episcopal 
 studies, Pusey and Keble were corresponding about the 
 arrangements for the pubhc meeting in London. Pusey did 
 not like public meetings for religious objects. This was not 
 for the selfish reason that he was not himself a good speaker 
 in public ; but because he thought that the discussion of 
 sacred topics before general audiences, and without those 
 restraints which are happily imposed on speakers in a 
 church, was inevitably attended with danger either to truth 
 or reverence. Doubtless this has occurred to many other 
 good men ; and yet they have held that in an age like ours, 
 public meetings, with all their drawbacks, are unavoidable. 
 So thought Pusey on this occasion. ' It may,' he wrote to 
 Keble, ' be a necessary evil : and might in some way be 
 overruled to good.' 
 
 Keble thought that the risk of mischief would be lessened 
 if the speakers at the meeting were laymen. The clergy, 
 he thought, should have a meeting by themselves, simul- 
 taneously with the great meeting, and preceded ' by a very 
 solemn service. Delegates from the country might attend.' 
 The object of the clerical meeting would be *to agree 
 upon a memorial to all the outlying bishops in our com- 
 munion, Irish, Scotch. American, Colonial, stating our case, 
 
 and imploring aid in His Name'; while the lay meeting 
 addressed itself to Churchmen generally at home. The sub- 
 committee of the London Church Union was instructed to 
 consider these suggestions; but it proved impossible to 
 carry them out. The clerical meeting by itself would lack 
 sufficient weight, and the laymen desired the sanction and 
 guidance of the clergy. Eventually one large and mixed 
 meeting was decided on ; and it was to be held at St. Martin's 
 Hall as soon as the result of the Bishop of Exeter's appeal 
 to the Court of Exchequer had become known. As the 
 time approached it appeared that this building would not 
 be nearly large enough for the purpose. A new impulse 
 had been given to the motives which prompted this meet- 
 ing by the fate of Bishop Blomfield's Bill for a new Court 
 of Appeal, which had been rejected in the House of Lords 
 on June 2nd. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 35 Grosvenor Square, Monday evening, July 15, 1850. 
 We had a hurried meeting on Saturday, too late, as everything else 
 has been, in which the difficulty was started, that very likely there 
 would not be room for half the numbers. Exeter Hall was not to be 
 had. People could not be left in the streets. Who was to receive 
 them and speak to them in a second room, if necessary.'* Two names 
 were put down ; then Mayow asked me whether you would help. 
 I doubted not that you would do anything for such an emergency. 
 So he put down you and me. Hope was for leaving them in the 
 street. . . . 
 
 The great meeting, or rather meetings of July 23, 1850, 
 more than satisfied the hopes which had been formed by 
 earnest Churchmen. St. Martin's Hall and Freemasons' 
 Tavern were filled with men whose hearts were profoundly 
 stirred on a subject which they felt to be of vital moment. 
 Many of them had received the Holy Communion in the 
 early morning; and the bearing of the meeting befitted 
 the solemnity of the occasion. It had been suggested 
 beforehand that there was to be no applause; and those 
 who were assembled readily acquiesced in the proposal. 
 The effect was said to have been that of a solemn synodical 
 assembly, deeply impressed as they were with what was 
 
i^ 
 
 ■tl 
 
 248 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 :. 
 
 11 
 
 I 
 
 due to Him Whose truth they believed to be in jeopardy 
 among them. 
 
 In St. Martin's Hall, Mr. J. G. Hubbard (afterwards 
 Lord Addington) presided : the only prelate who supported 
 him being Dr. Bagot, the Bishop of Bath and Wells. 
 Among the speakers were men who were never to meet 
 again on a public platform. The older days of the 
 Oxford Movement were recalled by the Rev. W. Palmer 
 and the Rev. W. Sewell. They had stood aloof from 
 Pusey and Keble since the troubled years which pre- 
 ceded Newman's secession ; but a danger which threatened 
 the plain sense of the Prayer-book and of the Nicene 
 Creed brought them once more into perfect harmony 
 with their old friends. The former warned the meeting 
 that indifference to the doctrine of the Sacraments must 
 be followed by a general decline towards infidel opinions ; 
 the latter was not less earnest on the duty of maintaining 
 the Church's teaching of Baptismal Grace, but he added 
 a warning against sympathies with Rome. Side by side 
 with them, on the other hand, were those who had hitherto 
 supported Anglican principles, but were already beginning 
 to waver in their loyalty to the English Church. Arch- 
 deacon R. I. Wilberforce argued, with temperate strength, 
 that the Church of England must recover synodical action 
 in order to reaffirm the imperilled truth ; and Archdeacon 
 Manning, in a speech containing sentences of the truest 
 eloquence, contended that those who were present must 
 carry away with them a clear and definite perception of 
 the two principles on which they had met. These principles 
 were, first, to recognize, to venerate, and to obey, the royal 
 supremacy known to the common law of the realm, and 
 secondly, to safeguard complete freedom of action for the 
 divine office of the Universal Church. 
 
 Lord Feilding, better known afterwards as Lord Den- 
 bigh, presided at Freemasons' Hall, where some of the 
 speakers in St. Martin's Hall, the Bishop of Bath and 
 Wells, and Mr. A. J. B. Hope, repeated their arguments. 
 But the attraction of this meeting lay in the careful and 
 
 Speeches by Keble and Pusey. 
 
 249 
 
 deliberate utterances of Pusey and Keble. Keble, after 
 dwelling characteristically on the bearing of the true 
 doctrine of Baptism on the simple religion of the poor, 
 went on to prepare his hearers for the long delay which, 
 as he foresaw, must ensue before the question could be 
 satisfactorily settled. The ancient Church taught patience 
 under trials like these The long agony of the contest 
 with Arianism shewed this. 
 
 *Look,' he said, *at the early Church after Nicaea, a.d. 325 : how 
 long was it before she had rest from the troubles which then beset her 
 on a chief point of doctrine? We are now in 1850, and some eager 
 ones think it much too long to wait for 1851 or 1852 for settlement of 
 our present trouble : but she waited until the Council of Constantinople, 
 A.D. 381, under all sorts of interruptions and anomalies, charges of 
 heresy, breaking of communion, &c. . . . The whole air of England 
 seems to me to ring with voices from the dead and from the living, 
 especially from the holy dead, all to this effect : " Stay here ; think not 
 of departing, but here do your work." If it seems to any unsatisfac- 
 tory let him consider that we are under appeal and have been so for 
 three hundred years.' 
 
 Pusey 's speech combined the theological and devotional 
 aspects of the subject in his own peculiar manner. It 
 might* have seemed more outspoken and peremptory than 
 either Archdeacon Manning's or Archdeacon Wilberforce's; 
 but its greater unreserve was the result of his greater 
 confidence in his position. 
 
 * We stand,' he said, ' where two roads part, the way of the world and 
 the way of the Church ; the way of man and the way of God : the way 
 it may be of earthly loss and heavenly gain, or the way of earthly 
 prosperity and spiritual loss. For if the State will not, as Magna 
 Charta pledges it, allow that " the Church should have liberties 
 inviolate," we must ask that the State will set us free from itself, 
 and go forth, as Abraham, not knowing whither he went, poor as 
 to this world's goods, but rich with the blessing of that Seed in 
 Whom all the nations of the earth shall be blessed. . . . We are 
 met in the most solemn way. We meet having anew recited the 
 symbol of the faith once for all delivered to the saints. We 
 have, such of us that could, received our Lord ; and such as could 
 not, were in spirit joined with us. We there offered ourselves, our 
 souls and bodies (how much more did we offer everything earthly 
 which we have !} to be a reasonable, holy, and lively sacrifice to God, 
 through Christ ; and now we are met, in the name of that Saviour, to 
 
I 
 
 II 
 
 .■1 
 
 250 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 maintain that faith— our Baptismal Creed— in which we were re- 
 generated, with which we hope to die, and which we hope to transmit, 
 in its full meaning, unimpaired, to the children's children of the 
 Church. We have met, not merely to give vent to our feelings -not, 
 by a protest, to rid ourselves of our responsibilities.' 
 
 In describing the doctrines which the meeting wished to 
 assert, he said that they had come 
 
 * to demand, in behalf of each Christian peasant-parent, the assur- 
 ance that his child does not return from Baptism as it went ; for the 
 child, the supporting belief, in every hour of temptation, despond- 
 ency, and dejection, that it has been made the child of God ; for all alike, 
 the assurance that our Church has not departed from the Apostolic 
 faith, does not degrade the fiiith to the level of human opinion, to be 
 accepted or yielded, as a child's toy, by every one's caprice ; that our 
 Church has not parted with any portion of the good deposit, the faith 
 once for all delivered to the saints, that faith in God the Son, for us 
 made flesh, whereby the Church stands secure on the rock which is 
 Christ, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' 
 
 Then, remembering the warm discussions which were 
 now going on in private between himself and those whose 
 thoughts were turning towards Rome, on the true import 
 of the Reformation Statutes, he proceeded to argue that 
 the legislation of that day did not mean to make the 
 State the judge in matters of Christian doctrine, but onlv 
 to protect individuals against temporal injustice which 
 might be inflicted on them bv ecclesiastical courts. He 
 pointed out at length how serious was the * oversight * 
 which, as Lord Brougham had declared in the House of 
 Lords, had been made by the Acts of 1833 and 1834, 
 which without intending to do so had placed the decision 
 of doctrinal questions in the hands of a Final Court of 
 Appeal which was being constituted for other purposes : 
 he pointed out that that body, with the wonted instinct of 
 lawyers, would naturally be more careful ' lest they injure 
 the vested interests of individuals than lest they injure 
 the vested interests of our people in the faith of Christ* 
 In a passage which might almost seem prophetic, when 
 read by the light of what has since occurred, he exclaimed, 
 with regard to the principles on which the Committee had 
 reached its decision : — 
 
 Pusey's Speech. 
 
 251 
 
 * Apply these principles to other articles of the Creed, and what 
 
 will be the result ? We believed that by no mistake conld any doubt 
 
 be thrown on the belief of the Church as to Baptismal Regeneration. 
 
 We saw it expressed as plainly as if it were written in the sun, in all 
 
 her formularies. We could not be persuaded that it could ever be 
 
 judged that the Church of England did not teach that in Baptism all 
 
 children were made members of Christ, children of God, and inheritors 
 
 of the kingdom of heaven. The Judicial Committee itself seems to 
 
 imply that such is rather the doctrine of the Church of England, only 
 
 that it is not so stringently laid down that a clerk who does not hold 
 
 it can, therefore, be rejected from cure of souls. What, then, as to 
 
 other sacred doctrine? It would be far more difficult to prove that 
 
 one who denied, or held any false doctrine as to the inspiration of Holy 
 
 Scripture, taught contrary to the doctrine of the Church of England. 
 
 More difficult to prove it as to one who taught falsely as to the office 
 
 of God the Holy Cihost. It would be more difficult to disprove by the 
 
 letter of our formularies, the Socinian gloss on the word atwi'ioy, and so 
 
 to maintain that a clerk is to be rejected for denying everlasting 
 
 punishments, and, by consequence, everlasting rewards, to be the 
 
 doctrine of the Church of England, than to disprove that Baptismal 
 
 Regeneration of all infants is part of her faith. If, as is believed, and 
 
 as there are already tokens, the last struggle of the Church is to be with 
 
 unbelief, what a prospect does this open before us ! ' 
 
 And then in conclusion : — 
 
 *The prerogative of the Crown may be opposed [to us] : politicians 
 may strive to subject the kingdom of Christ to the kingdom of the 
 world ; our very fathers, the Bishops, may look anxiously on, fearing 
 lest, if the doctrine be asserted without any explanation, some should 
 fall away from the Church. But the hearts of kings are in the hands 
 of God. He can turn them as He willeth : politicians can do that only 
 which He willeth before to be done. He will strengthen the hands of 
 our Bishops, and give them wisdom and the healthful spirit of His 
 grace. Had we prayed more sooner, we might not be in this distress. 
 Let us ask in His name Who hath all power in heaven and in earth. 
 Let us become ourselves more such as He will hear. Let us ask 
 perseveringly and we shall obtain ; for God gives to prayer of His own 
 omnipotence. Oratio vincit Deum' 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter, who had not felt himself at liberty 
 to be present at the meeting, wrote to Pusey in terms of 
 warm admiration. 
 
 * My eagei ness,' he observed, * to write to you was mainly caused by 
 my wish to express to you my high admiration of your eloquent, and 
 — what is far higher praise— your soul-stirring and most righteous 
 address to the assembled Churchmen in Freemasons' Hall. I cannot 
 
Ill 
 
 p 
 
 252 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 believe — in humble reliance On God's mercy — that such appeals as 
 yours and Archdeacon Manning's to the high principles, which, we 
 hope, are yet dominant in the hearts and spirits of myriads of our 
 brethren, lay and clerical, can be in vain. But 1 fully feel the necessity 
 of perseverance and activity.' 
 
 The meeting adopted five documents. The first is 
 a Protest, contrasting the teaching of Mr. Gorham as stated 
 in his work on * The EflFicacy of Baptism,' with the lan- 
 guage of the Church of England in the Prayer-book and 
 Articles ; and which, since Pusey had much to do with 
 framing it, and it is of permanent value as a careful state- 
 ment of the case, may here be given in its integrity. 
 
 Protest. 
 
 Whereas, upon an appeal by the Rev. George Cornelius Gorham 
 against the sentence of the Dean of the Arches Court of Canterbury, it 
 has been declared by the Judicial Committee of Her Majesty's Privy 
 Council, in contradiction to the judgment of the Ecclesiastical Court, 
 * That the doctrine held by Mr. Gorham is not contrary or repugnant to 
 the declared doctrine of the Church of England ;' and further, ' that 
 Mr. Gorham ought not to have been refused institution to the Vicarage 
 of Brampford Speke ; ' 
 
 And Whereas the Reverend G. C. Gorham, being presented to the 
 Vicarage of Brampford Speke, declared and has published : — 
 
 (' Efficacy of Baptism,' p. 83) — * That no Spiritual Grace is 
 conveyed in Baptism except to WOR'J'HY RECIPIENTS, and' {that) 
 * as Infants are by nature \] ^worthy recipients ^ being born in sin 
 and the children of wrath, they cannot receive any benefit from 
 Baptism, except there shall have been a prevenient act of grace to 
 make them worthy^ — 
 herein declaring Original Sin (the remission of which is a promised 
 effect of Baptism), to be a bar to the due reception of Baptism ; — 
 
 And Whereas the said G. C. Gorham, in accepting the Church's 
 statement that * Infants which are baptized, dying before they commit 
 actual sin, are undoubtedly saved,' holds and has published : — 
 
 (p. 85), * That they MUST have been regenerated by an act of 
 grace prevenient to their Baptism in order to make them worthy 
 recipients of that sacrament ; ' 
 
 And, moreover (p. 88), that ''the new nature MUST have been 
 possessed by those " who receive baptism rightly ^^ and therefore 
 possessed BEFORE the seal was affixed; * 
 
 (p. 113), * That Faith and that filial state^ though clearly to be 
 " ascribed to God,'* was given to the worthy recipient BEFORE 
 Baptism y and not in Baptism ; ' 
 
 I! 
 
 Protests adopted at the Meeting, 
 
 253 
 
 (p. 197), ^ As Faith fnust precede beneficial Baptism, and as 
 Justification is invariably consequent on Faith, therefore Justifica- 
 tion also precedes beneficial Baptism, and cannot bs equivalent 
 to it; ' 
 thereby declaring that the gifts of Regeneration, Adoption, Remission 
 of Sins, and Justification, which the Catho'ic Church — and in it our 
 own— has ever taught and does teach to be given by God, in and by 
 the Sacrament of Baptism, are given before Baptism, upon some 
 prevenient act of grace, whereof Scripture and the Church are wholly 
 silent ; 
 
 And Whereas the doctrine of the Church of England is declared as 
 follows : — 
 
 1st. In the Nicene Creed :— ' I acknowledge one Baptism for 
 the remission of sins.' 
 
 2ndly. In her Two Forms of Ministration of Public and 
 Private Baptism of Infants- wherein the Priest, having 
 baptized the child with water, in the n^me of the Father, and 
 of THE Son, and of the Holy Ghost, thus speaks :— In the 
 Public Form— 'Seeing now, dearly beloved Brethren, that this 
 child is regenerate, and grafted into the body of Christ's Church. 
 In the Private Form— ' Seeing now, dearly beloved Brethren, that 
 this child is BY Baptism regenerate, and grafted into the body 
 of Christ's Church :' and, moreover, in the previous certificate by 
 the Minister, who saith— *This child, being born in original sin, 
 and in the wrath of God, is now, by the laver of Regeneration in 
 Baptism, received into the number of the children of God and 
 heirs of everlasting life ; for our Lord Jesus Christ doth not deny 
 His grace and mercy unto such Infants, but most lovingly doth 
 call them unto Him.' And again, in both Forms— * We yield 
 Thee hearty thanks, most merciful Father, that it hath pleased 
 Thee to regenerate this infant with Thy Holy Spirit, to receive 
 him for Thine own child by adoption, and to incorporate him into 
 Thy Holy Church.' 
 
 (In which said Forms the 57th Canon of the Church declares 
 
 * the doctrine of Baptism to be so sufficiently set down,' * as nothing 
 can be added to it that is material or necessary.') 
 
 3rdly. In her Order of Confirmation, when the Bishop 
 prays that God will strengthen His servants whom He had 
 
 * vouchsafed to regenerate by Water and the Holy Ghost,' and unto 
 whom He had given the forgiveness of all their sins.' 
 
 4thly. In her Catechism, which teaches that 'in Baptism we 
 are made members of Christ, children of God, and inheritors of the 
 kingdom of heaven ' . . . that ' Baptism is a Sacrament generally 
 necessary to salvation ' . . . that * Sacrament means an outward 
 and visible sign of an inward and spiritual grace given unto us, 
 ordained by Christ Himself, as a means whereby we receive the 
 same, and a pledge to assure usthereof ; ' and that 'the inward and 
 
w 
 
 254 
 
 Life of Echvard Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 V 
 
 m 
 
 1^ 
 
 i 
 
 spiritual grace in Baptism is a death unto sin^ and a new birth 
 unto righteousness* 
 
 5thly. In her Articles, vi-'.., in her Twenty-fifth Article— 
 * Sacraments ordained of Christ be not only badges or tokens of 
 Christian men's professions, but rather they be certain sure 
 witnesses, and effectual signs of grace and God's good will 
 towards us, by the which He doth work invisibly in us.* And 
 again, in her Twenty-seventh Article—* Baptism is not only 
 a sign of profession and mark of difference whereby Christian men 
 may be discerned from others that be not christened, but it is 
 also a sign of regeneration or new birth, whereby as by an instru- 
 ment they that receive Baptism rightly are grafted into the 
 Church ; ' 
 Now, We, the undersigned, members of the Church of England, 
 accepting without reserve these distinct declarations of her doctrine 
 (denying also that her deliberate and unambiguous expressions in the 
 actual ministration of the Sacrament of Baptism are to be taken in 
 a qualified or uncertain sense), and holding that original sin IS 
 REMITTED TO ALL INFANTS BY SPIRITUAL REGENERATION, THROUGH 
 the APPLICATION OF THE MERITS OF OUR LORD AND SAVIOUR 
 
 Jesus Christ in and by the Sacrament of Baptism, which 
 doctrine we, together with the whole Church, individually affirm when- 
 ever in the recital of the Nicene Creed we * ACKNOWLEDGE ONE 
 Baptism for the remission of sins,' do hereby solemnly repudiate 
 and protest against the said judgment of the Judicial Committee of 
 Her Majesty's Privy Council ; and do appeal therefrom unto a free and 
 lawful Synod of the Church of England, when such Synod may be 
 had ; — 
 
 Because— ^\v\^ the Judicial Committee exclude from their abstract 
 of Mr. Gorham's doctrine (on which abstract alone they decide) all 
 notice of the specific errors asserted by him in the afore-cited passages 
 — their judgment sanctions the acceptance in an hypothetical and 
 unreal sense of the plain declarations of the Church — suggests contra- 
 dictory interpretations of her doctrines, and requires institution to a 
 benefice with cure of souls of a Priest who professes doctrines utterly 
 inconsistent with the Sacramental character of Baptism, and subversive 
 of a fundamental article of Faith. 
 
 And Because — through this decision touching doctrines of the 
 Church, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council do (notwithstand- 
 ing their formal disclaimer of ' any authority to settle matters of 
 Faith '), practically exercise in spiritual matters a jurisdiction for which 
 they are utterly incompetent, and which never has been, nor ever can 
 be, confided to them by the Church. 
 
 Besides this Protest, the meeting adopted a petition to the 
 Queen, asking that all questions touching doctrine might 
 be referred to the spiritualty of the Church of England, 
 
 II 
 
 Protest received by the Archbishop, 255 
 
 and that those impediments might be removed which now 
 obstructed the exercise of the ancient synodical functions 
 of the Church. In another petition the English bishops 
 were asked to express their desire for the meeting of the 
 Church in Synod, or at least would make general declara- 
 tions in favour of the impugned truth. The fourth ad- 
 dress consisted of a vote of thanks to the bishops of the 
 Church of Scotland for their synodical declaration on the 
 subject of the doctrine of Baptism. Lastly there was an 
 appeal to all members of the English Church at home 
 and abroad for sympathy and assistance. 
 
 Two days after the meeting Archbishop Sumner re- 
 ceived a deputation at Lambeth, who presented to him 
 the address to the English bishops. He was courteous, 
 but observed that he had the misfortune of disagreeing 
 with some of the sentiments embodied in the address. 
 He could have wished that the language of the address had 
 been less positive and had made more allowance for differ- 
 ences of opinion. But however courteous he might be, the 
 well-known opinions of the Archbishop were not calculated to 
 reassure those whom recent events had inclined to defection 
 towards Rome. Besides there were some of these to whom 
 the meeting and everything else intended to relieve the 
 Church of England of moral complicity in the decision of the 
 Privy Council were unwelcome. They had, as has been said, 
 been disposed from the first to see in that decision a sio-n 
 from heaven, bidding them no longer remain within the 
 English Church. Keble had observed this tendency on 
 March 19th— the day on which he and twelve others had 
 signed the nine resolutions ; and in a public letter of his, 
 bearing that date, had warned his friends, not only against 
 ' amusing themselves, as if nothing sacred were in jeopardy,' 
 but also against * losing patience and rushing fretfully on, 
 as though it were our duty to make the worst of every- 
 thing.* 
 
 The class of people of whom Keble here speaks were 
 those who felt most keenly the second great difficulty to 
 which allusion has been made— that is, not so much the 
 
II 
 
 ! 
 
 ii|i'( 
 
 I 
 
 256 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 serious nature of the error which was sanctioned by the 
 Judicial Committee, as the fact that in virtue of the Royal 
 Supremacy such a tribunal should be allowed to deal with 
 such a question at all. Two or three months before the 
 Judicial Committee gave its decision, the title of the Com- 
 mittee to do so had, as we have seen, been anxiously dis- 
 cussed ; and anxiety had gradually deepened into feelings 
 and convictions hostile to the claim of the Church of 
 England to be a part of the Church of Christ. 
 
 A serious symptom of the impending difficulties appeared 
 in 'A First Letter on the Present Position of the High 
 Church Party in the Church of England, by the Rev. W. 
 Maskell,' which was published in February, 1850, some 
 three weeks before the decision of the Judicial Committee. 
 Mr. Maskell's accomplishments as a Liturgical scholar, and 
 his position as Chaplain to the Bishop of Exeter, invested 
 this letter with an undeniable importance ; and great was 
 the surprise when it was discovered that the writer con- 
 tended not only that the Judicial Committee was obviously 
 disqualified by the law of Christ from dealing with ques- 
 tions of faith and discipline, but also that such a Court 
 was nothing more than the necessary organ of the Royal 
 Supremacy as established by the statutes of Henry VIIL 
 and Elizabeth. The effect of Mr. Maskell's pamphlet was 
 to increase the widespread uneasiness : it was now definitely 
 asked whether the changes which had been assented to 
 on the part of the Church of England three centuries ago 
 were such as to forfeit her claim to be a part of the Church 
 of Christ? Mr. Maskell's objection was directed not only 
 against the constitution of the Judicial Committee, as a 
 Court consisting of a majority of laymen who might or 
 might not be Christians; he would have objected to it just 
 as decidedly had it been composed exclusively of bishops. 
 He protested equally against Bishop Blomfield's proposal 
 for a new Court, on the ground that the real source of 
 anxiety was not * the character, the qualifications, or the 
 position of the individuals' comprising the Court, so much 
 as * the source whence the Court derived its jurisdiction.' 
 
 
 1! 
 
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 I 
 
 1 : 
 
 /4^P^^ 
 
 flu^LfL 
 
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 A All in^ , jM^- ^'^ . 
 
 FACSIMILE OF ONE OF DR. PUSEY S LETTERS 
 
 This letter was addressed to the Rev. John Kehle in March ^ iSjo, and 
 auvt9*p€M%ed tkt inanM9fnf>{ of />r. PuMyx xcork em tke Fertmi Sm/^rttHt»rr. 
 
 Il it dkaracSercsHc in ike rite of Ike fper^ tke mUetymttanty the ahitenta tf 
 mJdens and date^ mMd the tignatttrr ky inHMt 9mfy, 
 
 I 
 
 XOL.XtX. 
 
 Pusey on the Royal Supremacy. 257 
 
 No merits in its constitution could warrant allegiance to 
 a Court wh,ch derived its authority from the sTte . 
 Another pamphlet on the same lines, written by the Re. 
 T W Allies ^ was based, as he tells us, among othJr 
 
 Sished a:,^h • P""P"^' ^""'^ "°^' ^^ 'he accom- 
 
 plished author was sanguine enough to think • make 
 
 mmced^meat of the Anglican position V ,t certainly siy 
 what there ,s to be said-and indeed something nforei 
 
 z^.t^:::;. -''- -'''- ^"-'■■- - ^^^ ^- -^ -st 
 
 It was with a view to mcctinjr such objections a. Mr. 
 
 d.catcd, tha Pusey, some time before the decision of the 
 rn,yCounc.l.had begun a work o„ the Royal Supremacy 
 
 l^ had been present had convinced him of its necessity 
 1«,^ ^hcl^':;'''* '" overwhCmrng occupations ?„ 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rkv. J. KratK. 
 
 oil • r : ^^^ ** re-wruten. and sonic rc-Airaiiffed »».l 
 
 Etw )mr %-ciy jimtcful and aftcctionuif, 
 
 • MatkcH. • First Utter, A*./ pp, 
 •/Th^ Royal Sapreuttcj viewed fa 
 
 ^ijST^S wd JorwIkSiv' byT. W. 
 
 l>c fcrroribm Seethe Az^m^,* 
 VOL. III. 
 
 £. D. P. 
 
 Sil'!;* .? ' ^J^'* i^dAoo; p. „ T. 
 Mof^ fullr • Deietuio lidei caihollJo 
 «drer«u A«tlkw4e *ecJac emwwJ 
 
 xi/\}'*^'* nrdiioo/by T. W. 
 Alhca, M.A-, p, a?j;. 
 
 S 
 
258 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 m\ 
 
 ^ 
 
 Pusey wrote as and when he could, in railways and on 
 coaches as well as in his study ; and then put the fragments 
 together. But it is possible to separate the portion of the 
 pamphlet which preceded the Gorham decision from that 
 which followed it ^ : in the former part he is still hopeful ; in 
 the latter he is gravely concerned with the new duties and 
 anxieties of ' this threatening hour.* 
 
 Pusey's book on the * Royal Supremacy ' was, and 
 remains, a fragment ; though it was supplemented to a 
 certain extent by his later work on the Councils of the 
 Church. It is, however, of lasting value against theories 
 which deny to the State those rights which, with due 
 safeguards, were acknowledged in the early ages of the 
 Church ; and it was immediately addressed to those who 
 held that any kind of Royal Supremacy was inconsistent 
 with the precedents and principles of Christian antiquity. 
 Taking his stand upon antiquity, Pusey asks and answers 
 the question, what the Christian civil power may, and what 
 it may not do, in relation to the guardianship of the faith. 
 His answer neither supports the complicated claims of the 
 Judicial Committee, urged with increasing aggressiveness, 
 nor does it warrant those a priori assumptions which are 
 made in the interests of the Church of Rome. In contro- 
 versies of faith the Christian civil power claimed in ancient 
 times no primary authority, as properly belonging to it. If 
 Christian Emperors summoned councils, and were present 
 at their deliberations, they neither spoke nor voted. If 
 Christian Emperors might nominate Episcopal judges to 
 try questions of discipline or doctrine, they were ordinarily 
 not even present at the trial. A priest could only appeal 
 from his bishop to other bishops, or to a primate or metro- 
 politan, or to a general council. If he appealed to a civil 
 court, he exposed himself to degradation. On the other 
 hand, the Christian Emperors had done everything short of 
 formulating doctrine, interpreting doctrinal formulas, and 
 pronouncing disciplinary sentences in their own names. In 
 
 * The line of demarcation occurs at p. 171, before the beginning of the 
 last paragraph. 
 
 Power of the State in Primitive Times. 259 
 
 cases of appeal, they might and did appDint ecclesiastical 
 judges. They might suspend the judgment of a council 
 respecting bishops accused of heresy, by convoking another 
 council. They might remove a trial from one ecclesiastical 
 province to another. They might summon a council as 
 general and then change it into a provincial council. 
 They might even prescribe the order in which subjects 
 should be handled, or suggest doctrinal subjects to 
 councils, whether general or provincial; or confirm their 
 decrees, or, in matters of discipline, revise them. A 
 general council could even allow itself to acknowledge that 
 nothing should be done without command of the Emperor. 
 Christian princes were regarded in ancient times as guardians 
 of the Creed and Canons of the Church : and they took 
 on themselves, without rebuke, the authority to enforce 
 those Creeds and Canons, and even to admonish bishops to 
 obey them. It was clear that the relations of Church and 
 State, as defined in the preamble of the 24th of Henry 
 VIII., had abundant justification in ancient precedents : 
 and no violation of these relations had taken place until 
 the establishment, seventeen years before, of the modern 
 civil court of the Judicial Committee, which by a legis- 
 lative oversight had been entrusted with the decision of 
 ecclesiastical cases. 
 
 Mr. Maskell had taught or implied that any control over 
 Church doctrine or discipline on the part of the Crown, 
 even though exercised purely through the Episcopate, was 
 indefensible. Pusey, on the other hand, held that no 
 layman, as such, has jurisdiction over matters of faith and 
 discipline, and that every bishop derives spiritual juris- 
 diction, not from the Crown, or from any superior or 
 independent source, but from his See^; he therefore 
 maintained that the Crown, in moving bishops to decide 
 spiritual cases, was not the source of jurisdiction, but only 
 the power which put into motion a jurisdiction existing 
 independently of itself. 
 
 « 
 
 Ti! J^f ^Y'u '^!^! case with the Pope R.C. theologians are obliged to admit 
 The Larly Church held it to be true of all bishops. 
 
 s a 
 
 f:! 
 
H 
 
 ■f 
 I 
 
 260 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pitsey. 
 
 * The principle,' he wrote, * which seems to me to run throughout 
 these precedents [of Christian antiquity] is this; that the Civil Power 
 called into action, regulated at times, limited, controlled, enforced by 
 civil sanction the authority of the Church, or restrained it, that it 
 should not act independently of itself, but hardly acted itself directly 
 or usurped the Church's place ^' 
 
 The truth was Mr. Maskell was already thinking of Church 
 history as read by Papal controversialists. He had forgotten 
 that reading of it which is suggested by the career of such 
 Catholic sovereigns as Theodosius or Justinian. 
 
 Pusey sent his book to the Bishop of Exeter, who acknow- 
 ledged it in warm terms. * Though I have not had time to 
 read so much or so carefully as I wish, yet I have read 
 enough to make me feel that it is worthy of you. Higher 
 praise I need not give to it.' Another copy was sent to 
 Rev. W. K. Hamilton, Canon of Salisbury, whose acknow- 
 ledgment of it is one of several testimonies to Pusey*s 
 influence at this period in preserving loyalty to the Church 
 of England. 
 
 Rev. W. K. Hamilton to E. B. P. 
 
 Loughton, Essex, May 11, 1850. 
 
 ... I was very nearly going to Oxford after the Confirmations 
 at Westbury last Saturday, and mainly in the hopes of finding you 
 there — for 1 still find, as I have for many years, the best answer to 
 harassing questionings which prey upon one's mind, in the fact that 
 you and Mr. Keble, and Williams, and some of my own immediate 
 friends, are content to be patient. 
 
 However, I am not going to pour out any part to you of a very full 
 heart. Written words are bad forms of such feelings, and notes the 
 worst moulds in which to cast them. I would only thank you most 
 affectionately for thinking at such a time of one so unworthy -and 
 to ask you if you would put my name to the two Petitions, to the 
 Queen and Archbishop, you sent me. I had only time just to glance 
 at them and then sent them to our Bishop. If all our Bishops were 
 like him: so earnest, so calm, so straightforward, so full of faith 
 and love ! I do not feel sure that you quite appreciate him as he 
 deserves. He has been very anxious, and very true, and very busy, 
 about all these sad things. . . . 
 
 I remain, dear Dr. Pusey, with great respect, 
 
 Yours ever gratefully attached, 
 
 W. K. Hamilton. 
 
 Mr. DodswortH s Sermons, 
 
 261 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Royal Supremacy,* p. i6a. 
 
 Acting more or less in concert with Mr. Maskell and 
 Mr. Allies, was another clergyman, their inferior in literary 
 ability, but with w^hom Pusey had been most intimately 
 associated in religious and spiritual work, Rev. W. Dods- 
 worth. Mr. Maskell and Mr. Dodsworth were both present 
 at the meeting at which the Nine Resolutions were signed : 
 the latter subscribed them ; the former, probably from think- 
 ing that any expedient of the kind was inadequate or too 
 late, did not do so. Mr. Dodsworth's sermons were becomincf 
 increasingly indicative of an unsettled state of mind, and, 
 as was inevitable, they communicated this unsettlement to 
 members of his congregation, particularly to the Sisters of 
 Park Village who attended his church. 
 
 * What shall I do,* wrote Pusey to Keble, * if Dodsworth continues 
 this sort of sermon ? My children at the Sisterhood were so distressed 
 at the last about Balaam, and the appeal to the young to think and 
 act for themselves, that the Mother begged not to go there again. 
 I suggested that they should try one more Sunday ; but what if these 
 sermons continue ? One should not wish them to stay at home, and 
 yet to pass Christ Church would be very painful.* 
 
 * It is very sad,' replied Keble, * about Dodsworth. I think he is 
 more angry with me than with you. His letter of withdrawal from the 
 Church Union, which was read to-day, went out of its way to be sharp 
 upon that poor letter of mine in the Guardian^ and Maskell, in a way, 
 countersigned it. ... I wish the Sisters could stop their ears or read 
 their Bibles during the sermon. It would be the best thing. But I 
 fear they cannot all be depended on for doing it. ... In so many there 
 would probably be some who would not or could not do it. Would it 
 be wrong to make a distinction, and let them stay who might be 
 trusted not to attend to the sermon, while the others were kept at home 
 or went somewhere else ? I really don't see that for a sort of 
 punctilio, any should be allowed to stay and get unsettled.' 
 
 In a pamphlet on * The Gorham case briefly considered,' 
 and again in a sermon preached on Low Sunday, Mr. Dods- 
 worth had laid especial stress on what he conceived to 
 be the inadequacy of the restatement of the doctrine of 
 Baptismal Grace which was proposed by Pusey. Mr. 
 Gorham had denied that original sin was remitted to all 
 infants in Holy Baptism, on the ground that all were not 
 * worthy receivers,* as not being all * already in God's grace 
 and favour.' Pusey thought that this error which the 
 
262 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Mr, Dodswor&s Charges, 
 
 263 
 
 II 
 
 :| 
 
 
 [ 
 
 Court had sanctioned would be adequately met by stating 
 that * the remission of original sin to all infants in and by 
 the grace of Baptism is an essential part of the article, "One 
 Baptism for the remission of sins ^.*' ' Mr. Dodsworth com- 
 plained that the doctrine of Baptismal Grace meant much 
 more than the remission of original sin ; that its great and 
 positive effect was the gift of membership in Christ, as 
 the Church Catechism teaches. To this Pusey agreed 
 with all his heart : but he pleaded that the statement of 
 which Mr. Dodsworth complained was devised to meet 
 the truth directly impugned. Another point of difference 
 between Pusey and the minds whom Mr. Dodsworth repre- 
 sented, was the view which was to be taken of a not 
 inconsiderable section of the supporters of the Judgment. 
 
 * Many,' wrote Pusey, 'not the least devout and earnest of the so- 
 called Low Church, are not opposing the truth of Baptismal Regenera- 
 tion, but an untrue imagination of it. . . . The question which they 
 suppose to be at issue is not, I am persuaded, as to the real grace of 
 the Sacrament, but as to the actual change in the infant's soul, and the 
 need of any further change, by which the grace imparted in Baptism 
 may actually take up all the powers of the man, and being continually 
 enlarged and renewed, may conform the whole soul to the mind of 
 GodV 
 
 All such language appeared to Mr. Dodsworth to be of 
 the nature of a temporizing compromise with error ; and 
 he desired some statement which should summarily force 
 Low Churchmen either to accept the Catholic doctrine un- 
 hesitatingly and in its fullness, or to leave the communion 
 of the Church of England. 
 
 This painful difference between those who had been at- 
 tached friends may be studied in the postscript to Pusey's 
 book on the Royal Supremacy; but it was made far more 
 emphatic by the public Letter which Mr. Dodsworth ad- 
 dressed to Pusey on the 7th of May, *on the position which 
 he has taken in the present crisis.' This Letter was accom- 
 
 ' Nine Resolutions, res. No. 2. 
 Pusey afterwards recognized that, 
 although theologically adequate, this 
 statement was insufficient to quiet 
 
 unsettled minds. Letter to Guardian 
 of June 19, 1850. 
 
 ^ * Royal Supremacy,' pp. 220, 221, 
 postscript. 
 
 panied by a private note, full of the old deference and affec- 
 tion, and lamenting the necessity for a further statement of 
 disagreement with one who had been so loved and trusted. 
 But the public Letter taunted Pusey with failing to assist 
 his friends at a critical moment ; one paragraph in par- 
 ticular contained some non-relevant charges, partly exag- 
 gerated but partly true, which were well calculated to 
 increase the difficulties of Pusey's position. The passage 
 runs as follows : — 
 
 * I must add one word on the grief and surprise which it has 
 occasioned me, and many others besides me, that you should have 
 taken this line in our present difficulties. You have been one of the 
 foremost to lead us on to a higher appreciation of that " Church 
 system," of which sacramental grace is the very life and soul. Both by 
 precept and example you have been amongst the most earnest to 
 maintain Catholic principles. By your constant and common practice 
 of administering the sacrament of penance ; by encouraging every- 
 where, if not enjoining, auricular confession, and giving special priestly 
 absolution; by teaching the propitiatory sacrifice of the Holy 
 Eucharist, as applicatory of the one sacrifice on the cross, and by 
 adoration of Christ Really Present on the altar under the form of 
 bread and wine ; by your introduction of Roman Catholic books 
 " adapted to the use of our Church "; by encouraging the use of rosaries 
 and crucifixes, and special devotions to our Lord, as e.g. to His Five 
 Wounds ; by adopting language most powerfully expressive of our 
 incorporation into Christ, as e.g. "our being inebriated by the Blood of 
 our Lord" ; by advocating counsels of perfection, and seeking to restore, 
 with more or less fullness, the conventual or monastic life ; — 1 say, by 
 the teaching and practice, of which this enumeration is a sufficient 
 type and indication, you have done much to revive amongst us the 
 system which may be pre-eminently called " Sacramental." And yet 
 now, when, by God's mercy to us, a great opportunity has occurred, of 
 asserting and enforcing the very keystone of this system, and apart 
 from which the whole must crumble away — forgive me for speaking so 
 plainly — you seem to shrink from the front rank. You seem ready to 
 hide yourself under soft assertions of truths, " which," it is said, " not 
 six men in the Church of England will be found to deny," and behind 
 ambiguous statements which can be subscribed in different senses ^.* 
 
 With regard to this line of attack, it is perfectly true 
 that Pusey, who had done so much to restore Sacramental 
 teaching, had not taken up exactly such a position against 
 
 * ♦ A Letter to the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., &c.,' by W. Dodsworth, M.A., 
 pp. 16, 17. 
 
264 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey, 
 
 the Gorham judgment as Mr. Dodsworth and his more 
 
 impetuous friends desired. But he had good reasons for 
 
 the course he had adopted. He did not share the exag- 
 
 gerated estimate of the error of the Judicial Committee, 
 
 nor did he believe that the Low Churchmen, whose views 
 
 the Court had sanctioned, were as widely removed from 
 
 the Catholic position as was supposed. As he observed 
 
 afterwards at Freemasons' Hall, and with reference to Mr. 
 
 Dodsworth s criticisms, the Low Churchmen 
 
 *were anxious chiefly to secure three points-ist. That adults who 
 
 receive the Sacraments unworthily do not then receive the grace of the 
 
 Sacraments. 2ndly. That it does not avail to a man's salvation to 
 
 have received the Sacraments, if he is no longer living as a child of 
 
 God. 3rdly. That one so living must by the grace of God be turned 
 
 back to God by a true and thorough conversion. And therefore,* he 
 
 proceeded, I beheve that peace will be best secured by laying down 
 
 truly, and in all its depth and fullness, and in its connexion with the 
 
 Incarnation and death and merits of Christ, the truth of Baptismal 
 
 Regenerauon, but also by laying down the other truth, that those who 
 
 have been made in Baptism the children of God, must by God's grace, 
 
 live as the children of God, and those who have fallen from that grace 
 
 must be restored by a thorough conversion to God.' 
 
 Pusey in fact was unwilling, as ever, to insist upon a techni- 
 cal statement of differences at the risk of endangering the 
 real unity of belief which he hoped might exist beneath^eiy 
 different expressions of doctrine. If this was to be regarded 
 as timid and compromising, he was ready to incur the charge. 
 
 But the main question at issue, namely that of the eccle- 
 siastical jurisdiction in connexion with the Royal Supremacy 
 developed other points of divergence between Pusey and 
 his opponents. In their discontent with the Royal Su- 
 premacy, they were more and more inclined towards the 
 supremacy of the Pope ; and thus they became sensitively 
 ahve to any Anglican infractions of that theory of jurisdic- 
 tion which had been developed by canonists as a pendant 
 or corollary to the Papal supremacy. The question which 
 they now raised was, under what authorization were private 
 confessions received and absolutions given in the Church of 
 England } Pusey was selected as ' the person to be publicly 
 addressed' on this subject, on account of his position in the 
 
 Jurisdiction, 
 
 265 
 
 Church, his acknowledged learning, and his long practice 
 of hearing confessions in various dioceses. A joint letter 
 was addressed to him by Mr. Allies, Mr. Dodsworth, and 
 Mr. Maskell. They argued — practically assuming the 
 Papal theory— that the act of remitting sin upon confes- 
 sion was not only an exercise of the power of Orders, but 
 also implied jurisdiction ; they asserted that by the con- 
 tinuous practice of the Church this jurisdiction could 
 only be delegated by a bishop through an act distinct 
 from that of Ordination. On this ground they proceeded 
 to challenge the validity of the absolutions which had been 
 given by Pusey and others in several dioceses, without any 
 recognition of the necessity for such a delegation of juris- 
 diction. They observed, * with reluctance and sorrow,' 
 that if their premises are right, ' it would follow likewise 
 that the vast majority of those persons to whom you and 
 others have given absolution in this manner are still, so 
 far as the effect of any such absolutions is concerned, under 
 the chain of their sins, because they have not made con- 
 fession to priests who had duly received power to absolve 
 them.' Together with this letter was sent an intimation 
 that the writers purposed to publish it together with any 
 reply that Pusey might send. 
 
 It must be hoped that the writers of this letter afterwards 
 felt regret at the consequences to Pusey of such an appeal. 
 To themselves it can have made little difference, for their 
 own convictions had reached a point at which it must have 
 been almost a matter of indifference whether confessions 
 were received at all in the English Church, or whether, if 
 they were received, the absolutions were valid ; but it might 
 indeed seem that Pusey was placed in a real difficulty by 
 the question which they put to him. » 
 
 Keble's commentary on this letter shows that he took 
 a severe view of their action. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 Hursley Vicarage, Whitsun Eve [May 18], 1850. 
 If these men mean nothing personal, if they do not mean to stab 
 the Church of England through your sides, they will not be in 
 
 I 
 
266 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 such a hurry, they will consent to wait a little, and let the matter be 
 thoroughly discussed in private before they publish. Especially if 
 they have not thoroughly made up their own minds, which the tone of 
 the first letter I think affected to imply. . . . 
 
 I almost think that you ought to decline having anything to do 
 with them in this matter, on the mere ground of their unreality. 
 
 But perhaps my wrath makes me an incapable judge. . . . 
 
 In a second letter on May 25, he adds : — 
 
 * I feel that I am as it were in the same boat with you. But I am 
 quite satisfied with your explanation— and so I think will all be who 
 have faith in the Church of England. I see more and more, that it is 
 little use making believe to go on with those who have not.' 
 
 Pusey's reply to his three correspondents eventually 
 took the form of a Letter to the Rev. W. U. Richards, 
 who had succeeded the Rev. F. Oakeley at Margaret 
 Chapel, and who had always been heart and soul with 
 himself in loyal attachment to the English Church. The 
 position that he maintains is that ' the Church of England 
 leaves her children free to whom to open their griefs.* 
 
 To the ordinary reader this letter might appear at 
 first sight an undigested mass of out-of-the-way learning 
 directed to the establishment of a point which could only 
 interest the mind of a schoolman. In reality, Pusey never 
 in his life wrote anything more practical in its drift. It 
 is, in fact, a statement of the whole question of Absolution 
 from the point of view of the Primitive Church, as distinct 
 from the mediaeval theories in which his correspondents 
 were entangled. The only questions with which he con- 
 cerns himself are, first, whether the Church of England 
 leaves the Power of the Keys in the hands of her presbyters, 
 without restriction, so that they may use it freely for all who 
 seek their ministry; and secondly, whether she is justified 
 in doing so. He answers both questions affirmatively. 
 
 The first is proved from the words in the Communion 
 Office, *Let him come to me, or to some other discreet 
 and learned minister of God's Word, and open his grief.' 
 This is the language which the Church of England puts 
 into the mouth of every parish priest ; and the point to 
 be determined is, who is meant by ' some other minister ' ? 
 
 The Church of England leaves her children free, etc, 267 
 
 Mr. Allies and his friends contended that in 1548, the 
 date of the earliest use of this language, the words would 
 have meant what they had meant before that date, namely, 
 some priest who had been appointed by the Bishop for 
 that diocese or district, so that, in fact, the Church of 
 England does not leave her people free to choose their 
 own spiritual advisers. Pusey traverses this contention on 
 three grounds. He shows at length, and with great success, 
 that jurisdiction, even before 1548, xvas by no means only 
 exercised when delegated by a Bishop; that, in 1548, the 
 Church of England, by making confession optional instead 
 of compulsory, tacitly abolished any medieval rules which 
 might compel Christians to resort to a specified spiritual 
 adviser; but that, had this been otherwise, there is no 
 reason for the arbitrary selection of 1548 as the only date 
 at which the sense which the Church attaches to these 
 words can be really ascertained, since she has made them 
 her own on four subsequent occasions, and in circumstances 
 which render impossible the mediaeval gloss imposed upon 
 them by the authors of the joint letter. 
 
 But then the second question arises whether the Church 
 of England was justified in granting this larger liberty to 
 her children. Mr. Allies had said that for fifteen hundred 
 years there was no trace of the exercise of the absolving 
 power in virtue of Ordination only; that it was always 
 exercised immediately by the Bishop or by priests who were 
 specially appointed by him. But when he appeals to the 
 dealing of St. Cyprian with the lapsed, Pusey shews that 
 Mr. Allies confuses public release from excommunication 
 with the private exercise of the Power of the Keys. He 
 shews further that there were no canons, either general or 
 provincial, for 1,200 years, which imposed restrictions on 
 the making or receiving of private confessions ; that in early 
 times private confession was carried on without being 
 subject to any regulations ; that, setting aside the forged 
 Decretals, the first limitation of freedom by Urban II. 
 in 1087 is accompanied by an acknowledgment that this 
 limitation involved a change in the received discipline. 
 
268 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 He argues that the theory on the subject advocated by 
 Mr. Allies, and accepted in the modern Roman Church, 
 dates only from the positive rule enacted by the Lateran 
 Council in 1215. Upon that Council, and not upon any 
 earlier authorities, was based the language of English 
 mediaeval bishops, and indeed the general penitential 
 system which the Church of England in the sixteenth 
 century set aside in favour of that which had preceded it. 
 
 But Mr. Allies' position on the subject was not so much 
 based on historical precedent, as on an abstract theory, 
 derived largely from Suarez, respecting what may be con- 
 ceived to be best or needful for the spiritual well-being of 
 the Church, as distinct from what may be shown to have 
 been her practice in early centuries. Here Pusey touches 
 one of the principles which separated him from minds like 
 Mr. Allies, which were tending towards a system, founded 
 largely, as is the Roman, on abstract and a priori con- 
 siderations. ' The force,* he says, ' of abstract principles in 
 matters of religion is to explain what we already know, to 
 remove objections founded upon reason, not to be the fotin- 
 daiion of any article of faith or practice' Ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction, such as Mr. Allies conceived it, was an abstract 
 principle, unwarranted by primitive precedent, and adopted 
 as an obvious corollary of the gradually developing doctrine 
 of papal supremacy. If the Pope was the supreme 
 monarch of the Church, all jurisdiction must flow from 
 him ; and bishops, who presumably derive their jurisdiction 
 from him, must see that priests under them also exercise 
 no spiritual powers except in virtue of the jurisdiction 
 which flows from the Pope through themselves. Pusey 
 extracts for examination from Mr. Allies' letter and 
 pamphlet eleven samples of abstract statements which 
 belong to, if they do not presuppose, this primary assump- 
 tion ; the real account of jurisdiction, as he contends, is 
 much simpler. Jurisdiction means no more than lawful 
 authority, which even Roman theologians of high name 
 believed to be given to presbyters at their ordination. 
 Jurisdiction, as exhibited in the canons of the Primitive 
 
 The Church of England leaves her children free, etc. 269 
 
 Church, is not so much delegation of a new faculty as 
 a rule of order, intended to prevent that confusion which 
 must ensue, if the exercise of all ministerial duties were 
 entn-ely left to the discretion of individual bishops and 
 presbyters. 
 
 Besides its historical and theological value, this re- 
 markable pamphlet contains some pages of personal in- 
 terest. Mr. Allies and his co-signatories had alleged that 
 Pu.sey had exercised his priestly authority in a manner 
 which would, if known, have been against the will of both 
 parish priests and bishops. This leads Pusey to make 
 a statement which may here be reproduced :— 
 
 r^L '' "°'' ^'*^°^. '"'"^ '""'^'^ y""=' ' ^"PP°=^. since I was first 
 called upon ,0 exerose this office. The more earnest preaching and 
 teaching of repentance, which began in Oxford about .835 drove 
 people to look for a remedy for post-baptismal sin. The griev ;usness 
 of "deadly sm, willingly committed after Baptism" (Art. ll) I ad been 
 
 Sned^.h"' "° t'' ''■""''' •^°'"'^<^-' •"- «nce pro- 
 Chrr hV ■"'' ^' '° " "''^'" ^' washed out by the Blood of 
 rn ,,H f " ''"■'.?"!. ~"^<^'^"«= "«^ded some present comfort They 
 could not "quiet" them for themselves. They found the peace they 
 
 h oulh h ' Th Vrl'"' 1 their Prayer-book. God taught tS 
 through It. The Church spoke to them by a " living voice "t for God 
 made her words live in their ears and in their heart. In this p ace aJ 
 you know, we are under no Bishop. There is no jurisdiction The 
 Colleges are e.xtra-parochial ; the University is exempt from Episcopal 
 jurisdiction. Here, as you would suppose, there must be many tende 
 hearts, anxious about their salvation, ,0 minister to, and here ha been 
 my chief mimstry to souls in this way. Then also priests came o me 
 who are plainly under no jurisdiction ; many, because havtg b"e„' 
 asked ,0 receive the confessions of others, the office of ministeringto 
 these made them think the more that they themselves needed he s!ne 
 remedy. I„ hke way, when residing elsewhere, I could not but coT 
 ceive myse.f included in the Church's words, "or some other"- and 
 so, when any came to me, I ministered to them. But not havin- a 
 parochial cure, I have not led others ,0 Confession. I felt, too th.t 
 God's w^rk IS deeper than man's. Except before the Un ;ers?ty in 
 which I was preaching on the comforts for the penitent h;" 
 preached repentance, review of life, rather than confession and absoTu! 
 ion because the soul must first feel itself wounded, before it canTook 
 for a cure; the heart must be broken first, before it can be bound up^/ 
 
 h.r lUf^ ^^"f"^ °^ England leaves W. U. Richards, by E B Pusev D n 
 her children free to whom to onen OxfnrH Pori.„ I o ^' •"• 
 their griefs.' A Utter to the kev. 135 ' ' ' ^'=' '^^°' PP' '«' 
 
270 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 A lengthy postscript was added to this letter in conse- 
 quence of what looks like a personal attack on Pusey's 
 conduct with regard to hearing confessions, which was made 
 by Mr. Maskell after he had become a Roman Catholic. 
 It concludes with the following indignant remonstrance 
 against the action of his correspondent : — 
 
 * One gjainer there is in all these unseemly contests. It is not the 
 Church of Rome ; it is not truth ; it is not holiness ; it is not love ; it 
 is not the kingdom of God and His righteousness. It is he whose 
 desire it is to have truth evil-spoken of ; on whose kingdom Confession, 
 and every other means of holiness, makes an inroad ; who puts 
 scoffing into the mouths of the profane, and delights to find occasion 
 for it. For one whom Mr. Maskell will unsettle by such instruments 
 as these, he will make private confession odious to a hundred, and 
 give occasion to scoffing to a thousand, who will read his attack as it 
 is commented upon in newspapers, and will jest profanely at priests 
 and priestcraft ^' 
 
 Mr. Maskell's and Mr. Dodsworth's pamphlets were read 
 generally, and especially by high authorities of the Church 
 of England. The Episcopal action which was taken in con- 
 sequence with the hope of destroying Pusey's influence, did 
 nothing but weaken the English Church at this juncture. 
 No doubt with the best intentions, the Bishops played into 
 the hands of those who were urging to secession. 
 
 1 4 
 
 'The Church of England leaves her children free, &c./ Postscript, pp. 
 292. 293. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 PROTEST ON THE ROYAL SUPREMACY-PROPOSED ANTI- 
 ROMAN DECLARATION-DECLARATIONS OF LOYALTY 
 TO THE ENGLISH CHURCH BY PUSEY AND KEBI E- 
 SECESSIONS OF ARCHDEACON MANNING AND R I 
 WILBERFORCE. 
 
 1850. 
 
 THESE personal controversies, unpleasant as they were 
 
 TJ" r^'^Xu""^."'^'"^'" '° '"°''^^'- '1"^«*'°'> «f wider' 
 anxiety. The danger of division among those who had 
 
 hitherto acted together in defence of Church principles 
 seemed imminent. Eventually it was averted by the 
 general acceptance of Pusey's guidance. 
 
 It will be remembered that the speeches which were made 
 at the great meeting in St. Martin's Hall on July 20 had 
 pledged some of the speak-ers to further measures with 
 regard to the Royal Supremacy: and one result of them 
 was made public within a month in the shape of an 
 important document. 
 
 Declaration touching the Royal Supremacy in 
 Mati-ers Ecclesiastical. 
 Whereas it is required of every person admitted to the order of 
 Deacon or Pnest, and likewise of persons admitted to eccles astical 
 offices or academical degrees, to make oath that they abjure all foeS 
 junsdicon, and to subscribe the three Articles of Canr^xvi on^ 
 whereof touches the Royal Supremacy • ' °°^ 
 
 in fh"A"'''^T^ " t "°^ ""^^^ ^^'^^"' ^y 'he late appeal and sentence 
 
 TntLT 1 ;*'™ "■ ''' ^'^"^"P °f ^'<^'^^' ^"d by the judgmen"of 
 all the courts of common law, that the Royal Supremacv as defin-!; 
 
 hirjfniirH'' ^-""'"'T' ""^"'^ "^' crowT^iThY^trof 
 
 And whereas to give such power to the Crown is at variance with 
 ChrbtT" " "' "' ''""""' ^''"^'^•'' - P--"b«'J by the "aw of 
 
 And whereas we, the undersigned Clergy and Laity of the Church of 
 England, at the time of making the said oath and subscription, did not 
 
272 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 understand the Royal Supremacy in the sense now ascribed to it by 
 the courts of law, nor have until this present time so understood it, 
 neither have believed that such authority was claimed on behalf of our 
 Sovereigns : 
 Now we do hereby declare : — 
 
 1. That we have hitherto acknowledged, and do now acknowledge, 
 the supremacy of the Crown in ecclesiastical matters to be a supreme 
 civil power over all persons and causes in temporal things, and over the 
 temporal accidents of spiritual things. 
 
 2. That we do not, and in conscience cannot, acknowledge in the 
 Crown the power recently exercised to hear and judge in appeal the 
 internal state or merits of spiritual questions touching doctrine or 
 discipline, the custody of which is committed to the Church alone by 
 the law of Christ. 
 
 We therefore, for the relief of our own consciences, hereby publicly 
 declare that we acknowledge the Royal Supremacy in the sense above 
 stated, and in no other. 
 
 Henry Edward Manning, M.A., Archdeacon of Chichester. 
 Robert Isaac Wilberforce, M.A., Archdeacon of the East 
 
 Riding. 
 William Hodge Mill, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, 
 
 Cambridge. 
 
 Pusey had had nothing to do with drawing up this docu- 
 ment ; but he was at once consulted by a great number of 
 clergymen who were asked to sign, and he answered their 
 questions and gave his own adhesion to the paper in the 
 subjoined letter to the Gitardiati, which since its establish- 
 ment in 1847 had been the organ and the means of com- 
 munication for the adherents of the Church movement : — 
 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Will you allow me to answer, through you, some persons who 
 have expressed to me a doubt about the meaning of the statement on 
 the Royal Supremacy, put forth by Archdeacon Manning, Archdeacon 
 Wilberforce, and Dr. Mill, that 'it is a supreme civil power over the 
 temporal accidents in spiritual things' ? Archdeacon Manning explains 
 it in his letter to the Bishop of Chichester to be ' the cognizance of the 
 form and procedure of the ecclesiastical causes,'— i.e., whether every- 
 thing has been done in order and rightly, according to the ecclesiastical 
 law. This stands, emphatically, in contrast with ' the internal merits 
 of the case.' 
 
 The recent decision has, I suppose, opened the eyes of many of us 
 to the fact that it is, in very many cases, impossible to judge of the 
 individual case without defining and clearing the rule by which the 
 judgment is given. We assumed that the rule was so clearly defined 
 
 Protest on the Royal Supremacy. 273 
 
 that it could not be mistaken. And we did not even dream that the 
 Supreme Court could take upon itself the office of a Synod, to define 
 what the faith of the Church is. This, I suppose, is the mind of many 
 of us, especially of the country clergy, in signing this document-to 
 protest that m acknowledging the Queen's Supremacy, we wholly 
 deny to the civil magistrate ' that authority which we have acknow- 
 edged to belong to the Church only-' authority in controversies of 
 faith ; that we wholly deny to the Crown, directly or indirectly 
 mediately or immediately, through delegated Judges, or in any other 
 way, a power so foreign to its office as that of judging or defining in 
 the smallest jot or uttle the doctrine or discipline of the Church 
 
 In this meaning, I have myself signed the declaration, and I most 
 certainly hope that it will be extensively signed by those who are bound 
 to acknowledge the Royal Supremacy, not merely with a view to relieve 
 our own consciences, but as the groundwork of ulterior measures for 
 the deliverance of the Church from this intolerable and most perilous 
 invasion of the office committed to her by her Lord. 
 
 Your faithful servant, 
 
 Christ Church, August 27, 1850. 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 It can hardly be questioned that such a Declaration so 
 reasonable in itself, and brought forward under such auspices 
 having as its aim the emancipation of the Church of England 
 from the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council and its 
 decisions, would have had much more general support if 
 there had been no suspicion in the air that some of its pro- 
 moters might, under contingencies that were quite possible 
 become Roman Catholics. This apprehension was ex- 
 pressed by a clergyman of deserved influence, and belong- 
 mg to a well-known family, the Rev. W. B. Barter, Rector 
 of Burghclere. In a praiseworthy but somewhat shortsighted 
 desire to assert his own position and put his own loyalty 
 beyond all suspicion, he declined to sign any declaration 
 when he was left in doubt by its promoters whether, if such 
 and such things take place, or are not remedied, a secession 
 might not be contemplated to the Church of Rome. He 
 thought it was time to speak out on the Royal Supremacy. 
 But he insisted that in order to do so honestly or effectively, 
 it was necessary to deal with more than one side of the 
 question. He would not make common cause with any one 
 who left him in doubt as to the ultimate aim of his pro- 
 
 VOL. III. T • 
 
274 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ceedings, in reference to so vital a point as the possibility 
 of his joining the Church of Rome. 
 
 The feeling thus typically expressed by Mr. Barter took 
 shape in the ' resolutions and statement of principles ' which 
 the Rev. W. Palmer, a Vice-President of the Bristol Church 
 Union, proposed to bring forward at a meeting of that 
 Union on October i. The resolutions were of a practical 
 character, designed to extend a knowledge of Church prin- 
 ciples and to promote the co-operation of the various 
 Church Unions, which at that time existed throughout 
 the country, with a view to ' Church emancipation.' But 
 the statement of principles entered on more controversial 
 ground. After asserting the Church of England to be 
 a branch of the one Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, 
 * which has reformed herself, taking primitive Christianity 
 as her model,' the statement proceeds to say : — 
 
 *That the Roman Church (including the other Churches in com- 
 munion with her), having repudiated communion with all the Churches 
 which do not recognize the claims of the Bishop of Rome, and having 
 by formal decrees and other authoritative acts, and in her popular 
 practice, corrupted the primitive faith and worship of the Holy 
 Catholic Church, reconciliation or intercommunion with the Roman 
 Church, on the part of either Churches or individuals of the Enghsh 
 communion, cannot, until the Roman Church shall have reformed 
 herself, be effected consistently with obedience to the law of Christ.* 
 
 Pusey and Keble were both members of the Bristol 
 Union ; and the announcement of Mr. Palmer's proposal 
 at once attracted their attention. They were asked by 
 others what to think about it ; and so could not decline 
 the task of making up their own minds. In reply to 
 Keble, who had written to him on the subject, Pusey 
 expresses at the outset his objections to Mr. Palmer's 
 proposal. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Undated, but September, 1850.] 
 You know better than I the state of people's minds, and judge 
 better every way. I do not like making antagonism to Rome the basis 
 of union. There are faulty and unfaithful approximations to Rome ; 
 and yet the general feeling against Rome includes in it so much that 
 we all believe and all love. I do not see why we should not make 
 
 Mr, Palmer's Anti-Roman Declaration. 275 
 
 faithfulness to the English Church the basis of union. It is so difficult 
 to explam what we mean. People saying the same formula would 
 seem to mean different things. If we speak of the [Papal] Supremacy 
 only, we should seem to ignore everything of doctrine ; if we speak 
 generally, as Palmer does of * corruptions,' we should not all mean the 
 same thmg, and /should be thought to mean more than I do 
 
 Agam, the English Church has never said anything of the kind 
 about non-mtercommunion with Rome. Some of our apologists, at 
 least, say that Rome separated from us, not we from her 
 I cannot oppose you, nor do I, of course, wish you to take my line' 
 agamst your own judgment. But even Palmer, in London, at the 
 previous meeting, expressed himself satisfied with a positive not a 
 negative Declaration. I think that this is strong ground ; that such a 
 Declaration is adding to the Articles of the Church of England ; and 
 what business has a private body which intends to absorb into itself 
 and to direct the whole movement of the English Church, at least for 
 the interim, to lay down as a fundamental Article what the Church of 
 England has not laid down ? . . . 
 
 But, as I said, I cannot oppose you, my dearest F., and ought not 
 to bias you. It may be far better that I should keep to my books and 
 people s consciences and leave all meddling with public matters. So 
 ifyougo along with this plan, I shall withdraw my name from the 
 Bristol Union, by a letter to the Chairman, in order not to have any 
 responsibility in the matter. ^ 
 
 Further consideration only strengthened Pusey's dislike 
 of the proposal, and he wrote in this sense again to Keble 
 and also to Dr. Mill. Dr. Mill suggested a resolution 
 expressmg love and allegiance to the English Church 
 * as reformed in the sixteenth century.' Pusey would prefer 
 to omit the allusion to the sixteenth century. It would 
 mtroduce a large controverted subject and would repel 
 many minds. Pusey would have as simple a statement as 
 possible ; a positive statement of love for the Church of 
 England, without a negative statement about the Church 
 of Rome. 
 
 Keble was at first in favour of Mr. Palmer's anti-Roman 
 Declaration, but he proposed to preface it by a statement 
 of love and submission to the English Church without 
 referring to the Reformation of the sixteenth century. 
 This statement Pusey would accept, but he deprecated the 
 anti-Roman Declaration which Keble proposed should 
 follow. He would be * hampered by joining in any anti- 
 
 T 2 
 
276 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Roman Declaration with Biber and Palmer.' He and they 
 would use the words in different senses; but the words 
 which he made his own would be interpreted by their 
 acts. If Keble supported it, Pusey ' could not dream of 
 opposing ' him. He * should simply sit still.' Keble thought 
 that, in present circumstances, there was something to be 
 said for a declaration against Rome. 
 
 * I am; he wrote to Pusey on September 17, * a good deal perplexed. 
 I own that I am greatly disposed to a very moderate, but quite rjal, 
 disavowal of Rome. I think the quiet and true people whom we 
 want to act with us, have a fair claim to it, after what has happened. 
 And if there are any who would be scared away by it, first their adher- 
 ence must at present be worth very little, and secondly they must be 
 rather going on under a false impression. I have this feeling so 
 strongly that I do not suppose I should scruple [about] it if it were not 
 for your strong feeling the other way. I am sure you must have good 
 reasons which I am not aware of, and I shall wait to hear before I 
 commit myself.* 
 
 Pusey had heard that Archdeacon Manning was dis- 
 appointed with the result of the Declaration on the Royal 
 Supremacy, and that he was already thinking of resigning 
 his preferments. He dreaded anything that would give 
 the Archdeacon a fresh impulse in the direction of Rome ^ : 
 and for this, as well as other reasons, he continued to resist 
 the proposal for the anti-Roman Declaration. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 Tuesday morning, [Christ Church, Sept. 17, 1850]. 
 
 Things seem to be driving on to a terrible crisis, and if they 
 cannot be stopped or the crash averted, some will be made desperate 
 and the rest remain hopelessly disunited. If Frevost and I are to part, 
 It will be sad indeed. I wish to do nothing but what will meet with 
 your full approval. I hear on all sides what a crisis this is, determin- 
 mg the direction which the High Church will take. Could you not 
 bnn:^ things to a friendly compromise with Palmer, telling him that 
 people who have no wish to Romanize still do not wish to make any 
 anti-Roman declaration, because they would be understood in a sense 
 further than they mean ; and so they would not seem honest ? 
 
 I do not want, however, my dearest F., to influence you. You know 
 far better than I what should be done. 
 
 ^ That this apprehension was justi- 
 fied is clear from Archdeacon Man- 
 ning's letter to Mr. J. R. Hope. 
 
 ' Memoirs of J. R. Hope-Scott,* vol. ii. 
 p. 81. 
 
 Keble s Modified Proposal 277 
 
 Keble had sent to Pusey a form of declaration which 
 he thought of proposing. It ran as follows :— ' I hereby 
 declare that I believe the English Church, being a true 
 portion of the one Catholic and Apostolic Church, to have 
 a claim upon our undivided and faithful allegiance, and 
 that I desire and intend by the grace of God to live and 
 die in her Communion.' With reference to this Pusey 
 continues : — 
 
 * I fear that some would scruple to say that they hope, by God's 
 grace, to die in the Communion of the Church of England, because, 
 although they do look on to continuing in her, they could hardly 
 pledge themselves to say that they think that not dying in her Com- 
 munion would be from being wanting to the grace of God. 
 
 * There is the question on the one side, whether the case of such is 
 to be regarded. On the other hand, one would not wish to mark off 
 any, if one could avoid it. This would be avoided by such a form as 
 I suggested this morning, if you approve.' 
 
 A postscript to this letter concludes with the following 
 passage : — 
 
 * The issue of this meeting will determine whether the High Church 
 will break into two or more parties. It will be very difficult to keep 
 them together. An anti-Roman declaration will hopelessly split us.' 
 
 This account of the matter had its weight with Keble. 
 It was never any part of his mind to join in any measure 
 directed against Pusey. He was ' greatly distressed ' by 
 the contents of Pusey's letter, and wrote to Mr. Palmer 
 ' declining to agree to his anti-Roman Declaration, and 
 questioning the propriety of any.' ' I wish,' he added to 
 Pusey, with reference to Pusey's remarks on his own pro- 
 posed declaration about dying in the Church of England, 
 ' that you would authorize me to say, if asked, that your 
 scruple to my amendment is on account of others, not 
 yourself.' In reply Pusey, after expressing in warm and 
 affectionate terms his grief at distressing Keble, enclosed 
 a declaration which he himself ' would most gladly sign.' 
 It is as follows:—*! hereby declare that I believe the 
 English Church as settled in 1662 to be a true portion of 
 the one Catholic and Apostolic Church, and that I desire 
 and intend by the grace of God to live and die in her.' 
 
M 
 
 278 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Then, after discussing several side-issues of the con- 
 troversy which need not be reproduced, Pusey concludes :— 
 
 *You may tell Palmer that I do not receive the whole Roman 
 system nor the Supremacy ; but I could not pretend to sign the same 
 declaration m the same sense as Dr. Biber, who, I believe, wrote a 
 large book against Tractarianism. Pray do not let me distress you 
 Anythmg better than that.' 
 
 Before, however, this could reach Keble, he had written 
 to Pusey, with reference to the hesitations expressed in 
 Pusey's previous letter. He also forwarded some alterna- 
 tive proposals for motions at the approaching Bristol 
 meeting, and added : — 
 
 * I am rather distressed about it : chiefly for the fear of our not beintr 
 together this time. May it never happen again. I am full of sad con- 
 jectures as to your reasons, and sometimes I think that it is to spare 
 people who are only in doubt, but who being sensitive would have 
 their doubts forced onwards by such a thing : I should think very much 
 of them. But people who are even now prepared to receive the [Papall 
 Supremacy are as a point of Gospel Truth, I should have thought 
 disqualified from the ministry -I do not say from all communion 
 with us. 
 
 To this appeal Pusey replied by the next post. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Sept. 20, 1850.] 
 It will nev-er be again, nor this time, please God. I may have 
 done mischief by the course I took in London. I am unfit to have the 
 direction. I go along most cordially with No. 2. I wish I knew 
 whether you, on principle, take my side, or whether it is matter of 
 expediency only. Have you any strong feeling of preference for any 
 01 the four plans apart from what you think is [Prevost's] mind ' If 
 you prefer No. 3, I shall not go to Bristol, but shall withdraw from the 
 Union. I cannot and will not divide against you. And to be there 
 without voting would perplex people. 
 
 I should remain on the London Union Committee, hoping that there 
 no such question would arise. It may be God's will that I should take 
 no further share in public matters. It was my thought years ago. 
 Perhaps it would have been best so. It might have been best, had I 
 originated nothing, but such as those adapted books, but had simply 
 kept to my own line. ^ ^ 
 
 All was indeed in confusion. The secessions to Rome, 
 delayed for some months, were now beginning to take place 
 
 \ 
 
 Keble accepts Pusey s Position. 
 
 279 
 
 one after another. Mr. Allies had already followed Mr. 
 Maskell. Mr. H. W.Wilberforce and Mr. Dodsvvorth were 
 preparing for the same step. Archdeacon Manning's friends 
 were increasingly anxious about him. ' It is said,' wrote 
 Pusey to Keble on Sept. 23, 'that Bennett is to go in 
 a week ^' Pusey himself was regarded, even by those near 
 him, with an unappeasable suspicion ; — so effectually had 
 Mr. Dodsworth's invectives done their work. 
 
 * I send you a letter,* he writes to Keble on Sept. 25, ' to illustrate 
 my question as to whether I should notice Dodsworth's statement 
 about my Roman teaching. It dogs me wherever I go. At St. 
 Barnabas 2, Freemasons' Hall, Torquay, Plymouth. But perhaps 
 silence, and, if I may, doing something for the Church through this 
 book on Baptism— which I cannot write— may be the best answer.' 
 
 He continues, after some other matter : — 
 
 * Still the hope and purpose to live and die in the English Com- 
 munion meets these cases more than anti-Romanism. J. H.N. wrote 
 more daringly and vehemently against Rome than any.' 
 
 The answers which Keble received to his alternative 
 proposals relative to the Bristol meeting led him to make 
 up his mind : and in a Sense which ended his temporary 
 divergence from Pusey. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, Sept. 26, 1850. 
 I am almost giddy with the different opinions which I get, but am 
 more and more satisfied that it will never do to word either a Test 
 or Declaration at Bristol on Monday. As to a Test, even such as we 
 have proposed, I see, I think, that it would be illegal. Mayow is quite 
 of our mind, and by his advice partly I wrote to Palmer last night, 
 imploring him to reconsider his form, as going far beyond and against 
 the doctrine of his own book ; to meet us at Bristol on Monday^ and 
 to be aware that one could not act with persons who deal in such 
 innuendos as that mjohn Bull as to what took place at the meeting. 
 I hope to cross to Mayow's so as to be at Bristol soon after 12, and 
 God grant all may turn out peaceably and well. . . . 
 
 Your most affectionate 
 
 * This, of course, as the event 
 showed, was happily a groundless 
 report. 
 
 J. K. 
 
 r 
 
 ^ He refers to his sermon on the 
 octave of the consecration of St. 
 Barnabas, Pimlico. 
 
28o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 In a second letter Keble reverts to the subject :— 
 
 I cannot join in any anti-Roman Declaration that I have yet 
 seen, not even in my own, now that I find the terms of it are 
 eqaivoca . Also I believe that any Test would make the Society 
 ■llegal. I find that Moberly enters strongly into the view that it is an 
 outrageous proceeding to adopt a new Test in any shape after a Society 
 has been formed so long. He says they could only do it properly by 
 dissolvmg and re-forming. As at present advised I am (i) for the 
 previous question, i. e. for referring both and all the papers to the 
 meeting of officers, &c. ; and failing that, (a) for a simple beclaration 
 not a Test) equivalent to that which we have proposed. If more than 
 this IS carried, to retire from the Union, on the ground that such pro- 
 positions require deeper and more general consideration than they can 
 nave m this way. ... ' 
 
 Ever your very loving 
 
 J. K. 
 To know that KebJe was again entirely with him in this 
 day of trouble and rebuke, filled Pusey with delight and 
 thankfulness. ' Jt was such a comfort,' he writes, ' to hear 
 from you and to feel that I was not to be alone.-/«/r^ 
 orbatus. ' 
 
 On Monday, September 30, Pusey and Keble reached 
 Bristol The issue had to be decided by an open vote in 
 the pubhc meeting of the Union on the following day 
 A Jong discussion took place. Mr. Palmer brought forward 
 his statements and resolutions, in a somewhat amended 
 form It IS true, but still in a form which neither Pusey nor 
 Keble could accept. Among Mr. Palmer's supporters were 
 the Rev. G. A. Denison, Dr. Biber, and Mr. Henry Hoare 
 It was met by an amendment, proposed by Lord Forbes 
 and seconded by Mr. Beresford Hope, refusing to accept 
 a declaration of faith, over and above the existing formularies 
 ofthe Church of England. Pusey and Keble gladly accepted 
 this amendment ; and they were followed, among others, 
 by Sir George Prevost, Mr. Alexander Watson, Mr. M. W 
 Mayow, and the Rev. C. Marriott. Mr. W. Palmer's motion 
 was lost by an overwhelming majority; and he and his 
 supporters left the Bristol Church Union and formed the 
 shortlived Somerset and Bristol Church Union on the basis 
 of his rejected statement of principles. Mr. G. A. Denison 
 
 Pusey s Profession of Loyalty. 
 
 281 
 
 who had followed Mr. Palmer, stated publicly that he had 
 had to choose between duty to the Church, as he under- 
 stood it, and ' many a tie which he had hoped would never 
 be severed or impaired.' 
 
 Pusey had hoped that this vote would be an end of an 
 unwelcome controversy. But, amid the events which were 
 happening, and in the excited state of the minds of Church- 
 men, this was scarcely possible. A special general meeting 
 of the London Church Union was held on Oct. 15, in 
 St. Martin's Hall, to consider the amendment to Mr. 
 Palmer's proposal, which had been accepted at Bristol. 
 At the London meeting the Bristol amendment took the 
 form of a substantive resolution ; and it was met by an 
 amendment affirming the principle of Mr. Palmer's motion 
 at Bristol. It was the most crowded meeting which had 
 as yet been held by any of the Church Unions. When 
 the anti-Roman amendment had been proposed and 
 seconded, Pusey rose. In his great speech, as would 
 happen sometimes when he was deeply moved, he ex- 
 pressed himself with a force and clearness which took the 
 meeting by surprise, and carried all before it. After 
 glancing at the 'censure and misunderstanding' which 
 must inevitably follow upon opposition to a declaration 
 against Rome, he pointed out the evil of such a declaration 
 considered as a new test, which would foment new con- 
 troversy, would injure that love which is the motive- 
 strength of the Church, and, as proceeding from a small 
 body of persons, could not represent her authority or bind 
 her conscience. Discussing the imputation of unfaithful- 
 ness to the Church of England, and the duty of meeting 
 it by positive statements, he pointed out that the irrational 
 and implacable suspicions in which these imputations 
 originated, and on which they rested, could not be 
 remedied by any declaration. A declaration might be 
 as anti-Roman as possible, but it w^ould merely be 
 looked upon with invincible suspicion as the language of 
 Jesuits. He added, ' If the labours of seventeen or twenty- 
 seven years will not persuade men that we are faithful to 
 
 V 
 
 I 
 
282 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the Church of England, words will not. We must await 
 God's time until this fever of fear subside : or if nothing 
 will convince them, death in the bosom of the Church o'f 
 England will.' 
 
 The address was listened to throughout with intense 
 interest. But the words which are quoted above produced 
 a deep impression. There was a minute of hushed silence ; 
 and then the meeting burst into loud cheers, which ex-' 
 pressed better than any words the love and confidence 
 which it felt for the speaker. At the conclusion of the 
 speech, which went on, in Pusey 's manner, to discuss in 
 detail the impropriety of making antagonism to the Church 
 of Rome the basis of religious union, the mover of the 
 amendment rose, and in a few well-chosen words asked 
 permission to withdraw it, expressing at the same time 
 a hope that Pusey would give to the world the speech 
 to which they had been listening. He afterwards wrote to 
 the papers to say that his specific object of procuring a de- 
 claration of fidelity to the English Church would have been 
 gained by the publication of Dr. Pusey^s speech, and that 
 any one who could doubt Dr. Pusey's fidelity to his own 
 Church after his speech on Tuesday must surely be a 'ductor 
 dubitantium.' 
 
 Keble had not spoken: Pusey had said all that he 
 had wished to say. But he added afterwards :— 
 
 ' I have only one regret about not speaking the other day. I wish 
 I had said something about people not going to the Oratory, &c., with 
 Itching ears : for 1 observed that when Mr. Darling spoke of it there 
 was rather a titter about the room, and I think it is the worst sign of 
 the day.* ^ 
 
 Here, perhaps, it may be added, that not long afterwards 
 Keble made to his Bishop a profession of confidence in 
 the Church of England, with the same motives as Pusey's 
 at the meeting in Freemasons' Hall. In ordinary circum- 
 stances such professions would be out of place : it might 
 be taken for granted that a clergyman meant to die in that 
 part of the Church which was the scene of his labours. 
 But the times were not ordinary: everybody who was 
 
 Keble s Letter to his Bishop, 
 
 283 
 
 prominently associated with the Movement was regarded 
 with suspicion ; and the Bishop of Winchester was never 
 able to rise above the prejudices of his party in his rela- 
 tions with the most distinguished clergyman in his diocese. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to Bishop (Sumner) of Winchester. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, St. Stephen's Day, 1850. 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Very sincerely, but in deep sadness, do I thank you for your 
 kind letter of the 19th. The sadness arises not from any doubt of the 
 course I ought myself to pursue, but from finding that yourself and 
 others, to whom one had looked, under God, for support, should feel 
 doubtful on such a point, and on such grounds. I never supposed, 
 when the * Movement,' as it is called, began (or rather drew public 
 attention to itself), that its success was to be a test of its propriety. 
 The principles of it seemed to me then, and now seem to me, equally 
 true and right, whether two or three acknowledge them, or two or 
 three million. It seems to me also that if Rome has claim upon us 
 now, she had just the same claim then, and would have, had the 
 Movement been ever so successful— outwardly successful, I mean— for 
 that it has been altogether a failure is by no means proved, and the 
 main visible cause of its seeming failure has surely been the forsaking 
 of it by so many. Not even to them, greatly as I loved and revered 
 many of them, can I give up the faith and convictions of my whole 
 life, which I find only strengthening by what little experience and 
 inquiry I have been able to bring to these matters. Much less can 
 I give up to the voice of Lord John Russell's Bishops and the Common 
 Councils and County Meetings of England. I thought the Scriptures 
 distinctly prepared us to expect that in the latter times especially, 
 whatever men's professions might be, the Truth might perhaps be 
 held really by a remnant only ; and therefore though it is a great grief, 
 It is no scandal, to me, to see ever so large a proportion of those 
 who acknowledge the Prayer-book wresting it as they do. I cannot 
 call the system contained in that book a mere paper system : nor can 
 I see how it is not a living voice, so long as it is heard in our Churches, 
 whatever the sermons may be that go along with it, and whether the 
 congregation assent to it or no. The Gospel does not cease to be a 
 true witness to all nations, because many refuse to believe and many 
 are hypocrites ; and what Bishop Butler has said of it, as an apparent 
 failure in the world's general history, may be said (at least so 1 have 
 always thought) of the failure of the Church of England in its more 
 limited sphere. All this (and much more) for our own Church— as 
 against that which is assumed to be the sole alternative ; you know 
 perhaps that I have always greatly disliked strong language, if it could 
 be helped : but my old objections to the Roman system remain, and 
 are greatly strengthened (so far as they are at all affected) by the 
 
Il 
 
 I 
 
 284 Life of Edivard Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 apparent course of events. I feel that I could not with any faith accept 
 that system, as it presents itself obviously to my mind in the documents 
 I should have to sign. 1 must do it with at least as great allowances 
 and reservations as Mr. Gorham needs for the Baptismal Service, or 
 as Wm. George Ward needed for the 39 Articles This being so, 
 I conceive that I do but follow the guidance which I am bound to 
 follow, m ab.dmg, as please God I hope to abide, by the pledges which 
 
 Z T^ 7^ ""]?."': """ °^ ""^'"^ ' understand to be, not to allow 
 Lord John Russell s interpretations in prejudice of the Church's 
 authority m matters of Faith. The unfaithfulness of other persons, 
 
 matter^ "" '"''^' ''°^' "°' "^^^ '° ""^ '" ''^^'"^ "^ ^"'^ '" '^is 
 
 By way of shewing exactly where I wish to stand, I will venture to 
 enclose a copy of a Paper which I believe (though it will be signed but 
 by a few) does really contain the opinions or instincts of the great body 
 of my parishioners, who know anything of our present troubles. 
 
 One feels of course that with ways of thinking one does not know to 
 what straits one may be reduced : but one must not surely avouch 
 what one cannot believe, though one should be left ever so much alone 
 m the world. Dut, fit please God, I hope that some will be found, of 
 all orders in His Church, to keep the lamp alive. 
 
 I try to pray for your Lordship, such as my prayers are-and I 
 earnestly ask yours, and your blessing: being always, my dear Lord, 
 Your affectionate but unworthy servant in Christ, 
 
 J. Keble. 
 
 Mr. William Palmer made one or two more efforts in 
 the direction of his Bristol proposal, but without any con- 
 siderable result. The question was really settled and 
 settled in the main by Pusey's patience and courage : and 
 all over the country hearts that had been failing turned with 
 admiration and confidence to a theologian who, in such 
 circumstances, could assure them in the most solemn terms 
 of his unabated loyalty to the English Church, without 
 descending to those controversial expedients which are 
 more often the language of panic than of knowledge or 
 conviction. It is due to Mr. Palmer to add that he lived to 
 acknowledge in terms not more remarkable than generous 
 the misapprehension about Pusey on which his own action 
 had been based. Writing in 1883, Sir William Palmer, 
 as he then was, observes : — 
 
 ylLZ'L T''"' """ ''"'^y'' P™<=«e<3i"?s as the self-constituted 
 leader of the Tractarian party often caused to me very great uneasi- 
 
 
 Sir W. Palmer's eventual approval. 285 
 
 ness. I shared in the opinions of Bishop Wilberforce and Dr Hook 
 on this point. I should have gladly seen Pusey attempt to reform 
 mistakes introduced by Newman, and endeavouring to correct 
 instead of seeming to go along with, the ultra-Tractarian mistakes! 
 I was also distressed by his assumption of a leadership of an organized 
 party ; but in the end I became satisfied that the position he occupied 
 was for the good of the Church. He advocated and allowed of 
 nothing that was actually wrong, nothing which was not open to 
 considerations of expediency. He had to control a very uncertain 
 party, open to Newman's influence for some time— a party which was 
 unsettled in principle and might easily be driven into secession. I 
 believe that under Divine Providence his work was overruled to the 
 great purpose of gradually steadying in the faith, and making available 
 for the service of the Church, abilities and energies which if harshly 
 and rudely treated, and cut off from sympathy (as many sincere 
 Christians desired) would have proved a source of weakness to religion, 
 instead of a source of strength, and under these impressions I cannot 
 but regard in Pusey a great benefactor of the Church of England. 
 1 should myself have often been in favour of a sterner and more direct 
 pohcy towards all who shared in semi-Romanizing and Ritualistic 
 opinions, and whom Pusey conciliated ; but my own opinions were 
 proved to be faulty by the result ; for by mild methods the Church 
 has been saved from further disruption, and retains all the energies 
 which a different mode of proceeding might have lost \' 
 
 ^ These words are a tardy tribute to the wisdom and fore- 
 sight of the conduct which, at the risk of being utterly 
 misunderstood, Pusey had pursued at this difficult crisis. 
 The present position of the Church of England would be 
 far other than it is, had those who at that moment cared 
 most for her Catholicity been induced to forsake his wise 
 guidance and adopt a plausible policy of protestation and 
 anti-Romanism, instead of surrendering themselves to the 
 spirit of calm confidence and repose with which he was 
 animated. 
 
 But the Gorham decision and the controversies it imme- 
 diately originated cost the Church of England dear. It had 
 already cost her the allegiance of not a few who had been 
 doing good work, and the list of secessions was far from 
 complete. Amongst the others who left her were two, 
 one of whom— Archdeacon Manning— afterwards rose to 
 
 ' Supplement to ' A Narrative of Events,' &c., &c., by Sir W. Palmer. 
 1-ondon, Kivingtons, pp. 240, 241. 
 
^' ■^WT'-^n'^tr- 
 
 " ! 
 
 ! t 
 
 286 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the highest position in the Roman Cathoh'c Church in this 
 country, a position which his many special gifts and graces 
 enabled him to fill with conspicuous success. The other, 
 Archdeacon Robert Wilberforce, delayed his secession for 
 a few years, although it is most convenient to notice it in 
 connexion with the events that really led to it. 
 
 In consequence of Newman's withdrawal from the Eng- 
 lish Church, Pusey had been naturally thrown more into 
 connexion with Manning than had hitherto been the case. 
 To a looker-on Pusey himself might perhaps have appeared 
 to be more likely to join the Roman Catholic communion 
 than Manning. He did not hesitate to incur suspicion by 
 declining to take * offensive' grounds against Rome, at a 
 time when Manning thought it necessary to do so. He 
 wished that Manning s Charge of 1845 showed ' more love ' 
 for the Roman Church. He dreaded lest in the panic 
 occasioned by Newman's secession it might be the Arch- 
 deacon^s Mine to keep things smooth.' He wished that 
 if the Archdeacon had to remove stone altars, he would 
 at least publish a sermon on the Eucharistic Sacrifice. 
 It might therefore have seemed that Pusev's inclinations 
 were straying towards Rome, while Manning was a loyal 
 and somewhat stiff Anglican. But the truth was that 
 Pusey 's confidence in the Church of England could fully 
 allow him to be just and charitable to Rome, and also to 
 minds that were tending towards her: while an attitude, to 
 all appearance more scrupulously or technically Anglican, 
 might really be consistent with a secret suspicion that the 
 Church of England had no practicable principle other than 
 anti-Roman. Moreover, Manning, while in the Church of 
 England, had that strict theoretical conception of law and 
 authority which, within the Roman lines, made him an 
 extreme Uhramontane, and which, in the primitive as in 
 the later English Church, is inevitably destined to receive 
 rude shocks in contact with the facts of experience. 
 
 As time went on, it became apparent that in reality 
 Manning was nearer Rome than Pusey. In 1848, Pusey 
 gently remonstrates with Manning for sanctioning the 
 
 Pusey and Manning, 
 
 287 
 
 printing of Mr. Allies' Journal, and begs him to revise 
 it: indeed Mr. Allies' case, in this and other ways, 
 brought the real and growing divergence between Pusey 
 and Manning into prominence. The Gorham case forced 
 matters to a crisis. All through the spring of 1850, the 
 friends are in correspondence on the common subject 
 of their anxiety: Pusey endeavouring to sustain Man- 
 ning's hopes, to allay his misgivings, to enlist his ener- 
 gies in behalf of Catholic truth in the English Church, 
 until, at last, beyond the question of Baptismal Grace, the 
 question of the Royal Supremacy came into view. The 
 friends still worked together up to a certain point in pre- 
 paring a Declaration on the subject : but it was clear that 
 they looked at it differently from the first. To Pusey the 
 modern abuse of the extension of the Royal Supremacy 
 m deciding a grave doctrinal question by such a body 
 of laymen (possibly non-Christians), as the Judicial Com- 
 mittee of the Privy Council, was a great evil, but an evil 
 which might be remedied in course of time. To Manning 
 as to Maskell it was a note of spiritual death : the bodp 
 which could permit it must have separated from the Unity 
 of the Church three centuries ago : it seemed to him to 
 throw a lurid light on the true upshot and meaning of 
 the Reformation. The Acts of Parliament which inaugu- 
 rated the change were read with new eyes ; and the Royal 
 Supremacy was now seen to be in effect a symbol of the 
 rejection of the authority of Christ in His own Church. 
 Archdeacon Manning resigned his preferments in the 
 autumn of 1850, and became a Roman Catholic at the 
 beginning of April in the following year. 
 
 It cannot be doubted that his example had its influence 
 on Archdeacon Robert Isaac Wilberforce; they were 
 closely connected both in private and public life, and 
 after Manning's departure Robert Wilberforce occupied 
 a position of increasing isolation. His great work on the 
 Incarnation was followed by his work on ' The Doctrine 
 of Holy Baptism/ which appeared some months before the 
 Gorham decision, and four years after by * The Doctrine 
 
288 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 of the Holy Eucharist,' which was at once an elaborate 
 but somewhat scholastic statement of the doctrine of the 
 Eucharist. His mind, however, was all along disturbed by 
 the question of the Royal Supremacy and its bearing on 
 Church authority. The book on the Eucharist had hardly 
 appeared when Keble forwarded to Pusey, by the de- 
 sire of Mr. (afterwards Lord) Richard Cavendish, some 
 letters from Archdeacon Wilberforce, which showed what 
 might be going to happen. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 April 26, 1853. 
 It almost breaks my heart to think of such a thing: and I should 
 still hope that R. W.'s truthfulness and industry would lead him to 
 perceive that other portions of the Church have swerved from Antiquity 
 as much as we. 
 
 Archdeacon Wilberforce s allegiance was much shaken by 
 the silence of English Church authority after such a decision 
 as that. in the Gorham case, proceeding from such a tribunal. 
 
 * I fear,' wrote Pusey to Keble on May i, 1853, *that Archd. W.'s 
 letter looks as if he were going to give more active scope to misgivings 
 which have been rather hke a dead weight upon him, than anything 
 active. Those Resolutions, I fear, were like a sword, edged on one 
 side and blunt on the other. I understood them as simply pointing 
 out the natural course of decline, if the Church did not exert herself. 
 But I never thought that the want of a formal Declaration was in 
 itself fatal. May I write to R. W. as if I had seen that letter?* 
 
 * Do not write,' Keble replied, ' to R. W. as if you had seen that 
 letter. You will see in Cavendish's that it is not wished we should do 
 so. What I do desire is to get him to accept the notion that we are 
 all under appeal, which I suppose is the only truthful notion of the 
 present condition of Christendom. But I fear he has set himself 
 against it.' 
 
 For more than a year after the date of these letters 
 Pusey and Keble appear to have heard but little from 
 Archdeacon Wilberforce. In September, 1854, he wrote 
 to both of them to say that he had resigned his preferments 
 and was going abroad. 
 
 *Were you,' asked Keble, * prepared for this move of poor dear 
 R. W. at this time .? and do you think there is any probability of his 
 continuing with us in Lay communion ? It seems to me that such a 
 
 Archdeacon Robert Wilberforce, 
 
 289 
 
 thing might be in rerum naiurd, but I hardly dare hope for it in his 
 over'it.' " '"^ ''^ '"' ^^ ^' • '' ""^ '^' "^^ ^r^J^^o presides 
 
 To this Pusey replied : — 
 
 ..lirl'T/- '"^" ^"'"c i"""'"' "'""'"^ "» y°" "''"y times. I did not 
 w1:t r,r °^ A^^''''«^^°" W. For I thought that the paper 
 wh,ch he and Manning and Mill had circulated unopposed, must clear 
 h,s subscnp„on. He tells me this morning that he is going abroad, 
 and asks for prayers as for one whose path is dark. That can have 
 Dut one endmg. Lay communion must gnaw upon the soul. It is a 
 contmual practical denial of his functions. Besides, abroad, where is 
 he to communicate ? Do you think that you could induce him to stay 
 and work in England? His work has been intellectual hitherto; so 
 that this would be no great change.' 
 
 To the Archdeacon, Pusey wrote in terms which show 
 that he still hoped for a reconsideration of the grounds 
 which alone would justify the final step. But argument 
 was now too late. Pusey and Keble both knew what was 
 to be expected. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 f • U T 1 , S^Pt- 18, 1854. 
 
 I wish I knew how to put the matter to R. W.to set him on thinkin- 
 of some work here instead of wandering. But Prevost (from S.O^ 
 tel^ me that this movement has been really sudden, occasioned, as 
 b.U. thmks, by more than usual intercourse with H. W. and HEM 
 who never let him alone. Is not the real account of it his constant 
 longmg to have everything made theoretically square and neat .? and 
 so he takes up with those who make most profession of supplying the 
 want, without too nice inquiry into the truth of their profession. As 
 to contmuing m Lay communion, of course one has no hope of his 
 doing so, but in itself, is it not a conceivable position, and one which 
 inight be tenable by a man of another temperament? and might he 
 not. if the Supremacy were all, communicate even clerically in the 
 Church of Scotland? 
 
 Of the correspondence between Keble and Pusey, and 
 their old friend who was leaving them, we catch a last 
 glimpse in Keble's words to Pusey. 
 
 ^ . Hursley Vicarage, Nov. 3, 1854. 
 
 I am not in regular correspondence with poor R. W He is far 
 beyond any appliances of mine. I am thinking of writing to him on 
 one or two topics, for the satisfaction of my own mind, and your note 
 
 VOL. in. u ^ 
 
rrrae 
 
 290 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 will help me. One thing I want to disabuse him of, is his assumption 
 that because this step is painful to him he cannot have been moved by 
 his feelings towards it : as if there were no such thing as morbid 
 feeling.* 
 
 In fact, when this letter was written, such correspondence 
 was of even less avail than Keble probably supposed. 
 Mr. R. I. Wilberforce had gone to Paris with Dr. Grant, 
 the Roman Catholic Bishop of Southwark, and had been 
 received into the Roman Church on Nov. i . He survived 
 his secession two years and a half, but before he could carry 
 out his purpose of being re-ordained in the Roman 
 Church he died. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 *Ubi tu pulsas, ego vapulo tantum.' 
 
 Juv. iii. 289. 
 
 PAPAL AGGRESSION — BISHOP BLOMFIELDS CHARGE- 
 LETTER TO BISHOP OF LONDON — BISHOP WILBER- 
 FORCE*S INHIBITION — INHIBITION WITHDRAWN. 
 
 1850-1852. 
 
 In the autumn of the year in which the Gorham case 
 was decided, while there was still much widespread un- 
 easiness and distrust, and secessions to Rome were constantly 
 being announced, the public mind in England was roused 
 to a fever of excitement, which now appears quite in excess 
 of the provocation, by a Bull from the Pope establishing 
 a new Roman Catholic episcopate in England. On Sept. 24, 
 1850, Pius IX. issued the Bull, * Ad perpetuam rei memo- 
 riam,' by which England was constituted an ecclesiastical 
 province of the Roman Catholic Church, containing one 
 Archbishop and twelve Suffragans. This * Papal aggres- 
 sion,' as it was termed, made even cool-headed people 
 almost fanatical. Meetings were held all over the country; 
 bishops wrote letters ; clergy presented addresses; laymen 
 made speeches ; the press discussed the subject with almost 
 ferocious fervour ; and at last a Bill entitled the ' Eccle- 
 siastical Titles Biir was introduced into Parliament, and 
 carried in a moment of controversial excitement, only to 
 become a dead letter from the first, and in a few years to 
 be formally repealed. The public indignation was fed by 
 
 U 2 
 
 I 11 
 
 -II 
 
292 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Popular Feeling. 
 
 293 
 
 |!! 
 
 i: " 
 
 very varying materials ; besides appeals to the memories of 
 the fires of Smithfield, of the massacre of St. Bartholomew, 
 and of the Gunpowder Plot, it was stimulated by in- 
 citements to popular prejudice against the Tractarians. 
 The Tractarians were ' down/ and were * fair game ' for any 
 public man desiring to make political capital out of religious 
 prejudices. The letter of Lord John Russell, the Prime 
 Minister, to Pusey's old tutor, Bishop Maltby of Durham, 
 — in which he denounced the ' mummeries of High Church 
 superstition ' and the * laborious endeavours which are now 
 making to confine the intellect and enslave the soul.' — 
 helped considerably to fan the flame of popular fanaticism. 
 
 That Pusey should bear the brunt of so much of this 
 outbreak of popular feeling as was directed against the 
 Oxford party, was inevitable. He was now, beyond ques- 
 tion, the most prominent ' Tractarian,' nay, the most 
 prominent presbyter, in the Church of England ; and 
 Mr. Maskell and Mr. Dodsworth had succeeded by their 
 pamphlets in making him more an object of widespread 
 prejudice and suspicion than ever before. Wherever he 
 went, as he told Keble, he had evidence of the feelings 
 with which he was regarded. Not only did the Puritan and 
 the irreligious press combine to assail him with incessant 
 invectives ; but old friends were distant, and he met with 
 hard words and cold looks in quarters where a more 
 generous and just estimate might have been looked for. It 
 might have been expected that in the face of the growing 
 excitement, and having in mind the trouble and losses sus- 
 tained by the Church of England through the Gorham 
 decision, the Bishops would have possessed the insight 
 to appreciate the position which Pusey and Keble had 
 taken up, and the statesmanship to control the excitement 
 of unreasoning prejudice. So far from this being the case 
 the Bishops, with one solitary exception, threw the weight 
 of their authority on the side of popular and shortsighted 
 passion. 
 
 On two notable occasions the Houses of Parliament 
 have hastily legislated under the influence of religious 
 
 excitement. One was the occasion of the ' Papal aggression ' ; 
 the other was that of the passing of the ill-judged and inef- 
 fectual Public Worship Regulation Act. Of both panics it 
 may be said that people and Parliament have become 
 thoroughly ashamed. It is melancholy to reflect that in 
 each case the excitement was stimulated, rather than re- 
 strained, by the leading members of the Episcopate. 
 
 An excess of timidity has always been thought to be the 
 mark of the Episcopate in the Western Church ; and of the 
 Bishops it was said in the middle ages, ' Episcopi in Anglia 
 semper pavidissimi.' History describes many disastrous 
 results of this characteristic. Certainly on the occasion of 
 the issue of the Papal Bull this excessive timidity, issuing in 
 panic fear, can alone account for the singular want of 
 judgment displayed by the Bishops. In their terror of 
 Rome they included in a general denunciation not only 
 the Roman Catholics but also the whole Tractarian party 
 — Pusey and all who in any way sympathized with him. 
 The Bishop of Exeter indeed was a noble but solitary 
 exception. He did his best to encourage and defend one 
 whom he recognized as loyally working for the Church of 
 England. 
 
 * Pray,' wrote the Bishop to Pusey, ^ do not consider yourself 
 under any restraint in preaching in my diocese. I had forgotten 
 that I had requested you in 1848 to forbear. I by no means ask 
 you to forbear any longer. Pray come to my house freely. I will 
 not submit to the humiliation of not receiving gladly a friend whom 
 I so highly value, because of the unjust clamours which ignorant or 
 malicious persons may raise.* 
 
 Undoubtedly the position held by Pusey may have 
 required some explanation. Yet it would hardly have been 
 expected that the Bishop of London, who had known Pusey 
 for a quarter of a century, the Episcopal assessor who had 
 dissented from the Gorham judgment, should have been 
 unequal to forming a true estimate of the justification of 
 Pusey's attitude. Even he could only intensify the expres- 
 sions of his own divergence from Pusey's doctrine and 
 practice. 
 
^94 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Bishop Blomfields Charge, 
 
 295 
 
 On Saturday, November 2, 1850, Bishop Blomfield deli- 
 vered his sixth Charge in St. Paul's Cathedral to the clergy 
 of his diocese. The events of the year had led men to 
 look forward to this Charge with unusual interest. Nor did 
 the Bishop disappoint such expectations. The greater part 
 of the Charge is devoted to a review of the Gorham case ; 
 and it reasserts, in clear and forcible terms, the Church's 
 positive acceptance of the doctrine of the regeneration of 
 all infants in the Sacrament of Baptism. After reading 
 this part of the Charge, Keble wrote to Pusey : — 
 
 * Do you not think that the Bishop of London has done good service 
 by recalling attention to Brampford Speke in the midst of this storm 
 from Rome ? He certainly gets on : I do not despair of his approving 
 primitive monasticism, by-and-by.* 
 
 The Charge, as was inevitable, proceeded then to discuss 
 recent secessions to Rome ; and the Bishop observed that 
 *the recent decision of the Judicial Committee might have 
 been the pretext, but could not have been the cause of them.' 
 The way had been paved for them, he thought, at least in 
 some instances, by the growth of opinions and practices at 
 variance, if not with the letter, yet with the spirit of the 
 teaching and ordinances of the Church of England. After 
 some passages about ceremonial observances which did not 
 apply to Pusey, the Bishop went on to describe the teaching 
 which, in his judgment, had led people to Rome. After 
 alluding to Pusey's adapted books of devotion, he pro- 
 ceeded : — 
 
 'A propitiatory virtue is attributed to the Eucharist— the mediation 
 of the saints is spoken of as a probable doctrine— prayer for the dead 
 urged as a positive duty— and a superstitious use of the sign of the 
 Cross is recommended as profitable ; add to this the secret practice of 
 auricular confession, the use of crucifixes and rosaries, the adminis- 
 tration of what is termed the sacrament of penance, and it is manifest 
 that they who are taught to believe that such things are compatible 
 with the principles of the English Church, must also believe it to 
 be separated from that of Rome by a faint and almost imperceptible 
 line, and be prepared to pass that line without much fear of incurring 
 the guilt of schism.' 
 
 This passage was framed upon— it was little else than 
 
 a condensed reproduction of— the paragraph in Mr. Dods- 
 worth's public Letter to Pusey in which he upbraids 
 Pusey with inconsistency on the score of the moderate 
 line which he had pursued after the Gorham decision^; 
 while other phrases of the Bishop's Charge are evi- 
 dently taken from the pamphlet which Mr. Maskell had 
 written with a similar object to that of Mr. Dodsworth. 
 Mr. Dodsworth was meditating secession : Mr. Maskell had 
 already gone to Rome, and it was indeed strange that 
 a prelate who had known Pusey so long should have 
 thought it right to judge his real work and motives on the 
 evidence of those who were in such a position. Pusey's 
 name was not mentioned ; but he knew, as all the world 
 knew, who was meant, and what were the authorities 
 on which the Bishop of London's language was based. 
 Accordingly he wrote to Bishop Blomfield, and received 
 a letter which at least shows that Pusey was not unduly 
 sensitive in thinking that he was the object of the Bishop's 
 observations. 
 
 Bishop (Blomfield) of London to E. B. P. 
 
 Cuddesdon, Dec. 3, 1850. 
 
 My dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 My time during the last fortnight has been so entirely occupied 
 by matters of importance arising in my own diocese, that I have found 
 it impossible to give to your letter of November 22 the consideration 
 which it required. A visit to the Bishop of Oxford gives me a few 
 hours of comparative leisure, and I make use of it to write to you. 
 
 The observations in my late Charge upon excessive ritualism 
 relate entirely to clergymen of my diocese ; those which advert 
 to auricular confession and some other points mentioned in connexion 
 with it, have a more general reference ; and I will not deny that 
 I had you, amongst others, in my mind, when I wrote those 
 observations ; especially with reference to the Books of Devotion 
 which you have adapted from writers of the Church of Rome, and 
 against which I spoke still more strongly in a former [Charge]. 
 It must be, I think, two years, since I laid my injunctions upon 
 Mr. Dodsworth not to permit the circulation of these books in his 
 district ; and the use of them in the Sisterhood established in that 
 district is one of my objections to the Institution as at present 
 
 * As Bishop Blomfield copied Mr. Dodsworth, so Lord John Russell 
 quoted Bishop Blomfield, in his ' Durham ' lelter. 
 
296 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 conducted. Another is, that it should be almost wholly under the 
 spiritual guidance of a clergyman not in any way connected with 
 my diocese. These, however, are not the only grounds upon which 
 I have felt it to be my duty to withhold my approval from the 
 Sisterhood. Its general tone and tendency appeared to me to be 
 towards Rome ; and in this opinion I was confirmed by Mr. Dodsworth, 
 who stated to me some months ago that such was his own ap- 
 prehension. Add to this, that two instances at least were reported 
 to me, of young ladies who were admitted into the Institution against 
 the earnest wishes of their nearest relations. 
 
 It is not necessary for me to enter now upon the subject of 
 Confession, as you have no doubt seen the full statement of my 
 opmion upon that point recently published in the Times newspaper, 
 which renders any further explanation on my part unnecessary, except 
 as to the single question, whether private confession can be properly 
 made to any other clergyman than the lawful Pastor of the penitent. 
 Upon that question my mind is not fully made up. It is of far 
 less importance than that which relates to the nature of the 
 confession allowed by our Church. 
 
 I shall be glad to see the explanation which, I understand, you 
 are about to give, of the matters alleged by Mr. Dodsworth, with 
 reference to your private teaching ; which, if his statement be correct, 
 appears to me wholly irreconcilable with the teaching of our Church. 
 
 I remain, my dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 Vour faithful servant, 
 
 p c T * . T- 1. ^. ^- J- London. 
 
 P. b. I return to Fulham on Thursday. 
 
 Rarely, perhaps, in the course of his hTe had Pusey so 
 many burdens pressing on him as in the autumn of 1850. 
 He never neglected or sacrificed his duties as Professor 
 of Hebrew to other claims, however pressing. Indeed, it is 
 noteworthy how, amidst all the press of controversy, he was 
 actively engaged in promoting the studies of his chair, and 
 raising the standard of professorial work. But he had also 
 a great mass of daily correspondence relating to spiritual 
 matters ; and he had now to deal, indeed he seemed the 
 only person who could deal, with the profound and pathetic 
 troubles of those who were influenced by the secessions to 
 Rome ; with anti-Roman protests, like Mr. Palmer s ; with 
 a new and most painful state of things at St. Saviours, 
 Leeds; and with an unprecedented relation towards his 
 own Bishop. His letters at this time are full of expres- 
 sions which show how thankful he would have been, as 
 
 Letter to the Bishop of London, 
 
 297 
 
 he said in later years, had it pleased God, to be allowed 
 to lie down and die. * I am almost,' he wrote in one letter 
 to Keble, ' bewildered with distresses.* In another, ' I am 
 sick of London Unions and their quarrels. ... It does seem 
 hard work to unite these vested interests. Everybody 
 seems to wish to become first, and everybody to mistrust 
 others.' Again, * Pamphlets come like hailstones, by every 
 post, and from the hands of friends.' Again, ' Mr. Allies has 
 sent me his pamphlet : I have no heart to read it, unless 
 I must.' He asked Keble one day whether he had better 
 not give up all other work, and confine himself to the 
 duties of the Hebrew chair. It would hardly be fair in such 
 circumstances to regard this as simply the language of 
 impatience : it was indeed a cry of sheer weariness resulting 
 from a convergence of tasks which were fairly beyond his 
 physical strength. 
 
 It was, however, in such circumstances that he set himself, 
 at such ' scraps of time ' as he could call his own, to write 
 the fourth controversial work which the perplexities and 
 controversies of that year wrung from his wearied heart and 
 head. His Letter to the Bishop of London, dated 'the 
 second week in Epiphany, 1851,' is the most complete 
 account and defence that he has given to the world ^ 
 of those features of teaching and practice which are 
 popularly associated with his name, and which had been 
 brought up *ad invidiam* by Mr. Dodsworth. Step by 
 step he deals with the points which the Bishop had enu- 
 merated in his Charge ; adding, however, some others with 
 a view to the completeness of his work. First he notices 
 the use which had been made of the Bishop's observations 
 by Lord John Russell in his ' Durham letter,' ' in order 
 to turn upon a body of clergy, opposed to his avowed 
 wish to liberalize the Church, the unpopularity of the 
 Papal aggression, which his own acts had certainly fa- 
 voured.' Then he enters upon detail. He had called 
 
 ^ The title is, ' A Letter tolhe Right 
 Hon. and Right Rev. the Lord Bishop 
 of London, in exphmation of some 
 
 statements contained in a Letter by the 
 Rev. W. Dodsworth.' Oxford, Parker, 
 1851. 
 
298 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Causes of Secessions. 
 
 299 
 
 If 
 
 ^i 
 
 4 i 
 
 Absolution a ' sacrament,' but in that lower sense of the 
 word which English divines had constantly recognized. 
 He had termed the Eucharist a propitiatory sacrifice, 
 not as something distinct from the One Sacrifice which 
 alone is of itself propitiatory, but as the appointed action 
 in which the Church on earth pleads its efficacy, as the 
 Great High Priest pleads it in heaven. The objective 
 reality of our Lord's presence in the Eucharist was, he 
 showed, consistent with belief that His Natural Body is in 
 heaven at the right hand of God ; but Christ, wherever 
 present, whether in the Eucharist or elsewhere, was, as 
 Bishop Andrewes had said, ' truly to be adored.' If he 
 adapted Roman Catholic books to the use of the English 
 Church, he was only doing what had been done in every 
 period since the Reformation. The * rosaries ' complained 
 of were simple forms of devotion, and not strings of beads ; 
 even Dr. Arnold had abundantly justified the use of the 
 crucifix. The Litany, by its references to our Lord's 
 * Agony and Bloody Sweat,' justified the devotions in 
 reference to our Lord's Five Wounds ; and Archbishop 
 Cranmer had used the word 'inebriate,' which Pusey's 
 critics so greatly objected to, when describing the spiritual 
 joy and forgetfulness of earthly cares and troubles in com- 
 munion with God. As for counsels of perfection, Pusey 
 
 had not used the expression ; but the truth conveyed by it, 
 
 that there are higher forms of service and devotion to which 
 all are not called, but which are a source of the highest 
 blessedness and joy,— is the teaching of our Lord Jesus 
 Christ Himself. 
 
 The Letter, however, must be read : no summary can give 
 an idea of its theological or spiritual strength, or of the 
 light which it throws on the temper and aims of its author. 
 Pusey states, with absolute freshness, all that in his teaching 
 and practice was made the ground of popular invective; and 
 he claims his right to do and teach all that he avows. He 
 brushes away with a strong but tender decision the mis- 
 representations of fact or of motive which had gathered 
 around his work and life. The concluding pages on this 
 
 subject are of the highest interest : one or two passages 
 from them may be selected. 
 
 * Whatever my sins, of failures, or shortcomings have been, one 
 object I had ever before me, from my earliest memory, to serve God 
 in the ministry of this His Church. ... I never essayed (as some 
 have said of late) to be a leader of a party, nor to organize a body, 
 nor to act upon a system, nor to direct things or persons to any 
 given end, except the end of all ends, holiness and truth in the 
 fear and love of God. 1 never sought (it seems to myself strange 
 to have to deny this) to gather persons around me. When I acted, 
 I acted, rather following advice, than giving it. Only on some few 
 great occasions, and those such as called upon others to act, and 
 that chiefly within this University, and concerning it, have I acUcf 
 in combination with others ; and in these cases I was not otherwise 
 prominent, than the station which had been assigned to me necessarily 
 involved. . . . My name (1 have once before said) was on no other 
 ground used in the first instance as a sort of by-word, than because, 
 in order to save a pupil from Dissent, and then, to show how deeply 
 the truth lay in Holy Scriptures, 1 engaged in the work on the 
 Scriptural Doctrine of Holy Baptism, which grew as I went on, 
 until it became a work instead of a tract. The name became 
 a convenient brand-mark with which to designate principles or truths 
 which those dislike who do not know the truth. 4. . Your Lordship, 
 I am satisfied, does not allude to myself when you speak of clergymen 
 who put into the hands of members of our Church " books of 
 devotion in which all but Divine honour is paid to the Virgin Mary," 
 because, as I have said above, I have carefully on principle avoided it, 
 both for myself and others.' 
 
 Discussing the causes of secessions to Rome, Pusey speci- 
 fies two : — 
 
 * The two leading causes, as may be seen from the very statements 
 of those who have left us, have been, — (i) that the Scriptural doctrine 
 of the Unity of the Church did not seem to them to be satisfied 
 by the English belief, that the Church was still one, notwithstanding 
 its distractions and interruption of Communion, or, as it has been 
 said, that "a family may still be one, though its members quarrel"; 
 (2) that since the teachers of our Church seem to be at issue among 
 themselves upon articles of faith, our Church does not perform 
 the office promised, " Thy teachers shall not be removed into a comer 
 any more, but thine eyes shall see thy teachers." 
 
 'These, it must be admitted, my Lord, are difficulties, to which 
 there are counter-difficulties, which may well make us not patient 
 only, but grateful to God for His goodness. I mean, that although 
 there is still enough (as I have often inculcated) in the unity of 
 that Faith which was delivered from the first, in the common 
 
300 
 
 Life of Edzvard Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Sacraments, in common Apostolic descent, in union in our One 
 Lord, in common prayer, and, I trust, notwithstanding appearances 
 on both sides, in love, we must admit that Unity is not such as it 
 was m St. Augustine's time. Rome gives an adequate theory of 
 unity, although to that hard theory she sacrifices a great portion of 
 the Church, which " throughout all the world acknowledges " the 
 One Lord of the Church. Again, we must admit, all upon all sides 
 cry out, that there should not be this conflicting teaching. While 
 some of us are anxious to come to a better understanding with one 
 another, others are anxious to cast out those who differ from them.* 
 
 One more noble passage follows, which has often been 
 quoted, on the then current proposals to put down Tractari- 
 anism, as suggested by Lord John Russell's letter :— 
 
 ^^ * It is worse than idle to talk, as some have done, of putting down 
 " Tractarianism," in order to check secessions to Rome. Such might 
 drive hundreds from the Church for tens ; but while that precious 
 jewel the Prayer-book remains, they cannot destroy or weaken 
 " Tractarianism." It was out of Holy Scripture and the Formularies 
 of the Church that Tractarianism arose. It was cherished by our 
 English divines. It was deepened by the Fathers. It was ripened 
 while most of the writers knew scarcely a Roman book, and only 
 controversially. Tractarianism was entirely the birth of the English 
 Church. Its life must be co-existent with the Formularies in which it 
 is embodied. Tractarianism was not beheaded with Laud, nor 
 trampled under foot in the Great Rebellion, nor corrupted by 
 Charles II., nor expelled with the Non-Jurors, nor burnt, together 
 with the Common Prayer-book, in Scotland, nor extinguished by 
 the degradation of the Church through Walpole, nor in America 
 by the long-denied Episcopate. Even the pared and maimed Prayer- 
 book of the Church in the United States still affords it a home ; 
 and the sameness of the struggles implies the same principle of life. 
 Tractarianism, as it is called, or, as I believe it to be, the Catholic 
 Faith, will survive in the Church of England while the Scriptures 
 are reverenced, and the (Ecumenical Councils received, and the 
 Creeds recited, and the Episcopal Succession continues, and union 
 with Christ her Head is cherished, and she acquiesce not, God 
 forbid ! in the denial of any article of the Faith. 
 
 * But this is for others. To yourself, my Lord, I may say (and 
 you will forgive me for speaking thus plainly), /he remedy for 
 secessions from the Church is her own health and well-being. Sickly 
 trees lose their leaves, and cannot ripen the fruit which they have 
 borne. Whatever strengthens and deepens the life of the Church, 
 binds her children to her K' 
 
 Mr, Dodsworth's 'Fads! 
 
 301 
 
 1 1 
 
 Letter to the Bishop of London/ &c., 1851, pp. 347-259. 
 
 Pusey*s Letter to the Bishop of London was answered by- 
 Mr. Dodsworth, who was now a Roman Catholic ; and this 
 obliged Pusey to write a postscript to his Letter to the 
 Bishop of London \ as Mr. Maskell had obliged him to 
 write a postscript to his Letter to Mr. Richards. Mr. Dods- 
 worth complained that the multitude of words employed by 
 Pusey seemed to have drawn off attention from the 'facts' 
 which Pusey had admitted ; and Mr. Dodsworth thought it 
 important that these ' facts ' should not be lost sight of, and 
 therefore endeavoured to bring them back into prominence 
 in a new pamphlet, 'A Few Comments on Dr. Pusey's 
 Letter.' In the process of doing this, he restates Pusey's 
 'admissions' in his own language, and, by doing so, uninten- 
 tionally exaggerates or misrepresents them. So Pusey has 
 to go over the ground again, explaining precisely what he 
 did and did not mean to say : and this gives value to 
 a publication which might else seem to be only the last 
 word of an exhausted controversy. All through this 
 pamphlet, and especially at its close, it is easy to see how 
 deeply Pusey felt that the bitter suspicions with which he 
 was now regarded had been created by men who had been 
 associated with him, although in different degrees, as his 
 friends. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter did not endorse everything that 
 Pusey said about Confession. But he sanctioned, very prac- 
 tically, the principle for which Pusey had contended in his 
 Letter to Mr. Richards. 
 
 Bishop (Phillpotts) of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 Bishopstowe, Oct. 20, 1850. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 It is my intention to address a Pastoral Letter to my clergy 
 
 very soon, in which it is my intention to treat, inter alia^ the matter of 
 
 auricular Confession as authorized by our Church, and the right of 
 
 the penitent to use the ministry of any priest whom he may choose, in 
 
 order to quiet his conscience before the reception of the Holy 
 
 Communion. I should therefore wish to defer any formal^ or 
 
 * 'Renewed Explanation in conse- 
 quence of Rev. W. Dodsworth's com- 
 ments on Dr. Pusey's Letter to the 
 
 Bishop of London,' by the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D. Oxlord, Parker, 1851. 
 
 «/ 
 
302 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 • 
 
 f 
 
 ii 
 
 
 authoritative expression of my sentiments on this matter, until I shall 
 so deal with it. 
 
 Meanwhile, I cannot have any objection to your saying, that you 
 have been iiifortned (as I doubt not, that you have been informed 
 by Mr. Coghlan) by a clergyman of my diocese, that I had dismissed 
 a complaint against him, not being the parish priest, for admitting 
 a party to special confession in order to quiet her conscience before 
 the Holy Communion, expressly on the ground that the words of 
 the Church in the exhortation to Communion gave a liberty to the 
 party confessing to choose any discreet and learned minister of 
 God's Word, to whom to make confession. 
 
 I shall be very desirous to have more particular communication 
 with you on the matter of special confession, before I publish my 
 letter to my clergy— because I apprehend that I do not altogether 
 assent to your views— and I shall be most desirous previously to know 
 your views more accurately, and to state to you my own. 
 
 Yours, my dear Sir, most faithfully, 
 
 H. Exeter. 
 
 But the public animadversions of Bishop Blomfield were 
 less serious to Pusey than was a private correspondence 
 at the same time with his own Bishop. It has been seen 
 that the Bishop entered on his work in the diocese with 
 considerable divergences from Pusey's doctrinal position, 
 and strong feelings of antagonism against his method of 
 dealing with individuals — feelings based on a misappre- 
 hension about his aims and character. The course of events 
 between 1845 and 1850 was not such as to help him to see 
 Pusey in a more favourable light ; and the line followed by 
 the Bishop in respect of the Hampden and the Gorham 
 controversies did not help to bring him and Pusey together. 
 With the Bishop of Oxford, as with the Bishop of London, 
 Mr. Dodsworth's Letter was the immediate occasion of 
 taking any action. 
 
 On the day on which Bishop Blomfield delivered his 
 charge, Bishop Wilberforce wrote to Pusey, saying that 
 he had already condemned Pusey's adaptation of Roman 
 Catholic books of devotion, as ' tending to the spread of 
 Romanism amongst us.' He now condemned the general 
 * effect of Pusey's ministry,' which 
 
 ' did more than the labours of an open enemy to wean from the pure 
 faith and simple ritual of our Church the affections of many of those 
 
 Bishop Wilberforce' s Demand — Pusey's Reply. 303 
 
 amongst her children, whose zeal, tenderness, and devotion, would, if 
 properly guided, make them eminent saints, and her special instru- 
 ments in God's own work in this land.' 
 
 * Recent instances of perversion ' had combined with ' Mr. 
 Dodsworth's published letter ' to produce this conviction in 
 the Bishop's mind : and he therefore called on Pusey to 
 give 'some public and distinct answer to Mr. Dodsworth's 
 charges,' together with 
 
 * such an assurance that there shall be such material changes in the 
 practices you encourage, and in the tone of your teaching, as shall 
 satisfy me that they will no longer lead any of the flock committed to 
 me as chief pastor of this diocese, to the corruptions or the com- 
 munion of the See of Rome ^' 
 
 The Bishop was fully alive to the importance of this 
 challenge. He kept his letter, after writing it, for some 
 days before he sent it^ and submitted it to various friends 
 for approval. On receiving it, Pusey replied by return of 
 post, insisting that the most operative reason for the recent 
 secessions to Rome was to be found in the neglect of the 
 Bishops to reaffirm the faith of the Church, after the deci- 
 sion of the Privy Council in the case of Mr. Gorham. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 My dear Lord Christ Church, Nov. 21, 1850. 
 
 I was purposing, so soon as I should have finished my answer 
 to Mr. Maskell, to make a printed explanation as to what I believe on 
 the subjects which Mr. Dodsworth has put together ; and, in so doing, 
 to compare what I say with the Fathers and our own divines. I have 
 learnt nothing which I teach from the Roman Church. I believed all 
 which I teach when I knew nothing of Roman teaching, except in 
 controversy against it. I was going to make this statement, in conse- 
 quence of the Bishop of London's Charge. I was preparing to do so 
 as soon as Mr. D.'s letter came out ; but he, Mr. Allies, and Mr. Mas- 
 kell, sent me that other letter, and since I knew how very seriously 
 that letter would wound and unhinge tender consciences, if unanswered, 
 I felt it a duty to neglect what seemed to concern myself only. When 
 I had finished the answer which I sent to your Lordship, it seemed too 
 late. I consulted some friends, and they thought it was best to take 
 no notice of it ; so I was preparing a book on Baptism. 
 
 » 'Life of Bishop Wilberforce,* ii. Marriott, 'Life,* ii. 85. The letter is 
 9-81. dated Nov. 2. It was apparently sent 
 
 " Bishop Wilberforce to Rev. C. on Nov. 20. 
 
tt| 4 
 
 304 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 There are only three doctrines mentioned in that statement; but 
 that of the Eucharistic Sacrifice may take time to illustrate ; and, in 
 the midst of lectures, I have scarcely any. I said in the * Tracts for 
 the Times ^' (in 1837) that the word 'propitiatory* was accepted or 
 condemned by writers in our Church, according to the sense in which 
 it was understood ; whether as something distinct from the Sacrifice 
 of the Cross, as something in itself propitiatory, or whether it was 
 meant, in the language of the Fathers, that we, pleading with the 
 Memorials which our Lord commanded, the merits of the Passion, do 
 thereby obtain graces and favours from the Father. In retaining the 
 word * propitiatory,* as I did in two cases, I consulted Mr. Keble^and 
 added by his advice the explanation ' or deprecatory.' I mean nothing 
 but what Bishop Wilson has expressed (not to name others), whom 
 I quoted in an University sermon, the first on Absolution, which 
 I think your Lordship heard and said that you did not disapprove 
 
 He pleads to be allowed to preach at Littlemore, as had 
 been arranged, on the evening of the confirmation of his 
 daughter Mary. Little caring for himself, he was unwilling 
 to increase the alarm that would naturally be felt if it were 
 known he was absolutely inhibited. 
 
 Many of those who have left us are very sore with me because 
 I do not as they do, and am, as they think, the great hindrance to 
 others joining the Roman Church. They sometimes almost ironically 
 thank me for having led them where they are. No doubt they per- 
 suade themselves so. Yet I cannot but think that they are glad to 
 think so as a ground of attack against me. Some of them now seem 
 to be making me their chief point of attack. But in one or two cases, 
 in which persons have said it, I have known [it], from my previous 
 knowledge of their history, to be untrue. I hardly know whether in 
 what your Lordship says you were thinking of your own special sorrow: 
 but 1 may say (for it was a sorrow to me too) that your brother Henry's 
 mind was formed by Newman, that I did but do what I could for 
 a mind already formed, and that he had passed from me (much as he 
 loved me) under other influences long before he left. This miserable 
 Gorham decision had, I still believe, the chief effect in unhinging 
 him. . . . 
 
 Upon one subject, I must ask for more explanation from your 
 Lordship. Your Lordship asks me to give * such an assurance, that 
 there shall be such material changes in the prac/ices I encourage, and 
 in the tone of my teaching, as shall satisfy you that they will no'^longer 
 lead any of the flock committed to you as chief pastor of this diocese 
 to the corruptions or communion of the See of Rome.* 
 
 1 do not know of any peculiar practices at all which I encourage. 
 
 * 'Tracts for the Times,' No. 81, pp. 43-53. 
 
 Use of Crucifix, Rosary, etc. 305 
 
 Mr. Dodsworth says that he alludes to nothing private in his letter to 
 me. If a person asks me whether there is anything wrong in wearing 
 a small crucifix, in order to keep in mind the thought of our Lord ; 
 I have said that I do not think that the crucifix can be any more 
 contrary to the second commandment than the pictures, which are 
 common everywhere : that what is forbidden is to make a likeness in 
 our own mind of Almighty God, not to represent in some way that 
 form which He took, when for our sakes, and for our salvation. He 
 became Man. I have not promoted the use of crucifixes, except in 
 a very few cases, when persons whom I could trust have asked me for 
 them to wear. In my adapted books, I uniformly avoided the use of 
 the word. 
 
 In like way, the Rosary is connected in people's minds with the 
 Ave Maria. Apart from this, as in my books, it is only saying certain 
 prayers repeatedly; and one who knows what severe illness is and 
 great weakness, knows how much easier it is to say one prayer often 
 over, than many. The fewer words and the more concentrated the 
 thought, the better they can pray. A child says to its father, * do, do, 
 do,' and the earnest repetition of the same words, as our Lord Himself 
 taught us, is often the greatest relief and the most fervent devotion. 
 But I have not been distributing or recommending Rosaries otherwise 
 than, in the Paradise, there are forms of devotions called Rosaries, 
 connected with the Passion of our Blessed Lord ; but all which there 
 is peculiar about them is the repetition of the same prayers, which, 
 yet, is no more than the repetition of * For Thy mercy endureth for 
 ever' in the Psalm. 
 
 My preaching (as your Lordship will have seen if you have looked 
 into my sermons) is uniformly doctrinal or practical, but entirely 
 separated from controversial subjects. It is not this that your Lordship 
 wishes altered. 
 
 I could give * an assurance ' upon any definite subject ; but a vague 
 promise would only be ensnaring. I have done nothing in your 
 Lordship's diocese, to which your Lordship could in any way 
 object. 
 
 I will explain one statement, that your Lordship may not think that 
 I avoid it. I have used the language of the Homilies, * the Body and 
 Blood of Christ under the form of bread and wine,' because the 
 Homilies use it ; but I have not thought in this of anything physical 
 or carnal, and have warned persons against this. I have not changed 
 from what I said in my preface to my sermon on the Holy Eucharist : 
 that my mind had been cast in the teaching of Bishop Andrewes and 
 Archbishop Bramhall, that I received Christ's words because He 
 spoke them, but the mode of His presence I kept my mind from, as 
 a mystery. 
 
 In like way, since St. Augustine says in the name of the Church, 
 * nemo manducat nisi prius adoraverit,' I have left a statement in one 
 book, of adoring Christ present. But I have never meant to say 
 
 VOL. IIL X 
 
it 
 
 i 
 
 Ml 
 
 ' 
 
 ■ 
 
 306 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 anything about a local Presence, much less of the ' corporeal Presence 
 of His natural Body and Blood'; nor have I meant to encourage 
 anything which could be interpreted into adoration of the Host. 
 
 Your Lordship will allow me to say that I think that a very ex- 
 aggerated impression has been given to your Lordship. Everything 
 is against us now. Every one's faults are visited upon us. Lord John 
 Russell, Presbyterians, all who hate the Church, are stirring up the 
 mob against us ; and yet if your Lordship had seen in what stillness 
 I preached at Bristol to a mixed congregation of 2,000 people (many 
 poor) you could have seen that the poor are not alienated from us, nor 
 from the Church by us, God forbid ! 
 
 But Lord John Russell wishes to screen himself by attacks on us ; 
 and the unscrupulous press takes the occasion to express its hatred for 
 us ; and yet, if your Lordship looks closely at it, it is not us but the 
 clear doctrines of the Church which it hates. 
 
 May I venture to repeat what I ventured to say strongly and to 
 write to some of your Lordship's brethren on a subject upon which 
 your Lordship felt strongly, the affirmation of the doctrine of Baptism ? 
 In such a troubled state of things as the present, everybody is flamed. 
 The Bishops blame the Presbyters ; Presbyters, not of one class only, 
 and laymen blame the Bishops. Alas for both ! 
 
 But may I respectfully say, that with such a Judgment as that of 
 [the] Privy Council, and such a Court of Appeal as the Privy Council, 
 and the not unlikely further peril of the Faith unless this be corrected, 
 and the avowed intention of the Prime Minister *to liberalize the 
 Church through the Bishops,'— your Lordship cannot, I am sure, 
 attribute much to a set of books, not of very extensive circulation. 
 I know and have seen and heard in many more cases, until I was 
 nearly sick at every letter which I opened, that that unhappy decision 
 and all which it involved, was the turning-point in people's minds. 
 If the Bishops would but jointly have made a declaration then, such 
 as the Bishop of Bath and Wells put forth, we should not have been in 
 the condition which we are now. I believe that we should have been 
 in a much better condition than we had been before. For such an act 
 would have given confidence as to the teaching of the Church. Your 
 Lordship will perhaps have seen how Dr. Wiseman urged this point and 
 galled people with it. You will be too familiar with the language— 
 * If the Church of England does not teach certain truth on this, upon 
 what does she teach it ? The Privy Council declares that she does 
 not so teach. And the Church is silent. She allows it to be said in 
 her name and she does not contradict it' One said what one could, 
 about the difficulty of the Church's speaking, after having been 
 silenced for 150 years, but one felt that had this been in the time of 
 St. Cyprian or St. Athanasius or St. Augustine, the Church would not 
 have been silent. And now (if I may say so without offence) people 
 draw the contrast the more, and say if the Church had been but as 
 anxious to affirm the truth as to one of the Sacraments, as she is to 
 
 Inhibition. 
 
 307 
 
 resist aggression on her Sees, we should not have been in the con- 
 dition in which we are now. 
 
 All I can do, with a safe conscience, I will do, and I trust that when 
 I have time to make a fuller explanation, there will be nothing which your 
 Lordship will be obliged to think contrary to the teaching of the Church 
 of England, in which I desire, with my whole heart, to serve God. 
 
 I beg to remain, 
 
 Your Lordship's humble servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 The Bishop appears to have replied in terms which 
 repeated his previous condemnation, and to have inhibited 
 Pusey from preaching in his diocese, except at Pusey, 
 where 'his ministry would be innocent.' Indeed it was 
 a serious crisis, in view of the general unsettlement, that 
 by his inhibition the Bishop should declare Pusey unfit to 
 teach in the Church of England. Pusey at any rate felt it so, 
 and remonstrated against being judged ' upon presumptive 
 evidence'; and begged the Bishop to return his letter. It 
 was understood that the Bishop's sentence meant that Pusey 
 was to remain suspended from preaching in the diocese of 
 Oxford unless and until he gave adequate explanation. 
 Meanwhile Mr. Marriott had interfered ; he was under an 
 impression that the Bishop's inhibition had been precipitated 
 by a baseless report that Pusey had been appointed evening 
 lecturer at St. Mary's, Oxford. The Bishop answered 
 Marriott by stating that the inhibition had extended to 
 * all public ministrations ' ; but he explained that it was, 
 for the present, removed ' as an inhibition ' on the under- 
 standing that Pusey would respect his 'wishes.' Apparently 
 he was beginning to understand what serious results might 
 follow from this high-handed and ill-judged action. 
 
 At so painful a juncture Pusey naturally fell back on the 
 sympathy and advice of Keble. Keble was especially 
 distressed at Bishop Wilberforce's attempt to distinguish 
 between Pusey and himself, as though he 'did act and 
 teach within the large licence allowed by our Church,' while 
 Pusey did not \ After reading the Bishop's first letter to 
 Pusey, Keble wrote : — 
 
 « T*r^f' ..^If^op Wilberforce's letter, but there can be no doubt about the 
 i-Ue, u. 80. Keble is not named : reference ; he himself had none. 
 
 X 2 
 
t 
 
 308 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I I 
 
 * Dogmersfield, Nov. 23, 1850. 
 
 *This is indeed a distressing letter. It has occasioned me many 
 thoughts, whether I and others may not have drawn or kept back too 
 much, to give him occasion to draw the distinction which he seems to 
 do. I am inclined to think I might, publicly or privately, do something 
 towards mending that. . . . God be with you.' 
 
 After receiving Marriott's report of the real scope of the 
 projected inhibition, Pusey wrote again : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Nov. 25, 1850. 
 
 After a long negotiation the Bishop of Oxford yesterday consented 
 
 to let me preach at Littlemore. So I trust that the bad effects will be 
 
 prevented. It now remains only, that I know privately that the 
 
 Bishop does not wish me to preach or do any public act, such as even 
 
 celebrate or assist at celebration in any parish church, except Pusey. 
 
 Pusey, he excepted, because he did not wish it to be known, for fear 
 
 of bad effects. . . . 
 
 Keble replied :- . ^^^^^^^^ ^^^_ ^g^ jg^^ 
 
 * I am thankful that, at any rate, this impulse of the Bishop of 
 Oxford is not made public, and the next, by the law of his mind, must 
 be in your favour.* 
 
 Pusey's first difficulty arose from the vagueness of the 
 language in which the Bishop made his charges. * Influ- 
 ence ' and * tone ' may mean anything, until we are told 
 what they are intended to mean. In writing to Marriott, 
 who appears to have pressed the Bishop for explanations, 
 the Bishop explained that he had chiefly in mind Pusey 's 
 * teaching on confession, his encouragement of persons 
 seeking to establish the relation of director or guide and 
 penitent, as the regular and normal condition ; the minute- 
 ness and details of his direction,' stating at some length the 
 Bishop's own view about Confession ^. Pusey, he repeated, 
 was conscientiously attached to the Church of England. 
 But he ' had no deep horror of the Popish system * ; he 
 was unintentionally a * decoy bird ' to Rome. Pusey him- 
 self answered the Bishop's letter to Marriott : since nobody 
 else could have done so. The Bishop, he said, * had been very 
 
 * Bishop Wilberforce to Rev. C. Marriott, * Life/ ii. 85. 
 
 Explanation. 
 
 309 
 
 * much misinformed as to his private intercourse with peni- 
 
 * tents. Certainly he never sent away any who asked his 
 
 * advice ; he never recommended any penitent to come a 
 
 * second time : if any so came, it was their own doing. The 
 
 * advice he gave was based on experience : he was careful 
 ' not to interfere with the claims of domestic life, and had 
 
 * never encouraged dependence on himself. If people did 
 
 * depend on him as they did, to keep them from Rome, he 
 
 * could not help it ; he could not change their minds. Only 
 
 * a few were technically " under his guidance" : many persons 
 ' who said they were, or who were supposed to be in this 
 ' relation with him, were not so in any real sense of the word. 
 ' If he had to reproach himself it was on the score of being 
 ' unable to give people who applied to him the spiritual 
 ' assistance they required.' Pusey further asked for an inter- 
 view with the Bishop, begging him to 'speak confidentially' 
 to him ; 'tell ' him ' facts or supposed facts ^' 
 
 The Bishop, on November 30, replied, overlooking 
 Pusey s request for a personal interview, and pointing out 
 what he conceived to be the differences between the Churches 
 of England and Rome in respect of confession, and adding : 
 ' You seem to me to be habitually assuming the place and 
 doing the work of a Roman confessor, and not that of an 
 English clergyman.' Confession, the Bishop held, was 
 allowed in cases of spiritual distress ; it was a relief to 
 human nature, but had no sacramental character^. The 
 present private inhibition must continue until Pusey's 
 answer to Mr. Dodsworth was published. Pusey's reply 
 is little more than a repetition of the argument of the 
 ' Letter' which he was preparing ; and he renewed, but in 
 vain, his request for a private interview. 
 
 So matters stood until the end of February, 1851, when 
 Pusey had finished the defence for which Bishop Wilberforce 
 had asked, in the form of his Letter to the Bishop of London 
 and its appendix. When sending this publication to the 
 Bishop, Pusey offered to call on him, in order to make any 
 
 > See the text of this letter in the * Life of Wilbeiforce/ ii. 87-S9. 
 * 'Life of Bishop Wilbtrforce,' iL 90. 
 
I' I 
 
 h 
 
 310 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 further explanations which the Bishop might require. In 
 a short note, the Bishop dedined the proposed interview. 
 
 * I fear/ wrote Pusey to Keble on March i, 1851, *that this little 
 scrap of the Bishop of Oxford's is ominous. I fear that nothing 
 would induce him to own me. He was always afraid of me, from 
 the time that I wrote that second Tract on Baptism. The state 
 of things now is that I have leave to preach at Pusey and perform 
 any private ministration, but, at his wish, I abstain from preaching 
 or officiating publicly elsewhere in his diocese. This, I should 
 think, could hardly last. 1 am sorry not to be allowed to assist 
 at Holy Communion at St. Mary's ; else it does not interfere with me. 
 Within the Cathedral walls I am in a testudo, and may mine as 
 I please. But, of course, it [the practical inhibition] would do great 
 harm if known. And I have been obliged to escape answering as 
 well as I could, if persons asked me why I do not officiate at 
 St. Mary's. 
 
 * But what is to be done, if the Bishop continues this quasi-sus- 
 pension ? To wait quiet, until this tyranny be overpast ? One may 
 say, *-Lord, how long?'* I suppose that the line of the Bishops 
 is not to throw us over, for fear too many should go with us, and 
 the Courts might not bear them out ; not to own us, for fear of the 
 popular outcry. Is it best for me to go on thus, doing what work 
 God gives me, yet secretly disowned and crippled t What the Bishop 
 of O. could do, would not hinder me, for I have more than enough 
 to do, without preaching at St. M[ary]'s. I am more afraid as "to 
 the Bishop of L[ondon], for if he were to prohibit my performing 
 luiy ministrations in the diocese of London, this would be felt very 
 seriously by many whose confessions I hear. 
 
 ' I should not be afraid of the Court of Arches as to anything 
 in my Letter. I know not what else they might find in the adapted 
 books. The availableness of the offering of the Holy Eucharist with 
 prayers for the departed, they could hardly condemn. 
 
 ' But what should I do } Should I press the Bp. of O. to come 
 to some distinct measure, if he thinks it right to desire me not to 
 officiate in his diocese, or should I acquiesce ? ' 
 
 Keble was as ready as ever with warm sympathy and 
 with a proposal to help as best he could. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, Ash Wednesday [March 5], 1851. 
 Whether we are suspended or no, we must go on in a disowned 
 and crippled state, as far as these State Bishops are concerned. With 
 that one has laid one's account long ago. \{ you do not mind not 
 preachmg, I should think he would allow the assisting at Holy 
 Communion. It is such an extreme thing to forbid that. I met 
 
 Keble' s Mediation. 
 
 311 
 
 him on Monday at Mr. Noel's funeral, and I suppose I should have 
 asked an audience on the subject had I not been fainthearted. Tell 
 me whether it would be a breach of confidence, or plainly inexpedient, 
 for me to write to him. 
 
 Ever your very loving 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Pusey gratefully accepted Keble's offer to write to Bishop 
 Wilberforce, especially as a new and dark cloud, big with 
 approaching trouble, was already hanging over St. Saviour's, 
 Leeds. Keble was able to adopt a different tone and 
 attitude from Pusey's, when writing to the Bishop. He 
 was not less deferential to a member of what he would call 
 *the most sacred Order'; but his greater age— he was 
 Bishop Wilberforce^s senior by thirteen, Pusey only by five, 
 years— warranted him in employing the language of almost 
 fatherly remonstrance. Keble identifies himself unre- 
 servedly with Pusey on the two questions of Confession 
 and the Eucharistic Sacrifice ; — they were the salient points 
 of that invidious paragraph in Mr. Dodsworth's Letter on 
 which the Bishop's charges were based. He assures the 
 Bishop that the censure on Pusey would equally touch 
 himself, nay, ' all our old and true theologians.' If it were 
 authoritatively adopted by any body of Christians it would 
 go far to sever that body from the Catholic Church. As to 
 the secession of many of those who had sought Pusey 's 
 advice in their perplexities, Keble points out that this was 
 inevitable, considering that more persons had sought advice 
 from Pusey than from any other, and that they were 
 previously disposed to follow Newman, and were only held 
 back, if at all, by Pusey 's influence. 
 
 * Of one thing,' wrote Keble, * I am quite confident, that if more have 
 passed from his teaching to Rome than from the teaching of any 
 other, more also, by very many, have been positively withheld from 
 Rome by his teaching than have been kept back by any other.* 
 
 The Bishop might consider all that Pusey had ' written, 
 done, and suffered in our cause.' Bishops, after all, were 
 very little committed by tacitly allowing persons to officiate 
 in their dioceses ; and a refutation, by reason and learning, 
 
■/I 
 
 ( > 
 
 I ill 
 
 I 
 
 312 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 would meet the requirements of the case better than * simple 
 authoritative censure.' Why should the Bishop and Pusey 
 be opposed to each other at all ? 'I say to myself,' con- 
 tinued Keble, ' here are two persons who really ought to 
 understand one another: and it seems quite a judgment 
 upon us that they cannot act together on our behalf ^' 
 
 The Bishop of Oxford to the Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 ,, ,, „ Cuddesdon Palace, March 14, 185 1. 
 
 My dear Mr. Keble, ' ^ 
 
 Your letter has reached me in the midst of an Ordination, which 
 must make you excuse a short reply. I assure you that 1 never could 
 feel any letter from you to be an intrusion. My position with re-ard 
 to Dr. Pusey is, and has long been, deeply painful to me. I am fully 
 convmced of the loyalty of his own feelings towards the Church of 
 England. I have no suspicion whatever that he will desert her. 
 I believe that a great part of the outcry against him arises from his 
 firmly holding great truths which the Church of England teaches. 
 I revere his devoutness. With such a man 1 long to be able to work 
 freely, and to share his reproach. With men so far agreeing with him 
 I have worked in my own diocese, and have rejoiced in the late storm 
 to stand by them, shelter them, and bear many of the blows aimed at 
 them. I mean such men as Butler of Wantage, Stephen Hawtrey, &c. 
 Indeed, that no fear of reproach keeps me apart from Dr. Pusey, 
 I think my silence as to our relations, when one word would have 
 stilled the storm raised against me of late, may show. But here is my 
 difficulty : — 
 
 1. I believe that Dr. Pusey's * Adaptations ' have grievously injured 
 our Church. Dr. Pusey knows and has known my mind on this 
 matter, and yet has published more. 
 
 2. I believe that the tone of Dr. Pusey's spiritual directions, and 
 even of many of his own publications, tends not to uphold amongst us 
 Cathohc truth, but to create and foster a tendency to Rome. To 
 answer Dr. Pusey's writings as you suggest, seems to me the duty of 
 those who have leisure for theological writing. My call is to action. 
 1 see a great danger of a very peculiar form, if young men, some very 
 slightly instructed, some struggling out of gross sin, some loving novelty 
 and excitement, were brought under his spiritual guidance. What, in 
 such a case, can I do, though sore at heart at saying so, but say that 
 I do not wish him to exercise his ministry in my diocese ? I believe 
 that his influence tends as directly contrary to Prevost's (whom you 
 name) as possible. 
 
 What seems to me my duty now is this : to study thoroughly his 
 recently published statements of his own position and doctrine (in this 
 
 ' Ste the whole letter, 'Life of Bishop Wilberforce,' ii. 93-96. 
 
 The Bishop's Letter — Pusey* s Reply. 313 
 
 I am far advanced) ; to consider the bearing of them on his adaptations, 
 and then to give him distinctly and in writing my conclusion. This 
 I will do as soon as the press of business allows ; and in the meantime 
 I think that matters ought to remain m statu quo, 
 
 I am, my dear Mr. Keble, affectionately yours, 
 
 S. OXON. 
 
 The Bishop's conclusion took the form of a printed letter, 
 or, as Bishop Denison described it, a volume, addressed to 
 Pusey, which was designed for publication. While the 
 Bishop was writing, the renewed troubles at St. Saviour's 
 appeared to justify some of his grave suspicions about 
 Pusey; he did not, of course, know what had been Pusey's 
 real relation to them. The letter, or a considerable fragment 
 of it, was sent in April, 1851, to Bishop Denison, who 
 expressed his concurrence in it ; he thought that ' a stronger 
 case than he had thought possible' had been made out 
 against Pusey. But he added that the consequences of 
 such a publication might be so important that too much 
 care could not be taken in guarding every position. Pusey 
 was in London in the middle of May, and he then heard 
 that the Bishop was about to publish a letter to himself, 
 announcing the inhibition to the world, and justifying it. 
 On Pusey's mentioning this report to Keble, the latter 
 wrote with characteristic warmth, suggesting that, if such 
 a letter were published, it ought not to be allowed to pass 
 unchallenged. 
 
 Pusey acted on the hint, and wrote the next day to the 
 Bishop. He regretted that the Bishop had refused his 
 repeated request for a personal interview, and told him 
 that he was prepared to defend what he had published in an 
 ecclesiastical court. Hereupon the Bishop sent Pusey the 
 proofs of the proposed letter. Pusey asked permission 
 to show them to Keble — a permission which was at once 
 granted. 
 
 Pusey replied to the Bishop without a day's delay. 
 He restated what had been his own rule and practice in 
 the matter of receiving confessions. The Bishop had 
 contradicted Pusey's statements : Pusey asked for some 
 

 i 
 
 
 T 
 
 l' 
 
 1 
 
 i. 
 
 t 
 f 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 314 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 authority for the contradiction. The Bishop attributed 
 numerous instances of secession to Rome exclusively to 
 Pusey's teaching : Pusey begged him to specify them. He 
 explained at length what had been the real measure of his 
 responsibility for the unhappy events at St. Saviour's. He 
 begged the Bishop to tell him whether he imputed to him 
 tendencies or doctrine which seemed to contradict the 
 Articles. If the latter, the only way to settle the question 
 would be to try it in an ecclesiastical court. If the former, 
 the Bishop might consider how he would deal with repre- 
 sentatives of the rising Rationalistic School, or how he 
 could in consistency leave them unnoticed \ 
 
 Keble liked the Bishop's letter at least as little as did 
 Pusey. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 May 30, 1 85 1. 
 I am deeply grieved at this Cuddesdon document: though I agree 
 with you that he does not wish to be unkind. But he does seem 
 to me most shallow in his theology. One can only pray that it may 
 be somehow overruled for good. 1 must in some way speak a word 
 about It, and that publicly and directly. I am thinking of puttin- 
 out so many Decades of Queries on some of these important subjects- 
 with remarks after them on such points as may seem profitable-by 
 way of bearmg such testimony as I can. 
 
 In a second letter to Pusey, Keble added :— 
 
 H. v., June 2, 1851. 
 I have made memoranda on [Bishop Wilberforce's letter] enou<rh 
 to satisfy me that such a writer as W. Law would indeed be able 
 to tear it in pieces most effectually. Still, there is no end of the 
 mischief It may do. I mean if I can to write him an expostulation 
 to-night, for him to get to-morrow evening, in which without treating' 
 It as a personal matter I shall tell him my strong opinion of the 
 falseness of his position on three points, Confession, the Eucharist 
 and penal satisfaction. I shall point out to him that with regard 
 to the second of these especially he has attacked me quite as much 
 as you, and is m fact in the same boat with the Bishop of Winchester 
 and that it will probably end in as great a disturbance as the Gorham' 
 case. In short I shall challenge him, as respectfully as I can : and 
 shall intimate that it would not be hard to answer a deal more than 
 
 ^ The text of the letter is given in full, as an appendix to this chapter. See 
 P» 320. 
 
 ?:-: 
 
 Another Letter to the Bishop from Keble. 315 
 
 he has alleged on these points. Then if he does not rest it on these 
 but on general tendencies, matters of devotional taste, &c., how hard 
 and unfair it must be : and in either case how very sure to give 
 a triumph to Lord J[ohn] R[ussell] and many proselytes to Rome, 
 and to plant an unnecessary thorn in the sides of those who are 
 trying to make the most of the Prayer-book. I will send you 
 a copy of the letter, but I think it had better go independently of 
 you. 
 
 I own to you, his letter appears to me perfectly scandalous in point 
 of learning and theology, yet so adapted, lawyer-like, to the state 
 of men's minds, as to be capable of doing very great harm. 
 
 I am not worthy of so great a boon as it would be if one could 
 get him to be quiet. But I must try. You do not mean to reprint 
 either of the three Avrillons, do you? 
 
 I expect to go up on Wednesday morning, not sooner : and to be 
 Quartered either at Coleridge's or Rogers's (9 Ovington Square, 
 Brompton). 
 
 Ever your most loving 
 
 J.K. 
 
 I wish I was a fairy, to send him a rosary, on which he should 
 ht forced to say the 119th Psalm (which he calls a choral hymn) 
 every day of his life. 
 
 Look at the 23rd and 161 st verses of it, my dearest Pusey. 
 
 Accordingly Keble wrote as follows to the Bishop of 
 
 Oxford : — 
 
 H. v., Junes [1851]. 
 My dear Lord, 0101 
 
 I do not apologize this time for writing to you, for I feel that 
 I am too nearly and deeply concerned in the matter on which I have 
 to write— your letter to Dr. Pusey, which he has sent me in proof, 
 and your proposed inhibition of his ministering in your diocese. 
 I have not the letter by me, having returned it to him, and for that 
 and other reasons I will not now enter into the personal part of 
 it at all : I mean what relates to the supposed effect of his ministry, 
 and to the tone of devotion which he recommends. A great deal, as 
 it seems to me, might be said against inflicting so definite, severe, and 
 unusual a censure on offences so very vague and indefinite— tones, 
 tendencies, and the like. It may remind some of the process of 
 constructive treason in former times, and of the six Doctors in our 
 own time, whose proceedings did not answer so particularly well. 
 
 Unprejudiced persons will hardly think the special charge sufficiently 
 made out : I mean the facts about Confession and the general result 
 of Pusey's ministry. As to the obnoxious Devotions, those who 
 do not like him or them, of course very many, will agree with you, 
 but others will hardly be convinced. Indeed, even if I were not, 
 as I am, compelled to differ from your Lordship on almost every one 
 
I 
 
 316 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pitsey. 
 
 of your statements and opinions on these matters, I should I am sure 
 be made very sad (excuse me, I am now in my sixtieth year) by the 
 tone into which you have fallen in dealing with them. But I will 
 say no more of them now : what I wish to do is, most earnestly 
 to beseech your Lordship to reconsider the matter, before you make 
 it a condition of the ministry that a person shall deny all real Presence 
 in the Eucharist except in the faithful receiver. This your letter 
 in effect does. You may perhaps remember that this is the point 
 for which the Bishop of Winchester refused to ordain Mr. Young. 
 I cannot but think that he made a great and perilous mistake, and 
 that it will be an extreme calamity should you take the same line. 
 On this matter the voice of Antiquity is so very very clear, that 
 it will be indeed a stumbling-block not easy to get over, if we, who 
 profess to go to Antiquity, are to be driven to deny this. You quote 
 the Canon of the Mass as referred to by St. Ambrose. The word 
 * Panem ' there is indeed very strong against Transubstantiation. But 
 how can it tell against the offering of the Body, in the sense which 
 Pusey (not ' baldly,' I beg leave to say, but with careful explanation 
 from an old English divine) there attributes to St. A., seeing that, 
 in the same treatise and in that De Mysteriis, St. A. had so often 
 declared that after the words of Institution, it is our Lord's Body? 
 
 Again with regard to Auricular Confession : with all due respect, 
 I wholly dispute and challenge the legal right of any Bishop or Synod 
 of Bishops to limit the discretion of English priests, as to whom 
 they shall admit or move to Confession in the way now claimed. 
 It seems to me inconsistent with the plain tenor of our authorized 
 books, and I only wish there were any fair judges before whom 
 it could be brought to trial. There are two or three other grave 
 points of doctrine materially affecting the Pastoral care, on which 
 your letter touches in a way to me most alarming. But I will not 
 specify them. My simple object now is, to say to your Lordship 
 what I firmly believe I should have said, had it been any other person, 
 and not one of my dearest friends, whom you were proceeding to 
 censure on the two grounds above mentioned. I am greatly mistaken 
 if there be any one thing that could be done so likely to drive 
 waverers on towards Rome, and to weaken the hands of the most 
 faithful and self-denying among us. Could not some arrangement 
 be made, by Pusey's withdrawing certain books or portions of books, 
 which might save us from such a calamity? I see that almost all 
 the matters you specify as objectionable are in Avrillon, which he 
 does not mean to reprint. O how thankful should I be if some such 
 plan could be adopted ! And I do not think you would ever repent 
 it. I ought to add that I write this quite independently of Pusey, and 
 of course I cannot say how this proposal would strike him. 
 
 Pardon me, and believe me, my dear Lord, 
 
 Your affectionate and grateful servant, 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Keble's opinion of Pusey's influence. 
 
 317 
 
 The Bishop appears to have answered ^ Pusey, observing, 
 inter alia, that if he saw the same dangers in the teaching 
 of the young Rationalistic School, he should think it his 
 duty to deal with it, as with Pusey. The Bishop did not 
 answer Keble ; but Keble again wrote to the Bishop. His 
 letter contains one passage which must here be reprinted. 
 The Bishop of Oxford's statement as to Pusey's influence 
 in promoting secessions to Rome is traversed by Pusey's 
 most intimate friend in the following noble passage : — 
 
 *June 13, 1851. 
 'My own conviction is that [Pusey] has been the greatest drag upon 
 those who were rushing towards Rome ; that such an abuse [alarm ?] being 
 inevitable, under our circumstances, whenever the attention of thought- 
 ful persons should be generally drawn towards the doctrine of the one 
 Catholic and Apostolic Church, Pusey was raised, as it were, for this 
 very purpose, to hinder their defection, as by other ways, so especially 
 by showing them that all their reasonable yearnings are sufficiently 
 provided for in the English system rightly understood ; that it could 
 not be but that, under such circumstances, Pusey would appear to 
 superficial observers as smoothing men's way to Rome, as any one else 
 would who was the most efficient person in a move opposed to Puri- 
 tanism ; but that the more the matter was looked into, the more it 
 would be seen that he was the great check on their going ; e. g. the 
 temptation arising from Hampden's being made and acknowledged 
 Bishop would have been more keenly, more extensively felt, had there 
 been no Pusey among us. It is no answer to this to say that a great 
 many of those who go attribute their going to Pusey and his teaching; 
 they must do so for the credit of their logic ; it is but another manner 
 of saying that Antiquity led them that way. And some of them, 
 I believe, make it a point of duty to drive him up, if they can, into 
 a corner, expecting that he will be forced to follow them. But whether 
 I am right or wrong in these opinions, it is plainly unjust and cruel to 
 inflict such a disgrace and disability upon him without giving him the 
 chance, so far as it may be done, of clearing himself V 
 
 The Bishop saw that in one respect at least he had made 
 a mistake. He dismissed from his mind — so he wrote to 
 Keble — all reports about Pusey that had come to him 
 privately, and that he could not refer to Pusey for an 
 explanation. But his view of Pusey's work and influence 
 was still what it had been. Pusey was not sufficiently 
 
 * It is this letter of the Bishop of Wilberforce,' ii. 101-103. 
 Oxford's which is replied to by Keble ^ ' Life of Bishop Wilberforce,' vol. 
 
 in the letter printed in the 'Life of ii, pp. 101, 102. 
 
I 
 
 1^ 
 
 318 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 alive to our differences with Rome; and his devotional 
 works encouraged Romeward tendencies. But shortly after- 
 wards he met Keble in the railway. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, St. Peter's Day, 1851. 
 ... I went tete-k-tete with S. O. on Tuesday from Bishopstoke 
 to London, and in some measure poured myself out to him. I think 
 he was inclined, when I left him, to adopt the course of censuring the 
 * tones and tendencies' in his forthcoming Charge ^^wr«//>/, and so far 
 as \i^ pointed \\if^ censure, to do it in an Appendix, with references, &c., 
 and to waive 7my public stay of your preaching. I shall press him, as 
 I have opportunity, to leave it free also in private: but if he should 
 not (of which I am greatly in fear) what will your line be .? . . . 
 
 The Bishop hereupon announced a further concession. 
 Pusey must still consider himself debarred from officiating 
 in the diocese of Oxford. But the Bishop would not pub^ 
 lish his intended letter. He would reserve for his Charge in 
 October what he had to say about the danger of certain 
 lines of Pusey's teaching ; and he would put his remarks on 
 Pusey's adapted works into an appendix. Pusey might 
 meanwhile publish his sermon ^ and anything with it that 
 might tend to reassure the Bishop. 
 
 But Pusey could not acquiesce in this settlement. The 
 
 inhibition from officiating was unjust ; and he could only 
 
 acquiesce in it, if at all, for a reason independent of the 
 
 motives which had dictated it. He would acquiesce, if 
 
 Keble thought that it would save scandal. But the real 
 
 question must be settled otherwise. If the Bishop was 
 
 not prepared to say that Pusey's doctrine and practice were 
 
 opposed to that of the Church of England, the inhibition 
 
 ought to be removed. If— Pusey again urged as a matter 
 
 of simple justice—' tones and tendencies,' pointing in one 
 
 direction, were to be visited by an inhibition, they surely 
 
 ought not to be overlooked when they pointed in another. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Bishop Wilberforce. 
 
 July 2, 1 85 1. 
 
 * Germanism is (as the Bishop of London, too, thinks) a far greater 
 
 * i. e. * The Rule of Faith as main- varsity of Oxford, on the Fifth Sunday 
 tamed by the fathers, and the Church after Epiphany, 1851 
 
 of England,' preached before the Uni- 
 
 Pusey challenges prosecution. 
 
 319 
 
 and more imminent peril than Romanism. I have lately had a letter 
 from a clergyman imploring me to furnish a friend of his (once 
 a member of this College) with arguments to meet the Pantheistic 
 sentiments and opinions which he continually meets with in educated 
 
 society in London. I believe myself that and his school are pre- 
 
 parmg far more directly for Pantheism than I can be alleged to be for 
 Romanism. The history in Germany is distinct evidence for this 
 
 Pantheism sprang out of much sounder divinity than 's, and in 
 
 this place whatever ground Germanism has gained has been since 
 those principles which I believe to be those of the Church of England 
 have been discouraged. It is easier, my Lord, to pull down than 
 build up. For myself, I would most thankfully have retired long ago 
 from every office of responsibility, and sought peace, and left the 
 struggle to your Lordship, had I dared. Most thankful should I have 
 been to have been set free from this weary strife, but I dared not. 
 I have seen for twenty-six years that Neologism was the peril which 
 was before the English Church, and that the course which Evangelical 
 theology (like the Pietism of Germany) shall take would have much to 
 do with the issue'.' 
 
 Pusey once more begged that the charges against him 
 might be tried in a court of law. 
 
 ' If,' he wrote to the Bishop, ' your Lordship would be hindered by 
 the expense (having so many other calls upon your income), I would 
 offer to pay your expenses, were you to prosecute me. If I have 
 taught anything contrary to the Church of England, I have no wish to 
 avoid being convicted ; but I do deprecate any extrajudicial con- 
 demnation V 
 
 The Bishop replied that he was not blind to the threat- 
 ening evils of Neologian teaching ; but that he knew of no 
 person, occupying the same position with regard to him- 
 self, who appeared to do so much for Neology as Pusey did 
 for Romanism. If it were necessary to prosecute Pusey, 
 the Bishop would not be deterred by any considerations of 
 expense ; but a prosecution would not, in his judgment, 
 be for the good of the Church. A Bishop might express 
 his wish that a presbyter without a cure of souls should not 
 officiate in his diocese without a formal inhibition. 
 
 Pusey's last letter to the Bishop was as usual forwarded 
 to Keble. 
 
 ^ Life of Bishop Wilberforce,' vol. ii. pp. 107, 108. 
 ' Ibid. 
 
320 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 L. 
 
 St. Mary Church, July 8, 1851. 
 
 . . . On Sunday I got your long letter to S. O. which we are 
 copying (you will not mind that), and I hope to return it to-day. One 
 wonders how he can stand against it. As far as I remember, what 
 I said to him in the train was, in substance, that the less he did, the 
 less mischief, and so far that secret inhibition was better than public : 
 but that I did not know how it might strike you. Now it appears 
 that there is no chance of secrecy. I found people at Hurst, where 
 I was then going, rather full of the subject. And even if he had 
 privately forbidden your preaching and you had acquiesced in it (as 
 you must, except by remonstrance, for there is no legal remedy, 
 I believe), he could not expect that we should not vindicate our 
 principles against any public attack. I shall write to him, perhaps, to 
 this effect, and mention a few more things which have occurred to me : 
 you will let me know more exactly how he has reported our conversa- 
 tion, for you did not enclose his letter to me. I will mention whilst 
 
 I think of it that he named and as persons who especially 
 
 ascribed their going to what they learned from you. . . . 
 
 With the Bishop's letter and Keble's answer before him, 
 Puscy appealed once more, and in more direct and forcible 
 terms than before, to the Bishop's sense of justice. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford. 
 
 35 Grosvenor Square, July 9, 1851. 
 My Lord, 
 
 ... [Mr. K.] mentions to me two of the cases which your 
 
 Lordship mentions to me as having been under my care * who especially 
 
 ascribed their going to what they learned from me,' and . 
 
 Now, my Lord, this illustrates what I said, that I could explain the 
 
 cases, if your Lordship would but tell me of them. 
 
 After explaining the two cases that the Bishop had 
 mentioned, he goes on :— 
 
 In this way I am sure that I could show your Lordship how very 
 exaggerated your Lordship's impressions about me are. 
 
 I understand your Lordship's proposition now to be, that I should 
 remain without officiating in the parochial churches in your Lordship's 
 diocese, in compliance with your Lordship's wish. But I suppose, 
 my Lord, that you do not mean by a * wish ' an expression which I am 
 at liberty not to comply with. So then it would only be an * inhibition ' 
 under a gentler name. 
 
 What Mr. Keble wished to express to your Lordship was, * that the 
 less your Lordship did, the less mischief would ensue : and, so far, that 
 
 Continued Correspondence, 321 
 
 secret inhibition was better than public' But he adds, ^ now it appears 
 that there is no chance of secrecy.' 
 
 .J^^ ^T.^'J '^''.''''^ '^'"^ y°"' Lordship in the least knows whom 
 this would disturb. I suppose that your Lordship would have appeals 
 froni some of your clergy whom you much value. I heard that your 
 Lordship drew a distinction between Mr. Keble and myself. Your 
 Lordship now finds that we are one. The part of the Paradisus 
 which ,s most full of doctrine (that on the Holy Eucharist) was trans- 
 lated by a friend of Mr. Keble's, and I consulted Mr. K. upon the 
 ^i?'"l'. ^^^f ^^^""^ in »t- In like way your Lordship will find, I think, 
 that Mr. Marriott or Mr. Butler could not officiate except under protest 
 that they agreed with me. 
 
 Your Lordship speaks of this prohibition as simply a request to 
 a clergyman without cure of souls not to officiate in your Lordship's 
 diocese. But a Canon of a Cathedral church in a Cathedral city is 
 not an ordinary case of a clergyman without cure of souls. Your 
 Lordship chooses mild words, and puts the case as involving as little 
 as possible, m order to soften to yourself the severity of the act But 
 I think, my Lord, that if you would consider the case of any other 
 Canon in any other Cathedral city, your Lordship would see that no 
 slight slur was cast upon him if he were suspended out of the pre- 
 cincts of his Cathedral. And in my case there is the further anomaly 
 that, as Professor, I am to preach next term in the very church in 
 which your Lordship would forbid my preaching in the afternoon, in 
 order to protect from my influence the very young men to whom 
 I shall, by virtue of my office, have preached in the morning. 
 
 I see no satisfactory way open except that I should be admitted 
 formally to clear myself, or not be condemned and punished without 
 form of law. I am willing to be punished if I have offended a-ainst 
 the rule of the Church. If not, I cannot but think that the punishment 
 is arbitrary and unexampled. 
 
 If your Lordship adopt this course of punishing me without a hearing 
 and refusing the opportunity of explanation, the only course which 
 I see before me (in behalf of those who, equally with myself, may suffer 
 by these unofficial suspensions, or who may be distressed by them) 
 would be publicly to call upon your Lordship to sustain in a court of 
 law if your Lordship can, any grounds for this virtual suspension 
 I shall be disposed to make it the most formal appeal I could to your 
 Lordship not to punish me in an arbitrary way, but to give me an 
 opportunity of vindicating my character as a faithful minister of the 
 Church of England. 
 
 He enclosed in the letter a note stating that he had long 
 ago determined not to reprint Avrillon. 
 
 Meanwhile many influences were being brought to bear 
 on the Bishop. Mr. Gladstone, with the generous energy 
 
 VOL. in. Y 
 
 i\ 
 
322 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 \ I 
 
 which IS his characteristic, 'tried what he could do' 
 to induce the Bishop to withdraw the inhibition, but in 
 vain. Mr. Justice Coleridge, at Keble's instigation, repre- 
 sented to the Bishop, in strong language, the danger of 
 proclaiming by his inhibition that Pusey's teaching was 
 incompatible with membership in the Church of England. 
 
 * I think,* wrote Keble to Pusey on July lo, * the Bishop is a good 
 deal staggered : and a few more such letters as J. T. C. is likely to 
 write to him will very likely cause him to give up his inhibition alto- 
 gether.' 
 
 That the Bishop was * staggered ' is plain from his next 
 letter to Pusey. In order to maintain the consistency of 
 his attitude, he refers to Pusey's answer to Mr. Dodsworth, 
 his sermon on the ' Rule of Faith,' and his private explana- 
 tions, as so far * improving' his position, that the Bishop, 
 ' taking into account the large liberty allowed on the other 
 side,' did not ' feel that it would be just to require Pusey's 
 silence on pain of inhibition.' But since the Bishop was not 
 satisfied with the effects of Pusey's ministry, and especially 
 with the adapted books, he could not but tell Pusey that it 
 was his wish that Pusey should not officiate in the diocese 
 until he had disavowed the passages to which the Bishop 
 excepted. The Bishop continues ^ : — 
 
 There are some passages in your last letter which I read with great 
 regret, and though they do not make me alter the decision at which 
 I had arrived, yet I think it right to point them out to you. 
 
 (i) You use language concerning declarations which you expect 
 from some clergy in my diocese as to their not officiating except under 
 protest of their agreeing with you, which is far too like a threat. 
 
 (2) Further, you state that I am meditating * punishing you without 
 hearing you ' : and you intimate that, in the event of my acting, you 
 shall call publicly upon me, by the most formal appeal, to sustain my 
 decision in a court of law instead of punishing you in an arbitrary 
 way. Now as to the first of these statements I must say that I deny 
 that I have not heard you. I have invited any written communication 
 
 1 This is printed from the letter that 
 the Bishop sent. It will be noticed 
 that it is arranged differently from the 
 draft of the letter as printed in the 
 * Life of Bp. W'ilberforce,' ii. 1 1 2 ; and 
 the following words at the end were not 
 
 sent to Pusey : * And since you have 
 recourse to such a threat, I can only 
 say that until it is withdrawn I dis- 
 tinctly and formally prohibit your 
 performing any ministerial act in my 
 Diocese under pain of formal inhibition.* 
 
 Suggested withdrawal of adapted Books. 323 
 
 you may wish to send me : I am ready to receive more : and as to the 
 second, I have already stated to you that I do not think that the 
 highly responsible power now possessed by a Bishop of preventing in 
 his diocese ministrations which he deems injurious to the Church by 
 one without cure of souls in it, ought to be limited to cases of heresy 
 and false doctrine, which would warrant the infliction of punishment 
 by the Courts. To this view I adhere, and upon it I shall act. 
 
 I am, my dear Dr. Pusey, 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 S. OXON. 
 
 Pusey, in reply, disclaimed any wish to make a threat, and 
 again defended himself on the same grounds as before. 
 He ended with a special appeal to be allowed to preach 
 because of the practical needs of the young men at the 
 University. 
 
 The questions between the Bishop and Pusey had, under 
 the stress of discussion, been at last narrowed down to the 
 one point of the adapted books. Mr. Gladstone then 
 suggested that Pusey should express regret to the Bishop 
 on the score of the adapted books, or withdraw them from 
 circulation. Pusey replied : 
 
 C^"st Church, Feast of St. James, 1851. 
 ... I quite feel that any Bishop has a right to forbid any clergy- 
 man from officiating in his diocese, if he think it undesirable, on 
 grounds which Ecclesiastical Courts would not bear out. But then if 
 the wish or prohibition be public, he is, surely, bound in justice to see 
 that no further imputation be cast upon him than is meant. If the 
 Bishop were finally to express the wish that I should not preach, he 
 ought to say publicly what he says privately, that he does not think 
 that I exceed the bounds allowed by the English Church. This would 
 be a great gain. ... 
 
 I cannot conceive that the Bishop would be in the least satisfied by 
 my expressing my regret, if, in any cases, persons had been led away 
 from the Church of England, on occasion of my books, unless I with- 
 drew the books themselves, although the books are not all of the same 
 cast, and on his own statement, it might be the effect of books out of 
 print. I could not, however, say even this, without implying my belief 
 that he was misinformed. For 1 cannot be party to a scandal against 
 myself which I believe to be unfounded. 
 
 I do not want any answer to all this : I only wished to tell you my 
 
 own feelings God bless you. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 Y a 
 
,li 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 324 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Keble was equally against the withdrawal of the books, 
 though he did not defend every expression. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 St. Mary Church, July 29, 1851. 
 I see no chance of what W. E. G. proposes coming to anything. 
 For it amounts simply to this : you are to say, * 1/ the books have 
 done harm, as on the Bishop s statement on his own knowledge 
 I am bound to suppose they have, I am sorry for it.' With this, 
 the Bishop would not be satisfied : in fact, it would amount to nothing, 
 and if he did accept it, it would be from a kind of feeling that it 
 meant a great deal more, which he would think himself at liberty 
 to express in his statements and comments. 
 
 You must on no account withdraw those two books \ I do not say 
 that you might not perhaps make a few omissions in reprinting the Para- 
 disus, not as though the passages were unjustifiable, but on the ground 
 of their being misunderstood, and startling good people. If you asked 
 my leave to do it, I should grant it you. But you know far better than 
 I what effects such a thing might have in different directions 
 
 Keble followed this up by a letter to Mr. Gladstone 
 himself: who, in replying, after explaining the relation in 
 which he stood to the Bishop and Dr. Pusey, stated his 
 belief that the Bishop's ' marvellously acute and rapid 
 mind ' had not yet matured ; and he earnestly deprecated 
 a crisis ' which would precipitate in fixed forms his cruder 
 ideas and check the free growth of those which, but for 
 that crisis, may be destined to correct and overrule 
 them.' He quite felt with Keble that ' the Bishop's in- 
 terest and influence for good were mainly at stake ' : and 
 that ' Dr. Pusey's influence would be increased, but in- 
 creased in a sense (despite of himself) from which mischief 
 and danger are inseparable.' 
 
 Mr. Philip Pusey went still further than Mr. Gladstone 
 in the direction of urging concession to the Bishop's wishes. 
 He even drew up a form of retractation, which he advised 
 his brother to sign. Pusey thanked him for his ' kind pains 
 and love,* but added : — 
 
 * My own impression as to the draft is that I should be virtually 
 condemning myself for what the Bishop is persuaded of but which 
 1 believe not to be true. To publish books which should tend to lead 
 
 » Dr. Pusey has written against this sentence—* Paradisus * and ' Spiritual 
 Combat.' 
 
 Interview with the Bishop. 
 
 325 
 
 people away from the Church of England and persist in so doing, 
 after people (whom I thought to be wrong) spoke against it, would 
 of course be a grave fault. I do not believe the Bishop's instances 
 to be correct. He will not tell me what they are. I have told him 
 that I do not doubt, if sifted, they would prove to be mistaken. 
 
 * The retractation which you have suggested would be interpreted 
 far too vaguely, and be used to condemn what I believe to be true. 
 I am sure that there must not be anything vague with the Bishop of 
 Oxford. Besides, such a statement would unsettle hundreds of minds 
 who use the books and would not know what to believe, what not. 
 
 * / do not retract anything which I have published^ 
 
 Pusey, from the early days of this controversy, had asked 
 again and again for an interview with the Bishop. He had 
 even talked of * forcing ' one. If he could only see the 
 Bishop, the latter could not ' keep him courteously at arm's 
 length.' An opportunity presented itself on the occasion of 
 a confirmation at St. Peter's-in-the-East, Oxford, in August. 
 
 * I don't know,' wrote Keble on Aug. 6, * that I should rejoice in the 
 thought of your meeting [the Bishop] were I thinking only of your 
 cause as the cause to be pleaded, for I think S. O. more dangerous 
 vivd voce than on paper, for several reasons. Still we cannot be 
 sorry that he should so far do what is right.' 
 
 In spite of Keble's fears the meeting was satisfactory. 
 The Bishop was evidently beginning to feel why Pusey's 
 enforced silence was a serious matter. The result of 
 the interview was that the Bishop proposed, and Pusey 
 agreed to the proposal, that matters should remain as 
 they were until after the delivery of the Bishop's Charge 
 in the autumn. Pusey thought that he had * mitigated ' 
 some of the Bishop's impressions for the time ; though 
 he doubted whether the effect would last. 
 
 From this date the relations between the Bishop and 
 Pusey were greatly changed for the better. Nothing 
 further was said or done, until the delivery of the Bishop's 
 Charge in November, 1851. In Bishop Wilberforce's Charge 
 of 1851 may still be read the impression which this long 
 controversy had produced upon its author's mind. Un- 
 doubtedly the Bishop pronounces unfavourably on some 
 salient features of Pusey's work ; but he does this without 
 mentioning any name, and if he does use expressions 
 
 I 
 
i 
 
 
 I 
 
 326 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 which could only have one reference, they are kindly and 
 respectful. The appendix, however, supplies quotations 
 from the adapted books of passages to which the Bishop 
 took exception. 
 
 In conclusion, he was so far from publishing his inhi- 
 bition that he contented himself with expressing an earnest 
 hope that Pusey would no longer circulate the adapted 
 books, and that by an open disavowal of Roman errors 
 * would remove the suspicions which must otherwise attach 
 to his ministry ^' 
 
 Pusey felt that the appendix to the Bishop's Charge 
 obliged him again publicly to defend himself, although he 
 had gone over the same ground in his Letter to the Bishop 
 of London. He therefore set himself to the task. In April, 
 1852, however, he found that, owing to the pressure of other 
 work, little progress had been made with the proposed 
 reply. As he had become hopeless of getting the neces- 
 sary leisure for this larger work, he contented himself 
 with sending to the Bishop a sketch of the Mine of 
 explanation' which he intended to make. This sketch 
 will be found in the appendix at the end of this chapter^. 
 After dealing in detail with the passages that the Bishop 
 had quoted, he concludes : — 
 
 'And now, my dear Lord, after making this explanation, I would 
 ask whether I may not be left free as to the office of preaching within 
 your Lordship's diocese. I have publicly said that I did not and 
 would not preach against the expressed wish of a Bishop.' 
 
 The letter was probably sent to Cuddesdon on Friday, 
 April 23 ; the Bishop's reply is dated May 6. * I suppose,' 
 wrote Pusey to Keble, * that the Bishop is either taking 
 time to consider or consulting.' At last the reply came. 
 In view of Pusey s recent University sermons, his private 
 assurances to the Bishop of the nature and strength 
 of his anti-Roman convictions and efforts, and the large 
 liberty allowed to our clergy in an opposite direction, the 
 Bishop did not feel that he could do otherwise than set 
 Pusey free as he requested. 
 
 » Charge, Append, p. 25. ' Sec p. 336. 
 
 Inhibition withdrawn. 
 
 327 
 
 Pusey sent the correspondence to Keble, who replied as 
 follows : — 
 
 Hursley, May 10, 1852. 
 
 * I hope I have not inconvenienced you by keeping these papers 
 so long. On the whole I am thankful for them, and think that they 
 indicate a certain progress in the Episcopal mind. And it seems 
 to me that it may be very desirable, if it can be done consistently 
 with the object which makes you anxious to preach, that you should 
 quite defer acting on his permission (unless on any marked call to 
 preach, which might possibly occur) until after the Long Vacation : 
 I mean that it seems fairer to him in some respects, and more likely 
 to conciliate him, and would be more satisfactory, I think, to one's 
 own feelings, to try the effect of the book first. You see, though 
 he is on the whole disappointed, he does really in this letter give 
 up several of his former objections— and whatever strong Lutheran 
 bias he may have about those points which he still objects to, I 
 cannot but think that when he sees how very anti-Roman your 
 treatment of them is (an aspect which on every account I conclude 
 you will make as clear as possible), he will feel that while continuing 
 his protest against your view, it will be out of the question for him to 
 renew his inhibition. The sermons which in the meantime you will 
 have published will, I doubt not, help towards this good effect.' 
 
 At length this painful question was closed; the Bishop had 
 virtually withdrawn the main charges against Pusey, which 
 Mr. Dodsworth's Letter had suggested. He no longer main- 
 tained that Pusey's teaching was ' directly condemned by 
 the judgment of the English Church' ; but he still distrusted 
 Pusey 's judgment in such matters as the practice of Con- 
 fession and the recommendation of the adapted books, 
 while he also wished that Pusey would make some such kind 
 of declaration against Rome as would have been natural to 
 himself. It was not probable that the Bishop and Pusey 
 would at present agree on these matters ; but they were felt 
 not to be sufficient grounds for an inhibition. Pusey wrote, 
 but did not publish, what he had to say by way of reply 
 to the Bishop's Charge ; mainly, it is probable, from an 
 unwillingness to prolong controversy with one who on 
 personal as well as official grounds had so many titles to 
 his respect. Some few years elapsed before the subject of 
 preaching was again mentioned between them ; it then took 
 the happier form of an invitation from the Bishop to Pusey 
 to take part in the Lent sermons at St. Mary's, Oxford. 
 
Appendix to Chapter XII, 
 
 329 
 
 i j 
 
 », 
 
 «• 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XII. 
 
 -M- 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford '. 
 
 My Lord, [May 25, 1851.] 
 
 I have now read with deep pain the Letter which your Lordship 
 has written against me; but, antecedently to saying anything about 
 doctrine, I must request your Lordship's reconsideration of some 
 statements, relating to subjects which I cannot explain in public. 
 For I cannot, in public, make statements relating to, or involving, 
 individuals. 
 
 Your Lordship contradicts what I have stated as to my practice 
 with regard to receiving confessions, * because,' you say, 'they are so 
 directly at variance with what I have heard in private from those 
 who, as I am certain they would not misrepresent you, so it is almost 
 impossible that they should be misinformed.' 
 
 Now surely, my Lord, before such a direct but vague contradiction 
 is made, — a contradiction which your Lordship means only as an 
 imputation against my memory, but which will be made a charge 
 against my truthfulness,— your Lordship should tell me, in confidence, 
 if you think right, but anyhow tell me, to what you allude. 
 My memory may fail me, in this whirl of pressing duties amid 
 which I live, day after day : but in my controversy with Mr. Maskell 
 I went over, in memory, every circumstance which I could recall, and 
 I stated what I believed to be the truth. 
 
 Your Lordship ipakes in the same page three implied statements. 
 For by many, if your Lordship's letter were printed, as it stands, they 
 would be construed as statements, and would be believed by many 
 whom my answer would never reach. 
 
 I will take the second and third first. 
 
 2. * You have directly counselled young women of not above eighteen, 
 to go to confess against the known wish of their parents.' 
 
 I do not know of any such case. 
 
 2. [? 3-] * You have, in many cases, where no desire for it was ex- 
 pressed or felt by the persons themselves, urged confession, and its 
 repetition and continuance on those who have sought your guidance.' 
 
 * Cf. p. 314 above. 
 
 I know of no one such case. The only two or three instances 
 in which I recollect to have recommended confession individually, 
 I alluded to in my P.S. to Mr. Richards, p. 272. They were not 
 persons who sought my guidance. One was a personal friend. The 
 two others were strangers, one of whom, year by year, v/as evidently 
 weighed down by a hidden grief, and through it had no power of 
 mind. I am not sure whether there was a third case, in which I 
 judged that confession was the best remedy. I recollect one case in 
 which I have * urged its repetition or continuance.* It was many years 
 ago. I dare not explain it, but your Lordship would be satisfied. My 
 conviction is, that confession has uniformly been continued (when 
 continued) at the earnest desire of the party confessing. 
 
 Your Lordship's first statement is, 'You have encouraged young 
 women, living at home, under the charge of their mothers, to confess 
 secretly, and purposely unknown to their mothers.' 
 
 I suppose that your Lordship does not lay any stress upon the word 
 * mother,' although you twice repeat it : I will suppose that you mean 
 in their parents' house. And since in No. 2, you limit the age to 
 eighteen, I conclude that your Lordship means, grown up, but un- 
 married ladies, living in their parents' house. 
 
 I have already stated in my Letter to Mr. Richards (Postscript, p. 286) 
 on what principles I have acted in allowing concealment, in any case 
 which I knew of. But I will say that these are all past cases, except 
 three, who are persons of mature age, and which, if your Lordship 
 knew the circumstances, could not disapprove of. 
 
 But it is very often a difficult case. The individual feels the need of 
 confession : he or she (for there is no difference of duty as to the fifth 
 commandment) is one of the persons whom the Church contemplates 
 in the exhortation before Holy Communion ; yet to make known 
 that they used confession might create unhappiness, or painful dis- 
 cussion, or even affect the health of a parent. I believe that, in all 
 but extreme cases, it is best to make it known to the parent, and of 
 later years I have recommended it. If I have allowed the contrary, 
 it has been in order to save pain to the parents, that I have not 
 pressed adult sons or daughters to make it known. 
 
 None of these cases, as far as I recollect, have been in your Lord- 
 ship's diocese. I may say that I gave great offence to a clergyman, 
 who was involved in controversy on this subject, because I would not 
 maintain that grown-up daughters were free, in all cases, to disregard 
 the wishes of their parents. In two cases, I advised a child to give up 
 confession for a time. But I have said, without scruple, that the 
 Church appeals to people's own consciences ; that, in the nature of 
 things, no other can be a judge whether a person need confession (for 
 no other can tell what disquiets the conscience) ; that Holy Communion 
 is necessary to salvation for those of age to receive it ; and that our 
 Church says ' it is requisite that no person should come to the Holy 
 Communion but with a quiet conscience,' and recommends this way to 
 
330 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 quiet the conscience to those who cannot quiet it otherwise. I do not, 
 then, think that any one old enough to judge for himself or herself 
 does, according to the mind of the English Church, require leave from 
 a parent to do that which the Church judges in certain cases (of which 
 theirs may be one) to be requisite. 
 
 I have now stated fully and unreservedly my own practice, a practice 
 not relating to your Lordship's diocese, and so, if I may so speak, not 
 falling under your Lordship's cognizance. But I wished to be un- 
 reserved. 
 
 But now I may respectfully claim of your Lordship to tell me, as 
 I said (privately, if your Lordship thinks right) what the cases are to 
 which your Lordship alludes. For your Lordship, too, will think that 
 an individual has no right to make charges secretly against another, 
 nor has your Lordship any right, nor can I conceive that you could 
 have any .wish, to publish to the world any such questions as you have 
 printed, in the first instance, for my use. Your Lordship is well aware 
 that such statements are the most invidious and the most hateful to 
 the English mind which could be put forth. 
 
 In the Letter to the Bishop of London, I wrote the more briefly on 
 confession, because I had already written twice recently upon it. But 
 I may say, that when I spoke of being ' for the most part simply 
 passive' in the matter, I was thinking chiefly of what Mr. D. stated, 
 about my 'encouraging everywhere, if not enjoining, auricular con- 
 fession.' Yet I did mention my University sermons, although they 
 were not the cause of confessions, for the first was eight years 
 subsequent to my first receiving them. I did not inculcate habitual 
 confession in them, although I certainly said, and do think, that much 
 deadly sin which corrupts and desolates whole lives, might be very 
 much checked, if the young were not so shut up. I did quote the 
 pious Chancellor Gerson, who, speaking from large experience, said 
 that confession was * directrix efficacissima ad Christum.' Your Lord- 
 ship speaks, of the undoubted fact that 'many who have resigned 
 themselves entirely to my spiritual guidance have passed from it to 
 Rome.* Your Lordship speaks of * numerous instances, in a/i ranks, 
 of ail habits of mind and all degrees of education: You say, * I do not 
 believe that all, or nearly all, those who from you have passed or are 
 passing to Rome, had any other bias than that which your teaching 
 communicated to them.' May I respectfully ask your Lordship how 
 many you include under these words, how many who have resigned 
 themselves entirely to my spiritual guidance, you suppose to have 
 joined the Church of Rome } Secessions had begun before Mr. New- 
 man left us, nearly six years ago ; his influence, and that of others, has 
 been actively employed ever since ; hundreds, I fear, of men and women 
 have left us ; your Lordship's words may be interpreted as something 
 very large. I have been thinking over those who have left us, having 
 been in any way under my care. My own strong conviction is, that 
 your Lordship's words, as you have written them to me, would give 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XIL 
 
 331 
 
 a wholly untrue idea, (i) as to the numbers who have left us having 
 been in any way under my care, (2) of the degree in which they 
 were so. 
 
 I have ver>' much to answer as to the rest which your Lordship has 
 stated, but I should be thankful to know whether your Lordship can be 
 satisfied upon these points, because, unless you can, anything further 
 may be useless. 
 
 But f would say that I should not now insert the Apostrophe which 
 your Lordship quotes (p. 36). It is now seven years since that book 
 was published ; it was never republished : only a fresh title-page 
 printed when Mr. Bums left the English Church : it has been for 
 some time out of print. My attention has never been called to the 
 passage since it was first published. I now recollect that I left it, as 
 being like the Apostrophes in Greek Fathers, considering it as such. 
 In the same volume, I changed the Invocations to the Blessed Virgin. 
 If the book were in print now I should cancel it. 
 
 There are other passages both from it and the * Year of Affections ' 
 which your Lordship has understood in a different sense from that in 
 which I did. I mean, especially as to the purity of the Blessed Virgin 
 before the overshadowing by the Holy Ghost (which I did not mean 
 to teach). Your Lordship also quotes one statement, without the note 
 which I expressly meant to guard it from the deduction which your 
 Lordship makes. Another your Lordship quotes without the context 
 which explains it, and the sense which it thus has is quite different 
 from the true. Your Loriship also, in another place, makes inferences 
 which I do not acknowledge. 
 
 But I will not enter into this now, because I wish first to ask your 
 Lordship whether you will give me a hearing as to the cases about 
 which you make the general statements. I do not ask your Lordship 
 to tell me who your informant or informants were; although they 
 ought not to be ashamed to let me know what they have stated to your 
 Lordship about me. But I would content myself with asking your 
 Lordship to tell me the name of the persons alluded to, under your 
 three questions in pp. 12, 13, in your Lordship's contradiction of my 
 statement in p. 12 : and as to those who * resigned themselves wholly 
 to my spiritual guidance,' I believe that I could satisfy your Lordship, 
 if you would place the facts before me : I cannot answer generalities, 
 for I do not know what to answer. Let me give your Lordship an 
 instance as to the Leeds secessions, which you allege, and which you 
 may well suppose, cut deeply into me. Your Lordship instances them 
 as persons whom / selected as the best teachers of others. You do not 
 know the ground of the selection. Mr. Ward I selected, being at that 
 time an entire stranger to me, but being placed in an important place 
 in the diocese of Ripon, having been a curate of Dr. Hook's and being 
 still his friend, and in good report as a very laborious parish priest. 
 He was firm when Mr. Newman went. When the Bishop of Brechin 
 left St. Saviour's upon his election to that Bishopric, I had offered the 
 
 A 
 
332 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XI L 
 
 333 
 
 I 
 
 ( 
 
 I 
 
 vicarage to Mr. Milman, whom your Lordship has since been glad to 
 place at Lamboume. I doubted, partly on account of his then thick- 
 ness of delivery, which was represented to me as making his sermons 
 unintelligible. I had applied to him on account of his fervent tract on 
 Confirmation. Mr. Minster was then twice pressed upon me, by one 
 who was a good Churchman, and as likely to heal the breach because 
 he was a friend of Dr. Hook's. He was already an incumbent in the 
 Bishop of R[ipon's] diocese. 
 
 Your Lordship will hardly continue to impute to me, as wrong, these 
 nominations. But I instance them that your Lordship may the rather 
 think that if the circumstances as to other cases about which you have 
 been informed were explained to you, you might think differently 
 about them. Your Lordship's statement may be turned against your- 
 self, or the Bishop of London, in any case in which one appointed by 
 you leaves the English Church. 
 
 I will mention another passage which gave me pain. It is one in 
 which you express pain as to my answer to Mr. Dodsworth. But one 
 expression is, I believe, inaccurate. 
 
 * That you should thus have dealt with Mr. D.'s charges is the more 
 painful to me, because when you offered to meet publicly that attack 
 as a mode of satisfying me ' [rather, ' I informed you that I was going 
 to answer that attack in consequence of the Bp. of L.'s Charge— 1 men- 
 tion this only because it would make my printed statement inaccurate] 
 * I earnestly entreated you to deal with the whole subject-matier in the 
 broadest manner, and not in any way which could savour of special 
 pleading.^ 
 
 I have looked over your Lordship's letters this morning, and there 
 was no such implied imputation that your Lordship thought it neces- 
 sary to warn me against special pleading. On one point your Lordship 
 asked me to speak plainly, whether I was acting as an English priest 
 or a Roman confessor, and your Lordship said on this words which 
 pained me. * It would be difficult to bring home to one who wished 
 to evade the charge that his ministry,' &c. Your Lordship did not 
 say this directly to myself; and, conscious that I did not deserve it at 
 your hands, I was pained at such a mode of writing. 
 
 My Lord, it is not my fault if I have not been explicit to your Lord- 
 ship. I have again and again sought oral explanations and your 
 Lordship declined them. And yet they are the most open and the 
 fullest and most easily made definite. But your Lordship did not, 
 I believe, make this warning. 
 
 I am sorry that your Lordship is not satisfied with my explanation. 
 People on different sides have expressed themselves satisfied with it. 
 But certainly I do think it hard that your Lordship should charge me 
 as you do. 
 
 Before I go further I would beg your Lordship to tell me what you 
 desire of me in order to satisfy you. When Dr. Hampden was accused 
 to your Lordship, your Lordship put to him certain questions con- 
 
 taining popular statements of truth, which to some did not seem to 
 touch upon the precise errors imputed to him, and which he was sur- 
 prised to receive, as containing such simple elementary truths. Yet 
 your Lordship could not have thought more favourably of the tendency 
 of the Bampton Lectures on the one side than of my writings on the 
 other. 
 
 Some of the subjects mentioned in your Lordship's letter would 
 necessarily involve long discussion in order to hear them fully. Thus 
 I believe the old translation of Dan. iv. 27 is right, ' Redeem thy sins 
 by righteousness, and thine iniquities by shewing mercy upon the 
 poor,' and that the words * shall cover a multitude of sins ' in St. James, 
 means the sins of the person himself. Your Lordship has put in italics, 
 p. 33, as wrong, what I believe to be the very words of Holy Scripture, 
 * Redeem thy sins.' But it would require great length to expand this 
 —and the book from which your Lordship cites (the * Guide to Lent ') 
 is out of print, nor did I intend to reprint it. 
 
 I will observe that I believe another word to which your Lordship 
 objects to be also a word of Holy Scripture, and that in Cant. v. i the 
 word is rightly rendered by the Latin inebriamini, as by the LXX. 
 Your Lordship's letter found me endeavouring to prepare for publica- 
 tion a sermon which I preached before the University * On the source 
 and rule of Faith,' in vindication of the principles of the English 
 Church. In it I speak of Purgatory, Indulgences, the Denial of the 
 Cup, the cultus of the B. V. I wished to write notes upon it, amid all 
 the pressure of time and other duties. But yesterday I was engaged for 
 twelve hours ; to-day I have been writing for ten. And this is my day 
 of rest (Sunday). If I am to attempt to answer your Lordship's letter, 
 I must of course give up this. Perhaps as the matter has now hung 
 on for six months, your Lordship may think it as well that it should 
 wait a little longer, when the Long Vacation will allow me to give full 
 time to the subject. But I will do whatever your Lordship wishes. 
 I would specially request your Lordship to tell me whether you charge 
 me with tendencies or with doctrine which seems to you to contradict 
 the Articles of the Church of England. If the doctrine should 
 unhappily, after all my explanations, appear to your Lordship definitely 
 to contradict the Church of England, I would respectfully submit that 
 the only way satisfactorily to settle the question would be to try it in 
 an Ecclesiastical Court. No one would be satisfied by my being 
 simply forbidden to officiate in your Lordship's diocese. Those who 
 think that I teach soundly would think me hardly dealt with ; those 
 who wish to see me cast out would think the measure too lenient. If, 
 on the other hand, your Lordship condemns the tendency of my 
 teaching, I would beg your Lordship to consider the principles upon 
 which you would hereafter have in consistency to act. I should think 
 that your Lordship would find in the writings of Mr. Stanley, of 
 University, tendencies (to say the least) which would lower the 
 Inspiration of Holy Scripture. I know that some of the Heads of 
 
 •Jl 
 
334 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Houses condemned one of his sermons very strongly on this ground. 
 He, like myself, belongs to a College ; he also has preached at 
 St. Mary's, but without censure : he has been forming a school, 
 known as the Germanizing school. I do not wish to judge Mr. Stanley, 
 but in common reputation he is quite as much the leader of a Rational- 
 izing school, and I believe is so entitled, with more justice than I, of 
 a Romanizing. Again, the present Hampton lecturer, Mr. Wilson, of 
 St. John's, has been preaching such doctrine as has much scandalized 
 many of the Heads of Houses. Your Lordship will allow me to say 
 that you will be asked why they are allowed to officiate, I forbidden. 
 
 Your Lordship will excuse any want of connexion in this letter. 
 There were a great many subjects which I thought it right just to 
 touch upon, and I am so tired that I can hardly write. 
 
 Your Lordship's humble servant, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 Christ Church, May 25, 1851. 
 
 Monday morning. 
 
 I can still hardly write from fatigue. But I wished to explain 
 to your Lordship — 
 
 (i) That I conceived myself quite free, through your Lordship's 
 own sanction, to preach at St. Mary's. If I intermitted preaching it 
 was because I was overworked, and at St. Mary's Mr. Eden did not 
 ask me. But Mr. Crawley's statement to me, at the time of the conse- 
 cration of Littlemore chancel, was that your Lordship did not object 
 to my preaching, but, on account of my adapted books, did not wish me 
 to preach on that occasion which might have seemed to connect me 
 specially with yourself. I mean that your Lordship, as I was given to 
 understand, objected then to my preaching on that occasion only. 
 I think your Lordship's words, p. i, would be understood otherwise 
 (* republish your adaptations ' should be * so long as you do not with- 
 draw your adaptations '), for I believe that it was mentioned to your 
 Lordship at the time that I had not published any lately, nor had 
 I any present intention of publishing any more. I have not repub- 
 lished any since 1848. I only mention this as fact. 
 
 But what I wished chiefly to say is, that I do not mean this letter as 
 an answer to your Lordship except as to the questions as to those who 
 have used confession with me. I am most desirous to give to your 
 Lordship any information, any definite statements which you may 
 wish, as to my belief upon any subject. I can hardly enter upon 
 the subjects without writing very fully. I see that I have not fully 
 answered even the one question which I began. I see that your Lordship 
 states * You [I] represent it as so essential to their safety as to lead 
 them to account it as a means of grace, the habitual use of which 
 would be perilous to discontinue.' 
 
 My Lord, surely a person may leave ofT a practice on wrong grounds. 
 A person may be tempted to leave off confession because he finds it 
 a check upon his falling back into deadly sin. The shame of having 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XI L 
 
 
 335 
 
 to confess it is a secondary and very imperfect ground. But still 
 I suppose that in the case that a person, contrary to his own con- 
 science, gave up or was tempted to give up all that which he himself 
 believed to be good to his soul, because he felt it to be a check against 
 sin, or because he desponded about the Church, your Lordship would 
 not think it a valid ground. Yet if I have recommended a person to 
 continue confession, who thought of abandoning it, it must have been 
 on some such ground. 
 
 Your Lordship also uses the expression, * The Church of England 
 gives no authority to her ministers to treat it as the common diet of 
 the soul under the ordinary circumstances of the spiritual life.' I have 
 not done so even with my own children. But if a person wishes to 
 confess from time to time the Church of England gives me no authority 
 to refuse or to discourage it. * Still less to press it with all the force of 
 spiritual authority upon the young and shrinking, as almost essential 
 to their safety,' p. 1 1. These words would be interpreted as describing 
 what I did. If anybody have given you that impression, they have 
 given you one utterly false. But might I, with respect, say to your 
 Lordship that what I say of confession I say upon the experience of 
 thirteen years. Your Lordship will pardon my saying that whatever 
 your Lordship may know of abuses, if wrongly used, you cannot know 
 the comfort and blessedness when rightly used, because nothing but 
 experience can make one feel the blessedness of things spiritual. 
 
 I have not been able to enter into the largest part of your Lordship's 
 letter, but perhaps your Lordship might desire a very brief outline in 
 explanation. If your Lordship means that faith is not only as our 
 Article says, the means whereby we receive the Body and Blood of 
 Christ, but that the Presence in the Holy Eucharist is the result of 
 our faith, not of the words of consecration, I should certainly most 
 widely differ from your Lordship, receiving the words ' accedit Verbum 
 ad elementum et fit sacramentum,' and holding with many of our own 
 most esteemed divines, that the Presence is by virtue of our Lord's 
 consecrating words. I trust that your Lordship, too, holds this. The 
 doctrine of the Eucharistic Sacrifice would depend upon the doctrine 
 of an objective Presence, although not material or carnal, but sacra- 
 mental and spiritual. 
 
 I take in its literal sense, as I believe, the Article against Transub- 
 stantiation, believing the Bread and Wine to remain in their natural 
 substances. I do not understand the Roman doctrine. If the * ens ' 
 of which your Lordship speaks were physical, our Article would reject 
 it. If it is metaphysical, I do not understand it. I do not accept it, 
 but, as I have uniformly said, with good Bp. Andre wes, I leave it 
 a mystery. 
 
 Your Lordship acknowledges adoration of Christ present— I mean 
 no more. I never used the words as given by Mr. D[odsworth], but 
 cancelled a page in order to preclude the possibility of it. I have said 
 nothing which I thought could possibly bear upon purgatory or works 
 
336 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 of supererogation. I do not receive either. I do not receive, nor did 
 I mean to teach, the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of the 
 Blessed Virgin. I do suppose that it is part of true repentance to 
 make what amends a person can, to mortify himself wherein he has 
 sinned, to do acts contrary to his former sins ; but I attach no other 
 value than your Lordship would to any good works, which He Who 
 works them in us accepts and crowns when wrought, having first 
 accepted us in His Son. *Deus in nobis dona coronat sua' is a maxim 
 of St. Augustine which has seemed to me to express the double truth, 
 * God worketh them,' but * in us.' 
 
 I do not use nor have meant to encourage Invocations. Your Lord- 
 ship has quoted a strong passage of mine. • 
 
 Your Lordship has mistaken my meaning about Rosaries, p. 38. It 
 simply never occurred to me that a Rosary of Devotions to the Holy 
 Trinity could be mistaken for the ordinary Rosary of Devotions to the 
 Blessed Virgin. It was an ambiguous term, but clear in the context. 
 But it is near post-time — and I am too tired to write as I wish. 
 
 Your Lordship thinks that persons under my care leave our Church 
 more than others. Mr. D[odsworth] said of one who had been under 
 his care and had come to me, ' Dr. P. will keep her out of the [Roman] 
 Church.' She is the mother of a family. Others I know, who were 
 hesitating, would not come to me, dreading my influence to detain 
 them. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Oxford \ 
 
 My DEAR Lord, [April 18 ^ 1852.] 
 
 I had hoped, long ere now, to have sent your Lordship the 
 letter which I began when I received your Lordship's Charge. But 
 I wished not simply to write a letter of explanation which might be 
 done in a few pages, but to enter fully into the subjects upon which 
 your Lordship commented. This I have been unable to do ; and 
 amid increasing pressure of other duties, fear that I shall not be 
 able to do before the Long Vacation. 
 
 It occurred to me then that it might be satisfactory to your Lordship, 
 that I should state to your Lordship the line of explanation upon 
 the subjects in regard to which your Lordship commented on my 
 adapted books. 
 
 I. The Holy Eucharist. 
 
 My line of explanation is, to say that the literal meaning of Holy 
 Scripture implies alike a real Sacramental presence of our Lord's 
 Body and Blood in the words 'This is My Body,' *This is My Blood 
 of the New Testament,' and that the Bread and Wine remain in their 
 natural substances, in the words * this fruit of the vine,' ' the bread 
 which we break,' &c. 
 
 ^ Cf. p. 326 above. it was began, it was sent to Hursley, 
 
 * It seems probable that this letter and altered, by Keble's advice, 
 was not sent before April 23. After 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XII, 
 
 337 
 
 I go on to say, that it is granted by some of the Schoolmen them- 
 selves, that there is less difficulty in believing that the Body and 
 Blood of our Lord are present under accidents whose substance 
 remains, than under accidents whose substance is gone. This I 
 do to avoid the charge of Consubstantiation, and for the sake of 
 some who are apt to speak slightingly of any but Roman statements. 
 
 I have then gone on at some length to show from the Fathers 
 of the six first centuries, that they hold both the actual real Sacra- 
 mental Presence of our Lord's Blessed Body and Blood 'under 
 the forms of bread and wine' (of which the Homilies speak), and 
 also that ' the bread and wine remain in their natural substances.' 
 
 I am going on to say that the passages in which the Fathers speak 
 of change, transformation, &c., do not mean a physical change but 
 a Sacramental Presence. 
 
 This I hope to continue this week, but it occupies a long time, 
 because not only the words of Holy Scripture itself, but every passage 
 in every Father, almost, is disputed ground. One has to make one's 
 way by inches. 
 
 Having gone very fully into this, I thought of not going, with the 
 same fullness, into the doctrine of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, because it 
 depends upon this. If there were no real Sacramental Presence of 
 our Lord's Blessed Body and Blood, there would be nothing to offer 
 and plead before Almighty God, except the outward symbols of an 
 absent Thing. Since Holy Scripture (as taken most literally, and that 
 meaning confirmed by the Fathers) speaks of a real, actual. Sacra- 
 mental Presence, then we offer to God on 'the Altar' which Holy 
 Scripture speaks of as belonging to Christians only (Heb.) the 'pure 
 offering' of which the prophet Malachi speaks, not the bare bread 
 and wine only, but that which is sacramentally and really, not in any 
 carnal way, the Body and Blood of Christ. 
 
 I meant to say very briefly on the subject of the Adoration, that since 
 our Lord is truly present we adore Him, as truly present. The words 
 * adorable Sacrament,' I took in the sense of venerable, not of adora- 
 tion of the outward elements. 
 
 2. The value of good works in reference to past sins. 
 
 I have preached twice on this subject before the University, and 
 hope, please God, to publish my sermons. In them I tried to explain 
 that it was part of the condescension of God to give to our works 
 which He enables us to do and worketh in us, as members of Christ, 
 a value which of themselves they could not have; that He sanctifies 
 them by imparting to them a value derived from the Cross, and speaks 
 of them in terms belonging to Christ in order to bring us the closer to 
 Christ. I meant to show that the words ' atone ' for ' redeemed ' are 
 used by Holy Scripture of the works of penitents as made acceptable 
 through the atoning Blood of Christ out of official condescension and 
 encouragement to us. 
 
 I have said already at some length in a note on TertuUian (Oxf. trans.) 
 
 VOL. III. Z 
 
 \ 
 
 M 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
338 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 s 
 
 that the use of the word * satisfaction ' in the Ancient Church was 
 quite distinct from its modern use. They spoke of sorrow, deeds of 
 love, &C., under the name of * satisfaction ' as part of repentance, which 
 repentance, being accepted through the Blood of Christ, was essential 
 to their everlasting salvation. The meritorious cause are the Sufferings 
 of our Lord alone : repentance and works of repentance (if there is 
 time for them, and there is always time for true contrition and sorrow 
 poured out to God) are essential to the application of those merits 
 to us. 
 
 The modem system current in the Church of Rome looks upon 
 * satisfaction * as the discharge of a debt, due as the temporal punish- 
 ment of sin, after the remission of the eternal. The Ancient Church 
 (which our own, as I understand them, follows in the Homilies) looks 
 upon them as instruments appointed by God, for the remission of 
 eternal punishment through the Blood of Christ, as being a part of true 
 repentance. 
 
 I may here venture to say to your Lordship that I do not think that 
 you weighed the bearing which your observations on Dan. iv. 27 would 
 have on the fullness of the Inspiration of Holy Scripture. 
 
 Surely, my Lord, the meaning of God the Holy Ghost in the words 
 which He puts into the mouths of Prophets goes far beyond the specific 
 occasions upon which they were spoken. The whole Ancient Church 
 has understood those words ' Redeem thy sins by righteousness ' as 
 setting forth an eternal truth, that subsequent works of repentance had 
 a value imparted to them through the virtue of the Redemption to 
 procure from the mercy of God in Christ the blotting out of repented 
 sin. 
 
 I was writing last summer, at some length, on the modem doctrine 
 of satisfaction, as relating to temporal punishment due to sin, and 
 shewing that the modern doctrine of Purgatory and of Indulgences 
 are founded upon this. I thought of embodying that, perhaps, in this 
 Letter. The ancient belief was that satisfaction or making amends, 
 penitential sorrow, deeds of love, &c., were a part of true repentance ; 
 the modern theory makes them over and above a payment of a definite 
 debt due to Almighty God, for forgiven sin, which (as they say) is to 
 be discharged here or in Purgatory. 
 
 I believe that the subjects which your Lordship has blended, p. 23, 
 are entirely distinct ; that the language you quote, p. 22, is quite home 
 out by the Ancient Church, and is quite unconnected with the doctrines 
 of Purgatory, Indulgences, 'the celestial treasures of merit,' or the 
 modern doctrine of satisfaction. 
 
 This I hope to make clear. 
 
 3. The Blessed Virgin. 
 
 I do not think that I have retained any expression which speaks of 
 any other purity than that conferred by the overshadowing of God the 
 Holy Ghost. I think [I shall be able] to shew that the high language 
 of Antiquity all bears upon her being an instrument employed by God 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XIL 
 
 339 
 
 for the mystery of the Incamation, and that the mistake has been in later 
 times to employ this language of a sort of mediatorial office with our 
 Lord. 
 
 4. The word ' Inebriation.' 
 
 I must say, my Lord, that I believe this to be the language of Holy 
 Scripture ; and, as such, that we may not shrink from it. The extent 
 of its use is a question of expediency. It is used in every school of 
 the Ancient Church— and by the coldest writers (as Eusebius or 
 Theodoret) because they believed it to be in Holy Scripture. 
 
 Angels and Saints. 
 
 Your Lordship says— * to take upon this head but one passage.' 
 I believe that your Lordship has hghted upon the one passage which 
 occurs in my adaptation. I recollect debating upon it, and leaving it, 
 regarding it as an apostrophe like those of the Ancient Church. 
 Bishop Ken's words to his guardian Angel are stronger. The work, 
 however, from which your Lordship quotes, has long been out of print, 
 nor did I mean to reprint it. Your Lordship speaks of * Angels and 
 Saints.^ I believe that there is only the one apostrophe which your 
 Lordship quotes. I left out the whole section of the Paradise bearing 
 upon this subject. 
 
 Rosary, 
 
 I should not have retained the word had I known then that it was 
 originally connected with the cultus of the B. V. I might write 
 something on this as well as on the modernness of the prayer in the 
 Ave Maria, which I thought might be useful to people. But as I used 
 it, it is not connected with any Roman doctrine or practice. These 
 are the subjects upon which your Lordship has commented. I should 
 not, of course, write in a controversial tone : i. e. where I cannot but 
 think (if I may say so respectfully) that your Lordship is mistaken, I 
 should state what I believe to be the truth in itself, not in contradiction 
 to your Lordship. And my object will be to vindicate what I believe 
 to be the teaching of the Church, on the one side as well as the 
 other, i. e. to set forth the teaching of Antiquity as based upon Holy 
 Scripture, in contradistinction, where it is so, with anything taught in 
 the Church of Rome. 
 
 When I saw your Lordship in last summer, I explained, as far 
 as time allowed, any case which your Lordship could tell me of, 
 of those who had been in connexion with myself and who have 
 subsequently joined the Church of Rome. I said that if your 
 Lordship could in confidence state to me any names which had been 
 mentioned to your Lordship I could with equal confidence explain 
 to your Lordship that they did not receive any impulse from me 
 towards the Church of Rome, but that I uniformly retarded them. 
 People have come to me as their last chance. My friend Mr. Keble 
 likened me to a physician who took desperate cases, which others 
 declined. Of course such an one has more cases of failure. People 
 have come to me in different stages. I have tranquillized many 
 
 Z % 
 
 ■m 
 
it) 
 
 340 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 who had been shaken, some by Mr. Newman, some by Mr. Dodsworth, 
 some by Archdeacon Manning, and they are now at peace, faithful 
 members of our Church. In some cases, I failed at once. In some, 
 I succeeded for a time. I should be most thankful to be spared 
 the toil. It has been one of the greatest wearinesses I have, to 
 go through the Roman question again and again, until I turn almost 
 sick at the very first words in a letter which tell me of perplexities 
 about the Church, knowing what a weary labour there is before me, 
 what great fears of its fruitlessness, how much it will hinder what 
 I wish to do of solid work for the Church in exposition of Holy 
 Scripture. I wish, my dear Lord, I could send these cases to you, 
 and that you could satisfy them. But if for the Church's sake 
 and for their souls I undertake a very weary and often thankless 
 labour, which often brings on me ingratitude and misrepresentation, 
 it is really hard that this is made a ground of suspecting me, that 
 I fail where no one can succeed. 
 
 I do not think that a single case can be produced of a person bona 
 fide under my teaching, without a previous strong disposition Rome- 
 wards, who has left us for Rome. I know of none. The Roman 
 Catholics are very angry with me for what they call my skill in 
 detaining people in the Church of England, and people in the Church 
 of England blame me for leading people out of the Church of England 
 to Rome. 
 
 I have ventured to write again on this subject, because I am sorry 
 to find from a letter of your Lordship to Mr. Justice Coleridge, that 
 your Lordship still retained the old impression, which I thought 
 that I had in my interview with your Lordship greatly shaken. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 m 
 
 THE EXETER SYNOD — PLACE OF LAITY IN SYNODS — 
 
 REVIVAL OF CONVOCATION — BOOK ON THE * COUNCILS 
 
 OF THE CHURCH.' 
 
 1852. 
 
 The action of the Judicial Committee of the Privy 
 Council in the Gorham case had drawn men's attention 
 with considerable urgency to the question of the relation of 
 Church and State. The objections to that tribunal were 
 exaggerated by some into a theory that the civil power 
 could rightly have no control whatever over any part of 
 the action of the Church, and that the Roman Catholic 
 position was alone consistent with loyalty to the rights of 
 our Divine Master. But Pusey had set himself to prove, in 
 his fragmentary work on the Royal Supremacy, that the 
 facts of Church history would not support such a theory ; 
 on the contrary there was a legitimate area for State action 
 in relation to spiritual affairs, although at all times it was 
 important that there should be some effectual means of 
 expressing the voice of the Church. In case the limits of 
 State interference were transgressed, it was necessary also 
 that the machinery for protest should be at once available. 
 
 Rut here a question of grave import at once arose. 
 What kind of assembly was necessary adequately to 
 express the voice of the Church ? In other words, what 
 sort of constitution was necessary to a Synod in order to 
 make it really effective? Some influential laymen — 
 influenced, unconsciously perhaps, by considerations which 
 obtain in political life — and a small band of sympathizing 
 clergy, held that no Synod exclusively made up of clergy 
 had the right to speak on behalf of the Church, and that 
 it was therefore necessary to include a lay element. 
 
342 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The theory of lay representation in Synods had been 
 encouraged by the action of the Church Unions immedi- 
 ately after the decision of the Privy Council in the Gorham 
 case. The importance of those meetings seemed to a large 
 extent due to the prominence and numbers of the laity 
 who attended them : and this fact influenced the dis- 
 cussion of the various projects for combined Church action 
 which were almost immediately put forward. On all sides 
 men were asking for the revival of Convocation, — the legal 
 representative gathering of the clergy ; while those who 
 were connected with the several Church Unions were 
 anxious to fuse their forces into a single powerful body, 
 whose action might command the attention of those in 
 power. The immediate need of the moment seemed to be 
 the union of as many persons and influences as possible, 
 with a view to vindicating the doctrine of the Church ; and 
 it was perhaps natural that for the moment the principles 
 involved in the constitution of such union should fall into the 
 background, and especially the share which could be assigned 
 to the laity in the formal and public action of the Church. 
 
 Pusey and Keble fully recognized the importance of 
 combined action; their immediate concern, it will be 
 noticed, was not with any Diocesan Synod, nor with the 
 revival of the Synodical action of Convocation, but with 
 a proposed representation of all the Church Unions in 
 the country at a central Church Council in London. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Aug. 14 [1850]. 
 
 Are you afraid of the workings of the representative system ? I gave 
 into Palmer's plan so far, because a desperate condition requires, or at 
 least allows, desperate remedies. This vis inertiae is so great, that it 
 requires a strong effort to overcome it. I suppose (do not you i*) that 
 there are scarcely three of our Bishops who would not acquiesce 
 in the present state of things, not feeling what they involve, unless 
 they were pressed from without. But in order to make that pressure 
 effectual, it must be consolidated. . . . 
 
 The Bishops, no doubt, will try to obtain for us a better Court 
 of Appeal. Even this they will (I do not mean it disrespectfully) 
 compromise, if they think that the compromise will satisfy the body of 
 the Church. 
 
 Synod at Exeter, 
 
 343 
 
 I was inclined then to any lawful measures to set this stone rolling. 
 We may be hopeful that it will not roll too fast. I am not without 
 anxiety that it might roll in rather an oblique direction, and so should 
 have let it rest, had I dared. But do we dare ? We have the pressure 
 of this decision upon us : can we dare not do all we can to put it off ? 
 
 Keble was in favour of the 'representative system,' 
 although in the then state of the law there was room for 
 doubting its strict legality. But Pusey had expressed 
 in a postscript a fear lest an effort should be made to 
 bring a lay element into Convocation. 
 
 Keble asked in reply : — 
 
 * Do you not think and right in wishing for some constitu- 
 tional influence for the laity in a non-established Church ? Only it 
 should not be in Convocation, but in election of Bishops.' 
 
 The question was pressing on Pusey from various 
 quarters. The Bishop of Exeter had already summoned 
 a Diocesan Synod to meet on June 25th ; but he was per- 
 plexed by some constitutional question that had been 
 
 raised. 
 
 The Bishop of Exeter to E. B. P. 
 
 MY DEAR Sir, Heligan, June 3, 1851. 
 
 I am much obliged to you for transmitting to me Mr. K.'s valu- 
 able communication. On that subject I will trouble you soon again. 
 
 But I now much wish to obtain your sentiments on a very different 
 subject. What might be honestly and safely said— with as much 
 of LIBERALITY as Can be exercised under those qualifications— respect- 
 ing the rights and position of a sound and orthodox laity in a 
 well-ordered branch of Christ's Church ? 
 
 A very right-minded layman of considerable station and influence 
 urges me to take an opportunity of saying something on this matter 
 publicly, which may allay the widely-spread, however unreasonable, 
 jealousy of our own laity, very few of whom can be deemed sound or 
 orthodox. 
 
 What was their right in the Primitive Church, in respect to Canons, 
 especially of government, as well as doctrine ? 
 
 Oblige me by addressing your answer to me at Exeter^ so that 
 it may reach that place before the loth. 
 
 Yours, my dear Sir, very faithfully, 
 
 H. Exeter. 
 
 Mr. Henry Hoare, whose name is so honourably 
 associated with the revival of Convocation, appears to 
 
344 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 1 
 
 have thought that Diocesan Synods should consist partly 
 of laymen, and that a Bishop's hands would be greatly 
 strengthened by the adoption of some measure of the 
 kind. He appears to have consulted Pusey on the subject. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Undated.] 
 
 Mr. Hoare mentioned his subject to me. I said that, of course, 
 a Bishop might consult whom he liked, and act by their advice, if he 
 pleased ; that it would often be wise in him to get at the minds of his 
 people, and still more to carry them with him, by this sort of consulta- 
 tion. Our public meetings, imperfect as they are, are meant to be 
 something of this sort. So is the S. P.C. K., the S.P.G. But this 
 would be a very different question from formal representation and 
 enacting what should be binding on the conscience. A Bishop would 
 be wise who should not order anything throughout his diocese without 
 ascertaining the mind of the laity. The Surplice war in the dioceses 
 of London and Exeter was owing to a strange want of foresight. This 
 would be a wise concession on the part of a Bishop. It is, in a 
 measure, like St. Cyprian saying, * I have determined ever since the 
 beginning of my Episcopate, to do nothing without your judgment 
 had,' i.e. nothing of a practical nature, for at the same time all 
 principles of discipline or matters of doctrine were ruled without them. 
 But he could not make anything binding on the conscience. 
 
 I looked into some books on Diocesan Synods for the Bishop 
 of Exeter, but did not find much. I should think it very advisable to 
 get at the minds of the laity. But I do not know that there would be 
 any authority by which the majority should bind the minority, or the 
 representatives of the majority of parishes have any claim to rule the 
 minority, or the Bishop himself be governed by them (the shepherd 
 by the sheep), but it would be very well for him informally to ascertain 
 their minds, as his own ground for acting or suspending his action. 
 
 Excuse haste. I have been detained this morning by the Roman 
 question. 
 
 But the question arose in the most pressing form north of 
 the Tweed. Pusey heard from the Bishop of Brechin that 
 Mr. Gladstone was about to write a pamphlet advocating 
 some scheme for the admission of laymen to Convocation. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 Pusey, Jan. 19 [1852]. 
 ... I have heard from one who was very much saddened by 
 a report that you were going to advocate the lay element in Convoca- 
 tion. He was very much pained at the prospect of having to write 
 against you. When writing the * Ancient Precedtnts' 1 went with 
 
 Proposed Lay Element in Convocation. 345 
 
 great care into that German element, of the mixed assemblies as 
 it existed in France, Spain, and among our own Saxon forefathers. 
 I was satisfied that the relation was the same which in good time was 
 continued by Convocation and Parliament, i.e. that the laity accepted 
 but that the original decision was with the clergy. 
 
 I look with perfect dismay at the prospect of lay legislation in 
 matters of faith. It is a new element ; one stamped by no precedent, 
 no experience except by a body ^ which has laid aside the Athanasian 
 Creed, and that for a few years only. 
 
 The Exeter Synod itself shows the exceeding carefulness necessary 
 in a doctrinal statement. For even theirs was grammatically unsound. 
 It would have been a grave matter had it been Convocation, not 
 a Diocesan Synod. 
 
 It is invidious to write to you as a layman against the lay element. 
 But I feel that we can only look for a blessing and safety in ways 
 of God's appointment; and that we should be incurring exceeding 
 risk in trying in the present state of things an untried plan. I have 
 always looked hopefully, but then I should look no more with hope to 
 end my days in the Church of England. (I do not mean that I look 
 
 to Rome.) 
 
 The laity ought to have a voice in the nomination of the Bishops, 
 which is now political in the hands of the Prime Minister. They 
 ought clearly to have a negative voice. But it is an ill compensation 
 to give them direct authority in matters of faith, which they never 
 had, because they have not the indirect influence [over appointments] 
 which they ought to have. . . . God bless you. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone replied that he had addressed a letter to 
 the Bishop of Aberdeen, with his concurrence, in favour of 
 the introduction of the lay element into the Scottish Synod, 
 without any reference to Convocation. But he would also 
 desire to see it in Convocation, subject to the proper limita- 
 tions for maintaining the supreme power of government 
 and teaching in the episcopate ; e. g. in Scotland — 
 
 J. That the Bishops should be the original donors of the 
 
 power. 
 
 2. That the Bishops exclusively should have the initiative 
 — at least in all matters of doctrine or discipline. 
 
 3. That the distinction should be kept broadly in view 
 between the essential and inalienable powers of the Epis- 
 copal College, and the administrative provisions, so to 
 
 * i.e. the American Church. 
 

 \i ■ 
 
 \% 
 
 * 
 
 346 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 speak, by which laymen, and even presbyters, share in the 
 supreme acts of the Church. 
 
 Pusey and Mr. Gladstone had a long interview on Sunday, 
 Jan. 25th : but without much agreement, excepting on the 
 point that, if laymen were admitted to Synods, questions 
 of doctrine should be reserved for the Episcopate. On 
 this subject Mr. Gladstone had expressed himself with great 
 force and clearness. 
 
 *As the governing power over the Church resides most properly 
 and strictly in the Bishops, and as they are supremely responsible 
 in particular for the decision of doctrine, I cannot but express the 
 strongest conviction, that the initiative of all legislation should rest 
 with them absolutely and exclusively ; and that it should be competent 
 to either of the other chambers to approach them spontaneously in the 
 way of petition only. Their veto would, of course, remain complete ; 
 and between these two powers duly carried through the whole scheme, 
 I hope adequate provision would have been made for preventing any 
 collision between such a constitution and the great and immovable 
 principles of our ecclesiastical polity '.' 
 
 Pusey was no believer in the permanence of any arrange- 
 ments for admitting laymen to Synods and debarring them 
 from voting on questions of doctrine and discipline. 
 
 E. B. P." TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Undated, but 1852.] 
 ... In truth I think that let people guard, how they may, both 
 doctrine and discipline, it can only be for a time. The power of the 
 laity is a growing power. To admit them into Synods, and then 
 exclude them from what is to both parties of most real interest, will, 
 I am persuaded, never hold. If Parliament could disown the functions 
 of legislating for the Church, and invest the lay members of the 
 Church with authority to give a civil sanction to the decisions of 
 the ecclesiastical body, this would be something tangible. Anything 
 else would, I am sure, be only preparing for encroachments. I look 
 with terror on any admission of laity into Synods. It at once invests 
 them with an ecclesiastical office, which will develop itself sooner or 
 later, I believe, to the destruction of the Faith. 
 
 The Scottish bishops, however, met, and accepted the 
 
 c/- *^ ^'iJf ' *° *^^ ^'^^' Rev.V^illiam Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. for the 
 
 bkinner, D.D., Bishop of Aberdeen, University of Oxford. Murray 1852- 
 
 and Primus, on the Functions of Lay- pp. 35 36. ^ ^ » 
 
 men in the Church.' By the Right 
 
 The Laity and Doctrine. 347 
 
 principle to which Pusey was so strongly opposed. The 
 Bishop of Brechin was almost in despair. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 Private, April 23, 1852. 
 
 I hear that the Scotch Bishops have decided by a majority of 
 4 to 2, that the infusion of the lay element into Synods is *both 
 permissible and Scriptural.' This, unless something can be done, 
 will end the Episcopate of the Bishop of Brechin, and I should think 
 discharge out of the Church many whom the Gorham Judgment left. 
 It is blow upon blow, blow upon blow. No sooner has one recovered 
 one, but one is stunned by another. The Bishop of Brechin says 
 rightly, this changes the basis on which we stand ; we no longer stand 
 on the basis before the Reformation ; ' we break the whole connexion 
 with the current of history.' 
 
 I do not know whether anything can be done. Although there 
 is authority for the laity accepting and so ratifying what has been 
 done, there has been no authority, that I know of, for their rejecting or 
 amending anything, except as to matters of discipline. I think that even 
 of these, the only instance of reference with admission of changes which 
 I could find was that which I mentioned, * Royal Supremacy,' p. 127 ^ 
 
 I understood from you, that you did not contemplate that the 
 laity would be called in to decide in matters of doctrine. And yet if, 
 without all reserve, they are admitted into Synods, there is nothing to 
 hinder them. And doctrine is quite as likely to be brought in as any 
 other question. In fact, it is inevitable that it would. But this would 
 alter the whole theory of the Church. The Church meets, not to 
 settle what the faith shall be, but to declare what it always has been. 
 The Bishops primarily, and presbyters as delegated by them, declare 
 this. There cannot be two faiths. Either those who declare it, 
 or those who reject it, are heretics. If the Bishops are not heretical, 
 the laity ought to receive their statement of faith. If they are, the 
 appeal ought to lie to some large body. If the Scotch. Bishops 
 decided (mj) -ycVoiro) heretically, the whole Anglican Episcopate, all 
 which are in communion, might be appealed to. But it does not 
 belong to the laity to reverse it, or to reject it. 
 
 I write in haste, thinking that you might define your own views 
 more clearly than I think they were in your pamphlet ; and I trust 
 that you will look to precedent. For the nineteenth century is too 
 late to experimentalize on the constitution of the Church. 
 
 God be with you. yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Pusey was anxious to ascertain exactly how far, in 
 
 * Cases in which decrees of Councils, submitted to the Civil power for re- 
 in matters of discipline, have been vision, to Charlemagne ; pp. 127, 128. 
 
 S 
 
348 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \\ 
 
 Mr. Gladstone's judgment, the influence of the laity was 
 to affect doctrinal questions. The laity, Mr. Gladstone 
 had said, were not to have a jomi decision in matters of 
 faith. They were not to frame any decision in such 
 matters. But they might consent or not consent to doctrinal 
 propositions framed by the Bishops. Did this mean that, 
 without their consent, such propositions should not be 
 received by the Church ? 
 
 * Supposing,' writes Pusey to Mr. Gladstone on April 26, *e.g. that 
 the Convocation, in consequence of the Gorham decision, were to lay 
 down, in plain words, that " all infants duly baptized with water in the 
 Name of the Holy Trinity are regenerate," or "become children 
 of God, members of Christ, &c." is your theory that the assent of the 
 laity of the Church should be formally obtained, before it should 
 become formally one of our Articles ? There is no precedent for this, 
 down to the Reformation. Such a Synod is not of Divine institution, 
 and so, I suppose, we could not look for the Presence of God the Holy 
 Ghost in it. Synods of Bishops are Apostolic. If such a plan were 
 adopted, I believe " actum esset de Ecclesia Anglicana." I do not 
 write this, that you may answer it to me. But as you have been 
 the occasion, I suppose, of the decision of the Scotch Synod, I wished 
 you to clear up your own view on this point to others.* 
 
 Pusey's eagerness in the matter was .quickened by the 
 anxiety of Bishop Forbes. His Episcopate, so Pusey 
 wrote to Mr. Gladstone, hung upon the course which this 
 matter might take. ' If,' the Bishop had written to Pusey, 
 'this becomes the law of the Church, I cannot become 
 a Superintendent ^ ; we break our whole connexion with 
 the current of history.' Pusey added :— 
 
 _^ * For myself, 1 have always said, " So long as the Church of 
 England makes no organic change, all is well." How long it would 
 remain without an organic change if this were adopted, God knows. 
 If the laity were to reject such a declaration as to Baptism, it would 
 be an avowed indifference as to doctrine, and the Church of England 
 would then be in a new position. The words of Elijah or Hezekiah, 
 longing to be gathered to his fathers before these evils come, rise 
 often to the mind amid these fresh-gathering storms.' 
 
 Pusey wrote to Dr. Skinner, the Primus of Scotland, to 
 remonstrate with him on the resolution in favour of lay- 
 membership of Synods. The Bishop deprecated Pusey s 
 
 * The superior officer substituted by Lutheranism for a Bishop. 
 
 Letter to the Primus of Scotland. 
 
 349 
 
 anxiety. He pleaded the example of the American 
 Church ; and observed that the English Convocations 
 themselves were based on a principle inconsistent with the 
 retention of all matters properly of faith in the hands of 
 the Episcopate. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Right Rev. Dr. Skinner, Lord Bishop of 
 Aberdeen and Primus of Scotland. 
 
 Christ Church, May 15 [1852]. 
 My dear Lord Bishop, 
 
 I thank you much for your letter, but I must say that it confirms 
 
 my fears. I would rather burn my right hand than sign or have any 
 
 part in that Resolution. I had not the counter-resolution, nor exactly 
 
 the wording of that which was carried ; but the substance of it was that 
 
 the admission of laity into Synods was Scriptural and [permissible]. 
 
 It would be a different proposition to say that it was not contrary to 
 Scripture, although I should think that it is contrary to all the implied 
 teaching of Holy Scripture as to the office of Bishops and Priests. 
 The deposit of the faith, the form of sound words, was committed 
 by the Apostles to the Bishops (Timothy, &c.) with the charge that 
 they should commit it to others also. It is a known fact, that, however 
 laity were admitted to be present at Councils on the faith, they were 
 never (whether Emperors or others) admitted to have a voice as to 
 the decisions on the faith. . . . 
 
 I do not mean that a Church which admits laity to decisions of 
 faith has so far abandoned its trust as to be thereby cut off from the 
 Body of Christ. All abandonment of a trust given by God involves 
 evil consequences, but does not, of necessity, involve the extremest 
 evil. If the Church of the United States has admitted the laity to 
 a voice in deciding on matters of faith, I believe that her Bishops have 
 abandoned a trust committed to them, and, sooner or later, they must 
 suffer by it. Probably they are suffering by it already, in that they 
 cannot restore the Athanasian Creed. God only knows how much 
 heresy this may not let in upon them. Some of the heresies on the 
 Incarnation, against which the Athanasian Creed is a protection, 
 do recommend themselves very subtly to the human intellect. 
 
 In like way, if the Scotch Bishops admit the laity to decisions as 
 to the faith, I believe most entirely that they will, in a most solemn 
 manner, have betrayed their trust. And I believe no abandonment 
 of a trust can be without evil consequences, sooner or later. . . . 
 
 I do most entirely think that * the Constitution' of the American 
 Church is based neither on warrant of Holy Scripture, nor of the 
 Church, down to itself. I believe that it introduced a new principle. 
 And you too will feel that it is very alarming to introduce a new 
 principle in such matters. . . . The United States Church has happily 
 denied no truth. It has, in suppressing the Athanasian Creed, 
 
 i 
 
^'' 
 
 350 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 abolishing the form of private absolution, suppressed a good deal. 
 Not having formally denied anything, it is not heretical, but it has 
 run great risk of forfeiting its deposit by suppressing it. . . . 
 
 Your Lordship says, * If the basis on which we have established 
 our principle be, that it is not inconsistent with the Primitive constitu- 
 tion of the Church.* But, my dear Lord, on what principle can you 
 maintain that it is not inconsistent therewith when the whole practice 
 of the Church is against you ? Surely when you have Synods in every 
 century, and after a time, in every Church, and have not any instances 
 of laity joining in a decision on faith, what proof can you have for 
 anything, not contained in the most express words of Holy Scripture, 
 if this is not proof? What proof is there, that Priests only, not laity, 
 can consecrate the Holy Eucharist ? I fear that the principle might 
 be more extensively fatal than the practice. 
 
 But then, my doir IjMnd, there ts not ooly tbc nc^^Jittve evidence of 
 th« absence oi the Uity from the Synods butt the posting deckunittcins 
 0^ ihoec incktt in authority, the Emperor*, thut ikiy^ h% hc'ixig Uymtn^ 
 hod no voice in natters of £&ith. Tbe Bishops <)» ^^cir rade* say the 
 Mkme. They suy H, too, as matters of priDciple. You will rocoJloa 
 Conslantinc's uxnxls to the Bishops, ' God bukIc you Priests, and 
 ye have been gi^^en as judges to us.' I vish you coukl look again 
 At the S > >A i^y b<x>^ ^^ <^ Koyjil Soprenucy (1 Mtmld i;[tadly (eml 
 it you), pp. 17-32. 26. I cinnoc imagine, in the face of these public 
 dbclaimei^ on the p»rt of the h%ht«l Utcy, ainl of the claims on 
 the part of the Bishops, what pica can be urged for the admission 
 cf the laiiy mto Synodf> as no( being cootmry 10 the conMitutioo 
 of the Primitive Church. 
 
 Now, my ilc^r Ixinl, you enoxirago mo to write plainly. Art you 
 prepared to establish for the Church in which God has aUoved )xm to 
 ba>*e K> eventful a position, that the nbolo qoestkin iiKiy, I suppose, 
 torn upon >x](a (or any other of the four who \>o<ed for itj, a K>eir 
 pnnctple of deeadii^ upon matters of faith, uttsanctionfd b>' Holy 
 Scripture (I do noc say 'contrary to,' although I believe it to be 
 * contrary to its spirit '^ and without any authorit>' frocn Antiquity? 
 The utmost >x>u could say was, that it was not forb^den. To this 
 i have sakl that it is as nmich or as little forbidden as any of the 
 offices of the Priesthood are. And as to Antiquity, what R>orc cner- 
 fvik denial can there be than the uniform practice of 1,700 years? 
 We fi!»d (1) it is stated as a principle in early times that laymen 
 are not to interfere in matters of £Mth, (3) that practiodly tbc>' were 
 onifbrmly ezdoded. 
 
 Now, iBAy I implore you by His merck^ Wlio bat encruited to you, 
 in a ««y in which He has not to us, tbe w^l-being of the Church orer 
 which )*ou are a Bishop, and a great inioence over ours, to look, not 
 10 the w^iy in which thb decision may be made least unsale, but what 
 plea in its behalf can be adduced from Scripture, or, I do iK>t say 
 Ant^uity, but from the Church anywhere, at any time, except the 
 
 'A Sin^ not a Forfeiture! 351 
 
 Church which omitted the Athanasian Creed, brackets the Nicene and 
 the words * Receive the Holy Ghost,' and omits the form of Absolution ? 
 If there is no plea from these, what are the Scotch Bishops doing 1 
 
 I do not wish to involve you, my dear Lord, in justifying your 
 measures to me. There is no call for this. But I do most earnestly 
 wish you to set definitely before your eyes what you are doing, that you 
 should do it dearly and with full knowledge, or not do it. 1 cannot 
 but think that you would not venture to have any part in changing the 
 constitution of the Church from that which it has been since the Apo- 
 stles, * full of the Holy Ghost,* left it. May God direct your Lordship. 
 
 In Him your very faithful servant, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 
 Archdeacon Robert Wilberforce had said that the Church 
 would ccaitc to be Catholic if it accepted lay voting. 
 Kcblc *thoijj;ht it would be a .%in, but not a forfeiture/ 
 But he * wanted to know whether the re;ison why the 
 laity might have no pan in making Canons on ajiy subjcet 
 (which he granted as a fiict) was not /*«:— that the only 
 sanctim properly canonical is spiritual censure, tending to 
 excommunication, which of course must be kept in .spiritual 
 hands.* If this point were saved, he asked * whether there 
 would be any objections to «uch indirect interference of lay 
 |>ersons. as wa.-t that of the Christian Emperors? Cuuld 
 .Htich interference be helped? And if not. liad it not better 
 be organized ? ' 
 
 *What I monfM,* replied Pu«y, 'jiboot the Uity hating do part 
 in *citlittj: the doctrines or di>ciplin« or ritual of the Church, i»D8 that 
 they had never hiid it. It is one ihrng whether [of ii«elf J the final 
 appeal bdnif in doctrinal maiters to tbe (>iecn, or tbe admttMoo 
 of laymen into Synod*, would dc«n>>' the Cathofidty of the Church ; ' 
 another, whether so altering tbe constitution of the Church would iHit 
 protobly in%x)]vc con^tqpBences, sootncr o* ItMcr, which wt^uld do k ; i.e. 
 wbetber, sooner or hitcr, heresy wouM not be aflfamed, on the doctrine 
 in^ittd. I thouM anticipate thb ; and it is on this account I am 
 migent ^bu both. Tbe deposit of the fiiith, and tbe Kuaidiaashlp 
 of di«cipliM and of ritual, n-as, as >xni knoir, iwy dcxrcst F., d<ai\>cred 
 b>- the .Apostles 10 the Bishops, and in their degree to PresbytersL It 
 WAS nc( ifiTtn to laity, becaose tbcy aie sbMp, noc sbcpbcnl^ as 
 oiKJ Emperor %A.y%, The guardiaBsbip of tbcoe things sce«n$ to have 
 been cnirutttxi to the liishopf » nUKb ns other paiiK o^ the pfK^i2>' 
 ottce. Tbcy cowUned the ptiestly aiMl the prophetic ofllce of teach- 
 ing, umI this was part of tbe prophetic office I Mf»pcoc it to lie In 
 ♦* Feed My shecft" and tbe texts about the deposit.' 
 
352 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 i! 
 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 
 Pusey really wished, as he explained to Keble, to see 
 a body of Church laymen, acting as a substitute for Parlia- 
 ment, by securing civil sanction for the acts of the Church, 
 but adding nothing to the Ecclesiastical. ' Only conceive/ 
 he wrote, ' Convocation paFsing an article on Baptism, a lay 
 body refusing it, and so its remaining suspended.* 
 
 Keble, as always, was on his guard against exaggera- 
 tions. He had had some intercourse with Dr. Medley, the 
 Bishop of Fredericton : — 
 
 * I had some talk with him about laymen in Synods, and found that 
 he did not quite enter into our views. Still I think that practically we 
 might agree. I think, though the Apostles would never have allowed 
 laymen to sign Canons, they would not have minded them settling 
 financial points, choosing officers, arranging districts, and the like : 
 and that it is open to any Bishop, and if so, to any group of Bishops, 
 to take them into his counsels to a great extent. With Medley all 
 my arguments were the contrary way.' 
 
 On Nov. 5, 1852, Convocation met for the despatch of 
 business after an interval of 135 years. To men who were 
 mixed up with public affairs, and devoted to the cause in 
 the Church, it seemed clear that if laymen could be in 
 some way associated with the labours of Convocation, 
 that body would command much greater attention in 
 Parliament and the country. In the late autumn of 1852, 
 Pusey had a correspondence with Mr. A. J. Beresford Hope 
 on the attitude of the London Church Union towards 
 this question. Mr. Hope, Mr. F. H. Dickenson, and some 
 others had induced the Committee of the London Church 
 Union to assent more or less directly to the principle of 
 lay-representation in Synods. The result was a differ- 
 ence of opinion which threatened the unity of the Union. 
 Mr. Arthur Baker drew up, and Pusey signed, an address 
 to Mr. Beresford Hope, claiming that the Union should be 
 neutral on the question, or that at least no further steps 
 should be taken in it, without formal notice being given 
 to the Society. After some further correspondence this 
 position was accepted ; but Pusey was more than ever 
 impressed with the absence of accurate information among 
 laymen with respect to the constitution of the Christian 
 
 * The Councils of the Church' 353 
 
 Church, and his work on * The Councils of the Church^' is 
 a serious effort to supply it. 
 
 This work was, after all, like that on the Royal Supre- 
 macy, an unfinished fragment. It does not of course pre- 
 tend to be a complete account of the Councils, provincial 
 and general between the age of the Apostles and that of 
 Theodosius. It is a review of their constitution and action 
 intended to elucidate only one point, namely, ' that matters 
 of doctrine were always exclusively decided or attested by 
 those whom the Apostles left to succeed to such portion of 
 their office as uninspired men could discharge,— the Bishops 
 of the Universal Church.' The form of the work is, however, 
 narrative and historical ; and the thesis is suggested to 
 rather than obtruded on the reader. 
 
 Pusey had intended to survey the conciliar action of 
 the Church for 1000 years, and especially to determine 
 the place assigned to the laity in the mixed Councils of 
 France, Spain, and England. Of his labours in prosecu- 
 tion of this vast design only some pages of manuscript 
 remain. 
 
 The book is very far from being a mere compilation of 
 learned lore without practical aspects. Pusey has not 
 often written pages on the duty of the Church towards the 
 large masses of heathenized population in this country 
 more instructive than those that are to be found in this 
 book. He was deeply convinced that she would only 
 awake to her responsibilities in these respects when her 
 Synods met in Council. 
 
 * The Church herself,' he writes, * ought to debate upon remedies, 
 and should not leave to individual effort the work of the whole. We 
 need missions among the poor of our towns; organized bodies of 
 clergy living among them; licensed preachers in the streets and 
 lanes of our cities ; brotherhoods, or guilds, which should replace 
 socialism ; or sisterhoods of mercy, for any office of mercy which our 
 Lord wills to be exercised towards His members, or towards those 
 His outcast ones whom love, for love of Him, might bring back to 
 
 ' The full title is, * The Councils of the Church, from the Council of Jerusalem 
 to the close of the Second General Council of Constantinople, A. D. 381/ 
 Parker, Oxford, 1857. 
 
 VOL. IIL 
 
 A a 
 
354 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Him. We need clergy to penetrate our mines, to migrate with our 
 emigrants, to shift with our shifting population, to grapple with our 
 manufacturing system as the Apostles did with the slave-system of the 
 ancient world, to secure in Christ's Name the Deltas of population, 
 which the everflowing, overspreading stream of our English race is 
 continually casting up. 
 
 * Beautiful as is the relation of the Parish Priest to his flock, lovely as 
 are the village homes of our Village Pastors, and gentle as are the in- 
 fluences radiating from those who 
 
 "Point to Heaven, and lead the way," 
 
 yet is there now an appalling need of further organization for a harder, 
 more seh'-denying, self-sacrificing warfare, if, by God's help, we would 
 wrest from the principalities and powers of evil those portions of His 
 kingdom of which, while unregarded by the Church, they have been 
 taking full possession ^' 
 
 But he could not think that these great objects would 
 warrant or would be advanced by any indifference to the 
 teaching of Antiquity. The ' lay element,' which had 
 already become * a sort of proper name,' was an equivocal 
 term. But those who used it in very various senses con- 
 curred in meaning that the laity should henceforth have 
 some place in the Convocations of the Church which had not 
 yet been assigned to them. It was forgotten that Bishops 
 already represent the laity ; they are virtually chosen by 
 the laity; and if Bishops had at times been chosen who 
 did not or could not legislate usefully for the Church, the 
 laity had themselves to thank. The proper concern of 
 the laity was with the temporalities of the Church, or the 
 civil sanction to be granted to her doctrinal decrees, not 
 with Canons of doctrine or discipline. The Apostles had 
 committed the office of teaching to Bishops ; and a Bishop's 
 office was not arbitrary ; he had only to bear witness to 
 that which he had received. 
 
 In the last resort he maintains that the Episcopate has 
 the right, or rather the perilous responsibility, of decision ; 
 and this great principle is traced through Pusey 's work on 
 the Councils with a patient thoroughness that will always 
 secure for it a high position, in spite of its fragmentary 
 character. 
 
 * ' The Councils of the Church, &c./ by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. Parker, 
 1857, pp. 4» 5. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 ST. saviour's, LEEDS— the SECOND HARVEST OF DIS- 
 APPOINTMENT—CORRESPONDENCE : BEGINNINGS OF 
 RITUALISM — PENITENTIARIES — IRVINGISM — PUR- 
 GATORY. 
 
 1850-1852. 
 
 Side by side with Pusey's anxieties arising from the 
 Gorham decision, the secession of Archdeacon Manning 
 and other friends, and his own unhappy relations with Bishop 
 Wilberforce, there ran a renewal, and in a more aggravated 
 form than before, of the troubles which at that date seemed 
 to be inseparable from St. Saviour's, Leeds. Pusey had 
 so little to do with causing these troubles that it would be 
 unnecessary to record them at any length were it not 
 that his well-known relation to St. Saviour s made him to 
 be regarded as responsible for everything that happened 
 there. Certainly these unfortunate occurrences increased 
 the general suspicion against him, and the widespread 
 alarm with regard to the issues of the Movement. 
 
 The Rev. Alexander P. Forbes, who has been previously 
 mentioned as being incumbent of St. Saviour's, had been 
 consecrated Bishop of Brechin on SS. Simon and Jude's 
 day, 1847, and in the following January he resigned the 
 incumbency. After considerable inquiry, Pusey offered 
 the vacant benefice to the Rev. Thomas Minster, who had 
 been Vicar of Farnley Tyas in the diocese of Ripon, and 
 in earlier days a Curate of Dr. Hook at Holy Trinity, 
 Coventry. On his acceptance, Mr. Minster came to Leeds 
 at the close of 1847, and throughout the winter was assisted 
 by the generous and devoted labours of the Rev. J. H. 
 Pollen, Fellow of Merton College, Oxford. Before, how- 
 
 A a 2 
 
f! 
 
 356 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ever, he could be inducted, Mr. Minster begged Pusey to 
 allow him to withdraw from the engagement. He was in 
 very broken health, and was unable to obtain the Bishop of 
 Ripon's licence for any curate whose assistance he could 
 procure. 
 
 * I recommended two men ' (wrote Mr. Minster to Pusey on Jan. 15, 
 1848), * Mr. Case and Mr. Crawley, to the Bishop ; but he sees objections 
 to the appointment of either of them. Dr. Hook has kindly mentioned 
 a third, and wrote about him to the Bishop : but there is also an 
 objection lying against his appointment in his Lordship's mind.' 
 
 Mr. Minster desired therefore to make way for some one 
 else, Mr. Moberly for instance, whose name had been before 
 Pusey recently. To his flock, notwithstanding their brief 
 period of connexion, Mr. Minster was already strongly 
 attached. 
 
 * I never met with a people,* Mr. Minster wrote to Pusey, * in which 
 there was so much seeming promise. They are devoted to a degree 
 I have never seen elsewhere, and my grief and regret at the thought of 
 leaving them assumes a correspondingly deep character. Nevertheless 
 it is for the good of St. Saviour's that I should resign and that my place 
 be quickly supplied. That it must eventually rise and be a model for 
 the working of other manufacturing towns there cannot be a doubt. 
 The work already done here is great. The tree has been severely 
 shaken, but it has only become the more deeply rooted. There are 
 signs even now of an abundant harvest in future years if labourers only 
 can be found to gather it in.' 
 
 Mr. Minster's letter was of a character to convince Pusey 
 that he was in his proper place, if only his health could 
 improve, and the difficulties about curates could be sur- 
 mounted. As the spring went on, Mr. Minster's strength 
 rallied ; the Bishop licensed as his curates the Rev. George 
 Crawley and the Rev. F. Beckett, who had worked with 
 him in his former parish; and Mr. Minster was instituted 
 as Vicar of St. Saviour's in April, 1 848. 
 
 Throughout the greater part of 1848, matters went on 
 quietly enough at St. Saviour's: but at the close of the 
 year trouble began to arise. The Bishop held a confirma- 
 tion at the Parish Church : fifty candidates were brought 
 from St. Saviour's, and the Bishop heard from Dr. Hook 
 
 Trouble at St. Savwur^s. 
 
 357 
 
 and others that * a regular system of confession was taught 
 and practised at St. Saviour's ^.' Mr. Minster had not been 
 wanting in the confidence which was due to his Diocesan. 
 
 * I wrote to him [the Bishop],' he informs Pusey on November 23, 
 1848, * some time since, giving him a full and very particular account 
 of the work going on at St. Saviour's, and the awful depths of sin we 
 had to. contend with in very many of the people who came to us, at 
 the same time claiming his sympathy and advice. The letter was a 
 long one, and appealed very forcibly to his feelings. It however 
 signally failed in its intentions. He simply said in answer that he was 
 sorry for the difficulties I had to contend with, passing by altogether the 
 strong picture I drew of the state of morals amongst my people, and 
 concluded his letter by regretting that the sins of former incumbents of 
 St. Saviour's should so strongly operate against my usefulness. In truth 
 anything colder than his Lordship's letter could not well be imagined.' 
 
 Pusey had been apprehensive that misfortunes were at 
 hand, and had asked Keble, who preached at the Dedica- 
 tion Festival of St. Saviour's in 1848, to send him a report. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, 
 Saturday after All Saints, 1848 [Nov. 4]. 
 I wish you to know about Leeds, so far as I can report. There 
 was no time for me to get an answer to my letter to the Bp. of R[ipon], 
 so I went on Monday afternoon and got to St. Saviour's at midnight. 
 I found that the Vicar had been preaching strongly at the Parish 
 Church the day before against Confession, and that all manner of 
 foolish reports were being circulated. Next day came the note which 
 I enclose. I was not so surprised at it, when I came to talk with Mr. 
 Minster, for he told me all about the low view of the Bishop. That 
 I think he said he had detailed to you. I asked as many questions as 
 I could in friendship, and more than I ought to have done in courtesy, 
 and it seemed to me that they had not at all gone beyond what the 
 Prayer-book authorizes, either in teaching or in practice. With this 
 impression, I called on Hook, on the Wednesday, and asked him 
 whether he objected to the principle they taught or to their way of 
 carrying it out. He said, * to their principle, for they taught Confes- 
 sion and Absolution as a " mean oi grace ^^ whereas he considered that 
 the Prayer-book allows it only as " a mean of comfort^'' and that only 
 in ** exceptional cases." ' I asked him how he reconciled this with 
 what he himself said to me at Jedburgh about his own practice, in 
 1844. He said he was of the same mind then as now, that the 
 
 ' * Letter to the Parishioners of St. the Lord Bishop of Ripon. Rivington, 
 Saviour's, Leeds,' by the Right Rev. 1851, p. 22. 
 
I 
 
 ( 
 ! 1 
 
 ; 
 
 358 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey, 
 
 Confession he approved and practised was no more than confession 
 to a Christian friend (quoting St. James v. 16), and that more than 
 that was more than the English Church allowed : that he did not 
 want to attack anybody, but merely to defend himself: that St. Sa- 
 viour's was as a colony planted within his borders, undoing his work 
 in various ways (of which he gave me instances, which only amounted 
 to other persons misinterpreting what was done) : and that he was 
 going in his own defence to publish the sermon which he had 
 preached, with a set of extracts from English divines (which he said 
 nobody read now), Taylor, Bramhall, and others, to make out his view. 
 I begged him to be as sparing as he could, told him that I and others 
 were so far in the same boat as St. Saviour's, mentioned one or two 
 points which seemed to me to make strongly against his view : and 
 then I went up to see Mrs. Hook, and he walked back with me half 
 through Leeds, and we parted very good friends. He did not specify 
 any evil practices : so that, as far as I see, it resolves itself into an 
 attack on the principle of private Confession and authoritative 
 Absolution. I reported all this to Moberly to-day, and he wonders 
 both at Hook and the Bishop, but says, if they were to attack 
 Catholic doctrine, it is well they should have chosen this point, it is 
 so impregnable, according to the Prayer-book. I was, as you' may 
 suppose, delighted with St. Saviour's and with the kind and earnest 
 people there : surely they and their work will be blessed. 
 
 Your most affectionate 
 
 J. K. 
 While Keble was writing his report from Hursley the 
 Bishop of Ripon was visiting St. Saviours. He was in 
 a stern mood and was determined to 'expose and banish' 
 all that he disapproved of; he took away with him from 
 the parish library a copy of Pusey's adaptation of ' The 
 Paradise of the Christian Soul.' He left the clergy of St. 
 Saviour's in a state of anxiety, which was not relieved by 
 any further communications from the Bishop for a long 
 while afterwards. 
 
 * Somehow,' wrote Keble to Pusey on November 30, in his cheerful 
 common-sense way, ♦ I don't much think that a great deal will come of 
 this Leeds matter, except (which is a sore exception) the scandal about 
 Hook's sermon.' 
 
 But with the New Year the Bishop broke silence. He 
 wrote a long letter, which was afterwards published, to 
 Mr. Minster ; he insisted that the Church of England only 
 authorizes private confession either in the case of those who 
 cannot quiet their own consciences before Holy Communion, 
 
 Continued complaints to the Bishop. 
 
 359 
 
 or of the dying ; and he desired Mr. Minster and his fellow- 
 workers to order their practice accordingly. To this in- 
 junction Mr. Minster promised obedience. 
 
 Throughout 1 849 and the greater part of 1 850 there was 
 no disturbance of outward peace ; but the Bishop continued 
 to receive from Puritan quarters incessant complaints against 
 the clergy of St. Saviour's, and the latter were aware 
 that he was receiving them. Mutual confidence in such 
 circumstances was difficult, if not impossible ; and the moral 
 friction betrayed itself in battles over points which the 
 clergy might well have waived and which the Bishop cer- 
 tainly might have ignored. Thus the Bishop complained 
 of the erection of a tombstone in the churchyard with 
 a prayer for the soul of the deceased inscribed on it. It 
 certainly was not an imperative duty to truth to erect such 
 a tombstone : but there was no doubt about the teaching 
 and practice of the Primitive Church to which the Church 
 of England appeals; and in 1838, in the case of Breek v. 
 Woolfrey, the Arches Court had ruled that such an inscrip- 
 tion was lawful. Again, the Bishop complained of a large 
 cross ' over the rood-screen ' ; of the eastward position of 
 the minister in a return-stall, while saying the Morning and 
 Evening Service; of ceremonies employed in the baptismal 
 service ; of locking the chancel-gates, and so on. Any of 
 these things might have been refrained from or given up 
 without sacrifice of principle ; and none of them could be 
 condemned unless at the dictates of Puritan prejudice. 
 But on both sides matters were drifting into a desperate 
 position. Distrust and suspicion were the order of the 
 day. In June, 1850, the Bishop stated to Mr. Crawley 
 that the proceedings of the clergy of St. Saviour's were 
 of such a character as to destroy all his confidence in 
 them ^ ; and the clergy of St. Saviour's, feeling themselves 
 outcasts from the heart of their Bishop, yielded to the 
 temptations which such a situation too surely brings. The 
 time was only too well adapted to encourage despond- 
 ency as to the Church of England. The Gorham decision 
 
 * * Letter of the Bishop of Ripon,' p. 29. 
 
36o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 ¥ 
 
 had been given a few months before ; alarm and distress 
 were everywhere prevalent: the Bishops, as a body, had 
 done nothing to vindicate the Baptismal doctrine of the 
 Church, and some secessions to Rome had already begun. 
 Wiser people than the clergy of St. Saviour's were losing 
 their heads ; and at the annual Dedication Festival of St. 
 Saviour's in October, in the midst of all the clamour about 
 the * Papal Aggression,' the excitement expressed itself in 
 a manner which any English Bishop was bound to con- 
 demn. Twelve clergymen who were present on that oc- 
 casion passed a resolution to the effect that the history of 
 the English Church previous to the Reformation indicates 
 that her submission to the Church Catholic could only be 
 made through the medium of the Papal See ^ 
 
 In accordance with the usual annual practice, a course of 
 sermons had been preached at St. Saviours during the 
 Octave of the Festival. Two of the preachers were in- 
 volved in trouble because of their sermons: Mr. R. Ward 
 was suspended by the Bishop of Bath and Wells, in 
 whose diocese he had, since his resignation of St. Saviour's, 
 been licensed to officiate ; the Rev. J. H. Pollen, Fellow 
 of Merton College, was inhibited not only by the Bishop 
 of Ripon, but also by his own Diocesan, the Bishop of 
 Oxford. Mr. Pollen had applied the word Sacrament in 
 an unqualified manner to other rites than Baptism and 
 the Holy Communion. In doing this he was, of course, 
 using the word in a larger sense than that of the defini- 
 tion in the Church Catechism, as Anglican divines had 
 done before him, following indeed the usage of the Homilies. 
 And the severe notice which the Bishops of Ripon and 
 Oxford took of such an offence is an illustration of the 
 curious pedantry of high-minded prelates, and of the strange 
 unfairness into which it betrayed them. 
 
 In the attack upon St. Saviour's, which the ill-judged 
 declaration of the clergy had done much to justify, the 
 inhibition of the two preachers was only a first step. Where 
 Bishops led the way, humbler people might follow. On 
 
 ' * Letter of the Bishop of Ripon.' p. 29. 
 
 An Inquiry, 
 
 361 
 
 ^ 
 
 Dec. 2, 1850, the Ruridecanal Chapter of Leeds decided 
 to hold a special meeting *to consider and adopt such 
 measures as appear to be necessary,' with reference to the 
 doctrines and practices at St. Saviour's. This meeting was 
 held on the 9th. Its members were by no means unani- 
 mous ; but a majority decided to ask the Bishop to institute 
 inquiries. Within four days of the meeting, the Bishop 
 opened a court of inquiry in the vestry of Dr. Hook's 
 Church. The St. Saviours clergy complained not only of 
 the shortness of the interval, but of having had no notice as 
 to the character of the proceedings. They found that they 
 had to conduct their own case ; to meet charges of which 
 no previous notice had been given ; to cross-examine wit- 
 nesses, and to produce rebutting evidence on the spur of 
 the moment and without any legal assistance; while the 
 case against them was managed by three Low Church 
 clergymen, and, practically, also by the Bishop s deputy 
 registrar. Several of the more absurd charges broke down 
 altogether : the proceedings resolved themselves into an 
 investigation of a single case of confession which had 
 occurred more than a year before. It appeared that Mr. 
 Rooke, then a deacon, while preparing a married woman 
 for confirmation, had urged her to go for confession to Rev. 
 H. F. Beckett, his fellow-curate in priests' orders ; and that 
 Mr. Beckett had asked her questions about her past life, 
 which in this case his judgment caused him to think neces- 
 sary. The facts were not denied, however differently they 
 might be regarded by the parties concerned. The Bishop 
 held that this single case proved the existence of a system 
 which ' had no authority from the Church of England, and 
 was opposed to a written injunction of his own,' and he with- 
 drew the licences of both the curates. It must be added that 
 the Low Church clergyman who had brought a charge of 
 a scandalous character against Mr. Beckett, which he had 
 totally failed to substantiate, was allowed to leave the court 
 without a word of rebuke from his Diocesan ^ On the other 
 
 » See * Statement of the Clergy of the recent proceedings against them,' 
 St. Saviour's, Leeds, in reference to pp. 10, 11. 
 
i 
 
 
 362 Lt/e of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 hand, although nothing was proved against another of the 
 curates, Mr. Crawley, he was warned by the Bishop that 
 he must not reckon on remaining at St. Saviour's, since he 
 had ' acquiesced ' in its doctrine and extravagant ritual 
 observances without any remonstrance. Mr. Crawley was 
 subsequently suspended for an unguarded quotation from 
 St. Cyril of Jerusalem with reference to the Presence in the 
 Sacrament in a sermon preached eight months before, 
 and for saying the prayers with his face to the east. It 
 IS difficult, at this distance of time, while reading the 
 published correspondence with respect to these unhappy 
 episodes, to understand why such slight offences should 
 have been so seriously punished. 
 
 The health of the Vicar, Mr. Minster, had been broken 
 before his acceptance of the living ; and he had since been 
 obliged to obtain leave of non-residence for a year. His 
 absence was particularly unfortunate at a time when a 
 strong and responsible head was needed in the clergy- 
 house at St. Saviour's. It does not appear that any charges 
 had been brought against him. Now, however, that his 
 curates were being one after another dismissed, he was 
 obliged to return to Leeds. A number of his parishioners 
 presented him with an address expressing confidence and 
 sympathy; and he replied to it by insisting that the 
 Bishop's interpretation of the rules of the Prayer-book re- 
 specting confession was at variance with the mind of the 
 Church Catholic, and with the true interests of souls 1. 
 He was occasionally assisted by a neighbouring clergyman : 
 but his health was unequal to the strain of mind and body, 
 and he again wrote to Pusey to resign the living. At the 
 same time a body of the parishioners addressed Pusey, 
 asking him to nominate as their Vicar one of the late 
 curates. The reply was as follows :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Sender of the St. Saviour's Petition. 
 
 My dear Sir, February 12, 1851. 
 
 I was very sorry not at once to be able to reply to your 
 
 memorial and that of other communicants of St. Saviour's. You 
 
 * ' Letter of Bishop of Ripon,' App., pp. 42-49. 
 
 Parishioners^ Petition, 
 
 363 
 
 
 know, probably, the deep interest which I must myself ever feel in 
 your welfare, both as the instrument, under God, of St. Saviour's being 
 built among you, and from subsequent love for your pastors, and interest 
 in God's work among you. 
 
 Mr. Minster had informed me privately some time past that his 
 continued ill-health made him wish to resign a charge which, much 
 as he loved, he was unable to fulfil ; and, subsequently, he has 
 requested me to endeavour to find a successor in his stead. Unwilling 
 as I was, I was compelled at last to do this. 
 
 I had heard with feelings of deep pain of the persecution to which 
 your clergy had been subjected on the part of some, who, I trust, 
 knew not what they were doing, and now, I fear, the mind of the 
 Bishop has been very deeply prejudiced against them. I love much 
 those whom I know, i. e. all but one ; and him I respect. 
 
 But I could not think that the way most likely to obtain for you 
 the calm possession of the privileges which you have enjoyed, would 
 be to nominate any of them as Vicar. It may be enough to say that 
 I do not think that this sort of defiance of the Bishop would be most 
 likely to gain our common end, the calm continuance of your past 
 blessings. 
 
 You may be assured that I should not concur in nominating any one 
 who would not, to the utmost of the ability which God has given him, 
 continue those blessings to you, and especially, who could not receive 
 in Confession those who desired to * open their griefs ' to him, and 
 would not gladly rtiinister to them. 
 
 I had offered the Vicarage, or rather I had requested two, for the 
 love of Christ, to take charge of your souls, before I received your letter, 
 and I am awaiting their answer. I am satisfied from my personal 
 knowledge of one of these, that you would find in him what you wish. 
 The other was named to me by two persons in whom you would have 
 full confidence. 
 
 I hope that such an appointment, so far from depriving you of the 
 comfort and ministrations of those whom you love, might rather, if the 
 new Vicar should gain a hearing from the Bishop, be a means of 
 securing them to you. 
 
 Be assured of my deep interest in you, and remember me in your 
 prayers, as I remember you all. 
 
 You might communicate this letter to those who with you signed 
 the memorial, but it would be better not to say anything publicly about 
 Mr. Minster s resignation, until he himself announces it, or arrange- 
 ments be finally made. 
 
 These are, indeed, times which call out, in no slight degree, the 
 graces of patience and thoughtful waiting upon God. Pray Him, as you 
 do, but pray perseveringly, and He will not fail to help you in His way. 
 
 May He ever bless you. 
 
 In Him your very faithful and loving friend, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
\ 
 
 f 
 
 364 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 In the next month Pusey paid a hurried visit to St. Sa- 
 viour's ' to see whether anything can be done to miti-ate* 
 a dreadful crash.' On his arrival, his chances of producing 
 a satisfactory settlement and calming public excitement 
 were somewhat curtailed by a letter from the Bishop 
 ^earnestly deprecating his undertaking any ministerial 
 duty m the church.' 
 
 On Pusey's return from Leeds, he sent Keble a short 
 report : — 
 
 Christ Church, March 23, 1851. 
 
 'I had a sad visit to St. Saviour's. It has again to be built up 
 from the foundation. The Bishop has cleared everything away • 
 and I fear that two at least will (private) come back as Roman 
 priests with a Roman mission. One can only hope that among 
 the 7,000, mostly poor and beset by temptation, there may be room 
 for both.' ^ 
 
 In the event, all the clergy of St. Saviour's, with one 
 noble exception, joined the Church of Rome. No English 
 Churchman can allow that any mistakes of those in authority 
 could ever warrant such a course. Still the treatment which 
 Mr. Minster and his curates received contributed not a little 
 to this result. Under conditions such as these history and 
 reason go for much less than moods and feelings which are 
 assumed to be the workings of the Holy Spirit. Mr. Ward 
 the former Vicar, and Mr. Crawley, one of the curates, had 
 already been received into the Roman Church, when at the 
 begmning of April, 1851, Newman, now Superior of 
 Oratonans at Birmingham, arrived at Leeds to be present 
 at the reception of the Rev. T. Minster, the Rev. S. Rooke 
 and two other clergymen, at St. Ann's Roman Catholic 
 Church. Newman preached on the counsel of Gamaliel. 
 The Church of Rome, he argued, was proved to be of God 
 by the apprehensions which it inspired, and by its success 
 in spite of opposition ; the Church of England was given 
 over to the State. He begged his hearers to pray for 
 the souls of all those who had anything to do with the 
 erection of St. Saviour's. 
 
 Pusey at once went again to Leeds : this time accompanied 
 by Marriott. He found, that although so many of their 
 
 Pusey and Newman at Leeds, 
 
 365 
 
 clergy had deserted them, the mass of the communicants at 
 St. Saviour's were loyal to the Church of England. Mr. 
 Beckett's licence had been withdrawn : but he had appealed 
 from his Diocesan to the Archbishop of York, and the 
 latter had, on a technical issue, pronounced the withdrawal 
 to be illegal ^ He was therefore still at his post ; and to 
 his patient and resolute courage at this trying time it was 
 largely due that, with very few exceptions, the congregation 
 of poor people was prevented from yielding to the induce- 
 ments which were held out to them to follow their late 
 teachers. It was arranged between Pusey and Mr. Beckett 
 that the former should preach on Palm Sunday, with 
 reference to the recent secessions and the duty of loyalty 
 to the Church of England. But the whole circumstances 
 were too much for his feeble health ; just before the time 
 for the sermon arrived, he fainted away, and had to be 
 carried out of Church, his place in the pulpit being taken by 
 Charles Marriott. Pusey remained in Leeds for some days, 
 doing what he could to strengthen Mr. Beckett's hands. 
 
 * I am well again,' he wrote to his son, who was now an undergraduate 
 at Christ Church, * and amid much sorrow have had much comfort. 
 It has been a new scene to me. Boys, mechanics, and mill-girls, using 
 confession ; kneeling thankfully for the Blessing, and bound to the 
 Church by a stronger bond than that which bound them to their late 
 pastors.' 
 
 Although the late clergy of St. Saviour's had for the 
 time entrenched themselves in the parish, and were doing 
 what they could to make converts, Pusey had the satisfac- 
 tion of leaving Leeds with the conviction that the worst 
 was over, and that the work which was so near his heart 
 would yet survive the ruin which had appeared to threaten 
 it. He now had on his hands the difficult task of 
 appointing a new Vicar. Mr. Beckett's appointment was 
 out of the question, on account of his relations with the 
 Bishop of the diocese. The Rev. C. Gutch, now incumbent, 
 of St. Cyprian's, St. Mary-le-bone, undertook the duty for 
 
 * Upon a second appeal of the Archbishop was reversed. 'Bishop 
 Bishop of Ripon to the Archbishop of Ripon*s Letter, &c.,' Postscript, 
 of York, the earlier decision of the p. 19. 
 
IS 
 
 ! 
 
 366 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 three months, but dechned to take charge of the living, 
 which had already been offered to the Rev. W. J. E. 
 Bennett. Towards the close of the year 1851, at Pusey s 
 earnest and repeated request, the Rev. J.W. Knott, Fellow 
 of Brasenose College, and one of the masters at Shoreham, 
 generously devoted himself to a work, the inherent diffi- 
 culties of which had been enhanced by the errors of his 
 predecessors, and, it is contended, had not been lessened 
 by the attitude of Church authority in the diocese. 
 
 Pusey heard from Mr. Beresford Hope that the Bishop of 
 Ripon was going to attack him on the score of St. Saviour's. 
 The Bishop's ' attack ' appeared in the form of ' A Letter 
 to the Parishioners of St. Saviour's, Leeds,' to which refer- 
 ence has already been made. It was in the main a reply 
 to the ♦ Statement of the Clergy of St. Saviour's, Leeds,' 
 in reference to the Bishop's proceedings in April, 1851. 
 In the text of his pamphlet the Bishop makes no reference 
 to Pusey's action, nor does he directly connect him with the 
 secessions ; but he reviews the circumstances of the founda- 
 tion of St. Saviour's. He had very soon discovered, he 
 wrote, *that it was the object of the founder to try an 
 experiment ; to force a system of his own imagining, copied 
 to a certain extent from mediaeval practice, upon the 
 Church at Leeds ^' The Bishop claims to have warned 
 the founder that the attempt would hinder the progress of 
 the Church in the West Riding. In the appendix, how- 
 ever, the general terms of the letter itself are exchanged 
 for allusions to Pusey by name ; and the Bishop complains 
 that before the consecration, Pusey had earnestly insisted 
 on several * objectionable matters' in the decoration of the 
 church and its arrangements, and that the church had not 
 been consecrated until the Bishop had been satisfied on 
 these points. 
 
 A melancholy correspondence between Pusey and the 
 Bishop continued to the end of the year. It was almost 
 entirely a review of the earlier communications with each 
 other which preceded the consecration of St. Saviour's. 
 
 » 'Letter, &c' p. 6. 
 
 Correspondence between the Bishop and Pusey. 367 
 
 The Bishop explained the gradual alteration of his tone 
 and language, by the gradual emergence of new facts 
 pointing in one direction ; and he maintained that the 
 position which Pusey * really occupied as a patron of St. 
 Saviour's was something beyond that occupied by patrons 
 in general.' He moreover contended that new experiments 
 had been tried, in the * system * of St. Saviour's, apparently 
 by the introduction of a ' celibate college of priests,' and 
 that it was only by strenuous resistance on his part that he 
 had not been forced into permitting departures from the 
 ordinary Anglican methods in matters of decoration, cere- 
 monial, and even practice. On the other hand, Pusey con- 
 tended that, as patron, he was simply responsible as ordinary 
 patrons were, no more and no less : he refused to allow 
 that he had wished to force the Bishop's hand, while, as was 
 admitted by the Bishop himself, he had conceded every 
 point to which objection had been raised. The fact was 
 that the correspondence was really irrelevant to the main 
 point at issue between the writers. The Bishop was not 
 unnaturally influenced by the general alarm at the many 
 defections to Rome which had occurred amongst the ad- 
 herents of the Oxford Movement. He was, in particular, 
 alarmed for Leeds and for his diocese by what he con- 
 sidered the un-Anglican practices of St. Saviour's. There 
 was as yet no such counterbalancing experience as was 
 afterwards exhibited in Pusey's own life, of long sustained 
 Tractarian loyalty to Anglican principles ; as years passed, 
 both the Bishop of Ripon as well as Bishop Wilberforce 
 learnt to believe in that loyalty. At the present moment 
 Rome they thought was the natural goal of the advanced 
 Tractarian, whether at Oxford, London, or Leeds. 
 
 Yet it may be again questioned whether the Bishop's 
 method and action, to say nothing of the belligerent attitude 
 of Dr. Hook, did not help to produce those very disasters 
 which seemed to justify his severities. Whatever mistakes 
 were made by the clergy of St. Saviour's (and they were 
 many), there can be no reasonable doubt that both Dr. 
 Hook and the Bishop were endeavouring, under the terror 
 
\'i 
 
 368 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 of the Roman phantom, unduly to h'mit the frontier of the 
 Church of England. Pusey, although patron, was of course 
 unable to do much in the matter ; but so far as the exercise 
 of influence was concerned, he could no more act as the 
 Bishop or Hook would have desired than he could desert 
 the Church of England. In truth he sympathized with 
 neither party. He felt on the one side that no shortsighted 
 alarms ought to lead to the surrender of any, even the least 
 portion, of the Catholic principles of the English Church. 
 And on the other hand he felt that a generation which had 
 but lately become aware of the real strength of their own 
 Church was entitled to special patience and sympathy, so as 
 to reassure and retain their confidence, shaken and per- 
 plexed by recent events. Years after, Dr. Hook had learnt 
 to appreciate better the position of one whom he had 
 come to call ' that saint whom England persecuted ' ; and it 
 may be believed that if Dr. Longley had exhibited towards 
 St. Saviour's that same discriminating judgment which 
 characterized his gracious sway as Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, much bitterness might have been avoided, important 
 controversies settled far earlier, and the Church of England 
 might have been spared serious loss. 
 
 Pusey's correspondence at this time was as large and 
 exacting as ever. Allusion only can be made to the 
 published communications with Lord Shaftesbury and with 
 Lord Romilly. Lord Shaftesbury had charged him, as 
 one of the Tractarians, with tenderness towards infidelity ; 
 and, as one of the Oxford Professors, with failing to answer 
 the ' Nemesis of Faith ' and other such publications. * I 
 have not heard,' he wrote, ' that any learned and leisurely 
 Professor has as yet discharged his public duty and exposed 
 their abominations.' Lord Romilly, on the other hand, had 
 publicly stigmatized ' the peculiar set of persons commonly 
 called Puseyites ' as * more dangerous than open and avowed 
 Roman Catholics.* 
 
 But people were writing to him on other subjects of 
 more permanent interest, which it may be convenient here 
 
 11; 
 
 Beginnings of Ritualism, 
 
 369 
 
 to collect without regarding strict chronological sequence. 
 Ritual, for instance, in the technical sense of our own day, was 
 then comparatively unknown : the efforts to introduce it at 
 times encountered fierce opposition. This had been the case 
 at Plymouth, a few years before the period which we have 
 reached. Pusey 's advice on the subject was marked, as always, 
 by a consideration for others and a true moderation for which 
 the world at large would have given him scanty credit. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. G. R. Prynne. 
 
 35 Grosvenor Square, 2nd Monday in Adv. [.^1849.] 
 I was very sorry to see the worry to which you have been ex- 
 posed. I hope it is now come to an end. These scenes do stir up 
 so many bad passions, and so set people against the truth. Certainly, 
 one should be glad that greater reverence could be restored : but 
 I have long felt that we must first win the hearts of the people, and 
 then the fruits of reverence will show themselves. To begin with 
 outward things seems like gathering flowers, and putting them in the 
 earth to grow. If we win their hearts, all the rest would follow. I have 
 never had the responsibility of a parish, but while I could not but feel 
 sympathy with those who held themselves bound by every Rubric, 
 I could not but think myself that since the Church of England had 
 virtually let them go into disuse, we were bound to use wisdom in 
 restonng them, so as not, in restoring them, to risk losing what is of far 
 more moment, the hearts of the people. We have high authority for 
 avoidmg even words which may give offence : and for myself, I avoid 
 usmg technical language, and try to teach truth in as acceptable a form 
 as I can. People shut their ears and their hearts against the truth in 
 one form, which they will receive patiently in another. It is quite 
 amazmg how much truth even the prejudiced will receive, so long as 
 they do not meet with the terms which they have been accustomed to 
 object to. And so they get leavened they know not how ; and their old 
 narrow belief falls off like the serpent's old skin, when it outgrows it. 
 
 I am very glad to see that you acted on the advice of the old men 
 to Rehoboam. One could not but see, amid all that prejudice against 
 
 P ism, that there was a good deal of real attachment to the Church. 
 
 And, after all, the dislike of innovation is a good principle : for there 
 ought not to be innovations in matters of religion. At Devonport, 
 too, where they have been so long neglected, they require the more 
 patience. Were I at Devonport, I would not edge in any outward 
 changes, as though I were waiting for further opportunities, but go 
 on earnestly, preaching, visiting, teaching, be forward in every work 
 of mercy, enlist people's sympathies for the poor, show them that we 
 have large common ground, and that the characteristics of this formid- 
 able ism are deeper love for God, and of man for His sake. 
 
 VOL. III. B b 
 
370 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 I think it is of great moment that we should not foster the impression 
 that this great battle is about things external. They think themselves 
 forthwith more spiritual than their teachers, whereas the very thing 
 which we wish to teach them is deeper reverence and awe of God, 
 deeper sense of their own responsibility, deeper knowledge of God's 
 gifts in the Gospel, more frequent communion with Him, conformity 
 to Him, &c. 
 
 When they have learnt this in some degree, there will be no more 
 battles about surplices. There will be a deeper strife, but it will be 
 with the world. 
 
 You will not mind my thus speaking, but it is a common cause, both 
 in that my own name is so blended with yours, and, much more, for 
 the sake of the very cause itself. 
 
 God be with you always. 
 
 In those days, bowing to the altar was looked upon with 
 quaint misgiving, in spite of the old traditions and the 
 special directions to that effect contained in the Canons 
 of 1640. Replying to an esteemed correspondent on this 
 subject, Pusey states what his own practice had been : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. E. T. Richards. 
 
 Pusey, Oct. i, [1849]. 
 ... I bowed to the altar at Devonport. You know all the 
 Canons do at Christ Church. Archbishop Laud recommends it, I 
 think. I have understood that it used to be quite common in village 
 congregations; only when the forgetful times came on in the last 
 century, it was changed into a bow to the clergyman, and now probably 
 discontinued altogether. Where people do not bow, I do not. I think 
 it a matter in which I had best conform to the practice. Indeed, I do 
 not bow, except at Christ Church ; but, bowing there, I could see no 
 objection to the Sisters bowing in their little oratory. 
 
 Another question which occupied Pusey at this period, 
 although not making a first claim upon the energies of his 
 mind, was the movement in favour of establishing more 
 Penitentiaries. This movement owed more to his own 
 teaching respecting post-baptismal sin than to any other 
 direct cause, except perhaps the influence and practical 
 efforts of Archdeacon Manning and Mr. (afterwards Bishop) 
 Armstrong. Mrs. Pusey had joined the Rev. W. K. Hamilton 
 in setting on foot a rudimentary institution at Oxford for 
 the reception and recovery of fallen women. Archdeacon 
 Manning had sent in proof to Pusey the Preface to his 
 re-edition of a sermon entitled * Penitents and Saints.* 
 
 Penitentiary Work, 
 E. B. P. TO Archdeacon Manning. 
 
 371 
 
 [Undated, but end of Nov. 1848.] 
 I have just read with deep interest your touching Preface. I should 
 be glad of a few more sentences, or perhaps one, in pp. 5, 6, on the 
 uselessness of providing retreats for the fallen unless you have more 
 care agamst falling. It is said of us English that we begin at the 
 wrong end We have, such as they are, all sorts of Penitentiaries 
 for the fallen, juvenile offenders, &c., &c. But where is our care to 
 prevent falling? It has been said severely, 'A person must destroy 
 his character, in order to become an object of English charity.' The 
 life of these wretched ones is (horrible as it is to speak) a sort of 
 profession. To draw off some few of them is doubtless a work of 
 mercy to their souls sanctioned and blessed by our Lord Himself. 
 
 ^''"/Fr* '""^^^ y""" ^"^ "°^^^"-- Y«" P^^ck out of the black, 
 muddied, filthy stream, half-stifled, a few unhappy beings ; but it is 
 only to make room for others to cast themselves into it, unless you 
 begm at the other end to intercept them. The miserable number of 
 20 000 will be filled up, unless means be taken to save people from 
 en isting themselves in Satan's service. As you have butchers and 
 bakers, so you will have these unhappy ones, until one class is taught 
 to restrain their passions, or the others are made chaste. Either way 
 you dimmish their number. Else ' rusticus expectat dum defluat amnis. 
 at illelabitur et labetur,' alas, not for all time only, but into eternity. 
 
 My own mmd, then, has been turned into a different current from 
 Mr. Armstrong's. I do feel that a true Penitentiary, which the un- 
 happy ones need not leave, would be a great blessing, both to them 
 and to the Church, as a token what enduring repentance is. I have 
 wished for It, ever since I saw one under Roman Catholic Sisters in 
 Ireland in 1841. But I have felt more strongly the need of providing 
 for that most critical period of life, the development of the natural 
 and spiritual life, when the girl is passing into the woman, and the 
 child is to become the full-grown Christian, confirmed and a commu- 
 nicant. Here our National Schools just fail us, and just when there is 
 most peril, they are left to themselves, to unlearn (amid the contamina- 
 tion of bad, crowded homes of which you speak, or of hard drudgery 
 where they are outcasts from the Church and of all means of self- 
 improvement- 1 am speaking of great towns) all the good they had 
 learnt, and learn all evil. At present, we teach in our schools, for the 
 most part, only that our children may sin against the light. 
 
 I would not, then, discourage Penitentiaries, or anything God puts 
 into people's hearts, to reclaim sinners ; but for one Penitentiary 
 I should be glad to have ten abodes for training destitute poor female 
 children. If we could but provide for orphans and children of first 
 marriages! . . . 
 
 At times Pusey expressed himself almost impatiently 
 on this topic. The Rev. W. Butler, at that time Vicar 
 
 B b 2 
 
372 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey, 
 
 of Wantage, asked him to preach at the anniversary of 
 St. Mary's House — then a young institution, struggling to 
 maintain itself in exceptional difficulties. Pusey in declining 
 could say, with perfect truth, that he had no time to prepare 
 such a sermon. But he added : — 
 
 * Englishmen have a monomania about Penitentiaries. They do not 
 stir a finger to prevent people from falling into the black pool, and 
 then say, "See what we are doing !" if they drag one or another out 
 to make room for fresh victims. People use Penitentiaries to blind 
 themselves to their own apathy.* 
 
 Pusey did not of course mean that Penitentiaries were not 
 institutions of great value. Both in Oxford and Devonport 
 he spent a great deal of time and money in helping such 
 institutions and those who were in them. But the comple- 
 ment to Penitentiaries was to be found, he held, in 
 Orphanages: a home-like training in such an institution 
 would save many who otherwise would afterwards need to 
 find their way into Penitentiaries. He was especially 
 interested — and remained so throughout his life — in the 
 Orphanage of the Devonport Society. Commenced, as 
 we have seen, at Devonport, the work was subsequently 
 carried on for many years at St. Saviour's House, Osna- 
 burgh Street, London; and finally, in 1877, established at 
 Ascot Priory, Berks. 
 
 From the year 1855 onwards, until the death of 
 Pusey, the older and most promising of the orphans were 
 transplanted to the * Printing Press ' of the Devonport 
 Society, a work which was commenced at Bradford-on- 
 Avon, and in later years carried on at * Holy Rood,' 
 Oxford. The germ of this enterprise, — which has not sur- 
 vived its author, although it was for many years honourably 
 associated with his literary and theological activity, — is 
 thus referred to : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, June, 1855. 
 
 I have begun the plan of printing by women. The object is to find 
 
 an additional employment for them in large towns, so as to save them 
 
 from the temptation to eke out their narrow and insufficient wages by 
 
 sin. The extent to which sin is thus occasioned is horrible. I hope 
 
 Attitude towards Dissent, 
 
 373 
 
 that the plan of gathering the young women into dormitories, and 
 putting them under religious care, may, when it is seen, by God's 
 blessing, to answer, be followed. The plan is a secret as yet. I have 
 bought one of Marriott's presses (which have been a great expense to 
 him), and the plan is being begun at Bristol, under the auspices of 
 the Sisters. 
 
 Pusey rarely came into close contact with any of the 
 forms of Dissent. He had never been engaged in parochial 
 work: and apart from the regular cases of spiritual counsel, 
 he was mainly consulted by persons who were perplexed 
 by infidelity or by the claims of Rome. His feeling 
 towards Dissenters was a kindly one. He was careful not 
 to obscure any of the deficiencies of faith or of practice 
 which belong to systematized Puritanism : but he gladly 
 recognized the amount of revealed truth to which many of 
 the separated bodies give their witness, and was painfully 
 aware that their dissent is largely due to the shortcomings 
 of the Church in past generations. The Irvingites were 
 the only body with which he had controversy at this time. 
 The religious system which owes its name to Edward Irving 
 had largely emancipated itself from the traditions of its 
 Presbyterian cradle. It was a body of a different type from 
 the old Dissenting denominations, and even from Wes- 
 leyanism. It used the language of antiquity ; it was not 
 afraid of the principles of mysticism and beauty in religion : 
 it enlisted art in its service, and held ' decency and order ' 
 to be attributes of Christian worship. Its strength lay 
 in its belief in the power of the Holy Spirit resident 
 in the Church of Christ to the end of time — a belief 
 which is not the less important or true, because the 
 form which it took in the Irvingite system was con- 
 nected with some extravagancies. A near relative of the 
 Dowager-Duchess of Argyll, who was much influenced by 
 Pusey, was greatly attracted by the Irvingite system ; and 
 the Duchess wrote to Pusey for arguments that might 
 have weight with her friend. Pusey thought the Irvingites 
 a * most impracticable body.' ' They make a schism, and 
 will not own that they are making it.' In their supposed 
 revival of the Apostolic oflfice, ' they think they have some- 
 
374 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Irvingism — Purgatory. 
 
 375 
 
 r 
 
 thing more than the whole Church : and so are losing God's 
 gifts through her.* The Duchess was often staying at 
 Frome Selwood, to which the Rev.W. J. E. Bennett had been 
 appointed in 1851. Pusey, after his wont, felt it necessary 
 to go thoroughly into the question that had been raised ; 
 and he proposed to publish the result in a periodical which 
 Mr. Bennett had set on foot— the Church Porch, But the 
 Church Porch was a small publication ; and Pusey s articles 
 had a habit of growing into pamphlets^ or even volumes. 
 
 * The Church Porch, he writes, * is too small a vehicle for my long 
 articles on Irvingism. The printer proposes to dissect my article on 
 the tongues into three, so that I should not think many readers would 
 remember in one article what 1 had written in the preceding.' 
 
 The attractive feature in Irvingism, at least in its early 
 days, was the supposed revival, in the midst of our modern 
 world, of those very gifts of healing, of tongues, and of 
 prophecy, which were displayed in the Church of Corinth 
 and elsewhere under the eyes of the Apostles. Whether 
 these gifts were really revived or not was a question of fact ; 
 and Puscy's criticism proceeds not upon any assumed im- 
 possibility in the revival, but upon lack of evidence that it 
 had taken place. 
 
 *I am going,' he writes, 'through the so-called prophecies. My 
 statement is this. No true prophet of God ever spoke as prophecy 
 what was falsified by the event. The Irvingite prophecies have 
 never been fulfilled, except when those who uttered them have had 
 the power of fulfilling them: as, for instance, when they said, "there 
 shall be apostles"; and then, too, they were falsified; for they said 
 that the apostles should have the gift of the Apostles — miracles, 
 &c.— and their so-called apostles have them not. Almighty God 
 gave this as the test between the false prophets and His true pro- 
 phets, that true prophecy should be fulfilled. Mr. Baxter's earlier 
 book furnishes, I should think, some twenty or more circumstantial 
 statements which they said would be fulfilled, and which were not. 
 I wish your sister could look this argument in the face.* 
 
 It would seem that in the Irvingite movement, as at 
 Corinth, the claim to the more pretentious gift of tongues 
 had for some minds a greater attraction than the more sober 
 gift of prophesying or preaching. Supposing it to be real, 
 
 It was a gift which readily lent itself to illusions ; and this 
 Pusey endeavoured to bring before the minds of his corre- 
 spondents by a series of questions which ought, he thought, 
 to be answered, before the gift was taken for granted. A 
 great deal of stress was laid also upon the ' acts of healing,' 
 which were alleged to have taken place, and which were, it 
 was contended, of a strictly miraculous character. Pusey 
 had questions to ask about these too, no less than about the 
 tongues. 
 
 A little later Pusey writes to his son : — 
 
 * I am busy about Irvingism. I have finished my second article 
 (on " tongues ") ; and am writing the third on their so-called prophesy- 
 ings. A fourth will be on their heresies : a fifth, on the apostolic 
 succession in answer to their claim for apostles.' 
 
 Pusey appears at one time to have contemplated a con- 
 siderable work on this subject. He contributed eleven 
 papers to the Old Church Porch ; whence they were 
 extracted to take a somewhat more permanent form in 
 the Rev. W. J. E. Bennett's work on ' The Church's Broken 
 Unity.' 
 
 Another of his correspondents at this time was the 
 Rev. Arthur Baker, who had been on the staff of the clergy 
 of Margaret Chapel, where he was distinguished for his 
 general devotion and for the power and spirituality of his 
 sermons. He seems to have been influenced by the idea 
 that * Purgatory as taught in the Roman Church was a 
 special source of comfort, as holding out a hope of salva- 
 tion to those desiring to be holy, but who are often falling.* 
 This idea appeared to Pusey to be both vague and mis- 
 leading ; and he set himself to show that, whether on 
 Anglican or on Roman grounds, it seemed unwarranted. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. A. Baker. 
 
 About 1852. 
 
 I was studying Roman divines of authority last year on the subject, 
 
 and what I set down was what I gathered from them, that they believed 
 
 that (i) none entered Purgatory who did not leave this life in a state 
 
 of grace ; (2) that there was no growth in grace there ; (3) that it was 
 
 a state of satispassto, in which these souls stayed until the definite 
 
 temporal debt was paid. 
 
«i W t. I i« * i»i 
 
 (I 
 
 376 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Purgatory. 
 
 377 
 
 III 
 
 li 
 
 i 
 
 Plainly, there will be a great change when this corruptible body is 
 put off, and with it and the close of this life the fames peccati is put off, 
 and the soul is fixed in the unchangeable, unvarying love of God. Our 
 bodies too will be changed in the Resurrection. But what I wished 
 to guard against, in that note, and my very object in writing it, was 
 that the doctrine of Purgatory held out a hope of salvation to those who 
 would not be saved otherwise. 
 
 Now both Roman divines and ours believe that all those and those 
 only will be saved who, when they die, are in a state of grace. Almighty 
 God knows who these are. They must be known to Him. They are 
 already in a state of grace in this life. In what way He will fit them 
 for the full fruition of Himself is a distinct question. But the number 
 of those who are in a state of grace now is a certain number, certainly 
 known to Almighty God. It is 2l present fact. It cannot depend upon 
 what is future. Since what follows after this life does not change the 
 fact in this life, the number of the saved cannot be increased by it. 
 
 The danger of 'often falling' (if the falls are of that deep sort, of 
 which Holy Scripture says, * They who do such things shall not inherit 
 the Kingdom of God ') is lest they who so fall should at last grieve 
 away the Spirit of God, and have not the grace to repent any more. 
 This is the danger as relates to final salvation. There is the other 
 danger, that they should lose that degree of bliss and the eternal love 
 of God, which, by patient perseverance in the grace of God, they might 
 have had. 
 
 Neither of these dangers are in the least met by the doctrine of 
 Purgatory. If a person have sinned away the grace of God, he will 
 not be saved on any system. The reward also in heaven, * the crown 
 of righteousness,' will be proportioned to the deeds done in the body. 
 There is no attainment (nothing which is meant by meritum) in the 
 world to come. As a man sows, so shall he reap. 
 
 Mr. Baker was on the point of leaving England for New 
 Zealand, where he worked for six years under Bishop 
 Selwyn. He might never see England and Pusey again : 
 and his mind dwelt much on the anxious question of what 
 would happen after death. Pusey had to return to the 
 subject. The mischief of such expressions as Mr. Baker 
 used was that they suggested that 
 
 * what is neglected here, may be so supplied there as to affect the 
 measure of a person's eternal happiness. The more any one grows in 
 grace here, the greater will be his eternal happiness. The reward 
 there will be in proportion to his use of grace here. Neglect of grace 
 here at one time may be compensated by greater diligence subsequently 
 in this life. But the state of the soul is absolutely fixed by death, 
 (i) whether it shall be lost or saved ; (2) what shall be its final degree 
 of bliss.' 
 
 In a third letter Pusey repeats himself; but his thought 
 runs clearer as he writes and rewrites it : — 
 
 * Whatever there is in this life of repentance, faithfulness to grace, 
 love, deeds of love, brings with it growth in grace and greater capacity 
 of future bliss. Nothing in the intermediate state can compensate for 
 this, if lost. Both a person's salvation and the degree of bliss are 
 fixed here. " The patient endurance of suffering for the love of God, 
 and penitential sorrow " in this life, do, through the operation of the 
 grace of God, enlarge the soul (whatever its present capacity is) for 
 a larger participation of Almighty God. This is fixed in this life. To 
 look then for that to be done in the intermediate state which ought to 
 be done here, is to undergo loss. R. C.s say, "it is through the 
 remissness of a soul that it goes to Purgatory at all." But what it loses 
 in this life, it cannot recover. Through patient endurance and peni- 
 tential sorrow, or deeds of love for the love of God here, the soul gains 
 eternally, through the grace of God, larger measures of bliss. Whatever 
 is lost here, is lost for eternity. 
 
 * I believe that your expression " growth in grace " would be 
 accounted incorrect by R. C. writers, being limited [by them] to 
 a state of probation. It implies that exercise of will and choice which 
 belong to the state of probation only. 
 
 * You will not think me over-critical if I say that the expression 
 " a course of purifying penitential processes, extending it may be 
 into the intermediate state," is incorrect, even on Roman grounds. 
 There is no repentance, no penitential process, in the grave. 
 
 * I am anxious about this both on its own account, because I think 
 that it would be misleading ; and because I fear that in New Zealand, 
 where they have had none of this teaching, it might occasion trouble 
 both to yourself and others. I fear that it would be a subject of 
 anxiety to the Bishop, who has been winning people so wonderfully, 
 and that his work would be hindered by any teaching which implied 
 a belief in a state of Purgatory. I suppose that you would feel no 
 difficulty in teaching what our Church teaches in common with the 
 rest of Christendom as to the great truths of faith and practice, without 
 touching upon these subjects.' 
 
 Pusey had been forced unwillingly into incessant contro- 
 versy ; but no one was more conscious than himself that it was 
 not in the atmosphere of controversy nor in the promotion 
 merely of theological study, that any real improvement in 
 the Church must be expected : it must begin with greater 
 strictness of life among the clergy. Only those who were 
 living for God, he said, could persuade other men to live 
 for Him. For this reason in July, 1856, what is believed 
 to be the first attempt at a Retreat for Clergy in the later 
 
(1 
 
 378 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I! 
 
 K 
 
 ir 
 
 English Church was made under his auspices. Seventeen or 
 eighteen clergymen were present, and were lodged and fed 
 at his house in Christ Church. They met at half-past six, 
 to say Prime and prepare for Holy Communion. Then the 
 whole party attended a celebration at St. Thomas' Church 
 at seven, remaining in church after the service for about half 
 an hour for prayer. Returning to Pusey's, they said Thanks- 
 giving for Communion, and Terce over, breakfast fallowed, 
 during which a meditation was read. Then they went to 
 the Cathedral service at ten, returning to Sext, and a ' con- 
 ference,' which lasted until two or three o'clock. It was on 
 some such subject as conversion or confession. Dinner, 
 during which there was spiritual reading, was followed by 
 Nones and afternoon service at the Cathedral ; after which 
 the whole party took a short walk, returned to tea, to another 
 * conference ' and Compline, and so went to bed. This was 
 repeated every day for a week. The Rev. Charles Lowder, 
 who describes it, says that it was an especial help to him 
 before entering on his great work at St. George's Mission ^ 
 As compared with modem Retreats it was obviously de- 
 ficient : meditations are better than conferences ; and if 
 souls are to deal faithf^illy with God and with themselves 
 a rule of silence is a practical necessity. But in this, as in 
 so much else, Pusey led the way to spiritual opportunities 
 which are now, and without question, placed within the 
 reach of all English Churchmen. 
 
 » ' Life of Rev. C. Lowder/ p. 96. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY REFORM ACT OF 1 854. 
 
 Christ's Church was holiest in her youthful days, 
 
 Ere the world on her smiled ; 
 So now, an outcast, she would pour her rays, 
 
 More keen and undefiled ; 
 Yet would I not that hand of force were mine 
 Which thrusts her from her ancient, awful shrine. 
 
 ^ Lyra Apostolica^ cxxxi. 
 
 The probability that there would be some Parliamentary 
 interference with the old constitution and arrangements of 
 Oxford had long been recognized. The most conservative 
 of Oxford men had been made to feel by the events of the 
 last few years that it was absolutely necessary that some 
 great change should be made in the government of the Uni- 
 versity. The Hebdomadal Board had been discredited by 
 its actions in the Tractarian controversy in the eyes even of 
 many who did not sympathize with the Oxford Movement. 
 On the other hand, there were some to whom the entire 
 constitution and arrangements of the University were dis- 
 tasteful. Lord John Russell was generally credited with 
 the opinion that the Tractarian movement was partly due to 
 the old constitution of the University as consolidated by 
 Laud, and to the Statutes of the Colleges, the majority of 
 which dated from before the Reformation. In this opinion 
 there was this element of truth. Both Laud's work and 
 the College Statutes were mainly a survival of the religious 
 and disciplinary rules of an earlier age, with only such 
 modifications as reform in the abuses of the Church 
 
38o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 IJ 
 
 necessarily involved. Hence the anti-Catholic and Lati- 
 tudinarian parties disliked just those elements of the old 
 Oxford which the Tractarians would have wished to retain. 
 The Colleges were, in their eyes, relics of a ' mischievous 
 mediaevalism, inconsistent with the healthy temper and 
 wider views of modern European life.' Judged also from 
 another point of view, as centres of study and learning, the 
 richly endowed Universities of England were felt to have 
 but a low standard and to be doing inadequate work, 
 although there was a wide difference of opinion as to the 
 best method of improvement. And thus those who dis- 
 liked them on religious grounds were reinforced by others 
 whose objections were of a different order. 
 
 On Aug. 31, 1850, a Commission was appointed by 
 the Queen to inquire into the state, discipline, studies, 
 and revenues of the University and Colleges of Oxford. 
 The Commissioners were generally Liberal in politics, 
 and more or less Latitudinarian in theology ^ They 
 spent a year and eight months in collecting such evi- 
 dence as they could get ; but, as their proceedings were 
 viewed by the majority of Oxford residents with more or 
 less suspicion and distrust,' many important sources of 
 information were closed to them. They presented their 
 report, however, on April 27, 1852; and, before making 
 that report a basis of legislation, the Government allowed 
 some time to elapse, in order that the University might 
 collectively, or through its more eminent members, express 
 its opinion on the subject. The Hebdomadal Board ac- 
 cordingly appointed a delegacy, to which evidence was 
 tendered by many distinguished persons who had refused 
 to have any communication with the Royal Commis- 
 sioners ; and by this delegacy a report was made to the 
 Board, and subsequently printed in a thick octavo volume. 
 Pusey would have been glad to give evidence before the 
 Commissioners; but he appears to have had no oppor- 
 
 (1 
 ^1' 
 
 ' They were Dr. Hinds, Bishop of 
 Norwich, Dr. Tait, Dr. Jeune, Rev. 
 H. G. Liddell, J. L. Dampier, Esq., 
 
 Professor Baden Powell, Rev. G. H.S. 
 Johnson. The Rev. A. P. Stanley 
 was Secretary to the Commission. 
 
 The Professorial System, 
 
 381 
 
 tunity of doing so. He therefore offered it to the delegacy 
 of the Hebdomadal Board. In point of bulk his evidence 
 formed the largest contribution to the Hebdomadal 
 volume ^ : and, as was observed at the time, it differed 
 from other contributions in kind no less than in degree. 
 Men who did not sympathize with its drift and object could 
 not but acknowledge the proof it afforded of vast and varied 
 knowledge, of intellectual acumen, and of a grasp of the main 
 points at issue. Others addressed themselves to isolated 
 points in the Commissioners* Report : Pusey had dealt with 
 it as a whole and in its most essential characteristics. 
 
 He saw that the two really important questions raised 
 by the report were whether Oxford education should be 
 collegiate or professorial, and whether it should be lay or 
 clerical. 
 
 He discusses the first point in an historical review of 
 University education in Germany, whence in fact had been 
 derived the ideal that was before the minds of the Com- 
 missioners. In the German University the professor was 
 everything : and Pusey contends that this system failed 
 adequately to stimulate the active powers of the mind 
 of students, created successive schools of thought but no 
 authoritative literature, and involved serious dangers not 
 only to the faith but to the morals of students. 
 
 He contrasts the mental effect of lectures orally delivered 
 by professors with that of the study of a classical text : — 
 
 * The object of lectures orally delivered is simply to convey informa- 
 tion. They presuppose that the mind is already formed. The mind 
 is simply a recipient. It digests, at most, at some subsequent time (if 
 it ever does), what it then receives. For the time, its faculties are 
 mainly employed in grasping and remembering what is imparted to it. 
 It can only, at most, and that on the easiest points, exercise a rapid 
 judgment, in passing, on what is proposed to it. If the lecture be new 
 to the hearer, or at all taxes his powers, all his efforts are employed in 
 retaining a portion of it. He has not (as in the case of catechetical 
 
 * Pusey was conscious of this : * I 
 have written,' he wrote to Keble, *a 
 long elaborate essay of 170 close oc- 
 tavo pages.' He urges Keble to write, 
 and to induce others to write, such 
 as Sir J. Coleridge, Sir J. Awdry, Sir 
 
 W. Heathcote, Dr. Moberly. What 
 was needed was * ihe sound judgment 
 of matured minds, not the opinions of 
 young, professor-bitten minds.' Pusey 
 to Keble, June, 1853. 
 
II 
 
 382 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Effect on Religious Faith. 
 
 teaching) to compare any thoughts which he may have formed, with 
 those of a maturer mind. The mind is passive, not active \' 
 
 He urges therefore that 
 
 * 
 
 * The difference of the intellectual benefit between the cursory attend- 
 ance upon a delivered lecture on the one hand and on the other that 
 repeated and renewed effort and strain of mind in considering again 
 and again the more thoughtful passages of a solid book, then surveying 
 the argument as a whole, and then again pausing upon its more solid 
 and weighty parts, or again its minuter excellences, or its abstruser 
 points— will be estimated by any one who will reflect upon the process 
 at anytime in his own mind. It is incalculable. Even in this respect 
 the lectures of professors are, as a study, inferior to their written 
 books ^* 
 
 The professoriate in Protestant Germany had led, Pusey 
 maintained, to a widespread doubt of the certainty of any 
 knowledge, alike in theology and philosophy. When illus- 
 trating this position, he traces the history of German 
 Protestant theology and philosophy; the one from the 
 Reformation, the other from the rise of the Wolfian philo- 
 sophy. The Lutheranism of the Formula Concordiae, the 
 school of Halle, the lectures and influence of Baumgarten, 
 Semler, Michaelis, Eichhorn, were successively illustrations 
 of influences which had only existed to die away. In 
 philosophy, Wolfianism had been succeeded by the popular 
 philosophy ; this by Kant, Kant by Fichte, by Schelling, 
 by Hegel in succession. Nothing had remained beyond 
 the impression that nothing was certain. The passages 
 which illustrate this are too long for quotation, but they 
 repay perusal, and they show how extensive was Pusey's 
 knowledge of the history of modern German thought. 
 This instability of all representations, whether of theo- 
 logical or philosophical truth, had arrested the production 
 of a literature that could be recognized as classical and 
 authoritative. When, during his stay in Germany, Pusey 
 had asked the Germans about their standard books in 
 theology : — 
 
 * Rep. and Ev. before Hebd. Board, 'Evidence/ pp. 5, 6. 
 
 =» Ibid., p. 8. 
 
 383 
 
 * There was nothing. Whatever there had been in the previous 
 centuries was swept away. No account was then taken of any book, 
 except what had been published in the last twenty-five years. No book 
 written before that time was to be found in Berlin, except in one obscure 
 little shop ; at Gottingen, or Bonn, none ; nor were they ordinarily to 
 be obtained, except in one great * antiquarian ' shop at Leipzig, or 
 occasionally at auctions. Rumours had then reached England of some 
 unknown amount of sacred criticism in Germany ; but when I came 
 to ask the more thoughtful of them, it was owned that there was next 
 to nothing. Yet the system of professorial lectures in theology had 
 been going on since the Reformation ; year by year, lectures had been 
 given in all the different chairs of Germany ; but wave had followed 
 wave, and all had disappeared. I recollect the mutual surprise when 
 the more thoughtful among them learnt from me, that in England we 
 studied chiefly old books, and I learnt from them that they used none. 
 If they asked of me how we studied theology, they were surprised to 
 hear of standard, solid writers of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries, as Hooker or Bull, Butler or Pearson, and they said, " That 
 is something beautiful." It was to me, at that time, something strange 
 and mournful that they had no past. 
 
 * Certainly, to speak of theology, if, as has been said ^, part of the 
 value of the professorial system is to produce books, it was a total 
 failure ; for there had been none which survived ^' 
 
 As to the effect of this system on religious faith, Pusey 
 recalls his own experience, while in Germany : — 
 
 * In 1825 (and so after the revival, though the new school had 
 for some years begun), one who wished to recount all who, in any 
 sense, could be accounted supporters of Christianity, or (as they were 
 called), "orthodox" among the professors, made them amount to 
 seventeen only, in all Protestant Germany. Among them was Mar- 
 heincke, and some others, who in no other country would have been 
 accounted orthodox. " We Orientalists," said another in my hearing, 
 who became afterwards a distinguished Oriental professor, ** are but 
 bad Christians." I believe that a young Roman Catholic student and 
 myself were the only believers in the lecture-room when it was said, 
 although another was afterwards converted ^' 
 
 Again, the professor was not responsible for the moral 
 conduct of his pupil : there was no such relation between 
 teacher and taught as was implied in the tutorial system of 
 the English Universities. The results might be anticipated. 
 
 * I see then,' Pusey concludes, * no result, intellectual, moral, or 
 religious, for which we should be invited to imitate the plan of the 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Report/ p. 97. 
 
 ■ * Evidence ' presented to Hebd. Board, pp. 9, 10. 
 ' Ibid., p. 31. 
 
384 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 HI 
 
 il 
 
 German Universities. We have been told much of their powers of 
 speculation and their philosophy. We may ask, which they would 
 recommend to us ? They have tired, we are told, of all. Or is it for 
 their sacred criticism ? We might ask again, in what theory as to 
 Holy Scripture, or any part of it, they acquiesce } or their research ? 
 We might ask what modem history they would give us in preference to 
 our own } or ethics ? We may still ask what system they adopt : We 
 have been told that " we have no history of doctrines ^" We may ask, 
 what doctrines they are agreed upon? Since the result of research,* 
 diligence, instruction is assured, and solid knowledge, .we may well 
 abide by our own system until we see, not in theory only, but in its 
 fruits, that another forms the mind more solidly, maintains its indepen- 
 dence better, while aiding it to think aright, encompasses it with 
 religious influences without forcing it, or yields more religious solid 
 knowledge than that contained in our English divines, the ultimate 
 result of the training of our Universities and of residence in them. 
 
 * We have abundance of theories about the professorial system. We 
 have no facts of its having produced any but evil fruits. The training 
 of our youth, the intellectual, moral, religious formation of their minds, 
 their future well-being in this world and the world to come, are not 
 matters upon which to try experiments V 
 
 The other question to which Pusey addressed himself 
 was whether education given in the Universities should be 
 lay or clerical. The Commissioners had urged that the 
 clerical restrictions on fellowships were objectionable on 
 three grounds. They led some men to receive Holy Orders 
 from the unworthy motive of desiring to hold a fellowship. 
 They excluded from the service of a College persons whose 
 calling might be to literary work, but not to Holy Orders. 
 Further, a predominance of clergy tended to promote 
 theological controversy. 
 
 To the first objection Pusey replies that if the elections 
 to fellowships were rightly conducted, the temptation to 
 take Holy Orders from unworthy motives could not exist ; 
 and that the argument of the Commissioners told much 
 more strongly against private patronage of livings. To the 
 second, that already more fellowships were held by laymen 
 than were needed to meet any cases of non-clerical persons 
 who felt called to literary labours. Most lay-fellows were 
 non-resident, rendering no apparent services either to their 
 
 ' *Repoit,'p. 71. 
 Rep. and Ev. before Hebd. Board, ' Evidence,' pp. 63, 64. 
 
 Education Lay or Clerical, 
 
 385 
 
 College or the University. As to a tendency to religious 
 controversy, it was independent of the question whether 
 a man was a clergyman or a layman. Controversy was to 
 be found everywhere, and on all subjects. It need not be 
 angry or spiteful. It would cease, no doubt, li, as at times 
 m Germany, men had ceased altogether to care about 
 religion. 
 
 Pusey observes that the evidence before the Com- 
 missioners testifies to the feeling of the country in favour 
 of clerical instructors. He adds :-— 
 
 r [T"^ founds of this preference of the clergy as educators are two- 
 fold: (I) because those who have devoted themselves to that sacred 
 calling are presumed (whatever individual defects there may be) to be 
 likely to train the young more religiously than the average of other 
 men ; (2) because all subjects of study may be taught religiously or 
 irreligiously, and it is supposed that persons, pledged as the clergy 
 are, will, on the whole, teach more religiously ^* 
 
 He adds afterwards : — 
 
 /^Meiners quotes a French writer-', who speaks of it as a gain, that 
 theology and philosophy ceased to be a monopoly of monks, and 
 were taught by seculars -; and that the seculars - belonging to no 
 ecclesiastical order, could abandon themselves the more freely to the 
 impulse of their genius, and hazard fearlessly novel opinions " The 
 French Revolution, the empire of "the Goddess of Reason," and the 
 blind and fanaUcal following of any new meteor-light, to the almost 
 utter destruction of faith among the learned in Germany, were the 
 results of that " hazard." It was a " hazard " in which all was staked, 
 and for the time was lost ".' 
 
 Pusey, of course, did not deny that the existing educa- 
 tional system of Oxford admitted of great improvement : 
 he only desired that this improvement should proceed on 
 sound principles. 
 
 'It is right that Oxford should embrace all who will come to her 
 to be educated in her way ; it is right that she should enlarge her 
 studies, by taking in, in their order and degree, those parts of study 
 which can be combined with her system, and which may help to 
 expand, cultivate, strengthen, consolidate, and, if rightly used, elevate 
 the mind. It is well that she should help the student even to lay 
 a solid foundation for his future special study. Only let it be really 
 
 \ Rep. and Ev. before Hebd. Board, ' Evidence,' § 276. p. 128 
 ' Hafner. 'de I'Education Publique,' p. 7. ' ^ ^ » P' "»' 
 
 Rep. and Ev. before Hebd. Board, • Evidence,' p. 131. 
 VOL. III. c C 
 
386 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 5' 
 
 i 
 
 solid, and, above all, under the control of a firm, unwavering faith, to 
 the glory of God. It will yet be well with Oxford, if she forget not her 
 own motto — ^^ Dominus illuminatio mea^^* 
 
 Another body of residents, called the Tutors' Association, 
 of which the Rev. C. Marriott was an active member, had 
 frequent meetings and issued a report, which criticized the 
 proposals of the Commissioners for a new Governing Body 
 of the University. This twofold attack on the Com- 
 mission naturally provoked rejoinders, and the Com- 
 missioners were fortunate in finding a champion at once so 
 independent and so able as Professor H. H. Vaughan ^. 
 
 Professor Vaughan was a favourable representative of 
 the academical Liberalism, which was now rising at Oxford 
 in opposition alike to the Toryism of the Hebdomadal 
 Board and the religious principles of the Church Move- 
 ment. He saw at a glance that the most considerable, if 
 not the only considerable, opponent with whom he had to 
 reckon was Pusey ; and the bulk of his pamphlet is devoted 
 to an analysis of Pusey's ' Evidence,' which he hints ought 
 to have been called a ' treatise.' Against Pusey he endea- 
 vours to maintain with varying success that professorial 
 lectures are good, if not the best, instruments for communi- 
 cating knowledge ; and that they administer a discipline of 
 a certain kind to the mental faculties which is not to be 
 gained by the study of books. That professors have aided 
 the advancement of truth, and that professorial activity had 
 produced books of lasting value, is, it must be thought, made 
 good by their accomplished advocate : but the controversy 
 only approaches its centre when Professor Vaughan dis- 
 cusses Pusey's position, that the theological professoriate 
 in Protestant Germany had been a main cause of misbelief 
 and scepticism. Here Professor Vaughan changes his 
 method, which has hitherto been that of direct investigation, 
 for a series of ad hominevi arguments. Had not Pusey 
 been delivered into his hands by the ' Theology of Ger- 
 
 * 'Evidence,* § 370, p. 173. 
 
 * * Oxford Reform and Oxford Pro- 
 fessors,' by H. H. Vaughan, M.A , 
 
 Regius Professor of Modern Histor)', 
 London, Parker, 1854. 
 
 Professor VaugharCs Criticism, 387 
 
 many ' ? In that work the causes of Rationalism had been 
 represented to be dead orthodoxy and English Deism, while 
 the professors were described as not ' having done so' much 
 evil as good,' and their activity was hailed as a new era in 
 theology. As to the influence of professors on morality 
 Professor Vaughan maintains that * tutorial ' Oxford had 
 been, to say the least, no better than professorial Germany. 
 Attached to his pamphlet is an * Appendix,' the most in- 
 terestmg paper in which, 'On the Scholarship of Germany' 
 IS contributed by Mr., afterwards Professor, Conington. and 
 a ' Postscript,' in which, with questionable freedom, Pro- 
 fessor Vaughan publishes some private letters of Pusey's 
 without his leave. 
 
 Puse/s reply ^ to Professor Vaughan is the most consider- 
 able work he produced on the subject of University Educa- 
 tion. To the Professor's strictures it is at least an adequate 
 reply. He begins by showing that Professor Vaughan had 
 wholly or in part misstated the deductions which were 
 warranted by the evidence under review. On each point in 
 dispute he restates, explains, expands, by means of proof 
 and illustration, his original meaning: and it would be 
 difficult to point to any other equally solid defence of the 
 old Collegiate system of our English Universities. After 
 meeting Professor Vaughan's allegations point by point 
 respecting the alleged corruption of Colleges in France, he 
 refutes the charge against English Collegiate life which had 
 been made by Meiners, a copious and original writer, who 
 ranks among the most distinguished members of the Uni- 
 versity of Gottingen, where he had died sixteen years before 
 Pusey's visit in 1826. Pusey had quoted Meiners in his 
 evidence on a subject about which that writer could speak 
 with authority, namely, the evil results of lay teaching of 
 philosophy and divinity in the Universities of Protestant 
 Germany. Professor Vaughan had retaliated by quoting 
 Meiners' bad opinion of the Collegiate system in the 
 English Universities. But on this subject, as well as upon 
 
 i„I'^''i^^^n^^''''r'^^'"°^^''^"^^'^^^^^- P'-^f- Vaughan's strictures.' Oxford 
 ing and Discipline: in answer to Parker, 1854. ^xiora, 
 
 C C 2 
 

 Si 
 
 388 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 that of the French Colleges, Meiners had to depend upon 
 secondhand and bad sources of information ; as Pusey 
 shows, he had mainly relied on two early eighteenth-century 
 lampoons, in his attacks upon Colleges in England. Professor 
 Vaughan, who apparently first heard of Meiners from Pusey, 
 had no such knowledge as would enable him to make a dis- 
 criminating use of his new authority, and quoted his least 
 trustworthy conclusions with a childlike confidence which 
 Pusey 's analysis must have rudely disturbed. 
 
 Professor Vaughan had been scarcely more successful in 
 his endeavour to employ Pusey's iearlier work on Germany 
 in disparagement of his evidence before the Delegacy. 
 However much Pusey's estimate of the value of German 
 Protestant theology might have changed since 1828, he did 
 not, as Professor Vaughan asserted, propose to add a new 
 cause of German Rationalism, to those which he had already 
 assigned to it. 
 
 * The statement in my Evidence is not inconsistent with those in my 
 Enquiry. In 1827 [1828] I was speaking of the causes of Rationalism ; 
 in 1853 I was speaking of the agents. It is no contradiction to speak 
 at one time of the distant spring of water ; at another, of the pipes 
 which convey it. Cholera or the plague have been brought in cotton 
 goods. It is not thought irrational to enquire how they were /;//w^- 
 diateiy con\Gy^6. ; nor is one who so enquires supposed to be assigning 
 the ultimate physical cause which generated the disease. It is as 
 I have said, a fact, that " almost ^ all those, through whom Rationalism 
 was nurtured, developed, ripened, were professors." " The Rational- 
 istic writers of any name, who were not professors, were placed in their 
 offices by the Crown." The professors who really resisted Rationalism 
 were almost as few as the pastors who actively " promoted it." If any 
 can show this not to have been so, let them show it. If net, it is 
 a phenomenon which remains to be solved in some way ^.' 
 
 On one or two subjects which Pusey handles, such as the 
 advisability of private Halls, and of the admission to the 
 University of non-collegiate students, his judgment has been 
 more or less refuted by experience ; in fact it was not 
 a little modified even by himself as years went on. But 
 the leading positions of his book are of a different character, 
 
 ^ ' Evidence,' p. 73. 
 
 ^ * Collegiate and Professorial Teaching and Discipline,' p. 55. 
 
 The Theological Aspect, 
 
 389 
 
 and so long as men are interested in endeavouring to decide 
 what it is that they propose to themselves as the proper work 
 of Universities they will read him with interest and profit. 
 Nor will his readers be less struck by the admirable tone 
 of his controversial method. In no other work does he 
 shew more effectively how the resource and acuteness of 
 a practised controversialist may be combined with those 
 qualities of gentleness and consideration for others which 
 mark the true Christian. He also shews to better advan- 
 tage in the matter of style than in most of his published 
 works. Indeed there are few passages in controversial 
 literature stronger or more luminous than that with which 
 Pusey replies to the taunt that he was treating an aca- 
 demical question from a ' theological ' point of view :— 
 
 *To myself, some have thought it enough to answer that I have 
 looked upon the question "in a theological aspect." Undoubtedly. God 
 alone is in Himself, and is the Cause and Upholder of everything to 
 which He has given being. Every faculty of the mind is some reflection 
 of His ; every truth has its being from Him ; every law of nature has 
 the impress of His hand; everything beautiful has caught its light 
 from His eternal beauty ; every principle of goodness has its founda- 
 tion in His attributes. He, by nature, is above all, through all, in all, 
 by His Being ; as He is in His own, by His Grace. He is the Author 
 of all, the End of all, and of our own being individually. Without 
 Him, in the region of thought, everything is dead ; as without Him 
 everything which is, would at once cease to be. All things must 
 speak of God, refer to God, or they are atheistic. History, without 
 God, is a chaos without design, or end, or aim. Political Economy, 
 without God, would be a selfish teaching about the acquisition of 
 wealth, making the larger portion of mankind animate machines for 
 its production ; Physics, without God, would be but a dull enquiry 
 into certain meaningless phenomena; Ethics, without God, would be 
 a varying rule, without principle, or substance, or centre, or regulating 
 hand ; Metaphysics, without God, would make man his own temporary 
 god, to be resolved, after his brief hour here, into the nothingness out 
 of which he proceeded. All sciences may do good service, if those 
 who cultivate them know their place, and carry them not beyond their 
 sphere; all may, in different degrees, tend to cultivate the human 
 mind, although no one human mind has time or capacity for all. But 
 all will become antagonistic to truth, if they are deified by their 
 votaries ; all will tend to exclude the thought of God, if they are not 
 cultivated with reference to Him. History will become an account of 
 man's passions and brute strength, instead of the ordering of God's 
 
11! 
 
 l! 
 
 390 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 providence for His creatures' good ; Physics will materialize man, and 
 
 Metaphysics, God The object of an University is not simply 
 
 or mainly to cultivate the intellect. Intellect, by itself, heightened, 
 sharpened, refined, cool, piercing, subtle, would be after the likeness, 
 not of God, but of His enemy, who is acuter and subtler far, than the 
 acutest and the subtlest. The object of Universities is, with and 
 through the discipline of the intellect, as far as may be, to discipline 
 and train the whole moral and intelligent being. The problem and 
 special work of an University is, not how to advance science, not how 
 to make discoveries, not to form new schools of mental philosophy, 
 nor to invent new modes of analysis ; not to produce works in Medi- 
 cine, Jurisprudence, or even Theology ; but to form minds religiously, 
 morally, intellectually, which shall discharge aright whatever duties 
 God, in His Providence, shall appoint to them. Acute and subtle 
 intellects, even though well-disciplined, are not needed for most offices 
 in the body politic. Acute and subtle intellects, if undisciplined, are 
 destructive both to themselves and to it, in proportion to their very 
 powers. The type of the best EngHsh intellectual character is sound, 
 solid, steady, thoughtful, patient, well-disciplined judgment. It would 
 be a perversion of our institutions to turn the University into a forcing- 
 house for intellect. 
 
 ' What we need is to strengthen our institutions, not to revolutionize 
 them; to replace anything decayed, not to build anew; to reform 
 anything amiss, not to remodel them. Sudden changes are for His 
 hands alone, Who can recreate, as He created, very good : Who can 
 sustain the mind which He remoulds, or bear His own Ark over the 
 floods which He creates^.' 
 
 There is another good passage in which he recalls 
 some words of Archbishop Howley that had been much 
 canvassed in the secular press of the day : — 
 
 * The intellect, as Bishop Butler pointed out, has its trials as well 
 as the moral powers of man. Pride of intellect, or self-confidence, is 
 a more subtle evil than the coarser passions. People have justified 
 intellectually the indulgence of their passions ; they must, by a moral 
 necessity, if they give way to them. They cannot mistake as to the 
 existence of their passions, or the fact that they give way to them. 
 People are very commonly mistaken and ignorant as to their intel- 
 lectual faults or sins. In our time, men continually do not seem to 
 have a notion that the intellect, too, must be subdued to God. Within 
 our memory, the late Archbishop of Canterbury (when Bishop of 
 London) was assailed with a torrent of censure from the intellectual 
 press, because he insisted on " the prostration of the human under- 
 standing" before the revelation of God. His term expressed precisely 
 the truth, that the human intellect must have no reserves of its own ; 
 
 \ ( 
 
 Collegiate and Professorial Teaching and Discipline/ pp. 315, 216. 
 
 On Natural Science, 
 
 391 
 
 it must not make terms with God ; it must not receive all revelation 
 except just the one point, perhaps, which it does not like, or which it 
 cannot square with its own notions ^' 
 
 In subsequent correspondence with the Rev. A. P. Stanley, 
 Secretary to the Royal Commission, Pusey calls attention 
 to these passages as expressing his own deepest feeling. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. A. P. Stanley. 
 
 Thank you for the kind close of your letter. All kindness and loving 
 feeling is a treasure in this world of pain. 
 
 It has been the painful part of writing this answer that I felt I must 
 pain or in some way annoy Professor Vaughan. I have taken pains 
 to avoid it as far as I could. ... 
 
 In proportion as there is hope that science should be religious, 
 I should be glad to see science established at Oxford. I have no fears 
 from it. Of course, it ought to do good service, if it knows its own 
 province. . . . 
 
 I can assure you that I approached the Commission in no unfriendly 
 spirit. I should have been glad, beforehand, if I might, to have 
 addressed to the Commission remarks which were eventually directed 
 against its recommendations. Controversy is not a congenial element 
 to me. I wrote as I did, simply because I dreaded exceedingly the 
 moral and religious effects of their recommendations. 
 
 God guide us all aright in this crisis of Oxford. 
 
 This letter is noticeable as being an early expression 
 of the view that Pusey always entertained of the introduc- 
 tion of Natural Science into the studies of Oxford. 
 
 Among the proposals of the Commissioners was one for 
 remodelling the government of the University. The Hebdo- 
 madal Board was to remain, but only for the purposes of 
 maintaining discipline and transacting ordinary business. 
 The right of initiating measures was to be shared with 
 a remodelled Congregation, consisting of the authorized 
 teachers of the University, as well as the Heads of Houses 
 and Proctors. As this proposal was accompanied by others 
 for increasing the professoriate and the control of the 
 Crown over the appointment of its members, the scheme as 
 a whole was regarded as designed to make over the control 
 of the University to a body in which Crown-nominees would 
 exert a preponderating influence. 
 
 Collegiate and Professorial Teaching and Discipline,' p. 73. 
 
 1 ( 
 
392 
 
 Life of Edward Bouveric Pusey. 
 
 10. .. 
 
 •! I'. 
 
 I 
 
 I! 
 
 r 
 
 Pusey, in his evidence before the Delegacy, had proposed 
 a rival scheme, of a more conservative character. The 
 Hebdomadal Board was to retain all its old powers : but 
 Pusey wished to create a new body, equal in number to the 
 Hebdomadal Board, but elected by and from among resident 
 members of Convocation. This body was to share with the 
 Hebdomadal Board the right of proposing measures to 
 Convocation : and all measures to be so proposed were to 
 be passed by the two Boards, either separately, or in case 
 of difference of opinion, by a majority of their members at 
 a joint meeting. The main features of the proposal were 
 first its retention of the old polity of the University, except- 
 ing the provision for the initiation of measures by representa- 
 tives of Convocation, and secondly the refusal to make the 
 authorized teachers, in other words, the professors, a separate 
 estate in the University. 
 
 This scheme, which, in its original form, appears to have 
 been mentioned to Pusey by the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. 
 Cotton, was, early in 1854, adopted in substance as their 
 own by the Hebdomadal Board \ The Board resolved to 
 obtain, if they could, a judgment of the University in favour 
 of what was now their own proposal, in order to influence 
 the legislation which the Government was understood to be 
 preparing. A petition to the Crown, in favour of the 
 proposals of the Board, was laid before Convocation on 
 February 24, 1854. Pusey strained every nerve to secure 
 the success of the proposal. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church [Feb. 16, 1854]. 
 I am very heavy about things. I must still struggle on, and to- 
 morrow (Friday) week will decide about the Constitution. It seems 
 to me important in different ways ; (i) as coming from the University, 
 not from Government ; (2) as more conservative than any other, and 
 then all the reasons which I gave in my evidence. But there is 
 a disposition here, even among those whom I should least have 
 
 * The Hebdomadal scheme origin- 
 ally differed from Pusey's (i) in makinj>: 
 eight professors, elected by all the 
 professors, members of the new Board ; 
 
 (2) in making the whole Convocation, 
 and not merely the residents, elect the 
 fifteen representatives of Convocation. 
 
 * \ 
 
 \\ 
 
 Vote of Convocation — Strange alliances. 393 
 
 expected, as Haddan, to wait for the Government measure, as giving 
 the Tutors, &c. better terms, i. e. more power. I hope that you will 
 be able to come and support the plan of the two Boards which is to 
 come before Convocation on Friday week. 
 
 Keble and Pusey both wrote strongly in favour of the 
 petition : and their letters brought up a sufficient number 
 of non-resident members of Convocation to carry it, on 
 Feb. 24, 1854, but only by a majority of fifty-one. 
 
 Though Pusey had the majority on his side, there 
 were many of his old friends on the other side. The 
 defeated minority contained, not only the representatives 
 of the extreme non-religious academical Liberalism, but 
 staunch adherents of the Church movement. These latter 
 could not understand Pusey's effort to save the Hebdo- 
 madal Board, which * had checked so triumphantly the 
 progress of Puseyism by sentences of suspension and degra- 
 dation, at the same time that it allowed Rationalism 
 full swing by accepting without a word the Bampton 
 Lectures of 1851.' They were not pleased to see him in 
 close alliance with persons who had been in various scenes 
 prominent in the anti-Catholic crusade of former years : 
 their imaginations were fired by visions of a renovated 
 Oxford, of open fellowships, hard-working fellows, active 
 professors, multiplied students, varied studies, improved 
 discipline, augmented influence — yet at the same time ' an 
 Oxford in close connexion with the Church, and sending 
 men forth with much the same spirit and cast of mind as 
 at present.* 
 
 There were strange alliances on both sides. Many of the 
 younger adherents of the Movement found themselves in 
 company with keen and powerful minds that were already 
 projecting a very different Oxford from that of their devout 
 imagination. Pusey had less reason than any man still 
 resident in Oxford to remember with gratitude or respect 
 the proceedings of the Hebdomadal Board in past years. 
 But he did not lose sight of the value of institutions or of 
 principles because one generation of their representatives 
 had made grave mistakes ; and the fact that these mistakes 
 
394 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 had brought upon himself much wholly unmerited distress 
 would only have disturbed the balance of his judgment by 
 inclining it to favour their authors. Still he could not share 
 the Utopian visions of a renovated Oxford in which some 
 younger Churchmen ingenuously revelled: he knew too 
 well what intellectual and moral forces were likely ere 
 long to come upon the scene to permit himself a passing 
 moment of such illusion. Keble, who had at first hesi- 
 tated, was now heartily with him. ' You may vote against 
 Pusey,' he said on this occasion, to a young member of 
 Convocation, ' but I am very sure that if God spares your 
 life, and gives you a right mind, you will live to regret it.' 
 
 But Pusey s altered relations with the old Hebdomadal 
 Board was a fact patent to all the world. Newman noticed 
 the change from his retreat in Dublin, where he had been 
 advocating in lectures of unrivalled skill and beauty the 
 old Oxford ideal of education. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 II Harcourt Street, Dublin, March ii, 1854. 
 My dear Pusey, 
 
 I hope you will receive very shortly a copy of my * Discourses on 
 University Education,' to which you allude, if you will kindly accept 
 It. I should value much your answer to Vaughan. I have read the 
 Report of the Heads of Houses, and smiled to find that after all the 
 rubs they had given you, they were at last obliged to have recourse 
 to you as their best champion. . . . 
 
 Ever affectionately yours, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 Keble, as being more nearly concerned, wrote more 
 seriously. * I am very sorry that you have such impractic- 
 able and damaging allies as the Heads of Houses.' The 
 Heads were not 'impracticable' in one sense, at any 
 rate on this occasion. They gratefully welcomed Pusey *s 
 evidence, and assigned to it the place of honour in their 
 Report ^ 
 
 ^ No one, they observe, had dis- 
 cussed the respective merits of the 
 Professorial and Tutorial systems so 
 fully as the Professor of Hebrew, and 
 they note * the great care and ability ' 
 
 with which he had stated the advan- 
 tages of an intermediate Board. * Re- 
 port and Evidence upon the Recom- 
 mendations of H.M. Commissioners,' 
 PP- 63, i> I, 104, &c. 
 
 Bill for the Reform of the University. 395 
 
 At a slightly earlier stage in the discussion, Mr. Justice 
 Coleridge had expressed himself in the same sense, but 
 with more deliberation. When replying to Pusey's request 
 that he would vote for the Hebdomadal Board's petition to 
 the Queen, he replied that 
 
 * Past experience leads me to have great distrust of the Hebdomadal 
 Board, and that has been increased by their conduct in this present 
 crisis. 1 find it difficult to believe them to be sincerely ready to make 
 their power lesr., or less exclusive, which yet I think essential to good 
 government in the University.' 
 
 After some criticisms on the Hebdomadal proposal, he 
 adds : — 
 
 * I am much concerned that you feel so sad about Oxford prospects 
 — no one ought to be a better judge than yourself, who have been an 
 observer and a partaker in Oxford affairs so many years. Yet I will 
 still hope that your fears may prove unfounded. At such a moment 
 it is to be expected that there will be excitement among the young, 
 and able, and active— that there may be mixed up in what they do 
 and feel, some prejudices, much ambition, personal hopes, and even 
 personal dislikes. This is the common necessity of such times— but 
 surely there is much of goodwill and honest purpose, too, stirring 
 active people.' 
 
 On March 17, 1854, when the shadow of the Crimean 
 war had already fallen upon the country, the Government 
 of Lord Aberdeen produced its Bill for the Reform of the 
 University of Oxford. Measured by the other reforms which 
 have since been carried, the Bill was certainly moderate 
 in its provisions. Besides creating a new Hebdomadal 
 Council, and, at least in its main features \ the body to 
 which it applied the ancient name of Congregation, the 
 Bill provided that any qualified Master of Arts might open 
 a private Hall, that one half the fellowships in the Univer- 
 sity should be absolutely open, and that the obligation to 
 take Holy Orders should be relaxed to the extent of one 
 quarter of the fellowships in any College. 
 
 Pusey disliked the whole Bill : but he particularly ob- 
 jected to the proposals for dealing with fellowships, and 
 for licensing private Halls. The former threatened the 
 
 ^ Congregation as proposed in the lines than were eventually accepted by 
 Bill was projected on wider and wiser Parliament. 
 
 L 
 
I 
 
 i f 
 
 ti ! 
 
 ji 
 
 396 Life of Edward Bouvcrie Pusey. 
 
 religious faith, the latter, as he thought, the discipline of the 
 University. If experience has not ratified his fears about 
 the Halls, it has more than confirmed his apprehensions 
 about the fellowships'. 
 
 Before the Bill was introduced into the House. Pusey had 
 a long correspondence with Mr. Gladstone, who as Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer had a large share of direct responsibility 
 for the Bill, while as Burgess for the University he owed 
 some account of it to his constituents, and especially to 
 those who, like Pusey, had not a little promoted his election. 
 Pusey had learnt what the provisions of the Bill would be 
 from a published correspondence between the Government 
 and the Hebdomadal Board. He had sent Mr. Gladstone 
 his evidence before the Delegacy: and. as the Bill took 
 shape, Its main provisions were successively discussed be- 
 tween them in friendly terms, which, however, did not 
 conceal an increasing divergence of opinion. Pusey wished 
 Mr. Gladstone to induce the Government to abandon the 
 proposal for private Halls ; but Mr. Gladstone pointed out 
 that this provision had been deliberately adopted with 
 a view to University Extension, and in the interests of 
 economy among students. It was, in short, a vital feature 
 of the Government scheme, and it need not, he thought, be 
 attended by such consequences as Pusey feared, the admis- 
 sion of Dissenters or a relaxation of moral discipline. 
 Pusey was not satisfied ; it was his manner to express 
 himself more strongly as a correspondence grew, and to 
 one such letter, on the whole drift of the Bill, Mr. Gladstone 
 replied in general terms, urging that his own experience 
 had led him to find ' a tendency to over-much apprehension 
 with respect to changes, and over-little confidence in the 
 good sense and self-command of our contemporaries and 
 our children coming on after them in succession, to work 
 these changes.' 
 
 1, 1 
 
 Pusey does not appear to have 
 anticipated one great mischief of this 
 measure : its transfer of endowments, 
 mtended for the poor, to the sons of 
 parents who could pay for forcing 
 
 tutors and so secure University prizes. 
 Its effect was to make a present of 
 the endowments of Oxford to the upper 
 middle class. 
 
 Correspondence with Mr. Gladstone. 
 
 397 
 
 In another letter Mr. Gladstone made a strenuous effort 
 to allay Pusey's apprehensions by a general statement of 
 the recommendations of the Bill as they presented them- 
 selves to his own mind. 
 
 As to the character of the particular interference contem- 
 plated, he contended that the Government had not sought 
 in one single point to attract influence to the Crown nor 
 strengthened the Professoriate by securing to it a fictitious 
 majority. He calls the measure an ' emancipating Bill.' 
 
 * It emancipates the endowments of the University from restraints 
 which have made, I should say, three-fourths of them ineffective ; and 
 it emancipates the depressed classes of the University from a state 
 of artificial and unnatural subordination, which, after too long continu- 
 ance, had at length brought about its certain but most unhappy 
 consummation in a thorough divorce of power from influence' 
 
 While immensely adding (as was believed) to the strength 
 of Oxford from within by a new organization, nothing had 
 been done to diminish the freedom of its action outwards. 
 He beheved that Oxford would exercise a far greater sway 
 than heretofore over the mind of England. And he concludes 
 by stating that he saw in the displeasure which this Bill 
 excited ' that old disposition to rely on legal exclusiveness 
 which has long been so unhappily characteristic of the 
 Church of England, which has involved her in all her fearful 
 difficulties, and has brought her, I sadly fear, near the day — 
 may it yet be averted — when she shall find that she has 
 bartered freedom for gold and gold for nothing.' 
 
 There is of course much truth in what Mr. Gladstone 
 says, in the contention that the measure would emancipate 
 the University from the misgovernment from which Church 
 and University alike had suffered : but with that persistent 
 optimism which has on other occasions disturbed his 
 judgment, he miscalculated the real character of the forces 
 within the University which would be brought into promi- 
 nent activity by the proposed change. 
 
 When the discussion of the Bill had once opened in 
 Parliament, Pusey could do little to influence the result ; 
 although his evidence was constantly referred to in the 
 
 hi 
 
 I 
 
nf: 
 
 ••I 
 
 r: 
 
 398 Life of Edward Boiiveric Pusey. 
 
 debates, and especially by Lord John Russell, who made use 
 of Pusey's learning, and disparaged his ' logic' As the Bill 
 made its slow way through the House of Commons, it 
 underwent important modifications : and the tone of the 
 writers in the Guardian who had hailed its appearance 
 with alacrity became correspondingly depressed. Of these 
 modifications, by far the most important was that by which, 
 on a motion of Mr. Heywood, all religious tests were 
 abolished, first at matriculation 1, and afterwards at the 
 degree of Bachelor of Arts, Law, Medicine, or Music 2. The 
 effect of this was to admit not only Nonconformists but 
 also non-Christians to everything short of the degree which 
 carried with it a vote in Convocation, in other words, 
 a share in the governing body of the University. It was 
 practically certain, from the first, that the position thus 
 gained would be used as a reason for demanding further 
 concessions ; and that the revolution which has ended in 
 the secularization of Oxford had indeed begun. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone had stated to Pusey that, as he appre- 
 hended, * the Government would resist any attempt to force 
 the admission of Dissenters on the University through the 
 medium of the present Bill.* At the date of this letter the 
 point had not been discussed in the Cabinet. When, on 
 June 22, Mr. Heywood moved his first amendment. Lord 
 John Russell and Mr. Gladstone both voted against it; 
 they both supported his second amendment on June 26^ 
 Lord John Russell had, of course, all along approved of 
 such a measure, and had only doubted whether the time 
 had come for its adoption. Mr. Gladstone had persuaded 
 himself that it would not be attended with any damage to 
 the religious interests of the Church. Pusey had, some 
 time before, anticipated the possibility of this vital change 
 in the character of the Oxford Reform Bill : he was aware 
 that some resident members of the University were bent on 
 It, and that it might at any time be sprung upon Parliament 
 by such a motion as Mr. Heywood's. When the motion 
 
 a TK J""^ ^^' '^?'^' •..*'" J""^ 2^' '"^"^ carried on June 29, 
 
 1ms second moUon was introduced 1854. 
 
 Dissenters in the University. 
 
 399 
 
 was made, his * impracticable ' allies, the Heads of Houses, 
 could not combine to offer effective resistance. A proposal 
 for a petition to the House of Lords against Mr. Heywood's 
 clause was made to the Hebdomadal Board ; and the result- 
 ing situation is described in the subjoined letter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Undated, but about end of June, 1854.] 
 
 The Heads have rejected a moderate petition framed on the basis 
 of those in 1834, and have decided to have a petition praying for the 
 exclusion of Dissenters from offices of teaching and government. 
 Dr. Jeune has drawn up this in such a way, that while the University 
 would begin by petitioning for maintaining the connexion of the 
 University with the Church of England, its prayer is that Dissenters, 
 &c., i. e. persons of any or no faith, should be excluded from places of 
 teaching and government only. 
 
 So, then, if we were to support the petition, we should be asking 
 for the admission of persons of any or no faith to be educated here 
 and to [receive] degrees, provided they were not admitted to places 
 of teaching and government ; if we vote against it, we should formally 
 be asking for their admission to everything. 
 
 This petition is to come before the Hebdomadal Board at 2 to-day. 
 The Vice-Chancellor will resist it, but with what effect, God knows. 
 
 If it is carried, I shall print a letter to the Vice- Chancellor protesting 
 against the unfairness of putting the question in such a way, that the 
 great majority of Convocation can neither vote for nor against it, with- 
 out admitting what is contrary to their convictions. I suppose that 
 it would be better, if the Heads were to propose to us a petition, 
 praying for the abolition of all tests and subscriptions and oaths, 
 except the oath of allegiance, except upon offices of teaching or 
 government. This would put the question upon a fair issue ; and 
 by defeating this, we should come to the same result. 
 
 The petition is withal meagre in the extreme. 
 
 This is the old line of the Heads, persecuting to Tractarianism, 
 cringing to Parliament or those in power. 
 
 I am told that the majority of residents would vote against the 
 admission of Dissenters. 
 
 I shall stay here till to-morrow, perhaps altogether, if there is 
 a battle to be fought, or rather any last struggle. 
 
 If I can get the rejected petition in time, I will enclose it. If I have 
 leave, I would print it, and send it to distant members of Convocation 
 to get signed. 
 
 I have no answer from the Vice-Chancellor, so I can send nothing. 
 Every one seems to be for giving up something ; some more, some 
 less * Quantum mutatus ab illo' of 1834. The new generation seems 
 wholly different from the old. 
 

 ill 
 
 III I 
 
 M 
 
 iftj 
 
 I > 
 
 iii s, 
 
 400 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The House of Lords obeyed the House of Commons, and 
 f)assed the Bill with Mr. Heywood's clauses. Lord Derby, 
 as Chancellor of the University, led the opposition, but in 
 a very half-hearted mood. No Bishop opposed ; while the 
 Bishop of Oxford supported the measure. Many Conserva- 
 tives were not unwilling to show how liberal they could be 
 at the expense of the Church. 
 
 When all was over in the House of Lords, Pusey poured 
 out his soul in a letter full of pain and disappointment to 
 Mr. Gladstone. Mr. Gladstone's reply, however unsatis- 
 fying on the question at issue, commanded Pusey's ad- 
 miration by its frankness and the evident conviction which 
 it implied that the writer had not been consciously acting 
 against the true interests of Religion and the Church. 
 
 *You will understand, 1 am sure,' says Mr. Gladstone, * why I do 
 not weary you with acknowledgments for your extreme kindness and 
 tenderness towards me personally : it is because such acknowledgments 
 are better dispensed with when they must seem to the person receiving 
 them to create a contrast between acts and professions.' 
 
 Keble was in hearty sympathy with Pusey. He put out 
 a small but very effective pamphlet, in which he pleads that 
 if Dissenters were to be admitted to be educated at the 
 University, there was no reason for their being received into 
 the Colleges. In order to escape from the evils which, in 
 his judgment, would follow on their admission, Keble pro- 
 posed the foundation of affiliated Halls at a distance from 
 Oxford, whose inembers might be sent up to Oxford periodi- 
 cally for examination. 
 
 * No doubt,' he adds, ' this course would be academically imperfect. 
 There might be less chance of a thriving and brilliant career. But, 
 in cases not a few, the comparative security from proselytism, and 
 infectious scornfulness, and a chance of growing up altogether under 
 the shadow of the Church, would be accounted as a full compensation 
 for all this and more '.* 
 
 Should the threatened measure become law, through the 
 assent of the House of Lords, Keble predicts the loss— too 
 
 1 < 
 
 A few very plain thoughts on the proposed admission of Dissenters to the 
 University of Oxford,' p. 10. 
 
 Intentions of Founders, 
 
 401 
 
 surely since accomplished— of the old spirit which had 
 made Oxford so dear to himself and others of his own and 
 the next generation 
 
 * Neither in nor out of Oxford, when once this change has taken place, 
 will the old Oxford feeling be possible: that indescribable mixture 
 of something like innocent family pride, something like religious rever- 
 ence, and something like a youth's playful fondness for an indulgent 
 mother, mixed too often with just regrets (sometimes, one may hope, 
 not unprofitable) for opportunities thrown away ; all that will be gone 
 —it will not be possible— then Oxford shall no longer be able to say, 
 as hitherto, Dominus Illuminatio Men. If any Oxonians be true 
 believers then, it will not be because of, but in spite of, their Atma 
 Mater': 
 
 The Bill of 1854 raised the whole question of the sacred- 
 ness of the intentions of Founders. Mr. J. D., afterwards 
 Lord Coleridge, had told Keble that ' he did not care for 
 Founders and Benefactors 2,' and this sample of rising 
 opinion probably led Keble to express himself as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 * I am almost afraid to say anything of the intention of Founders ; 
 it seems to have become so very distasteful a topic, that any argument 
 raised upon it, one fears, may rather damage than help a good cause. 
 But, so far as it is at all worth considering, undoubtedly it tells against 
 doing away with all religious tests on admission to Collegiate endow- 
 ments. After all deductions made for the difference between the two 
 Churches, no man of candour or common sense can doubt that William 
 of Wykeham and Archbishop Chichele (to say nothing of the earlier 
 and more liberal class of Founders, nor of those who were actual 
 Protestants), would rather have their alumni Churchmen after the 
 fashion of the Prayer-book, than a mixed multitude of any or no 
 religion, without common prayers, or definite instruction ^' 
 
 Pusey had not been prepared to accept unreservedly the 
 old doctrine about the immutability of Founders' wills. 
 Founders had given what they gave to the Church : and the 
 Church might change the form of their bequest, though the 
 State could not. 
 
 * *A few very plain thoughts on 
 the proposed admission of Dissenters 
 to the University of Oxford,' pp. 11, 
 12. 
 
 ■^ * Memoir of Rev. John Keble,' by 
 
 the Right Hon. Sir J. T. Coleridge, 
 D.C.L., p. 375. 
 
 ^ * A few very plain thoughts on the 
 proposed admission of Dissenters to 
 the University of Oxford,' pp. 8, 9. 
 
 VOL. III. 
 
 Dd 
 
402 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Puscy. 
 
 kt! 
 
 ^ . 
 
 i 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Dec. 22, 1853. 
 
 I have been asked to give evidence on the College question to the 
 Tutors' Association, as also to impress Gladstone (if I could) with the 
 sacredness of Founders' wills. I see that you have a decided opinion. 
 I myself am in this difficulty. I suppose that the Church ought to 
 have a power of regulating everything entrusted to her, and that all 
 which Founders bequeath to the glory of God is, in fact, committed 
 to the Church. I suppose that it is in this way that we justify the 
 great changes at the Reformation. But then, the wrong thing would 
 be, not that they propose to do away the restrictions to certain 
 localities (if it is disadvantageous), but that the State, not the Church, 
 is going to do it. 
 
 I suppose that we may ask the question, * Would the Founders, if 
 they could meet together and consult now, put these restrictions upon 
 their bequests .''' Would they, or would they not, think that they 
 worked well? I suppose that they do not work so well mostly, as 
 those which are open. 
 
 If we think honestly, that the Founders would, if they were alive 
 now, make some changes, we, I suppose, may make them. And we 
 may, I suppose, estimate what they would think by what good men 
 would judge now, or by what the Church would judge. Thus, it may 
 be, that individual Founders would be Roman Catholics still. But 
 we have no scruples about retaining their foundations, because the 
 Church has regulated this. And so, I suppose, it could do as to lesser 
 things. 
 
 I do not wish you to dictate a long letter as to this. But I should 
 like to know your mind, because I cannot see, as yet, that there is not 
 a power somewhere of regulating or modifying Founders' wills, so 
 that you keep the general principle, as in this case the glory of God, 
 by training those qualified to serve Him. . . . 
 
 Pusey however was far from being prepared for the 
 wholesale neglect of Founders' intentions on which the 
 legislation of modern Oxford has been based. 
 
 DR. PUSEY's lodgings IN CHRIST CHURCH -VIEW OF DUAWING-ROOM SIDE. 
 
 CHAPTER XVT. 
 
 COMMEMORATION, 1 853 — FIRST ELECTION TO HEBDO- 
 MADAL COUNCIL— UNIVERSITY BUSINESS—DEATHS 
 OF LADY EMILY PUSEY, MR. PHILIP PUSEY, LADY 
 LUCY PUSEY, DEAN GAISFORD. DR. MILL, CHARLES 
 MARRIOTT. 
 
 1853-1858. 
 
 The old Laudian Oxford came to an end in 1854. 
 
 At the Commemoration of the preceding year the 
 University was occupied with the installation of a new 
 Chancellor in the place of the Duke of Wellington. On 
 this matter Pusey wrote: 'The Heads have applied to 
 Lord Derby to be Chancellor. I should have preferred the 
 Duke of N., but division might have been fatal and brought 
 in Lord J. R[ussell].' On this occasion, Pusey's eldest 
 brother was included among those who received an hono- 
 rary degree of Doctor in Civil Law. Another distinguished 
 person who was selected for decoration on this occasion 
 was Mr. Benjamin Disraeli. There was some talk of 
 opposing his degree on religious grounds. Keble however 
 
 D d 2 
 
402 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiveric Piiscy 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Dec. 22, 1853. 
 
 I have been asked to give evidence on the College question to the 
 Tutors' Association, as also to impress Gladstone (if I could) with the 
 sacredness of Founders' wills. I see that you have a decided opinion. 
 I myself am in this difficulty. I suppose that the Church ought to 
 have a power of regulating everything entrusted to her, and that all 
 which Founders bequeath to the glory of God is, in fact, committed 
 to the Church. I suppose that it is in this way that we justify the 
 great changes at the Reformation. 15ut then, the wrong thing would 
 be, not that they propose to do away the restrictions to certain 
 localities (if it is disadvantageous), but that the State, not the Church, 
 is going to do it. 
 
 I suppose that we may ask the question, * Would the Founders, if 
 they could meet together and consult now, put these restrictions upon 
 their bequests?' Would they, or would they not, think that they 
 worked well? I suppose that they do not work so well mostly, as 
 those which are open. 
 
 If we think honestly, that the Founders would, if they were alive 
 now, make some changes, we, I suppose, may make them. And we 
 may, I suppose, estimate what they would think by what good men 
 would judge now, or by what the Church would judge. Thus, it may 
 be, that individual Founders would be Roman Catholics still. Hut 
 we have no scruples about retaining their foundations, because the 
 Church has regulated this. And so, I suppose, it could do as to lesser 
 things. 
 
 I do not wish you to dictate a long letter as to this. But I should 
 like to know your mind, because I cannot see, as yet, that there is not 
 a power somewhere of regulating or modifying Founders' wills, so 
 that you keep the general principle, as in this case the glory of (jod, 
 by training those qualified to serve Him. . . . 
 
 Piisey however was far from being prepared for the 
 wholesale neglect of Founders* intentions on which the 
 legislation of modern Oxford has been based. 
 
 11 't 
 
 DR. I'L'SEV'S I.ODGINCS IN* CHKIST CHUKCH— VIEW OF DUAWING-ROOM SIDE. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 COMMEMORATION, J 853 — FIRST ELECTION TO HEBDO- 
 MADAL COUNCIL— UNIVERSITY BUSINESS— DEATHS 
 OF LADY EMILY PUSEY, MR. PHH^IP PUSEY, LADY 
 LUCY PUSEY, DEAN GAISFORD. DR. MILL, CHARLES 
 MARRIOTT. 
 
 1853-1858. 
 
 The old Laudian Oxford came to an end in 18-34. 
 
 At the Commemoration of the preceding year the 
 University was occupied with the installation of a new 
 Chancellor in the place of the Duke of Wellington. On 
 this matter Pusey wrote: 'The Heads have applied to 
 Lord Derby to be Chancellor. I should have preferred the 
 Duke of X., but division might have been fatal and brought 
 in Lord J. R[ussell].' On this occasion, Pusey's eldest 
 brother was included among those who received an hono- 
 rary degree of Doctor in Civil Law. Another distinguished 
 person who was selected for decoration on this occasion 
 was Mr. Benjamin Disraeli. There was some talk of 
 opposing his degree on religious grounds. Keble how^ever 
 
 D d 2 
 
r 
 
 m 
 
 »t 
 
 4(t* 
 
 404 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 expressed his opinion that unless a man's unsoundness in 
 
 the faith was notorious, he had better not be opposed, and 
 
 the opposition was finally dropped. 
 
 During this Commemoration week, a large party of the 
 
 Pusey family came to Oxford to witness the honour done 
 
 to the head of the family, and to take part in the festivities 
 
 going on at that time. Pusey*s letters show how he was 
 
 engaged in making arrangements for the amusement of his 
 
 nieces, and settling what balls and parties should be 
 
 attended. His house was full, but he himself withdrew for 
 
 two nights to his brother's at Pusey. Wednesday, the day 
 
 precedinjj the ftcene in the Theatre, was a mowmful imni- 
 
 vcrsary for his sister-in-law. Lady Emily l\jkscy. Her diaT>' 
 
 coDtains the entry : — 
 
 'Wednesday, June 8ih.— McUndioly day. It was the ftineml of my 
 dear brocher Edirard last year. . . . God*f will br dom*. Dr. Pucey 
 
 ^vt nve the coomrmmioo at cif^itit o'clock.* 
 
 The new Oxford, created by the Univeri^ity Reform Act, 
 met in October, 1854. The Brst thin^ that it had to do was 
 to dect its new Governing Body. • I suppose/ wrote Pusey 
 to Kcblc, 'that the Hebdomadal Board wilt be a vciy 
 fair representative of the rcsidcfits. whatever that may be.' 
 He imagined that the real tug of war would t>e(;iQ with 
 the discussion on the stiitutes for the new Halls. The 
 new Council was to consist of six Heads of Ho^ise^ six 
 Professors, and six Members of Congregation. At the 
 first election, on Oct. ^4, Pu$cy*.s name stood second on 
 the list of professors ; Professor R. Hussey^s being first '. 
 Puscy's election was ik> doubt lai^y due to the interest 
 in academical matters of which he had given proof in his 
 evidence before the Delegacy and hix reply to Professor 
 Vaughan. But it h.id another meaning as hhtIL 
 
 *Th€ Uttiver^ity of Oxford*' it was rcmarlced* * has (akc« advSiMaite 
 
 of the first nx>mcnt After her recovery of frcodocn of action to remoi^ 
 frodm Or. Pu^y all trace of that cruel etiKniJi wliich a $01,111 knot o^ 
 
 "The iinft CooDdl coasi«;cd of DwiUsy. CwdwtU, Wtlwn, Dookin ; 
 
 DiiL WniMM (NewX SoMt (tellM), Members «f CoMcgMlocw Mosn. 
 
 HA«k&i» (Orifn» Gatfford (ChHft MmmI. J. ». Modcj. Dr. Uiibtfoot, 
 
 Cterch), lenoe (Wmbroke). Symcas Meisrk MIobell, Gor<)<». M«nk«l. 
 
 The New Hebdomadal Council. 
 
 405 
 
 official persons, usurping her rights and name, once succeeded in 
 temporarily fastening upon him.' 
 
 He soon justified, on grounds of academical experience 
 and capacity for business, the choice of the electors ; and, as 
 long as he had health to occupy it. his seat was undisputed. 
 He filled it for more than a quarter of a century. 
 
 On taking his place in the Council, Pusey found himself 
 sitting side by side with two of *the Six Doctors/ with 
 others who had been strong theological opponents, and 
 with more than one representative of the rising academical 
 Liberalism which was to add so much to the labours of his 
 later hfe. Indeed in the Council Pusey \\".\s brought into 
 ]X!n(onal contact v^ith tlie leading men in the University in 
 a manner which had for many year^ been impossible In con- 
 sequence of hin studious and secluded habits. Consequently, 
 sides of hb character hitherto unrecognixid came to be 
 appreciated. He met old friends like Mo;tlcyand Marriott 
 and ifome others, like Mr. M;ui5«l and Mr. Osbonnc Gordon, 
 whom he knew less intimately, but with whom he always 
 cordially cooperated. But his work in the Council, as 
 be put it, • led by God « mercy to the healing of some 
 wounds of former years.' It completely re-established hi.s 
 old and affectionate relations witli the Provost of Oriel : 
 and it led otlicrs who had known less of him to do justice 
 to capacities for which they had not given him credit. 
 
 • I have made a di8Co\ery,' »id I>r. Jeune, the Master of 
 Pembroke, ' since I have been in Council : I always thought 
 of Pusey as a mere thoologtan; I f\\\C he is an admirable 
 man of business.' Pu9cy in his turn learnt to reciprocate 
 tlii^ feeling towards the future Bishop of Peterborough. 
 
 * Jeune.' he said, ' is not the sort of man sonie of our friends 
 have thought him : he is a person of clear and strong, if 
 somewhat narrow faith, and brings an acute and powerful 
 mind to the support of |>ositivc truth.' 
 
 A seat in the Coundl, especially during the first >'ear8 of 
 its existence, made a wcw and formidable demand upon 
 Pascy^a overt;ixcd strength and time. * Monday, Wednes- 
 day, and Friday, from i o'clock to -|. are occupied by 
 
4o6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Pusey. 
 
 Admission of Dissenters. 
 
 407 
 
 111 ' 
 
 m 
 
 Council ' : so he writes to a friend in May, 1855. And this 
 represented only a small part of the new work thus entailed 
 on him. He worked on several committees, and had to 
 prepare materials for their consideration : the addition to 
 his correspondence was, of itself, considerable. But all the 
 time was not lost to the work of his Chair and Theology 
 generally. He always went to the meetings of Council 
 armed with a packet of letters to be answered, or slips of 
 proofs to be corrected ; and when any subject was being 
 discussed in which he felt no strong interest, or rather 
 to which he could contribute nothing, he at once began to 
 work as though he had been in his study at Christ Church. 
 He had a remarkable faculty of concentrating himself on 
 such work, and yet all the while keeping a vigilant outlook 
 on what was going forward. He used often to observe 
 that in a body like Council, a certain number of persons 
 think it due to themselves or those who vote for them, to 
 talk for a certain time on all questions, but that this does 
 not of itself prove that they are able to elucidate the subject. 
 He was able to keep an eye on the general drift of such 
 speakers ; to ascertain how they would vote on a division ; 
 and then to address himself, for the moment, to some sub- 
 ject which pressed closely on his head and heart. Many 
 of his spiritual letters to Sisters of mercy and others were 
 written in Council. 
 
 It may be asked how a man in Pusey 's position could 
 have consented to devote so much time and energy to 
 merely academical details, to which other men who had 
 not his more anxious burden of purely religious responsi- 
 bilities weighing upon them, could have attended just 
 as well. His object in joining the Council was to work 
 for the retention of as much of the old religious Oxford as 
 he could ; and he felt that he could best do this by throw- 
 ing himself with all his heart into any new efforts that 
 promoted the real interests of education and discipline. 
 He saw clearly that the admission of Dissenters into 
 Oxford meant, sooner or later, that all posts of influence 
 and teaching in the University would be thrown open to 
 
 them, and that Dissenters were not the only or by any 
 means the most undesirable persons who would be thus 
 admitted. Behind Puritan Dissent — which he considered 
 unlikely to resist the solvents that awaited it in University 
 society — there appeared the more threatening form of un- 
 belief hand in hand at one time with Pantheistic philosophy, 
 at another with crude materialism. In all the pending 
 schemes for rearranging the teaching staff of the University, 
 this, the religious interest, was pre-eminently, or rather 
 almost alone, present to Pusey 's mind. Although in the 
 event he was defeated in his more immediate aims, still he 
 fought the battle for nearly a quarter of a century, and, if 
 he could not prevent the separation between the Church 
 and the University, he at least helped to retard it and limit 
 its effect, and thereby to gain time for the rearrangement of 
 the constructive forces of religion. 
 
 Pusey had no sooner taken his seat in the Council than 
 questions were discussed which showed the real character of 
 the new situation. The Council had first of all to make the 
 arrangements which were necessary for admitting Dissenters 
 to the University as undergraduates, and Bachelors in several 
 Faculties. The proposed statute which Pusey had sup- 
 ported, provided that Dissenters should not be examined in 
 theology, but should be allowed to take up some classical 
 author as an equivalent in quantity to the Divinity examina- 
 tion which was imposed on members of the Church. On 
 the introduction of this statute into Congregation it was 
 opposed by Dr. Macbride, who was thinking only of * Evan- 
 gelical Dissenters,' and proposed for such persons an ex- 
 amination in the text of the New Testament, the matter of 
 the Old, and the evidences of religion. 
 
 Pusey replied, — 
 
 * It is impossible to examine in divinity those who did not agree 
 with us. The Three Creeds had been proposed as a substitute for 
 the Articles, but the Three Creeds meant differently in the mouths of 
 different religionists. So with regard to Scripture ; it was understood 
 in a multitude of senses. Again, it was not agreed what was Scripture. 
 Different sects had their own versions, and some included in Scripture 
 what others rejected. He could not come to any other conclusion 
 
mn 
 
 I 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 i 
 
 ( 
 
 •I i 
 
 III 
 
 
 I, 
 
 I 
 
 .1 
 
 408 
 
 Life of Edward Boitverie Pusey. 
 
 than that we must refrain from examining in divinity those who did not 
 accept our views of divine truth. He supported the proposed statute ^' 
 
 To the despairing exclamation of Dr. Macbride that ' no 
 one seemed to care for the glory of God/ Pusey replied 
 that the glory of God had been the object of those who 
 framed the statute through all their deliberations. 
 
 He would not, however, have said as much as this with 
 respect to the next discussion of a kindred character which 
 came before the Council. The Oxford Reform Act had 
 decided that certain new professorships were to be estab- 
 lished by the Colleges ; and Council was engaged in pre- 
 paring statutes for the prescribed Chairs. Among the 
 questions to be decided was this : what were to be the re- 
 ligious obligations, if any, of the professors ? In the case of 
 professors who were already members of Convocation, the 
 question was, at that time, settled by the still-existing law : 
 but what of the professors who would be elected from 
 outside the University? Pusey writes to Dr. Bull : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Bull, 
 
 March, 1855. 
 
 The Hebdomadal Council has decided that sundry professors are 
 to be members of Convocation, and accordingly members of the Church 
 of England ; but that those who are not, are only to say that they 
 will * cultui et ritibus Ecclesiae Anglicanae conformes se praestabunt* 
 I tried several resolutions, but was defeated (the Dean being in the 
 majority), (i) that they should be members of the Church of England ; 
 (2) that they should communicate with the Church of England ; (3) that 
 they would be ' sincere et ex animo conformes* So the Council has 
 declared that they are to say that they will conform, but does not require 
 them to be sincere. 
 
 The Council has anticipated Mr. Heywood, and put us in an in- 
 consistent position ; and others will soon rectify the inconsistency, by 
 making us consistent in the wrong direction. 1 believe that we have 
 destroyed ourselves, and that Oxford is lost to the Church of England. 
 The dam is broken. How soon it will be carried away, God only 
 knows. I have done what I could ; now there is nothing more to fight 
 for. The principle is gone. 
 
 When the measure proposed by the Council, itself un- 
 satisfactory enough in Pusey 's judgment, was brought into 
 Congregation, it was confronted with an amendment which 
 
 ' Guardian, March 7, 1855, p. 197. 
 
 Religious Qualifications of Professors. 409 
 
 made it more unsatisfactory still. It was proposed that the 
 professors who were not already members of Convocation 
 should only be required to take a negative test : they would 
 not directly or indirectly teach anything detrimental to the 
 doctrine and discipline of the Church. Upon this Pusey 
 pointed out what was in his judgment the absurdity of 
 drawing a line between theological and non-theological 
 professorships. ' All the sciences moved like planets round 
 the sun of God's Truth ; and, if they left their course, they 
 would be hurled back into chaos.' 
 
 Pusey was depressed — partly no doubt by other matters, 
 domestic and theological, which pressed heavily upon him — 
 but also and especially by the prospects which were opening 
 before him with increasing clearness of the future of Oxford. 
 * We must/ he writes to Mr. Gladstone, *have the struggle 
 with Rationalism: but it is miserable to have it coming 
 down upon the young from those who ought to teach them 
 the truth. You must long for the same in this as I. 
 Perhaps you are more hopeful.' A few days later, after 
 Dean Gaisford's funeral, he writes in the same strain, but 
 in view of a larger horizon. His text is Sir John Paking- 
 ton's Education Bill. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 Christ Church, Jan. 10, 1855. 
 I am very sorry that you were prevented from attending the 
 Dean's funeral. Bull had the arrangements. There was no time to 
 call upon him, because I had my lecture to give ; and it is so difficult 
 to understand a note. I certainly imagined from it, that there would be 
 none but personal friends, except those actually in College ; and I looked 
 wistfully for you, when I observed how many others came. 
 
 However, there will be an opportunity of showing respect to his 
 memory by joining early in contributing towards a Greek Scholarship 
 or Prize, to be called after him. The amount of the contribution need 
 not be large ; but the early contribution shows the liveher interest. 
 The Canons and Censors are going to meet to-morrow morning. 
 
 What a disappointment Sir J. P.'s Bill is. I have long thought that 
 the Conservatives had the same sort of love for the Church, as the 
 monkey had for the cat whose paw it employed. They liked the 
 Church as long as it politically helped them. Strange that, of three Bills, 
 Lord J. R.'s should be the least bad, although the compulsory system 
 will, 1 suppose, in any case cripple the voluntar}'. I hope, now that the 
 
 I 
 
 I > • 
 
1 
 
 A 
 
 Kin 
 
 nt 
 
 i; 
 
 lil ! 
 
 410 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Government seems stronger, there will be no dissolution this year, and 
 so that your election will not come on, until our soreness about the Bill 
 has passed away, and we take it, as the state of things which God's 
 Providence has allotted to us. The Bishops have done and do nothing 
 for us ; so I know not why one should expect anything from any one. 
 There is no heart to convert those great masses in our towns. Our 
 diseases are too deep for a cure. Our University has been losing its 
 tone. One cannot look for anything either at home or abroad : one can 
 but work for one's day and then die. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 The great victory of the academical Liberals in 1854-5 
 plunged Pusey into one of his fits of despondency. He 
 had hoped that a private Hall, reserved for members of 
 the Church, would be opened in Oxford under the presi- 
 dency of the Rev. C. Marriott, but, on June 29, 1855, that 
 devoted servant of God was debarred from all active work 
 in this world by a stroke of paralysis. Keble suggested 
 that Mr. Copeland should take Marriott's place. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 27, 1856. 
 
 I have done nothing about either Hall or Commentary. I have 
 been busy about University business and my book on Councils, hoping 
 to clear off this. Nor is there any one I can move. I did all I could 
 to keep Copeland here. Had he stayed, perhaps he would have been 
 Head of Trinity College. But since 1 could not keep him, much less 
 could I bring him back. 
 
 The retrograde movement here is acknowledged even by such as 
 Scott (Master of Balliol) and Lightfoot (of Exeter). Twenty years ago 
 people's minds were earnest, directed towards theology ; now they are 
 turned away from it. The young men (our future clergy) are 
 ignorant, in the extreme, of the Bible. And I see not who is to 
 rouse them to anything better. Burgon does something in Oriel, 
 Gilbertson in Jesus, Meyrick perhaps in Trinity. But what is the 
 wheat to the chaff? . . . 
 
 The loneliness and despondency which is suggested by 
 this last letter was caused by events which touched Pusey 
 even more closely than the darkest academical outlook. 
 The years covered by this chapter and that which follows 
 witnessed the death of some of those who were dearest 
 to Pusey— of his eldest brother, his brother's wife, and his 
 mother. Before these sorrows opened on him the marriage 
 
 Illness of Lady Emily Pusey. 
 
 411 
 
 of his surviving daughter withdrew an element of social 
 brightness from his family life. Soon after her engagement 
 to the Rev. J. G. Brine, Pusey writes to his son : — 
 
 * April 13, 1854. 
 
 * So you and I are to be alone soon, my dearest Philip. We must 
 see what will be best to be done. It will be strange in that large house, 
 so often so full, to be two solitary beings. However, 
 
 "Who hath the Father and the Son 
 May be left, but not alone." ' 
 
 A great gap was made in the already narrowed circle of 
 the family by the death of Philip Pusey's wife, Lady Emily. 
 She had been in weak health for more than four years ; 
 and in October, 1854, Pusey was summoned, somewhat 
 suddenly, to her bedside. He had felt what was coming, 
 and had for some time taken every opportunity of being 
 with her. The last pages of her diary show how much she 
 leant on him, and how much she owed to him, as her life 
 drew towards its close. 
 
 ' April 24, 1854. — Dear Dr. Pusey sat with me for some time. We 
 talked about my state of health quite openly. It is clear that Dr. 
 Acland thinks there is no hope but of protracting my life a little 
 longer. 
 
 * April 25, 1854. — Dr. Pusey and I had some more comfortable con- 
 versation.' 
 
 Then follow many other entries to the same effect. ' His 
 visits are always soothing.' 'We had much calm and 
 pleasant conversation.' Scarcely a week passed, throughout 
 the summer, in which Pusey did not go over to his brother's 
 house to administer the Holy Communion to Lady Emily. 
 These occasions are generally recorded with a deepening 
 sense that each was a step towards the last. 
 
 * July 12, 1854. — William came to take leave of me. It is probably 
 our last parting.* 
 
 On the following day she records her niece's marriage : — 
 
 *July 13, 1854. — This morning Mary Pusey was married to Mr. 
 Brine at Oxford by her father : William giving her away.' 
 
 As the weeks pass there is a monotony in the diary, which, 
 however, is never other than cheerful. 
 
 
m 
 
 I ' 
 
 i) 
 
 412 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 •August 16, 1854.— Dr. Pusey read the prayers for the Visitation 
 of the Sick to me. 
 
 * August 20, 1854.— This morning our little party assembled round my 
 bedside at half-past seven, and dear Dr. Pusey, in his surplice, gave us the 
 Holy Communion. 
 
 * August 22, 1854.— Dear Dr. Pusey's birthday. He read prayers to 
 me.* 
 
 Another entry describes Dr. Pusey as sitting with her on 
 a fine August evening ' under the oak tree on the upper 
 terrace for an hour and a half.' It was the last occasion of 
 her leaving the house. 
 
 * September 6, 1854. — This evening dear Dr. Pusey arrived from 
 Oxford, and after dinner he came and sat with me for more than an 
 hour ; first reading prayers to me. It is impossible to say how great 
 a comfort I have in him. 
 
 * September 8, 1854.— At half-past seven Dr. Pusey gave us the Holy 
 Communion, and was obliged to return to Oxford at eight o'clock, before 
 breakfast.' 
 
 In October Lady Emily became rapidly worse : and 
 Pusey spent every hour that he could spare at her bedside. 
 Early in October he writes to Keble : ' All is as happy 
 and peaceful here as the eve of a leave-taking can be after 
 thirty-two happy years.' On October 22, he wrote again : 
 * I am still lingering on here : our good Lord has still 
 something for my dear sister here : she loses strength so 
 gradually that no one can think when the close will be, 
 though it does not seem far off. The autumn leaf drops at 
 last, each at its precise time, though to us they look so 
 alike.' Later, after describing the lingering character of 
 the illness, he adds, ' From her I hear nothing but thank- 
 fulness.' November had begun : and Lady Emily still 
 lingered on. 
 
 * My stay here,' writes Pusey to Keble, * is prolonged : Emily is 
 staying longer with us than seemed likely a little while ago. I suppose 
 that it may even be until the close of this year. It is the gentler parting 
 for my poor brother : he too was giving way physically, which makes 
 me the more anxious to be [with him].* 
 
 A few days later matters had become even more critical. 
 Pusey had increasing difficulty in being absent from Oxford. 
 He had been elected, as has been already stated, to the 
 
 Mr, Philip Pusey's Illness, 
 
 413 
 
 Hebdomadal Council, which was now holding its first 
 meetings and committees. 
 
 But the end came on November 13th. Pusey was present. 
 ' She fell asleep gently,' he wrote to his son, * this morning 
 at 8.30. She had been dying since 2 o'clock : but said, 
 " Death has no pain. It is indeed swallowed up in victory." 
 A most peaceful end of a holy blameless life.^ 
 
 To Pusey the death of his sister-in-law was a great 
 personal sorrow. Her distinction of mind and character, 
 but especially the earnestness with which she had thrown 
 herself into the cause which he had most deeply at heart, 
 had made her very dear to him. No other member of his 
 family in his own generation understood him as she did. 
 But especially he felt that her death would probably in- 
 volve at no distant time that of his eldest brother. Never 
 was a widower more heartbroken than Mr. Pu.sey. He 
 could attend to nothing : and Pusey had to make all the 
 arrangements which must be made at such seasons. He 
 gave all orders about the funeral ; received the relatives ; 
 and was in constant attendance by night as well as by day 
 on his elder brother, who could hardly be persuaded to 
 allow him to go into the next room. After the funeral, Dr. 
 Acland advised a change of air ; but as Mr. Pusey would go 
 nowhere without his brother, and Pusey could not leave 
 Oxford, Mr. Pusey begged to be taken to Christ Church. 
 The spacious drawing-room, and the adjoining bedroom 
 traditionally associated with Wolsey's visits to Oxford, 
 and distinguished by the Renaissance details of the window 
 which looks out on St. Aldate's, were placed at his dis- 
 posal. These rooms were, as has been seen, so associated 
 with his wife, that Pusey had not entered them for years, 
 but he soon had occasion to spend a great part of his time 
 in them. His brother had not been more than a week at 
 Christ Church when he was stricken by paralysis. He 
 lingered on for nine months. Among the letters of sym- 
 pathy which Pusey received at this time is one from 
 Mr. Gladstone, showing high appreciation of his brother's 
 worth and character. 
 
I 
 
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 414 
 
 Lifeoj Edward Bouveric Pusey. 
 
 Early in January there seems to have been a rally. 
 
 * I have shoved off everything,* writes Pusey to Keble, * which 
 admitted of delay, day by day and week by week. The shores of Italy 
 continually recede. I have been hoping and hoping to get to Hursley. 
 My poor brother is, in some degree, better, although half paralyzed, 
 and the paralyzed side does not recover. Still he has been recovered, 
 thus far, from the very gates of death ; so we may hope, I know not what ; 
 but that he may be continued for some time longer to his children.' 
 
 So the spring of 1855 passed : in June there was a second 
 stroke, which announced the nearer approach of death. 
 ' My poor brother,' wrote Pusey, * has had another, if not 
 two attacks of the same sort [as before] ; so that now it 
 can only be a question of time. It may be months yet.' 
 
 It was, however, to be sooner than Pusey thought. His 
 brother died on July 9, 185.';;. 
 
 The last scene is described by Pusey in letters to Keble 
 and Mr. Gladstone. In both he dwells upon the last ' look.' 
 He often used to say that the soul speaks through the eye, 
 and that it speaks sometimes most clearly thus when there 
 is no longer strength to speak with the mouth. ' That look,' 
 he wrote to Mr. Gladstone, * will live with me while I live.' 
 
 Pusey and his brother had been closely connected to- 
 gether since their infancy : and the loss was, as he said, 
 ' beyond human words.' In consequence of their father's 
 death, his nieces came to him at Christ Church ; and for 
 a time the ordinary society of a family was resumed at 
 Pusey 's lodgings. 
 
 * As time went on, and the mourning for my father was over,' writes 
 Mrs. Fletcher, * my uncle became very anxious to make it a cheerful 
 place, and encouraged us to give little parties in the drawing-room, at 
 which Mrs. Liddell or some other lady presided. Sometimes we had 
 music and choruses, &c., which delighted my uncle ; and he would say 
 next day, " You were very lively last night : I could hear the voices." 
 Nothing ever disturbed him or came amiss.' 
 
 It was a great sorrow to Pusey when in December, 1855, 
 six months after his brother's death, his nephew, Mr. Sidney 
 Bouverie Pusey, who was at the time fifteen years old, was 
 removed from his care by the guardians who were ap- 
 pointed under the terms of Mr. Philip Pusey's will. That 
 
 Guardianship. 41c 
 
 Mr. Pusey had hot appointed either of his own brothers, 
 Edward and William, to be the guardians of his son, was 
 due doubtless to the anti-clerical feeling which he had to 
 a certain extent imbibed ten years before ; the arrangement 
 certainly does not represent his thoughts at the close of 
 his life towards a brother under whose roof he came to 
 die. But while feelings change, the letter of a will lasts 
 and is inexorable ; and the guardians may have felt that 
 the intention which led to their appointment made it 
 a duty to remove young Mr. Pusey from his uncle's care. 
 Pusey protested, but to no purpose. 
 
 'I have entered the strongest protest I could against 
 their taking him away from me,' writes Pusey to the Rev. 
 R. F. Wilson, ' and have told them that I would give no 
 opinion as to any plan they may have for him. ... It will 
 be a breach between the guardians and me, if they do it. 
 I do not mean of charity, which one must keep, but of 
 everything else.' Keble sympathized warmly with Pusey 
 in this trouble. To one of the guardians who had observed 
 that it was very natural in Mr. Pusey to distrust clerical 
 influences, he observed that it was ' unfortunate for him or 
 for any one to neglect the opportunities for keeping young 
 people in the right way which our Saviour, by His Pro- 
 vidence, had placed within their reach.' 
 
 Pusey's nieces however often came to stay with him. 
 ' From the moment ' of our father's death ' and ever since,' 
 writes one of them, ' he was a father to us, and such a father 
 as falls to the lot of few.' 
 
 But another and even a greater sorrow than his brother's 
 death was about to fall on Pusey. 
 
 Until 1858, Lady Lucy Pusey had preserved, together 
 with fair average health, the quiet, humble, cheerful, hope- 
 ful temper, which made her what she was to her children 
 and to those who knew her. In the spring of 1858 there 
 were signs that her health was giving way. She lost 
 something of her wonted spirits; found attendance at 
 South Audley Chapel twice on a Sunday a greater fatigue 
 than she could bear : and showed other signs of declining 
 
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 416 
 
 Life of Edward Bottverie Pusey. 
 
 strength. True to her character, she still never allowed 
 herself to lie down during the day, or even to lean back in 
 a chair ; and, at night, she would not allow a servant to 
 sleep even on the same floor as her own bedroom. 
 
 On the fourth Sunday in Lent she received the Holy 
 Communion for the last time at Grosvenor Chapel ] Dr. 
 Pusey kneeling at her side. He had returned to Oxford ; 
 when, on the day before Palm Sunday, he was summoned 
 by telegraph to London. Her son's presence roused her 
 for the time ; she exclaimed with animation, ' Dear, dear 
 Edward ' ; she told him that she was quite well, and begged 
 him to ' go to your books.' She apologized for the trouble 
 she was giving : and her last hours were throughout 
 marked by the simple forgetfulness of self which had 
 characterized her whole life. As she could not swallow, it 
 was impossible to administer the Blessed Sacrament to her. 
 
 ' I said,* wrote Pusey to his brother William on Good Friday, 1858, 
 ' some short prayers by her, and repeated texts which were prayers, 
 and she thanked me. A little while before she ceased to breathe, she 
 said, " Now I wish to be quite quiet, that there should be none but 
 you '[I] and Dr. Cotton." I saw her hands put together in prayer, 
 and then I was silent, because she would best know how to pray. 
 I told her she was going to God, when I saw that she was dying. She 
 answered, in that humility which you know as the characteristic of her 
 life, that she was not fit. I answered you will suppose how.' 
 
 When all was over Pusey wrote to Keble : ' She died in 
 that deep humility which had been the characteristic of her 
 whole life, feeling herself unworthy to enter into His 
 Presence.' It was with reference to his mother that Pusey 
 wrote twenty-two years afterwards : — 
 
 * " I am not prepared," was the exclamation of a pious, simple, and 
 humble soul, who had served God and trusted in Jesus beyond the 
 ordinary period of mortality, when told that she was shortly to see 
 God. For the thought of His awful Holiness and the inadequacy of 
 our best love stood out before her. To such a soul it would have 
 been an unspeakable comfort to have known, that although she was 
 not yet prepared for the sight of His All-Holiness, there was a 
 waiting time, out of the reach of sin, in which she might be prepared 
 for the Presence of Him Who had ever been her God^' 
 
 > 'What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment?' pp. 12a, 123. Parker, 
 Oxford. 
 
 Death of Lady Lucy Pusey, 417 
 
 The end came at half-past two o'clock on the afternoon 
 of Palm Sunday. Pusey wrote to his brother William, who 
 was staying in Madeira for the sake of an invalid son :— 
 
 * ** It is the Lord, let Him do as seemeth Him good." He has given 
 us our dearest mother for a time far beyond the age of man at his 
 full strength, and she has been waiting so long at the gate of Paradise, 
 always looking that she would not remain long with us. She has 
 remained so much longer than we hoped, and now, in His mercy, 
 she has entered into her rest, and her works do follow her.' 
 
 Pusey often used to say that a mother's death makes 
 the world a different world to all of us. He was speaking 
 from his own experience. She had been more to him than 
 most mothers are to the best of sons ; and no mother, she 
 used to say, could have had a better son than God had 
 given her. 
 
 A year later, Pusey wrote to his brother William thus 
 when his youngest son had passed away :— 
 
 ' It is indeed a change to have no mother here, and that London 
 should be a great solitude to one. Yet it was a long time for which she 
 was given to us. Your object in going to Madeira was beautifully 
 fulfilled by our good Father, and now they await us and pray for our 
 perfecting and our coming. What a day of meeting ! ' 
 
 But Lady Lucy's death afifected Pusey in other ways. 
 From that date, Pusey practically took leave of the two 
 homes of his childhood. The house in Grosvenor Square 
 soon passed into other hands. Pusey House was partly 
 shut up during the minority of Dr. Pusey's nephew : and 
 he only visited the place on two occasions after that on 
 which he stood by his mother's grave on the Easter Eve 
 of 1858 ^ He shrank from visiting scenes, houses, and 
 rooms which were associated with those whom he had 
 loved in past years : he used to calj them, generally, 'cities 
 of the dead.' He dreaded the dissipation of energy which 
 is sometimes caused by the reanimation of old sorrows : 
 life, he would say, is too short to be spent on anything 
 but the work which God has given us to do. 
 
 During the period referred to, the visits of death were 
 
 In both instances, at his nephew's wish. Dr. Pusey went to Pusey in order 
 to meet Bishop Wilberforce, 
 
 . VOL. III. E e 
 
i! 
 
 !«.. 1 
 
 I 
 
 418 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 not confined to Pusey's family circle. At its beginning 
 he lost Dr. W. H. Mill ; at its close, the Rev. C. Marriott. 
 
 Pusey used to say that Mill was the greatest divine that 
 Cambridge had produced in the present century, probably 
 since Pearson. As a very distinguished mathematician, 
 an Oriental scholar of unusual accomplishments, and the 
 master of a vigorous and dignified style. Mill would in any 
 case have commanded the attention of the learned world. 
 But he also possessed that distinctly theological habit of 
 mind without which knowledge and capacity are not easily 
 turned to account for the highest purposes ; and— not to 
 speak of his Sanscrit poem— he is probably seen at his best 
 in his sermons on the Temptation, and in his powerful 
 refutation of Strauss's application of the Pantheistic philo- 
 sophy to the interpretation of the Gospels ^ No other 
 Cambridge man of equal eminence had devoted himself 
 with such generous self- forgetful labour to the revival 
 of Catholic truths in the Church of England ; and when in 
 1848, the distinguished Principal of Bishop s College, Cal- 
 cutta, and the trusted Chaplain of Archbishop Howley, 
 became Hebrew Professor at Cambridge, Pusey had scarcely 
 set any bounds to his confident expectations that the sister 
 University would take the lead in the promotion of 'true 
 religion and useful learning,' as that phrase was understood 
 by Churchmen. But Mill only held his chair for a short 
 five years ; his health was already undermined by his life 
 of unremitting toil ; and after a very short illness, he died 
 at Brasted on Christmas Day, 1 853. 
 
 * This,' wrote Pusey to the Rev. B. Webb, * is indeed a very heavy 
 blow, a' blow to us all, the very heaviest to me next to dear J. K. 
 I loved Dr. Mill extremely, little as our intercourse had been. . . . 
 I was thankful to hear of that peaceful close ; how could it be other- 
 wise ? But to us the loss is irreparable. God have mercy upon us.' 
 
 A month before his brother's death, on June 2, 1855, 
 another death had occurred within the walls of Christ 
 Church which Pusey felt deeply. Dean Gaisford had been 
 no friend to the Church Movement in Oxford ; his most 
 
 » * Mythical Interpretation of the Gospels.* Canibr. 1861. 
 
 Death of Dean Gaisford, 4 in 
 
 careful thought was given to other matters, and even when 
 dealing with ecclesiastical subjects his line of study was 
 historical rather than theological. It was thought that in 
 his administration of Christ Church he had inclined unduly 
 against those with whose belief he did not sympathize. 
 However this may have been, Pusey, himself a scholar, 
 knew how to honour in Gaisford one of the great living 
 English masters of the Greek language and literature ; and 
 on one occasion, when a story was repeated to him about 
 the opposition of some younger men to Gaisford's judg- 
 ment, he exclaimed, for him very impatiently, * There is 
 more scholarship in Gaisford's little finger than in all their 
 heads put together.' Besides this, although Gaisford's Con- 
 servatism in religious matters had operated as a force 
 unfriendly to that fuller theological faith which is, in the 
 long run, and in the best sense of the word, the truest 
 Conservatism, Pusey recognized the sterling character of 
 Gaisford's motives, even when opposing that which he had 
 himself most deeply at heart. ' He thinks that he is 
 opposing novelties ; and this in religion is a very good 
 thing. The only question is, what are really novelties and 
 what not.' ' The Dean's loss,' wrote Pusey to Keble, ' will 
 make a great change in many ways, and not for good.' 
 
 In the same summer, a month later, he was deprived 
 of the help and counsel of a friend, Charles Marriott, upon 
 whose co-operation he depended more than on that of any 
 other Oxford resident. On June 29, 1855, Marriott, on 
 his return from a Commemoration at St. Peter's College, 
 Radley, of which he was one of the original ' Fellows,' was 
 struck by paralysis, and although he lingered three years, 
 his work was done. Since his return to Oxford in 1841, 
 on his resignation of the Principalship of Chichester 
 Theological College, and especially after Newman's with- 
 drawal in 1843, Marriott had become Pusey's most intimate 
 and trusted ally ; in the language of Oxford at the time, 
 he * succeeded to the vacant place in the Triumvirate ^: 
 
 » This appears in the frequent association of the initials in devotional and 
 other works. 
 
 E e 2 
 
420 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The twelve years of this close relationship comprised the 
 most anxious period of Pusey s life ; and, next to Keble, 
 Marriott contributed more than any other fnend m the 
 way of sympathy and counsel to enable him to sustam 
 the burden of his position. But of their constant mter- 
 course there is little record, owing to their living so close 
 to one another at Christ Church and Oriel, and the little 
 necessity in consequence of any written correspondence. 
 The few letters that remain, written principally during 
 vacations, are concerned with the details of literary work in 
 which the friends had a common interest ; more particularly 
 they deal with the successive volumes of the Library of the 
 Fathers, to which Marriott was so great and efficient 
 a contributor. Regret has sometimes been expressed that 
 so fine a mind as his should have been so largely spent in 
 the ' immense quantity of hack-work ^ ' which was necessary 
 in order to carry out this laborious enterprise ; and that 
 Marriott should have devoted to the correction of proofs 
 and the construction of indexes time which might have 
 been given to some Biblical Commentary or other original 
 work. Such work, however, was an inevitable, although 
 sad necessity, if the Library of the Fathers was to be 
 edited at all, and there is no real doubt Pusey shared with 
 his friend the drudgery of the undertaking. It is true, 
 nevertheless, that in the language of self-depreciation and 
 affectionate hyperbole, Pusey sometimes assigns to Marriott 
 the whole merit of editing the Library of the Fathers \ 
 
 1 Marriott appears to have -edited 
 the texts of nearly half the Library of 
 forty-eight volumes ; but his indepen- 
 dent contributions to it of prefaces 
 and notes were much less considerable 
 than Pusey's. 
 
 « Burgon's * Lives of Twelve Good 
 
 Men,' i. 321- 
 
 » In Burgon's * Lives, &c. i. ^2i, it 
 is stated that Keble * contributed to the 
 Library of the Fathers nothing but the 
 sanction of his name ' ; and that, for at 
 least fourteen years, * every most irk- 
 some and inglorious department of edi- 
 torial responsibility was freely imposed 
 
 upon Afarriott singly: The accuracy 
 of the first statement may be measured 
 by the fact that perhaps the best of 
 the translations, that of St. Irenaeus, 
 is the work of Mr. Keble ; while he 
 edited St. Chrysostom's Homilies on 
 I Cor., besides contributing his assist- 
 ance hi difficulties throughout the 
 work. The present writer's own recol- 
 lections of Pusey's work and study 
 enable him to contradict the second 
 assertion : nothing could be less true 
 than that the mechanical work of 
 editorship was imposed on Marriott 
 alone. 
 
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 Illness of Charles Marriott 
 
 421 
 
 What a high estimate Pusey had formed of his friend's 
 work is evident from the subjoined passage : — 
 
 * Full of activity in the cause of truth and religious knowledge, full 
 of practical benevolence, expending himself, his strength, his paternal 
 inheritance, in works of piety and charity, in one night his [Marriott's] 
 labour was closed, and he was removed from active duty to wait in 
 stillness for his Lord's last call. His friends may perhaps rather 
 thankfully wonder, that God allowed one, threatened in many ways 
 with severe disease, to labour for Him so long and so variously, than 
 think it strange that He suddenly, and for them prematurely, allowed 
 him thus far to enter into his rest. To those who knew him best, it 
 has been a marvel how, with health so frail, he was enabled in such 
 various ways, and for so many years, to do active good in his genera- 
 tion. Early called, and ever obeying the call, he has been allowed both 
 active duty and an early rest V 
 
 Marriott lived on, though an invalid, with his brother, the 
 Rev. John Marriott, Curate of Bradfield, Berks, and passed 
 away on Sept. 15, 1858. Pusey was in Cornwall, and too 
 remote to travel up for the funeral. 
 
 At the end of that year Keble wrote to Pusey : — 
 
 * What a season this has been for the departure of old friends ! John 
 Miller, Ellison, C. Marriott, W. Barter, and, as I have just heard, 
 Frank Dyson. The tide seems fast encroaching on one's island ; pray, 
 dear friend, that one may be ready.* 
 
 * Preface, vol. vi. p. iii. (Oxf. transl.) of St. Augustine's Expositions of the 
 Psalms. 
 
 li 
 
 I 
 
 1'« 
 
I 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 SECOND PERIOD OF EUCHARISTIC CONTROVERSY— SERMON 
 ON THE HOLY EUCHARIST— CASE OF ARCHDEACON 
 DENISON— CHARGE OF THE BISHOP OF BRECHIN. 
 
 1853—1860. 
 
 * Still is the might of truth, as it hath been : 
 Lodged in the few, obeyed, and yet unseen. 
 Reared on lone heights and rare, 
 His Saints their watch-flame bear. 
 And the mad world sees the wide-circling blaze, 
 Vain-searching whence it streams, and how to quench its rays.' 
 
 Lyra Apostoltcuy Ixxxv. 
 
 PUSEY had preached several times before the University 
 since the termination of the period for which he had been 
 suspended. Of these sermons three had been published, 
 two on the * Entire Absolution of the Penitent ^ ' and one 
 on the 'Rule of Faith.* This last sermon, preached in 
 1851, was intended at once to define the true position of the 
 Church of England with regard to the Faith, against Puri- 
 tanism on the one hand and the Church of Rome on the 
 other, and also to shew the nature of the authority to which 
 she appeals on such subjects as the Eucharistic Presence. 
 It was neither Scripture interpreted by the individual, nor 
 tradition, nor a philosophy independent of Scripture, but 
 Scripture interpreted by the consent of the Fathers, which 
 was the real rule of Catholic and Christian Faith ; and a 
 recognition of this principle would make what Pusey had 
 to say on other subjects intelligible, if not convincing. 
 
 He was now called upon to preach again ; as usual he 
 began to think about the object, plan, and details of his 
 sermon some months before. He wished to apply the 
 
 » Fourth Sunday after the Epiphany, 1846, and First Sunday in Advent, 1846. 
 
 Preparation for a second Eucharistic Sermon. 423 
 
 general principles of his sermon on the Rule of Faith to 
 the Doctrine of the Eucharist as held by the Church of 
 England. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Asheme, Oct. 16, 1852. 
 
 I want your thoughts on another subject. I am to preach, please 
 God, before the University on Jan. 16. My last two sermons have 
 been on the Roman subject, *The Rule of Faith ' and * The Unity of 
 the Church.' I had thought of preaching on the Unity of the Faith 
 (which I touched upon in the sermon on the Rule of Faith) as a sort 
 of Irenicon, following Le Blanc, Cassander, and the like, as showing 
 approximations of doctrine where there seemed to be difference real 
 agreement in differing words. ' 
 
 I have since thought whether there may not be reasons rather for 
 taking one doctrine, the Holy Eucharist, with a practical application 
 to young men, not to profane It, when it is part of the College system 
 to receive It. I preaclied before *The Holy Eucharist a comfort to the 
 penitent.' This would be on danger to the impenitent. This would 
 give it a practical character. 
 
 The reasons are (i) the Bishop of Oxford has asked me to explain 
 myself (my Letter which I began has stuck) : (2) I am still under a 
 slur, for my former condemnation, among a large party ; while the 
 University is committed to condemnation of these doctrines in the 
 eyes of others : (3) I suspect that Roman doctrine is increasing on 
 the one side, while there is a vague fear of any definite doctrine among 
 others. R. W. ^ is writing what I think is quite untenable ; that the 
 Roman Church by * iransubstantiation * does not mean a physical 
 change ; which I believe to be contrary to fact \ He treats also the 
 belief of any change in the physical substance of the elements as 
 something very rare ; from which people would infer that our Article 
 was very superfluous, and founded on a disbelief in the Real Presence, 
 i. e. that the compilers laid hold of an unreal thing to oppose, from not 
 believing the truth themselves. 
 
 I had some correspondence and talks with R. W. I suspect we each 
 remained of the same mind. 
 
 My line would be, as in my Letter and my sermon, to inculcate the 
 doctrine of the Real Presence and to speak of the elements as remain- 
 ing ; as the obvious teaching of Holy Scripture and of the Fathers. 
 
 * Archdeacon R. L Wilberforce. His 
 work on * The Doctrine of the Holy 
 Euch.trist ' appeared just before Whit- 
 suntide in i«53. 
 
 * In the * Eirenicon * (published in 
 1 865), Part I, p. 229, Pusey may appear 
 to contradict this. ' My own conviction 
 is that our Articles deny Transub- 
 stantiation in one sense, and that the 
 
 Roman Church, according to the ex- 
 planation of the Catechism of the 
 Council of Trent, affirms it in another.' 
 In the * Eirenicon' he held that the 
 popular teaching of the Roman Schools 
 (ib. p. 208) to which the Articles were 
 opposed did teach a physical change 
 (ib. p. 24). 
 
 |i| 
 
 i 
 
 r 
 
 
 1 .^ 
 
 )' 
 
 A 
 
424 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 i 
 
 The words at the end of the first book of Homilies * under the form of 
 bread and wine ' furnish a good fonnula for the truth. Durandus says, 
 * It is easier to believe that the Body and Blood of Christ are present 
 under accidents whose substance remains [which I suppose to be the 
 English doctrine] than under accidents whose substance is gone.' 
 This mode of statement avoids the charge of Consubstantiation. . . . 
 If they [i. e. my former judges] pass it, they own that they were wrong 
 before, in not giving me a hearing, whereby I might have cleared 
 whatever in my sermon seemed to them unsound. If they condemned 
 me again, they would take a more effectual measure than a two years' 
 suspension. So I am told. My brother-in-law (a Low Churchman), 
 Cotton, will be the V. C. 
 
 Will you, after a little time, tell me what you think ? There is no 
 hurry. But I must write the sermon next term in Oxford, where 
 I have books. 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 Keble cautiously suggested that the sermon might raise 
 more questions than it settled : more especially he depre- 
 cated any merely theoretical discussion of so sacred a 
 subject. By the end of the October term, however, Pusey 
 had * written little fragments of his sermon, that Keble 
 might judge whether ' it would do.' 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Christ Church, Dec, 1852.] 
 If what is preached is undisputed a good deal will have been gained. 
 People will no more be able to say that the doctrine is condemned. 
 Those at Oxford are a good deal more accustomed to the doctrine than 
 they were. When it was preached, too, we were a strong, concentrated, 
 aggressive body. And they had settled to put down some one. Now, 
 truth is more widely spread ; but we are weak and broken and forsaken 
 by so many ; and I do not think they wish to attack us. 
 
 Another question is, whether the sermon itself would be a good one 
 to preach ? The form of it would be to set forth to young men the 
 greatness of the mystery, that they may be more careful to live as they 
 should, to whom such gifts are vouchsafed. 
 
 I should be quite ready, of course, to take another subject (as Justi- 
 fication, in order to show that there is not that discordance as to the 
 doctrine which people think), if you judge best. 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 The Christmas vacation of 1^52-3 was mainly spent in 
 preparing the sermon : and it was preached on the first 
 
 77?^ Sermon. 
 
 425 
 
 Sunday in term in the midst of the excitement of an 
 University election. It differed from the earlier sermon 
 on the Eucharist, as a careful statement of doctrine might 
 dififer from a devotional appeal. The doctrine enunciated 
 was the same in both sermons ; but the first was the lan- 
 guage of unguarded fervour, the second that of precise 
 definition on this side and on that. Thus the second 
 sermon differs from the first in the distinctness with which 
 it insists not only on the Reality of the Sacramental 
 Presence resulting from consecration, but also it deals with 
 the continued existence of the substance in those conse- 
 crated elements, which are the veils of our Lord's presence. 
 This latter side of truth was as much present to Pusey's 
 mind when he preached his first sermon as the fact of the 
 Objective Presence itself: but he had then supposed, that 
 unfriendly critics would take this for granted, and he now 
 put it forward as an explanation of his earlier language 
 which, had opportunity been allowed, he should have given 
 ten years before. The sermon abounds in passages of 
 great beauty; it is penetrated through and through with 
 Pusey s intense reality, and it closes with an appeal to the 
 junior portion of his audience, based on the obligations of 
 the sacramental life in Christ, which few who heard it 
 can ever forget. 
 
 Pusey could not, however, be sure that he would not be 
 attacked again. Certainly, the discredit attaching to the 
 proceedings of 1843, and the sense of insecurity which the 
 appointment of a Commission had brought with it to all 
 who filled places of authority in Oxford, might make them 
 hesitate. On the other hand, Pusey 's teaching was in sub- 
 stance the same, and there was no change in the minds of 
 those who had previously condemned him. On the day 
 after the sermon Pusey wrote to Keble : — 
 
 [Christ Church], Mo. morning, [Jan. 17, 1853.] 
 *No bad report as yet about my sermon. So I hope all good. 
 Harington, Principal of B.N.C., said, '*They cannot attack him this 
 time. He has guarded himself too well." So I hope that there is 
 a real gain, through God's mercy. Dr. Faussett was in Oxford, and 
 the Provost of O. heard the sermon. If they are peaceful, may I not 
 
 n 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 IM 
 
426 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 look upon it as a retractation of their former attack ; so that whatever 
 their private belief may be, they are not public impugners of the truth ? ' 
 
 Pusey daily expected *the first drops of the storm.' 
 
 But a month passed, and the sermon had not been 
 
 sent for. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Feb. 9, 1853.] 
 
 It is a great mercy, I trust, that the sermon has passed off thus 
 quietly. Certainly it has passed off, thanks to your help and sugges- 
 tions. For my Preface might have provoked them. The Provost of 
 Oriel and I believe Dr. Faussett were present : the other five not. 
 
 Pusey delayed his publication of the sermon for some 
 weeks in the hope of being able to write an appendix 
 which would exhibit the teaching of the Fathers in its 
 completeness. But for the present he had to content 
 himself with adding to the text a series of notes which 
 showed what might be coming at a later time. After 
 Easter all his spare time was taken up with reading and pre- 
 paration of evidence for the Delegacy of the Hebdomadal 
 Board, on subjects raised by the University Commission. 
 
 But shortly afterwards the question of the Holy Eucharist 
 was brought before the mind of the Church by two Arch- 
 deacons, — each of them men whose character and accom- 
 plishm'ents would have given prominence to any question 
 they might take up. 
 
 Archdeacon R. I. Wilberforce was, as has been stated, 
 received into the Roman Catholic Church in October, 1854 ; 
 and he has told the world that this step was determined by 
 his acceptance of the Roman doctrine of Papal Supremacy ^ 
 But his work on the Holy Eucharist had attracted much more 
 attention than was given to that on the * Principles of Church 
 Authority/ which stated at length the motives for his seces- 
 sion. The former treatise was in truth a much more 
 considerable and original effort ; and its author had main- 
 tained, and maintained to the last, that it was not incon- 
 sistent — as was avowedly his later work — with the formu- 
 laries of the Church of England. A report was circulated 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Principles of Church Authority,' p. 284. See also Preface, p. v. 
 
 I 
 
 Archdeacon Denisoris Sermon on the Eucharist, 427 
 
 to the effect that legal proceedings would be taken against 
 its author in the Court of the Archbishop of York. On 
 the Archdeacon's resignation of his preferments, which 
 was completed before he knew that a trial was in con- 
 templation, the proceedings were stopped by the Arch- 
 bishop's orders; but the book as a whole was thus left 
 under the shadow of hypothetical or implied condemna- 
 tion, from which Pusey was anxious to rescue the greater 
 portion of it, — all, in fact, which asserted the doctrine of 
 the Real Presence within the true lines of Catholic anti- 
 quity,— although it contained some matter which did not 
 command his assent. 
 
 The question was raised in another form by the action 
 of another Archdeacon, of whose loyalty to the Church 
 of England there has never been room for question. 
 
 Archdeacon Denison had found it necessary as Examin- 
 ing Chaplain to the Bishop of Bath and Wells to reject 
 certain candidates for ordination who did not accept the full 
 teaching of the Church on the subject of Holy Baptism. 
 This was not forgiven by the * Evangelical Alliance ' ; but 
 that body, with other opponents of the Archdeacon, had 
 to bide their time. In days when the very air seemed 
 charged with controversy they had not long to wait. In 
 the autumn of 1853 and the following spring \ the Arch- 
 deacon preached three sermons on the Holy Communion 
 in Wells Cathedral. After the first two of these sermons 
 a formal complaint was made to the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, in February, 1854, by the Rev. J. Ditcher, 
 the Low-Church Vicar of South Brent, which adjoined 
 the Archdeacon's parish. The Archbishop referred Mr. 
 Ditcher to Dr. Bagot the Bishop of Bath and Wells ; and 
 the Bishop in a letter, dated April 16, 1854, gave his 
 judgment, somewhat informally, on a doctrinal statement 
 which the Archdeacon had submitted to him. Of that 
 judgment the effect was practically an acquittal. The 
 Bishop indeed censured ' speculations on the conditions 
 of the Supernatural Presence ' in the Eucharist, and also 
 
 * The exact dates are Aug. 7 and Nov. 6, 1853, and May 14, 1854. 
 
 f I 
 
428 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 any attempt on the part of the Archdeacon to require 
 assent to his private opinions as * the condition of holding 
 faithfully the doctrine of the Real Presence itself.' But he 
 did not deem it necessary to seek an authoritative decision 
 in the Ecclesiastical Courts. Bishop Bagot died within 
 a month of writing this letter^, and his successor, Lord 
 Auckland, was no sooner consecrated than Mr. Ditcher 
 made a second application that legal proceedings might be 
 instituted against the Archdeacon. Lord Auckland replied 
 that a public prosecution on such a point was inadvisable ; 
 and that the matter was a res judicata, having been settled 
 by his predecessor. But Mr. Ditcher was not to be baffled. 
 It was discovered that, as patron of the living of East Brent, 
 the Bishop of Bath and Wells could not decide the question 
 at all ; and the question whether proceedings should be 
 instituted was therefore referred to Archbishop Sumner. 
 
 On Sept. 5, 1854, the Archbishop wrote to the Arch- 
 deacon stating that it was his painful duty to inform him 
 that, after the expiration of fourteen days, a commission 
 of five clergy would be appointed to inquire into a charge 
 of false doctrine that had been brought against him, and 
 report whether there was 3. primd facie case to be submitted 
 to the Court of Arches. The Archdeacon hereupon ap- 
 plied to the Court of Queen's Bench for a rule to stay 
 proceedings on the ground that the Bishop of the diocese 
 had already decided the matter. The Court refused the 
 rule ; and the matter had to follow its course. In truth 
 the prosecution appeared to be part of a general plan for 
 getting rid of advanced High Churchmen, both in the 
 Southern and the Northern Province^. So at any rate 
 Pusey thought. He wrote to Keble : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Oct. 1, 1854.] 
 This had bedn my continually oppressing fear for the last year. 
 However much Denison may have provoked it, the Low Church, 
 
 * On Monday, May 15, 1854. Wilberforce, announcing the discon- 
 
 * The date of Abp. Sumner's letter tinuance of an inquiry with a view to 
 to Archd. Denison, Sept. 5, 1854, sig- proceedings, Sept. 6, 1854. Cf. * Prin- 
 nificantly coincides with that of the ciples of Church Authority,' Pref. ix. 
 letter of the Abp. of York to Archd. 
 
 I 
 
 Attack on the Archdeacon's Doctrine, 
 
 429 
 
 I 
 
 ) 
 
 I fear, mean a war of extermination against us. Every fresh attack 
 hems us in, and increases our difificulties, and mows down those whom 
 we can ill spare. There must have been something amiss that we 
 have thus had blow upon blow. Could you make a short prayer to be 
 used daily ? 
 
 « 
 
 Keble replied : — 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Dearest -Pusey, ^'^^^^^ ^^^- ^^ 1854. 
 
 I have not St. Gregory's Sacramentary here, which I always 
 turn to, when asked to suggest a form of prayer. If I had, I dare say 
 I could do better: as it is, I just send what has come into my head ; 
 the hint taken, as you will see, from yours from St. Ambrose. I hope 
 some one will greatly improve on it. . . . Indeed, one knows too well 
 that there has been a great deal very much amiss in many of those 
 who have been moving in this ' Movement,' and I suppose it is but 
 too likely that many of the troubles are due to such unworthiness : 
 but that does not affect the cause, does it? If there is a subscription, 
 as I suppose there must be, to support G. A. D., I shall wish to put 
 down my name. 
 
 Your very loving 
 
 J. K. 
 
 The Archdeacon was at first charged with teaching that 
 *the act of Consecration causes the Bread and Wine, 
 though remaining in their natural substances, to have the 
 Body and Blood of Christ really though spiritually joined 
 to them, so that to receive the one is to receive the other,' 
 and that ' the wicked and unbelieving eat and drink the 
 Body and Blood of Christ in the Lord's Supper, just as 
 much as the faithful.' 
 
 Pusey was anxious to allay the rising excitement, and 
 with this view wrote a public letter, in which he endeavoured 
 to show that the theological importance of the question 
 thus raised was not so great as was generally supposed ^ 
 
 But immediately after the appearance of this letter, 
 Mr. Ditcher made a second application to the Archbishop, 
 who thereupon transmitted to the Archdeacon a more 
 elaborate statement of the charges made against him. He 
 was accused of teaching, 
 
 * Guardian J Oct. 18, 1854, P- 800. 
 
 ii 
 
 i 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 I 
 
430 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 * That the Body and Blood of Christ being really present after an 
 immaterial and spiritual manner in the consecrated bread and wine, 
 are therein and thereby given to all, and are received by all who come 
 to the Lord's Table ' — * that to all who come to the Lord's Table, to those 
 who eat and drink worthily, and to those who eat and drink unworthily, 
 the Body and Blood of Christ are given, and that by all who come to 
 the Lord's Table, by those who eat and drink worthily, and by those 
 who eat and drink unworthily, the Body and Blood of Christ are 
 received' — 'that the universal reception of the inward part or thing 
 signified of the Sacrament in and by the outward sign, is a part of 
 the doctrine of the Real Presence itself — * that worship is due to the 
 real, though invisible and supernatural, presence of the Body and Blood 
 of Christ in the Holy Eucharist under the form of bread and wine * 
 — 'that the act of Consecration makes the Bread and Wine, through 
 the operation of the Holy Ghost, to be Christ's Body and Blood* — 
 * that in the Lord's Supper the outward parts or signs and the inward 
 parts or things signified are so joined together by the act of Conse- 
 cration, that to receive the one is to receive the other ' — * that all who 
 receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper receive the Body and 
 Blood of Christ.' 
 
 Keble recognized the serious issues of the controversy ; 
 and wrote a public letter which at once commanded 
 the attention of the Church. He did not, indeed, think 
 that it was necessary to defend all the propositions at- 
 tributed to the Archdeacon in order to be true to the 
 doctrine of the Real Presence. In particular he pointed 
 out an ambiguity attaching to the word ' receive ' as 
 applied to wicked communicants. In one sense it ex- 
 pressed what all must allow who believe at all in a Real 
 Objective Presence. In another sense it would affirm what 
 many such believers would account erroneous. But Keble 
 observed that, without committing himself to every ex- 
 pression of the Archdeacon, the pending charges on the 
 three most important propositions involved the whole 
 doctrine of the Real Objective Presence. He was sorrow- 
 fully convinced that if the propositions attributed to the 
 Archdeacon were 'declared untenable in the Church of 
 England, a far more serious question would arise con- 
 cerning the reality of our communion with the Universal 
 Church than had ever yet arisen^.* 
 
 * Letter in Guardian, Nov. 22, 1854, p. 898. 
 
 ^Notes' to University Sermon, 431 
 
 In writing thus, Keble was not less moved by personal 
 regard for the Archdeacon, than by a sense of the theological 
 importance of the question. It was, however, difficult to help 
 directly except under conditions which appeared to both 
 Keble and Pusey unadvisable. There was for the moment 
 no more to be done in this : therefore, so as to be ready 
 for all emergencies, Pusey set himself to the work of pre- 
 paring the ' Notes ' to his University sermon on the Holy 
 Eucharist, which had been so long delayed. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Christ Church, Jan. 26, 1855. 
 I have been working very hard with Notes on my Sermon on the 
 H. Eucharist, in hopes that, in the event of a trial, it may the rather 
 hmder, by God's mercy, any wrong decision as to the Real Presence. 
 But then, it was necessary to clear the passages, alleged in support of 
 Transubstantiation, both that our own people may not be perplexed 
 and because people want to be assured that they are not to be taught, 
 either Transubstantiation or (what never was taught) Consubstanda- 
 tion, and it is so hard to be accurate. 
 
 As usual, he laid his friends under contribution. As in 
 the Paradise for the Christian Soul, Mr. Copeland was the 
 poet on whom he relied for rendering the old Latin hymns 
 into English. 
 
 The book cost Pusey a great effort, especially at a time 
 when his brother was lying at his house in what proved to 
 be his last illness. * Last term,' he wrote to a friend after 
 Easter, * I was working at my book on the Holy Eucharist, 
 mostly till one a.m., and at every spare moment.' By 
 the beginning of May the work was published and in 
 circulation. 
 
 This remarkable book of 722 pages came before the 
 world as 'Notes' on a single sermon. This form was 
 adopted from Pusey s sense of a duty to support by 
 adequate authority the most deliberate doctrinal utterance 
 he ever made on the subject of the Holy Eucharist in the 
 University pulpit. But it also relieved him from some of 
 the literary obligations which would have been entailed on 
 him by the composition of a more formal treatise ; while 
 
 ■n 
 
 'I 
 
 1(4 
 
 m 
 
 
 ! 
 
 * ; 
 
 
432 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 he was able to exhibit in ordered sequence the whole line 
 of authorities which such a treatise would have contained. 
 He first removed out of the way the objection made by 
 Calvinists and Zwinglians on the one side, and by Roman 
 Catholics on the other, that to hold the reality of the 
 natural substance of the Elements after their consecration 
 together with the Real Objective Presence as taught by 
 Our Lord, could be rightly characterized as Consubstan- 
 tiation; then he proceeds to show that Our Lord's language, 
 " This is My Body," cannot be understood figuratively, 
 while on the other hand His allusion to one consecrated 
 Element as " the fruit of the vine *' proves the survival of 
 its natural substance. The Fathers are then quoted to 
 illustrate each side of the truth thus presented. Pusey 
 shows that they speak most exactly of the survival of the 
 substance of the Elements, when they are engaged in con- 
 troversies with heretics ; and perhaps the most instructive 
 of the many instructive notes in this volume is that in 
 which he elucidates the real force of words, employed 
 especially by Eastern Fathers, and inaccurately supposed 
 by Roman writers to sanction the doctrine of Transub- 
 stantiation. The closing note is a massive accumulation 
 of witnesses to the positive side of the doctrine as held 
 by the ancient Church, namely, that after Consecration, 
 Our Lord is Objectively Present in the Holy Eucharist. 
 At the conclusion of upwards of ^\^ hundred pages de- 
 voted to the establishment of this point, Pusey breaks out 
 into sentences of exultant eloquence which he permitted 
 himself on comparatively rare occasions : — 
 
 Yes ! along the whole course of time, throughout the whole circuit of 
 the Christian world, from East and West, from North and South, there 
 floated up to Christ our Lord one harmony of praise. Unbroken as 
 yet, lived on the miracle of the Day of Pentecost, when the Holy Spirit 
 from on high swept over the discordant strings of human tongues and 
 thoughts, of hearts and creeds, and blended all their varying notes into 
 one holy unison of truth. From Syria and Palestine and Armenia ; 
 from Asia Minor and Greece ; from Thrace and Italy ; from Gaul and 
 Spain ; from Africa Proper, and Egypt, and Arabia, and the Isles of 
 the Sea ; wherever any Apostle had taught, wherever any Martyr had 
 sealed with his blood the testimony of Jesus ; from the polished cities, 
 
 Book welcomed by Friends, 400 
 
 or the Anchorites of the desert, one Eucharistic voice ascended- 
 Righteous art Thou, O Lord, and all Thy words are truth.' Thou 
 hast said. This is My Body,' 'This is My Blood.' Hast Thou said, 
 and Shalt not Thou do it ? As Thou hast said, so we believe. 
 
 Truly O Lord, 'Thy holy Church throughout all the worid doth 
 acknowledge Thee \' 
 
 The book came out in May, 1855 It was welcomed 
 by friends whom Pusey most valued. Sir John Colerid-e 
 thought that the question of authority in respect of the 
 doctrine of the Eucharist would be settled by Pusey's work 
 Archdeacon Churton was of opinion that, while the ar- 
 rangement of the work might have been better, Pusey 
 had gathered such a mass of authorities as wellnigh to 
 exhaust the subject, and had cemented them together with 
 such arguments as to leave nothing out of consideration. 
 Bishop Phillpotts described the book as containing a well- 
 timed and triumphant statement of the doctrine of the 
 Church. There were, of course, estimates enough of a 
 different character ; but they might have been discounted 
 beforehand. 
 
 Meanwhile the commission appointed to report upon the 
 alleged heterodoxy of Archdeacon Denison s sermon had 
 sat at Clevedon. The conclusion of its proceedings had 
 been foreseen. It reported to the effect that there was 
 a primd facie case against the Archdeacon. 
 
 * What do you think,' wrote Keble to Pusey, on Jan. 18, 1855, * of the 
 Denison case so far? It seems to me that they (I mean the Arch- 
 bishop, etc.) are so mismanaging it, that they will almost make Denison 
 popular m spite of himself. But surely some of our friends are puttin- 
 
 I ."H' w^V"/ ^"''"'^ P^'^'^^"' ^" "^^^"taining so earnestly reception 
 by the Wicked as an integral part of the doctrine. I am afraid of the 
 consequences when they find they have less sympathy than they had 
 imagined For myself, I must confess that if I were forced to decide 
 I thmk there is more to be said against that tenet than for it, especially 
 looking to St. Aug., and most especially to Tractate 26 on St. Tohn 
 and to the passage in Ep. 98. § (I thinks 17, in which he speaks of 
 calling Sacraments by the names of the things of which they are 
 Sacraments. But surely our Church permits us to leave it open, and 
 surely she is right in so doing, and we are wrong to close it either way. 
 
 ' * Real Presence in the Fathers/ pp. 721, 733. 
 VOL. III. F f 
 
 r 
 
 iPi 
 
 f 
 
 i' 
 
 \ 
 
434 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 m 
 
 I write all this that you may kindly point out, when convenient, any 
 thing amiss in it.' 
 
 After the report of the Clevedon Commission, Lord 
 Auckland was again asked, as Bishop of the Diocese, to 
 send the case to the Court of Arches. On his refusal to do 
 so, the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose hand was forced 
 by decisions obtained in the Queen*s Bench, reluctantly 
 proceeded, as obliged by the Church Discipline Act, to 
 constitute a Court to hear the case. This consisted of the 
 Archbishop with assessors, the Rev. Dr. Heurtley, the Very 
 Rev. G. S. Johnson, Dean of Wells, and Dr. Lushington. 
 It met in the Guildhall at Bath on July 22, 1855, and on 
 August 12, the Archbishop made, through Dr. Lushington, 
 a declaration to the effect that the passages in the Arch- 
 deacon's sermons alleged by the prosecution were contrary 
 to the doctrine of the Church of England. It thus con- 
 demned, as contrary to the Articles, the doctrine that the 
 Body and Blood of Christ are given to and received by 
 unworthy communicants, as well as the assertion that 
 worship is due to the Real though Invisible and Super- 
 natural Presence of the Body and Blood of Christ. The 
 Archdeacon was allowed until the first day of October to 
 revoke his adhesion to the condemned positions. 
 
 This Judgment was a great shock to all Churchmen who 
 believed that the Church of England rejected no portion of 
 the Sacramental teaching of the ancient Church. It dis- 
 tressed Keble and Pusey equally, but in different ways. 
 Keble felt the condemnation of Eucharistic Adoration 
 most strongly, Pusey thought the denial of the reception 
 by the wicked was at least equally important. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 35 Grosvenor Square, Friday, [Aug. 15, 1856]. 
 
 The news of this judgment reached me at the D. Duchess of Argyll's 
 only yesterday morning. I am here with my good old Mother till 
 Tuesday evening. Richards is in great trouble, apprehending imme- 
 diate secessions. I inclose you his note (which I have torn inad- 
 vertently). 
 
 Would it be good for you to see the Bp. of Salisbury ? A protest 
 from him might be attended to, and might influence the decision of 
 
 rJc« 
 
 Pusey and Keble on the Judgment. 435 
 
 the Judges. J. Coleridge told me that he had no doubt that the Priw 
 
 condemns are points with which people have little sympaU^J. Thel 
 
 thtreceZXT W^l T ^:^'"'' "'^ ^'^^"'^^ Pres'ence'invIS 
 me reception by the Wicked, and few probably use any worship of Our 
 
 Lord, except as in Heaven. God reward you! ^ 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Dearest Pusey, Llandudno, Conway, Aug. 16, 1856. 
 
 of n, t' '' °°'J ?'' """^'"^ "'^^ ' ^^''^ =^«" 'h'= miserable Judgment 
 
 Wh^r •.''• "'°' '° ^'"^ y°" °"^ °^ t"° things about it (" 
 
 Whatever it is m respect of the point of reception by the Wicked in 
 regard of which I think it quite intolerable, although as you kniw 
 I do not see my way in that point so clearly as Denison thinks hi 
 does) does it not also expressly condemn him, and by implica^n all 
 who believe a Real Presence, on an entirely distinct ground, v, ha 
 of Adoration ? (2) Is there anything at all .« tAe Xv/./,o u stify 
 his .'or to seem to justify it in the least ? 1 only find one saying- 
 the Sacrament . . . was not by Christ's command . . . worshipped '• 
 which seems to me naturally to mean that outward Adoration as well 
 as Receivmg and Elevation, were not absolutely necessaj Tn The 
 Sacrament Had they meant more they would have said so,^ in the 
 matter of Transubs.antiation. I could not have believed hat even 
 Dr L. woiUd have sharpened those words into anything so highly 
 penal. Perhaps this was alleged in Dr. Phillimore's argument but if 
 so, I missed or have forgotten it. (3) Would it not be rigM for s„ch 
 their; "!•/'" ""^^ ^" ^^ "•'""'"""^ - D--- '°'his pan of 
 same time alleging reasons? And if so, in what way.? by simnle 
 Protest? by addressing their Diocesans? or Convoca'tion.r or the 
 whole Episcopate m Communion with the Church of England in 
 abeyance of any lawful Synod of that Church ? I do not mean thlt 
 such a Paper should confine itself to the matter of Adoration, but ha 
 It should state the truth on the other matter too : as well as on th^ 
 
 of r k'*;' Sr"''"'^ Supremacy-the unconstitutional and unfair ten^r 
 
 of the whole affair I can fancy such a thing so done as to draw many 
 
 adhesions and produce a considerable effect ^ 
 
 But it would very likely fail : and ought we not to be in some 
 
 0^'^^""''^^°"'^"' '"' '"'"' ''"''^ "f-""" - that evenT? 
 God help us, and bless and reward you. 
 
 Your very loving 
 
 Ff 2 
 
 J. K. 
 
 «'\ 
 
 M 
 
 '' * 'I 
 fi 
 
 , M 
 
 :! 
 
 f I 
 
 m 
 
436 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 Difficulties of United Action, 
 
 But the difficulty of united action arose from some slight 
 difference of opinion existing for a time between Keble and 
 Pusey on the question of * Reception by the Wicked.' Keble, 
 though he thought the J udgment on the point to be intolerable, 
 could not exactly follow Pusey in his reasons for accepting 
 the doctrine of Reception by the Wicked, and wrote to that 
 effect a letter which appears in the Appendix to this chapter. 
 
 Pusey acknowledged this in a letter written in pencil on 
 the railroad. He agreed with Keble that a strongly signed 
 Declaration of belief in the Reality of our Lord's presence 
 in the Holy Sacrament was desirable ; and suggested a list 
 of the names of those who might sign. The objects of such 
 a Declaration would be, first, to deliver the souls of the 
 signatories by declaring the truth ; secondly, to influence 
 the Privy Council; and thirdly, to offer themselves for 
 attack as did the Christians before the Proconsul of Africa. 
 * If you slay us, you must decimate Carthage.' * If,' Pusey 
 argued, 'they do not condemn us too, the doctrine is not 
 condemned.' Keble hesitated about the proposed Declara- 
 tion : but still more about a generally signed Protest which 
 was proposed at the time. He agreed that a ' vital doctrine 
 of the Gospel had been in substance denied ' by the decision 
 of the Court at Bath. But the legal uncertainties of the 
 case were very great ; and it was undesirable to commit 
 people, if it could be helped, to special forms of speaking, 
 on such high matters. But Pusey did not think it advis- 
 able to delay a Declaration too long, if it was to be made 
 at all. Present impatience would not be allayed by 
 engagements to do something in the future. Nobody 
 could say what the future might not bring forth. A mere 
 Declaration, which did not involve some present action, 
 would only again expose them to taunts such as those 
 which Mr. Dodsworth and others had so constantly made 
 since the Gorham case. He thought that they had better 
 *make themselves marks for others to shoot at.' If the 
 opponents of the doctrine did not ' shoot or hit them,* the 
 doctrine would be uncondemned. It was morally certain 
 that if the technical objections against the proceedings were 
 
 437 
 
 not sustained, the Archbishop, as Archbishop, would judge 
 the case on its merits, on the same lines as Dr. Lushington 
 had judged it at Bath. It was better to forestall this 
 contingency by a statement of doctrine which should make 
 their position and responsibilities plain to all the world. 
 
 Pusey replied more at length to a remark of Keble's that 
 he found less sympathy than he had expected on the 
 subject of Adoration of our Lord in the Holy Eucharist :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Aug. 28, 1856. 
 
 1 quite expected that we should have very few (yet some) who would 
 commit themselves to the Adoration. I fear that the belief in the Real 
 Presence is very often something very undefined : and among a large 
 class, the presence of the Elements is a ground against Adoration, (as 
 though in adoring Our Blessed Lord in the Flesh, people hesitated 
 because of the dress under which it was veiled). 
 
 This makes me strongly think that whenever we make the Protest, 
 we should not aim at any wide circulation (which might also produce 
 a counter statement), but should select a certain number of names, 
 whom people would not like to dislodge. For if the doctrine is re- 
 affirmed, and not condemned, it is saved. 
 
 C. C. Bartholomew will join in signing, and he says that 200 of the 
 Clergy in the Diocese have generally gone along with him. 
 
 What do you think that the Bp. of Exeter would do ? I should have 
 been afraid that he would have been against * Adoration.' I suppose 
 that the Article has commonly been interpreted in an Anti-Roman 
 sense, as against all Adoration. I am not surprised at Wilson being 
 alarmed ; yet there would be enough, I doubt not, for a limited Protest! 
 I suppose that, practically, people do not adore (i. e. it is no part of 
 their worship), but they pray Christ to come into their souls. 
 
 As the time allowed by the Archbishop to Archdeacon 
 Denison within which he might revoke the condemned 
 statements was drawing to a close, Pusey became in- 
 creasingly anxious. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Sep. 27, 1856.] 
 Time is hastening on, and the Archbishop's decision, and some tell 
 me that people are looking much to you and me now. I fear that 
 some will be disturbed, if the doctrine of the Reception by the Wicked 
 is not re-asserted by those who believe it. I do not see how it can be 
 re-asserted as matter of faith ; because I know not where it has been 
 ruled to be so. Aquinas, I see, mentions those who imagine a with- 
 drawal. Still, I Cor. xi. 29 looks so strongly the other way, that I do 
 
 * - 1 
 ' 1 
 
 U 
 
 > .1 
 
438 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 not know how otherwise it can be explained. And then the consent 
 of Fathers is so large, and begins so early, that I do not see how we 
 can avoid receiving it, if not as certain faith yet as the probable truth. 
 I suppose that St. Augustine may most easily be explained, according 
 to the distinction which has been inherited from him of * spiritaliter' 
 and * sacramentaliter * ; sacramentaliter being the mode of reception 
 by the good and bad, spiritaliter by the good only, because in them 
 only, the spirit or soul is united with Christ. With regard to our 
 Lord's words (St. John vi.) which weighs so much with you, is it not 
 the case, that all which God says implies certain conditions on man's 
 part ? * He that believeth ' [i. e. with a faith which worketh by love] 
 * and is baptized,' &c. : * Whoso cometh unto Me ' [i. e. truly and in 
 sincerity] : * Whose sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them ' [if 
 penitent]. So I should have thought that our Lord's words * Whoso 
 eateth My Flesh,' &c. implied [with right dispositions, persevering in 
 grace] &c. But I think I have written this before. 
 
 I should like very much to know what the Bp. of S. thought. I hear 
 that the Bp. of O. is sanguine, that even Sir J. Dodgson will set it 
 aside. But I fear that the Bp. does not believe the Objective Presence, 
 although I suppose he believes a simultaneous reception of the Body 
 and Blood of Christ by the faithful. 
 
 Would a meeting of a few of us at the time of the Sentence be of 
 any use ? 
 
 I should like to see your statement again ; but I fear that I must 
 put out a statement of my own, because since I believe that the wicked 
 do receive to their hurt, the Body and Blood of Christ, it would be 
 cowardly not to say it now. 
 
 Ever, my dearest F., 
 
 Your very affectionate and grateful 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 I am to leave Christ Church early next week ; on Saturday- Monday 
 (Oct. 4-6) I am to be at the Vicarage, Brighton. I do not know on 
 what day I am to be in London, nor exactly which day I leave, perhaps 
 Monday. I am going to Great Malvern again to see Capt. Sellon. 
 
 Keble was greatly concerned that he and Pusey did 
 not seem to be entirely at one on the point at issue, and 
 on Sept. 28 wrote on the subject a long letter which will be 
 found with others in the Appendix. 
 
 On Sept. 30 Archdeacon Denison handed into the registry 
 of the diocese of Bath and Wells, a paper stating the 
 grounds of argument and precedent upon which it was * not 
 in his power to make the revocation required by the Court.' 
 Dr. Lushington at once announced that sentence would be 
 pronounced by the Court at Bath on Tuesday, Oct. 21. 
 
 The Church under Appeal. 439 
 
 The necessity for some Protest was now increasingly 
 evident. It was currently reported that names of num- 
 bers of Anglicans were known, intending to join the Church 
 of Rome as soon as the decision was issued. Pusey was 
 anxious on the one hand to shew how slight was the 
 difference between himself and Keble as to the expression 
 regarding the Reception by the wicked, and on the other 
 to shew, even more at length than before, why probability 
 appeared to him to lie on the side he was advocating. 
 Readers of these letters will be reminded in more ways 
 than one of the correspondence of SS. Augustine and 
 Jerome. Pusey's letter, which was a little treatise or pam- 
 phlet, will be found in the Appendix. The answer seems 
 to shew that his learned and thoughtful arguments were 
 making the way plain to Keble's assent. 
 
 After a conversation with the Bishop of Brechin, Pusey 
 had drawn up a paper, which Keble consented to sign, if 
 he might omit a passage from Bishop Poynet about ' wor- 
 shipping the Eucharist' Although in meaning quite true, 
 it would, says Keble, ' give needless pain and offence to 
 some. Indeed, it is in words contrary to what Denison 
 has said, "doubtless the Sacrament may not be wor- 
 shipped"; also Bishop Andrewes— *• Sacramentum nulli 
 adoramus." Might not the passage from Bramhall, quoted 
 by Denison, p. 13, be taken? or Taylor? or Beveridge?' 
 
 Keble always considered the Church of England to be 
 under appeal,— to a General Council since the Reformation, 
 or perhaps to a Synod of the whole English Episcopate 
 since the decision of the Privy Council in the Gorham case. 
 It was accordingly in his eyes no objection to an appeal to 
 a free and lawful Synod of the Bishops of the Province of 
 Canterbury that Denison's advisers might recommend him 
 to appeal to a law court as well. Certainly there would 
 be two appeals; but they were in different provinces. 
 * Our appeal,' he wrote to Pusey, ' is to my mind the main 
 point. I must have it (such is my pertinacia) if no one 
 else does.' 
 
 It was during the final proceedings of the Court at Bath 
 
440 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey. 
 
 ! 
 
 8«> 
 
 i 
 
 on Oct. 2ist and 22nd, that Pusey's 'Protest,' with the 
 single modification suggested by Keble, was made public. 
 It may be well to point out that the signatories to the 
 document wished to make clear their position that, in 
 spite of the opinion of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the 
 Catholic doctrine on the Sacrament in question as stated 
 by them was not repugnant to the Thirty-nine Articles. 
 The point really at issue was whether this high Catholic 
 sacramental doctrine was consistent with loyalty to the 
 Church of England. Such a position they were prepared 
 to vindicate. They felt strongly that it was the popular 
 Protestant interpretation of the Articles, as distinct from 
 the text of the Articles themselves that had governed the 
 decision of the Court at Bath. 
 
 Protest. 
 The following Declaration has been signed and issued : — 
 Protest against the Bath Judgment. 
 
 We, the undersigned, priests of the one Catholic and Apostolic 
 Church, called by God's providence to minister in the Province of 
 Canterbury according to the Book of Common Prayer, do hereby, in 
 the presence of Almighty God, and in humble conformity with the 
 tenor of our ordination vows, as we understand them, make known 
 and declare as follows : — 
 
 1. We believe (in the words used in the Book of Homilies) that we 
 * receive the Body and Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ under the form 
 of bread and wine ' ; and with Bishop Cosin, ' that upon the words of 
 consecration, the body and blood of Christ is really and substantially 
 present, and so exhibited and given to all that receive it; and all this, 
 not after a physical and sensual, but after an heavenly and incompre- 
 hensible manner'; of which statement. Bishop Cosin says, *it is 
 confessed by all divines.' 
 
 2. We believe in the words of Bishop Ridley, * that the partakinge 
 of Christ's bodie and of His bloude unto the faithfull and godlie, is 
 the partakinge and fellowship of life and of immortalitie. And, again, 
 of the bad and ungodly receivers, St. Paul plainlie saieth thus: "He 
 that eateth of this breade and drinketh of this cuppe unworthilie, he 
 is guilty of the bodie and bloude of the Lord." He that eateth and 
 drinketh unworthilie, eateth and drinketh his own damnation, because 
 he esteemeth not the Lord's Bodie ; that is, he receiveth not the 
 Lord's Bodie with the honoure whiche is due unto Hym.' Or with 
 Bishop Poynet, * that the Eucharist, so far as appertains to the nature 
 of the Sacrament, is truly the body and blood of Christ, is a truly 
 
 !il 
 
 The Protest, 
 
 441 
 
 divine and holy thing, even when it is taken by the unworthy ; while, 
 however, they are not partakers of its grace and holiness, but eat and 
 drink their own death and condemnation.* 
 
 3. We hold with Bishop Andre wes, * that Christ Himself, the inward 
 part of the Sacrament, in and with the Sacrament, apart from and 
 without the Sacrament, wheresoever He is, is to be worshipped.' With 
 whom agrees Archbishop Bramhall : * The Sacrament is to be adored, 
 says the Council of Trent, that is (formally), "the body and blood of 
 Christ," say some of your authors ; we say the same : " the Sacrament," 
 that is, "the species of bread and wine," say others— that we deny.* 
 
 We, therefore, being convinced, — 
 
 1. That the doctrine of the Real Presence of * the body and blood of 
 our Saviour Christ under the form of bread and wine' has been 
 uniformly accepted by General Councils, as it is also embodied in our 
 own formularies ; 
 
 2. That the interpretation of Scripture most commonly held in the 
 Church has been, that the wicked, although they can ' in no wise be 
 partakers of Christ,' nor * spiritually eat His flesh and drink His 
 blood,' yet do in the Sacrament not only take, but eat and drink 
 unworthily to their own condemnation the body and blood of Christ 
 which they do not discern ; 
 
 3. That the practice of worshipping Christ then and there especially 
 present, after consecration and before communicating, has been common 
 throughout the Church. And, moreover, that the Thirty-nine Articles 
 were intended to be, and are, in harmony with the faith and teaching 
 of the ancient undivided Church ; 
 
 Do hereby protest earnestly against so much of the opinion of his 
 Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the case of Ditcher 2/. Denison, 
 as implies, directly or indirectly, that such statements as we have cited 
 above are repugnant to the doctrine of the Thirty-nine Articles. 
 
 And we appeal from the said opinion, decision, or sentence of his 
 Grace, in the first instance, to a free and lawful Synod of all the 
 Churches of our communion, when such by God's mercy may be had. 
 
 Bartholomew, C. C, M.A., Perpetual Curate of St. David's, 
 
 Exeter. 
 Bennext, VV. J. E., M.A., Vicar of Frome. 
 Carter, Thomas T., M.A., Rector of Clewer, Oxon. 
 Grueber, C. S., Incumbent of St. James's, Hambridge. 
 Heathcote, W. B., B.C.L., Precentor of Salisbury Cathedral. 
 Henderson, T., M.A., Prebendary of St. Paul's, Vicar of 
 
 Messing. 
 Keble, John, M.A., Vicar of Hursley, Winchester. 
 Neale, J. M., M.A., Sackville College. 
 Oxenham, N., M.A., Vicar of Modbury. 
 Plumer, C. J., M.A., Rector of Elstree, Rochester. 
 POPHAM, J. L., M.A., Prebendary of Salisbury, Rector of Chilton 
 
 Folliatt. 
 
 ( 
 
 II 
 
 U' 
 
 i?i 
 
 ' a, 
 
I J 
 
 ill 
 
 442 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 PUSEY, E. B., D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, Canon of 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford. 
 Scott, W., B.D., Perpetual Curate of Christ Church, Hoxton, 
 
 London. 
 Stuart, E., M.A., Incumbent of St. Mary Magdalene, Munster 
 
 Square, London. 
 Ward, W. P., M.A., Rector of Compton-Vallence. 
 Williams, Isaac, B.D., Stinchcombe, Gloucestershire. 
 Woodford, J. R., M.A., Vicar of Kempsford, Gloucestershire. 
 Yard, G. B., M.A., Rector of East Torrington with Wragby, 
 
 Lincolnshire. 
 
 On October 22, Dr. Lushington proceeded to pronounce 
 sentence on Archdeacon Denison. By the authority of the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, he was deprived of all his pre- 
 ferments ; an interval extending to Dec. 5 being granted 
 for an appeal. 
 
 Meanwhile the Protest was being circulated in high 
 quarters. . 
 
 ' I am sending one,' writes Pusey to Keble in October, 1856, *with 
 a letter to the Archbishop and other Bishops (except Hereford), leaving 
 It to you to send one with a private letter (as I suppose you will) to 
 the Bishop of Winchester. I said to the Archbishop that it was a 
 matter of conscience after his Grace's decision, to state publicly what 
 I believed, in order that my subscription might be honest.' 
 
 The Protest did not win much sympathy from the Bishops 
 to whom it was sent with the exception of the Bishop of 
 Exeter ; he however proposed a less strongly worded 
 declaration with a view to its being more generally signed, 
 although he allowed that the judgment condemned Bishop 
 Andrewes and misquoted the Articles. 
 
 ' The Bishop of O.,' wrote Pusey to Keble, * discourages signing \ 
 The Bishops of B. and W. and St. Asaph think it premature. T. Carter 
 of Clewer wants a meeting to get more signatures. Perceval Ward 
 and Grueber suggested alterations. " Quot homines, tot sententiae." 
 Meanwhile our act is, I suppose, done, past recall : that is one comfort. 
 But will you think whether you would advise anything more ? ' 
 
 Keble agreed with the Bishop of Exeter's suggestion. 
 But, he added : — 
 
 *Oct. 28, 1856. 
 
 ' It will not do to confine the statement to the Adoration as he has 
 done. 1 have written to S. O. to ask what we should do next, assuming 
 
 * See • Life of Bp. Wilberforce,' ii. 328. 
 
 Letter explanatory of the Protest. 443 
 
 in my simplicity that we had done right so far ! I shall be curious to 
 see his answer. I dread the Bishop of W.'s, which I have not yet 
 received. As you say, the thing being out is a real comfort ; and if 
 we made a mistake we did it for the best. Those who do not believe 
 as we do can hardly be judges. I wrote to Gresley yesterday, on 
 a plan of a mitigated Declaration, which he had sent me proposing 
 divers additions. We are keeping our Consecration Feast to-day, and 
 I have no time. No doubt the cold water from Oxford will quench 
 for the present the spark at Sarum : so 1 fear.' 
 
 Large numbers of clergymen and others were anxious 
 to sign the Protest. But Keble did not think this desir- 
 able. A large number of signatures might look like an 
 attempt to influence the Law Courts. He wished simply 
 for a Church Defence Fund. 
 
 Another question was raised both by friends and oppo- 
 nents. What should be the effect of the Archbishop's 
 Judgment in the court of conscience ? Pusey writes : — 
 
 £. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Oct. 31, 1856. 
 The Master of Pembroke seemed to think that our opponents would 
 expect that if the Archbishop's Judgment were confirmed, we should 
 acquiesce and resign as matter of course, accepting his Judgment as 
 the legal interpretation. But the interpretation of an Archbishop 
 alone, though it may make a legal interpretation, cannot bind a con- 
 science. Do you think that it would be best to show our line of policy 
 that people may not say again, that we hold out what we do not fulfil ? 
 Unjustly, in both cases. 
 
 It appeared to Pusey to be important to make the future 
 action of himself and his friends perfectly clear. Whatever 
 their opponents might wish, or decide to be honourable or 
 imperative, he and his friends had no intention of aban- 
 doning their duties in and towards the Church of England 
 until they were ejected from the posts they held. Accord- 
 ingly at the end of October Pusey drew up a letter, stating 
 the grounds of the Protest against the decision of the Court 
 at Bath. The letter ran as follows : — 
 
 * It having been given out that those who signed the Protest and 
 Appeal against the recent decision on the doctrine of the Holy 
 Eucharist may probably end in^forming a Nonjuring Church, will you 
 allow us to state through your paper that we have no such intention 
 
 4li 
 
 \i 
 
 
 i^'H 
 
444 
 
 ! 
 
 'I 
 
 hM 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 or thought. The object of that declaration was to liberate our own 
 consciences. 
 
 * We believe, in their most literal and fullest sense, every word of 
 the Articles, on the ground of which Archdeacon Denison has been 
 condemned. We cannot see how the doctrines for which he has been 
 condemned can be fairly brought under the Articles. We are con- 
 vinced that they are points upon which the Church of England has 
 not decided ; and that those who have condemned him, have pro- 
 ceeded on grounds foreign to the Articles. They have brought mean- 
 ings into the Articles, not out of them. Still, since we believe that 
 which the Archbishop and his Assessors have condemned as contrary 
 to the Articles, it became matter of honesty to avow it. We are in 
 a place of sacred trust. If we voluntarily retire from our place, we 
 betray our trust ; if we continue in our place, saying nothing, we seem 
 to betray it. Either way there is grievous scandal. The only course 
 open to us is, publicly to apprise those in authority over us, that we 
 cannot obey them in this, and to go on as before, leaving it to them to 
 interfere with us, or no, as they may think fit. It was on this view 
 of our duty that we signed that Paper. Our subscription to the 
 Articles is honest in itself, for we believe them in the only sense of 
 which we can see them to be capable. But we did not feel it honest 
 to hold a belief which had been condemned as contrary to the Articles, 
 and not to avow that we held it, and make ourselves liable to the con- 
 sequences. 
 
 *The being of the Church of England we believe to be perfectly 
 unaffected by this decision, grievous as the result of it may be in 
 respect of her well-being. The sentence of an Archbishop's Court 
 may make an Act penal ; but the sentence of one man cannot bind the 
 conscience. Prosecution after prosecution can but deprive individuals. 
 Nothing less than the voice of the Church can make any decision the 
 judgment of the Church ; and nothing but the judgment of the Church 
 (in fact, a new "Article of Religion") can limit, as now proposed, the 
 meaning of the present Articles. If the Church of England should 
 will to condemn what hitherto she has not condemned, she must do it 
 by a distinct Act. 
 
 * We know there are some who wish us to be removed. But we do 
 not, please God, intend to do their work for them by withdrawing. 
 Even should we be deprived, we should hope not to be silenced, nor 
 degraded, nor excommunicated. Meantime, in full conviction that v/e 
 teach only what the Church sanctions, or at any rate allows, we shall 
 go on teaching as long as we are permitted to do so. Through God's 
 good Providence we have had our several spheres of duty assigned to 
 us. If it be His will. He will help us cheerfully to exchange them for 
 others. But it will be His doing, not ours. We hope to know His 
 Will best, by waiting for it '/ 
 
 * Cf. * On Eucharistical Adoration,' by Rev. J. Keble, 3rd ed., pp. 181, 182. 
 
 The End of the Suit. 
 
 445 
 
 Keble warmly approved of the ^etter. He had himself 
 revised it. * Every day shows me,' he wrote, ' that some 
 such thing is needed. ... I hope you will not grudge me 
 what I do not quite deserve, — my name at the foot of that 
 letter.' 
 
 The importance of this explanation will be at once 
 apparent. Pusey and Keble did not mean to secede to 
 the Church of Rome, or to form a Nonjuring Church. 
 They meant to stay where they were ; but they did not 
 mean to hold their tongues. * Make that new Paper,* 
 Keble had written to Pusey, *such as to commit no one 
 but us two, any more than is possible, consistently with it 
 committing us entirely* They themselves were prepared 
 for any consequences. The paper however was not pub- 
 lished at the time : it raised fresh questions about which 
 it was found impossible to secure the complete agreement 
 of all the signatories of the Protest. 
 
 But meanwhile Archdeacon Denison had appealed from 
 the sentence at Bath to the Court of Arches. Although 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury had presided in person at 
 the Court at Bath, he had only done so as the Judge of 
 the Diocesan Court of Bath and Wells ; he had taken 
 the place of the Bishop of the diocese, because the latter 
 was disqualified for hearing the case by being patron of 
 the benefices held by the defendant. The Court of 
 Arches, however, in the first instance, refused to admit 
 the appeal, on the ground that the Archbishop, whose 
 Court it was, had already passed sentence on the de- 
 fendant. This refusal was overruled, on appeal, by a 
 viandanms from the Queen's Bench, which held that the 
 appeal lay not from the Archbishop in person to the 
 Archbishop's Court, but from the Diocesan Court of 
 Bath and Wells to the Provincial Court of Canterbury. 
 Accordingly on April 23, 1857, Sir John Dodson, Dean of 
 the Arches, reversed the decision of the Court at Bath on 
 the technical ground that the suit on which the Arch- 
 deacon had been deprived had not been taken against 
 him within the time required by the Church Discipline 
 
 m 
 
 
 \r'\ 
 
il< 
 
 446 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Act. Mr. Ditcher hereupon appealed to the Judicial 
 Committee of the Privy Council, which on Feb. 6, 1858, 
 confirmed the decision of the Court of Arches, without 
 expressing any opinion on the question of heterodoxy. 
 This brought the case to an end, but in a manner which 
 exposed the Archdeacon to the charge, freely advanced by 
 his theological opponents, that he had shielded himself 
 from a decision on the merits of the case under a legal 
 technicality. The Archdeacon, however, has told the world, 
 in his own vigorous style, what he thought of this point, 
 as well as of the whole case ^ 
 
 This controversy produced two books which will be re- 
 membered and read when all the incidents connected 
 with it are forgotten. We have seen that the point in the 
 Judgment which touched Keble most closely led to his 
 composing what is perhaps the most beautiful of his con- 
 tributions to the theological treasures of the Church of Eng- 
 land, — his treatise on ' Eucharistical Adoration.' Keble fell 
 back on authority no doubt ; but he also rested on general 
 considerations suggested by the requirements of faith and 
 the instincts of piety. His book is consequently almost as 
 much a devotional treatise as a theological disquisition ; 
 and it is lighted up, here and there, by touches of the 
 poetry which played like sunshine round Keble's deepest 
 thought. It was not his way to set store on anything that 
 he did : he was impatient of allusions in conversation to 
 the * Christian Year,' which he would refer to without 
 naming as * that book.' But he was really anxious that 
 people should read what he had written on the worship 
 of our Lord in the Eucharist. * I wish,' he said one 
 morning after opening his letters, * that people, instead of 
 paying me compliments about what they call my poetry, 
 would see if there is not some sense in my prose. You 
 know what I mean.* 
 
 Pusey's work was of a different character from Keble's, 
 though one topic in it covered the same ground. He 
 had before him a more prosaic task, that, namely, of 
 
 ^ • Notes of my Life/ pp. 343, 243. 
 
 Pusey on the 'Real Presence' 44-7 
 
 shewing that his teaching on the question of the Eucharist 
 was consistent with honest subscription to the formularies 
 of the Church of England. In his book on the ' Nature 
 of Christ's Presence in the Holy Communion,' Mr. Goode 
 had raised this question ; which was to be decided, he 
 maintained, 'not by an appeal to Holy Scripture, inter- 
 preted by the private judgment of individuals ' (the writer 
 for the moment surely forgot what was due to really Pro- 
 testant principles), ' still less by an appeal to the Fathers' 
 (it would certainly have been very imprudent for the writer 
 to discu.ss the subject in that field of inquiry), * but by an 
 appeal to the authoritative formularies of our Church.' 
 Pusey's book, therefore, from the necessity of the case, is 
 throughout an appeal to texts and documents ; and much 
 of it is discussion of so minute and technical a character 
 as to repel any but a person who is deeply interested \x\ 
 ascertaining the true answer to the question what, by 
 her formularies, the Church of England does or does not 
 teach, permit, or exclude on the subject of the Holy 
 Eucharist. 
 
 The treatise on the * Real Presence,' considered as the 
 doctrine of the English Church, is, after all, only a fragment. 
 Pusey had intended to add to it a vindication of the literal 
 interpretation of the Words of Institution ; a reassertion of 
 the belief of the Fathers on the subject; and a comparison 
 of the English Sacramental Articles with the Confessions 
 of the Zwinglian and Calvinistic bodies. He had hoped to 
 produce this work before Archdeacon Denison's case came 
 into the Court of Arches : but the collapse of the case, and 
 his own broken health, led him to content himself with the 
 existing work. He was longing, too, to address himself to 
 tasks which would divide him not from Christians who held 
 a less perfect faith, but from unbelievers. ' While we who 
 would love Christ are thus engaged in attack and defence, 
 infidelity finds its way undisputed, the Old Testament is 
 given over to unbelievers, our Redeemer is blasphemed. 
 His Godhead, His Atonement, or even His Existence are 
 denied.' 
 
 m 
 
 1 
 
4^ 
 
 [III 
 
 448 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Both of Pusey's considerable works on the Eucharist 
 were criticized at some length by a Low Church clergyman 
 of industry and reading, who however can scarcely be 
 thought to have known how to arrange or interpret his 
 materials. When Dr. Harrison's ' Answer to Dr. Pusey s 
 Challenge ' appeared fourteen years after the publication 
 of the ' Real Presence in the English Church,* Pusey only 
 expressed his great satisfaction that a person belonging 
 to that school should have induced some of those who 
 agreed with him to read the Fathers, and his confi- 
 dence that if they persevered in the study they would 
 be brought nearly, if not entirely, into agreement with 
 himself. 
 
 A controversy of a similar character was raised at the 
 same time in another quarter. It has been mentioned 
 that the Rev. A. P. Forbes was chosen, while Vicar of 
 St. Saviour's, Leeds, to be Bishop of the Diocese of Brechin. 
 It is unnecessary here to speak of the way in which 
 Bishop Forbes recommended himself to various classes of 
 men, by the charm of his manner, or his theological 
 knowledge, by his devotion to the poor, and in general 
 by the high ideal of Episcopal life which he endeavoured 
 to translate into action. His episcopate, however, was not 
 without its anxieties and troubles. His primary Charge, 
 delivered on August 5, 1857, in some respects reflected 
 the controversies connected in England with the trial of 
 Archdeacon Denison's case, and was combined in Scotland 
 with the long-standing discussions about the Scotch Com- 
 munion Office. The Bishop, besides warmly recommending 
 this office, insisted especially that the Eucharistic Sacrifice 
 is the same substantially with that on the Cross ; that 
 'supreme adoration is due to the Body and Blood of 
 Christ, mysteriously present in the gifts/ and that such 
 
 * worship is due not to the gifts, but to Christ in the gifts ' ; 
 and that * in some sense the wicked do receive Christ indeed 
 to their condemnation.' The Bishop further asserted that 
 
 * the Church to which we belong never committed herself 
 
 Bishop Forbes' Primary Charge, 449 
 
 to any expression which forbids the worship of our Lord 
 in the Holy Sacrament* 
 
 ..•H?M^\''^^.^'''''^'^ ^^""'^^ ^^^^^^^'^"' ^"d s^n^e con- 
 siderable hostility. At the Synod held in Edinburgh in 
 
 December, 1857, it was proposed to issue a declaration on 
 
 the doctrme of the Holy Eucharist, in opposition to the 
 
 bf^r?? S'l^"''^ "' ^"^'^'"- '^^^ -^^-" -- lost ; 
 but the three Bishops, of Edinburgh, Argyll, and Glasgow 
 
 signed a document which, if not identical with that pro-' 
 
 Body and Blood of Christ were so present in the Eucharist 
 as to be proper objects of adoration ; they held adoration 
 to be repudiated by the declaration at the end of the Com- 
 munion Office ; they objected to the Bishop of Brechin's 
 statement of the doctrine of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, as 
 iniplymg a divergence between the teaching of the Primitive 
 Church and the 25th Article, and as being opposed to the 
 teaching of the Epistle to the Hebrews and the language 
 of the Scottish Communion Office. On the other hand 
 hey^quoted the positive language of the Catechism and' 
 the Homily as expressing their belief on the subject This 
 declaration of the three Bishops was followed by' others 
 from the clergy, which kept the subject before the public 
 
 Meanwhile Keble, soon after the appearance of Bishop 
 Forbes Charge, had sent his book on 'Eucharistical Adora- 
 tion, then just published, to the Scottish Bishops. His 
 chivalrous impetuosity led him thus to throw in his lot 
 with Bishop Forbes : and when he received a copy of the 
 Episcopal declaration, he understood it to condemn his own 
 book as well as the Bishop's Charge. This induced him 
 to address to the Bishop of Edinburgh a letter which, read 
 together with the declaration, is one of the most instructive 
 documents produced in the whole course of the controversy^ 
 The po,nt on which he principally insists is the impossibility 
 of distinguishing, as did the Scottish critics of the Bishop 
 
 pp! ioi%t" '' '"''' '' ''' ^^" ^' •^- ^^^^^^' ' ^'^ -' «-^op Forbes/ 
 VOL. III. Q g 
 
II 
 
 
 450 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of Brechin, between the Presence of the Body of Christ and 
 the Presence of His Person. If His Body was really, and 
 not only virtually present, then all believers who were not 
 Nestorians, must admit that His Person was present as 
 well ; since in Him two whole and perfect Natures were 
 joined together in One Person, never to be divided. 
 
 Pusey had spent the winter of 1857-8 in the neighbour- 
 hood of Paris. Philip wanted to go there to work at 
 manuscripts in the Bibliotheque Imperiale. During his 
 previous illness, and his absence in Paris, Pusey heard 
 nothing of the Scottish controversy : it burst upon him, 
 as a most unwelcome surprise, soon after his return. Keble 
 wrote to deprecate his taking any immediate action. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, Quinquagesima Sunday, 1858. 
 
 Dearest Pusey, 
 
 ... I am so sorry this storm has reached your ears. But if 
 Bishop Forbes will be quite patient, as I trust he will, there seems 
 hope of its turning to good. I believe the Bishops of St. Andrews and 
 Moray and Aberdeen are all peaceably inclined. But the pressure 
 from the Edinburgh and other laity is excessive. 
 
 It is in vain to ask you not to be anxious about it : but I do hope 
 you will not be tempted to hurt yourself— by working. You, and in 
 some sense I, have done what we could, in the way of publication, 
 and we must on the whole leave the result in God's hands. 
 
 If you are not much acquainted with those gentlemen, would it not 
 be a good plan to ask leave to send your book? If they said yes, 
 I suppose they would be pledging themselves to read it. 
 
 What I want to impress them all with is that we are on the defensive, 
 and only ask for toleration. And this I believe Bishop Forbes accepts. 
 
 I wish you had been well, for then I dare say you would have stopped 
 him from bringing forward the subject. . . . 
 
 Ever your very affectionate 
 
 J. K. 
 
 Pusey however entered into correspondence with some of 
 the Scotch Bishops with whom he was acquainted, but with 
 ill success. Bishop Trower in particular expressed complete 
 disagreement both with Pusey's own Eucharistic position 
 and with that of Bishop Forbes, and intimating that 
 ' Neological ' tendencies now developing were only a natural 
 reaction against Pusey's own teaching. 
 
 Scotch Eucharistic Controversies, 451 
 
 Pusey, when forwarding this letter to Keble, observes :~ 
 
 * Bishop F. tells me that he expects a renewal of the storm (which he 
 says ,s now a httle lulled) on the appearance of Mr. Cheyne's sermons' 
 so I have written to Mr. C to ask him to let you or me see them before 
 they are published. I w,sh I had seen Bishop F.'s. However, the 
 Bishop of G.s antipathy seems to be to any Adoration whatsoever ; so 
 that, although I could have hindered this attack on the doctrine of the 
 bacritice, the storm must have come equally. 
 
 So they comfort themselves by thinking that I am, by reaction, the 
 cause of the Neologism. How utterly ignorant they are of its history 
 and growth ! I could say. Would that it were true that reaction 
 were the cause. It would then be less widespread and less deep. 
 
 On Saturday Bull's remains were consigned to their resting-place. 
 It IS nearly thirty-nme years since, as an undergraduate, I first came 
 mto relation with him.' 
 
 Matters looked brighter for the Bishop of Brechin before 
 the Scottish Synod met in May: and this happier interval 
 is reflected in the subjoined letter. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to the Bishop of Brechin. 
 
 Hursley, April 13, 1858. 
 My dear Lord and my dear Friend, r 
 
 Thnnk you for rejoicing my heart as you did by the last words 
 of your last letter. If the holy times are by God's mercy blessed to us 
 to bear * peaceable fruit ' within, who can doubt that in His good time 
 It will distil, as It were, in outward peace on the Church .? And what 
 a token, if one may reverently say so, of some good thing in store for 
 us, that our dear friend at Christ Church should be so far restored as 
 he is- protected from worry and controversy, yet enabled to give good 
 advice to a friend like yourself, to preach to the hearts of young men 
 and to work *with all the desire of his soul' on what he had been so 
 many years vainly seeking leisure to accomplish. One ' cannot think 
 enough of it,' as the good people say here. 
 
 I return the No. of the Journal ; I have it sent regularly to me, so 
 that I had seen the paper on Ridley before ; your conjecture had not 
 struck me, but I think it very probable. I hope in a few days to have 
 leisure to compare it critically with Ridley's works, which I have not 
 within reach here. In the meantime I should be very much surprised 
 if I found a person exactly in agreement with Antiquity who could 
 find It in his heart to overthrow altars as Bishop Ridley did. I shall 
 see if I can make any further use of my letter to Freeman-but I am 
 m great hopes that it may be safely put off to a quieter time. 
 
 Believe me, ever your affectionate friend and servant in Christ, 
 
 J. Keble. 
 Gg2 
 
 / i 
 
('I 
 
 f 
 
 tii 
 
 452 
 
 'I'l 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The Synod which met at Edinburgh in the following 
 month determined on the issue of a Pastoral Letter, 
 addressed 'To all faithful members of the Church in 
 Scotland,' and signed by all the Scottish Bishops, except- 
 ing Bishop Forbes. This document is dated May 27, 
 1858 : it expresses the unanimous regret of the six Bishops 
 that such a Charge as the Bishop of Brechin's should have 
 been delivered : it uses severe language as to the character 
 and tendency of the views therein set forth : and, while 
 acknowledging and approving the reverent intention of the 
 Charge, it fastens upon two points as unscriptural and un- 
 sound ; denouncing especially the Bishop s language as to 
 the supreme adoration due 'to Christ in the Gifts,' and as 
 to the identity ' in some transcendental sense ' of the Sacri- 
 fice of the Cross and the Sacrifice of the Altar. From 
 a censure of this teaching and a summary dismissal of the 
 reasoning by which it had been supported, the Bishops 
 proceed to ofier to their brethren of the clergy, ' by a right 
 essentially inherent in a Provincial Episcopate,' certain in- 
 structions, three in number, as to what they are and what 
 they are not to teach concerning the Holy Eucharist. 
 
 On the promulgation of this document Bishop Forbes, in 
 great distress, wrote at once to Pusey ; who, in a some- 
 what pathetic letter, forwarded his note to Keble. Pusey 
 was still poorly in health : he could not quite whole- 
 heartedly commend in all respects the course which the 
 Bishop of Brechin had taken : he was harassed by some 
 other anxieties, both personal and academic. But there 
 was no hesitation in his eagerness to do all he could for 
 the truth which he felt to be imperilled and the consciences 
 which were perplexed in the vehemence of the controversy. 
 He would have gone at once to confer with Keble as to 
 the best advice to be offered to the Bishop, but he was 
 detained at Oxford by the sense of an obligation to be at 
 the Cathedral. * We have been making an effort (he 
 writes) to have Holy Communion restored here on Trinity 
 Sunday, which had been left off when the Ordination 
 ceased to be held here ; and it seemed inconsistent to press 
 
 Keble s ' Considerations ^ etc, 453 
 
 its restoration and then to go away.' At the end of the 
 first week in June, however, he was able to go, and spent 
 a Sunday with Keble: and soon afterwards two letters 
 show the outcome of their conference. Keble had written 
 a long pamphlet, entitled, 'Considerations suggested by 
 a late Pastoral Letter on the Doctrine of the Most Holy 
 Eucharist ' : and Pusey revised the proof-sheets, suggesting 
 various emendations, and also contributing a short paper 
 which Keble appended to his own work, as a summary 
 of the main reasons ' for not accepting either the censures 
 on the Bishop of Brechin, or the doctrinal and historical 
 statements of the Letter, as they stand ^' 
 
 Keble had a recognized place among the Scottish 
 clergy as an Honorary Canon of Cumbrae : he could not 
 be charged with intrusiveness when he laid before them the 
 outcome of his study of the Pastoral Letter which the 
 Bishops had addressed to them : while the publication in the 
 preceding year of his treatise ' On Eucharistical Adoration ' 
 gave fitness as well as weight to what he now put forth. 
 He begins by dwelling on the reasons why the clergy 
 may and should 'assume that the Pastoral Letter was not 
 intended to be received as having any canonical authority, 
 but simply as the result of counsel gravely taken by those 
 six individual Bishops'; a result therefore commanding 
 attention and respect, but still leaving ' room for dissent, 
 silence, or remonstrance, as the case may require, without 
 undutifulness.' The whole letter is most valuable, not 
 only as regards its discussion of the negative positions of 
 the Scotch Bishops, but also in that it set forth a series of 
 dogmatical statements showing ' the special bearing of the 
 Incarnation on the Eucharistical question.' 
 
 Two documents form the concluding pages of the pam- 
 phlet : for both Keble says he ' is indebted to kind and 
 venerated friends': and some allusions in a letter from 
 Pusey written on July the i6th show that the former 
 of the two was his work. It is a brief statement of the 
 main reasons which would make it impossible for Church- 
 
 * J Keble, ' Considerations, &c.* p. 46. 
 
 I 
 
 ^jii 
 
 m 
 
454 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 li 
 
 I 
 
 men at large to adopt in any way or express any accept- 
 ance of the Pastoral Letter. These reasons are drawn 
 from the character of its judicial, doctrinal, and historical 
 statements : and they are summed up by Pusey in the 
 following paragraph : — 
 
 * It seems to me, in itself, a sufficient argument that the six Hishops 
 cannot mean us to adopt their Pastoral Letter, that it would involve, 
 (i) a direct but extrajudicial and unjudicial condemnation of a Bishop 
 by Presbyters of other Dioceses ; and that, (2) for language which is 
 not the language of the Bishop, and itself in part not carefully worded ; 
 (3) the adoption of new Articles of Religion, not drawn up in the form 
 of Articles, nor in definite, unambiguous language; (4) it would 
 involve also an indirect iickttowkdgment of a Canon which the Cbnrth 
 of Sco^laod h^ nc\Tr been called upon to aickttowJcdgc, ami without 
 My exptanatioo of 114 bcaiiog ; awl (5) an «mi»t to hMiotrical 
 opinions, such %%. tho defgy arc now litre called upoo to subscribe *.' 
 
 The second of the two documents attached to Keble's 
 •Consideration*' is 'a draft of cert^nin propositions, such 
 as a Diocesan Synod might perhaps safely, and not unpro- 
 fitably, adopt, by way of substitute for acccpUncc of the 
 Pastoral Letter,' 
 
 Throughout the later months of 1858 and the earlier of 
 1859 fresh causes for anxiety arose as to the course of 
 events in the Scottish Church- Special attacks were made 
 on individual clergymen for expressed agreement vnth the 
 doctrine imp^igncd, and there was in con:^uence some 
 talk of a reaffirmation of thdr faith by those Presbyters who 
 held with BLaJiop Forbes, in regard to the Holy Eucharist. 
 Pusey writes to Keble on Dec. 19, 1858, evincing great 
 anxiety as to the state of aflairs in Scotland. 
 
 • I suppose/ h« ^Tii«8^ 'that thi$ coiurorersy will bring to light that 
 there n no mediunn be(w««n real absence ami Real Pr«^r»c« ; and 
 that • those who * refuse to bdic^^e the Real Objective Fi«KBoe " imdcr 
 the fonn ot bread and wine," really hold nocbing move than Calvin^ 
 •*a prwcncc of \irtuc and efficacy,"* i.e. (as opposed to that Real 
 Objects IVcscace) Divine grace firom our Lc«l in h^vtxi, . . . 
 
 * U a fvtrloixs pttni|«T3ph Posfey 
 hadjpointtd cnt. how the laiwMcc o( 
 Ike iWenI Lettcf recalicd the Mianl- 
 afaip iMikttd OQ tbf Dcaibcn of the 
 iVsctc RoyaW,' wheo tkey wvn «• 
 
 ' * noC Oftly to cocdena ctitaia 
 
 prepodtioBtSv bat alaa 'to aftnQ ihu 
 t^Me pcopcAkM were coolalMd la 
 tfce wodn of cse whoni they ie?tf- 
 cooed/ * where they belk%Td that \hn 
 were not cQotaiaed.* 
 
 Presentment of the Bishop of Brechin. 455 
 
 They must mean that our Lord being absent in heaven, produces 
 certain effects on our souls.' 
 
 In the middle of 1859 he writes to his son Philip: 
 * There is a prospect of a most deadly war for truth in 
 Scotland. ... I suppose that the next few months will 
 clear the battlefield, one way or another ; which, God only 
 knows.* These anticipations were soon decisively fulfilled : 
 for on October 3 the Bishop was formally presented before 
 the Episcopal Synod of the Scottish Episcopal Church, on 
 a charge of holding and maintaining and teaching in his 
 Charge on Aug. 5, 1857, doctrines contrary to the Articles 
 of Reh'^Mon, the Word of God, the Formularies of Public 
 Worship, and the Scotch Communion Office. It was ap- 
 pointed that the Respondent should lodge answers to the 
 presentment with the Clerk of the Court on or before 
 January 7, and Uiat the c.t'cc should be heard on Febnjary 7. 
 The situation was clearly one in which the greatest care 
 WIB necessary if doctrinal consfequenccs were to be avoided, 
 and the wide sen.%e of peril is shown in letters from Sir John 
 Coleridge to Pu.sey. * I am ovcruhelmcd/ he writes on 
 October 11, 'by the Rrcchin troubles. I cannot tell you 
 how much I fear them.' Two days later a letter from 
 Bishop Forbes had given prominence in Fancy's mind to 
 another fear, namely, that of the Bishop's retirement if 
 wrongly deposed, and he writes :^ 
 
 « I hfawl tho««he \\m he (the Bishop of Brochin) looked upon hi5i 
 hoidiaig Wt Bhhopcic if deposed as a thing iinpofsible. . . . Hut no 
 octbodooc Bishop would have given up his see bccauae aa Aiiin 
 dcpoied hiia. It b, of ooarse, an unhcanl-of thi^g that s^ome ux 
 Bishops shoold have Ihc power of deposing a ];<ev^i)th without any 
 appeal. I>robably, too. sococssl^ul pcrMCUttoa woold become a ground 
 for persecution in KngUnd, so that he might think of hitmelf as 
 fighting the hoitle of the Faith in England.* 
 
 Throughout November and December complicated ne- 
 gotiations were going on, in order that, if possible, the 
 proceedings mijjht yet be .'Stayed, or broken off. It was 
 specially urged upoo the Scottisli Bi.shops that there vi'a^ 
 a grave unseetnlincss in their sitting in formal judgment 
 on a document against which they had already committed 
 
456 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie, Pusey. 
 
 \ 
 
 i. 
 
 themselves by their Pastoral Letter. Sir John Coleridge 
 writes to Pusey on this side of the question on Dec. 4 :— 
 
 * If the peace is not made, I hope the Bishop of Brechin will make 
 a part of his defence to be the position in which the Bishops have 
 placed themselves— and specially challenge the Bishop of St. Andrews. 
 He may safely say that no Judge in England would try a Charge 
 under the same circumstances.' 
 
 But the surrounding difficulties were such as to make 
 a satisfactory outcome of the negotiations impossible. 
 Mr. Gladstone and Sir John Coleridge had used their 
 influence to forward a peaceful settlement of the troubles, 
 and at one moment there seemed a clear hope that such 
 a settlement might be effected : but the hope soon passed 
 away. On Dec. 31 Bishop Forbes writes to Mr. Gladstone, 
 ' I have heard from the Primus, announcing the failure of 
 his mediation. The trial must now take its course ^* 
 
 The Bishop's Defence in answer to the Presentment was 
 to be sent in by January 7, and Pusey spent much labour in 
 helping him to prepare it. In its printed form, after the 
 retrenchment of those portions ' which were not properly of 
 a theological character,' it forms an octavo volume of 230 
 pages ; and when the Synod met on Feb. 7 two days were 
 occupied in hearing the Bishop read it. On the third day 2 
 the presenter read his reply, or ' Pleadings,' a pamphlet of 
 89 pages ; and the Court then adjourned till March 14, 
 having appointed that in the interval the Bishop should 
 make a printed Reply on or before February 23. 
 
 It was, apparently, soon after the publication of this 
 Reply that the Bishop of Brechin was sounded as to the 
 possibility of his putting forth an explanation of his lan- 
 guage which might make it possible for the Synod to 
 confine itself to a brotherly exhortation on the disadvantage 
 of polemical discussion, and several letters passed between 
 him and Pusey in regard to the proposals thus made. But 
 nothing came of this effort. 
 
 * 'Life of Bp. Forbes.' D. J. 
 Mackay, p. 129. 
 
 * A wish had l^en expressed that 
 Dr. Pusey should be with the Bishop 
 
 for these days: but he demurred, 
 thinking that his presence * would do 
 harm rather than good,' and Mr. Keble 
 seems to have gone in his stead. 
 
 Trial of Bishop Forbes, 457 
 
 When the trial came on on March 14 Keble and Mr. 
 George Williams were among those of the Bishop's friends 
 who were present. The Bishop's ' Reply to the Pleadings ' 
 was taken as read, and the proceedings were merely formal : 
 on the following day the Synod met again, and the Primus 
 (the Bishop of Edinburgh), the Bishop of Moray, and the 
 Bishop of St. Andrews read statements of their reasons 
 for concurring in the judgment about to be given. This 
 judgment, ' the unanimous finding of the Court,' was then 
 read by the Bishop of Glasgow. The Court finds the first 
 and second charges of the presentment proven, holding 
 that in regard to the identity of the Sacrifice of Christ 
 upon the Cross and of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, and in 
 regard to the adoration due to the Body and Blood of 
 Christ mysteriously present in the Gifts, 'the teaching 
 of the respondent there complained of is unsanctioned 
 by the Articles and formularies of the Church, and is to 
 a certain extent inconsistent therewith.' The third charge, 
 relating to the Bishop's language about the reception of 
 Christ by the wicked, is found not proven : of the three 
 passages inculpated by the fourth charge one had been 
 withdrawn by the Bishop, the other two were dealt with 
 by the finding of the Court upon the second charge. The 
 judgment then ends thus : — 
 
 * In consideration of the explanations and modifications offered by 
 the respondent in his answers in reference to the first charge, and 
 in consideration also that the respondent now only asks toleration 
 for his opinions, and does not claim for them the authority of the 
 Church, or any right to enforce them on those subject to his jurisdic- 
 tion,— we, the said College of Bishops, feel that we shall best dis- 
 charge our duty in this painful case by limiting our sentence to 
 a declaration of censure and admonition ; and we do nowsolemnly 
 admonish, and in all brotherly love entreat, the Bishop of Brechin to 
 be more careful for the future, so that no fresh occasion may be given 
 for trouble and offence, such as have arisen from the delivery and 
 publication of the Primary Charge to his clergy complained of in the 
 presentment ; and we declare the proceedings in this case to be now 
 concluded.' 
 
 Precise and exact accuracy of statement, both as to 
 facts and doctrines asserted or implied, should have been 
 
h 
 
 458 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouvcrie Pusey. 
 
 li! 
 
 H 
 
 |l! 
 
 indisputable in a judgment pronounced in such circum- 
 stances. Such, however, was not the case. Several severe 
 criticisms were passed upon it ; Pusey himself pointed out 
 that there were misleading suggestions in the document in 
 regard to the Bishop s conduct. The judgment, for in- 
 stance, spoke of modifications offered by the Bishop in 
 reference to the first charge : the plural was unwarranted, 
 for the only withdrawal which the Bishop made under 
 that head was to substitute a very emphatic passage of 
 St. Cyril of Alexandria, provided that the judges would 
 accept it, instead of language of his own ^ Again, the 
 judgment says that the Bishop does not ' now ' claim 
 more than toleration. He never claimed more. The 
 *now* is therefore superfluous and suggests an incorrect 
 idea. The judgment says that the Bishop 'does not claim 
 for them (his opinions) the authority of the Church, or any 
 right to enforce them on those subject to his jurisdiction.* 
 While the latter clause is true, nothing would have been 
 further from the Bishop's mind than to allow that he had 
 taught simply his own 'opinions' and that he could not 
 claim for them the authority of the Church ' in the sense 
 of her expressed mind, and as a practical guide to the faith 
 of her children.* 
 
 It has seemed right to notice these very unfortunate 
 suggestions in the judgment of the Synod, because they 
 account for the deep dissatisfaction which Pusey expresses 
 in regard to it, and for the distress which Bishop Forbes 
 felt at its exposing him to serious misunderstanding. 
 Against such misunderstanding he tried to guard himself 
 in the Address which he delivered to the annual Synod 
 of his diocese on August i, i860. 
 
 The Bishop's Address, after treating of the three points 
 indicated to him by Pusey, passes on to the various dangers 
 which follow or attend the stress of controversy, and brings 
 before the clergy the need amidst such trials of strenuous 
 devotion to duty, constancy in prayer, regularity in the 
 daily office, frequency of Communion, deepening in special 
 
 ^ Cf. * Theological Defence,' p. 55. 
 
 Termination of the Scotch Eucharistic Controversy. 459 
 
 seasons of retirement the spiritual life, and seeking grace 
 *to maintain and set forward, as much as lieth in us, 
 quietness, peace, and love among all Christian people/ 
 At the end of this Statement the following resolution was 
 carried with but two dissentients (one of these two being 
 the clergyman who had made the presentment against the 
 Bishop) : — 
 
 *That this Synod, having heard the Bishop's explanatory statement 
 with regard to his teaching on the subject of the Holy Eucharist, 
 desires to express its adherence thereto, and, with his permission, to 
 have the same recorded in the books of the Synod.' 
 
 The three years' conflict over the Bishop's Primary 
 Charge was closed. Here, for the present, it is necessary 
 to leave the great Sacramental controversy. It is evident 
 that both in England and Scotland the majority of the 
 ecclesiastical authorities was still hostile to the Catholic 
 teaching, which as yet they had failed adequately to grasp. 
 But in England their hands were providentially stayed by 
 legal informalities ; and in Scotland the adverse sentence 
 lost moral weight through the circumstances in which it 
 was delivered. Within a few years, however, the whole 
 question was' to be raised again, and then the Judicial 
 Committee of the Privy Council decided (in the case of 
 Sheppard versus Bennett)— on a strictly legal interpretation 
 of the Formularies, that the whole position for which the 
 Tractarians had contended through the anxious years of 
 misunderstanding and reproach was permissible within the 
 limits of the teaching of the Church of Encrland. 
 
 '1% 
 
 \ 
 
 
Hi 
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 -♦«- 
 
 f 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 » 
 
 W ■ 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 35 Grosvenor Square, Aug. 19, 1856. 
 
 Up to a certain time I doubted about the [Reception by the] wicked, 
 on the grounds which I put in my Letter to the Bishop of London. It 
 was quite clear that they did not receive Christ into their souls ; since 
 then He dwelt where His Body and Blood was received, how could 
 His Body and Blood be received by them ? On the other hand, I saw 
 no ground to affirm (as Palmer on the Church did) that that Presence 
 was withdrawn. Then St. Augustine's authority on the one side, as 
 quoted by the Article, seemed to me very strong ; and the words look 
 stronger still, if the words, inserted probably by Bede ^ be omitted. 
 
 Dr. Dollinger suggested an answer to my abstract difficulty, which 
 I could not but feel to be an answer, viz. that our Lord might be present 
 within the wicked, as God is present in Hell, as a Judge, not a Re- 
 deemer. And then, on looking into it, though that passage is a diffi- 
 culty, there are explicit statements of his and others, that Judas, and 
 that other wicked, received. This, too, is the most natural sense of 
 Holy Scripture, not discerning or distinguishing the Lord's Body. So 
 I came timidly to receive it, as also the doctrine of the Adoration, 
 from which I had been withheld by the continuance of the visible 
 elements. 
 
 I have been waiting partly to confer with you and have your opinion : 
 partly, too, I have not your Paper with me. I am very glad that you 
 are thinking of it. It seemed to me that, sooner or later, we who believe 
 that the truth is impugned must speak out. Only I wished not to 
 seem headlong, or to speak before you. The extreme party would be 
 glad to precipitate us all. . . , Anyhow we must risk condemnation, 
 I think. 
 
 * Horn. 36 in Joh. § 18, p. 412, Oxf. 
 Tr., quoted in Art. XXIX. The words 
 * spiritaliter ' and • licet camaliter et 
 visibiliter premat dentibus sacramen- 
 tum corporis et sanguinis Christi,* are 
 
 bracketed by the Benedictine Editors 
 on the authority of the MS^., yet re- 
 tained in the text on the authority of the 
 Editor. * Letter to Bishop of London/ 
 P-59- 
 
 J 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XVI I L 
 
 461 
 
 The Judgment appears to me utterly inconsistent, (i) They do not 
 find Archdeacon D. guilty on the count which charged him with believing 
 that the Real Presence was consequent on the Consecration. Thus 
 they virtually allow the Objective Presence. Then they make their 
 own positive statement, which affirms a presence not objective. Thus 
 they condemn D. on those two points or grounds denying the Objective 
 Presence, which they had previously not condemned. 
 
 I thought that an argument by Grueber was forcible, showing from the 
 Exhortations that the Liturgy does teach the Reception by the Wicked. 
 
 As to the Articles, Art. 25 seems to me in favour of the Reception 
 by the Wicked ; and the body of Art. 29 certainly does not deny it, 
 and I have construed the heading to agree with it, * eat not ' (as in 
 St. John vi.) * eat not beneficially.' 
 
 I construe ' The Sacraments,' Art. 29, as you do. And, over and 
 above, Archdeacon D. says that he does not adore the Sacrament, but 
 Christ present there : as does Bishop Andrewes. So I am in good heart 
 that this doctrine cannot be finally condemned. . . . 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Capel Curig, Aug. 20 [1856]. 
 
 ... I will try and explain what my difficulty is in closing with 
 the view of Reception by the Wicked. It is not anything in the way of 
 reasoning— supposed painful consequences, or the like— but it is the 
 sayings of our Lord in St. John vi., and St. Augustine's commentary on 
 them in his Tract on that part. I put it to myself in this way. (I hope 
 it is not irreverent to use such a form.) 
 
 Whoso eateth That Flesh, &c., hath eternal life (by St. John vi. 54) ; 
 but whosoever eateth and drinketh in Holy Communion, eateth That 
 Flesh, &c. (by i Cor. x. 16): .*. all communicants have eternal life. 
 Which conclusion being manifestly false, yet directly following on the 
 premises, one of the premises must be modified— by some such word 
 as worthily. How am I to know which .? unless there were an authori- 
 tative decision of the whole Church, or a clear consensus of Fathers. 
 I do not see that there is either : and therefore, so far as I see at 
 present, the point ought to be left open. I might incline to your 
 opinion (at present I rather incline to the other), but I have no right 
 to press it as a necessary consequence of the Real Presence : and this 
 seems to me Denison's mistake. And the mistake seems just as great 
 when people force on you the other alternative : as great in itself, 
 infinitely greater, as connected with a denial of the Real Presence. 
 If I have made myself understood, you will see why I have worded 
 the latter part of the Paper I sent you in that way : not as an economy 
 merely, but to do justice to my own view. 
 
 I am quite prepared to find but few concurring with us : but yet, as 
 far as I see now, I could not be happy without some kind of speaking 
 out. For the how^ and the when^ I wish to be guided. 
 
 fi 
 
 i\ 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
462 
 
 Life of Edward Douverie Pusey, 
 
 % 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Bisley, Aug. 26, 1856. 
 As to any Declaration, I am less than ever in a hurry, as I find that 
 I have not the sympathy I expected in the point on which I did more 
 look for it : i. e. Adoration. Such persons (e. g. as Peter Young and 
 Wilson) are alarmed at it. As to Reception by the Wicked, I have 
 been again looking carefully at the sixth of St. John and St. Augustine's 
 Tract upon it, and I cannot get it out of my head that it is at least as 
 strong to negative the eating by the wicked as the passages in St. Paul 
 to affirm it. Dr. DoUinger's remark which you mention seems to me 
 to solve perhaps the difficulty from the first clause of v. 57 : but not 
 from the second. And I have been used to think that our Lord's strong 
 expressions there may be literally taken as describing the present con- 
 dition of a worthy communicant, ^he die such as he is, he is sure of 
 salvation : like an infant just baptized. The only condition is that of 
 perseverance : which of course is implied in all His promises of salvation. 
 Does fvoxos^ K.T.\. imply more than * sinning against * ? E.g. I find it 
 applied in the Councils to priests administering without receiving. 
 Of course it implies the Real Presence. Nobody, I suppose, stands 
 upon the word ' withdrawn,' only the idea is suggested I think by 
 comparing the places. Is there not in St. Thos. Aquinas' Summa 
 a place where he gets out of the difficulty by supposing two distinct 
 * res Sacramenti '— the Natural and the Mystical Body, and applying 
 St. John vi, or at least St. Augustine's sayings on it, to the latter only} 
 I did not think it satisfactory. . . , 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley, 19th S. after Trin. [Sept. 28], 1856. 
 It is a real trouble to me, first that I cannot yet see this matter 
 as you do, and then that I am afraid of the little difference being 
 known and doing some harm. I will try and tell you as plainly as 
 I can why your explanations do not seem to me conclusive. First, as 
 to our Lord's promises being generally with a tacit condition : I grant 
 they must be very often ; but not more so, I think, than St. Paul's 
 or St. John's or the rest : e. g. * If we suffer we shall also reign with 
 Him ' ; * I will never leave thee * ; * whosoever is bom of God doth not 
 commit sin.' In like manner, i Cor. x. 15, for aught I see, may as well 
 be understood with a qualification as St. John vi. 54, &c. The very 
 question between people is, which of the two should be qualified, and 
 I see as yet no clear place of Scripture or consent of Fathers on one 
 side or the other. For a person might be ivoxos, k.t.X. in other ways 
 besides eating : e. g. by trampling under foot ; and ' not discerning,' 
 as far as the literal sense goes, might apply to unbelievers also, or 
 to other profane usage ; for does it not mean, * not making the right 
 distinction between It and common things,' * counting It an unholy 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XVIII. 
 
 463 
 
 thin.^' ? And as to Fathers, there are the two strong passages in 
 the Tract on St. John, the one which has been interpreted by Bede 
 and the other just before it in which it is said that the ^ res sacra- 
 menu cannot be received by any to condemnation ; also that in 
 De Civrt Dei, where it is said that they who by sin are not in the 
 unity of Christ's Body cannot be truly said to eat and drink, &c. : 
 vid. your Book pp. 512, 533. And against the numerous places in 
 which Judas, &c., are said to have eaten and drunk, a person 
 might set the Canon (so to call it) in the letter to Boniface quoted by 
 Hooker-that Sacraments may be called by the name of the Thin^ 
 whereof they are Sacraments;' e.g. (he adds) * the Sacrament of the 
 Body niay be called the Body,' pp. 506-7. I am almost afraid to 
 allege this passage, because it seems so capable of being carried too far- 
 still I do not know how I could answer it if it were alleged by an 
 adversary as damaging the argument from St. Augustine. Reverting 
 then to St. John vi. it does seem to me that if there be no plain Scrip- 
 ture, nor Consensus Patrum, nor decree of the Church, to hinder one's 
 doing so, It is natural to take our Lord's words in their literal sense, 
 with the one understood condition of Perseverance, when the promise 
 looks on to the next world. I would not affirm it positively, but 
 I should say it was their probable meaning : I could not say as 
 Denison s statement and the R. C.s do, that it is certainly an error. 
 Moreover, this view seems to me to be confirmed by the analogy of 
 Baptism, in which, if I remember right, your book would leave it 
 uncertain what really happens to an adult unworthily receiving ; only 
 that It tells on him for the present as a curse and not a blessing The 
 sum IS, that I am ready to go to any extent of protest or appeal from 
 any decision which condemns D., or which does not leave the matter 
 open for the present, which I sincerely believe our Formularies were 
 meant to do : I am not prepared to endorse D.'s doctrinal views. 
 Under these circumstances I should think we might act together only 
 your protest on that head would be more positive and less hesitatin- 
 than mine. Do you think that would signify ? I am almost in the 
 dark as to what D. is doing. He promises a Paper to-morrow- 
 that which he IS to give in on the ist. I am quite willing to be at hand 
 if you think best, when the opinion is precipitated, as the chemists say' 
 into a judgment (one would think it ^2.s precipitate enough already ') • 
 or to meet you about it anywhere or when. But I hope we shall see 
 you here this October, though you do not say so ; you did say so, you 
 know, in your letter before this. 
 
 I understood the Bishop of Oxford to say that Sir J. Dodson was 
 to annihilate the quasi-judgment on a ground purely technical, some 
 notice having been wrongly timed. I was in hope that a Prohibition 
 might be obtained in consequence of Lushington having misconstrued 
 the Act of Parliament, by taking no notice of the word * advisedly ' • 
 which, as my authority said, means ' knowing that it is contrary to the 
 Article.' But I cannot hear that such a step is now to be taken. 
 
 1 
 
<! 
 
 11 
 
 464 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I saw a note from the Bishop of Sanim to Wilson in which he said he 
 quite agreed with my Paper. Shall I send that Paper to you again, 
 
 first revising it ? 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Oct. 3, 1856.] 
 I should like very much to see your statement ^ again. It seems to 
 me that you hold the one side, as the most probable, while the other 
 seems the more probable to me. You look to one part in Holy Scrip- 
 ture as predominating, I to another. You to St. Augustine's cele- 
 brated passages, I to others, as falling in with other Fathers. And so 
 it seems you do not wish me to see as you do ; nor am I anxious that 
 you should see the other way, because neither of us think it to be 
 matter of faith. 
 
 I quite see the force of your arguments. I did not mean to say par- 
 ticularly that our Lord's promises are to be understood with a condition 
 (though I did say so). I rather meant that all God's promises were. 
 There is therefore (as you too think) no violence done to the text by 
 supplying a condition. Indeed, as you say, one condition must be 
 supplied, that of perseverance. So it seems to me that there is no 
 additional assumption— I mean, nothing which comes out of one's own 
 mind, nothing arbitrary to suppose, that there is that other condition, 
 common to ail God's promises, of the faithfulness of the person 
 receiving, not afterwards only, but at the time also. 
 
 On the other side, I should not lay stress on the word tvoxo^ (as 
 Denison did), but on the 'not discerning the Lord's Body.' And 
 this made an impression upon me, in that it speaks of His Body, as 
 being present there to receive, up to the very moment of reception. 
 We are not told, I believe, anywhere, that that Presence is withdrawn ; 
 and so I suppose it to continue. It would be a miracle if it were 
 'Withdrawn ; for what is supernaturally present could only be by 
 a miracle supernaturally withdrawn. But of this miracle we are not 
 told. 
 
 Again, as we believe literally ' This is My Body,' it seemed to me 
 more natural that it was His Body by whomsoever received. We are 
 told absolutely that it is His Body, and no conditions are annexed. 
 There seemed to be a difference between an absolute enunciation, such 
 as this is, and a promise, such as those in St. John, because all God's 
 promises in their own nature imply conditions, an absolute enunciation 
 does not. 
 
 Then, as to the Fathers, I think that Denison has pressed into his 
 service some who do not express this belief to my mind. Still I should 
 think that [the following do express this belief]— Tertullian,St. Cyprian, 
 Origen, St. Firmilian, Eusebius, St. Athanasius, Council of Alexandria 
 
 * This statement of the doctrine of 
 the Real Objective Presence, omitting 
 any reference to the reception by the 
 
 wicked, had been sent to Pnsey by 
 Keble some time before. 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XV III, 
 
 465 
 
 (in S. Ath ), St. Hilary, St. Pacian, St. Ephrem, St. Basil, St. Gree 
 ferom/^r '^ St Greg. Naz. and Euseb. Alex.), St. Ambrose, St! 
 i i/T""" ""^ ^r'-' ^'- ^h^s^s^^"^. St. Cyril Alex., St. Isidore 
 
 bedulius, St. Leo, St. Prosper did. This is a large list. I have iust 
 ooked over the list where Denison has quoted from my boo" and 
 though I do not thmk that .// the passages under these heads prove 
 anythmg, yet I thmk that some one passage does distinctly. ^ 
 
 On the other hand, St. Augustine, if he is interpreted as denying 
 any participation of the wicked, seems to me at variance not on"v 
 with others but with himself. There is, I suppose, a certain amoum 
 of presumption that he would not differ from his teacher, St. AmW 
 (whom he often reproduces), as well as others. But beL'des aH tho e 
 passages (as you say) as to Judas, there are a number of othe^ n 
 
 t'fl .. ^T"T '"^^^^ J"^^ ^^ ^"^ -«"'d -ho had no doub" 
 that both good and wicked receive the same Thing. As to Judas too 
 he says (as you know) that he received the same Ihing as St. Pet;r or' 
 the disciples : ' He allows him to receive among the innocent disciples 
 
 i'eter unto life, Judas unto death.' 
 
 nof f^'"' f'T "V*"^ fP"^" statements : (a) W.nbecause he receives 
 TJ ]T°"J i"' '" ''""""^ """''"S- For that vjas no less the 
 atf/"t^Tl°'">^ L"--*^ '"-h"™ 'he Apostle says, He thattateS^ 
 and drinketh,' de tract, c. Donat. v. § ,,0. {b) 'What of the verv 
 Body and Blood of Christ although thl Lord Himsdf s ith Except^ 
 man eat My Flesh, &c., doth not the same Apostle teach us thaf/S 
 
 £aT H n"'"' '° '""^ "''° "^'^ " "'• ^- -hoso shaleat th s 
 the t;.^. f r. ^"" 'f- "■ '• <'* ' ^''^y '°° •'-^ "^^ ''^"ght to 
 HoZ^^L '""'"" °' "'' ^°'y '"*^ ^'°'^'' EP- -40 ad 
 
 =. II* '^V^^ ^'" ^^^ ^""^ *^' ^ ''^"^' '° 'he good the evil was 
 A^ \ ^'^f"'^' °f ^^"^ it is written. Whoso shall eat, &c. 
 And when the Apostle saith this, the discourse was of those who 
 treatmg the Lord's Body like any other food, took it in an inX' 
 cnmmatmg way.' (I think that this must be Horn. 50. § 2 of the 
 Homilies on St. John.) i • s -= 01 tne 
 
 n //' ' ^^„';"°«' ^hat which we ourselves receive, and ye who know 
 not yet, will know It by and by ; and when ye come to know It, I pray 
 H i^^'^kT ,"°' '■\«'^« I' to condemnation. For he that eateth and 
 St ;.'•• " *""" f'" ""=• f^'] 99, § 9. T. iv. p. 454, Oxf. Tr.] 
 .0 damti^ """ " "" '''' '"• ^"^ '^ ^°°^ -^ «'-" '» 'h« -i' 
 Perhaps these passages will look diflferently, according to a person's 
 previous impression ; but those which I have marked a, i, c.scLtl 
 me very strong. ' ' 
 
 the^Jthe^^"^'!v'^^T• *c'''' "^^ °f passages is to be made to fit with 
 the other? I think that Serm. 254, § 2, p. 1375, gives the key. For 
 VOL. III. jj j^ 
 
i^l 
 
 III: 
 
 m 
 
 466 
 
 Life 0/ Edward Bduverie Pusey. 
 
 I. 
 
 there he Sf)eaks of two different modes of eating, but speaks of both 
 as eating that Flesh and Blood. 
 
 * Do so many, in fine, who either in hypocrisy eat that Flesh and 
 drink that Blood, or who, after they have eaten and drunk, become 
 apostate, do they dwell in Christ and Christ in them ? Yet assuredly 
 there is a certain manner of eating that Flesh and drinking that 
 Bloody in which whosoever eateth and drinketh, he dwelleth in Christ 
 and Christ in him. As, then, he doth not dwell in Christ and Christ 
 in him, who eateth the Flesh and drinketh the Blood of Christ in any 
 manner whatsoever,* 
 
 In this passage, St. Augustine puts the case of those who eat un- 
 worthily at the time, and those who fall away, as one and the same, 
 assuming apparently that none fall away in whom Christ really 
 dwelleth. 
 
 (2) He speaks of both as receiving the Body and Blood of Christ, 
 but the one as receiving it, in a certain manner ^ and that these dwell 
 in Christ. And with this agrees the use of the word * spiritually,' 
 which I suspect, in him, does not mean the mode of the Presence, but 
 the character of the receiver — ' Look to it, then, brethren, eat ye 
 spiritually the Heavenly Bread.' (Indeed the Imperative shows that 
 he means something which depends on themselves.) 
 
 No one, I suppose, would say that the wicked * spiritually eat the 
 Flesh of Christ,' which Churton says that Denison does. 
 
 Do you [think] that Sarum would sign your Protest ? 
 
 I should think that it would not harm that I should sign your Pro- 
 test with an addition such as * believing moreover that it is most agree- 
 able to Holy Scripture and Primitive antiquity that, although the 
 wicked can in no wise be " partakers of Christ," nor " spiritually eat His 
 Flesh or drink His Blood," yet that in the Sacrament they eat and 
 drink unworthily the Body and Blood of Christ, which they do not 
 " discern." ' 
 
 I hope that Denison's answer is carefully drawn up, although he 
 accuses the Archbishop of condemning more than I think that he 
 clearly does condemn, though I fear that he disbelieves it. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Hursley Vicarage, Oct. 7, 1856. 
 I thank you a great many times for the trouble you have taken 
 in sending me that long letter. There is one thing in it that had not 
 occurred to me, and which seems of great consequence : I mean the 
 difference between a statement of fact and a promise in respect of an 
 implied condition. E. g. * This child is regenerate ' need not be hypo- 
 thetical because St. John vi. 54 is so. I own I am much more inclined 
 to Denison's view than I was. 
 
 I 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XVIII. 
 
 467 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 , . , . Hursley Vicarage, Oct. 8, 1856. 
 
 I wish to mention to you one or two things more in reference to 
 yesterday s letter ; only do not trouble to write about them : we can 
 speak of them when we meet. i. Whether ' dwelleth in Me ' is not as 
 much as saying de presenti, and a quasi-sacramental saying, as * This 
 IS, &c.; or *this child is regenerate.' 2. Since we must make some 
 supposition in order to reconcile the Fathers with themselves and 
 with Scripture, more than they have directly expressed, why may it 
 not be left open to persons, either (a) to supply (with you) the word 
 beneficially m one class of passages, or O) with others to suppose 
 a withdrawal ' (does this really go beyond the limits of ecclesiastical 
 opinion allowed among us as of old, e.g. on Purgatory ?), or (v) to 
 suspend one's judgment altogether, and say, I believe that the Holy 
 Thing is given to the wicked and received by them in their hands • 
 but whether or no they are allowed to eat It I cannot tell. 3 How 
 far would the passage from St. A. in your Book, pp. 506-7, fairly 00 
 to reconcile ^ or y with the strong language the other way? 4 Does 
 not such a passage as what you quote, pp. 512-13 and 533-34, justify 
 suspense of belief as to the wicked receiving the Res Sacramenti' 
 (Subordinate to this, may St. Augustine have held, in a way, that there 
 were two ' Res Sacramenti -the True Body of our Lord and His 
 Mystical Body? Would that explain things? See Aquinas, Sum. 
 111. 60, art. 3 ; 73, 3 and 6 ; 80, 4, &c.) I suppose it is a matter of 
 habitual feelmg ; but as yet I cannot get it out of my head, that the 
 earnest repetition, in so many different forms, of the present effect of 
 eatmg, m St. John vi, perhaps takes the passage out of the ranee of 
 ordinary hypothetical promises. 5. Is there not ground for a dis- 
 tinction between 'receiving' and * eating,' from the very words of 
 Institution ? 
 
 ! 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Oct. 10, 1856. 
 
 . . . Is not the ground [of our saying] that the declaration * This 
 child « regenerate,' is not conditional, this, that since the child is in- 
 capable of choice, the act is wholly that of Almighty God ? In the case 
 of the adult, I suppose that it would be hypothetical, the effects of the 
 Sacrament being suspended in the case of the unworthy receiver, who 
 (as St. Augustine says) only receive ' the mark of the deserter.' May 
 It not account for the emphatic repetition, as well as for the use of the 
 present m St John, that our Lord would impress upon us the actuality 
 of His Gift to us, not that we shall have, but that we already have Life 
 withm us, because we have Him Who is our Life ? It is a present 
 indwelling of Life, the beginning of Life everlasting. 
 
 I quite agree with you in thinking the belief of a withdrawal allow- 
 
 H h 2 
 
I! 11 
 
 ' i '' 
 
 ■i 
 
 H| 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 468 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 able, only I do not think it probable (i) because it would be a mira- 
 culous dispensation of which Holy Scripture tells us nothing : (2) the 
 passage of Holy Scripture which speaks on the case of those who 
 receive unworthily, rather implies that It is not withdrawn. I mean 
 that but for any other passage of Scripture we should have so inter- 
 preted it, I suppose, without doubt ; and should we not rather look 
 to a passage in which the wicked are spoken of, for their case, rather 
 than one (like St. John vi.) where the good are spoken of? 
 
 Have you quite considered that those two or three passages of 
 St. Augustine stand alone, against passages of his, and that he has no 
 other Father (I believe) with him, whereas there are so many seemingly 
 against him ? 
 
 Strange as is the belief which St. Augustine condemns rightly (de 
 Civ. D., quoted p. 532), it still implies a common belief that the wicked 
 did receive the Body and Blood of Christ, though the inference was, 
 of course, shocking. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Oct. 16, 1856. 
 
 On the other question about the wicked, it is the more sad, because 
 I see no possibility (as things now are) that we can adopt one Formula. 
 For since the Archbishop condemns what I believe (though not as 
 matter of faith) as contrary to the meaning of the Articles, I feel that 
 I have no choice honestly, but that of saying what I do believe, and 
 running the risk, or resigning my office, which I hold by virtue of my 
 subscription. Of course I could remain silent, until the issue : but 
 when the issue is come, if it should be unfavourable, it would be too 
 late. 
 
 With regard to St. Augustine on the participation by the wicked, 
 I have looked again over the passages, and hope to be able to talk it 
 over with you on Friday, but had rather set down something because 
 I can put what I mean more clearly than in speaking. 
 
 Surely the passage in the Ep. ad Bonifac. has been pressed wrongly. 
 St. Aug. is asked (you know) how children can be said to believe, and 
 he says to believe is to ' have faith ' ; but since they cannot, in their 
 age, have * faith,' the * Sacrament of faith ' is to them for faith. And 
 so he says the other Sacrament, the whole Sacrament, the outward and 
 inward part, are called by the name of the inward. But he would not 
 say that the outward part would be called by the name of the inward, 
 where the inward part could be, yet was not. An adult who came to 
 the Sacrament of Baptism, without faith, would not be said to have 
 faith because he received the Sacrament of faith. He is not (you 
 remember) speaking or alluding to the case of the wicked ; but, at 
 most, he says that the outward part is called after the inward, the sign 
 by the name [of] the thing signified. He does not say * by the name 
 of the thing signified, being absent^ For this would contradict his 
 own belief, and relate to the whole doctrine of the Holy Eucharist. 
 
 
 r 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XVIII. 
 
 469 
 
 The other places involve (as you will I think observe) a very strong 
 doctrine of final perseverance. He seems to suppose that no one 
 ever received Christ in his soul in the Holy Eucharist, so as to 
 dwell in Christ and Christ in him, who finally fell away. Observe 
 the test which he gives, p. 513 Mf he cleaveth, then he be 
 not abandoned,' and p. 525 he puts together those who either in 
 hypocrisy eat that Flesh and drink that Blood, or who after they have 
 eaten become apostate— Ao they dwell in Christ and Christ in them .> 
 He twice, in this place, speaks of these wicked as eating His Flesh 
 and drinking His Blood, and then distinguishes ' those who eat the 
 Flesh and drink the Blood of Christ in any manner whatsoever^ and 
 those who do so * in some certain manner: So that he supposes that 
 there are two ways of 'eating the Flesh and drinking the Blood of 
 Christ,' both of whom he speaks of here as really eating that Flesh 
 and drinking that Blood. 
 
 Now Bede, who supplies the word *spiritaliter' in the passage on 
 St. John (p. 512), was (as you know) very well read in St. Augustine ; 
 so that on the Gospels where St. Augustine has been lost, he is 
 supposed to represent St. Augustine's meaning. 
 
 St. Augustine, too, uses the word * spiritually' in this same sense 
 (527). 
 
 Bede, then, I think, rightly supposes that St. Augustine, when he 
 denied of the wicked that they 'eat His Flesh and drink His Blood ' 
 meant to deny that they ' ate it spiritually,' i.e. with their souls, whereat 
 others ate It only with their bodies. 
 
 This would make .St. Augustine consistent with himself, and with 
 the rest of the Fathers. But then, you only half agree with St. Au- 
 gustine as to those passages of his which you adopt as keys to 
 the rest. For he supposes that none really receive in their souls 
 the Body and Blood of Christ who do not persevere to the end. 
 
 If, on the other hand, we suppose (as I do) that St. Auc/ustine 
 means by not eating the Body and Blood of Christ, that such do not 
 eat It spiritually, his meaning would come to the same as our Article, 
 * are not in any wise partakers of Christ,' which of course the wicked 
 are not. 
 
 'Friday' is now to-morrow'. I enclose a letter of Denison's. It 
 seems by this that we are to have a respite for a few days. I will try 
 to come again for two half-days, between my Lectures. 
 
 I have sent the enclosed to friends in order to ascertain what their 
 feeling is, and also thinking that we must be prepared by Tuesday 
 next. 
 
 Dean Fortescue tells me that Manning or H. Wilberforce had told 
 him that they knew of the names of numbers of our people who would 
 join Rome as soon as the decision is known. 
 
 I should rather like on Saturday to go and see the Bishop of 
 Salisbury if he is there. 
 
 * This letter being continued into the early hours of Thursday, Oct. 16. 
 
 If 
 
 
m 
 
 «i 
 
 m 
 
 If 
 
 A 
 
 470 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Short Account of Pusey's work *0n the Presence of 
 Christ in the Holy Eucharist/ 
 
 In his second sermon on the Holy Eucharist, Pusey had stated it to 
 be the belief of the Church of England that in the duly consecrated 
 Sacrament we receive the Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ 
 
 * under the form of bread and wine '.' This significant phrase occurs 
 in the authoritative announcement of subjects to be handled in the 
 Second Book of Homilies, which is placed at the end of the First 
 Book'^. Mr. Goode had contended that the * advertisement * at the 
 end of the First Book formed no part of the Homilies ; that it was 
 repeated by the printers in successive editions ; and that the phrase 
 quoted by Pusey had been intended by Cranmer to express the 
 doctrine of Transubstantiation, which he held at the time of writing 
 it. There was so much plausibility about this contention that Pusey 
 determined to deal with it thoroughly ; especially as it had been incor- 
 porated with his argument by Mr. Ditcher's counsel in the proceedings 
 at Bath ^ Perhaps nowhere else does he show his thoroughness as 
 a controversial writer more strikingly than in the 156 pages which he 
 devotes to a vindication of his use of this single phrase. The so-called 
 
 * advertisement ' was not repeated through any printer's error, but 
 because it had been chosen in order to express, and was continued as 
 expressing, the belief of the Church of England. And that the phrase 
 
 * under the form of bread and wine ' does not imply Transubstantia- 
 tion, is shown from the history of its introduction into the Homilies. 
 It had been imported, under Cranmer's influence, from the Confession 
 of Augsburg into the Articles of 1 536 and the Institution of a Christian 
 Man. When in his later years Henry VIII. insisted more peremptorily 
 on the doctrine of Transubstantiation, the phrase had been dropped. It 
 was resumed in 1547 in the First Book of Homilies after Henry's death, 
 by Cranmer, who in the following year stated that for many years 
 before 1547 he had ceased to believe in Transubstantiation, although 
 he did then still believe in the Real Presence. The phrase had been 
 deliberately chosen in order to describe the subject of which its author 
 proposed to treat ; and it had a recognized theological value, as main- 
 taining at once the Objective Presence, and the continuance of the 
 consecrated elements in their natural substances. The second division 
 of the book is a very careful analysis of the exact language of the 
 Church Catechism, the Communion Service, and the XXXIX Articles 
 and the Rubrics on the subject of the Real Presence. 
 
 Each expression that bears upon the doctrine is brought out into 
 rehef and illuminated by thought and learning. In the Catechism, the 
 account of the inward part of the Sacrament, and the distinction between 
 It, and the benefits whereof we are partakers thereby ; in the Com- 
 
 * * Presence of Christ in the Holy 
 Eucharist,' p. 22. 
 
 '■^ * Two Books of Homilies,' ed. 
 
 Griffith. Oxford, 1859, P- '47- 
 
 ' 'Real Presence in the English 
 Church,' pp. 159, 160. 
 
 Appendix to Chapter XVIIL 471 
 
 munion Office, the statement in the exhortation that God has given 
 His Son to be our spiritual food and sustenance in the Holy Sacra- 
 ment, and the interpretation of our Lord's words in St. John vi. 53, 
 54, as realized in the Holy Communion : * then we spiritually eat the 
 Flesh of Christ and drink His Blood'; the strong language of the 
 Prayer of Humble Access ; the import of the Act of Consecration, 
 and of the Words of Administration ; the vivid expressions of the 
 second and alternative prayer after the Communion, are successively 
 insisted on. It is observable that the language on which Pusey lays 
 most store as teaching the doctrine of the Real Presence dates from 
 the Reformation ; and this enables him to insist with the more con- 
 fidence that the Articles are to be interpreted by the Prayer-book— 
 the language which we use about God's gifts and ordinances by the 
 language which we presume to address to Him. Pusey lays great and 
 legitimate stress on the drift of the revision of the Articles of 1552 by 
 the Elizabethan divines, under the influence of Parker : he observes 
 that the rejection of Transubstantiation relates simply to the continu- 
 ance of the natural substances of the consecrated Elements. He points 
 out the real force of the statement that the Body of Christ is * given,* 
 and 'taken,' as well as * eaten,' in the Holy Supper; and then he 
 addresses himself to the task of showing that a purely spiritual 
 Presence is yet Objective and Real, from the use of the word spiritual 
 at the time of the Reformation, both generally and in the English 
 Formularies. 
 
 Mr. Goode, of course, had made much of the so-called Black Rubric 
 at the end of the Communion Service. Pusey points out that this 
 Declaration in our present Prayer-book only denies the corporal 
 Presence of Christ's Body, i. e. a presence after the manner of a natural 
 body. It is in striking contrast to the Declaration of 1552, which was 
 inserted by the King's authority,— never accepted by the Church, and 
 struck out in 1559,— whereby the 'Real and Essential Presence' of 
 Christ in the Eucharist was rejected. This unscriptural negation the 
 Revisers of 1662 had deliberately rejected when, in order to conciliate 
 the Puritans, they accepted the rest of the Declaration ; and thus the 
 history of this document aflfords a witness to the faith of the Church of 
 England in the Real Presence. Passing to the discussion of the 
 reception of the Body and Blood of Christ by the wicked, Pusey first 
 exposes the popular error which makes the phrase ex opere operato 
 mean that * men are justified by a ceremony without any good motion 
 of the heart/ instead of its true meaning, which is that in the Sacra- 
 ments God bestows grace on the receiver, beyond the receiver's deserts 
 or dispositions, and in virtue of the * work wrought ' by Christ. Pusey 
 then passes in review the Articles which bear on the subject of the 
 reception of the wicked ; and asserts that what they really deny is 
 that the wicked receive Christ in the Eucharist, to any spiritual 
 advantage whatever. That the wicked do receive Christ sacramentally 
 is attested by the first and the last exhortations in the Communion 
 
 
472 
 
 It 
 
 
 
 (• 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Service : the language of which would be grossly exaggerated unless 
 the unworthy recipient were guilty of receiving without moral and 
 spiritual discernment the Body and Blood of Christ. The position is 
 further supported by an elaborate examination of all the passages of 
 St. Augustine which bear on the subject, the general consent of the 
 Fathers, and, above all, the language of Holy Scripture. 
 
 The last section of the book, on the Adoration of Christ present in 
 the Sacrament, is less complete and more technical than Keble's work 
 on the same subject. Like Keble, Pusey bases himself on Bishop 
 Andrewes' principle that ' Christ Himself the substance of the Sacra- 
 ment, m and with the Sacrament, out of and without the Sacrament 
 wheresoever He is, is to be adored ': The adoration of Christ in the 
 Eucharist was the necessary corollary of Christ's Presence in the 
 Eucharist ; but this adoration could not without idolatry be directed 
 to the Eucharistic elements, remaining as they do in their natural 
 substances. The * receive ' of our formularies upon the subject is 
 accounted for by the desire of the compilers of the Prayer-book to 
 restore to its due prominence the duty and privilege of Communion ; 
 while the Article only states that Christ did not ordain the Sacrament 
 in order that It should be adored, and the Declaration at the end of the 
 Communion Service is not directed against the worship of our Lord any- 
 where, but only against a particular conception of the mode of His 
 Presence as that of a natural body which the Puritans mistakenly 
 associated with the practice of kneeling when receiving the Holy 
 Communion. ' 
 
 % 
 
 H' 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Tract 
 r. 
 
 II. 
 III. 
 
 IV. 
 
 VI. 
 
 VII. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 IX. 
 
 ©ftc ^Tracts for ti^e mnm. 
 
 1833. 
 
 Sept. 9. 
 
 Sept. 9. 
 Sept. 9. 
 
 Sept. 21. 
 
 V. Oct. 18. 
 
 Oct. 29. 
 
 Oct. 29. 
 Oct. 31. 
 Oct. 31. 
 
 * It was intended 
 Academical year. 
 
 VOLUME 1} 
 
 Thoughts on the Ministerial Commission. 4 pp., 
 Ad Clerum Q. h. Newman]! 
 
 The Catholic Church. 4 pp. [J. H. Newman], 
 
 Thoughts respectfully addressed to the 
 Clergy on alterations in the Liturgy. 
 The Burial Service. The Principle of 
 Unity. 8 pp [j. h. Newman]. 
 
 Adherence to the Apostolical Succession the 
 
 SAFEST COURSE. On ALTERATIONS IN THE 
 
 Prayer-book. 8 pp., Ad Populum. 
 
 [J. Keble]. 
 A Short Address to his Brethren on the 
 Nature and Constitution of the Church 
 OF Christ, and of the Branch of it 
 established in England. By a Layman. 
 
 '5 PP [J. W. Bowden]. 
 
 The Present Obligation of Primitive Practice. 
 A sin of the Church. 4 pp., Ad Populum, 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 The Episcopal Church Apostolical. 4 pp. 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 The Gospel a Law of Liberty. Church 
 
 Reform. 4 PP- . . . [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 On Shortening the Church Services. Sunday 
 
 Lessons. 4 pp., Ad Populum. 
 
 [R. H. Froude]. 
 that each volume should contain the Tracts issued in an 
 
 li 
 
 
'J 
 
 ¥\ 
 
 W 
 
 : 
 
 474 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Tract 
 
 X. 
 
 1833. 
 
 Nov. 4. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Nov. 1 1 
 
 XII. 
 
 Dec. 4. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 Dec. 5. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 Dec. 12. 
 
 XV. 
 
 Dec. 13. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 Dec. 17. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Dec. 20. 
 
 Dec. 21. 
 
 Dec. 23. 
 
 Dec. 24. 
 
 1834. 
 Jan. I. 
 
 Jan. 6. 
 Jan. 6. 
 
 Jan. 25. 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Heads of a Week-Day Lecture, delivered to a 
 
 Country Congregation. 6 pp. 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 The Visible Church. Letters I and IL 8 pp., 
 
 AdScholas [J.H.Newman]. 
 
 Richard Nelson. No. L Bishops, Priests, and 
 
 Deacons. 16 pp. . . . [Thos. Keble]. 
 Sunday Lessons. The Principle of Selection. 
 
 II pp., AdPopulum .... [J. Keble]. 
 The Ember Days. 7 pp., Ad Populum. 
 
 [Alfred Menzies]. 
 On the Apostolical Succession in the English 
 
 Church, i i pp. [W. Palmer, revised and 
 
 completed by J. H. Newman]. 
 Advent. ^ v^., Ad Populum .[B.Harrison]. 
 The Ministerial Commission: A Trust from 
 
 Christ for the Benefit of His People. 
 
 7 pp., AdPopulum . . . [B. Harrison]. 
 Thoughts on the Benefits of the System of 
 
 Fasting enjoined by our Church. 28 pp. 
 
 [E. B. Pusey]. 
 On arguing concerning the Apostolical Suc- 
 cession. On Reluctance to confess the 
 
 Apostolical Succession. 4 pp. 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 The Visible Church. Letter IIL 4 pp., Ad 
 
 Scholas [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 Mortification of the Flesh a Scripture duty. 
 
 4 pp., AdPopulum . . [J. H. Newman]. 
 Richard Nelson. No. IL The Athanasian 
 
 Creed. 18 pp [Thos. Keble]. 
 
 The Faith and Obedience of Churchmen the 
 
 STRENGTH OF THE ChURCH. 4 pp. 
 
 [A. p. Perceval]. 
 The Scripture View of the Apostolic Commis- 
 sion. II pp., Ad Populum. [B. Harrison]. 
 
 \A 
 
 - - . ». >^ - 
 
 The Tracts for the Times, 
 
 475 
 
 Tract 
 
 XXV. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 XXIX. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 XXXVL 
 
 xxxvn. 
 
 XXXVIIL 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 1834. 
 
 Jan. 25. 
 
 Feb. 2. 
 
 Feb. 24. 
 
 Mar. 25. 
 Mar. 25. 
 
 Mar. 25. 
 Apr. 25. 
 Apr. 25. 
 May I. 
 May I. 
 May 8. 
 
 June II. 
 
 June 24. 
 July 25. 
 July 25. 
 
 The great Necessity and Advantage of 
 Public Prayer (extracted from Bishop 
 Beveridge's Sermon on the subject). 8 
 pp.. Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 The Necessity and Advantage of Frequent 
 Communion (extracted from Bishop Beve- 
 ridge's Sermon on the subject). 23 pp. 
 A reprint. 
 
 The History of Popish Transubstantiation 
 (by John Cosin, Bishop of Durham). 
 16 pp. A reprint. 
 
 The same, concluded. 24 pp. 
 
 Christian Liberty, or, Why should we belong 
 TO THE Church of England .? By a Lay- 
 man. w^^.^AdPopulum, [J.W.Bowden]. 
 The same, continued. 8 pp., Ad Populum. 
 
 [J. W. Bowden]. 
 The Reformed Church. 4 pp., Ad Clerum. 
 
 [J. H. Newman], 
 The Standing Ordinances of Religion. 8 pp., 
 
 Ad Clerum [C. P. Eden]. 
 
 Primitive Episcopacy. 7 pp., Ad Scholas, 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 Rites and Customs of the Church. 8 pp., 
 
 AdScholas . . . .[J.H.Newman]. 
 
 The People's Interest in their Minister's 
 
 Commission. 4 pp., Ad Populum. 
 
 [A. P. Perceval]. 
 
 Account of Religious Sects at present 
 
 existing in England. 7 pp., A d Populum. 
 
 [A. P. Perceval]. 
 Bishop Wilson's Form of Excommunication. 
 
 ^ ^\t., Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 Via Media. No. L 12 pp.. Ad Scholas. 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 Bishop Wilson's Form of Receiving Peni- 
 tents. 4 pp., Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 \} 
 
V 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 476 
 Tract 
 
 XL. 
 XLI. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 XL VI. 
 
 XLVII. 
 
 1834. 
 
 July 25. 
 Aug. 24. 
 
 Aug. 24. 
 
 Sept. 21. 
 
 Sept. 29. 
 
 Oct. 18. 
 Oct. 28. 
 
 Nov. I. 
 
 XLVIII. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 L. 
 
 LI. 
 
 LU. 
 
 LIII. 
 
 Nov. 30. 
 
 Dec. 25. 
 Dec. 26. 
 
 1835. 
 
 Jan. 6. 
 
 Undated, 
 
 Feb. 24. 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 Richard Nelson. No. III. On Baptism. 15 pp., 
 Ad Populum ("John Keble]. 
 
 Via Media. No. II. 12 ^}^., Ad Scholas, 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. I, Sunday. 15 pp., Ad Popu- 
 lum. A reprint. 
 
 Richard Nelson. No. IV. Length of the 
 Public Service. 16 pp., Ad Populum, 
 
 [Thos. Keble]. 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. II, Monday. 4 pp. (2nd ed. 
 8 pp.), Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 The Grounds of our Faith. 6 pp.. Ad Clerum. 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. Ill, Tuesday. 4 pp., Ad 
 Populum. A reprint. 
 
 The Visible Church. Letter IV. 4 pp., Ad 
 Clerum [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 VOLUME IL 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. IV, Wednesday. 4 pp. (2nd 
 ed. 10 pp.), Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 The Kingdom of Heaven. 2 pp., Ad Clerum. 
 
 [B. Harrison]. 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. IV, Wednesday {continued). 
 4 pp. (2nded. 7 pp.). Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 On Dissent without reason in Conscience. 
 
 16 pp., Ad Populum . . [R. F. Wilson]. 
 Sermons for Saints' Days and Holidays. 
 
 No. I, St. Matthias. 8 pp., Ad Clerum, 
 
 [J. Keble]. 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 
 Office. No. V, Thursday. 4 pp., Ad 
 
 Populum. A reprint. 
 
 77?^ Tracts for the Times, 
 
 All 
 
 Tract 
 
 LIV. 
 
 LV. 
 
 1835. 
 
 Feb. 2. 
 
 LVI. 
 
 LVII. 
 
 LVIII. 
 
 LIX. 
 
 Mar. 25. 
 
 Mar. 25. 
 Mar. 25. 
 
 April 19. 
 April 25. 
 
 LX. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 LXII. 
 
 LXIIL 
 
 LXIV. 
 
 LXV. 
 
 Mar. 25. 
 
 May I. 
 
 May I. 
 
 May I. 
 June II. 
 
 June 29. 
 
 Sermons for Saints' Days and Holidays. 
 No. II, The Annunciation of the Blessed 
 Virgin Mary. 12 pp., Ad Populum. 
 
 [J. Keble]. 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. V, Thursday (continued), 
 8 pp., Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 Holy Days observed in the English Church. 
 
 7 pp., Ad Populum , , [J. W. BowdknI. 
 
 Sermons for Saints' Days and Holidays. 
 
 No. Ill, St. Mark's Day. 15 pp., Ad 
 
 Populum [J. Keble]. 
 
 On the Church as viewed by Faith and by 
 THE World. 7 pp., Ad Populum. 
 
 [J. W. Bowden]. 
 The Position of the Church of Christ in 
 England, relatively to the State and 
 THE Nation. 8 pp., Ad Clerum. 
 
 [R. H. Froude]. 
 
 Sermons for Saints' Days and Holidays. No. 
 
 'IV, St. Philip and St. James. 12 pp., Ad 
 
 Populum [J. Keble], 
 
 The Catholic Church a Witness against 
 Illiberality. 4 pp.. Ad Clerum. 
 
 [A. Buller]. 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. V, Thursday (continued). 
 8 pp., Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 The Antiquity of the existing Liturgies. 
 16 pp.. Ad Clerum . . [R. H. Froude]. 
 
 Bishop Bull on the Ancient Liturgies. 4 pp.. 
 Ad Populum. A reprint. 
 
 Bishop Wilson's Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. VI, Friday (abridged). 4 
 pp., Ad Populum. A reprint. After the 
 first edition. No. 65 is a tract of 32 
 pages, containing the unabridged form 
 
 III 
 
 11 
 
/ 
 
 K 
 
 i 
 
 1% 
 
 478 
 Tract 
 
 LXVI. 
 
 LXVII. 
 
 LXVIII. 
 
 LXIX. 
 
 LXX. 
 
 LXXI. 
 
 LXXII. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 1835. 
 
 July 25. 
 
 of Bishop Wilson's Meditations for Friday 
 and Saturday. See No. 70. 
 
 On the Benefits of the system of Fasting 
 PRESCRIBED BY OUR Church. Supplement 
 to Tract 18. 16 pp., Ad Clerum. 
 
 [E. B. Pusey]. 
 
 Aug. 24. Scriptural Views of Holy Baptism, pp. 1-48, 
 Ad Clerum. For a description of the later 
 editions of this tract, see vol. i. pp. 352-354. 
 
 [E. B. Pusey J. 
 
 Scriptural views of Holy Baptism {continued), 
 pp. 49-104, Ad Clerum . . [E. B. Pusey]. 
 
 Scriptural Views of Holy Baptism {con- 
 cluded), pp. 105-208, Ad Clerum. 
 
 [E. B. Pusey]. 
 
 Bishop Wilsons Meditations on his Sacred 
 Office. No. VII, Saturday (abridged). 
 4 pp.. Ad Populum, A reprint. After the 
 first edition, the unabridged form of Bishop 
 Wilson's Meditations for Saturday is printed 
 as part of No. 65 ; and the ' Notes to the 
 Scriptural Views of Holy Baptism ' (Tracts 
 67, 68 and 69), pp. 209-295 [E. B. Pusey], 
 are reckoned as No. 70. 
 
 Sept. 29. 
 
 Oct. 18. 
 
 Oct. 28. 
 
 1836. 
 Jan. I. 
 
 Jan. 6. 
 
 Feb. 2. 
 
 Apr. 25. 
 
 VOLUME m. 
 
 On the Controversy with the Romanists 
 (No. I, Against Romanism), 35 pp.. Ad 
 ^^-^^«^ f J. H. Newman]. 
 
 Archbishop Ussher on Prayers for the Dead 
 (No. II, Against Romanism). 60 pp. A 
 reprint. 
 
 On the Introduction of Rationalistic Princi- 
 ples into Religion. 56 pp., Ad Scholas, 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 Catena Patrum. No. I. I'estimony of Writers 
 
 in the later English Church to the doctrine 
 
 The Tracts for the Times. 
 
 479 
 
 Tract 
 
 LXXV. 
 
 1836. 
 
 LXXVI. 
 
 June 24. 
 
 LXXVIL 
 
 Sept. 29. 
 
 LXXVIII. 
 
 Nov. I. 
 
 1837. 
 
 Feb. 2. 
 
 LXXIX. 
 
 LXXX. 
 
 LXXXI. 
 
 Mar. 25. 
 Undated, 
 
 Nov. I. 
 
 of the Apostoliral Succession. 56 pp 
 Ad Populum, . . . [J. H. Newman^]! 
 Prmted also simultaneously as the 
 Appendix to E. B. Pusey's ^Earnest 
 Remonstrance to the. Author of - The 
 Pope's Letter," &c.' iee Tract 77. 
 On the Roman Breviary as embodying the 
 
 SUBSTANCE OF THE DevoTIONAL SeRVICES 
 
 OF THE Church Catholic 148 pp. (2nd 
 ed. 207 pp.), Ad Clerum. [J. H. Newman]. 
 Catena Patrum. No. II. Testimony of 
 Writers in the later English Church to 
 the doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration. 
 56 PP [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 An Earnest Remonstrance to the Author 
 OF 'The Pope's Letter.' 35 pp. A 
 reprint. First issued on April 25, 1836. 
 
 [E. B. Pusey]. 
 . VOLUME IV. 
 
 Catena Patrum. No. IIL Testimony of 
 . Writers in the later English Church to 
 the duty of maintaining, Quod semper, 
 quod uhique, quod ab omnibus traditum 
 est. 118 pp., Ad Populum [H. E. 
 Manning and C. Marriott]. 
 
 On Purgatory (Against Romanism, No. 
 HI). 61 pp., Ad Clerum. [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 On Reserve in communicating Religious 
 Knowledge, Parts I-III, 82 pp. 
 
 [I. Williams]. 
 Catena Patrum. No. IV. Testimony of 
 Writers in the later English Church to 
 the doctrine of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, 
 with an historical account of the changes 
 made in the Liturgy as to the expression 
 of that doctrine. 415 PP. (2nd ed.424 pp.). 
 
 [E. B. Pusey]. 
 
 * Sometimes attributed to B. Harrison. 
 
 ■Mf 
 
f 
 
 n 
 
 ii 
 
 1*1' 
 
 480 
 
 Tract 
 
 LXXXII. 
 
 LX XXIII. 
 
 LXXXIV. 
 
 LXXXV. 
 
 LXXXVI. 
 
 LXXXVII. 
 
 LXXXVIII. 
 
 LXXXIX. 
 
 XC. 
 
 1837. 
 
 Nov. I, 
 
 1838. 
 
 June 29. 
 
 Aug. 24. 
 
 Sept. 21. 
 
 • 
 
 1839. 
 Mar. 25. 
 
 1840. 
 
 Feb. 2. 
 
 Mar. 25. 
 
 Undated. 
 
 1841. 
 
 Jan. 25. 
 
 Appendix, 
 
 The Preface, Title-Page, and Contents 
 TO Volume IV. The Preface includes 
 * Letter to a Magazine on the subject 
 of Dr. Puse/s Tract on Baptism.' 
 42 pp [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 VOLUME V. 
 
 Advent Sermons on Antichrist. 54 pp. 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 Whether a Clergyman of the Church of 
 England be now bound to have Morning 
 AND Evening Prayers daily in his 
 Parish Church. 45 pp. [Thos. Keble, 
 conclusion from p. 35 by 0. Prevost]. 
 
 Lectures on the Scripture proof of the 
 Doctrines of the Church. Part L 
 115 PP [J.H.Newman]. 
 
 Indications of a superintending Providence 
 
 IN THE preservation OF THE PraYER- 
 BOOK and in the changes WHICH IT HAS 
 UNDERGONE. ICO pp. . . [L WiLLIAMs]. 
 
 On Reserve in communicating Religious 
 Knowledge {concluswfi). 144 pp., Ad 
 Clerum [I. Williams]. 
 
 The Greek Devotions of Bishop Andrews, 
 translated and arranged. 96 pp. 
 
 [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 END OF VOLUME V. 
 
 On the Mysticism attributed to the 
 Early Fathers of the Church, i 86 pp. 
 
 [J. Keble]. 
 
 Remarks on certain passages in the Thirty- 
 nine Articles. 83 pp. [J. H. Newman]. 
 
 INDEX TO VOL. Ill 
 
 I' 
 
 -•-•- 
 
 A. 
 
 Acland, Mr. (afterwards Sir T. D ) 
 
 Acland, Dr. (Sir H. W.), 412. 
 Addams, Dr., 161. ' ^ ^ 
 
 Allies, Rev. T. W., 257, 261. 265, 
 
 267-269, 279, 287, 297. 
 Ambrose, St., treatise on Virginity, 
 
 3 "• 
 Andrewes.Bp 2,97.439. 
 Argyll, Bp. of, 449. 
 
 Argyll, Dnchess of, 374. . 
 Armstrong, Rev. J. (afterwards Bp. of 
 
 urahamstown), 370. 
 Arnold, Dr., 158, 231 «. 
 
 ^"S!^'f,"^> Lord (Bp. of Bath and 
 Wells). 434. 
 
 Augustine, St i, 97, 119,439; Ex- 
 
 position of the Psalms, cited, 421. 
 Awdry, Sir J., 89. ' ^ 
 
 B. 
 
 Badeley, Mr., 165, 166, 178, 180, 20s, 
 206, 241. " 
 
 Bagot, Bp. of Bath and Wells xx 
 248, 427. ^^' 
 
 ^^J^^^'^^^- Arthur. 352,375,376. 
 
 Bartholomew, Rev. C. C, 441. 
 
 Basil, St., 177. 
 
 Beckett, Rev. H. F., 3C6. 561 x^c 
 
 Bennett. Rev. W. J. K^^;?. 279 366, 
 „ 374. 375, 441- 
 
 Beresford-Hope, A. J., ,9.1. 248, 380, 
 , 352, 366. 
 Biber, Dr., 276, 280. 
 Binney, Mr. T., 179. 
 
 VOL. III. J J 
 
 Blomfield, Bp., 13, 22, 205, 220, 247, 
 
 , 294,302,303. 
 
 Boyle, Hon. G. F.,i7o«. 
 
 Brine, Rev. J. G., 410. 
 
 Bristol Church Union, 274, 278-280. 
 Ifrtstol Times, extract from, n8- 
 
 141. ^ 
 
 British Critic, the, 36, 176. 
 British Magazine, the, 177. 
 Brougham, Lord, 250. 
 Browne Rev. E.G:K., 147, ,48. 
 Bruce, Miss Mary (Sister Mary), 17 
 186. JJ^ i-> 
 
 Bunsen, Chevalier, 39. 
 
 Bunyan, Fohn, 97. 
 
 Burgon Dean, * Lives of Twelve Good 
 
 Men, cited, 420. 
 Burritt, FJIihu, 170 n 
 Butler, Rev. W., 155, 371. 
 
 Camden, Lord, 13. 
 
 Canterbury, Missionary College of St 
 
 Augustine at, 87. 
 Card well, Mr. Edward, 173 
 Cardwell, Prof., 404. ^ 
 Carter, Rev. T. T., 441. 
 
 Carus^ Memoir of Charles Simeon,' 
 cited, 98. ' 
 
 Cavendish, Mr. (afterwards Lord 
 
 Richard), 241, 288. 
 Chrysostom, St., 119. 
 Church Rev R. W. (afterwards Dean 
 
 of St. Paul's), 77. 
 'Church of England, the, leaves her 
 
 children free,' by E. B. P., 269. 
 Church Porch, ^t, 374. 
 Churton, Archdeacon, 134, 137, 159. 
 
482 
 
 Index, 
 
 Index, 
 
 , 
 \ I 
 
 * Clergy Proceedings Bill,' 220. 
 Clevedon Commission, 433, 434. 
 Clive, Lord, 13. 
 Coleridge, Mr. Justice (Sir John), 89, 
 
 165, 395> 45'^- 
 
 Coleridge, Mr. J. D., 401. 
 
 'Collegiate and Professorial Teach- 
 ing,' by E. B. P., 387-390. 
 
 Commentary on the Bible, 149-152, 
 
 157. 
 
 Commentary on the Minor Prophets, 
 
 154- 
 Commission to inquire into state, &c. 
 
 of the University, 380, 391. 
 Conington, Prof., 387. 
 Convocation, revival of, 352. 
 Copeland, Rev. W. J., 51, 59, 141, 
 
 I55» 410. 431- 
 Corn Laws, Hill for repeal of, 171. 
 
 Cotton, Dr. (Provost of Worcester), 79. 
 
 'Councils of the Church, the,* by 
 
 E. B. P., 353, 354. 
 Crawley, Mr. and Mrs. (of Littlemore), 
 
 186. 
 
 Crawley, Rev. George, 356, 359, 362, 
 
 364- 
 Cyprian, St., 367. 
 
 Cyril, St., of Alexandria, 458. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dampier, J. L., 380. 
 
 Daubeny, Prof., 404. 
 
 Deceased Wife's Sister Bill, 176. 
 
 Denison, Archdeacon, 241, 380, 427, 
 
 438, 445» 446. 
 Denison, Bp., 313. 
 
 Denman, Lord, 165. 
 
 Derby, Earl of (Chancellor of the Uni- 
 versity), 400, 403. 
 
 Devonport, Miss Sellon's work at, 
 192, 194, 195, 199 ; Printing Press 
 at, 370. 
 
 Dickenson, Mr. F. H., 352. 
 
 Dickinson, Mr., 13. 
 
 Diocesan Synod (Exeter), 226. 
 
 Disraeli, Benjamin, 403. 
 
 Dissenters, admission of, to the Uni- 
 versity, 400, 401, 406, 407. 
 
 Ditcher, Rev. J., 427, 428, 429, 446. 
 
 Dodson, Sir John, 445. 
 
 Dodsworth, Rev. W., 13, 17, 23, 163, 
 241, 261, 265, 270, 279, 292, 295, 
 
 297, 30^-303- 
 Donkin, Prof., 404. 
 Duflferin, Lord, 170 n. 
 
 E. 
 
 Edinburgh, Bp. of, 449, 457. 
 EUacombe, Rev. H. T., 14. 
 
 EUacombe, Miss Jane (Sister Anne^, 
 
 English Churchman, the, 53. 
 Erie, Mr. Justice, 165. 
 Estcourt, Mr., 173. 
 
 * Everlasting Punishment, What is of 
 Faith,' by E. B. P., cited, 416. 
 
 F. 
 
 Feilding, Lord (afterwards Lord Den- 
 bigh), 248. 
 
 Ferrar, Nicholas, 2. 
 
 * Final Appeal in Matters of Faith,' 
 by Dr. Wiseman, cited, 239. 
 
 Final Court of Appeal, letters by 
 E. B. P. and Mr. Justice Coleridge, 
 211, 213. 
 
 Forbes, Lord, 280. 
 
 Forbes, Rev. A. P. (afterwards Bp. of 
 Brechin), 133, 344, 348, 355, 439, 
 
 448-459. 
 Forbes, Rev. G., 149. 
 Founders, intentions of, 401, 402. 
 Francis, St., of Assisi, 90, 97. 
 Francis, St.. of Sales, 97. 
 Fust, Sir Herbert Jenner (Dean of 
 
 Arches), 202, 234. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gaisford, Dr. (Dean of Ch. Ch.), 404, 
 418. 
 
 Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., 13, 71. 
 72, 84-86, 89, 146, 147, 168, 173, 
 174, 176, 180, 181, 321, 323, 324, 
 344, 346, 348, .^96-39$, 400, 409, 
 
 413* 456. 
 Gobat, Bp., 71, 76, 78. 
 Golightly, Rev. C. P., 53. 
 Goode, Rev. W., 230, 231. 
 Gordon, Rev. Osborne, 404, 405. 
 Gorham, Rev. G. C, case of, 201- 
 
 2.^7; pamphlet on, by Rev. W. 
 
 Dodsworth, 261. 
 Greenhill, Mr. W., 7. 
 Gresley, Rev. W., 78. 
 Grueber, Rev, C. S., 441. 
 Guardian, the, 60, 150, 231, 262, 
 
 272,407,430. 
 Gutch, Rev. C, 365. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hamilton, Rev. W. K. (afterwards 
 
 Bp. of Salisbury), 260, 370. 
 Hampden, Dr., 158-162, 164. , 
 
 Harcourt, Abp., 158. 
 Harding, Dr., 161. 
 
 483 
 
 Harington, Dr. (Principal of Brase- 
 
 nose), 245. 
 Harrison, Rev. B. (afterwards Arch- 
 deacon of Maidstone), 8, 9, 68, 72, 
 76, 177, 204. 
 Hawkins, Dr. (Provost of Oriel), 162, 
 
 404* 405- 
 Hayling Island, 175, 186, 187. 
 Heathcote, Rev. W. B., 441. 
 Hebdomadal Board, 84, 378, 380, 381, 
 391. 392. 393, 399- 
 
 Report and Evidence before 
 
 Committee of, cited, 382-386, 394. 
 Hebdomadal Council, the new, 404- 
 
 408, 412. 
 Heckler, Professor, * The Jerusalem 
 
 Bishopric,' cited, 71 «. 
 Henderson, Rev. T., 441. 
 Hetling, Rev. G. H., 200. 
 Heurtley, Rev. Dr., 434. 
 Hey wood, Mr., 398-400. 
 Hickley, Mr., 133, 
 Hinds, Dr., Bp. of Norwich, 380. 
 Hoare, Mr. Henry, 280, 343. 
 * Holy Rood,' printing by women at, 
 
 372. 
 Hook, Rev. W. F. (afterwards Dean 
 of Chichester), 7, 11 2-1 36, 367, 
 368. 
 Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, 3. 
 Hope, Mr. J. R., 240, 241, 276. 
 Horfield, Pusey preaches at, 138. 
 Howley, Abp., 177, 390. 
 Hubbard, J. G. (afterwards Lord Ad- 
 
 dington\ 248. 
 Hughes, Miss Marian, 10. 
 Huntingford, Rev. H., 164. 
 Huntingford, Mrs., 186, 187. 
 Hussey, Prof., 404. 
 
 Inglis, Sir R. H., 173, 175, 178. 
 
 Irish Church Question, 172. 
 
 Irish Famine, fast-day for, 169, 170. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jacobson, Dr., 404. 
 
 Jelf, Dr., 64, 65. 
 
 Jenkyns, Dr. (Master of Balliol), 
 
 Jerome, St., 3, 439. 
 
 Jeune, Dr. (Master of Pembroke), 
 
 loi, 102, 380,404,405. 
 Jewish Disabilities Bill, 175. 
 Johnson, Very Rev. G. S. (Dean of 
 
 Wells), 380, 434. 
 
 li 
 
 Judicial Committee of Privy Council, 
 228, 229, 232, 233, 238, 459. 
 
 Junsdiction, Ecclesiastical, letter by 
 E. B. P. on, 209. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kay, Rev. Dr., 155. 
 
 Keble, Rev. J., 34, 88, 95, 99, 104, 
 
 108, 133, 151, 153, 155, 156, 159- 
 101, 169, 189, 217, 225, 241, 246, 
 249, 255, 265, 274-278, 280, 282, 
 292, 307, 310, 311, 313, 314, 342, 
 
 343, 351, 352, 358, 393, 394, 400, 
 424, 428-431, 434, 436, 438, 439, 
 
 44»-443, 44.5, 44^, 449, 453, 454- 
 
 Biography of, by Rev. W. Lock, 
 
 97- 
 
 — Memoir of, by Sir J. T. Cole- 
 ridge, 401. 
 
 ' A few plain thoughts on the 
 
 admission of Dissenters to the Uni- 
 versity of Oxford,' 400, 401, 
 
 * On Eucharistical Adoration,' 
 
 446, 449. 
 
 Kilpack, Rev. J. (of Stoke Damerel), 
 192. 
 
 Knight Bruce (Vice-Chancellor of Ju- 
 dicial Committee of Privy Council), 
 228. 
 
 Knott, Rev. J. W., 366. 
 
 L. 
 
 Langston, Miss, 17. 
 
 Laud, Abp., 2. 
 
 I^w, * Serious Call,' 2. 
 
 Lee, Dr. Prince (Bp. of Manchester), 
 159- 
 
 Leeds, St. Saviour's, 1 12-136, 355- 
 368. 
 
 •letter on the Proposed Change in 
 the Laws prohibiting Marriage be- 
 tween those near of Kin,' by E. B. P. , 
 177. 
 
 Lei TERS : — 
 
 Acland, T. D., to E. B. P., 198. 
 Badeley, E., to E. B. P., 160, 161, 
 
 165, 205. 
 Blomfield, Bp., to E. B. P., 295. 
 Canterbury, Abp. of, to Archdeacon 
 
 Denison, 430. 
 Churton, Archdeacon, to E. B. P.. 69. 
 Coleridge, Mr. Justice, to E. B. P., 
 
 213, 395,456. 
 Dodsworth, Mr., to E. B. P., 2^ 
 EUacombe, Miss J. J., to her Father, 
 
 27. 
 Fletcher, Mrs., 414. 
 
 1 
 
 \ 
 
 
484 
 
 Index, 
 
 Letters 'continued) : — 
 Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., to E. B. P., 
 
 397. 400. 
 
 Hamilton. Rev. W. K., to E. B. P., 
 200. 
 
 Hetling, Rev. G., to Bp. of Exeter, 
 200. 
 
 Hook, Rev. Dr. W. F., to E. B. P., 
 6,9, 114, 119-123, 125-129, 131, 
 132. 
 
 Huntingford, Mrs. G., 186-187. 
 
 Keble, Kev. J., to Bp. Forbes, 451. 
 
 to E. B. P., 50, 58, 88, 91, 100, 
 
 108, ifi, 153, 161, 163, 189, 217, 
 219, 223, 226, 245, 265, 266, 276, 
 278-280, 288, 289, 294, 308, 310, 
 311. 314, 318,320,322, 324, 325, 
 S-*;. 345» 352, .^.;7, 358, 421, 429, 
 433, 435. 442, 450, 461-463. 466, 
 
 467- 
 to Pp. Sumner, 283. 
 
 to Bp. Wilberforce, 315, 317. 
 
 Manning, Archdeacon, to E. B. P., 51, 
 
 53, 135, 1.^3. 
 Marriott, Rev. C, to E. B. P., 49. 
 
 to Bp. Selwyn," 82. 
 
 Minster, Rev. Thomas, to E. B. P., 
 
 356, 3?7- 
 Mozley, Rev. J. B., to E. B. P., 54. 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., to J. W. Bow- 
 
 dcn, 6. 
 
 to Miss Gibeme, 9. 
 
 to E. B. P., 394. 
 
 Phillpotts, Bp. (of Exeter), to Abp. of 
 
 Canterbury, 230. 
 to E. B. P., 106, 221, 223, 224, 
 
 227, 228, 232, 251, 293, 301, 343. 
 Prynne, Rev. G. R., 199. 
 Pusey, E. B., 29, 142, 374, 416, 455. 
 
 to Rev. A. Baker, 375, 377. 
 
 to Bp. Blomfield, 299, 300. 
 
 to Rev. Dr. Bull, 408. 
 
 to Rev. W. Butler, 372. 
 
 to Archdeacon Chiirton, 160. 
 
 to Mr. Justice Coleridge, 211. 
 
 to Rev. E. Coleridge, 193, 194. 
 
 to Rev. W. J. Coptland, 141. 
 
 — to Rev. H. T. Ellacombe, 14, 15. 
 
 to Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone, 
 
 71, 82, 85, 86, 144, 146, 168, 175, 
 
 180, 323, 344. .347» 348, 409- 
 to Rev. D. S. Govett, 32. 
 
 to Mr. W. Greenhill, 8. 
 
 to Rev. W Gresley, 78. 
 
 to the Guardian^ 150, 
 
 40: 
 
 272, 
 
 to Rev. B. Harrison, 68, 72, 76, 
 '59, 164, 177. 
 
 — to Dr. Hook, 5, 114, 118, 122, 
 124, 127, 130, 132. 
 
 Letters {continued^ : — 
 
 Pusey, E. B., to Mr. A. J. B. Hope, 22, 
 25-27, 191. 
 
 to Miss M. Hughes, 12. 
 
 to Rev. J. Keble, 18, 50, 57, 77, 
 
 87, 92, 95, 96, 99-101, 103, 108, 
 133, 15»» '54» 155, 169, 192, 199, 
 216, 217, 220, 225, 227, 2^7, 257, 
 261, 274, 376-279, 282, 288, 289, 
 308, 310, 342, 344, 346, 351, 364, 
 372, 392, 403, 410, 412, 413, 423- 
 426, 428, 431, 434, 437, 442, 443. 
 454, 460, 464, 467, 468. 
 
 to Archdeacon Manning, 52, 152, 
 
 206, 209, 371. 
 
 to Rev. C. Marriott, i6i. 
 
 to the Morning Chronicle ^ 235. 
 
 to the Morning Herald^ 148. 
 
 to Rev. T. E. Morris, 156. 
 
 to Rev. J. B. Mozley, 54. 
 
 to Rev. J. H. Newman, 10, 95. 
 
 to Rev. G. R. Prynne, 369. 
 
 to his brother Philip, 79, 81, 
 
 no, 167, 169, 171, 173, 324. 
 to his son Philip, 365, 375, 411, 
 
 455- 
 to his brother William, 416, 417. 
 
 to Rev. E. T. Richards, 30, 370. 
 
 to Sender of St. Saviour's Peti- 
 tion, 362. 
 
 to Rev. Dr. Skinner, 349. 
 
 to Rev. A. P. Stanley, 391. 
 
 to Rev. B. Webb, 418. 
 
 - to Dean Wilberforce (Bp.-Elect 
 of Oxford), 40, 43, (now Bp.) 303- 
 307, 318-320. 326, 328-340. 
 
 Pusey, Lady Lucy ^mother of E. B. P.), 
 169, 178. 
 
 to Lady Emily, 89. 
 
 Pusey, Philip, to E. B. P.. 168. 
 Symons, Rev. B. P. (Vice-Chancellor), 
 
 to E. B. P.. s6. 
 Ward, Rev. w! P., to E. B. P., 6. 
 Wilberforce, Bp., to Rev.J.Keble,3i2. 
 
 to Miss Noel, 38. 
 
 to E. B. P., 35. 37, 42, 46, 323. 
 
 Liddell, Rev. H. G., 380. 
 
 Lightfoot, Dr , 404. 
 
 Lock, Rev. W., ' Biography of John 
 
 Keble,' cited, 97. 
 London, Bp. of, 191, 228. 
 London Church Union, 239, 240, 247, 
 
 281. 
 Longley, Dr. (Bp. of Ripon), 114, 
 
 "7. 130, 133. 3.-6-367. 
 Lowder, Rev. Charles, 378. 
 Lushington, Dr., 164, 165, 434, 438, 
 
 442. 
 Lyttelton, Lord, 13. 
 
 ssaflarn: 
 
 Index, 
 
 485 
 
 M. 
 
 Macbride, Dr., 407. 
 Mackay, Rev. D. J., 449, 456. 
 Macmullen, Rev. R. G., 113, 114, 
 
 117, 125, 128. 
 Maitland, Mr. (Librarian to the Abp. 
 
 of Canterbury), 177. 
 Maliby, Dr. (Bp. of Durham), 292. 
 Manners, Lord John (afterwards Duke 
 
 of Rutland), 13. 
 Manning, Archdeacon, 58, 89, no, 
 
 134, 152, 2c6, 241, 248, 272, 276, 
 
 285-287, 370. 
 Manstl, Rev. H. L., 404, 405. 
 Margaret Chapel, Pusey's sermon at, 
 
 169-171. 
 
 * Marriatje with a Deceased Wife's 
 Sister,' by E. B. P., cited, 178, 180. 
 
 Marriott, Rev. C, 59, 77, 82, 86-88, 
 J29, 149,153, 155, 161, 163, 186, 
 220, 280, 307, 308, 364, 365, 386, 
 
 404, 405, 4'o, 419-421. 
 Maskell, Rev. W., 197, 256, 257, 259- 
 
 261, 265,270, 279,292, 295. 
 Maurice, Rev. F. D., 39. 
 Mayow, Mr. M. W., 280. 
 Medley, Dr. (Bp. of Fredericton), 
 
 352. 
 Meiners, 387. 
 
 Michell, Rev. Richard, 404. 
 Mill, Rev. Prof. W. H., 77, 151, 153, 
 
 24i> 273, 375,418. 
 Mmster, Rev. Thomas, 355," 356, 358, 
 
 362, 364. 
 Moberly, Mr., 356. 
 Moberly, Rev. Dr., 151, 153. 
 Montague, Bp., 3. 
 Moray, Bishop of, 457. 
 Morning ChronicICyXhe, 235. 
 Morris, Rev. T. E., 67, 155, 156. 
 Mozley, Rev. J. B., 60, 61, 77, 161, 
 
 404, 405. 
 
 * Letters * cited, 36, 65-67. 
 
 Musgrave, Dr. (Abp. of York;, 158, 
 
 205, 228. 
 
 N. 
 
 Neale, Rev. J. M., 441. 
 
 Neri, St. Philip. 97. 
 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., 90, 364, 394. 
 
 * Letters ' cited, 10. 
 
 O. 
 
 Oakeley, Rev. F., 266. 
 
 Oxenham, Rev. N., 441. 
 
 Oxford, Bp. of (Samuel Wilberforce), 
 
 33-49, 161, 302, 303, 307, 309, 
 
 3^3-327, 360. 
 
 * Oxford Reform and Oxford Profes- 
 
 sors,' by H. H. Vaughan, 386. 
 
 P. 
 
 Pakington, Sir John, 409. 
 
 Palmer, Rev. W. (afterwards Sir Wil- 
 liam), 137, 248, 274-276, 280, 284, 
 285. 
 
 * Papal Aggression,' 291, 293. 
 'Paradise of the Christian Soul,' 92, 
 
 431- 
 
 Paik Village Sisterhood, 23-28, 29, 
 32, 90, iQi, 261. 
 
 Palteson, Mr. Justice, 165. 
 
 Paul, St. Vincent de, 97. 
 
 Peel, Sir Robert, 79, 171. 
 
 Penitentiaries, 370-372. 
 
 Phillpotts, Dr. H. (Bp. of Exeter), 
 78, 162, 194, 196, 200, 205, 221, 
 224, 229, 251, 301, 343. 433, 442. 
 
 * Letter to Miss Sellon,' 200. 
 
 ' Letter to the Abp. of Canter- 
 bury,' 229-231. 
 
 Pius IX, Pope, 291. 
 
 Plumer, Rev. C. J., 441. 
 
 Plymouth, work of the Devonport 
 Sisters at, 195. 
 
 Pollen, Rev. J. H., 133, 355, 360. 
 
 Popham, Rev. J. L., 441. 
 
 Powell, Prof. Baden, 380. 
 
 Poynet, Bp., 439. 
 
 Prevost, Rev. Sir George, 37, 280. 
 
 Protest against Mr. Gorham's teach- 
 ing in • The Efficacy of Baptism,' 
 252-254. 
 
 Protest of Tutors against interpreta- 
 tion of Baptism by Judicial Com- 
 mittee, 241-244. 
 
 Prynne, Rev. G. R., 195, 196, 199. 
 Public Worship Regulation Act, 293. 
 Purgatory, 375-377. 
 Pusey, Edward Bouverie. {See 
 Letters.) Attempt to revive 
 Sisterhoods, 1-32 ; visits Ireland, 
 1 1 ; relations with Bishop Wilber- 
 force, 33 ; growing divergence be- 
 tween them, 36-49 ; preparation of 
 first sermon after suspension, 49-53 ; 
 question of subscription, 53-56 ; 
 revision of sermon, 57 ; preached in 
 the Cathedral, 58 ; sketch of the 
 sermon, 61-66 ; publication, 67 ; 
 the Jerusalem bishopric, 70-78 ; 
 proposed University extension, 
 79-89 ; serious ilkess at Tenby, 89 ; 
 penitence and confession, 94-100; 
 Advent University sermon, 101-103 » 
 goes to Hursley for confession, 103 ; 
 a rule of life, 104 ; spiritual relation- 
 
486 
 
 Index, 
 
 ship with Keble, 109; seclusion, 
 no; difficulties at St. Saviour's, 
 misunderstandings with Hook, 112; 
 Pusey's defence, 127; secession of 
 Macmullen, 128; resignation of 
 Ward, 130; further disagreements, 
 131 ; Rev. A. P. Forbes Vicar of 
 St. Saviour's, 133; isolation. 137; 
 sermon at Horfield, 138 ; confidence 
 in the Church of England, 142 ; 
 public distrust caused by secessions 
 at St. Saviour's, refusal to explain, 
 144; rumours and contradictions, 
 147 ; plan for a Commentary on the 
 Bibhe, 149 ; suggested contributors, 
 155; its fate, 157; Dr. Hampden 
 nominated Bishop of Hereford, re- 
 newal of controversy, 158; action 
 of Bp. Wilberforce, 161 ; the Irish 
 Famine, 167; sermon at Margaret 
 Chapel, 1 70 ; denunciation of luxury, 
 171; Oxford University election of 
 ^847, 173; Jewish disabilities, 175 ; 
 Deceased Wife's Sister Bill, 176- 
 185; stay at Hayling Island, 186; 
 gossip, 1 88 ; S. G. O, and the Times, 
 190; Park Village community, 191 ; 
 Miss Sellon at Devonport, 192 ; 
 inquiry by the Bp. of Exeter, 197; 
 outbreak of cholera at Devonport, 
 199; the Gorham case, 201-234; 
 on the Canons of the Council of 
 Trent, 206 ; Ecclesiastical Jurisdic- 
 tion, 309 ; defining powers of the 
 Final Court of Appeal, 211;* Clergy 
 Proceedings Bill,' 221 ; idea of 
 a Diocesan Synod, 227; reply to 
 Rev. W. Goode's letter, 231 ; on 
 * Praevenient Grace,' 235 ; protests 
 against Gorham decision, 241 ; 
 meeting at St. Martin's Hall, 246 ; 
 at Freemasons' Hall, 248 ; speeches 
 by Keble and Pusey, 249 ; ' The 
 Royal Supremacy,' 257 ; Mr. Dods- 
 worth's sermons, 261 ; ' The Church 
 of England leaves her children free,' 
 &C., 266 ; Declaration on the Royal 
 SuiDremacy, 271 ; objections to Mr. 
 Palmer's Anti-Roman declaration, 
 274; speech in St. Martin's Hall, 
 281 ; secession of Manning and 
 Robert Wilberforce, 285; Up. Blom- 
 field's charge, 294 ; * Letter to the 
 Bishop,* 297 ; causes of secessions, 
 299 ; * Renewed Explanation,' 301 ; 
 Bp. Wilberforce's demand and 
 Pusey's reply, 303 ; inhibition, 307; 
 explanations, 308-319; Pusey in- 
 vites prosecution, 319; interview 
 with the Bishop, 325; inhibition 
 
 withdrawn, 327; Letters to the 
 Bishop, 328-340 ; Diocesan Synods, 
 341 ; admission of laymen, 343 ; 
 revival of Con vocation. 352 ; further 
 troubles at St. Saviour's, 353 ; visits 
 to Leeds, 364 ; correspondence with 
 the Bp. of Ripon, 366 ; beginnings 
 of Ritualism, 368 ; Penitentiary 
 work, 370 ; orphanages, 372 ; Ir- 
 vingism, 373 ; Purgatory, 375 ; the 
 University Reform Act, 380; the 
 Professorial System, 381 ; its effect 
 on religious faith, 383 ; lay or clerical 
 education, 384 ; reply to Professor 
 Vaughan, 387 ; teaching of Natural 
 Science, 391 ; petition to Convoca- 
 tion, 392 ; altered relations with the 
 Hebdomadal Board, 394; Bill for 
 University Reform, 395 ; founders* 
 intentions, 401 ; the new Hebdo- 
 madal Council, 404 ; death of Lady 
 Emily, and marriage of Mary Pusey, 
 41 1 ; illness ofhis brother Philip, 41 3; 
 his death, 414 ; death of Lady Lucy, 
 415 ; deaths of Dr. Mill and Dean 
 Gaisford, 418 ; ilbess of Charles 
 Marriott, 419 ; his death, 421 ; 
 sermon on the Eucharist, 424; 
 'Notes' to the same, 431; judg- 
 ment on Archdeacon Denison, 433 ; 
 protest against it, 440 ; treatise on 
 the Real Presence, 447; at Paris, 
 450 ; Scotch Eucharistic Contro- 
 versies, 451, 452, 455 ; contributes 
 appendix to Keble's 'Considera- 
 tions,' 453, 454 : short account of 
 work * On the Presence of Christ 
 in the Holy Eucharist,' 470. 
 
 Pusey, Lady Emily (sister-in-law of 
 E. B. P.), 89, 91, 403, 411-413. 
 
 Pusey, Lady Lucy (mother of E. B. P.), 
 67, 415,416. 
 
 Pusey, Lucy (eldest daughter of £. B. 
 P.), 4 ; death of, 1 2, 95. 
 
 Pusey, Mary (daughter of E. B. P.), 
 307,410, 411. 
 
 Pusey, Philip (brother of E. B. P.), 
 168,403,413-415. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quarterly Review ^ quoted, 4. 
 
 R. 
 
 • Real Presence in the Fathers,' by 
 
 E. B. P., cited, 432, 447. 
 
 * Reception by the Wicked,' 436. 
 Retreats for Clergy, 377, 378. 
 Richards, Dr. (Rector of Exeter Col- 
 lege), 174. 
 
 Index, 
 
 487 
 
 Richards, Rev. E. T. (Vicar of Far- 
 lington), 186. 
 
 Richards, Rev. H., 138. 
 
 Richards, Rev. W. U., 18, 266, 269. 
 
 Romilly, Lord, 368. 
 
 Rooke. Rev. S., 361, 364. 
 
 Round, J. E. (Balliol College), 174, 
 175- 
 
 Routh, Dr. (President of Magdalen), 
 
 ^345. 
 
 Royal Commission on Law of Mar- 
 riage, 178. 
 
 Royal Supremacy, Declaration touch- 
 • »n& 271, 273. 276. 
 * Royal Supremacy, The,' by E. B. P., 
 
 257, 258, 260, 262, 341. 
 Russell, Lord John, 158, 175, 205, 
 
 292, 295, 300, 379, 398, 403. 
 
 S. 
 
 St. Andrews, Bp. of, 457. 
 
 Sandon, Lord (afterwards Earl of 
 
 Harrowby), 79. 
 Scott, Dr. (Master of Balliol), 404. 
 Scott, Rev. W., 77, 442. 
 Scott, Sir William, 229. 
 Sellon, Miss, 192, 193, 198, 199. 
 Selwyn, Bp., 188. 
 Sermons by E. B. P. :— 
 At Horfield, 138. 
 Chastisements, Fast-day sermon at 
 
 Margaret Chapel, 1 70. 
 Entire Absolution of the Penitent, 
 preached in Cathedral after sus- 
 pension, 62-64, 94> 98, 102, 103, 
 422. 
 
 Eucharist, The, 424, 425, 431. 
 Hope, preached at Hayling Island, 
 
 187. 
 On St. Luke's Day, 101. 
 Rule of Faith, The, as maintained 
 by the Fathers and the Church 
 of England, preached before the 
 University, 318, 422. 
 Sewell, Rev. W., 137, 174, 248. 
 S. G. O., Letter to the Times, 190. 
 Shaftesbury, Lord, 368. 
 Simeon, Rev. Charles, 97, 98. 
 Sisterhoods, \-\2. 
 Sisters of Mercy, Circular of London 
 
 Committee, 18-21. 
 Skinner, Bp. (of Aberdeen), 345, 348. 
 Society of Friends, The, 8. 
 
 Somerset and Bristol Church Union. 
 280. 
 
 Soulhey, Robert, ' Colloquies,' 18. 
 Spranger, Rev/R. J., 155. 
 Stanley, Rev. A. P. (afterwards Dean 
 of Westminster), 380, 391. 
 
 Stuart, Rev. E., 442. 
 
 'Studia Sacra,' 151. 
 
 Suarez, 2.S7. 
 
 Sumner, Dr. C. (Bishop of Winches- 
 ter), 39, 283. 
 
 Sumner, Dr. J. B. (Abp. of Canter- 
 bury), 205, 221, 225, 228, 234, 255, 
 
 ^ 428, 434, 445. 
 
 Symons, Rev. B. P. (Vice-Chancellor, 
 Warden of Wadham), 55, 56, 404. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tait, Dr. (afterwards Abp. of Canter- 
 bury), 380. 
 
 Talbot, John C, 241. 
 
 Taylor, Jeremy, 2. 
 
 Tenby, illness of E. B. P. at, 89, 98, 
 172. 
 
 Terrot, Miss, 17. 
 
 Thomine, Abbe, 10. 
 
 Thorndike, Dr., 2. 
 
 Thorp, Archdeacon, 241. 
 
 Times, the, 66, i68, 170, 173, 190. 
 
 Townsend, Mr., 161. 
 
 Trent, Council of. Letter by E. B. P. 
 
 on, 206. 
 Trower, Bp., 449. 
 Tyler, Rev. J. E., 179. 
 
 U. 
 
 University Reform Act, 395, 401, 
 404. 
 
 Urban II, Pope, 267. 
 
 V. 
 
 Vaughan, Prof. H. H., 386-38S. 
 Vicar-General, the, 164, 165. 
 
 W. 
 
 Ward, Rev. Richard, 113, 117 125, 
 
 130, 360. 
 W^ard, Rev. W. Perceval, 5, 442. 
 Watson, Alexander, 280. 
 Watts- Russell, Mr., 13. 
 Wellington, Duke of, 403. 
 Wesley, John, 97. 
 Whately, Abp., 179. 
 Wilberforce, Archdeacon, R. L, 89, 
 
 217, 241, 248, 272, 286-288, 290, 
 
 351, 426. 
 'Doctrine of Holy Baptism,' 
 
 287. ^ ' 
 
 ' Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist.' 
 
 288. 
 
 * Principles of Church Authority,' 
 
 426, 428. 
 
488 
 
 Index, 
 
 Wilberforce, Rev. Henry W., 210, 
 
 241, 279. 
 Wilberforce, S. See Oxford, Bp. of. 
 ' Life of,' cited, 36, 37, 162, 303, 
 
 307* 309* 312. 313, 3i7» 323, 442. 
 
 Williams, Dr. (Warden of New Col- 
 lege), 404. 
 
 Williams, Rev. G. (King's College, 
 Cambridge), 133, 155, 457. 
 
 Williams, Rev. Isaac, 51, 58, 151, 
 
 T55» 442- 
 
 Wilson, Prof., 404. 
 
 Wilson, Rev. R. F., 155. 415. 
 
 Wiseman, Dr. (afterwards Cardinal), 
 
 I79» 239- 
 Woodford, Rev. J. R., 442. 
 
 W^oodgate, Rev. H. A., 175. 
 
 Wortley, Mr. Stuart, 177, 178. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Yard, Rev. G. B., 442. 
 
 END OF VOL. in. 
 
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 Classifieb Catalogue 
 
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 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 
 
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 1894. 
 
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 Issue the undermentioned Lists of their Publications, -which may be had post free 
 
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 Notes on Books; being an Analysis 
 
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 Catalogue of Scientific Works. 
 Catalogue of Medical and Surgi.;;^ 
 
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 8. Catalogue of Theological Works 
 
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 488 
 
 Index, 
 
 Wilberforce, Rev. Henry W., 210, 
 
 241, 279. 
 Wilberforce, S. Seg Oxford, Bp. of. 
 * Life of,' cited, 36, 37, 162, 303, 
 
 3o7» 309» 312. 313. 31 7» 322, 443. 
 
 Williams, Dr. (Warden of New Col- 
 lege)* 404. 
 
 Williams, Rev. G. (Kinj^'s College, 
 Cambridge), 133, 155, 457. 
 
 Williams, Rev. Isaac, 51, 58, 151, 
 
 '55» 442- 
 
 Wilson, Prof., 404. 
 
 Wilson, Rev. R. F., i?.*). 415. 
 
 Wiseman, Dr. (afterwards Cardinal), 
 
 179' 239- 
 Woodford. Rev. J. R., 442. 
 
 Woodgate, Rev. H. A., 175. 
 
 Wortley, Mr. Stuart, 177, 178. 
 
 Y. 
 
 Yard, Rev. G. B., 442. 
 
 END OF VOL, III. 
 
 
 I 
 
 f 
 
 Classified Catalogue 
 
 OF WORKS 
 
 IN 
 
 GENERAL LITERATURE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C. 
 
 AND 
 
 15 EAST i6th street, NEW YORK. 
 
 1894. 
 
 MESSRS. LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
 
 Issue the undermentioned Lists of their Publications, which may be had post free 
 
 on application : — 
 
 1. Monthly List of New Works^and 
 
 New Editions. 
 
 2. Quarterly List of Announcements 
 
 AND New Works. 
 
 3. Notes on Books; being an Analysis 
 
 OF THE Works published during 
 EACH Quarter. 
 
 4. Catalogue of Scientific Works. 
 
 5. Catalogue of Medical and Surgi-|^ 
 
 CAL Works. 
 
 6. Catalogue of School Books and 
 
 Educational Works. 
 
 7. Catalogue of Books for Ele- 
 
 mentary Schools and Pupil 
 Teachers. 
 
 8. Catalogue of Theological Works 
 
 BY Divines and Members of the 
 Church of England. 
 
 9. Catalogue of Works in General 
 
 Literature. 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
-^rr 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS. 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) - 
 
 (T. K.) - - - 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 
 Acton (Eliza) - 
 iCschvlus . - - 
 
 AllinKham (W.) 
 Anstey (F.) . - - 
 Aristophanes - - - 
 Aristotle - - - - 
 Armstrong (E.) 
 
 (G. F. Savage-) 
 
 {E.J.) - - - 
 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) - 
 
 (Dr. T.) - - - 
 
 Ashley (W.J.) - 
 
 Atelier du Lys (Author of) 
 
 Bacon 
 
 -15. 
 
 Bagehot (Walter) - 
 BagNvell (R.) - 
 Bain (Alexander) - 
 Baker (James) - 
 
 (Sir S. W.) - - 
 
 Ball (J. T.) - - 
 
 Baring-Gould (S.) - 
 Barnett (S. A. and Mrs.)- 
 Barrow (Sir J. Croker) - 
 Battye (Aubyn Trevor) - 
 Baynes (T. S.) 
 Bcaconsfield (Earl of) - 
 Beaufort (Duke of) - 
 Becker (Prof.) - 
 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) - 
 Bent (J. Theodore) - 
 Besant (Walter) 
 Bjornsen (B.) - 
 Boase (C. W.) - 
 Boedder (B.) - 
 Boothby (Guy) - - 
 Boyd (A. K. H.) - 
 Brassey (Lady) 
 
 (Lord) 
 
 Bray (C. and Mrs.) - 
 Bryden (H. A.) 
 Buckle (H. T.) 
 Bull (T.) - - - - 
 Burrows (Montagu) 
 Bury (Viscount 
 Butler (E. A.) - 
 
 (Samuel) - - - 
 
 Campbell-Walker (A.) - 
 
 Caroe (W. D.) - - - 
 
 Cholmondeley-Pennell (H.) 
 
 Cicero - - - - 
 
 Clarke (R. F.) - 
 
 Gierke (Agnes M.) - 
 
 Clodd (Edward) 
 
 Clutterbuck (W. J.) 
 
 Comyn (L. N.) 
 
 Conington (John) - ' , ^ • 
 
 Conybeare (W .J.) Howson (J. T.) 21 
 
 Cox (Harding) 
 
 Crake (A. D.) - 
 Creighton (Bishop) - 
 Crozier (J. B.) - 
 
 Crump (A.) 
 
 Curzon (Hon. G. N.) 
 
 Cutts (E. L.) - 
 
 Dante . - - - 
 
 Davidson (W. L.) - 
 
 Deland (Mrs.) - 
 
 Dent (C. T.) - 
 
 Derby (Earl of) 
 
 De Salis (Mrs.) 
 
 De Tocqueville (A.) 
 
 Devas (C. S.) - 
 
 Dougall (L.) - 
 
 DowelKS.) 
 
 Doyle (A. Conan) . 
 
 Falkener (E.) - - 
 
 Farnell (G. S.) 
 
 Farrar (Archdeacon) 
 
 Fitzpatrick (W. J.) - 
 
 Ford(H.)- 
 
 Forster (F.) - 
 
 Fowler (J. K.) - 
 
 Francis (Francis) - 
 
 Francis (H. R.) 
 
 Freeman (Edward A.) - 
 
 Froude (James A.) - - 4i 
 
 Furneaux (W.) 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel Rawson) ■ 
 
 Gilkes (A. H.) - - - - 
 
 Gleig (G. R.) - 
 
 Goethe . - - - ■ 
 
 Graham (G. F.) - - ■ 
 
 Granville (Harriet, Countess) 
 
 Page 
 
 - 3. H 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 22 
 14 
 
 23 
 16 
 
 14 
 
 - 10, II 
 
 3 
 15 
 
 6, 15, 23 
 
 7, 15. 21 
 
 3 
 13 
 16 
 
 - 6, II 
 6, 13, 23 
 
 3 
 
 II 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 3 
 
 21 
 
 13 
 15 
 23 
 23 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 7 
 3 
 
 15 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 - 6,23 
 
 7 
 
 - 3.13 
 II 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 22 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 18 
 
 23 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 14 
 
 12 
 
 14 
 14 
 
 8 
 17 
 14 
 
 Page 
 II 
 
 4 
 
 - 17. 21 
 
 - 7.23 
 23 
 14 
 
 4 
 17 
 
 - 18, 19 
 6 
 
 - 4 
 
 - 3. 
 
 9 
 
 20 
 
 3.4 
 II 
 
 13 
 8 
 
 4 
 15 
 
 - II, 13 
 17 
 
 9 
 3 
 
 - 22, 23 
 
 3 
 13 
 17 
 13 
 17 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 - 13. 17 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 16 
 10 
 10 
 23 
 
 - 3.4 
 , 6, 8, 17 
 
 18 
 
 Green (T. Hill) - - 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 
 Halliwell-Phillipps (J. O.) 
 Harrison (Mary) - , - 
 
 (Jane E.) - 
 
 Hart (A. B.) . 
 Harte (Bret) - 
 Hartwig (G.) - - - 
 Hassall (A. Hill) - 
 Hawker (Col. Peter) 
 Hearn (W. E.) 
 Heathcote (J. M. & C J.) 
 Helmholtz (Hermann von) 
 Hodgson (Shadworth H.) 
 Hooper (G.) - - - 
 Hopkins (F. P.) 
 Horley(E.) - 
 Howard (B. D.) 
 Howitt (William) - 
 HuUah (John) - 
 Hume (David) - 
 Hunt(W.) 
 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.)- 
 Huth (A. H.) - 
 Ingelow (Jean) 
 
 amcs (C. A.) - 
 
 efferies (Richard) - 
 
 ohnson (J. & J. H.) 
 
 ohnstone (L.) . - - 
 
 ones (E. E. C.) - - - 
 Jordan (W. L.) - . - 
 Joyce (P. W.) - - - - 
 
 iustinian 
 :ant(I.) 
 
 Killick(A. H.)- 
 Kitchin (G. W.) - - - 
 Knight (E. F.) . - ■ 
 
 Ladd(G.T.) - - - - 
 Lang (Andrew) 
 
 4, 10. 14, 15, 17. 20 
 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 
 Lear (H. L. Sidney) ' - 
 Lecky (W. E. H.) - - 
 Lees (J. A.) - - - 
 Leonard (A. G.) 
 Leslie (T. E. C.) - 
 , Lewes (G. H.) - - - 
 Levton (F.) - - - 
 Lodge (H, C.) - 
 Loftie (W. J.) - - 
 Longman (F. W.) - 
 Lubbock (Sir John) 
 Lyall(Edna) - 
 Lydekker(R.) - 
 Lytton (Earl of) 
 Macaulay (Lord) 
 Maciarren (Sir G. 
 Mackail (1- W.) 
 Macleod (H. D.) - 
 Macpherson (H. A.) 
 Maher (M.) 
 Marbot (Baron de) - 
 Marshman (J. C) - 
 Martin (A. P.) - 
 Maunder (S.) - 
 Max Miiller (F.) - 
 May (Sir T. Erskine) - 
 Meath (Earl of) - - - 
 Meade (L. T.) - 
 Melville (G. J. Whyte) - 
 Mendelssohn (Felix) 
 Merivale (Dean) - - - 
 Mill (James) - - - - 
 
 (John Stuart) - 
 
 Milner (G.) . - - - 
 Molesworth (Mrs.) - - - 
 Monck (H. S.) - 
 Montague (C.) - - - - 
 Nansen (F.) - - - - 
 Nesbit (E.) . - • - 
 O'Brien (W.) . - - ■ 
 Oliphant (Mrs.) 
 Osbourne (L) - - - ■ 
 Parkes (Sir H.) - - ■ 
 Parr (Mrs.) - - - ■ 
 Pavn (James) - - - • 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir R.) - 
 Peary (Josephine and Robert) 
 Pembroke (Earl of) 
 Perring (Sir P.) - - 
 Phillipps-Wolley (C.) 
 Piatt (S. & J. J.) - 
 Plato - . - 
 Pole (W.) 
 Pollock (W. H.) - 
 
 23 
 
 10, 19, 22 
 
 - 14 
 
 A.) 
 
 10 
 II 
 
 9 
 19 
 
 - II, 23 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 8 
 8 
 23 
 II 
 4 
 
 9 
 14 
 
 - 15. 
 
 21, 22, 24 
 24 
 II 
 II 
 13 
 4 
 II 
 II 
 II 
 
 4 
 
 - 8,22 
 
 II 
 
 22, 24 
 10 
 
 23 
 
 4. 15 
 8, 22 
 
 24 
 13 
 II 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 
 17 
 
 19 
 16 
 22 
 24 
 14 
 22 
 10 
 12 
 6 
 6 
 
 7 
 20 
 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 13 
 
 20 
 
 17 
 
 24 
 
 5 
 
 12 
 
 12, 13 
 
 24 
 
 ■^1 - 
 
 5, 16' 
 
 13 
 
 II, 13 
 
 4 
 17 
 
 7 
 15 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 - 9 
 
 Poole (W. H. and Mrs.) - 
 Praeger (F.) - 
 Prendergast (J. P.) - 
 Proctor (Richard A.) 
 Raine (James) - - - 
 Ranscme (Cyril) 
 Reader (E. E.) 
 Rhoades (J.) - 
 Ribot (T.) 
 
 Rich (A.) .... 
 Richardson (Sir B. Ward) 
 Rickaby (John) 
 
 (Joseph) - - - 
 
 Riley (J. W.) - 
 
 (A.) - - - - 
 
 Robertson (A.) 
 Rockhill (W. W.) - 
 
 Roget (John Lewis) 
 (Peter M.) 
 
 Romanes (G. J.) 
 
 Roberts (C. G. D.) - 
 
 Ronalds (A.) - 
 
 Roosevelt (T.) - 
 
 Rossetti (M. F.) 
 
 Round (J. H.) - 
 20 ! Saintsbury (G.) 
 23 . Seebohm (F.) - - - 
 
 Sewell (Eliz. M.) - 
 
 Shakespeare - - - 
 
 Sharpe (R. R.) 
 
 Shearman (M.) 
 
 Shcppard (Edgar) - 
 
 Shirres (L. P.)- 
 
 Sidg\vick (.Mfred) - 
 
 Sinclair (A.) - - - 
 
 Smith (R. Bosworth) 
 
 (W. P. Haskett) - 
 
 Sophocles - . - 
 Southey (R.) - 
 Stanley (Bishop) - 
 Steel (A. G.) - 
 Stephen (Sir James) 
 Stephens (H. C.) - 
 (H. Morse) 
 
 (T.) - - - - 
 
 Stevenson (Robert Louis) 
 Stock (St. George) - 
 Stuart-Wortley (A. J.) - 
 Stubbs (J. W.) 
 
 Suffolk and Berkshire (Earl of) 
 Sully (James) - - - - 
 Sutherland (Alex, and George) 
 Suttner (Baron von) 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - - - 
 Symes (J. E.) - 
 Theocritus . . - - 
 Thompson (Annie) - 
 
 I (f). G.) - J - - 
 
 i Thomson (Archbishop) - 
 Tirebuck(W.)- 
 Todd (A.) . . . - 
 
 Toynbee (A.) - - - - 
 Trevelyan (Sir G. O.) 
 Trollope (Anthony) 
 Tupper (C. L.) 
 
 TvrrelKR. Y.)- - - - 
 V'erney (Francis P.) 
 
 Virgil 
 
 Von Hohnel (L.) - 
 Wakeman (H. O.) - 
 Walford (Mrs.) 
 Wallaschek (R.) - 
 Walker (Jane R.) - 
 Walpole (Spencer) - 
 Walsingham (Lord) 
 Walter (J.) - - - - 
 Watson (A. E. T.) - 
 
 Webb (Sidney and Beatrice) - 
 
 Webb (T. E.) - 
 
 Weir (R.) 
 
 West (B. B.) - 
 
 Weyman (Stanley J.) 
 
 Whately (Archbishop) - 
 
 (E.J.) . - - - 
 
 Whishaw(F.J.) - 
 
 Wilcocks(J.C.) - 
 
 Wilkins (G.) - - - - 
 
 Willich (C. M.) 
 
 Wilson (A. J.) - 
 
 Wishart (G.) - - - - 
 
 Wolff (H. W.) - - - 
 
 Woodgate (W. B.) - 
 
 Wooda-G-) - ' r,C ^ \ 
 Wordsworth (Bishop Charles) 
 
 7 
 5 
 
 24 
 
 4 
 3 
 
 21 
 16 
 12 
 14 
 84 
 13 
 13 
 16 
 8 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 24 
 
 »3 
 
 \i 
 
 10 
 
 4 
 22,24 
 
 5 
 10 
 
 5.7 
 
 18 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 9 
 
 S 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 'it^^ 
 
 21 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 18 
 18 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 24 
 
 ,18 
 
 16 
 
 14 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 Wylie(J. H.) 
 Zellcr (E.) 
 
 14 
 24 
 
 19 
 9 
 7 
 5 
 
 : I 
 
 16, 18, 21 
 12 
 
 lO 
 
 5 
 9 
 13 
 6 
 18 
 13 
 13 
 14 
 18 
 
 6, 12 
 
 12 
 
 18 
 
 6 
 
 13 
 6 
 
 18 
 6 
 
 14 
 7 
 
 14 
 
 8 
 
 6 
 
 7,18 
 
 24 
 
 23 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 13 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 -18.24 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 : i 
 
 10 
 
 14 
 20 
 
 13 
 6 
 
 - 8,13 
 
 9 
 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 6 
 
 X3 
 
 I'i 
 
 \ 
 
 
 a 
 
 •« 
 
 1 
 
 ! 
 
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 MESSRS. LONGMANS & CO.'S STANDARD AND GENERAL WORKS. 17 
 
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 7 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
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 VOL. IV. 
 
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 LIFE OF 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY, D.D. 
 
 In Four Volumes 8vo. 
 WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 Volumes I and II, 36^. Volume III, i8j. Volume IV, i%s. 
 
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 LONDON, NEW YORK, AND BOMBAY. 
 
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 Life of 
 Efh^ ard Bouverie Pitsey 
 
 DOCTOR OF DIVINITY 
 F CHRIST CHURCH. REGIUS PROFESSOr^ Of 
 ■ REVV IX THE UNIVERSITY OF OvpQRD 
 
 '''^y LIDDON. D.D. 
 
 
 
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 Z^ of 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey 
 
 DOCTOR OF DIVINITY 
 
 CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH; REGIUS PROFESSOR OF 
 
 HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD 
 
 BY 
 
 HENRY PARRY LIDDON, D.D 
 
 D.C.L. ; LL.D. ; LATE CANON AND CHANCELLOR OF ST. PAUL'S 
 EDITED AND PREPARED FOR PUBLICATION BY THE 
 
 REV. J. O. JOHNSTON, M.A. 
 
 PRINCIPAL OF CUDDESDOM THEOLOGICAL COLLEGE 
 
 AND THE 
 
 REV. ROBERT J. WILSON, D.D. 
 
 LATE WARDEN OF KEBLB COLLEGE 
 AND THE 
 
 REV. W. C. E. NEWBOLT, M.A. 
 
 CANON AND CHANCELLOR OF ST. PAUL'S 
 
 IN FOUR VOLUMES: VOL. IV {1860-1882) 
 With Portmit and Illustrations 
 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1897 
 
 All rights reserved 
 
1 1 
 
 I 
 
 HORACE HART. PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 ^ 2)7.07 
 
 v , ^ 
 
 
 f 
 
 PREFACE TO VOL. IV 
 
 -M- 
 
 Allusion was made in the preface of the last 
 volume to the general divisions under which 
 Dr. Liddon proposed to arrange his biography of 
 Dr. Pusey. Naturally he regarded that long life 
 chiefly in its relation to the Oxford Movement. 
 It would fall, he used to say, into four parts, to 
 be entitled the Preparation, the Movement, the 
 Struggle, the Victory. If in such a scheme the 
 third volume could be described as the Struggle, 
 the present may be taken with equal propriety to 
 represent the Victory, although it must be admitted 
 that to a considerable extent it is still only a record 
 of conflict and endurance. Yet when this volume 
 begins, a great victory has already been won on 
 behalf of the principles for which Dr. Pusey had 
 so painfully struggled. 
 
 In the dark years between 1846 and i860, 
 Dr. Pusey was engaged in convincing his fellow- 
 countrymen that, in spite of all assertions and 
 appearances to the contrary, the teaching which 
 specially characterized the Tractarians was true 
 

 M 
 
 VI 
 
 Preface, 
 
 to the traditions of the English Church. Already 
 by the year i860 the soundness of this claim was 
 beginning to be acknowledged on all sides; and 
 Catholic teaching was emerging once for all from 
 under the dark clouds of suspicion and obloquy 
 which the defection of so many friends had caused 
 to gather round it. Indeed, so completely had the 
 honesty of the Tractarian position been vindicated, 
 that Dr. Pusey found himself able, without forfeiting 
 the growing confidence in his sincerity, to make open 
 proposals for reunion with Rome, which, ten years 
 earlier, would have been regarded as the last act of 
 treachery. And as time goes on the Victory, to 
 which Dr. Pusey's patient endurance so materially 
 contributed, becomes more and more apparent : and 
 to-day the Archbishops of England in addressing 
 * the whole body of Bishops of the Catholic Church ' 
 are able to assume, as part of the undisputed 
 heritage of the English Church, such doctrines as 
 the Apostolical Succession and the Sacrificial Aspect 
 of the Holy Eucharist, which fifty years ago were 
 generally branded with all the discredit that belonged 
 to the hated word Tractarian. 
 
 During the latter part of his life, other work of 
 a most urgent kind mainly occupied Dr. Pusey*s 
 attention. In the strange outbursts of controversy 
 about Absolution in 1873 and 1877, we have indeed 
 echoes of an old conflict ; but as a rule he is now 
 engaged far more in repelling attacks on the position 
 which hitherto all Christians had held in com- 
 mon, than in laying claim to a neglected portion of 
 
 Preface, 
 
 Vll 
 
 the Catholic deposit The air was full of hints, 
 and doubts, and open denials suggested by the 
 misunderstandings and mistakes which not un- 
 naturally accompanied the early growth of modern 
 science. On all sides men, in their wish to be loyal 
 to truth, were in danger of sinking down to blank 
 infidelity under the influence of the hasty assertions 
 of unscientific science, and in consequence of a loose 
 and unintelligent hold of the fundamental truths 
 of Religion. Especially was this the case in our 
 Universities. The changes made by the First 
 University Commission had practically deprived the 
 Church of its ancient inheritance ; and there were 
 many who supposed that the faith of the Church 
 would be as short-lived as its endowments. 
 
 To the great effort to save souls in the midst of 
 this general unsettlement and to keep them in the 
 Faith, Dr. Pusey devoted nearly all his later years. 
 The Ritualistic controversy which raged throughout 
 the whole period interested him only indirectly. His 
 whole heart was engaged in defending the Faith 
 not only against open attacks, but also against the 
 unwise counsels of those Churchmen who seemed 
 to imagine that some kind of advantage could be 
 gained by making a present to opponents of this 
 or that unpopular portion of the Christian creeds. 
 From the vantage-ground of the full Faith of the 
 Catholic Church, and with his wide knowledge 
 and clear insight into the limits of any possible 
 range of Physical Science, he was able not only to 
 steady and reassure many troubled minds, but also 
 
Vlll 
 
 lil 
 
 Preface* 
 
 to make timely contributions of permanent value to 
 the cause of Christian apology. 
 
 But besides the change in the character of Dr. 
 Pusey's later work, there was a yet greater change 
 in the feelings of Churchmen towards him. The 
 vindication of the Tractarian position naturally 
 involved the restoration of its chief living champion 
 to an influence wider and deeper than he had ever 
 exercised before. His age, character, and history 
 gave to the utterances of this period a moral weight 
 which was quite unique ; and on questions on which 
 all Christians were agreed, his words commanded un- 
 usual attention and respect throughout the Church. 
 In the University pulpit especially, where he ad- 
 dressed his hearers as * My sons,' the attractive force 
 of the claim which that tide implied was deeply felt, 
 and his solemn counsels and earnest exhortations 
 carried with them the authority of a revered parent 
 or of an aged prophet. 
 
 Dr. Liddon died before he had reached this 
 portion of his own loving memorial to Dr. Pusey. 
 His only contribution to this volume is the touching 
 description of Dr. Pusey's last days and of his death- 
 bed. The rest has been compiled by one of the 
 editors, and for many reasons it was a task of no little 
 difficulty. The events described are quite recent; 
 many of the actors are still alive, and a large quan- 
 tity of material is still unavailable : this period could 
 not therefore be treated with the same fullness as 
 the earlier years. It must further be remembered 
 that the chief controversies are still unsettled, and 
 
 Preface. 
 
 IX 
 
 i 
 
 some of the most delicate situations preserve their 
 form unchanged to the present day. The compiler 
 has therefore aimed at restricting the narrative as 
 closely as possible to the personality of Dr. Pusey 
 himself, and presenting clearly his attitude towards 
 these modern controversies in the form with which 
 he had to deal with them. So far as possible, 
 nothing has been admitted with which he was not 
 directly concerned. At the same time it was found 
 necessary to omit many interesting questions with 
 which Dr. Pusey was in some way connected, as 
 a brief reference to them would have been unin- 
 telligible, and a sufficiently full account might have 
 seemed tedious. 
 
 The volume was written in the hope that it would 
 receive throughout that careful revision at the hands 
 of Dr. Wilson, the Warden of Keble College, to 
 which the other three volumes owe so much. Here 
 especially his intimate knowledge of the whole period, 
 his ripe judgment, and his sympathetic appreciation 
 of the minds of Dr. Pusey and Dr. Liddon, would 
 have made his assistance particularly valuable. But 
 when he had only partly revised some of the early 
 chapters, he was called away to his rest on May 1 5th 
 last. At the request of Dr. Liddon s literary execu- 
 tors his place was taken by the Rev. W. C. E. 
 Newbolt, Canon and Chancellor of St. Paul's. 
 
 Throughout, the editors have freely used the 
 collection of letters which Dr. Liddon left behind 
 him, and they can only repeat the thanks which were 
 expressed in the preface to the first volume. They 
 
!l 
 
 HI 
 
 X Preface. 
 
 have assumed that these letters were entrusted to 
 Dr. Liddon to be quoted with all due discretion. 
 When they have had any hesitation, they have 
 applied for permission before inserting them in this 
 volume : and if by any chance any documents have 
 been used for which such permission should have 
 been asked, they desire to apologize for the un- 
 witting inadvertence. Special thanks are due to 
 Cardinal Newman's literary executor for his ready 
 permission to print letters. 
 
 The most obvious of the many omissions of this 
 volume is the neglect of almost the whole of that 
 side of Dr. Pusey's work which was devoted to the 
 counsel and direction of those who came to him in 
 theological or spiritual difficulties. He never spared 
 time or trouble in assisting any who applied to him ; 
 and with the truest sympathy he placed at their 
 disposal all the resources of his knowledge and his 
 wide experience. It has been found quite impossible 
 to do justice to this aspect of his many-sided ministry 
 in the pages of a biography which has already 
 reached such large dimensions ; but it is hoped that 
 at an early date it may be possible to issue a volume 
 of his theological and spiritual letters. 
 
 For the valuable Bibliography the editors are 
 indebted to the skill of Mr. Falconer Madan, M.A., 
 of Brasenose College, Sub- Librarian of the Bodleian. 
 He compiled it several years ago at Dr. Liddon's 
 request, and has recently revised it throughout and 
 very kindly corrected it for the Press. Besides 
 its general value and interest, the Bibliography 
 
 Preface, 
 
 XI 
 
 will be found to supplement the Life on many 
 points which were unavoidably omitted. 
 
 The editors feel it a great happiness to be allowed 
 at length to complete this great work. From the 
 first Dr. Liddon was determined that the story of 
 Dr. Pusey s Life should readjust the balance of those 
 partial histories of the Oxford Movement which had 
 appeared before 1882, and should cause his great 
 friend to stand out in Church History in his right- 
 ful place. This aim was admirably fulfilled in his 
 own work in the first three volumes; and it is 
 humbly hoped that in this last volume all defects of 
 narration will be overlooked in recognition of the 
 honesty, the insight, the courage and the patience of 
 this most loyal son of the English Church. 
 
 It is specially appropriate that these last sheets 
 should pass to-day to the printer's hands. On this 
 day fifteen years ago Dr. Pusey died at Ascot ; and 
 eight years later on the same day Dr. Liddon was 
 buried at St. Paul's Cathedral. 
 
 * Requiem aetemam dona eis, Domine, 
 Et lux perpetua luceat eis.' 
 
 J. o. J. 
 
 W. C. E. N. 
 
 September i6, 1897. 
 

 CONTENTS OF VOL. IV 
 
 -M- 
 
 CHAPTER I. I860. 
 
 THEOLOGICAL LIBERALISM IN OXFORD — SERMONS ON THE 
 NATURE OF FAITH — THE NEW PROFESSOR OF GREEK 
 — PROPOSED INCREASE OF ENDOWMENT FOR THE 
 GREEK CHAIR — PROSECUTION OF PROFESSOR JOWETT 
 ENDOWMENT OF THE CHAIR 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER n. I860. 
 
 'essays and REVIEWS*— ecclesiastical PROCEEDINGS 
 — THE OXFORD DECLARATION — CORRESPONDENCE 
 WITH THE REV. F. D. MAURICE AND DEAN STANLEY . 
 
 38 
 
 CHAPTER ni. 1861-1865. 
 
 ESSAYS AND REVIEWS I THEOLOGICAL REPLIES — LEC- 
 TURES ON DANIEL — UNIVERSITY SERMONS — PAPER 
 AT NORWICH CHURCH CONGRESS — THE FINAL COURT 
 OF APPEAL — 'case AS TO THE LEGAL FORCE OF THE 
 JUDGMENT ' 
 
 69 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 1865. 
 
 DR. MANNINGS ATTACK ON THE ENGLISH CHURCH — 
 PUSEY*S REPLY — PROPOSED ROMAN CATHOLIC COL- 
 LEGE AT OXFORD THE FIRST EIRENICON — VISITS 
 
 TO FRENCH BISHOPS — RECEPTION OF THE EIRENICON 
 
 IN ENGLAND — REPUBLICATION OF TRACT XC 
 
 SECOND VISIT TO FRENCH ECCLESIASTICS 
 
 95 
 
I 
 
 xiv Contents, 
 
 CHAPTER V. 1866-1867. 
 
 Newman's reply to first eirenicon — death of 
 mr. keble — roman catholic college at 
 oxford — cholera in bethnal green — bishop 
 forbes* explanation of the xxxix articles- 
 PROPOSED VATICAN COUNCIL — ANGLICAN ORDERS— 
 THE SECOND EIRENICON — APPENDIX: LETTERS ON 
 TRANSUBSTANTIATION 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 1869-1870. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE WITH DE BUCK— THE THIRD EIRENICON 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL — DISAPPOINTED HOPES — AP- 
 PENDIX : CORRESPONDENCE ON TRANSUBSTANTIATION 
 
 CHAPTER Vn. 1865-1872. 
 
 OXFORD ELECTION OF 1865 — KEBLE COLLEGE — SPEECH 
 ON THE DAY OF ITS FOUNDATION— RELATIONS WITH 
 MR. GLADSTONE 
 
 CHAPTER Vni. 1866-1872. 
 
 EARLY RELATION TO RITUAL — SPEECH AT MEETING OF 
 ENGLISH CHURCH UNION IN 1866 — EUCHARISTIC 
 DOCTRINE — THE BENNETT CASE— OXFORD IN 187O — 
 THE PRIVY COUNCIL JUDGMENTS IN THE PURCHAS 
 AND BENNETT CASES 
 
 Contents. 
 
 XV 
 
 PAGE 
 
 135 
 
 173 
 
 195 
 
 209 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 1870-1873. 
 THE ATHANASIAN CREED CONTROVERSY . . . 228 
 
 CHAPTER X. 1873. 
 DECLARATION ON CONFESSION AND ABSOLUTION . . 261 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 1875-1876. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 OLD CATHOLICS— BONN CONFERENCE — FILIOQUE CLAUSE — 
 LETTER TO DR. LIDDON — JEWISH INTERPRETATION OF 
 THE FIFTY-THIRD CHAPTER OF ISAIAH . . . 292 
 
 CHAPTER XHI. 1877-1878. 
 
 GAUME's manual — LAMBETH CONFERENCE ON CONFESSION 
 
 — PUSEY AND THE * CHURCH ASSOCIATION * . . 304 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 1876-1879. 
 
 RETIREMENT FROM THE HEBDOMADAL COUNCIL AND 
 KEBLE COLLEGE COUNCIL — OPENING OF KEBLE COL- 
 LEGE CHAPELS-LETTER ON EDUCATION — PROPOSED 
 PORTRAIT FOR THE HALL OF CHRIST CHURCH . 321 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 1878-1879. 
 
 LAST UNIVERSITY SERMONS — ' UNSCIENCE ' — CORRESPON- 
 DENCE WITH PROFESSOR ROLLESTON — SERMON ON 
 PROPHECY — LIDDON*S 'LIFE OF PUSEY* — NEWMAN 
 A CARDINAL— ASCOT HOSPITAL .... 33O 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 1879-1881. 
 
 DR. FARRAR*S ' ETERNAL HOPE* — PHILIP PUSEY's DEATH 
 
 — REPLY TO DR. FARRAR 344 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 1880-1882. 
 
 VARIOUS LETTERS ON CHURCH TROUBLES— PERSECUTION 
 OF THE CHURCH IN FRANCE — RITUALISM — ' UNLAW ' 
 — DEATH OF DEAN STANLEY — IMPRISONMENT OF 
 THE REV. S. F. GREEN — REVISED VERSION OF THE 
 NEW TESTAMENT — DECEASED WIFE's SISTER BILL — 
 
 CARDINAL Newman's portrait — mozley's reminis- 
 cences — LETTERS TO CHILDREN — LETTER WRITTEN 
 ON HIS LAST BIRTHDAY 360 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 1873-1877. 
 ATTITUDE TOWARDS RITUAL DEVELOPMENT . 
 
 271 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 1882. 
 
 LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH — THE FUNERAL — THE 
 
 MEMORIAL 377 
 
XVI 
 
 Contents. 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 PAGE 
 A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST OF THE PRINTED WORKS OF 
 
 DR. PUSEY 39^ 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 DR. PUSEY's SERMONS ARRANGED IN ORDER OF THE 
 
 TEXTS 44.7 
 
 INDEX 455 
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 EDWARD BOUVERIE PUSEY 
 
 -M- 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PORTRAIT OF DR. PUSEY (FROM A DRAWING AFTER 
 
 DEATH BY MR. ALEXANDER MACDONALD) . Frontispiece 
 
 THE HERMITAGE, ASCOT PRIORY ..../. 359 
 
 INSCRIPTION ON THE MARBLE SLAB OVER DR. PUSEY's 
 
 GRAVE 388 
 
 INTERIOR OF MEMORIAL CHAPEL AT ST. SAVIOUR's, 
 
 LEEDS • 393 
 
 MEMORIAL CROSS IN THE PINE WOODS OF ASCOT 
 
 CONVALESCENT HOSPITAL 394 
 
 «i 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THEOLOGICAL LIBERALISM IN OXFORD SERMONS ON 
 
 THE NATURE OF FAITH — THE NEW PROFESSOR OF 
 GREEK — PROPOSED INCREASE OF ENDOWMENT FOR 
 THE GREEK CHAIR — PROSECUTION OF PROFESSOR 
 JOWETT — ENDOWMENT OF THE CHAIR. 
 
 The new University regime which was inaugurated in 
 October, 1 854, represented of course far more than a change 
 in the outward arrangements of Academical life. It was 
 coincident with the dominance of a new spirit in the 
 thought of the University; and with this spirit it was 
 obvious that the Church was now bound to reckon. The 
 danger of uncontrolled and unbalanced reasoning on the 
 facts of Revelation had long been anticipated ; and it had 
 for many years been leavening a small section of English 
 thought. But at this time it threatened to attain a power and 
 prominence in Oxford which suggested the gravest results 
 for a later period both within and without the University. 
 
 The Tractarian Movement has generally been described 
 as an attempt to effect a 'High Church' revival, by re- 
 asserting those portions of the Church's teaching which the 
 popular ' Evangelicalism ' was in danger of overlooking. This 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 B 
 
2 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 indeed was its immediate and most obvious result ; but the 
 Tractarians were not ultimately concerned with the defi- 
 ciencies of Evangelicalism. They were chiefly thinking of 
 the assaults of ' Liberalism * upon the institution and faith 
 of the Church. They were convinced that the only adequate 
 protection against such assaults was to be found in strength- 
 ening a position which Evangelicalism had not thought it 
 worth while to occupy. 
 
 Cardinal Newman has told us that these fears filled his 
 mind during his foreign tour in 1832 and 1833 ; * I had,' he 
 wrote, ' fierce thoughts against the Liberals.' The letters 
 of that date from Keble, Newman, Froude, Rose, Perceval 
 and all who took part in the * Association of Friends 
 of the Church,' show that they were keenly alive to the 
 reality of this danger. But the ordinary Englishman was 
 far from being aware of the principles and tendency of 
 the Liberal school of theology. He heard proposals in 
 Parliament and elsewhere for abolishing Irish bishoprics, 
 and for strange changes in English Cathedrals; but he knew 
 nothing of the theological and ecclesiastical presuppositions 
 which underlay these changes. Newman alluded to this 
 connexion between * Liberal' theology and some of the 
 Parliamentary measures of 183 a in a retrospective passage 
 of the Advertisement to the third volume of the * Tracts/ 
 * Irreligious principles and false doctrines which had hitherto 
 been avowed only in the closet, or on paper, had just been 
 admitted into public measures on a large scale.' Already in 
 1835, the practical questions had fallen into the background, 
 but the question of theological principle was becoming more 
 apparent. The subject is discussed by Newman at the close 
 of that year in a lengthy Tract (No. 73) 'on the Introduction 
 of Rationalistic Principles into Religion'; at the end of 
 this Tract he calls attention to the 'subjectivity' of 
 Evangelicalism, which he considered its great weakness, 
 and which, to his mind, rendered it useless as a defence 
 of Church doctrine. The concluding paragraph is suffi- 
 cient to explain what Newman meant. While exposing 
 Rationalism, he was looking round for traces of its spirit 
 
 f 
 
 The early School of Theological Liberalism. 3 
 
 nearer home. He says that the Evangelical appeal to the 
 heart alone shared the fatal defect of one-sidedness that 
 belonged also to that exclusive appeal to reason against 
 which the early Evangelicals had nobly revolted. * I will 
 conclude by summing up in one sentence, which must be 
 pardoned me if in appearance harsh, what the foregoing 
 discussion is intended to show. There is a widely spread 
 though variously admitted school of doctrine among us, 
 within and without the Church, which intends and pro- 
 fesses peculiar piety, as directing its attention to the heart 
 itself not to anything external to us, whether creed, 
 actions, or ritual. I do not hesitate to assert that this 
 doctrine is based upon error, that it is really a specious 
 form of trusting man rather than God, that it is in its 
 nature Rationalistic, and that it tends to Socinianism. 
 How the individual supporters of it will act as time goes 
 on is another matter, — the good will be separated from the 
 bad, but the school, as such, will pass through Sabel- 
 lianism to that *' God-denying Apostasy," to use the 
 ancient phrase, to which in the beginning of its career 
 it professed to be especially opposed ^' The following 
 year witnessed the first skirmish of the coming struggle 
 in the agitation which sprang up against the appointment 
 of Hampden as Regius Professor of Divinity. 
 
 Pusey, too, it will be remembered, had in early days 
 been painfully brought into contact with the same spirit 
 in the German lecture-rooms. The words have already 
 been quoted^ in which he describes the moment during 
 his stay at Gottingen in 1825, when he first realized the 
 condition of theology and religion in Germany, and was 
 able to anticipate the future of English Academical thought. 
 * This,' he reflected, * will all come upon us in England, and 
 how utterly unprepared for it we are ! ' In his first book 
 on the causes of the rationalistic character of German 
 theology, he traced it mainly to the decay of belief, to the 
 absence of any vigorous healthful religious life in German 
 Protestantism, to what he called its *dead orthodoxism.' 
 
 * * Tracts for the Times,' No. 73, p. 53. « Vol. i. p. 77. 
 
 B 2 
 
— i 
 
 4 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 In writing this book, he had his eye on the condition of 
 the English Church. ' I feared/ he explained to Rose, 
 * lest people in England were verging towards Rational- 
 ism . . . lest cold dry views on the one hand, and especially 
 a decayed Pietism on the other, might find their parallel 
 among us and bring in Rationalism here also\* In 
 speaking thus he is expressing his dread of that attitude 
 of mind which allows Reason to limit the possibilities of 
 Revelation, instead of confining itself to its legitimate work 
 of testing its evidence and understanding its moral weight. 
 Tractarianism attracted him at first perhaps by its life 
 and reality, and, throughout, his interest extended always 
 beyond the assertion of doctrine as doctrine, to the restora- 
 tion and extension of everything that could win souls to 
 the Christian faith and thereby establish them in practical 
 holiness. 
 
 The influence of Newman, and in his own way of Pusey 
 also, during the twelve years between 1833 and 1845 did 
 not a little to check this spirit of Rationalism, and to pre- 
 pare the Church to resist it if it should grow stronger. 
 Many of the ablest and most highly cultured minds found 
 refuge from this tendency in the fuller restatement of 
 the whole Catholic creed which the Tractarians set before 
 them ; and it was a common saying when the Heads of 
 Houses were taking their measures against Newman, ' You 
 may crush Tractarianism, but then you will have to deal 
 with Germanism.* This was very soon found to be true. 
 After the Academical overthrow of the Tractarians as a 
 party in 1845, and the consequent suspicion and discredit 
 which fell on them, a new and more vigorous school of 
 Liberal Theologians began to gain a wider influence in 
 Oxford. Dean Church has left an interesting sketch of 
 the differences between the Oxford Theological Liberals 
 before 1 833 and after 1845. Whateley was the representative 
 of the earlier, and Stanley of the later school ^. 
 
 * The older Oxford Liberals were either intellectually aristocratic, dis- 
 secting the inaccuracies or showing up the paralogisms of the current 
 
 » Vol. i. p. 177. ■ * The Oxford Movement,' p. 338. 
 
 I 
 
 J 
 
 If 
 
 The new Theological Liberalism. 5 
 
 orthodoxy ; or they were poor in character. Liberals from the zest of 
 sneering and mocking at what was received and established, or from 
 the convenience of getting rid of strict and troublesome rules of life. 
 They patronized Dissenters ; they gave Whig votes ; they made free, 
 in a mild way, with the pet conventions and prejudices of Tories and 
 High Churchmen. There was nothing inspiring in them, however 
 much men might respect their correct and sincere lives. But a younger 
 set of men brought, mainly from Rugby and Arnold's teaching, a new 
 kind of Liberalism. It was much bolder and more independent than 
 the older forms, less inclined to put up with the traditional, more 
 searching and inquisitive in its methods, more suspicious and daring in 
 its criticism ; but it was much larger in its views and its sympathies, 
 and, above all, it was imaginative, it was enthusiastic, and, without 
 much of the devotional temper, it was penetrated by a sense of the 
 reality and seriousness of religion. It saw greater hopes in the present 
 a^d the future than the Tractarians. It disliked their reverence for the 
 past and the received, as inconsistent with what seemed evidence of 
 the providential order of great and fruitful change. It could not enter 
 into their discipline of character, and shrank from it as antiquated, 
 unnatural and narrow \' 
 
 Tractarianism was sufficiently definite to have been 
 crushed by direct attack ; but it was difficult to find 
 any weapons to wield against this new foe. * Germanism ' 
 in fact in those days was by its own nature peculiarly able 
 to evade assault. Its weapons were questionings, hints, 
 doubts, suspicions, undigested and exaggerated criticism 
 and distorted historical analogies. The perils to be appre- 
 hended from it were those which are always incident 
 to a period of transition. Questions involving entirely 
 new considerations had to be discussed at length : the whole 
 evidence, and the methods of dealing with it, had to be tested 
 by laborious study before any conclusion could be reached. 
 But in the meanwhile the negative hints, which in the 
 mind of the critical theologian are sometimes balanced and 
 checked by strong personal faith, would be working havoc 
 in the minds of the simple, or the indifferent, or the im- 
 patient. To arrest at least for the moment the destructive 
 
 ' 
 
 * With this esdmate of the later 
 Liberalism should be compared the 
 words of a private memorandum by 
 one of its leaders, Archbishop Tait : 
 •The great evil is that the Liberals 
 
 are deficient in religion, and the re- 
 ligious are deficient in liberality.' — 
 ' Life of Archbishop Tait,' i. p. 325 
 (3rd edition). 
 
6 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 action of this unscientific and untested criticism, it seemed 
 best to set forth the faith of the historic Church both 
 in its corporate fullness, and in its inner reality as appre- 
 hended by the soul through grace. It was felt advisable 
 to utter a serious warning against two great dangers— the 
 danger of seeking for faith by a mere intellectual process 
 of reasoning and study of evidences, and the danger of 
 mistaking the reasoned apprehension of fragments of the 
 Christian Creed for self surrender to the completeness of 
 the Revelation of God ^ 
 
 In view of such anxieties as these, and feeling the 
 great need of protecting the rising generation of University 
 men, Pusey availed himself of the opportunity of setting 
 forth the origin, nature, and conditions of Christian faith 
 in two sermons which he was called upon to preach before 
 the University in the Michaelmas Term of 1855. The 
 theme of the former of the two sermons is given in the 
 following words : — 
 
 * Faith, from first to last, is the gift of God to the soul, which will 
 receive it. God prepares the soul, with its will, not without it, to 
 receive the Faith. God stills the soul, that it may listen to the Faith ; 
 God flashes conviction into the soul, that it may see the truth of the 
 Faith; in those who through His grace persevere to the end, God 
 seals up the Faith in the soul, that it may keep the Faith which it has 
 received, unchanged, undiminished, unadulterated, the source of life 
 and love and holiness, until faith is swallowed up in the blessed-making 
 sight of Him Whom, unseen, it believed V 
 
 . The Scriptural evidence of this truth, that all faith is the 
 gift of God, Pusey places in contrast with the language in 
 which it is often assumed ' that the province of Reason is 
 antecedent to that of Faith,' and with the aggressions of 
 natural intellect in regard to things above nature. 
 
 'Reason, unaided, cannot even penetrate into the sphere of the 
 objects of Faith ; nor can it, in any case, discern their substance or 
 measure them by earthly laws. But Reason, healed, restored, guided, 
 enlightened, by the Spirit of God, has a power of vision above nature, 
 and can spiritually discern a fitness, and correspondence, and harmony 
 
 * Preface to Pusey's University Sermons, vol. i. p. x. 
 « ' All Faith the Gift of God,' pp. 6, 7. 
 
 Sermons on Faith, 7 
 
 in the things of God which, through faith, it has received and 
 believed *.* 
 
 * Intellect, penetrated by the Spirit of God, irradiated by His light, 
 kindled by the glow of Divine love, reflects to after-ages the light 
 which it has caught, illumines mysteries, guards truth, unfolds our 
 spiritual nature, orders the whole sum and relations and proportions 
 of Divine and human knowledge. But intellect, unenlightened by 
 Divine light, intuitive as it may be in human things, is blind in 
 Divine.* ... * All its natural knowledge cannot decipher the very 
 alphabet of the supernatural V 
 
 The temptation, then, of a highly intellectual age is to 
 imagine that a grace which is wholly the gift of God can be 
 commanded by the power and secured by the grasp of the 
 natural intellect: to forget that *humility,simplicity, candour 
 of soul, integrity of the will, are the true, because the 
 faithful, recipients of Divine knowledge.* For ' God set 
 free the intellect, not by overpowering arguments addressed 
 to itself, but by bursting the bonds whereby it was held, 
 and removing the scales whereby the light, which should 
 enlighten it, was excluded.* * He imparted to faith, what 
 learning helped not, and ignorance hindered not, to receive.* 
 
 But * since faith is the gift of God through grace, whatever injures 
 grace, weakens Faith. Faith may live on for a time without love, and 
 become what is called an historic Faith. But Faith without love has 
 no root. For we are " rooted and grounded in love." It is the last 
 judgment of God upon the soul which will not live as it believes, that 
 at the end it believes as it lives '.' 
 
 Having shown in the former of the two Sermons how 
 faith is, at every stage in its increase, the gift of God, and 
 how the knowledge of Divine things lies wholly beyond the 
 dominion of the natural intellect, Pusey goes on in the 
 latter Sermon to teach the essential unreserve and self- 
 surrender of the true act of Faith. 
 
 * Faith, whether in God or man, is an implicit, full, unswerving 
 reliance in the Being Who is the object of Faith. If it is not absolute 
 or perfect, it is not Faith.* * Faith is one and indivisible.' ' Whatever 
 touches Faith in God in one point, touches the whole spiritual being.' 
 
 * * All Faith the Gift of God,* pp. 16, 17. 
 « lb. pp. 23, 34, * lb. pp. 33, 34. 
 
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 8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * He who rejects any one revealed truth, does not hold whatever other 
 truth he does not part with, out of submission to the authority of God 
 Who has revealed it, but because it approves itself in some way to his 
 own natural mind and judgment. What he holds, he holds of him- 
 self, accounting it to be truth, not as Faith \' 
 
 It follows that the denial of revealed truth which begins 
 at one point is ever tending to spread to the whole fabric. 
 The proverb * nemo repente turpissimus ' finds its analogy 
 in the progress of theoretic unbelief. ' This is a character- 
 istic of all who have parted with Faith, that they began 
 with some one point. They parted, as they thought, with 
 one point of Faith; the event showed that they parted 
 with the Faith itself.' This general statement is copiously 
 illustrated by Pusey from the history of heresy. In case 
 after case — 
 
 * The form of heresy was different ; the principle was the same. 
 Man trusted his own conceptions of what a Revelation from God 
 should be, what it were fitting for the Infinite God to do and be, 
 rather than submit blindly to what God had revealed of Himself, that, 
 not trusting in his own light, he might receive, pure and unmixed, the 
 light from God.* Men * make their own notions the criterion of the 
 Mind of God ; not the revealed Mind of God the corrective of their 
 own thoughts'.' 
 
 The tendency which he has thus traced in the past, 
 Pusey then characterizes in its modern forms: in the 
 inclination *to remove from religion all which is austere,* *all 
 which shocks our sensitiveness or our taste, or our ways of 
 thinking, or which requires a decided submissionof our minds': 
 in the drawing * distinctions, what is to be really matter of 
 Revelation, and what not * : in the assertion that ' our Lord 
 and His Apostles '* accommodated themselves " to the then 
 prevailing notions in matters which (it is assumed) do not 
 affect the centre of religion ; i.e. in part they taught the 
 Truth of God, in part they countenanced human error.' 
 Lastly, the fore-assured failure of all attempts to bring 
 Revealed Truth within the limits which natural reason 
 might have devised for it, is shown by pointing to the 
 
 » * Real Faith Entire,' pp. 44-53. « lb. pp. 66, 7a. 
 
 The relations of Reason to Faith. 9 
 
 *one overwhelming, heavy, impenetrable cloud' which as 
 a matter of fact weighs on all which we see of God's 
 creation, 'the mystery of evil in the works of God, 
 Almighty, All-wise, and All-good, can neither be ex- 
 plained, nor softened, in any system of religion or 
 irreligion.' And in the face of that unintelligible mystery, 
 
 * It were against reason to require, as a condition of our belief, 
 that we should understand anything bound up with the existence 
 of evil.* * Since the existence of evil is absolutely inexplicable, it 
 is an unreasonable cavil to except against the extermination of 
 the Canaanites, or the eternity of punishment, or any doctrine 
 of the Atonement, as contrary to the attributes of God. For since 
 we cannot in the least understand how the existence of evil at all is 
 reconcileabie with the attributes of God, plainly we cannot understand 
 what is a part and consequence of what we understand not.' 
 
 * Meanwhile, one Unfailing Light there ever is in our remaining 
 darkness, to which, if we cleave, our darkness will be light around us. 
 Truths of God wear a very different aspect as we scrutinize, speculate, 
 theorize, criticize, or as we love, adore, reverence, hearken, obey.' . . . 
 * Only fix steadfastly in thy heart what God Is, and what thou '.' 
 
 The two Sermons set forth very impressively the preacher's 
 conviction as to the rightful use and the unwarrantable 
 assumptions of Reason in regard to supernatural Truth: 
 they show clearly and powerfully how he would bid the 
 intellect bear itself in the presence of God's Revelation. 
 And it is almost impossible to read them without a deep 
 sense of the solid strength of the position which is thus 
 taken up. They explain how vitally important Pusey 
 considered that position to be, and how it was involved 
 in all those great conflicts which, under varying con- 
 ditions and ways, claimed so much of his time and labour 
 during the rest of his life. 
 
 It was clear at various points in the course of the ser- 
 mons that Pusey had in mind certain dangers which were 
 prominent and threatening at that very time. He spoke as 
 having before him — as expecting that many of his hearers 
 would have before them — certain recent publications : and 
 the Notes and Appendices added to the Sermons when 
 
 I ( 
 
 Real Faith Entire,' pp. 85, 86. 
 
 ■jii«ii 
 
■«Mff 
 
 ■MM 
 
 — — ' 
 
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 lo Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 they came to be printed made it clear what these were 
 Foremost among them was an Essay on the ^^octrme of 
 the Atonement, published in that year (1855) by tne 
 Rev B. Jowett, the Professor of Greek, in his Commentary 
 on St Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians, Romans, and 
 Galatians. This Essay Pusey subjects to severe and de- 
 tailed criticism in one of the notes to his two Sermons. 
 He shows how very inadequate its statements are as to 
 the very centre of Christian Faith in the Atonement and 
 
 the Person of our Lord. , . ^u 
 
 Incidental allusions in letters show the depth and strength 
 of Pusey's conviction in regard to the character and ten- 
 dency of Mr. Jowett's theological teachmg. He was 
 indeed among the most conspicuous, able, and effective 
 representatives of a school which Pusey felt himse f bound 
 to meet with unqualified opposition: a school whose 
 influence he judged to be most gravely harmful. Any act 
 which seemed to show indifference to such views, or which 
 might be regarded as an encouragement to the opinions which 
 Mr. Jowett had published, would have seemed to Pusey 
 a betrayal of the trust he held in Oxford for the religious 
 welfare of the University and its students. 
 
 While these most serious questions were occupying 
 Pusey's mind he was called to consider the proposal that 
 the University should be asked to vote ;t3oo ^ X^^^ 5' y 
 increased endowment of the Regius Professorship of Greek, 
 to which in 1855 Mr. Jowett had been appointed. 1 his 
 proposal was the beginning of a long, confused, unhappy 
 conflict. Until that date, the stipend of the Professor of 
 Greek had been only £2,^^ a year. This had been felt for 
 many years to be quite inadequate. In fact when 
 Dean Gaisford was Professor, the Dean and Chapter of 
 Christ Church had sent a petition to the First University 
 Commission and requested that, in case of any further 
 diversion of their revenues to University purposes and in 
 case no other provision was made for the Professor of Greek, 
 some of their own property should be allotted to that 
 Professorship when it next fell vacant. This offer the 
 
 Mr, Jowett, Professor of Greek, 
 
 IX 
 
 Commissioners had declined, without however making any 
 provision for the Chair. But now when it was proposed 
 that the University itself should provide the increased 
 endowment, and when Mr. Jowett s labours as Professor 
 were made the ground of the increase, other considerations, 
 academic and religious, had to be taken into account. 
 From an academical point of view it is necessary to bear 
 in mind that the Professorship of Greek was founded by 
 King Henry VIII, and endowed by him, as were also the 
 other Regius Professorships ; and the Crown still retained 
 the right of appointment. A serious constitutional question 
 therefore would arise as soon as it was proposed that the 
 University should provide the money for increasing the 
 endowment of a Crown appointment — a question which 
 had been already raised successfully against the proposal 
 of the First University Commission to vest the appoint- 
 ment to all newly created professorships in the hands of the 
 Crown. Ought not the University, it was asked, to have 
 some voice in the appointments, for which it provides all 
 or a large part of the funds ? Besides, there was another 
 of Henry VI IPs Professorships, that of Civil Law, almost 
 as poorly endowed as the Greek Chair. Ought not both 
 the cases to be considered together? Moreover, from the 
 point of view of the religious character of the University 
 a far more difficult question arose. The University 
 Statutes still required that its Professors should not teach 
 anything contrary to and inconsistent with the doctrines of 
 the Church of England. Did not the University wish to 
 maintain this requirement of the Statutes? Oxford was 
 still regarded as a Church University : would it not appear 
 that the Church was indifferent to the theological teaching 
 of the clergy, if the University seemed to bestow a mark of 
 favour on one of its clerical Professors who contravened the 
 teaching of the Church ? 
 
 Probably the judgment which will rise in most minds 
 when first glancing back at this episode, without considering 
 to the full all the conditions of the moment, will be that 
 it would have been best to acquiesce in the measure, as 
 
12 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 
 t 
 
 i 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 t 
 
 an act of justice, and to let any one who would make what 
 controversial advantage he could out of it. But as has 
 been shown the proposal was by no means a simple one. 
 To avoid serious misunderstanding it would have been 
 necessary to set it forth in some form which would safe- 
 guard the rights of the University over the use of its own 
 money, and which would be consistent with the still 
 surviving tradition of the religious character of that 
 body. The early form of this proposal ignored all 
 these difficulties. Pusey never diverged from the line of 
 endeavouring to increase the stipend. He conscientiously 
 voted against all proposals which ignored the serious 
 character of the academical and religious opposition ; but 
 he laboured throughout, more strenuously than any of the 
 Professor's friends, to discover a scheme which would give 
 substantial justice to all the interests that were involved. 
 
 The first mention of the matter in Pusey's correspon- 
 dence is in a letter to Keble, written in May, 1858 : — 
 
 * It is proposed/ he writes, * to endow the Regius Professorship of 
 Greek with ^S^o. There is no doubt that it will pass Council. It is 
 the Professorship, not the Professor, which is endowed ; i.e. the terms 
 of the notice are, that the Professorship be increased. But I cannot, 
 in my own mind, separate them. ... It seems to me that we should 
 be declaring ourselves indifferent as to Professor Jowett's misbelief if 
 we make the grant.' 
 
 At the same time it is clear that Pusey was fully aware 
 that to oppose any scheme for providing a reasonable 
 income for one who was well known to be working very 
 hard with his pupils would be liable to misconstruction. 
 He thought therefore of moving for a Committee to report 
 to the Council on Professor Jowett's book, as had been 
 done in Ward's case : and he was also considering various 
 ways in which the endowment might be justly increased 
 without prejudice to the University and without risk of 
 harm to the cause which he had at heart. One plan which 
 he suggests to Keble in a letter, apparently of May 24, 
 1858, is that the consideration of the matter 'should be 
 deferred until the whole case of the Regius Professors 
 
 Proposal to increase the Professor's Stipend. 13 
 
 be considered.' * Civil Law,' he adds, * is almost as poorly 
 endowed.' 
 
 The proposal came before the Council early in June, 
 1858; some members opposed on the religious ground. 
 Pusey reserved that point, but urged the constitutional 
 difficulty about the relation to the Crown. His anticipation 
 as to the immediate issue was not fulfilled, for the motion 
 was lost by a decided majority. 
 
 The question came to the front again in the Michaelmas 
 Term of 1 859 : — 
 
 £. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Stanley is agitating the resident Masters to memorialize the Council 
 to endow Jowett until his Professorship shall be otherwise endowed. 
 This is, of course, a personal act of favour to Jowett. ... If a grant is 
 made to him, we pledge ourselves to indifference as to religious belief 
 for the future. It is possible that the grant may be stopped in 
 Council ; but Scott and Jacobson are supporters of it, on the ground 
 that we must separate the Professor from his creed. * He works 
 well as Greek Professor, therefore he is to be endowed.' ... I think 
 that the only alternative of a controversy like the Hampden one would 
 be to let it go by default, and assent to the principle that the University 
 takes no notice of any heresy or unbelief in its secular teachers. 
 
 In answer to this letter Keble writes on November 8, 
 1859:— 
 
 * If I were in the Council, I think I should certainly start what I call 
 the Constitutional objection to this grant, viz. that it is not good to 
 increase the influence of the Crown in the University, and that if we 
 increase a Professor's stipend, we ought to have some check on his 
 appointment. On which ground I should object to augmenting your 
 stipend as much as Jowett's.* 
 
 In the event of defeat on this point, Keble was inclined 
 to assent to the proposed increase of the endowment of 
 the Professorship; but he would at the same time have 
 signified openly, and if possible put it on record, that 
 
 * This grant on the part of the University must not be understood as 
 implying any favourable judgment of the theological views of the 
 present Professor as expressed in such and such passages.' 
 
"rff***! 
 
 14 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Pusey's plan of Augmentation. 
 
 15 
 
 I I 
 
 ( 
 
 The proposed grant was again rejected on November 14 ; 
 but it was clear this was not the end. Early in the January 
 of 1 860 Pusey writes again to Keble : — 
 
 *The Jowett business much perplexes me. ... I should have no 
 objection to the endowment if it could be made apparent that it was 
 not personal.' 
 
 He suggests that the increase might be made in one of 
 the following ways : — 
 
 * If Government were asked whether, if the University would endow 
 the Chair, they would adopt the precedent as to the Chairs endowed 
 by Colleges, and place the appointment in the hands of certain high 
 officers of the Crown, instead of the Prime Minister only, with e.g., the 
 Chancellor of the University. The same might be proposed as to 
 the Regius Professorship of Civil Law, which is only ^100 per 
 annum. 
 
 * Another plan might be to take into consideration the whole subject 
 of the endowment of Professors. If Jowett's endowment came as part 
 of a batch, I should not think it so mischievous. It would not be 
 a personal vote. But now it is simply a vote of honour.* 
 
 During the Easter Vacation Pusey entered upon a long 
 correspondence on this subject with Mr. Gladstone, as 
 a member of the Government. He laid before him the 
 following scheme which might, as he thought, find favour 
 with the University, and in regard to which he hoped it 
 might be possible for Mr. Gladstone to obtain a ' priml 
 facie ' opinion from Lord Palmerston ; — that the University 
 should provide for the increase (to £600 a year) of the 
 endowment of the two scantily-endowed Regius Pro- 
 fessorships, those of Civil Law and of Greek; that, in 
 consideration of the great increase in value thus conferred 
 upon these two Chairs, the Crown should in their case 
 appoint always, not on the single recommendation of the 
 Prime Minister, but on the recommendation of Boards, on 
 which the University should be represented. Mr. Gladstone 
 entered with much interest into the suggestion, but felt that, 
 as a member of the Ministry, he could hardly venture * to 
 form individually a definitive opinion on a plan relating 
 to Crown appointments which the head of the Government 
 
 might afterwards disapprove.* Early in the following Term 
 Pusey steadily pushed forward his proposal, and brought 
 it at last in a definite shape before the Hebdomadal 
 Council. It was generally welcomed ; and the Vice- 
 Chancellor advised him to send a draft of the plan to 
 Mr. Gladstone, unoflficially, but ' in the name of an influential 
 Committee,' with the request that it might be communicated 
 to Lord Palmerston. ' No one to whom I have mentioned 
 the subject,' Pusey writes, * has expressed any disagreement 
 from the plan. It has received the concurrence of leading 
 persons of different parties.' The matter was, however, 
 delayed by the near approach of the triennial election of 
 the Council. 
 
 At an election in the Michaelmas Term of i860 among 
 the Professors returned to the Hebdomadal Council were 
 Dr. Hawkins, Dr. Pusey, and Dr. Stanley, the number 
 of votes being equal for the second and thirds In 
 the reconstituted Council Stanley tried again to force 
 on the separate endowment of the Greek Professorship, 
 and quoted the Bishop of Oxford as sharing his views. 
 Pusey immediately appealed to the Bishop, giving a brief 
 history of the dispute up to the moment. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Bishop Wilberforce. 
 
 Christ Church, October 31 [i860]. 
 
 Dr. Stanley having quoted to me your Lordship's name, as 
 wishing Professor Jowett's chair to be endowed, I wish to state to you 
 how matters now stand. 
 
 The majority of Council resisted the vote of a direct and personal 
 augmentation of Professor Jowett's income, partly on the ground that, 
 since his endowment came from the Crown and the Professorship is in 
 its nomination, the duty, if any, lay on the Crown. The University is 
 not bound to augment Crown patronage. But the deeper ground was, 
 that since Professor Jowett is a sceptic, denying all which a Socinian 
 
 * In the course of this Term the 
 University was stirred by a keen con- 
 test between Mr. Monier Williams 
 and Mr. Max Miiller for the Boden 
 Sanskrit Professorship. Pusey had 
 written strongly to Keble in favour 
 of the latter ; and his name appears 
 
 (with those of the Bishop of Oxford, 
 Sir F. Rogers, Mr. R. W. Church, 
 Mr. Keble, Mr. Jowett, Dr Stanley, 
 Mr. M. Arnold, Mr. Burgon, and Mr. 
 Liddon) in the long list of Mr. Max 
 MUUer's supporters. Mr. Monier 
 Williams was elected. 
 
-VBttMW^iWMMMi 
 
 wUm 
 
 .f -at 
 
 t» — 
 
 aai 
 
 1^1 
 
 i 
 
 ^i, 
 
 i6 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 denies, it would be very evil for the University to do any act which 
 should look like personal favour to Professor Jowett. 
 
 However, to avoid heart-burnings, I proposed last time in Council 
 thaTwTIho'uld inquire of Lord Palmerston whether he wov^rec^^^ 
 mend to the Crown to allow the nomination of the two >"-e^dowed 
 Professorships of Civil Law and Greek to be ^^ted in a Board in 
 which Government should have the majority, but the Univei^ity 
 be represented (after the pattern of the Boards formed by he Oxford 
 Commission), provided the University would endow ^'^ Mo^d ' 
 ston assented to the principle. I proposed, accordingly, ast Monday 
 to carry on the negotiations. Nothing remained but to settle the 
 Boards, about which there would be no difference of opinion. I hoped 
 that, the question being thus removed from the P^°f"sor to the 
 Professorship, the Professorship might have been endowed, a„d 
 Professor Jowett might have had his ^400 a year, and the Un'vers.ty 
 not have been committed in any way to any personal approbation of 
 
 Professor Jowett. j «.u« 
 
 The whole might have been completed in the present term, and the 
 
 salary, if it was thought well, might have dated from its com- 
 
 ""In'tWs slate of things, Professor Stanley gave notice that he should 
 move that Professor Jowetfs chair should "e endowed at once with 
 /300 per annum, until it be permanently endowed. This, while it 
 offers to Professor Jowett less than my arrangement would give him, 
 would effectually defeat mine. For if the University without con- 
 dhions, endows the chair with iijoo per annum, it would have nothing 
 to offer to Lord Palmerston as a ground for vesting the nomination in 
 
 * The only real object of Professor Stanley's motion can be to make 
 the vote one of confidence in Professor Jowett. 
 
 Has your Lordship read the article on Neo-Chnstianity in the last 
 Westminster Review, in which the reviewer clearly, though pamfu ly, 
 shows that the writers of the Essays teach the same as themselves, the 
 human origin of the Bible and its absolute want of Authority^ 
 
 I doubt whether Professor Stanley is to be moved. But I *"« this 
 to your Lordship that I may know what to say if your name should be 
 quoted against me. 
 
 The Bishop repHed that in his conversation with 
 Dr. Stanley he had entirely misunderstood the question, 
 that he considered Pusey's proposal in every respect 
 far the best, and would greatly lament any vote which 
 implied confidence in Professor Jowett as a teacher of 
 
 theology. , . c ^t, 
 
 Stanley's motion was again rejected ; and before the 
 
 end of i860 Pusey was able to tell Mr. Gladstone that 
 
 The Prime Minister's approval. 
 
 17 
 
 1' • 
 
 ( 
 
 his own plan had been passed by the Council, and to send 
 it to him in a printed form. 
 
 In regard to this plan Pusey hoped that ' it may both 
 put an end to heart-burnings, and be for the permanent 
 good of the University ' ; Mr. Gladstone thought it * both 
 liberal and wise * ; Sir George C. Lewis wrote to Lord 
 Palmerston : * So far from seeing any objection to the 
 proposed arrangements, I think them very advantageous ; * 
 and at last, after another long delay. Lord Palmerston 
 wrote to Mr. Gladstone the following letter : — 
 
 94, Piccadilly, April 14, 1861. 
 My dear Gladstone, 
 
 I am perfectly ready to agree to the Oxford plan for improving 
 certain Professorships, the only point, as far as I understand the 
 matter, with regard to which my concurrence is required, being 
 the change proposed to be made with respect to the Regius Professor- 
 ship. It is proposed that a University element should share in the 
 choice of the person to fill such Professorship. I am quite willing, as 
 First Lord of the Treasury, to concur in such an arrangement. 
 
 Yours sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) Palmerston. 
 Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone. 
 
 This letter Mr. Gladstone forwarded to the Vice-Chan- 
 cellor, ' wishing a happy issue to the proposals.' But while 
 these negotiations were going on, this matter of University 
 policy was gravely complicated by the outburst of an 
 agitation which was felt through the whole Church of 
 England. This arose out of the publication of a volume of 
 collected ' Essays and Reviews,' of which a fuller account 
 will be given in the following chapter. To this collection the 
 Professor of Greek had contributed an essay on the inter- 
 pretation of Scripture. His essay in itself seemed to many 
 to make his theological position still more untenable, while 
 its association with writings which gave yet deeper offence 
 intensified the opposition to him. The whole volume was 
 causing the greatest excitement throughout the country, 
 and was threatened with synodical condemnation by the 
 Convocation of Canterbury ; two of its contributors were 
 being prosecuted in the Ecclesiastical Court of Arches, 
 
 VOL. IV. C 
 
j»jj i w.wrTiji 
 
 nam 
 
 :l 
 
 u 
 
 \ 
 
 i8 Lt/e of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 at the very moment when, on May 7, 1861, Pusey's plan 
 for augmenting the two Professorships was submitted to the 
 Convocation of the University. It was vigorously opposed 
 by the Provost of Oriel, who reminded the University that 
 the Statutes forbade any Professor to utter anything * quod 
 Fidei Catholicae adversatur.' Pusey defended the scheme 
 and claimed that it was framed in such a manner as to 
 preclude personal considerations. Stanley thanked him for 
 his advocacy of the compromise. On a division, however, 
 the proposal was defeated by ninety-one votes to seventy. 
 
 The issue of the debate was more than a heavy dis- 
 appointment to Pusey. Certainly he had worked hard in the 
 matter ; Stanley more than once publicly thanked him for 
 'his indomitable perseverance in pushing the question 
 forward.' But the majority against the plan was swelled 
 not only by several Liberals who, while they sympathized 
 with the Greek Professor, objected to this particular method 
 of increasing his stipend, but also by not a few of Pusey s 
 own nearest friends. Some of them were determined, even 
 before the publication of ' Essays and Reviews,' not in any 
 way to endow the Chair of Greek so long as it was held by 
 Jowett ; and there were many others who, without any clear 
 realization of the difficulties with which the question was 
 encumbered, were beginning to lose their trust in Pusey 
 because the plan which he proposed did not at first sight 
 
 commend itself to them. 
 
 Keble was far too clear sighted not to perceive the 
 
 damage this adverse vote would inflict on the Church and 
 
 the difficulties in which it involved Pusey. Writing to 
 
 Liddon, who had voted with the majority, he says, ' You too, 
 
 and all of us ' ... are * bound in equity to consider the 
 
 pressure which lies upon persons trusted with government, 
 
 and which, in more cases perhaps than not, forces them 
 
 to adopt the least of two evils instead of what is abstractedly 
 
 best.' In the same letter Keble showed how completely he 
 
 himself trusted Pusey s action in proposing a scheme which 
 
 would involve the increased endowment of the Greek Chair, 
 
 and how much he regretted the failure of that scheme : 
 
 Divided Counsels, 19 
 
 * Whatever you do,' he adds to Liddon, * beware of taking 
 towards him a suspicious or aggrieved tone. ... As things 
 are, the grievance, I should say, is much more on kis side.* 
 The sequel will show how true this estimate was. Had 
 Pusey's scheme been carried in May, 1861, all the events 
 described in the rest of this chapter would never have 
 happened, and all the bitterness that ensued from them 
 would have been avoided. 
 
 As it was, Pusey felt very deeply that in a critical moment 
 he had been deserted by many from whom he might 
 reasonably have expected support ; and he wrote to 
 Liddon : — 
 
 *For myself, I am minded (though I shall do nothing hastily) to 
 resign my seat in Council, and retire from the politics of the University. 
 I have enough to occupy me in the " Commentary "^ I have given up 
 for some time the hope of doing good in Council. I cannot even 
 prevent evil.* 
 
 It seems clear that his whole heart had been set on the 
 compromise. Had it been accepted, it would, without 
 showing any partiality towards Professor Jowett 's teaching, 
 have provided the increased endowment to the Professor- 
 ship and thus have settled this troublesome matter. 
 
 But if Churchmen would not vote for Pusey's plan, still 
 less could they accept Stanley's proposals. On the same 
 day that Convocation had thus defeated Pusey, a meeting 
 of the Congregation of the University was held, at which 
 was promulgated a form of Statute for the augmentation 
 of several other poorly endowed Professorships, which, 
 being entirely in the gift of the University, were free from 
 the special difficulties of the Regius Professorships. Pro- 
 fessor Stanley took this opportunity for a renewed effort, 
 and moved, as an amendment, to add the Regius Professor- 
 ship of Greek to those mentioned in the Statute. The 
 
 * The Bible Commentary, in con- 
 nexion with which he brought out 
 his work on the Minor Prophets, was 
 always regarded by Pusey as the best 
 antidote to a lax theology. In ex- 
 pressing his gratitude at the prospect 
 
 of a Commentary on St. John from 
 the hand of Keble, he writes (Oct. 12, 
 1863): *I am sure that the de- 
 velopment [i.e. unfolding] of Holy 
 Scripture is the way to meet heresy 
 and rationalism.' 
 
 C 2 
 
r'1"' 
 
 ij ; 
 
 ^l\ 
 
 i8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 at the very moment when, on May 7, 1861, Pusey's plan 
 for augmenting the two Professorships was submitted to the 
 Convocation of the University. It was vigorously opposed 
 by the Provost of Oriel, who reminded the University that 
 the Statutes forbade any Professor to utter anything * quod 
 Fidei Catholicae adversatur.' Pusey defended the scheme 
 and claimed that it was framed in such a manner as to 
 preclude personal considerations. Stanley thanked him for 
 his advocacy of the compromise. On a division, however, 
 the proposal was defeated by ninety-one votes to seventy. 
 
 The issue of the debate was more than a heavy dis- 
 appointment to Pusey. Certainly he had worked hard in the 
 matter ; Stanley more than once publicly thanked him for 
 ' his indomitable perseverance in pushing the question 
 forward.* But the majority against the plan was swelled 
 not only by several Liberals who, while they sympathized 
 with the Greek Professor, objected to this particular method 
 of increasing his stipend, but also by not a few of Pusey 's 
 own nearest friends. Some of them were determined, even 
 before the publication of * Essays and Reviews,* not in any 
 way to endow the Chair of Greek so long as it was held by 
 Jowett ; and there were many others who, without any clear 
 realization of the difficulties with which the question was 
 encumbered, were beginning to lose their trust in Pusey 
 because the plan which he proposed did not at first sight 
 commend itself to them. 
 
 Keble was far too clear sighted not to perceive the 
 damage this adverse vote would inflict on the Church and 
 the difficulties in which it involved Pusey. Writing to 
 Liddon, who had voted with the majority, he says, * You too, 
 and all of us ' . . . are ' bound in equity to consider the 
 pressure which lies upon persons trusted with government, 
 and which, in more cases perhaps than not, forces them 
 to adopt the least of two evils instead of what is abstractedly 
 best.' In the same letter Keble showed how completely he 
 himself trusted Pusey's action in proposing a scheme which 
 would involve the increased endowment of the Greek Chair, 
 and how much he regretted the failure of that scheme: 
 
 Divided Counsels, 19 
 
 * Whatever you do,' he adds to Liddon, * beware of taking 
 towards him a suspicious or aggrieved tone. ... As things 
 are, the grievance, I should say, is much more on kis side.* 
 The sequel will show how true this estimate was. Had 
 Pusey's scheme been carried in May, 1861, all the events 
 described in the rest of this chapter would never '^have 
 happened, and all the bitterness that ensued from them 
 would have been avoided. 
 
 As it was, Pusey felt very deeply that in a critical moment 
 he had been deserted by many from whom he might 
 reasonably have expected support ; and he wrote to 
 Liddon : — 
 
 *For myself, I am minded (though I shall do nothing hastily) to 
 resign my seat in Council, and retire from the politics of the University. 
 I have enough to occupy me in the " Commentary '*^ I have given up 
 for some time the hope of doing good in Council. I cannot even 
 prevent evil.* 
 
 It seems clear that his whole heart had been set on the 
 compromise. Had it been accepted, it would, without 
 showing any partiality towards Professor Jowett 's teaching, 
 have provided the increased endowment to the Professor- 
 ship and thus have settled this troublesome matter. 
 
 But if Churchmen would not vote for Pusey's plan, still 
 less could they accept Stanley's proposals. On the same 
 day that Convocation had thus defeated Pusey, a meeting 
 of the Congregation of the University was held, at which 
 was promulgated a form of Statute for the augmentation 
 of several other poorly endowed Professorships, which, 
 being entirely in the gift of the University, were free from 
 the special difficulties of the Regius Professorships. Pro- 
 fessor Stanley took this opportunity for a renewed effijrt, 
 and moved, as an amendment, to add the Regius Professor- 
 ship of Greek to those mentioned in the Statute. The 
 
 * The Bible Commentary, in con- 
 nexion with which he brought out 
 his work on the Minor Prophets, was 
 always regarded by Pusey as the best 
 antidote to a lax theology. In ex- 
 pressing his gratitude at l3ie prospect 
 
 of a Commentary on St. John from 
 the hand of Keble, he writes (Oct. 12, 
 1862): *I am sure that the de- 
 velopment [i.e. unfolding] of Holy 
 Scripture is the way to meet heresy 
 and rationalism.' 
 
 C a 
 
20 
 
 I 
 
 » 
 
 I 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \ 
 
 9 I 
 
 1 
 
 III 
 
 ': 
 
 i 
 
 t^i 
 
 proposal was obviously too grave to be taken in a thin 
 meeting after a session of nearly three hours ; the debate 
 therefore was adjourned to May i6, when Pusey spoke 
 against Stanley's motion on the ground that, by isolating 
 the Professorship of Greek from the other poorly endowed 
 Regius Professorship, it made the grant too much of 
 a personal matter. He was quite ready to vote for the 
 increased endowment of the Greek Chair, but only because 
 of its claim as a poorly endowed Professorship. Stanley 
 on the other hand with singular infelicity laid the main 
 stress on the extremely valuable work of the Professor 
 who then held the chair. Stanley's motion was thrown 
 out. In the same term Pusey again brought forward 
 a proposal to request Lord Palmerston to insert a clause 
 into the New University Bill, which would facilitate any 
 proceedings in connexion with the endowment of the 
 Chairs of Greek and Civil Law. This further scheme was 
 laid before Convocation on June 6, and again rejected. 
 
 Once more the matter came before Congregation in the 
 form suggested by Stanley. On November 20, 1861, 
 a Statute was promulgated proposing the increase of the 
 stipends of the Professor of Greek, and of six other pro- 
 fessors, to ;£'4oo a year. The Statute was introduced by 
 Stanley in a long speech, which was not calculated to 
 pacify opponents, inasmuch as it laid far more stress on 
 the personal claims of the Professor because of his valuable 
 work than on the claims of the Professorship because of its 
 poverty. In consequence of this form of advocacy Pusey 
 felt obliged to oppose the measure not only on constitu- 
 tional, but also on the more personal theological grounds, 
 again expressing his regret that his own efforts for a neutral 
 course had been unsuccessful. After a veiy long and rather 
 hot debate the matter was adjourned. It was resumed on 
 Tuesday, November 26, and the Statute was rejected by 
 ninety-nine votes to ninety-six ^. 
 
 On the following day an article appeared in the Guardian 
 
 » It is thus stated in Guardian for Nov. 27. Another authority savs 
 ninety-eight to ninety-five. "'omy says 
 
 Stanleys Scheme Rejected, 
 
 21 
 
 in opposition to Pusey 's attitude on this question ; the 
 writer asserted that 
 
 * It has been felt by many of those most averse to Professor Jowett's 
 theological teaching, and we confess to a participation in the feeling, 
 that substantial justice required that he should receive an adequate 
 remuneration for his labours as a Professor, notwithstanding that 
 as a writer he has taken a line which they would be among the last 
 to defend.* 
 
 This article was criticized by Pusey in a letter, which is 
 valuable as stating at length the grounds on which he 
 felt constrained to oppose the endowment in spite of the 
 seeming claim of justice. He was well aware of the 
 obloquy to which his action exposed him. He laid much 
 stress on the question of patronage, and on the Christian 
 character of the University, which was implied, as in other 
 ways, so expressly in its regulations with regard to Pro- 
 fessorships. This, it may be mentioned, is a point which 
 must especially be borne in mind when, thirty years after 
 the event, and under greatly altered conditions, we endeavour 
 to estimate the controversy. He further urged that it seemed 
 
 * an uncalled for confidence in all future Prime Ministers to 
 endow* the Greek Chair tenfold out of the funds of the 
 University, and then to place the nomination, without 
 reservation and without check, in the hands of the Prime 
 Ministers ; and he contended that the precedents which 
 had been adduced for such a course were imperfectly 
 analogous. ' But,' he went on to argue — 
 
 * though this was a real objection to the proposed plan, of course, 
 that which lay nearest to the hearts of Christians was the conviction 
 that by making a direct grant to Professor Jowett we should have 
 been endorsing his religious scepticism. Others may be able to 
 separate the Professor from the writer ; we could not. . . . 
 
 * As a Christian University, we are just as much bound to regard 
 the Faith of Christ as His laws. We pray God weekly that "true 
 Religion may ever flourish and abound" among us. Our Statutes 
 inculcate the performance of our ordinary professorial duties ; but 
 they inculcate as solemnly, that none of us "directe vel indirecte 
 doceat, vel dogmatice asserat, quod fidei Catholicae vel bonis 
 moribus ulla ex parte adversatur." But the University does not restrain 
 
ii I 1 1 -i-rrhi 
 
 it^^^nl^mmm 
 
 I 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 11 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 this to our direct teaching in our offices. It does not mean that 
 Professors may use all the weight which their office gives them to 
 disseminate scepticism or misbelief, to " sow doubt broadcast " through 
 the land, provided they throw a veil over it in their Chairs. It does 
 not so limit its prohibition. It speaks not of lectures but of Professors^ 
 and what it forbids in one place it forbids everywhere.* 
 
 In the same issue of the Guardian with this letter 
 appeared a second leading article entitled *One Word 
 more about the Greek Professorship.' The writer fully 
 recognizes that there is in the view taken by Pusey, and 
 by others who had spoken in the same sense, much that 
 is natural and plausible ; but he goes on to urge what had 
 already often been urged by others : — 
 
 *It seems to be admitted that Mr. Jowett cannot be formally 
 challenged by the University, notwithstanding that the University 
 Statutes are so clear against unsound teaching.' . . . < It seems to us, 
 we must say, an unfit course for a body like the University, when 
 an mstrument of direct attack is unavailable, to resort to the employment 
 of mdirect means of discouragement. If it cannot turn him out of the 
 Professorship it is not indeed to be asked to favour him, but it ought 
 not to withhold what his Professorship gives him a title to.' . . . 
 
 In accordance with this argument, the Professor's friends 
 had often demanded that the definite charge of heresy 
 should be preferred in the proper court, and Pusey recog- 
 nized the force of this claim. He himself was anxious to 
 endow the Chair in spite of the opinions of its occupant, 
 if it could have been done without any appearance of 
 partiality and with due regard to the University's patronage. 
 But many others still steadily refused to put on one side 
 their hostility to Professor Jowett's opinions and to vote 
 for the increased endowment while he continued to hold 
 the Chair; and so long as Pusey was unable to com- 
 mand their votes, he could not secure the passing of his 
 own plan for augmentation ; while at the same time he was 
 bound to oppose Stanley's proposals, because to him they 
 always savoured of partiality. In the circumstances 
 Pusey thought there was nothing to be done but directly 
 to challenge the orthodoxy of the Professor. If that 
 were to succeed, the idea of an increased endowment 
 
 Preparation for the Prosecution of Professor Jowett, 23 
 
 would for the present be withdrawn : if it failed, he could 
 not imagine that there could be any reasonable ground for 
 continued opposition on the part of even the most conserva- 
 tive of his friends. This conviction is expressed in a letter 
 to Keble on F'eb. 4, 1^62. ^ 
 
 The best course therefore seemed to be to prosecute 
 Professor Jowett in the Vice-Chancellor's Court, on the 
 ground of those passages in his Commentary and in his 
 Essay which appeared to contravene the authoritative 
 teaching of the Church of England. Accordingly in the 
 earlier part of the ensuing Long Vacation Pusey gathered 
 together the chief passages on which such a prosecution 
 might be based, and sent them to a solicitor, that they 
 might be put into form, as a Case to be submitted to the 
 Queen's Advocate, Dr. Phillimore. The process of drafting 
 the Case proved long ; and it was not, apparently, until 
 late in September that it was laid before him. His opinion 
 bears date October 12, 1862, and is to the following effect. 
 With respect (i) to the Doctrines of the Atonement, Satis- 
 faction for Sin, Vicarious Suffering of our Saviour, he finds 
 that 
 
 * the writer in these ' (passages quoted from the Commentary) * and in 
 other passages, and, as it seems to me, by the whole tenour of his 
 argument, does contradict the doctrine contained in the Thirty-nine 
 Articles and the Liturgy, and set up another and a different doctrine in 
 the place of it.* 
 
 Similarly, with respect (2) to the Inspiration of Holy 
 Scripture, he finds that passages in Professor Jowett's 
 Essay are ' certainly at variance with, and contradictory of 
 the doctrine of the Church of England as contained in her 
 formularies,* according to the recent judgment of the Dean 
 of Arches in the suits which arose out of ' Essays and 
 Reviews*: and with respect (3) to the Three Creeds he 
 finds that language in the Essay * plainly contradicts ' the 
 Eighth Article. Dr. Phillimore further gave it as his 
 opinion that the Vice-Chancellor would be bound to admit 
 articles containing charges of heresy, or of preaching doc- 
 trines contrary to the Church of England, against any 
 
t; 
 
 
 
 'i' 
 
 III 
 
 24 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Professor resident in the University, and could be compelled 
 to do so by mandamus. 
 
 On receiving this opinion Pusey sent it at once to Keble. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Oct. 13, 1862. 
 It has struck me whether as things are [i.e. since it has been 
 decided to try the suit], it might not be advisable to withdraw the 
 opposition to the endowment of the Greek Professor (except as to 
 getting a check on the Crown appointment), since it wiU be superfluous 
 if we succeed before the judges, and void if we fail. And if it could 
 be so, It would surely, I think, lessen the exasperation. Tell me 
 please, what you think of this. ' 
 
 Pusey answers : — 
 * I spoke to and 
 
 , — about your suggestion of withdrawing 
 
 the opposition. The line which they were disposed to try was to 
 adjourn the discussion until these proceedings should be terminated.' 
 
 But the dominant theme of Pusey's letters to Keble at 
 this time is the difficulty of securing such promoters for 
 the prosecution as Dr. Phillimore had suggested. He 
 * thought that there had better be three, of no pronounced 
 party, and residents ' : and Pusey writes on Nov. 6, in much 
 
 disappointment about the general reluctance to take up the 
 task. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Nov. 6, 1862. 
 
 It is the old story, * who is to bell the cat }' Here, in Oxford, we 
 
 seem to be so familiar with our evils as to acquiesce in them, sleeping 
 
 m the snow, which is death. ... And now Bp. Colenso is striving to 
 
 make a position in the Church for his unbelief. And then the Church 
 
 Tw 1 rl^^'l^^'^'^^ ^"^^- ^ "^^^ ^« ™^'"^^'" ^"d do maintain, 
 that the Church must bear with much, for fear of worse evils. But 
 she must not bear with this naked denial of our Lord the Atoner, and 
 of God the Holy Ghost Who spake by the Prophets. ... I never felt 
 so desponding as I do now, not at people's attacks (these we must 
 expect), but at the acquiescence in them on the part of religious men. 
 
 Keble's answer is prompt and characteristic. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 -. , Nov. 8, 1862. 
 
 Your last note troubles me greatly: but I suppose what you 
 
 mean by saying that if this Dr. Colenso is borne with, there will be 
 
 no Church means that eventually it will lead to such and such 
 
 Keble's support of the Prosecution. 
 
 25 
 
 consequences, not that it will fonnally unchurch us at once. I still 
 hold to my old mumpsimus that the Prayer Book being virhat it is 
 we cannot be unchurched by mere abuse or default of discipline. I 
 see the great rb-no^ to frighten us from proceeding is to be * the effect 
 of persecution upon ingenuous youth,* and the great instance appealed 
 to is the success of the Tractarians in consequence of theij being 
 persecuted. Perhaps this had better be dealt with somehow. I 
 think the persecution was but too successful against us. 
 
 In answering this letter, with a hearty assent to its 
 interpretation of his meaning, Pusey informs Keble that 
 Dr. Ogilvie, the Regius Professor of Pastoral Theology, 
 ' has consented to be one to present the articles.' 
 
 In order to support Pusey, Keble wrote a letter to the 
 Guardian of Nov. 12, which is perhaps his fullest public 
 statement of the sympathy with which he viewed this 
 prosecution. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to the Editor of the * Guardian.' 
 
 Sir, 
 The correspondent who in your last number so earnestly depre- 
 cates any such proceeding will, I trust, forgive my pointing out one 
 or two flaws (as I conceive them to be) in his reasoning, such as 
 ardent writers are very apt to overlook. First, his view seems to me 
 altogether narrow and onesided. He confines his anxiety to one set 
 of persons— young men who happen now to be, or lately have been 
 resident students in Oxford ; and he implies that if the measure prove 
 unpopular or exasperating to them, that will be such and so great an 
 evil as no benefit in any other quarter can possibly compensate for. But 
 those who are proposing to put the Statute in motion, have tried, no 
 doubt, to enter into the mind of its framers— into the old academical 
 feeling on such matters ; and may be pardoned surely for the step 
 they are taking, whatever present discomfort it may cause, if on the 
 whole it seemed calculated to protect the University and the Church, 
 and the souls committed to the charge of them both, from * desolating 
 opinions ' such as these are allowed to be ;— to protect them, I say, 
 in the next and following generations, and all over Christendom ; even 
 though, as your correspondent seems to intimate, the present set of 
 students must be given up to them as incurable, a thing that can 
 hardly be taken for granted. 
 
 Next, he writes as if the intended movement were one in which 
 the whole governing body of the University is called on to take 
 part, instead of being as I suppose it formally is, a private suit, 
 which any member of Convocation has a statutable liberty to promote. 
 This cannot but make a good deal of difference in the quantity of 
 ' heart-burnings, discord, and interruption of the work of the place/ 
 
26 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Commencement of the Trial. 
 
 27 
 
 ■I'll 
 
 I 
 
 
 which must needs be anticipated. If, indeed, as is reported, the 
 friends of Mr. Jowett, and tolerators of his * desolating opinions' 
 are on the point of renewing the controversy of last year, there will be 
 little or no additional disturbance caused by an attempt to bring the 
 affair to a constitutional and legal issue. Generally, I think, that has 
 been the course recommended by such as were most anxious to keep 
 the peace when parties ran high and could not be quieted. ' The law 
 IS open and there are deputies : let them implead one another.* 
 
 Thirdly, I cannot read in the recent history of Oxford troubles the 
 warning which it is said to convey, that interference by authority tells 
 only in promoting the cause which it is intended to quash. The 
 present condition of the University, by the * Member of Congrega- 
 tion s own statement, is a direct instance of the contrary. Why are 
 these over-hberal opinions (as he and I agree in considering them) so 
 nfe in that once faithful body ? One reason unquestionably is that 
 there in an especial manner the hand of authority has been busy in 
 discouraging, and as far as might be silencing and banishing, those 
 
 tT.^ H , T ?u '"^ '"^"""^ '^^ ^^^""^ ^"^ '^ '^^^ ^"^s for securing 
 the Holy Place (for so it then seemed to many) from such desolation 
 as is now apprehended. I do not say that there was no offence given 
 or any wrong wilfully done. I simply state the notorious fact To 
 make good your correspondent's reasoning, the opinions for which 
 Dr. Aewman was censured ought now to be prevailing in Oxford. The 
 Member of Congregation' fairly sets forth, as I imagine, the 
 ordinary conversational topics on his side of the question. But he 
 
 to withhold serious men from an effort which in their mind is even 
 necessary in order to settle no less a question than this •- 
 
 Whether the University of Oxford now is, and means to be here- 
 after, a believer in the Bible or no ? 
 
 J. Keble. 
 
 During the Christmas vacation of 1862-3, Dr. Heurtley 
 the Margaret Professor of Divinity, undertook to be a second 
 promoter, overcoming, for conscientious motives, what was 
 clearly an extreme reluctance and distress : Pusey himself 
 undertook to be the third promoter : and on Jan. i, 1862 
 he writes to Dr. Heurtley :— . 
 
 'As you say, nothing but absolute sense of duty could make me 
 move in this sad case. Like aU decisive movements, it may occasion 
 some to take more eagerly the wrong side. So people say now, that 
 Anus or Eutyches or Nestorius ought not to have been condemned. 
 1 believe that such things only elicit the evil which lurks within 
 already, and which is just as fatal when lurking within as when it 
 comes out. There has been no time in the Church when its teachers 
 
 would have been allowed to deny such truth as Professor Jowett has 
 denied ; and every publication is in advance of the other. The second 
 edition of his Commentary (although some offensive language was 
 dropped) denied truth more dogmatically than the first ; and the 
 Essay denied more truth yet. We have waited long, and have been 
 disappointed. But after all, prosecution is not persecution.^ I have 
 courted prosecution when people have denounced me on hustings, &c. 
 There is real persecution in that against which one cannot defend 
 one's self. To have it adjudged by law whether one is teaching 
 according to the doctrine which one has professed, is no hardship. 
 I should have hailed it gladly. 
 
 They are terrible times. Mere infidelity there always has been and 
 always will be. But this claim of Bishop Colenso, Professor Jowett, 
 and others that this teaching is to be part of the recognized teaching 
 of the Church of England, is a claim that the sheep should be destroyed 
 by the shepherd.' 
 
 Some doubts which had been suggested in regard to the 
 security of the grounds for the third charge having been 
 settled by the decided opinion of the Queen's Advocate 
 and of Dr. Swabey, the formal proceedings in the Chan- 
 cellor's Court began on Friday, February 13, 1863, before 
 the Assessor, Mr. Mountague Bernard. On that day Mr. 
 Pottinger, who appeared for the respondent (Mr. Digby 
 Latimer appearing for the appellants), applied that the 
 case might be adjourned for a week ; and, this having been 
 granted, he announced his intention of entering a protest 
 against the jurisdiction of the Court, and of taking every 
 possible objection to the citation as to matter and form. 
 
 On the following day, February 14, there appeared in 
 the Times a leading article which gave rise to a prolonged 
 war of letters. The article began by maintaining the 
 * almost ludicrous vagueness and irrelevancy' of those 
 passages in the University Statutes upon which the Queen's 
 Advocate had held that the impeachment could be founded : 
 it went on to discuss the incompetency of the Court to 
 decide on questions of such moment, and the possible 
 abuse of ' this rusty engine of intolerance ' : it dwelt on the 
 theological differences of the three Promoters, and the 
 curious coincidence by which this suit was beginning on 
 the same day on which Dr. Hampden in 1836, and the 
 
-T" 
 
 ■HH 
 
 Ww 
 
 28 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Letter to the ' Times' on the Prosecution. 
 
 29 
 
 iii 
 
 ! I 
 
 
 ( 
 
 Tractarians in 1845, had been attacked. In its concluding 
 paragraph occurred the following sentences : — 
 
 * We do not for one moment impugn the motives of those who have 
 taken upon themselves to denounce him (Professor Jowett). On the 
 contrary, we believe their motives to be the highest that can actuate 
 short-sighted men with a rooted distrust of the power of truth to abide 
 the ordeal of free inquiry. It is not of motives, but of consequences, 
 that we would speak. . . . The old attempt to set up the interests of 
 religion and piety against those of truth and justice will fail, as it has 
 ever failed. . . . The question, then, arises whether the College to 
 which he (Mr. Jowett) belongs and the cause of education in Oxford 
 are to be sacrificed to the odium theologicum of a few infatuated 
 dignitaries. . . . We may pity Dr. Pusey and his co-prosecutors, for 
 they know not what they do, but we trust, for the sake of interests far 
 higher than they seem to discern, that the deadly blow which they are 
 now aiming at the peace of the Church of England will not be suffered 
 to take effect.' 
 
 This was hard language and really begged the whole 
 question at issue. Pusey thought therefore that it ought not 
 to be left unanswered. Accordingly he addressed to the 
 Editor of the Times the following letter, which appeared 
 on the 19th of February. It may be here cited almost 
 in its entirety : for it gives a careful presentation of the 
 grounds upon which he was acting. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.* 
 
 I never have (he wrote) distrusted, nor do I distrust, the power 
 of God's truth to abide any, the most searching, inquiry. I have now 
 for forty years, as a duty, read more anti-Christian writings than any 
 probably of your readers, and I have observed during that period that 
 all deeper thought and criticism uniformly tended to the support of 
 the Faith or to bring men back to it. But it is one question whether 
 truth will stand (which, being Divine, it will, of course) ; it is quite 
 another whether all individuals are judges of truth, and whether they 
 are so sure of being led into truth that it should be matter of indif- 
 ference whether they are taught truth or error. If this were certain, it 
 would, of course, be needless to have any teachers at all. It is true, 
 beyond all question, that God's truth will stand; but it is true also 
 that individuals, to their own great loss, are led away by their teachers 
 from it. You have yourself, at different times, clearly stated the 
 principle that so long as the Church of England remains what she is 
 her ministers are bound to teach what they have professed they will 
 teach. I cannot imagine anything more demoralizing than that 
 
 clergymen should profess their belief in great fundamental truths, and 
 assert the contrary ; that they should affirm to God, as the mouthpiece 
 of a congregation in prayer, what they should contradict in their 
 sermons or their writings. No sect in England would tolerate this. 
 It is a matter beyond the question even of theological truth. ... It 
 would be the destruction of all trust between man and man, it would 
 make our worship of God a mere piece of acting, if we were to teach 
 one thing in church, another out of it, or contradict in the pulpit what 
 we had said in the public prayers. 
 
 Yet there has been of late a most large and systematic claim put 
 forth that we clergy not only should inquire, but that, although our 
 inquiries should, unhappily, in the case of any of us end in the loss 
 of our faith, we should still continue to act as clergy. A claim has 
 been made to affix new meanings to words, and so to subscribe our 
 formularies in senses which they will not bear. 
 
 It is impossible, then, to look upon Professor Jowett's teaching 
 otherwise than as a part of a larger whole — a systematic attempt 
 to revolutionize the Church of England. The publication of the 
 * Essays and Reviews' was a challenge to admit that teaching, as 
 one of the recognized phases of faith, in the English Church. All 
 which was said of the * courage ' of the Essayists implied this. To 
 leave the challenge unnoticed would have been to acquiesce in the 
 claim. The subjects on which we are told, on high legal authority, 
 that there is evidence that Professor Jowett has distinctly contravened 
 the teaching of the Church of England are great and central truths. 
 They are — the doctrine of the Atonement, the Inspiration of Holy 
 Scripture, the agreement of the Creeds with Holy Scripture. Painful, 
 then, as it is, to have to act against one with whom, in this place, we 
 must needs be brought into contact — painful as are many other 
 consequences of an appeal to law — yet I hold myself bound by my 
 duty to God, to the Church, and to the souls of men, to ascertain 
 distinctly whether such contradiction of fundamental truths is to be 
 part of the recognized system of the University. Now, if the question 
 was to be tried at all, it could be tried only in the Chancellor's Court, 
 since resident members of the University, who are not by virtue 
 of any office subject to any other jurisdiction, are prohibited by its 
 statutes from suing, or following any suit, in any other court except 
 in the Court of Appeal. Prosecution is not persecution. It would be 
 an evil day for England when it should be recognized that to appeal 
 to th*e majesty of justice is to contravene truth and justice. I have 
 left unsaid in this letter much which I might otherwise have said, 
 because, as the subject is now before the Court, I hold it to be a duty 
 to abstain from saying anything except as to the abstract principle. 
 
 The correspondence which followed this letter straggled 
 on for five weeks, finding its way into various fields, more 
 or less remote, more or less interesting; and it would be 
 
'.x 
 
 4 ■! 
 
 ( 
 
 h 
 
 30 
 
 I 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 a wholesome study for any one who is inclined to enter too 
 readily into newspaper controversy. 
 
 On Friday, February 20, 1863, the case was resumed in 
 the Chancellor's Court of the University of Oxford. The 
 Proctor for Mr. Jowett entered his protest, both on historical 
 and practical grounds, against the jurisdiction of that 
 Court in a * spiritual' charge of such a character. He 
 further contended that a Professor appointed by the Crown 
 was not amenable to the University, citing the case of 
 Pusey's suspension in 1843 by the Vice-Chancellor alone, 
 as a proof that a Regius Professor could not be tried before 
 a court. The Court was adjourned for another week for 
 the decision of the Assessor on these points. On February 
 27 Mr. Mountague Bernard gave his judgment that Regius 
 Professors were liable to the jurisdiction of the University, 
 and that the Court in which the proceedings had been 
 taken was the only court that could be open to the 
 Promoters of this suit. But since there was no precedent 
 for such a prosecution, he was not certain whether the Court 
 had jurisdiction in cases of this character. In this uncer- 
 tainty he refused to admit the protest against his jurisdiction, 
 but at the same time refused to admit the articles on the 
 part of the Promoters. The Promoters could, however, 
 appeal against his decision, if they desired to do so, to the 
 Court of Queen's Bench, which might issue a ntandamus to 
 enforce the hearing. 
 
 Before making any such appeal the promoters thought 
 it good to ask the Opinion of the Queen's Advocate (Sir 
 Robert Phillimore) and Mr. J. D. Coleridge (afterwards 
 Lord Chief Justice) on the Assessor's decision and the prob- 
 able fortunes of an appeal to the Court of Queen's Bench. 
 The Opinion was equally adverse on both subjects. They 
 considered that the decision was incorrect, inconsistent, and 
 without precedent ; at the same time, although the Court 
 of Queen's Bench had power to compel the hearing of the 
 charge, it would probably be very reluctant to interfere 
 m a matter which was one of Academical discipline. In 
 the light of such an opinion the Promoters intimated to the 
 
 Conclusion of the Suit, 
 
 31 
 
 Vice-Chancellor on May 8 that they did not intend to carry 
 the suit any further. 
 
 Pusey had done all that he could to obtain a legal 
 decision on the responsibility of the University for the 
 teaching of Professor Jowett, and had failed ; he had now 
 to decide on his own future attitude towards the increased 
 endowment of the Greek Chair. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 St. Mark's Day, 1863. 
 
 .... The next question is as to the endowment — Ogilvie wishes 
 me to persevere in opposing it. I am inclined to desist, on the ground 
 that the Assessor has ruled that offences against faith are not to be 
 punished. We might have disputed that decision, and do not. People 
 have so hopelessly confused the question of endowment as if it were 
 a mere matter of paying a person for his labours (which labours almost 
 all the tutors do avail themselves of) that, having failed of the greater, 
 I am inclined to give up the less. I should be regarded as a mere 
 persecutor, debarring another of his pay, while I have a large profes- 
 sional income myself. But what think you ? I hardly think it tact to 
 resist. We have been defeated, although illegally. Having so failed, 
 it seems to me like a petty vexatious matter to withhold an income 
 from him. The greater seems to me to involve the lesser. I am 
 inclined to vote against it in Council out of deference to those 
 members of Congregation who returned me ; and then in Congre- 
 gation to state why I remain neutral, acquiescing in the decision 
 that although the Statutes have a moral, they are, during the Assessor- 
 ship of Bernard, to have no punitive force, and that we are in the 
 state of Israel under Judges, when every one did that which was right 
 in his own eyes. But I should like to know what you think. 
 
 Keble, who had contributed £100 towards the expense 
 of this fruitless endeavour to obtain a legal decision from 
 the University, wished still to make some kind of definite 
 protest against Mr. Jowett's teaching while giving up all 
 opposition to the endowment of the Professorship. * I do 
 think it hard,' he wrote, * for Oxford to be injured and the 
 world scandalized, by its going about, as of course it will, 
 that our general feeling is " Let such teaching have its 
 way."' On the other hand, other friends were still 
 unconvinced and persisted in trying to force Pusey 
 into renewed opposition to the -endowment, although he 
 
'(, 
 
 32 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ttt'l 
 
 I 
 
 
 I i 
 
 I 
 
 M.V 
 
 said that it had now become 'hopelessly a bad battle- 
 ground.* 
 
 Before the end of 1863, Pusey had introduced into the 
 Hebdomadal Council another measure for the endowment 
 of the Greek Chair. This scheme, after referring to the 
 duties of the Chair, contained in deference to Keble's 
 suggestion the following clause, dealing with its present 
 occupant * modo ne Academia de scriptis ejus (quoad fidem 
 Catholicam tractaverint) judicium tulisse censeatur.' On 
 February 4, 1864, this statute was passed in the Congrega- 
 tion of the University. It was supported by Stanley, who 
 had now become Dean of Westminster, as well as Pusey 
 and Liddon, while Professor Heurtley, one of the Promoters 
 of the recent suit, spoke against it. Pusey's speech explains 
 the point of view from which he was now again supporting 
 the increase of the endowment. After referring to the 
 separation between himself and his friends on this question 
 he said : — ' 
 
 'I am not going to throw the shghtest doubts on the wisdom or 
 legahty or justice of the decision which summarily dismissed the 
 indictment which we were in this House often challenged to prefer 
 and which at last we found it our bounden, though most painful, dutJ 
 to prefer. We acted according to our conscience, and the Judge 
 acted according to what he thought best for the University. I have 
 now to speak only of the results of his judgment. These are, that it is 
 ruled that every professor or tutor is left wholly to his own conscience 
 what he shall teach on any matter of faith ; provided that, if a tutor, 
 the Head of his College do not interfere with him ; or, if a professor, 
 he do not teach things contrary to the Catholic Faith in his lectures. 
 We, the professors, are thrown back the more upon our subscriptions, 
 because there is no judicial authority except as to our public lectures 
 Any professor may print defences of Atheism, Deism, Socinianism, or 
 of any other of what used to be called - blasphema dogmata," if he 
 thinks It m harmony with his subscription. Any tutor may do the 
 same if he is not withheld by the recollection that the Statutes require 
 him to be religione secundum doctrinam et ritum Ecclesiae Angli- 
 canae sincerus.' It seems to me then that the act of endowing the 
 Oreek Chair cannot be construed into any indifference as to the 
 religious teaching of our professors, since it has been judicially pro- 
 
 ^XX^ A '^^l ''' ^Tl"" ^'"'^ whatsoever they will, only not ex 
 cathedrd. And if so, all those grounds, so often urged in this house, 
 have their full force. So long as the grant seemed to imply indifference 
 
 Pusey s New Plan of Augmentation, 
 
 33 
 
 on the part of the University to what was believed to be denials of the 
 faith, a great principle was at stake which had to be maintained at any 
 cost. Now that this issue is removed, I believe from my inmost heart 
 that we shall best consult the interests of the faith by removing an 
 occasion of heart-burnings, which indispose some minds to the faith. 
 Not that I hope for any great results. For we are at the beginning of 
 a deepening and widening struggle for life or death, for the life or 
 death of the University as a place of religious learning, for the life 
 or death of the Church of England as an instrument of God for the 
 salvation of souls. And this struggle must give occasion for fresh 
 heart-burnings and misunderstandings. But what we can do for peace 
 and love, that we are bound to do, leaving the result with Him with 
 Whom are the issues of life and death.* 
 
 The Statute was submitted to a crowded meeting- of 
 Convocation on March 8, 1864, exactly a month after the 
 decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council 
 on the two suits connected with * Essays and Reviews.* 
 Churchmen throughout the country had been summoned 
 by Archdeacon Denison and others to oppose Pusey's 
 measure, and it was rejected by 467 votes to 395. The 
 Senior Proctor had greatly excited the hopes of the 
 Promoters of the statute by using in a moment of confusion 
 the customary formula for announcing the success of a 
 measure, * Majori parti placet' A perfect tumult of ap- 
 plause preceded the correction of the mistake, and a yet 
 louder tumult from the other side followed it. It was 
 generally known that the Privy Council Judgment in favour 
 of the * Essays and Reviews ' greatly influenced this adverse 
 vote. 
 
 Some of Professor Jowett's friends seemed now to despair 
 of any increase of endowment from the funds of the Uni- 
 versity : and they had sufficient influence in high places to 
 induce the Government to consent to a plan which would 
 provide the additional money for this Crown Professorship 
 out of the funds of the Church. On April 1 1 , 1 864, the Lord 
 Chancellor, Lord Westbury, introduced into the House of 
 Lords a bill for endowing the Greek Professorship with one 
 of the many Canonries which was in the gift of the Crown. 
 This strange proposal had first been submitted to the 
 Hebdomadal Council at Oxford,' and had received the 
 
 VOL. IV. D 
 
 
34 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 approval of all that body, except four, among whom were 
 Pusey and Heurtley. Pusey saw in the measure ' an ex- 
 ceedingly clever move/ but under the circumstances one 
 of the worst scandals that was possible. He wondered at 
 the blindness of the Conservatives who could vote for it ; 
 to himself it was but the firstfruits of the action of those 
 *wise young men who (three years before) thought they 
 saw further than the old veterans/ For the moment the 
 Lord Chancellor's bill was defeated ; it passed a second 
 reading, but on May 13, on the order for going into 
 Committee, the previous question was carried against the 
 Government, by a large majority. 
 
 It was extremely unadvisable to leave the matter in this 
 unsatisfactory state. Pusey deeply deplored the incurable 
 short-sightedness of his own friends in the matter ; although 
 he most cordially agreed with their reasons for opposing the 
 endowment, yet in his mind they were clearly outweighed 
 by other considerations. He saw that in the rapidly 
 altering state of the University those reasons did not con- 
 stitute a valid argument for withholding the immediate 
 endowment of the Chair ; he felt that in spite of them the 
 Professor was unfairly treated. Little as he liked the 
 office, he felt it his duty to make another attempt to remedy 
 the grievance, in order if possible to prevent the renewal 
 of the Government measure and the continued charge of 
 unfairness. 
 
 But at the same time any proposal of the kind was made 
 far more difficult by the intense strain of ecclesiastical 
 feelmg at the moment. * Essays and Reviews ' had just 
 been condemned by the Convocation of Canterbury, after 
 two of the writers had been acquitted by the Judicial'com- 
 mittee of the Privy Council ; and there was widespread 
 alarm and distrust about the teaching with which Professor 
 Jowett's name was associated. Accordingly Pusey found 
 himself separated from all those who had hitherto been 
 with him in his continued support of the claim of the Greek 
 Chair. It was of course no great matter of surprise that 
 Archdeacon Denison vehemently attacked him both in 
 
 Perseverance in Failure and Loneliness. 35 
 
 private correspondence and in public speech ; he declared 
 that * of all things that have occurred in our time to shake 
 our faith and confidence in man, and to show how remarkably 
 this time is a time of expedients rather than of principles, 
 of contrivances and management rather than of faitli and 
 patience, nothing has occurred to compare with this act of 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey.' But now Bishop Wilberforce also 
 wrote on October 24 one of his most urgent letters, praying 
 Pusey to desist from his attempts, and assuring him that 
 in the present circumstances of the Church his effort was 
 fraught with * extreme evil ' and was aiming * a very deadly 
 blow at the truth of God.' Pusey however persevered, 
 defending his intended action on every ground. And 
 even Keble began to waver in his support : he was afraid 
 lest, if Pusey was successful, the University should appear 
 to be in yet greater antagonism to the Church, by having 
 endowed the writer of one of the Essays which the 
 Convocation of Canterbury had so recently condemned. 
 Yet Pusey still persisted in his effort. On October 31, 
 he warmly supported in Council a renewed proposal to 
 raise the stipend to ;f 400, with the guarding clause * modo 
 nee Academia scripta eius, quae ad fidem Catholicam 
 pertinent, comprobasse teneatur, neque rectae fidei Pro- 
 fessorum horum incuriosa esse censeatur.' This was again 
 defeated, and Pusey was filled with astonishment at the 
 inconsistency of his Conservative colleagues, who would 
 accept without safeguard a measure of the Government 
 which disposed of Church property for the use of the Pro- 
 fessorship, while they rejected a carefully guarded plan 
 which disposed of University funds for a University pur- 
 pose. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 October 31, 1864. 
 When Lord D[erby] consulted the Council as to the endowment 
 with a Canonry, only four members were found to dissent, of whom 
 Heurtley and I were two. The Conservatives, who have thrown out 
 this measure, to a man supported it. I read to the Council a state- 
 ment of the Archbishop of Canterbury : *I trust that the Jowett affair 
 wiU be setUed before Parliament meets again. It is most important 
 
 D2 
 
 ^mmm^immmmmmw. 
 
36 
 
 f 
 
 i 
 
 f 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 that It should be so. Indeed, I feel so strongly about it, that if it 
 comes on again, the Archbishop of York and I shall come down to 
 vote for the measure,' but it had no effect. On their part it is 
 straming at a gnat after swallowing a camel.' No good can come 
 of It. It makes me more and more sick of the Conservative party 
 They seem to me to sacrifice everything to their wretched Con- 
 servatism. We shall see what comes of the motion for a Committee 
 which IS to come on next Monday, but I have ringing in my ears 
 Quos Deus vult perdere, dementat prius.' ">/ ears. 
 
 The motion for a Committee of the Hebdomadal Council 
 to mquire into, and report upon the endowment of the 
 Professorship was more fortunate, and Pusey was ap- 
 pointed on the Committee. On November lo, he wrote 
 to Mr. Gladstone to say that the Committee had agreed 
 to recommend to the Council the resumption of the pro- 
 posals which Pusey had so warmly supported in 1861, and 
 which had been rejected chiefly by the votes of his own 
 friends. 
 
 But in the event he was to have a more direct relation to 
 the endowment than he expected. Before the Committee 
 was appointed, Mr. (afterwards Professor) Freeman had 
 maintained in a letter to the Daily News that the Dean 
 and Chapter of Christ Church held certain lands under 
 conditions which made it obligatory upon them to augment 
 the emoluments of the Greek Chair. This was no new 
 assertion. It had been made repeatedly, but sufficient 
 evidence for it had never been produced. Soon after 
 Mr. Freeman had revived it, some fresh evidence in its favour 
 was discovered. The Dean and Chapter, however, were still 
 convinced that no legal claim could be made against them 
 and submitted the matter for the opinion of Counsel.' 
 Sir Roundell Palmer and Sir H. M. Cairns decided in 
 their favour, and maintained that no legal obligation 
 lay upon Christ Church to increase the stipend beyond 
 the sum that had been paid for so many years. But 
 rather than rest under the slightest suspicion of unfairness 
 the Dean and Chapter decided that 'on grounds of general 
 expediency ' and under the great difficulties of the case 
 they would raise it to ;f 500 a year. ' 
 
 . 
 
 Stipend of Greek Professor augmented by Christ Church, 37 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 21, 1865. 
 
 . . . The Dean's letter to the V. C. announcing that we have 
 agreed to raise the Greek Professor's stipend to ;^5oo per ann. 
 will be printed to-morrow, together with the Opinion of the Attorney- 
 General and Sir H. Cairns, that we are under no obligation to do so. 
 Half of us, however, thought that as we have estates which West- 
 minster gave up in order to be free from the duty, we were under 
 a moral obligation to provide adequately for him. Had I known 
 that we had these estates, I should never have troubled you and 
 Lord P[almerston] and Sir G. Grey with those negotiations. I in- 
 quired very many years ago in Gaisford's time about it, but could 
 learn nothing. And the list of estates, tithes, &c., given in Rymer as 
 belonging to Westminster before they gave up those of which we now 
 have some, did not contain any of ours. King James I and Charles I 
 when they annexed stalls to the Divinity and Hebrew Chairs, ignored 
 any duty of Christ Church to augment, unless indeed Laud may have 
 wished to make the Hebrew Chair manifestly theological. 
 
 We do not say that we augment the Professorship of Greek out of 
 our incomes (for there was no other way), but they can very well 
 bear it. 
 
 It was then in unavoidable ignorance that I made the application 
 to you. It is said that they did not know at the State Paper Office 
 anything of the document which completed the evidence. I am so 
 thankful that the question is now at rest. 
 
 Thus after nearly six years of very painful controversy, 
 this complicated and unfortunate question was settled. At 
 this distance of time and under the altered conditions of 
 University life, it is very hard to understand and appreciate 
 the motives which actuated the refusal of a scheme which 
 at first sight may appear as a mere act of justice. The 
 danger for us now in reading the story is lest we should 
 regard the Oxford of i860 as having already laid aside its 
 old religious character ; it must not be forgotten that it 
 was still largely a body bound by the * Articles of Religion/ 
 and that it still contained many who twenty years earlier 
 had suffered greatly at the hands of the Liberals for 
 alleged faithlessness to them. The detailed account of 
 this painful controversy is at least a matter of justice to 
 Pusey's memory. There is no incident in his life which 
 is more frequently remembered against him, and hardly 
 one which suffers more from incomplete remembrance. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 •essays and reviews '—ecclesiastical proceedings 
 
 — THE OXFORD DECLARATION — CORRESPONDENCE 
 WITH THE REV. F. D. MAURICE AND DEAN STANLEY. 
 
 ALREADY in the account of the troubles about the Greek 
 Professorship allusion has more than once been made to 
 he volume of 'Essays and Reviews' which was published 
 in February. j86o. Before describing the proceedings to 
 which this volume gave occasion, it may be desirable to 
 summarize briefly its contents. 
 
 It consisted of seven Essays, which had been written 
 without any mtemal relation to one another. Dr. Temple 
 tiie Head Master of Rugby, wrote on The Education of the 
 World in terms against which no direct charge on the 
 score of orthodoxy was raised ; Dr. Rowland Williams 
 reviewed Bunsens Biblical Researches; Professor Baden 
 Powell contributed an Essay on The Study of the Evidences 
 e^ CW^«,/,; the Rev. H. B. Wilson, one of the 'Four 
 .IT. f ! P"'^''*='y ^^"^d the arguments of Tract 90 in 
 
 delivered »tr "PP'^''""''^ ^^ ^ '"---^ of «ome addresses 
 de hvered at Geneva, to speak on The National Church; 
 
 ^ \\ ; ^°°<^^'" ^'•ote on T/ie Mosaic Cosmogony ■ the 
 Rev. Mark Pattison described The Tendencies of /el^g^us 
 
 1^7 . r.^"^^"^' '^^^-^7Jo; and Professor Jowe« 
 concluded the volume with an essay on The InterpretZZ 
 
 mustrate the adv^S^deitb^t t rca^TrXo: 
 and nio 1 ^r^th from a free handling, in a becoming pirit 
 of subjects peculiarly liable to suffer by the repeLn of 
 
 * Essays and Reviews,^ 
 
 39 
 
 conventional language and from traditional methods of 
 treatment.* 
 
 The Essays differed very widely in ability, learning, and 
 reverence ; and, in spite of the claim for mutual independ- 
 ence and the limitation of the responsibility of each writer 
 to his own Essay, the book was read as a whole in the 
 light of its more startling portions. All the writers were 
 popularly, though untruly, assumed to hold the same 
 opinions, and the volume was interpreted as a concerted 
 attack upon Revealed Religion. No doubt the Essays 
 contained some good and true statements which, when duly 
 qualified, have since been generally accepted, as well as 
 others which were neither good nor true. But these 
 thoughts, besides being new, were also stated in some 
 cases recklessly and crudely, and in such a manner as 
 to suggest irresistibly, to the inexperienced general reader, 
 conclusions hostile to the Christian Faith. That such 
 a supposition was not without justification with regard 
 to some of the Essays may be gathered from the words 
 of one who was the most conspicuous champion of the 
 book as a whole. Writing before the great outburst of 
 indignation, Stanley, who was then Canon of Christ Church 
 and Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History, says in 
 a letter to the editor of the Edinburgh Review ^ for whom 
 he was preparing a review of the volume : — 
 
 'Wilson's [essay] has committed the unpardonable rashness of 
 throwing out statements, without a grain of proof, which can have no 
 other object than to terrify and irritate, and which have no connexion 
 with the main argument of his essay. Powell's is a mere rechauffi of 
 his (to me) unintelligible argument about miracles. . . Goodwin's 
 is a clear, but offensive, exposition of the relations of Genesis and 
 geology. Williams is guilty of the same rashness as Wilson — 
 on a larger scale— casting Bunsen's conclusions before the public 
 without a shred of argument to prepare the way for them or support 
 them \' 
 
 Dr. Tait also (the Bishop of London), who was after- 
 wards the most prominent opponent in Convocation of 
 the proceedings against the book, was bound to admit that 
 
 * * Life of Dean Stanley,' ii. 34, 35. 
 
40 
 
 i'f- 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 he did not wonder at the outcry and alarm, for the clerey 
 had been effectually frightened by ' the folly of the publi- 
 cation of" Essays and Reviews," and still more of Stanley's 
 .11-Judged defence of them in the Edinln^rgh taken in 
 connexion with « the madness of Bishop Colenso " ' He 
 says • I deeply deplore, indeed execrate, the spirit of much 
 of the " Essays and Reviews '." ' 
 
 In this case, as in the matter of the Greek Professorship, 
 the altered relations between the Church and the Uni- 
 versities, and the enlarged experience of the Church durin<T 
 the last thirty years, might at first sight suggest the 
 greater wisdom of leaving the book alone, on the part 
 both of the ecclesiastical authorities and of Churchmen in 
 general. Such a course was rendered impossible alike by 
 Its enemies and its friends. The Westminster ^ryA Edinburgh 
 Remews on one side, and the Guardian and the Quarterly 
 Review on the other, compelled attention to it. Public 
 feeling was too deeply aroused on both sides ; six large 
 editions had already made the book known all over England 
 and the mass of Churchmen were seriously alarmed It 
 was generally felt that the Bishops were required to take 
 some active proceedings against the Clergy who held such 
 teaching : m.nds were too agitated for calm argument, even 
 had such argument been possible. To many simple 
 Christians, who had been educated in a narrow tradition 
 with regard to Holy Scripture, it seemed that if the Bible 
 could not be trusted in the exact sense in which they had 
 always understood it, everything was tottering. Yet the 
 Essays were of a character that did not admit of refutation 
 by any ready argument or by a simple statement of the 
 orthodox Faith. This was well brought out in a letter from 
 i-usey that appeared in the Guardian of March 6, 1861. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the ' Guardian,' 
 
 wneuier excluding or including me) who are called upon by their 
 position, to answer the unhappy < Essays and Reviews. ' The subjea 
 
 1 ( 
 
 LifeofAbp. Tait/i. 325. 
 
 •^*®e>* 
 
 Pusey' s Estimate of their Character. 
 
 41 
 
 has been in the minds of many of us. The difficulty has arisen, 
 not in providing definite answers to definite objections, but in giving 
 systematic answers to a host of desultory attacks on Revelation, its 
 evidences, the Bible which contains it, and the truths revealed. The 
 well-known passage in the unbelieving Westminster Review states 
 the extent to which the truth has been attacked : it did not fall within 
 its objects to notice the guerilla, pell-mell character of the attack. 
 But look at the list : — 
 
 * Now in all seriousness we would ask, what is the practical issue of all 
 this? Having made all these deductions from the popular belief, 
 what remains as the residuum ? In their ordinary, if not plain, sense, 
 there has been discarded the word of God, the creation, the fall, the 
 redemption, justification, regeneration, and salvation, miracles, in- 
 spiration, prophecy, heaven and hell, eternal punishment, a day of 
 judgment, creeds, liturgies, and articles, the truth of Jewish history 
 and of Gospel narrative, a sense of doubt thrown over even the 
 Incarnation, the Resurrection and Ascension, the Divinity of the 
 Second Person, and the Personality of the Third. It may be that 
 this is a true view of Christianity, but we insist, in the name of 
 common sense, that it is a new view ' (p. 305). 
 
 An attack may be made in a short space. If any one cannot rest on 
 the authority of the Universal Church, attested as it is by prophecy, 
 nor again, on the word of Jesus, he must take a long circuitous process 
 of answer. But already, if books we must have, these would need to 
 be books, not essays. What could be condensed into essays upon — 
 I. Revelation ; 2. Miracles ; 3. Prophecy; 4. The Canon; 5. Inspira- 
 tion ; 6. Our Lord's Divinity and Atonement ; 7. The Divinity and 
 Offices of God the Holy Ghost ? But beyond this, there is the miscel- 
 laneousness of their random dogmatic scepticism. The writers, in their 
 own persons, rarely affirm anything, attempt to prove nothing, and 
 throw a doubt upon everything. If any of us had dogmatized as to 
 truth as these do as to error, what scorn we should be held up to ! 
 They assume everything, prove nothing. There is only here and 
 there anything definite to lay hold of. One must go back to the 
 foreign sources of this unbelief, to find it in a definite shape which 
 one could answer. I have made a list of the subjects on which 
 I should have to write on my own special subject, the interpretation 
 of the Old Testament. Some, indeed, admit of a short answer. . . . Yet 
 these are but insulated points, easy to be defended because attacked 
 definitely. But when their range of attack extends from Genesis 
 to Daniel ; when one says that credible history begins with Abraham 
 (Williams, p. 57) ; another, that there *is little reliable history ' before 
 Jeroboam (Mr. Wilson, p. 170 ; of course contradicting each other as 
 to the period between Abraham and Jeroboam) ; another denies the 
 accuracy of the Old Testament altogether according to our standards 
 of accuracy (Prof. Jowett, p. 347), asserting that, Mike other records,' 
 it was * subject to the conditions of a knowledge which existed in an 
 
Ill 
 
 42 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 if 
 
 early stage of the world * fib d 411^ — thof < fi,« j 1 
 
 asserted that prophecies of reremL-hVc "t' a^'* ' ^^ ' *''*^" " '^ 
 
 p. 343); andiH^edTalGoi rr„o\S£tt"°e"d?? "T^"' 
 creatures by name (ib.) ; that when N^um ' onJe^ed th^ 
 
 BJh at Bethlehem, meL on^.^ a de^rhis^wrttsTp^^ ^ 
 
 (Williams, p.^I- and fht <h ^f "^ '"'^' ^''^"'y Messianic' 
 quotations f^om^he Psflms Id Set^f' ltt\ """^k °' '"* 
 the original sense or context' (JowTo!..^> h^'"^ " ^^'^^ °" 
 of the Pentateuch (Williams S /mSof S^fbT "'""^ 
 p. 313). Zechariah (Williams d fk\ nl„- i / 1 * ^^' •'°*^"' 
 when it is asserted that ^'asVcL?rutin';heV'l^^T'' 
 Ecclesiastes are opposite or im'perf cf (Totet p LfwLf ^°. °' 
 are attributed to God in the nw x-.« ^J"*"'' P" 347), that actions 
 
 higher revelation Sh Hetas°^e?oV~seTf i^r C ^''\ ^l!? 
 when Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac is l^^Tl ^°'P*' ('''•>• 
 
 'the fierce ritual of Syria 'rWmLl^"' "°' '° ^°''' ''"' '" 
 temptation in Paradise 7n .,,^ ,k ' ?• ^^)' "°' '° ^P^^k of the 
 .,«M . J- '^araaise (p. 177), the miracle of Balaam's ass the 
 earth s standmg still, ' the univer^aliiu «<■ .u j , , *"" * ass, the 
 
 Book of Jonah (Williams n nl\ V^ ^W''^""' P- '77), or the 
 Of errorsieceivi a s^Sic'f s" ITri^pa^e"^^^^^^^^^^^ ""'* 
 
 i^n^otr attaTki 0° th?^ ^•'""'^ "'-^ ^ --^ — -^ '^' 
 
 press ha^ been fot2 ttetTeSr^^^^^^^ ""^ ""'"^''^"-^ 
 
 fcrred the natural panic atTdS LKckr b:,.^^.^- 
 made by those bound to maintain it, to the subjects themselves ^ 
 If the faith was jeopardied because it has been betraved W^h'th 
 exception of the still-imperfect science of geolo^ he ' ksS^ and 
 ^Z":fTT ""''""^ ""•'"'>'='' those^acqu!Imed wifh he wrh- 
 Zs Thetr"' '" ^rr^ "^^^ "°' "^^ ^amUiar these thTr^l 
 
 Prosecution of two Essayists. 
 
 43 
 
 writers assume as proved, has been solidly disproved. Some volumes 
 have, I believe, been already translated. 
 
 But in spite of these difficulties, the public excite;jnent 
 demanded some immediate re-assurance. In consequence 
 of a great number of appeals for guidance, and not a few 
 vehement protestations and indignant remonstrances, a 
 meeting of Bishops was held in London in February, 1861, 
 to consider the opinions contained in the volume, and 
 the steps which should be taken with reference to it. 
 Their deliberations resulted in a public Letter, drawn 
 up by Bishop Wilberforce, which was signed by twenty- 
 four Bishops, including Bishop Hampden and Bishop Tait, 
 as well as the Bishops of Oxford, Salisbury, and Exeter. 
 Without mentioning the book in this document they 
 unanimously expressed their sorrow that any clergyman 
 should in any way deny the Atonement or the Inspira- 
 tion of Holy Scripture, and confessed their inability to 
 understand how such opinions could be held ' consistently 
 with an honest subscription to the Formularies of our 
 Church.' They reserved, however, the consideration of any 
 proposals for further action. A few days after, on March 13, 
 a petition was presented to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 signed by 8,500 clergy, requesting the Bishops to take some 
 judicial proceedings in the matter. The book was con- 
 sequently under discussion in both Houses of Convocation 
 for some time, and it was decided that there were sufficient 
 grounds to proceed to a Synodical Judgment upon it. 
 But, on July 9, all such proceedings were indefinitely 
 postponed because the Bishop of Salisbury had instituted 
 legal proceedings against one of the writers on the ground 
 of his Essay. The respondent in this suit was Dr. Williams, 
 the Vicar of Broad Chalke. Another suit was soon after 
 commenced by the Rev. James Fendall against Mr. Wilson, 
 for certain passages in his Essay. Bishop Hamilton's action 
 in instituting the suit against Dr. Williams was warmly 
 supported by Pusey, who was at first as sanguine about 
 its results as he was convinced of its necessity. 
 
44 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 CI 
 
 It was but another instance of Pusey's singular confidence 
 in the interpretation which a Court of Law would place upon 
 our Formularies. It will be remembered that his objection 
 to the action of the * Six Doctors/ in 1843, was not that 
 they had condemned him, but that he had been condemned 
 unheard; and he vainly endeavoured to remedy this injustice 
 by a suit in another court, and even desired that Bishop 
 Bagot should institute a friendly action against him. Later 
 again he appealed to Bishop Wilberforce to prosecute him 
 so as to test his teaching in what seemed to him at that 
 time the most suitable way. Whatever may be thought of 
 this method in the present day, Pusey was convinced that 
 it was the most direct method of carrying out the discipline 
 of the Church with regard to doctrine. His confidence in 
 the employment of this weapon was apparently the result 
 of the firm conviction that his own was the only legitimate 
 interpretation of the Formularies. He had not sufl[iciently 
 realized the subtlety of the methods of legal interpretation. 
 Even the startling results of the Gorham Case had not as 
 yet opened his ^yts. This is expressed, early in the pro- 
 ceedings, in the following letter to Bishop Hamilton :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Salisbury. 
 
 Pentire, Newlyn, June 22 [1861]. 
 I can only conceive one of two issues of the prosecution, either (i) 
 the condemnation of Dr. W., or (2) even if it could not be proved to 
 the satisfaction of a judge that Dr. W. were more than a relater of 
 
 Bunsen's theories, still a condemnation of these theories I wonder 
 
 that persons ... do not see that the question is not about the clergy 
 but about the people : that it is not whether A. or B. shall be interfered 
 with or let alone, but whether our English congregations are to be 
 taught these things by our clergy. 
 
 The suits against the two Essayists were adjudged by 
 Dr. Lushington on Dec. 15, 1862, in the Court of Arches, on 
 voy narrow issues. Many of the articles of the accu:iatxon 
 whidi had been handed in by the prosecution had been re- 
 jected for various reasons by the judge: so that the case was 
 far less complete than it had been at first. The Bi.shop of 
 Salisbury might have appealed to the Privy Council againat 
 
 w 
 
 ^ 
 
 ' ' I 
 
 Condemnation in the Ecclesiastical Court, 45 
 
 their rejection; but he, not unnaturally, shrank from the 
 responsibility of recognizing that Court by himself invoking 
 its decisions ; he therefore contented himself with allowing the 
 suit to proceed in the Court of Arches on the four remaining 
 charges only. On each of these Dr. Lushington decided 
 against the respondents, and they without hesitation 
 appealed to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. 
 The cases were argued in the latter part of June, 1 863, before 
 the Lord Chancellor (Lord Westbury) and three other Law 
 Lords, besides the Archbishop of Canterbury (Dr. Longley, 
 formerly Bishop of Ripon), the Archbishop of York 
 (Dr. Thomson), and the Bishop of London (Dr. Tait, 
 who, as Fellow and Tutor of BaUiol» had joined with 
 Mr. Wilson in 1841 in urging the authorities at O.xford 
 to take proceedings against Tract 90). 
 
 The exact charges which were under consideration before 
 the Privy Council can be briefly stated. Against Dr. Willianns 
 it vi-as allc^^ed that in certain passages of his K.ssay lie liad 
 mainiaincd that the Bible wa.-t not the Word of God nor 
 the Rule of Faith» and» furtlter, that he had described 
 Justification by Faith as bein^ no more than the peace 
 of mind and sense of Divine approval which comes of trust 
 in a righteous God. The other Essayist* Mr. Wilson, was 
 charged with having in effect stated that the Bible was not 
 neccrwarily at all, and certainly not in parts, the Word of 
 God. and with having in effect denied a future Judgment 
 and an eternal state of rcwurd.*t and punishments. 
 
 While the matter was under the consideration of the 
 Judicial Committee, the minds of Churchmen were further 
 agitated by the works of Bi*hop Colenso, for which he lud 
 been sentenced to deposition by tlie Bishop of Capetown 
 in December^ 1863. Before the Judgment was delivered, 
 it wa^ generally understood that the verdict of the EccJe- 
 sia.stical Court which had been advcrw: to the rcspondent.s, 
 would be reversed, and grave fears and anxieties prevailed. 
 •Dearest friend, foi^ve me,' Keble wrote to Pusey on 
 January a8, 1864, after apologizing for delay in writing. 
 • I ii::^ more troubles are comii^ on, and I shall be even 
 
46 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \ 
 
 forced to write to you more punctually. I mean about the 
 Courts, Capetown. &c.' Pusey was not at that moment 
 so anxious about Capetown, but he had already made 
 up his mind as to what ought to be done, if their worst 
 fears about the Privy Council were realized. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [Christ Church], Jan. 29, 1864. 
 
 r,Wn tTT'l-'^^ '' "^"^ ^'^^°"'- '^^ "»"« "y f"-- t*° points : 
 TnHi Tr Pj '° '■^^™ ""^ '^°<='"''« °' <J°«rines which the 
 
 annualagitation for a new Court of Appeal, and not rest, so long as 
 
 r„T xi.""^" " 'I ^^'^^- "^^ ^''^" ''^^^ 'he Low Church with 
 that tl; 7 .^^^'"-'^ >nserted a letter of mine, signal 'Senex,' praying 
 
 tmth orth ,?" f,"'!/["^ ^°"""' '"'«''' "°« be against G^'f 
 truth or the hke (I told the Editor privately who Senex was, yet he 
 
 put .t m, I hear.) However, we shall know next week the form of the 
 
 At the same time he penned a series of long and anxious 
 letters to the Bishop of London, pointing out the evil con- 
 sequence which would ensue if the doctrine of the Essayists 
 was pronounced to be justifiable. 
 
 The long-expected Judgment was at last given on 
 February 8, 1864. The Judges began and concluded their 
 decision by emphatically stating that they were compelled 
 to found their Judgment on 'the meagrest disjointed 
 extracts, contained in the reformed Articles as they came 
 from the lower Court. They stated, as had been already 
 asserted in the Judgment in the Gorham case, that they 
 had no power to decide doctrine; they could but examine 
 the plain grammatical meaning of the extracts and see 
 whether they were in conflict with the true construction of 
 the Articles and other Formularies of the Church of England. 
 Ihey further maintained that to justify a condemnation 
 m a suit of this character the contradiction between the 
 extracts and the Formularies must be direct. On these 
 principles they held that the charges against Dr. Williams 
 
 I 
 
 Acquittal by the Privy CounciL 
 
 47 
 
 and Mr. Wilson were *not proven/ Dr. Williams was 
 charged with saying that the Bible is not the Word of God : 
 the Judges found no such statement in the extracts before 
 them, and therefore acquitted him. Mr. Wilson ^was 
 charged with contradicting the Articles and Formularies by- 
 holding that the Bible was not written under the Inspiration 
 of the Holy Spirit, and that it was not necessarily at all, 
 and certainly not in parts, the Word of God. The Court 
 held that this charge involved the proposition that it was 
 contrary to the Articles and Formularies of the Church 
 of England to * affirm that any part of the canonical books 
 of the Old and New Testaments, on any subject whatever, 
 however unconnected with religious faith and moral duty, 
 was not written under the Inspiration of the Holy Spirit.' 
 Since this proposition could not be found by the Judicial 
 Committee in the portions of the Articles and other Formu- 
 laries that were cited, the charge was held not to be sub- 
 stantiated. As regards the second charge against Mr. Wilson, 
 it was held that he had said nothing that denied a future 
 judgment or eternal happiness, although he had expressed 
 a * hope * that * a judgment of eternal misery may not be 
 the purpose of God.' The Court was unable to find any 
 such distinct declaration of the Church on the subject 
 of the Eternity of final Judgment as to require them to 
 condemn such a hope as 'penal.' 
 
 Pusey and his friends saw that if the appellants were 
 ready to accept the interpretation which the Court had 
 put upon their language with regard to Inspiration and 
 Justification by Faith, their language was harmless enough. 
 But it was felt to be extremely desirable to take im- 
 mediate action with a view to the explicit assertion of 
 the belief of the Church about Inspiration and the future 
 state, and also with a view to ascertaining the exact legal 
 force of this finding. 
 
 Immediately on reading the decision, Pusey poured out 
 all his thoughts about it to the Bishop of Salisbury, which 
 he summarized in the following letter to Keble. 
 
I ' 
 
 48 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. p. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 [Christ Church, Feb. .0], Ash Wednesday, ,864. 
 
 withdraws what he said, and in reird^,!^!: '^.''"'""'' ^^ ^'""^"^ 
 
 diocese, it m g-ht havp a o-,^^^ /r ^ *" ^^^ ^^^ 
 
 sort in ; PaTtoral. ^""'^ ''^''' '° P"* ^""^ ''"■""''ing of this 
 
 But m regard to that awful doctrine of thp Ffpr^w,, ^r d • t. 
 the^r Judgment is .est de.orah .4^ iSdL^ n^^^^'^^LT''"'"' 
 
 mat el^erth ?;lCrrth° f T'^'^T ""^"^ -"^ 
 dishonesty on thel^Sl^lr^F r /o^T^S Ire'", ^^°'"t 
 
 any word whatsoever. Then the second Art .1 T u ""^^"'"^ °<^ 
 
 of any ererlastine Uk' n T ''T.^ -^^'h, there is no statement 
 snpreL^ gS Sch't h^ wa^^t b tT^ S ."oVIT '"•''' 
 principle, developed in time, out of JX, '""' 
 
 Jk"'the" ieXT tSf t'nr '^ '""^ """"^ '^ =''""-">"= ""-■^ 
 with every h^esy """'"' '""' ^' ""'^^^ ^ '"""dated 
 
 oflSrs'XTrThr'' '^'^'''< ;■"= "^^^ compromising scS 
 .0 any uni^pS'ldyt^b^.K fi^^^ 
 God which they suppose us to acouir?! k understanding of 
 
 If everlastintr'i, t n k! , if »<=q""^e 'trough our natural faculties. 
 
 sense, Sse t s S^t t'd 'fi T "''" '""" "^ '^S'"'"^'« E^g"^" 
 , uci^u&e ir IS not so defined, so may anv oth*»r a« a * r 
 
 Se~Tr,'''"r "^ *°''^^' •""' words canro'be de"fined tl 
 iTayers or Theological statements. Do you not think th.f ^ 
 
 worlc up something of this sort for the Bish'o; T^£ to SV" Sc 
 
 Attempt to calm Public Opinion. 
 
 49 
 
 would like what you would write better than what I should. It would 
 be of great value, if some of the Bishops would begin by speaking. 
 
 I have asked Cotton to try to stir up the Record. We have no 
 organ, now that the Guardian is liberalized. ... I am going to write to 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury ; and would not you write too ? 4^or 
 the most formidable thing of this Judgment (as it appears on the 
 surface) is, that the two Archbishops, while objecting to the Judgment 
 on other points, do not object to this, which makes it seem as if they 
 concurred. Surely Archbishop Longley cannot doubt that it is the 
 doctrine of the Church. 
 
 Both Archbishops had openly dissented from the rest of 
 the Judicial Committee on the subject of Inspiration ; and 
 Pusey was right in thinking that the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury (Dr. Longley) could not have consented to the 
 language of the Judgment on the subject of Eternal 
 Punishment. Appeals from the Bishop of Exeter, Keble, 
 and Pusey brought the following private assurance from 
 the Archbishop, which was printed in the Guardian in the 
 middle of March. 
 
 Lambeth Palace, March 4, [1864]. 
 
 I wish it to be generally understood that, in assenting to the 
 reversal of the Judgment of Dr. Lushington on the subject of Eternal 
 Punishment in the case of Mr. Wilson, I did so solely on technical 
 grounds ; insomuch as the charge against him on this point was so 
 worded that I did not think it could be borne out by the facts. 
 
 The Eternity of Punishment rests, according to my mind, exactly on 
 the same ground as the Eternity of Blessedness ; they must both stand 
 or fall together ; and the Church of England, as I maintain, holds both 
 doctrines clearly and decidedly. 
 
 At the same time Pusey and Keble were representing to 
 Bishop Phillpotts the great value of a short Pastoral Letter 
 addressed to his diocese on the subject. They were deeply 
 convinced that the practical results of this Judgment would 
 be extremely serious with regard not only to the faith but 
 also to the life of large numbers of people. So far as the 
 matter was affected by the Judgment of the Judicial Com- 
 mittee of the Privy Council, Pusey and Keble appealed 
 to Mr. Gladstone in the hope of enlisting the aid of 
 politicians in reforming the Final Court of Appeal for 
 ecclesiastical cases. Mr. Gladstone's answer fully acknow- 
 
 VOL. IV. E 
 
 7 
 
f 
 
 ^f 
 
 50 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 ledged the unsatisfactory nature both of the Court and of 
 its decisions, but did not, to Pusey's great disappointment, 
 hold out any hope of effectual assistance. 
 
 On such matters as Inspiration and the Doctrine of Ever- 
 lasting Punishment, Pusey had great hopes that it would 
 be possible to unite the Low Church and High Church 
 parties. In the Gorham and Denison Cases such a hope 
 was out of the question ; but the defence of the doctrines 
 which were now assailed seemed likely to be of the deepest 
 common interest. *We shall have the Low Church with 
 us now/ he said to Keble. Even before the decision he had 
 written to the Record, and within a few days of the 
 Judgment he sent two other letters to the same paper. 
 In the former he gave expression to *the pent-up longings 
 of many years/ and made an appeal for * one united action 
 on the part of every clergyman and lay member of the 
 Church.* He had long anticipated the coming of a time 
 when the pressure of the common enemy of unbelief 
 would draw closer into one band all who love their 
 Lord as their Redeemer and their God, and the Bible 
 as being indeed the very Word of God. He laid great 
 stress on the wide practical evil and loss of souls that would 
 result from any seeming doubt about Everlasting Punish- 
 ment. His special wish was that in some way or other 
 there should be a general reaffirmation of belief on that 
 subject. 
 
 * There is more than one way of doing it. It is for others to think 
 which should be chosen. But we should not rest, we should give no 
 rest to men, nor (they are God's own words) * to God ' until it is made 
 plain that the Church does faithfully and lovingly warn the wicked of 
 the doom which their Redeemer, Who died that they might not die 
 eternally, says He shall pronounce on those who to the end reject His 
 long-suffering mercy.* 
 
 He was greatly displeased at the position taken up by the 
 Guardian with reference to the Judgment ; both he and 
 Keble declined any longer to read it, and ceased to use 
 it, as before, as a medium of communication with their 
 friends. 
 
 Pusey and Lord Shaftesbury, 51 
 
 His appeal to the Record brought him many warm 
 expressions of sympathy and promises of help. The most 
 interesting reply was from his cousin Lord Shaftesbury, 
 whose last letter to him had been written in a tone'' of 
 
 severe remonstrance for neglecting to defend the Faith, 
 
 one of the duties of his academical position which his 
 correspondent considered that Pusey had forgotten. 
 
 Lord Shaftesbury to E. B. P. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Feb. 26, 1864. 
 
 You and I are fellow-collegians and old friends. 
 
 Time, space, and divergent opinions have separated us for many 
 years ; but circumstances have arisen which must, if we desire 
 combined action in the cause of our Common Master, set at nought 
 time, space, and divergent opinions. We will fight about those 
 another day ; in this we must * contend earnestly for the faith once 
 delivered to the saints * ; and it must be done together. Now your 
 letter to the Record shows (at least I think so) that you are of the same 
 mind as myself. We have to struggle not for Apostolical Succession 
 or Baptismal Regeneration, but for the very Atonement itself, for the 
 sole hope of fallen man, the vicarious Sacrifice of the Cross. For 
 God's sake, let all who love our blessed Lord and His perfect Work be 
 of one heart, one mind, one action, on this great issue, and show that, 
 despite our wanderings, our doubts, our contentions, we yet may be 
 one in Him. What say you t 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 _ Shaftesbury. 
 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 
 Pusey at once replied with characteristic warmth : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Lord Shaftesbury. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Feb. 28, 1864. 
 My dear Shaftesbury, 
 
 I thank God for your letter, and for the renewal of old 
 friendship. I always sought to live in peaceful relations with those 
 who love our dear Lord, and adore His redeeming mercy. Those 
 few lines in the Record express what has for these thirty years been 
 the deep longing of my soul, that we should understand one another, 
 and strive together against the common enemy of souls. This soul- 
 destroying Judgment may, with, I fear, its countless harm, be over- 
 ruled in God's mercy to good, if it binds as one man all who love our 
 Blessed Lord, in contending for the Faith assailed. I have ever loved 
 the (to use the term) Evangelical party (even while they blamed me), 
 
 E 2 
 
 i 
 

 H 
 
 52 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 because I believed that they loved our Redeeming Lord with their 
 whole hearts. So now I am one heart and one mind with those who 
 will contend for our common Faith against this tide of unbelief. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. PUSEY. 
 I only had to-day your letter dated Feb. 26. 
 
 I had thought to write to you the letter which I afterwards sent to 
 the Record^ but I thought it best in the end not to ask you to own me 
 again, till you should be so minded. 
 
 But beyond all other results of this common anxiety, the 
 most important to Pusey was the complete establishment 
 of the most friendly relations with Bishop Wilberforce. 
 During the Denison Case it will have been noticed that from 
 time to time friendly and confidential communications were 
 passing between them: in 1857 and the following years 
 the Bishop never failed to enlist Pusey's help and advice 
 with regard to the Courses of Sermons which he arranged 
 at St. Marys and St. Giles', Oxford, for the under- 
 graduates. On two occasions they seemed to be in 
 momentary danger of taking different sides about the 
 endowment of the Greek Professorship ; but those dangers 
 soon passed away. The prominent action which Bishop 
 Wilberforce took with regard to 'Essays and Reviews' 
 from the very first, both in the Quarterly Review and in 
 Convocation, made it natural that Pusey should appeal to 
 him about the best practical course to pursue at this crisis. 
 On Feb. 13, fiwQ days after the Judgment, he wrote to the 
 Bishop urging the necessity of some action. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Bishop (Wilberforce) of Oxford. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 13 [1864]. 
 One can hardly think of anything for the hidden blasphemy of that 
 Judgment which declares that to be uncertain which our Lord 
 taught, and for the loss of countless souls which it will involve, if 
 not repudiated by the Church. For nothing, I suppose, keeps men 
 from any sin except the love of God or the fear of Hell. And the 
 fear of Hell in most cases drives us to seek God and to know Him 
 and to love Him. It is most demoralizing in its virtual denial of faith 
 and on the principles on which it is based. I am going over with 
 Liddon the two Judgments to see what truths are thrown open 
 between them, that it may be seen what has to be reaffirmed. As 
 it is, the moral effect of the Judgment was briefly stated in the Times— 
 
 \ 
 
 Pusey and Bishop Wilberforce, 
 
 53 
 
 * the teaching of the Essayists is recognized.* Without some combined 
 effort to repudiate that Judgment the Church of England will be 
 destroyed or will become the destroyer of souls. 
 
 On February 21 the Bishop wrote to Pusey, enclosing 
 two documents which had been drawn up by W. R. Fre- 
 mantle, one of his rural deans and afterwards Dean of 
 Ripon, and Woodford (afterwards Bishop of Ely). One 
 was a proposed declaration of belief in * the Divine 
 authority of the Canonical Scriptures as being the Word 
 of God, and in the certainty of the Everlasting Punishment 
 of the wicked ' ; the second was a Memorial to the Queen 
 praying her to issue a Commission to inquire into the 
 constitution and practice of the Judicial Committee of 
 the Privy Council. The Bishop joined in the wish for 
 a Commission, but earnestly begged Pusey to serve on a 
 committee which would, as a first step, take action with 
 a view to the affirmation of the impugned doctrines by all 
 except ' the tainted section ' of the Church. Pusey at first 
 signed both the papers, but on second thoughts he doubted 
 the wisdom of any attempt to obtain a Royal Commission 
 on the Courts. He feared that after a year's delay they 
 would only obtain an unsatisfactory answer, and by that 
 time people's energies would have cooled down. 
 
 The Bishop in reply could not agree that it was inexpedient 
 to have a Commission on the working of the Final Court of 
 Appeal, but he added : * What I am most anxious about 
 for the present is that you should do your utmost to weld 
 together for this purpose the two great sections of the 
 Church, High and Low ; and that at all events the protest 
 and declaration should be numerously signed.' 
 
 A large number of graduates came to Oxford on Feb- 
 ruary 25 to vote on some extensive changes in the 
 Examination Statutes. This was regarded as a favourable 
 opportunity for concerting some common action such as 
 Bishop Wilberforce desired, and Pusey was appointed 
 a member of a representative committee^ to which was 
 
 ^ It consisted of Archdeacon Gierke, Rev. W. R. Fremantle, Dr. Leighton, 
 Dr. Cotton, Archdeacon Denison, Dr. J. C. Miller, and Dr. Pusey. 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
54 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusty. 
 
 li 
 
 :U 
 
 assigned the delicate task of drawing up a Declaration 
 which was to unite and satisfy the many diverging 
 interests, all alike hostile to the Judgment. 
 
 The Declaration, which the Bishop had suggested, was 
 altered by the committee until at last it assumed the 
 following form, in which it was hoped that sufficient care 
 had been taken to exclude evasion without going beyond 
 the Formularies of the Church of England ^ : 
 
 * We the undersigned Presbyters and Deacons in Holy Orders of the 
 Church of England and Ireland, hold it to be our bounden duty 
 to the Church and to the souls of men, to declare our firm belief that 
 the Church of England and Ireland, in common with the whole 
 Catholic Church, maintains without reserve or qualification, the 
 Inspiration and Divine Authority of the whole CanonicaJ Scriptures, as 
 not only containing but being the Word of God ; and further teaches, 
 in the Words of our Blessed Lord, that the "punishment" of the 
 " cursed " equally with the " life " of the '' righteous " is " everiasting." 
 
 The following letter, in which Pusey sent a copy of this 
 Declaration to his Diocesan, describes an interesting example 
 of the extreme difficulty of uniting for a common purpose 
 those who are separated by great differences of opinion 
 on other points: — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Bishop (Wilberforce) of Oxford. 
 
 Feb. 28, 1864. 
 The Warden of All Souls and I had a conversation with Arch- 
 deacon Randall, yesterday, and he seemed satisfied with our explana- 
 tions. Our idea in this Declaration was to unite as many as possible. 
 You will observe, if you look, that we declare our belief, not, in the 
 doctrines, but that the Church of England in common with the whole 
 Catholic Church maintains them. The expression 'firmly believe 
 that,' was put in to satisfy Dr. Ogilvie. He said that he would sign 
 the Declaration with those words, and would not without. Heurtley, 
 we hoped, would follow him. We had then the alternative of my 
 standing alone in a document issuing from Oxford, as the one 
 representative of the Theological faculty, or of acceding to his pro- 
 posal. It is very sad that people stickle so much, each for his own 
 form of words, but I have found it in the experience of some thirty 
 years. I said to Archdeacon R. that we could strike them out, but 
 with the loss of the one or two Divinity Professors who would sign it. 
 
 * On the terms of the Declarations, in the Guardian of April m. 1864 
 see two letters from Pusey, published p. 347. 
 
 y 
 
 k'iftt.. ;i r-s HI 
 
 f 
 
 * The Oxford Declaration * on Inspiration, 55 
 
 For the omission of the reference to the Privy Council, we had two 
 classes to look to. Mr. Fremantle wrote first, privately. Evangelicals, 
 Erastians, and timid people were against any direct reference to the 
 Privy Council, even in the very modified form in which the paper was 
 drawn up. Dr. Miller of Birmingham adhered uncompromisingljsj [? on 
 behalf] of those whose adherence he told us would secure hundreds of 
 signatures. Dr. Wilson, Mr. Venn, Mr. Auriol, demurred, and it was 
 transparent, that they feared lest, in shaking this Judgment, they 
 should shake the Gorham Judgment too — which of course they would. 
 Then, too, timid people like Heurtley and the Dean of Exeter, Lord 
 Middleton, would not sign even a seeming Protest. 
 
 What then we hoped by this measure was, to lay a broad basis 
 for future operation and to strengthen the hands of Convocation. 
 I trusted that this Declaration would show that the misbelievers were 
 but a small body, whereas I believe that the Privy Council passed 
 their dishonest Judgment, believing it to be a large one. We owe it 
 also to show to the people of England, who might be seduced to sin 
 by being thus taught to disbelieve Hell, that the great body of their 
 clergy believe it. 
 
 In regard to the word * plenary inspiration,* it was the received term 
 of my youth. I proposed at first * that the whole Canonical Scriptures 
 are the Word of God,' but Dr. Miller thought that it would not convey 
 our full meaning, although he owned that Colenso and others, by 
 substituting the formula * contains the Word of God ' for * is the Word 
 of God,' show how much lies in that word 'is.' Archdeacon Hale 
 suggests 'the authority of the whole Canonical Scriptures as the 
 inspired Word of God,' which I will propose to the committee 
 to-morrow, please God. But Dr. Stanley and Professor Jowett own 
 an * inspiration * of the Scriptures, but a 'fallible inspiration.' 
 
 The opinion of the Archbishop ought to be elicited before the 
 circulation of any Declaration. The use made of his name is terrible. 
 The unbelieving party are parading it. Dr. Stanley (in answer to ray 
 expressing a difficulty as to preaching in Westminster Abbey) writes 
 to me, ' I can understand that you might feel your relations altered 
 towards the Church itself, whose highest tribunal and whose two 
 Primates have delivered a Judgment which you so much deplore.' 
 This language and the unexplained fact will drive hundreds to 
 Rome. 
 
 The Warden of All Souls, who is not in Oxford to-day, has the 
 sketch of a letter which your Lordship suggests ; but the committee 
 thought that it had no authority to write to the Archbishop or to 
 address him, having been appointed for a different purpose. I would 
 have written, but (I think that probably by some accident) he did 
 not answer the letter which I have already written. 
 
 It would be easy, I think, to settle to send the Declaration to his 
 Grace, but owing to the interruptions of the proceedings on Thursday, 
 the committee received very limited powers. Perhaps this could be 
 
 •i \ 
 
 ife 
 

 I 
 
 If 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
 l' 
 
 56 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 repaired to-morrow week, when I suppose that there will be another 
 gathering on the question of the endowment of the Greek Chair. 
 
 I have a very cordial letter from Lord Shaftesbury (my cousin), 
 from whom I have been separated for many years, proposing union 
 in very warm earnest terms. 
 
 But the work of the committee was successful at least in 
 drawing men together. 'The Declaration is wonderfully 
 uniting all but the Rationalists/ was the report that Pusey 
 sent to Bishop Hamilton on March i. At the same time 
 he was cheered by a letter from Archbishop Longley, 
 telling him that he was waiting for the presentation of the 
 Declaration as the most suitable moment for a public 
 assertion of his belief in the doctrines with which it dealt. 
 But the Archbishop was unable to await the presentation, as 
 it would unavoidably be two months before the signatures 
 could be collected and arranged. Therefore, on March 14, 
 he issued a Pastoral Letter to his clergy, in which he dis- 
 cusses the doctrines on which the Judgment had touched, 
 and especially asserted his firm conviction that * the Church 
 has no more sure warrant for belief in the eternal happiness 
 of the saved than it has for belief in the eternal suffering of 
 the lost.' He explained that his concurrence in the Judg- 
 ment on this point was caused only by the obscurity of 
 Mr. Wilson's language. In the following month the Arch- 
 bishop of York also issued a Pastoral Letter to the same 
 effect. 
 
 During March the * Oxford Declaration ' was the subject 
 of a great correspondence. It was most violently attacked 
 by many who, for varying reasons, felt unable to sign it, 
 and Counsel's Opinion was taken on both sides as to the 
 legality of such a Declaration. On one side Dr. Stephens 
 and Mr. Traill maintained that ' it is not consistent with 
 the obligations under which the clergy have placed them- 
 selves ... to sign the Declaration ' ; while another opinion, 
 which bore the signatures of Sir Roundell Palmer and 
 Sir H. M. Cairns, asserted that ' it is not in any way unlawful 
 for clergymen, either singly or together, in their preaching 
 or otherwise, to affirm ' the words of the Declaration. On 
 
 Correspondence, — F, D. Maurice. 
 
 57 
 
 legal grounds then the Declaration might proceed ; but it 
 was attacked for a very different reason by the Rev. F. D. 
 Maurice in the columns of the Times. The lengthy cor- 
 respondence is too important to be reproduced itv any 
 shortened form : — 
 
 Rev. F. D. Maurice to the Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 Sir, 
 
 London, March 4, 1864. 
 
 A document has appeared in the Times which purports to be 
 a protest proceeding from certain divines in Oxford and presented for 
 signature to all the clergy of England. 
 
 The protest is apparently occasioned by the decision of the Privy 
 Council in the cases of Dr. Williams and Mr. Wilson. Yet I question 
 whether any of the laymen or ecclesiastics who pronounced that 
 decision would object to the mere terms of this protest. Dr. Williams 
 and Mr. Wilson themselves might, I conceive, sign it with as much 
 sincerity and good faith as Dr. Pusey and Dr. Miller. 
 
 For a sense — and by no means a non-natural sense — might be 
 given to the words of that protest which would utterly prevent 
 Dr. Pusey and Dr. Miller from signing it with any sincerity or good 
 faith. If by declaring their belief in the inspiration of Canonical 
 Scriptures they exclude men of this day from God's inspiration, they 
 must contradict the letter and spirit of the thirteenth Article. If by 
 affirming that the Bible is the Word of God they mean to deny 
 that any other and higher meaning is to be given to the expression 
 
 * Word of God,' they must refuse St. John's Gospel a place among the 
 Canonical Scriptures ; they must set aside the creeds of the Church ; 
 they must place themselves on the level of M. Rdnan. 
 
 The second clause of the protest seems to affirm that the word 
 
 * eternal' or * everlasting ' in the Scripture applies as much to the 
 punishment of the wicked as io the life of the righteous. If that is 
 what the clause means, every one must accept it who accepts our Lord's 
 teaching in the twenty-fifth chapter of St. Matthew's Gospel. 
 
 If it means anything else — if it means, for instance, that God's 
 punishments are not to be effectual, that eternal life is not the life 
 of the eternal God, that eternal punishment is not the punishment 
 of losing that life, that righteousness is not to prevail over evil, that 
 God's purpose is to keep man for ever and ever in evil— it should say 
 what it means. 
 
 Seeing that the protest is intended, I presume, to protect the 
 
 Church from ambiguities, it should not itself offer an excuse for all 
 
 possible ambiguities. 
 
 F. D. Maurice. 
 
 ! 
 
 ;|e 
 
 li 
 
 % 
 
58 
 
 I 
 
 ,1 i 
 
 i 
 
 ■* 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 Christ Church, March 7, 1864. 
 
 Since Mr. Maurice in his strictures on a Declaration (now in 
 circulation among the clergy of England), as being ambiguous, speaks 
 of me, you will I am sure think it fair to insert my answer. I shall 
 not follow him into controversy on sacred subjects, but shall confine 
 myself to the point that the Declaration is not ambiguous. 
 
 He alleges that * Inspiration * in Article XIII ('works done before 
 the grace of Christ and the Inspiration of the Spirit ') is used of the 
 ordinary gifts of God's grace, and that the expression * the Word 
 of God' is used by St. John of our Divine Lord. But every one 
 knows that the meaning of words is determined by the context. In 
 the statement that * the Church of England maintains without reserve 
 or qualification the Inspiration and Divine authority of the whole 
 Canonical Scriptures as not only containing but being the Word of 
 God,' the word 'inspiration ' clearly does not mean the ordinary gifts 
 of God's grace to all Christians, else the writings of Christians who 
 have the grace of God, would be Holy Scripture (which is absurd). Nor 
 can it mean by the word of God, * God the Word,' both because there 
 is no question as to the meaning of ' the Word of God ' in the Articles 
 referred to, and it would be senseless and blasphemy to say that the 
 Holy Scriptures are God the Word. Dr. Lushington stated in his 
 Judgment, that ' God's Word written and " Scripture " are in Article 
 XX plainly identical' (p. 15). Wishing to adhere strictly to our 
 Formularies we employed the expression 'the Word of God' as 
 being used of Holy Scripture seven times in the Articles. 
 
 In regard to the other statement of the Declaration, Mr. Maurice 
 says—' It seems to affirm that the word eternal and everlasting applies 
 as much to the punishment of the wicked as to the life of the 
 righteous.* 
 
 The language of the Declaration is, not ' applies to * but * is.' It 
 further teaches, in the words of our Blessed Lord, that the punish- 
 ment of the • cursed ' equally with the * life ' of the righteous, is 
 everlasting. 
 
 I should have thought it impossible for any one to say that such 
 a statement is ' ambiguous ' or to doubt its meaning. 
 
 For the rest I keep my promise not to enter here into Mr. Maurice's 
 theology. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 Rev. F. D. Maurice to the Editor of the ' Times.' 
 
 London, March 8, 1864. 
 I am not aware that I troubled the readers of the Times with 
 any discussion about my theology. I commented on a document 
 which was put forth under the sanction of distinguished names, which 
 
 Correspondence, — F, Z). Maurice, 
 
 59 
 
 was published in your columns, and which all the clergy of England 
 are invited to sign. 
 
 This document, being put forward as a protest on behalf of our 
 Articles, used the word ' inspiration ' in a sense which I thought was 
 very likely to interfere with the sense given to it in one of^those 
 Articles. I am most strengthened in that conviction by Dr. Pusey's 
 letter in the Times of to-day. 
 
 He says that I spoke of the ' ordinary gifts of God's grace.' I never 
 used the phrase. It is his own. I should not consider that an 
 ordinary gift, which the Article says is necessary that we may do good 
 works. That Dr. Pusey and the authors of this Declaration call it by 
 that name is a proof to me how little they are in harmony with the 
 author of the Article or of the Collect which we repeat in our Com- 
 munion Service, and how far we shall go wrong if we follow their 
 guidance. They wish us to think the only full — ' plenary ' I suppose, 
 means full— inspiration is that which they find in letters. The in- 
 spiration of life is only ' an ordinary gift.' 
 
 I do not for a moment suppose that Dr. Pusey confounds the Living 
 Word with the letters through which He may speak to us. But 
 I think he ought very seriously to consider whether the language of 
 his Declaration of faith may not involve others in this confusion. The 
 compilers of the Articles have carefully guarded against it. If they 
 speak ever so many times of the Scriptures as ' the Word of God ' they 
 had begun with an Article ' on the Word or Son of God.' But this 
 Declaration is the supplement to the Articles. It is to remove am- 
 biguities from them. 
 
 Dr. Pusey wishes that we should give the fullest, strictest force to 
 our Lord's words respecting punishment. He cannot wish it more 
 than I do. The punishments of God I find in Scripture are always 
 said to serve the ends of righteousness. So long as they last, to 
 whomsoever they are supplied, I believe they are witnesses that He 
 does not wish His creatures to continue in unrighteousness. 
 
 E.^B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 As before, I will not trouble you with any theological controversy. 
 Mr. Maurice charged the Declaration with being ambiguous which, if 
 true, would have involved a grave moral fault. He grounded his 
 charge on what certain words—' inspiration,' ' the Word of God ' — 
 might mean, apart from their context. My answer was that there 
 could be no such ambiguity in that context. There can be no doubt 
 what the meaning either of ' inspiration ' or of ' the Word of God * 
 could be in the sentence — ' Maintain, without reserve or qualification, 
 the inspiration of the whole Canonical Scriptures as not only con- 
 taining but being the Word of God.' Plainly, it means such ' inspira- 
 tion ' as constitutes that which was written under its influence ' the 
 Word of God.' Mr. Maurice ignores this statement and reads me 
 a lecture on my use of the familiar theological term, 'the ordinary gifts 
 
 i 
 
 ;i " 
 
 !{ 
 
6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of God*s grace.* Any operation of the grace of God on the soul is 
 plainly supernatural ; 'the ordinary gifts of God's grace' are stupendous 
 gifts of His love. Yet they are ordinary, in that they have been for 
 above eighteen centuries and are given to every one who has asked 
 for them and has been or is a Christian, not in name only but in deed. 
 A gift which has been given to every faithful Christian since our Lord 
 left this earth must be different from that which, under the New 
 Testament, was given only to Apostles or companions of the Apostles. 
 God has raised up men whom He 'endowed with singular gifts of His 
 Spirit,' but He has not, since He removed St. John from the earth, 
 raised up one whose spiritual gifts could entitle what he wrote to be 
 called Holy Scripture. 
 
 Any question, however, as to the . ambiguity of the Declaration 
 is removed by Mr. Wilson's letter to the Dai/y News. Mr. Maurice 
 said : — 
 
 * Dr. Williams and Mr. Wilson might, I conceive, sign it (the 
 protest) with as much sincerity and good faith as Dr. Pusey or 
 Dr. Miller.' 
 
 Mr. Wilson answers, in effect, that he would not sign it if he could, 
 and could not if he would. He would not, because he believes it 
 to be directed against the decision of the Judicial Committee ; he 
 could not, because it states explicitly what he does not believe. 
 
 Mr. Wilson, in reinforcing his own opinions by an extract from 
 a Rotterdam pastor who denies eternity of punishment as inconsistent 
 with the attributes of God, shows the depth and breadth of the 
 question at issue. We do not believe in the same God. God Whom 
 we adore in His awful and inscrutable justice and holiness, these 
 writers affirm to be cruel. The God whom they acknowledge we 
 believe to be the creature of their own minds, not the God Who has 
 revealed Himself to man. 
 
 Rev. F. D. Maurice to the Editor of the ' Times.' 
 
 ... I do not know what Mr. Wilson has written respecting the new 
 Declaration of Faith; but like him, I never would sign it. My reasons 
 
 are these : — 
 
 1. An irresponsible self-elected committee has no right to frame 
 a new test for the Church of England. 
 
 2. The test is not an honest one. It means more than it says. If 
 a man does not accept it, he is told that he denies the inspiration 
 of the Scriptures, that he rejects the Word of God, that he will not 
 receive the express declaration of the Spirit. If he does sign it, he is 
 told that he has committed himself to a condemnation of the decision 
 of the Privy Council ; to a special notion about inspiration which I for 
 one believe to be dishonourable to the Word of God, to the notion 
 that God condemns men to everlasting sin which I for one hold to be 
 an accursed notion. 
 
 3. Because the adjuration prefixed to this Declaration that * for the 
 
 Correspondence. — F, D. Maurice. 
 
 61 
 
 love of God ' we should put our names to it, received a very lucid 
 explanation from the recent decision of the Oxford Convocation. 
 It means ' Young clergymen, poor curates, poor incumbents, sign, or 
 we will turn the whole force of religious public feeling against you. 
 Sign or we will starve you ! Look at the Greek Professor ! You see 
 we can take that vengeance on those whom we do not like. You see 
 that we are willing to take it, and that no considerations of faithful 
 and devoted services will hinder us.* This is what is called signing 
 ' for the love of God.' I accept Dr. Pusey's own statement, tremendous 
 as it is. I say that the God whom we are adjured to love, under 
 these penalties, is not the God of whom I have read in ' the Canonical 
 Scriptures,' not the God who declares that He abhors robbery for burnt 
 offering. 
 
 In my turn I will implore and even adjure. I call upon the richer 
 incumbents of London and of all parts of England, upon the learned 
 members of cathedral establishments, upon those in the Universities 
 who are not yet pledged, to protect their younger and poorer brethren 
 from this moral force— a phrase which means to these theologians, 
 as it meant to the Chartists, the threat of physical force. 
 
 I call upon the bishops— not only upon those who have made 
 themselves responsible for the whole or any part of the Privy Council 
 decision, but upon all who are not prepared to surrender their own 
 functions to any self-created committee, to say whether they think 
 that the Church requires a new test, whether they think that we are 
 obliged ' for the love of God ' to subscribe one. 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Editor of the 'Times.' 
 
 Mr. Maurice from a charge of ambiguity in the recent Declaration 
 goes to a charge of dishonesty. 'The Declaration,' he says, 'means 
 more than it says.* Before, it was to be capable of opposite senses, 
 so that Mr. Wilson or Dr. Williams were to be able to sign it. Now 
 that Mr. Wilson has declared that he could not sign it, Mr. Maurice 
 says, ' Neither could I.* Where, then, is the alleged ambiguity .? Now 
 he alleges that it is expressed ^o clearly as to admit of no doctrine 
 of Inspiration short of what it states, and that a doctrine which 
 Mr. Maurice believes to be ' dishonourable to the Word of God.' How 
 one mind could bring all the successive charges which Mr. Maurice 
 had alleged I cannot understand. 
 
 Further, Mr. Maurice imputes blasphemy to' the belief which he 
 rejects. The Declaration is to ' commit men to the notion that God 
 condemns men to everlasting sin.' This blasphemy Mr. Maurice 
 well knows that no one holds ; it is of course contrary to the Being of 
 God that He should be the author of sin. Very few in England 
 (whatever they may think or wish as to man) do not conceive of 
 Satan as remaining, of his own free will, fixed in evil. Our 
 Redeemer declares the endless punishment of the wicked ; the addition 
 that * God would condemn man to everlasting sin ' is Mr. Maurice's. 
 
 l! 
 
62 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 In this life too God maintains in being persons who p)ersevere to the 
 end unchanged in sin, yet He does not thereby * condemn them to sin.' 
 
 From allegations of dishonesty and of blasphemy Mr. Maurice goes 
 on to charge oppression upon those who take part in the Declaration, 
 viz. that they wish to impose a new * test ' and to make an oppression 
 of it. This is childish as well as unjust. Any one who knows anything 
 of the habits of mankind knows how very many concurrent grounds 
 there always are against signing anything. Some * never sign at all,' 
 some take exception to this expression, others to that ; some think 
 such a statement not to be called for ; others that it is of no use, &c. 
 When, then, there may be so many reasons why a person may not 
 have signed it, it cannot of course be assumed that any given individual 
 clergyman did not sign it because he did not agree with the truths 
 contained in it. The very idea, then, of * a test ' is gone. A Declaration 
 would only be a * test ' if there were any authority which could require 
 any party to declare his assent to or his dissent from it. I do believe 
 that the * Declaration ' will have a great moral effect on the country. 
 I believe the Bible to be very dear to the people of England, and 
 that they will be much reassured to find that their clergy do as a body, 
 with one heart and one mind, receive the Bible as the infallible Word 
 of God, not as * containing that Word ' only. For if the Bible con- 
 tained the * Word of God ' only, who could say where in the Bible that 
 Word was to be found? Each would find it according to his own 
 bias in what he liked. One would find it in this saying, another 
 in that ; and the negative tastes of any two persons might combine 
 to find it nowhere. 
 
 Mr. Maurice excepts against our * asking other clergymen to join us 
 for the love of God.' This arises from our opposite convictions. 
 What else could they do who feared lest people should be encouraged 
 to disbelieve the Bible and Hell and that they were in risk of losing 
 their faith and their souls ? 
 
 Thus for the moment the controversy ended. Pusey's 
 conviction of the extreme gravity of the question at issue 
 explains why he expressed himself throughout the whole 
 controversy on * Essays and Reviews ' with a warmth which 
 he uniformly repressed on all other occasions. 
 
 At the same time Pusey was carrying on another corre- 
 spondence with Dr. Stanley, who had recently left his Oxford 
 Professorship for the Deanery of Westminster. The Dean 
 had a sincere desire to * enlarge ' (as he called it) the Church 
 of England, and felt it his duty to give, to every preacher 
 of eminence within the Church, the opportunity of address- 
 ing the mixed congregations that assembled in the Abbey, 
 on the subject of the truths which they all held in common. 
 
 Invitation to preach at Westminster Abbey, 63 
 
 Pusey was among those who received an early invitation to 
 preach. Stanley had from the first held aloof from 'Essays 
 and Reviews* and declined to contribute to the volume; but 
 he had in public warmly defended its writers and fervently 
 expressed his thankfulness for the decision of the Privy 
 Council. *That the Church of England does not hold — 
 (i) verbal inspiration, (2) imputed righteousness, (3) eter- 
 nity of torment, is now, I trust, fixed for ever ^.' 
 
 The points on which Stanley differed from him were 
 necessarily at the moment painfully prominent in Pusey's 
 mind, both because of * Essays and Reviews,' and also 
 because he was at that moment specially harassed by the 
 complexities of the controversy about Professor Jowett at 
 Oxford, which had already laid him open to so much 
 misunderstanding from friends who could not appreciate 
 his tolerant attitude towards the endowment of the Greek 
 Chair. He was greatly perplexed about his answer to the 
 Dean's invitation. He first wrote neither accepting nor 
 declining, but calling attention to the importance of the 
 questions on which they differed, and calling Stanley's 
 attention to a criticism of his Lectures on the Jewish Church, 
 in the book on Daniel. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Dean Stanley. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 23, [1864]. 
 
 . . . We are at a critical moment. I, as you may have heard, have 
 joined those, whether Evangelicals or others, who think it necessary 
 that the Church should in some way reaffirm the doctrines upon 
 which doubt has been thrown by the late Judgments. Your friends, 
 I hear, are rejoicing in it. So there we are in direct antagonism. 
 Some to whom I owe great deference say to me * I confess that 
 I should feel a shock at your preaching at the Abbey at this juncture, 
 and I think that this would be the feeling of many people.' It gives 
 an appearance of unreality if people, who are at that moment in active 
 antagonism on what they believe to be of vital moment, unite as if 
 there were nothing at issue between them. ... I believe the present 
 to be a struggle for the life or death of the Church of England, and 
 what you believe to be for life I be.ieve to be for death ; and you think 
 the same reciprocally of me. • 
 
 I fear, then, lest in accepting a personal token of confidence from 
 
 1 ( 
 
 Life and Letters of Dean Stanley,' ii. 44. 
 
 i 
 
 $1 
 
64 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey* 
 
 you, in offering to me what has never been offered to me before — the 
 privilege of preaching to all those souls in the Abbey— I should be 
 confusing people's minds. . . . People might ask what do those people 
 think to be truth ? * 
 
 The Dean replied by stating the grounds on which he 
 had made the offer, and renewing it * in the name of our 
 common Christianity and our common Church.* With 
 regard to the decision of the Privy Council, he wrote 
 as follows : — 
 
 Dean Stanley to E. B. P.* 
 
 Feb. 25, 1864. 
 
 I regret, but cannot be surprised (after what I have often heard you 
 say), that you should be displeased at the recent Judggient, which to 
 me appears so wise and just. But I cannot see that this divergence 
 makes any difference in my position, or in yours, with regard to these 
 sermons. I can understand that you might feel your relations altered 
 towards the Church itself, whose highest tribunal and whose two 
 Primates have delivered a Judgment which you so much deplore. 
 But as to any action within the Church, I cannot recognize any further 
 difference than may have been occasioned by the divergence which 
 existed between us at the time of the Gorham Judgment, and which 
 was expressed by many in terms at least as strong as those which you 
 use on the present occasion. 
 
 I confess that I was startled and pained by your letter of adhesion 
 to a newspaper (you will forgive me for saying what I am sure you 
 must often have heard said by others) of so scandalous a character as 
 the Record. . . . 
 
 With regard to the theological differences to which you so kindly 
 allude, and especially to the note which you mention in my * Lectures 
 on the Jewish Church,' I will only say that I have said there nothing, 
 in principle, beyond what you yourself said formerly in the book on 
 German theology. 
 
 Pusey was unwilling to stand aloof from any scheme 
 designed to bring home the truth to the souls of people 
 who are seldom within its reach. On the other hand, he 
 dreaded lest he should appear to countenance indifference 
 by allowing himself to be mixed up with those whose 
 teaching he so profoundly distrusted. He therefore wrote 
 again to Stanley to ask the names of those with whom he 
 would be associated if he accepted the proposal. 
 
 ' 'Life and Letters of Dean Stanley,' ii. 163. 
 
 ! i 
 
 Correspondence with Dean Stanley, 
 
 65 
 
 E. B. P. TO Dean Stanley*. 
 
 February 28, 1864. 
 
 Can you tell me who the other preachers are whom you propose to 
 invite to preach at the Abbey? I know that you sympathize most 
 with those most opposite to my belief. And yet this is not the case of 
 persons preaching incidentally in the same church. It is a cycle of 
 preachers— one system, one whole. You appeal to me kindly in the 
 name of * our common Christianity.' Alas ! I do not know what the 
 common Christianity of myself and Professor Jowett is. I do not 
 know what single truth we hold in common, except that somehow 
 Jesus came from God, which the Mohammedans believe too. I do 
 not think that Professor Jowett believes our Lord to have been Very 
 God, or God the Holy Ghost to be a Personal Being. The doctrine of 
 the Atonement, as he states it, is something wholly unmeaning. Of 
 his heart, of course, I do not speak ; I only speak of his writings. 
 
 For yourself, my dear Dr. Stanley, you say that you have said 
 nothing in principle beyond what I said in my books when I was 
 twenty-eight. Would to God you did not ! 
 
 I wrote to the Record because I wanted to unite with the party who 
 take it in, and to whom I had access through it. I dare say it has 
 said many a hard thing of myself and my friends ; no one can suppose 
 that I endorse these things. 
 
 But I must, and do, join heart and soul with those who oppose this 
 tide of Rationalism. Nothing, of course, but the deep conviction that 
 the souls of the young and the faith were imperilled would have 
 induced me to unite in the prosecution of Professor Jowett. 
 
 The Dean told him the names of the other preachers and 
 renewed his request, saying that the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury would have preached, but he was engaged. ' I venture,' 
 he added, * to express my surprise that you should scruple 
 about preaching in the same Church with the Archbishop 
 and mysdf, and not scruple about making an ally (without 
 a word of justification) of a newspaper which notoriously 
 violates the first principles of truth and charity every week.' 
 Pusey was as perplexed as ever, and wrote again for the 
 advice of Bishop Hamilton and Keble. * One's feeling says,' 
 he wrote to Keble, ' If God did but speak through one to 
 six consciences of those 3,000 ! Then comes one's fear of 
 seeming indifference. . . .' 
 
 Keble had not yet been invited to preach ^ but he had 
 
 * * Life and Letters of Dean Stanley,* Pusey declined : see their letters in 
 Ji. P- 163. 'Life and Letters of Dean Stanley,' 
 
 * He and Liddon were asked after ii. 159, 165 sqq. 
 
 VOL. IV. F 
 
 v.\ 
 
»v- 
 
 66 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Results of ' the Oxford Declaration.' 
 
 67 
 
 « 
 
 h 
 
 I 
 
 already made up his mind in his own case : if the Dean 
 were to ask him, he should decline, for the same reasons as 
 caused him to decline to preach at Oxford. But he found 
 it very difficult to decide what Pusey should do. At last 
 he wrote to say that * having such countenance as that of 
 Archbishop Longley, he should think that Pusey could say 
 "yes" without scandal.' But before his opinion reached 
 Oxford a letter from Bishop Hamilton had caused Pusey 
 to send a final refusal. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Dean Stanley \ 
 
 March 5, 1864. 
 
 I trust that I have not caused you inconvenience by the difficulty 
 which I have had in making up my mind. It would have been a glad 
 office to me to preach to those 3,000 if so be that G'od would have 
 spoken through me to one soul effectively. But I dare not. I think 
 that one of the great dangers of the present day is to conceive of 
 matters of faith as if they were matters of opinion, to think all have an 
 equal chance of being right, which involves this — that there is no faith 
 at all. The essence of your scheme seems to me to be to exhibit as 
 one those whose differences I believe to be vital ; and so, although it 
 is with a pang that I relinquish the offer which (differing so much 
 from me) you kindly made me, of speaking God's truth earnestly to all 
 those souls, I cannot with a safe conscience accept it. 
 
 To the outside world it might have seemed that Stanley's 
 courteous invitation could have been accepted with 
 a similar courtesy. But Pusey felt that such a judgment 
 would only be passed by those who regarded all doctrinal 
 differences as matters of unnecessary detail. However 
 greatly he might prize each opportunity of preaching for 
 the salvation of souls, he could not face the grave danger of 
 seeming to regard as indifferent distinctions which he for 
 his part believed to be vital. It was no consolation to him 
 that other good men, who were at one with him on the 
 question at issue, did not share his apprehensions. As Keble 
 said in reply to the invitation which Stanley sent to him 
 a few days later, ' Were I to accept it, it would be in dis- 
 comfort and fear, lest by seeming to bear with doctrines 
 which you avowedly uphold, and which I believe in my 
 
 * * Life and Letters of Dean Stanley,' ii. 164. 
 
 I 
 
 T 
 
 J 
 
 heart to contradict the foundations of the Faith, I should 
 cause harm which would far outweigh any good which 
 one might do by preaching/ 
 
 Meanwhile signatures to the Declaration were pouring 
 in from all sides. Altogether eleven thousand Clergymen 
 signed it. In presenting it to the Archbishop on July 12, 
 the Committee stated that they knew from the letters 
 which they had received that there were some thousands 
 more of the clergy whose faith the Declaration expressed, 
 but who were deterred from adopting so novel a course of 
 remonstrance by * various natural and legitimate considera- 
 tions/ But it was far more than a mere demonstration with 
 no ulterior issues : as a united expression of the faith of the 
 great body of the clergy it carried considerable moral 
 weight, while it was an assurance to the Bishops of the very 
 general support which they would receive in any measure 
 that they might devise for guarding what was believed to 
 be the faith of the Church on these points. In the next 
 month it was followed by a Synodical condemnation of 
 ' Essays and Reviews ' by both Houses of the Convocation 
 of Canterbury. It seemed at length that the clergy had 
 taken the only practicable courses for protecting those 
 positions which appeared to be assailed. But important 
 as the Synodical Declaration was, it is not necessary in this 
 connexion to trace its history at any length, as Pusey was 
 not directly concerned in it. 
 
 The harmony of feeling which drew together the bishops 
 and clergy belonging to both the great parties of the 
 Church was the most cheering aspect of this sad discussion. 
 It was in vain for Bishop Thirlwall to maintain that the 
 iijOco signatures added nothing to the weight of the 
 opinion of Dr. Pusey. Dr. Tait, the Bishop of London, 
 who was the chief opponent of the Synodical condemnation 
 in the Upper House of Convocation, felt otherwise ^ He 
 saw clearly what powerful weapons this Declaration and 
 condemnation were when representing a coalition of two 
 such forces on the basis of the deep convictions which they 
 * 'Life of Archbishop Tait/ i. 335 (3rd ed.). 
 
 F 2 
 
■ I H—MU-.J I .III ■■»< 
 
 I an 11 •■■»vi ■ t m 
 
 ■ i j » i ■■ I 
 
 i il 
 
 i 
 
 ; 
 
 68 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 held in common ; and in a private diary he puts on record 
 his interesting yet singular conviction that it is part of his 
 vocation to resist the tendency of the Evangelical party 
 to coalesce with the High Church for the purpose of 
 resisting the spread of Broad Church teaching. Such 
 a coalition would undoubtedly have greatly changed the 
 lines of the policy according to which he was prepared to 
 direct the fortunes of the Church of England. 
 
 <^, 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 * ESSAYS AND REVIEWS * : THEOLOGICAL REPLIES— LEC- 
 TURES ON DANIEL — UNIVERSITY SERMONS — PAPER 
 AT NORWICH CHURCH CONGRESS — THE FINAL 
 
 COURT OF APPEAL ' CASE AS TO THE LEGAL 
 
 FORCE OF THE JUDGMENT.* 
 
 1861-1865. 
 
 A WIDELY-SIGNED Declaration of faith from the clergy 
 and a Synodical condemnation of ' Essays and Reviews * by 
 the Convocation of Canterbury seemed at the moment 
 to be the only possible course in order to allay the 
 popular anxiety. Although Newman and Pusey had long 
 anticipated the opening of these questions, ordinary Church- 
 men were filled with painful surprise at such * free-handling * 
 of the truths of Scripture by clergymen. They did not 
 understand such an. academical treatment of religious 
 truths, and they looked with justifiable alarm at the 
 statements and tone of the Essays : not unnaturally they 
 needed to be assured that the clergy as a body also 
 repudiated them. Whatever opinion may be held as to 
 the wisdom of the proceedings which have just been 
 described, it is easy to understand how imperatively some 
 immediate action was demanded so as to calm the wide- 
 spread excitement of simple minds. 
 
 At the same time it iVas equally obvious how inadequate 
 any such action would be as a controversial reply to the 
 many difficulties which this volume presented for the first 
 
li 
 
 <i jrrTT- 
 
 70 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 i 
 
 l'( 
 
 time to the minds of religious readers in England. The 
 belief of the Church in the truths which God has revealed 
 to us is independent of any discoveries which criticism 
 may make with regard to the Bible ; but attacks upon that 
 belief, which are made in the name of scientific Biblical 
 criticism, cannot be finally disposed of by the voice of the 
 Church in Declarations and Synodical condemnations. 
 They demand the patient investigation and careful study 
 of years. Not unfrequently it is found that a startling 
 statement, which at first sight was supposed to be hostile 
 to the faith, contained an element of truth which only 
 needed to be disentangled from the falsehood, or exaggera- 
 tion, or misrepresentation with which its original statement 
 was encumbered ; when sifted and brought into its right 
 relations with the rest of the truth about Holy Scripture, 
 it finds its home in the general body of the Church's 
 thought. 
 
 Few people in 1861 had any idea of the many years of 
 steady work which a belief in these principles would entail 
 on the students of theology. This is true both of many 
 of the Essayists and also of many of those who attempted 
 to answer them. As was wisely said at the moment : — 
 
 * Several of the writers have not got their thoughts and theories into 
 such order and consistency as to warrant their coming before the 
 world with such revolutionary views. But there has been a great deal 
 of unwise passion, and unjust and hasty abuse ; and people who have not 
 an inkling of the difficulties which beset the questions, are for settling 
 them in a summary way, which is perilous for every one. However, 
 I hope the time of protest and condemnation is now passing away, 
 and the time of examination and discussion in a quieter tone 
 beginning V 
 
 In this examination Pusey felt called upon to take his 
 share. His position as Regius Professor of Hebrew seemed 
 to prescribe the defence of some parts of the Old Testament 
 as his special contribution, and this he at once commenced 
 with characteristic thoroughness. Early in 1862 he began 
 
 * * Life and Letters of Dean Church,* p. 157 : To Dr. Asa Grey ; March 28, 
 
 I86I. N 
 
 J 
 
 i 
 
 [ 
 
 
 Lectures on Daniel, nj 
 
 to prepare his Lectures on the Book of Daniel, and in the 
 Easter Term of that year he had delivered four of them. 
 The rest were delivered at intervals as they wpre ready : 
 they were finished in November, 1863, and published in the 
 following autumn. 
 
 He selected the Book of Daniel because Dr. Williams 
 had asserted that recent criticism had proved that the 
 book was written at a very late date; and Pusey was 
 convinced that if he could show this assertion to be 
 untrue, it would shake the confidence of the younger 
 students of theology in other supposed critical triumphs. 
 But another and far deeper question lay immediately 
 behind the question of date : — 
 
 *I selected the book of Daniel because unbelieving critics considered 
 their attacks upon it to be one of their greatest triumphs. The 
 exposure of the weakness of some ill-alleged point of evidence has 
 often thrown suspicion on a whole faith. The exposure of the weak- 
 ness of criticism, where it thought itself most triumphant, would, 
 I hoped, shake the confidence of the young in their would-be mis- 
 leaders. True ! Disbelief of Daniel had become an axiom in the 
 unbelieving critical school. Only they mistook the result of unbelief 
 for the victory of criticism. They overlooked the historical fact that 
 the disbelief had been antecedent to the criticism. Disbelief had 
 been the parent, not the offspring, of their criticism, their starting-point, 
 not the winning-post of their course *.' 
 
 These Lectures therefore contained no dispassionate 
 academical discussion of the date, authenticity, and author- 
 ship of the Book of Daniel. They materially differed from 
 such an * introduction ' as an ordinary expositor would now 
 prefix to a commentary on a portion of the Bible. ' Essays 
 and Reviews ' and the serious harm that was resulting from 
 such methods of handling the Old Testament, and especially 
 from the hints thrown out which tended to disparage the 
 value of prophecy, are throughout present to his mind. The 
 whole discussion is focussed upon the question of the defi- 
 nitely predictive character of the book. Arguments are care- 
 fully marshalled to show that it must indisputably contain 
 predictions, because trustworthy scientific criticism cannot 
 
 » 'Daniel the Prophet,' by Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., Pref. p. vi. 
 
72 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 '< i 
 
 assign any date to it so late as the events which the writer 
 treats as being still in the future. He refused to regard the 
 minuteness of some of the predictions as giving the slightest 
 warrant for a suspicion of their authenticity ; he pointed 
 out that this feature rendered them all the more in harmony 
 with the rest of Scripture. With elaborate care he argued, 
 from a comparison of all available materials, that not only 
 the character of the Hebrew of the book exactly suited the 
 traditional date of composition, but that the form of 
 the Chaldee, in which language six of its chapters are 
 written, excluded any later period from consideration. He 
 maintained that the minute, fearless touches, involving 
 details of customs, state-institutions, and history, belong to 
 one who must have lived in the period which he described ; 
 and that the passages which appeared to present historical 
 difficulties are really, when considered in the light of full 
 knowledge, indications of an accurate and familiar acquaint- 
 ance with all details which could belong only to a contem- 
 porary, as Professor Ramsay has triumphantly shown in 
 the case of the writer of the Acts of the Apostles. Further, 
 he maintained that the theology of Daniel was exactly 
 what would be expected from a Jew living during the 
 Babylonian captivity. 
 
 Throughout the book the reader is presented with a most 
 remarkable collection of varied knowledge, handled with 
 great skill. Pusey indeed was determined to make the 
 defence as thorough as possible. He resented most deeply 
 the manner in which some English writers had transcribed 
 from foreign critics arguments against the ordinary view * 
 of the Bible, not only without showing any independence 
 of thought, but sometimes even betraying their failure to 
 understand the argument that they reproduced. 
 
 If his opponents could be satisfied to make use of such 
 poor work as this, Pusey for his part, in writing his lectures, 
 determined to give of his very best for the defence of his 
 own belief. He read every work that had been written 
 against the traditional account of the Book of Daniel, and 
 spared no pains of research to discover facts which would 
 
 » 
 
 
 Attitude towards Old Testament Criticism, 73 
 
 throw light upon the difficulties which seemed to crave 
 for solution. In this volume, as in the * Commentary on 
 the Minor Prophets,' he thus noted carefully ev^ery recent 
 theory; and his scholarship throughout is marked with 
 the usual characteristics of thoroughness and trustworthi- 
 ness. At the time one or two writers ventured to 
 impugn his knowledge of Hebrew ; but some very pointed 
 retorts to them in the postscript to the preface of the 
 second edition showed clearly the side on which the 
 ignorance lay. Pusey, in fact, is now allowed, by those 
 whose extensive knowledge of Semitic literature renders 
 them competent judges, to have been a sound and accurate 
 Oriental scholar, and to have had an exact and idiomatic 
 acquaintance with the usage of Hebrew words, even if 
 they feel unable to accept his critical conclusions. These 
 lectures on Daniel are acknowledged not only to be replete 
 with learning, but also to sum up with masterly ability the 
 conservative position with respect to this part of the Bible. 
 Exception has often been taken to the tone which he 
 adopts towards the opposing position. It must, however, be 
 remembered that his eye is not fixed upon individual ex- 
 ponents of a school of criticism, but upon the form of thought 
 out of which that school first sprang. He had ever before 
 him those forms of German unbelief with which forty years 
 earlier he had become painfully familiar at Gottingen, and 
 from which these theories originally emanated ; and he saw, 
 behind the first English skirmish with these old German 
 foes, the whole advancing host of Rationalism. Whether 
 rightly or wrongly, he desired by strong language to 
 awaken English readers to the vital questions involved in 
 the controversy, as he understood it. Some of the Essayists, 
 as clergymen, had gained a reputation for boldness by 
 raising questions which, as a matter of fact, insinuated 
 to many minds an unbelief which they did not openly' 
 state. Pusey could see no frankness or candour in such 
 a proceeding, and he desired to tear aside the veil which 
 hid from the public eye the source of their arguments and 
 the issue to which he was convinced that they would 
 
74 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey. 
 
 *< 
 
 
 S 
 
 ultimately lead, and to stamp it all as * unbelief.' He did 
 not mean that all who held this position were 'unbelievers'; 
 he allowed that many honestly thought it possible to com- 
 bme such criticism with a firm hold of the Faith. But 
 he wished to point out that in his opinion they were on 
 an inclined plane, and must eventually either discard their 
 criticism or surrender their belief. 
 
 It must frankly be admitted that since 1864 the tone of 
 the best Higher Criticism has changed ; as a rule, it is no 
 longer characterized by reckless and unfounded assertions 
 to the same extent as in those days. But Pusey dealt with 
 an earlier and cruder form of it, in which his accurately 
 trained mind could find no trace of scholarly research, and 
 his deep reverence for God's revelation heard no answering 
 echo. And he spoke of it according to what he saw and 
 heard. Undoubtedly we are now accustomed to listen to 
 the confident hope which speaks of the time when the 
 terms of reconciliation between the New Criticism and the 
 Old Faith may be stated without compromise and without 
 surrender. But thirty years ago, at any rate, there was 
 good reason for the very gravest fears. In his anxious 
 yearning over souls, Pusey could not allow himself to 
 forget, even if others ignored, *the absolute and entire loss 
 of faith in all Revelation among many of the younger 
 disciples of the new school \' As one after another fell 
 away, Pusey saw that there was * death in the pot ' that 
 contained the wild gourds of the young prophets. Now 
 the young prophets are engaged in casting in the meal ; 
 time will show whether they have succeeded in healing the • 
 pot. Adhuc subjudice lis est. 
 
 As Pusey brought his public Lectures on Daniel to 
 a close, he endeavoured in other ways to influence the 
 younger members of the University. With this view he 
 commenced at his own house a series of informal meetings 
 of undergraduates and Bachelors of Arts to discuss diffi- 
 culties which had been raised about the Old Testament. 
 At these levies, as they were sometimes called, he invited 
 
 * ' Lectures on Daniel the Prophet,' Preface to the second edition, p. lix. 
 
 4 
 
 Sermons in reply to ' Essays and Reviews* 75 
 
 his guests to send in notice of the difficulties which they 
 felt ; and at the next meeting these were dealt with, partly 
 in the form of a lecture and partly in the way of ^question 
 and answer. The following were among the subjects 
 which were chosen—* the Mosaic account of the Creation,' 
 'the Deluge,' 'the Plagues of Egypt,' *the hardening of 
 Pharaoh's heart,' *the influence of Egypt on the Mosaic 
 system,' *Dr. Colenso's work on the Pentateuch,' and *the 
 date of the Book of Joel.' The first of these meetings was 
 held on November 4, 1 863. 
 
 Pusey used also for the same purpose all his turns for 
 preaching in the University pulpit. He felt that in many 
 instances the young had to be won again to Christianity. 
 It was believed at that time that a fashion prevailed among 
 the more talented young men to regard unbelief as a mark 
 of intellectual power \ and it seemed necessary to restate the 
 most central truths of the Faith with careful explanation 
 of their full meaning. As he says himself, he * essayed to 
 teach his young audience first principles of faith, or he 
 dwelt on doctrines that had been represented as incompa- 
 tible with Revelation, or on subjects which from early 
 experience he had felt to be of value as evidence of faith.' 
 
 In pursuance of this purpose, on October 13, i86t, he 
 preached in reply to Mark Pattison's essay in ' Essays and 
 Reviews ' : he agreed with him that the Evidence writers 
 of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were not 
 convincing, but pointed out that their real deficiency lay 
 not so much in the fact that they appealed to Reason, as in 
 the fact that they endeavoured to discover in the intellect 
 alone all the grounds of the living faith of a Christian. The 
 intellect could of necessity at its best only show that there 
 is a probability that Revelation is true. 
 
 * Men might act prudentially on such grounds as these ; they might 
 cultivate some moral virtues, act as good heathen, to escape the risk of 
 Hell. But the inmost soul (whether it can analyze the grounds of its 
 faith or no) knows that these 'are not its grounds. Such a conclusion, 
 after a balance of probabilities, is not the Divine faith of which 
 
 * Pusey, * University Sermons,' vol. ii. pref. p. viii. 
 
* 1 
 
 m. 
 
 76 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Scripture speaks, which God gives, which Christians have. . . . 
 Faith, by its certainty, sees Him Who is invisible. . . . This was the 
 promise as to the Gospel, not "opinions," or "views," not uncertainties, 
 or a hesitating belief, which it should be * the safer side ' to accept, 
 which the contradictions of the world could browbeat ; hyjX knowledge^ 
 2l certain, personal knowledge of God and of Christ, a knowledge 
 given to us by God, not collectively only, nor to the first disciples 
 more vividly than to us, but individually also ; a knowledge which 
 God should infuse, with His gift of faith, into the soul '.* 
 
 Again, six months later, by the appointment of the Vice- 
 Chancellor, he preached on the motto of the University, 
 ^Dominus llluminatio Meal «i^d set forth God as the only 
 source of all knowledge, whether in Reason or in Revelation. 
 These were followed by a series of Sermons on the evi- 
 dential value of the predictive element of the Old Testa- 
 ment, especially with regard to the prophecies about our 
 Lord, and His Atonement and His Kingdom. Against all 
 depreciation of the reality of these predictions, Pusey at 
 great length set forth the fact that the prophecies were 
 uttered before the events and that subsequent history most 
 remarkably fulfilled them. He was very much impressed 
 by the convincing power of this evidence beyond all other 
 kind of argument, and he pleaded earnestly for its prayerful 
 consideration as a remedy for the intellectual unsettlement 
 of the day. 
 
 * Man cannot give faith : man cannot demonstrate faith into the 
 soul ; he can but meet argument by argument, and little comes of it. 
 " Rarely, very rarely," said one of much experience, " have reasonings 
 or discussions subdued or brought back wandering hearts." The pro- 
 phetic word is powerful, more powerful than any exposition of it ; for 
 it is the Word of God ; it breathes with the Spirit of God, it bums 
 with the love of God. It will lead you, for God will lead you through 
 it. Only give up your whole heart to Him Who made you in His 
 Love. Say to Him, " My God, I believe, with my will, whatsoever 
 Thou hast revealed. For Thou art the Truth. Thou canst not 
 deceive, nor be deceived " : and pray to Him. 
 
 I knew the inmost heart and mind of one of the clearest intellects 
 of my day, who, in his youth, was beset by the difficulties of a more 
 powerful philosophy than any of these things which are circulating 
 among you, and who thought it impossible that he could ever again 
 
 1 < 
 
 University Sermons/ ii. pp. 12, 13, 
 
 , 
 
 > 
 
 Sermons in reply to ^Essays and Reviews! 77 
 
 believe a miracle. By God*s mercy, in order not to pain his parents, 
 he entered a church, and there heard again some of the narratives of 
 our Redeemer's life. It flashed upon him, "but for the miracles, this 
 sounds like true history." So he prayed to God the sceptic prayer, 
 that "if He concerned Himself about His creatures. He would hear 
 him." God heard the prayer, the best which, in that state of unbelief. 
 His creature could make, and, through the study of the prophetic 
 word, led him to acknowledge the miracle of Divine wisdom in 
 prophecy, and so gave to him the light of faith. 
 
 Only seek with thy whole heart, without reserve, without withholding 
 anything ^* 
 
 Another sermon dealt with the doctrine of the Atone- 
 ment ; another on Everlasting Punishment, in the Michael- 
 mas Term of 1864, and another in Septuagesima, 1866, on 
 * Miracles of Prayer,' in reply to Professor Tyndall. In all 
 these he had in view * that strong tide of half-belief, mis- 
 belief, unbelief, which has so largely occupied every sort of 
 literature.* He longed to set forth to the young — *my 
 sonsV as he touchingly calls them — some of the truths on 
 which he lived, and which he feared that they might, in 
 a moment of loyalty to supposed truth, be led to sacrifice. 
 These dreary years of struggle for the truth are compara- 
 tively uninteresting to describe ; they must have been yet 
 more wearisome to Pusey as he lived and fought each 
 moment, throwing up continuously new lines of defence. 
 In his sermons alone, of the records of this period, do we 
 find the brighter side of the clear faith, the strong courage 
 and the great thirst for souls which stimulated and sustained 
 him in the conflict. 
 
 To the same kind of work belongs also the valuable 
 Paper which he read at the Norwich Church Congress on 
 October 5, 1 865. He had for many years been maintaining 
 that watchful interest in the progress of physical science 
 which he continued until the end of his life. While other 
 people talked of sympathizing with scientific progress, he 
 
 * 'University Sermons,' ii. pp. 74, 
 
 ' In his later sermons, this was the 
 common title by which he addressed 
 the undergraduate members of the Uni- 
 
 versity. The earliest use of it appears 
 to be in the sermon on ' Christ the 
 Light of the World ' (vol. ii. p. 130), 
 preached about 1864. 
 
 I 
 
I» 
 
 ^f 
 
 78 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 read he sc.ent.fic books whenever he found that the faith 
 of behevers was imperilled by them. He saw also most 
 clearly the necessity of warning eager but short-sighted 
 Christian apologists against the serious and constantly 
 recurring temptation to adjust, without due caution, the 
 
 thet;Sctfn^?;8. '"" ^^--^^^^^^ --th Newman on 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 a shock was given to the Catholic mind which never can b^repea ^d 
 And then, too, I cannot help thinking a lesson was given to ecdes as 
 
 Christianity more ^r less u^o^ "rn'or^ 7^:^^^^^ 
 and human science might each be suffered in pTace T^ take it^ ol 
 line, the one not interfering with the oth«- Th ■ ° i 
 intersect each other. " ^*'^"' *'"^'" ^""-"'y 
 
 Again a few days later Newman writes :— 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 I •. - , , '^P"' *'' '858. 
 
 mnnJ V ^ ^^ ''°" ^^y ^"^""t Buckland's ' Reliquiae ' It has 
 
 made me distrust every theory of Geoloev since • anrf I 2, j 
 
 words, 'Why take tL .r™,Ki '-■=°'°S>' ^'"" • and I have used your 
 
 theori;s whkh wiS bl all chanleH . '''""' ^"""""■^ "'""' '^"^ ^"^^ 
 over again .' • "^''' to-morrow, and we obliged to begin 
 
 cl^i. ^p'""""? J"'' ^'P''' '■°'' *^^ N°™'-h Church 
 Congress, Pusey had another opportunity of consulting 
 
 I 
 
 
 Norwich Church Congress. 79 
 
 Newman when he met him at Hursley on September 12^. 
 After this talk Newman still wrote anxiously on the subject, 
 * fearing lest neither people's minds nor the subjects them- 
 selves were ripe for discussion/ But Pusey knew how 
 greatly people were distressed by the supposed contra- 
 dictions between Geology and the Bible, and he thought it 
 was a good time to make clear the distinction between 
 what is of faith and what is not. * People are uncomfortable 
 about all these allegations of Lyall and others, and would 
 be glad to have a way out of them consistently with the 
 truth of Holy Scripture.' He felt that he could show that 
 physical science could have nothing to say against the 
 Bible. 
 
 Had Pusey cared for popularity, he would have been 
 much flattered by his reception at the Church Congress at 
 Norwich. From that large assembly of Church-people he 
 received a welcome which was far more than the ordinary 
 kindly greeting to those who are at the pains of addressing 
 a meeting. Reiterated bursts of cheering were intended as 
 the meet recognition of one who had suffered, on behalf of 
 the Church, an amount of misunderstanding and calumny 
 which falls to the lot of few. The Paper which he read 
 on the occasion was of marked importance: if its positions 
 are commonplaces in theological thought now, they were 
 then far in advance of what was ordinarily held by either 
 scientific or theological students. It was the product of 
 a period in which he thought himself able to see the 
 possible reconciliation of divergences which were widely 
 regarded as permanent. Within the Church of England 
 the attacks on the Faith seemed to be uniting * High ' and 
 'Low* Church. Pusey 's 'Eirenicon,' with regard to the 
 relation between the Church of England and the Church 
 of Rome, was at that moment being issued from the press ; 
 and this address was another and, in the event, a far more 
 successful ' Eirenicon,* to reconcile the supposed antagonism 
 between the Bible and 'Physical science. To appreciate 
 Pusey's untiring labours, it must be remembered that 
 
 * This meeting is described at length in the next chapter. 
 
 !li 
 
8o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Paper on the Bible and Geology, 
 
 8i 
 
 1 
 
 [ 
 
 W 
 
 this work in reply to * Essays and Reviews * was being 
 written at the same time as the * Eirenicon/ and that he 
 went up to the Norwich Congress whilst preparing for a 
 journey to France with a view of ascertaining the attitude of 
 some French Bishops towards his proposals for Reunion. 
 
 His Paper began with warnings against the over-hasty 
 adoption of any scientific theories, however closely they 
 might seem to fit the Biblical record, and also against the 
 fear of any scientific facts ; at the same time he warns 
 students of the Bible against being * too positive, in matters 
 not connected with the centre of Revelation, as to any given 
 interpretation of any insulated statement/ * The right inter- 
 pretation of God's Word will never be found in contradiction 
 with the right interpretation of His works.* But there may 
 be faults on either or both sides : either the theologian or 
 the physicist, or both, may misinterpret the facts of their 
 own science. * It is uniformly not in the facts, but in the 
 theories founded thereon, that the alleged contradictions 
 lie.' This thought he illustrates at great length with regard 
 to the Scriptural statements and the scientific facts in con- 
 nexion with the first chapter of Genesis, the account of the 
 Deluge, and the unity of the human race. He concludes 
 with a review of the past history of the relations between 
 Revelation and Science, and a statement of their right 
 attitude to each other. 
 
 * It belongs to the comprehensiveness of Revelation, as coming from 
 Him Who is Infinite, embracing and enveloping man in all his faculties, 
 incorporating itself in his history, traversing his paths, rolling in its 
 own orbit around God, but reflecting His light in turn on everything 
 of man, the least as well as the greatest, that it should seem liable, in 
 its long and intricate course, to impinge upon some other truth of 
 God or man. People have watched it, thought a collision inevitable, 
 expected its extinction ; but like Jesus, it passed through the midst 
 unharmed. They were but nebulae, which seemed to oppose its way. 
 True! we cannot divide Holy Scripture or Christianity, polypus- 
 like, so that one part might be cut off, and the rest remain in the same 
 life as before. It is one whole ; and as, in that beautiful system of our 
 nerves, one prick at an extremity runs through the whole and may 
 carry death, so it would be with the Gospel, if it were possible. But 
 we who know in Whom we have believed, know that it is not possible. 
 
 I 
 
 Attack after attack has fastened upon it, now here, now there, and 
 people have looked on wondering, as they did at St. Paul at Melita, 
 looking when he should have fallen down dead suddenly ; but he had 
 shaken off the beast into the fire and had got no hagn. As in 
 St. Paul's case, the poison might reach from one of those extreme 
 points which Christianity puts forth even to its centre, if it had not 
 a Divine life. But we, who are of it, know that it has an invulnerable 
 life which cannot be reached, for it is upheld by God. 
 
 This, then, is our attitude toward any researches of any science ; 
 entire fearlessness as to the issue ; awaiting that issue, undisturbed! 
 whenever it shall unfold itself. . . . 
 
 Faith can afford this. For it has its own separate sphere, the 
 home of its being. Physical science and faith are not commensurate. 
 Faith relates to that which is supernatural ; science, to things natural ; 
 faith rests upon what is supernatural ; science, upon man's natural 
 powers of observation, induction, combination, inference, deduction ; 
 faith has to do chiefly with the invisible ; science, with this visible 
 order of things. Science relates to causes and effects, the laws by 
 which God upholds His material creation, or its past history. It is 
 purely material. Faith relates to God, His Revelation, His Word. 
 Faith has the certainty of a Divine gift ; science has the certainty of 
 human reasoning. Faith is one Divine, God-given, habit of mind. 
 It is one and the same in the well-instructed peasant as in the most 
 intellectual philosopher, perfect, solid, unshakeable. What really lies 
 outside the peasant's faith, cannot really touch the faith of any, 
 however intellectual. Faith lives above the clouds of human doubt, 
 in the serene sunshine of the Eternal Light; and, contemplating 
 Him, the Cause of all causes, the Truth of all which is true, the Life 
 of all that is, is sure that there is a solution of any thing which seems 
 for a time (if so be) insoluble. Lightning and storm gleam far below. 
 For it rests secure in the bosom of its God.' 
 
 From different sides Pusey received the warmest thanks 
 for his Paper. The feelings expressed by all are as briefly 
 summed up as possible in the following short letter from 
 the distinguished Linacre Professor of Physiology at Oxford, 
 whose opinion Pusey valued highly : — 
 
 Professor Rolleston to E. B. P. 
 
 Feb. 12, 1866. 
 I am very much obliged to you for your Norwich address. I wish 
 all writing on the subject had been in the same spirit of caution and 
 courage : and I hope it will be widely read, as it will prevent much 
 mischief being done to the cause of Revelation, on the one side by 
 its foes and on the other by its friends. 
 VOL. IV. G 
 
82 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Speech on Free and Open Churches, 
 
 83 
 
 At the same Congress Pusey spoke at a meeting in 
 favour of having all sittings in Church free and unappro- 
 priated. His words on that occasion explain the principle 
 which led him, many years before, to make great sacrifices 
 that he might give £SP^^ anonymously to build churches 
 in Bethnal Green, and, in the following summer, to spend 
 the Long Vacation in caring for the cholera patients in the 
 same neighbourhood. 
 
 * I have taken the greatest interest in this society on the ground that 
 it is pre-eminently a Gospel society. It declares and maintains that we 
 are all one in the Eyes of our God, and insists on the Church that her 
 special heritage is the poor. I never can see a poor religious man 
 without feeling the utmost reverence for him, and his patience, his 
 whole character, his self-denial, his endurance, are to me the most 
 stupendous proofs of the stupendous grace of God. I never see 
 a religious poor man without expecting, by the mercy of God, to see 
 him far above myself in heaven. I say this society is especially 
 a Gospel society, because its object is the poor, and it requires only one 
 word to ask you how much we are indebted to the poor. From Whom 
 had we the Gospel ? He Who gave it, He Who redeemed us, and He 
 Who died for us, was a poor Man, so much so that ancient writers 
 whenever they found the word "poor" in the Old Testament, — for 
 example, " Blessed is the man who considereth the poor and needy" — 
 they asked the question, " Who is this poor— Jesus ? " Whom did He 
 send out as His disciples? — the fisherman, the tent-maker, the tax- 
 gatherer. Who converted the world but the poor.? Century after 
 century the Christians were simply the poor, and they conquered the 
 conquerors of the world. One thing, however, I can say to you, 
 because I can look further back than perhaps all but some two or three 
 of you, and that is : that though there may be a " day of small things," 
 still a great change has in the present century begun. When I was 
 a boy myself, my lot was cast a good deal in the West of London, and 
 I never saw there the face of a poor man. The first I saw was when 
 I went to hear the most eloquent preacher of his day, Bishop Heber. 
 I did not see him, but I saw what was far more blessed to me than 
 that — a poor man standing in the midst of the congregation, with tears 
 streaming from his eyes, as touched by the message which produced 
 them. That must be some fifty years ago, and through all that time 
 I have never forgotten the face of that poor man. ... I am afraid it 
 would be too true to say that the largest heathen city in the world 
 is the city within a hundred miles of this place, because no heathen 
 city in the whole world has anything like its population. ... I may 
 say my greatest interest in coming to this place is yourselves — and 
 I wish to say,— and my name has been made a bye-word for things 
 
 with which I am little concerned,— to tell you of the deep interest 
 which, in a life now reaching towards the age of man, I have ever felt 
 in the poor, and the deep interest I have in this society, because it 
 restores the Church to be the mother of the poor, and restores to her 
 her great, her noblest heritage, without which she would be as nothing, 
 without which she would be disclaimed by her Lord— the poor \' 
 
 It will be seen that in all these various ways of Lectures, 
 Sermons, Lev^es^ and Papers, Pusey was endeavouring 
 to make solid contributions to the defence of Christian 
 doctrine. But his mind was naturally occupied at the 
 same time with the old question of the constitution of 
 the Final Court of Appeal for ecclesiastical cases. The 
 decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council 
 in the two suits connected with * Essays and Reviews,' 
 recalled the attention of Churchmen to the constitution of 
 that tribunal which had as a matter of fact acquired the 
 right to declare the legal interpretation of the doctrinal 
 Formularies of the English Church. The agitation against 
 the Court that followed upon the Gorham case has 
 already been described ^ : it was renewed with yet greater 
 force in February, 1864, and with far greater hope of 
 success. In 1850, the decision was practically on a point 
 which separated the two great parties of the Church from 
 one another : on the present occasion they were prepared 
 to act in harmony. Immediately after the decision, Pusey 
 opened a correspondence with Mr. Gladstone both about 
 the Judgment itself and also about the constitution of the 
 Court. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 Feb. 18, 1864. 
 
 As for the Judicial Committee, we have the highest Court in 
 Ecclesiastical matters advocating a * non-natural ' sense being put on 
 words, and acquitting Mr. Wilson by aid of such non-natural sense. 
 On this I have written more at length in the Record of to-morrow, if 
 they put it in. On this principle, a non-natural sense might be put on 
 every doctrinal term, * faith,* * grace,' even * God.* It seems to me an 
 utterly unprincipled Judgment, which the judges would have reprobated 
 in any Civil matter. 
 
 • 
 * From a Report of the Free and Norfolk Chronicle. 
 Open Church Conference, given in the ^ See vol. iii. chapters x and xi. 
 
 G % 
 
'i 
 
 I 
 
 11 
 t 
 
 84 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 But what is to be done ? It would be far better that all Courts 
 should be abolished, and men left to their own consciences and Sub- 
 scription, than that the law should be thus profaned to teach them to 
 cheat their consciences. ... 
 
 I hear that the Bishop of Oxford wished that the Bishops should be 
 excluded from the Judicial Committee, so that it should be a merely 
 Civil Court, without having any plea of having an Ecclesiastical 
 sanction. I am not satisfied that it would be best. For if it is done 
 at the wish of the Church, then it is the Church who wishes her 
 doctrines to be defined by persons who never studied them and, 
 I fear, too often do not believe them. 
 
 There might be more hope of justice if the Bishops were equal m 
 number, but then this must be without possibility of packing them. 
 
 After the Gorham Case, one thousand Clergymen, members of Con- 
 vocation memorialized that the Supreme Court of Appeal should 
 be the Provincial Synod. This is the only Ecclesiastical Court of 
 
 Appeal. 
 
 The truth might have more chance than it has now if all the Law- 
 Lords sat, with or without an equal number of Bishops. 
 
 A change of the Court of Appeal would be good, even if it should 
 do nothing more than prevent this flagitious Judgment being final. 
 For the Judgment of this Court of Appeal would not be binding on 
 
 a new Court. 
 
 I have not ceased to be hopeful, although I see it to be a struggle for 
 life or death of the English Church. There is much more faith among 
 the young men now than there was a few years ago, so that God the 
 Holy Ghost has not forsaken us. 
 
 But it is a perilous crisis, and the principle adopted seems to be 
 * Part with those who believe most and retain those who believe least.* 
 
 God be with you. 
 
 Our new Eccl. Hist. Prof, will be a great gain*. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone was fully alive to all the difficulties of the 
 case. He felt doubtful whether the main objection to the 
 Judicial Committee lay in the fact that the Court had 
 to deal with defendants as criminals, or in the fact that 
 judges who were not trained theologians were set to try 
 theological cases. He. however, preferred what was called 
 the Bishop of Oxford's plan of improvement, by which 
 the judges would be all laymen and therefore would not 
 seem to commit the Church by any of their decisions. 
 
 A few days later Pusey received from Bishop Wilberforce, 
 
 ^ Referring to Dr. Shirley, who History, when Dr. Stanley became 
 succeeded to the Chair of Ecclesiastical Dean of Westminster. 
 
 Ecclesiastical Final Court of Appeal, 
 
 85 
 
 as has already been stated, a draft petition to the Queen, 
 expressing a belief that the Judicial Committee is ill- 
 adapted as a Court of advice to Her Majesty* in appeal 
 from the Ecclesiastical Courts, and praying that a Com- 
 mission may be appointed to inquire into the matter. 
 Pusey did not believe in the wisdom of a demand for 
 a commission. In writing to Liddon he expressed his 
 objections to the proposal. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 Monday [Feb. 22, 1864.] 
 
 . . . The result would probably be, that we should have an unsatis- 
 factory answer after a year, and that then people's energies would have 
 relaxed. . . . Then, of course, the Chancellor would not like the implied 
 censure on his own Judgment, yet he must be a member of the 
 Commission. 
 
 The radical evil of Law Judges is their bias to acquit the accused. 
 In their own Courts, where they understand the law, this tends only 
 to a rigid construction of evidence, which , may be right. But in 
 Theology, which they do not understand, it leads to a lax construction 
 of the Formularies, which lessens on each occasion the sum of that 
 doctrine, which the Clergy are required by law to believe. 
 
 After the Gorham Case, one thousand Clergy of our Convocation 
 memorialized for the substitution of the Provincial Synod. 
 
 I am inclined now to wish that the Prayer should be, either that the 
 Judicial Committee should be changed, or that the subject should be 
 referred to Convocation if it is necessary that the Queen should give 
 leave for any measure being devised. . . . 
 
 But as a preliminary step Pusey thought it good to get 
 a legal Opinion on the exact force of the Judgment which 
 had just been pronounced. He submitted a Case to Sir 
 Roundell Palmer and Sir Hugh Cairns, asking fifteen 
 questions as to the meaning of the Judgment. He desired 
 to know how far the Court gave its sanction to certain 
 conclusions which were certainly contrary to the faith, and 
 which seemed logically to result from the words of the 
 decision. After waiting three months the following brief 
 Opinion was the only answer : — 
 
 * We are of opinion that the Judgments of the Privy Council in the 
 recent cases of Dr. Williams and Mr.* Wilson, do not, by necessary 
 implication, or otherwise, furnish the means of determining in the 
 abstract any of the legal questions raised by the present case. 
 
 ^SUm 
 
I 
 
 |i« 
 
 86 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * We understand these Judgments merely as deciding that, in those 
 particular cases, there was no offence against the law pleaded or 
 proved, unless the exact propositions stated by the Lord Chancellor 
 could be deemed to be embodied in the formal and dogmatic teaching 
 of the Church of England, so as to be rigorously binding upon every 
 clergyman : which they were held not to be. But it would be most 
 unsafe, and, in fact, impossible, to attempt to derive from those 
 decisions, any rule for the determination of other hypothetical cases, 
 each of which (if it should ever assume a practical form) must depend 
 upon its own circumstances.' 
 
 To this the following postscript was added in consequence 
 of the vagueness of the expression * exact propositions.* 
 
 * We understand the Lord Chancellor to have, in substance, founded 
 his Judgments upon a negative answer to the inquiry whether every 
 Clergyman of the Church of England was strictly bound to affirm the 
 following propositions : — 
 
 1. That every part of every book of Holy Scripture was written 
 under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and is the Word of God. 
 
 2. That it is impious or heretical to entertain or express a hope, 
 that even the ultimate pardon of the wicked, who are condemned in 
 the day of Judgment, may be consistent with the will of Almighty 
 God/ 
 
 Such an Opinion limited indeed the harm that the 
 Judgment might effect ; but still Pusey felt it intolerable 
 that a decision on doctrine, even in such vague terms, should 
 issue from a Court of Final Appeal not purely spiritual. 
 To his mind the contention that in a suit with criminal 
 consequences no other decision could be expected, provided 
 only one further reason for agitating for a change. He^ 
 wrote for Keble's advice in the matter. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 June, 1864. 
 
 What do you think of having a society for agitating the change of 
 the Final Court of Appeal, or joining any existing society on condition 
 that they would do so ? ... I am afraid that the Low Church would 
 leave us on any definite plan which would put more power into the 
 hands of the Bishops ; and the High Church, as you say, are so 
 strangely apathetic, . . . 
 
 We have to take care not to show misgiving about the Church of 
 England, else people will go off like a landslip. 
 
 Legal Force of the Judgment of the Privy Council, 87 
 
 But at this moment Pusey's health broke down under 
 
 the strain of his varied work. The Judgment about 
 
 * Essays and Reviews,' the excitement and cowespondence 
 
 about the Declaration, the labour of bringing out the 
 
 Lectures on Daniel, the many anxieties as to the Greek 
 
 Professorship, and constant work in connexion with the 
 
 business of the University were too great a strain even 
 
 for him. It seemed for the time that his health was 
 
 seriously injured, and his doctor ordered him to leave 
 
 Oxford. He found a retreat at Ascot Priory, which, as will 
 
 be seen, he often revisited, and where the invigorating air of 
 
 the pine woods always refreshed him. *I find,' he told 
 
 Keble afterwards, ' the smell of the pines refreshing to the 
 
 brain. One does not find out until one is poorly, how that 
 
 common gift of smell refreshes the brain, please God.' 
 
 It was in this weak state of health that he sent to the 
 Press, with a strongly worded Preface, the Opinion which 
 Sir Roundell Palmer and Sir Hugh Cairns had given 
 about the bearing of the recent Judgment. This Preface 
 he sent in proof to Keble, explaining that he * wrote it 
 on the idea that unless one said strong things about the 
 unprincipled character of this decision, and of any future 
 probable decision, one might just as well write nothing at 
 all.' ' I went,' he explains half humorously in another letter 
 in which he adopts some of Keble's modifications of his 
 language, * as near to incurring the penalties of libel and 
 treason as I thought I might without sin.' His letters show 
 very evidently the overstrain of the time : he is desponding 
 and lonely. This feeling of depression was no doubt 
 increased by Liddon's long illness, on whom at that time 
 he largely depended for keeping himself in touch with the 
 younger High Churchmen. 
 
 In the early days of September, 1864, he issued this 
 pamphlet under the title of Case as to the Legal force of the 
 Judgment of the Privy Council, in re Fendall v, Wilson; 
 with the Opinion of the Attorney- General and Sir Hugh 
 Cairns, and a Preface to those -who love God and His 
 Truth.' The Preface certainly justifies Pusey's account of 
 
 III 
 
■MM^^MMMawiHi^paMC^a"**** 
 
 timi ^9^j-'-vtrrss'r' 
 
 aX i tH 
 
 i: \ 
 
 Sll 
 
 i 
 
 88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 it, as containing severe expressions. Its aim is to show 
 the diversity of interpretations that were given to the 
 Judgment. For very varying reasons Roman Catholics, 
 Broad Churchmen, and others were triumphing over the 
 supposed loosening of doctrinal bonds in the Church of 
 England, while others, who feared the consequence of the 
 Judgment, were correspondingly depressed. But this 
 legal Opinion, Pusey contended, had removed the causes 
 alike of triumph and of fear. The Attorney-General and 
 Sir Hugh Cairns had explained that the Judgment neither 
 denied the Inspiration of Scripture nor the belief in Eternal 
 Punishment ; it only stated exactly what it stated. Nothing 
 must be read into it, although its first aspect was so threaten- 
 ing. Pusey pointed out that there was no hope of ever 
 getting a better Judgment, because if these cases must be 
 criminal the bias of the Court would be of necessity in 
 favour of the accused. The Court had no training 
 in the theological meaning of the words which it was 
 called upon to interpret, and, l^ally, the words of the 
 Judgment, which seemed to convey so much, admitted 
 only the minimum of meaning of which they were capable ; 
 at the same time the principles of interpretation on which 
 the Judgment was based were, he thought, beyond words 
 deplorable. The Judicial Committee had agreed, as he 
 understood, to take words in a non-natural sense, and 
 to give any possible meaning to a word which was not 
 clearly interpreted in the Formularies. It was intolerable, 
 so Pusey argued, that the truth should thus be endanj^ercd $ 
 such policy overlooked the value of the Church as sccurinjj 
 the stability of the State ; and would probably rend the 
 Church in twain. The present idol of the Church physicians 
 seemed to be to sacrifice everything to comprehensiveness, 
 and to let the Church comprehend the nation by becoming 
 Ml a^^gTcgiitc oC «ill the unsinctificd opinion^^ of the world, 
 'a Pantheon of all Hs idols.* The prifKtpl<!s enunciated 
 by the Lord Chancellor would make Articles, Creeds, 
 Prayers^ Scripture a mere superficial mirror in which any 
 ODCp iiLstcad of seeing the truth of God| was to see only the 
 
 
 I 
 
 Pamphlet on the Judgment. 
 
 89 
 
 reflection of his own mind. It was a time, Pusey claimed, 
 when every minister and member of the Church, who 
 had any love for his Redeemer, or for the Wofd of God, 
 or for the Truth as it is in Jesus, should unite as one 
 man to cast off this Anti-Christian tyranny of the State. 
 
 He concluded with a few practical suggestions to keep 
 alive this desirable object in men's minds. 
 
 * Pledges have been the fashion ; and a general election is at no 
 great distance. Let Churchmen, on the principle of the Anti-Com- 
 Law League, league themselves for " the protection of the faith." 
 ** The Church is in danger," has been, and will again be, a strong 
 rall>'ing-cry. And now the peril is not of S4xne miserable tesipoml 
 endoM-mcnt, b<Dt of mien's souls. Let men league together to support 
 no candidate for Parii«i»tat who will not pledge himself to do vh^t in 
 him lies to rcfbom a Co«iit vhich has in pciacipue dedtrod God^ 
 Word n«x to Im Hb Word, and Eternity not to be Eternity. And Ice 
 them support pcri^ont, o^ wh;itcver politics, u-ho will 90 pledge them- 
 selves. I^ men bind themselves ixit to giv« over, but to continue 
 ^^*^in^ the House of Parliament by their pctitioA$^ And besvcdiiDg 
 Almighty God ktk xh^t prayers, until they shull obuin soa>e security 
 iV^umt Ibis Stnte-protcctioo of unbeltel. B>Atcr be members of the 
 poorest Cburch in Chmtcndom, which can rapd *' the woh^ whidi 
 HMtfe noc the flock/' than of the richest, in vhich the State lorc«s lis 
 to aoccpc (u bcr mini$tcrs iboM whom our Lord calls ''m^-enia^ 
 wolves,** Withal see 5^% to it, that ve pray God eamcjtly day l>y day 
 to stem thi$ flood of an(|^llnes&, and to coovcit tbOM who arc now, 
 aUs ! tMnka of the faith and of God/ 
 
 These were strong words ; but Kcblc .t? well as Pusey 
 felt that they were very urgently needed. Tlie trouble?; of 
 the times, the apparent coiKcssion to unbelief, and the taunts 
 of Roman Catholics, rendered calmness almost impossible. 
 Manning and the Westminster Review united to give the 
 nine interpretation of tiie Judgment: and the fear of 
 secessions to Rome and tlie threatening doininance of 
 Liberalism in the Giureh of England caused Keble to give 
 his full approval to Puscy's vehement language. He wished 
 tliat a |xapcr of his own should be circulated with it, and 
 desired that the two paix:rs should be said to stand to 
 each other pretty much as letters which have crossed. 
 
 * But be sure,' writes Kehie, ' I will try to be a sort of am»our-bearer 
 or trumpeter for you in the fight which, as you my, iit too plaittly 
 
i= 
 
 fi 
 
 ij 
 
 / 
 
 If! 
 
 90 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 coming I expect that the safe party, who will shake their heads 
 
 at us, will be more numerous than any other. God grant they may 
 not ruin us.' 
 
 The correspondence that passed at that time between 
 them betrays the strength of the feeling that moved them 
 both ; they were entirely at one on this as well as other 
 questions. Whenever he heard any one speakmg dis- 
 paragingly of Pusey's actions, Keble would say emphatically, 
 ' Remember I am a " Puseyite " of the very deepest dye. ^ 
 
 The Titnes attacked Pusey's Preface as ' inflammatory 
 and his proposals as 'threatening.' Keble takes this 
 opportunity of joining openly with Pusey. In the Times 
 of September 22 he completely identifies himself with him 
 in his present anxieties, and sets forth the worthlessness 
 of the assumptions which were lulling a number of Church- 
 men into a false security with regard to the principles of 
 the Judgment. In the following passage, Keble forcibly 
 exposes the dangers involved in silent acquiescence. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to the Editor of the ' Times.' 
 
 Sept. 20 [1864]. 
 
 1. It is assumed that the wrong done by the sentence, be it great 
 or small, is confined to Dr. Williams' and Mr. Wil?"" ^ P"'=^,^^^' ^"^ 
 that others, therefore, need not be concerned ; which to those who 
 count faith in the Bible and in eternity to be more than a n>atter ot 
 life and death, is as if the guides of public opinion jere to say, 
 ' It is only Mr. Briggs and his friends who are damaged ; why such 
 an outcry about bringing his murderer to justice ? * 
 
 2 Men talk as if the practical effect of the Judgment would be 
 limited to that special form of words which the two defendants respec- 
 tWely used ; as if there could be the smallest doubt what a learned 
 counsel's reply will be when some Bishop shall hereafter ask whether 
 he may safely refuse institution to any one simply holding and teachmg 
 .he uncertainty of Eternal Punishment, or denying this or that portion 
 of Canonical Scripture, acknowledged genuine, to be the Word 
 
 ° V °lt is assumed that the disparagement attaches only to those two 
 doctrines, as if our Creed were not a structure, no P^"/ *'';^^ wU 
 bear displacing; as if all evidence properly ChrisUan did not fade or 
 vanish on the dUt or denial of Inspiration and all sanctions properly 
 Christian on the doubt or denial of Eternity. . 
 
 4. It is assumed that the interpretation of the legal conditions 
 
 Keble's Defence of Pusey's Pamphlet. 
 
 91 
 
 \ 
 
 * 
 
 1 
 
 upon which benefices are held cannot possibly involve a question of 
 orthodoxy. 
 
 5. It is assumed that our objection is to the substance only of 
 certain decisions and not, as the truth is, to the composition also 
 of the Court itself, and to some of the rules or principles by which it is 
 apparently bound, as, for example, that a theological word is not to be 
 taken in its known theological sense, unless that sense be laid down 
 in terminis in the Formularies themselves ; and again, that when the 
 judges differ, the minority should be denied permission to explain 
 its dissent, which is contrary, I believe, to the practice of her Majesty's 
 civil courts. 
 
 6. It is assumed that (since the Court avowedly takes no cognizance 
 of doctrine) we are to be content to do without any doctrinal court 
 at all. 
 
 7. After we have been lulled by the first five assumptions into 
 a belief that our dogmatical position is not affected by the Judgment, 
 it is assumed that we had better remain quiet, because the Judgment 
 is but a step in an inevitable process which will rid us of dogma 
 altogether. 
 
 8. It is assumed that the disadvantage of moving in this affair is so 
 great and apparent as at once to overweigh the sad and palpable 
 scandal which our seeming apathy is causing all over Christendom, 
 and which is sure to be felt more and more both by the friends and 
 enemies of the Church. 
 
 Pusey thanked him warmly for his letter, which he could 
 not help contrasting with his own, * Yours so calm, mine so 
 fiery.' But Keble replied, * I have been a little worrying 
 myself that I did not more distinctly express sympathy 
 with your wildness in my tarne prose. But there will be 
 opportunities.' 
 
 While it was not difficult to agree in protesting against 
 the Judicial Committee, the constitution of the Court that 
 should be proposed in its place was, of course, a matter 
 on which it was far more difficult to reach a decision. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Sept. 25, 1864. 
 
 I hope that the Bishops of Salisbury and Oxford will not be satisfied 
 with the mere striking out of the ecclesiastical element of the Court. 
 For whatever is done would be done at the mere instigation of the 
 Church; it is one thing to be under a bad government, and then, 
 being under one, to desire that it should be made worse in order that 
 one might say that one had nothing to do with it. It might have been 
 better to be under a mere civil court than under the pseudo-eccle- 
 
gj« r j 
 
 t^L,imJ-»Jl H »■ ! 1^. <l !■. I» IL 
 
 ■«M 
 
 'lil 
 
 ^ 
 
 m 
 
 &' 
 
 II" 
 
 92 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 siastical court on the ground that we, the Church, had nothing to do 
 with the establishment of a civil court ; but if we ask that the pseudo- 
 ecclesiastical court be turned into a mere civil court, we have to do 
 with it. We have seen that the tendency of the Law Lords is to lay 
 open all doctrine. To acknowledge the supreme court and to ask 
 that it should consist exclusively of the Law Lords, would be to ask that 
 they alone should have supreme control of all doctrinal causes, and so 
 lay open anything and everything they please. It would be a sort 
 of vote of confidence in them. The State is quite satisfied with the 
 present constitution of the Court. If it is amended, it will be 
 .amended to please the Church. But we cannot be the parties to 
 obtain the alteration and then turn round and say we have nothing 
 to do with it. We should be shutting our own eyes. Our Bishops 
 must be cognizant of what passed through Parliament. 
 
 I sent to Liddon for the Bishop of Salisbury a sketch of a court such 
 as we have often talked of, in which the facts should be determined 
 by Law Lords, but any interpretation of the Formularies should be by 
 the Spiritualty. 
 
 At the same time Pusey was in correspondence with 
 Mr. Justice Coleridge who had invited him to suggest some 
 better alternative for the Final Court; and his attention 
 had been called to the extreme difficulty of devising any 
 tribunal which, while it possessed a theological knowledge 
 sufficient to investigate the meaning of doctrinal state- 
 ments, had also sufficient legal experience to decide upon 
 the evidence. A few days later, a meeting of the chief 
 movers in this matter was held at Rev. W. Upton Richards' 
 house, 158, Albany Street, to concert some plan of action. 
 Pusey asked Liddon to go to this meeting with him : * I 
 hope you will be there ; you are quite old enough to be 
 an Arch-conspirator.' It was seemingly the first occasion 
 on which Liddon was thus invited to the inner and in- 
 formal councils of those who were generally recognized as 
 advising the actions of Churchmen in such matters. He 
 was unable to go; but Pusey met there Keble, Lord 
 Richard Cavendish, George Williams and others. It was 
 decided to form an Association for the Reform of the 
 Final Court of Appeal, and to draw up a Paper indicating 
 the aims which Churchmen might put before them without 
 committing themselves as yet to any one scheme. But it 
 was found very difficult to work, and to enlist other 
 
 t 
 
 Agitation for Reform of the Court of Appeal. 93 
 
 workers, except on more definite lines. The various 
 schemes are all referred to in the following letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 Oct., 1864. 
 
 Do you know whether the Bishops of Salisbury and Oxford have 
 come to any understanding about the Court of Appeal ? I am come 
 not to mind much what the Court is, so that it is not the present. 
 A change of the Final Court of Appeal not only annuls the legal form 
 (whatever it is) of that opinion, but it is a censure on the non-natural 
 interpretation of that Court in the late case. 
 
 Of the plans, that of the Bishop of Salisbury, to refer any explana- 
 tion of doctrine to the Upper House of Convocation, is the plan of 
 most faith, for their wrong decision (synodically) would go far to 
 commit the Church to heresy. Indeed, I suppose that the minority 
 would in such case have to renounce communion with the heterodox 
 majority. 
 
 The Bishop of Salisbury's plan would be following the old authorities 
 at least as to the decision of doctrine. The Bishop of Oxfora's would 
 not be unsafe if some six or eight sees were to be named, e.g. the two 
 Archbishops, Bishops of London, Durham, Winchester, and the three 
 senior bishops. 
 
 I do not know that even the plan of leaving it with the Judicial 
 Committee, enlarged, would matter, so that it be not left under the 
 influence of the Lord Chancellor, and they be restricted to saying * non- 
 proven ' without giving any theological reasons. 
 
 Do you think that, in the case of a Conservative Government, 
 
 would join with others in telling Lord Derby that the support which 
 they would give him would depend upon his not nominating Neologians 
 to high ecclesiastical preferment ? 
 
 At the Bristol Church Congress in the same month 
 Pusey and Keble agreed to open the subject during the 
 discussion on Church Synods, on the afternoon of Tuesday, 
 October 11. Both of them were now more decided in 
 favour of the Episcopal Synod as the right Court for 
 doctrinal trials, even if the facts of the case should be 
 submitted to a civil Court. Keble argued at Bristol that 
 a priori the present Court would have been thought 
 excellent in that it combined both the civil and the eccle- 
 siastical element, but practically it had not turned out so. 
 As a matter of fact, he maintained, it was an infringe- 
 ment of the Bishops* rights. But still his statements were 
 not clear enough to get general support for his newly 
 
 Hi 
 
I> BiW 
 
 I 
 
 
 94 Z«> of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 formed Association; he knew well the price that they 
 would have to pay for more definite proposals. * In nearly 
 all quarters; he writes on October 15, * the same thing is 
 said, " Be more distinct," and when we are more distinct 
 in our own senses we shall find all abounding in their 
 several senses also/ At another meeting of the Committee 
 of the Association on November 23, Archdeacon Denison 
 endeavoured to make the Association more definite, and 
 carried by a majority the adoption of the formula ' No 
 Bishops in the Court of Appeal/ This was passed against 
 the wish of Pusey and Keble, and it also met with the 
 disapproval of Mr. Gladstone, and was subsequently 
 withdrawn. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 Feb. 21, 1865. 
 
 Our Court of Appeal Amendment Association has gone back in 
 part* to what I always wished it to be, an Association to obtain redress 
 of the grievance, without prescribing the way in which it should be 
 redressed, which belongs to the Legislature or to Convocation, as far 
 as it advises the Legislature, not to us. I could accept much which 
 I could not ask for. I care not how many experiments are tried and 
 fail, until we come to something bearable at last. I only deeply care 
 about not acquiescing in a known and tried evil. 
 
 When Convocation met in February, 1865, the reform of 
 the Court of Appeal was brought forward by the Bishop 
 of Oxford, who had been in correspondence with Mr. Glad- 
 stone about it for four years. It was frequently debated in 
 both Houses ; evidently so important a question did not 
 admit of being hastily settled. Those who were dissatisfied 
 with the action of the present Court were numerous enough ; 
 but no one could see a remedy. It seemed more reasonable 
 that statesmen should formulate the practical remedy for 
 grievances under which the Established Church was 
 suffering in an intensified degree in consequence of recent 
 legislation. In this state of opinion Pusey could only hope, 
 as he tells Bishop Wilberforce, that a few more decisions of 
 the Lord Chancellor might increase the present distrust, so 
 as to make reform absolutely imperative. 
 
 « » * - ^ 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 DR. manning's attack ON THE ENGLISH CHURCH- 
 
 PUSEYS REPLY — PROPOSED ROMAN CATHOLIC COL- 
 LEGE AT OXFORD — THE FIRST EIRENICON — VISITS 
 TO FRENCH BISHOPS — RECEPTION OF THE EIRENICON 
 
 IN ENGLAND REPUBLICATION OF TRACT XC — 
 
 SECOND VISIT TO FRENCH ECCLESIASTICS. 
 
 1865. 
 
 In the Preface to the * Case as to the Legal Force of the 
 Judgment of the Privy Council in re Fendall v, Wilson,' 
 Pusey had described the attitude of the Roman Catholics 
 towards this decision in the following terms : * While 
 I know that a very earnest body of Roman Catholics 
 rejoice in all the workings of God the Holy Ghost in the 
 Church of England (whatever they think of her), and are 
 saddened in what weakens her who is, in God's hands, 
 the great bulwark^ against infidelity in this land, others 
 
 * This expression was taken from 
 a private letter from * one of the 
 deepest thinkers and observers ' in the 
 Roman Church (' Eirenicon,' Part I, 
 p. 7). Its likeness to a well-known 
 passage in Newman's 'Apologia,' App. 
 p. 27 (1st ed.), in which the Church of 
 England is spoken of as * a serviceable 
 breakwater against errors more funda- 
 mental that its own,* gave rise to a 
 widespread impression among Roman 
 Catholics that Pusey was quoting 
 Newman. In fact, in a first review 
 of the * Eirenicon,' in the Weekly 
 
 Register^ the words are attributed to 
 him. Newman, who himself thought 
 the expression must have come from 
 De Maistre, at once disclaimed the 
 authorship in a letter to the editor of 
 the Weekly Register^ dated Nov. 19, 
 1 865 ; he did the same also at length in 
 his ''Letter to the Rev.E.B.Pusey,D.D., 
 on his recent Eirenicon' (London, 
 1866), pp. 11-13. Strange as it 
 may appear, Pusey with characteristic 
 sei\timent had never read the part of 
 the 'Apologia' in which the words 
 occur : ' I could not go through the 
 
 -iz 
 
mmmmmm^^mmm 
 
 "'^y ^1 ^ ** ^>*; ^ •■'~ «li 
 
 !| 
 
 I I 
 
 96 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 seemed to be in an ecstasy of triumph at this victory of 
 
 Satan.' 
 
 There were no doubt at that time serious internal 
 differences which marred the apparent harmony of the 
 Roman Catholic Communion in England ; whether, how- 
 ever, their opinions with regard to the Church of England 
 exactly corresponded with Pusey's description may be 
 doubted. Still, it was inevitable that the attention of 
 Roman Catholics should be directed to this open allusion 
 to their diverging judgments. Hence, a few weeks after 
 the appearance of this pamphlet, Pusey received a friendly 
 communication from Dr. Manning intimating the early 
 appearance of a public reply to it. ,^^ 
 
 Rev. H. E. Manning to E. B. P. 
 
 Bayswater, Nov. 6, 1864. 
 My dear Friend, 
 
 In a few days Longman will send you a copy of a Pamphlet 
 
 which I have addressed to you. 
 
 It contains, I fear, many things in which I cannot hope for your 
 assent ; but nothing, I trust, which can give you personally any pain. 
 It cost me no effort to write to you, and of you, with respect and 
 affection, in which, during all these years, I have never varied towards 
 
 you. 
 
 We live in times when those who count God's Truth more precious 
 than aU the world, ought, for that Truth's sake, to speak out charitably 
 but intelligibly. You will not find, I trust, any controversial spirit in 
 what I have written. I do not believe in it : and if I knew how to say 
 what I believe without paining those who do not believe as I do, I would 
 never use other words. 
 
 I hope you and your family are well in health. It is so long since 
 I have heard of them, that I do not know how to speak or ask about 
 
 them. 
 
 Believe me, always, 
 
 My dear friend, 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 H. E. Manning. 
 
 I 
 
 parting over again; so, by force of 
 the pain, I stopped short, and what- 
 ever you said, I have not seen it ' 
 (P. to N. Nov. 18, 1865). But for 
 twelve months this mistake had no 
 little influence on the tone and drift of 
 
 the controversy that ensued, especially 
 as it was commonly said that Manning 
 was included among those who were 
 in an 'ecstasy of triumph.' (See 
 Manning's * Letter to the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D.,' pp. 6, 43.) 
 
 i. 1 
 
 Mannings Account of the English Church. 97 
 
 Manning's Pamphlet ^ claimed to be a sketch of the true 
 Roman Catholic view of the Church of England and its 
 troubles. The writer denied that he belonged to either 
 of the two classes which Pusey had mentioned ; rather, 
 according to the faith he had received, he regarded the 
 Church of England as under the influence of the Holy 
 Spirit, not merely like the whole human race, but more 
 especially because, like the Dissenting bodies, it was made 
 up in the main of baptized people who were, to a very great 
 extent through no fault of their own, outside the true 
 Church. In the English Church, he said, the Holy Spirit 
 gives grace to individuals, as He did before the Church 
 was founded; but in saying this, no Roman Catholic 
 would affirm that the English Church had ' the character 
 of a Church.* Manning allowed that any authoritative 
 denial of any portion of the ' fragmentary truths,' which 
 he recognized as still existing in the Church of England, 
 was to be deplored ; although Roman Catholics watched 
 with satisfaction every change, social and political, which 
 weakened the hold of the English Church on the country 
 (p. 29). Far from being any bulwark against infidelity, 
 the Church of England had floated, he maintained, with 
 the flood of unbelief, and was itself a source of unbelief 
 because of the truths which it rejected. 
 
 The whole tone of the pamphlet was distinctly polemical ; 
 and in spite of Newman's question, *Why should you 
 answer him ? ' Pusey reluctantly thought it necessary to 
 reply. He commenced his answer in the form of a Letter 
 to Keble, defending the English Church against Manning's 
 account of it; but while he was wearily arguing over 
 the old ground to show that the Thirty-nine Articles 
 diverged in language rather than in meaning from the 
 decrees of the Council of Trent, he suddenly changed his 
 plan. He determined to drop entirely the tone of an 
 apology, and to make his answer a plea for re-union 
 
 in \h J^A^^'i^Tl'*^ the Holy Spirit Henry Edward Manning, D.D. (Lon- 
 in the Church of England/ a Letter don, Longman, 1864). ^ 
 
 to the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., by ' ^ ' 4; 
 
 VOL. IV. H 
 
 K 
 
ll 
 
 \ 
 
 
 98 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 between the Church of England and the Church of Rome ^ 
 He explained his reasons for this change in a letter to 
 Newman about twelve months later when the book had 
 been for some weeks in circulation. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Nov. 6, 1865. 
 
 I see that my Letter has two aspects. First and originally it was 
 a defence. I know not whether you ever saw Archbishop Manning's 
 Letter 2 to myself. It denied us everything, except what in a greater 
 degree Dissenters had too— I mean everything living and substantial 
 and operative, except as far as God does not deny grace to any. 
 I answered it unwillingly, but it was put upon me, and I did not like 
 to refuse, the less because Manning (as he then was) had singled me 
 out. My plan, in the Articles which lay down doctrine, was simple 
 enough. It was to say that there was divergence of language (where 
 there was) and not, I believed, of meaning. Then came Art. xxii, and 
 the difficult class of subjects mentioned in it. In writing this, the 
 thought came to me of making it an Eirenicon. I meant by this to 
 point out or suggest what we could accept, if it could be made quite 
 clear that, in accepting this, we did not accept what lay beyond it. 
 I hoped that the Roman Church might agree to lay down that it 
 required thus much as matter of faith, and not more. Such an 
 authoritative explanation would be something wholly different from 
 unauthoritative explanations, such as those of Milner. But in order 
 to explain what we want, we ought to explain why we want it. It 
 would be an unmeaning thing to ask that it should be defined, that 
 nothing more was of faith touching the Invocation of Saints than what 
 is given in the Council of Trent, as explained by Milner, without say- 
 ing why we desire this. We should be asked, naturally, * Why do you 
 want us to make any new decrees ? The Church does not make decrees 
 on matters of faith, without a reason ; what reason have you to give 
 for what you ask?' Now if, as I believe, the system in regard to the 
 Blessed Virgin is the chief hindrance to reunion, and if a declaration 
 by authority that something which does not necessarily involve this 
 (as the Council of Trent with Milner's explanation) is alone of faith, 
 would remove that chief hindrance to reunion, then an intelligible 
 ground is given for the request. 
 
 As soon as the work of the October term of 1864 
 
 ^ No notice is taken here of the 
 work of the A.P.U.C, which had 
 been founded in 1857, and which was 
 at this time addressing the authorities 
 at Rome on the subject. (See * Life 
 of Cardinal Manning,' ii. p. 279 sqq.) 
 
 Pusey*s work was completely in- 
 dependent of this Association. 
 
 " Since writing the Letter Dr. Man- 
 ning had been made Archbishop of 
 Westminster in succession to Cardinal 
 Wiseman. 
 
 n; 
 
 Preparation of a Reply to Manning. 99 
 
 was over, he applied himself to this task of replying to 
 Manning. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. ^ 
 
 Christmas Eve, 1864. 
 ... I am writing an answer to Dr. Manning, yet one which I hope 
 that you will not much dislike, considering that I am where I am. 
 I have long felt that although there are some things, e.g. Indulgences, 
 which I cannot in the least understand, our difficulties are mostly in 
 the practical system rather than in the letter of the Council of Trent. 
 If Rome could authenticate all which she allows individuals to say in 
 explanation— I mean, if a Council of the Roman Church would say, 
 'Such and such things are not de fide,' as well as what is ^^/^— the 
 greatest difficulty in the way of the reunion of the two churches would, 
 I think, be gone. The Council of Trent seems to me to have drawn 
 the line as to the minimum which is to be believed: the English 
 Articles seem to me (speaking generally), especially Art. xxii, to con- 
 demn a maximum, as not being to be believed. So we are at cross- 
 purposes. Only, while there is no explanation on the Roman side, 
 what IS the practical system of the Roman Church everywhere would 
 become the practical system here, in case of the reunion of the Churches. 
 My letter is, in fact, a reawakening of Tract XC, which, though its 
 prmaples have sunk deep, is not much known by the rising generation. 
 
 Newman in reply pointed out that in his opinion Pusey s 
 expectation of a declaration on the part of the Roman 
 Church as to what is not de fide was unreasonable, as 
 limiting the future guidance of the Church in matters as 
 yet undefined. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newi^an to E. B. P. 
 
 Jan. 4, 1865. 
 ^ ... You indeed want the Church to decide what is defide and what 
 IS not ; but, pace tud, this seems unreasonable. It is to determine the 
 work of all Councils till the end of time. How, e.g. was it to be 
 expected that Perrone's doctnne of Intention (as opposed to that of 
 Catharmus) should be explicitly declared by St. Paul to be not defide ? 
 No one on earth can draw the line between what is defide and what 
 is not, for it would be prophesying of questions which have [not] yet 
 turned up. All we can say is that so much actuany/j defide\ and 
 then allow a large margin of doctrine, which we accept as de fide 
 implicitly, so far forth as God by His Church shall make it known. 
 All one can say is that, till God illuminates the Church on a point, the 
 children of the Church are obliged, and so are at liberty, to go by their 
 best judgment either way ; e. g. St. John Damascene (.?) may speak of 
 the Holy Ghost as proceeding only from the Father, tiU the fuUer truth 
 
 H 2. 
 
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m 
 
 1 1 
 
 1) 
 
 I! 
 
 loo Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 is made known through the Divinely appointed ^^f '^^^^//^f ^^IJf, 
 t seems to me unreasonable then to ask for rnore than /.^.r/ ^^ 
 what is (though not defined) contrary to '\^'^-^'^J^'^^^^^^^ 
 faithful You are not bound to believe that the Pope out of General 
 Council is infallible, but I don't see how you can exact from us a dog- 
 matic definition that it is not a point de^de, 
 
 Pusey had hoped that more was possible than Newman 
 would allow. He had hoped that the Roman Church 
 as a body might be willing to decree what mdividual 
 Roman writers had frequently and readily admitted. 
 
 E. B. P. TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford [Jan. 5, 1865]. 
 I certainly did think that in a subject which had long been before 
 the Church,' as Purgatory, the Cultus of the Blessed Vir^n, ndu^' 
 eences she mi-ht decide what is not de Jide as well as what is Of 
 fourse one m^ always trust God for the future But, as you know 
 the practical difficulty of the Church of England is much more as to 
 thfnrnot defined to be ^/^ than as to the letter of the Council 
 of xLt But then, supposing the Church of England to be wil ing 
 to accept the Council of Trent provided the acceptance of it involved 
 no more than its words go to, how would she escape acceptmg all the 
 restTagainst which the chief objection lies ? I mean supposing the 
 Coundl of Trent could be authoritatively so explained, as Du Pm d d 
 to Wake, how could she avoid having the whole system contained in 
 Sties of Mary ' made her system ? For by virtue o^he au W 
 ascribed to the Pope (although this, I suppose, is no where settled as 
 rS) he would appoint Bishops and they ordain Cler^ who would 
 t^h ; And so tlfe distinction between what is .^/^^ -J^^^^^^ 
 is not would come to nothing. I cannot imagine being m the Chj^^ 
 of Rome and then criticizing or not receiving anything proposed to 
 me. 1 cannot imagine how any faith could stand it. 
 
 This correspondence revealed a serious divergence between 
 Pusey and Newman as to what could be done. While no 
 doubt explanations as to the limits of dogmatic teaching in 
 the Church of Rome might tend towards reconcihation, 
 the power of unlimited future definition which Newman 
 acknowledged to lie in the Church would render such 
 negative explanation valueless for any formal action such 
 as Pusey contemplated. 
 
 Pusey s line of apology naturally would take two direc- 
 tions. He would, in the first place, restate the real doctrine 
 
 Proposed Republication of Tract XC. 
 
 lOI 
 
 of the Church of England, somewhat in the manner of 
 Tract XC, and then with a view of emphasizing his demand 
 for the rejection of all that was not de fide, he w6uld proceed 
 to point out how largely the popular Romanism differed 
 from the authorized dogmatic standards. In carrying out 
 the former part of his task, he would inevitably be using 
 many of the arguments of Tract XC ; and just at that 
 moment Newman sent him a letter from a correspondent 
 who asked permission to reprint that Tract. ' I don't wish,' 
 adds Newman, ' to give him the leave that he asks. Can 
 you give me your opinion ? ' The following was Pusey s 
 reply : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Dec. 29, 1864.] 
 If Tract XC is reprinted at all, I should like to reprint it ; and it 
 might suit well to reprint it now that I am anew reawakening people's 
 minds to it. I had forgotten that it was out of print. I should like 
 to reprint it. You know that I am in the odd position of not being 
 responsible to any one Bishop; but besides, times are so changed 
 that none of our Bishops would feel called upon to interfere now. 
 They are content to leave things to God's providence, as I so wished 
 them to do twenty years ago. 
 
 He explained the circumstances in which he wrote more 
 fully to Mr. Copeland, who was himself engaged in 
 preparing a history of the Oxford Movement. 
 
 E. B. P^ TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Christ Church [Jan. 17, 1865]. 
 
 What we want at Oxford is to be left to ourselves. The extreme 
 Rationalists are doing their worst. They say, * If you believe this and 
 that, you must believe that and that: In other words, * If you are 
 Christians, you must be Catholics' ; so they are giving us a good crop 
 of able young men, i. e. God overrules their unbelief to make these 
 consistent in faith. There is rest at present from any anti-Roman 
 or anti-Tractarian controversy, which the presence of a R. C. College 
 or Oratory at Oxford would be sure to awaken. 
 
 Whether my Letter to J. K. in answer to Manning will reawaken 
 that conu-oversy, I know not. The Low Church know now that they 
 want us ; but whether that will overcome their horror of * Popish 
 errors,' I know not. However, I am giving hints of terms of reunion 
 of 'AyoToXwcii AUTKCJ7 *H/i<r<>a. I think that I shall send it you to look 
 
 »i ■» — - 
 
 x^ 
 
r 
 
 li 
 
 I t 
 
 I 
 
 I02 
 
 Ltfe of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 at before it is published. The beginning is only the old story which 
 we have told so often :— Tract XC over again, which made me ask 
 dearest N. to let me republish Tract XC. 
 
 Newman gave Pusey leave to publish the Tract when 
 he pleased, and Pusey sent it and Keble's * Letter to the 
 Hon. Mr. Justice Coleridge on Catholic subscription to 
 the Thirty-nine Articles ' at once to the Press, while he was 
 writing an historical preface to be prefixed to both. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 [Plymouth, Jan. 25, 1865.] 
 Tract XC and J. K.'s defence are in the Press. ... I am writing 
 a Preface, the object of which is to account lor people's so mis- 
 understanding Tract XC. It runs into history ; but will not interfere 
 with yours, because I do not use any MS. documents, nor go into 
 detail. The only points I want to make out are the promptness of 
 
 dearest N.'s explanation, and of the condemnation by the Heads 
 
 I mean to say, that had the four Tutors or the Heads waited for 
 an explanation of the Tract, they could not have acted as they did, 
 whatever else they might have done. I want to rehabilitate Tract XC, 
 because an exposition of this sort, as being true, is essential to our 
 position, and yet the obloquy on Tract XC is a grave scandal to our 
 principles. Dearest N. has rehabilitated himself as honest ; I want 
 to show that the Judgment was precipitate. 
 
 Copeland helped Pusey greatly in the historical Preface. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford [Jan. 30, 1865]. 
 
 What a mass of facts you have, of which I know nothing ! I shall 
 be so glad to see your History. What I am doing is very simple. 
 
 I want to show why Tract XC was misunderstood at the time It is 
 
 like an old world, long hid by a cloud, and the cloud parting. . . . 
 
 As Tract XC was the scapegoat, I am satisfied that that interpretation 
 of the Articles will not be thoroughly cleared till the mud is washed 
 clean off from Tract XC. People look with suspicion upon it, as on 
 a thing which has been everywhere spoken against. 
 
 Copeland pointed out the difficulties which surrounded 
 the historical account of the Tract, and reminded him of 
 the correspondence between Newman and Maurice on the 
 subject two years before. 
 
 Historical Preface to Tract XC. 
 
 103 
 
 Rev. W. J. Copeland to E. B. P. 
 
 Farnham, Feb. 5, 1865. 
 
 Great care and accuracy indeed will be needed in totiching the old 
 vexata quaestio, now that more than ever K.'s lines are realized, all 
 
 * Round about the battle lowers 
 And mines are hid beneath our towers.* 
 
 We rustics often say about this time of year * Rooks smell gunpowder,' 
 so I hope do you, especially as incedis per ignesy and we may all be 
 shaken out of bed some fine morning, as by the Erith explosions ! 
 
 But the historical Preface to Tract XC needed more 
 time for preparation than the reply to Manning allowed 
 him. It was therefore put aside to await an opportunity 
 of more leisure. But at this time Pusey was able to do 
 Newman a favour by means of which he relieved himself 
 also from a serious anxiety about the proposal to build 
 a Roman Catholic College at Oxford. 
 
 During the year 1864 Newman had purchased the site 
 of the old Oxford Workhouse, a valuable plot of ground of 
 about eight acres, and report said that a handsome Roman 
 church was to be built there. Pusey wrote in great 
 distress to Copeland as to one who saw more of Newman 
 than he did himself, and pointed out the consequence of 
 this plan, if it was carried out. 
 
 E. B. p. to Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford [November 6, 1864]. 
 
 . . . From the R. C. .point of view, I have marvelled at the for- 
 bearance, that something of this kind was not done before. It is, of 
 course, a declaration of war against the High Church party. For 
 there are next to no Roman Catholics here. It can only be directed 
 to win our young men. If the annihilation of the English Church is 
 to be [the] stepping-stone for Rome to recover England, this would be 
 tangible. It would be Monsignor Manning's policy. Now we are 
 happily without any controversy except with the unbelievers. The 
 Evangelicals somehow never took root here. The antagonism to the 
 Tractarians has ceased, because men see that we are fighting against 
 the common foe. Controversy against * Popery' as [well as] Trac- 
 tarianism is over. But a H. C. establishment (of whatever nature, for 
 I know not what is intended) would revive all the Ultra-Protestant 
 antagonism, necessarily. For if they are on the aggressive, people 
 must take the defensive, and will probably take the offensive also. 
 
 
I04 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 i 
 
 |i 
 
 I- 
 
 II 
 
 ii 
 
 
 t 
 
 Our people will be sickened as you were ; and so Oxford would be 
 again left to those who have no sympathy with the R. C.s, and who will 
 be forced into antagonism with them. A High Church body there 
 always will be, while the Prayer Book remains : but, of course, what- 
 ever makes Ultra-Protestantism rampant and weakens the High 
 Church emperils the Prayer Book. I believe that, all over the 
 country, the High Church is stronger than even in those outwardly 
 flourishing days, but I dread the confusion into which Oxford would 
 be thrown. The * Liberals,* those of the laymen who believe nothing, 
 are triumphing already at the prospect. They find themselves pressed 
 by us, and so are glad of the diversion. 
 
 As you still talk familiarly over these things with dearest N[ewman], 
 I wish you would talk over this side of the question with him. 
 
 A fortnight later Newman writes to explain his inten- 
 tions. Young Roman Catholics were beginning to go to 
 Oxford; the land was offered to him, and his Bishop put 
 the Oxford mission into his hands. He intended to do his 
 best to found an Oratory at Oxford, as at Birmingham, 
 though he did not intend to come himself. He had no 
 plans, but promised that he would not be a party to any 
 measures different from those which would flow from the 
 principles of the * Apologia.' 
 
 In reply, Pusey repeated all the fears that he had 
 expressed to Copeland ; and Newman explained to him 
 that his * fellow-religionists ' were in a great fright about 
 the admission of their sons to Oxford, and the establish- 
 ment of the Oratory in Oxford was a compromise between 
 forbidding Roman Catholic students to go to Oxford and 
 establishing a college for them. And as regards the fears 
 of harm to the English Church from his occasional presence 
 in Oxford, Newman adds: 'I perfectly understand that 
 there are persons who would think that my coming (ever 
 so little) to Oxford would tend (so far forth) to weaken the 
 dogmatic teaching of the Church of England ; but I should 
 not agree with them.' 
 
 When he heard that the University had been intending 
 to buy the ground which he had secured, Newman offered, 
 through Pusey, to sell to the University all but two acres, 
 which would suffice for his own purpose. But a meeting 
 of Roman Catholic Bishops on December 13 came to such 
 
 Proposed Roman Catholic College at Oxford. 105 
 
 an unsatisfactory decision that Newman offered to sell 
 the whole plot of ground to the University— an offer which 
 was accepted by the Convocation of the ^University on 
 February 9, 1865. 
 
 Meanwhile Pusey continued to work at his reply to 
 Manning. He thus reported the progress which he had 
 made in the last birthday letter that he was able to write 
 to Keble. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 Christ Church, Oxford, St. Mark's Day [April 25], 1865. 
 
 I have finished my printed Letter to you. It is chiefly a defence of 
 ourselves against Manning, explaining our Articles in the old way, 
 excepting against the large R. C. quasi-authoritative system, under the 
 head of Art. xxii, and then speaking hopefully of ourselves, and, as we 
 trust, our office of reuniting Christendom, following in the wake of 
 Du Pin and Archbishop Wake. Liddon has seen it, xor I wished 
 a second eye to see what I was addressing publicly to you. He 
 wished me to say more about the doctrine of the Immaculate Concep- 
 tion ; so I am making an Appendix, and am going to town to-morrow 
 to examine the votes which the 500 bishops gave. There were some 
 very remarkable opinions given against making it a dogma— especially 
 the Archbishops of Rouen, Paris, Salzburg. All the Professors at 
 Maynooth were against it, and the R. C. Archbishop of Dublin. 
 
 I am writing on purpose to-day to express my thankfulness for the 
 many and great mercies which God gave us through giving you to us 
 to-day, and my hope for their continuance. 
 
 Your affectionate and grateful, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 As usual, however, new fields opened before him, and the 
 completion of the book was again and again delayed. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 St. Lawrence Dene, Ventnor, I. W., July 24 [1865]. 
 
 ... As for my Letter to J. K., first I got immersed in the * Pareri dell* 
 Episcopato Cattolico^' and read through all the answers of the Bishops 
 to the Pope about the Immaculate Conception, and lately I have got 
 into the last Encyclical. What a strange way they are driving on ! 
 The last result of the Dublin Review is that the Pope is personally 
 infallible as to facts too, not connected with faith or morals, and that, 
 
 * • Pareri dell' Episcopato Cattolico macolato concepimento della B. V. 
 suUa definizione dogmatica dell' im- Maria.' 
 
io6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 f 
 
 The First Eirenicon, 
 
 however he utters his pronouncements. Bellarmine is left far behind. 
 So his Italian government is to be matter of faith too, and that the 
 Pope never did anything wrong to the Greeks. 
 
 The Letter was at last completed early in September, 
 and Pusey at once wrote to ask if Newman would accept 
 a copy of it. 
 
 E.B.P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Sept. 4, 186$. 
 
 At last my book is finished. I think that I said that it was meant 
 to turn out an Eirenicon. They seem to be aweful times everywhere. 
 Would to God we were not spending our strength, but could fight 
 against the common foe of souls and of the faith. 
 
 But now as to sending it to you. I have not, in all these sad years, 
 sent you anything which had any controversy in it. And in this too, 
 though I have been reviving the mode of conciliation of Du Pin and 
 Wake, I have had to deprecate the Ultramontanism, which, in the 
 Dublin Review, goes beyond Bellarmine as to the Infallibility of the 
 Pope and the large development of the system as to the Blessed 
 Virgin. There is, of course, no declamation : it is simply historical, 
 I believe. 
 
 But now the object of this note is to say, unless you should otherwise 
 read it, I should not send it you. I should be sorry that you should 
 have anything of mine from the booksellers ; but still more sorry to be 
 the occasion of your writing anything against it by bringing it under 
 your notice. . . . 
 
 I am going early next week to see Keble. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 It was a pleasure to Pusey to find that Newman was 
 willing to accept a copy of his Letter. He seems to have 
 had every confidence that it could not give offence. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Sept. 5, 1865. 
 
 I shall be much obliged by your sending me your book. Somehow, 
 outright controversy is more pleasant to me than such uncontroversial 
 works as are necessarily built on assumptions, which pain me. 
 
 For myself, I don't think I have written anything controversial for 
 the last fourteen years. Nor have I ever, as I think, replied to any 
 controversial notice of what I have written. Certainly I let pass 
 without a word the various volumes which were written in answer to my 
 Essay on Doctrinal Development, and that on the principle that truth 
 defends itself, and falsehood refutes itself: and that, having said my 
 
 107 
 
 i. 
 
 say, time would decide for me, without any trouble, how far it was 
 true, and how far not true. And I have quoted Grabbers line as to 
 my purpose (though I can't quote correctly) : — ♦ 
 
 * Leaving the case to Time, who solves all doubt, 
 By bringing Truth, his glorious daughter, out' 
 
 This being so, I can't conceive I could feel it in any sense an 
 imperative duty to remark on anything you said in your book. 
 I dare say there is a great deal in which I should agree. Certainly 
 I so dislike Ward's way of going on, that I can't get myself to read the 
 Dublin. But on those points I have said my say in the Apologia, 
 and, though I can't see the future, am likely to leave them alone. 
 A great attempt has been made in some quarters to find (censurable) 
 mistakes in my book, but it has altogether failed, and I consider 
 Ward's articles to be important attempts to put down by argument 
 what is left safe in the domain of theological opinion. 
 
 But while I would maintain my own theological opinion, I don't 
 dispute [with] Ward the right of holding his, so that he does not 
 attempt to impose them on me : nor do I dispute the righf of whoso 
 will to use devotions to the Blessed Virgin which seem to me unnatural 
 and forced. Did authority attempt to put them down, while they do 
 not infringe on the great Catholic verities, I think it would act, as the 
 Bishop of London is doing, in putting down the devotional observances 
 of the Tractarian party at St. Michael's [Shoreditch] and elsewhere. 
 He is tender towards free-thinkers and stem towards Romanizers. 
 * Dat veniam corvis, vexat censura columbas.' Now the Church of 
 Rome is severe on the free-thinkers and indulgent towards devotees. 
 
 Pusey's Letter to Keble ^ generally called his First 
 Eirenicon, was, as has been said, primarily a reply to 
 Manning's attack upon the English Church, but also far 
 more than a reply. It was a vindication of the claims of 
 the English Church to be a portion of the Catholic Church 
 in doctrine and Sacraments, and a detailed exposition of 
 those portions of the Roman system which in Pusey s mind 
 compelled the continued separation between England and 
 Rome. In the earlier part, the ground is not new : it is 
 a vindication to a Roman Catholic of the Thirty-nine Articles 
 which had been so often vindicated five and twenty years 
 earlier in reply to Evangelicals. He points out the doctrinal 
 
 ' 'The Church of England, a portion 
 of Christ's one Holy Catholic Church 
 and a means of restoring visible 
 unity. An Eirenicon in a letter to 
 the author of " The Christian Year,** ' 
 
 Oxford, 1 865. There was another title 
 on*the back of the binding of the book, 
 ' The Truth and Office of the English 
 Church.' 
 
io8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 affinities between them and the decrees of the Council of 
 Trent, and shows that Manning's charges against the 
 teaching of the English Church are untrue in some cases, 
 while in others they are equally forcible against the formal 
 teaching of the Council of Trent. 
 
 In working out this point he had the further object 
 of showing that the divergence between the formal 
 teaching of the Church of England and the Church of 
 Rome is not so wide as is commonly taught. The mass 
 of objections against the Roman Church in the mind 
 of an ordinary Englishman relate, Pusey points out, to 
 that * vast system as to the Blessed Virgin which to all of 
 us has been the special " crux " of the Roman system,' and 
 to the popular teaching about Purgatory and Indulgences ^ 
 This teaching is not to be found in the formal Tridentine 
 decrees. It existed indeed, and had been strongly attacked, 
 when those decrees were drawn up ; but the Council tacitly 
 allowed that it was not de fide by saying nothing in defence of 
 it, in spite of the objections raised against it. This teaching 
 was, however, now in common use by Roman priests, and 
 put forth as certain truth in books which have the sanction 
 of her Bishops and by writers who have been canonized. 
 He proved this point by lengthy quotations of extreme 
 statements on these subjects from well-known writers who 
 are held in high esteem in the Roman communion. The 
 quotations must needs have been very distressing to many 
 Roman Catholics; they went beyond the decrees of the 
 Council of Trent, but no restriction or prohibition had been 
 issued with regard to them, and popularly they were part of 
 the formal teaching of the Roman Church. 
 
 Pusey thought that it would be a great advance 
 towards reunion if such statements were authoritatively 
 asserted to be not de fide, and not necessarily to be taken 
 into account in discussions about reunion. He alleged as a 
 precedent for such explanations the overtures which Du Pin 
 and others made to Archbishop Wake in the eighteenth 
 century, when he proposed a union between the English 
 
 * pp. 101-205. 
 
 •"iTYte^ig"'* -jTr 
 
 Proposed basis for Reunion with Rome. 109 
 
 and Gallican Churches. Du Pin's * whole plan seems to be 
 an anticipation of our dear friend's Tract XC Then he 
 alluded to the hopes of reunion entertained in later years by 
 * the profound and pious Mohler,' on the basis of the recog- 
 nition by each side of its own great mistakes, and to the 
 hopes which the Ultramontane Count De Maistre enter- 
 tained for the Church of England in the time of her 
 profoundest lethargy. After unsparingly pointing out her 
 faults, De Maistre still said of her, ' Cependant elle est tres 
 pr^cieuse sous d'autres aspects, et pent etre consid^r^ecomme 
 une de ces interm^des chimiques, capable d approcher des 
 d^mens inassociables de leur nature.* 
 
 *And now God seems again to be awakening the yearning to be 
 visibly one, and He Who alone, the Author of Peace and the Lover of 
 Concord, must have put it into men's minds to pray for the unity 
 of Christendom, will in His time, we trust, fulfil the prayei which He 
 Himself has taught. ... A plan which should embrace the Greek 
 Church also would facilitate what English Catholics most desire- 
 authoritative explanations. Cardinal Wiseman, in his memorable 
 letter to Lord Shrewsbury, laid down as a principle, * We must explain 
 to the utmost \' The Church of England and the Council of Trent 
 have long seemed to me at cross purposes. In some cases, at least, 
 the Council of Trent proposed the minimum, of [sic] which it would 
 accept, but left a maximum, far beyond the letter of the Council, to be 
 thereafter, as it was before, the practical system of the Church. The 
 Church of England in her Articles protested against that maximum, 
 the practical system which she saw around her ; but, in many cases, 
 she laid down no doctrine at all on the subject upon which she pro- 
 tested. She made negative statements to show against what she 
 protested, but set down no positive statement to explain what, on 
 the same subject, she accepted. ... It may be that the Church of 
 England might offer such explanations of the Thirty-nine Articles 
 as the Roman and Greek Churches would accept, such as are suggested 
 by Bossuet, or by the Commonitorium of Du Pin ; or, according to 
 the precedent of the Council of Florence, the Thirty-nine Articles and 
 the Council of Trent (which was so largely directed against errors of 
 Luther) might pass away and be merged in the Eighth General Council 
 of the once-more united Christendom *.' 
 
 The Letter concludes with a glowing picture of the 
 dangers through which the Church of England has kept the 
 Faith, of her present vigorous life, and the manifold proofs 
 
 * Letter, p. 31. « Eirenicon, Part I, pp. 266-268. 
 
no 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of the * organic working of God the Holy Ghost in her.' 
 It is not, he maintained in opposition to Archbishop 
 Manning s statement, a question of grace acting only in 
 individual souls ; it is the operation of God the Holy Ghost 
 upon the Church as a whole. The pages in which this is 
 worked out are specially valuable, but do not admit of 
 condensation. They are a stirring apology for the English 
 Church, combining a loyal and affectionate review of her 
 present condition with a statement of his hopes for the 
 work which it may be the Will of God to accomplish 
 through her in the future. 
 
 The Eirenicon was hardly out of Pusey s hands when he 
 unexpectedly met Newman at Keble's hoiise at Hursley. 
 It must have seemed to Pusey as an omen that his hopes 
 of reunion between the Church of England and the Church 
 of Rome would be realized. 
 
 He writes to his brother : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. B. Pusey. 
 
 [Sept. 14, 1865.] 
 Strangely, I met J. H. N. at dear J. K.'s this week on my visit on 
 my return from residence at Oxford. He is deeply lined. It is the 
 first time I have seen him since he came to me at Tenby, when I was 
 ill [in 1846]. We talked comfortably about past, present, future \ 
 
 Newman has given a full account of the meeting in 
 the following letter to the late Sir John Coleridge, which 
 was published in Keble's Memoirs ^. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to Sir Joan Coleridge. 
 
 Rednall, Sep. 17, 1868. 
 It was remarkable, certainly, that three friends— he, Dr. Pusey, and 
 myself— who had been so intimately united for so many years, and 
 then for so many years had been separated, at least one of them from 
 the other two, should meet together just once again ; and, for the first 
 and last time, dine together simply by themselves. And the more 
 remarkable, because not only by chance they met all three together, 
 but there were positive chances against their meeting. 
 
 Meeting of Keble, Newman, and Pusey, 
 
 III 
 
 * * Mrs. Keble being ill, we three 
 dined tite d. tHe together, a thing 
 which perhaps we never did before 
 in our lives.' J. H. N. to Rev. G. D. 
 
 Boyle. Sept. 15, 1865. 
 
 * ' Memoirs of Rev. J. Keble/ pp. 
 538-530 (and ed.). 
 
 Keble had wished me to come to him, but the illness of his wife 
 which took them to Bournemouth, obliged him to put me off. On 
 their return to Hursley I wrote to him on the subject pf my visit, and 
 fixed a day for it. Afterwards, hearing from Pusey that he, too, was 
 going to Hursley on the very day I had named, I wrote to Keble to 
 put off my visit. I told him, as I think, my reason. I had not seen 
 either of them for twenty years, and to see both of them at once 
 would be more, I feared, than I could bear. Accordingly, I told him 
 I should go from Birmingham to friends in the Isle of Wight in the 
 first place, and thence some day go over to Hursley. This was on 
 September 12 1865. But when I had got into the Birmingham train 
 for Reading, I felt it was like cowardice to shrink from the meeting 
 and I changed my mind again. In spite of my having put off my visit 
 to him, I slept at Southampton, and made my appearance at Hursley 
 next morning without being expected. Keble was at his door speaking 
 to a friend. He did not know me, and asked my name. What was 
 more wonderful, since I had purposely come to his house, I did not 
 know him, and I feared to ask who it was. I gave him my card 
 without speaking. When at length we found out each other, he said 
 with that tender flurry of manner which I recollected so well, that his 
 wife had been seized with an attack of her complaint that morning, 
 and that he could not receive me as he should have wished to do, nor' 
 indeed, had he expected me; 'for Pusey,' he whispered, 'is in the 
 house, as you are aware.* 
 
 Then he brought me into his study and embraced me most affec- 
 tionately, and said he would go and prepare Pusey, and send him 
 to me. 
 
 I think I got there in the forenoon, and remained with him four or 
 five hours, dinmg at one or two. He was in and out of the room all 
 the time I was with him, attending on his wife, and I was left with 
 Pusey. I recollect very little of the conversation that passed at 
 dinner. Pusey was full of the question of the Inspiration of Holy 
 Scripture, and Keble expressed his joy that it was a common cause, 
 m which I could not substantially differ from them ; and he caught 
 at such words of mine as seemed to show agreement. Mr. Gladstone's 
 rejection at Oxford was talked of, and I said that I really thought 
 that had I been still a member of the University I must have voted 
 against him, because he was giving up the Irish Establishment. On 
 this, Keble gave me one of his remarkable looks, so earnest and 
 so sweet, came close to me, and whispered in my ear (I cannot 
 recollect the exact words, but I took them to be), 'And is not that 
 just?' It left the impression on my mind that he had no great 
 sympathy with the Establishment in Ireland as an Establishment 
 and was favourable to the Church of the Irish. ' 
 
 Just before my time for going Pusey went to read the Evening 
 Service in church, and I was left in the open air with Keble himself 
 We walked a little way, and stood looking in silence at the church 
 
112 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 and churchyard, so beautiful and cahn. Then he began to converse 
 with more than his old tone of intimacy, as if we had never been 
 parted, and soon I was obliged to go. . . . 
 
 He wrote me many notes about this time ; in one of them he made 
 a reference to the lines in Macbeth : — 
 
 *When shall we three meet again? 
 When the hurly-burly 's done. 
 When the battle's lost and won.* 
 
 But the newspapers gave their own account of the 
 meeting, to Pusey *s great annoyance. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Guardian.* 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Oct. 9, 1865. 
 
 I much regret having to obtrude upon the public my own private 
 feelings, but the statement which you copied from some local paper 
 (inaccurate in every particular, except that 1 spent some happy hours 
 with my friend Dr. Newman) is so intensely painful that I cannot help 
 myself. The statement is, that Dr. N. and myself were * reconciled 
 after twenty years.' The deep love between us, which now dates back 
 for above forty years, has never been in the least overshadowed. His 
 leaving us was one of the deep sorrows of my life ; but it involved 
 separation of place, not diminution of affection. 
 
 Pusey saw good reasons for attempting to get as wide 
 a hearing as possible for his plan of reunion. Rumours 
 of an approaching Council at Rome seemed to suggest 
 that the favourable moment for decisive action had arrived. 
 He wrote hopefully about it to Mr. Gladstone : — 
 
 E. B. P. to Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 [Sept. 19, 1865.] 
 
 The Bishop of Brechin wished me to have it translated into French 
 and German, which I am about to have done so soon as I find the 
 translators. We want to have a hearing with the non-extreme party 
 before the Synod at Rome next year. I read through the correspon- 
 dence with the Pope published in the * Pareri dell' Episcopato Cattolico * 
 on the Immaculate Conception. There seemed to be many moderate 
 men then : but, alas ! the Episcopal life is short, and fifteen years may 
 have removed a good many to their rest. My hope, however, is not 
 in many, but that it is God the Holy Ghost, the Author of Peace and 
 Lover of Concord, Who is putting into people's hearts to wish to 
 be one. 
 
 ^^'.k«,. 
 
 Visit to France. 
 
 113 
 
 With the same purpose a journey to France was pro- 
 jected to bring the Eirenicon under the notice of the French 
 Bishops. * 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Early in October, 1865.] 
 I think I shall try to present my book myself to some French Bishops. 
 Alas ! what a short-lived generation the Episcopate is. I find that the 
 Archbishop of Rouen, who replied to the Encyclical, is paralytic, at 
 least so 1 was told, at Rouen. I have a wish to see some Bishops 
 myself, and I think I shall try to use this short interval before the 
 Oxford term to see whom I can. I want to know what they would 
 think of giving us the same terms as Bossuet or Cardinal de Noailles 
 would. 
 
 He accordingly started for France as soon as he could 
 get away after reading his Paper at the Norwich Church 
 Congress. He left Poole for Cherbourg on Wednesday, 
 October 11, and returned to England on October 20, having 
 crowded no little work into those ten days. He wrote an 
 account of his earliest visits to his son Philip from Paris. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Philip E. Pusey. 
 
 Paris, Monday [Oct. 16, 1865]. 
 
 So much time was lost by not coming on Monday ... and subse- 
 quently by the difficulty of getting to the Bishop of Coutances, whom 
 I thought likely to be one of the most favourable ^ that I am come here 
 thus late, having followed the Bishop from Coutances to Avranches, 
 and then to St. Michel. He was most kind, and gave me his blessing. 
 Then the Bishop of Rennes being out, I saw his vicar, who spoke 
 kindly. From the Bishop of La Val I got a rebuff, so I did not try 
 Le Mans. Yesterday, being Sunday, I saw the Bishop of Chartres for 
 a short time. He was kind but not encouraging. It was near service 
 time, so I did not see much of him. To-day I went with my letter to 
 the Archbishop of Paris 2, who, wisely, never allows an answer to be 
 waited for ; so I must wait at home to-morrow to see whether there is 
 any appointment. 
 
 [Tuesday.] I am staying at home, partly for an answer from the 
 Archbishop, to know whether I am to see him. I think that very likely 
 
 * He judged from the official replies 
 to the inquiry of Pius IX in regard 
 to the doctrine of the Immaculate Con- 
 ception, which are published in the 
 'Pareri dell' Episcopate Cattolico 
 «ulla definizione dogmatica dell' im- 
 macolato concepimento della B. V. 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 Maria,* and are very frequently quoted 
 in the * Eirenicon.' 
 
 ' Monseigneur Georges Darboy, who 
 had been appointed Archbishop in 
 1863.* He was afterwards murdered by 
 the Communists, on May 27, 1871. 
 
 11 
 
114 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I may not. For, since the rule here is to tell the Archbishop before- 
 hand why one wishes to see him, he may think that I have told him all 
 I have to say, and not thinking it practicable, may send me an answer 
 through some chaplain. 
 
 He wrote a full account of his journey to Bishop Forbes 
 as soon as he reached home, on the following Friday. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Brechin. 
 
 [October 20, 1865.] 
 My dearest Friend, 
 
 The first stone is, I trust, laid on which the two Churches may 
 be again united— when God wills and when human wills obey. I had 
 two most interesting audiences with the Archbishop of Paris, who 
 seemed to be of a very far-sighted, moderate, and comprehensive mind. 
 He seemed entirely to recognize our position, thought that there were 
 faults on both sides in [the] Reformation, accused no one. The upshot 
 was that he thought that there might be union on the basis of the 
 Council of Trent, but explained. The custom at Paris is that one has 
 to explain beforehand why one wishes to see the Archbishop. So 
 I wrote him a letter (with which he was evidently well satisfied, and 
 of which he spoke kindly), saying what we wished— that our difficulties 
 lay rather in things outside of the Council of Trent than in its letter, 
 and gave as an instance the system of the most holy Mother of God, 
 and asked whether it could not be laid down that nothing was of faith 
 except what the Council of Trent declared, that it was good and useful 
 to, &c. He said that the formulizing of a new article of faith was a very 
 grave matter, but he saw no reason why it should not be. He thought, 
 on the one hand, that there must be a reaction after the death of the 
 present Pope ; on the other, he thought that the English nation would 
 be more ready to come to terms when it had had some reverses. 
 I asked him definitely at the end of the first interview, * Do you, then, 
 think that it would be a practical matter to work for— the reunion of 
 the Churches on the basis of the Council of Trent explained ? ' He 
 said, *Yes.* I told him that I had been advised to have my book 
 translated into French. He said, * Do ; the subject ought to be con- 
 sidered.' He anticipated that there might be some stir, but said that 
 if there was he would defend it. If I understood him right, he thought 
 it might perhaps be put into the Index, but he did not think that a great 
 evil. I was not always certain of his French, for my hearing is not as 
 good as it was ; but of the main outline I am certain. He said that 
 the conciliators were always successful in the end, that people did not 
 wish for extremes. He spoke with great admiration of the English 
 character, said that the Church stood in need of the Anglo-Saxons, 
 that the French were impetuous and went full tilt at their object ; but 
 that the English would always beat them— for they kept their end in 
 view, and then moved or did not move, just when and how they saw 
 
 The French Bishops and the 'Eirenicon.' 115 
 
 that it would advance their r^nA i c ^ n , 
 on his sayin, that LtlTL, o r Mo l:„"tt tl" T'^"^^^" 
 with great interest, and askine me the HfuT kL, ^^^'^ y^^'* 
 send for it, 1 took it him; LTylste ^t heToM ' ''f 't™^''' 
 Parcouru it, but that he meant to studju tLf h "" u" ^' ^^"^ 
 his opinion of it Hp h,H hJ ^ ' "*' ^^ "'°"'<1 ^rite me 
 
 spond'e nce/i 'ai? hafdearTHT"^!^K"^^ ^°"^ 
 
 the terms of concihationr Zll^ylT^t.^^S:,^-^: '''"' 
 
 ;nS-:^.r^ehX^-^^^^^^^ 
 
 been received most kindly by the BishonV.fr T ^^ *^'°''^ 
 
 official meal to see me He «M ,„ '^ ■ ^°"'«°<^«s, who left an 
 
 the Pope would havr.rea^dffii°^ '"'^T' '^^' ^" '^°"Sht that 
 
 munionin both kllsf^r'ht matL;roTtrcl^^"r 't- "°"'- 
 remark. 1 had taken it for granted tha Tnrl,^' ' ^'^ °*" 
 
 discipline, there would be no^ and ^ Lh , ^ ''''' '"^""" "^ 
 liishop of Rennes was givbg a Retre«- 1 1" l""'""""''' "" '^^^ 
 was also very kind, and advifed fhat w ^1! ^ndT''"""' "'° 
 
 L^rthitTS-^^t™ ~ Bt^T^ - 
 
 'God alon. know^ th?hett^?onsSo;r"^f?h^^^^^ 
 
 there were ve^. few Gallicans'in FraTe "hat 'hrd n v r' i^^J ^ 
 
 So I wen to Chartres. He [the Bishop] was very kind but st^ h/n" 
 
 Peasants went up to if and knelt and prayed before it if t ^' 
 
 rmiam glass eyes. At Rouen I saw a whole range of tablets fdouble> 
 JJe whole length of the church : ' I called upon Maiy and she heS 
 
 f 
 
 |i 
 
 « 
 
 The Archbishop of Paris asked 
 me whether my - relation " to you con- 
 tinued, and asked me to give you his 
 respectful and affectionate "-the sub- 
 stantive, I am sorry to say, I Wet.'— 
 
 ,E- ?-P- to J. H.N.,Ocl. 30,^865. 
 His idea was that should, by God's 
 blessing, the English Church desire 
 explanations, you would be the person 
 to draw up such explanations as the 
 
 Roman Communion might give and 
 we receive '-E. B. P. to J. H. N., 
 Nov. I, 1865. ' 
 
 ^ To this Dr. Liddon adds the note • 
 Dr. Pusey told me that he had also 
 replied to the Bishop of La Val that 
 * ' At my age, Monsignore— sixty-five— 
 this world can have little to promise 
 lor any of us." * 
 
 I 2 
 
ii6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Reception of the 'Eirenicon' in England. 
 
 117 
 
 The Archbishop [of Paris] was surprised and pleased when I told him 
 that we acknowledged the Primacy. He owned that the relations to 
 Rome involved in the Supremacy were very different from what they were 
 —instanced the pallium, which was not sent at first— that Bishops at 
 first were confirmed by their Metropolitans only (just as we think), &c. 
 I said that the Supremacy touched us only in its consequences. He 
 asked * What ? ' I : * If the Pope appoint our Bishops, they our 
 Clergy, then we have the whole practical system taught us and 
 our people.' He : * A Concordat might be come to, though with 
 difficulty, by which the Bishops might be elected by the other Bishops, 
 or in other ways, or nominated by the Queen, " quoique Protestanter ' 
 He acknowledged our Succession and the grace of our Sacraments. 
 I can hardly be mistaken in thinking that he acknowledged that we 
 are a branch of the true Church, enii sur le tronCy qui est Jhus 
 Christy and that we had the shje^ since we had life. Certainly I heard 
 nothing to lead me to think that he was speakin'5,of this as our view 
 of the case, and he seemed to me to be speaking of his own belief 
 about us. There was not a word in the two hours expressing any 
 wish about my joining them : but the whole was encouraging in the 
 plan of working for reunion. He said that the book struck him as 
 very conscientiously written, that he was glad that I had so worked 
 out the part of the Immaculate Conception, that it was evidently 
 a chose qui vous touche. When I spoke of the first stone being laid, 
 I meant the fact that the Archbishop of Paris is so thoroughly 
 interested in it. • 
 
 Now for a little question of detail. Parker raised the question 
 to-day whether it would not be better to give all the extracts from the 
 * Pareri ' in the originals. As far as I recollect, those which are not 
 French are Latin, except one Italian and one Spanish. Parker 
 thought it would look more authentic. Of course French priests 
 could read Latin, but this would make a difference between the 
 German and French translations. The Germans cannot read French. 
 And one should miss the French laity. The Archbishop of Paris said 
 that effective movements came from below. What say you ? 
 
 Your most affectionate, 
 
 E. B. P. 
 
 I quite agree as to dropping all allusion to Manning. 
 
 On his return to England, Pusey learnt the manner in 
 which his book had been received at home. No other 
 work that he ever issued had been welcomed with so 
 much general favour in the Church of England. Letters of 
 hearty approval poured in upon him. An old friend, who 
 had been somewhat alienated from Pusey of late, wrote as 
 follows : — 
 
 Archdeacon Churton to E. B. p. 
 
 T K.i;. I , Crayke, Oct. 10, 1865. 
 
 I believe a week or ten days may have passed since I had the ereat 
 
 down smce I first opened it. Thanks, my dear Pusey, a ,hoLa„1 
 L,nH \ Vk' '"'"■"'"°"' '^^ ^"""^"rt- the uplifting'^f heart and 
 
 able volume ! I know not how to select where all is so good, so close 
 to the pomt, so ««redundant-to coin, in your own way ^An^^ 
 Saxon compound - But, what is most of all full of hope and TorXnX 
 seems to me so wonderfully to combine, what none su^ly herSe" 
 can question, such hearty love and loyalty to the 'English ChuS' 
 and such a firm trust in the Providential purposes, for which te 
 humbly beheve she >s still preserved among us, with the utmos scope 
 
 ie airr'^l ' ''^"^T' ''''' ''^"°'°"- "h'^"' -- wil no doubt 
 are also for the w.sest and most beneficial reasons and objects reviving 
 
 m the present age of the Church, and, if sustained with patience bv 
 w.se a«d faith ul men, must in the end bear fruit, and restore some of 
 those thmgs that are fallen. 1 have no doubt you will live DV to 
 see some reward for your excellent labour in this-and perhaps even 
 greater than you have seen before. pernaps even 
 
 Two English Bishops also sent their warm expressions of 
 approval. 
 
 Bishop [Hamilton] of Salisbury to E. b. p. 
 
 Palace, Salisbury, Oct. lo, 1865. 
 Most heartily do I thank you for the copy of the ' Eirenicon ' I am 
 always deeply touched by your kind thought of me-but more than 
 this. Having read it, I can thank you for it as God's good S"ur 
 Church in our present distress. Both Churches, viz. The Roman and 
 English, are in practice far below their fixed tandardsjTut wS 
 even; one must, I think feel after reading your book is that wej^e 
 by Gods mercy emerging from the low atmosphere of our ms! 
 
 stmuing the evils of her practical system for the higher teaching of her 
 
 Bishop (Ellicott) of .Gloucester and Bristol to E. B. P. 
 ... . Clifton, Bristol, Nov., 1865. 
 
 timely voir 'IT^ ^°"'!°' ^°" ^'^"^'"'=' y<'" '""^ ^^'"able and 
 timely volume. I have read very attentively a great deal of it 
 
 jK.,dia 
 
i 
 
 r 
 
 I 
 
 ii8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I must be honest- so I won't say that former fears as to the 
 possibihty of union are yet wholly removed. But this I can honestly 
 say, that your book has completely prevented me ever throwing 
 obstacle or opposition in the way of a union between Churches. At 
 present, then, thanks to your Christian learning, I stand * at gaze '- 
 fears still, but some nascent hopes in my heart. 
 
 With all kindest regards. 
 
 Yours thankfully and affectionately, 
 
 C. J. Glouc. and Bristol. 
 
 A later letter on the same subject must also find a place 
 here : — 
 
 Dr. Dollinger to E. B. P. 
 
 Verehrter Herr und Freund, ^'°'^'"' ^° ^"^' ^^^• 
 
 Oxenham meldet mir, dass Sie geneigt seon, in den Sommer- 
 fenen nach Deutschland zu kommen. Thun sie diess ja, besuchen 
 Sie recht bald Miinchen, und steigen Sie bei mir ab, wo zwei Zimmer 
 2u Ihrer Verfiigung stehen. Wir konnen da in aller Ruhe Dinge, die 
 Ihnen wie mir am Herzen liegen. I am convinced by reading your 
 Eirenicon that inwardly we are united in our religious convictions, 
 although externally we belong to two separated Churches. There can 
 be no fundamental difference of opinion between us. Cber die 
 rehgiose Lage Deutschlands iiberhaupt kann vielleicht Niemand Ihnen 
 besseren Aufschluss geben als ich. Wenn Sie meine Einladung 
 annehmen, machen Sie mir eine grosse Freude. Ober Ihr treffliches 
 Irenicon wiirde ich Ihnen schon lange geschrieben haben, wenn das, 
 was ich daruber zu sagen hatte, nicht zu viel fur einen Brief ware. 
 
 Totus tuus, 
 
 I. DOELLINGER. 
 
 At first every opinion was favourable. * I do not hear of 
 any expression of disapprobation,' Puseywrites,* even among 
 those who do not sympathize with it.' But Newman's 
 silence troubled him. At last, at the end of a month, 
 a letter from W. G. Ward gave him an opportunity of 
 writing in the hope of drawing some answer from Newman. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Oct. 30 [1865]. 
 I never was more at a loss than as to the probable reception of this 
 book. But the idea of a reunion on the basis of the Council of Trent 
 seems to be fairiy launched ; though, as you will have seen, my own 
 position IS rather not to object than to receive [sic]. I mean, e. g., that 
 I believe m some purifying dealings of God after death, rather than 
 
 
 
 Dollinger on the 'Eirenicon.' 
 
 "9 
 
 nave any definite belief about PurMtnr., «„ . , 
 
 seem to be allowed of or ^Z/.^^ ^' "°"'«^«'-' *e book does 
 
 it. I believe that God .he Hot GhosrriJ'r ' t'^ ""' ^^P^« 
 
 '^^^^rirorn,;:^:J:^L^:^^^!:^£Z:^f^^^r, tens me, 
 named you] is quite earnest o^Tsame sidefaTlardTvT thT ""' 
 
 se a^ed Z hllfTntuT '"ofTh""' ""'''' T ~""'^« '"--'- 
 St Augustine and the Founh r T" °T '""' ^""^ *^ Church of 
 along with il Wh^ u^^\ T^' "^"'^ "''°'« '"'«"«« would go 
 along with It. Why should there be irremediable difficulty now ? 
 
 seemTtn"'' '"'"'I' T ^ ^'''' disappointment. He 
 seemed to ignore the fact that Pusey had no^ recklesslv 
 
 quoted extreme Roman statements ; but that he hTd take ' 
 as the basis of his hopes of reunion, a supposed wilhn^ness' 
 
 ZZrj^'' ^'""'^ °^ ^^-"^ '^''^^^-^^^ s 
 hT.. r • . J"^ ^' ^'' '^'^'^y "«t '" accordance with 
 
 bound to" °'"''" ^''"'^^'^- '' '^^ ^^d felt himself 
 bound to give instances of that teaching, it had been 
 
 only with the hope that they might be disavowed Not 
 unnaturally, however, his intentions in making the quota- 
 tions had been misunderstood, nequota- 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 , . " '^''« OratOT, Birmingham, Oct. 31, 1865 
 
 It IS true, too true, that your book disaoDointed rv,^ u ^ 
 to me that ' Irenicon " ic = n„c„ "'"appomted me. It does seem 
 
 most Catho licT Z anerv anTfh '.'k*^ ''^^ " ''^ ^''"^'''^ *" "^ke 
 rhetorical and unfaU^. ^''^~'""^ '^^' ''^-«"«e 'hey will consider it 
 
 Faber" '^''/f'^'^'h^^ together Suarez, St. Bemardine, Eadmer and 
 
 n^i-ofTu^A:roZT%^:t:i' -t: --^<^ °^'^' 
 
 .^L^r Ss?i£r~ -uch-Lr 
 
 .'r?4^'re t-^^^^ TheX^c^r 
 
 ^ y. ihey are the opinions of a set of people-and not of even 
 
 un."fo'U;\do;j?foV,5S'w^^ '° "'"" "•' '^'"^ *'■-'' Newman almost 
 
 I i 
 
1 
 
 I20 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 them permanently. A young man or woman takes them up, and 
 abandons them in a few years. The simple question is, How far ought 
 they to be censured} Such extravagances are often censured by 
 authority. I recollect hearing, more than twenty years ago, instances 
 of books about the B. V. M. which Pope Gregory XVI had censured. 
 I think I am right in saying that very superstition about our Lady's 
 presence in the Holy Eucharist has been censured— I think Rogers 
 told me this in 1841, writing from Rome. Nor is Cornelius k Lapide 
 implicated in it— he says not that the Blessed Virgin is present in the 
 Holy Sacrament, but that, since she was our Lord's Mother, what was 
 once her flesh, being now His, is there. It is no longer hers when He 
 appropriated it. Moreover, he says this, commenting verse by verse 
 on a passage of Scripture commonly interpreted of her, and thus (with 
 various success, as all commentators are wont) making something out 
 of each verse, as it comes, to the purpose. He is not propounding 
 a doctrine, but interpreting a chapter. 
 
 Then again, I thought no one but V.-C. Wynter* would confuse 
 Intercession with Invocation. Suarez speaks of Intercession. I have 
 tried to find your passage of him, with doubtful success— but I cannot 
 believe that he enunciates the proposition, without there being some 
 explanation of it, * No one is saved who is not devout to Mary.' But 
 it may be quite true, nevertheless, that Mary's intercession is a neces- 
 sary part of the economy of Redemption, just as Eve co-operated in 
 Adam's fall. It is in this point of view that St. Irenaeus calls her 
 Advocate— whatever the Greek word was in his text. As to Eadmer 
 or St. Bernardine, of course where the religion was established 
 throughout a people, and Hail Marys were said every hour, for a man 
 to reject such a devotion would be an act so grave, especially if he still 
 kept the faith (which, of course, such writers supposed, for devotion, 
 not faith, was the need of their day), that I think it would be something 
 like rising up against his own means of salvation. And if you cannot 
 put Suarez, a theologian, in the same boat with Italian preachers and 
 spiritual writers, much less is Faber to be taken as his interpreter. 
 Suarez teaches dogma, and dogma is fixed. St. Bernardine is devo- 
 tional, and devotion is free. 
 
 Then, as to these excesses, so there are excesses in statements of the 
 doctrine of Eternal Punishment. I don't suppose either of us would 
 think it fair or sober in a Westminster Review to quote St. Ambrose 
 or St. Hilary on Eternal Punishment, add to their passages quotations 
 from the Puritans, Wesleyans, from Dr. Gumming or Mr. Spurgeon 
 (or say from St. Alfonso or any Italian preacher), and to argue from 
 the vulgarities or profanities of such Protestant preachers, against the 
 awful doctrine itself. 
 
 An Irenicon smoothes difficulties : I am sure people will think that 
 you increase them. And, forgive me if I do not recollect what you 
 have exactly said, but I do not think you have said di^^mx.€iy what you 
 
 * See the story in vol. iL p. 337. 
 
 il 
 
 11 
 
 Newman on the ^Eirenicon! 
 
 121 
 
 ask as a condition of union, in respect to the cultus of the Blessed 
 Virgin. This would be something /r«^/fV«/. Do you wish us to deny 
 her Intercession ? or her Invocation .? or the fornis of devotion ? or 
 what? Had this been clearly done, people would have thought you 
 practical— but forgive me if I say that your pages read like a de- 
 clamation. 
 
 If I am not mistaken, you gave this reason last February, why you 
 wished me not to come to Oxford ', that it would cause a renewal of the 
 attacks on our doctrines— yet you are doing the very thing yourself. 
 And you said that since my day, those who agreed with you in Oxford 
 had ceased to attack Rome, and this was a characteristic mark of the 
 difference in the Oxford party when /belonged to it, and now. Yet 
 this is what people are saying against your book, viz. that it is an 
 attack. The Guardian of last week says, k propos of what you profess 
 to bring out in your pages on the cultus of the B. V. M. : * It is 
 language which, after having often heard it, we still can only hear 
 with horror: Is this the effect which an Irenicon ought to produce on 
 the mind of a reader ? What can the Record or an Exeter Hall Tract 
 do more than excite horror ? 
 
 I will not go on to other subjects. Bear with me, because you 
 have asked me : and I should have to answer for it, if I did not 
 speak out. 
 
 Ever yours most affectionately, 
 
 John H. Newman. 
 
 If Newman viewed Pusey's argument in this way, it was 
 not to be supposed that less friendly Roman critics would 
 be won by the book. But Pusey s immediate concern was 
 to clear himself from the charge of speaking peace with 
 his lips when he had war in his heart. It was a charge 
 repeatedly brought against him throughout the whole con- 
 troversy. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. T. H. Newman. 
 
 Nov. 2 [1865]. 
 
 Kindest thanks for your letter. 1 had no idea of attacking anything. 
 I thought that I had avoided everything like declamation. I do not 
 recollect using a single epithet, or anything but a statement of what 
 I thought important facts. I meant merely to put out what are our 
 difficulties. I did not, as a mere presbyter, wish to put down formally 
 what I thought should be the formula of union, nor had I any idea of 
 wishing to interfere with others' devotion, or that anything should be 
 condemned. What I wanted, I thought I had explained at the begin- 
 ning of p. 100, 1, that that should be declared to be alone defide which 
 the Council of Trent had laid dqwn on the subject of' Invocation. 
 
 * See page 104, 
 
 titef 
 
r / 
 
 ('■* 
 
 i i 
 
 9 t J 
 
 'I 
 
 ; 
 
 / 
 
 122 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I mean that if the explanation of Milner, which I quoted in p. loo, were 
 laid down authoritatively, so that all besides should be left as pious 
 opinion, an immense step would be gained. 
 
 I certainly meant to put down nothing except what I thought was 
 taught by writers of weight. In St. Bernadine and Eadmer (quoted by 
 Liguori &c., as St. Anselm) I took, as I thought, favourite authorities 
 in St. Liguon (Glories of Mary), the Month of Mary, &c. Suarez 
 also I took from Liguori. In fact, I thought that I had so far only 
 put together what I found together in a favourite book of one 
 canonized. 
 
 Faber I took as being, I thought, one of the most favourite books 
 (to judge from the sale) of the present day, and, in regard to the Holy 
 Eucharist, he cites St. Ignatius. 
 
 I thought ' There it is ; if any of it is disowned, it is a gain.' 
 I thought that everything was published under authority, so that 
 nothing could be likened to the ravings of Spurgeon, who represents 
 nobody but himself, and belongs to himself and to lobody [else]. 
 
 I thought that none of the system of the B. V. had been de fide, 
 and this IS what I wished to be said by your authorities indirectly. 
 I did not want you to deny her Intercession (which of course I never 
 doubt, or indeed that of any of the Saints), ' or her Invocation or the 
 forms of devotion.' It would be simple impertinence in us to prescribe 
 terms o you. We have only to look to ourselves. The character of 
 an Italian or Spaniard is different from that of an Englishman or 
 German But, after the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception had 
 been so long a pious opinion, it has been declared to be de fide, and 
 many bishops said that it was so held among their people. So, 
 I thought and much more, might any of those points which I set down, 
 because there would be no counter-tradition about them, whereas, on 
 account of the doctrine of the transmission of original sin, there was 
 a good deal, I thought, on the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception. 
 Forgive me, the last thing which I should wish to do would be to 
 dispute with you. I only want to explain what I meant. The Pareri 
 showed nie that a good many of your bishops had a tender feeling 
 
 T^l fT TJ° l''^'' <:°mmunion, and thought of the bearings of 
 fresh Articles of Faith upon them. So then, in view of the Synod of 
 next year, was not sorry, since I wrote at all, to say what are our 
 difficulties, lest any of them should be made matters of faith too. But 
 then too I wished to show that our difficulties lay outside the Council 
 Of Trent, and, as I thought, outside what is de fide (the Immaculate 
 Conception is a perplexity), and so I thought it no attack, since I was 
 rnostly speaking of things not de fide, as I believed, but which as 
 things stand, individuals of us, if we joined the Roman Church, must 
 
 Well, I hope the explanation is not worse than the book. It is 
 a great sorrow to me that you should think the book an attack. 
 
 i 
 
 I ) 
 I 
 
 Newman on the 'Eirenicon! 
 
 123 
 
 Newman's reply is somewhat more sympathetic than his 
 last letter. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. ^ 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Nov. 3, 1865. 
 I think I quite gathered from your book what you bring out so 
 clearly in your note of this morning. 
 
 My great anxiety is, that I fear the substantial framework of it will 
 not be taken m by the mass of readers, but they will go off upon those 
 other portions of it which are so much more easy to understand. 
 
 If I am led to publish anything (of which I have no present 
 intention) I should treat the book simply as an Irenicon, as you wish. 
 
 Pusey could not be content without more fully explaining 
 why his Eirenicon was bound, in some portions at least, to 
 have the appearance of an attack. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Nov. 6, 1865. 
 If parts of a family are at variance, the fault must be either wholly on 
 the one side or on the other, or divided. The more I smooth down 
 difficulties, the more I should leave our position as unreal, unless there 
 were something behind. A defence, of necessity, involves some fault 
 on the other side. But I hoped that it was no real attack so long as it 
 did not relate to matters declared to be of faith. At the same time, 
 It is a real practical subject. I have said more than once that I cannot 
 conceive how any faith could stand the leaving one system which it 
 had once thought Divine, and criticizing anything in the system 
 to which It had submitted as being alone Divine. I felt that had 
 anything driven me from the Church of England, I must have and 
 should have submitted myself to the whole practical system, such as it 
 IS taught m the book with which we are most familiar, Liguori. 
 A lady to whom I said something of this sort appealed— now many 
 years ago-to you ; she wished to join the Church of Rome, seeing 
 that she could receive the Council of Trent and the Creed of Pius IV. 
 I said that she ought not to join it unless she could receive the 
 practical system as taught by Liguori. She sent me your answer, 
 in which you said, * Dr. P. is quite right ; a person ought not ' (I forget 
 the exact words, but in whatever way you would express joining the 
 Church of Rome) * unless he can receive the system taught by 
 Liguori.' You said to me twenty years ago, ' I do not go as a reformer ' 
 True ; one could only go as a little child, leaving behind everything 
 which one had been taught. While then I approximated, wherein 
 1 could, to the Roman system, it seemed to me both honest and the only 
 way not to mislead, to state what to my mind were the real difficulties. 
 Others may dweU on the Supremacy. To me and to all of us the 
 
 -^»« JiM j j^J.fe ^'^'-'.'< g ' <m- ^-T >-<»«.• 
 
124 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Supremacy, as I said to the Archbishop of Paris, would be indifferent 
 but for its consequences. On his asking *What?* I said that the 
 appointment of our Bishops from Rome involved the appointment of 
 all our teachers, and consequently the authorized teaching of that 
 which was just our difficulty. 
 
 If you could read through what I wrote, you will have seen another 
 motive in all that which I wrote about the system as to the Blessed 
 Virgin. It seemed to me that, on the principles and with the object 
 upon which and with which the Immaculate Conception was made 
 matter of faith, any other popular belief might be made matter of faith. 
 Here was already a fresh difficulty in the way of the reunion of the 
 Eastern Church as well as of our own. Many of your Bishops felt 
 this : I hoped the more that if they thought that it would be a diffi- 
 culty to the English Church, they might the less decree anything in 
 the Synod of next year. 
 
 One more thing must have gleamed through, that the Roman Church 
 had its perils as well as we have, and that perhaps we might help in 
 averting those perils. 
 
 All this, my dearest N., is not mere controversy. . . . 
 
 I am, as you see, in this dilemma : if I do not state difficulties, 
 I seem unreal ; if I state them, I seem controversial. 
 
 Keble was as anxious as Pusey with regard to the effect 
 that the Eirenicon might have on Pusey's relations with 
 Newman. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Nov. 8, 1865. 
 
 ... I believe you have been in communication with dear J. H. N. 
 since your book came out. He wrote to me, but he has not said 
 I might send you his letter, and perhaps it is as well not, for it vexed me 
 in two ways : (i) he seemed to me to take a very unpleasing view of 
 the book, wondering how it could call itself an «tp»;vi»coi/, and almost 
 out of temper with it : and (2) it disappointed me after I had been led 
 by your letter to hop>e that the moderate R. C.'s would take it as it 
 is meant and sympathize with it. I wrote to him pointing out that 
 in fact his own statement, that *Suarez, &c. was not to be charged 
 with maintaining the Invocation of S. Mary as essential because they 
 taught her Intercession to be so,* was in fact an instance of difference 
 between formal and popular R. C. doctrine as taught by you : and 
 that, so far he was conceding your ground for hoping that something 
 might be one day said or done to moderate the excessive worship of 
 her. Indeed he himself said that in the time of Greg. XVI several 
 books were condemned in that sense. And altogether his sayings 
 in this very letter seem to me to confirm yours, to the effect that 
 while born R. C.'s are not to be held committed to all these extreme 
 ideas, it will be a hard fight for any convert who wishes to keep clear 
 
 Kehle's remarks on Newman's attitude. 125 
 
 of them. Poor dear fellow, I do hope he will not waver in his 
 friendship for you. He said he had no thought of writing on this 
 matter. I have not told him a word of your good ne\^ from France, 
 supposing it strictly confidential. It will be a great pleasure when 
 you can spare me the letter which gave dear Bp. Forbes such comfort. 
 God be thanked for all. 
 
 As soon as the Eirenicon was published, Pusey wrote to 
 Keble about the plan of reprinting Tract XC. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 [About Oct. 21, 1865.] 
 
 Now that this work is done, I think that it would be a good 
 opportunity for [re]publishing Tract XC. My explanation of the 
 Articles in my Letter to you, is Tract XC in substance over again. 
 People are now prepared for it. I think that my historical Preface 
 will remove a good deal of prejudice and your Letter to J. C. ^ still 
 more. Liddon agrees with me, that the sort of slur on Tract XC 
 is a great hindrance to the Catholic interpretation of the Articles. 
 
 Have you anything to alter in that Letter to J. C. ? For, since 
 it was not published, it is fair to omit or alter anything. 
 
 Keble was willing to leave the matter entirely in Pusey's 
 hands. 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 Heather Cliff, Bournemouth, Nov. 8, 1865. 
 
 I cannot see how to adapt that poor Pamphlet of mine to the 
 present improved state of things without really writing it anew. If it 
 is worth reprinting at all, it must be merely as a document to illustrate 
 our condition and proceedings in that emergency. As at present 
 advised, I would leave it at your service to come out whole or in part. 
 
 Before the publication of the Tract, Pusey explained 
 
 to Newman that the Preface was only historical, and that 
 
 he had purposely not submitted it to him in order to * leave 
 
 him freer.' 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Nov. 13, 1865. 
 
 The failure of the Eirenicon in your eyes makes me anxious about 
 my Preface to Tract XC. I had made it simply defensive of Tract XC 
 on the historical side. In so doing, I have quoted largely from your 
 letter to Jelf, because it was the explanation which the Heads ought to 
 
 * * The Case of Catholic Subscription Coleridge by Rev. J. Keble,' privately 
 to the Thirty-nine Articles considered, printed, 1841. 
 in a Letter to Hon. Mr. Justice 
 
 Kl 
 
 liinss 
 

 126 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Tract XC republished. 
 
 127 
 
 I 
 
 have waited for. I have, of course, not cited any expressions which 
 you have since retracted. I have sent it to Copeland, asking him 
 whether there is anything which he thinks you would not like. . . . 
 I would ask to send it to you, only I thought that it would leave you 
 freer that you should not have seen it, and that Copeland's seeing it 
 would be the same. 
 
 Newman was very glad that Pusey should have taken 
 
 this course. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Nov. 14, 1 865. 
 
 ... I feel very much your kindness in respect to Tract XC. Of 
 course the historical is its weak side, or rather it does not attempt it ; 
 and it is the most important side, for it is the question of the matter 
 of fact. I recollect Keble suggesting something to be written on it 
 at the time: but nothing was done— because I had promised to keep 
 silence about the Tract. It is impossible that I can dislike anything 
 you do about it : my own view of it has been expressed so clearly, 
 that, though your own differed ever so much, there could be no 
 mistake — but besides, I am far more than safe in your hands. And 
 after all, I have nothing to do with the Tract now. 
 
 The change in public opinion since 1841 was so great, 
 that the republished Tract was received without any dis- 
 favour. By March, the first edition of 3,000 was sold. There 
 had been some criticism of the details of the history, but 
 Pusey was satisfied. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford [Lent, 1866]. 
 
 The result of this history as to Tract XC, rather shows that 
 it is not premature to publish all. For Hawkins alone of the Heads 
 bristled up a little, and his bristles are gone down. Plumptre was 
 quite satisfied. Indeed it shows the marvellous change, that one 
 can publish Tract XC, and all its history, without the slightest 
 commotion. Only we were then in the prime of life, younger than 
 our persecutors ; now, I am an old man. 
 
 But the correspondence about the Eirenicon was still 
 going on. Newman, as Keble said, seemed to allow that 
 the natural course for any convert to Romanism would be 
 to accept their whole popular system ; only he wished to 
 distinguish the Roman practical system which he accepted 
 from the local colouring of that system which he rejected. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Nov. 10, 1865. 
 
 ... It is quite true that I said, and I should say still, that it is 
 a mere doctrinaire view to enter a Church without taking up its 
 practical system— and that, as represented by its popular catechisms 
 and books of devotion. In this sense I hold by 'the system' of 
 St. Alfonso Liguori. But I never meant to say that therefore in all 
 matters of detail I hold by him. I ever use his moral theology, but I do 
 not hold by his doctrine of equivocation, nor is it held here in England. 
 I hold by his numerous spiritual books, but I do not accept and follow 
 views which he expresses about the Blessed Virgin ; and even though 
 I looked upon him as a dogmatic authority, which he is not, I should 
 not therefore feel bound, unless I thought right, to take his anti- 
 Augustinian doctrine of Predestination. The practical * system ' 
 remains quite distinct from the additions or colour which it receives in 
 this country or that, in this class, in this school, or that. 
 
 Nor will any French divine, or German (though not a convert), 
 more than myself, criticize or reject the * practical system ' (in the sense 
 in which I have explained it)— nor is there anything v/hich such 
 a divine is disposed to criticize or abandon, which I should not be 
 ready to do the like with, if I thought fit, myself, though a convert. 
 
 In reply, Pusey maintained that he had only quoted 
 accredited books, and had only objected to doctrines and 
 practices which he thought a Roman convert would be 
 obliged to accept, although not formally de fide. He felt 
 the personal attack which a writer in the Month had made 
 on him, because Newman sometimes contributed to that 
 paper ; but from Roman Catholics in England he expected 
 little, because they were so intent on making conversions. 
 * But I want,' he adds, ' not to let the end of the Eirenicon 
 sleep. I have been wondering whether you could draw up 
 something which I might put before the English Church, 
 as terms to offer.' Newman counselled delay : he wanted 
 to ' get up * the book, and thought that Pusey should wait 
 to see what his opponents had to say in reply. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Nov. 14, 1865. 
 
 In a word, you should have all the case before you. All this takes 
 time, but in so great a step as you 'have taken, time must not be 
 grudged. Did I write anything, it certainly would not be at once, but 
 
 ii>' 
 
\ < 
 
 128 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 after I had seen what others said— nor could I write without a great 
 deal of thought and of advice ; and the advice at least I could not get 
 in a moment. 
 
 Pusey 's only reason for hurrying was that he wished to get 
 a hearing, before the Council, which was expected in 1866, 
 could affirm the Temporal Power or the Infallibility of the 
 Pope to be de fide, Newman reminded Pusey that in an 
 Allocution delivered on the Feast of the Annunciation in 
 1862, the Pope had declared the Temporal Power to be not 
 a dogma of faith but a necessity of the time, and assured 
 him that there was no fear of Papal Infallibility, except in 
 so limited a form as practically to leave things as they 
 
 were. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Nov. 17, 1865. 
 
 ... It is impossible that there would not be the most careful con- 
 ditions determining what is ex cathedrd, and it would add very little to 
 the present received behef. . . . Have you thought of Mgr. Dupanloup ? 
 He (entre nous) was gravely opposed to the issuing of the Syllabus, &c., 
 and much disconcerted at its appearance. Don't repeat it, but he said, 
 ' If we can tide over the next ten years, we are safe.' Perhaps you 
 know him already. You should have seen P^re Gratry in Paris ; 
 I mean, he was a man to see. 
 
 Two days later Newman wrote in a yet more friendly 
 
 way. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Nov. 19, 1865. 
 
 ... I am much surprised and much rejoiced to see yesterday's 
 article on your book in the Weekly Register. I hope you will like it. 
 I have not a dream who wrote it. 
 
 If they rat next week, it will be very provoking. I am not easy 
 about it, for not long ago they would not insert a review of a book 
 because it was not according to Ward, who is according to Manning, 
 who is according to the Pope. But this review, though not against the 
 mind of the Pope, is certainly contrary against Ward and Manning. 
 
 It has surprised me so much that I said to myself, Is it possible that 
 Manning himself has changed? He is so close, that no one can 
 know. 
 
 On the other hand, I know some, if not most, of our bishops are 
 against the Dublin— 2Sidi it really looks as if they were taking up the 
 matter, and that we should have some permanent change in the 
 Register, 
 
 I am sure you should not be in a hurry in what you propose to do. 
 
 Roman Catholic comments. 
 
 129 
 
 This review in the Weekly Register was by Father Lock- 
 hart. With some diffidence and all deference to higher 
 authority, he suggested that Reunion on the lines^mentioned 
 by Pusey was better than perpetuated schism. In reply, 
 Pusey wrote to thank the editor, and reaffirmed his convic- 
 tions that the great body of the faith was held alike by both, 
 and that the Council of Trent demanded nothing which could 
 not be explained to the satisfaction of English Churchmen, 
 if explained authoritatively. As regards the Supremacy he 
 said, *VVe readily recognize the Primacy of the Bishop 
 of Rome ; the bearings of that Primacy on other local 
 churches, we believe to be a matter of ecclesiastical, not of 
 Divine law ; but neither is there anything in the Supremacy 
 in itself to which we should object.' 
 
 Both these statements were severely criticized. The 
 former was said to go even beyond the statements for 
 which Mr. W. G. Ward had been deprived of his degree 
 and others had been suspended by their Bishops. Pusey 
 wrote a second letter to the Weekly Register, dated 
 December 6, 1865, in which he pointed out that he did not 
 claim as did Ward, to hold all Roman doctrine, because 
 that would include the popular system as well as what 
 is formally de fide, and would also imply the acceptance of 
 doctrine on the sole authority of Rome. He explained 
 what he intended as follows: — 
 
 * On comparing my belief with that expressed by the Council of Trent, 
 I thought that its terms, a_s explained by some individual doctors, yet 
 of authority among you, did not condemn what I believed, and did not 
 require me to believe what I did not believe. I thought that the 
 Council of Trent so explained for the Church of England, might be 
 a basis of union. If I may sum up briefly, I think that not only on the 
 whole range of doctrine, on the Holy Trinity, and the Incarnation, 
 but also on Original Sin and Justification, and all the doctrines of 
 grace, there is nothing to be explained ; that on the Canon of Scripture, 
 the Holy Eucharist, and the Anointing of the sick, there is what has to 
 be mutually explained ; that on what I suppose you will account points 
 of lesser magnitude, as those alluded to in our XXII Article, there will 
 be need not only of explanation, but of limitation, what is to be dejide: 
 
 His words about the Supremacy gave great offisnce even 
 to his friends. But he explained in the letter just quoted 
 VOL. IV. K 
 
 ( 
 
' f 
 
 11-^ 
 
 130 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 that the Supremacy, as defined by the Council of Florence, 
 was very vague and does not necessarily involve the 
 appointment of Bishops, the sanction of Canons or the 
 carrying of all appeals to Rome. 
 
 Lockhart's review was apparently severely handled by 
 his superiors: Pusey heard that Archbishop Manning had 
 bidden him to write on the other side and to set forth the 
 difficulties of Reunion; and another letter which Pusey 
 received from a Rom.an Catholic alluded to the treatment 
 of Lockhart as a ' fierce tyranny which would hinder an 
 expression such as his, and which calls to account every 
 one who would venture to steer clear of Ultra-isms.' 
 
 Pusey sent the correspondence to Keble, who replied as 
 
 follows : — 
 
 Rev. J. Keble to E. B. P. 
 
 B[oumemouth], Nov. 24, 1865. 
 
 ... I am very thankful for the particulars that seem to be coming 
 out as to the way in which R. C.'s receive your book. And J. H. N., 
 as I had hoped, is coming round. How strange it is that he should 
 entirely forget your having written entirely on the defensive: as 
 though you had been challenging H. E. M. and not replying to his 
 challenge. But one can see that he is not altogether easy in his 
 position. And all the world can see that at any rate Rome has now 
 no special right to twit us with our unhappy divisions. 
 
 It will be noticed that Newman did not at first feel 
 called upon to publish anything in answer to the Eirenicon, 
 at any rate for some time ; but for several reasons he was 
 induced to change his mind. The question of Reunion 
 was at that moment before the Roman authorities both in 
 England and Rome. The Association for the Promotion 
 of the Unity of Christendom had addressed a letter to 
 Cardinal Patrizzi early in the same year, and the reply to it 
 had been decided on at Rome at this time. This reply 
 was now expected in England, and was, as we know, hostile 
 to the Association, which had fallen under the grave dis- 
 pleasure of Dr. Manning. Newman's name had also been 
 connected with the Eirenicon through the correspondence 
 in the Weekly Register, Dr. Manning moreover had just 
 become Archbishop of Westminster in succession to Car- 
 
 Roman Catholic comments. 
 
 13^ 
 
 dinal Wiseman, and it may well have been that Newman 
 considered that silence on his part might be misinterpreted, 
 especially in the peculiar relations in which tie stood to 
 the new Roman Archbishop ^ Early in December he 
 wrote to tell Pusey that he was preparing an answer. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, In fest. Concept. Immac. 
 
 [Dec. 8.] 1865. 
 You must not be made anxious that I am going to publish a letter on 
 your Irenicon. I wish to accept it as such, and shall write in that 
 spirit. And I write, if not to hinder, for that is not in my power, but 
 to balance and neutralize other things which may be written upon it. 
 It will not be any great length. If I shall say anything which is in the 
 way of remonstrance, it will be, because unless I were perfectly honest, 
 I should not only do no good, but carry no one with me : but I am' 
 taking the greatest possible pains not to say a word which I should be 
 sorry for afterwards. 
 
 I hope you found nothing to annoy you in Lockhart's second 
 article. 
 
 Pusey s reply gives some idea of what he had to pass 
 through at the time. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford [Dec. 9, 1865]. 
 As you said of me [with regard to the re-issue of Tract XC], I am 
 safe in your hands. This discussion is taking too wide a range, for me 
 to wish you to be silent. As for me, I am in a moral Bay of Biscay. 
 I have no idea, when I wake, what the post will bring me. One day 
 I have an assurance that Bishops, whom I did not dare hope it of, 
 have recommended and expressed their satisfaction as to the Eirenicon. 
 Then come those two letters of A. Gumey*s (alas ! an Universalist) ; 
 then the Globe says, either my degree ought to be taken from me, or 
 Ward's restored. I do not know which he wishes. Then I see 
 a kindly review of me from Dr. Guthrie, a Presbyterian. Then 
 Lockhart presses me not to say that I do not believe the Supremacy 
 to be of Divine right ; and some of my friends, urging that John Bull 
 will be mad about the Supremacy and pressing me to say something : 
 you blame what 1 have said about the system as to the Blessed Virgin ; 
 some blame me, as if in my letter to the Weekly Register I have 
 retracted it. 
 
 I do not expect any personal attack except in the papers. What 
 alone I apprehend is any Protestant demonstration which shall check 
 
 * * Life of Cardinal Manning,' ii. ch. xiv. 
 
 K % 
 
 ii 
 
 ( 
 
(I 
 
 1^ ill' 
 
 132 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Second Visit to France, 
 
 things or discourage your people. Else things work on more hopefully 
 If the leaven works on undisturbed, and people pray, all will be well. 
 It was curious to see a Birmingham paper owning that the project 
 of reunion * really seems to have attracted more attention than would 
 be thought possible by those unacquainted with current Theological 
 literature.* 
 
 I am going to France again, to see some whom I had not seen before ; 
 but I shall not go unless there be some lull. If the wind does not rise 
 higher, what there has been will only prove a favourable breeze. 
 
 Newman only remarks on the mass of criticisms which 
 Pusey had mentioned — * Don't be persuaded by Lockhart 
 to meddle with the question of the Pope's jurisdiction. He 
 either has it by Divine right or has not — and the conse- 
 quences are serious either way.' 
 
 A long * philosophic and very candid * review in the 
 Tintes^ of December 12, the day on which the reissue of 
 Tract XC appeared, spoke favourably of the Eirenicon, 
 and evidently saved Pusey from a good deal of trouble. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford [Dec. 15, 1865]. 
 
 . . . What a time of railroad speed we live in ! One seems to live 
 years in weeks. That five-columned respectful review of the Eirenicon 
 in the Times, seemed to me to betoken (i) that there would be no 
 Protestant reclamation, else the Times would not have committed 
 itself; (2) that the proposal for union was making an impression, else 
 the Times would not have troubled itself; (3) that it meant quietly to 
 put a wet blanket upon it. So I discharged another letter to the Times 
 which it courteously put in, in big print. 
 
 On Tuesday morning I hope to sail for France and see more 
 Bishops. 
 
 Pusey started again for France on Tuesday, December 19, 
 having been carefully advised by a friend of Newman's as 
 to the best course to follow. At Paris he had another 
 interview with the Archbishop, and saw some others, 
 including P^re Gratry, * who received me most lovingly,* and 
 the Bishop of La Rochelle. The next day he went to 
 Orleans and saw Mgr. Dupanloup ; on December 22, he 
 went on to Marseilles. He stayed there a week, working 
 
 * This was from the pen of Dean Church ; see Church's * Occasionsl Papers,* 
 vol. i. p. 334 (Macmillan). 
 
 ( 
 
 133 
 
 at a University sermon for January 28, at some examination 
 papers, and at the Commentary on Nahum. On Decem- 
 ber 30, he went to Biarritz, and on January 3 and 4, 1 865, 
 he had two long interviews with the Bishop. *On January 
 10, he writes to a Cambridge friend who was having the 
 Eirenicon translated for foreign circulation. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. G. Williams. 
 
 [Pau, January 10, 1866.] 
 
 I have had three very happy interviews. I do not like to name 
 names, but one very eminent Theologian ended a discussion of one 
 and a half or two hours in which I spoke freely, with the kiss of peace, 
 owning me as a true brother ; and an Archbishop, whom I had not 
 before seen, did the same twice, after my asking for and having his 
 benediction. A good priest, to whom he introduced me as a Catholic, 
 rather opened his eyes, to know whether I had been actually received. 
 
 On January 13, he is at Bordeaux, going to dine with 
 the Archbishop, and to * talk with him as long as I like.* 
 He returned through Paris ^, reaching Oxford on January 1 8. 
 
 The only full account of this visit was sent to the Bishop 
 of Brechin^ : generally he speaks of it as 'deeply interesting/ 
 
 ' In this connexion, although be- 
 longing to a later period, may be 
 quoted a characteristic story which is 
 told in the * Lettre Pastorale de Mgr. 
 Fran9ois Lagrange, Eveque de Char- 
 tres, ^ I'occasion de son entree dans 
 son diocese,' Paris, 1890, pp. 27, 
 38:— 
 
 • Si ces fils, separ^s ou egares, 
 n*ont pa8 ou n'ont plus la foi, peut- 
 etre ont-ils, Dieu seul le sait, qui seul 
 voit le fond des coeurs, la bonne foi ; 
 c*e8t-i-dire la sincerite, qui fait ce 
 qu'elle peut et ce qu'elle doit pour 
 croire? Ce mot ^veille en nous un 
 souvenir que, dans Teffusion de ce 
 paternel entretien, nous demandons la 
 p>ermission de rappeler. II nous arriva 
 un jour de nous trouver seul en wagon 
 avec le cel^bre doctenr Pusey. Nous 
 demeur&mes stup^faits de voir cet 
 homme, qui avait franchi des abtmes, 
 arrete aux portes de la vraie Eglise 
 par ce que nous appelions des brous- 
 sailles : mais il ^tait empetr^ li.' Apres 
 la discussion, voyant que nous prenions 
 notre livre de priere, il nous demanda 
 
 de reciter l*office du jour avec nous. 
 O providence! c'etait Toffice de la 
 Chaise de saint Pierre, dont precise- 
 ment il venait de contester Tinstitution 
 divine, tout en reconnaissant qu'elle 
 ^tait indispensable 4 1'Eglise. Quand 
 nous eiimes fini, nous le vimes, emu 
 par la beaute de cctte belle liturgie 
 catholique, joindre les deux mains, 
 baisser la tete, fermer les yeux, et 
 laisser echapper de grosses larmes 
 que, silencieux et respectueux, nous 
 regardions couler. Tout ^ coup, 
 ^levant la voix, il dit, " Je crois ex- 
 pliciteroent tout ce que je sais r^vele, 
 et implicitement tout ce qui Test." 
 Ce n'etait pas encore I'acte de foi 
 catholique, c'etait toujours I'esprit 
 priv^ 8C substituant 4 I'autorite con- 
 stitu^ : n'^tait-ce pas 14 au moins la 
 bonne foi? Combien il efit mieux 
 valu pourtant que ce puissant esprit 
 eQt pu etre amene i la lumiere totale ! * 
 * When Bishop Forbes died, nearly 
 all Pusey's letters to him were returned, 
 and were probably destroyed. 
 
134 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 U! 
 
 1 ' 
 
 \ iv 
 
 and * theologically more satisfactory than the other/ He 
 gave a few details in a speech at an English Church Union 
 meeting on June 13. 
 
 ' I assure you that people in England will be extremely astonished 
 if I am able to show (as I hope soon to do) how much that is popularly 
 supposed to hedejide with Roman Catholics is not de Jide with them. 
 I will only give one instance. I saw a theologian, and one of the most 
 eminent. We talked for two hours about the Council of Trent, and 
 about our belief as it is expressed by those whom we considered to be 
 the most genuine sons of the Church of England. The result was that 
 point after point he was satisfied ; and the interview ended in his 
 saying, '' I shall salute you as a true brother." As to Supremacy he 
 said, "I do not know where it is to be found stated in what the 
 Supremacy consists ^" It has been said that I have lived so much 
 among old books that I do not know that the modern practice is very 
 different from what I had gathered from those old books. As regards 
 Appeals to Rome, which formed so large a portion of the quarrel at the 
 Reformation, this theologian told me that there is now scarcely such 
 a thing known as an Appeal. He stated that those things which the 
 Church of England disclaimed were no essential parts of the 
 Supremacy ; and I may add that a very eminent French theologian 
 said to me, " If other matters are settled, the Supremacy will make no 
 difficulty." ... He left me saying, " This does not touch our con- 
 sciences ; if other matters were settled, the question of the Supremacy 
 could be easily arranged by a concordat ^." ' 
 
 In France, at any rate, Pusey had no difficulty in 
 winning a sympathetic and appreciative hearing from 
 leading theologians ^ 
 
 * In one of his interviews with the 
 Archbishop of Paris, Pusey asked 
 him whether he should omit or retain 
 in the French and German translations 
 what he had said about the popular 
 system. The Archbishop replied, « Re- 
 tain them, both on the general ground 
 which you mention, of not seeming 
 to wear two faces and saying things 
 in England which you do not say here ; 
 and also they are your difficulties : of 
 course I do not agree with them : but 
 you have stated them fairly and it is 
 well that they should be considered* 
 (Pusey to Newman, Jan. 26, 1866). 
 
 * Speech of Pusey at E. C. U. 
 Meeting, June 13, 1866. Cf. the 
 Guardian^ June 20, 1 866, p. 647. 
 
 * At this time also Pusey took 
 
 great interest in the foundation of the 
 i^stern Church Association, and in 
 the visit of Prince Orloff, and the 
 discussions about Reunion with the 
 Eastern Churches. He also contributed 
 a valuable introductory Essay to the 
 Rev. J. G. Lee's volume of collected 
 
 * Essays on Reunion.' One point 
 carefully elaborated in this paper was 
 a vigorous protest against the pro- 
 ject of union with the Scandinavian 
 tMxlies of Christians, which was 
 being ingeniously pressed forward by 
 the Editor of the Colonial Church 
 Chronicle. • With them,' he maintained, 
 
 * intercommunion might be too easily 
 restored, because we have every- 
 thing to lose by it and nothing to 
 gain.' 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Newman's reply to the first eirenicon— death 
 
 OF MR. KEBLE — ROMAN CATHOLIC COLLEGE AT 
 OXFORD— CHOLERA IN BETHNAL GREEN — BISHOP 
 FORBES' EXPLANATION OF XXXIX ARTICLES PRO- 
 POSED VATICAN COUNCIL— ANGLICAN ORDERS— 
 THE SECOND EIRENICON — APPENDIX : LETTERS ON 
 TRANSUBSTANTIATION. 
 
 1866-1867. 
 
 As soon as Pusey returned from his second visit to France, 
 in the middle of January, 1866, he received a copy of the 
 printed Letter ^ which Newman had told him he was pre- 
 paring. It would be out of place here to recapitulate the 
 details of the line of argument taken in this reply, for it is 
 now well known that they were dictated by the difficulties 
 which arose from the internal dissensions of the English 
 Roman Catholics, not less than by Pusey's project of 
 Reunion. But so far as concerns Pusey's book Newman 
 explained that he felt obliged to answer it, partly because 
 of its allusions and supposed allusions to him, and partly 
 because it treated Faber and Ward as if they were repre- 
 sentative English Roman Catholics. With regard to these 
 well-known writers, Newman said that however much they 
 might be personally respected, * the plain fact is, they came 
 to the Church and have thereby saved their souls ; but 
 they are is no sense spokesmen of English Catholics.' 
 
 * * A Letter to the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., on his recent Eirenicon,' by John 
 Henry Newman. London, Longmans. 
 
 ( 
 

 136 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 NewmafCs Reply to the Eirenicon, 
 
 1 
 
 % 
 
 n 
 
 ; 
 
 Newman's gravest charge was aimed at the way in which 
 Pusey dealt with the practical system of the Roman Church 
 on the subject of the Blessed Virgin. He objected that 
 Pusey did not state his own opinion or that of the early 
 Fathers on this subject : and that the quotations which he 
 held up to reprobation were nearly all taken from foreign 
 books, sometimes from books which Newman himself had 
 never seen, and which contained sentiments quite unfamiliar 
 to him until he read the Eirenicon. * I do not,' he says, 
 speak of these statements as they are found in their authors, 
 for I know nothing of the originals, and cannot believe 
 that they have meant what you say ; but I take them as 
 they lie in your pages. They seem to me like a bad 
 dream. I could not conceive them to be said *.* At the 
 same time he complained that Pusey had given only a 
 one-sided view of the Roman teaching about the Blessed 
 Virgin, in a manner which was little suited to win the 
 sympathy of Roman Catholics. * There was/ he said, 
 *one of old time who wreathed his sword in myrtle; 
 excuse me — you discharge your olive branch as if from 
 a catapult^.' 
 
 Rarely has rhetorical skill been more ingeniously 
 employed than in this half-playful banter. The expression 
 about ' the catapult ' lives in memory more easily than the 
 rest of the controversy ; but its injustice is generally over- 
 looked. Pusey had certainly laid bare without reserve 
 the serious defects in popular Romanism ; for, as has 
 already been said, it would have been useless to approach 
 the question of Reunion without frankly stating the great 
 obstacles which some Roman teaching had put in its way. 
 But Newman's epigram cleverly diverted attention from 
 the fact that the sting lay in the obstacles themselves and 
 not in their enumeration. However, in acknowledging the 
 Letter, Pusey contented himself with assuring Newman 
 that, except in direct quotations, he had no personal 
 reference to him in the Eirenicon. He added that he 
 had habitually looked upon him as an exception to the 
 
 \ t 
 
 Letter to the Rev. E. B. Pusey,* pp. 119-121. 
 
 * Ibid. p. 9. 
 
 137 
 
 \ 
 
 i 
 
 ( 
 
 rule that 'converts' go further in the way of extreme 
 opinion than old Catholics. * I got your " Letter," ' he 
 adds, * on my return from the cathedral, whei^e in celebrat- 
 ing the Holy Eucharist I had been praying for union.* 
 
 This led Newman to explain that he had honestly 
 intended in his Letter to meet Pusey's challenge that 
 members of the Church of Rome should come forward and 
 say that they did not accept the extreme statements about 
 the Blessed Virgin which Pusey had quoted. But in doing 
 this, he had had to state his * whole mind,' and explain the 
 points in the * Eirenicon ' with which he could not agree. 
 So far, however, Newman's * Letter' was a real justification 
 of Pusey's demand for some kind of authoritative repudiation 
 of extreme language; but its open hostility^ to the domi- 
 nant form of Roman teaching brought no little trouble 
 upon the writer from his * co-religionists * in England. 
 These attacks naturally drew out an expression of Pusey s 
 sincere sympathy ; at the same time he asked him to join 
 in the common use of prayer for the reunion of Christendom. 
 Manning had objected to any union in prayer, but Mgr. 
 Dupanloup had promised to circulate for use in his diocese 
 the forms of devotion which were being used by some mem- 
 bers of the English Church. Newman replied as follows : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, April 2, 1866. 
 
 . . . Thank you for. your sympathy about the attacks on me— but 
 you have enough upon yourself to be able to understand that they 
 have no tendency to annoy one — and on the other hand are a proof 
 that one is doing a work. I hail the article in the Times ^ with great 
 satisfaction as being the widest possible advertisement of me. I never 
 should be surprised at its comments being sent by some people to 
 Rome, as authoritative explanations of my meaning, wherever they are 
 favourable to me. The truth is, that certain views have been suffered 
 without a word, till their maintainers have begun to fancy that they 
 
 * • The spirit of Newman'j letter is 
 most offensive.' Mgr. Talbol to Abp. 
 Manning, Apr. iq, 1866. 'Life of Car- 
 dinal Manning,* ii. 308, note. 
 
 ^ This article appeared on March 
 
 31, 1866. It is now known to have 
 been from the pen of Denn Church. 
 See Church's 'Occasional Papers/ 
 'vol. ii. pp. 398-440. 
 
I 
 
 ... r 
 
 , . 
 
 t . 
 
 !1 
 
 \(l 
 
 V II 
 
 138 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 are de^de—Sind they are astonished and angry beyond measure, when 
 they find that silence on the part of others was not acquiescence, indiffer- 
 ence or timidity, but patience. My own Bishop and Dr. Clifford, and 
 I believe most of the other Bishops are with me. And I have had 
 letters from the most important centres of theology and of education 
 through the country, taking part with me. London, however, has for 
 years been oppressed with various incubi ; though I cannot forget, 
 with great gratitude, that two years ago as many as a hundred and ten 
 priests of the Westminster diocese, including all the Canons, the 
 Vicars-general, the Jesuits, and other Orders, went out of their way 
 (and were the first to do so) to take my part, before the * Apologia* 
 appeared. 
 
 1 am sorry the Jesuits are so fierce against you. They have a notion 
 that you are not exact in your facts, and it has put their backs up, but 
 we are not so exact ourselves, as to be able safely to throw stones. 
 
 As to union in prayer, it is not allowed. Not that it is positively 
 unlawful, but any application to Rome is answered in the negative. 
 The Jesuits used to allow converts to go to family prayers in Anglican 
 houses : — whether they do so now, 1 do not know : but I have heard 
 those, who had received leave, express their regret afterwards that 
 they had availed themselves of it, under the feeling that the practice 
 had put them in a false position, as regards their friends, out of which 
 they could not get without inflicting pain. And most people feel that 
 it is honestest and most straightforward, not to smooth over difficulties 
 which really exist. 
 
 What is prayer but communion ? to pray together is to be in the 
 same Communion. If the two bodies form one Communion, all 
 controversy ceases : differences become little more than pious opinions, 
 or incidental defects : and for three hundred years the whole world 
 has been under an enormous hallucination. This few people will 
 grant : they will think it not common sense. And at Rome, as in 
 Cardinal Patrizzi's letter, they call it * indifference.' 
 
 At this moment, when both Pusey and Newman were, 
 in their respective Communions, aHke exposed to attack 
 from various quarters, their dearest mutual friend Keble 
 was lying on his deathbed at Bournemouth. He had gone 
 there for the health of Mrs. Keble, when on March 22 he 
 was seized with a paralytic stroke, which, after a momen- 
 tary rally, terminated fatally a week later. 'It is to me 
 a stunning blow,' Pusey wrote when the news of the serious 
 illness reached him. * I had so hoped that we should have 
 had him by God's mercy, for years to come, if I should see 
 years myself.* On Easter Eve, on receiving the news of 
 Keble's death, he could only write of it that ' it is past 
 
 ! 
 
 
 '.t 
 
 Death of Keble, ion 
 
 words.' On the Thursday following he started for the last 
 of his many visits to Hursley to be present at the funeral. 
 Liddon had arrived there earlier in the day, and the fol- 
 lowing extracts from his diary will best describe the sad 
 but eventful evening and morning that followed : 
 
 'At 8.15 we [those who had already arrived] went out on the 
 Southampton Road to meet the hearse, coming from the Chandler's 
 Ford Station. It left Bournemouth at four, and came via Christ Church, 
 Rmgwood, and Bishopstoke. It was a beautiful and stariight night' 
 and the silent movement along the road in front of the hearse, filled 
 me with wonderful thoughts ... Dr. Pusey arrived last of all from 
 AmpthiU [? Ampfield] where he had left the Bishop of Brechin. He 
 wishes the College at Oxford to be the Memorial, and to be called 
 Keble College. I trust that this will be so. 
 
 'Before going to bed, we (Dr. Pusey, I and Tom Keble) went into 
 the Study where the Body is laid out with a Cross of white primroses 
 stretchmg the entire length of the coffin, and a Cross and candles at 
 the end. We remained there in prayer for an hour.' 
 
 On the next day, April 6, he writes :— 
 
 'The "Body" was taken to the Parish Church and placed in 
 the Chancel before the eariy Celebration. The Celebration by 
 Mr. Richards at 8 a.m. Afterwards I found Dr. Pusey in his bed- 
 room . . . quite overcome, unable to speak. With great difficulty 
 could I persuade him to take any food. We went up to the Park and 
 saw the Bishop of Salisbury, and the plan of a College at Oxford, 
 which I had started the night before at Hursley Vicarage, was agreed 
 upon. It is to be called the Keble College. Matins at 11.30 followed 
 by the actual Burial Service. The Dr. again neariy broke down when 
 the Coffin was lowered into the grave. After the funeral a fuller 
 meeting of ten persons at Sir W. Heathcote's at which a series of 
 resolutions were drawn up. I never saw Dr. Pusey so broken as 
 to-day. He seemed to feel quite terribly the weight of responsibility 
 which had devolved on him. I had much talk with Butler of Wantage ^' 
 
 As soon as he returned from the funeral, Pusey wrote 
 briefly to Newman. ' The Church was full of mourners, as 
 you will think. But there is nothing to add. For he was 
 away. . . . When he was wandering, he spoke of the re- 
 union of the Churches, and I think that he spoke as if he 
 were present at it. But I will ask more accurately.' 
 
 * For another interesting account of this funeral, see Dean Church's 'Life 
 and Letters,' pp. 173, 173. * *''"'' ^"® 
 
 ■■i 
 
 f 
 
140 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 S 
 
 ] 
 
 11 
 
 ' t 
 
 Thus passed away the simple, retiring, holy man who 
 had exercised more influence on the history of the English 
 Church than any other man of his generation. Pusey and 
 Newman naturally filled a larger space in the popular view 
 of the Oxford Movement ; but, as has already been 
 described ^, Keble was ' the true and primary author ' of it. 
 * I compared myself with Keble,* Newman used to say 
 when speaking of his work before 1845, *and felt that 
 I was merely developing his, not my, convictions.* Pusey 
 also always held that the real source of the Movement was 
 to be found in * The Christian Year.' 
 
 More than thirty years had elapsed since these three 
 friends had embarked on a work, which had changed the 
 whole aspect of the English Church, and the two who 
 were now left behind were outwardly separated by the 
 barriers of religious differences, and in open, if friendly, 
 conflict on matters of vital importance. They differed on 
 that which had been the first principle of the Movement ; 
 to the one the claims of the Catholic Church seemed to 
 give an imperative summons to complete submission to the 
 See of Rome, while the same claims kept the other stead- 
 fast in his allegiance to the Anglican Communion. The last 
 meeting between the three friends in the preceding October 
 was now remembered with special pleasure. * I feel,' wrote 
 Pusey to Newman, *that it was very good of God to bring 
 about our meeting at his house. It is a bright spot.' 
 But to Pusey Keble's death was of necessity a far more 
 serious blow than it could have been to Newman. To the 
 latter, except in deep personal affection, Keble had been 
 as it were dead ever since the great separation in 1845; 
 while to Pusey it was the loss of one who had been through- 
 out the whole period the wise and keen-sighted counsellor 
 and guide, the * dearest father* as he always addressed him 
 in his letters. And outside the circle of these most intimate 
 associates, his influence as an adviser, if not a guide, in all 
 kinds of difficulties — ecclesiastical, parochial, theological, 
 and personal — had been felt up to the end. * When all else 
 
 * Vol. i. pp. 370, 271. 
 
 Keble's work for the English Church. 141 
 
 had been said and done, people would wait and see what 
 came from Hursley before they made up their minds as 
 to the path of duty \' ^ 
 
 Pusey returned to his ordinary work, and his answers to 
 Newman and the recent Pastoral of Archbishop Manning. 
 But all went slowly ; and in his loneliness he grew weary 
 of the distasteful controversies which were inevitably stirred 
 up by his project for Reunion. It was while he was in this 
 frame of mind that Newman told him, in confidence, that, 
 after all, he would probably be sent to Oxford to found 
 a Roman Catholic College. Pusey's reply reflects his 
 feelings at the moment. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church [April 21, 1866]. 
 
 Thank you for the information which you have given me. The 
 one thing which I have desired is not to be in collision with you. 
 Perhaps before you come, I shall be gone. A little more than four 
 years will complete the threescore and ten. 
 
 The memorial of dearest J. K. seems likely to take the shape of 
 a College for diligent students living simply (100 of them). I took 
 a part in promoting it. Had I known the intention of your authorities, 
 I don't think I could have done it, i.e. had the heart to do it 2. 
 
 But an unexpected work in the Long Vacation of 1866 
 turned for a time the whole current of his thoughts. 
 There was then a severe visitation of cholera in the East 
 End of London ; and in the beginning of August, Pusey 
 took a lodging at No. 18, City Road, to see if he could 
 be of any help in tending the sick in Bethnal Green. He 
 had intended to stay there only a week : but October finds 
 him still writing from the same address, for he found 
 there abundant occupation. He divided his time between 
 working at his Answer to Newman in the British Museum 
 and nursing his * cousins in Spitalfields ^ ' as he called them. 
 
 * Dr. Liddon's* Sermons on Clerical plan of a Roman Catholic College 
 Life and Work,' p. 350. The sermon and the causes of its failure, see ' Life 
 from which these words are taken of Cardinal Manning,' vol. ii, chapters 
 was preached at the opening of Keble xiii and xiv. 
 
 College Chapel in 1 876, and expresses » This was an allusion to his descent 
 
 throughout Dr. Liddon's estimate of from one of the Walloon refugees in 
 
 Mr. Keble's work and character. the sixteenth century, many of whom 
 
 * For the further account of this had found a home in Spitalfields. 
 
i 
 
 1' 
 
 m 
 
 § 
 
 Mi 
 
 142 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 Cholera in Bethnal Green, 
 
 'Those I have visited,' he tells his brother, 'have been all 
 such nice people— all better than I. They have been very 
 happy visits.' Later on he was joined by his son Philip 
 and by the Hon. C. L. Wood, the present Lord Halifax, 
 who stayed and helped him in his work for three months. 
 
 Dr. Sutton, the physician at the Cholera Hospital, recalls 
 how Pusey busied himself first in establishing the Cholera 
 Hospital, and then in visiting the patients. 
 
 Dr. Sutton to Viscount Halifax. 
 
 May 4, 1889. 
 
 One incident I well remember. I had just finished, as physician, 
 going round the wards, when he came up to me, and in his own gentle, 
 encouraging manner, asked me how the different patients were pro- 
 gressing. I answered that I could not lead some Jewish patients to do 
 what was necessary : and he smiled and said, " I will go and speak 
 Hebrew to them, and then perhaps we shall succeed better." That 
 was only one of the many occasions in which he showed his heartfelt 
 desire to assist in their relief. 
 
 A graphic account of some incidents in his life there, 
 as also in a similar work at Ascot, is given in a letter to 
 Liddon from the Rector of Bethnal Green, written soon 
 after Piisey's death : — 
 
 Rev. S. Hansard to Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 Rectory, Bethnal Green, Nov. 18, i8§2. 
 
 In your letter to the Times you make mention of Dr. F^y's 
 * practical kindness.' 
 
 It will more than interest you to read my reminiscences of him 
 sixteen years ago, when there came upon the East End of London 
 what may be called a sudden explosion of cholera in a more virulent 
 and * plague ' like form than had hitherto been experienced in England. 
 It became my duty as official chairman of the Vestry of Bethnal 
 Green to seek for a building which would serve the purpose of 
 a temporary cholera hospital. 
 
 The members of my Vestry were giving time and trouble ungrudg- 
 ingly to the work in which I found I could give them but little 
 substantial help. 
 
 The cholera was raging round the Parish Church and Town Hall 
 where the Vestry, under the Rector, assembled daily. Within a few 
 yards of the Rectory and Town Hall, there were six sudden seizures 
 and deaths in one morning. 
 
 143 
 
 My curates were ill, unable to do any duty— I had been up for 
 several nights running to two or three in the morning, attending to 
 the sick, and more especially to the timid and fearful,--who would 
 not go to bed for fear of * the pestilence that walketh* in darkness.'— 
 Wearied and at my wits' end as to how I could possibly help my 
 Vestry through their arduous duty, I had come down to a late breakfast 
 at nine o'clock, when my servant announced Dr. Pusey. He had 
 with him a letter of introduction from the Bishop (the present Arch- 
 bishop) [Dr. Tait]. His pleasant smile, his genial manner, his hearty 
 sympathy expressed inamanner so winning and sincere, at once intro- 
 duced him. He needed no letter. He not only put me at my ease at 
 once, but he made me feel at one with him directly. During breakfast 
 he said he had heard of my working single-handed just then, and 
 as I must give a great portion of my time to my Vestry, upon whom 
 fell all the sanitary work of the Parish and this special work of 
 providing doctors, medicine and hospital, &c. as well, he offered to 
 act as my assistant Curate to visit the sick and dying whom I could 
 not visit in my stead, and to minister to their spiritual wants. And 
 he did so. Quietly and unobtrusively this true gentleman, this humble 
 servant of Christ, assisted me in this most trying duty of visiting the 
 plague-stricken homes of the poor of Bethnal Green. 
 
 But this is not all— He came with the offer of a large temporary 
 hospital for cholera patients. Miss Sellon, the Mother Superior of 
 that most excellent Sisterhood, the Devonport Sisters, to whose wise 
 beneficence and unweariness in well-doing, it is a lasting pleasure 
 to be grateful, would take charge of the hospital with her Sisters,— 
 and so she did ; as she had done at Devonport, so she did at Bethnal 
 Green. 
 
 Well practised skill, unremitting energy, and self-sacrifice in little 
 as m great things, of the Devonport Sisters under the Mother Superior, 
 and of their wise and skilful physician. Dr. Sutton, saved scores of 
 lives which would otherwise have perished miserably, and they stayed 
 the plague from our people. I served on the committee of the hospital 
 with Dr. Pusey, and yery often I met him at the bedside of the 
 patients-simple, tender-hearted, and full of sympathy ; he was always 
 ready at the committee meetings with practical advice on such matters 
 as raising and managing funds, and always cheerful, always hopeful. 
 If the word * sweet ' had not become somewhat canting— I should say 
 that there was something inexpressibly sweet in the smile and quiet 
 laughter which so brightened his face when he was pleased and 
 hopeful. I remember going with Dr. Sutton to Ascot hospital, pre- 
 viously to my writing a short appeal in the papers for that excellent 
 institution.— After our work was over the Sisters would not hear 
 of our leaving without giving us dinner. How well I remember that 
 simple, hospitable and comfortable meal in the picturesque guest- 
 chamber. We were wearied and hungry, and while Miss Sellon was 
 entertaining us. Dr. Pusey waited on us. I remonstrated and made 
 
 \ 
 
9\ 
 
 
 144 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 efforts to wait on myself. No, he said, he must wait on me ; when 
 I said, perhaps somewhat conventionally, that that was an honour 
 I must not let him pay me, he said, No, it was an honour, a pleasure 
 to him to wait on a clergyman who, &c. &c. &c. And so he handed 
 me the potatoes and the bread, and poured out the beer, and made 
 it froth, and helped me to the cutlets &c. &c., smiling all the time, 
 and saying all sorts of little playful things of kindness to us, which 
 made us all the more refreshed and encouraged ; and then he walked 
 home with us to the station, talking with us as to the best way of 
 supporting the Hospital in which he took so great interest, and where 
 I am told he died. 
 
 I hope I am not wearying you with these reminiscences. I am 
 sorry to say I can only find one letter of those I had from him, and 
 that relates to a suggestion I made him of compiling an account or 
 history of Sisterhoods in the English Church, such as would enlighten 
 and encourage Churchmen. , ^ 
 
 This time last year I went to Christ Church to see Dr. Pusey. 
 He received me with outstretched hands, shaking mine most cordially. 
 His voice trembled with emotion as he referred to the danger I had 
 recently incurred from a virulent attack of typhoid. I need not repeat 
 the encouraging words he used about my ministry to the poor, past 
 and present. I can only say that the interest he showed in the work 
 of the Clergy of the East End of London, the sympathy he had for 
 them in their discouraging work, and the respect and esteem he 
 expressed for those many East-End clergymen who work on year 
 by year without the slightest acknowledgment or recognition from 
 any respected authority, I thought far more encouraging than all the 
 Charges and Visitations of Bishops and Archdeacons that it had been 
 my duty to listen to. My letter is too long or I would tell of what he 
 said about the Atheists and the Salvation Army, which are both at 
 work in my parish— and of his request that I would always do what 
 I could to help the Devonport Sisters and the Ascot Hospital. His 
 bequest to me, his last hearty shake of my hands, his last words to me, 
 so full of sympathy and truest kindness, and the sweet expression of his 
 face, I shall ever remember. 
 
 From this congenial work of succouring the poor and 
 suffering, Pusey had to return to the work of controversy 
 about the Eirenicon, which was still pressing on him. 
 In fact the difficulties of his position were increasing daily. 
 Current Roman gossip, claiming first-class authority, denied 
 Pusey's pacific intentions, and represented him as desiring 
 only to attack Rome so as to prevent conversions ; and 
 hence the printed replies to the Eirenicon from the Roman 
 side began to take a personal form and to be tinged with 
 
 I 
 
 Gathering opposition. 
 
 145 
 
 a bitterness which promised ill for peace. And this was 
 made still worse by the widespread rumour that the 
 Eirenicon had been placed upon the Indent ^ At the 
 same time, the movement in the Convocation of Canter- 
 bury against * Ritualism ' was rapidly gathering force, and 
 loud voices were identifying Pusey with the ceremonial 
 which they denounced, openly accusing him of having 
 written the Eirenicon as part of a conspiracy to Romanize 
 the country. Pusey found himself between two fires. On 
 the one hand, there was the hostility of one section of 
 English Roman Catholics which nothing could appease ; 
 on the other, there was the unreflecting Puritanism which 
 learns nothing and forgets nothing. The accusations which 
 were hurled recklessly at him by these opponents, although 
 mutually destructive and flagrantly untrue, must needs 
 have been perplexing and galling. He laboured for peace, 
 but when he spake unto them thereof they made them 
 ready for battle. Yet he still pursued his plans of peace, 
 and there is a touch of humour as well as of pathos in the 
 allusion to both classes of his assailants, in a letter to 
 Newman about this time. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 May 2, 1867. 
 
 Yesterday I was in London about a new Association for prayer for 
 the Reunion of Christendom, the well-being of the Church, especially 
 the English. Of course R. C.'s cannot join it ; but prayers which go 
 up apart may meet in Heaven. 
 
 I saw my name *P— ism' on large placards carried about the 
 streets, charging us with a * conspiracy to bring England under the 
 Pope.' So the Dublin and Weekly Register might be a little more 
 merciful. However it is all one : only I wish they loved us a little 
 better. 
 
 Thank you for your Easter blessing. All good be with you alway. 
 
 Throughout 1 867 he was engaged in helping Bishop Forbes 
 in his * Explanation of the Thirty-nine Articles,' a work 
 
 * It was six months before Newman 
 was able to discover for Pusey that this 
 mmour was entirely untrue. In the 
 meanwhile, on the supposition of its 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 truth, the French and German trans- 
 lations had been abandoned, after con- 
 siderable expenditure of time and 
 money. 
 
 \\ 
 
«4Bi 
 
 r 
 
 
 146 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 which was intended as a further contribution to the cause 
 of Reunion in the way of simplifying difficulties. It 
 followed in the main the lines of Tract XC, but Pusey 
 revised the Bishop's work throughout, correcting it minutely, 
 besides himself writing the explanation of some of the 
 Articles. He supplied almost the whole of the passages 
 which under the head of Article XXII deal with the 
 subject of Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints ; and it 
 was arranged that he should also contribute the section on 
 Transubstantiation. With a view to this work he had some- 
 what earlier in the year begun to correspond with Newman 
 on the subject. A few of the letters that passed between 
 them are reproduced in the Appendix to this chapter, 
 both as being theologically important in themselves, and 
 also as being closely bound up with the Eirenicon and the 
 ' Explanation of the Thirty-nine Articles.' 
 
 When the book was printed, the Bishop of Brechin paid 
 a visit to Rome, and was not a little distressed at the un- 
 compromising attitude of those to whom he was introduced. 
 Newman explained to Pusey that this was natural. Rome 
 itself can only speak to individuals 'according to the 
 strictest rules of ecclesiastical principle and tradition ' : to 
 a large body she might perhaps lend a more appreciative 
 ear. The right procedure for individuals, he said, is to 
 approach the Roman Church through the Roman Bishops 
 in England. Pusey had had some hopes that this ' Ex- 
 planation of the Thirty-nine Articles ' might at least win 
 a hearing from these Bishops ; but instead of this, every- 
 thing had been done to increase difficulties rather than 
 to soften them. He soon found that, although Roman 
 Catholics of authority, like Newman, Lockhart, and others, 
 were willing to listen and assist, nothing whatever could 
 be looked for as helping towards Reunion so long as Ward 
 used his powers as proprietor of the Dublin Review in 
 propagating extreme Ultramontanism, and so long as 
 Archbishop Manning was the official counsellor of the 
 authorities at Rome. 
 
 Very different was the reception of this work by the 
 
 i 
 
 M 
 
 ♦ 
 
 The ' Explanation of the Thirty-Nine Articles' 147 
 
 most distinguished German theologian in the Roman 
 Church. 
 
 Dr. Bollinger to Bishop (Forbes) of Brechin. 
 
 y,, ^ ^ Munich, Oct. 5, 1868. 
 
 My dear Lord Bishop, 
 
 It is high time to let you know that I have received two months 
 ago your second volume ^ I would have acknowledged your kindness 
 before, but a lengthened absence from Munich prevented me from 
 writing. 
 
 The impression which your work left on my mind is, that you have 
 given the best and certainly the most Catholic Commentary on the 
 Articles. I wish only that it may be read, or rather studied and 
 pondered in wide circles. 
 
 I think, and by several communications I am confirmed in the 
 opinion, that the binding authority of those Articles, which were 
 evidently framed to favour or to introduce the Protestant system, will 
 be weakened, loosened, more and more, and that the rising generation 
 of the clerg>' of England will not be prevented by those three or four 
 Articles from adopting views which, under God's gracious dispensa- 
 tion, may lead to a future reunion. On the other hand, if that 
 * consummation devoutly to be wished ' is to be made possible, several 
 important changes or reforms must take place in the Roman Catholic 
 Church of the West. The declaration of that Article of yours, which 
 says that 'the Church of Rome' (evidently only that particular 
 Church) 'has erred,' will not then be a real difficulty; for it is 
 historically certain, and no one familiar with ecclesiastical history 
 can deny, that the Church of Rome (meaning the Popes and their 
 Roman advisers) has erred, and erred in very serious matters: 
 for instance, in declaring the deposing power as a doctrine of faith, 
 in prescribing, as Eugene did, false definitions of the Sacraments, their 
 materia and forma, &c. I could wish that our friend Pusey had 
 mentioned more distinctly those serious stumbling-blocks, for the 
 Ultramontane party (particularly in France and England) refuse to 
 see the beam in their eye, and talk constantly as if they were invulner- 
 able and immaculate, and as if the Oriental and the Anglican Churches 
 had only to say with contrite heart and mien, 'mea culpa,' and to 
 submit unconditionally to every error in theory and every abuse in 
 practice. 
 
 If you think it worth while to let our friend Pusey see these lines, 
 you are perfectly free to do so. 
 
 The approaching Council fills many reflecting sons of the Church 
 with anxious dismay, for there is a mighty power at work, which 
 mtends to use the Council as an engine for the corroboration of their 
 favourite views. 
 
 * i. e. vol. ii. of * Explanation of the Thirty-Nine Articles.' 
 
 L a 
 
^ 
 
 mm 
 
 > ii 
 f > 
 
 % 
 
 148 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 My hope and consolation is, that a small but resolute knot of 
 bishops who will make resistance is quite sufficient to frustrate their 
 designs ; but there must be some moral courage. 
 
 Believe me, yours sincerely, 
 
 I. DOLLINGER. 
 
 On June 26, 1867, Pius IX had made the momentous 
 announcement that he had decided to call a Council of 
 all the Roman bishops. Newman told Pusey that this was 
 his opportunity 'if a large and strong body of united 
 Anglicans would address the Council, being willing to be 
 reconciled.' But the growing attack on Ritualism was 
 distracting attention so greatly that Pusey despaired of 
 getting the ear of any number of English Churchmen. 
 Even his Answer to Newman had been put aside for 
 nearly twelve months. As an alternative, if he was unable 
 to get many to join him he himself was urged to make 
 stro'ng representations to the Council ; such a course might 
 even prevent that declaration of Papal Infallibility which 
 it was expected one party at the Council would un- 
 scrupulously push forward. At any rate, Newman, as the 
 following letter shows, expected that such an appeal from 
 a number of Anglicans might have a deterring effect on 
 the Ultramontanes. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 July 21, 1867. 
 
 ... As to what you could do, I fear the Council is called too soon 
 
 for any effect you might produce on the minds of the assembled 
 
 Bishops. No one or two men, however great, could expect to have 
 
 any answer made them, but * Submit to the Church, become one of us 
 
 —that is your duty— and nothing more has to be said.' But, as there 
 
 have been always great concessions, when some great obvious object 
 
 was to be accomplished, so now too they would put themselves out of 
 
 the way, and go as far as ever they could, if great questions depended 
 
 on their determination. I don't suppose the Infallibility of the Pope 
 
 would have a chance of being defined, if the alternative lay between 
 
 defining it and the reconciliation of the Anglican Church. Nay, I do 
 
 not think it would be defined if a large body of men pledged themselves 
 
 to submit to the Church, on condition that it would not be defined m 
 
 the Council. I am not going into the question of the logical consistency 
 
 of men who thus conducted themselves- some people would thmk them 
 
 Expectation of the Vatican Council, 
 
 149 
 
 consistent, others not— I only say, that if as a matter of fact a thousand 
 Anglican priests of reputation and influence said to the Council, * It 
 will make all the difference whether we consider the Rpman communion 
 the Church or not, that you profess the Pope to be infallible,— or that 
 you do not— we are so firmly persuaded that the Papal Chair is not 
 the seat of infallibility by itself, that we think that your ruling it to be 
 such will be a proof, a critical test, that the Roman Communion is not 
 identical with the Church ; we will join you if it is not defined, we will 
 not if it is,'— well, I don't think this would be a satisfactory way of 
 entering the Church, not a generous way, and it certainly would give 
 a weight and prominence to the doctrine that the Pope is not 
 infallible which it never has had, and many Bishops and theologians 
 certainly would repudiate such transaction, independent of this ac- 
 cidental accession of probability to a doctrine which it is difficult to 
 think probable ; still I think it would make a number of them pause 
 and consider whether it was expedient to define a doctrine which 
 nevertheless they considered true. And so of other points which are 
 difficulties to Anglicans, points of ritual or discipline or devotion, 
 everything would depend on the number and characteristics of the 
 body presenting itself, and the definiteness, and fifmi.ess of their 
 representation. But in saying this, you must not suppose, (as I have 
 implied,) that I could myself ever have been induced so to act — 
 I should say myself, * The Roman Communion is either the Church or 
 it is not; if it is not, don't seek to join it,— if it is, don't bargain with 
 it — beggars must not be choosers.' 
 
 I am disappointed at your not bringing out your Letter to me ^ — 
 certainly as regards the subject of the Appendix, which you told me. 
 Those who do not love you, give out that you ought either to answer 
 your opponents or to allow you cannot— and they give out that they 
 are suspicious of you. The first step at negociation is mutual con- 
 fidence. I should add too, that, as to such * grievances ' as you might 
 be supposed to prefer against our teaching or acting, I consider that 
 the longer you all considered them, the less they would appear, and at 
 length they would quite fade away from your minds, as worth little or 
 nothing, and you would see that you had no reserve or condition to 
 make in becoming one with us. 
 
 Pusey gathered from this letter that Newman supposed 
 that there was a desire on his part to be admitted into the 
 Roman Church, if only certain doctrinal difficulties could be 
 cleared up. He wrote at once to remove such a misunder- 
 standing. He did not desire to enter the Church of Rome : 
 he wished for her union with the Church of England. 
 
 ^ i. e. Eirenicon, Part IT. 
 
 -SRgSB 
 
«Mi 
 
 »5o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 I 
 
 Chale, I. of Wight, Vigil of St. James, 1867. 
 
 ... My feeling is just the same as yours. If I believed the Roman 
 Church to be the Church, I should not dream of making an inquiry or 
 a condition. I should submit as a little child. And here lay my 
 difficulty, * Would the Pope or Bishops of weight, or any who could 
 speak with authority, consider any questions as to doctrine put by any 
 body of men, unless it was understood that the submission of that 
 body would follow upon a satisfactory answer?' I felt this when 
 Mg^ Dupanloup so kindly offered to take any proposition from myself 
 and other Anglican clergy to Rome [secret, you remember]. I feel no 
 individual need to be in union with Rome, but I do feel the evils 
 of division ; and so I wanted a ttoO aro) to work from. I should have 
 been glad to say to the English people, * On such terms the division 
 might be ended. You dread this and that ; buc you see that all which 
 you need accept, all which is practically required of you, is to believe 
 that and that. Look at it and see whether you object to it.' 
 
 Newman had expressed his sorrow that Pusey had not 
 finished a reply to his * Letter,* and had urged the necessity 
 of answering other Roman attacks. The summoning of 
 the Council made Pusey decide to finish his Letter to 
 Newman, but as for the Appendix in answer to Father 
 Harper he says, — 
 
 ' I cannot feel the slightest interest about it. Man's opinion is not 
 worth a breath with the Judgment-seat of Christ before one. I hate 
 personal controversy. It is so petty and unprofitable. Of course, if 
 1 believed that I had made grave blunders I ought to own it as 
 matter of good faith. I have not yet seen that I have. I went 
 carefully through the parts of the book on the Immaculate Conception, 
 and found partly that Fr. H. had misunderstood me, partly that he 
 made blunders himself; e.g. his own statement as to the meaning 
 of the active and passive Conception is, I believe, wrong : certainly his 
 translation of Pope Innocent III whom he quotes against me is 
 flagrantly wrong. But Fr. H.'s book has not shaken people's con- 
 fidence in me among my own people ; and the English R. C.'s who 
 write, except yourself and Lockhart and Oakeley, have been writing 
 against me ever since the Eirenicon. So there seemed to me no good 
 in any defence. 
 
 * Some few slips I have, I suppose, made But as for the impression 
 
 which Fr. H. gives or states that " nearly all his [my] quotations from 
 Scholastics, Theologians, and Fathers have been gathered together 
 from other second-hand sources and not from the authors themselves " 
 
 Reply to Father Harper, 151 
 
 f Contents, p. xxvii), and that *' without my being at the pains to verify 
 them," it is simply untrue. I think too that it is very unfair to repre- 
 sent a book which was written in defence of the doctrine of the Real 
 Presence, which (as being the last) has the fullest collection of Patristic 
 testimonies to it (in addition to the common sources and my own 
 knowledge of the Fathers, I went through such books as the Spici- 
 legium Solesmense, Cardinal Mai's different collections, Cramer's 
 Catenae, in fact what avUhora I knew of, and I looked through 
 St. Ephrem's Syriac works), as if it were a mere attack on the doctrine 
 of Transubstantiation, which, moreover, I did not attack, since I pro- 
 fessed not to know whether the dispute was not a question of words, 
 and expressed my own opinion that it was. 
 
 * I see other mistakes in references. Fr. H. makes the most of these. 
 His charges of suppressio vert are grossly unfair. I suppose that he 
 IS not a Hebraist, and so that he does not know the valuelessness 
 of what he produces upon Gen. iii. 15 ; but as far as " suppression" 
 goes, it is all (I think) in De Rossi (the great Catholic critic) whom 
 I quoted, and who attaches no weight to it. Again, he calls me guilty 
 of a suppression because I did not mention the names of those later 
 great names who believed in the Immaculate Conception. If the 
 question had been decided the other way (as those who employed Car- 
 dinal de Turrecremata to write hoped) there would have been occasion 
 to name them. All which I said was, " A matter is made a point of 
 faith which even at a late period was disbelieved by such men as 
 A. and B. and C. (some of them Saints)." It did not seem to me 
 to come into the question whether the contrary was believed by D. 
 and E. and F., because I did not speak against it as matter of *' pious 
 belief" ; but I thought it hard that it should be made a dogm2i against 
 such and such authorities, who were thus in fact adjudged to have 
 spoken against the truth, though innocently. He finds fault with me 
 for mis-stating the number of the Bishops who answered the Pope 
 about the Immaculate Conception. I counted very carefully all those 
 in the Pareri. It was, anyhow, no fault of mine that I did not know 
 that they were [? not] all ; however Perrone came to the fact that there 
 were, he states, 1 50 more. 
 
 * I give you these as specimens, my dearest friend, but cut bono, 
 to spend a life, which must be ebbing out, in pointing out such 
 things ? Fr. H. says I ** probably stole a barrowful of quotations from 
 the Calvinist Blondel," whom I never looked at, '*and discharged one 
 cartload from the Calvinist Albertinus and another cartload [from] the 
 Lutheran Gerhard." Albertinus (Calvinist as he was) was a really 
 learned man ; so was Gerhard. I looked into Aubertin for two things, 
 (i) to see whether he had any passages in support of the Real 
 Presence which he combated, and which I had missed, and (2) I took 
 from him what I thought a really remarkable collection of passages as 
 to the words /xfro^aXXo), ficratrKtvaCoi, &c., [showing that they] did 
 not necessarily mean a physical change. But I both verified and • 
 
 -,^ __^ 
 
 ■^r~ — 
 
1*.^ 
 
 \^-^ ^^ 
 
 W', 
 
 »5o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Chale, I. of Wight, Vigil of St. James, 1867. 
 
 . . . My feeling is just the same as yours. If I believed the Roman 
 Church to be the Church, I should not dream of making an inquiry or 
 a condition. I should submit as a little child. And here lay my 
 difficulty, * Would the Pope or Bishops of weight, or any who could 
 speak with authority, consider any questions as to doctrine put by any 
 body of men, unless it was understood that the submission of that 
 body would follow upon a satisfactory answer?' I felt this when 
 Mg^ Dupanloup so kindly offered to take any proposition from myself 
 and other Anglican clergy to Rome [secret, you remember]. I feel no 
 individual need to be in union with Rome, but I do feel the evils 
 of division ; and so I wanted a nov ara) to work from. I should have 
 been glad to say to the English people, * On such terms the division 
 might be ended. You dread this and that ; but you see that all which 
 you need accept, all which is practically required of you, is to believe 
 that and that. Look at it and see whether you object to it.' 
 
 Newman had expressed his sorrow that Pusey had not 
 finished a reply to his * Letter,' and had urged the necessity 
 of answering other Roman attacks. The summoning of 
 the Council made Pusey decide to finish his Letter to 
 Newman, but as for the Appendix in answer to Father 
 Harper he says, — 
 
 * I cannot feel the slightest interest about it. Man's opinion is not 
 worth a breath with the Judgment-seat of Christ before one. I hate 
 personal controversy. It is so petty and unprofitable. Of course, if 
 I believed that I had made grave blunders I ought to own it as 
 matter of good faith. I have not yet seen that I have. I went 
 carefully through the parts of the book on the Immaculate Conception, 
 and found partly that Fr. H. had misunderstood me, partly that he 
 made blunders himself; e.g. his own statement as to the meaning 
 of the active and passive Conception is, I believe, wrong : certainly his 
 translation of Pope Innocent III whom he quotes against me is 
 flagrantly wrong. But Fr. H.'s book has not shaken people's con- 
 fidence in me among my own people ; and the English R. C.'s who 
 write, except yourself and Lockhart and Oakeley, have been writing 
 against me ever since the Eirenicon. So there seemed to me no good 
 in any defence. 
 
 ' Some few slips I have, I suppose, made. . . . But as for the impression 
 which Fr. H. gives or states that " nearly all his [my] quotations from 
 Scholastics, Theologians, and Fathers have been gathered together 
 from other second-hand sources and not from the authors themselves " 
 
 Reply to Father Harper, 
 
 151 
 
 ^Contents, p. xxvii), and that ** without my being at the pains to verify 
 them," it is simply untrue. I think too that it is very unfair to repre- 
 sent a book which was written in defence of the doctrine of the Real 
 Presence, which (as being the last) has the fullest collection of Patristic 
 testimonies to it (in addition to the common sources and my own 
 knowledge of the Fathers, I went through such books as the Spici- 
 legium Solesmense, Cardinal Mai's different collections, Cramer's 
 Catenae, in fact what avUhora I knew of, and I looked through 
 St. Ephrem's Syriac works), as if it were a mere attack on the doctrine 
 of Transubstantiation, which, moreover, I did not attack, since I pro- 
 fessed not to know whether the dispute was not a question of words, 
 and expressed my own opinion that it was. 
 
 * I see other mistakes in references. Fr. H. makes the most of these. 
 His charges of suppressio veri are grossly unfair. I suppose that he 
 is not a Hebraist, and so that he does not know the valuelessness 
 of what he produces upon Gen. iii. 1 5 ; but as far as " suppression " 
 goes, it is all (I think) in De Rossi (the great Catholic critic) whom 
 I quoted, and who attaches no weight to it. Again, he calls me guilty 
 of a suppression because I did not mention the names of those later 
 great names who believed in the Immaculate Conception. If the 
 question had been decided the other way (as those who employed Car- 
 dinal de Turrecremata to write hoped) there would have been occasion 
 to name them. All which I said was, " A matter is made a point of 
 faith which even at a late period was disbelieved by such men as 
 A. and B. and C. (some of them Saints)." It did not seem to me 
 to come into the question whether the contrary was believed by D. 
 and E. and F., because I did not speak against it as matter of ** pious 
 belief" ; but I thought it hard that it should be made a dogma a^a/«j/ 
 such and such authorities, who were thus in fact adjudged to have 
 spoken against the truth, though innocently. He finds fault with me 
 for mis-stating the number of the Bishops who answered the Pope 
 about the Immaculate Conception. I counted very carefully all those 
 in the Pareri. It was, anyhow, no fault of mine that I did not know 
 that they were [? not] all ; however Perrone came to the fact that there 
 were, he states, 1 50 more. 
 
 * I give you these as specimens, my dearest friend, but cui bono^ 
 to spend a life, which must be ebbing out, in pointing out such 
 things? Fr. H. says I ** probably stole a barrowful of quotations from 
 the Calvinist Blondel,'* whom I never looked at, " and discharged one 
 cartload from the Calvinist Albertinus and another cartload [from] the 
 Lutheran Gerhard." Albertinus (Calvinist as he was) was a really 
 learned man ; so was Gerhard. I looked into Aubertin for two things, 
 (i) to see whether he had any passages in support of the Real 
 Presence which he combated, and which I had missed, and (2) I took 
 from him what I thought a really remarkable collection of passages as 
 to the words /x€Ta/3aXXo), fieTaa-KfvdCwy &c., [showing that they] did 
 not necessarily mean a physical change. But I both verified and 
 
.;% 
 
 
 tm IP * ■»■«» II 
 
 152 
 
 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * I' 
 
 acknowledged them, and omitted (I think) certain which I could not 
 verify. 
 
 * I give you, my dearest N., all this explanation : but I do not in the 
 least care about giving it to the world. If your people would listen to 
 me more, it might be another matter.* 
 
 Newman persisted in urging that Pusey should complete 
 his work. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Aug. 4, 1867. 
 
 Your character is not your own, nor does it cease to be after your 
 lifetime; and though you do not find that others are alive to the 
 arguments of Fr. Harper now, they may and will be so years hence, 
 when to-day's doings are matter of history. I have already implied 
 that in being silent you are unfair to your own people : but further, 
 you are thereby unfair to your own cause. It is very desirable that 
 the large question you have entered on, so far as opponents have 
 taken up your glove, should be worked out— desirable in the cause 
 of truth. If you have strong points, let them be put forward ; for 
 myself I do not sympathize at all in the policy of suppression. I have 
 no fear that it will harm the cause of what I think truth, that some 
 things, nay, strong things, can be adduced against it. There are 
 objections, and grave objections, to the simplest truths, and the cause 
 of truth gains by their being stated clearly and considered carefully. 
 Lastly, for myself personally and others of my own friends on my 
 side of the question, I don't like you to be thought of as a man who 
 had said things rashly and at second hand, and then by his silence 
 had virtually admitted that he had done so. . . . As to your question, 
 whether it would be worth while to publish a statement of points 
 of doctrine which are touched upon in the Thirty-nine Articles, e.g. 
 in Art. xxii, all would depend upon the number of persons who 
 signed it. Did a thousand of the Clergy, headed by the Bishops 
 of Salisbury and Brechin, sign a Latin profession of faith, it would 
 attract the attention of many influential persons at Rome and elsewhere 
 — though I don't know enough to say more. The Bishop of Orleans 
 would certainly welcome it, and I am told there is a reaction beginning 
 in the French Episcopate which would tell at a Council. The 
 Cardinal most likely to be interested in you is Cardinal de Luca : he 
 is at the head of the Congregation of the Index — he reads and almost 
 speaks English. He was secretary or something of the sort to 
 Cardinal Acton ; he has been about four years a Cardinal, and so 
 prominent a member of the Sacred College already that men talk of 
 him as likely to be the next Pope. He is sixty-two years old. 
 St. John, who was lately at Rome, formed a high opinion of him. 
 He has far larger views than Manning has. 
 
 However, as to all statements, I fear I must repeat what I have 
 
 1 
 
 
 Difficulty of addressing the Vatican Council. 153 
 
 said before, that it is a first principle with us, which no one can hope 
 to put aside, that the Pope is the centre of unity, *totius Ecclesiae 
 caput et omnium Christianorum Pater et Doctor,' and that he has 
 a universal jurisdiction. 
 
 A few days later, alluding to a question that he had 
 been asked about Pusey's relation to the Roman Church, 
 Newman wrote again. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Aug. 9, 1867. 
 ... It is a question often asked me, and I have one answer. I am 
 accustomed to say that you never have felt that the Pope is the neces- 
 sary centre of unity, or that the Church of England is outside the 
 Catholic Church because it is out of Communion with the Holy See. 
 But if you saw ihat^ that I did not doubt you would join us without 
 hesitation. 
 
 Several months passed, however, before Pusey's many 
 engagements allowed him to resume the Reply to Newman. 
 Since Pusey's visit in 1865 to Monseigneur Darboy, the 
 Archbishop had kept up the liveliest interest in the 
 Eirenicon and the hopes that it represented. Many letters 
 of the greatest interest were received both from him and 
 from Bishop Dupanloup ; but unfortunately all the letters 
 of the Bishop of Orleans and nearly all from the Arch- 
 bishop of Paris have been destroyed or mislaid. Of one 
 of them. Bishop Forbes writes to Pusey: * Thank you for 
 the perusal of this most interesting letter which I return. 
 You have got much more from the Archbishop of Paris 
 than I expected you would get from any R. C. Bishop 
 in view of the terrorism of the Jesuits. So far as I see, the 
 Archbishop takes the place of Du Pin. The Archbishop 
 and the Presbyter only have changed places.' 
 
 When in March, 1868, the Bishop of Brechin was about 
 to go to Italy, he took with him a letter of introduction from 
 Pusey to the Archbishop of Paris. His visit was the cause 
 of the only letter to Pusey from the Archbishop which has 
 survived ; it gave him new hopes by its promise of an 
 assistance which he had good reason to regard as of great 
 value. 
 
til 
 
 I 
 
 ll 
 
 154 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Archbishop (Darboy) of Paris to E. B. P. 
 
 Archev^chd de Paris. 
 
 Paris, le 31 Mars 1868. 
 Monsieur, 
 
 J'ai vu, k son passage k Paris, Mgr. I'Eveque de Brechin : sa 
 
 visite m'a fait beaucoup d'honneur et de plaisir. Je vous remercie de 
 
 m'avoir procure I'avantage de connaitre ce prdlat, qui m'a paru un 
 
 homme considerable par sa science et sa droiture de coeur. II s'est 
 
 mis en route pour Rome, oil je lui ai mdnag^ I'entree de notre 
 
 Ambassade, qui pourra I'adresser k des personnages dminents de la 
 
 Cour pontificale. 
 
 Je ne crois pas que le Concile puisse se rdunir aussi promptement 
 qu'on I'avait d'abord annonc^. Vous aurez encore le temps de discuter 
 V03 affaires et de preparer mieux le rdsultat que vous avez en vue. 
 
 II ne me semble nullement difficile d'obtenir la chose sp^ciale dont 
 vous parlez dans votre lettre, k savoir qu'une Congregation Romaine se 
 prononce sur la valeur doctrinale des propositions qui lui seraient 
 soumises et qui reprdsenteraient le maximum de vos concessions 
 possibles. Si cela peut vous etre agr^able, je me chargerai tr^s 
 volontiers de mener tr^s discr^tement I'affaire k bonne fin et de vous 
 faire avoir une rdponse authentique. Voyez si vous voulez rddiger 
 k votre point de vue les propositions et me les adresser: je les 
 pr^senterai en mon nom et sans rien dire qui fasse penser que vous ou 
 les votres y soyez pour quelque chose, et je serai heureux de vous 
 transmettre la decision qui me sera donn^e. 
 
 Veuillez, Monsieur, agreer I'assurance de mes sympathies pleines de 
 respect et d'affection et me croire tout k vous en N. S. 
 
 •f- G. Archev. de Paris. 
 
 Thus encouraged, Pusey attempted to draw up a sketch 
 of some propositions, and submitted them to Newman, who 
 in reply addressed himself to the previous question of the 
 chance of an audience. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to K. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Sept. 4, 1868. 
 
 ... I don't think that at Rome they will attend to anything which 
 comes from one person, or several persons, however distinguished. 
 If the Archbishop of Canterbury were to say, * I will become a 
 Catholic if you will just tell me whether what I have drawn up on 
 paper is not consistent with your definitions of faith,' the only question 
 in answer would be, *Do you speak simply as an individual or in 
 the name of the Anglican Church ? ' If he said ' as an individual,* 
 they would not even look at his paper. 
 
 I 1 
 
 I 
 
 Timely offer of the Archbishop of Paris. 155 
 
 Therefore I do not think the Bp. of Orleans, &c., could get the 
 Bishops of an Ecumenical Council to listen to any proposition from 
 you as such. The initial step would be an address to the Council 
 signed by a great show of names. Say you could present a petition 
 from three or four Bishops of the Church of England, fifty Professors 
 (Fellows of Colleges would count as such), 200 clergy, stating that 
 they, the undersigned, with certain congregations of the Church of 
 England, say 150, were desirous of coming into communion with the 
 Holy See, that they were willing on the question of the Anglican 
 Orders to submit to the decision of the Council, and that they 
 presented statements of some of their articles of belief in the hope 
 and belief that they would be found consistent with the definitions 
 of former Councils, including the Council of Trent, and that in the 
 sense of those statements they accepted what was there defined : 
 moreover, that they received the doctrine of the Im. Cone. B. M. V. 
 provided so-and-so was to be reckoned a right explanation of it, I 
 think your cause must be taken up. But I think you will be putting 
 yourself to bootless trouble, if you draw up statements which are to 
 be presented in the name only of half a dozen, however eminent. 
 
 You will say perhaps that the conditions which I have set down are 
 simply impossible— both the number of signatures and the admissions 
 to be made in the Address. Of course I grieve if this should be the 
 case ; but consider how full a Council is of work, and whether it can 
 be expected to go out of its way except for some great end. The 
 reconciliation of the Church of England would be such an end, but 
 then you must bring proof that it is the end of the conversion of 
 a certain number of individuals. It must be recollected too that such 
 an Address as I have supposed cuts off the subscribers to it from the 
 existing Establishment, and, if it were listened to, would gain that 
 attention for its own sake, from the actual body of men it spoke for, 
 not as leading to the reconciliation of the Church of England. But 
 not only a Council, but the ordinary ecclesiastical bodies at Rome, 
 have not time except for great objects. All large systems fall into 
 routine, and at Rome the Sacred Congregations go by rule, by 
 precedent, by law, by reason, but not by that fine attention to indi- 
 viduals, particular cases, actual combinations, which is implied in the 
 (fipovrja-iSf dyxivomj avpeaiSj and yvoi fxoa-vvrj of Aristotle. In this age of 
 the world individual greatness and self-action is superseded by routine. 
 The routine at Rome is the routine of 1,000 years — nay, Rome, except 
 in the case of some great Popes, has never shown any great gift of 
 origination. It has (I believe surely) a divinely imparted instinct and 
 a promise of external guidance as regards doctrine^ but while it 
 listens to practical plans brought before it, it does not go and hunt 
 for them. Cardinal Barnabo says that only three countries give him 
 trouble— viz. the Turks much, the English more, and the French 
 most. That is to say, routine won't do in those countries. Under 
 these circumstances it is a great thing for him to have an Archbishop 
 
•mfmim 
 
 iqt 
 
 I 
 
 156 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Correspondence with Newman. 
 
 157 
 
 
 
 like Manning, who makes everything easy to him by doing his best to 
 work by routine and to make routine work in England. As I have 
 said before to you, the local authorities are they who should encourage 
 any aspirations in England towards unity, and the Archbishop has 
 taken the opposite line. 
 
 Here is another disadvantage to you— the French Bishops are not 
 the natural organs for your Address ; and the natural question which 
 would be asked at once would be, *Why does not Dr. Pusey apply 
 through the Bishops of England ? ' 
 
 However, that the Bishop of Orleans, &c. are willing to take up 
 your cause is a great point. Could you through Dollinger interest 
 any German Bishops for you ? The Archbishop of Mayence is a great 
 man, and, though an Ultramontane, is far from narrow in his notions 
 and measures. But Dollinger would tell you all about Germany. 
 Professor Reusch (I forget his name, he is Professor of Exegetics) at 
 Bonn is also a moderate man. Your knowledge of German would 
 almost be a reason for your going there on this matter, if Dollinger 
 gave you any encouragement. The state of religion {Protestant) there 
 is so sad that they look with yearning toward England, are very kind 
 to me, and I am sure would listen to you. But all depends on your 
 being able, even if confidentially, to show them a list of educated 
 people and congregations who on given terms would enter into 
 communion with them. Are there such terms? 
 
 You know / deeply despair that terms could be named between 
 you and them. The more I think of it, the more sure I am that 
 unsurmountable difficulties (i.e. at present unsurmountable) would 
 show themselves. E.g., you can't belong to two Communions at 
 once — but if you cannot promise in the name and for the Church 
 of England, how can you be in communion with Rome without 
 separating from the Anglican Church, how in communion with the 
 latter without coming short of the former? 
 
 Still, my feeling of these obstacles is no reason why I should not 
 give you as much information as I can. 
 
 Pusey explained that he was not intending to send any 
 propositions direct to Rome. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Sept. 1868.] 
 
 The Bp. of B[rechin]*s report of the state of the ecclesiastical mind 
 in Italy made me give up the idea of sending propositions to Rome. 
 The Bishop of 0[rleans] undertook, in his great kindness, to go 
 himself to Rome, take the propositions, and obtain an opinion about 
 them — the whole in secrecy. I do not think that my name was to be 
 used. I think that he meant to ask the abstract question ; and that 
 he understood that what I wanted was an authoritative exposition on 
 certain doctrines, that I might be able to say, ' What is required for 
 
 reunion is that you should acknowledge this, and no more.* I know 
 that the Abp. of P[aris] understood this, and he certainly offered to 
 send the propositions to Rome in his own name, without in the least 
 committing me. (This was his own offer, for I did not care about 
 being committed.) But the Bp. of B[rechin] brought back the im- 
 pression that those who were not Ultramontane before in Italy had 
 been driven into Ultramontanism by the wicked proceedings of the 
 kingdom of Italy, and that the Abp. of P[aris] was in very bad odour. 
 So, he being indisposed to it, I gave up the plan, and yet, unwilling 
 not to do anything, I thought that at the end of my second Letter to 
 you* (i.e. in the book) I would print as an Appendix, in Latin, 
 propositions which I thought would gain acceptance with at least 
 a large body, and so try to get them known, or perhaps send them to 
 the principal Archbishops and Bishops in Germany and France. If 
 we had a Cardinal Wiseman now, a great deal might be done in 
 England ; but Manning appeals to God to avert such an evil, as he 
 thinks * organic reunion' to be. I should like myself to try the 
 original plan of committing them to the Bp. of 0[rleans]. It was his 
 offer to take them ; but it was to be an absolute secret. He evidently 
 feared the counter-working of some in England ; I suppose Manning. 
 
 In fact, what I wanted is what Bossuet did for the Lutherans. No 
 one was committed but Leibnitz and the Lutheran Abbot of Lokkum. 
 Having got such propositions accepted, I should have a ttoO o-tco, and 
 could set to work. This might add to the Protestant uproar, and 
 might end in a split, to which things look very much as if they were 
 going : those represented by the Church Association would drive it to 
 this if they could. But then the Bishops won't let it come if they can 
 help it. 
 
 As for inducing others to declare their adherence to any propositions, 
 there is the extreme difficulty of getting any one, except under very 
 imminent pressure, to adopt or agree upon any voluntary proposi- 
 tions. . . . 
 
 Mgr. Dupanloup entered with so much love into the plan. I loved 
 him much ; he is so marvellously sweet and tender, although possibly 
 not with the political (I do not mean secular) grasp of the Abp. of 
 P[aris]. . . . 
 
 As you say, any such attempt is full of untold difficulties, but, 
 after all, truth is truth, and it must be good that truth should be 
 known. If (as Bossuet believed) a good many difficulties could be re- 
 moved on explanation, then it must be good that they should be 
 removed. It cannot be for the glory of God that untruth should 
 be believed for truth, and that as hiding His truth. Bossuet failed in 
 both his attempts: (I cannot help misgivings as to the sincerity of 
 Leibnitz :) the result was (they tell us) in France the conversion 
 of a good many of the Calvinists through the * Exposition.* It may 
 be so again. With results I have nothing to do. I only see this 
 
 * i. e. in Eirenicon, Part III. 
 
I 
 
 si 
 
 158 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 longing that there could be union in eminent persons in the Greek 
 Church, in the United States (though there rather setting towards the 
 Greek Church than to you), among ourselves, among some of yours. 
 This must come from God, for thoughts of peace and love can come 
 from Him only. So I wish to do what I can. 
 
 At this moment, it was announced in the Weckfy Register 
 that invitations to the Roman Council had been issued to 
 all the Eastern Bishops, and that the English Bishops were 
 left out. Pusey wrote to Newman at once to know if this 
 was true. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Holy Cross Day, Chale, Sept. 14, 1868. 
 The Weekly Register puts me quite out of heart as to any nego- 
 tiations. For the Roman Curia has prejudged the question as to 
 our Orders (at least if the W. R, is right) by inviting Nestorians and 
 other heretics, because they own their Orders, and not our Bishops, 
 because they are laymen. To refer the question of our Orders to it, 
 then, is simply a way of having it decided for us that we and all our 
 sacerdotal or episcopal acts are one great sham, indeed of owning 
 it ourselves. And yet Roman controversialists have shown themselves 
 ready to take up any stone, so that they had something to fling : 
 I think, I counted over eight or nine different objections, which had 
 been raised and afterwards abandoned, (i) The fable of the Nag's 
 Head ; (2) Lingard (who was blamed for giving up this) said, that the 
 words ' Receive the Holy Ghost ' were not used, which {a) were used 
 according to the Lambeth Register, {b) are said not to be required; 
 (3) that the words, * for the office and work of &c.' were not there 
 at first. It is since said that they are of no use, but the designation of 
 the office somewhere else in the Service (which there was) ; (4) that 
 Barlow was not consecrated : though I have no doubt that he was, 
 nothing turned on it, since all four consecrating Bishops said the words 
 and imposed hands ; (5) that the Lambeth Registers were forged : 
 their genuineness is confessed, being so supported by collateral and 
 incidental evidence; (6) that there was a break in the time of the 
 Republic, (I think) ; (7) absence of intention, but, as Bossuet says, 
 Theologians define intention, men would be in doubt any how. . . . 
 I forget the rest. 
 
 Now, I do not want to waste your time by a discussion. But how 
 can we refer the question of our Orders to be decided by those who 
 have shown this kind of animus, alleging what they might have 
 known to be untrue, had they been at the pains to enquire? How- 
 ever, this does not discourage me from what 1 am about, if one does 
 but *arbores serit quae alteri prosint saeculo,' preparing in a far-off way 
 for Reunion, by breaking down prejudices, if God enable me. I could not 
 perform another priestly act, if I were prepared to accept the decision 
 
 Anglican Orders, 159 
 
 of Roman controversialists on my Orders. I do not count you, of 
 course, among Roman controversialists: I mean, persons who take 
 up any stone, to fling at a dog. Haddan, who is accurate, says that 
 the first precedent of re-ordaining, or any how that now acted upon, 
 was set on the occasion of a Scotch Bishop, who asked to be re- 
 ordained at Rome, himself alleging the Nag's Head fable. So that 
 the precedent was founded on mistaken facts. If that fable had been 
 true, there would have been no more question than about Lutheran 
 Orders. Every Absolution which one pronounces, though in good 
 faith, is, according to them, material blasphemy. It is not the opinion 
 against our Orders, but that readiness to take up any instrument 
 which comes to hand, before they examine whether it is good or bad, 
 which seems to me to disqualify any from judging. Who is to be 
 arbiter? However, this is not for you or me to settle. I only say it, 
 because it makes me so hopeless as things stand ; but God can bring 
 it about in His way if we pray. 
 
 The report to which Pusey referred turned out to be 
 true. It seemed as if in the issuing of the summons to 
 the Council, the Pope had assumed the whole question 
 of the status of the Anglican Church to be already settled. 
 Besides the Bull of June 29, 1868, which commanded the 
 presence of the Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots 
 and all others who by right or privilege are entitled to sit in 
 general Councils, he issued two letters, one on September 8, 
 1868, inviting the Bishops of the East * who are not in com- 
 munion with the Apostolic see ' ^ ; another on September 13, 
 addressed ' Omnibus Protestantibus aliisque Acatholicis,' 
 who, in place of an invitation to attend the Council, were 
 urged to join ' the one fold.' Since no summons was issued 
 to English Bishops, it was understood that they were in- 
 cluded among the * Acatholici.' In the face of these facts 
 Pusey hardly thought it worth while to attempt to send any 
 propositions to Rome except as an individual. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 (Secret) Chale, I. W., Oct. 6 [1868]. 
 You will remember that Mgr. Dupanloup offered himself to take to 
 Rome any propositions as to our maximum, which I would send him, 
 
 A most interesting account of the 
 firm and dignified bearing, and of the 
 Christian courtesy of the Patriarch of 
 Constantinople towards the bearers 
 
 of this document, is given in Cecconi, 
 'Storia del Concilio Ecumenico Va- 
 ticano/ II. pp. 14-17. 
 
i6o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 and to obtain an opinion there, whether they were Catholic. The 
 outburst of that storm of Protestantism made me delay, I think. 
 I hoped it might spend itself. And a year ago I hoped that the 
 Bp. of B[rechin] would do something at Rome itself. The Abp. of 
 P[aris] made me the offer to send any propositions in his own name, 
 withholding mine. 
 
 Now, I suppose that, in the event of this Council, something ought 
 to be done, and the Protestant storm seems increasing. The Bishop 
 returned from Rome utterly discouraged. The wickedness of the 
 Italian Government had made even his friends at Mte. Cassino 
 Ultramontanes. They said, * The only question is, whether you will 
 submit or no ; if you will, you won't want propositions : if you won't, 
 propositions will do you no good.' So, as he was indisposed to move, 
 and rather dissuaded me from moving, I stayed. But you know how 
 out of heart he always is. However, I did not like to act alone. So 
 I settled to publish them [the Propositions] in Latin as an Appendix 
 to my Second Letter to Newman ' on Corporate Reunion.' 
 
 Now the question is between these two plans. I explained to Mgr. 
 Dupanloup that I did not want these explanations for my own 
 satisfaction ; that I was at rest in my own Communion ; but that 
 I felt that this state of disunion was very weakening and injurious ; 
 that our Lord's prayer was not fulfilled as it should be ; and that 
 therefore I wanted them in order to act upon my countrymen : that 
 they thought that, in order to be in communion with Rome, they 
 must believe this and that, and that I wanted to tell them that they 
 need only believe that and that. In fact, it would be authenticating 
 such statements as those of Veron or the De Walenburch. He 
 evidently thought that there would be efforts on this side the water to 
 prevent it. For he enjoined repeatedly absolute secrecy ; and spoke of 
 the different position of French and English (R. C.) Bishops. I think 
 too he was afraid of the Jesuits, whose organ I suppose M[annin]g is. 
 Now then the pros on this side are (i) the gaining of time; (2) 
 a certain probability that it would be done in a period of comparative 
 leisure, whereas it [was] said that, during the Council itself, nothing 
 could be done which did not promise an immediate result, as if 
 a certain number of bishops, priests, and people promised to submit, 
 if such and such propositions should be accepted ; (3) that such men as 
 the Abp. of P[aris] and Mgr. Dupanloup think it practicable ; and the 
 ecclesiastic who spoke to C. (whose letter you showed me) seemed 
 to suggest overtures on our side. 
 
 Now I do not think that many would subscribe to all these pro- 
 positions beforehand. But I think that they might accept them 
 afterwards. I should send them on my own responsibility. 
 
 I shall see you, I suppose, please God, on Monday week. I am to 
 arrive by the 11.30 train. So I do not want you to write, only to think 
 it over. I have written most part of that Second Letter to Newman. 
 It consists mainly of extracts from Bossuet and Molanus. 
 
 Discussion of Plans, 
 
 161 
 
 $ 
 
 I have not seen the Pope's Bull, and only know that we are lumped 
 in under the general title of * Protestants.' Your Bishop said that he 
 should go, if invited. If you think well to see him and show or send 
 him this, I should be glad that he should see it, only as an absolute 
 secret. I have scarcely spoken to any one for fear of their letting 
 it out : I think only to dear J. K., the Bp. of Brechin, and yourself 
 as to the propositions. I did not like to trust even G. W[illiams]. 
 
 This attack on our Orders is a great difficulty. How can we submit 
 the question to those who have prejudged the question ? The R. C. 
 Bishop of Chicago told De Koven that it would be proposed to have 
 the question examined by a commission, half theirs, half ours. 
 
 The two propositions on the Seven Sacraments and Purgatory, one 
 of theirs (whose name I offered not to quote) accepted ; and on the 
 Invocation of Saints he only suggested an addition about their merits. 
 The explanation of substantia and species had also been said to be 
 adequate to the Catechism of the Council of Trent. 
 
 I see to-day that the Times is willing to make a present of us all to 
 the Pope; but his present would be more large and costly than, 
 I imagine, he thinks. 
 
 What an absorbing and anxious move this is of the Pope's. It 
 throws every other anxiety into the shade. 
 
 Liddon recognized with regret that the whole claim on 
 behalf of Anglican Orders had been treated as settled in an 
 adverse sense. But he thought it possible that the Pope 
 might yet issue a third Letter to English Bishops, as such : 
 if this were not done, Pusey might circulate his propositions 
 at the conclusion of his Letter to Newman. But if none 
 of the English Bishops were present, what would be the use 
 of the propositions ? ' The Council would not take up 
 propositions with no one to back them. The only question 
 seems to be whether they would do privately beforehand 
 what they would not do publicly.' Pusey then thought that 
 Newman might help, if he went to Rome ; but Newman 
 explained that he was not going: Mgr. Dupanloup had 
 asked him to go as his * theologian ' ; and more recently 
 the Pope sent a message offering him the office of ' Con- 
 suitor,' but he declined both offers. * I am not a theologian, 
 and should only have been wasting my %ie in matters 
 which I did not understand.' 
 
 Pusey was at least certain of one step. He would send 
 to the press the Answer to Newman's Letter which he had 
 
 VOL. IV. M 
 
 
 I 
 
mmmmmmmmmm 
 
 162 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 all but finished when helping the cholera patients in 
 Bethnal Green. Hitherto he had left the work incomplete, 
 because of the * disdain or condemnation* with which 
 English Roman Catholics had received ' the far-off sugges- 
 tions of reconciliation/ and because of the storm which the 
 Low Church party were attempting to raise against the 
 Ritualists. He thus alluded to these reasons in the first 
 page of his last Eirenicon : — 
 
 * The disdain has not been mitigated ; the effort to raise a storm has 
 been aggravated. What will be the issue? He alone knows Who 
 "ruleth the raging of the sea, and the noise of the waves, and the 
 madness of the people." Yet, in view of the Council which is to be 
 held among you at the close of next year, I have thought it not amiss 
 to continue to put together the evidence on the Immaculate Conception 
 which Cardinal de Turrecremata was prevented, by the confusion of 
 the times, from presenting to the Council of Basle, and which, although 
 originally published with the sanction of Pope Paul III, is, I suppose, 
 now with difficulty to be procured, though at Rome, I suppose, you 
 have access to everything. But, in order to do justice to the evidence 
 at all, it has been necessary to produce it at such length (considering 
 also what has been opposed to it) that what, in its commencement, 
 I intended to be only " a brief explanation " to yourself, has become 
 a volume, and necessarily wears a controversial appearance \* 
 
 These words really describe the Second Part of the 
 Eirenicon, which was issued in Lent, 1869, under the title 
 'First Letter to the Very Rev. J. H. Newman, D.D. In 
 explanation, chiefly in regard to the reverential love due 
 to the ever-blessed Theotokos, and the Doctrine of her 
 Immaculate Conception.* It will be remembered that 
 Pusey*s treatment of the Roman popular teaching with 
 regard to the Blessed Virgin was the main point of 
 Newman's objection to the first Eirenicon : Pusey, he 
 complained, had touched them, like an Exeter Hall con- 
 troversialist, on a very tender point in a very rude way. 
 In his reply, Pusey explained that he had not said a single 
 word in derogation of the honour due to the Mother of 
 our Lord ; he had spoken only of the oflfices assigned to 
 her in the popular Roman teaching which went so far 
 beyond what was required de fide^ and was contrary to the 
 
 * Eiren. III. * Is Healthful Reunion impossible?' pp. i, 2. 
 
 The Second Eirenicon, 
 
 163 
 
 language of antiquity. This popular system represented 
 her as Mediatrix with her Son, as the Channel of all grace 
 as the only Gate of Heaven, as the Hope of sinners as 
 restraining her Son that He might not inflict chastise- 
 ments '. 
 
 At very great length, Pusey shows the Scriptural and 
 Patristic position on this subject, and reproduces the 
 enormous mass of evidence contained in Cardinal de 
 Turrecremata's comparatively unknown but most valuable 
 work on the Immaculate Conception. He maintains that 
 m Itself the Bull ' IneflTabilis,* which decreed that doctrine 
 needs explanation, for it appears to assert only one side of 
 the doctrine. If it means more than what it asserts, it will 
 have to be in acknowledged contradiction to the whole 
 teaching of the universal Church in all ages with the 
 exception of the Roman Catholic Church at that moment, 
 in arguing thus, no one knew better than Pusey that he 
 was appealing to one of the causes of disunion among 
 Roman Catholics. He was fully aware (and the discussion 
 on Keunion had given abundant evidence of the fact) that 
 there was an irreconcileable ' Marian ' party within the 
 Church of Rome \ and it was a delicate matter to write 
 about them to Newman. They would give no explanation, 
 and evidently wished that much which had hitherto only 
 been taught as part of the popular system might hence- 
 forth be made of obligation de fide. Still he appealed to 
 Newman to help him in the effort to bring the English 
 and Roman Churches to a mutual understanding by ' re- 
 quiring of one another the least which fealty to our God 
 requireth : — 
 
 h,l^!r ^^^ °"' =°°""°'» enemy. His instruments on earth are 
 fesus re 3 H ' "' '?? "^ °°^ ^°'""^°" "="-<• °f 'he truth, whfch 
 irodair^ Z ^^f '' *'•'"'' ^P°^"^^' "'"ght by the Holy Ghost, 
 
 taught , and which the Holy Ghost teaches in her. Satan seems 
 
 Chutr,h?n"'"'- "%"'""'' '""''' ^"^ '° "-« learned from th^ 
 Church the necessity of union. Devil does not cast out devil And 
 
 Shan not we, who hold together the same body of faith, who belfeve 
 
 ' Eirenicon II, pp. 41, 42. 
 
 M 2 
 
 * Eirenicon II, p. 43. 
 
164 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 1 ; 
 
 
 the same mysteries of the All-Holy Trinity, of the Incarnation of our 
 Lord and God, of the operations of God the Holy Ghost in man's 
 regeneration and restoration, the same Word of God, inspired by 
 Him; the same offices of the Ministry instituted by Him; the same 
 authority given to the Church to bear witness to, uphold, maintain, 
 transmit the same truth ; the same Real Presence of our Lord's Body 
 and Blood ; the same Atoning Sacrifice of the Cross ; the same plead- 
 ing of that one Meritorious Sacrifice on earth, as He, our Great High 
 Priest, evermore pleads it in heaven— shall we not seek to be at one in 
 the rest too ^ ? ' 
 
 The book was sent to Newman on May 14, 1869 : and 
 on June 9, Newman thanked him from his heart for the 
 affectionate words it contained about himself, and acknow- 
 ledged the research which the book showed. He declined to 
 recognize the positive value of it ; but still he had himself 
 suggested to his Bishop (Dr. Ullathorne) some words of 
 explanation on the doctrine of the Immaculate Concep- 
 tion of the Blessed Virgin which he thought would satisfy 
 Pusey if the Vatican Council would accept them. 
 
 This, however, in no way inclined Pusey to modify his 
 position. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [June 10, 1869.] 
 
 I published the book because I thought that your people had not 
 the case fully before them, and that those who prepared for the decision 
 were one-sided. The grave question now seems to me the tradition. 
 The decision, unless it can be explained, seems to me a heavy blow 
 upon the * guot/ semper^ which concerns you as much as it can us. 
 
 I stated the difficulty fully, in case the Council should consider the 
 question, that it might qualify the statement in whatever way God 
 the Holy Ghost should teach them, so as to get rid of this seeming 
 contradiction. I have no prejudice against the supposition that 
 Almighty God infused grace into the soul of the Blessed Virgin at 
 the first moment of its creation. On the contrary, considering what 
 He did for Jeremiah and St. John Baptist, it seems the most likely. 
 My only difficulty is the counter-tradition. 
 
 Pray thank the Bishop preliminarily for this kind thought of me. 
 
 It would certainly be a great gain if the Council could declare that, 
 although the B, V. had^ by reason of the mode of her conception^ original 
 sin in the cause^ yet Almighty God, for the foreseen merits of her Son, 
 infused grace into her soul at the same time that He created and 
 infused it into her body. 
 
 ' Eirenicon II, pp. 421, 422. 
 
 Reception of the Second Eirenicon, 165 
 
 Newman in his reply, while suggesting Bishops to whom 
 the book might be sent, described the effect produced 
 upon Roman Catholics by the evidence that Pusey had 
 amassed. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 July 4, 1869. 
 I should not be acting as a friend if I did not say that I have not 
 found any one (I think) who has not been repelled by what has been 
 thought your hostile tone. I know how different this is from your 
 intention. Since your new book came out, a priest, who is more hostile 
 to Ward, Manning, &c., than perhaps any one I know, has written to 
 me about your part in the controversy in quite violent, and I know 
 most mistaken, terms. Men seem to think that you are not really 
 seeking peace, but indoctrinating Anglicans how to accost, to treat 
 with, to carry themselves towards, the Roman see ; what points to 
 make, what to concede, what not to concede ; also, as saying to the 
 Evangelical body, ' You see, we don't agree with, and don't mean to 
 give in to, the Romanists.* In a word, that your books are really 
 controversial, not peace-making. You may be sure I take your part — 
 without any merit of mine, because I know how loving your heart is— 
 but it has sunk deep into the minds of all Catholics, ' He has got an 
 arri^re pens^e* 
 
 It seemed to Pusey almost hopeless to think of Reunion 
 with the Roman Catholic Church when the vast majority of 
 their number were not inclined to believe his single-hearted 
 desire for peace. Yet he still intended to publish a third, 
 and he hoped a more successful, Eirenicon, in the form of 
 a second Letter to Newman. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Chale, I. of W. [July 19, 1869]. 
 
 . . . What pity that people should waste time in judging one another. 
 People compliment my abilities at the expense of my sincerity, which 
 is alone of value. I never had organizing talent, and am very thankful 
 for not having any talent which I have not. I never was in any sense 
 a party- leader. People used my name ; but I never had any influence 
 with them, else in many ways things would not b6 as they are 
 or were. 
 
 I hear the Dublin Review and Month are angry with me. I expected 
 it, and was sorry to publish my Letter I to you without Letter II, which 
 is, please God, the Eirenicon. 
 
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER V. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE ON TRANSUBSTANTIATION. 
 E. B. P. TO Rev J. H. Newman. 
 
 March 4, 1867. 
 We say that Transubstantiation is only rejected < in the Articles 
 in one specific sense, viz. that, in which there would be no outward 
 visible sign, only something which has no objective existence, but is 
 an illusion to the senses. This lies, as the only difficulty to all who 
 believe the Real Objective Presence. When I stated to Mgr. 
 Dupanloup that we believe the Real Objective Presence and that our 
 difficulty related only to the desition of the natural substances, he said 
 that the Real Objective Presence was the main point, and that the 
 rest could easily be arranged, and he hushed a young priest who was 
 rather eager on the controversy. To me the question oi ' substantia; 
 &c. is not of any moment, except that I do not (as R. Wilberforce 
 thought too) see what we can be taken to mean by the * natural 
 substances* (which we state to remain), which you do not mean by 
 * accidents,* (which you state to remain), and so I am puzzled as to 
 what * substantia * means. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Aug. 9 [1867]. 
 . . . I know you won't grudge time and patience about Transub- 
 stantiation. You say that you do not understand anything about the 
 way in which God nourishes. I say that I do not [at] all understand 
 what the substantia, olaia of anything is. I understand what an 
 Englishman means by * natural substances,' i.e. that he means that 
 there are the same particles of matter (whatever matter is) that there 
 were before. But substantia or oiaia is an abstract thing. The Church 
 does not commonly (does it ?) take up terms of philosophy in their 
 strict philosophical sense. Why are we necessarily to take substantia 
 m the Aristotelian sense.? Mr. Harper says that there is one 
 substantia of the little child. If there is, it must be something very 
 abstract, something which is neither its body, nor its soul, but its 
 personality, I suppose. Again, of any material substance, what is its 
 ovata ? Chemists tell us all the component parts of things material, 
 
 Appendix to Chapter V. 
 
 167 
 
 < 
 
 grass, bread, flesh, &c., and how the same things which there are 
 in the grass reappear in the animal which eats it. These are what we 
 practical Englishmen mean by substances, but not what can be meant 
 by so abstract a term as substantia, ovaia. Again, what the Council of 
 Trent speaks of as present, is the substance of our Lord's Body, but 
 still in a way distinct from that way in which He is present at the 
 Right Hand of God. ... I suppose it would hardly be said that 
 because our Lord's Body was present really, substantially, sacra- 
 mentally, therefore It was present materially. 
 
 But then, if when it says that * the substance of bread is changed 
 into the substance of our Lord's Body,' it is not meant that the 
 bread is changed into something material, then it would seem to 
 follow, that nothing material is meant by the substance of the bread. 
 For the two terms substance are correlatives. Plainly, we must all 
 believe that there is a change. It was mere bread {ylri\6s <Tproy), it is 
 the Body of Christ. Whether the term used is 'becomes' or is 
 'transubstantiated* is so far alike. If what it becomes is called 
 (so to speak) d fortiori, that which one may call its essence, It is the 
 Body of Christ, as Isaac the Great wrote so beautifully : ' Faith gave 
 me the pen of the Spirit and bade me write. This is the Body of God.' 
 But why should simple faith be troubled with Aristotelic discussions 
 about substantia, or physical discussion about nutrition, or be told 
 about miracles of which Scripture and the Church say nothing, about 
 * new matter ' being created, or the old brought back, &c. &c. ? The 
 Schoolmen seemed to me successful in overthrowing each other's way 
 of accounting for nutrition : no one to succeed in establishing his own. 
 Again, you do not like putting Theology against Physical Science. 
 But these Aristotelians (who, I suppose, understood very little of 
 Physics) lay down that the matter returns when the Sacramental 
 species no longer retain their character so as to be a veil for the 
 Body and Blood of Christ (at least, so I understand them). And 
 this they do, it seems to me, in order to escape the supposition that 
 our Blessed Lord's Body and Blood are there while the matter of 
 bread and wine is there. But the physicist says that that change in 
 the species is in fact a re-ordering of the atoms of which the material 
 thing consists, and so that the matter was there all along. And again, 
 as to that physical effect, which corresponds to the * gladdening of 
 the heart of man,* it takes place instantly in many cases. So that, 
 according to the Schoolmen, the matter returns when, according to 
 the Physicist, it had already changed its form. 
 
 Now why should faith have these intricacies, which follow upon 
 those scholastic explanations of the word * substantia ' ? If the doctrine 
 of the Real Objective Presence is propounded to me, I understand 
 not the ' how,' but I understand what it is which is proposed to me, 
 and, of course, believe it. So in regard to substantia I can [believe], as 
 I have twenty-three years or more implicitly believed, what the Church 
 believes ; but I can get no idea what the substance or, it may be, the 
 
i68 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 essence of a material thing is, while I can adore and say, * Under these 
 outward veils is the Body of God.' 
 
 For myself, I believe whatever the Church believes, and I am not 
 concerned what it believes in this. For my faith as to the Presence 
 of my Redeemer is not affected by it. But if I am to teach others 
 what Transubstantiation means, I am at a loss, since I do not know 
 what substance is. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Aug. 12, 1867. 
 
 Gladly would I talk on Transubstantiation if I knew how. What 
 I shall say, I say under correction— for I think the subject altogether 
 beyond us, and never have felt an interest to pursue it into its scho- 
 lastic ramifications. 
 
 With this proviso, I say that ovo-ta or substantia, in my idea, is not 
 an abstract idea, but a real, concrete thing. Two men have not one 
 and the same substantia, each of them has his own. It is not capable 
 of being made the predicate of a proposition, except in the way of an 
 identical proposition, as when we say, * Caesar is the conqueror of 
 Pompey.' The substance of a man's body is a res, so is the substance 
 of a piece of bread. (Whether a man's body or * a piece of bread is 
 made up of as many substances as it has crumbs, is a further question, 
 which I will not enter upon.) That res is beyond our senses : we 
 only know bread subjectively, in its phenomena— as white, sweet, 
 dry, &c., &c. These phenomena are produced upon our senses by 
 what are called its accidents, which are real things too, and beyond 
 the senses too. 1 have called them forces in a former letter by way 
 of giving them a name. Sometimes they are called * naturaJ The 
 forces and the phenomena are as little abstract as the substance. 
 The res ipsa of bread, its forces, their impressions on our senses, 
 are all concrete things. When the res ipsa of bread is succeeded 
 by the res ipsa Christi, then the res or substance of Christ is repre- 
 sented by the forces, and through them by the phenomena of bread. 
 As to the word * matter,' I do not see that comes into the doctrine 
 of the Eucharist at all, except when we begin to speak of concomitance, 
 viz. that where the body of Christ is, there is His Soul, i.e. where the 
 material substance, there is the spiritual. Material is contrasted 
 to spiritual, but is in no other way necessary. Whether chaos still 
 is supposed to exist at all or no, I do not know. I suppose it does not. 
 If not, then * matter* is now an abstract word, as denoting something, 
 not existing in fact, but which would exist if substance could be 
 divided into its constituents. 
 
 Holding the above, I go to no questions such as whether *new 
 matter be created' or 'old brought back.' I am not aware I need 
 
 * The words 'a man's body or' were inserted between the lines in the 
 original. 
 
 ?• 
 
 ir 
 
 Appendix to Chapter V, 
 
 169 
 
 
 hold that the substance of our bodies is nourished by the substance 
 of bread. I think the accidents of our bodies are nourished by the 
 accidents of bread. That I cannot make a perfect theory I know 
 very well, for it is beyond me — but I have not read anything to make 
 me think I ought not to hold what I have been saying. If I ought 
 not, which I do not suspect, then I can only say I shut up the whole 
 subject, and believe what the Church declares on the word of the^ 
 Church. Whether what physical philosophers call * atoms ' be phe- 
 nomena or accidents or substances, I do not know ; perhaps they 
 are accidents or forces. But, to tell the truth, I cannot get beyond 
 the words of the Tridentine canon, that the substance of the bread 
 is changed into the substance of the Body of Christ, and that the 
 species remain. And I do not think we know anything more, nor can 
 answer any questions safely. 
 
 I wish I could speak more to the purpose. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Nov. 8, 1867. 
 
 I had a long conversation with Renouf the other day, and what 
 I gathered from him was, that modern philosophy, as he believed, 
 was converging to the notion that the * substantia ' of any physical 
 object was something, incognizable by any human faculties, about 
 =t6 voovfjLfpov. Now this, I suppose, would make the * substantia' 
 immaterial, and matter would come under the * phenomena.' So, 
 I am told, that Kant uses the voovficvov to signify the real nature, 
 which is one of relation to our faculties, holding that all our faculties 
 are cognizant only of phenomena. 
 
 Now, would it be thought an unevasive or admissible acceptance 
 of Transubstantiation to say * but by " substance " I mean ** essence," 
 something incognizable by any human faculties ; and under " species " 
 I include all the natural properties of bread and wine, not excluding 
 those which affect our human organization ' ? 
 
 Some one told me that you had written a kind letter to the writer 
 of * The Kiss of Peace,' approving, so I understand, of his book. But 
 perhaps it was only your kindness. He speaks of the change as 
 * sacramental, spiritual, heavenly, not sensible, natural, earthly,' p. 60. 
 Now when I wrote about the change being ' not physical but hyper- 
 physical ' (by which I meant, not a change in the natural substanc^j 
 in the popular way in which we speak of substanc^j). Harper writes 
 that the change is hyper-physical, as being a miracle, physical in 
 its effects. 
 
 Now when we speak in our unphilosophic way about * substanc^j,* 
 it is plain that we do not mean '•substantial Substantia and sub- 
 stantiae would be contradictories. For substantia must, I suppose, 
 mean a simple * essence ' ; anyhow, it is one thing. It cannot mean 
 the component parts of a thing, such as we mean by substanc^j, 
 
170 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 which are many. Bread has a certain unity. Chemists tell us that 
 its component parts are manifold— oxygen, hydrogen, carbon, nitrogen, 
 sulphur, phosphate of lime, &c. But these manifold things have each 
 a substantia of its own. Certainly they would if they were separated 
 by analysis. The substantia then must be something beyond them. 
 
 Now, if the Church of Rome, by the word Transubstantiation, means 
 only to preserve the exactness of our Lord's words, and (as Cardinal 
 Wiseman says) it is simply the same as ylvfrai, if it is not to involve 
 us in anything which contradicts our physical knowledge or, as an 
 alternative, involves miracles as to the removal or new creation of 
 matter, of which no authority tells us anything, I think that a great 
 stumbling-block would be removed. For Transubstantiation is the 
 great bugbear to prevent people owning to themselves that they 
 believe a Real Objective Presence. 
 
 The power of nourishing seems to stand per se distinct from all 
 the accidents, and has, I suppose, never been formally included 
 among them. I forget the number of the accidents, but some of 
 them may be changed without changing a single property, or only 
 by adding something, as size by compression, or colour by something 
 external or, it even seems to be, without light, or touch is affected, 
 at least in its nature (hard, soft) by compression. But the effects 
 on our animal organization are not seemingly produced without a real 
 change. But might one include * power of nourishing ' under species ? 
 If this were so, then the English Article would mean, so far, trans- 
 accidentative, i. e. the change of this accidental property, which I think 
 the Schoolmen and Harper included under substance. 
 
 Is there not a certain correlation in the terms * change of the 
 substance of the Bread and Wine into the substance of the Body and 
 Blood of Christ?' I mean, since the * substance,' as to His precious 
 Body and Blood, is something spiritual, i.e. with no relation to 
 material laws, would it not correspond to this that the substantia 
 of the Bread and Wine should also be something not belonging to 
 those laws ? 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Nov. 14, 1867. 
 
 I am puzzled to write, for I have nothing to say that I have not said 
 before, and therefore I conclude you must have some radical differences 
 of thought, which makes further writing useless. 
 
 There is hardly a point in your letter which is not (to me) either 
 indisputable or inadmissible. 
 
 1. I agree with Renouf that modern philosophy is converging to 
 the notion that substantiae are incognizable by human faculties. 
 
 2. I think this substantia^ or rather those innumerable independent 
 substantiae^ of which we see the phenomena, are actual things. 
 
 3. I think they are material substantiae^ not immateriali as the 
 soul is. 
 
 
 1 
 
 Appefidix to Chapter V, 171 
 
 4. Till better informed, I don't believe in the existence of matter 
 as a thing ; what is commonly called [a] * matter or matters, is to 
 me specimens of matter and material substances. 
 
 5. By matter is meant chaos ; and I suppose chaos no longer exists, 
 if it ever did in fact, in the ordine chronologico, 
 
 6. I don't deny that the things which physical philosophers are 
 apt to call matter are the same as what modern metaphysicians call 
 phenomena. 
 
 7. To my mind substance and essence express the same thing, 
 substantia expressing it relatively to its phenomena, essence expressing 
 it positively. 
 
 8. Under the word 'species^ are included all the phenomena of 
 bread and wine, including nourishment, i.e. phenomena nourish 
 phenomena— the species of bread and wine nourish our (phenomenal) 
 flesh and bones. 
 
 9. Physis is synonymous with phenomena, accidents, species ; tran- 
 substantiation is of course hyper-physical. 
 
 10. Every particle of the phenomena of bread may have its own 
 substantia— that is, its own ultimate res or thing to which belongs 
 the particular phenomena of that particle. 
 
 11. In spite of physicists using the word 'matter,' I do not think 
 it is a theological word. As I said before, I think it hardly occurs 
 in the Catechism of the Council or in the Thirty-nine Articles. Our 
 words are substances and accidents. 
 
 12. Our Lord's Body and Blood are material substances though 
 they have spiritual properties. 
 
 13. JV/iat the difference is, though there is an essential difference, 
 between material substance and spiritual or immaterial substance, 
 no man knows. 
 
 PS. — My upshot is this— viz. why do you use a word (matter) 
 which is recognized neither by our Catechism or your Articles ? 
 
 PS. — Mind, I do not write as a theologian, which I am not— but 
 according to my measure of knowledge. . . 
 
 This last letter enabled Pusey to draw up the following 
 explanation of the meaning of * substance ' and ' species/ 
 which he submitted to Newman, as being both his own 
 belief and also what he held to be the meaning of the 
 Council of Trent. 
 
 Nov. 15, 1867. 
 
 By * substance ' I mean the essence of a thing, that which it is, 
 its quidditas (if I am right as to the term). 
 
 * So written in the original. 
 
172 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 By * species ' I mean the p^ysts or natura^ all those properties of 
 which the senses are cognizant, including the natural powers of 
 supporting and nourishing our bodies. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Birmingham, Dec. 4, 1867. 
 
 I ought long before this to have written a line to you to say that 
 what you said in your last letter about Transubstantiation seemed 
 to me quite to come up to the account of it taught in the Catechism 
 of the Council. I don't think anything needed to be added to it. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE WITH DE BUCK — THE THIRD 
 EIRENICON THE VATICAN COUNCIL — DISAPPOINTED 
 
 HOPES. 
 
 1869-1870. 
 
 While Pusey was engaged on his second Letter to 
 Newman, other events happened in connexion with Roman 
 Catholics on the continent, the exact value of which it was 
 very difficult then, as it is now, to estimate : still they 
 undoubtedly coincided opportunely with Pusey's sanguine 
 desire that the claims of the English Church should obtain 
 a hearing at the Vatican Council. 
 
 It will be remembered that the Archbishop of Paris, 
 and the Bishop of Orleans, had both suggested that 
 definite proposals should be made on behalf of Anglicans 
 to the Council. The Bishop of Brechin was as active as 
 Pusey in the matter ; and there was also a small body of 
 laymen of influence and ability, who felt that the summoning 
 of the Council was an occasion which laid on the Church of 
 England a certain moral obligation of doing something 
 towards union, whatever might be the probabilities of 
 success. These laymen and the Bishop of Brechin both 
 entered into correspondence with Victor De Buck, a Jesuit 
 priest who had written a favourable review of the * Eirenicon * 
 in the Atudes religieiises, kistoriques et litt&aires of March, 
 1866. 
 
 \ 
 
174 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 De Buck, it appears, had lost an opportunity of an inter- 
 view with the Bishop of Brechin from a bashful timidity 
 lest he should be meddling with matters which were more 
 suitable for his superiors. On mentioning this to Mgr. 
 Dupanloup, he received a sharp rebuke, and was told that 
 no effort was to be spared in trying to get Anglicans to the 
 Council, that it was a moment for risking not a little, and 
 that God would prosper his efforts ; if he was still timid, he 
 should suggest to the Bishop of Brechin a visit to Orleans. 
 Thus exhorted, De Buck seized the opportunity of acknow- 
 ledging a present of Bishop Forbes' * Explanation of the 
 Thirty-nine Articles ' to write a most urgent letter begging 
 the Bishop to attend the Council. Three Bishops, he wrote, 
 who would there play important parts had said in his hear- 
 ing that the English Bishops ought to receive all honour. 
 A Scotch Bishop would be treated as was Macarius of 
 Thessalonica at the Council of Trent : he would only have 
 to profess the creed of Pius IV, and all disciplinary difficulties 
 could be easily arranged afterwards. His presence with 
 Dr. Pusey as his * theologian^ would fill with joy the hearts 
 of the Bishops. If he could not do this, the Bishop of 
 Orleans would receive him, as he had received Pusey, 
 and would give him every help. If neither plan were 
 convenient, a scheme for Reunion at least should be 
 submitted, clearly stating difficulties. With these practical 
 suggestions there were intermingled many compliments 
 and lavish promises as regards the facility of Reunion, 
 and warnings against the sin of wilful schism. To 
 another friend in England the same writer sent a sketch 
 of what he thought Rome would allow : conditional re- 
 ordination, Communion in both kinds, the English Prayer- 
 book with a few doctrinal modifications might be conceded ; 
 married clergy might retain their wives, and either a state- 
 ment might be accepted setting forth the minimum of 
 allowable belief about the ctdtus of the Blessed Virgin Mary, 
 or extreme developments might be condemned. Pusey s 
 comments on these suggestions show how fully he appre- 
 ciated the practical difficulties of a plan for Reunion. 
 
 Correspondence with De Buck, 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 175 
 
 ( 
 
 [Chale, March 24, 1869.] 
 
 I have already seen a full and confidential letter of M. Buck. He is 
 kind, earnest, truthful. But, like most R. C.s, he looks upon individuals 
 only and what may facilitate their reunion with the Church. He 
 would let down individuals as easily as he could. But he cannot 
 throw himself into our position, with whom the past is of more moment 
 than the future. Conditional reordination would suffice for us indi- 
 vidually; but we should, at the same time, be throwing (as we are 
 satisfied) an unmerited and perplexing slur on all our past priestly 
 acts, and on all of all besides in our Communion. It would be an 
 admission on our part that everything was doubtful. I would far 
 sooner, in Oxenham's position, act as Oxenham, retain my own belief 
 in my Orders, and do what I could as one of the clerus, though 
 inhibited all priestly acts. I had rather be a monk. 
 
 This, then, is an excessive difficulty. We are satisfied about our 
 Orders ; we are exercising our priestly offices ; we are satisfied that 
 we are in the Catholic Church : we have nothing to gain. But we 
 wish the broken intercommunion to be, if possible, healthfully restored. 
 Yet what a condition at the outset— to have to act as if we had been 
 no priests, or as if very possibly we had been no priests, while con- 
 secrating and absolving and teaching our people that we had the 
 power from Christ to consecrate and absolve. It would make every- 
 thing like a troubled dream. 
 
 Their side is, I suppose, that they wish for certain, not doubtful, 
 ordinations ; and if we are to officiate among their people they 
 have a special interest in them. Anyhow, a Council claiming to be 
 general should not acknowledge as certain what is doubtful (if it 
 were so). 
 
 My opinion is to wait till Haddan's book is out, and see what they 
 make of it. M. Buck says that ten of their theologians would probably 
 agree in holding our Orders to be null or doubtful, but on ten different 
 grounds. My answer was, * Then they would be nine to one against 
 every specific objection.' He instanced one, * a better theologian than * 
 himself, whose only objection would be Barlow. Then he ought to 
 acknowledge our Orders wholly, since Barlow's consecration has been 
 shown to be nihil ad rem. 
 
 My own idea, ever since my visit to France, has been to formulize 
 propositions and see whether any real authorities would accept them. 
 But I explained that we did not put forth such propositions as tenns 
 on which we should individually join Rome— but that we wanted to be 
 able to tell our people what they would be required to believe as matter 
 of faith. It would be as a ttou o-t«. 
 
 I fear that the whole letter is framed upon something temporary. 
 The object is to merge as many as may be in the Roman Church, 
 without making any change. Thus, actual married clergy would be 
 
176 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 allowed to officiate, retaining their wives; but there would be no 
 relaxation as to celibacy : those who now have the Cup would be allowed 
 it still, but it would only be to those individuals. In the next generation 
 things would be as before. 
 
 There is no provision as to continuance, e. g. as to the appointment 
 of Bishops ; but if our uniates were to be placed under Archbishop 
 Manning all would soon be as before. They would have sunk in the 
 lake and the waters would have closed over them. 
 
 I fear that the condemnation of * certain extreme developments* 
 would not touch what we need. They could not condemn such state- 
 ments as those which I have mentioned either in the * Eirenicon * or any 
 of the other books. For they are over and over again in S. Liguori, 
 and to say truth some are in S. Bernard. But we do not want to have 
 things condemned, only to be free of [them]. 
 
 I did nothing about the propositions, which I thought we might 
 submit — because (i) of this ultra- Protestant storm which lay upon us, 
 (2) because the Bishop of B. threw such cold water upon it. He harps 
 always on that string *we represent no one,* or *a handful.* I say 
 we represent a large number, but we cannot tell whom we represent 
 until we have definite propositions formulized by us, accepted by 
 them. 
 
 I have asked him again whether we should formulize statements. 
 
 Bishop Forbes too consulted Pusey with regard to his 
 answer to De Buck, and Pusey advised him not to go to 
 Rome in person, but to send propositions which would 
 bring out a discussion and a formal reply : * I suppose,' he 
 adds, * that De Buck tacitly calculates on the effect which 
 the sight of so many Bishops assembled from different 
 parts of the world would have upon some two or three, 
 and that they would give way.' Bishop Forbes therefore 
 assured his Jesuit correspondent that he entirely under- 
 estimated the difficulties of Reunion, and that formal 
 propositions should be submitted through Mgr. Dupanloup. 
 In replying on April 14, 1869, De Buck assured him of 
 *ce fait immense, qu'un des motifs determinants de 
 convoquer le concile a 6t6 d'essayer d'operer une reconcilia- 
 tion avec I'Eglise haute d'Angleterre,' and further that 
 Mgr. Dupanloup, beyond all others, influenced the Pope 
 during the negotiations previous to the summoning of 
 the Council. In his next letter he announces that 
 Mgr. Dupanloup is almost blind. 
 
 Correspondence with De Buck, 
 
 177 
 
 M. De Buck to the Bishop of Brechin. 
 
 April 27, 1869. 
 
 . . . Dieu nous conserve ce grand ^veque ! Vous ne sauriez croire 
 combien il est pr^occup^ des Anglais et des Orientaux. Avant sa 
 maladie, il avait enlac^ toute I'Allemagne dans une correspondance 
 qui avait pour but de promouvoir la grande oeuvre de la rdconcihation. 
 Quand je I'ai vu, il ^tait pret k tous les sacrifices qui ne fussent pas 
 une trahison de I'Eglise catholique. 
 
 In the same letter the writer represents that moderate 
 principles are in the ascendent at Rome, that there is no 
 longer any chance of the definition of Infallibility, and on 
 all practical questions *nulle part on n'est plus mod^rd 
 qu'a Rome.* 
 
 Pusey was not a little afraid that Bishop Forbes would be 
 misled by the fair-seeming representations of these plausible 
 letters. He urges the Bishop to confine his replies strictly 
 to the one point of * explanations before negotiation about 
 union ' : if the Church of Rome would make authoritative 
 explanations, then there would be a definite object to work 
 for. It would be enough for this Council to lay the 
 foundation of union by way of explanation : English people 
 would not look at things until they had definite points 
 before them. The Bishop acted on Pusey's advice, while 
 at the same time he felt bound to thank De Buck for the 
 gentle and attractive tone of his letters, which contrasted 
 so strangely with the ' torrents of scorn and sarcasm * that 
 were poured on the High Church party by the English 
 converts to Rome. 
 
 On May 15, 1869, De Buck announced that the General 
 of his Order had just summoned him to Rome, and offered 
 while there to do anything in his power for Pusey or the 
 Bishop. But the original plan of accepting Mgr. Dupan- 
 loup's offer seemed best, and it was decided that propositions 
 should be sent to him containing a negative and a positive 
 statement. *The negative will contain what we do not 
 believe on each subject, and the positive will say what 
 we do hold as Catholic Christians in communion with 
 the Church of England.' On both sides the strictest 
 
 VOL. IV. N 
 
178 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 , 
 
 secrecy was to be observed : Dupanloup alone knew of the 
 matter from De Buck, and the Bishop and Pusey kept 
 their own counsel. 
 
 But while he was at Rome in the summer of 1869, 
 De Buck communicated all that had passed to Cardinal 
 Bilio, the Grand Penitentiary, and Secretary of the Inquisi- 
 tion, who was regarded as the leader of the In fransigenti in 
 the Sacred College, and was looked upon by many as the 
 future Pope. He conveyed to him his estimate of the 
 situation in a lengthy historical statement which, although 
 drawn up from memory, was fairly accurate, at least it 
 could not be said seriously to misrepresent any of the 
 opinions of Episcopus Z. et Oxonienses,' as the ' Unionistae' 
 were called anonymously. He carried his account up to 
 the time when he left Brussels, the end of May, 1 869, and 
 added that the * doctores Oxonienses ' were now busily 
 engaged in preparing a statement of faith which was to be 
 brought to Rome by the Bishop of Orleans. After 
 apologizing for his * officiosa opera * hitherto, he expressed 
 a hope that the negotiations would in future be carried on 
 by some weightier authority. He ventured to make three 
 suggestions to the Cardinal — (i) that a small committee 
 should be appointed at Rome of men full of learning and 
 discretion, with Cardinal Bilio at its head. This committee, 
 he said, must be ready to put the best construction on 
 the statements submitted to them, must remember that 
 Anglican and Roman theological terminology are not 
 identical, must be capable of distinguishing dogma from 
 unauthorized opinions, and above all must be able to 
 bear with human infirmity — * quod hominum genus Romae 
 frequentius est quam alibi.* All converts, except, perhaps, 
 Lockhart and Newman, ought, he thought, to be rigidly 
 excluded from this committee, whose work might well be 
 limited to the opening of negotiations, under a promise of 
 a patient hearing and every possible support at the Council K 
 
 * It can hardly have been without Sept. 4 and Oct. 30, 1869. Cecconi, 
 
 any reference to these negotiations 'Storia del Concilio Ecumenico Va- 
 
 that the Pope addressed to Archbishop ticano/ ii. 167-170. 
 Manning the two published letters of 
 
 . 
 
 De Buck's proposals to the authorities at Rome. 179 
 
 (a) Further, that all exasperating newspaper gossip and 
 comment should be stopped on both sides, a truce which the 
 Archbishops of Westminster and Dublin and the Bishop 'Z.' 
 and Dr. Pusey might well arrange. (3) Above all, that 
 no handle should be given to any assertion that the 
 Council was not oecumenical. Cannot the Anglican bishops, 
 he asks, be invited as episcopi diihii, or at least as episcopi a 
 multis habiti? This would, according to Bellarmine, be 
 within the Papal powers. A note to this most interesting 
 document says 'Oblatus hie commentarius Em. V. Ludovico 
 Bilio Romae, medio mense Junio anni 1869, et per eum 
 Concilii Vaticani praesidibus.* 
 
 The writer was most anxious to preserve secrecy, and 
 headed the copies of this document with the words ' Confido 
 omnino typis hoc scriptum non excusum iri neque passim 
 communicatum V. D. B.^ * 
 
 On his return to Brussels early in July, De Buck at 
 once wrote to Bishop Forbes, and told him that, without 
 divulging his name, he had discussed his letter with leading 
 men at Rome and was astonished at the welcome with 
 which the news was received. He suggested that each of 
 the propositions sent to Rome should have three divisions 
 instead of the two which Pusey had intended : on each 
 point they should define (i) quid sit credetidunt, (2) quid 
 credi non debeat, (3) quid credi no7i possit\ and the 
 propositions should be ready for the first meeting of the 
 Council. 
 
 But persistent rumours of further definitions of doctrine by 
 the Roman Council prevented the Bishop from sharing the 
 hopes of his kindly and sanguine correspondent. He wrote 
 to say that if the Council was to be pressed to define any 
 political theory that may be contained in the Syllabus, or 
 the corporal Assumption of the Virgin Mary, or the 
 Infallibility of the Pope, and so ' to stereotype such follies ' 
 — it would only make Reunion impossible. De Buck 
 warmly denied the possibility of at least the two latter 
 
 * The document is alluded to by Cecconi, * Storia del Cone. Ecum. Vatic.,* 
 I. ii. p. 301, n. 2. 
 
 N % 
 
 .d<L 
 
i8o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 Definitions ; he was certain that at Rome there was no 
 wish for Infallibility, and not a word about the other 
 subject was to be heard anywhere. It was, he said, all 
 newspaper gossip. But the Bishop had other sources of 
 information, on which he thought he could rely, and was 
 sure that there was ground for his fears : above all 
 he bitterly complained to De Buck of the cruel in- 
 joastice to Anglicans in the deliberate neglect of summoning 
 them to the Council, and of their being classed with 
 Socinians, &c., and not even put on a level with 'the 
 withering heretical Communities of the East.' In replying 
 on July 27, De Buck maintained that every one at Rome 
 was astonished to hear that the Anglican Bishops did not 
 consider the command to attend the Council as addressed 
 to them ; the Pope in no way wished to insult them. 
 
 Other individuals were solicited to appear at Rome by 
 this eager Belgian priest. But Pusey felt certain that no 
 English theologian ought to accept anything short of 
 a formal invitation to attend the Council, in connexion 
 with a direct summons addressed to the Anglican Bishops. 
 It was not, he felt, a moment for any concessions which 
 would affect even indirectly the Catholicity of the English 
 Church. Pusey addressed the following letter to one who 
 had received an informal invitation from De Buck : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. Dr. Littledale. 
 
 Chale, Isle of Wight, July 17 [1869]. 
 
 I have received no, even the most informal, invitation to attend, nor 
 should I accept an informal invitation. If they invited any, it should 
 be the Bishops. Theologians go to accompany their Bishops. They 
 have ignored our Bishops, and ask any of us whom they may ask 
 informally, because they will deliberately to withhold all acknowledge- 
 ment of the slightest basis upon which we can treat as a Church. 
 
 I have seen a good deal of De Buck's correspondence, and there 
 seemed to me to gleam through it a great desire of individual 
 conversions, or of detaching us as a body, not the slightest, of organic 
 reunion, not any indication that they would acknowledge our Orders. 
 The utmost that they would concede would be conditional re- 
 ordination. 
 
 I have no doubt that the invitation to Rome is given in the hope 
 
 Pressing invitations to Rome, 
 
 181 
 
 \\ 
 
 that the imposing spectacle presented by the Council may bring about 
 individual conversions of English Churchmen more or less learned or 
 well known. 
 
 But what can we expect when they invited the great Greek Church 
 simply to submit ? 
 
 I expect nothing under the present Pope. Under a future Pope 
 there may be great changes. 
 
 The difficulty of treating is this, that v.e have two entirely distinct 
 objects ; we, corporate reunion upon explanation of certain points 
 where they have laid down a minimum and upon a large range beyond 
 it ; they, individual conversions or the absorption of us. Any 
 negotiations must go off on the authority of the Pope, while Papal 
 claims are what they are, as their conduct towards the Greek Church 
 shows, unless we are prepared to accept Archbishop Manning's teach- 
 ing, and place ourselves under him. But explanations also seem to be 
 made to satisfy individuals. * We mean, you see,' they say, ' this and 
 that : if you are satisfied with our explanations, accept Pope Pius' 
 Creed.' And so Pope Pius' Creed is accepted, and the explanation is 
 precipitated [?]. 
 
 A Council would require a quid pro quo at all events. They might 
 say, * If a large body, some thousands, are ready to submit to the 
 Church upon such and such explanations being lormally given, we will 
 enter into the question. But why should we give our time, if nothing 
 is to come of it, except some possible future action of an external and 
 often hostile body ? ' 
 
 Perhaps God will show us through events what is to be done. The 
 primary difficulties are — (i) that we represent no definite body : we 
 represent a large x which might in time and ultimately be gained, and 
 the X might be Catholicized England ; (2) as I said, their hrst 
 condition of entering into intercourse with us would be that we should 
 leave the English Church and join them if they should satisfy us : our 
 object would be to gel a tov aTa>f whence to act upon the English 
 Church and people. But in any case I think that anything could be 
 better done from England than at Rome. 
 
 In the meanwhile Pusey was pressing forward with two 
 works which he hoped might in some way influence the 
 Council. By August, 1869, the new edition of Cardinal 
 De Turrecremata's work on the Immaculate Conception 
 was finished. Pusey had felt that the analysis which he 
 had published in his first Letter to Newman did not bring 
 out the power of the original. The work of transcription 
 for the new edition was done by two Christ Church 
 friends, and the book was edited throughout by the then 
 recently-appointed Regius Professor of Modem History, 
 
l82 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Rev. William Stubbs ^. In September Pusey sent a copy 
 of the book to Newman, who, in thanking him for it, 
 expressed his opinion that * all questions sink before ' that 
 of the Pope's infallibility, and that the moderate party 
 would find it hard to resist extreme measures. About the 
 same time also he urged Pusey to visit Rome. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 Sept. i6, 1869. 
 
 I suppose it has not entered into your mind to go to Rome yourself. 
 There would be no way like that to know just what the Bishops of 
 different countries thought. I think you would find them all of one 
 mind as regards the position of the Church of England — but still you 
 would know, as you now do not know. I am quite sure that every 
 one would be rejoiced to see you and that you would receive kind- 
 nesses on all hands. 
 
 Or is there any one else who could go instead of you ? Two would 
 be better than one. 
 
 I don't think they would go out of their way except they were sure 
 that by doing so they brought important people into the Church. 
 They would want a quid pro quo. 
 
 Bp. Forbes would not do, because he is a Bishop, and it would be 
 unpleasant to him — so at least I think. 
 
 I do really think one or two learned Anglicans would tend to soften 
 the antagonism which exists in so many quarters. 
 
 But Pusey had made up his mind as to the probable 
 result of such a visit, and would not be moved from his 
 intention of stopping at home. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Sept. 17, 1869.] 
 
 ... I know what I should find at Rome— great individual kind- 
 ness, of which I am unworthy, an exaggerated belief of my personal 
 influence, great interest in the progress of truth, and conviction of the 
 duty of individual submission. 
 
 I trust that I shall be, please God, of more use in finishing my 
 * Eirenicon,' Part III, which I am doing as much as I can in the language 
 of Bossuet, though, to judge from the letter of P. Hyacinthe, or what one 
 guesses to be the ground of his offence, Gallicanism (I do not mean 
 on its political side) finds little favour now. Yet what has been may 
 
 * Consecrated Bishop of Chester, 1884, and translated to Oxford 1888. 
 
 Pusey* s refusal to visit Rome. 
 
 183 
 
 be. I suppose some of us will send propositions to the care of 
 Dupanloup, which De Buck is very urgent to have done : but I suppose 
 it will have no result, except, please God, for hereafter. 
 
 Some details of his arrangements about the proposed 
 circulation of De Turrecremata's work are given in another 
 letter of the same time : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. G. Williams. 
 Ascot Hermitage, Bracknell, St. Matthew's Day [1869]. 
 
 ... In view of the sale abroad I have fixed the price so low that 
 if all the copies sold it would not pay its expenses. I fixed it at 
 twelve shillings ; Parker wished it to be sixty-five shillings. 
 
 It was a venture in view of this Council, and if it falls on me, I shall 
 right again, in time, please God. 
 
 I fear that the R. C.s will not take any good notice of the book. 
 I have sent it to the Archbishops of Paris and Cologne, the Bishops 
 of Orleans and Mainz, and the Cardinal Archbishop of Bordeaux, six 
 to American bishops, and one to Bp. Ullathome. 
 
 By the beginning of November Pusey finished also his 
 second Letter to Newman, which makes the third part of the 
 * Eirenicon,' and which was intended to be * a real Eirenicon.' 
 It was published under the title * Is Healthful Reunion im- 
 possible?'^ It is a volume of 350 pages; and in the 
 elaboration of his position Pusey shows that he had profited 
 by the criticisms on his earlier books. He writes more 
 clearly and systematically, and deals alike with the obvious 
 objections which the Romans raised to any explanations 
 and with the practical difficulties of Anglicans. 
 
 He points out that if Romans claim only absolute sub- 
 mission, they are acting very differently from Eugenius IV at 
 the Council of Florence, and that such a claim can only 
 be substantiated by begging the whole question at issue. 
 
 Then he passes to consider and examine at great length 
 the difficulties which are suggested to the minds of 
 Anglicans when Reunion is mentioned. 
 
 * * Is Healthful Reunion impossible ? 
 A Second Letter to the Very Rev. 
 J. H. Newman, D.D. Eirenicon, Part 
 
 III,' by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 
 1870. 
 
184 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 * I suppose that the most common dread among us in case of union 
 with Rome is, that we should be involved in a belief in Justification, 
 which would in some way substitute or associate our own works for 
 or with the Merits of Christ ; in idolatry, not only in the cultus of 
 the Blessed Virgin or of the Saints, but in that of images, or in 
 the Adoration in the Holy Eucharist, as being, they suppose, an 
 adoration of the Eucharistic symbols ; or Eucharistic sacrifice, which 
 should in some way interfere with and obscure the One meritorious 
 Sacrifice on the Cross ; or in a belief that sin might be remitted 
 by Absolution, though unrepented or half-repented of, or, as some 
 imagine, even future ; or in a Purgatorial fire, the same or like that of 
 hell, in which the departed suffer torments unutterable without any 
 consolation ; or in Indulgences, which should be a great interference 
 with God's judgments in the unseen world, taught for the sake of gain ; 
 or that human traditions should interfere with the supreme authority 
 of God's Word ; or that we should be arbitrarily forbidden the use of 
 Holy Scripture, or the gift of the Cup, or the use of prayers in 
 a language which we understand ; or people dread certain moral evils 
 which they apprehend from a constrained celibacy of the Priesthood, 
 or some interference with Christian liberty from an arbitrary, boundless 
 authority of the Pope ; or, perhaps, some interference with the due 
 authority of a Christian Sovereign in matters temporal '.* 
 
 Each of these points Pusey discusses in detail and suggests 
 some way of agreement where possible ; but the greater 
 part of the book is occupied with an examination in the 
 light of history of the claim to Infallibility. In conclusion, 
 he disclaimed any ulterior object except unity ; he was in 
 no way educating a party in the best form of anti-Roman 
 arguments. As a matter of fact there was no party behind 
 him ; since Keble's death he stood, he said, quite alone : 
 his position had been altogether exaggerated. 
 
 * I wish, in this new " Eirenicon,*' to be understood as speaking in 
 the name of no one but my single self. I have consulted no one. 
 The one whom I ever consulted, with whom I was ever one, who was 
 deeply interested in whatever might promote healthful Reunion, to 
 whom, in his last days, the hope was a subject of joy, can now only 
 pray for it, but, perhaps, does more for us there. I write, then, in the 
 name of no party. But I do write in the full confidence that I express 
 the feelings of thousands upon thousands of English hearts, both here 
 and in the United States, when I say that if, not individual but 
 accredited, Roman authority could say, " Reunion would involve your 
 
 * * Eirenicon,' Part III, pp. 39, 40. 
 
 
 » 
 
 
 The Third Eirenicon, 
 
 185 
 
 professing your belief in this and that and that, but it would not 
 involve your receiving such and such opinions, or practices or 
 devotions or matters of discipline," I believe that the middle wall of 
 partition which has existed so long in, as we believe, the one fold of 
 Christendom would be effectually shattered. . . . We are children 
 of common fathers, of those who, after having shone with the light 
 of God within them upon earth, and set on a candlestick which shall 
 never be hid,— the clear light of their inherited faith,— now shine like 
 stars in the kingdom of their Father. Sons of the same fathers, we 
 must in time come to understand each other's language. I need not 
 commit this to your deep personal love and large-hearted charity. 
 To others in your Communion I would only say through you that 
 neither in this nor in my former work have I thought to speak against 
 anything which is " of faith " among you ; one only desire I have had, 
 if it were possible to such as me, to promote a solid, healthful, lasting 
 peace. Evil days and trial-times seem to be coming upon the earth. 
 Faith deepens, but unbelief too becomes more thorough. Yet what 
 might not God do to check it, if those who own One Lord and one faith 
 were again at one, and united Christendom should go forth bound in 
 one by Love— the full flow of God's Holy Spirit unhemmed by any of 
 those breaks or jars or manglings — to win all to His Love Whom we all 
 desire to love, to serve, to obey ! To have removed one stumbling- 
 block would be worth the labour of a life ^* 
 
 As Pusey finished his work he wrote to Newman, ex- 
 pressing his fears and asking how he should make use of 
 the book to the best advantage. Bossuet's opinions were, he 
 thought, too moderate for modern Romans, and any dis- 
 passionate consideration of Infallibility had become to many 
 only a declaration of war. Still he begged Newman to 
 suggest some names of English and American Bishops to 
 whom he might send copies. Following Newman's advice, 
 the book was despatched, soon after the assembling of the 
 Council, to several Bishops who were at Rome, as well as 
 to Mgr. Dupanloup and De Buck. Pusey could not quite 
 give up hope, even when the strength of the extreme 
 Ultramontane party seemed to make hope impossible. 
 Speaking of the low appreciation of Bossuet, which he 
 was now convinced was current at Rome, he said to 
 Newman just after the meeting of the Council : * Had 
 I known it, I should, I suppose no, I don't know 
 
 1 « 
 
 Eirenicon,' Part III. pp. 341-343. 
 
i86 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 fi 
 
 what I suppose I should have done. Perhaps I should not 
 have thought it hopeless.' 
 
 Before the Council assembled the Pope had sanctioned 
 the decision of the Supreme Congregation that De Buck 
 should be bidden to cease his correspondence with some 
 * heterodox Anglicans ^' But it appears that the General 
 of the Jesuits must have been rather slow in forwarding 
 this decision to De Buck, for although the decree was 
 passed on November 17, 1869, the correspondence still 
 continued. 
 
 On December a Bishop Forbes assured De Buck that 
 he had not forgotten his promise of sending in proposi- 
 tions, but that the turn of events had shown that De Buck 
 had wrongly interpreted the summons to the Council. He 
 went on, however, to express his earnest hope that something 
 might be done to keep the position open in view of better 
 days. De Buck's answer, dated December 13, complained 
 of the Bishop's tardiness, which impeded his own action. 
 On every side he had been warned, he said, especially by 
 the General of his own Order, and a Spaniard (his old 
 theological tutor, now on the * Commission conciliaire 
 papale'), *de me tenir en dehors de tout ce qui aurait 
 Fair d'etre un parti.* The prominence of Manning at 
 the Council, and his appointment on the Committee for 
 receiving and considering all propositions of the assembled 
 Bishops, was, he said, to be explained as a position of 
 honour like that which was given to the Hellenists in the 
 Acts of the Apostles, ' the last are the first.' He begged 
 Bishop Forbes to come to Rome himself; Manning's 
 position was an earnest of the treatment that would be 
 accorded to him if he decided * k faire enfin le pas definitif.* 
 He wrote again on December 20, delivering a message 
 from Cardinal Bilio, to the effect that he would make 
 
 ^ * Feria IV die 1 7 Novembris 
 1869. Emi DD. . . . decreverunt 
 quod per medium Rmi P. Generalis 
 Societatis JesUy sub secreto Sancti 
 Officii^ scrtbaiur opportune P. de Buck 
 ut ab incoepto concilicUionis tractatu 
 cum nonnullis heterodoxis Anglicanis 
 
 omnino desistat. . . . Eadem die 
 ac feria. SSmus resolutionem Efho- 
 rum adprobavit^ Cecconi, * Storia del 
 Concilio Ecumenico Vaticano. Ante- 
 cedent! del Concilio.' Secunda Primae, 
 p. 30 a note. 
 
 The Vatican Council, 
 
 187 
 
 . 
 
 U 
 
 every arrangement for their worthy reception at Rome 
 by Cardinal de Lucca, the first President of the Council ^ ; 
 thus putting them into communication with the person 
 best able to advance their interests, and avoiding the 
 difficulty which they apprehended in an introduction by 
 Archbishop Manning. 
 
 In reply to this invitation Bishop Forbes writes the 
 following letter ; which was evidently from Pusey as well 
 as from himself: — 
 
 Bishop (Forbes) of Brechin to Dr. de Buck. 
 
 Christ Church [end of Dec, 1869]. 
 
 Very learned and dear Sir, 
 
 I was much gratified by the receipt of your letter conveying 
 to me the resuhs of your conversation with the eminent Cardinal who 
 has exhibited such an intelligent interest in the position of the 
 Reunionist party in the Church of England. For the first time 
 I begin to conceive hope that something may be done in a matter 
 so fraught with important results to the interests of Christianity. 
 
 At the risk of repeating what I have placed before you ere this, 
 in order that His Eminence may not be deceived or disappointed, I shall 
 endeavour to lay down our present position. 
 
 That powerful section of the High Church party in the English 
 Church who look to the restoration of the corporate unity of 
 Christendom as one great remedy of the advancing and all-devouring 
 Rationalism of the nineteenth century stand in this relation to the 
 body of which they are members : 
 
 (i) They are able to accept ex animo all the documents which they 
 sign as terms of ministering in the Church, interpreting them in the 
 Catholic sense and as illustrated by the references to the consent 
 of the Early Fathers which these documents recognize. 
 
 (2) They deplore the existence of the schism which took place 
 at the Reformation, though they are alive to the many incidental 
 advantages that flowed from it, e.g. the freedom of the use of the 
 Holy Scriptures and the destruction of many of the superstitions 
 which defiled the Church and which called for reform long before 
 the too long delayed Council of Trent. Better had it been for all 
 that we had reformed along with the Council of Trent, and that both 
 reforms had been made more thorough. Deploring, then, the existence 
 of the schism, they yet accept their isolated position : they have 
 inherited it, not made it, having regard to the fact that they are 
 where the Providence of God has placed them, and where their 
 
 * Shortly afterwards Card, de Lncca for sympathy with Bishop Strossmayer 
 was disgraced and removed, apparently ((7«an//a», 1870, p. 82). 
 
i88 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 circumstances are such that they would feel treasonable to God if 
 they did not recognize that His Spirit was working. 
 
 (3) They firmly believe that not only is salvation to be had in 
 Anglicanism, but that they have valid Sacraments, and that grace 
 flows to them through those Sacraments. They believe that provi- 
 dentially at the Reformation the forms used were sufficient to transmit 
 the grace of the Episcopate— that therefore the Bishops confer a valid 
 Ordination, the Bishops and Priests consecrate a valid Eucharist and 
 convey ministerially the remission of sins to all true penitents. They 
 believe that the English Church has had a special duty in the matter 
 of Evidential Theology— that concerned with the proofs of natural 
 and revealed religion— and they appeal with confidence to the general 
 character for religion and moraHty of the English people, so truthful, 
 so brave, so conscientious, as a proof that the English Church, far 
 short as she has come of her ideal, has yet continued by God's grace 
 to operate for good. Above all, they point with thankfulness to the 
 mighty religious revival of the last forty years, which has filled the 
 country with new churches, restored the old in their pristine beauty, 
 founded religious orders, restored auricular Confession, and introduced 
 a higher standard of faith and practice both among Clergy and laity. 
 In fact, making allowances for the [presence] of the tolerated Calvinism, 
 that the situation is similar to that of the great schism, when Saints 
 were arrayed on either side. 
 
 (?4 or 5) They have a conservative horror of what are called the 
 extremes of Romanism. The excess of the cultus of our dear Lady 
 and such exaggerated expressions as that of the Bishop of Geneva, 
 that the Pope is an incarnation of God, fill their souls with dismay — 
 the more so because not only are such expressions unchecked by 
 authority, but there seems a gradual tendency to increasing exaggera- 
 tion in these and similar respects. I would wish His Eminence to 
 have this very strongly borne in upon his mind. I believe that in 
 this is the real bar to what Dr. Pusey has happily termed healthful 
 reunion. 
 
 (? 5 or 6) Against all this discouragement must be put the fact 
 that we acknowledge that the condition of Anglicanism in reference 
 to the great Church of the West is unsatisfactory, and that the 
 prospects of the Church of England, politically, are not encouraging. 
 Soon she will be emancipated alike from the trammels and the support 
 of the State, and then most important changes are likely to occur. 
 Reconciliation on fair terms with the Latin Church would, of course, be 
 best absolutely for her. The Calvinistic element would incorporate 
 itself with the Dissenters, or unite itself to the mass of political 
 Churchmen, while it is to be hoped that God may open the way to 
 the Catholic party, without injury to its convictions resting under 
 the Chair of St. Peter. It is to this consummation that present efforts 
 must be directed. We may not live to see it ; but surely to lay the 
 foundation of such a work as this must be well pleasing to our 
 
 Formal statement of the Anglican position, 189 
 
 Gracious Saviour, Whose prayer for unity sounds forth from the 
 Upper Chamber of Jerusalem through all time to the ends of the 
 earth. * Ut hi omnes unum sint, sicut tu Pater etc. Fiat voluntas Tua, 
 Domine lesu, Fill Mariae. Amen.' 
 
 At the same time Newman and Pusey exchanged the 
 news which they had received from Rome. Newman 
 told Pusey that he had heard that the power of Manning 
 was dwindling, and that the popular estimate of the num- 
 bers of the Ultramontane party was exaggerated. Pusey 
 replied — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Jan. 28 [1870]. 
 
 It is very satisfactory to find the 500 who were said to have signed 
 the petition for the declaration of Infallibility so reduced. But what 
 was the Westminster Gazette about? Manning's is a strange lot. 
 With, I should have thought, but a very moderate share of learning, 
 by throwing himself into the tide, to seem to be at the head of a move- 
 ment which should revolutionize the Church. It is a mysterious lot, 
 one which one should not like for one's self. 
 
 The composition of the Congregation on Dogma has discouraged 
 us. Those whom we should have had most confidence in, Mgr. 
 Dupanloup and Darboy, omitted, and Manning in it. It is utterly 
 hopeless to send any propositions to a Congregation in which Manning 
 should be a leading member. I am told that he has been impressing 
 the Council, or at least important Bishops, with the idea that hundreds 
 of thousands of the English would join the Roman Communion if the 
 Infallibility were declared. I hear that he has been pressing it on this 
 ground, from Lord Acton and Dollinger, and from D. that the Nuncio 
 at Munich (as I understood him) was impressed with his assertion. 
 Both wrote to ask me what I thought. Of course I wrote to Lord A. 
 first. Their letters were not private ; but it is as well not to repeat 
 names. . . • 
 
 I have had a letter from De Buck also on the *Is Healthful Re- 
 union, &c.', which I have answered. He also, like the Bishop who 
 writes to you, regards it as *an approximation,* which is, in kinder 
 language, to say that it is unsatisfactory. Yet the part which I suppose 
 is most unsatisfactory, viz. that asking for the same avrovofiia, in the 
 ordinary course of the affairs of the Church as was enjoyed in 
 St. Augustine's time, was in conformity to what was said to me by 
 a very eminent French ecclesiastic. 
 
 I am glad to see that your book, of which I had heard from 
 Copeland, is almost finished. It must be a great relief to you, and 
 will be a great gain to us all. 
 
 You had my book, I hope. I directed it to be sent, but more than 
 one miscarried. 
 
 
■MhH 
 
 III 
 
 190 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I had a very kind letter from the Abp. of St. Louis, to whom Lord 
 Acton gave a copy of my book from me (though not committmg 
 himself), and saw a letter from the Archbishop of Halifax, which 
 in fact he said I might see, in which he too looked on it as granting 
 much, only he said I had before * wriggled' out of concessions which 
 I had made. I sent it to the three English Bishops at Rome whom 
 you named, and also to Father Hacker. But either my direction was 
 insufficient or they are busy. I hear there is a kindly notice in, 
 I think, Le Frangais, but I have not seen it. I did not send it to 
 Manning, thinking it simply provocative, as so much is against the 
 Infallibility. 
 
 But as the meetings of the Council went on, Pusey had 
 really very little hope of any wise result. Writing to 
 Liddon on January 13, 1870, he says : ' The Council looks 
 as unlike any assembly guided by God the Holy Ghost 
 as one could well imagine. All seems to be done by 
 human policy or stayed by human fears. I fear some 
 compromise which shall involve the principle [of Infalli- 
 bility], leaving the actual affirmation until hereafter.' 
 
 Those who are familiar with the condition of Rome in 
 1870, and the despotic power that then prevailed in the 
 Papal dominions, will not be astonished at the following 
 correspondence. To Pusey it must have been a deep 
 disappointment after the labour and the hopes of so many 
 months. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. N bowman. 
 
 March 10, 1870. 
 
 You said that the moderate party would have enough to do to keep 
 their own ground. So I suppose they wish to have nothing to do with 
 us I have just had the two copies of the * Is Healthful Reunion 
 Impossible ? ' which 1 sent to the Bishop of Orleans and your Bishop 
 of Clifton returned to me from Rome with ^r^A^^' written upon them. 
 I doubt whether the Bishop of Orleans reads English ; but anyhow, 
 he could have had it read for him by one of his theologians. The 
 cover was so far torn that he could see what the book was, and my 
 own respectful and affectionate inscription. 
 
 It seems an abrupt ending of great kindness, the more singular m 
 
 a Frenchman. 
 
 Newman hoped that the fault lay with Pusey, although 
 he had a suspicion that the books were returned by Roman 
 authorities. 
 
 ii 
 
 Copies of the Eirenicon refused at Rome. 191 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 March 11, 1870. 
 
 This I am sure of, that Dr. Cliflford would be guilty of no incivility 
 to you, any more than Mgr. Dupanloup. 
 
 One suspicion came on me, that the Roman police would not pass 
 a book with your name; but I suppose some of your presentation 
 copies have got to their destination. . . . 
 
 I am writing to Rome, and I will inquire into the fact without 
 introducing you. 
 
 Pusey explained that he could quite understand that the 
 friends of Reunion at Rome thought the matter so hopeless 
 that, without any intended discourtesy, they did not think 
 it worth while to receive his books. The anathemas 
 attached to the Schema de Fide, even in their amended form, 
 showed that conciliation was the last thing in the minds of 
 the majority of the Council. 
 
 Newman had to wait some time before he could get an 
 answer from Rome to his inquiry. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, May 20, 1870. 
 
 I have just now received Dr. Moriarty's (Bishop of Kerry's) answer 
 to the question I addressed to him immediately that I heard your news 
 about the returned copies of your book. I suppose he has forgotten 
 to give me his answer (as people do forget) in former letters. 
 
 You will see my suspicion is confirmed by his own. He says, 
 * Neither Dr. Clifford nor Mgr. Dupanloup received Dr. Pusey's Letter. 
 They think it was probably stopped in the Post Office. I lent my 
 copy to Dupanloup, and marked for him the passages which he 
 wanted.* Of course I transcribe this in confidence. 
 
 What makes this more likely, is that the post-office or police actually 
 hindered the Bishop of Mayence's (Ketteler's) pamphlet being brought 
 into Rome. 
 
 I fear, from Dr. Moriarty's letter, there is no chance of the Definition 
 being avoided. 
 
 Pusey's reply summarizes his later correspondence with 
 De Buck. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, May 21, 1870. 
 
 Kindest thanks for your letter. I have been meaning to write to 
 you, at the first breathing time, to mention that 1 had a very kind 
 
\ 
 
 192 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 letter from Bp. Clifford, telling me that neither he nor the Bp. of 
 Orleans had refused my book, and asking me to send it to him at 
 Clifton. 
 
 I do not indeed know that any of my books escaped the post-office 
 authorities, except some which it was suggested to me to send to 
 Lord Acton and one which I sent to the Jesuit College. 
 
 But it matters little. Kind as individual Bishops are, the party 
 which takes the hard line seems to be in the ascendent. I have 
 written twice to De Buck about the proposed condemnation of the 
 * branch theory,' as people call it, explaining to him that the only 
 principle really involved in it was that there could be suspension of 
 intercommunion without such schism as should separate either side 
 from the Church of Christ. This any one must admit in the case of 
 Anti-Popes, St. Cyprian, the Churches of Asia Minor, St. Meletius : 
 and De Buck himself admits it in the abstract. Again, I said that 
 they allowed that invincible ignorance excused an individual. But, 
 I said, whatever may have been the case as to Photius, to judge from 
 all the Greeks who have come to visit us, they do labour under an 
 invincible prejudice that the Filioque involves the heresy of two *Ap;(ai 
 in the Godhead. They would, in such case, be under invincible 
 ignorance as to the doctrine of the Filioque ; and, as long as they 
 believe it honestly to involve a heresy, they are of course bound not to 
 
 believe it. 
 
 To my first letter, he said that the formula of the * branch theory * 
 would certainly be condemned, and suggested to me to submit, as he 
 did as to something which he had held. To this I answered that it 
 would be perfectly easy to me to withdraw any Eirenicon or Eirenica 
 in which it was contained, but what good would that do ? What we 
 meant by it was that principle which they too would admit, and which 
 was inseparable from our existence and our prayers and our use of the 
 Creeds. For that we could not profess our belief in the Catholic 
 Church, mentally excluding ourselves from it, or pray for its Bishops, 
 excluding our own or any other orthodox Bishops, either in our weekly 
 Prayers or those for the Ember weeks. This last letter only went last 
 
 Sunday. 
 
 But the hard line seems to prevail. Manning seems to me to use 
 his experience in our controversies to direct anathemas skilfully 
 against us. I see that there is an anathema proposed against those 
 who do not hold that St. Peter had jurisdiction over the other Apostles, 
 who had equal fullness of inspiration with himself. What a multiplica- 
 tion of minute anathemas ! I can only turn away, sick at heart, and 
 say, * Though they curse, yet bless Thou.' 
 
 I am again at work on my Commentary on the Prophet Nahum, as 
 
 perhaps I have said before. 
 
 God be with you. 
 
 Your most affectionate friend, 
 
 E. B. PuSEY. 
 
 Issue of the Vatican Council 
 
 193 
 
 i 
 
 I fear that these decisions will be a great strain on men's faith. 
 Anti-Christ must come, and everything which tries faith must prepare 
 for his coming. Then those who believe must be driven together; 
 whereas this Council seems to be framed to repel all whom it does not 
 scare. 
 
 As every one knows, the extreme Ultramontanes suc- 
 ceeded in carrying all before them at the Council, and all 
 the hopes of conciliation were rendered absolutely futile, 
 when the decree about Papal Infallibility was adopted on 
 July 18, 1870. In all later issues of his third Eirenicon, 
 Pusey altered the title from *Is Healthful Reunion 
 possible?' to a form which embodied his future attitude 
 towards the Roman Question— * Healthful Reunion, as 
 conceived possible before the Vatican Council.' 
 
 No correspondence passed between Newman and Pusey 
 when Infallibility was first defined ; but in reply to 
 a congratulatory letter from Newman, on his seventy-first 
 birthday, Pusey expressed his sense of the entire failure of 
 these prolonged negotiations for the union of God's Church. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 [Christ Church] Aug. 26, 1870. 
 
 I knew that your love would remember the 22nd, the entrance, 
 probably, of my last decennium. Before the Council, I wondered 
 whether I might not live to see the union of the Churches : you will 
 have seen and mourned how that has already repelled minds. The 
 last Eirenicon has sunk unnoticed to its grave ; the first, as you know, 
 was popular ; both against my expectations. 
 
 I wonder whether the Council will do anything, on its reassembling, 
 to express the conditions of the Infallibility which it has affirmed. 
 To me some of the lesser cases seemed more irreconcileable with 
 Infallibility than the great case of Honorius. As to Honorius, it 
 seemed to me (as I said) either that Honorius erred as to faith, or that 
 General Councils and Popes bore false witness against him. Still, 
 answers were made. But the errors of Popes as to marriage 
 Bellarmine himself does not defend. 
 
 However, I say this, because I am writing to you ; I have done 
 what I could, and now have done with controversy and Eirenica. 
 
 For the moment the principles of Ultramontanism had 
 triumphed, and Pusey seemed to have laboured in vain. 
 Yet it would be a shallow estimate which would consign 
 
 VOL. IV. o 
 
194 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 A 
 
 the Eirenicon, with all the loving work which it enshrined, 
 to a corner in the lumber-room of costly failures and 
 exploded Utopias. The immediate project had failed, but 
 the cause of Reunion was not lost : rather in the end it 
 will be found to have gained. However long God may- 
 defer the wished-for end, the contemplation of these years of 
 patient labour will still, as they have already done, kindle 
 others to a like self-devotion. Their history exhibits a 
 picture of no ordinary grandeur, — a noble soul daring to 
 believe, amidst the din of jarring controversy, that God is 
 able to fulfil His own ideal, spreading the contagion of 
 his faith to others, and toiling on through calumny and 
 misrepresentation in his efforts to bring low the mountains 
 that bar the way of the Lord. In spite of all, Pusey knew 
 that he was on the winning side, and continued to pray, 
 as he had prayed for thirty years, in ' The Brotherhood of 
 the Holy Trinity^': — 
 
 ' Vouchsafe, we beseech Thee, O Lord, to grant to Thy 
 faithful people, unity, peace, and true concord, both visible 
 and invisible, through Jesus Christ our Lord.' 
 
 * See vol. ii. p. 135. 
 
 I 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 OXFORD ELECTION OF 1 865 — KEBLE COLLEGE — SPEECH 
 ON THE DAY OF ITS FOUNDATION — RELATIONS WITH 
 MR. GLADSTONE. 
 
 1865-1872. 
 
 Since 1847 Mr. Gladstone had represented the University 
 of Oxford in Parliament. He had been elected six times, 
 on each occasion after a severe contest. The opposition 
 had been in the main purely political, because of Mr. Glad- 
 stone's connexion with Lord Palmerston and Lord John 
 Russell. For a long time the High Church party had 
 loyally voted for him ; but it was evident now that he 
 could not rely much longer on their united support. The 
 passing in 1861 of the Universities Election Bill, which 
 allowed non-residents to record their votes by proxy, made 
 his rejection at the next election more than a remote 
 possibility. Accordingly already in March of that year 
 Mr. Gladstone had written to Pusey, to sound him on the 
 subject of his retirement from the wearisome contests for 
 the University seat ; he desired to know what were his 
 prospects at the next election, for it was quite possible 
 that he might be asked to offer himself for the new 
 constituency which was about to be formed in the 
 Southern Division of Lancashire. Pusey found it hard 
 to forecast the future. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 March 17, 1861. 
 We none of us here can doubt that you would do everything loving 
 and thoughtful for the University which we know you love. As for 
 contests, I do not suppose that your retiring would put an end to them. 
 
 O 2 
 
 n 
 
196 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 Representation of the University in Parliament. 197 
 
 The Liberal and Conservative parties are, I suppose, more balanced 
 than they used to be. The country Clergy are, I suppose too, wearied 
 of Conservatism. 
 
 For Conservatism has long not had a principle left, and, when in 
 power, is revolutionary. I think that the country Clergy see this more 
 than they did. So, a good many members of Convocation being in- 
 different, I suppose that if you should retire, whether Conservative or 
 Liberal should be returned, the other party would dispute the seat. 
 However, if this new Bill should pass, giving non-residents the power 
 to vote by proxy, there will be a new element introduced which no 
 one can calculate. My first thought was, whether it would introduce 
 less careful voting than now, when voting involves a good deal of 
 trouble to most. My second was, how it would affect your seat. 
 I suppose if any recent act of yours should vex the country Clergy, the 
 change might have a considerable effect, and probably on the first 
 occasion the D'Israeli party would try their utmost. 
 
 One or two other letters passed between them on the 
 subject, Pusey urging him to remain, and Mr. Gladstone 
 showing how tired he was of the contested elections. At 
 last Pusey ceased to urge his point. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 March 30, 186 1. 
 
 . • . An uncontested seat for South Lancashire may be much better 
 for a Minister of the Crown than a contested, though retained, seat 
 for the University. I hoped that the opposition to you would wear 
 itself out (but for the new Bill as to our votes). I think that a large 
 proportion of our Clergy are weary of Conservatism, and glad to have 
 a representative (whatever his politics) of religious principle, as your- 
 self. But I thought that if those who dispute your seat thought that 
 they would tire you out, they would not be tired out themselves. 
 It was just your not being able to ' hide your weariness of the Oxford 
 contests * which I thought likely to prolong them. For weary as an 
 opponent may be, he will still struggle on, if he have any hope that 
 by so doing he will gain his end. 
 
 Forgive me, but the one thing I wanted you not to do was not to 
 balance in public. 
 
 Now, do not let me make you write any more. I do not pretend to 
 see what is best for you. As for Oxford, I should think that your 
 retiring would rather perpetuate contests. The days when a member 
 was elected for life are, I should think, except in the case of some 
 felicitous combination, over. They were the days of Toryism. 
 Conservatism has no hold over the affections, or principles, having 
 neither principle nor enthusiasm, in its present form. You have a hold 
 from personal character, from the affections of a good many of us, 
 
 t I 
 
 from your having held the seat thus long, from the respect in which 
 a good many M.A.'s hold you. Even that malicious Times says, that 
 you are just the member for us. 
 
 But what is best for you is another matter: and, since I cannot 
 judge, I have no opinion. The contests must be wearying, and yet 
 each successive contest has only drawn out the fact that a decided 
 majority of your constituents thinks you our best representative. 
 
 Consequently, when in July, 1861, a deputation from 
 South Lancashire presented a memorial signed by 8,000 
 electors asking Mr. Gladstone to represent them, he declined 
 the honour on the ground that he could not quit his Oxford 
 constituents, ' except in a manner which would enable me to 
 feel that I had exposed them to no prejudice by the act.' 
 
 When the General Election came on in 1865, feeling ran 
 very high against Mr. Gladstone among a large portion of 
 the Churchmen who had votes for the University, and 
 his chances of election were from the first doubtful. An 
 active Committee of ardent Conservatives and of dis- 
 appointed Churchmen had already been working against 
 him for twelve months. It may have been that they had 
 expected too much from Mr. Gladstone's influence in 
 Liberal ministries, or they may have been disappointed 
 at the readiness of Liberal ministers to sacrifice what 
 they themselves considered safeguards of the Church and 
 her teaching. When then the natural results of the 
 University legislation of 1854 were beginning to be felt, 
 when surviving disabilities of Nonconformists were being 
 swept away, as in Mr. Hadley*s Bill, when the * Aboli- 
 tion of Universities Test Act' was coming into view, 
 their dislike in any way to support a Liberal ministry 
 was increased. They were still further alienated by Lord 
 Palmerston's Episcopal appointments, and the cynical 
 manner in which Lord Westbury, as Lord Chancellor, 
 had emphasized the Judgments of the Supreme Court of 
 Appeal in the cases of * Essays and Reviews' and of Bishop 
 Colenso. As Bishop Wilberforce, writing to Mr. Gladstone 
 on July 18, 1865, says — 
 
 * Of course if half of these men had known what I know of your 
 real devotion to our Church, that would have outweighed their hatred 
 
198 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 of a Government which gave Waldegrave to Carh'sle, and Baring to 
 Durham, and the youngest bishop on the bench (Thomson) to York, 
 and supported Westbury in seeking to deny for England the Faith 
 of our Lord.* 
 
 Still Pusey and Keble both joined Mr. Gladstone's 
 Committee. Keble was not well enough to take any active 
 share in the canvass. It was on what proved to be Keble*s 
 last birthday that Pusey sent him the following message : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Keble. 
 
 April 25, 1865. 
 ... I have said that you will be on the London Committee for 
 Gladstone : it being understood that this is not to involve the slightest 
 work, only to express your interest in him. I am on the resident 
 Committee. 
 
 I am writing on purpose to-day to express my thankfulness for the 
 many and great mercies which God gave us through giving you to us 
 to-day and my hope for their continuance. 
 
 But Pusey did all he could to secure Mr. Gladstone's 
 return, writing letters to any whose votes he might be able 
 to influence. To one he writes on June 3, 1865 • — 
 
 * The more I think of it, the more it grieves and alarms me to think 
 of what is going on against W. E. G. Besides all the rest, I think 
 him the only statesman, so far as I see, who really understands as well 
 as loves Church principles.' 
 
 To another correspondent, now the Dean of Chichester, 
 he sends a fuller appeal : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. R. W. Randall. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, July 4, 1865. 
 A friend of mine tells me that he thinks that you would not dislike 
 to hear from me about Gladstone's election. You will have seen, 
 perhaps, that I am deeply interested in it, and that from my personal 
 knowledge of him, which reaches back to his Undergraduate days. 
 We cannot expect that any statesman will fight the battles of the 
 Church, exactly in our way. But all must be right, in the end, where 
 there is that single-hearted loyal love of God and His Church, of His 
 Faith and Truth, which there is in Gladstone. It would be an ill day 
 if Oxford were to snap the relation of eighteen years of faithful 
 service. Recently too we owe him much. Before his political weight 
 was felt, the canon would have been altered, without any expression 
 
 Mr. Gladstone's Rejection in i86j. 
 
 199 
 
 of the opinion of the Church ^ In the trying days, which may be 
 before the Church, we may be sure that he will act out of a devoted 
 love for God and her. 
 
 In spite of the efforts of all those who still supported 
 him, Mr. Gladstone was rejected at this election. Pusey 
 thus expresses his thoughts on the result to an old friend, 
 who had felt obliged to remain neutral in the contest : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Venerable Archdeacon Churton. 
 
 Ventnor, July 25, 1865. 
 
 I think that Oxford has made a terrible mistake, which she will 
 soon have to rue. Of course, a large accession to the support of 
 Goschen's Bill will be an immediate fruit. But fAe mistake, 1 think, 
 is, in itself, to cast away one loyal and devoted to God, the Faith, 
 and the Church. His affecting farewell must have given a pang 
 to many hearts, as well as to mine. The case of a bond which had 
 lasted eighteen years is very different from the question of forming 
 one for the first time. 
 
 It has, I think, too, gone far to commit Oxford Churchmen (for /Aey 
 turned the election) to Establishmentarianism. Some Low Church- 
 men, at least, held aloof because they expected Gladstone to be Prime 
 Minister one day, and not to make Low Church bishops. So far their 
 concern was for the Church, as they understood its interests. Some 
 High Churchmen rejected him, because he could not see his way in 
 all the perplexed questions about the Establishment. I could have 
 been a Tory ; but 1830 ended Toryism. I could not be a mere Con- 
 servative, i.e. I could not bind myself, or risk the future of the Church 
 on the fidelity or wisdom of persons whose principle it is to keep what 
 they think they can, and part with the rest. I believe that we are in 
 the course of an inevitable Revolution ; that the days of Establishments 
 are numbered, and that the Church has to look to her purity, liberty, 
 faithfulness to Catholicism, while I fear that the Conservatives would 
 corrupt her in order to increase the numerical strength of the Establish- 
 ment. Gladstone did more for the Church, by gaining the recognition 
 of the non-established Church of Scotland, and obtaining freedom for 
 Convocation (against others in a divided Cabinet) to debate on the 
 alteration of the canon, than any other statesman I know of. This . 
 formed a great precedent, full of important consequences (as all prece- -* 
 dents are), that changes in the canons of the Church be not made by 
 the State without her concurrence. Oxford requites this by rejecting 
 him. Do not trouble yourself to answer this. You, as a member 
 of Convocation, are in the battle, not L Gladstone's rejection has 
 
 * The reference is apparently to the 
 manner in which a proposed alteration 
 in the canon about sponsors was first 
 
 submitted to the Convocation of 
 Canterbury. 
 
200 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 severed my last link with earthly politics ; I fear it has broken other 
 links too ; or rather has shown that it only wanted a pull to sever what 
 was only seemingly held together. The High Church are broken to 
 bits. 
 
 But if his interest in general politics was at an end, he 
 was profoundly interested in all measures that affected the 
 Church and the University. During this time he was 
 regularly returned at each election as a member of the 
 Hebdomadal Council, and took the greatest pains about 
 all the business of the University. His letters to Liddon 
 and Bright are full of allusions to his work as a member 
 of that body, where he watched with eagerness everything 
 that might affect the interests of Religion at Oxford. The 
 decision in the Jowett case had practically convinced him 
 that it was hopeless to attempt to enforce the old religious 
 character of the University ; but he felt that he could at 
 least keep vigilant guard over all that promoted Religion 
 within its walls. 
 
 It was during these years that Mr. (afterwards Lord) 
 Coleridge's Bill for abolishing all those religious tests 
 at the University which had been retained by the first 
 University Commission was first brought forward. It 
 was practically a measure of Church disendowment, for 
 its effect would be that offices which had hitherto been 
 tenable only by Churchmen would in future be thrown 
 open to all candidates irrespective of their religious 
 opinions. Two letters from Pusey, one to Liddon and one 
 to Mr. Gladstone, will show his view of the measure as 
 affecting the future of the University. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 March 21, 1868. 
 
 It seems to me a marvellous proposition (to limit myself to this 
 cnly) to require that the Church of England should have immediate 
 notice to quit, and to decide either to educate her future clergy in 
 some as yet unformed Clerical Colleges like Stonyhurst or Highbury, 
 or to have them educated by those who need have no religious belief 
 not even in the God Who made them. ' 
 
 I have long foreseen that some form of Denominationalism must 
 sooner or later replace Establishments. Denominationalism sacrifices 
 
 i 
 
 Denominationalism or Secularism, 
 
 201 
 
 money, not principle or faith. Secularism destroys all religious teaching 
 altogether, perfect or imperfect. 
 
 It is but a little portion of the evil that the Church will have to 
 detach itself from the Universities unless it consent to risk that its 
 future teachers should go through the ordeal of an unbelieving 
 teaching, when their minds are unripe to cope with it. This principle 
 indeed occasioned the Bishops of France to obtain the emancipation 
 of the future clergy from the University of France— we think to the 
 disadvantage of both. 
 
 A like cause must produce consistently a like effect ; although* it is 
 not a little hard upon the Church to wrest from her the only places 
 of education which she has for her clergy, and upon the retention 
 of which the provisions of the last University Reform Act taught her 
 the more to rely. 
 
 But this is only one part of a large whole. There lie before our legis- 
 lators three possible lines only— (i) the continuance of Establishments, 
 (2) Denominationalism, (3) Secularism. The experiment on the 
 University is not in corpore vili, and will naturally be the precedent 
 for the line which the other changes shall take. Denominationalism, 
 rude as it is, has something earnest about it. Let us be in earnest, 
 and England will be saved, though it has abundance of elements to 
 produce a worse than the first French Revolution. But an indiflferentist 
 education can but unnerve all earnestness and energy for good. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 March 24, 1868. 
 
 I had long seen that things were driving to some sort of Denomina- 
 tionalism in lieu of Establishments, i. e. since the Church had lost so 
 many of her children through her neglect, it was probable that she 
 should be punished, at least temporally. But J. Coleridge's Bill and 
 Bright's speech on the Irish Church (as I hear) and a saying of 
 Mr. Lowe's, point to a much worse evil. Secularism. For rude and 
 rough as Denominationalism is, endowing every error which can gain 
 adherents, it still presupposes that people are in earnest ; for without 
 some sort of earnestness they would not have adherents. But 
 Secularism can promote only indifference. I had far rather *see the 
 money of the Colleges taken, and Socinian, Baptist, Wesleyan, 
 Presbyterian, and of course Roman Catholic Colleges endowed with 
 it ^, than have Coleridge's Bill, according to which our laity and future 
 Clergy are (as a condition of University training) to be exposed to 
 Atheistic or any sort of God-denying teaching. 
 
 If they mean by * the Church ' which they say this absence of 
 security of any religious belief on the part of our tutors is not to injure, 
 an undogmatic Church of the future in which persons are to believe 
 
 * This proposal he made in a letter their co-operation ; and he defended 
 to the Wesleyan Conference at Liver- the scheme at length in a letter to 
 pool in the following August, invitmg the TimeSy dated August 20. 
 
BTO-in'' r ' TTwn 
 
 202 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 anything or nothing, to deny a life to come, and count themselves 
 Christians, while they speak of Christianity as a thing of the past, 
 which has served its time — this would be intelligible, but it is not the 
 sense in which the House of Commons would understand the word 
 * Church.' But to say that it cannot hurt the Church that her laity 
 and future Clergy should be taught by Atheists and others who deny 
 the claim of the Gospel as a Revelation from God, is such mockery, 
 and that aggravated by the provision that nothing is to hinder the 
 religious intercourse of the young men with their tutor ! As if any 
 Act of Parliament could hinder the intercourse of any one with any 
 one ! But what is to be the religious intercourse with one who denies 
 God or His Revelation ? 
 
 To-morrow's Guardian ought to have letters from Liddon and myself 
 avowing our preference to Denominationalism over Secularism. I fear 
 no battle (though I believe that the party who would gain most are 
 the Roman Catholics) — any battle, at whatever disadvantage, at what- 
 ever close quarters, rather than indifference and corruption at the 
 fountain head of education. 
 
 I think that the measure is specially hard to the English Church, 
 because we were taught by the Oxford Act, twelve years ago, to rely 
 on the Universities as the place of education for our Clergy ; and now, 
 unprepared with any Colleges like Stonyhurst or Highbury, with all 
 our clinging to the old Universities, we are bid to take our choice, 
 either go on with a system which necessarily involves God-denying 
 teaching to a greater or less extent, or abandon them and all the 
 reminiscences of the past, and try a system as yet untried by us, and 
 which we have always been told will narrow our Clergy and diminish 
 their influence, at least among the higher classes. 
 
 A Liberal said to me, *Your weak point is that you have such 
 already.' No system can bind those who accept obligations and 
 violate them. But this is but a passing evil. Coleridge's Bill stereo- 
 types it. It is asked for to soothe the consciences of those who are 
 uneasy under obligations which they set at nought. But Coleridge's 
 Bill would not only justify them in retaining their tutorships, it would 
 justify them also in denying Christ to their pupils. 
 
 It may be understood that with such changes in con- 
 templation Pusey threw himself with all the more zest 
 into the work of the establishment of an institution like 
 Keble College. 
 
 It has been mentioned that, immediately after Keble's 
 funeral, his friends met at the house of Sir Wm. Heathcote, 
 and Pusey propounded his scheme for a College which 
 should emphasize the principles of religion and economy 
 and thus advance University extension in the best way 
 
 Preparations for Keble College, 203 
 
 possible. It will be remembered, as described in the last 
 volume \ that a scheme of this kind had been discussed 
 as early as 1845 amongst certain Churchmen— Mr. Keble, 
 Pusey, Mr. Gladstone, Sidney Herbert, Charles Marriott, 
 and others. It had advanced so far as a proposal being 
 laid before the Hebdomadal Council, but it had not met 
 with a favourable reception. Efforts were made again 
 to facilitate the coming to the University of a poorer class 
 of students at St. Mary Hall under Dr. Chase, the Principal. 
 A further plan was in contemplation which Dr. Shirley had 
 discussed with Keble himself, only a short time before his 
 death, securing his full sympathy. 
 
 It seemed only reasonable that any memorial to Keble 
 should be advanced on these lines; and accordingly at 
 a meeting shortly after the funeral, held at the Arch- 
 bishops palace at Lambeth, the scheme began to assume 
 a definite shape. A body of trustees was formed, of which 
 Pusey was one, and committees, both general and execu- 
 tive, were appointed to carry on the work. 
 
 Every step of the preparation for the College was most 
 anxiously watched by Pusey. It seemed most appropriate 
 that the memorial to Keble should aim at securing for 
 the Church a firmer foothold in the University at the 
 moment when it was contemplated to secularize in great 
 measure the endowments of the older Colleges. 
 
 On St. Mark's Day, April 25, 1868, the anniversary 
 of Keble s birthday, the first stone was laid by the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury. On that occasion a great meeting, 
 at the Sheldonian Theatre, publicly inaugurated the under- 
 taking. Pusey amongst others made a very impressive 
 speech, and expressed his grave anxieties for the position 
 of the University and his ardent hopes for the New 
 Foundation : — 
 
 * Some time after I knew of the loss, in which I myself had more than 
 a common share, the thought would obtrude itself, " They will prop)ose 
 a memorial to him. What memorial can befit him ? What memorial 
 would not be mere mockery ? " A monument, in (which was spoken of) 
 
 * Vol. iii. pp. 79-89. 
 
■aui 
 
 rai-t"B»Mi 
 
 204 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Westminster Abbey ? The two letters " J. K.," author of " The Chris- 
 tian Year," would speak more to the heart than any monument, 
 however beautiful. For, as avbpSiv €ivi<f>av5iv naaa yrj Ta(t)oSf so, and 
 much more, a work which in words of simple beauty had awakened 
 and would awaken in human hearts, as long as our language shall 
 endure, thoughts of truth and awe and chastened love, and pure faith, 
 and deep reverence and spiritual devotion, was a monument aere peren- 
 nius written anew in the souls of successive generations, who would 
 bless him who taught them. I should have been glad at the time that 
 ** The Christian Year " should have been his only monument. . . . 
 
 * It was not a mere plan to bring up those who could not afford the 
 expenses of ordinary Colleges. It was to extend the College system, 
 but it was more. It was to found a College which would react upon 
 the rest of the University : which should have a character of its own, 
 of which all our members should, whatever their several capacities, be 
 real students ; in which none, except for some accident, should fail in 
 any examination, or fall short of that distinction for which his natural 
 capacity fitted him ; which should not be divided into good and bad 
 sets, of which the bad would be ever trying to absorb the freshmen 
 into itself, but whose esprit de corps it should be to knit in one by the 
 mutual intercourse and friendship of all with all ; in which the Head 
 and Tutors should be the friends of the undergraduates, live with 
 them, live for them, have all interests visibly in common with them. 
 I believe that such a plan would be eminently successful. The cords 
 of love bind much faster than any chains of discipline. ... It has been 
 said ; " Found a College which must needs in some way abide when 
 everything is reeling around you.^ Give it his loved and revered 
 name, when you know no.*^ into whose hands it will pass— whether the 
 plan of secularizing the University and its Colleges may not prevail, 
 and the College which you stamp with his name may not be directed 
 by Indifferentists, by those who believe that there is nothing to believe, 
 that every definite system is sure to be wrong, or that Christianity is 
 a thing of the past } " All which man or the law can do to prevent this 
 has been done; and, I believe, done securely. Parliament can, but 
 will not willingly, overrule a recent deed of trust. The poverty of the 
 College is also a security. Men covet wealth, not poverty ; the pomp 
 of Herod, not the white robe of Jesus Christ. But the argument goes 
 much further. Were such counsels to prevail, not a Church or School 
 could be built, for fear the Church should be alienated, the School 
 secularized ; every work for God would be paralyzed, and this religious 
 paralysis would bring about the decay which it dreads. Let us not 
 part with this prerogative. No ! Viewing steadily in the face the awful 
 life and death struggle around us and among us ; viewing that more 
 personal, yet in one way more miserable, strife whereby some who love 
 their Redeemer, Whom we too love, are, by an inconceivable infatua- 
 tion, bent, if they could, to expel from the Church of England those 
 who hold the Faith which Keble held and taught— our confidence is not 
 
 Speech at the Founding of Keble College. 205 
 
 in ourselves, not in man, but in Him Whose Truth he taught. But be 
 it that things around us are whirling ever so giddily, be it that all things 
 seem to be borne swiftly on a steady and ever-swelling tide, we know 
 not whither, yet such reeling strife is ever the time for the ventures of 
 Faith. We remember still how it startled the Carthaginian conqueror to 
 hear that the soil on which the camp of his victorious soldiers stood, was 
 sold at an unbated price within besieged Rome. On higher authority 
 we know how Jeremiah, while yet in prison, and with the certain 
 knowledge that Jerusalem should be taken by the Chaldaeans, was taught 
 of God to buy the inheritance of his uncle's son at Anathoth, and 
 bury the title-deeds for many days. So now, be Oxford beleaguered as 
 it may or by whom it may— be it that, as the writer of the " Christian 
 Year " said, with presaging mind, some thirty years ago, viewing it 
 from Bagley encircled by the overflowing waters, — 
 
 " The flood is round thee, but thy towers as yet 
 Are safeV* — 
 
 yet safe, as he thought and felt, only by prayer— the stone which has 
 been placed this day by our Church's Primate has, we trust, been 
 founded on the firm Rock, Which is Christ, and the College to be raised 
 thereon will be like that far-famed beacon on our southern shores, 
 built stone by stone out at sea, amidst the tumult of the waters, well 
 knit together.* 
 
 It had been one of Pusey's great hopes from the time 
 the College was first mentioned that Liddon should be its 
 first Warden. * The one idea I have had,' he wrote to him 
 on June 3, 1868, *was that you could give a stamp to 
 it such as he would wish.' Bishop Wilberforce, Lord 
 Beauchamp, and others who had taken great interest in the 
 memorial joined with Pusey in urging Liddon to accept 
 the post ; but he resolutely declined. He felt that his true 
 vocation was elsewhere, that he was unable to accept for 
 himself a life of academical struggle such as Pusey's had 
 been, and further, that he was unfit for many of the duties 
 which must devolve on the first head of a new foundation. 
 It was a profound disappointment to Pusey, and seemed 
 for the time to damp his hopes about the whole scheme ; 
 but when in the following year, Edward Stuart Talbot 
 was, chiefly on the urgeht recommendation of Liddon, 
 nominated Warden, Pusey warmly welcomed the appoint- 
 ment, and again renewed his intense interest in every detail 
 of the preparations for the opening of the College. 
 
 * * Lyra Apostolica,' No. cl. 
 
2o6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 It was an unfortunate circumstance that at the particular 
 time when the College was about to be opened Pusey was 
 somewhat alienated from Mr. Gladstone. In the early winter 
 of the year 1869, on the death of Bishop Phillpotts, Mr. Glad- 
 stone nominated Dr. Temple, one of the writers in * Essays 
 and Reviews/ to the see of Exeter. Upon this, Pusey, most 
 sorrowfully, felt it necessary to dissociate himself finally from 
 Mr. Gladstone's actions as a politician. With our present 
 knowledge, it is perhaps equally difficult to do justice to 
 the courage of the appointment and to Mr. Gladstone's dis- 
 cerning confidence in the character of his nominee, and on 
 the other hand to estimate the grounds of the outcry which 
 it caused. Nearly all who had attacked 'Essays and 
 Reviews' were loud in their disapproval. Churchmen 
 varying as much as Pusey and Lord Shaftesbury alike 
 protested. No doubt the agitation was founded on a mis- 
 take as to what were the opinions held by Dr. Temple ; 
 but it cannot be denied that the blame for the mistake lay 
 really on the Essayists. A number of men cannot combine 
 to publish their Essays in one volume, without leading 
 others to the conviction that their union extends beyond 
 the sewing of the pages. All the Essays were naturally 
 judged by the tone of the volume as a whole. It must be 
 remembered that even Dr. Tait had taken this view, and 
 writing to Dr. Temple in 1861, had expressed himself as 
 follows : — 
 
 The Bishop (Tait) of London to Dr. Temple. 
 
 Feb. 22, 1861. 
 
 ... I shall be ready to state publicly, if you desire it, what is my 
 opinion of your essay taken by itself. But the public appears, I must 
 say not unnaturally, resolved to regard the volume as one whole. 
 
 Without entering on other points to which I object, I will say that 
 when taken as a whole the teaching of the volume is in my judgment 
 not consistent with the true doctrine maintained by our Church as to 
 the office of Holy Scripture, I feel convinced that there is much in 
 this volume of which you as well as others of the contributors dis- 
 approve, and I therefore the more regret that your high character and 
 deserved mfluence should, as matters stand at present, seem to give 
 weight to the volume as a whole. ... 
 
 Ik 
 
 Dr, Temple nominated to the See of Exeter, 207 
 
 Mr. Gladstone, indeed, may have known that Dr. Temple 
 was very far from sharing the opinions of the writers who 
 had been chiefly attacked ; but as a matter of fact he had 
 never done anything during the eight years since the 
 volume appeared to separate himself from statements 
 which incurred the condemnation of such an intimate friend 
 as Dr. Tait. It was only by his sermons after his Enthrone- 
 ment and the subsequent withdrawal of his Essay that 
 Dr. Temple publicly reassured his friends and the main 
 body of aggrieved Churchmen. It would seem that the 
 misunderstanding had much apparent justification, although 
 every allowance must be made for the extreme difficulty of 
 retreating from such a position under such peculiar cir- 
 cumstances. In reply to Pusey 's warm protests Mr. Glad- 
 stone contented himself with pointing out to him that he 
 could not see the evidence for the charges which were 
 urged against his nominee: while Pusey refused to ac- 
 knowledge that there was any distinction to be drawn 
 between the various contributors to the offending volume. 
 And when Mr. Gladstone persisted in defending the 
 nomination, nothing remained but to bid him farewell. 
 Loyalty to what he believed to be the requirements of 
 the Truth was the ruhng consideration of Pusey's life. 
 He never allowed anything to come in the way of it. 
 A deepening friendship of forty years was sacrificed to it. 
 It will suffice to quote only one letter on this subject. 
 
 *Oct. 7, 1869. 
 
 * I have written to Gladstone to say that I had clung to him during 
 all those years when my friends at Oxford left him. Now I too must 
 bid him a sorrowful farewell, until such times, if we should live to see 
 them, when, Church and State being severed, he should be free to act 
 
 according to his better conscience I should have nothing to say to 
 
 any one, unsettled as to the Church of England, except to bid them 
 hope for the time when we shall be free from the tyranny of the State 
 at any cost. I must henceforth long, pray, and work, as I can, for the 
 severance of Church and State. If we are to have such an infliction 
 from Gladstone, what shall we not have from irreligious Liberal 
 Premiers? Gladstone has ventured on what Lord Melbourne with 
 all his wilfuhiess did not do. . . . 
 
HI 
 
 208 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 'If some vigorous resistance is not made thousands must take refuge 
 m Rome from an "Essay and Review" Church.' 
 
 Such a separation was a deep personal sorrow to Pusey, 
 but he thought it a duty to the Faith. For two years he 
 seems to have had no communications with Mr. Gladstone. 
 But at the most critical moment of the Athanasian Creed 
 controversy he received the following letter from Liddon :— 
 
 Rev. H. p. Liddon, to E. B. P. 
 
 Nov. 13, 1872. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone is in Oxford for one night He says, * I cannot 
 
 bear to be m Oxford without paying my respects to Dr. Pusey, if 
 I could thmk that he would hke to see me.' May I bring him to you 
 at ten to-morrow morning? ... It is of the greatest practical impor- 
 tance, m view of all our immediate dangers, that you should if possible 
 be on terms of confidence with him again ; and I would give any- 
 thing to see this. And God seems to have given an opportunity of 
 re-establishing such terms. 
 
 Pusey could not altogether refuse this appeal. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 Nov, 13, 1872. 
 
 It would look like anger, or I know not what, not to see one whom 
 I loved as I did Gladstone. I bade him farewell because I wished to 
 separate my line from his wholly. I felt that he had inflicted a terrible 
 wound and scandal wantonly upon the Church. As a public man, he 
 is a lost fnend ; as an individual, I love him still ; and we hope, by 
 God s mercy, to meet in Heaven. On ^ terms of confidence ' we can 
 never [be]. His doctrine of ' yielding to the inevitable ' must lead him 
 one knows not whither. 
 
 But, as an individual, if, in memory of old times, he has a kind wish 
 to see me, I shall be most glad to see him, suppressing the past. The 
 Athanasian Creed is, I trust, common ground. 
 
 The following morning, Mr. Gladstone called with 
 Liddon and they found the common ground where Pusey 
 had hoped. But the constant correspondence of earlier 
 years, in which each had applied for and received the 
 assistance and advice of the other, was never renewed. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 H 
 
 EARLY RELATION TO RITUAL SPEECH AT MEETING OF 
 
 ENGLISH CHURCH UNION IN 1 866 — EUCHARISTIC 
 
 DOCTRINE — THE BENNETT CASE — OXFORD IN 187O 
 
 • THE PRIVY COUNCIL JUDGMENTS IN THE PURCHAS 
 AND BENNETT CASES. 
 
 1866-1872. 
 
 At one period during the troubles in connexion with 
 
 * Essays and Reviews,' there appeared to be reasonable 
 ground for hoping that the two great parties in the Church 
 were about to work together in defence of those common 
 beliefs of Christendom which appeared to be in danger. 
 But to some minds this union was most undesirable. It 
 has been noticed^ that Dr. Tait, the Bishop of London, 
 regarded it as his * own vocation ^ ' to put an end to such a 
 combination, as being dangerous to the Broad Church party. 
 The progress of the movement for increased ceremonial in 
 public worship, and the popular outcry that was raised 
 against it, assisted him most effectually to realize such a 
 
 * vocation.' This * Ritualistic ' controversy, which dates from 
 a period before the * Essays and Reviews' appeared, and 
 continued to rage so long afterwards, not only effectually 
 brought about the separation which he desired, it embit- 
 tered party spirit, it frittered away time, wasted money, 
 
 * See above, p. 68. 
 
 * 'Life of Archibald Campbell 
 Tait,* i. p. 325 : 'I feel my own vo- 
 cation clear, greatly as I sympathize 
 with the Evangelicals, not to allow 
 them to tyrannize over the Broad 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 Churchmen ; and to limit that ten- 
 dency which is at present strong in 
 them, to coalesce with the High 
 Church party for the mere purpose of 
 exterminating those against whom the 
 cry is now loudest.' 
 
I 
 
 2IO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 injured souls, and exposed the Church to the ridicule of her 
 adversaries. Yet it was a controversy which involved 
 questions of the highest moment. The doctrine of the 
 *Real Presence/ the Eucharistic Sacrifice and Worship, 
 the doctrine of Absolution, the practice of private Confession, 
 were directly involved in it ; and, as if these questions were 
 not of sufficient intricacy and importance, a proposal to 
 discontinue the use of the Athanasian Creed was inci- 
 dentally thrown in. On all these points there was a sharp 
 severance between the two great sections of the Church. 
 The Latitudinarian party associated itself, as a rule, with 
 the Evangelicals ; and in the Athanasian Creed controversy 
 the Evangelicals sided with them. The High Church party 
 stood alone, but solidly compacted, in defence of all the 
 doctrinal and the more important ceremonial positions : and 
 on every point they won the day. i 
 
 To a certain extent, ' Ritualism ' was an inevitable result 
 of the Oxford Movement. The Tractarians were imme- 
 diately concerned with the revival of forgotten or half- 
 forgotten truths ; but at the first the use of ritual for the 
 expression of doctrine had not even presented itself to 
 their minds. Some letters, written in 1839, which have 
 appeared in a preceding volume ^, will show Pusey's earliest 
 attitude towards any tendency to the outward expression of 
 a devotional spirit in forms with which ordinary Churchmen 
 were not in those days familiar. The same general position 
 is taken in a letter written in 1851, to the Incumbent of 
 Christ Church, Hoxton, who was involved in difficulties in 
 connexion with some changes in ritual which he had 
 ventured to introduce. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. Scott. 
 
 Jan. I, 1851. 
 
 I am grieved to hear of your trouble about your ritual. One most 
 grievous offence seems to be turning your back to the people. I was 
 not ritualist enough to know, until the other day, that the act of turning 
 had any special meaning in the Consecration. And it certainly seemed 
 against the Rubric, that the Consecration should take place so that they 
 
 * Vol. ii. pp. 141-145. 
 
 I 
 
 Early days of the ' Ritual ' Movement. 
 
 211 
 
 t 
 
 cannot see it. Dear Newman consecrated to the last of his Consecra- 
 tions at the North end of the altar. Everything may have a meaning- 
 It was, as you know, in some old Roman Churches, the custom to 
 consecrate behind the altar. This too might have its meaning; and 
 the eyes of the people might be more directed to the Oblation. 
 
 1 cannot myself think that this, or any other ritual, is of moment 
 enough (if not essential to the Sacrament) that priests who would 
 work in the service of the Church should give up, because the Bishop 
 insists on his interpretation of the rubric. Beauty, ritual, music, are 
 all helps ; but if we [be] bared of all. three hundred men and the sword 
 of the Lord and of Gideon will rout the mixed rabble. If we cannot have 
 [the] very ritual some of us wish, we have the Faith and the Truth 
 of God, and Holy Scripture, and the Fathers and the Prayer-book and 
 the Holy Eucharist. ' They be more that be for us than they that be 
 against us.' 
 
 In the light of this letter it seems a strange irony that 
 the ignorant agitators who led the outcry against the 
 increasing development of ceremonial should have attached 
 the title * Puseyism ' to everything of the kind, from the 
 wearing of the surplice in the pulpit or turning to the East 
 at the Creed, to the most ornate celebration of the Holy 
 Eucharist. During the disgraceful riots at St. George's in 
 the East in the years 1859 and i86o\ in which the scum 
 of London was hounded on to mob the Rev. Bryan King 
 for ceremonial usages, the cry most frequently raised was 
 'Down with the Puseyites'; and the Society which or- 
 ganized the disturbances was called 'the Anti-Puseyite 
 League.' Dr. Tait, who was then Bishop of London, did 
 not know Pusey well enough to understand his attitude 
 towards ritual, and had apparently written to him about 
 his ' friends ' who were supposed to have given occasion to 
 these disgraceful scenes. Pusey replied : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop (Tait) of London. 
 
 April 26, i860. 
 In regard to my * friends,* perhaps I regret the acts to which your 
 lordship alludes as deeply as you do. I am in this strange position, 
 that my name is made a byword for that with which I never had any 
 sympathy, that which the writers of the Tracts, with whom in early 
 days I was associated, always deprecated,— any innovations in the way 
 
 * See 'Charles Lewder, a Biography,' pp. 169-187. 
 
 P 2 
 
■BMHai 
 
 212 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 of conducting the Service, anything of Ritualism, or especially any 
 revival of disused Vestments. I have had no office in the Church which 
 would entitle me to speak publicly. If I had spoken, it would have 
 been to assume the character of one of the leaders of a party, which 
 I would not do. Of late years, when Ritualism has become more 
 prominent, I have looked out for a natural opportunity of dissociating 
 myself from it, but have not found one. I have been obliged, therefore, 
 to confine myself to private protests which have been unlistened to, or 
 to a warning to the young clergy from the University pulpit against 
 self-willed changes in ritual. Altogether I have looked with sorrow at 
 the crude way in which some doctrines have been put forward, without 
 due pains to prevent misunderstanding, and ritual has been forced 
 upon the people, unexplained and without their consent. I soon 
 regretted the attempt which the late Bishop [Blomfield] made, 
 and which was defeated. Had I been listened to, these miserable 
 disturbances in St. George's in the East would have been saved. . . . 
 
 But in the next few years the position of ritual entered 
 on a new phase. Perhaps the change cannot be described! 
 better than in Pusey's own words, in a speech which he made 
 when he first joined the English Church Union. It was 
 delivered at the seventh anniversary meeting of that Society, 
 on June 14, 1866, in proposing a Resolution which called on 
 all the members of the English Church Union to pray for 
 the Church of England. 
 
 * It is well known that I never was a Ritualist and that I never 
 wrote a single word on ritual until a short time ago, when my opinion 
 had been quoted against it, on the strength of some particular 
 expressions which I had used. In our early days we were anxious on 
 the subject of ritual. I am speaking of days that very few here can 
 know anything of— three-and-thirty years ago. The circumstances of 
 those times were entirely different from those of our own. Then there 
 was not the amount of evil or the amount of good that there is now. 
 There was then a state of apathy in which nothing was disbelieved, 
 and perhaps very little held very deeply. There was less of luxury and 
 extravagance in those days, and there was very little of self-denial. 
 Everything was on a cold level. What we had to do was to rouse 
 the Church to a sense of what she possessed ; and, being ourselves as 
 nothing, so to teach her that she should herself act in all things 
 healthfully from herself. We had further a distinct fear with regard 
 to ritual ; and we privately discouraged it, lest the whole movement 
 should become superficial. At that time everything we did was very 
 popular ; and we felt that it was very much easier to change a dress 
 than to change the heart, and that externals might be gained at the 
 
 Pusey and Ritualism in 1866. 
 
 213 
 
 4 
 
 cost of the doctrines themselves. To have introduced ritual before 
 the doctrines had widely taken possession of the hearts of the people, 
 would only have been to place an obstruction in their way. It would 
 have been like children sticking flowers in the ground to perish 
 immediately. Our office was rather, so to speak, to plant the bulb 
 where by God's blessing it might take root, and grow and flower 
 beautifully, naturally, healthfully, fragrantly, lastingly. We had also 
 ground for fear lest it should be thought we were only engaged in 
 a matter of external order. There used to be a painful motto, 
 ** Evangelical truth and Apostolical order "—as if we had not also the 
 truth in all its fullness, and as if all that we cared for were matters of 
 order. 
 
 * Again, we thought that nothing should be done by the clergy till it 
 was asked for by the great body of the people. There was at that 
 time a school — a somewhat stiff school — who were anxious on all 
 occasions to bring out all the details of the rubrics, and that even in 
 matters which were of no importance whatever, and which had no 
 definite meaning ; though they created not only tumults, but an idea 
 of clerical tyranny. Of course you remember how the Bishop ^ of this 
 diocese and the Bishop of Exeter, two of the ablest prelates on the 
 bench, endeavoured to introduce a low uniformity of ritual, and how 
 they were successively and entirely defeated. Our own maxim was — 
 first gain the people, and then the people will of themselves gain what 
 we wish. . . . 
 
 * Now, in these days, many of the difficulties which we had in the first 
 instance to contend with have been removed. In the first place, 
 I suppose that this is from its very centre a lay movement. The 
 clergy have taught it the people, and the people have asked it of the 
 clergy. We taught it them ; they felt it to be true : and they said, 
 ** Set it before our eyes." There is no danger of superficialness now. 
 Thirty years of suffering, thirty years of contempt, thirty years of trial, 
 would prevent anything from being superficial.' 
 
 At that time the outcry against Ritualism, from the 
 platform and the press, was so loud and persistent that there 
 was every fear that the Bishops would commit themselves 
 to some united action against it ; and any such action in 
 response to mere clamour might well result in far-reaching 
 disaster. The leading opponents of Ritual and its most 
 weighty supporters alike understood the real point at issue. 
 Elaborate ceremonial and costly decoration of the Altars 
 
 * Dr. Blomfield, Bishop of London. 
 In his charge in 1842 he had enjoined 
 the use of the surplice in preaching 
 and some similar changes, all of which 
 
 he found himself obliged to withdraw 
 shortly afterwards. Bishop Phillpotts 
 also tried in vain to enforce the use of 
 the surplice in the pulpit. 
 
■I 
 
 j 
 
 214 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 of the Church were both intended to set forth the highest 
 doctrine in connexion with the Holy Eucharist. Both the 
 doctrine and the ceremonial were equally obnoxious to 
 the Protestant mind ; but the ceremonial afforded a more 
 obvious point of attack than the doctrine, and more readily 
 admitted of the invidious charge of Romanizing. All 
 the world knew that ceremonial was a recent reintro- 
 duction ; it was therefore taken for granted that it was 
 contrary to the law, and a revival of what the Reforma- 
 tion had forbidden. In February, 1867, the Bishops, in the 
 Convocation of Canterbury, passed a Resolution on the 
 subject of Ritualism. In the preamble to this Resolution, 
 they adopted the vague language of popular denunciation, 
 and said that Ritualism was in danger of * favouring 
 errors deliberately rejected by the Church of England.' 
 Such a statement, issued on the authority of the UppeV 
 House of Convocation, made it necessary to clear the 
 doctrinal meaning of Eucharistic ritual from all ambiguity. 
 Therefore, in the same month, Pusey took the opportunity 
 of the publication of one of his University sermons to 
 state quite definitely his belief with regard to the Holy 
 Eucharist \ and to identify himself entirely with the 
 Ritualists in that respect. He wished it to be understood 
 that he held and taught the doctrine which they expressed 
 by means of ceremonial, and desired to shield them if 
 necessary by diverting prosecution to himself. He ends his 
 statement of faith with the following challenge 2 : — 
 
 * These truths I would gladly have to maintain, by the help of God, 
 on such terms that, if (per impossibile, as I trust) it should be decided 
 by a competent authority, that either the Real Objective Presence, or 
 the Eucharistic Sacrifice, or the worship of Christ there present (as 
 I have above stated those doctrines), were contrary to the doctrine 
 held by the Church of England, I would resign my office. Extra- 
 judicial censures, or contradictions, or opinions, if directed against 
 faith or truth, condemn none but their authors.' 
 
 ' In May, 1867, he joined with 
 seventy other clergy in publishing 
 a similar statement of belief about 
 the Holy Eucharist. See Guardian 
 
 (1867), p. 599. 
 
 * * Will ye also go away ? * 
 Sermon, &c., p. a 8. 
 
 Defence of Eucharistic Doctrine. 
 
 215 
 
 Two months later, the Rev. C. P. GoHghtly wrote and 
 published an anonymous Letter to the Churchwardens of 
 the Diocese of Oxford, in which he alleged charges of 
 serious doctrinal error against Pusey. Bishop Wilberforce 
 felt that so public a statement ought not to be overlooked ; 
 and at his wish Pusey wrote to the local papers inviting 
 Mr. GoHghtly to institute proceedings against him. He 
 promised that he would not avail himself of any side issue 
 that might be raised, but would confine his defence simply 
 to the question of doctrine. He alludes to this matter when 
 writing to Newman about the Eirenicon. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, May 2, 1867. 
 
 ... I am rather waiting to see whether GoHghtly accepts a challenge 
 of mine which you may have seen, if you read the Guardian, Of 
 course I don't care a pin for his abuse ; I only did it because he was 
 trying to stir up the Churchwardens in the three counties [Oxford, 
 Berkshire, and Buckinghamshire], and the Bishop of Oxford wished 
 something done. I have staked my office on the result, if I am 
 decided wrong by a * competent tribunal.' . . . 
 
 I think the more seriously about Golightly's possible move, because 
 the feeling that it was serious came over me, after I had committed 
 the challenge to God as should be for His glory. I mean that He 
 hears such prayers, when one offers Him one's all : and though Courts 
 are slow to convict error, it does not follow that they will be slow 
 to condemn truth. They have an instinct that it is against them. 
 But perhaps G. likes hounding others on, rather than fighting 
 himself. . . . 
 
 But GoHghtly never took the case into the Vice-Chan- 
 cellor's Court. It is quite possible that the legal difficulties 
 of the suit were insurmountable ; and the contest continued 
 on the ground of ritual, in which Pusey was the least 
 interested, instead of on doctrine, where his whole mind was 
 engaged. 
 
 The first Report of the Ritual Commission in August, 
 1867, was mistakenly regarded, at first sight, as a clear 
 attempt to put down all ritual, and as a call for legislation 
 in that direction ; but a little later Pusey came to see that 
 the apparently adverse recommendations of that Report 
 
1 
 
 \ 
 
 
 r I i 
 
 2l6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 were only directed against any attempt to impose ritual on 
 unwilling congregations. At the English Church Union 
 meeting on November 20, 1867, he warmly supported 
 a Resolution to the effect that any proposed alteration of 
 existing laws on the subject should be resisted by Church- 
 men to the utmost of their power. But at the same 
 meeting he spoke most strongly against making any 
 changes in the Services of a parish Church in opposition 
 to the wishes of the communicants in that Church. This 
 regard for the laity in ceremonial points was, he main- 
 tained, entirely different from the question of their inter- 
 ference in matters involving doctrine. He said : — 
 
 * The question does not in the least refer to legislation The share 
 
 of the laity in legislation is one thing, and the right of an individual 
 priest by himself, without the support of his Bishop, or of the general 
 body of the Clergy, or of his own congregation, to introduce changds 
 into the Services is quite another. I do wish to lay stress upon the 
 point that no individual member of the whole body has a right to 
 make changes by himself. ... It has been said that we may have to 
 wait a long time before we can introduce any change at all if we are 
 to wait till we can win the parishioners. I believe it would be better 
 to wait almost any time, except for the Bread of Life Itself— I mean 
 the weekly Communion— rather than introduce changes against the 
 wish of the communicants, especially in this matter of reviving 
 obsolete laws ^' 
 
 On this occasion he had great difficulty in carrying his 
 hearers with him. He described the scene to a corre- 
 spondent several years afterwards: — 
 
 *I had three-fourths or four-fifths of a meeting of the E. C. U. 
 against me on a sentence of mine disclaiming the forcing of ritual on 
 an unwilling congregation. They gave way when I said that if such 
 a proposition were rejected I could be of no more use to the E. C. U. 
 
 or to Ritualism. But I had only one supporter besides and I could 
 
 tell from the scraping of feet throughout the discussion that my 
 opponents had the hearts of the meeting ; not I.' 
 
 In the following year, however, his Eucharistic doctrine 
 was submitted to a legal tribunal in a most unexpected 
 
 * Guaraian, 1867, p. 1280. 
 
 It 
 
 f 
 
 Prosecution of Mr, Bennett, 
 
 217 
 
 manner, and with every possible disadvantage. In the 
 summer of 1868, the Church Association^ commenced a 
 prosecution against the Rev. W. J. E. Bennett, Vicar of 
 Frome Selwood, for his doctrine of the Eucharist, chiefly as 
 stated in a published Letter to Pusey ^, In this Letter he 
 had identified himself with Pusey, but also had used some 
 unguarded and inaccurate language about the Eucharist. 
 Pusey disowned these statements, and induced Mr. Bennett 
 to amend them. At the same time he requested the 
 Church Association to direct the prosecution against him- 
 self instead of against Mr. Bennett. After a little hesitation 
 this request was refused, on the ground (which apparently was 
 sufficiently correct for controversial purposes) that Pusey had 
 already been authoritatively condemned by the University 
 of Oxford ; and the prosecution was continued against 
 Mr. Bennett, for his earlier words, in spite of his amended 
 statement. When the case came on for trial Pusey made 
 several efforts to be included in the suit. In the following 
 letter he explains the grounds for his very justifiable 
 anxiety about it : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Dec. 6, 1868. 
 Amid your many anxious duties, you are not likely to have observed 
 minutely the charges against Mr. Bennett or to have observed how they 
 affect me primarily, and then the whole High Church body. It is 
 a strange part of the present condition of the law, that an accessory, 
 so to speak, may be indicted so as to involve the condemnation of the 
 principal, and yet that principal have no opportunity of defending 
 himself. Except two careless expressions, which Bennett retracted at 
 my wish, he is indicted simply for approval of language of mine, 
 which he states to be mine in the places in which he expresses that 
 approval. If then the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council should 
 condemn Bennett, then I am already condemned : for they are my 
 ipsissima verba for which he would be condemned. And since the 
 Supreme Court of Appeal never reverses its decisions, I could obtain 
 no subsequent hearing. It would be impossible for them, having 
 
 * This Association had recently been 
 established for the special purpose of 
 maintaining and enforcing upon others 
 the Puritan view of the doctrine and 
 
 formularies of the Church of England. 
 * ' A Plea for Toleration in the 
 Church of England.' 
 
2l8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 condemned Bennett for expressing approval of words of mine, to 
 acquit me whose words he approved. 
 
 Were it simply my own case I should not be troubled myselv, or 
 trouble you. It matters little where I spend the remaining years of 
 my life. But it is the existence of the whole High Church body, 
 which is aimed at, and which is at stake ; and, with them, the possible 
 existence of any future High Church party in England. This Judg- 
 ment is to us what the Gorham Judgment would have been to the 
 Evangelicals. 
 
 When Dr. Jackson succeeded Dr. Tait in the See of 
 London it seemed as if the Bennett prosecution might 
 lapse. But by the following August not only was this 
 found to be untrue, but also it was announced that Bennett 
 had definitely refused to defend himself or allow himself to 
 be defended. Since he had identified himself with Pusey, 
 this meant that Pusey was on his trial in an undefended suit, 
 and could get no chance of a hearing. He was, as he said, 
 in the position of Uriah, in the assault on Rabbah. 
 He had been set in the forefront of the battle and there 
 left without any means of defence. 
 
 The Case was heard before the Court of Arches on 
 June 1 6, 17, and 18, 1870, and Judgment was pronounced 
 on July 23. Dr. Phillimore condemned Mr. Bennett's first 
 statements, but acquitted him on the ground of the cor- 
 rected statements in his second edition. He affirmed that 
 it was permissible in the English Church to teach that the 
 Presence of our Lord in the Holy Eucharist was * objective, 
 real, actual, and spiritual,' and that Mr. Bennett's statements 
 about the Eucharistic Sacrifice and Eucharistic worship did 
 not exceed the liberty allowed by the Formularies and the 
 language used by a long roll of illustrious divines who have 
 adorned the English Universities. So far the faith of the 
 Church was clearly defined ; but the case was at once 
 carried by the Church Association before the Final Court 
 of Appeal, and the anxious position was indefinitely 
 prolonged. 
 
 On the news of Dr. Phillimore *s decision, Pusey thus 
 expresses his sense of the situation in a letter to Dr. 
 Bright :— 
 
 The Theological Professoriate in Oxford. 219 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. Bright, D.D. 
 
 [July 24, 1870.] 
 
 It is indeed a great defeat of the Church Association, they having 
 taken what they felt to be vantage-ground on Bennett's inaccurate 
 statements and B. not defending himself. Lord Cairns will do what 
 he can, but he cannot reverse it. However, it is a matter of prayer that 
 he may not be Chancellor by next October. 
 
 - Dr. Bright was one of the younger generation of brilliant 
 and learned men, who had grown up under the influences 
 of the Oxford Movement, and was at this time beginning 
 to take a leading place in the counsels of Churchmen in the 
 University. He had been appointed in January, 1869, to 
 the Regius Professorship of Ecclesiastical History, to which 
 was annexed a Canonry at Christ Church. Pusey welcomed 
 him to the Chapter with great joy. * I have been here,' he 
 said, * forty years, and have never had any one like-minded 
 until now.' 
 
 At this time also the growing friendship with Liddon, 
 which has been evident in their frequent letters, was 
 another source of great joy and real help to Pusey. 
 He had hoped that Liddon would, as he had himself 
 done, spend his life at the University, for he was convinced 
 that no other place in England oft*ered any equal oppor- 
 tunity for influencing the religious future of the country. 
 But Liddon refused the Wardenship of Keble College, and 
 in 1870 accepted a Canonry at St. Paul's, in each case in 
 spite of Pusey's earnest entreaties. In the former case, 
 Liddon left the decision with Bishop Hamilton ; in the 
 latter, after conditionally accepting it, he threw the final 
 decision on Pusey himself, and Pusey decided that the 
 acceptance had better stand. It was therefore all the 
 greater delight to him when, on June 11 of the same year, 
 Liddon was elected to the Ireland Professorship of Exegesis 
 in the University. He hailed it as a means of keeping 
 him in Oxford, there to fight the battle of the Faith by 
 his side. 
 
220 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 [June ii], 1870. 
 You see this is no doing of mine. I hope that you will think this is 
 the Voice of God. It is, equally with St. Paul's, without any act of you 
 or your friends. I had so completely given it up that I was only 
 
 anxious against . ... I am sure that you have the ear and heart 
 
 of the young men. ... I thought when Scott was going, and you, as 
 I supposed, gone, that the Oxford for which we laboured so many 
 years was given up to the infidel. Do then, in the Name of God, 
 accept this. 
 
 Undoubtedly the fight for the Faith in Oxford at that 
 moment needed every soldier, and Liddon could ill be 
 spared from a place where he had already made so great an 
 impression. To Pusey's great happiness he accepted the 
 Chair. 
 
 Soon afterwards Mr. Gladstone appointed another most 
 able pupil of the early Tractarian movement, Mr. J. L. 
 Mozley, to be Regius Professor of Divinity. As a young 
 graduate he had lived in Pusey's house ^ and studied 
 theology, and was for several years one of Newman's closest 
 friends. On the day of his Ordination, in 1838, Newman 
 had written to him the following note : ' Charissime^ I send 
 you my surplice, not knowing whether or not you want it. 
 It is that in which I was ordained deacon and priest^.* 
 As 1845 came nearer there was a suspension of this as of 
 so many other friendships ; and a little later his published 
 opinions on the Baptismal controversy had caused him to 
 stand somewhat aloof from the High Church party alto- 
 gether. But he was well known as one of the most keen 
 and able minds as well as a most brilliant Essayist, 
 a reputation which he more than sustained by the great 
 power of his later University sermons. He had been for 
 some time holding a college living at Shoreham in Sussex, 
 when he was appointed to the Professorship, vacated by 
 Dr. Payne Smith's installation as Dean of Canterbury, 
 and Pusey wrote to tell him of the change that had come 
 over the intellectual life of Oxford since the old times 
 
 * See vol, i. p. 338, and vol. ii. p. 139. 
 
 * Letters of Kev. J. B. Mozley, D.D., p. 8i. 
 
 The Theological Professoriate in Oxford. 221 
 
 when he had lived under his roof. Then it had been the 
 day of grace for the Church in Oxford ; but now her 
 enemies were compassing her on every side. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. B. Mozley. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Feb. 7, 1871. 
 
 How strangely different are the times, in which you return among 
 us, from those in which you left us. Now the fight is not for funda- 
 mentals even, but as to the existence of a Personal God, the living of 
 the soul after death, or whether we have any souls at all, whether 
 there is or can be any positive truth, except as to Physics, &c. I 
 asked a physical Professor about a R. C. book on Geology, and the 
 relations of Physical Science to faith discussed in it. * No one,* he 
 said, * thinks any longer of this ; the question is wholly removed to 
 Materialism, &c. ; ' and instanced some eminent person [or persons], 
 who was entirely happy, having satisfied himself that he had no 
 hereafter. Other physicists look upon Revelation as an interference 
 with the study of physical certainties. 
 
 But we have a grand battle ; I, for whatever time remains to me ; 
 you, during, 1 hope, many years of vigour. It is an encouragement 
 that the battle is so desperate. All or nothing : as when the Gospel 
 first broke in upon heathen philosophies, and the fishermen had the 
 victory. 
 
 Mozley replied : — 
 
 Rev. J. B. Mozley to E. B. P. 
 
 Shoreham, Feb. 9, 187 1. 
 I thank you much for your note, though it contains a sad disclosure 
 of the influence now at work in Oxford. It certainly would seem that 
 a form of Comtism was the prevailing thought of the day, and that it was 
 the only shape in which they would admit the principle of morality and 
 obligation of any kind. People cannot throw over morality altogether, 
 but they imbed it in a more material system. What you mention 
 about persons actually not wanting an hereafter is a horrible feature 
 of the day, and sounds almost like a Second Fall and a descent from 
 human nature. 
 
 About the same time Mr. Gladstone made another not 
 less notable addition to the power of the Church in Oxford 
 by nominating the Rev. Edward King ^, who had been for 
 ten years Principal of the Theological College at Cuddes- 
 don, to the Chair of Pastoral Theology, vacant by the death 
 of Dr. Ogilvie. To the varied and brilliant abilities of the 
 
 * He was consecrated Bishop of Lincoln on St. Mark's Day, April 25, 1885. 
 
222 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 I 
 
 already remarkable body of Theological Professors, Dr. 
 King contributed, besides other high qualifications for his 
 office, a gift of sympathy so extraordinary that it has been 
 well described as ' nothing less than a form of genius.' As 
 a result of this singular power, he was already in touch with 
 a large number of clergy in every part of the country ; and 
 soon after his arrival at Oxford he obtained an influence 
 over the younger members of the University second only, 
 if not quite equal to, that of the most distinguished of his 
 colleagues. 
 
 But Pusey was obliged repeatedly to turn from the 
 special difficulties of the Church in the University to 
 the less congenial controversy about Ritual. On Feb- 
 ruary 23, 1 87 1, the Ritual suit against the Rev. J. Purchas, 
 Incumbent of St. James' Chapel, Brighton, was decided 
 by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. In 
 this decision it was declared that the Rubric which enjoins 
 that, at the time of the consecration in the Communion 
 Service, the priest shall stand 'before the table,* does 
 not necessarily mean 'between the table and the people*; 
 and they condemned Mr. Purchas for having so interpreted 
 it. A petition was made that the Case might be re-heard : 
 but it was refused on the ground of *the grave public 
 mischief that would arise from any doubt being thrown on 
 the finality of the determination' of the Judicial Com- 
 mittee. The Eastward Position of the officiating clergyman 
 which had thus been declared to be illegal and penal, was 
 by widespread consent very closely connected in the popular 
 apprehension with the maintenance of Eucharistic truth, 
 and certainly was most in accordance with the prevailing 
 practice of Christendom. It was practically identified in 
 the eyes of those congregations who had been accustomed 
 to it, with a belief in the Sacrificial aspect of the Holy 
 Eucharist. 
 
 This decision of the Privy Council did not stand alone. 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury publicly stated* that the 
 Bishops would be ready to enforce its observance in cases 
 
 * *Life of Archibald Campbell Tait,' vol. ii. p. 100. 
 
 The Purchas Judgment 
 
 223 
 
 which were brought before them in a legal way ; and the 
 officers of the Church Association exhorted their members 
 to be vigilant and unsparing, loud in an 'abundance of 
 complaints,' while they laid special emphasis on the doctrinal 
 meaning of what was thus condemned. In the face of such 
 a combined attack, Churchmen felt that everything had to 
 be risked to obtain a new hearing of this point, unless the 
 Church of England was to stand committed to the doctrinal 
 standard of the Church Association. They declined to say 
 what they would do, if the Purchas Judgment was finally 
 declared to be the lawful interpretation of the Rubrics ; 
 but for the present it was generally agreed to court further 
 prosecution. 
 
 At the same time, the Bishop of London announced 
 that he had no option about enforcing the Judgment 
 on his clergy ; and therefore the two Senior Canons of 
 St. Paul's, the Rev. R. Gregory and Dr. Liddon, wrote 
 to him stating that they would continue to say the 
 Prayer of Consecration as ordered in the Rubric, and 
 begging to be included in any proceedings that he thought 
 it good to sanction. Pusey at the same time published 
 a Letter to Liddon. He expressed regret that although he 
 used the Eastward Position elsewhere, believing it to be in 
 accordance with the Rubric, and most in harmony with the 
 highest act of Divine worship, he thought himself compelled 
 to abstain from it in the Cathedral at Oxford, where alone 
 he could be held responsible. He proceeded to point 
 out the gravity of the Judgment : that the Privy Council, 
 under whose authority the greatest laxity of doctrine had 
 been sanctioned in the 'Essays and Reviews' case, was 
 now proceeding to enforce the most rigid stringency in 
 matters of Ritual. He thought resistance a lesser evil than 
 obedience, but he declined to counsel any co-operation 
 with those who would disestablish the Church, ' in view of 
 the sufferings and privations, temporal and spiritual, of our 
 villages,' if that policy were carried out. But he adds, 
 'We may be driven (and God only knows how soon) to 
 decide whether it be right and faithful to our God " propter 
 
 \ 
 
 - 
 
 
224 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 vitam Vivendi perdere causas," for the sake of an Establish- 
 ment which has such a fleeting life to see that wrested 
 from us which alone gives to Establishments their value/ 
 
 This Letter he published as a postscript to a Letter which 
 Liddon wrote to Sir John Coleridge, who entirely sym- 
 pathized with the opposition to the decision. Pusey 
 added yet a few more words at the last moment about 
 the condemnation of the Mixed Chalice. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 April 5, 1 87 1. 
 
 When will your letter be printed ? It would be worth while for me 
 to give the proof about the Mixed Chalice, and this I would ascertain 
 at the British Museum on Monday. It is so absurd that the Court 
 should have laid down that the Church of England condemns our 
 Blessed Lord's mode of celebration. But it is better not to wait a day 
 for anything except that you write fully what you mean. • 
 
 It is a grand fight and enough to make one twenty years younger. 
 
 But it is of moment that the Letter should be out as soon as it 
 is consistent with your other occupations and the fullness of your life. 
 
 It is a sort of programme of our proceedings, which ought to stay 
 the minds of our friends. And every word of yours will be of value, 
 especially for the younger men and for England* 
 
 He was extremely anxious to throw in his lot with those 
 who contravened the Privy Council's interpretation of the 
 law by taking the Eastward position in the Cathedral at 
 Oxford ; but he refrained from doing so out of personal 
 regard for two of the Canons who would be pained by 
 such an action. Yet he found himself forced to adopt it 
 by the fact that his practice at Christ Church was alleged 
 against Liddon at St. Paul's. Therefore, from Ascension 
 Day, 1 87 1 and onwards, he consecrated eastwards in the 
 Cathedral, except when either Dr. Ogilvie or Dr. Heurtley 
 was present. 
 
 Three years later, after Dr. Ogilvie s death, he began to 
 use the Eastward position on all occasions, as he thought 
 that Dr. Heurtley would not object ; but he received at 
 once a letter of remonstrance on the ' breach of law.' His 
 answer showed exactly his relation to this practice :— 
 
 ii« r I 
 
 The ' Eastward Position ' at Christ Church, 225 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. Dr. Heurtley. 
 
 Christ Church, April 25, 1874. 
 I do not know whether you have seen anything which I have written 
 publicly. I have adhered to the way used at Christ Church, in order 
 not to give pains to Canons yet older than myself, especially dear 
 Ogilvie. I do not attach any doctrinal meaning to the position. 
 Of course, I cannot ; since until of late I have not used it. I suppose 
 that you have not been in Church when I have used it before, but 
 having used it before I did not think that you minded it. I believe 
 that in standing as I did this morning, I was obeying the law of the 
 Church, which directs me to stand * before the Table' ; for ^before the 
 Table' cannot, I think, mean * at the side ^the Table,' and Lord Cairns' 
 Judgment cannot alter the meaning of the English word * before.* 
 However I have, for love's sake, disobeyed what seemed to me the 
 obvious and necessary meaning of the Church's law, because I thought 
 that the law of charity was a higher law. But as to setting at naught 
 Lord Cairns' Judgment as to its meaning, there is no way of * seeking 
 to have the matter tried again ' (which you seem to think allowable) 
 
 save by contravening it If you read the Times^ you will see that 
 
 my practice was made an argument against that of my friends (such 
 as Liddon and Gregory at St. Paul's), and believing that you did not 
 feel strongly about it (as in a matter of fact you do not, except that you 
 suppose it to be a breach of law) I made the slight change from my 
 former position. However charity is the higher law, and since it pains 
 
 you, you need not fear that I should use it when you are there In 
 
 law I am told that there is what is called * judge-made law,' that is 
 the result of the Judgments delivered, if undisputed. It is a principle 
 I have understood in civil law that such Judgments may be contra- 
 vened with a view to having the question reconsidered. Those who 
 have contravened Lord Cairns' Judgment have been acting, I under- 
 stand, on a principle recognized by law. 
 
 The far more directly important prosecution of Mr. 
 Bennett for Eucharistic doctrine was, as has been said, not 
 allowed to rest after the acquittal in the Court of Arches. 
 The appeal of the Church Association to the Privy Council 
 was heard in December, 1871, Lord Hatherley being Lord 
 Chancellor; and on June 8, 1872, in the very crisis of the 
 anxiety about the Athanasian Creed, the Judgment was 
 delivered. The Final Court confirmed the decision of the 
 Court of Arches. The news was brought by Dr. Bright to 
 Pusey, who was far from well. He was already beginning 
 to suffer from the illness which necessitated his going 
 
 VOL. IV. Q 
 
226 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 t i 
 
 abroad in the next Long Vacation, and terminated eventu- 
 ally in the dangerous attack of the following January. 
 Dr. Bright thus describes the interview with him : — 
 
 * Went to see Pusey. He is very glad, of course. But he has got 
 a fresh cold, and he now finds he cannot work in the evening . . . 
 He is certainly much weaker than he was in -body. But how Hke him 
 it was to say, with a sweet, eager look, after we had been talking of this 
 failure of the attempt to get Bennett condemned, "Well now, how 
 would it do to make one more appeal to the Evangelicals and say, 
 * Now that this is over, will you not join with us in opposing unbelief? "* 
 I answered in effect that I felt sure they would not respond to this 
 appeal. I instanced Shaftesbury's present line about the Athanasian 
 Creed. " Ah ! " he said, " I don't understand Shaftesbury now." ' 
 
 After being defeated on a point of such critical impor- 
 tance, it is astonishing that the Church Association could 
 continue the childish policy of attacking the ritual which 
 expressed the doctrine they could not touch. Those who 
 used the ritual could not surrender it, when they had 
 taught their people what it meant, without appearing to 
 surrender the doctrine itself But so long as they retained 
 it, the Church Association was resolved to use to the 
 utmost the weapon which the decision in the Purchas case 
 had put into their hands, and, under the sacred plea of 
 enforcing ' the law,* to prosecute these outward expressions 
 of a truth which they themselves had given the Law Courts 
 an opportunity of affirming. 
 
 At this time Pusey had to use all his influence to prevent 
 Liddon leaving Oxford. Under the strain of the twofold 
 work of his Professorship at Oxford and his Canonry at 
 St. Paul's, and amid the excitement of the day, his health 
 was breaking down. His medical adviser recommended 
 the resignation of the Professorship, but Pusey wrote to 
 explain that he did not think such a course would give 
 the needed relief. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Dr. Ogle. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Jan. 21, [1872]. 
 No one can influence Liddon except his physician. Have you 
 observed the effect of that peculiar work at St. Paul's, the strain on 
 his whole strength from that preaching under the dome, and all his 
 
 LiddofCs Professorship, 227 
 
 lecturing ? I used to be in terror at the strain of his preaching long 
 before he was made Canon. He was ill, I think, repeatedly after 
 a sermon. He throws his whole energy into his sermon, and speaks, 
 I suppose, not in his natural voice, but with an exhausting force. 
 
 My own belief is, that the resignation of his Professorship would 
 only aggravate the physical evil, and that he would only bring about 
 what you dread, all the sooner. He imbibed from Bp. Hamilton, 
 to whom he much looked up, the thought that Cathedrals ought to be 
 places of very central exertion, which they could not be under the 
 system of a three months* residence. . . . 
 
 Last year the stress was the greater, because, through a vacancy 
 at St. Paul's, he had four months' residence, instead of three ; in those 
 four months he was straining himself to the utmost, and then his work 
 here was the more oppressive because he had less time in which 
 to do it. . . . 
 
 But conceive his having no work except his Canonry, and that, with 
 that vast Church to fill, and his idea of carrying out Bp. Hamilton's 
 thought of what a Cathedral ought to be, and the terrific spiritual 
 wants of London ; do you not think that the towards six months, which 
 are spent here, would be employed in much more exhausting work 
 in London ? 
 
 ^ I should look upon his resigning his Professorship, as consigning 
 him to an early death, on account of the excessive strain of his mul- 
 tiplying and ramifying work at St. Paul's. ... 
 
 I write this letter, because you seemed to take it for granted, that 
 his resignation of his Professorship would be a diminution of toiL 
 I believe that it would be an aggravation of it; and this opinion 
 I found on all my past knowledge of his mind. But I write it, not 
 to elicit an answer, but for your consideration medically. 
 
 The earnest wish that lay behind arguments of the 
 'fxeyas' as Liddon always called him, prevailed, and he 
 retained his- Professorship, at whatever cost of physical 
 strain, until after Pusey 's death. 
 
 'i 
 
 Q2 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE ATHANASIAN CR'EED CONTROVERSY. 
 
 1870-1873. 
 
 The controversy about the Athanasian Creed was a 
 sudden and most unexpected result of the Royal Com- 
 mission on Ritual which had originally been appointed 
 in 1867. When this Commission was eneaged in preparing 
 its fourth Report, which suggested alterations of the 
 Rubrics throughout the Prayer-book, Lord Stanhope pro- 
 posed a modification of the Rubric which stands before 
 the Athanasian Creed ; his aim was to make the use of 
 that formulary in public worship optional instead of com- 
 pulsory. The Commission under the influence of Bishop 
 Wilberforce voted that such a proposal was ultra vires \ 
 but at a later meeting, when some new members had joined 
 the Commission, this vote was treated as only a provisional 
 arrangement ; and the proposed alteration was again taken 
 into .consideration. On July 8, 1869, it was rejected ; but 
 in spite of this, other proposals were brought forward with 
 a like object. Before any decision was arrived at, memorials 
 for and against the innovation were sent to the Arch- 
 bishops, and laid before the Commission. A memorial in 
 favour of some kind of change was signed by a body of 
 forty-four clergy and laymen, who, differing very widely 
 among themselves as to the kind of change which they 
 desired, yet agreed in wishing for some sort of alteration ; 
 and, on the other hand, the following representation, signed 
 
 The Ritual Commission^ 
 
 229 
 
 by upwards of twelve hundred clergy and laity, was sent 
 to the Archbishops by Pusey in February, 1870 : — 
 
 * Of the proposals submitted to your Graces, we are of opinion, that 
 either to use the Creed less frequently in the Church Service than at 
 present, or to render its use in any cases optional, or to omit the mis- 
 termed damnatory clauses, will be fraught with danger to the best 
 interests of the Church. 
 
 * Any of these expedients would be a grave injury to the maintenance 
 of the dogmatic principle in the Church of England in its relation to 
 the most central truths of Faith, and a new and severe shock would 
 be given to the confidence of many of her most attached members in 
 the claim to teach unfalteringly the Faith once delivered to the 
 Saints. 
 
 * If we do not suggest the insertion of an explanation of the real 
 force of the most solemn warnings of the Creed, this is because we 
 apprehend that every well-instructed Christian must understand them 
 to apply only to those whom God knows to have enjoyed full oppor- 
 tunities for attaining faith in the perfect Truth and to have deliberately 
 rejected it. 
 
 * In the interests of the future cohesion of the Church of England 
 we earnestly beg your Graces not to sanction any tampering with an 
 essential portion of the Book of Common Prayer, in which under God 
 we still recognize our most powerful bond of unity V 
 
 While this subject was being discussed by the Royal 
 Commission, together with the examination of every Rubric 
 in the Prayer Book, another great change was being dealt 
 with by Convocation. On Feb. 10, 1870, Bishop Wilber- 
 force proposed the appointment of a Committee to consider 
 the Revision of the Authorized Version of the Bible. Many 
 years before, when Pusey was fresh from his studies in 
 Germany, he had commenced a revision on his own ac- 
 count ^ which he abandoned at first because of other work, 
 and afterwards because of his own mistakes. In maturer 
 years, he said of them in his will, dated 1875, * I saw reason 
 to withdraw many alterations which I made when young.' 
 He deeply regretted that Bishop Wilberforce should now 
 lend his weight to an authoritative scheme of the kind, 
 and wrote to tell him so. 
 
 ' Fourth Report of the Royal Commission on Ritual, p. 159. 
 * See Vol. i. pp. 118-122. 
 
 PI 
 1 11 
 
230 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 Feb. 12, 1870. 
 
 ... I fear that evil will result, from the state of criticism as to the 
 text of the New Testament and as to the language of the Old. 
 
 . . . There is a fashion in criticism, and I think that there was 
 a good deal of truth in what the Bishop of St. David's said, that one 
 revision would involve continued revision. For if the principle is 
 admitted that supposed errors are to be corrected, there ought to be 
 continual revision. Yet I have outlived a good many interpretations. 
 I have seen their birth, their flourishing state, their death and burial 
 and their mummy state, in which they are curiosities. I doubt not 
 that there has been considerable increase in the knowledge of Greek 
 as a language : in Hebrew our translators had every advantage which 
 we have, except a very uncertain one, the comparison of cognate 
 dialects in the illustration of obscure words. 
 
 There is also a fashion in being liberal, not insisting overmuch on 
 orthodox interpretation. . . . 
 
 But this is nothing compared with the questions raised as to the 
 Athanasian Creed and the Liturgy, except [so far] as the corrections 
 of the translation will, as I fear, shake faith. The Bible, more than 
 the Church, holds the masses of Englishmen to Christianity ; their 
 source of Faith is, I believe, the Bible. If their confidence in the 
 Bible IS shaken, so will be their Christianity. 
 
 For these reasons he dech'ned to join the Old Testament 
 Revision Committee when it was formed. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. p. Liddon. 
 
 May 30, 1870. 
 I have declined the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol's invitation to 
 join the Revision Committee, on the ground that on the verge of 
 seventy, one must make one's choice what one would still do on earth 
 for God, and that I hope that I am doing good by my Commentary, 
 whereas I anticipated no good from Revision, in which I should pro- 
 bably only be in a minority. This is final. 
 
 He was all the more glad that he had refused when he 
 discovered that a Unitarian minister had been asked to 
 take part in a work which had originated with the Bishops 
 in the Convocation of Canterbury. When Dean Stanley 
 invited all the members of the Revision Committee to 
 receive the Holy Communion in Westminster Abbey, and 
 admitted the Unitarian to Communion with the others, 
 Pusey, though he felt keenly the character of such an act] 
 
 The ^Westminster Scandal' 
 
 231 
 
 declined to regard it as one for which the Church could in 
 any way be held responsible. He wrote about it to Liddon 
 on July 2. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon. 
 
 July 2, 1870. 
 Single Bishops or an association like the Revisionists do not 
 commit the Church. . . . Dear J. H. N. said to me one day at 
 Littlemore, * Pusey, we have leant on the Bishops, and they have 
 given way under us.' Dear J. K. and I never did lean on the 
 Bishops, but on the Church. We, or rather the whole Church have 
 had plenty of scandals as to Bishops, and always shall have them. 
 
 But there were many others who would not accept his 
 view that all the blame lay with the Dean of Westminster, 
 but maintained that the Bishops were really responsible for 
 the scandal. It was the cause of great ofifence, and the 
 Bishops in no way repudiated it. No protest was raised 
 in Convocation: to many the Church seemed to have 
 forgotten the Nicene Creed, and their faith was strained to 
 the breaking-point. Pusey wrote to Bishop Wilberforce to 
 beg some help from the Bishops to calm the agitation : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, July iS, 1870. 
 
 I thank you for your letter ; but you might as well say * Stop ! 
 stop ! * to an army in full rout as try to allay a panic, that the Church 
 of England in Convocation has assented to the denial of the Faith, 
 otherwise than by repudiation of the act which would involve it. 
 Could not you prevail on the Bishops of Salisbury and Gloucester and 
 Bristol to say, each, that he holds it wrong to invite to Holy Commu- 
 nion one who denies the Godhead of our Lord, or that Atoning Death, 
 of which that Blessed Sacrament is the memorial and participation ; 
 I mean, to say this in the abstract .'* 
 
 I heard yesterday from Bennett of Frome : * Many are preparing to 
 secede ; but whither, they know not, but somewhere they must go 
 rather than be against their Lord.' These are not what are called 
 Romanisers ; for Bennett says, * they know not where to go.' It is in 
 mere despondency and terror about the Church of England, and lest 
 they should be involved in the guilt of this sacrilegious Communion. 
 No one would have been disturbed by any doings of Dean Stanley. 
 They were simply in keeping with his whole character, as a fanatic 
 enemy of all dogma. The misery was, that so many Bishops, when 
 appealed to in Convocation, seemed deliberately to connive at and 
 defend it. 
 
232 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 I do not wish those two Bishops to retract what they have said, but 
 to say something which they have not said, and which one should 
 have thought every Bishop could say, that it is not right to invite to 
 the Holy Communion one who does not believe the Creed of the 
 Church, and who denies the Godhead of our Lord, and His Atoning 
 Death. Your Lordship will do great service if you can persuade this. 
 
 ^ The agitation about this * Westminster scandal/ as it was 
 rightly called, lasted far into the following year ; it was 
 at its height when, in September, 1870, the fourth Report 
 of the Ritual Commission appeared. In the text, the 
 Report recommended a vast number of emendations to 
 the Rubrics ; it left the use of the Athanasian Creed as 
 it was before, but proposed the following explanatory 
 statement: * Note, that the condemnations in this Confession 
 of Faith are to be no otherwise understood than as a solemn 
 warning of the peril of those who wilfully reject the Catholic 
 Faith/ This would have been satisfactory enough; but 
 any value it may have had was entirely nullified when it 
 was found that seventeen out of twenty-seven of the Com- 
 missioners had appended to their own report a series of 
 separate protests against the ' Note/ Foremost among the 
 dissentients was Dr. Tait, the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 who openly declared against the use of the Creed in the 
 service of the Church. A great fight was evidently at hand. 
 At one time, the Archbishop appears to have thought 
 that he could carry his project with little difficulty. He 
 wrote to the Bishop of London about it as of a question 
 *in which there seems to be an almost universal consent 
 in the Church.' He urged that a clause allowing the 
 disuse of the Creed should be added to the Bill in con- 
 nexion with the new Lectionary which the Government 
 was about to re-introduce in 1871. But the Ministry 
 would not consent to this course. The Bill was intro- 
 duced without it ; and when, on April 25, Mr. (afterwards 
 Sir) T. Chambers proposed such a clause in the House 
 of Commons, the feeling of the Bishops was so strong 
 agamst this method of procedure that the Archbishop 
 himself was obliged to use his influence with the mover 
 to restrain him from taking a vote on the subject. 
 
 
 Proposals about the Athanasian Creed. 233 
 
 It was obvious, however, that the battle must be fought 
 in Convocation. In that assembly, although very few 
 objected to the actual statements in the Creed, yet the 
 practical difficulties raised by the common misunderstand- 
 ing of its warning clauses were found to have great weight. 
 Heated debates produced no satisfactory conclusion. At 
 last, on June 14, on the proposal of Bishop Wilberforce, 
 a Committee of all the English Bishops was appointed to 
 consider the question and report to their next meeting. 
 Pusey felt that every effort must be made to prevent other 
 Bishops from being misled by the Archbishop, and he had 
 many fears about the attitude which Bishop Wilberforce 
 might take. It was advisable therefore that the Bishops, 
 before they came to a decision, should know some of the 
 consequences either of mutilating the Creed or of removing 
 it from its place in the public service of the Church. He 
 thus expressed his own position to Bishop Wilberforce :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Oct. 19, 1871. 
 I am grieved to gather an impression from different sources, that 
 you are in favour of banishing the Athanasian Creed from our Services. 
 I believe that it is our only safeguard against our clergy and people 
 falling into Nestorianism and Eutychianism, some into the one, some 
 into the other. It seems to be thought that those who have faith may 
 always be sacrificed with impunity to those who have none. I have 
 fought the battle of the Faith for more than half my life. I have tried 
 to rally people to the Church when other hearts failed. But if the 
 Athanasian Creed is touched, I see nothing to be done but to give 
 up my Canonry, and abandon my fight for the Church of England. 
 It would not be the same Church for which I have fought hitherto. 
 I should not doubt myself that Liddon would do the same. Indeed* 
 he could hardly bring himself to look at the question, which the 
 Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol proposed to the Divinity Professors 
 about the text and translation of the Creed, in the name of the Bishops 
 of both Provinces. 
 
 This move of the * old Catholic party ' abroad may make an opening 
 to many who could not have joined the Church of Rome. Or I might 
 myself abandon our fight at Oxford, which year by year becomes more 
 hopeful, and go to Scotland. 
 
 I cannot say what I should do. May God teach me ! But one 
 thing I cannot do— abide as a teacher in a Church which abandons 
 
? 
 
 234 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 a Creed which expresses the faith of Christendom, as expressed by * 
 the great Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, and held from the first. 
 As for the idea, which I hear to have been introduced, of placing it 
 with the Thirty-nine Articles, it is merely a civil bowing it out. 
 Hitherto, I have been able to say and to teach in sincerity, that the 
 Church of England teaches her people through the Prayer-book in 
 the language of the people. This has been my plea for these twenty- 
 one years, * Lex supplicandi lex credendi.' I could say so no more. 
 
 I cannot think that your Lordship would take upon yourself the 
 responsibility of making this split in the Church of England. I do 
 not think that, on that deathbed to which we are approaching, some 
 sooner, some later, but all, year by year, nearer, you would like to 
 have It upon your conscience. I do not think that you would like the 
 memory that one who had long studied the human mind told you that 
 you combined in letting loose Nestorianism and Eutychianism and 
 Aj-ianism upon the Church of England. I believe that the removal 
 of the Athanasian Creed would do this, and those who contribute to it 
 would be among the agents. Your Lordship has a right zeal for winning 
 aU to the truth, but fire and water cannot be combined. We have 
 endured much : but we cannot endure having one of our Creeds rent 
 from us. 
 
 I cannot believe that you would concur in it : but reports so grave 
 are circulated, that I felt it my duty to say how deeply such a measure, 
 as those talked of, would cut. 
 
 An entry in Bishop Wilberforce's diary of the following 
 day, October 20 ^ informs us that he showed this letter and 
 a similar one from Liddon to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 with whom he was then staying ; and although the Arch- 
 bishop had openly avowed his wish to remove the Creed 
 from the services of the Church, and only a few days before 
 had been eager to get legislative sanction for such a course, 
 yet to all appearance he was 'for the time convinced that 
 he must not' attempt to meddle with it Pusey in the 
 meanwhile returned to the attack, and set himself to state 
 with even greater clearness the really critical character of 
 the question. He therefore sent to Bishop Wilberforce 
 another letter a few days later. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Oct. 25, 1871. 
 It is strange, after above forty-six years of labour for the Faith and for 
 the Church of England, to hold my office of teaching in her by a thread, 
 
 ^ Life of Bishop Wilberforce, vol. iii. p. 390. 
 
 I 
 
 Correspondence with Bishop Wilberforce. 235 
 
 the possible act of those under whom I have laboured. I do not say 
 this publicly, because it would only stimulate some to urge the more, 
 what would bring about my resignation. It is not for me to wish 
 to bring this uncertainty to a close, except as I wish earnestly that 
 our Bishops may not do what would be fatal to the Church and to faith 
 m her. But in this state of suspense I am entirely crippled, as to any 
 plans for the Church, which depend upon clerical income, seeing that 
 my own may be forfeited at any time, nor could I advise any who 
 hesitated, to receive Holy Orders, seeing I may have to cease from the 
 office of teacher. I did not know when I last wrote to your Lordship, 
 that Dr. Liddon had publicly stated that he should resign his office 
 of teaching if the Athanasian Creed were tampered with. It is not 
 for me to estimate what effects our joint resignation might produce. 
 Liddon's influence here with the young men is only equalled by that 
 which Newman had in his most influential days. He has been the 
 great instrument of restoring faith. Those congregations in St. Paul's 
 are only a specimen of his London influence : not a sermon but brings 
 numbers of inquiring minds, seeking after faith. If it should please 
 God that that voice should be silenced by death, every one would 
 mourn the loss. Now they are our own Bishops, whose act would 
 silence him. For myself, my work, at seventy-one, must be almost 
 done : still glimpses, which I have from time to time, show me that 
 many hearts would be a good deal shaken, if I should have to resign 
 my office, on the ground that I could no longer keep the office of 
 teacher in the Church of England. I have no idea who else would 
 resign, or what people would do ; but the fact of my having stood 
 firm during so many shocks for these twenty-six years would emphasize 
 the more my having to give way now. Each resignation too (Liddon's 
 and mine) would give the greater import to the other. 
 
 I have stood, and said that I would stand, so long as the Church 
 of England remains the same. I said to Bishop Jenner, in view of 
 people's restlessness and the talks of change, * I have wondered 
 whether the Church of England will last my time, or whether it will 
 split in two.' Your Lordship will think that it would be no slight 
 wrench to have to give up the work of all those years. But I dare not 
 hold on, if there should be any organic change. I should gladly see 
 any right explanation of those warning clauses in the Athanasian 
 Creed. To abandon them would [be] to me to be ashamed of our Lord's 
 words, * He that believeth not shall be condemned,' * He that rejecteth 
 Me and receiveth not My words hath one that judgeth him : the word 
 that I have spoken, the same shall judge him at the last day.' It is 
 plainly (as your Lordship must feel), the same contempt of Almighty 
 God to refuse to believe what He reveals to us, as to refuse to do what 
 He bids us. But of disobedience men repent : of unbelief or misbelief, 
 voluntarily contracted, scarce any. 
 
 Equally, or even more, I should think it fatal to relegate the 
 Athanasian Creed into some corner, to be acknowledged by one knows 
 
 I 
 
 
236 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 not whom of the clergy, but to make no part of our devotions, to be 
 banished out of the minds of the people. The Athanasian Creed has 
 been the guide of my faith, ever since I began to think as a young 
 man. What it has been to me it has been to all who have thought 
 on those subjects of faith. Your Lordship must be aware, that it is 
 the object of attack on two grounds; (i) its clear dogmatic faith, 
 which minds like Dean Stanley's hate; (2) that it asserts the 
 •importance of definite faith to all who can have it. The contrary 
 is the heresy of the day. * It is of no importance what we believe,* 
 *one Creed is as good as another,' is the central heresy of the day. 
 There are symptoms that if it were (God forbid) given up, the Nicene 
 Creed would be soon a point of attack, and whatever contains a 
 definite faith. 
 
 I am amazed, why grave persons should now be talking of giving 
 up the Athanasian Creed. 
 
 Before the end of the month Pusey received the following 
 letter from the Archbishop : — 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury to E. B. P. 
 
 Oct. 30, 1 87 1. 
 
 It was stated at a meeting of Bishops held last summer at Lambeth 
 that you had suggested some explanation of those clauses in the 
 Athanasian Creed which are supposed by certain persons to declare 
 that no member of the Greek Church can be saved. I am of course 
 firmly convinced myself that the Church of England does not adopt 
 the clauses in question with any such meaning. You are probably 
 aware of the proposal made by the Ritual Commission to add an 
 explanatory rubric to the Creed. The Bishop of Winchester has 
 recently informed me, that in a letter deprecating any organic change 
 in this Creed, you have said you would ' gladly see any right explana- 
 tion of those warning clauses.' There is no doubt that very many 
 faithful minds have been and are afflicted by the clauses unexplained. 
 
 It would be a great help to me at this anxious time if you would 
 kindly tell me what the explanatory words are which I am led to 
 suppose would be acceptable to you. I know how strong your feelings 
 as to the danger of touching this Creed are, and it is therefore the 
 more desirable that I should know your mind as to any right mode 
 of explanation. 
 
 The Archbishops letter showed Pusey that Bishop 
 Wilberforce had warmly and most successfully espoused 
 the cause which he had at heart. If the Archbishop was 
 about to be satisfied with explanatory words, the hold of 
 the Church of England on the Catholic faith would not be 
 
 The Oxford Explanatory Note. 237 
 
 loosened. Pusey wrote at once to thank the Bishop for his 
 intervention. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, All Saints Eve, 1871. 
 Thanks be to God, and under God, I bless Him for your Lordship's 
 interposition. Bright said, ' Then the Church of England is saved.* 
 It is a heavy weight rolled off, after which one can breathe again 
 freely. 
 
 Liddon tells me that, at the time of the Ritual Commission, you 
 framed a very clear statement as to the Greek Church in reference 
 to the Athanasian Creed and the inclusion of the Filioque. The 
 clauses cannot really apply to them, since we had the Filioque from 
 our great Greek Archbishop Theodore, St. Augustine of Canterbury's 
 successor. It might be of great use to us here, if your Lordship 
 could recall what that formula was and would entrust it to me. 
 
 At the same time a formal request was received from 
 Bishop Ellicott, in the name of the Committee of Bishops, 
 addressed to the Divinity Professors of Oxford and Cam- 
 bridge, asking their advice in this matter. Some of the 
 Oxford Professors were most unwilling to enter on the 
 question. They had already in the Memorial to the 
 Ritual Commission of February, 1870, declared that they 
 did not see the necessity for alteration or explanation, and 
 further they did not know what use might be made of 
 anything which they might suggest. But Pusey urged them 
 to the work, on the ground that it was the Archbishop's 
 wish. At last, early in December, the following Note was 
 sent to Bishop Ellicott : — 
 
 Your Lordship has addressed us severally in the name of the 
 Bishops of both Provinces asking our aid in the revision of the original 
 text and Prayer Book version of the Athanasian Creed, together 
 with any * suggestions ' that might occur to us. 
 
 We have held frequent mutual consultations, and respectfully beg 
 leave to report as follows : — 
 
 I. After examining the various readings of the Latin text of the 
 Athanasian Creed which our translation may be assumed generally to 
 represent, we find none of sufficient authority to warrant us in 
 suggesting them fo your Lordships with a view to the revision of the 
 text. 
 
 With respect to certain omissions in the Commentary of Fortunatus 
 
 . i , 
 
238 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Renewed attack on the Creed. 
 
 239 
 
 it is evident from an inspection of that manuscript of the Commentary 
 which is preserved in the Bodleian Library and is believed to be the 
 oldest in existence, that the commentator cannot have intended to 
 exhibit a complete text of the Creed since, in some cases, passages 
 are wanting which are obviously necessary to the coherence of the 
 text on which he comments. 
 
 It must further be observed that of the warning verses commonly, 
 although improperly, called damnatory, the first are given by Fortunatus, 
 while those he omits have the support of all known manuscripts of 
 the Creed. 
 
 II. We should not have been disposed to recommend any alteration 
 in a translation associated with three centuries of faith and devotion. 
 But if such a proposal is entertained we would observe — 
 
 1. That the Prayer Book version of the Creed has departed from 
 the Sarum Text in its rendering of verses 29 and 42 — * Ut incamationem 
 quoque Domini nostri lesti Christ i fide liter credat^ * Quam nisi quis- 
 que fideliter firmiterque crediderit! 
 
 2. That having considered various new renderings of particular 
 expressions, we are of opinion that the following alone are of sufficient 
 importance to be laid before your Lordships : — 
 
 (a) Verses 9, 12. For 'incomprehensible' * incomprehensibles * 
 
 read * infinite ' * infinites.' 
 (3) Verse 23. For * of the Father and of the Son ' read * of the 
 
 Father and the Son.* 
 (y) Verse 28. For * He therefore that will be saved must thus 
 think of the Trinity ' read * He therefore that would be saved 
 let him thus think of the Trinity.' 
 Your Lordships will observe that we are unable to make any sugges- 
 tions as to either the text or the translation which may be expected to 
 obviate the objections popularly raised against the Creed. But on 
 this very account we the more willingly submit for consideration 
 the following form of a Note such as may tend to remove some 
 misconceptions. 
 
 Note. — That nothing in this Creed is to be understood as con- 
 demning those who, by involuntary ignorance or invincible prejudice 
 are hindered from accepting the faith therein declared. 
 
 We cannot conclude without expressing to your Lordships our deep 
 sense of the practical value of this Creed as teaching us how to think 
 and believe on the central mysteries of the faith. Experience has 
 proved it to be a safeguard against fundamental errors into which the 
 human mind has often fallen, and is ever liable to fall. For these 
 reasons we earnestly trust that, in the good providence of God, this 
 Creed will always retain its place in the public service of our 
 Church. 
 
 J. B. MOZLEY, D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity. 
 
 E. B. Pusey, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew. 
 
 Ch. a. Ogilvie, D.D., Regius Professor of Pastoral Theology. 
 
 
 
 C. A. Heurtley, D.D., Margaret Professor of Divinity. 
 
 W. Bright, D.D., Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History. 
 
 H. P. LiDDON, D.D., Ireland Professor of Exegesis. 
 
 On the same day that this reply was sent Pusey wrote 
 to the Archbishop of Canterbury to tell him of the decision ^ 
 He added — 
 
 E. B. p. to the Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 December (? 2), 1871. 
 ... Dr. Bright told us of a dictum of your Grace which he had 
 treasured up from his Rugby days, ' That a person cannot hold what 
 he has not received,' or to this effect. I think that this explanation 
 removes all objections by exempting all except culpable rejection of 
 the known Mind of God, and it is, I suppose, even greater contempt of 
 God wilfully to reject what He declares to us, than to do what He 
 forbids us. For it is more deliberate rejection. Anyhow it does not 
 say any more than our Lord, St. John xii. 48. 
 
 The Bishops met at Lambeth on December 5, and the 
 Archbishop openly declared against a material alteration 
 of the Athanasian Creed. He gave as his reason for this, 
 his fear lest an alteration should split the Church, and it 
 was decided that Convocation should be asked, as soon 
 as possible, whether legislative sanction should be sought 
 for an Explanatory Rubric of some kind. 
 
 But the question was not to be so easily settled. A letter 
 from ' Anglicanus ' in the Times of December 23, showed 
 that the writer at least had not shared the Archbishop's 
 change of policy, and that he intended to renew his attack 
 on the Creed itself. It was well known that the Arch- 
 bishop's heart was still with this effort, even when his 
 judgment was obliged to go against it. Upon this, Liddon 
 wrote to the Archbishop, as he and Pusey had done two 
 months before to the Bishop of Winchester, to state that if 
 the offending clauses were struck out by the Convocation 
 of Canterbury, or the Creed disused, he would resign his 
 preferments and retire from the Ministry of the English 
 Church. Pusey thought that all fear of the alteration was 
 over when the Archbishop had once changed his mind ; 
 
 1 ^ 
 
 Life of Archibald Campbell Tait,' ii. 133. 
 
 f] 
 
 \\\ 
 
 — ;'liSc:»#'ir 
 
 MM 
 
240 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 and he had not seen the Times correspondence. Liddon 
 wrote to tell him of the letter of * Anglicanus/ and of his 
 correspondence with the Archbishop. He replied : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 [Torquay, Jan. 2, 1872.] 
 
 I hoped we had been in port. The Archbishop knows from the 
 Bishop of Winchester that I stake my all on the Athanasian Creed. 
 Lord Beauchamp is very apprehensive about an attempt against the 
 Athanasian Creed as making way for the central heresy of the day, 
 the unimportance of definite faith to salvation. 
 
 They will send people by shoals off to Rome, and we could do 
 nothing to prevent it. They will not shake Ritualists very possibly, 
 whom they might wish to get rid of. These take their own line of 
 caring for nothing, would go on their own way ; say the Athanasian 
 Creed in the old way. So the reign of lawlessness would be enlarged, 
 and dutiful minds would be precipitated to the Church of Rome. It 
 seems to me such utter madness now, when the Vatican Council would 
 by its decree of Papal Infallibility have gained great rest for minds 
 among us, to make changes which would unhinge even quiet minds. 
 
 I only had your letter [to-day]. You may use any of this with my 
 name to the Archbishop. 
 
 The Archbishop called this announcement *a threat,' 
 and many of Pusey's friends were unable to understand 
 why he should act in this way. To one of them he wrote 
 a full explanation : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. A. Woodgate. 
 
 Oxford [Feb. 12, 1872]. 
 
 The more the fact as to L. and myself distresses you, the more 
 essential it seems to me. It does not matter taking one's stand 
 a little earlier or later. The Athanasian Creed is only a part of a 
 whole ; a Metz, which, if it fell, people would march on. It is no 
 secret as to L. or me. He has written formally to the Archbishop ; 
 / to the Bishop of Winchester, who told the Archbishop ; but the 
 Juggernaut car is still driven on, and that by the Archbishop. 
 
 I think that the effect of Liddon's resignation would be to send so 
 many who are coming to the faith, both here and in London, adrift ; 
 some to go to unbelief, some to Rome. I cannot conceal from myself, 
 that if, after having fought the battle for near forty years, I say I can 
 fight no longer, it will shake a good many. I must say, in resigning, 
 * The ground is cut away from under my feet.' * Amid all our con- 
 fusions,' I have said, * the Prayer-book in the language of the people 
 is the teacher of the people : lex suppHcandi lex credendi. But if 
 
 Pusey's 'Threat: 241 
 
 you remove the Athanasian Creed, you have removed the whole 
 teachmg which protects our people against the manifold heresies 
 about the doctnne of the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation. I have 
 no answer left.' This is independent of the question itself that 
 a Church, which, without a strong system of discipline to restrain 
 heresy, gives up a teaching of sound doctrine, so far exposes her 
 members to heresy and unbelief. 
 
 I have thought of nothing beyond ; but I think Liddon's resignation 
 m his full strength and I as a veteran, who have stood so many 
 storms W^^.^ repetition of the collapse of faith upon the resigna- 
 tion of J. H N., &c. It would be the more so, because we have been 
 prominent in defending the faith. 
 
 ... The words of the Creed are only an application of our Lord's 
 words in St. John, * Whosoever rejecteth Me, and receiveth not My 
 words, &c. Of course the words cannot apply to those who do not 
 reject His word, viz. those who never heard it. The Church is 
 speaking to members of the Church. It is her Creed for them. She 
 
 t^Z' '' ?r^"\'^u"'' ^'^^'"'"^ '" ^^' ^y '^' Apostles as the 
 Revelation of God. Whoso rejects it, rejects Him 
 
 It stardes people to say the Anti-Trinitarian or Mohammedan and 
 we believe in a different God ; but an Uni-personal God is altogether 
 a different God. How could such a God be Love, with None to love? 
 
 In this controversy Pusey might have hoped that he 
 should again have the support of the Low Church party, 
 as m the matter of ' Essays and Reviews.' Then Lord 
 Shaftesbury had been with him ; and again in 1869, he 
 had really sided with Pusey against Dr. Temple's appoint- 
 ment to the see of Exeter, but refused to act openly in 
 concert with him, from fear of compromising his deter- 
 mined attitude against Ritualism. But now Pusey had 
 good reason to fear that he would be acting against him. 
 He wrote to his cousin anxiously expressing these fears. 
 The answer he received was another instance of the manner 
 in which even distinguished members of that party can 
 be blind to the logical consequences of a policy to which 
 they lend the weight of their name and position and the 
 influence of their high character. 
 
 Lord Shaftesbury to E. B. P. 
 
 Feb. 22, 1872. 
 You may be assured that I do meditate taking a part against the 
 Athanasian Creed. I regard it as a document almost divine, and 
 I believe every word of it from the first to the last syllable. 
 VOL. IV. R 
 
 I 
 
242 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 But the belief and veneration are quite consistent with a desire not 
 to thrust it on unwilling and captious congregations. The uneasiness, 
 the surprise, the confusion, that come over all the worshippers when 
 it is read, greatly among the educated classes, but unboundedly among 
 artisan and rural listeners, are distressing. I am convinced that it 
 revolts many and furnishes abundant matter for easy and eflfective 
 ridicule. 
 
 Many a thinking man, who rejects it in Public Service would accept 
 it, if not forced upon him, in the quiet of his study. 
 
 Let it remain in the Prayer-book as a very pillar of our Church. 
 If you will insist on its use, insist on its use for every Sunday. People 
 will then become familiar with the mighty document and submit 
 accordingly. The reservation of it for special days, without giving 
 it weight and conviction, only creates when it is read, an unpleasant 
 wonder in every one's mind. 
 
 Convocation discussed the Creed during its sitting in 
 February, but reached no conclusion. Memorials were 
 prepared on every side for the next meeting in April. 
 Among them was one which Pusey intended to circulate 
 for signatures, but at Liddon's suggestion, he sent it with 
 his own name only. It embodies, in their shortest form, 
 Pusey 's arguments on the question. It ran as follows : — 
 
 The humble petition of the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., showeth — 
 
 That it has not been the custom of the Catholic Church to rule 
 by majorities things which affect the faith, and that the contrary 
 proceeding of the Vatican Council has given occasion to grave per- 
 plexity in the Roman Communion and to censure among ourselves. 
 
 That to withdraw, or change anything in, a Creed in which the 
 Church has heretofore confessed its faith to God, would be a change 
 gravely affecting the faith. 
 
 That the members of the Church are bound to one another, not 
 only by the One Spirit and by common Sacraments, but also by the 
 prayers and confessions of faith in which they unite and are united 
 before God. 
 
 That no great change can be made herein without disturbing our 
 relations to one another, and that no change can be made herein 
 against the wish and faith even of a minority without a tyrannical 
 abuse of power. 
 
 That your Petitioner, with tens of thousands of others, has always 
 felt the Athanasian Creed to be an invaluable guide in his belief on 
 matters of faith, where error, as experience shows, comes very naturally 
 to the human mind ; and we doubt not that it has to us been a safe- 
 guard, under God, against heresy, to which the human mind is prone. 
 
 Petition to Convocation. 
 
 243 
 
 That, although the same truths are embodied in the first five of 
 the Thirty-nine Articles, yet in matter of fact it has not been those 
 Articles, although subscribed and believed, but the clear statements 
 of the Athanasian Creed, confessed to God in devotion, which have 
 been the safeguard of faith. 
 
 That, amid the contradictory teaching of individual clergy, it has 
 been a solace to thousands to be able to point out that the Church 
 of England does teach clear definite truth through her Prayer-book 
 in the language of the people, which Prayer-book we all, bishops and 
 clergy, own to be superior to and above ourselves; and that the 
 teaching, so made our own in our devotions to Almighty God, sinks 
 deeper and becomes part of ourselves much more than any abstract 
 statement of truth, according to the saying — Lex suppltcandi, lex 
 credendi. 
 
 That it could no longer be affirmed that the Church of England 
 did teach the full truth as to the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation, 
 if the Athanasian Creed were removed from our public services, or 
 in any way mutilated. 
 
 That the so-called warning clauses (as to which there is no doubt 
 but that they form an integral part of the Creed) are themselves 
 a protection against [the] one great heresy of the day, that it is of no 
 import to man's salvation whether he have any definite faith as to 
 what Almighty God has revealed, contrary to what our Blessed Lord 
 has expressly declared, St. John xii. 48, St. Mark xvi. 16. 
 
 That a Church which should withdraw from the public worship, or 
 mutilate, the Athanasian Creed, would, in the conviction of many 
 thousands of its members, no longer be the same Church as that in 
 which we were baptized, and which at our Ordination we vowed to 
 serve, and that such change would ultimately break the Church of 
 England to pieces, besides involving at once the loss of very many 
 devoted servants and ministers, as appears already from the hesitation 
 of devoted young men to pledge themselves to her Orders while the 
 grave question of the Athanasian Creed is thus agitated, or to retain 
 the exercise of them. 
 
 That, on the other hand, there was perhaps never a time in which 
 the prospects of the Church of England were more hopeful, if, under 
 the guidance of God's good Spirit, we hold fast what we have, and 
 teach, according to the light which God gives to each, the blessed 
 truths which He has committed to us. 
 
 That your Petitioner, and those with whom he has been for near 
 forty years associated, have studiously abstained from suggesting any 
 organic changes, even while we have not concealed our conviction 
 that the Church of England incurred loss by the changes in the 
 Prayer-book arbitrarily made towards the end of the reign of 
 Edward VI. We felt that changes should not be made by majorities, 
 and now that a change is threatened which would vitally affect our 
 own position, and, as we believe, dislocate the Church of England, 
 
 R 2 
 
244 1-^f^ ^f Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 we claim that the same forbearance should be shown towards us, 
 which, as relates to organic changes, we ever used ourselves. 
 
 At the April sittings, the Lower House of Convocation 
 decided that the use of the Creed should remain unaltered, 
 but they were willing to consider any change of translation 
 that would make the rendering more exact. The Upper 
 House failed to reach any conclusion, until at the next 
 session on July 4, 1872, Bishop Wilberforce carried a ijiotion 
 that, 'having regard to the scruples alleged by many 
 faithful members of the Church,' a • Committee of both 
 Houses of Convocation should be appointed to consider 
 'as to any mode of relieving such scruples, whilst we 
 maintain the truth which has been committed to our 
 charge.' The Committee was appointed but was unable 
 to meet until December. 
 
 Pusey had gone abroad for his health when this motion 
 of Bishop Wilberforce was carried. The unwelcome 
 news that the controversy was to be further prolonged 
 was conveyed to him by Liddon and caused him to write 
 at once to the Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 Hotel Meurice, Calais, July 8, 1872. 
 
 I hear from Liddon that you have obtained a Committee to 
 consider ' what measures of relief &c were advisable.' I am afraid 
 your Lordship has a hopeless task to reconcile what is irreconcilable- 
 Lord Shaftesbury's petition and Dean Stanley's speeches show what 
 they desire, the excision of the Creed from our Services. Nothing 
 short of this will satisfy Dean Stanley. Rather he will think every 
 measure of proposed 'relief to be an admission that there is some- 
 thing really to be relieved, and use it as a vantage-ground from which 
 to renew his attacks. ... He scorned all Explanatory Notes, and used 
 our readiness to admit one as an argument that we thought that 
 there was something to be explained away. Any concession will, 
 I fear, be but the beginning of the end ; it will be used as a precedent 
 for fresh relaxations in favour of heretical clergy, at the expense of 
 believing congregations. You will not be averse to seeing a few 
 lines which Liddon sent me in answer to my inquiries. 
 
 *As the Bishops all consented including C. I cannot but fear 
 mischief. Indeed the mere fact, that the question is kept open, is 
 mischievous. If indeed the Committee were to decide, (i) upon ad- 
 
 Correspondence with Bishop Wilberforce, 245 
 
 vising the removal of penalties attaching to the disuse of the Creed ; 
 or (2) upon recognizing a dispensing power with the Bishops, so far 
 that if they used it, as part of their y^j Itturgicum, no penalties should 
 attach to their doing so ; or (3) upon leaving the whole thing alone, 
 no great harm would be done, but I fear this can scarcely be 
 looked for.' 
 
 The inquiries of the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol have brought 
 before the Church what I always felt certain of, the high antiquity of 
 the Creed. But now, our Bishops would be acting with their 
 eyes open if they should tamper with the Creed, and going against 
 what the Church of England has ever reverenced, the early and 
 undivided Church. Your Lordship knows how strongly I feel about 
 it. May God guide your Lordship's Committee. I am come abroad, 
 for, if God will, the recovery of health, but post equitem sedet atra 
 cura. It is in vain to seek health with this gnawing care at one's 
 heart, what is going to be done in a matter which vitally affects all 
 one loves. If your Lordship should have any occasion to write, 
 a letter from Ch. Ch. from you would always be forwarded. 
 
 I dread having no Church to return to. 
 
 In concluding the debate in Convocation on July 4, the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury used words which showed the 
 influence which the action of Pusey and Liddon had had 
 on the controversy. He said : — 
 
 ♦ My own opinion is that the whole difficulty of the question arises 
 from the conscientious scruples of what I believe to be a very small 
 body, but a body eminent for its zeal, eminent for its talent, and 
 eminent in some respects also for its position. Had we not had 
 statements from gentlemen whom we greatly respect, that, if certain 
 courses were not taken, they should feel it their duty to retire into lay 
 Communion with the Church of England, the matter would have been 
 settled one way or the other.' 
 
 The words were no doubt a tribute to the opportuneness 
 of Pusey's action, but they were inaccurate in more ways 
 than one. Pusey heard of them, when he paid a hurried 
 visit to England to consult Sir James Paget, and he 
 wrote at once to Bishop Wilberforce to remove any 
 misunderstanding. 
 
 E. B. P. to the Bishop of Winchester. 
 
 Lille, July 27, 1872. 
 I called at Winchester House when in England for a day, wishing 
 to correct authentically a statement which His Grace the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury was reported to have made in Convocation ; viz. that it 
 
246 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 was but * a small number of zealous men ' (as he was pleased to call 
 us) whom the tampering with the Athanasian Creed would drive into 
 extremities, and that the specific effect upon us would be to drive us 
 * into lay Communion.' 
 
 I. I do not think that any one has used the term May Communion.' 
 But to speak for myself, I have looked on only to the first step, viz. 
 that, as my defence of the Church of England, that she is a teacher of 
 truth through her formularies, would be cut away, I must abandon my 
 defence of her, and with it my position in her. What my next step 
 would be, I do not yet know. ... It would be a very grave thing, and 
 would involve much, to have to own that Archbishop Manning, &c., 
 were right in asserting that the Church of England did not discharge 
 one of the essential duties of the Church— that of teaching her 
 members the faith once delivered to the saints. Whither I should 
 turn, if she should abandon me, I know not. But to remain in May 
 Communion' seems to me an absurdity. It would not be my own 
 Orders, but her character, as having abandoned the trust committed 
 to her, which would be brought into question. She, if she tampers 
 
 with the Athanasian Creed, would acquiesce in 's central 
 
 heresy, that a definite faith has nothing to do with salvation. How 
 a Church which does this with her eyes open (not, as the Church in 
 the United States did, without seeing what it involved) can remain 
 a portion of the Church of Christ, I know not. She would formally 
 suppress the declaration, that what our Lord has revealed of Himself 
 is essential for salvation ; and ///a/, because men affect to be scandalized 
 at this His teaching. 
 
 I cannot then see how those who believe the Church of England to 
 have been ashamed of our Lord's words can continue to connive at her 
 misdeeds or cast in their lot with her. I believe that the issue must 
 be a rent of the Church of England in two. Dean Stanley looks at 
 this in the face. He says, * we should replace you by those whom we 
 should gain.' But of what sort ? It would be childish to think that 
 Dissenters would be satisfied (as some one said publicly) by the 
 removal of the Athanasian Creed. Up to the last year one never 
 heard of any objection to it on the part of any Dissenters, except those 
 who disbelieve in the doctrine of the Trinity and the Incarnation 
 The real question at issue is, any definite faith. ... It follows logically, 
 if definite faith, such as our Lord has revealed to His Church, is not 
 essential to salvation, what is? Or what did our Lord come upon 
 earth to teach? 
 
 2. As to the numbers. No one could predict what would be the 
 extent, to which such a departure from the faith, would affect men. 
 Those whom it would move would perhaps not be those whom the 
 Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol would gladly get rid of— the Ritualists. 
 These seem to me absorbed in having their own way ; and they might 
 go on, only holding your Lordship's Order all the cheaper (and M^«, 
 I think, rightly), as having betrayed the faith. The Bishops would 
 
 Correspondence with Bishop Wilberforce, 247 
 
 herein put them in the right ; they could no longer be slighted : they 
 would in the very gravest matter be in the right, you in the wrong. 
 You would be in their eyes a sort of necessary evil, for the performance 
 of such offices as we, of the second order, cannot perform. ... So very 
 pwssibly the withdrawal of Liddon and myself, and the grounds of that 
 withdrawal, would be to precipitate an avalanche of just the most 
 dutiful, faithful minds into Ultramontanism. In any case it would be 
 over, sooneror later, with.the Church of England. 
 
 Your Lordship, though more slowly than myself, is approaching 
 towards your end. You, I suppose, must have past three score years, 
 as I the three score years and ten. It must be some forty-five years, 
 I think, since I first knew you. Allow me, then, in the memory of that 
 almost half century, to say, that not for the whole world would I, on 
 my deathbed, have on my conscience that I had not resisted to the 
 loss of all things earthly, the aggression on the Athanasian Creed. 
 
 But he soon saw there was a necessity for a more public 
 declaration of his position. In the early summer Lord 
 Shaftesbury had presented to the Archbishops an influential 
 Petition against the Creed, and on July 23 they, in a Letter 
 which was published in the papers, replied to the effect 
 that they considered that no explanation could be devised 
 which would meet all the difficulties involved in the use 
 of the Creed, but that they were ready to suggest some 
 scheme which would deal with the question. Pusey saw 
 that this meant that the Archbishop had not in the least 
 abandoned his original wish to drop the Creed out of the 
 public worship of the Church, and that he would only 
 yield to the strongest pressure. He therefore wrote the 
 following letter to the Times : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 Mayence, Aug. 10, 1872. 
 
 ... I believe that a crisis is come upon the Church of England 
 which may move men's minds and make a rent in her or from her far 
 deeper than any since 1688. Whether in these days the Establish- 
 ment, in which you, Sir, feel more interest than I can profess to have, 
 would survive the shock, the event only can show. 
 
 Allow me, without entering into any theological questions beyond 
 the bare statement of facts, to state briefly why I think so. The wish 
 to remove the Athanasian Creed rests in different minds on two 
 grounds :— First, the supposition that the belief therein stated is too 
 detailed ; secondly, that the warning clauses speak of that belief as 
 
 <■«. 
 
248 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 i 
 
 li 
 
 essential to salvation in those who can have it. Those, on the 
 contrary, to whom the question of retaining the position of the Creed 
 is a matter of life or death, hold the Creed to be the great instrument 
 of teaching ourselves and the people how to believe and think aright 
 on the Being of God and our Bkssed Lord's Incarnation. The 
 * warning clauses ' we believe to be the only statement in our Church 
 services (in contradiction to the prevailing wrong opinion of the day) 
 that a definite faith in the truths which our Lord revealed is essential 
 to salvation in those who can have it ; in other words, that right faith as 
 well as right life is essential to salvation, since our Lord has so declared 
 it, and as a much greater contempt of God can be shown by rejecting 
 what He reveals than by disobeying what He commands. Without, then, 
 judging the Church in the United States, whose few leading Bishops, 
 at the time of its foundation, in framing its Prayer Book, parted with 
 the Athanasian Creed, not knowing what they did, we believe that if 
 the Church of England were, in view of the objections raised, to 
 tamper with that Creed, it would forfeit its character of a teacher of 
 the people as to that which, whether we believe or disbelieve it, is 
 more central than the belief or disbelief of any one doctrine— viz. 
 whether it is of moment to salvation to believe what Almighty God 
 has revealed or no. 
 
 I state these as our convictions. The result of acting upon these 
 convictions, if the Church of England (I do not speak of the State or 
 State interference) should tamper with this Creed (which God forbid), 
 no one can now foresee. The Archbishop of Canterbury spoke of 
 those who have these convictions as a handful, and of their retiring 
 into lay communion. I believe his Grace to be mistaken as to both 
 points. People, mostly, do not speak out beforehand. Acute poli- 
 ticians were utterly mistaken in their calculations on a matter of very 
 inferior importance which gave birth to the Free Kirk. To retire into 
 lay communion seems to me an absurdity ; for the question would be, 
 not as. to the exercise of our Orders, but as to the character of the 
 Church of England. To resign the office of teachers in her, since she 
 would have become a new Church, would be the first step ; what 
 would be the next, they themselves have probably not predetermined 
 as to a future which they hope will never be. 
 
 Allow me, in conclusion, to say that we only claim that things 
 should remain as they are. Clergymen, at least, have no plea to 
 demand a change ; for of their own free will and choice they received 
 Holy Orders in a Church which recites the Athanasian Creed in her 
 services. I believe that there is a great future for the Church of 
 England if she remains what she is. What she would become if she 
 made this first change no one could imagine. In principle, it would 
 involve many more. It would content none, except as a stepping- 
 stone to more. Our Common Prayer is the one great bond of union 
 in the Church. I believe that the great majority of devout Church- 
 men are for retaining the Creed as it is. Anyhow, the change, we are 
 
 
 Pusey and the Archbishop of Canterbury, 249 
 
 convinced, if made by the Church, would constitute a new Church of 
 England ; our vows and duty remain to the old. 
 
 The Archbishop replied to this letter in his Charge in the 
 early autumn. He acknowledged that he wished to remove 
 the Creed, but some other alteration might be adopted, as 
 distinct from an Explanatory Note. He had evidently 
 returned entirely to his original plan. He adds : — 
 
 * Now I must state, though with much reluctance, that the greatest 
 difficulty in the way arises from the unreasonable conduct of certain 
 eminent persons, who declare that they will break the Church in two 
 if we adopt any other than their own particular way of settling this 
 grave difficulty. Such conduct, I say, is deserving of our reprobation, 
 and I trust that, after a full consideration, those who are guilty of it 
 will come to a better mind. All of us are anxious to maintain the 
 great doctrine of the Trinity and that there shall be reality in our 
 declarations ; and if we meet with great difficulties, which have long 
 pressed on the minds of earnest men, we have a right to seek the best 
 advice, and to request these learned and devout members of the 
 Church to assist us, and not to commence the discussion with an 
 unwarrantable declaration that they are prepared to break the Church 
 in two if the decision arrived at does not meet their own particular 
 views.* 
 
 Rarely, probably never in the history of modern con- 
 troversy has any prelate in so high a position used such 
 language of * reprobation' with regard to 'learned and devout 
 members ' of the Church ; they are words which savour 
 rather of the irritation of a partisan in a losing cause than 
 of the weighty utterance of the chief bishop of a Church 
 speaking of one who was confessedly among the most 
 scholarly and devoted of her members. Pusey felt it 
 necessary to explain to the Archbishop that the rent 
 in the Church would be made by those who altered 
 the Church's Formularies, not by those who adhered to 
 them. Copious extracts from his letter are given in the 
 Archbishops *Life^.' But the passage in which Pusey 
 
 
 * It was not to have been expected 
 that Pnsey's action in this controversy 
 should have been viewed with favour 
 by the biographers of Archbishop Tait. 
 Yet it is to be regretted that they 
 should have been at the pains of appear- 
 ing in some cases to suggest doubts of 
 
 the accuracy of Pusey's words (see 
 notes, vol. ii. pp. 150 and 153). In 
 each case a more complete knowledge 
 of the full facts would have shown 
 them that they themselves were in 
 error. 
 
■IMN>s 
 
 250 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 explains the motives for his action is omitted ^ It ran as 
 follows : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 Oct. 12, 1872. 
 . . . Allow me to explain the grounds on which I think that any tam- 
 pering with the Athanasian Creed would produce a serious rent in or 
 from the Established Church. It would be, of course, a concession to 
 something, whether the objection be to the truths of faith as confessed 
 in the Creed as being untrue or uncertain, or to the assertion that the 
 belief in those truths of the Holy Trinity and in the Incarnation is 
 essential to salvation. Probably, in the minds of most objectors, both 
 objections are blended together. Scepticism as to truth generally is 
 far more common than absolute unbelief, in any who are outwardly 
 members of the Church. Such hold nothing or scarcely anything of 
 revealed truth to be certainly true, and even if they think anything 
 to be true, they do not hold the belief in it to be necessary to 
 salvation. Truth is confessed in the other Creeds ; nowhere except 
 in the Athanasian Creed is it stated to be necessary to salvation in 
 those who can have it. This necessity is stated as clearly in the 
 simpler words, * Furthermore, it is necessary to everlasting salvation : 
 that he also believe rightly the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ,' 
 as in those more strongly-worded forms upon which opponents most 
 dwell. 
 
 The tampering, then, with the Athanasian Creed would in effect say 
 to plain people, * The Church of England does not hold the belief in 
 the Holy Trinity or the Incarnation to be necessary to salvation, nor 
 does it hold those truths, as set forth in the Athanasian Creed, to be 
 certain.' 
 
 In a later passage he explains exactly who the authors 
 of the division would be : — 
 
 * I used in a letter, upon which, I suppose, your Grace animadverts, 
 the expression, " a rent in or from the Church," not wishing to express 
 more clearly my fears as to a future, which I hoped might never be ; 
 but meaning by **a rent in the Church," a division of the Church 
 itself; by a " rent from it," the tearing away of its members to join 
 some other body or bodies, whether the Greek Church, or the Old 
 Catholics, or the Roman Church. But the rent, if made, would not 
 be of our making. The responsibility would not lie with us, who 
 are grateful to the Church for having preserved to us the use and 
 teaching of the Creed to which we are so much indebted, and who in 
 all respects willingly acquiesced in the state of things, in which, 
 by God's providence [?we were placed], and who have never 
 wished to bring about any changes in any of our formularies, which 
 
 * * Life of Archibald Campbell Tait,* extract is from the rongh draft of the 
 vol. ii. pp. 151-153. The following letter that was sent. 
 
 1 
 
 ' 
 
 Pusey and the Archbishop of Canterbury. 251 
 
 are the common birthright of us all. We should simply remain 
 faithful to that which we have been taught from our youth, the 
 expression and guide of the faith of our riper years, which the Church 
 of England upheld when we devoted ourselves to the service of God 
 in her. The rent would be caused, not by us— who should be cast out 
 of our homes, who would have to sacrifice all the cherished hopes of 
 our lives— but by those (whoever they may be) who would trample 
 upon our consciences, and the consciences of the laity who are 
 faithful to the old belief. I doubt not that, unless encouraged by 
 those in high places, the tornado which has been raised would spend 
 itself, and that the result of the agitation will only be a more intelligent 
 appreciation of the Creed.' 
 
 The Archbishop's reply ^ was to ask Pusey what kind of 
 solution of the difficulty he would be likely to agree to, 
 since an Explanatory Rubric seemed to find no favour with 
 Convocation. Pusey answered that, with the exception of 
 the proposal of an Explanatory Note, every suggestion 
 that he had seen cast some slur on the Creed, and was 
 therefore inadmissible. He expressed himself as not 
 specially attached to the * Note,' which the Oxford Pro- 
 fessors had suggested, as he would prefer to state that the 
 warning clauses were directed only against a culpable 
 failure to believe. He therefore enclosed another formula, 
 which he thought more satisfactory ^. 
 
 The meeting of the Committee of both Houses was fixed 
 for December 3, and in preparation for it Bishop Wilberforce 
 summoned a conference of clergy at Winchester House on 
 November 27, which he invited Pusey to attend. Pusey 
 was at first hopeless about it. He told the Bishop that it 
 was a conflict of principles. He maintained that the Creed 
 was hated by a party that did not think a definite faith to 
 be * necessary to salvation' in those who could have it, 
 and who on that account considered the Creed to be 
 uncharitable. ' We [think it] . . . the truest charity, as it 
 would be to warn people of a precipice. They think that 
 there is no precipice about which to warn them.' Pusey 
 was also afraid that any suggestion that could be made 
 would only be used as if it were a concession to the 
 
 * * Life of Archibald Campbell Tait,' vol. ii. pp. 151, 152. 
 
 * Ibid., vol. ii. p. 152. 
 
 mmr'i^mmmmim 
 
252 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 'The Responsibility of the Intellect* 
 
 principle of change, and be treated in the same way as 
 the suggestion by the Oxford Professors of an Explana- 
 tory Rubric had been two years before. He told the 
 Bishop that if he attended the meeting he would say, ' any- 
 thing which would be considered as a compromise would 
 seem to me to be giving up the whole question. The 
 warning clauses must be either true or false. Since *' it is 
 necessary to everlasting salvation that a man believe rightly " 
 the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation (else he believes in 
 a different God and a different Being from our Redeemer 
 Christ Jesus), then it is the truest charity to tell people so, 
 and it would be unfaithfulness to their souls to withdraw 
 the statement.' 
 
 Under these conditions he consented to attend the Con- 
 ference. He felt that he must continue to offer, as a relief 
 for scruples, some explanation of the clauses ; and Liddon 
 joined him in drawing up yet another form. It was sent 
 to Newman and amended at his suggestion, and then 
 forwarded to Bishop Wilberforce. The Meeting seems to 
 have adopted this Explanatory Note ; for Pusey writes to 
 Newman the day after : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Nov. 28, 1872. 
 
 You will see that we have adopted one of your pencil alternatives 
 
 The meeting yesterday for which I went to London looked hopefully. 
 I have seen so little of Church of late, and he is so modest and 
 reserved that 1 was happy to find him so defined and outspoken. 
 
 The Archbishop now saw that he must finally abandon 
 all hope of removing the Creed from the Services of the 
 Church, and he told the Dean of Westminster that he 
 must adopt the next best practicable course. The Dean 
 replied : — 
 
 * Would it not be possible to put forward a declaration which 
 should express the real facts of the case, viz.— that the use of 
 the Creed is left, not from any concurrence in its contents, but out 
 of deference to the scruples of certain distinguished clergymen, — 
 specifying, if desirable, the Regius Professor of Hebrew and the Ireland 
 Professor of Exegesis at Oxford ^ .'* * 
 
 * 'Life of Archibald Campbell Tait,' ii. 157. 
 
 253 
 
 On the Sunday after the Meeting at Winchester House, 
 the first Sunday in Advent, November 30, Pusey preached 
 before the University a sermon which he had been preparing 
 for several weeks, and which dealt with the central point 
 of all this controversy. It was an Advent sermon 
 entitled *The Responsibility of the Intellect in matters of 
 Faith ^' It passed from the thought of death, to Judgment, 
 and especially to Judgment with regard to our relation to 
 God's Revelation of Himself. ' The thought that each shall 
 have to give account for his "opinions" (as people call 
 them), or the process by which he arrives at them, seems to 
 them as strange an imagination as if the subject-matter 
 were some proposition of pure mathematics.' He then 
 passes in review the power of intellect, describing the various 
 ways in which the intellect can sin and can intensify all 
 other forms of sin, dwelling especially on the sinfulness of 
 intellectual pride, and of intellectual injustice and error 
 in judging the truths of Revelation. These sins of intellect 
 he traces to the sources which naturally can produce them, 
 whether moral or spiritual, whether they spring from a care- 
 less life, or from * mere inactivity of faith/ He then shows 
 the great danger of these sins from the example of 
 the Jews in our Lord's day, who for reasons which He 
 pointed out, rejected an unique opportunity of believing, 
 and on that account were exposed to the Divine sentence 
 of judgment. Failures to believe are as sinful as failures 
 to obey in those who have the opportunity, although no 
 one can venture to measure the exact responsibility of any 
 individual soul. * The Church has its long list of saints 
 (he quotes the words) ; it has not inserted one name in 
 the catalogue of the damned.' Then he proceeds to state 
 the truths of the Athanasian Creed, their supreme impor- 
 tance, and the value of the clauses * which press upon us our 
 own responsibility as to truth which God has made known 
 to us ' ; and in view of much of the tone of the Oxford of 
 that day he concludes with a most earnest warning against 
 the fashionable trifling in matters of vital moment. 
 
 * * University Sermons/ vol. iii. serm. v. 
 
i 
 
 254 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The whole sermon is a very solemn and yet most tender 
 justification of the 'warning clauses.* In view of the 
 audience to which it was addressed and the controversy 
 out of which it sprang, it is full of direct and pointed 
 appeal. It was in print before it was delivered : and 
 immediately after delivery was circulated with an elaborate 
 and powerful note in reply to Bishop Moberly's strictures 
 on the Creed, which he specially inserted in order to 
 influence the meeting at Lambeth two days later. 
 
 The Committee of the two Houses of Convocation met 
 at Lambeth on December 3. Bishop Wilberforce proposed 
 the adoption of an Explanatory Note, or rather of a 
 Synodical Declaration, as from this time it was called, 
 with regard to the warning clauses of the Creed. Every 
 other form of 'relief was in its turn suggested as an 
 amendment, but only to be defeated on a division. Even- 
 tually the Bishop's motion was carried, the terms of the 
 Declaration being left for later consideration. 'Thanks,' 
 writes Pusey to Liddon, 'for the cheering news of the 
 Lambeth Conference, which gives good hope. I hope 
 there will be many thanksgivings to God.' 
 
 A week later he left Oxford for a rest on the Continent. 
 He would not delay his journey so as to join in the vote 
 against Dean Stanley's nomination as a Select Preacher 
 at Oxford, on the ground, as he explained in a letter to 
 the Times, dated 'Genoa, December 22,* that * opposition 
 would only aggravate the evil by enlisting the cnthu.siasm 
 of the young.' At Genoa, he strained his chest when 
 shouting to a child who was in danger of being run over. 
 The strain caused a serious attack of bronchitis, followed 
 by pneumonia, and for a time his condition was critical. 
 On January 21, 1873, Dr. Acland was summoned by 
 telegraph from Oxford. He found him in great daiij^er, 
 ;md very procstratc; but o« the 27th w;u able to telegraph 
 to a meetti^ of the Hebdomadal Coiincil at Oxford, 
 • Dr. Pusey is out of danger.* 
 
 Meanwhile prejxirations )ud for some months been ^oing 
 on for a public meeting in Loodon in dcTence of the Creed. 
 
 Serious illness at Genoa. 
 
 255 
 
 ( 
 
 At Leeds, during the Church Congress in October, 1872, 
 a numerous and influential committee had been appointed 
 to organize such a gathering. It was eventually held in 
 St. James' Hall, on Friday, January 31. On the same 
 day that Dr. Acland was able to send such reassuring 
 news to Oxford, Pusey had dictated in a whisper to his son 
 Philip, who was with him at Genoa, a letter, which he 
 desired Liddon to read to that meeting. Throughout 
 the whole evening the greatest enthusiasm had prevailed. 
 But when Liddon rose to speak, and again when he 
 mentioned Pusey 's name, a tumult of applause followed 
 which Will never be forgotten by any who witfKSScd it. 
 The whole vast assemblage rose to thdr feet to do them 
 honour, and renewed tlicir cheers again and again. Pu^y's 
 letter ran as follows* :-- 
 
 E. B; P. TO Rkv. H. p. Liddox, DJ). 
 
 Genoa, Vixttx Galcsazio ^Xicsai, J Aft. 27, 1875. 
 Word^ dictated rVom a very tiJcit b^d must be xtry tn^. Yes. 
 I uiih to txptt^% through >y»u to the meetinjf bow unchanj^injj thfou^h 
 sickncs* or health is my mom of the imcttiity of the crias with wlilch 
 wc uicrc threatened aill List yoir. and out oi which the Chorch of 
 EnKland h^g, hy God's mercy, been hroughL Hov^Ti^r men might 
 disguise th€ question thcimclvcsy I coald nd cooocaI from myself that 
 the real issue wag, whether the Church of Ei^lAnd should %-irtoilIy 
 deny that tbe faith in the Holy Trinity ftnd in th< Incaniflfio(n ftf our 
 luwd JewBs Christ w»» essential to Jiulvalion in those who could ha>^ 
 it. A5 to the remarks c^ so<i>c in authority m to the Ibc to irbich our 
 coevictions independently led as, they cinno<l ha%^ undcwiood the 
 Mrcngth of our eonvktiotts. It was no 'threat ' to give up. in my case. 
 the chetished asfnr»tloii9 of a past sixty years to «n-e God in the 
 mlnisiry of the Church of Enghind, the home and tbe centre of one's 
 deepest interests, to go forth not knowing whkber one went. It was 
 like a mnml death ; but with my oonvictions of tbe issue of that 
 question J d^rtd no more besiute than about being guilty of parrkide. 
 Cod be thanked for all Hb mercies. 
 
 During the many days of Puscy's ver>' .iJow recovery, 
 Convocation was decidii^ upon the form which the 
 Synodical Declaration should take. All wa.s settled before 
 he returned to Enprland in the following May, but he 
 still heard echoes of the contro\xrsy during the days of 
 his convalescence. 
 
I 
 
 256 
 
 V'. 
 
 ii 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Feb. 15, 1873. 
 
 As you may fancy, you have been a great deal in my thoughts lately 
 and I should have written to you, except that I felt you could be sure' 
 of It, and had not much or anything to say besides. Thank PhiUo 
 very much for me for his acceptable letter. 
 
 I congratulate you on the present prospects of the Athanasian Creed 
 m the Anglican Formularies. I have cursorily read the proposed 
 notice of the Convocation Committee ; and it seemed to me un- 
 exceptionable. 
 
 Of course it won't answer the purpose of th"e Liberals, whose quarrel 
 with It goes far beyond their professed difficulty. 
 
 Piisey was unable to. answer, but Newman heard of his 
 slow progress from William Pusey, who feared lest the 
 anxieties of controversy would retard his brother's recovery. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to Rev. W. B. Pusey. 
 
 March 6, 1873. 
 I do hope the Athanasian Creed matter is settled, at least for our 
 time, for that must agitate him immensely. I am sure it would me. 
 
 ,h! rf ""^T^^^Tf '^"''^^^^ 'o °ne so great a benefactor to 
 the Church of England as your brother, should make a man like Tait 
 suspend his hand. 
 
 It was not till after Easter that Pusey himself was able 
 to write. The letter shows Pusey's employments during 
 the leisure of recovery from a serious illness. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Genoa, Easter Tuesday, [Apr. 15], 1873. 
 
 All Easter blessings. I knew that your love would follow me at all 
 times and under all circumstances. God reward you for it 
 
 By God's blessing and mercy, I am able to work again, so I have 
 completed (as far as I could here) the Commentary on Haggai and 
 (Zechanah being completed all but the Introduction) am within 
 eight verses of the close of Malachi. Now, being allowed to be in 
 England early m May, I am leaving Genoa, though I feel doubtful 
 whether my chest is strong enough to lecture yet. Still God allows 
 me to go [on] with the Commentary without hindrance, thanks be to 
 His mercy. 
 
 Now I want to ask you whether you think I have overstated the 
 doctrine of invincible ignorance in the Sermon I sent you >. You have 
 perhaps seen the line which the assailants of the Warning Clauses take 
 
 Proposed Synodical Declaration. 257 
 
 of declaring our interpretation to be < non-natural,' which is a clever 
 weapon. But though they might say this of any private opinion of 
 ours, they could not say it if it should be the rec^ved sense b which 
 these clauses are taken throughout the Roman Church. For those 
 among whom the Creed originated, and who have directed its use by 
 
 nln T "^^ u"'^ ^^ ^' *'"' ^'^ ''°""<1 '° ^^y the Hours, must 
 needs know m what sense they take it. 
 
 You have answered my question as far as the Synodical Declaration 
 
 ma?„' nnin^ R T^ " '° ''°";^'" """''"^ ^™'^=- ^nd this is the 
 main point. But since some of the assailants of the Creed profess to 
 
 approve of what I have myself written and have given it an undue 
 
 prominence, but accused it of being a non-natural interpretation of the 
 
 Son satisfactory to be able to say to them privately, 
 
 Without saying anything about this or that expression, the inter- 
 
 tKo^Chrh^ ' '" '"^ -""^ ''- '"'-"--'- -''"-^'^^ed in 
 
 JJ^fT. "^^ ^°*,"'«/°f""« of invincible ignorance, combined with 
 that of the universal gift of grace, can come short of that interpretation 
 
 hlinHn/ • *°"^' '''^' ^°^ '■^^ "'= °^" «'^« amid whatsoever 
 blindness or -gnorance or error, and that millions may be saved by 
 
 t:u:::nZuT^j ''''''' ^'•° --- '-^^ "^^ ^-^ or misr 
 
 The meeting of Convocation is not till somewhere in May. I can 
 give no direction abroad, as I have no certain stopping-place • but 
 I should be very glad to give some answer, without quoting you. 
 
 Newman answered : — 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, April 27, 1873. 
 
 In answer to your question, I fear I can say nothing satisfactory to 
 you. I do not know where to look for such a Catholic limitation of 
 the anathemas of the Athanasian Creed, as you wish to find, and for 
 what seems an obvious reason, which I will explain 
 
 Our writers either hold that faith in the Holy Trinity is necessary 
 »ec,ss./ate med>. or n,cess,/aie frecepH-m neither case does the 
 question of invincible ignorance come into consideration. If necessi- 
 tote med., there is no place for invincible ignorance-just as no 
 invincible ignorance can avail to put out a conflagration instead of 
 a hre engine. If necessitate precepti, as I should myself hold, then the 
 very word preceptum implies the formal presentation of the Creed 
 to the individual for his acceptance, and thus here again there can be 
 no Ignorance, vincible or invincible, for the reason that it is always 
 directly presented to him as being one of the conditions of admittance 
 into the Church, so that every one who is made a Christian is made 
 acquainted with the Creed. Indeed, the very idea of a 'Creed' in 
 Itself excludes the notion of ignorance altogether, it being the verv 
 
 VOL. IV. s o / 
 
I 
 
 \l\ 
 
 258 Life of EdtkHxrd Bouvetit Pusey. 
 
 tesstra or ticket of Church feSovship. As Baptism is ncCMsary for 
 salvntion as a mean, 50 \% fjiich in the Holy Trinity a$ a condition. 
 So that there cannot be any escape firocn culpmble unbelief in iboM 
 who refuse to accept the doctrine. I dool mc how tbcfe if nay 'nan- 
 natural' explanation in thii; nor does it oblige l» to pronovnoe 
 absolutely on the future 8tHt€ of any ooe, for ^t, cannot tell wh«l takes 
 place on a deathbed. . . . 
 
 You h1»o ask, whether >'0u ha^-c gone too (tr in what you lay 0^ 
 invincible igoorkncc I think not, stappooing what you say be cxNipltd 
 with the pio^-iso that ¥»rt can as little decide absolutely that a man // 
 in invincible igworance. as that he it ne4. No one has a riighi to be 
 sure that be b in invincible ignorance, l-thiak I hai^ heard Kcble 
 say, * Well all I cm say b, that, if the Roeun Coiftmoniom is the 
 One True Church, 1 do not know it, I do noc know it' Indeed, ywi 
 have implied this spirit of godJy fcir in what >>ou say agiiMt levity in 
 theoJogioU ii>quir>'. 
 
 At last, Oil May 10, 1873, the question was settled. The 
 Creed was retained in use and unmutilatcd; but both 
 Houses of Convocation accepted the following S>'nodical 
 Declaration with regard to its warning c!;ni5cs :— 
 
 *For tke remonral o( doab<8 and to proem disquietude in the u^e 
 o^ the Creed commonly called the C«ed of St. Athanatius, this Synod 
 doch soleflnnly dodaie :~ 
 
 • I. That the coafwiion ci oat Chrislian faith, cominonty called 
 the Creed of $«. Athanasius, doth not make any addition to the ij^Ctk 
 as contftiard in Holy Scripture, bat wamelh aj^ainst errors which rrom 
 tiOM to time have ariien in the Cbarch of Christ. 
 
 • a. That as Holy Scripture in divers places do«b promise life to them 
 that believe, and decUre the condcmnatioo of them that believ« not, 
 *o doch the Ch«rch in this confession decUrc the noccssity for all who 
 wou^d be in a state of wlvatkin of holding fast the Cathonc faith, and 
 
 .y^ ^ P^* ^^ rejecting the kunc. Wherefore the warnings in this 
 oonfeasioii of faith are to be understood no otherwise than the like 
 wamiojjs in Holy Scripture, foor we must recei\>e Cod's thrtatcnings, 
 cuf* aa His procjiias, in such w{$e as they are generally set fi^h 
 in Holy Writ. Moreover ibe Church doth not herein pfonouooe 
 jadfnMtM on any ptftkalir pevson or persons^ God akmc beicw tht 
 JudxeofalL' 
 
 Throaighout this contro\ersy, as also in the matter of 
 * Essays and Reviews/ Puscy liad found more support 
 from Bisliop Wilbcrforce than from any other occupant on 
 the Episcopal bench. He knew him fiir too well to sup- 
 pose that the mistrust which the Bishop had felt and 
 expressed in the early years of his episcopate lud given 
 
 Dtalh of Bishop miberforce. 
 
 259 
 
 way to a state of complete agreement and sympathv hm 
 
 he had abundant tokens thaTX Bishop Cr^ll^^Z 
 
 .litcred his attitude towards him In th^ ^v.n.r i ^ 
 
 which had elapsed since iR^r p ^ u^\ "^ ^^"^ 
 
 anri n^- /. 7r f ^^5 P"*^ ^^ been able acain 
 
 Z^T^ TT' '•; ^""'"" '^ ^^ Bteadfastnes. of'hi^ 
 00 evidence for h.s early suspicions, and to recognize the 
 
 of K I ''"'''^- ^^ Stanley- attributed the defeat 
 
 cf hts j^.cs with regard to the Atll.oslan Cr.cd to Pu^ 
 
 ^m h^ fn .r^^^^^^ '^'^"*°^ ^"^>' '"'fi^t have had 
 
 ^hops. Bt^t their common work in this world was over 
 The tiews of the Bt^hop', sudden death' a f<^ C^' 
 Jfterthecloseofthiscontr.^^^^ ;«k^ 
 
 htdtL^ r*^^' ^"^ rcmcml>crcd him only a, he 
 had been m his later days. ^ 
 
 E. B. P. TO P. E. PUSEV, Es(^ 
 
 ... It is indc«I a enevoot Jo,, h ^^T' •'***^' ^^' '^^^' 
 
 »t»d 00 the WAV frt »K- 1-^ . Mnmge to be to tbat uxjcW, 
 
 ex«pM£. he Cd TJtrhL"/ ^:rt^''^j^'^'"^ "^ 
 
 ^^^^ ut«u iD2f ne ha<l died, bcaui*e he was noc in the 
 
 b/'d^t^^Zl'"'"'''^' """^ "^^^ ^"p" -«■•<= ^"^ 
 
 no onTof them u r^'l^' ^'^>''' '"'"^ •>"» ^ ^r^ 
 ms letters to Ncwmati and the replies frequently mention 
 
 ™«y >«r, bt£oK-]nmcs Hope Scott. Henry Wilbcrforce 
 «d Jelf, «^« among the number. To the «me S 
 
 Jlook. They had dropped their coirespondcncc after the 
 
 ' He n. kllW by 4 M from hi. ho«. „ ju, ,,, ,sji. 
 
 & 3 
 
26o 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 difficulties at St. Saviour^s, Leeds ^ ; Hook was now Dean 
 of Chichester, separated both in time and space from the 
 troubles which had perplexed and distressed him. His 
 brother was dying in London, and was daily visited by 
 Liddon. In acknowledging this kindness the Dean takes 
 the opportunity of asking another favour : — 
 
 The Dean of Chichester to Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 July 28, 1873. 
 Can you add to your favours ? Can you tell that saint whom 
 England persecuted, our dearly beloved Pusey, that I should like, 
 as I am passing out of this world, to be permitted to renew the 
 friendship with him, which in my youthful days was my joy and crown 
 of rejoicing ? No one prayed more earnestly for him than I did when 
 he was almost despaired of on the continent. No one rejoiced 
 more entirely than I did, when he returned to England recruited in 
 health. 
 
 Pusey was truly glad to find that he had lived down 
 another of the sad misunderstandings of which the years 
 between 1840 and i860 had been so fruitful. He wrote 
 immediately on receiving Hook's message : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Dean of Chichester. 
 
 Sidmouth House, Malvern, Aug. i, 1873. 
 
 Thank you much for your loving message which Liddon conveyed 
 to me, and for your loving prayers while I was so ill at Genoa. God 
 heard them, and 1 can now walk about (though my breath is still 
 weak) and write my Commentary. 
 
 What a long life of friendship it has been since 1819, when I used 
 to come down from my garret to your rooms in Peckwater, fifty-four 
 years ago ! Who could have imagined what lay before us ? I am so 
 sorry that some whom I sent to St. Saviour's worried you. I always 
 studied you, though I was misinformed in two cases. 
 
 I am grieved to hear that you are suffering, and that your brother is 
 passing away. Death has swept away more of those whom I love 
 in these last few months than for a long time before. I need not ask 
 you to remember me, since you do this so earnestly, as I you, during 
 our remaining pilgrimage. 
 
 God be with you now and ever. 
 
 Yours affectionately, 
 
 E. B. Pusey. 
 
 * See vol. iii. pp. 113-136. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 DECLARATION ON CONFESSION AND ABSOLUTION. 
 
 1873. 
 
 While the public mind was full of the discussions about 
 Ritual and the Athanasian Creed, another violent storm 
 arose on the subject of Confession. It was caused by 
 a lengthy Petition ^ to Convocation signed by 483 Clergy, 
 which was presented on May 9, 1873. The Petition was 
 intended apparently as a counterblast to the persistent 
 and destructive assaults which had been delivered on the 
 side of extreme Puritanism and Latitudinarianism against 
 the Church, and advocated sundry ecclesiastical changes 
 in somewhat startling terms. In a state of atmosphere 
 less charged with electricity it would probably have 
 passed unnoticed ; as it was the public suspicion fastened 
 upon one phrase, * licensing of duly qualified confessors,' and 
 under the leadership of the Archbishop of Canterbury an 
 attack on Confession was delivered in force. The petition 
 had prayed that * in view of the widespread and increasing 
 use of Sacramental Confession, your venerable house may 
 consider the advisability of providing for the education, 
 selection, and licensing of duly qualified Confessors in 
 accordance with the provisions of canon law ' ; and in 
 reply, the Upper House of Convocation had resolved itself 
 into Committee to consider the teaching of the Church 
 of England on Confession. 
 
 But it was very evident that the question would not be 
 confined to Convocation. The * Church Association ' was 
 
 * The petition will be found in full in the Guardian, 1873, p, 711. 
 
262 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 S 
 
 stirrmg up public feeling in the matter, and urging on 
 public men to some action ; and the two Archbishops were 
 
 wWh^.?T> '"''' '■*' ''""''^- ^" '^Ply to ^ «nemorial 
 I A *;?. 5'^"'-<^h Association ' had presented to them, 
 the Archbishops sent a lengthy letter on June 16, 187, 
 in which, specially alluding to the petition of the four 
 hundred and eighty-three Clergy, they said :— 
 
 'We believe that through the system of the Confessional great evil 
 
 acted wTser"t,io" "%'''"'".' °' ^°'"^' ^""^ ">^' °- '^'"«™-s 
 
 T^.Z-^ °*'"« " °° P'^<^« *■> °" reformed Church, and we 
 
 ake this opportunity of expressing our entire disapproval of an" such 
 
 disrCitv °" ''"^ '"^~'"''" '° "^^ ^" '" °- P~ 
 
 Pusey and the old High Churchmen felt themselves in 
 a difficult position. On the one hand, the assertion of the 
 Archbishops besides being historically baseless, was another 
 declaration of active hostility against the Prayer-book : and 
 on the other they themselves were identified in the popular 
 mind With the demands or suggestions of the 483, whereas 
 as a matter of fact they would have gladly repudiated in 
 many particulars, both the language and intentions of their 
 memorial The Bishop of Brechin strongly urged that they 
 should put out a Declaration embodying the teaching of 
 
 h' I'Tk-'u^"'' °" '""'' '"•^J^'^^' "^'^^^ -'thout mentioning 
 the Archbishops would be an answer to them. Dr. Bright 
 and Pusey were not averse to doing so : but Liddon doubted 
 the wisdon. of such a course. It would, he thought, only 
 continue the controversy, and no one could seriously sup^ 
 pose that the wild utterances of the ' Church Association ' 
 
 hni p'^ ^"'u^'P''"''"'''' *^" '^^"^h'^g of the Prayer- 
 book. Pusey, however, still thought that some simple 
 statement would be valuable:— 
 
 Hon^'r^r" T^*^?; ^"^ '"""'^ ^"'T'"^^*^'' ''^ ^'ote to the 
 Hon C. L. Wood (now Viscount Halifax) on July 4. 187. 
 
 If they knew how early the authority for private Con- 
 fession after the Reformation is. . . . It would startle people 
 
 * Guardian, 1873, p. 838. 
 
 Report of Convocation Committee on Confession. 263 
 
 to find Latimer and Cranmer advocating Confession, be- 
 sides Bishop Jewell who does not object to it/ But as 
 opinions were thus divided, no declaration was at that 
 moment put forth. 
 
 The report of the Committee of the Upper House of 
 Convocation was presented on July 23, four days after the 
 death of Bishop Wilberforce. It ran as follows :— 
 
 * In the matter of Confession the Church of England holds fast those 
 principles which are set forth in Holy Scripture, which were professed 
 by the Primitive Church, and which were reaffirmed at the English 
 Reformation. 
 
 * The Church of England in the twenty-fifth Article affirms that 
 Penance is not to be counted for a sacrament of the Gospel, and as 
 judged by her formularies, knows no such words as "sacramental 
 confessions." 
 
 * Grounding her doctrine on Holy Scripture, she distinctly declares 
 the fuH and entire forgiveness of sins through the Blood of Jesus 
 Christ to those who bewail their own sinfulness, confess themselves 
 to Almighty God, with full purpose of amendment of life, and turn 
 with true faith unto Him. It is the desire of the Church that by this 
 way and means all her children should find peace. 
 
 * In this spirit the forms of Confession and Absolution are set forth 
 in her public services. Yet, for the relief of troubled consciences, she 
 has made special provision in two exceptional cases. 
 
 ' I. In the case of those who cannot quiet their own consciences 
 previous to receiving the Holy Communion, but require further comfort 
 or counsel, the minister is directed to say, " Let him come to me, or to 
 some other discreet and learned minister of God's Word, and open his 
 grief, that by the ministry of God's Holy Word he may receive the 
 benefit of Absolution, together with ghostly counsel and advice." 
 Nevertheless it is to be noted that for such a case no form of Absolu- 
 tion has been prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, and further, 
 that the rubric in the First Prayer Book of 1549, which sanctions a 
 particular form of Absolution, has been withdrawn from all subsequent 
 editions of the said book. 
 
 * 2. In the Order of the Visitation of the Sick it is directed that the 
 sick man be moved to make a special Confession of his sins if his 
 conscience is troubled with any weighty matter ; but in such case 
 Absolution is only to be given when the sick man shall humbly and 
 heartily desire it. The special provision, however, does not authorize 
 the ministers of the Church to require from any one who may repair 
 to them to open their grief in a particular or detailed examination 
 of all their sins, or to require private Confession as a condition 
 previous to receiving the Holy Communion, or to enjoin or even 
 encourage any practice of habitual Confession to a priest, or to teach 
 
 \ 
 
1 
 
 264 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 \ 
 
 1) 
 
 that such practice or habitual Confession, or the being subject to what 
 has been termed the direction of a priest, is a condition of attaining 
 to the highest spiritual life.* 
 
 Pusey had left Oxford for Malvern on July 14 ; when he 
 heard rumours of what had happened, he wrote at once to 
 Dr. Bright, on whose affection and help he relied so greatly 
 during the later years of his life :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. BriCht, D.D. 
 
 Malvern, July 26, 1873. 
 I have not seen the details of Convocation or the language of the 
 Archbishops. I should imagine it simply impossible that they meant 
 to deny the power, ' Whose sins ye do remit, &c.,' which they or their 
 predecessors gave us. As you keep such documents, would you send 
 me any? you shall have them back. I wrote to the Bishop of 
 W[mchester] before I left Oxford, and heard from him that he agreed 
 with me as to Confession in the English Church, that he knew the 
 authorities, of which I reminded him, that he had lately used them 
 to stop some ultra- Protestant (churchwarden, I think), but that which 
 he grieves and differs from me in was— I have not his note here, and 
 might not do him justice, but they were points in which my own 
 practice had not been what he dissented from. 
 
 When he had seen the Report of the Bishops, he felt 
 strongly that the Bishop of Brechin's proposed action 
 was right; some Declaration ought to be made in order 
 to prevent any restriction on the liberty of Confession 
 within the English Church. And as Mr. Carter, of Clewer, 
 also had written very strongly urging the same course, 
 Pusey writes again to Dr. Bright about it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. Bright, D.D. 
 
 Sidmouth House, Malvern, July 30, 1873. 
 ... I should think that the Bishop of Winchester had chiefly the 
 drawmg up of that Report. I think that he bona Jide believed of 
 Absolution as we do, but that he was timid as to its systematic use. 
 1 think that our Declaration ought to have no reference to the Bishops. 
 We ought to assume that they meant right. As to habitual Con- 
 fession, where there was deadly sin to strive with, the Bishop of 
 Winchester thought as we do. I thought that a subject which he 
 asked us to take for a Lenten sermon would involve my preaching on 
 Confession, and told him so. (This was years ago.) He asked me 
 
 Preparation of a formal Declaration, 265 
 
 to come out and speak with him. I said to him, inter alia, * You know, 
 my Lord, that there are some sins of young men for which habitual 
 Confession is the remedy ' (emphasizing the the). He said at once, 
 * Yes, it is ; * and went on to instance a case which had been delivered 
 from it by Confession ^ But what he and Lord Salisbury and, I suppose, 
 the mass of Englishmen are thinking of are not these cases, but those 
 to whom the Bishop of Winchester alludes in the last clauses,— souls 
 which never did commit a deadly sin probably, certainly do not 
 now, and yet who, I suppose, are the greatest number of those 
 who use confession — Christian women. These come under the clause 
 of the Communion Exhortation, for {you will remember the saying 
 accurately) * Delicate souls feel more the slightest offence against a law 
 of God than others do whole cartloads of sin.' 
 
 Popular excitement on the subject of Confession grew, 
 instead of diminishing, as the summer went on : and Pusey 
 was reminded of the old troubles of the Maskell and Allies 
 controversy in 1850. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Malvern, Aug. 21, 1873. 
 ... It is a tremendous storm, but not greater than 1850, with the 
 institution of the R. C. Episcopate, the attack of Dodsworth, Maskell, 
 and Allies, and the prevailing suspicion. As, for instance, I know 
 not whether you know, that I was wished not to preach in the Diocese 
 of Oxford till I should publish my letter to the Bishop of London. At 
 St. Saviour's, Leeds, C. Marriott went over to Bishop Longley about 
 my preaching. I suspected the result, so as he came, just as the 
 service was to commence, like Nelson, I shut my eyes and put the 
 note in my pocket. Fortes, pejoraque passu But what with the 
 ultra-Ritualists, Lord Shaftesbury, and the Church Association, the 
 Declaration of the two Archbishops and the utterances of some others, 
 the ambition of the Wesleyans taking occasion of it all, no small storm 
 lies upon us. Will the vessel bear it, which so many wish to break to 
 pieces ? * O Lord, Thou knowest.' 
 
 Letters continued between Pusey, Liddon, and Dr. Bright 
 throughout the whole of that summer and autumn, first 
 as to the advisability of a Declaration and then as to its 
 terms. Pusey was clear on both points : — 
 
 ' We have to regain the confidence of plain English people,' 
 
 he writes, having in view, no doubt, his own experience 
 
 in 1 843, with regard to the condemned Sermon, * and so, 
 
 I think, we ought to support our proposition out of English 
 
 * See also Pusey's Sermon, * God and Human Independence,' p. 34. 
 
 i^riwii^iaii 
 
 Hte* 
 
f 
 
 266 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Declaration on Confession. 
 
 267 
 
 u 
 
 authorities— the Prayer-book or (secondarily) the Homilies, 
 and also from common sense. English people will under- 
 stand that if a thing is good for the soul, it ought not to 
 be put off to a possible sick-bed: if a grievous matter 
 ought to be confessed tken, it ought to be confessed before.* 
 Pusey spent more thought over this Declaration than 
 over any other virork of the kind in which he had been 
 engaged : it was not until November that he. Dr. Bright, 
 Canon Carter, and Liddon had completed their work. In 
 writing to ask for Copeland's signature to it he explains that 
 it was purposely issued with only a few selected names. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. J. Copeland. 
 
 Nov. 17, 1877. 
 * I send you in great haste our Declaration and the names attached. 
 They are names of some age and standing. We have excluded 
 mostly those of the advanced school. Mackonochie is the only 
 Ritualist. It is, in fact, a rallying of the old school for whom the young 
 ones have been speaking and whom they profess to represent. They 
 mostly maintain Confession to be necessary for the forgiveness of sin. 
 This Declaration certainly has not been hastily got up. For as we 
 are scattered. Carter, Liddon and I have had the forms before us 
 corrected and recorrected for four months. It was planned originally 
 to prevent all the ignorant statements about Confession being contrary 
 to the Church of England, &c., and unadvised speeches of Bishops. 
 It is now too late for this, but as a document it may, I hope, be of 
 lasting use, and may prevent some perhaps lasting mischief.* 
 
 At last, on December 6, 1873, the Declaration appeared 
 in the columns of the Times with a short note from Pusey, 
 who only described it as dealing with a subject which had 
 of late engaged a large share of the public attention ^ 
 
 Declaration on Confession and Absolution, as set forth 
 
 BY the Church of England. 
 
 We, the undersigned, priests of the Church of England, considering 
 that serious misapprehensions as to the teaching of the Church of 
 England on the subject of Confession and Absolution are widely pre- 
 valent, and that these misapprehensions lead to serious evils, hereby 
 
 * This Declaration is reprinted 
 practically as it appeared in the Jimes : 
 it differs in some slight particulars 
 from the version printed by Pusey in 
 
 his Edition of Gaume*s Advice on 
 Bearing Confession, Pref. pp. clxxi- 
 clxxiv. 
 
 declare, for the truth's sake and in the fear of God, what we hold and 
 teach on the subject, with special reference to the points which have 
 been brought under discussion. 
 
 1. We believe and profess that Almighty God has promised forgive- 
 ness of sins, through the Precious Blood of Jesus Christ, to all who 
 turn to Him, with true sorrow for sin, out of unfeigned and sincere 
 love to Him, with lively faith in Jesus Christ, and with full purpose of 
 amendment of life. 
 
 2. We also believe and profess that our Lord Jesus Christ has 
 instituted in His Church a special means for the remission of sin after 
 Baptism, and for the relief of consciences, which special means the 
 Church of England retains and administers as part of her Catholic 
 heritage. 
 
 3. We affirm that— to use the language of the Homily— * Absolution 
 hath the promise of forgiveness of sin V although, the Homily adds, 
 * by the express word of the New Testament it hath not this promise 
 annexed and tied to the visible sign, which is imposition of hands, 
 and therefore,' it says, * Absolution is no such Sacrament as Baptism 
 and the Communion are V We hold it to be clearly impossible that 
 the Church of England in Art. XXV can have meant to disparage the 
 ministry of Absolution any more than she can have meant to dis- 
 parage the rites of Confirmation and Ordination, which she solemnly 
 administers. We believe that God, through Absolution, confers an 
 inward spiritual grace and the authoritative assurance of His forgive- 
 ness on those who receive it with faith and repentance, as in Con- 
 firmation and Ordination He confers grace on those who rightly 
 receive the same. 
 
 4. In our Ordination, as priests of the Church of England, the 
 words of our Lord to His Apostles—* Receive ye the Holy Ghost ; 
 whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them, and whoseso- 
 ever sins ye retain they are retained '—were applied to us individually. 
 Thus it appears that the Church of England considers this commission 
 to be not a temporary endowment of the Apostles, but a gift lasting to 
 the end of time. It was said to each of us, 'Receive the Holy Ghost 
 for the office and work of a priest in the Church of God, now com- 
 mitted unto thee by the imposition of our hands ; ' and then followed 
 the words, * Whose sins thou dost forgive, they are forgiven, and whose 
 sins thou dost retain, they are retained '.* 
 
 5. We are not here concerned with the two forms of Absolution 
 which the priest is directed to pronounce after the general confession 
 of sins in the Morning and Evening Prayer and in the Communion 
 Service. The only form of words provided for us in the Book of 
 Common Prayer for applying the absolving power to individual souls 
 runs thus :— * Our Lord Jesus Christ, Who hath left power to His 
 
 * Homily < of Common Prayer and 
 Sacraments.' 
 » Ibid. 
 
 * * The Form and 
 ordering of Priests.' 
 
 Manner of 
 
 "V 
 
268 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Declaration on Confession, 
 
 269 
 
 Church to absolve all sinners who truly repent and believe in Him, of 
 His great mercy forgive thee thine offences : And by His authority 
 committed to me, I absolve thee from all thy sins, in the Name of the 
 Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen*.' Upon this 
 we remark, first, that in these words forgiveness of sins is ascribed to 
 our Lord Jesus Christ, yet that the priest, acting by a delegated 
 authority and as an instrument, does through these words convey the 
 absolving grace ; and, secondly, that the Absolution from sins cannot 
 be understood to be the removal of any censures of the Church, 
 because {a) the sins from which the penkent is absolved are pre- 
 supposed to be sins known previously to himself and God only; 
 {b) the words of the Latin form relating to those censures are 
 omitted in our English form ; and {c) the release from excom- 
 munication is in Art. XXXIH reserved to * a Judge that hath authority 
 thereunto.* 
 
 6. This provision, moreover, shows that the Church of England, 
 when speaking of * the benefit of Absolution,' and empowering her 
 priests to absolve, means them to use a definite form of Absolution, and 
 does not merely contemplate a general reference to the promises of 
 the Gospel. 
 
 7. In the Service for 'the Visitation of the Sick' the Church of 
 England orders that the sick man shall even *be moved to make 
 a special confession of his sins, if he feels his conscience troubled with 
 any weighty matter.' When the Church requires that the sick man 
 should, in such case, be moved to make a special confession of his 
 sins, we cannot suppose her thereby to rule that her members are 
 bound to defer to a death-bed (which they may never see) what they 
 know to be good for their souls. We observe that the words * be 
 moved to' were added in 1661, and that, therefore, at the last revision 
 of the Book of Common Prayer the Church of England affirmed the 
 duty of exhorting to Confession in certain cases more strongly than at 
 the date of the Reformation, probably because the practice had fallen 
 into abeyance during the Great Rebellion. 
 
 8. The Church of England also, holding it * requisite, that no man 
 should come to the Holy Communion, but with a full trust in God's 
 mercy, and with a quiet conscience,* commands the minister to bid 
 * any ' one who ' cannot quiet his own conscience herein * to come to 
 him, or * to some other discreet and learned minister of God's Word, 
 and open his grief; that by the ministry of God's Holy Word he may 
 receive the benefit of Absolution, together with,' and, therefore, as 
 distinct from, 'ghostly counsel and advice'^;* and since she directs 
 that this invitation should be repeated in giving warning of Holy 
 Communion, and Holy Communion is constantly offered to all, it 
 follows that the use of Confession may be, at least in some cases, of 
 not unfrequent occurrence. 
 
 * * The Order for the Visitation of the Sick.* 
 
 " Exhortation in the Service for Holy Communion. 
 
 9. We believe that the Church left it to the consciences of indi- 
 viduals, according to their sense of their needs, to decide whether they 
 would confess or not, as expressed in that charitable exhortation of the 
 first English Prayer Book, * requiring such as shall be satisfied with 
 a general confession, not to be offended with them that do use, to their 
 further satisfying, the auricular and secret confession to the priest : nor 
 those also which think needful or convenient, for the quietness of their 
 own consciences, particularly to open their sins to the priest, to be 
 offended with them that are satisfied with their humble confession 
 to God and the general confession to the Church. But in all things 
 to follow and keep the rule of charity ; and every man to be satisfied 
 with his own conscience, not judging other men's minds or con- 
 sciences ; whereas he hath no warrant of God's Word to the same.* 
 And although this passage was omitted in the second Prayer-book, yet 
 that its principle was not repudiated may be gathered from the ' Act 
 for the Uniformity of Service' (1552), which, while authorizing the 
 second Prayer-book, asserts the former book to be * agreeable to the 
 Word of God and the primitive Church.' 
 
 ID. We would further observe that the Church of England has 
 nowhere limited the occasions upon which her priests should exercise 
 the office which she commits to them at their Ordination ; and that to 
 command her priests in two of her offices to hear Confessions, if made, 
 cannot be construed negatively into a command not to receive Confes- 
 sions on any other occasions. But, in fact (see above, Nos. 7, 8), the 
 two occasions specified do practically comprise the whole of the adult 
 life. A succession of Divines of great repute in the Church of England, 
 from the very time when the English Prayer-book was framed, speak 
 highly of Confession, without limiting the occasions upon which, or the 
 frequency with which, it should be used ; and the 113th Canon, framed 
 in the Convocation of 1603, recognized Confession as a then existing 
 practice, in that it decreed, under the severest penalties, that ' if any 
 man confess his secret and hidden sins to the minister for the unbur- 
 dening of his conscience, and to receive spiritual consolation and ease 
 of mind from him .... the said minister .... do not at any time 
 reveal and make known to any person whatsoever any crime or offence 
 so committed to his trust and secrecy (except they be such crimes as 
 by the laws of this realm his own life may be called into question for 
 concealing the same).' 
 
 II. While, then, we hold that the formularies of the Church of 
 England do not authorize any priest to teach that private Confession is 
 a condition indispensable to the forgiveness of sin after Baptism, and 
 that the Church of England does not justify any parish priest in 
 requiring private Confession as a condition of receiving Holy Com- 
 munion, we also hold that ail who, under the circumstances above 
 stated, claim the privilege of private Confession, are entitled to it, and 
 that the clergy are directed under certain circumstances to 'move* 
 persons to such Confession. In insisting on this as the plain meaning 
 
ll 
 
 270 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 of the authorized language of the Church of England, we believe our- 
 selves to be discharging our duty as her faithful ministers. 
 
 ASHWELL, A. R., Canon of Chichester. 
 
 Baker, Henry W., Vicar of Monkland. 
 
 Bartholomew, Ch. Ch., Vicar of Cornwood, and Rural Dean 
 
 of Plympton. 
 Benson, R. M., Incumbent of Cowley St. John, Oxford. 
 Butler, William J., Vicar of Wantage, and Rural Dean. 
 Carter, T. T., Rector of Clewer. 
 Chambers, J. C, Vicar of St. Mary's, Soho. 
 Churton, Edw., Rector of Crayke, and Archdeacon of 
 
 Cleveland. 
 Denison, George A., Vicar of East Brent, and Archdeacon 
 
 of Taunton. 
 Galton, J. L., Rector of St. Sidwell's, Exeter. 
 Gilbertson, Lewis, Rector of Braunston. 
 Grey, Francis R., Rector of Morpeth. 
 Grueber, C. L., Vicar of St. James's, Hambridge. 
 Keble, Thos., jun., Bisley. 
 
 King, Edward, D.D., Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. 
 LiDDELL, Robert, Incumbent of St. Paul's, Knightsbridge. 
 Liddon, H. p., D.D., Canon of St. Paul's, London. 
 MacColl, M., Rector of St. Botolph, Billingsgate, London. 
 Mackonochie, a. H., Perpetual Curate of St. Alban's, 
 
 Holbom. 
 
 Mayow, M. W., Rector of Southam, and Rural Dean. 
 
 Medd, p. G., Senior Fellow of University College, Oxford. 
 
 Murray, F. H., Rector of Chislehurst. 
 
 PuSEY, E. B., D.D., Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. 
 
 Randall, R. W., Incumbent of All Saints, Clifton. 
 
 Sharp, John, Vicar of Horbury. 
 
 Skinner, James, Vicar of Newland, Great Malvern. 
 
 White, G. C, Vicar of St. Barnabas, Pimlico. 
 
 Williams, G., Vicar of Ringwood. 
 
 Wilson, R. F., Vicar of Rownhams, Southampton. 
 
 The hasty and somewhat ill-advised petition of the 483 
 had been both misunderstood and overrated, and had been 
 a cause of serious distress and perplexity in more quarters 
 than one. But its publication and the storm which ensued 
 cannot be regarded as all loss if it resulted in nothing else 
 than eliciting so weighty a document as this, which sets 
 forth in terms so concise and clear a careful and complete 
 statement of the position of the Church of England on the 
 very important subject of Confession. 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 ATTITUDE TOWARDS RITUAL DEVELOPMENT. 
 
 1873-1877. 
 
 The events described in the last chapter caused Pusey 
 to feel very keenly the growing separation between himself 
 and the more extreme * Ritualist' wing. In letters of 
 this period he allowed himself occasionally to express his 
 thoughts in language which represented only one side of his 
 attitude towards Ritual. For instance, writing to Dr. Bright 
 on the subject shortly after the presentation of the Report 
 of Convocation he expresses himself in the following 
 somewhat unmeasured terms. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. W. Bright, D.D. 
 
 [July 28, 1873.] 
 I have a thorough mistrust of the Ultra-Ritualist body. I committed 
 myself some years ago to Ritualism, because it was unjustly persecuted, 
 but I do fear that the Ritualists and the old Tractarians differ both in 
 prmciple and in object. I hear that there is a body, called 'the 
 Society of the Faith,' or some such name, which desires that none 
 except Ultra-Ritualists should belong to it. 
 
 Dr. Bright greatly feared that Pusey would allow his 
 irritation against the injudicious action of a few of the 
 younger Ritualists, to make him forget his own earlier 
 statements in defence of the principle of ritual. 
 
 Rev. W. Bright, D.D. to E. B. P. 
 
 July 29, 1873. 
 I do not belong to [that Society] and have not the slightest intention 
 of domg so. Nor am I as you know an * Ultra-Ritualist,' but I cannot 
 quite go with all you say about ' ritualism.' I believe that within 
 
272 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 limits (everything can be abused)— within limits it is simply the 
 providential, inevitable outcome of the Movement now just forty years 
 old. You yourself, you remember, threw your shield over it as being 
 the response to the people's demand or desire — *Set these truths 
 visibly before us.* It has made Catholicism intelligible to masses of 
 men, it has brought together a great force of enthusiasm, energy, 
 corporate feeling— all of course needing careful management, and not 
 always receiving it. I fully own that some of the Ultra-Ritualists are 
 in excess, grave excess in more ways than orw . . . still the principle 
 is not compromised by foolish or headstrong representatives. 
 
 Pusey replied : * It is true I did use those words about 
 Ritualism. There was Ritualism in the Oakeley School, and 
 the old Margaret Street Chapel, all along co-existent for 
 many years with ours. But they have developed since. . . . 
 I do not break with the Ritualists, because of the good 
 work which some are doing.' He then went on to com- 
 plain, almost with bitterness, of the extravagance and 
 ignorance of some of those who called themselves by that 
 name, although he never forgot or denied that there were 
 other Ritualists who were not so indiscreet, and whose loyal 
 self-sacrifice in winning souls had endeared them to him. 
 
 Pusey, however, felt most strongly the great disad- 
 vantage of the position in which even the moderate High 
 Churchmen were placed with regard to ritual. So long 
 as they refused to obey the Purchas Judgment, they were 
 regarded by the public as men who set * the law ' at defiance. 
 The passing of the new Judicature Act in 1873, which 
 established another and better Final Court of Appeal, 
 seemed to offer some hope that that Judgment might be 
 reversed by this newly constituted body. He writes on this 
 subject to Liddon. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Dec. 29, 1873. 
 ... It certainly would be a great gain (if we lawfully could) to have 
 the points raised in the Purchas Case reconsidered, after hearing. 
 Theoretically it would only be seeking the reversal of the decision 
 of one Civil Court by a fairer Civil Court. But it would seem unreal, 
 if the Case should be dispassionately considered, to appeal to a Court 
 and not abide by its explanation of the Rubric. We are in a disad- 
 vantageous position. Englishmen love what is legal, and of course, 
 
 I 
 
 Proposed Legislation on Ritual, 273 
 
 in itself, the feeling is right ; and we are breaking judge-made law, 
 and cannot make it popularly clear that we are contradicting bad 
 law, stiil less, why being members of an Establishment, we do not 
 comply with the laws of the Establishment. . . . 
 
 While matters were in this state it was announced that 
 the Archbishop of Canterbury was about to bring in a 
 Bill for the purpose of speedily and economically enforcing 
 *the law,' or, as Mr. Disraeli described it, of 'putting 
 down Ritualism.' The differences between the so-called 
 'Ritualists' and the old High Churchmen effectually 
 deprived the leading laymen on their side of any firm 
 ground of defence. It was asked, if the Purchas Judgment 
 was not to be obeyed as a fair interpretation of the 
 Rubrics, what kind of interpretation would the majority 
 of the High Church party accept? Pusey and Liddon 
 could have spoken for themselves; but they could not 
 speak for the 'Ritualists.' They therefore appealed to 
 the Rev. A. H. Mackonochie 1, the well-known vicar of 
 St. Alban's, Holborn, as one who was most prominently 
 associated in the public mind with the development of 
 ritual, and as one in whose judgment, as was shown in the 
 last chapter, they had special confidence. 
 
 E. B. P. AND Rev. H. P. Liddon to Rev. A. H. Mackonochie. 
 
 March 14, 1874. 
 You will have seen from the newspapers that we are threatened 
 with legislation having for its object the summary enforcement of 
 recent disputed decisions of the Judicial Committee of the Privy 
 Council. If, as is apparently the case, we can trust the articles which 
 have appeared in the Times', the Episcopal authority is to be shared— 
 m the work of the diocesan administration— with laymen elected 
 by the nominees of the ratepayers and therefore not necessarily 
 Churchmen or Christians ; while it is proposed that those directions 
 of the Prayer-book which are notoriously disregarded by the Low 
 Church and Broad Church clergy shall no longer have the power 
 of law. 
 
 We will not characterize this project as it deserves. But we wish 
 to submit to you, that even if, as we trust will be the case, it should 
 be defeated, it points to a permanent source of danger to the progress 
 of Church work and life among us. 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 * *Life of A. H. Mackonochie/ p. 221. 
 
 T 
 
274 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 There are, of course, opponents whom [nothing] that we can do or 
 say will ever conciliate, since, unhappily for themselves, they reject 
 the revealed doctrines of Sacramental grace, and, not infrequently, 
 the more central truths of Christianity from which these doctrines 
 directly radiate. But if such persons are assisted by others who 
 seriously believe what God has revealed, or wish to do so, we have 
 reason to ask ourselves whether we ever act or speak in a way calculated 
 to cause needless * offence,* and so to retard that very work of God 
 which we have at heart. 
 
 Must it not be acknowledged in view of the exaggerated ceremonial 
 and ill-considered language, which are sometimes to be found among 
 (so called) * Ritualists,* that there are grave reasons for anxiety on 
 this head ? We at least cannot help thinking so, and we are therefore 
 writing to ask you to use your great influence with many of our 
 brethen, in favour of a course which appears to us to be recommended 
 alike by charity for souls, and by loyalty to the common Truth. 
 
 Would it not be possible to take some early opportunity of con- 
 sidering how much of recent additions to customary ritual could 
 be abandoned without doing harm ? We will not attempt to go into 
 details. But surely matters of taste or feeling, not necessarily or of 
 long habit associated with the enforcement or maintenance of doctrine, 
 yet calculated to alarm the prejudiced and uninstructed, ought, on 
 St. Paul's principle, to be at least reconsidered. If we could show 
 that we have unity and humility at heart, as truly as we have at heart 
 the loyal maintenance of the Church's faith and worship, much of the 
 existing opposition would be disarmed, and we might hope by God's 
 mercy to escape from dangers which are more imminent and serious 
 than appearances would suggest. 
 
 You will, we are sure, understand this appeal in the sense in which 
 it is addressed to you, viz. that of a sincere wish to secure whatever 
 has really been gained of late years in the way of faith and reverence, 
 to the glory of our Lord and the good of souls. 
 
 Mackonochie's reply to this appeal is given in his * Life * 
 almost at full length^. He acknowledged his inability 
 to answer the question, or to influence those who were 
 more advanced in ceremonial than he was himself; and he 
 pleaded most warmly against being obliged to give up any 
 of that Ritual which had become dear to his people as the 
 expression of their faith. It was a vigorous, warmhearted 
 letter, but useless for Pusey *s purpose. It was obviously 
 impracticable to suggest to the Archbishops as a standard 
 of Ritual that measure of ceremonial which the congregation 
 of St. Alban's had been taught to desire. 
 
 1 I 
 
 Life of A. H. Mackonochie,' pp. 222-326. 
 
 „ 
 
 „ 
 
 Correspondence on the Archbishop's Bill. 275 
 
 Meanwhile, Pusey wrote a powerful letter to the Times, 
 on March 13, against the scheme of Church legislation 
 which had been foreshadowed in a leading article in that 
 paper. He pleaded for delay in the creation of any new 
 facilities for enforcing the existing Judgments, on the 
 ground that the new Final Court might possibly be found 
 to reverse previous decisions : and urged a reconsideration 
 of the whole object of the proposed Bill. Two other letters 
 followed in reply to leading articles in the same paper, 
 and yet a third, in answer to a challenge that he should 
 formulate his own remedy, in which he pleaded that the 
 real cure lay in a better understanding between the Bishops 
 and their clergy. He went on to say :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 March 28, 1874. 
 I speak from personal knowledge when I say that the Bishops 
 might have guided the Movement of 1833, &c., if they would. There 
 was nothmg that we who were young then, so much wished. The 
 battle-cr>' of the early Tracts was, ^ Let us rally round our Fathers the 
 Bishops. I believe that now, too, things would come right, if the 
 Bishops would be to us * Fathers in God.' . . . Some of our Bishops 
 have been m an unnatural position towards us. When they shall no 
 longer be constrained by their own respect for a judicial sentence, and 
 when that ill advised petition of the 483 shall be forgotten, the Bishops 
 will I doubt not, be influenced by their own feeling, and by a sense 
 of their spiritual office, to resume their fatherly relation to all their 
 Clergy, and we shall again rejoice to think and speak of them as 
 Fathers in God.' God, the great Father of all, will, I hope, turn the 
 hearts of the fathers to the children, and of the children to the fathers. 
 
 When the Archbishop of Canterbury had introduced his 
 Bill for the Regulation of Public Worship, these letters were 
 republished from the Times at the request of Dean Church, 
 with a preface restating the arguments. In it Pusey con- 
 tended that the Bill was in no way adequate to meet the 
 difficulties of the moment ; that even supposing all ritual 
 to be abolished, the tumults would not cease, inasmuch as 
 the attack of the ' Church Association ' was really directed 
 against belief in the Sacraments. He pointed out further 
 that, seeing that the direct attack in the Bennett case had 
 
 T a 
 
^7^ 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 conspicuously failed, and that the doctrine of the Holy 
 Eucharist, which the obnoxious ritual was intended to 
 express, had thus been admitted to be in accordance with 
 the teaching of the Church of England, the next most 
 obvious step would be more clearly to define the legitimate 
 limits of that ritual as ordered by the Prayer-book. The 
 Ritualists, he trusted, would be satisfied when so much 
 of ritual had been conceded as should elevate the Holy 
 Eucharist to its proper position as the centre of Christian 
 worship. And the laity would cease to be alarmed when 
 they know that changes would not be made against their 
 wishes. 
 
 But the Archbishop's Bill went forward, and its promoters 
 were able to count on the support of the Conservative 
 majority in the House of Commons. Pusey saw that this 
 was not the time for any separation in the ranks of those 
 who were being attacked. The Archbishop was being 
 urged on by men who hated the whole High Church 
 position. In such a crisis Pusey readily laid aside all his 
 irritation about acts which he could not himself defend, 
 and endeavoured to rally round him all the Ritualists. 
 
 He made a stirring speech at the crowded anniversary 
 meeting of the English Church Union in St. James' Hall, 
 on June i6. But he made use of the opportunity to make 
 some suggestions which he hoped might restrain excessive 
 Ritual. Having shown the doctrinal value of Ritual, he 
 added : — 
 
 * Now there is special danger lest the love of the beautiful should 
 interfere with the inward spiritual life. This is of course what our 
 enemies say. But fas est et ab hoste doceri, ... of course I am not 
 speaking of the devoted leaders of the Ritual movement, who have given 
 their lives to the recovery of the lost sheep for whom Christ died. 
 But every movement has its defects, and I believe that this love of 
 Ritual for its own sake is one of the weak points which Almighty God 
 means by this check to correct.* 
 
 He went on to dwell on the danger of arbitrarily reviving 
 obsolete usages, which the people were ill-prepared to 
 receive, and concluded with an appeal for union, on the 
 ground of the experience of the later Tractarian days. 
 
 Opposition to the Bill, 
 
 
 277 
 
 ' I believe that one great end of this check is to consolidate us. 
 There has been too much of guerilla warfare of late-every one doing 
 what was right in his own eyes. One secret of our strength in the 
 early days of this great Movement was our union. What one thought 
 all thought ; what one said, all said. We taught what we inherited 
 from those before us, deepened by the study of the Fathers to whom 
 the Church of England sent us. Other days came, and extreme 
 articles (as they then seemed, I forget what was in them) were written 
 m our common organ by one now an extreme Ultramontane, by 
 another who has withdrawn from theology. The storm was raised 
 as now. People were maddened. You will have heard how it broke 
 upon a Tract which taught nothing but what we all held and hold, 
 and upon its author, and cost us him who, with John Keble, was one 
 of the two bright jewels of the English Church, John Henry Newman. 
 Yet when the storm was at its height, he said to me, " If I had had my 
 way, those articles would never have been written." I trust that those 
 who think themselves most advanced in this day will profit by that 
 experience, and retiring into the main body, will neither expose them- 
 selves nor us, nor the Church, nor what we hold dearer than life- 
 the Truth of God-to perils, the extent of which they cannot well 
 estimate ; but by union will give strength to the whole.' 
 
 Soon after the meeting Pusey wrote to Mackonochie 
 a very warm and hearty letter, dealing with a suggested 
 reform in Convocation. He added : 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. A. H. Mackonochie. 
 
 June 28, 1874. 
 . . . Your strength is and will be in the hearts of your people. These 
 you have won wonderfully. Courts cannot really move you while 
 you have them. ... If the younger clergy will but win their people 
 
 first as you have It was a grand Roman boast, 'Volentes per 
 
 populos dat jura: ... The tone of the St. James' meeting was de- 
 lightful. If we could but remain as one, as we were that evening. 
 
 ^ These last words expressed Pusey's great hope at the 
 time. Ritualism and Puseyism were identical in the 
 popular mind; but as a matter of fact Pusey was not 
 a Ritualist, and he greatly doubted the wisdom and dis- 
 liked the abruptness with which much of the ceremonial 
 had been introduced into the parish churches. They had 
 indeed a large common ground in doctrine ; the question 
 was, would the most advanced Ritualists, in view of anxieties 
 of the moment, accept such a limitation of their Ritual 
 
278 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 1.' 
 
 that Pusey could continue to work with them and defend 
 them ? He hoped they would ; in fact he hoped they had 
 already done so at the St. James* Hall meeting, and on 
 July 22, asserted that hope in a letter to the Times, But 
 he was soon undeceived ; a long course of unwise treat- 
 ment from those in authority had made the Ritualists chafe 
 under any sort of restraint. To Pusey himself, the charge 
 of * lawlessness ' was most repulsive ; he was bound to 
 endure it as regards disobedience to the Purchas Judgment, 
 for he maintained that he could only obey the law by 
 disobeying the judge's version of it. But * the lawlessness ' 
 and arbitrary self-will which was charged against some of 
 those who were unjustly called by his name, he would 
 have nothing to do with ; and before the end of the year, 
 he gave up their defence. ' I have made up my mind,* he 
 writes on October 25, ' not again to come forward in any 
 meeting, nor to mix myself up with them.' It was to him, 
 as he confided to Liddon, a repetition of the history of 1841 
 and the following years. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Dec. 31, 1874. 
 . . . The High Church have entrusted themselves to the extreme 
 Ritualists, who are now their representatives, as the extreme party 
 always is. Ward, &c. were in their time of the High Church, the 
 extreme Ultramontanes [are] of the Church of Rome, the extreme 
 Ritualists of us. They are like stragglers from an army, who have got 
 into a defile, and finding themselves embarrassed, instead of retreating 
 to the main body, beg the main body, at whatever cost, to support 
 them. I mistook in my time (J. H. N. was too far-sighted), and the 
 High Church are mistaking now. I hoped (as I said at St. James' 
 Hall) that they would profit by the check and fall back on the main 
 body. I was mistaken in them, and have told Denison that I cannot 
 fight their battle. But I do stick to the battle, 'Don't alter the 
 Prayer-book.' 
 
 His meaning was that so far as Ritual was the expression 
 of the doctrine for which he had fought for so many years, 
 he would gladly contend for it : but points of ritual were 
 being insisted on which caused offence without symbolizing 
 any vital doctrine. Further, he could not attempt to defend 
 
 Attitude towards Ritualists. 
 
 279 
 
 Nly 
 
 ceremonies which were introduced against the will of the 
 congregation ; while he found it impossible to work with 
 those who laid, as he considered, undue stress on unmeaning 
 points of Ritual, and irritated their congregations by intro- 
 ducing them. For points such as the Eastward Position 
 and the Eucharistic Vestments, he felt he could not contend 
 too stoutly. But he earnestly desired that some of the less 
 significant ceremonial might be dropped. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 
 West Malvern, Jan. 2, 1875. 
 I wish that the extreme Ritualists would take your advice, but are 
 there any signs of it ? . . . The Ultras have had their way ; nothing has 
 been abandoned, so far as I have heard, and the irritation has been 
 kept up by acts which you too think unwise. Randall, of Clifton, said 
 to me that he had not heard of Ritual being excepted against by the 
 congregation when there was not fussiness or self-consciousness or 
 some like fault. I do not think then, that it is fair to say (as so 
 many do), that the objection is simply to the faith symbolized. 
 Doubtless it is so in the controversialists, Rock^ Record, Church 
 Association, &c., but not, I think, in the people of England. The 
 people of England have, I think, been moved much more by arbi- 
 trariness or the dread of it ; by the expectation that changes might 
 be made in their mode of worshipping God, without any will of their 
 own, by rash sayings against the Reformation, by continued restlessness 
 and change. I think that in the debates last year (except in some 
 few speakers) they were extravagances which pointed the argument. 
 
 Even granted, that whatever is not mentioned is not prohibited, or 
 even that what is not prohibited is allowed, this surely does not give 
 individual priests a right to revive mero motu whatever is not expressly 
 prohibited. I suppose that in no Church or body would the claim be 
 allowed that an individual priest should, of his own mind, change 
 the existing Ritual without ascertaining the mind of his congregation, 
 without the sanction of the Bishop, or the concurrence of his co- 
 presbyters. And in all the controversy, it is assumed that those who 
 did make changes were perfectly right, and that every parish priest 
 has a perfect right to do this, only that he ought to do it discreetly, 
 but still according to his own individual judgment. But the English 
 mind hates arbitrariness, the exercise of an individual will. And 
 I think that they have had a good deal to complain of in this respect. 
 There has been, and is, a good deal of infallibilism outside the Vatican 
 decree. The whole extreme Ritualist party is practically infallibilist. 
 * We will not retreat ; because we are certainly right.' And so they 
 must lay the whole blame upon their opponents' hostility, as they 
 think, to truth. Yet very much of their practice has no relation to the 
 
28o 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Pusey, 
 
 li 
 
 truth, or only so far as it makes the Eucharistic Service gorgeous. 
 I do not know, e.g., that censing persons and things has anything 
 to do with setting forth the Real Presence. Yet Lowder, in that meet- 
 ing at Brighton, said that he had insisted upon censing persons and 
 things, as being as important as anything. And yet to the mass 
 of the English people (and among them to me) it is an un-understood 
 rite. Three different explanations of it have been given me by 
 Ritualists. (As it does not concern me, I have not looked into books.) 
 This, and what is included in the word /histrionic,' is, at present 
 especially, un-understood by the English. Our service being in 
 English, is especially addressed to the heart and conscience. Acting 
 interferes with this. People are taken off from their devotions to see 
 a ceremony whose meaning they do not know. They may know it 
 by-and-by, they do not now. 
 
 Again, there has been a good deal of pedantry. * The use of the word 
 " Mass,"' Liddon said, * alienated thousands who ought to belong to us.* 
 Yet a young priest put on his church door a notice that * there will 
 be Mass' at such an hour in his village church. What should the 
 villagers understand by it } The squire of course got offended. 
 
 I asked A. Bouverie (a friend of my own) why he had joined the 
 Petition against Vestments ; he appealed to me, * you would not go 
 along with these,' and gave an instance where a layman was repelled 
 from communicating, because * only the clergy communicate to-day.' 
 
 I think that, with this and so much beside, we have no right to 
 assume the character of suffering simply for the Truth's sake. 
 
 His resolution to do battle for the Prayer-book was no 
 mere form of words. The Synod of the Irish Church had 
 been busy preparing a scheme for the revision of the Prayer- 
 book, in an ultra-Protestant direction ; and Pusey had 
 noticed, with the greatest distress, the proposal to mutilate 
 the Athanasian Creed, even omitting the assertion of a 
 right belief in the Incarnation as necessary to salvation, 
 while attempting at the same time radically to alter the 
 sacramental teaching of the Church. About such changes 
 he had the same strong conviction as about the changes 
 in the Athanasian Creed in England ; they would create 
 a new doctrinal standard, and those who forced them on 
 would be themselves creating a schism. While the Synod 
 was sitting in 1873, he wrote to the Archbishop of Dublin 
 most strongly with reference to fundamental changes in 
 the matter of Eucharistic doctrine. The letter is given 
 in full in the 'Letters and Memorials' of Archbishop 
 
 i\ 
 
 The troubles of the Irish Church, 
 
 281 
 
 / 
 
 Trench ^ Its burden throughout is precisely that of the 
 third of the * Tracts for the Times ' : ' No change in the 
 Prayer-book.' * The line of not changing the Prayer-book,' 
 he writes to the Archbishop, ' avoids all controversy as to 
 details.' 
 
 When the worst proposals were being set forward by the 
 Irish revisionists in April, 1875, he sent to the Archbishop 
 a closely written letter of seven quarto pages ^ commenting 
 chiefly on the proposed new Preface to the Prayer-book ; he 
 apologized for thus intruding in the affairs of the Irish 
 Church on the ground, *"It is our concern when the next 
 house is on fire," and in Christ, it is not the next house 
 but part of the same.' In the following month the Arch- 
 deacon of Dublin appealed to Pusey for an expression of 
 his opinion as to the alterations proposed in the Irish 
 Synod, such as he might publish ; he desired to strengthen 
 the hands of the Archbishop in his struggle against the 
 enormous majority of Protestant revisionists. 
 
 Pusey sent him the following letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Archdeacon of Dublin. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Ascension Day, 1875. 
 
 I am thankful to see your appeal. It is to me exceeding strange to 
 see how people, who really love the truth, allow dust to be thrown in 
 their eyes, because the denial of the truth which they love is not out- 
 spoken. The proceedings of the (so called) Irish Synod remind me 
 vividly of the Arian attempts to supplant the Nicene Creed by Creeds 
 of their own, which should convey to the ear something sounding like 
 the truth, but in fact denying it. If the Puritan party had nakedly 
 proposed the denial of all sacramental truth, the conflict would have 
 been intelligible, and the tyranny of imposing this denial upon their 
 fellow Churchmen would have shocked men's minds. As it is, by 
 ambiguous formulae, which do not speak out their mind, they would 
 make the Irish Church a mere Presbyterian body in all but the name, 
 having Bishops to convey nothing except a licence to preach what 
 men will. 
 
 I cannot but hope that your good Archbishop must, when the time 
 seems to him to be come, repudiate the new Prayer-book with its 
 disingenuous misinterpretations, and must officiate according to the 
 old rite. Still, the bugbear which frightens people, and hinders their 
 
 * Vol ii. pp. 152-154. 
 
 " Ibid. pp. 183-191. 
 
282 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 looking at the evil of these changes in the face, is the dread of schism ; 
 as if this dishonest Prayer-book were not in itself schismatic and the 
 instrument of schism. I think, then, that your movement is right to 
 show Churchmen that, if this faith-destroying Prayer-book is insisted 
 upon, the schism which they dread is inevitable. 
 
 
 But if Pusey was obliged to retire for the moment from 
 one part of the struggle, he still had an anxious war to 
 wage on the question of Ecclesiastical Courts. For the 
 peace of the Church, it was very desirable that a clear 
 understanding should be reached with regard to these 
 Courts. The Public Worship Regulation Act of 1874 had 
 established a new Court for the hearing of ecclesiastical 
 cases, in place of the old Court of Arches ; and the Judi- 
 cature Act of 1873 had established a new Final Court of 
 Appeal for the same cases. Objections were raised against 
 both Courts for different reasons ; and although Pusey in 
 a manner shared the objections, he could not altogether 
 agree with those who alleged them. 
 
 The question of the Court of Appeal was of immediate 
 practical importance. Lord Penzance had on Feb. 3, 1876, 
 given his decision in the new Court created by the Public 
 Worship Regulation Act, in the suit against the Rev. C. 
 Ridsdale: he had condemned him on every one of the 
 twelve charges alleged against him. On four of these 
 points, Mr. Ridsdale appealed to the new Court of Appeal, 
 which had taken the place of the Judicial Committee of the 
 Privy Council. Lord Penzance had felt himself obliged 
 to accept earlier Judgments of the Judicial Committee of 
 the Privy Council as binding interpretations of the Rubrics, 
 and had without argument condemned Mr. Ridsdale on 
 the points which contravened those decisions. It was 
 hoped that the new Court of Appeal would be more in- 
 dependent and would reconsider those decisions. The 
 Court was to consist of Lay Judges, with a certain number 
 of Archbishops and Bishops as Assessors. The two Arch- 
 bishops had already taken part in the decision against the 
 Eastward Position in the Purchas case : their presence on 
 the bench at the Ridsdale appeal was most undesirable 
 
 ■«■ 
 
 i 
 
 
 Episcopal Assessors, 
 
 283 
 
 
 if the decision was to be independent. It was in these 
 circumstances that the Archbishop of Canterbury wrote 
 a letter to Pusey about the Episcopal Assessors: the 
 following is Pusey 's answer : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 Nov. 21, 1876. 
 
 I did not understand those in common with whom I thought that 
 the presence of your Graces as Assessors was not in conformity with 
 our usual judicial proceedings, to have any ground except that you had 
 (as they supposed) already expressed an opinion unfavourable to them. 
 Your Grace thinks that the opinion which you have expressed does 
 not amount to this, since you only insisted on the duty of obeying the 
 law. In our minds this is tantamount to saying that the interpreta- 
 tion of the law given in the Purchas Judgment was right. The law 
 which we are bound to obey (your Grace knows) is the Rubrics, as 
 laid down by the Church. A misinterpretation of these Rubrics is 
 not law. If acquiesced in, it would be acknowledged as the right 
 interpretation of the law and be identified with it, as your Grace has 
 done in reproaching us, as disobeying the law because we disregard its 
 interpretation some in more points, some in fewer. I understand that 
 something of this sort takes place in Civil Courts, and gives rise to 
 what is called 'judge-made law.' And these interpretations become in 
 time as much law as the original law, of which they are undisputed 
 interpretations. If we did not in act and considerable numbers 
 contravene the Purchas Judgment, we should fasten what we think 
 a misinterpretation of the law around our own necks. Opponents can 
 afford to wait till a few opponents die out. 
 
 Your Grace will allow me to say that we are not always the best 
 judges of the strength of our own expressions, especially if we have 
 a thing much at heart. However right or wrong, this was our ground 
 in excepting against your two Graces as Assessors, that the decision 
 which we sought to have reversed was reported to have been drawn up 
 by his Grace the Archbishop of York, and to express his mind, and 
 that your Grace's language amounted to agreement with it. 
 
 Your Grace seems to ask me whether those with whom I am 
 interested in obtaining an impartial review of the Purchas Judgment 
 would decline pleading before the new Court unless they thought the 
 Assessors to be favourable to them. I have not been at their discus- 
 sions, but all which I have heard from Mr. C. Wood amounts to an 
 exception against Assessors who have committed themselves or who 
 seem to them to have committed themselves against them. This 
 would apply to some Bishops as well as to your Graces. 
 
 Altogether, the relation of your two Graces* suffragan Bishops to 
 yourselves would make their position as Assessors an embarrassing 
 one, since if they decide in our favour, they would have to assist in 
 
' wm « I > 
 
 284 
 
 Lt/e 0/ Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 reversing the Judgment of one Archbishop, in which the other is 
 thought to concur. 
 
 My conviction is that the Court most likely to command acquies- 
 cence would be a purely Civil Court. It is not hke a matter of faith, 
 in which Bishops ought to express the mind of the Church, and yet 
 they might (as in the Essays and Reviews case), and the Judgment 
 might be delivered contrary to their conviction of the truth. . . . The 
 quasi-ecclesiastical element in those decisions was what shook people's 
 minds through and through, lost us many who might have done the 
 Church good service, and who have since done her great harm. 
 Could we have thought early in 1850 of the Court as we now do, it 
 might have saved great harm and loss. 
 
 I believe then that the best way out of the difficulties into which the 
 Purchas Judgment has plunged us would be to make the Court of Appeal 
 a purely Civil Court. I trust that the impartiality of the Judges would 
 produce a decision which, although it might please neither party, 
 would yet bring peace. Else I see no prospect except of continued 
 prosecutions and condemnations in undefended suits until the arm 
 would be more tired of smiting than we of being smitten. And yet it 
 would be unjust to leave any of us, since myself and Canons Gregory 
 and Liddon contravene the Purchas Judgment as distinctly, though 
 not upon so many points, as the Ritualists. 
 
 In the meantime the Rev. A. Tooth, Vicar of St. James', 
 Hatcham, had been prosecuted in the Court of Lord 
 Penzance for Ritualism. From the very first he had 
 refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the Court, and 
 had declared that he would not obey its decisions. Lord 
 Penzance gave judgment against him, and, on further 
 complaint, suspended him on December 2, 1876, from per- 
 forming Divine service for three months. Pusey had all 
 along defended Lord Penzance's Court as a Court which 
 had jurisdiction over temporalities ; but its judge had now 
 passed a sentence which deprived a clergyman of the 
 exercise of his spiritual functions. But he wished to 
 understand the position which the advanced party took on 
 this subject; he therefore wrote to Mr. Wood, who as 
 President of the English Church Union would be most 
 likely to be able to give him the desired explanation : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Dec. 4, 1876. 
 I do not understand the line of the Ritualists about the new Court. 
 I could understand their objecting to it, because it is bound by a wrong 
 
 Lord Penzance's Court 
 
 285 
 
 
 decision (the Purchas Judgment) of a Superior Court. But I do not 
 see how the appointment by Act of Parliament vitiates the authority of 
 the Court in which Lord Penzance provides. The Act of Parliament 
 does not give, or profess to give, any spiritual authority to it ; it gives 
 it power only to inflict temporal penalties, which of course it could 
 not have, simply as the Archbishops* Court. 
 
 But Lord Penzance holds his appointment from the Archbishops, 
 whereas the former Court of Arches represented one only. It does not 
 vitiate the fact that he holds his authority from the two Archbishops; 
 that, if they did not appoint, the civil power would nominate a judge. 
 He holds his appointment from the Archbishops, and this is not 
 affected by any other possible mode of appointment, in default of their 
 appointing. Some of us, I think, got into the habit of thinking lightly 
 of the Archbishops' Court, because it was at times administered by 
 a prejudiced layman. Of course there ought to be an appeal to the 
 Bishops of the Province, but this is not urged. 
 
 Now, what I think we have to make clear to ourselves is, what we 
 do mean ; that we may not seem to use arguments whose validity 
 we do not recognize, or reject particular authority because we reject 
 all authority except our private judgment. There ought to be an 
 answer to the Bishop of Lichfield's question, * Whom, or what would 
 you obey ? ' I suspect that most of the Ritualists would be at a loss 
 for an answer. Their line seems to me to be — *■ We are certainly 
 right, we shall obey our own consciences and what we think to be 
 right, and shall obey no authority, spiritual or temporal, which contra- 
 venes this.' 
 
 This is something tangible; but then it is not acting openly, to 
 except against the mode of appointment of a particular judge, if all 
 authority alike is rejected. I am not arguing the case. I only desire 
 openness. 
 
 Archbishop Tait urged it as an argument for the present spiritual 
 element in the Supreme Court, that the Ritualists only wished to 
 eliminate it in order then to disclaim the authority of the Court as 
 a purely secular Court. 
 
 To me it has seemed the safe line to acknowledge the authority of 
 the Supreme Court in temporals and (as Mill, Manning, R. Wilber- 
 force worded it) * the temporal accidents of spiritual things,* viz. our 
 temporalities. 
 
 While he was still hoping to be able to act with his 
 friends in this matter of the Courts, Pusey was confronted 
 with the following Resolution which it was proposed to 
 submit to a general meeting of the English Church Union 
 early in 1877 : — 
 
 *That this meeting declares that in its judgment any sentence 
 of suspension or inhibition pronounced by any Court sitting under the 
 
286 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Public Worship Regulation Act is spiritually null and void, and that, 
 should any priest feel it his duty to continue to discharge his 
 spiritual functions, notwithstanding such sentence, he is hereby assured 
 of the sympathy of this meeting, and of such support and assistance as 
 the circumstances of the case may allow.' 
 
 This resolution Pusey only felt able to interpret as 
 a declaration that the English Church Union, of which he 
 was a Vice-President, considered that the clergy were not 
 bound by the decision of any existing Courts. He at once 
 sent in his resignation, because, as a Vice-President of the 
 Union, he would be considered to be responsible for it. He 
 privately explained the reason for this act in the following 
 letter to Mr. Wood : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Feast of Holy Innocents, 1876. 
 
 What compels me to leave the E. C. U. is that they propose to put 
 forth propositions which I do not think honest, and yet, as a member of 
 it, and having taken a prominent part in the defence of the Ritualists, 
 I should seem to agree with them. 
 
 In these last Resolutions, the E. C. U. shifts its ground from the 
 Purchas Judgment to the Public Worship Bill. The ground against 
 the Purchas Judgment was, on a matter of fact, that it was bad law: 
 the ground against the Public Worship Bill is against the Ecclesiastical 
 Court. I do not see any difference which the P. W. B. makes, except 
 that it makes shorter work (they say). Lord Penzance was appointed 
 by the two Archbishops, Sir Robert Phillimore by one. The Supreme 
 Court is so far better than the old Committee of the Privy Council 
 in that it has no episcopal members. I should prefer (and so would 
 you, I suppose) a purely Civil Court. 
 
 The Resolution to which I objected, and against which I wrote, 
 about the P. W. Bill, was carried by a large majority. Carter wrote 
 to me that he thought that it would be a relief to me, that it was 
 delayed till the * Branches ' should be consulted, but, he added, that 
 he had no doubt that the Branches would agree with it. Thus I have 
 been already tacitly recommending what I do not agree in. 
 
 The Resolution, as I read it, declares the clergy not bound by any 
 decision of the existing Courts. But the existing Courts make absolutely 
 no difference. It shifts, as I said, the question from a particular wrong 
 decision, to all authority. A clergyman writing to the Bishop of Lich- 
 field * on the disobedience of the clergy ' justifies this. 
 
 These are different principles from those with which we began our 
 work forty-five years ago, and I must free myself from them. I assign 
 no reason for ceasing to be a member of the E. C. U. (Liddon, more 
 
 Pusey and the English Church Union. ^7 
 
 wisely, never, I think, became one ^). I shall leave people to find it 
 out for themselves. Carter will make a better Vice-President. . . . 
 I withdraw at the same time from all Church politics, and return to my 
 former state of neutrality. My only regret (and it is a. great regret) is 
 being outwardly separated from you. 
 
 Mr. Wood, however, felt it to be of vital importance 
 that Pusey should not thus sever his connexion with 
 the Union. He begged him to retain his position and 
 continue to assist them with his advice and criticism. 
 Pusey replied that he would have preferred to retire 
 quietly. He thought it absurd that he should remain on 
 condition of reserving to himself a quasi-censorship of the 
 Resolutions proposed to the Society. * Yet,* he adds, * there 
 is a large body of real High Churchmen outside, v.'hom 
 I must not seem to compromise by allowing myself to 
 appear to agree to what I do not think. . . .' 
 
 In consequence, however, of this correspondence the 
 original terms of the Resolutions were altered, and the 
 following Resolutions were drafted in their place, to be 
 discussed at a general meeting of the English Church 
 Union summoned for January 16, 1877, at the Westminster 
 Palace Hotel : — 
 
 * I. That the English Church Union, while it distinctly and expressly 
 acknowledges the authority of all Courts legally constituted in regard 
 to all matters temporal, denies that the secular power has authority in 
 matters purely spiritual. 
 
 * 2. That any Court which is bound to frame its decisions in accordance 
 with the Judgments of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council 
 or any other secular Court, does not possess any spiritual authority 
 with respect to such decisions. 
 
 * 3. That suspension a sacris being a purely spiritual act, the English 
 Church Union is prepared to support any priest not guilty of a moral 
 or canonical offence, who refuses to recognize a suspension issued 
 by such a Court. 
 
 *4. That "the Church" (not the State) "having power to decree 
 rites and ceremonies and authority in controversies of faith," this Union 
 submits itself to the duly constituted synods of the Church ; and in 
 regard to the legality of matters now under dispute, appeals to the 
 rubrics of the Book of Common Prayer, and to the interpretation put 
 upon those Rubrics in 1875 by the resolutions of the Lower House 
 
 * This was not correct Dr. Liddon had become a member some years 
 previously. 
 
288 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Ridsdale Judgment, 
 
 of Convocation of Canterbury in regard to the Eucharistic Vestments 
 and the Eastward Position.' 
 
 Pusey wrote at once to the President to express his 
 complete satisfaction with this form of the Resolution, and 
 withdrew his resignation, and the amended proposals 
 were enthusiastically adopted by the meeting. In fact, he 
 continued to belong to the Union until his death, and 
 through the affectionate loyalty of the President, he enjoyed 
 practically a right of veto on all their public proceedings. He 
 was unable to attend their meetings, but carefully examined 
 every Agenda paper that was sent to him, and wrote his 
 opinion on any question on which he feared a wrong deci- 
 sion. The influence of the President was sufficient to prevent 
 anything being carried of which Pusey did not approve. 
 
 In anticipation of the Judgment of the Court of Appeal 
 in the Ridsdale case, there were many rumours afloat. 
 Mr. Tooth was lying in prison for disobedience to Lord 
 Penzance, whose jurisdiction he could not recognize, and 
 other clergy, whose parishes loyally supported them, 
 were threatened with a similar fate at the instigation 
 of those who were not really parishioners. Ritualists were 
 being persecuted mercilessly by the application of the 
 Purchas Judgment. It was now currently asserted that 
 the Court would in the coming Judgment condemn the 
 Eucharistic Vestments, although it would allow the Eastward 
 Position. 
 
 At this moment of anxiety Pusey ventured to write 
 to the Archbishop and to Lord Selborne to urge the 
 common-sense view of a case which seemed to be going 
 fon\'ard through a one-sided interpretation of law to wide- 
 spread disaster. He only wished to point out how 
 impossible it was to read a negative into the positive 
 language of the Ornaments Rubric, by which many prac- 
 tical people believed that the Vestments were enjoined. 
 * When a body of men of very different minds agree in taking 
 simple words as a simple direction, I think that there is 
 a strong probability that they are right' At the same time 
 Dean Church headed a memorial to the Archbishops 
 
 289 
 
 and Bishops urging that the great troubles that afflicted 
 the Church might be cured by the living voice of the 
 Church, but would only be made worse by a series of legal 
 actions. Pusey declined to join in this public manifesto, 
 because he thought that any public statement before the 
 decision was delivered would imply suspicion of the Judges, 
 or suspicion of the weakness of the cause of those who 
 signed it. He always felt sure that an unbiassed Court, 
 I.e. a Court that was free to weigh the simple meaning 
 of language and was not overruled by any preceding 
 interpretation, must decide in favour of the essential points 
 of Ritual. 
 
 The Judgment in the Ridsdale case was delivered on 
 May 12, 1877: it forbade the Vestments, but allowed the 
 Eastward Position of the celebrant. Pusey writes at once 
 to Liddon : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, May 13, 1877. 
 
 Is anything being resolved on or prepared in consequence of the 
 Judgment t 
 
 I see a statement that i,coo clergy have given in their adherence 
 to Disestabhshment as the only remedy. They must be very short- 
 sighted or blmded by self-contemplation, if thev do not see that 
 Disestablishment would leave them a small minori'ty or ecclesiola. It 
 IS best to remain with our hands tied, until we can keep them from 
 striking one another. Disestablishment would be hopeless disruption 
 m which the only gainer would be Rome. ' 
 
 In the next month he joined in a petition against the 
 Judgment as being a non-natural interpretation of the 
 Ornaments Rubric ; but accompanied his signature with the 
 following characteristic letter : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Eve of St. Barnabas, 1877. 
 . . . I signed that petition, but we ought to understand what we are 
 defending. Is it ritualism en masse, i. e. what any one may think 
 right ? or is it what can fairly be understood to be prescribed by the 
 Ornaments Rubric? For such outsiders, or High Church men as I, 
 ought not to be seeming to be defending one thing, while we mean 
 to defend another. 
 
 VOL. IV. u 
 
290 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The late Judgment has given a nov (ttw, * the natural interpretation 
 of the Ornaments Rubric and the honesty of our Prayer-book.' 
 I think that the straightforwardness of the English people would 
 go along with this, * You don't mean that when the English Prayer- 
 book says " Such ornaments are to be used," it meant they are nof 
 to be used ? * 
 
 We should also have a good deal of support in mixing water with 
 the wine quietly beforehand, since it was that which our Lord con- 
 secrated. * Wine,' of which Scripture speaks, meant wine with water: 
 and with our brandied wines we may well claim to mix it. The Court 
 of Arches allowed the mingling beforehand ; it could not come under 
 the name of 'additional ceremony,' because being done beforehand 
 (as it was in the old English Church, sometime, and is in the Greek 
 Church). I suppose it might conciliate those who feel scruples 
 about intoxicating liquors. Our wine is not the oivos of the N. T. 
 It would at best be the ohos aKparosj which one stigmatized as 
 'drinking like a Scythian.' It is much more like that condemned 
 by Isaiah (v. 22). 
 
 I think what sets people against Ritualism is chiefly that the service 
 for the Holy Eucharist is in many churches really a different service. 
 Taking into account what is left out and what is put in, is not half 
 adscititious ? The Commandments are left out, and the prayer for the 
 Queen and the exhortation (how much more I don't know) ; then 
 hymns are put in. Would it be in the proportion half left out and as 
 much put in ? 
 
 But I want to be honest. I am not honest, if under the plea 
 of attacking the Privy Council Judgment as non-natural, I am 
 really defending a great deal behind : such as censing persons and 
 things, &c. 
 
 If the Ritualists would content themselves for the time with (a) the 
 Eastward Position ; (d) the mingling the water with the wine out of the 
 service ; (c) hymns not interpolated but (if the congregation liked) 
 sung while others were communicating or at the end ; (^) whatever 
 is really meant by the Ornaments Rubric,— I think that the battle 
 would be easily won. They could say, * We do not want to enforce on 
 others the revival of an obsolete Rubric : we only wish to be allowed 
 to do, what (though it has fallen into disuse) the Church of England 
 bids us do.' Sooner or later, I must say in honesty, this is what 
 I mean by attacking the late Judgment. 
 
 In the honesty of his position and the certainty that it 
 would eventually triumph, he was joyous and confident. 
 Immediately after the decision, the Vicar of one of the 
 most advanced churches was about to resign in despair. 
 Pusey wrote to beg him to change his mind, and with 
 success. 
 
 \ 
 
 Opposition to the Judgment, 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. 
 
 291 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, May 18, 1877. 
 
 MV VERY DEAR FrIEND, 
 
 Liddon tells me that you speak of resigning. Pray do not. 
 The battle is not lost. But it would be lost, if those who are to fight 
 it, resign. Each individual encourages or discourages. You have 
 a prominent post. I would gladly go to prison for you. But I can't. 
 'O fortes pejoraque passi 
 Mecum saepe viri ... 
 Nil desperandum Christo duce et auspice Christo/ 
 has been my motto for many years of trouble. 
 
 Yours very affectionately, 
 
 E. B, Pusey. 
 
 U 2 
 
li' 
 
 The Old Catholics, 
 
 293 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 OLD CATHOLICS— BONN CONFERENCES — THE * FILIOQUE ' 
 CLAUSE — LETTER TO DR. LIDDON — JEWISH INTER- 
 PRETATION OF THE FIFTY-THIRD CHAPTER OF ISAIAH. 
 
 1875-1876. 
 
 ' The thought of " Eirenica " had been a dream and 
 interest of my life,' Pusey stated in a letter to the Times at 
 the end of February, 1876: but he for ever laid aside all 
 hope of those dreams being realized in his lifetime when 
 his great efforts for reunion with the Church of Rome 
 were brought to naught in 1870. Union with the * Old 
 Catholics ' who had seceded from the Church of Rome at that 
 date because they could not accept the Vatican decrees, 
 was to many others a tempting proposal ; but Pusey would 
 not do anything to assist it. He was no mere enthusiast 
 for unity : the Faith was to him the primary consideration. 
 .Even when he was in Germany at the time of the second 
 Old Catholic Congress at Cologne in 1872, and was invited 
 to attend, he declined, from a well-founded fear of com- 
 mitting himself to connexion with a body whose principles 
 had not been stated clearly enough to rescue their name 
 from an obvious ambiguity. He explains his refusal to 
 
 Liddon : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Lideon, D.D. 
 
 Reichenhalle, Sept. 13, 1872. 
 
 I let Dr. Wingerath see that my main ground for not going to the 
 Congress was that they did not make clear their own position. Their 
 title of * Old Catholics ' seemed at first to mean that they were on 
 the same basis as they were before the Vatican Council, believing every- 
 thing which they believed before. [But] ' Old Catholics ' might mean 
 those who, like ourselves, believe all that was matter of faith to * the 
 
 undivided Church,* an expression which the Bishop of Lincoln notices 
 that they had used. This would be a position such as, there seems 
 reason to think, the Latin Church was ready to take at the Council 
 of Florence, ignoring all mere Latin Councils. But then what was 
 held of faith by * the Undivided Church ' would be open to different 
 questions which might be answered differently. The Greek Church, 
 I think, had them at advantage, saying that if they were Old 
 Catholics they must go up higher; for the Vatican Council only 
 developed what nnghi be the meaning of previous Councils. ... But 
 then what is the ground of the Old Catholics on all those subjects, 
 as of grace or the sacraments, which the Council of Trent laid down 
 so elaborately? I thought it best not to advance towards the Old 
 Catholics, if afterwards one has to withdraw. I wished to know their 
 position. Dr. W. might have told me. Perhaps he had not time. 
 I had no answer either from him or from Bollinger. I softened my 
 answer by saying that, * under these circutnstaftceSy I thought it best 
 to stay here, whither I had come for health.' Had I had a satis- 
 factory answer, I should not have minded the loss of a week's quiet 
 or the journey. 
 
 The same resolve not to encourage any movement that 
 appeared to him in the least to imperil the Catholicity of 
 the English Church caused him to stand somewhat aloof 
 from the projects for reunion with the Eastern Church. 
 Since the establishment of the Eastern Church Association 
 in 1864, he had been a member of it, and had not un- 
 frequently contributed papers which were published by 
 the Association. But the bright hopes of the possibility 
 of Reunion with the Churches of the East, which at that 
 time he had entertained, and had expressed in some of the 
 closing pages of the First Eirenicon \ had now faded away 
 before the impracticable attitude of the Russian Church. 
 He also began to feel that the hold of English Churchmen 
 upon the truth expressed in the Filioque clause of the 
 Nicene Creed was being undermined by the language which 
 some of the ardent advocates of Reunion allowed themselves 
 to use with regard to it. He was so firmly convinced that 
 it was impossible for the Western Church to remove that 
 word from their Creed without serious danger to the faith, 
 that when he thought it clear that the action of the 
 Eastern Church Association was endangering that clause, 
 
 * Eirenicon, Part I, pp. 263-^67. 
 
294 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Reunion Conferences at Bonn, 
 
 295 
 
 he quietly ceased to be a member of it, and expressed his 
 fears to the Secretary. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. G. Williams. 
 
 Nov. 5, 1872. 
 
 I think that we are doing mischief to our own people by accustoming 
 them to the idea of abandoning the Filioque^ and to the Russians by 
 inflating them. They look upon every longing for unity as so much 
 incense offered to them as the one true Church. So they answered 
 the * Old Catholics.' 
 
 When however the Reunion Conferences between Old 
 Catholics, Anglicans, and the Eastern Church were held at 
 Bonn in 1874 and 1875, Pusey followed the discussion with 
 great interest, especially on the second occasion, when the 
 Filioque clause of the Nicene Creed was under discussion. 
 This clause, ' and the Son,' which occurs in our form of the 
 Nicene Creed, was not in that form of the Creed which was 
 accepted by the Undivided Church at the Council of 
 Chalcedon in A.D. 451. It is found only in the Western 
 forms of the Creed ; its earliest recorded use being at 
 a Council at Toledo in 589. With regard to this later 
 addition, the Eastern Church maintains that the West had 
 no right to add anything to a Creed which had been 
 sanctioned by the whole Church, and further that this 
 additional statement is theologically inaccurate, because, 
 they maintain, it implies the existence of two * Principles ' 
 (apX^O ^^ ^^ Godhead, which would be incompatible with 
 a belief in the Unity of God. The Westerns acknowledge 
 that the words are an addition, but hold them to be true, 
 always explaining that they were never intended to assert 
 or imply the existence of two Principles. 
 
 Pusey was very anxious lest the Western position should 
 be incautiously surrendered by the more ardent promoters 
 of Reunion ; especially he feared lest Bollinger's strong 
 anti-Roman feeling should prejudice his mind in favour of 
 the Eastern form. Both he and Bishop Forbes sent com- 
 munications to the Bonn Conference on the question. 
 The Bishop's letter was a short and clear suggestion of 
 a basis for agreement; Pusey sent the Preface to his 
 son's translation of St. Cyril's Commentary on the first 
 
 eight chapters of St. John, which he had written in the 
 preceding year ; this contained a large number of quota- 
 tions from the Greek Fathers expressing the truth which 
 the disputed words were intended to convey though in 
 different terms. 
 
 At the Conference in 1875 a formula was drawn up 
 which all who were present found themselves able to 
 accept. Pusey saw that it was practically a surrender of 
 the position for which the Western Church had contended 
 for so many centuries. He writes anxiously to Liddon : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 West Malvern, Aug. 19, 1875. 
 
 ... I do not see any occasion for any formula in which the Greeks 
 and we should agree. We are content to let them alone. They have 
 all along been on the aggressive. I fear that it has been their way 
 of keeping off the question of the Papal authority. On one or two 
 occasions it has been owned . by writers on their side that the real 
 question was about the dpoi/oi. 
 
 We ask nothing of them, in case of reunion, but to go on as we are. 
 We do not ask them to receive the Filioque^ but only not to except 
 against our expressing our belief in the way in which their own great 
 writers St Epiphanius, St. Cyril, and others did. Why should they 
 refuse our communion on the ground of our using doctrinal language, 
 used so freely by the great Doctor Ecclesiae^ who presided over the Third 
 General Council ? ... If ever there is to be an agreement, and we are 
 not to be simply merged in the Greek Church and to embrace false 
 doctrine, I am sure that this is the only way that they should (as 
 Wassilief did) accept our rejection of the heresy which they impute 
 to our formula and leave us in possession of it. But I fear that they 
 are animated now by an evil spirit of ambition ; and that they are 
 unwilling to have their old battle-cry against Rome * You are heretics as 
 believing two a/>x«^ i" ^h^ Godhead,' taken from them. 
 
 This correspondence, with regard to the Bonn Conference, 
 was the last occasion on which Pusey and the Bishop of 
 Brechin acted together. In spite of sixteen years' difference 
 in age between them, they had been on terms of most inti- 
 mate friendship since 1846, when the Bishop was curate of 
 the parish of St. Thomas the Martyr, in Oxford. Pusey was 
 attracted to him by his simplicity of life and deep piety, as 
 well as by his intellectual ability, courageous loyalty to 
 
V>f 
 
 296 
 
 Life of Edward Bonverie Pusey. 
 
 revealed truth, and keen theological insight ; others saw in 
 him a great likeness to Pusey both in these characteristics 
 and also in his unstinted charities and his self-sacrificing 
 labours for the sick and poor. Throughout the troubles of 
 the early years of his episcopate, Pusey and Keble had 
 been his chief advisers ; after Keble's death, no one entered 
 with greater eagerness than the Bishop into Pusey's san- 
 guine efforts towards the Reunion of the Western Church. 
 Whenever he came to Oxford, Pusey's house was his 
 home, and he had been staying there towards the end 
 of May, 1875. Four months later his health began to 
 fail, and he passed away suddenly on the evening of 
 Friday, October 8. Liddon, knowing full well how keenly 
 Pusey would feel his loss, and fearing the effect of the 
 shock on him in his weak state of health, wrote to him 
 immediately. 'Kindest thanks,' was the answer, 'for your 
 loving letter. It chokes one ; and it seems unnatural to do 
 anything but follow him with prayer to those worlds 
 unknown.' About two months later in a letter to Liddon 
 he gives the following sketch of the Bishop's character :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Dec. 5, 1875. 
 . . . What strikes me most about the dear Bishop in looking back 
 are his great love, tenderness, simplicity, and self-forgetfulness, and 
 his sensitiveness about whatever bore on doctrinal truth. That trial > 
 was like the piercing of a sword to him, for fear the truth should 
 be compromised, or in the defence lest he should any way com- 
 promise it. He did not recover the physical effects of it, in any 
 degree, for two years. I saw his nervous system gradually tranquillize : 
 but during those two years it was preternaturally alive. His happiest 
 time was that which he spent in the hospitals by the sick, or in the 
 alleys of Dundee, if so he might minister to souls or bodies. Then 
 there was his utter want of self-consciousness. He had, as you know, 
 brilliant conversational talents, yet one never could detect the slightest 
 perception that he was aware of it. So also as to his theological 
 knowledge. He had a large grasp of mind, devoted loyalty to truth, 
 sorrow for those who had it not, tender feeling for them ; but for 
 himself utter unconsciousness of his gifts. It was all a matter of course. 
 Of his humility to God ... I can only say the Day of Judgment will 
 show how deep it was. 
 
 * See vol. iii. pp. 448-459. 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 Death of Bishop Forbes, 297 
 
 But in the meanwhile Pusey had gone steadily on with his 
 defence of the Western form of the Creed, endeavouring 
 for this purpose to remodel his Preface to St. Cyril. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Oct. 1 1, 1875. 
 
 How death has been sweeping all around one ! What memories 
 T. Keble's departure brings vividly back, and now Bp. Forbes, whom 
 1 never imagined myself surviving ! Will you say Mass for him ? It 
 is a great gap to me ; he was so tender and loving. 
 
 I am recasting that little Preface to my son's St Cyril, which I sent 
 you : so many stupid prejudices against the Filioque seem rising ; and 
 now that the Vatican decree has so scared people, they are looking to 
 the Greek Church for reunion, and seem ready to part with the 
 Filioque from the Creed. Do you know any book which would throw 
 light on the use of the Athanasian Creed in early Breviaries ? My 
 impression is that the Filioque came into the Nicene Creed through 
 the Athanasian ', in that, through the Athanasian, as being de- 
 votionally recited, it became our Western formula and so crept 
 unawares into the Nicene, which seems to have been little known 
 in the West until the Third Council of Toledo directed it to be sung 
 at Mass. ... My question is, whether there are traces of the Qui- 
 cunque being said so widely at Prime on Sunday that it was probably 
 an integral part of the Breviary at an early time ? 
 
 In December he found that the Eastern Church Association 
 was petitioning Convocation to take the Resolution of the 
 Bonn Conference into consideration. This light-hearted 
 method — as it seemed to him — of treating an extremely 
 difficult and profound theological question was a cause of 
 astonishment to Pusey. He immediately wrote to the 
 Times a popular and untechnical statement of his reasons 
 for objecting to these propositions. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 Christ Church, Dec. 27, 1875. 
 Having been formerly a member of the Eastern Church Association 
 and having publicly taken part in its proceedings, but having silently 
 quitted it, on the ground of the aggressive line as to the English 
 Church adopted by Russian ecclesiastics and of some other apprehen- 
 sions, may I ask you to allow me, through the Times^ to disclaim any 
 connexion with the petition to the Convocations of Canterbury and 
 
 ' This interesting point is discussed * On the clause " And the Son," * 
 at length in his Letter to Dr. Liddon, pp. 51-67. 
 
 '•-> ■ ■ -,r\ r'-^^^ 
 
298 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 York now being circulated by the Committee of that Association, and 
 that on the following grounds : — 
 
 1. That (although not in the minds of the framers) it really prepares 
 the way for the abandonment of the expression of our belief in the 
 mode of existence of Almighty God — i. e. in God as He is. 
 
 2. That the question of abandoning the expression of our belief, 
 which we have had for at least 1,200 years, would very much distract 
 the minds of our people, and its abandonment would, in the practical 
 English mind, be followed by the abandonment of the belief itself. 
 
 3. That one of the propositions to which we are requested to express 
 our consent is misleading, and calculated to raise prejudices against 
 the truth, since the reception of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed 
 in the Western Church for itself, together with the addition of the 
 Filioque^ is no more ecclesiastically irregular than the additions to 
 the Nicene Creed by the Council of Constantinople, wholly a Greek 
 Council, for its necessities in the East. The Creed, also with this 
 addition, was notoriously received under the impression that it was the 
 Creed enlarged by that Council. 
 
 4. That another of these propositions is contradictory to our Creeds 
 and Articles in that it states absolutely that ' the Holy Ghost goes not 
 forth out of the Son,' whereas they declare that He proceedeth from 
 the Father and the Son, and furthermore St. John of Damascus, in the 
 passage quoted, meant to reject our Western mode of expressing our 
 faith, which in earlier times was the predominant language of Eastern 
 Fathers also. 
 
 5. That any proceedings on the part of the English Church with 
 regard to the Creeds on this great truth would be utterly useless as to 
 the object alleged, ' the removal of our unhappy divisions,' since there 
 are other grave points which would hinder the Eastern Church from 
 accepting our communion, the more so since we are still so divided 
 among ourselves. 
 
 6. That whereas it ought to be a first principle that in religious 
 matters nothing ought to be done by majorities, and it is one charge 
 against the late Vatican Council that the majority overrode a consider- 
 able minority in enacting a new matter of faith, it is manifest that in 
 the English Church also even the majority is not now prepared to 
 enter into communion with the Eastern Church, not knowing what 
 consequences it would involve as to ourselves. Particular questions 
 are therefore better left to the discussion of private theologians than to 
 bodies speaking in behalf of the Church, as the Convocation, of which 
 the Lower House of this province inadequately represents the clergy, 
 however adequate for ordinary practical purposes. 
 
 7. That even if such negotiations did not end (as I myself think 
 probable) in the disruption of the English Church, they would, while 
 pending, increase divisions among ourselves rather than promote unity 
 with the Eastern Church, and that while grasping at a shadow we 
 should, like the dog in the fable, lose the substance. 
 
 '\ 
 
 \ 
 
 Letter on the Resolution of the Bonn Conference, 299 
 
 In deprecating such authoritative negotiations I do not mean to 
 throw any slur on the pacific endeavours of the theologians assembled 
 at Bonn, although, in regard to this great doctrine, I think that the 
 results are unhappy, and that it would have been much better simply 
 to claim, in case of reunion, the possession of our hereditary Creed 
 (with which our faith is practically bound up), while disclaiming any 
 error which the Greeks have erroneously imputed to it, or any wish 
 that they should adopt it. 
 
 I think it also a misstatement that the words *and the Son ' have 
 for so long a time divided the East from the West. Writers on the 
 Greek side have said that 'the dispute was not about the Creed, 
 but about the sees,' i. e. the absolute authority claimed by the See of 
 Rome over the Eastern patriarchates, so different from the relation 
 of earlier times. 
 
 It was hinted in reply that the Lambeth Conference of 
 1878 might remove the Filioqiie, and that Pusey was the 
 only theologian of reputation in England who thought that 
 its insertion could be justified. Certainly the American 
 deputies at Bonn, as was well known, were eager to drop 
 the clause, and DoUinger also had spoken strongly against 
 it. But Pusey still fought the matter in the press without 
 a sign of shrinking. In the Times of January 10, 1876, 
 there is a second letter reasserting his previous position, 
 although admitting a slight modification. He still main- 
 tained that the Eastern and Western forms of the Confession, 
 if rightly understood, now confess the same truth under 
 different language : but if we, after using the Filioque for 
 so many centuries, were to abandon it, we should forfeit 
 part of the truth. We could not give up a portion of the 
 Creed, and repeat the remainder with unaltered meaning. 
 He ends, * I write this simply as an individual, never having 
 been a "leader," and having now survived almost all in 
 harmony with whom I once acted.' Two days later he 
 heard from Newman. 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Jan. 10, 1876. 
 
 ... I have read with great interest your letters in the Times. 
 To-day's is particularly good. Your last sentence is very sad. I hope 
 it does not mean that there are any who are differing from you on the 
 point on which you write, whom you have hitherto acted with. 
 
300 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ' 
 
 Pusey explained his allusion at once. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Jan. II, 1876. 
 
 The last sentence did not allude to any defalcations : it was a tacit 
 answer to one who taunted me with writing as a * leader.* We never 
 had one. It would have been better for us had you allowed yourself 
 to be one. As it was, the tail always guided. There are no apparent 
 defalcations. But now that the Vatican Council seems to us generally 
 to have shut the half-open door in our faces, there is a prominent 
 feeling, * Union at any cost ' ; and so, since the Greeks set their faces 
 against being in communion with those who retain the FUioque in 
 the Creed, there is the disposition to abandon it. 
 
 Dollinger, of course, attempted an impossibility — to squeeze the 
 principle of our Western Confession into the words of St. John 
 Damascene, who rejected it. But people do not yet see this, and are 
 carried away by his name ; but our English people are not prepared, 
 God be thanked, to give up the FUioque. 
 
 There is, as I said, an active party in the United States who are 
 ready to give up the Filioqttey retaining, as they think, the faith 
 contained in it. It was for them that I wrote that Preface. 
 
 The attitude which Pusey assumed toward the Bonn 
 propositions caused a good deal of anxiety among those 
 who had consented to them. Explanations of a reassuring 
 character were addressed to him ; and the public corre- 
 spondence ended with the insertion in the Times of a private 
 letter from Pusey to Liddon dated Feb. 8, showing the 
 nature of these assurances. They had removed some 
 of his fears about the Conference ; it was clear that the 
 English representatives at least were more like-minded 
 with him than the proceedings seemed to suggest. He 
 concluded : — 
 
 * With your object of promoting the restoration of communion with 
 the East I, of course, with my whole heart, sympathize. Great as the 
 difficulties may be, they are not insuperable by prayer. It has been 
 my conviction for above forty years that since the Latins believed in 
 the Monarchia and the Greeks of old believed in the Eternal 
 Procession through the Son, their belief must be the same. And this 
 must have been the mind of the Westerns generally, since Roman 
 writers (as far as I know ) did not call the Greeks ' heretics,' but 
 * schismatics ' only. I should be very glad of any explanation to the 
 Greeks, as promoting the great cause of unity, if only we do not there- 
 with give up that which has been the expression of our faitjn for 
 1,200 years at least and which could not be replaced.* 
 
 I 
 
 mmmm 
 
 \ 
 
 Published Letter to Liddon, 
 
 301 
 
 He had been attempting to recast the Preface to his 
 son Philip's translation of St. Cyril on St. John, so as 
 to suit the exact form of this discussion ; but Liddon 
 begged him to write a public Letter instead, stating how 
 the Bonn propositions could be amended so that they 
 would not, to his mind, involve any sacrifice of truth. 
 This letter was greatly delayed, and was not completed 
 until the middle of July, 1876, when it appeared under 
 the title of * On the clause " And the Son," in regard 
 to the Eastern Church and the Bonn Conference.' This 
 valuable treatise consists of about 200 pages, and is the 
 fullest discussion of this clause, historically and doctrinally, 
 in the theology of our Church. The Bonn propositions 
 are asserted to be too ambiguous and incomplete to be 
 considered by Convocation, and in an Appendix several 
 amendments are suggested. But, on the whole, it seems 
 that the difficulties^ which Pusey found in the actual wording 
 of the propositions arose rather from inaccurate language 
 or inadequate translation, than from fundamental diver- 
 gences in doctrine. The ' Letter ' is on a subject too 
 technical to be widely appreciated ; but the clearness of 
 its thought, and its theological insight, show that neither 
 ill health nor old age were diminishing the keenness of his 
 mental powers. 
 
 Pusey interrupted the preparation of this book for the 
 press by another piece of work which proved to be a solid 
 contribution to Biblical literature. Some years earlier, 
 whilst he was preparing one of his sermons on the Jewish 
 interpretation of the prophecies about the Messiah, he had 
 felt that the difficulty of the subject was increased by the 
 scantiness of the accessible materials. Most of the books 
 in which the statements of Jewish Commentators were to 
 be found, were beyond the reach of the ordinary student. 
 To remedy this, in 1874, he requested Dr. Neubauer to 
 undertake the task of editing a complete catena of Jewish 
 Commentaries on the Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah — ' the 
 
 > Dr. Liddon discussed Pusey's ob- English translation of the Report of 
 jections at length in his preface to the the Second Bonn Conference. 
 
302 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 remarkable chapter which has for ages formed one of the 
 principal battlefields between Christians and their Jewish 
 opponents/ This collection was, at Pusey's request, trans- 
 lated into English by the united labours of Mr. Driver, 
 who afterwards succeeded to Pusey's Professorship, and 
 Dr. Neubauer. Pusey himself contributed to the volume^ 
 an Introduction of thirty-five closely printed pages, which 
 are dated December, 1876. This Introduction contains 
 incidentally a learned defence of the valuable work of 
 Raymond Martini, entitled * Pugio Fidei,* a collection of 
 Jewish interpretations which had been made in the thir- 
 teenth century, and which had been recently denounced 
 as containing important and audacious corruptions of the 
 text. But one of the most interesting points in this Preface 
 is his apology for the apparently paradoxical attempt to 
 defend the Christian faith by reprinting at length the 
 anti-Christian interpretations of Messianic predictions. 
 His reply is that he hoped that these attempts to avoid 
 the Christian appeal to the Old Testament Scriptures 
 would enable Christians to appreciate more vividly the 
 difficulties of the Jews of the present day, while at the 
 same time they would illustrate, rather than overthrow, 
 the truth of the Christian interpretation. Jews of the 
 greatest ability had for centuries tried to find some other 
 satisfactory interpretation, but had been unable with all 
 their labour and ingenuity to discover any person, or body 
 of people, who could be said to be the object of this great 
 prophecy. Their continued failure Pusey regarded as of 
 great evidential value ; it contributed some further cogency 
 to the general argument from the fulfilment of predictions, 
 on which he always, especially in the later years of his 
 life, laid so much stress. 
 
 » 'The Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah 
 according to the Jewish Interpreters.' 
 Translations by S. R. Driver and 
 
 Adolph Neubauer; with an Intro- 
 duction to the Translations by E. B. 
 Pusey. 
 
 - 
 
 i 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 GAUMES MANUAL LAMBETH CONFERENCE ON CON- 
 FESSION — PUSEY AND THE * CHURCH ASSOCIATION.' 
 
 1877-1878. 
 
 As time went on, the troubles of the English Church 
 seemed to increase rather than to be removed. Even if 
 the Ridsdale Judgment had been of such a character as 
 to suggest hopes of peace, there were some who would 
 effectually prevent their realization. Almost before it was 
 pronounced, another storm was raised, and again on the 
 subject of Confession. For many years Pusey had advertised, 
 in his series of * Adapted Devotional books,' an edition of 
 a ' Manual for Confessors,' by the Abbe Gaume : the greater 
 part had been long in type, but the completion of the book 
 was repeatedly delayed. Such a manual was thought 
 to be greatly needed, because of the increased use of 
 Confession throughout the Church of England, and the 
 great dearth of English works on the subject. While 
 Pusey was still delaying the issue of this work year after 
 year, a book^, entitled *The Priest in Absolution,' had been 
 compiled, and was being privately circulated among the 
 clergy, dealing with questions of practical casuistry for 
 the guidance of those called upon to exercise the ministry 
 of hearing Confessions. It was a book intended only for 
 the Clergy, and, on account of the difficulty of some of the 
 
 • For a full statement of the origin 
 and purpose of this book, and its 
 relation to the * Society of the Holy 
 Cross/ see the letters from the Rev. 
 
 A. H. Mackonochie, which were pub- 
 lished in the Guardian for July 4, 
 1877, p. 925. 
 
304 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 questions which the compiler felt himself bound to handle, 
 every care was taken to guard it from a more general 
 circulation. At this moment it is not necessary to consider 
 whether the book was wise in its conception or sufficiently 
 guarded in its language. A copy of it was produced in 
 Parliament, and' certain expressions were laid hold of in 
 such a manner as to lash to fury the suspicions of those 
 who were already only too eager to denounce the whole 
 doctrine and practice of Confession as taught in the Church 
 of England. Great use was made of this opportunity in 
 the summer of 1877 J sweeping denunciations were levelled 
 against the clergy who taught Confession, and by implica- 
 tion against those who used it for the health of their souls. 
 No instance of misuse or scandal was ever alleged, but 
 a general distrust and uneasiness was created in the public 
 mind. In one respect the position was like that which 
 gave rise to the Bennett case; Mr. Bennett's inaccurate 
 language had endangered true Eucharistic doctrine in the 
 same way that some expressions in this book had now 
 reopened the question of Confession in the most invidious 
 form. 
 
 With the controversy so far as it refers only to * The 
 Priest in Absolution/ Pusey had no direct concern. He 
 had not even seen the book when Lord Redesdale brought 
 it to the notice of the House of Lords in June, 1877 ; but 
 since suspicion was thrown on a practice in which he 
 was so deeply interested, he felt that the moment called 
 for the publication of a trustworthy guide for those who 
 heard Confessions, and a clear restatement of the Anglican 
 authorities for the practice. He therefore completed the 
 preparation of Gaume's Manual, and wrote a lengthy 
 Preface of an historical and apologetic character. He first 
 traced the growth of the habit of voluntary Confession 
 during the preceding forty years, and briefly touched upon 
 *the hateful subject^' of the calumnious attacks which 
 * ill-informed and inconsiderate ' people had brought against 
 it. He then proceeded to quote the statements of leading 
 
 * Preface to Abbe Gamne's Manual, p. 62. 
 
 
 Preface to ^Gaume's Manual' 305 
 
 Anglican Divines on the value of Confession, beginning 
 with the emphatic language of Cranmer, Latimer, and 
 Ridley, and ending with Keble ; this he thought only 
 
 * a work of charity, to bring before those who would hear 
 some portion of the evidence that the very chief of our 
 Divines have recognized Confession and Absolution as a pro- 
 vision of our Church for the healing of our infirmities and 
 the cure of diseases which might otherwise fester and bring 
 death upon the soul.' At the end of the Preface he discussed 
 the frequency of Confession as permitted by the Church of 
 England, and the nature and extent of the * ghostly counsel 
 and advice ' which may in some cases accompany it. On 
 the former point he insisted that there must be freedom : 
 ' we cannot make one unvarying law for souls which God 
 has made so varied and forms so variously;' while universal 
 experience contradicted the a priori theories of those who 
 describe habitual Confession as * enfeebling,' 'injurious,' 
 
 * formal,' and ' perfunctory.' On the other subject, he pointed 
 out that ' Direction ' is quite distinct from Confession, and is 
 only given in Confession to those who wish for it. At the 
 same time he claimed that the clergy ought to be able to 
 guide souls, and cautioned both clergy and laity against 
 laying so much stress on such direction as in any way to 
 diminish the sense of the personal responsibility of each 
 individual, or to damage the sensitiveness and impair the 
 health of their consciences. As a postscript to this preface 
 he reprinted the Declaration on Confession, which he and 
 a few others had drawn up with such great pains four 
 years earlier. 
 
 Pusey sent this preface to Liddon, stating the reasons which 
 made him publish the book in opposition to the earnest 
 entreaty of some who had a claim to great consideration. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Ascot Hermitage, Bracknell, 13th S. after Trin. [Aug. 26], 1877. 
 
 I do not wish to do anything which shall commit my friends. 
 I have put off the publication of the manual for ten years ; but I find 
 that 
 
 'Rusticus expectat dum deflaat amnis; at ille 
 Labitur et labetur.' 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 
1*1*1 
 
 3o6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Serious illness — Newman's appeal. 
 
 307 
 
 t- 
 
 
 1. I had before this an earnest entreaty that I would put off the 
 publication ; when the persons had seen the Preface they were just as 
 earnest that I should publish at once. 
 
 2. The battle is about Confession itself. Are we to seem to give 
 this up or carry it on sub rosd ? This would be very un-English and 
 give a great and real handle against us. 
 
 3. If we do not maintain the system of Confession plainly and unre- 
 servedly, quiet, gentle people will go to Rome for it and it alone. 
 
 4. If I do not publish the Manual, others will ; and if they do, they 
 will publish it with all the penances of Ave Marias, devotions to the 
 Blessed Virgin, &c., which I have systematically omitted. There is 
 nothing distinctly (? distinctively) Roman, as I have printed it. ... 
 
 If 1 had published Gaume in those former years, ' The Priest in 
 Absolution ' never would have been compiled. Chambers asked me to 
 put out Gaume, and it was only on my continual delay that he pub- 
 lished the first part and prepared ' The Priest in Absolution.' 
 
 The Church Times has committed itself to my edition completely 
 and with much satisfaction. If I drop the reins, now that I have them 
 for once in my hands, I am sure that some one else will pick them up, 
 
 probably Phaeton. 
 
 Gaume is, as you probably know, not an ordinary Manual. They 
 are the very words of such as S. Charles Borromeoand S. Francois de 
 Sales. The only name which is blown upon is S. Liguori, but I have 
 left out every hint of devotions which are so associated with his name. 
 I have lately gone through the book and, although it was stereotyped, 
 have left out all the expressions implying the necessity of Confession. 
 
 Liddon strongly advised the publication ; but Pusey yet 
 delayed for two nnonths before sending it to the press, 
 and it was only published just before Christmas. It was 
 soon attacked. 
 
 Rev. H. p. Liddon, D.D., to E. B. P. 
 
 Jan. 13, 1878. 
 
 In the Rock of Friday there is a long notice of the * Advice for Con- 
 fessors.' The Rock is angry, but disconcerted. You should see it, 
 though there is no reason for dissatisfaction. The providential 
 purpose of the Rock seems to be to advertise good books by abusmg 
 them. 
 
 A member of the House of Commons also endeavoured 
 to make some use of the book in the same way as a member 
 of the House of Lords had used ' The Priest in Absolution,' 
 and Pusey had to defend himself in the Times against 
 many absurd charges. 
 
 But early in 1878, he was for a time removed from the 
 
 <" 
 
 strife of tongues by a serious illness. He began to show 
 evident signs of failing health and of the exhaustion of 
 brain which was natural after so long a life of ceaseless 
 activity. In the middle of March he was taken ill ; at first 
 the only symptom was listlessness, * sitting still in his chair 
 and doing nothing for the greater part of the day.' This 
 was followed by faintness, helplessness, and a distressing 
 cough. Liddon heard from day to day of his state ; and 
 on March 29, he sent Newman an anxious letter from 
 Pusey's daughter, Mrs. Brine, which showed the real serious- 
 ness of the attack. Newman immediately answered ; the 
 reply recalls his visit to what was expected to be Pusey's 
 deathbed, at Tenby, in July, 1846^ 
 
 Rev. J. H. Newman to Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 The Oratory, March 31, 1878. 
 
 Your letter, so kindly sent me, has of course troubled me much. 
 I fear Pusey cannot last long, and I am troubled, first on that account, 
 and next as to my own duty under that anticipation. 
 
 I know you will give me credit for honesty and simplicity of purpose, 
 as I do you. 
 
 If his state admits of it, I should so very much wish to say to my 
 dearest Pusey, whom I have loved and admired for above fifty years, 
 that the Catholic Roman Church solemnly lays claim to him as her 
 child, and to ask him in God's sight whether he does not acknowledge 
 her right to do so. 
 
 Were I now writing to an ordinary Anglican, I should expect you to 
 answer, * If I do ask him for you, he will be sure to make a strong 
 declaration of his fidelity to the Church of England, and so you would 
 be baulked, as you ought to be.* This would be the answer of a con- 
 troversialist, but you will understand me quite otherwise. Should he 
 make a simple avowal of his confidence in the Anglican Church, as 
 part of the Church Catholic, at least I should gain this comfort from 
 it, that he died in simple good faith. 
 
 I cannot let him die, if such is God's Will, with the grave responsi- 
 bility lying upon me of such an appeal to him as I suggest ; and, since 
 I cannot make it myself, I must throw that responsibility on some one 
 else who is close to him as you are ; and this I do. 
 
 Oh ! what a world is this, and how piercing are its sorrows ! 
 
 With this letter Liddon received an alarming bulletin 
 from Oxford, which caused him to go immediately to see 
 Pusey : on his return that evening he wrote to Newman. 
 
 * See vol. ii. p. 512. 
 X % 
 
3o8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Rev. H. p. Liddon, D.D., to Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 3, Amen Court, St. Paul's, April i, 1878. 
 
 This morning I received the enclosed letter from Mrs. Brine. So 
 I went off to Oxford as soon as I could ; and I have spent more than 
 an hour with Dr. Pusey this afternoon. I found him on the whole 
 much better than I had expected. He looked reduced by illness ; but 
 he was very bright and joyous, and even energetic. He spoke of his 
 illness as a great subject for thankfulness, and, when I alluded to his 
 difficulty in breathing, said that each hard breath, like the flakes of 
 snow to St. Francis when he was shut out of his convent, was part of 
 the Will of God. He talked chiefly about unfulfilled prophecy, and 
 especially about Damascus, which * George Williams used to cite as 
 a difficulty,' of which Dr. Pusey thought lightly. 
 
 I told him that you had asked for him, and he desired me to write 
 * a loving message.' But I did not say more about the contents of 
 your letter. 
 
 He has not a shadow of doubt as to the entire consistency of his 
 position with the Revealed Will of God. Only two days before he 
 became ill (he told me to-day) he 'quieted ' a person who was unsettled 
 about the Roman question ; and on Saturday last, when he was in bed 
 and too ill to see any one, he sent another for the same purpose to 
 Dr. King. 
 
 Only the week before last he told me how completely Mr. Allies 
 appeared to him to have failed to answer his own book, * The Church 
 of England cleared from the charge of Schism * ; and how inconsistent 
 the history of the African Church, under St. Cyprian and St. Augus- 
 tine, was with the modem claims of Rome. 
 
 I mention these things only, as you will believe, to show you how 
 completely his mind is at rest on the main question ; though he is of 
 course very keenly alive to the evils which result from the language 
 and action of living authorities in the Church of England. When the 
 Athanasian Creed was attacked, four years ago, he had made up his 
 mind, if it was withdrawn from use, to resign his preferments ; but he 
 had no thought, so far as I know, of secession. 
 
 He always of late spoke as though the Definition of the Immaculate 
 Conception and the Vatican Council had made that step impossible. 
 
 You will, I am sure, forgive the explicitness with which I write this ; 
 but you would, I think, say yourself that his clear and strong con- 
 victions were inconsistent with his being anything else than an English 
 Churchman. 
 
 Yet his vivid sense of the fundamental unities which bind the whole 
 Body of Christ into one, always made him speak of Rome in tender 
 and respectful language, and without the conventional asperities of 
 Anglican controversialists. 
 
 He is certainly somewhat better, and may rally for a time if the 
 weather should improve. But I feel that he cannot be with us for 
 long, and that each opportunity of seeing him is increasingly precious. 
 
 
 Correspondence between Liddon and Newman. 309 
 
 Dr. Acland says that his unwillingness to move is quite a new 
 feature. In all previous illnesses he has tried to get up too soon. 
 Dr. Acland attributes this to brain exhaustion. 
 
 Newman made no further allusion to the subject, al- 
 though his notes show the sympathy with which he read 
 the daily accounts from the sick bed. A week later Liddon 
 paid another visit to Oxford, and sent a report from 
 Christ Church. 
 
 Rev. H. p. Liddon, D.D., to Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 April 8, 1878. 
 Dr. Pusey is looking rather more reduced by illness than was the 
 case last week. And he is quite unable to talk. The deafness has 
 increased, so that when I proposed to say some prayers, he said, 
 * I shall not hear what you are saying, but I shall be sure that you will 
 pray for me.' ... His life is now a life of prayer, so far as he is 
 conscious. He told me last week that he had made a kind of * Litany' 
 out of the Epistle for the Fourth Sunday in Advent, which he found it 
 a great comfort to repeat. And Mrs. Brine tells me that almost the 
 only questions that he asks are about the hour of day or night ; which 
 is, / know^ with a.view to a scheme of prayers which he observes as 
 regularly as he can. His face is quite beautiful, though thinner than 
 last week. 
 
 As strength slowly returned, the correspondence with 
 Newman ceased : and after a while Newman returned all 
 Liddon's letters, saying, 'I should have contented myself 
 with burning that private letter of yours, but it struck me 
 that you might like them all as memorandums to look 
 back upon.' 
 
 When Liddon returned to Oxford in the beginning of May, 
 he found Pusey convalescent but still very weak. * The 
 shadow of a great loss ' through which he had passed made 
 him feel how uncertain was the life of his revered friend, 
 and how great a treasure of experience and intimate 
 acquaintance with the life of the Church during the past 
 fifty years would pass away with him. From that date he 
 took every opportunity of getting Pusey to dictate to him 
 the story of the great events in which he had taken so 
 conspicuous a part : and the book in which he wrote it 
 down has supplied many facts for these volumes. 
 
 In July Pusey went away to the Hermitage at Ascot, 
 
3IO 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 where he now regularly spent the Long Vacation since he 
 gave up his house at West Malvern. The work of the 
 Sisters at the Convalescent Hospital, the young children 
 whom they had brought from London slums, and the fresh 
 air and the pines of Ascot, were a constant delight to him 
 and made all his work easier. 'What a peaceful life 
 I have here,' he writes, ' amid convalescents, children glad 
 and bright, the pines, the rooks, and Commentators on the 
 Psalms.' When he had completed his Commentary on the 
 Minor Prophets in 1877, after eighteen years' persistent 
 labour at every spare moment, he at once began a similar 
 work on the Psalms. This was his last great plan for 
 Hebrew study: he worked at it continuously until his 
 death. In Term time he lectured on these Psalms: in 
 Vacation he increased his notes on them. But the in- 
 terruptions were so frequent and so serious that progress 
 was very slow. 
 
 In July also he had to resume his defence of Confession. 
 In that month the second Lambeth Conference met, 
 under the presidency of Archbishop Tait. Its deliberations 
 were awaited with great anxiety by many Churchmen. 
 A body of a hundred Bishops, gathered from every portion 
 of the Anglican Communion, can utter an opinion which 
 must carry great weight, and yet they may be called upon 
 to deal with subjects on which some of them have little 
 practical knowledge. It was greatly feared that the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury would endeavour to draw this great 
 assembly to some pronouncement on such subjects as 
 Ritual and Confession. No formal notice of any attempt 
 to deal with these burning questions appeared among the 
 Agenda of the Conference ; but a place was easily found 
 for them among *the questions submitted by Bishops 
 desiring the advice of the Conference.' One of these 
 questions was about * difficulties arising in the Church of 
 England from the revival of obsolete forms of ritual and 
 from erroneous teaching on the subject of Confession.' 
 
 On the Ritual question, the Conference desired * to affirm 
 the principle that no alteration from long accustomed ritual 
 
 
 Lambeth Conference on Confession. 311 
 
 should be made contrary to the admonition of the Bishop 
 of the Diocese.' The question of Confession was far more 
 difficult to handle. It will be remembered^ that the 
 Upper House of the Convocation of Canterbury had passed 
 a Resolution on the subject in 1873. In 1877, when the 
 virulent agitation against * The Priest in Absolution ' was 
 at its height, the Bishops sent this Resolution to the Lower 
 House of Convocation to be accepted or rejected by them 
 as a whole. The Lower House endeavoured in various 
 ways to avoid this somewhat extraordinary demand ; but 
 after a long discussion, in which great dissatisfaction was 
 expressed at such an unusual proceeding, a motion was 
 passed asserting * general concurrence ' in the wording of the 
 Resolution. But now the Conference of all the Bishops 
 could not be dealt with in the same way. Many protests 
 were raised by English, Colonial, and American Bishops 
 against the introduction of the subject; but these were 
 overruled. The Resolution of 1873 suffered considerable 
 mutilation at the hands of the Conference, and reappeared 
 at last in the following form : — 
 
 'Having in view certain novel practices and teachings on the subject 
 of Confession, your Committee desire to affirm that in the matter of 
 Confession the Churches of the Anglican Communion hold fast those 
 principles which are set forth in the Holy Scriptures which were professed 
 by the Primitive Church and which were reaffirmed at the English 
 Reformation ; and it is their deliberate opinion that no minister of the 
 Church is authorized to require from those who may resort to him to 
 open their grief a particular or detailed enumeration of all their sins, 
 or to require private Confession previous to the Holy Communion, or 
 to enjoin or even to encourage the practice of habitual Confession to 
 a priest, or to teach that such practice of habitual Confession, or the 
 being subject to what has been termed the direction of a priest, is 
 a condition of attaining to the highest spiritual life. At the same 
 time your Committee are not to be understood as desiring to limit in 
 any way the provision made in the Book of Common Prayer for the 
 relief of troubled consciences.' 
 
 Only a Committee, and a very divided one, could ever 
 have put forth such a clumsy Resolution. Clearly no one 
 person could have written it ; but when a certain verbal 
 
 ^ See p. 263. 
 
312 
 
 Life of Edward Bouvene Ptisey. 
 
 agreement had been reached after a heated discussion, it 
 was felt best to issue it as it was in all its vagueness and 
 self-contradiction. It mixed up in indiscriminate condemna- 
 tion the enforcement of compulsory Confession (which few 
 even of the most advanced ' Ritualists ' ever attempted to 
 require) with the practice of habitual Confession which all 
 High Churchmen believed to be cleaHy sanctioned by the 
 Church of England. And after thus very strictly limiting 
 the language of the Prayer-book, its concluding sentences 
 permitted the widest construction of which that language 
 was capable. In fact, the opposition to Confession worked 
 itself out on the same self-destructive lines as the opposition 
 to Ritual had already done : in each case the opponents 
 interpreted a positive statement by words which practically 
 denied it. The Lambeth Conference was now endeavouring 
 to insert a * not ' into the Church's rule for Confession, 
 as the Ridsdale Judgment had already succeeded in doing 
 into the Ornaments Rubric; and after insisting on their 
 gloss, were obliged to refer to the text, which practically 
 contradicted it. The Resolution nevertheless at first sight 
 seemed to condemn the practice of thousands of the most 
 loyal members of the Church. 
 
 Pusey thought it good to write at once to the Archbishop 
 to obtain, if possible, some explanation of this ambiguous 
 utterance. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Archbishop of Canterbury. 
 
 South Hermitage, Ascot Priory, July 30, 1878. 
 May it please your Grace, 
 
 In the draft of the report which Your Grace is reported to have 
 presented to the Lambeth Conference, there are two expressions which 
 I do not clearly see the force of, but which personally affect myself. 
 They are the words 'authorized' and 'encourage' in the statement 
 about Confession. 
 
 The statement declares that it is the deliberate opinion of the Con- 
 ference that no minister of the Church of England is 'authorized '-even 
 *to encourage the practice of habitual Confession.' 
 
 It seems to me that by our ' not ' being ' authorized,* you may only 
 mean that we have no direct sanction from the Church of England. 
 This we have never claimed. It is a detail upon which the Church of 
 England has given no directions, leaving it to people's consciences. 
 
 \ 
 
 Correspondence with Archbishop Tail, 313 
 
 'Habitual Confession' did, in fact, as I have often said publicly, 
 originate with the laity. Having once used Confession, in consequence 
 of something which was a burden on the conscience, and derived 
 benefit from it, they continued to apply to be again received to Con- 
 fession. And so they continued on and on, until it became habitual. 
 Even Bishop Phillpotts, who was averse to habitual Confession, said, 
 in his letter to the Dean of Exeter, * I do not think that the clergy can 
 refuse the habitual application to them to receive Confession ' (p. 24). 
 
 But your Grace may mean much more, and, without explanation, 
 I should fear that people in general would suppose that your Grace, 
 and the Conference in adopting your Grace's formula, meant much 
 more ; that we who receive habitual Confessions are doing what would 
 be called an * unauthorized ' act— an expression which would always be 
 used in blame. 
 
 In regard to the other expression, 'encourage,' I should think that 
 any clergyman who does not 'discourage,' but receives Confessions 
 habitually, does, in fact, ' encourage ' them. We are (the Ordination 
 Service says) ' called to teach and to premonish, to feed and to provide 
 for the Lord's family.' Those who come to us must look up to us ; if 
 then we receive their Confessions habitually, we do ipso facto ' encourage 
 habitual Confession.' 
 
 Your Grace will not think it a captious question, that I ask what 
 your Grace disowns under the word 'habitual Confession.' Some 
 might use Confession once a fortnight; some once in a year. If 
 repeated year by year. Confessions made once in the year would come 
 to be habitual. 
 
 These questions have been forced upon me by the adoption of your 
 Grace's Resolution by the Lambeth Conference. I do not remember 
 how far the terms of that Resolution coincide with that of the Upper 
 House of Convocation some years ago ; but since that Resolution was 
 not adopted by the Lower House, it was only an inchoate measure, not 
 a Canon of a Synod of Bishops. 
 
 I do not know what the authority claimed for this Resolution is ; 
 whether it is an opinion accepted by the hundred Bishops who met at 
 the Conference, or whether it is a judgment which is meant to have 
 a binding force upon us the inferior Clergy. 
 
 With all respect to your Grace, I do not think that the Bishops 
 of the United States or of Ireland had any office to pass an opinion 
 about our way of hearing Confessions. For the first Bishops of the 
 United States consented under pressure to have their Prayer-book 
 altered in this respect, as did the Irish Bishops in their recent revision 
 of the Prayer-book. They are, then, no judges as to our practice who 
 retain the former Prayer-book. 
 
 But it is a grave matter that your Grace has obtained the concurrence 
 of about a hundred Bishops in an apparent condemnation of the practice 
 of thousands or tens of thousands,— which I myself have continued for 
 some forty years, in the belief that I was, in so doing, acting according 
 to the mind of the Church of England. 
 
SH 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The Church of England has certainly not given to the Bishops of 
 the United States or of the Colonies any authority over us, the second 
 Order in England. And yet the right of censure is a very grave power ; 
 and I trouble your Grace with this letter, that I may know what my 
 position is, whether I am one with a brand-mark placed on me by 
 a hundred Bishops, as contravening the mind of the Church of 
 England. 
 
 It would, I am sure, be a great relief to thousands if your Grace 
 would inform me that, under the words, ' encouraging habitual Confes- 
 sion,' your Grace did not mean to censure those Clergy who receive 
 the habitual Confessions of those who wish to make Confession by 
 virtue of the invitation, * let him come to me or some other and open 
 his grief,' but only to say that the Church of England does not give 
 any direct sanction to it, but left it to the discretion of priests and 
 people, leaving them liberty of conscience. 
 
 The Archbishop replied : — 
 
 Archbishop (Tait) of Canterbury to E. B. P. 
 
 Private, 
 
 Lambeth Palace, S.E., August 3, 1878. 
 
 I have your letter of yesterday's date this morning. 
 
 The statement respecting Confession was prepared by a large and 
 influential Committee consisting of ten members, of whom nine 
 attended. It was presented by me to the assembled Bishops, and 
 after discussion was taken back to the Committee and materially 
 altered. It was afterwards very fully discussed in the Conference 
 itself as revised, and before it was finally adopted by the Conference 
 especial attention was called to the words * authorized ' and * encourage.* 
 I have of course no authority to explain the words which received the 
 sanction of the assembled Bishops. 
 
 All I can say in answer to your letter is that the words used, which 
 have been very carefully prepared, must be taken to mean neither 
 more nor less than they express, and that the degree of weight to be 
 attached to them must be judged of by Churchmen according to their 
 conscientious convictions. 
 
 If I can be of any use to you, pray employ my services. 
 
 Many anxious minds, however, on both sides assumed 
 that authority which the Archbishop disclaimed, and held 
 that the words condemned what Pusey and others had been 
 for a long time ' encouraging.' As Pusey said of it himself, 
 * To act against the apparent mind of a hundred Bishops is 
 a hard thing. I know they think me loyal at heart ; but 
 to take the literal meaning of the words, I have for some 
 forty years been teaching people to do unauthorized acts. 
 
 Published Letter to the Archbishop, 315 
 
 Such an act as theirs would have driven dear J. H. N. out 
 of the Church of England, if he had not been driven 
 out before.' On the other hand, Bishop Alford ^ had quoted 
 the Resolution of the Conference as prohibiting Confession 
 altogether. This gave Pusey the opportunity of publishing 
 a Letter to the Archbishop in September, 1878, which he 
 entitled, ' Habitual Confession not discouraged by the Reso- 
 lution accepted by the Lambeth Conference.' He stated 
 that he had received Confessions habitually from some 
 people for thirty-five years, and desired to know whether 
 he was to consider himself censured by the Resolution, as 
 Bishop Alford supposed. He could not believe that he 
 was censured: he avowed he was puzzled by the words, 
 but was satisfied that, notwithstanding the ambiguity and 
 apparent self-contradiction of the Resolution, he and all 
 others who acted with him did not lie under this censure. 
 Incidentally he made a strong protest against any inter- 
 ference in the disciplinary order of the Church of England 
 by the Bishops of the United States and of Ireland. On 
 this question they were especially bad judges. In the one 
 Church all allusion to private Confession and Absolution 
 had been removed from the Prayer-book : and in the other, 
 the English form of the Absolution in the Order for the 
 Visitation of the Sick had been extruded. He concluded 
 his letter in the following words : — 
 
 'Nothing will satisfy the Puritan mind except our extirpation; but 
 as Confession began in the renewed earnestness worked by God the 
 Holy Ghost in this century, so it will grow with the growth of that 
 earnestness. It may be directed, but it cannot be extinguished.' 
 
 Pusey had no word of reply from any of the Bishops of 
 English sees. As he said, — 
 
 *Our Bishops seem paralyzed by our Presbyterianizing Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury. Not one breath to soften the Declaration of 
 those hundred Bishops at Lambeth. However, no one has excepted 
 against my minimizing of their words, and for this I am thankful. . . . 
 I have good hope that I hindered some tender souls from leaving our 
 Communion, out of which Archbishop Tait would have driven them.* 
 
 * He had been Bishop of Victoria, China, from 1867 to 1872. 
 
3i6 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey, 
 
 Voluntary habitual Confession had already by this time 
 taken deep root as part of the authorized system of the 
 Church of England. Most of the objections against it were 
 based on the supposition that it was compulsory and not 
 voluntary. It would be useless to deny that some clergy 
 may have endeavoured to make this system compulsory ; 
 but the leaders of the High Church party never did so. 
 The uniformity of their teaching on this and on other 
 important questions is shown by the answers independently 
 given to a correspondent, who addressed the following ques- 
 tions to Pusey, Liddon, and Canon Carter of Clewer: (i) 
 Whether a clergyman of the Church of England had a right 
 to require Confession before Communion ? (2) Whether it 
 was wrong for members of the English Church to attend 
 Roman Catholic services in England ? 
 
 The answers were as follow : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO E. A. TUGMAN, Esq. 
 
 [Ascot], August 19, 1878. 
 An English clergyman would do very unjustifiably if he ventured to 
 * tell communicants that he would rather they (the communicants) did 
 not go to Communion unless they had first been to private Confession.* 
 I hope that such a case (which I fear from your letter must have 
 happened) is very insulated. Such things make it impossible to 
 defend the new school as a body. It is beyond Roman doctrine. 
 For even the Romans do not confess of necessity before each Com- 
 munion. There are hundreds of thousands of pious English commu- 
 nicants who never felt any occasion for Confession. And God only 
 can tell who are nearest to Him, those who use it or those who do 
 not. I cannot conceive how any English clergyman can say such 
 things. 
 
 * It is quite wrong for a member of the Church of England to worship 
 in Roman Churches in England. 
 
 Rev. H. p. Liddon, D.D., to E. A. Tugman, Esq. 
 
 3, Amen Court, E.G., Aug. 19 [1878]. 
 The Church of England offers the relief of Confession before 
 Communion to those whose consciences tell them that they need it. 
 She gives no authority to her clergy for insisting on Confession, as 
 a necessity before Communion. If a clergyman expresses a wish that 
 people would use Confession, it does not necessarily follow, I suppose, 
 that he says that they must use it. Everything indeed turns upon the 
 exact language which is employed : but the line between the offer of 
 
 Confession — Attendance at Roman Churches, 317 
 
 Confession, if felt to be needed, and the compulsory enforcement of it, 
 is plain enough. The latter is the system of the Roman Church ; but 
 a clergyman may say that he thinks confession a good thing before 
 Communion without saying that it is a sine qua non. It is, as I have 
 said, a question of the terms employed. 
 
 Certainly I do think it schismatical to join in Roman Catholic 
 worship in England. It is impossible to do so without denying by 
 implication that the English Bishops have a true jurisdiction from 
 Christ our Lord, since the existence of R. C. worship is a contraven- 
 tion of that claim. 
 
 Rev. T. T. Carter to E. A. Tugman, Esq. 
 
 Rothesay, N. B., Aug. 20 [1878]. 
 
 Your letter has followed me to Scotland which has caused some 
 delay in replying. I willingly say what my own opinion on the points 
 that you mention, is. 
 
 Let me first observe that the point about Confession is not quite 
 clear to me. You ask whether a priest of the Church of England can 
 rightly tell a communicant *he would rather he did not go to 
 Communion if he did not go to private Confession previously.' It is 
 not clear whether you speak of a particular case, or generally. 
 
 Supposing a communicant to be under some priest*s guidance, and 
 the priest knew the communicant to have committed some grievous 
 sin, the priest might very properly advise the person in question to 
 seek Absolution before Communion, and even press the person to 
 do so. 
 
 But if you speak generally, as I suppose you do, and if you mean 
 whether a priest of the Church of England can rightly require persons 
 to go to Confession before Communion, it is clear that he cannot 
 rightly do so. It would, I answer, be contrary to Church of England 
 rule, to put on any one such a pressure that he could not without 
 disobeying the priest communicate without Confession, when he was 
 not himself desirous of it. Confession is with us dependent on the free 
 will of every one, however much it may be advised, and in some cases 
 pressed. 
 
 With regard to English-Church people attending Roman services in 
 England, I feel strongly that it is wrong to do so. I suppose you to 
 mean worshipping at their Services. It is not I think too strong 
 a term to use, to say that to do so in England is schismatical. 
 
 Copies of Gaume's Manual were sent to all the Bishops 
 who attended the Lambeth Conference ; some of the letters 
 of acknowledgment expressed a hope that on some future 
 occasion leisure would be found for a study of its contents, 
 while others entered at some length upon the practical 
 question at issue. 
 
3i8 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ' I 
 
 ',» 
 
 In November, 1878, a lecturer at Oxford, on behalf of 
 the Church Association, brought various charges against 
 Pusey, based upon this book : the only interest in his oratory 
 comes from a correspondence that ensued between Liddon 
 and the Rev. A. M. W. Christopher, the Rector of 
 St. Aldate's, Oxford, who had presided on that occasion. 
 In reply to a letter expressing surprise that Mr. Christopher 
 should have lent his name to such a meeting, and 
 suggesting that prosecution in a court of law, for which 
 Pusey had so often asked in vain, would be a preferable 
 course, Mr. Christopher wrote as follows : — 
 
 Rev. a. M. W. Christopher to Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 St. Aldate's Rectory, Oxford, Dec. 7, 1878. 
 
 More than twenty years ago, before the formation of the Church 
 Association, a small committee of theologians and lawyers met in 
 London to consider the duty of prosecuting Dr. Pusey in the 
 Ecclesiastical Courts. It seemed to them that from him, as the 
 directing mind, the stream of doctrinal error, which has since risen to 
 such a height, was invading the Church. Every one of his theological 
 writings was carefully perused and considered, and a case was 
 eventually laid before very eminent ecclesiastical counsel. The then 
 movers were distinctly advised that though much written by Dr. Pusey 
 was so repugnant to the formularies of the Church of England as to 
 ensure judicial condemnation, yet his peculiar position rendered him 
 unassailable by any process of law. His Canonry is only an incident 
 of his Professorship which he holds under Letters Patent. The fore- 
 going I have received from one of the lawyers concerned, but it is 
 pretty widely known, and long has been so. 
 
 The legal advisers of the Church Association and its committee are 
 conversant with these facts. 
 
 Liddon communicated this unexpected information at 
 once to Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Dec. 12, 1878. 
 I was as much surprised as you are, that any one can think, that 
 I should not be amenable to a Court for any false doctrine (if un- 
 happily I had fallen into it) because my Canonry is united, by Act of 
 Parliament, to my Professorship. I certainly for many years acted 
 repeatedly on the contrary conviction. I sought prosecution. Indeed 
 I thought the Church Association guilty of great injustice to me in 
 prosecuting Mr. Bennett, and not joining me in the prosecution (as 
 I requested it to do), or not prosecuting me directly, since two of the 
 
 Pusey and the Church Association, 
 
 319 
 
 counts against Mr. Bennett were that he quoted with approbation 
 what I had written, and 1 was (as Mr. Christopher calls me) the chief 
 offender. For if, in consequence of Mr. Bennett's not defending him- 
 self, the case had gone against him (which I held to be impossible, if 
 it were defended) then I should have been, virtually, condemned 
 without a hearing. I forget to whom I wrote, whether it was the 
 Secretary ; but I did write, requesting whoever was the real prosecutor 
 of Mr. Bennett to include me in the prosecution. I told them that 
 they were afraid to do so, because they knew that I should defend 
 myself. They declined ; but neither then, nor on any other occasion 
 when I invited prosecution, was any hint given me, that those who 
 declined did so because they held my position to be ' legally unassail- 
 able.* I certainly should not have thought that any Englishman could 
 commit any wrong, and be legally irresponsible. Our proverb, ' The 
 king can do no wrong,' implies the contrary. It implies certainly that 
 the Sovereign is the only person irresponsible to man. But it is also 
 held that his constitutional advisers are responsible ; so that even for 
 his acts, if wrong, some one may be prosecuted. 
 
 If the Church Association should wish to challenge the lawfulness 
 of any of my writings, I should raise no technical objections to its 
 doing so, as I have indeed said, whenever I have invited prosecution. 
 As far as I am concerned, they should have no difficulty, except that 
 of making out their case. 
 
 Pray show this to Mr. Christopher and ask him to show it to his 
 
 friends. 
 
 I am sorry that he thinks as he does, as I have always thought him 
 an earnest and loving man ; and I have ever supposed that I held as 
 matter of faith all which he holds as such ; only 1 have been taught 
 more. 
 
 Mr. Christopher forwarded this letter to the Church 
 Association ; it was kept for six weeks, and then returned 
 without comment. But the suggestion that Pusey took 
 advantage of a position that he knew was technically safe, 
 and challenged a prosecution that he knew was impossible, 
 was again made by the Secretary of the Church Association 
 shortly before the end of Pusey 's life. Pusey repudiated 
 the suggestion in the following letter to the Times : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 Christ Church, Jan. 24, 188 1. 
 
 I did not expect that my simple statement addressed to yourself 
 would bring you a small snow-shower of letters, but there is only one 
 statement to which I need ask you to do me the favour to admit any 
 reply of mine. It is an official statement by the Secretary of the 
 Church Association :—' Dr. Pusey is well aware of the valid reasons 
 
320 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 for which his writings have not yet been submitted to a judicial 
 consideration.' I am not in the least aware of them. It may be that 
 he gave me reasons which I did not think * vahd ' and so forgot them. 
 I thought myself hardly used in the prosecution of Mr. Bennett, in 
 that the first two charges against him were his expression of agreement 
 with doctrinal statements of mine. As Mr. Bennett did not think well 
 to defend himself, I was left to take my chance in an undefended suit. 
 I endeavoured to goad the Association in some way to substitute me 
 for Mr. Bennett, or, anyhow, to sue me, in a letter which I published. 
 In this letter, published, I believe, in the Guardian on July 20, 1868, 
 I said : — 
 
 * I would renew to you that same invitation which I have given at 
 different times to others who have impugned my good faith at public 
 meetings, or have otherwise uttered calumnies against me. You 
 accuse me of teaching doctrine contrary to that of the English Church. 
 Substantiate your charge, if you can, in any Court. If you do, I will 
 resign the office which I hold by virtue of my subscription. I will 
 oppose no legal hindrances, but will meet you on the merits of 
 the case.' 
 
 To this I had the answer, dated July 30 : — 
 
 * The council cannot entertain the idea of advising Mr. Sheppard to 
 discontinue the action against Mr. Bennett ; but if in the progress of 
 the case it should appear necessary to take proceedings in order to 
 vindicate the Church of England from the false dogmas of the Church 
 of Rome, they will hold you to the offer made in your letter.' 
 
 I answered, in a letter which was also published : — 
 
 * I deeply regret your wasting against us— who, in all which you 
 hold of faith (i. e. as many of you as are not Lutherans or Calvinists), 
 are at one with you (for denials of faith are not faith)— energies which 
 had better have been directed to gain those who deny the Saviour 
 Whom we both adore. But since you will have it so, I shall not need 
 to be held to the offer which I have made, but should at any time 
 gladly defend against you Primitive and Catholic truths, which, if the 
 Church of England denied, she would forfeit her claim to be a portion 
 of the Church of Christ.' 
 
 I do not know that I had any answer to this letter, or any further 
 information why they did not accept my challenge. Perhaps their 
 failure in the undefended suit * Sheppard v. Bennett' deterred them. 
 
 So far as Mr. Christopher was concerned, the incident 
 in 1878 was closed by his sending a very friendly note to 
 Pusey on New Year's Day, 1879, with a copy of Dr. Bonar's 
 * God's Way of Holiness * : Pusey replied in the same tone 
 of personal respect, and asked his correspondent to accept 
 a volume of Keble's * Lenten Sermons.' 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 RETIREMENT FROM THE HEBDOMADAL COUNCIL AND 
 KEBLE COLLEGE COUNCIL — OPENING OF KEBLE COL- 
 LEGE CHAPEL — LETTER ON EDUCATION PROPOSED 
 
 PORTRAIT FOR THE HALL OF CHRIST CHURCH. 
 
 1876-1879. 
 
 Pusey was of the same age as the century: and the 
 infirmities of old age naturally began to show themselves 
 in a body which never had been strong, but had been 
 consistently presented as a living sacrifice to the work of 
 the Church of God for nearly fifty years. The indomitable 
 force of his will, the concentration of his energy, and the 
 unsparing devotion of his whole life to God had enabled 
 him to labour on and to throw off illnesses in a way that 
 would hardly have been possible to any mere strength of 
 constitution. But when 'the leaves were falling thickly 
 round him,' and the weight of sorrows was added to the 
 weight of years, it was evident that his strength was 
 beginning to fail. Ever since his illness at Genoa in 1873, 
 he had been an old man ; but the shock of Bishop Forbes' 
 sudden death in 1875, and the death of Miss Sellon, the 
 Foundress of the Devonport Sisterhood, in 1876, had 
 brought on a sudden great increase of deafness. ' It is an 
 odd life,' he writes to Liddon in December, 1876 :— 
 
 *God grant that I may be the more driven inwards. I passed 
 three and three-quarter hours in the Hebdomadal Council to-day, not 
 hearmg a voice : but learning from my neighbour, the kind President 
 of St. John's, what was to be voted on. I have once only said a few 
 words this term, because I do not know the right time to say them. 
 It is such an odd contrast to former eagerness. Thank God that my 
 books can speak to me ; and He too, I hope.' 
 
 VOL. IV. Y 
 
322 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 For upwards of twenty years Pusey had been continuously 
 re-elected to this position on the governing body of the 
 University. He held it as he did all his appointments, not 
 as a piece of academical work, but as a position in which 
 he could fight the Cause of God and His Truth against 
 the dominant liberalism of the University. It was often 
 weary work ; and he sometimes had been tempted to 
 regret what seemed to be a spending of strength in vain. 
 Now, however, he began to feel that it was his duty to make 
 room for a younger man. Yet he still held his place on 
 the Council as long as health would allow. The last 
 meeting that he attended was on December lo, 1877 : the 
 prolonged illness described in the last chapter prevented 
 him from attending the Council in the Lent and Easter 
 Terms of the following year, and he did not offer himself 
 for re-election in the Michaelmas Term. 
 
 For some time longer he retained his place on the 
 Council of Keble College, although he was rarely able to 
 attend their meetings. All that concerned the welfare 
 of this great memorial to his dear friend appealed to him 
 most strongly ; he was specially interested in the munificent 
 gift of a Chapel by Mr. Gibbs— * indeed, a gift of God.' 
 One of his letters about the plans has a value of its own. 
 Mr. Butterfield, the architect, proposed to place over the 
 Altar a Mosaic, representing our Lord as He appeared 
 to St. John in Patmos, and the Council had accepted 
 his design. Pusey was ill at Genoa, when the design was 
 discussed ; soon after his return to Oxford, he wrote to 
 express his disapproval of it. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Warden of Keble College. 
 
 Christ Church, June 18, 1873. 
 It is only lately that I heard of this Symbol, which the Council, at 
 Butterfield's instance, acquiesced in for the East end of Keble College. 
 I think that there are some symbols which may be represented in 
 words, but cannot in material form. We have probably, most of us, 
 been pained by representations of the * Ancient of Days,' because old 
 age is, with us, necessarily associated with decay. So the symbol 
 from Rev. i. cannot be really represented ; no material form can 
 represent Eyes which should be a flaming fire, or Feet like fine brass 
 which burned in a furnace, or the seven stars in one Hand. 
 
 
 (I 
 
 Opening of Keble College Chapel 323 
 
 But I chiefly object :— 
 
 1. To the great austerity of it over the Altar. The represen- 
 tation of Rev. i. is our Lord in the midst of the Church as Judae 
 It says, ' Judge yourselves, that ye be not judged.' It is the opposite 
 to, * Come unto Me, all that are weary and heavy laden, and I will give 
 you rest.' At the West end is to be the Judgment : at the East our 
 Lord as Judge. It gives great prominence to the austere side 
 of truth. 
 
 2. Since there are visible representations, I much miss the 
 Crucifixion, which is relegated (I understand) to a side quasi-transept 
 where it will be scarcely seen. 
 
 It might be represented (without destroying Butterfield's plans) 
 either by inlaying the figure of our Lord upon the Cross, which, 
 I understand, is to be behind the altar, or by painting it upon the 
 Cross after the manner of those devout pictures of Giotto at Florence. 
 
 I should wish, then, to be allowed to give notice of a motion on 
 Monday— That it be represented to the Donor of the Chapel of Keble 
 College, that it is desirable that there should be some conspicuous 
 monument of our Lord's Death fronting the Communicants, and that 
 such representation be not relegated to the side. 
 
 Mr. Gibbs had a very strong feeling against making any 
 change after the design had once been accepted. Yet he 
 was willing, because of 'the very great reverence' that he 
 felt for Pusey, to accept his suggestion, if he were to press 
 it. Pusey could only thank Mr. Gibbs for his kindness, 
 and decline to press any unwelcome change upon such a 
 generous benefactor of Keble College. 
 
 When the Chapel was opened on St. Mark's Day, 1876, 
 Mr. Keble's birthday, Pusey preached the first Sermon, on 
 the Beatitude pronounced upon the Meek. After speaking 
 in general on the meaning of this Beatitude, he explained 
 why he had chosen the text. Meekness, he said, which \^ 
 the rarest of all graces, was * eminently possessed by him in 
 memory of the gift of whom to us, on this day, this day has 
 been chosen for the dedication of this magnificent chapel.' 
 He glowingly sets forth as an example to the students of 
 the College, the beautiful lowliness of character, and the 
 lifelong low estate of one of Oxford's greatest scholars, and 
 of the Church's wisest teachers ^ 
 
 » The issue of the second edition of the press. It was finished in the latter 
 this sermon, with some alterations, part of August, 1882 
 was Dr. Pusey's last piece of work for ' • 
 
 Y % 
 
324 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Keble College Council. 
 
 325 
 
 
 In connexion with the working of Keble College, he left 
 on record some of his latest anxieties about University edu- 
 cation. He was very anxious that a more thorough training 
 in Theology should be given to the future clergy. This was 
 his hope when he had assisted the foundation of the Theo- 
 logical School in the University, and he deeply regretted 
 the continued predominance of classical studies to the ex- 
 clusion of the accurate and systematic study of Theology, 
 which was so essential a part of the education of the 
 clergy. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Warden of Keble College. 
 
 Advent Sunday, 1876. 
 
 I suppose that there is no one solution as to the course of intellectual 
 education here. People look at the two sides of the shield. One 
 party asks, * When is our (simply intellectual) education to be broken 
 off? * The other (of whom I am one), * When are the studies of our life 
 to begin? Is any solid foundation ever to be laidf^ You have the 
 advantage in the one question, I (I think) in the other. If life were 
 long enough and the possible length of education had no limits, 
 nothing could be said against your side. Make the preliminary 
 education as long and as solid as you can ; extend it on and on until 
 the young mind and the activity of intellect have reached their fullest 
 development. When you have gone on and on, I ask, ' Jurisprudence 
 and Theology are real studies, what room will you leave for them ? ' 
 Both will develop the fullest faculty of mind. St. Paul (granted that 
 a person is fit to read him, but Aristotle requires the same) will 
 develop a person's reasoning power as well as Aristotle. It is 
 reasoning as close. 
 
 The history of the Early Church and its struggles into recognition, 
 or with heresy, is as instructive as that of Grecian independence 
 in Herodotus or the selfishness and ambition of the Peloponnesian 
 war. Human nature can be studied as well in its conflict and sub- 
 mission to faith as to Sparta. . . . 
 
 Do not trouble yourself to answer this, but think how you can solve 
 the problem,— how are our young men to learn solidly, or lay the 
 foundation of solid knowledge of God and His truth ? If they are not 
 laid here there will be no building. 
 
 But old age compelled him to give up this office also : 
 for the sake of the College, and of the memory of * dearest 
 J. K.,' he was very anxious about his successor. Nine 
 years' experience had shown how extremely difficult was the 
 task of maintaining the stamp of definite Churchmanship 
 
 in an Oxford College in the presence of the almost purely 
 academical tone of the rest of the University. The letter 
 in which he resigned his office and expressed his earnest 
 wish about his successor is a very careful statement of this 
 deep anxiety. 
 
 E. B. P. TO the Warden of Keble College. 
 
 South Hermitage, Ascot Priory, Oct. 19, 1879. 
 
 My increasing and now (for a time at least) total deafness makes 
 me a useless member of the Keble College Council. I am extremely 
 anxious about my successor. . . . 
 
 Members of Council affect very indirectly the character of the 
 training of the young men, which is, by the Charter, wholly lodged 
 in the hands of the Warden. Still, the only pledge of the fidelity 
 of the College, as a foundation, to the teaching which characterized 
 John Keble and which is stamped by the Charter on the College, lies 
 in the soundness of the Council. Higher duties might by God's 
 Providence be imposed upon you. The character of the successor 
 who should carry on the lamp of truth would depend upon the then 
 Council. If a majority of members of the Council should once be 
 unfriendly or even indifferent to the claims of Catholic truth, or should 
 make the office of Keble College to train good soldiers of Christ 
 Jesus subordinate to Academic distinction, all would be lost, and that 
 irretrievably. What would become of it, God only knows. 
 
 My own part with Keble College relates to my successor in the 
 Council. I, with one other, am mainly responsible for the existence of 
 the College and the name which it bears ; great as the enthusiasm was, 
 with which that name was received, and the pecuniary sacrifices made 
 for it. I have then a responsibility for it, which one only shares 
 besides. I am then intensely anxious that my successor should be 
 one who should intelligently and definitely, with whatever influence 
 a member of the Council has, maintain the principles upon which it 
 was founded. Mine is an anxiety which no other can have, since 
 at that meeting of mourners, on the day when his earthly remains 
 were parted with out of sight, I gave the impulse, at Hursley Park, 
 to the foundation of the College. 
 
 I am very anxious that that successor should be one whom I have 
 known intimately for many years, who is one of singular moderation 
 as well as wisdom, who can discriminate with singular sagacity what 
 is essential from what is not essential— C. Wood. I do not think 
 that I was ever more impressed than by a public address which 
 I heard him deliver now many years ago, in which Theology of necessity 
 largely entered, in which, without controversy or anything which 
 could have offended any one, he expressed his own faith on deep 
 subjects with a precision, which reminded me of Hooker's wonderful 
 
326 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Ptisey. 
 
 enunciation of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity and of the Person 
 of our Lord Jesus Christ. 
 
 His future secular position will make him a useful member of 
 the Council secularly also. 
 
 As to his being President of the E. C. U. he is the sense and 
 moderation of it, and, in the eyes of the Rocky he would only replace 
 one much blacker. ^ 
 
 Five, I know, of the members of the Council strongly wish that 
 he should be my successor. I myself, when the election occurs, can 
 of course only give my earnest wishes and prayers. You, I hope, 
 will not object to it. 
 
 His earnest recommendation was accepted, and Mr. Wood 
 succeeded to his place on the Council. 
 
 As his life was drawing to a close, his friends greatly 
 desired that a good portrait of him might be painted, so 
 that future generations might not have to ask in vain ' what 
 manner of man was he in aspect ? ' The request had often 
 been made before, but always met with the same answer. 
 In 1843, soon after the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford had 
 suspended him from preaching before the University, 
 Keble forwarded to him a request of this kind from 
 Mr. Justice Coleridge. He answered, on July 37, 1843: 
 'There is no likeness of me, and I have put ofT my 
 brother's wish to have one, because people give me such 
 an undue place already, and I wish to sink back.' A last 
 attempt was made in 1878. Early in that year, just before 
 his serious illness, Dr. Acland mentioned that Dean Liddell 
 would in a few days present him a paper signed by all the 
 resident members of the Governing Body of Christ Church, 
 requesting that he would allow his portrait to be painted 
 and placed in the Hall. As soon as his health permitted, 
 he anticipated the Dean's intention by writing to decline. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Dean of Christ Church. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, May 13 [1878]. 
 Acland told me, before I became so ill, that you and he and some 
 others kindly wished that some likeness of me should be preserved. 
 People, with much more modesty than I, have acceded to the expres- 
 sion of such a wish, so much as a matter of course, that it seems almost 
 a piece of conceit in me to shrink from it. When Newman and Keble 
 and C. Marriott and Bishop Selwyn have done it, what am I that 
 
 Proposed Portrait in Christ Church Hall, 327 
 
 I should make a fuss about it ? To explain this, I must give you 
 a little piece of autobiography. From the time when I began to work 
 hard at Theology, as a young Fellow of Oriel, and people spoke kindly 
 of me, I always thought, * Well, they will see one day how much they 
 have over-rated me.' And then I resolved never to do anything to 
 put myself forward. When my future patron. Bishop Lloyd, asked me 
 what was the end of all my reading, whether I was thinking of this 
 comer of the quadrangle (i.e. the Hebrew Professorship), I remember 
 simply shrugging my shoulders and saying, * Quid valeant humeri.' 
 A religious book, which instanced having a likeness taken of one's-self 
 as implying that one thought well of one's-self, fixed me, and I settled 
 with myself not to have it done. It surprised me when Newman, 
 Keble, &c., one by one did it, but I declined all wishes of relations, 
 friends, &c. ; and it became to mc a part of my religion not to have it 
 done. At times it pained me to decline, when I was asked affection- 
 ately, and the more so because some whom I respected and loved did 
 it. And now it has gone on for some forty years. 
 
 It might naturally seem strange to you, that I who have been (as 
 censured or praised) so much before the world, should think of not 
 putting myself forward. However, if people put me forward, it was no 
 doing of mine. I only followed the rule, * Whatsoever thy hand findeth 
 to do, do it with all thy might.' . . . When in early days (Sir R. Peel's) 
 people spoke of * Dr. Burton's and my stocks rising,' the thought only 
 crossed me, how it might be an occasion of putting any real power 
 into the hands of another. In later years, when it ^ was spoken of, 
 I prayed it might not be offered me, but determined not to accept 
 it. When the new school was rising, though I thought it mistaken in 
 many things, I could not meddle, without taking the office of a leader 
 of a party ; so I went on my way, they theirs. In Newman's day, 
 I looked at things mainly as they would affect him. 
 
 Now all this egotism is in order to ask you not to ask me to do, what 
 it would pain me to decline, yet what I must decline, because it has 
 been a religious ground personal to myself, upon which I have declined 
 before, and all my past declinings would look like a piece of mock- 
 modesty. 
 
 Accept, my dear Dean, my warmest thanks for the kindliness which 
 has made you take part in this, and for all your other kindness ; but, 
 pray, do me one kindness more, to express to any who have joined 
 you in this, or to whom you have given the weight of your name, my 
 earnest wish that they would not by asking me put me to the pain of 
 declining the wish of persons whom I respect or love. 
 
 The Dean replied that in spite of Pusey's ' very interesting 
 and touching letter,' he was bound to present the memorial 
 with which he had been entrusted, and he begged him to 
 
 • i. e. a Bishopric 
 
328 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey. 
 
 consider the strong claims of a request which expressed 
 
 the goodwill and interest of the great foundation to which 
 
 he had belonged for more than half a century. Accordingly 
 
 a few days later, the Dean and Dr. Acland called at Pusey's 
 
 lodgings, presented the address, and urged every argument 
 
 to induce him to yield. 7'hey specially pointed out that, if 
 
 he persisted in his refusal, a few caricatures would be the 
 
 only answer to the natural desire of future generations to 
 
 know what he was like. ' With a peculiarly winning smile 
 
 and gentle manner,' the Dean writes, 'he took up the 
 
 address and said how much he was gratified by the loving 
 
 wish of so many members of the House, and that he greatly 
 
 desired to comply with their kind wishes.' He went on, 
 
 however, to explain that nearly forty years before, he had 
 
 announced, in a conversation with Keble, his solemn 
 
 determination never to have his portrait painted : and on 
 
 this resolution he had always acted. His visitors still 
 
 continued to press him with arguments. *A11 was of no 
 
 effect,' the Dean writes. * He shook his head, smiled 
 
 gently, and said, "It is a matter of religion with me" 
 
 (I remember this phrase distinctly) *• and I cannot go back 
 
 from it." We expressed our great regret at his decision, 
 
 and parted with a friendly shake of hands.' On the next 
 
 day he wrote the following formal reply to the request : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Dean of Christ Church. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford [May, 1878]. 
 I hope that I have not seemed ungrateful to the love and kindness 
 arid goodwill of the members of the Governing Body, and others whose 
 ' wish you and Dr. Acland made me acquainted with, with your usual 
 kindness. To them it might be enough to say, that an old man verging 
 on seventy-eight does not get over a rooted repugnance of thirty-nine 
 years. 
 
 To you, my dear Dean, I may give another glimpse. I was much 
 shocked to see that a Roman Catholic writer of controversy opened 
 with some such sentence as this, * We are told that Dr. P. is a vain 
 man. This would account for ' &c. We are all agreed that vanity is 
 a most absurd thing, that no one could be vain who had not a low 
 ideal; besides being very ungrateful to Almighty God Whose gift 
 everything is, however litde. I, of course, know that I have nothing 
 to be vain about. However, I had seen, in the care of souls, that 
 
 
 Proposed Portrait in Christ Church Hall. 329 
 
 people often are brimful of a leading fault of which they have no 
 suspicion. So my not suspecting it was no proof that I had not it. 
 A caricature often suggests the truest likeness. Chantry got his 
 suggestion for Dean Jackson's statue from one. Himself he had 
 never seen. Anyhow, proud flesh needs a caustic. I fear that 
 I have not applied it near enough. Nobody could accuse Newman 
 or John Keble of being *vain,' however sharp they may have written 
 against either. 
 
 And now having our Lord's words sounding in my ears, * Whoso 
 exalteth himself shall be abased,' I cannot withdraw a precaution 
 which I have acted upon for thirty-nine years. I have an instinctive 
 repugnance against it. J. H. N. and J. K. of course did naturally what 
 they did. They had no need to take precautions against conceit. And 
 now, when just passing out of the world with all my failures, self- 
 confidences, mistakes and mischiefs, I cannot expose myself to any 
 temptation or rescind my desire to make myself nothing. Haeret 
 lateri lethalis arundo. Rather, in the days of memorials,, when 
 people begin planning memorials before a person's remains are hid 
 out of sight, I must add a codicil to my will requesting that none may 
 be made of me. 
 
 In sending these letters and an account of the interview, 
 Dean Liddell added, 'The portrait that now represents 
 him in Christ Church Hall was painted after his death 
 by Mr. George Richmond. Mr. Richmond had known 
 Dr. Pusey well, and had of his own accord executed a fine 
 bust of his departed friend. Three of these busts were 
 taken in terra cotta. . . . The painted portrait is not 
 equally successful. It gives the sentiment and general 
 bearing of Dr. Pusey, but fails, I think, to represent his 
 countenance and expression. But it was the best thing to 
 be got. Dr. Pusey suffers still from his unshaken resolution 
 not to have his portrait taken. Perhaps we ought not to 
 have attempted it. But it was undertaken in accordance 
 with the earnest desire of a great number of friends, and 
 I did not think it right to disregard their wishes/ 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 LAST UNIVERSITY SERMONS — *UNSCIENCE' — CORRESPON- 
 DENCE WITH PROFESSOR ROLLESTON SERMON OX 
 
 PROPHECY LIDDOn's * LIFE OF PUSEY' — NEWMAN 
 
 A CARDINAL ASCOT HOSPITAL. 
 
 1878-1879. 
 
 During the Long Vacation of 1878, Pusey was engaged 
 in preparing two sermons, the last that he ever wrote for 
 the University pulpit. They were both apologetic in their 
 character, and were calculated to guide his hearers amidst 
 the difficulties of the day. The former was on the sup- 
 posed conflict between the truths of Revelation and the 
 facts of Physical Science, and was published under the title 
 'Unscience, not Science, adverse to Faith.' The latter 
 was in reply to several recent publications which had most 
 unduly minimized, if not entirely overlooked, the definite 
 predictions of the Old Testament. He called this sermon 
 ' Prophecy of Jesus— the certain prediction of the [to man] 
 impossible.' 
 
 On the former sermon especially he spent great pains, 
 because it dealt with a subject which in its details was to 
 a great extent new to him. His true delight in the beauties 
 of Nature, and his deep reverence for God as Creator of the 
 world, gave him always a lively interest in Science. ' It 
 teaches us,' he used to say, ' with a minuteness of which we 
 had no idea, the minute wisdom of our God. What a varied 
 preacher Nature is ! One great delight of the *' Christian 
 Year " used to be to me, that dear J. K. so listened to 
 
 Relation to the Study of Physical Science. 331 
 
 Nature and interpreted it to us.' From this point of view 
 he had from the first steadily encouraged the legitimate 
 study of Science in Oxford. Sir Henry Acland, who, as 
 Regius Professor of Medicine at Oxford for nearly forty 
 years, took an important part in the promotion of the 
 study of all departments of Physical Science, vividly recalls 
 the following recollections of Pusey s attitude towards his 
 own great work : — 
 
 * In 1845 I w^s offered by the Dean the Lee's Readership 
 of Anatomy at Christ Church ; and before entering on my 
 duties, I called on Dr. Pusey, to whom I had been intro- 
 duced by my brother ten years before, and asked his leave 
 to put to him two questions. 
 
 'i. "Am I right in believing that you, Mr. Newman, 
 Mr. Keble, and your friends disapprove of Physical Science 
 as a branch of education in Oxford ? " 
 
 ' He said, *' Yes, we do ; and you would not hold up . . . 
 as persons whom you w^ould wish young men to imitate in 
 many ways." 
 
 ' I then put to him my second question. 
 
 *a. "Am I to understand that you, who with the Dean 
 and Chapter have appointed me a teacher in a great 
 department of Science, will consider me a mischievous 
 and dangerous member of society, when I endeavour to 
 do my duty in my office ? " 
 
 * Dr. Pusey, who, whatever may be considered his faults 
 by those who did not know him, was a strong, true man, 
 and endowed with a sense of humour, threw himself back in 
 his chair and laughed aloud. He then sat upright, and 
 earnestly said : ** The desire to acquire such knowledge, 
 and the power to obtain it, are alike the gift of God, and 
 to be used as such. As long as you discharge your duties 
 in the manner which this implies, count on my support in 
 whatever you do." He always attended the meetings of 
 the Chapter in the Museum, and paid great attention to the 
 Reports on the progress of the Biological Collection, which 
 was being made with the help of Victor Carus, Beale, and 
 others. He also at one time lent me his stables for a whole 
 
332 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 long vacation, to carry on part of my work for which I had 
 not room in Lee's Building. 
 
 * When the British Association was about to meet at 
 Oxford in 1847, he wrote to me as local Secretary to say 
 that he should not be in Oxford then, but that he placed 
 his house in Christ Church at my disposal for any members 
 I should place there, being strangers, adding all necessary 
 details as to the numbers and the accommodation and the 
 entertainment which the servants could provide. Van der 
 Hoeven, Joseph Henry Green, and five others were there 
 for a week. 
 
 * In the year 1855 the final vote for ;^30,ooo for the con- 
 struction of the Museum would have been lost without the 
 votes of Dr. Pusey, Charles Marriott, and their friends. 
 I might add that Charles Marriott, Church (afterwards 
 Dean of St. Paul's), and Mr. Wilson (afterwards Professor 
 of Moral Philosophy), were serious students at Christ Church 
 in advanced practical Physiological Histology some years 
 before.' 
 
 But although Pusey was interested in Science and ready 
 to assist its study, he had naturally not been able to 
 keep up with the later discoveries of Science ; in the midst 
 of his theological and controversial work he would from 
 time to time read a work which had occasioned special 
 diflficulties to some one who sought his advice, but his time 
 was so fully occupied that he had made it a rule never to 
 read anything that was not directly on the lines of the 
 work which immediately lay before him. Still the difficul- 
 ties that Darwinism raised were keenly felt by a very large 
 number of people. It had already led many away, in 
 England as in Germany, into unbehef; and Pusey was 
 frequently asked to show its due relation to Revealed 
 Truth. To him a pulpit seemed hardly the place for 
 such a discussion ; it was, however, the only opportunity 
 of a hearing that offered itself, and the battle with un- 
 belief was the work of his life. 
 
 When he reached Ascot in July, 1878, his health seemed 
 for the time quite restored. ' Altogether I am very bonny,' 
 
 Sermon on * Unscience! 
 
 333 
 
 he writes. * A eland thinks that I may very well preach one 
 sermon early in November. Whether I preach the second 
 depends, I suppose, on how I get through the first.' 
 
 He carefully read several eminent authors on the side of 
 Evolution. The notes at the foot of the pages of his sermon 
 refer to a large number of works, but they represent only 
 a portion of his studies during that summer. His desire 
 was to discover exactly and estimate aright what was being 
 taught under the name of Physical Science, and to suggest 
 the terms of a lasting peace between Theology and Science 
 by showing the lawful frontier between them. He had 
 always abstained from confusing the two studies. At the 
 Norwich Church Congress in 1865 he had pointed out the 
 lines for the right interpretation of the Bible with reference 
 to Geology. Now he wished to do a similar work in con- 
 nexion with the later discoveries ; he was convinced that 
 scientific men made as many mistakes as theologians about 
 the relation of Theology to Science. In his sermon he 
 warily keeps off all scientific detail, and confines himself 
 to theology, standing simply on the defensive. He says 
 that he meant it to be ' an Eirenicon. Theology does not 
 interfere with Science as it reads the book of God's works : 
 let not Science interfere with the book of God's Word.' 
 
 Two days before the sermon was to be preached, 
 
 Dr. Acland forbade him to deliver more than half of it. 
 
 He therefore thought it best to ask Liddon to take his 
 
 place. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Nov. I, 1878. 
 Acland is decided that I must not even attempt to preach the 
 whole sermon. He proposes only half. The sermon is a dissertation 
 rather than a sermon, which I should not have thought of delivering 
 from the pulpit, but for the hope of arresting the minds of some 
 of the young ones. Else I have no interest in it, except in the 
 peroration. But breaking off deliberately in the midst is like making 
 a scene, or making too much of myself ... or clinging to preaching 
 when beyond my strength. Apart however from any reasons, I should 
 be much more comfortable if you would deliver the whole. 
 
 On the morning of November 3, to the astonishment 
 of the crowded congregation at St. Mary's Church which 
 
334 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 had assembled to hear Pusey, Liddon was seen entering 
 
 the pulpit instead of Pusey, carrying the bulky manuscript 
 
 of Pusey 's sermon. It was a strange, perhaps a unique, 
 
 scene. A sermon, written by one of the greatest preachers 
 
 of one generation, equalling, at least in range, intellectual 
 
 force, and moral power, any sermon that he had ever 
 
 prepared, was being read for him by the greatest preacher 
 
 of the next. Elisha was wearing Elijah's mantle, yet the 
 
 master was still with him, though Israel would never again 
 
 see his face. He begins by asking the question why, in 
 
 the present day, in sad contrast with the past, the study of 
 
 Physical Science is so often adverse to continued belief in 
 
 God and in His Revealed Truth. The sphere of Science 
 
 is material fact, the sphere of Theology spiritual fact. Why 
 
 should they be in conflict ? True genuine Theology has no 
 
 preconceived opinions in the province of Science : it has 
 
 room for all the facts, and even for the most romantic 
 
 imaginations of Science, if those imaginations are confined 
 
 to its own region. The danger to faith has arisen first 
 
 from the study of the phenomena of matter to the rigid 
 
 exclusion of the phenomena of the spiritual world, and in 
 
 a forgetfulness of the Existence of God, more contemptuous 
 
 than positive denial; and, secondly, from the intrusive 
 
 attempt on the part of material Science to explain from 
 
 beneath spiritual facts about the souFs existence, about 
 
 religion and about morals. Theories of the evolution of 
 
 the world and of animal forms may or may not be true. 
 
 * Theology does not hold them excluded by Holy Scripture, 
 
 so that they spare the soul of man.' The powers of the 
 
 human soul, especially its power to know God and be in 
 
 communion with Him, and above all, its powers as shown 
 
 in the Mind and Life of Jesus Christ, His attractive beauty. 
 
 His wondrous reign, and His continued daily miracles, attest 
 
 its true origin. 
 
 A bare analysis of this remarkable sermon can give no 
 idea of its solid strength, or of its impressive insight into 
 the great questions at issue. The great age of the writer 
 and the veneration with which his words were listened to 
 
 Sermon on ' Unscience.' 
 
 335 
 
 made them all the more effective. At the moment it opened 
 up fresh lines of thought, and pointed to the right solutions 
 of painful difficulties which some had regarded as inexplic- 
 able. But beyond that, it is no exaggeration to say that 
 it is a permanent and most valuable contribution to the 
 right understanding of the relations between Religion and 
 Science. When published, it was dedicated 'with truest 
 affection ' to Dr. Acland, the Regius Professor of Medicine 
 at Oxford, * who devoted the prime of life to the revival of 
 the study of the book of God's works in Oxford, and 
 through whose kind care and skill God restored to the 
 author the strength to write it.* 
 
 The publication of the sermon entailed much correspon- 
 dence. His statement of the position between Theology 
 and Physical Science was to many of his readers entirely 
 new ; the line of demarcation had been sadly blurred by 
 ignorant attacks on Revealed Religion, and equally ignorant 
 attempts to defend it. Several well-known men of Science, 
 some of whom could by no means be reckoned on the side 
 of Christianity, thanked Pusey heartily for it. * We have 
 no right,' one says, speaking as a scientific teacher, ' to 
 complain of dogmatism, for the scientific men of the day 
 surpass the theologians in this. Haeckel indeed speaks like 
 the Pope. The earlier part of your sermon pleased me 
 most, as an important step towards peace, which every 
 one wishes for provided it may be obtained without the 
 sacrifice of truth.' Another welcomed the sermon as * an 
 Eirenicon, as the preliminaries of peace between genuine 
 science and genuine theology.' 
 
 In writing to Dr. Rolleston, the well-known Professor of 
 Physiology in Oxford, who had complained of one ex- 
 pression in the Sermon which, he said, had caused him pain, 
 Pusey says : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Professor Rolleston. 
 
 Easter Tuesday, 1879. 
 
 ... I had no idea that anything in it could have pained any one. 
 I went to the utmost verge, to which I lawfully (as I thought) could, 
 to make out limits of Theology and Physical Science, so that no 
 
.^■i^^Sfr;^--- 
 
 
 336 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 physical philosopher could think that Theology invaded his territory, 
 while I remonstrated with him, if he invaded that of Theology. 
 
 I have now looked at the passage in my sermon which you referred 
 to as giving you pain. I hesitated about it, in that one could scarce 
 bear to put into an assailant's mouth such an hypothesis. I consulted 
 Liddon about it. He thought I might venture to say it, because, 
 on their hypothesis, it would be true. So I wrote it, to scare others 
 from blasphemy. 
 
 But 1 do not see what could pain you, except the terribleness of the 
 words. You do not believe that our souls and minds are from the 
 * pithecoids.' I thought and hoped that the terribleness of the ex- 
 pression, or rather of the fact implied, might open the eyes of some 
 and scare back others. 
 
 The theory of Evolution seems to me one of the threatening clouds of 
 the day. I fear that it will wreck the faith of many. It is very 
 fascinating to a certain class of minds, and seems already to be a sort 
 of gospel. A young man wrote to me on occasion of that sermon, 
 that he believed in Evolution and in Genesis also, and supposed that 
 they could be reconciled somehow ; although he did not see how. 
 I fear that, with most. Genesis would have to give way. 
 
 Darwin's ' Descent of Man ' was very distressing to me. Hitherto, 
 Darwin had, in all his illustrations, kept himself to scientific facts, the 
 variations or, if so be, fresh species of animals or plants of the same 
 kind. In the ' Descent of Man,' he claims to have done good service 
 in 'aiding to overthrow the doctrine of separate creations' (p. 61). 
 He accepts (as you know) in principle all Haeckel's genealogy of our 
 ancestors, * still more simply organs than the lancelet or amphioxus ' 
 (p. 609). 
 
 To me, it would seem to stultify the whole of the Darwinian theory, 
 to suppose a mere natural development up to man, including man's 
 body, and then to suppose that this descendant from its ape-ancestors 
 was, at once, endowed by God with all those magnificent gifts with 
 which the Bible says He endowed us. 
 
 I can only hope that, in days which I shall not see, God may raise 
 up some naturalists who may, in His hands, destroy the belief in our 
 apedom. 
 
 I do not myself see the slightest difference between Darwin and 
 Haeckel, except that Darwin assumes a First Cause, who, all those 
 aeons ago, infused the breath of life into some primaeval forms, and 
 has remained inactive (if, indeed, He is supposed to be a Personal 
 Being) ever since. 
 
 I am thankful for any admission which may be a ttoO otw for 
 something better, and so would not depreciate the belief in a First 
 Cause, even if any one acknowledged nothing else. I can hardly 
 understand a ' First Cause * being the object of love or adoration, or 
 hope or trust. 
 
 Pusey was not even allowed to read the second sermon 
 
 Sermon on Prophecy. 
 
 337 
 
 on the followincr Sunday; it was 'delivered by a young 
 friend of the writer, the Rev. F. Paget,' now Dean of Christ 
 Church. It was a protest against the current depreciation 
 of the predictive element of the Old Testament He 
 pomted out that the astonishing events which the prophets 
 distmctly foretold should take place, such as the Birth, Life 
 Death, Atonement, Resurrection, Ascension of the Messiah,' 
 His worid-wide kingdom, and His work in winning souls- 
 events which 'human wisdom could not foresee and human 
 power could not accomplish '-are now matters of history. 
 I wished to put before you, that the impossible, i.e. to 
 man, is the actual and the real. One Event, one Form is 
 the centre of the Universe.' 
 
 Shortly afterwards Liddon was using some of the argu- 
 ments of this sermon in writing to a clergyman who had 
 ventured to suggest that the use of the Old Testament in 
 the first two chapters of St. Matthew was somewhat arbi- 
 trary. Pusey sent him the following interesting note on 
 bt. Matthew's use of the eariier Scriptures. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Christ Church, Jan. 20, 1879. 
 I wonder whether if St. Matthew could come again to this earth 
 your correspondent would begin to teach him, or to ask him what he 
 meant. It is sorrowful, for those small beginnings so spread. It 
 struck me many years ago that these quotations were made to teach us 
 rZ '"^ ""^f ^^^"^,^h^ Old Testament, not as proofs; to show his 
 readers the deeper harmony of the Old and New Testaments. 'Ep.vmr. 
 r«. ypa^a, our Lord says, but .>..ar. is not a superficial glance at 
 
 o.Ll'lf "^'r T r'.'''' "P^" ^^'"^ '^'^ ^^^"^^ "^^' ^^ St. Matthew^s 
 
 K ^t/ "^- \ f ^"' ^^"^'^ ^^^'"^ ^'^^^^«^- Rationalism 
 
 Objects, The wnters of the New Testament do not quote Isaiah liii. of 
 
 our Lord s vicanous suffering.' Perhaps one explanation may be that 
 
 they did not quote what we should be sure to understand forourselves. 
 
 For';^! 'II'V ^^' ''^^^ ^^^^"^ '' ^° "^"^ W^° taught St. Matthew. 
 
 i-or It bt. Matthew were wrong either he was a bad learner or 
 
 Do you know Claudius' lines .?— 
 
 Es kam mir ein Gedank von Ohngefahr, 
 So sprach' ich, wenn ich Christus war', 
 
 which I roughly translated— 
 
 There came to me a random thought. 
 Had I been Christ, so had I taught' 
 VOL. IV. 2 
 
 il 
 
t i| 
 
 W 
 
 338 Lt/e of Edward Botiverie Pusey. 
 
 I suppose that there is no alternative but that either we must be 
 taught of God, or His creatures must teach Him. 
 You could make a sermon on * The two teachings.' 
 
 He had been busy also at another piece of work during 
 the Long Vacation of 1878. In 1851 he had preached 
 a valuable sermon on the Rule of Faith. The Gorham 
 Judgment had at that time shaken so many in their 
 allegiance to the English Church, that he thought it good 
 to state clearly, for the younger members of the University, 
 the principles recognized by the English Church as the 
 groundwork and rule of faith. This sermon had been for 
 some time out of print. In re-issuing it in 1878, he wrote 
 a long preface to show how entirely the Vatican Council 
 had changed the whole Roman system, inasmuch as it had 
 substituted the Infallibility of the Pope for the consent of 
 Antiquity. The preface would itself have been a complete 
 answer to the appeal which Newman had wished Liddon 
 to make to Pusey in the preceding March ' ; but it was 
 probably written for other reasons, especially from the fear 
 that in the troubles of the English Church, many, who 
 knew not the character of the modem Church of Rome, 
 might in their ignorance look in that direction for a Church 
 which ruled its faith by the voice of Catholic antiquity. 
 
 At this time Pusey was constantly urging upon those who 
 were best qualified to write an account of the Oxford Move- 
 ment— the necessity for an accurate history of its stirring 
 events, its chief characters, and its real aims. In a correspon- 
 dence about Keble College in the Times during May, 1878, 
 he had dwelt on the influence of Keble in the Movement, 
 as being one of the reasons why those who loved him 
 united to perpetuate his memory. He had for several 
 years hoped that the history would have been written 
 by the Rev. W. J. Copeland ; but he feared that even if 
 Copeland should ever finish his work, it would not be 
 rightly focussed. His devotion to Newman would blind his 
 eyes to the effect on Newman s mind of the friendship and 
 guidance of Keble, which made him what he was until 1839. 
 
 * See above, p. 307. 
 
 Proposed History of the Oxford Movement. 339 
 
 The publication of Dean Hook's * Life ' made Liddon 
 also see that a book was needed which would put in right 
 proportion the history of the origin of the Church Revival. 
 
 Rev. H. p. Liddon, D.D., to E. B. P. 
 
 Jan. 9, 1879. 
 Have you seen Dr. Hook's ' Life ' t I have been reading parts of it, 
 and think it likely to attract a great deal of attention. One loves him 
 for his courage and affectionateness ; his work at Leeds was very 
 noble. . . . The perusal of this book has made me greatly wish that 
 I could resign my Professorship and set to writing a life of you. Pray 
 forgive me. But I foresee great troubles, hereafter, in the questions 
 which will be raised, and which it will be hard or impossible to 
 answer after you are gone. This notion of Mr. Christopher that you 
 challenged the Church Association out of what you knew to be an 
 unassailable fortress is a specimen. If the interests at stake were only 
 personal I should think less about it. But in reality the whole past, 
 and, humanly speaking, the future of the Oxford Movement, turns 
 upon it. 
 
 Pusey would not hear of such a proposal ; he never 
 thought that Liddon would do what he said. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Jan. 10, 1879. 
 
 You frighten me by what you say about the life of one who only 
 wishes to sink into his own nothingness. Mr. Christopher has scared 
 you unduly. What signifies it if the Church Association and its 
 advisers thought me in ' an impregnable castle ' ? In one sense I am, 
 because I hold the truth by God's mercy, and no weapon that is 
 framed against it shall prosper. But the idea that I could not be pro- 
 secuted, if I had unhappily taught false doctrine, is too absurd. As 
 for me, people have made too much of me, so that a little moderate 
 abuse is a relief to me. It adjusts the balance a little. 
 
 It will all come right. As for me, if you thought of anything of the 
 kind, I should cut and run and hide myself in some cave. 
 
 Liddon, however, fully intended what he said : the past 
 must be rightly recorded. * Its value,' he maintained, * is not 
 merely or chiefly personal or biographical. It will govern 
 the future ; and if we do not give our version of it, others 
 will, I fear, give theirs.' Pusey, in reply, promised to 
 assist him to collect materials for a history of the Oxford 
 Movement. 'But the central figure,* he said, 'should be 
 J. K. ... I should be glad to see it brought out, for J. K. 
 
 Z 2 
 
340 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Dr, Newman^ a Cardinal. 
 
 341 
 
 \\ 
 
 was a mainspring. He published the '* Christian Year," 
 while Newman was just emerging from Evangelicalism, 
 and I was busy with Arabic, in hope of counter-working, 
 with God's help, German rationalism on the Old Testament. 
 The quod ubiqiie seemed to me the strong bulwark of 
 faith ; when hearts had failed, I fell back on my Hebrew 
 criticism.' 
 
 It was but a short time after this that an announcement 
 appeared in the Times of February 18, 1879, that Pope 
 Leo Xni had intimated his desire to make Newman a 
 Cardinal, but that he had excused himself from accepting 
 the purple. The * Life of Cardinal Manning' has lately 
 made known part of the story of this extraordinary announce- 
 ment. The truth was that this honour had been offered 
 to Newman through his ecclesiastical superiors, Bishop 
 Ullathorne and Cardinal Manning, and had been accepted 
 on February 5. Ten days later Cardinal Manning started 
 for Rome bearing Newman's answer, having in some 
 strange manner persuaded himself that Newman had de- 
 clined it. Three days after his departure, he allowed the 
 supposed refusal to be published in the Times. It was of 
 course at once accepted as a statement of the facts. Pusey 
 did not write for some days ; he waited to see whether the 
 offer would be pressed in a form that would oblige Newman 
 to accept it. But as no other announcement appeared, 
 Pusey wrote ten days later, sending a copy of his last 
 Sermon on Prophecy : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. H. Newman. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, March i, 1879. 
 
 I was silent while every one was speaking of the token of confidence 
 shown to you where you would most value it. I am glad both of it 
 and of your declining the outward expression of it. But I did not like 
 to say anything for fear it should be pressed upon you, so that you 
 would not think it right to decline it. But I thought in my inward 
 heart that your place would be higher in heaven for declining all on 
 earth. So I was glad. 
 
 As for your popularity with the Liberal papers, the words came into 
 my mind, * Your fathers killed the prophets, and ye build their sepul- 
 chres,* and I thought, * O that there [had] been a little of this feeling 
 thirty-four years ago ! ' 
 
 Newman had good reason to be annoyed at what had 
 happened, and his reply to Pusey gives full expression to 
 his feelings. He pointed out how unnatural and ungrateful 
 his conduct would have been had he refused an offer so full 
 of generosity and confidence, which wiped away for ever 
 the stigma of thirty years' suspicion and misrepresentation. 
 Pusey could only explain that he would not have written 
 as he did had he not supposed himself to be falling in 
 with Newman's own deliberate choice as expressed in the 
 paragraph in the Times. * I supposed you had a hidden 
 reason for it, and thought that it was the sequel of " I have 
 been honoured and obeyed " ^' 
 
 This correspondence gave rise to the report that Pusey 
 had written to Newman most earnestly begging him to 
 refuse the offer of a Cardinal's hat ; this misstatement he 
 contradicted in a letter to Father Belaney, dated May 20, 
 1879, which was afterwards published in the Weekly 
 Register. 
 
 During the later years of Pusey 's life, there was hardly 
 any work in which he was more deeply interested than in 
 the affairs of the Convalescent Hospital at Ascot, to which 
 allusion has been already made. This Hospital was a 
 branch of the work of the Devonport Sisterhood : it was 
 established by Miss Sellon as a private Hospital for 
 convalescents from London, and had done much good 
 work. The Sisters who were at work in the back streets 
 of the East End had no difficulty in finding many who 
 sorely needed the fresh air and good food which could 
 be had at Ascot. After Miss Sellons death at the end of 
 1876, Pusey took the affairs of the hospital to a great 
 extent into his own hands. Many anxieties crippled the 
 institution : Pusey threw himself into every, even the 
 smallest, detail as if he had no other work to do. He 
 used to spend the Long Vacation in a small house near 
 
 ^ *L}Ta Apostolica,* No. xix. ' Obscurity,' written by Newman. 
 
 * I have been honoured and obeyed, 
 I have met scorn and slight ; 
 And my heait loves earth's sober shade, 
 More than her laughing light.' 
 
342 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 the Hospital called * the Hermitage/ A visitor describes 
 his life there in the summer of 1877 :— 
 
 ' I went to stay at Ascot in July, but he was still quite an invalid, 
 and he used to sit on the heath for a long time most davs, never 
 tired of talking of his hopes and plans for Ascot. He seemed very 
 happy that summer. ... He was scarcely indoors from morning 
 to night ; he used to bring his writing out. He was pleased at many 
 takmg an interest in Ascot, and looked forward to a grand future 
 for it. . . . 
 
 *He spent a great deal in planting trees on each side of the 
 dnve up to the Priory door, because he said he thought they would 
 make the place more attractive to Novices. Else he had the greatest 
 dislike to anything being touched which possessed for him associations 
 with the past. He used to tell me of the pain it was to him when his 
 brother made what were thought improvements at Pusey, and of how 
 he used to get up at night and look out of the window because the 
 horizon looked the same as when he was a boy and the darkness hid 
 the changes. One day I asked him if some Deodaras in a clump at 
 Ascot were not crowding each other, and he said " No," that he had 
 planted them so on purpose, one in the middle and three or four round 
 It, because it had been done at Pusey, and the whole had grown into 
 what looked like one huge tree.' 
 
 He was most anxious to put this work on a sound 
 financial basis. ' It is a pity,* he says, ' that this beautiful 
 air should be wasted.' A large annual subscription had 
 been withdrawn, and a heavy mortgage had to be paid off. 
 He exerted himself to obtain assistance to meet this need, 
 and was most deeply touched by the affectionate act of 
 some personal friends who collected ^,'2,000 for the Hospital 
 and presented it to him as a * memorial of love.' He 
 himself sought also to enlist sympathy with the work on 
 all sides : influential names were obtained to form a com- 
 mittee, including the Earls of Devon, Carnarvon, and 
 Glasgow, Sir William Gull, Dr. Acland, and Dr. Sutton; 
 Dr. Mackarness also, the Bishop of Oxford, after some 
 hesitation and a personal visit of inspection, heartily con- 
 sented to be Visitor. The greatest happiness of all was 
 when Mr. Wood undertook to ask the Princess of Wales 
 to be a Patroness, and she graciously consented. The 
 following letter of thanks to him gives some details of the 
 life there :— 
 
 Ascot Convalescent Hospital. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 
 343 
 
 South Hermitage, Ascot Priory, Bracknell, Aug. i, 1879. 
 
 It is indeed a bright dawn, after the struggles in which you have, 
 under God, been our helper. It has been an anxious time, in which 
 a Hospital, which had so long been a Private Hospital (except in great 
 emergencies, like that visitation of the smallpox), which had sought no 
 friends except among the poor, the maxim of whose foundress was 
 * Don't boast,' had all at once to make its way, amid the thousand 
 claims which are now crying for help. 
 
 What it wanted especially was some names, in which those who 
 had means might have confidence. Other Societies have their long 
 lists of Patrons and Patronesses. They have their connexion amid the 
 rich and the great. This convalescent hospital is away from all in this 
 wonderful air of heath and pine, but doing its quiet work unobserved 
 and unnoticed, save by Him for Whom it is done. 
 
 Its range of relief is of necessity small, for it has but forty beds 
 as yet, though with large capacities, yet what is done is, by God's 
 blessing upon the wonderful air and the care, done solidly. . . . 
 It is a bright place to live and work in, everybody looks happy. 
 From my own ' Hermitage ' I can see them walking in twos or threes. 
 The young women become friends after being here a little while. 
 There must be so much thanksgiving to God and increased love of 
 Him; and though Religion is not forced on them, they are glad to 
 hear about God. 
 
 But the characteristic of the hospital, as I said before, is that * the 
 Sisters of Charity ' working in the East of London can find those whom 
 none else can find; sometimes they hear from a parish doctor that 
 ' the only hope of recovery is going for a few weeks into the country' ; 
 sometimes the eyes of a Sister, quickened by long practice, sees the 
 necessity, and can anticipate the coming illness. 
 
 It would gladden Her Royal Highness's heart if she could see as 
 I do, while recruiting here, the joyous happiness here, and that in 
 contrast with the close unhealthy air in which they pass their days in 
 London. But one must observe them when one's self is unobserved 
 to see the ever-varying brightness, ever forming new combinations, 
 like the toy of my boyhood, a kaleidoscope, or like the ever-varying 
 hues of a summer evening. 
 
 God bless you and yours ;— and Her Royal Highness, whom I hope 
 to remember the more, where we all remember her and hers. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 DR. FARRAr's 'eternal HOPE* PHILIP PUSEY*S DEATH 
 
 — REPLY TO DR. FARRAR. 
 
 1879-1881. 
 
 In November, 1864, Pusey had preached a sermon 
 before the University in defence of the doctrine of Ever- 
 lasting Punishment, which was impugned by the Judgment 
 of the Privy Council in the ' Essays and Reviews ' case. It 
 was of course earnest and impressive, but expressed in 
 carefully measured terms throughout ; the argument was 
 based on the nature of sin, of God's judgments, and of 
 the eternal world, as well as on the express words of our 
 Lord ; and it concluded with a wistful exhortation to each 
 of his undergraduate hearers, * My son . . . listen not to 
 those who repeat to you the tempter's words, " Thou shalt 
 not die." ' 
 
 In 1877 the Rev. F. W. Farrar, Canon of Westminster, 
 preached a course of Sermons, which he published under 
 the title of * Eternal Hope/ These Sermons contained 
 a passionate attack upon ' the common belief in hell ' ; 
 and whatever were the intentions of the preacher or the 
 exact force of his language, his words were commonly 
 understood to include in one sweeping denunciation every 
 form of belief in Everlasting Punishment. When a preacher 
 of such high position in the Church, and great reputation 
 for learning, and undoubted rhetorical ability, threw in his 
 
 / 
 
 Dr. Farrar' s 'Eternal Hope: 345 
 
 weight on this always popular side, it was no wonder that 
 his words were caught up with ready acquiescence, and 
 obtained a wide circulation. 
 
 Pusey felt himself called upon to write an answer to this 
 teaching : not only because of the harm that he found was 
 being done to souls on all sides, but also because of a 
 special challenge to himself which was contained in them. 
 In an excursus at the end of the volume which contained 
 these sermons he was made to appear as a teacher of 
 doctrine so awful that Dr. P^arrar could say, ' I would here, 
 and now, and kneeling on my knees, ask God that I might 
 die as the beasts that perish, and for ever cease to be, rather 
 than that my worst enemy should endure the hell described 
 by . . . Dr. Pusey ^ ... for one single year.' 
 
 In the winter of 1878 Pusey began to prepare his answer. 
 * I am shut up,' he wrote to Newman, ' if one is to call it being 
 shut up, to be enclosed in the magnificent walls in which 
 I have lived nearly one-seventh of the time which has 
 passed since Cardinal Wolsey built them. It is strange to 
 be exempt from all the sufferings which this cold inflicts 
 on the poor ; my comfort is that I could not work for God 
 otherwise.' Then he went on to ask Newman many ques- 
 tions about the ' terrible subject,' as he calls it, apologizing 
 for saddening Christmas by writing about it at all. Shortly 
 afterwards also, writing to Dr. Bright, he alluded to 
 Dr. Farrar's book and its numerous inaccuracies of state- 
 ment, saying that a 'solid answer' would be very valuable. 
 
 His letters give glimpses of his work on this subject 
 from time to time. He devoted to it a large portion of 
 the Long Vacation of 1879 at Ascot. The Rev. J. Skinner, 
 the chaplain of the Hospital, who was Pusey 's nearest 
 neighbour there, wrote of him at this time^ :— 
 
 'August I, 1879. 
 . . . ' The dear doctor comes to me and I to him. ... He is all 
 sweetness and love, and 1 never saw him more vigorous in mind, nor 
 
 * The reference may have been, in 
 part, to a parochial sermon in 1856, 
 which was never published because of 
 
 Its sternness 
 
 •i < 
 
 352. 
 
 Memoir of James Skinner,' p. 
 
34^ 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 do I find him so deaf as last year. He is very keen just now on an 
 answer he is preparing to Farrar. ... No one seems able to hold up 
 against the atmospheric troubles, except the dearest old E. B. P., who 
 is perfectly well and works all day.' 
 
 During this summer he spent a long time, so he tells 
 Liddon, in the minute investigation of what Dr. Farrar 
 called his 'palmary argument,' namely the assertion that 
 the Jews of our Lord's day did not use the word * Gehenna * 
 in the sense of everlasting punishment ; and he came to 
 the conclusion that the argument from the Jewish writers 
 at the commencement of the Christian era went entirely in 
 the opposite direction to that which Dr. Farrar supposed. 
 In such an inquiry Pusey was on ground peculiarly his 
 own. One of the greatest living authorities on Rabbinical 
 writing is reported to have said that the only two Christians 
 of this century who thoroughly understood Rabbinical 
 literature were Delitzsch and Pusey. 
 
 But the work was repeatedly delayed by weak health 
 and heavy correspondence, or rather, as he described it, 
 'God sent him other things to do.' And there was yet 
 another message on its way. On January 5, 1880, he 
 returned to Christ Church from Ascot, and nine days later 
 his only son was suddenly taken from him. For the last 
 twenty-five years, since the marriage of his youngest 
 daughter, Mrs. Brine, Pusey 's son, Philip, had been the 
 only member of his family to share with him ' the large 
 house, once so full' at Christ Church. His continued 
 illnesses had brought the once healthy active child to 
 a physical condition which was a perpetual trial of fortitude 
 and patience : besides other infirmities, he was deaf and 
 a cripple, and was thus excluded from a large portion of 
 ordinary life. But he inherited from his father indomitable 
 energy, deep religious earnestness and singleness of eye, and 
 had learnt from him entire self-devotion to the cause of 
 the Church. He took his degree in 1854, having obtained 
 Second Class Mathematical Honours, both in Moderations 
 and in the Class List of the Final School. To his great 
 regret, his bodily infirmities compelled him to forego his 
 
 Philip Edivard Pttsey. 347 
 
 life-long hope of being ordained ; he therefore gave himself 
 up to theological study, so that he might be of as much 
 help as possible to his father. As was most truly said 
 of him in a review of one of his books ^ : — 
 
 'Piety, in the most comprehensive sense, was indeed the motive 
 power of Philip Pusey's life, and the source of all his strength, active 
 and passive. In him the Fifth Commandment was linked most closely 
 to the First. The profound adoring earnestness with which he would 
 mentally follow the Cathedral services of which he could not distinctly 
 hear a word, was of a piece with the beautiful devotedness which 
 made him accept absolutely his father's directions as to the line in 
 which he was to work for Him, Whom, in the notes to his volume, he 
 repeatedly calls " our Master ".' 
 
 The special tasks that he undertook at his father's 
 suggestion, * in his uniform filial love,' were a critical 
 edition of what Pusey called 'that much undervalued 
 critical authority, the Pcshito,' and a carefully revised edition 
 of the works of St. Cyril of Alexandria, with an English 
 translation of them for the Oxford Library of the Fathers. 
 In this work, with rare self-devotion and true scholarly 
 thoroughness, he compelled his weak deformed body to 
 labours which many an able-bodied student would have 
 declined. In the hope of discovering and collating manu- 
 scripts, he had visited libraries in France, Spain, Italy, 
 Germany, Russia, Mount Athos (of the nineteen monasteries 
 on Mount Athos he visited all in which he had any reason to 
 expect to find Greek manuscripts), Cairo, and Mount Sinai, 
 and had thus formed the completest collection extant of the 
 fragments of St. Cyril. These he had already published with 
 expressions of heartfelt gratitude to God for His continued 
 protection and preservation. At this time he considered 
 that he had still fifteen years' work before him, if his life 
 should be spared so long. But, to use his father's words 
 at the end of the preface to his translation of St. Cyril's 
 treatises on the Incarnation, ' Almighty God was pleased 
 to break off the work " in the midst of the years." ' On the 
 morning of Jan. 15, 1880, Liddon received the following 
 note : — 
 
 * Church Quarterly Review, xxx. p. 258. 
 
348 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Death of Philip Pusey, 
 
 349 
 
 E. H. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Jan. 15, 18S0. 
 
 Your loving heart will grieve that it has pleased God to take my 
 son. Yesterday he was doing things as usual for me : went to the 
 liodleian to get a book for me. After a cheerful evening and being 
 at family prayers, he went upstairs. A fit of apoplexy was God's 
 messenger ; and about 3 he was on his way to the Judgment-seat of 
 Christ. You will pray for him. I was there, but he could not hear 
 a sound. 
 
 Under the shock of the loss and the exhaustion caused 
 by the strain of watching at the side of the death-bed in 
 the long hours of that night, Pusey's feeble health entirely 
 gave way, and for three days Dr. Acland thought that he 
 would have been buried in the same grave with his son. 
 On the next Sunday, in a sermon at Christ Church. Dean 
 Liddell touchingly alluded to this heavy sorrow in the 
 following words : — 
 
 * While 1 am writing this, tidings reach me of the sudden death of 
 the only son of our oldest and most honoured Canon. Most of you 
 must have seen that small emaciated form, swinging itself through the 
 quadrangle, up the steps, or along the street, with such energy and 
 activity as might surprise healthy men. But few of you could know 
 what gentleness and what courage dwelt in that frail tenement. ... In 
 pursuing his studies, whenever it was necessary to consult manuscripts 
 at a distance, he shrank from no journey, however toilsome. Every- 
 where on those journeys he won hearts by his simple, engaging 
 manner, combined with his helplessness and his bravery. He was 
 known in Spain, and Turkey, and Russia : at Paris, or Madrid, or 
 Moscow, the impression was the same. The first question put by the 
 monks of Mount Athos to their next Oxford visitor, was significant, 
 "And how is Philippos?" One might speak of the pleasant smile 
 with which he greeted his friends, his brave cheerfulness under 
 lifelong suffering, and what seemed in him an absolute incapacity of 
 complaining— his delight in children, the sure sign of an innocent and 
 happy temper— his awe and reverence for Almighty God, and constant 
 desire to serve and please Him. When it was brought home to him 
 that his infirmities disabled him from taking Holy Orders, as he had 
 desired to do, he only said, that his wish then was to do what he 
 might be able for God's service at any time and in any way. To such 
 a one, death could have no terror : death could not find him un- 
 prepared. ... I need not say how many prayers have been and are 
 breathed that God Almighty and our Lord Jesus Christ would comfort 
 the bereaved and honoured father, who, just forty years ago, saw her 
 
 who was truly the half of his being interred beneath the pavement of 
 this church, and will now have to see his only son carried to the 
 grave before him. . . . God will comfort him, we trust ; God has 
 comforted him, we know.* 
 
 The Funeral was on the 20th of January. Through the 
 great kindness of the Dean of Christ Church, the body 
 was laid in the small graveyard on the south side of the 
 Cathedral ; the Burial Service was said by Dr. King. It was 
 nearly the end of the month before Pusey had sufficiently 
 recovered to ask where the grave was and for some par- 
 ticulars of the funeral. During these days Liddon was 
 almost the only visitor. Pusey's talk was at first entirely 
 about Philip's life of conformity to the Will of God and 
 devoted work for the Church in the only way that lay open 
 to him when Ordination was found to be impossible. As 
 for his own illness, he expressed a hope that it was not 
 caused by any want of conformity to God's will in taking 
 his son, but that it was only natural in such a case. 
 
 His strength very slowly came back, and he resumed his 
 answer to Dr. Farrar as soon as possible. But the loss of 
 Philip was indeed very great, although his grandson, the 
 Rev. J. E. B. Brine, came to be his companion in his large 
 empty house at Christ Church. ' I am returning,' he wrote 
 to Mr. Wood, ' to my work again. Life is changed for the 
 last time. I thank God that He has retained to me such 
 a son for nearly fifty years.' 
 
 At last, in June, eighteen months after he had commenced 
 his work, he was able to announce its completion. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. R. F. Wilson. 
 
 Christ Church, June 26, 1880. 
 
 ... I have finished at last my little answer to Dr. Farrar's challenge. 
 It has been hard work and will be very dry. The old [original] plan 
 was to make a Catena of Fathers and to put the proofs together 
 that Origenism was condemned by the Fifth General Council. So 
 it is an odd mish-mash. I have tried to answer Dr. Farrar sentence 
 by sentence and hint by hint. I would not leave one out nor 
 conceal it. ... I hope that I have not made many slips. But after 
 my illness, I had to work against time. 
 
350 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The reply is a book ^ of nearly three hundred pages, the 
 last book of any size which came from his pen, and one of 
 the most well-timed and powerful. It is characterized by 
 the minute accuracy and richness of detail that mark all 
 his work. There is no sign of failure of eye or diminution 
 of spiritual force : rather it might be said that in grasp of 
 the full meaning of the position, in cogency of argument 
 and clearness of statement, it equals and perhaps surpasses 
 anything he ever wrote. 
 
 The body of the book is the direct answer to Dr. Farrar. 
 In it, he first sets forth the wide difference between what 
 Dr. Farrar had called ^ the common opinions respecting 
 hell ' and the belief of the Church on the subject. Ac- 
 cording to Dr. Farrar, the 'common opinions' included 
 the belief that ' the majority of mankind will incur ever- 
 lasting punishment and are doomed to it by absolute 
 predestination'; this Pusey showed is the teaching of 
 Calvin and unwarranted by Scripture. The assertion that 
 the 'fire' of hell is 'material' fire is by no means an 
 essential part of the Church's interpretation of our Lord's 
 words, and to maintain that ' the vast mass of mankind die 
 in a state of sin ' implies that we know a great deal more 
 about the secret things of God than is the case. In the 
 following twelve propositions he sums up the arguments 
 which to his mind showed that the Revelation of Ever- 
 lasting Punishment is the correlative of the fact of human 
 freewill : — 
 
 1. Without freewill, man would be inferior to the lower animals, 
 which have a sort of limited freedom of choice. 
 
 2. Absolute freewill implies the power of choosing amiss and, 
 having chosen amiss, to persevere in choosing amiss. It would be 
 self-contradictory that Almighty God should create a free agent 
 capable of loving Him, without being capable also of rejecting His 
 love. 
 
 3. The higher and more complete and pervading the freewill is, 
 the more completely an evil choice will pervade and disorder the 
 whole being. 
 
 * * What is of Faith as to Everlasting rnnishment? in reply to Dr. Farrar*s 
 challenge m his " Eternal Hope," 1879/ By Rev, E. Ij. Pusey, D.D. i88o, 
 
 9 
 
 'What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment?' 351 
 
 4. But without freewill we could not freely love God. Freedom is a 
 condition of love. 
 
 5. In eternity those who behold Him will know what the bliss is, 
 eternally to love Him. But then that bliss involves the intolerable 
 misery of losing Him through our own evil choice. To lose God 
 and be alienated from Him is in itself Hell, or the vestibule of Hell. 
 
 6. But that His creatures may not lose Him, God, when He created 
 all His rational creatures with freewill, created them also in grace, 
 so that they had the full power to choose aright, and could not choose 
 amiss, except by resisting the drawing of God to love Him. 
 
 7. The only hindrance to man's salvation is, in any case, the 
 obstinate misuse of that freewill, with which God endowed him, in 
 order that he might freely love Him. 
 
 8. God wills that all should be saved, if they will it, and to this end 
 gave His Son to die for them, and the Holy Ghost to teach them. 
 
 9. The merits of Jesus reach to every soul who wills to be saved, 
 whether in this life they knew Him or knew Him not. 
 
 10. God the Holy Ghost visits every soul which God has created, 
 and each soul will be judged as it responded or did not respond to 
 the degree of light which He bestowed on it, not by our maxims, 
 but by the wisdom and love of Almighty God. 
 
 11. We know absolutely nothing of the proportion of the saved 
 to the lost, or who will be lost ; but this we do know, that none will be 
 lost, who do not obstinately to the end and in the end refuse God. 
 None will be lost, whom God can save, without destroying in them 
 His own gift of freewill. 
 
 12. With regard to the nature of the sufferings, nothing is matter 
 of faith. No one doubts that the very special suffering will be the 
 loss of God (poena damni) : that, being what they are, they know 
 that they were made by God for Himself, and yet, through their own 
 obstinate will, will not have Him. As to * pains of sense ' the Church 
 has nowhere laid down as a matter of faith, the material character 
 of the worm and the fire, or that they denote more than the gnawing 
 of remorse. Although then it would be very rash to lay down 
 dogmatically, that the 'fire* is not to be understood literally, as it 
 has been understood almost universally by Christians ; yet no one 
 has a right to urge those representations, from which the imagination 
 so shrinks, as a ground for refusing to believe in Hell, since he is left 
 free not to believe them. 
 
 Passing to the discussion of the word alcavios, and of the 
 Jewish belief in Gehenna, on which great stress had been 
 laid, he maintains by means of lengthy quotations that 
 there is no trace of any doubt among the Jews of our 
 Lord's day that punishment would be eternal for those 
 who incurred it, that is, for those ' who to the end would 
 
( 
 
 352 Lt/e of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 not have God as their God.' The main argument concludes 
 with some striking thoughts about the state of the departed 
 which seem to have been suggested by the recent passing 
 away of so many of his friends. The discussion of the doc- 
 trine of Eternal Punishment seemed to him likely to bring 
 out into far greater prominence the value of a right belief 
 in the intermediate state, the comfort of believing in some 
 purifying process after death, the happiness of that oppor- 
 tunity of preparing for the final Beatific Vision, and the 
 value of prayer for the departed. In the following passage 
 he briefly states his own *hope' as regards the eternal 
 world, for himself and for those whom he loved :— 
 
 * Our own consciences may tell us that, our repentance for our sins 
 having been very imperfect, and our own longings for the sight of 
 God, amid this whirl of duties and religious interests, such as we do 
 not like to think of, we are not fit to behold Him. This, perhaps, more 
 than the direct dread of hell, is the source of the fear of death to 
 many. They trust in God's mercy in Christ, that they shall be saved ; 
 but they feel themselves unfit to enter into His Presence. To be 
 admitted into any vestibule of His Presence,— where they can sin 
 no more, and, by longing for that Beatific Vision, may be ever freed 
 from the slough which has clung to them in this life— this is not too 
 high for their hopes ; the thought of this unspeakably allays their fears. 
 
 '*So, as to others also, instead of being haunted with the thought 
 as to some one loved as one's self, "Was he saved?" and longing 
 that God would in some way reveal to us that he was saved, we may 
 commend our departed ones to their Father's care, sure that if they 
 have not, by an obstinate rejection of Him to the last, shut out His 
 grace and love, they are, in whatever mansion of His, still under the 
 shadow of His Hand, longing for their consummation both of body 
 and soul, and prepared and perfected the more by that intense 
 longing ^' 
 
 The rest of the book is an Appendix containing the 
 proofs that Universalism was condemned at the Fifth 
 General Council, and that the early Church undoubtedly 
 could not be claimed on the side of the novel negative 
 
 teaching. 
 
 Pusey felt more misgivings as to the effects of this book 
 than of any other that he ever wrote : but he was relieved by 
 numerous letters expressing the warmest gratitude. The 
 
 * ' What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment?' pp. lii, 122. 
 
 Correspondence with Dr. Farrar, oco 
 
 correspondence showed how great the anxiety of Church- 
 men was, and how necessary it was to expose the crude 
 assumptions and the current misrepresentations of the 
 Church's teaching, which had combined to recommend 
 Universahsm to so many minds. The book is marked by 
 simple loyalty to Revelation, and anxious longing to save 
 souls, and the earnest refusal of false teaching and all that 
 could endanger souls ; but it exhibits, more than any writing 
 of his early years, the true character of an apologetic work. 
 Its pages show that he is able to combine a very clear 
 knowledge of the sin of man and of the love of God with 
 the most vivid realization of the awfulness of the Judg- 
 ment-seat of Christ ; and that he can state truths which 
 rouse the very deepest feelings with fearless sincerity, and 
 yet with a recollectedness and self-restraint which measures 
 every word. 
 
 As soon as the book appeared, Dr. Farrar wrote to the 
 Guardian expressing his agreement with its conclusions on 
 almost every point. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. F. W. Farrar. 
 South Hermitage, Ascot Priory, Bracknell, July 30, 1880. 
 I beg to thank you for the courtesy and kindness with which you 
 I d^se^^l ""^ ""^ '" ^''"' ^^"^^ ^"^ ^^^ Guardian \ so far beyond what 
 
 On two points you have thought that I was expressing my own 
 personal belief when I did not mean to say anything of it. My object 
 was to remove hindrances to the belief in God's awful judgments. 
 I had no occasion to speak of myself. But as you have spoken of my 
 taitn, let me say — ' 
 
 .K \ iT ?f ^? ^^ ^^^^ ^"^ "^""^^^ ^^^^"^ ^^^'"^s of undisputed authority, 
 tha the belief that there are 'pains of sense' in Hell is not essential 
 to the belief in Hell itself, so that those, who have a strong feeling 
 against the belief in them, need not, on that account, disbelieve 
 Heil itself. There was no occasion to say, that I do myself believe 
 that there will be * pains of sense,' although unutterably less than the 
 pain of the loss' of God. So I said nothing about myself: but it 
 seems to me to have been the Christian belief from the first, and 
 so I believe it. 
 
 2. I do strongly hope that the great mass of mankind will be saved, 
 all whom God could save without destroying their free-agency. He 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 * Guardian of July 28, 1880, p. icx)o. 
 
 A a 
 
r 
 
 354 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 does not draw us like stocks and stones, but as beings whom He has 
 endowed with the power freely to love Him. But since God has only 
 spoken of His Will to save us, and has not said whether mankmd 
 will accept that Will for them I could have no belief on the subject. 
 1 left it blindly in the Hands of God (p. 281). 
 
 If I had had time, I would have rewritten my book, and would have 
 said, * You seem to me to deny nothing which I beHeve. You do not 
 deny the eternal punishment of *' souls obstinately hard and finally 
 impenitent." I believe the eternal punishment of no other. Who 
 they are, God alone knows.' I should have been glad to begm with 
 what we believe in common, and so to say. There is no need then 
 to theorize about a new trial. 
 
 But I heard, on different sides, that the absence of any answer to 
 your book was perplexing people's minds or destroying their belief 
 in Hell The answer to what you called your * palmary argument 
 about the belief of the Jews in our Lord's time belonged to my office 
 as Hebrew Professor. Very much time had been lost through my 
 different illnesses. So I dared not delay any longer, and was obliged 
 to leave my book in a shape which I regretted, as a personal answer 
 to yourself, instead of simply removing the objections against belief, 
 which the Church (I wished to show) inherited from our Lord. 
 
 Dr. Farrar replied, expressing his agreement with Pusey 
 excepting only on one point : — 
 
 Rev. F. W. Farrar to E. B. P. 
 
 July 31, 1880. 
 
 1 am much obliged to you for your kind letter. My own letter to 
 the Guardian was only the sincere expression of my respect and 
 esteem, and also of the deep gratitude with which 1 find that my 
 views are not so widely opposed to those of Churchmen like yourself, 
 as some have angrily asserted. Your twelve theses I accept unre- 
 servedly. My main divergence from the view commonly supposed 
 to be the sole orthodox one, lies in this point-that whereas you and 
 others hold that God may reach many souls, as He reached the soul 
 of the penitent malefactor, in the hour of death, I have rather believed 
 that the moment of death was not necessarily, and for all, the final 
 irreversible moment of determination respecting the endless years 
 beyond. I do not think that I have ever dwelt on the conception 
 of a new ' probation ' ; and I am perfectly willing to substitute for it 
 the conception of a future * purification' for those who have not utteriy 
 extinguished the Grace of God in their hearts, if that be the more 
 
 Catholic view. . 
 
 Of course there are points of criticism, detail, and exegesis on which 
 I must examine with some care the powerful arguments which you 
 have brought forward, especially as to the view of * Gehenna ' in our 
 Lord's day. Whether I shall have leisure for this, I do not know ; 
 for it has pleased God to give me a life burdened with so many daily 
 
 Correspondence zvith Dr. Farrar. occ 
 
 cares and occupations that I have never had any leisure for the 
 thoroughness of exhaustive research at which, by His aid, I should 
 otherwise a.m. But meanwhile I am very sure that your statement of 
 what is not dejide on this solemn and awful subject, will bring comfort 
 to thousands who have been taught from childhood that they are bound 
 to believe a far more merciless set of opinions than those which you 
 maintain are solely essential to Christian faith on this subject. 
 
 With a view to Dr. Farrar 's reply, Pusey thought it good 
 to direct his attention to the main errors of his book. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Rev. F. W. Farrar. 
 South Hermitage, Ascot Priory, Bracknell, Aug. 3 [1880]. 
 It is a great rehef to me that you can substitute the conception 
 of a future purification for those who have not utteriy extinguished the 
 
 Shi "^^^^^^J""'^ ' ''-'^ -^' P"^ y- - ^— y 
 Forgive me, but I think that in your eagerness to overthrow the 
 narrow 1 suppose, Calvinistic) opinions in which you were educated 
 you took up the arguments which came to hand without weighing 
 them 1 wish that you had not written in such haste. Apart from 
 he question of R. Akiba's Jewish Gehenna having been subsequent to 
 he time of our Lord, you did not observe that a Gehenna of at most 
 twelve months is entirely at variance with any meaning which could 
 be attached to the word aJino., and which you yourself attach to it. 
 Then, also, I thmk, that you did not observe that the passages of Holy 
 Scripture, which you alleged were all Universalis! ', included Satan 
 whose case you wished to leave on one side, or were nothing. Indeed, 
 the aeonian fire, if a purifying fire, would, according to our Blessed 
 Lords words (St. Matt. xxv. 41), have been expressly created for 
 Satan and his angels to save them. I think too that you have fixed 
 your eyes exclusively on the one side of the question, the exceptions 
 which you thought could be found, and did not take time to think, on 
 VVhose word the awful doctrine, as believed by the incomparably la;ger 
 body of Christians, rested. We have got so into the habit of bandying 
 about arguments as to the meaning of the word o,'«.«or, that we lose 
 sight, for the time, Whose word it is. If our Lord had been a mere 
 human teacher, it would have been a great mistake to use a word 
 which His disciples would for the most part take, if so be, in a wrong 
 sense. A Socinian would find no difliculty in this : but for us who 
 believe our Lord to have been God, it would be inconceivable. 
 I neglected this argument in my book^ As you have borne so 
 kindly with all which I had said before, I venture to send you the 
 pages of the second edition in which I have urged this (pp. 46, 48). 
 
 1 ]' '■ ?"8Eesti>e, /aitn by themselves, of the Universalist conclusion. 
 I.e. Ill ibejirst eaxuon. 
 
 A a 2 
 
356 Life of Edward Boiiverie Piisey. 
 
 I did not send you the book in the first instance, because I thought it 
 would be provocative. I published it, thinking it a dry book, to do 
 whatever God might employ it for. 
 
 in 
 
 the 
 
 Newman acknowledged a copy of the book 
 following letter. 
 
 Cardinal Newman to E. B. P. 
 
 The Oratory, Aug. 4. 1880. 
 
 I have been writing to you every day to thank you ^^ y"j;°'"™«^ 
 It is as all you do, thorough in its research, and sure to be useful to 
 io u; and hLble minds, and those, I t-t «e -any Vo"-rg"- 
 ments, as addressed to them, are strong. For these 1 conceive the 
 
 '^^:.:tlt:^^^^^^^^o.,W.^, ..me., seir-relylng, for whom 
 I conceive it is not intended. ' Nothing can make me believe it-it is 
 Latastr^y nature. What is a score of Fathers to me! What .s 
 aCn generations? I rather believe St. Matthew wrong than such 
 
 a doctrine true.' , , u ^^« ,,,>., m 
 
 Thank you for making use of me once and again. I wish one could 
 do something to make the doctrine less terrible to so many minds ; 
 but its being terrible is its very profit. 
 
 In spite of many reassuring answers Pusey was still afraid 
 that he might be misunderstood, and that some readers 
 might interpret his language about Purification so as to 
 justify moral indifference, or diminish the fear of the Hell 
 of the lost. He expresses these fears to the Warden of 
 Keble College. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Warden of Keble College. 
 
 South Hermitage, Ascot, August 12, 1880. 
 . I must correct in some note to the third edition of my book 
 rwhich I am expecting) two statements of Dr. Farrar : i. that I believe 
 Ltte worr^ a'nrthe fire are figurative. I myself believe the fire is 
 ^lasensus (the belief is so uniform, from St. Polycarp downwards) 
 {"X say that those who do not, need not think that on that account 
 they disbelieve hell, since they are not bound to believe it. 
 
 2 I say nothing about the proportion of the saved and the lost, 
 except that we know nothing about it. . , , , ... , _^^^ 
 
 I Llose a sheet of the second edition, which I hope will have more 
 eff ct ttn aVbesides. Some will say, ^ I'd rather think St. Matthew 
 wrong than believe such a doctrine,' who would yet sbnnk from r^ect- 
 ing the doctrine, if they saw that that rejection involved that our 
 Blessed Lord did not foresee the effect of His own words. 
 
 Correspondence on ' What is of Faith ? ' 357 
 
 1 suppose that this generation has been wiser than Almighty God, 
 that whereas He used those two most powerful motives, love and 
 fear— fear to drive us back to His love— we have thought that we 
 could do His work with one only. 
 
 I was so busy in answering Dr. Farrar's book, step by step, that 
 I myself omitted to ask, 'What do those who disbelieve Eternal 
 Punishment think that God became Man for?' Eternal Punishment 
 and the Incarnation cast light upon each other. God did not, we 
 must think, become Man to remedy a passing evil. 
 
 Our Lord says, ' In My Father's house there are many mansions.' 
 As Cardinal Newman said, 'There are (almost) infinite degrees of 
 holiness and nearness to God.' Only not infinite because number 
 (and so the numbers of our race) is finite. Whatever mansion the 
 Aztecs may be placed in, or those who never heard of the love of 
 Jesus, it does not follow that they will be placed in the same mansion 
 as the Seraphim, or those who have most grown in that love. But 
 those who have ' resisted law or power or a high ideal ' resist also the 
 workings of God the Holy Ghost, and would probably resist His 
 working by an appeal through His love. How for centuries was the 
 Cross the special scandal of the heathen ! * Him, you mean, who was 
 crucified ? ' was their taunt. The Jews still have a special hatred of the 
 Cross. 
 
 Must we not suppose that very many who disbelieved Noah's 
 preaching, and so went on marrying and giving in marriage till the 
 Flood came, may still have repented, so as to escape the eternal 
 punishment, though too late to escape the temporal ? These (I have 
 supposed) were they who were kept in ward for those millennia until 
 our Lord went to announce to them their deliverance. 
 
 I think that it is generally supposed that Sodom in Ezekiel is 
 a symbolic name, though it is not agreed for what, but that it relates 
 to some future conversion on this earth. 
 
 It seems a very prosaic explanation of our Lord's words, 'it would 
 have remained unto this day,' of a partial conversion of these cities. 
 Yet they seem to me to refer back to God's saying to Abraham, that 
 He would spare it, if even ten righteous should be found in it. It 
 would have remained; for that temporal judgment would not have 
 fallen upon it. 
 
 The next year Dr. Farrar issued a reply entitled ' Mercy 
 and Judgment.' Pusey did not think it good to write 
 again : he did not desire a controversial victory : he had 
 already stated the truth as he held it. As he often said, 
 he greatly disliked arguments of the ' I said,' ' you said/ 
 * I meant,' * you suggested ' order. Statements of this kind 
 had to do with personal matters, he thought, not with the 
 assertion of the truth. 
 
r 
 
 ! 
 
 i 
 
 358 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Piisey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 July 10, 1881. 
 
 I would not disturb your short holiday about Dr. Farrar. So I told 
 him I should write for advice from one whose opinion I valued ; that, 
 at almost eighty-one, I must concentrate what I would do for God ; 
 that I had written what I wrote because, although he declared himself 
 not to be an Universalist, his arguments, I thought, were, and were 
 used as an encouragement in sinful living, but that there was no good 
 in a see-saw, and that I should not read his book unless advised. 
 I said, too, that I had been advised to leave Mr. Oxenham's book 
 alone, and meant to leave it. . . . As Dr. Farrar claimed to believe 
 what I believe, I just began looking at his summary, but I did not see 
 anything more definite than before, so I left it. 
 
 The reply to Dr. Farrar was Pusey's last great public 
 contribution to the defence of the Faith. The battle with 
 unbelief in Oxford and elsewhere was frequently the subject 
 of his later letters and of his private conversations. Two 
 such letters to one of his oldest surviving friends in the 
 University are here given, as representing his way of 
 regarding the struggle in his latest days. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Professor (now Sir H. W.) Acland. 
 
 Nov. 1879. 
 
 As for this place I trust that things are at their worst now. I have 
 given up struggles which I once made ; the battle as to all outward 
 things is lost. Well, then we are in the state of which Zechariah was 
 told * Jerusalem shall be inhabited as towns without walls, for I, saith 
 the Lord, will be unto her a wall of fire round about her, and the glory 
 in the midst of her.' 
 
 There never was so much unbelief as now. I dread the com- 
 promisers much more than the antagonists. But there is also a rising 
 set of men who have hearts on fire, and will do much, please God. 
 So I leave people to go their own way, and I quote the words 
 
 * 1 do the little I can do 
 
 And leave the rest to Thee.* 
 
 So I am in good heart and we may the more work God's Will, — 
 
 the more because we cannot work our own. 
 
 [1880.] 
 
 Your last words to-day were that there were * very great difficulties.* 
 
 I see but one, insoluble in this life, * Why did God create us ? ' Why 
 
 did God will to create beings with free wills to accept or reject Him ? 
 
 All the evils and difficulties around one, in time and in eternity, are 
 
 from man's free agency. I can only look on the bright side of the 
 
 question — How God must love us and our free love that He should 
 
 create us for His love, notwithstanding all the miserable consequences 
 
 of rejecting Him. 
 
 I 
 
 Correspondence on Scientific Difficulties. 359 
 
 As for doctrines about which people tormented themselves last 
 century,— as the Being of God, Three Persons in One God,— they, to 
 me, remove difficulties. To me the abstract Deity of the Deists or 
 Theists, existing isolated, in a dreary solitude, would be absolutely 
 unintelligible. We cannot of course understand Three in One. But 
 we can understand Eternal Infinite Love, which God the Father is, 
 loving eternally the Co-eternal Son, Who is Love Infinite, in the 
 Holy Ghost, Each inexisting in Each. We cannot understand here 
 why God endowed us with a free will like His own ; that He has made 
 us free, as He is free; that He will not force our will which is the 
 finite image of His own ; that He, so to say, respects it, even while, 
 through sorrow or through joy, or through the aching of the heart, 
 He teaches us that He made our soul for Himself, and that nothing 
 but Himself can content it. 
 
 This is a wonderful picture. The soul in its unfettered free will 
 (not a stick or stone, to be dragged) whom God, in each man, woman, 
 child, cares for, loves, and would draw to Himself, even if in this life 
 it knows Him not, yet feels after Him. 
 
 O then, Sursum corda, Sursum corda. 
 Lift your faces to the skies 
 God Himself shall be your prize. 
 
 The source of all the unbelief, misbelief, and half-belief around 
 us is that the minds have not brought to themselves this conception. 
 All [difficulties] disappear when one believes God and Jesus, and 
 minds believe in Jesus as they know Him. 
 
 11 
 
 THE HERMITAGE, ASCOT PRIORY. 
 
..w-g. ' .- 1 ...a t»jL.i:u J .— ' * .— t ,- ^.< ' 
 
 358 
 
 Z/y^ (/ Edward Bouvcrie Pnsey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. I'. Liddon, D.I). 
 
 July 10, 1881. 
 
 I would nt)t disturb your short holiday about Dr. Farrar. So I told 
 him I should write for advice from one whose opinion I valued ; that, 
 at almost eighty-one, I must concentrate what I would do for C.od ; 
 that I had written what I wrote because, although he declared himself 
 not to be an Universalist, his arguments, I thought, were, and were 
 used as an encouragement in sinful living, but that there was no good 
 in a see-saw, and that I should not read his book unless advised. 
 I said, too, that I had been advised to leave Mr. Oxenham's book 
 alone, and meant to leave it. . . . As Dr. Farrar claimed to believe 
 what I believe, I just began looking at his summary, but I did not see 
 anything more definite than before, so I left it. 
 
 The reply to Dr. Farrar was Pusey's last great public 
 
 contribution to the defence of the Faith. The battle with 
 
 unbelief in Oxford and elsewhere was frequently the subject 
 
 of his later letters and of his private conversations. Two 
 
 such letters to one of his oldest surviving friends in the 
 
 University are here given, as representing his way of 
 
 regarding the struggle in his latest days. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Professor (now Sir H. \V.) Acland. 
 
 Nov. 1879. 
 
 As for this place 1 trust that things are at their worst now. I have 
 given up struggles which I once made ; the battle as to all outward 
 things is lost. Well, then we are in the state of which Zechariah was 
 told 'Jerusalem shall be inhabited as towns without walls, for I, saith 
 the Lord, will be unto her a wall of fire round about her, and the glory 
 in the midst of her.' 
 
 There never was so much unbelief as now. I dread the com- 
 promisers much more than the antagonists. But there is also a rising 
 set of men who have hearts on fire, and will do much, please God. 
 So I leave people to go their own way, and I quote the words 
 
 ' 1 do the little I can do 
 
 And leave the rest to Thee.* 
 
 So I am in good heart and we may the more work God's Will, — 
 
 the more because we cannot work our own. 
 
 [1880.] 
 
 Your last words to-day were that there were * very great difficulties.* 
 
 I see but one, insoluble in this life, 'Why did (iod create us?' Why 
 
 did God will to create beings with free wills to accept or reject Him? 
 
 All the evils and difficulties around one, in time and in eternity, are 
 
 from man's free agency. I can only look on the bright side of the 
 
 question — How God must love us and our free love that He should 
 
 create us for His love, notwithstanding all the miserable consequences 
 
 of rejecting Him. 
 
 
 Correspondence on Scientific Difficidties. 359 
 
 As for doctrines about which people tormented themselves last 
 century,-as the lieing of God, Three Persons in One God,-^they, to 
 me, remove difficulties. To me the abstract Deity of the Deists or 
 Theists, existing isolated, in a dreary solitude, would be absolutely 
 unintelligible. We cannot of course understand Three in One. But 
 we can understand Eternal Infinite Love, which God the Father is, 
 loving eternally the Co-eternal Son, Who is Love Infinite, in the 
 Holy Ghost, Each inexisting in Each. We cannot understand here 
 why God endowed us with a free will like His own ; that He has made 
 us free, as He is free ; that He will not force our will which is the 
 finite image of His own : that He, so to say, respects it, even while, 
 through sorrow or through joy, or through the aching of the heart, 
 He teaches us that He made our soul for Himself, and that nothing 
 but Himself can content it. 
 
 This is a wonderful picture. The soul in its unfettered free will 
 (not a stick or stone, to be dragged) whom God, in each man, woman, 
 child, cares for, loves, and would draw to Himself, even if in this life 
 it knows Him not, yet feels after Him. 
 
 O then, Sursiim corda, Sursiim corda. 
 Lift your faces to the skies 
 God Himself shall be your prize. 
 
 The source of all the unbelief, misbelief, and half-belief around 
 us is that the minds have not brought to themselves this conception. 
 All [difficulties] disappear when one believes God and Jesus, and 
 minds believe in Jesus as they know Him. 
 
 THK HERMITAGE, ASCOT PRIORY. 
 
 \\ 
 
 \ 
 
li' 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 VARIOUS LETTERS ON CHURCH TROUBLES — PERSECUTION 
 OF THE CHURCH IN FRANCE — RITUALISM — ' UNLAW* 
 
 DEATH OF DEAN STANLEY — IMPRISONMENT OF 
 
 THE REV. S. F. GREEN REVISED VERSION OF THE 
 
 NEW TESTAMENT — DECEASED WIFe's SISTER BILL — 
 
 CARDINAL Newman's portrait — mozley's reminis- 
 cences — letters to children — letter written 
 on his last birthday. 
 
 1880-1882. 
 
 In his eightieth year Pusey was no longer able to take 
 that prominent part in public events which has caused the 
 record of his life to be, to a great extent, an account of the 
 more salient facts of the recent history of the English 
 Church. But from the thick walls of Christ Church in the 
 winter, and from the pine woods of Ascot in the summer, 
 he still watched what was going on, and, so far as his 
 health permitted, gave advice and encouragement to those 
 dear friends who in their turn were now fighting the good 
 fight. This result of advancing years has necessitated 
 a corresponding change in the form of the last few chapters : 
 a full account of the events to which they refer would have 
 taken the reader too far away from Pusey himself. Still 
 more in the two years that remain, his letters must be 
 given with only enough introduction to make them 
 intelligible. 
 
 The Public Worship Regulation Act of 1 874 had been 
 designed to exterminate the Ritualists: but Mordecai is 
 
 f! 
 
 Church Troubles. 
 
 361 
 
 not always hanged on the gallows which Haman erects 
 for him. The ruthless application of this measure tended 
 insensibly, as Pusey had always predicted, towards the 
 toleration of that Ritual which it was intended to destroy. 
 The ' Church Association ' had mercilessly used its summary 
 methods to enforce an inaccurate interpretation of the 
 Rubrics, and consequently at the end of 1879 Mr. Mac- 
 konochie was under a sentence of suspension, and three 
 other clergymen were on the way to prison for refusing 
 to disobey the grammatical meaning of the Prayer-book. 
 Public opinion began to regard this state of things as 
 intolerable, and the High Church party was consolidated 
 by such persecution, more thoroughly than they had ever 
 been since the early days of the Ritual movement. In 
 Advent, 1879, Pusey, while the persecution was at its 
 height, was urged to issue an address to the English 
 Church Union ; he took the opportunity of giving them 
 the counsels most needful for the persecuted and irritated ; 
 — warning them to distinguish between a mere partisan zeal 
 for a good cause and a sincere love of God Himself, and 
 biddmg them not to be censorious towards their opponents, 
 or forgetful of the need of self-abasement. If they would 
 contend for Sacramental truth and the freedom of Con- 
 fession, he told them that one of the best weapons they 
 could select would be careful preparation for, and thanks- 
 giving after, the Holy Communion combined with a growth 
 in real penitence. The old Tractarian times were ever 
 vividly present to his mind, and the robust reality of those 
 early heahhful days of stern self-discipline. 
 
 The troubles of the political world made less direct 
 appeal to him; but he noted them with sorrow and 
 distress. Of some he writes : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 
 April 3, 1880. 
 . . . What a turmoil poor England is in, and how fierce the words ! 
 I fear that there must have been a good deal of wood, hay, stubble 
 
 built up With the politics themselves, I, of course, have nothing to 
 
 do. But people seem [either] to forget that our Lord ever said anything 
 about idle words, or to think that the Apostle said, * Speak evil one of 
 
 
I 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 t 
 
 I 
 
 362 
 
 Life of Edivard Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 another, brethren.* They would keep it most diligently, if he had. 
 I often think that if the ' not ' had been left out, it would have been 
 one of the best kept of all God's commands. A very superior and self- 
 observant spiritual daughter of mine said to me, some thirty-five years 
 ago, ' I have changed the question which I put to myself. I used to ask 
 myself, ''May I say this, to the disadvantage of another ? " and I always 
 found a reason for it. Now I ask myself, " Must I say this ? " and 
 I never find a reason for it.' I only tell this as a striking rule, for it is 
 of course a duty to keep God's commandments unless some higher 
 duty of love makes an exception. You yourself are always oil on the 
 waters. 
 
 Again, on being asked by the same correspondent to join 
 in an expression of sympathy with the Church in France in 
 her sufferings at the hand of the State, he repHes : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon C. L. Wood. 
 
 July 2, 1880. 
 
 The majority of the Vatican Council crushed me. I have not 
 touched any book of Roman controversy since. Pope Pius IX devised 
 and carried two new articles of faith ; and the absolute personal 
 infallibility of the Pope, to which they sacrificed Dollinger, stands in 
 my way, contradicting history. All other questions sink into nothing 
 before this. Our Creeds must be reformed : ' I believe in the Pope,' 
 instead of ' I believe the Holy Catholic Church.' I have no heart left. 
 I could not, the other day, read some Encyclical of the present Pope 
 because I did not know whether I was to read it as a third or a thirtieth 
 general Epistle of St. Peter. 
 
 My only hope is that Antichrist will somehow drive the Church 
 
 into one. . . . 
 
 I never read a paper. Of course the persecution of the Jesuits in France 
 is Antichrist. It used to be said that ' St. Ignatius prayed that his 
 Order might always be persecuted.' He thought persecution so good 
 for it. I have verified the statement. 
 
 But the present Ultramontane Archbishop of Paris could only make 
 an Address to him an occasion of telling us that he hoped that we 
 should soon return to the fold. You are young and sanguine. . . . 
 
 Thirty years earlier, at a great public meeting in St. 
 Martin's Hall, when some of his friends wished him to 
 commit himself to some ambiguous statements in opposi- 
 tion to the Roman Church, Pusey had said ^ that in prefer- 
 ence to any merely verbal anti-Roman declaration he would 
 give one satisfactory proof of his conviction that he was 
 already in the true Fold — a proof that would admit of 
 
 ' Vol. iii. p. 382. 
 
 Letter on Ritualism, 
 
 363 
 
 no contradiction— by dying in the bosom of the Church of 
 England : the time for that evidence was now very near. 
 
 As the struggle about Ritual went on, Pusey threw in 
 his lot more and more definitely with those who were 
 being persecuted. In a letter to the Times in January, 
 1881, he expressed himself in terms of much clearer accord 
 with them than he would have done ten years earlier. He 
 was writing to identify himself with the Memorial which 
 Dean Church had presented to the Archbishop of Canter- 
 bury, claiming toleration in Ritual. It was arranged that 
 Pusey should not sign it ; his separate support it was 
 thought would have greater weight. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 Jan. 14, 1881. 
 
 ... Whatever mistakes any of the Ritualists made formerly, no 
 Ritualist would now, I believe, wish to make any change without the 
 hearty goodwill of the people. But all along those who have closely 
 observed the Ritual movement have seen that it has been especially 
 the work of the laity. While the clergyman has been hesitating, his 
 parishioners have often presented him with the Vestments which they 
 wished him to wear. Mr. Enraght and Mr. Mackonochie have not 
 been strugghng for themselves but for their people. St. Alban's was built 
 by a pious High Church layman, in what was one of the worst localities 
 m London. It is now full of a religious population, who join intelligently 
 m the service provided for them and love it. Agents of the Church 
 Association tried in vain for years to find a third parishioner in the 
 Mission at the London docks, to disturb the ritual of the priest who 
 had won them to God, and whom, with the ritual which he had 
 taught them, they loved— Mr. Lowder. . . . 
 
 What the Dean of St. Paul's asks for, is simply that toleration which 
 is accorded to every one else. The toleration granted to the Broad 
 Church IS so large that it has publicly been said to be an anachronism 
 when a clergyman parted from the Church of England because he 
 disbelieved the Incarnation and Resurrection of our Lord. The Low 
 Church pain many communicants by the administration of the Holy 
 Communion to * railfuls ' ; but this requires the alteration of the words 
 with which it is given, not of a rubric only. The Ritualists do not ask 
 to interfere with the devotions of others— only to be allowed, in their 
 worship of God, to use a Ritual which a few years ago no one disputed, 
 and that only when their congregations wish it. Of the Judgment 
 which forbade it, the Lord Chief Baron Kelly said that it was * a Judg- 
 ment of policy, not of law.' 
 
 The Memorial to which the letter refers was a formal 
 
 ai 
 
w 
 
 364 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey^ 
 
 i 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 reply of a large number of influential clergy to the question 
 of the Archbishop of Canterbury, ' What do you want ? ' 
 The Memorial said that peace could only be obtained by 
 the toleration of divergences in Ritual. In a Letter to 
 Liddon, which he published early in 1881, under the title 
 of ' Unlaw in judgments of the Judicial Committee and its 
 remedies/ Pusey sketched the remedy that he would suggest. 
 The Letter is a valuable rhiimi oi the history of the High 
 Church party in their struggles in the courts of law. In 
 a review of all the cases since 1850, he shows that his 
 friends had been in a state of continuous protest against 
 the Final Court of Appeal, and that there could be no 
 peace until that Court was reformed, the moderate ritual 
 of our Prayer-book tolerated, and the indefensible decisions 
 in the Purchas and Ridsdale cases superseded. This 
 pamphlet is not only his last, but also one of his most 
 effective utterances on the subject : he himself was well 
 aware that his opponents would find difficulty in dealing 
 with its statements: he described it as 'something like 
 a hedgehog/ 
 
 Pusey sent a copy of this Letter on * Unlaw' to 
 Mr. Gladstone among other friends. In reply, Mr. Glad- 
 stone informed him confidentially that it had been arranged 
 that the Archbishop should apply for a Royal Commission 
 to inquire into the whole of the troubled question about 
 Ecclesiastical Courts. He added that in the correspondence 
 on this proposal, he had noticed a most conciliatory spirit 
 on the part of the Archbishop, and that his whole tone, 
 judging from a recent Charge and private conversation and 
 conference, seemed entirely changed. Mr. Gladstone further 
 assured Pusey that he was convinced that the Archbishop 
 was now honestly bent on a work of peace in the Church ; 
 * When I think of the days of the Public Worship Regu- 
 lation Act,' he added, ' I can hardly believe him to be the 
 same man.' Pusey sent on the note to Liddon ; it seemed 
 an answer to all his prayers for peace for so many years, 
 but he was unable in this case, as in many others, to 
 understand why the Archbishop had been so slow to see 
 
 Unlaw. ^ 
 
 365 
 
 the strength of the position of those whom he had so 
 doggedly opposed. 
 
 Soon after this, on July 18, 1881, Dr. Stanley, the Dean 
 of Westminster, passed away. Throughout all his active 
 life he had been the most ardent and consistent champion 
 of the Broad Church party. His conception of the nature of 
 the Church of Christ and its doctrine, and of the true 
 policy for the Church in England, was in direct contra- 
 diction to all that Pusey held to be most vital. Every one 
 must have felt the charm of his high character and personal 
 attractiveness, even when they most disagreed with him. 
 But the differences which separated him from the High 
 Church party were wide and fundamental ; they were, in fact, 
 bound up with the very first principles of Religion. It is 
 necessary to keep this in mind when seeking to estimate 
 the attitude which Pusey adopted towards him, as for 
 instance in the controversy described in the earlier part 
 of this volume. His words may often seem stern, and 
 even wanting in Christian charity. But the questions 
 at stake could never be to him mere academical points to 
 be discussed, they were vital truths to be maintained ; 
 truths moreover, which each in his several way was 
 bound to defend at all costs, and for which they must 
 severally give account before the bar of a Just Judge, Who 
 knows no respect of persons. It may well be, that as he 
 now reflected on the life of his brother Canon, whose 
 career had been suddenly arrested, and recalled their 
 common life, as members of the same Chapter, and the 
 frequent controversies which had separated them on matters 
 of the deepest importance, he would cast about for some 
 hidden causes, which all unconsciously might have turned 
 that brilliant intellect into those channels which seemed 
 to him so divergent from the Faith, and set himself to think 
 whether in any way he himself was to blame, in want of 
 sympathy or faithful proclamation of the Truth. For Death 
 is a stem end to controversy. They are thoughts such as 
 these, which crowd into a letter which he wrote the day 
 after the Dean's death : — 
 
 ) 
 
Ir' 
 
 366 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 n 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 July 19, 1881. 
 
 The leaves have been dropping so fast that nothing startles me. 
 They fall according to God's law, whatever it is ; only one is sure 
 that it is one which one does not understand. One only thinks 
 of the Judgment seat of Christ and accompanies each there. . . . 
 How overwhelming that sight must be ! One can only say, * Lord, 
 remember me in Thy kingdom,' with the dying thief, though without 
 his excuses. ' Rock of ages, cleft for me, let me hide myself in Thee.* 
 ... 1 trust he was taken away from the evil to come. He was, alas ! 
 a Hebrew pupil of mine own, and 1 did nothing for him. 
 
 When the efiforts to obtain the release of the Rev. S. F. 
 Green, Vicar of Miles-Platting, one of the imprisoned 
 Ritualists, had for the time failed, he wrote to Mr. Wood :— 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 
 Aug. 6, 1 88 1. 
 
 Lord Penzance's jurisdiction is made then as stringent as human law 
 can make it. Our efforts to obtain Mr. (ireen's freedom and restore 
 him to the people whom he loves and who love him, and some of 
 whom must owe their souls to him, have failed : and he lies a State 
 prisoner in a felon's gaol. It might have been my own case, if the 
 persecuting party had been consistent. For the same Judgment which 
 forbade wearing and using what the letter of the Prayer-book directs, 
 forbade also our celebrating the Holy Eucharist as our Blessed Lord 
 celebrated it, in wine mingled with water. 1 did it, and called the 
 attention of the persecuting party to my doing it. I had not the same 
 strong ground, as Mr. Green, for there is no direction in our Prayer- 
 book to mingle water with the wine, but only a custom since our Lord 
 instituted it. No Church Court, no Consistory, no jury of twelve honest 
 Englishmen could have said that a clergyman ought to be sent to 
 prison, for doing what the letter of the Prayer-book bids him do. 
 Had the persecutors obtained a sentence against me for celebrating 
 Holy Communion as our Blessed Lord did, in wine mingled with 
 water, I must have been writing this in the Castle at Oxford. 
 I challenged them to do their worst. 
 
 I only mention my own case, because it looks so selfish to talk 
 quietly about Mr. Green's remaining in Lancaster Castle, while one's 
 self is in God's free air, unless one had had to face the same result ; 
 and not I only, but he too, to whom throngs are listening in hushed 
 silence in St. Paul's. 
 
 Hampden and the Shipmoney will be a proverb as long as English 
 history shall last. Ungrateful as the Government of William and Mary 
 were to the Seven Bishops, who were imprisoned in the Tower of 
 London, they did their work - by suffering first, at the hands of James ; 
 
 Letter on Mr. Green's imprisonment. 367 
 
 and then, as Nonjurors, they remained long the salt of the English 
 Church. 
 
 In the Gospel, suffering is the royal road to victory. For it is the 
 road which our Master's sacred feet trod, and consecrated it by their 
 blood. 'Yourselves know,' St. Paul says, 'that we are appointed 
 thereunto.' True, our prisons are pleasant places which cannot be 
 named in the same breath with those loathsome places in which 
 St. Paul approved himself ' by imprisonments.' But every trial has its 
 own weight. We all love liberty and free air, and power to work for 
 our Lord. And Mr. Green must lie, deprived of the power of working 
 directly for souls and for his Lord, unless he will own, in fact, that he 
 did amiss in following a distinct direction of the Prayer-book, and 
 giving to his people a service which they loved. 
 
 We can do nothing. The prison is shut with all safety and men's 
 wills are more iron than the locks. But ' the Lord Who dwelleth on 
 high is mightier.' He ' looseth men out of prison.' Only let us ask 
 Him earnestly, and He will either open the prison doors, or make this 
 prolonged imprisonment be, in what way He willeth and knoweth, to 
 His Glory. 
 
 The issue of the Revised Version of the New Testament 
 in 1881 was very far from a pleasure to him. It seemed 
 to warrant all the fears that he had expressed when the 
 Committee was originally appointed. He used to say that 
 he could not read it devotionally because of the number 
 of changes and uncertainties that were to be found in its 
 pages : they were a continual source of distraction. He 
 wrote the following letter about it in view of the approaching 
 discussion at the Newcastle Church Congress. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Dean Lake of Durham. 
 
 Ascot Priory, Oct. i, 1881. 
 
 I see that the Revised Version of the New Testament is to be 
 a subject at the Congress. Its merits will, of course, be impres^d 
 upon the Congress. I know not whether any one will draw attention 
 to any drawbacks in it. To me the Revisers seem to have paid more 
 attention to the Greek than to the English, and to have been over- 
 particular in retaining the same English word for the same Greek 
 word. Yet how many English words does e. g. Liddell and Scott's 
 Lexicon give for the same Greek word, which implies, of course, that 
 the same English word will not always suffice. 
 
 But a formidable evil has passed unnoticed, except by Dean Stanley. 
 
 This relates not to the revision of the Version as such but to 
 the changes in the text of Holy Scripture, which is the basis of the 
 translation. 
 

 i 
 
 I 
 
 *- 
 
 ^ 
 
 368 Z'?/'^ </ Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 The evil is, the uncertainty which it throws on most passages, 
 bearing upon the Divinity of our Lord. On most passages which 
 declare it, there is an ' or,' substituting some other reading which does 
 not contain it. The e.^. in i Tim. iii. 16 is peremptorily dismissed, 
 although St. Ignatius is an older authority than the Codex Sinaiticus. 
 Two texts only remain, upon which a doubt is not thrown, St. John 
 i. 14 and Heb. i. 8. Of course one text is quite enough ; but to those 
 who hold that *the Bible and the Bible only is the religion of 
 Protestants,' it will, I fear, be a great shock. 
 
 The revisers. I believe, do not say in what sense they use the 
 word ' or ' In our present translation it means, I believe, that they 
 balanced the two renderings, but on the whole preferred that which 
 they inserted in the text. If the *or' in the Revised Version means, 
 that those who settled the text which the revisers adopted, were 
 really in doubt, or leave the two readings as optional, then, thus far, 
 everything is left to each reader according to his bias, or he is left to 
 think that everything is uncertain. 
 
 If the revisers of the Old Testament shall proceed on the same plan, 
 there will be an * or ' upon every passage in the Old Testament which 
 teaches the Divinity of Christ. For in these days, of course, every- 
 thing is disputed, and so there will be an * or ' on Psalm xlv. 6. And 
 then there will be the question as to one of the two remaining passages 
 in the New Testament, and it will be asked, * Did the writer of the 
 Epistle to the Hebrews argue from a mistranslation ? ' 
 
 I cannot imagine how any one who knew Greek, and the use of 
 .iXoyr^ros and eV.KarcJparo. in the LXX, could have imagined the 
 constructions in Rom. ix. 5, mentioned in the margin, to have been 
 right. Hitherto they have been counted Socinian glosses. To me 
 they seem absolutely dishonest. . ■, t v^ 
 
 Of Greek, those acquainted with the language can judge for them- 
 selves. Few can estimate so intricate a subject as the revision of 
 the text. Another generation may no longer have the preference 
 for a certain class of MSS. which are the favourites now. Alas for 
 England ! Everything seems let loose against the Faith now. Some 
 will be driven back to the quod semper, quod ubique, &c., and will 
 regard texts of Scripture in their office of proving the Faith already 
 delivered. Some will seek refuge in the Church of Rome from all 
 this chaos. More will go to scepticism. 
 
 For I have mentioned only the uncertainty thrown upon the proot 
 of one great doctrine. The effect of this and more is brought out 
 by Dean Stanley in the article inserted in the Times of July 20. 
 
 * Doctrine' and 'heresy' are to lose their meaning which they have 
 had since the Apostles' time and to become mere * teaching' and 
 
 * party spirit.' All the modem fancies which have congregated round 
 the words ' hell,' ' everlasting,' and * damnation ' have, from different 
 causes, been exploited in this Version. And so as to ' inspiration.' 
 
 My only hope is that this ' revision ' will be revised : that there will 
 
 The Revised Version of the New Testament 369 
 
 be less antipathy to words expressive of doctrine, and that the show 
 of alternative texts without any ground of judging between them will 
 be withdrawn. 
 
 Just before he left Ascot in October, 1881, the Chaplain 
 of the Priory, Mr. Skinner, was obliged by his rapidly 
 failing health to give up his work. It was a great loss 
 to Pusey, who rejoiced in his companionship ; they lived 
 next door to one another within the Priory grounds and 
 met frequently. He wrote to him the following letter of 
 farewell : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. J. Skinner. 
 
 South Hermitage, Ascot Priory, Oct. 13, 188 1. 
 
 It is very, very sad, as all partings are. I had so hoped that this 
 would have been your home, until God should call you to your ever- 
 lasting home. I had such bright dreams of your future usefulness 
 
 here when told me of your thinking of work in a Convalescent 
 
 Hospital, and I said of your coming here, * It is too good to be true.' 
 It is very, very sad ; and although my loss of hearing cuts me off from 
 much intercourse with those whom I love, yet it is pleasant to be 
 under the same roof with one who loves one, and whom one loves. 
 But God's will is clearest there where it * triumphs at our cost,' and 
 His will has acted by conforming yours to it. 
 
 God knows whether I shall come here another year or whether 
 I shall see another year. The two houses will be different, in that 
 there will be not one whom I love, as for these many years I have 
 loved you, next door ; and the likelihood of your coming to Oxford 
 must be very small. So it will be a loving out of sight. 
 
 Nine months later, Mr. Green was still in prison, and 
 Pusey was asked to write an address to the English 
 Church Union on the anniversary of his being shut up in 
 gaol. He was already feeling sure that the battle for 
 toleration in Ritual was now nearly won. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Hon. C. L. Wood. 
 
 Christ Church, March 8, 1882. 
 Mankind in the year 1892 will, I think, be much ashamed of us 
 in 1882. 
 
 The panic which produced the P. W. R. Act is not yet over, and 
 panics are always unreasoning and unreasonable. All evil is growing 
 (as is good also, but silently— good makes no noise) ; crimes are more 
 atrocious than they were some years ago ; Atheism flaunts itself; all 
 unbelief is more aggressive ; and the exterminating party, as a remedy 
 to all this— does what ? It keeps in prison one who (to use the words 
 
 VOL. IV. B b 
 
370 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 <\\ ; 
 
 ^ 
 
 of the Bishop of Chichester in Convocation) Ms the anxious and 
 dihgent Pastor of a large congregation in a parish now numbering 
 nearly 5,000 souls/ who * is shown to live in the affections of his people.* 
 
 And for what? For wearing a garment which was worn in the 
 English Church in the reign of Edward VI ; for having a Vestment, 
 as both East and West have, for the Eucharistic Service— a Vestment 
 which was first enjoined by Cranmer, and the direction to wear which 
 stands in our present Prayer-book. . . . 
 
 The exterminating party have, I trust, now run too wild a race. 
 Three priests whom it imprisoned were delivered. The fourth, whom 
 we cannot extricate from its fangs, will, I hope, preach to the hearts 
 of the English the tolerance which the intolerant will not exercise 
 towards him. It was said by a Bishop in Convocation : * There are 
 hundreds of clergy who are disobeying rubrics (of the meaning of 
 which there is not the shadow of a doubt), who are not only left 
 unmolested, but are taking part in the action which led to the im- 
 prisonment of Mr. Green.' 
 
 The English have a great reverence for law ; but they love also 
 honesty and fair play. They will not, in the end, I trust, endure 
 ' law-breakers,' invoking the aid of the law, to imprison those who 
 do in reality keep the law, and contravene only unlaw. 
 
 One of the earliest English laws extant, nearly twelve centuries ago 
 (A.D. 697) ordains that the Church shall enjoy her own judgments 
 (Spelman's ' Conciha,' i. 194). For maintaining this Mr. Green is 
 imprisoned. Hard must it be for a zealous lover of souls to be cut 
 off from the people whom he loves, and by whom he is loved. Hard 
 must it be for one who had fought the good fight to He inactive while 
 the evil one is busy in capturing souls for whom Christ died. But, as 
 in the days of martyrdom the blood of Martyrs was the harvest seed 
 of the Church, so every trial borne meekly for the Faith of Christ, 
 and the cause of Christ, is a pledge of final victory ; and on this 
 anniversary of Mr. Green's imprisonment we may respectfully con- 
 gratulate him in the words of one put to death in the Marian 
 persecution, that the fire so kindled will not easily be put out. 
 Through his imprisonment the Church of England will, I trust, be 
 freed. 
 
 In May, 1882, Pusey sent the following letter to Lord 
 Dalhousie, who had charge of the Bill for legalizing mar- 
 riage with a deceased wife's sister, who had written to ask 
 Pusey whether he considered such marriages were pro- 
 hibited by the Levitical law. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Lord Dalhousie. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, May 16, 1882. 
 I fear that your Lordship will live to regret the change in the 
 marriage-law which you are now proposing to your Lordship's House. 
 
 leUer on marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister. 371 
 
 Things are very much changed, since forty years ago a firm was 
 employed to solicit signatures to petitions in favour of legalizin^those 
 marnages. The agitation was then, in favour of this particular marrVagl 
 from some known mdividuals who wished to marry their deceased 
 wives sisters. Now it has spread (as all such questions do spread) 
 consistently to the whole subject of affinity. Now the questk,^ is 
 raised whether any affinity is a hindrance to marriage, li t^J, 
 with the deceased wife's sister is legalized, I do not se^e how any'Jher 
 tT^e'K Th '""""''"f ^y affinity can be consistently maintained 
 t.r T . I ^"'''^P^^ ^' ^""' ^^^ ^^ '^^ question has been 
 
 o^e t W '.r""^ ""^ T^ '^ '"" '^^' '^^ ^^°^^ ^^bject of affinity is 
 one, that the sisters, mothers, daughters (if there be any by a former 
 man-iage), are sisters, mothers, daughters to him, with whom the wife 
 IS become one flesh. I think that it would startle your Lordship's 
 
 ^ZT.t ""^'"u '^' ''"'^y °' ^'^ ''' ^^ ^"^^''y has recently come 
 home through the consciousness of the reality of the connexion with 
 one recently snatched from them) to be told that the relations of their 
 wives were nothing to them. 
 
 «iH*'^t„'°K^'/'^t"/,°^"'^ permission in Protestant Germany were 
 N^nnl '^^ '• ?'^' ^^^"'^ ""^y ^"« '™"«d by the Code 
 
 t™?htT' '," u'""'' '''°-. """^ ' ^'^ y°"^ Lordship io take the 
 trouble to look at my evidence before the Commission, of which 
 
 i-lxxxi? ' *° '"""'' " '"Py- PP- 5-^'^' -^ °f F^-ce! 
 
 . ^J"^-^ ventured beyond the question proposed to me by your 
 Lordship, on account of the terrible evil resulting from any relaxation 
 of the sacredness of the law of marriage. We are already suffering so 
 fearfully from the new Divorce Court, in which it is said to be notorfous 
 that every undefended suit is a case of collusion 
 
 wi!h th^^H*^ '° >?""■ ^°''^"''P'' ^1""''°" ^^^'^'' I ''^"eve marriage 
 with the deceased wife s sister to be prohibited by the Levitical law, 
 
 I have no doubt that it is prohibited by Leviticus xviii. 6. The litera 
 tmnslation of the words is, ' None of you shall approach to any flesh 
 of his flesh to uncover their nakedness, I am the Lord.' Thev were 
 universally understood to include the near relations of her who bv 
 marriage had become one flesh with her husband. This continued on 
 from the earliest times of which we have any notice, before the 
 Council of Nice, to the dispensation of Alexander VI (Borgia) at the 
 close of the fifteenth century. For 1,500 years the unlawfulness of this 
 marriage was unquestioned, until it was violated by the dispensations 
 01 a I'ope, stained by almost every vice. . 
 
 The law of the Church was rested on Lev. xviii. 6. The omission 
 of the daughter among the cases specifically prohibited shows that the 
 specific prohibitions were not meant to be exhaustive 
 
 'l/^l". '° f ^'^"'' y""' Lordship, if you thought it worth while, 
 would I believe find them in my evidence, which consisted in fact of 
 answers to a somewhat strict cross-examination. 
 
 B b2 
 
Il> 
 
 
 i*y 
 
 
 t 
 
 372 Life 0/ Edward Botiverie Pusey. 
 
 Oriel College had recently obtained, for their Common 
 Room, a portrait of Cardinal Newman, by Mr. Ouless. 
 The Provost of Oriel sent it over to Christ Church for 
 Pusey to see. This act of thoughtful kindness touched 
 him deeply. 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Provost of Oriel. 
 
 Christ Church, Feb. 8, 1882. 
 
 Kindest thanks for your great kindness in enabHng me to see the 
 portrait of my old friend. The eyes have still their wonted sweetness ; 
 the deep lines in the cheek betoken many a care and sorrow since 
 those old days when we took sweet counsel together. Alas for poor 
 Oxford, which would not have him ! 
 
 I have now every line of his later countenance impressed upon me 
 
 as well as his former It is his resting countenance, full of thought, 
 
 I suppose, about evils curling round the ark of God and threatening 
 human souls. 
 
 On Mr. Thomas Mozley's * Reminiscences, chiefly of 
 Oriel College and of the Oxford Movement,' he wrote many 
 very lengthy letters. He found it almost as difficult to 
 correct the misstatements of that book as he had found it 
 to suggest what replies should be written to ^ Essays and 
 Reviews' ; the inaccuracies were so numerous, the subjects 
 so varied, and the whole point of view and tone of mind 
 so entirely different from his own that he hardly knew 
 where to begin or where to end. Only one portion of 
 one letter can be given. It is selected because it contains 
 the only possible answer to the often-quoted story of 
 a sermon on 'Sin after Baptism' which this inaccurate 
 and gossiping writer attributed to Pusey. 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 South Hermitage, Ascot, July I, 1882. 
 
 I am afraid that I can be of very little use to you about poor 
 T. Mozley's book, because I was always living in the present, or the 
 proximate, and not looking back, and so things left no impression upon 
 
 me, so soon as they were past. I remember saying to me, 
 
 when James Hope was taking all that pains about my Suspension, that 
 he (J. H.) cared far more about it than I. T. Mozley has a chapter upon 
 a sermon of mine on Heb. vi. 1-6. I had utterly forgotten that I had 
 ever preached one on that text, nor does his account of it bring me 
 back the slightest memory of it. He mentions the impression upon 
 
 Mozley's * Reminiscences.* 
 
 373 
 
 himself, that I dwelt upon sin being irreparable. He himself says, 
 I suppose, much what I meant to say. I suppose that the great 
 difference was, that I insisted that all things done in the body, would 
 appear in the Day of Judgment. The Day of Judgment was very 
 much passed over at that time. Some Evangelicals spoke of great 
 deadly sins before their conversion as quietly as if they had been done 
 by some one else, without expression of any compunction for them. 
 My sermon, * The Day of Judgment,' preached later at Brighton, 
 astonished people, because I insisted on every act being brought into 
 judgment. But this is about myself, not about T. Mozley. 
 
 To me, T. Mozley's book looks like a mere string of anecdotes 
 without the power of appreciating what he is writing about. 
 
 The statement at the beginning of this letter that he 
 had always lived in the present, occurs frequently in letters 
 of this period. It is his own reflection on one aspect of his 
 life. Another interesting use of it will well bear quotation. 
 He is writing to a friend who had asked him to furnish 
 a list of books on a certain subject. 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Jan. 25 [? 1882]. 
 
 Thank you much for your kind wishes. In these solid walls, I have 
 passed the winter very comfortably with my books, only ashamed of 
 all the comfort which I have been living in. 
 
 I have, all my life, so lived in the present, that, if I could make up 
 
 my mind to try to make a list of books for ^, I should not 
 
 know how to set about it. But I never could make a list for different 
 people, who kindly asked me, and I have thrown the papers into the 
 fire. I suppose that it will be true of my books, as of myself, that they 
 served their generation and fell asleep. 
 
 Mozley's ' Reminiscences * were most painful to him in 
 every way. He again and again recurs to them. He longed 
 to get some one who had lived through the whole Move- 
 ment to write an accurate, sympathetic, and discriminating 
 account of it. Exactly a month before his death he begs 
 Liddon to ask Dean Church to undertake the task, or at 
 any rate a portion of it : — 
 
 E. B. P. TO Rev. H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 August 16, 1882. 
 
 . . . He showed power of historical writing on St. Anselm, and one 
 who could write so discriminatingly and so graphically must have his 
 eyes about him. ... I am sure, if he has time, he could revive any know- 
 ledge which he has parted with. ... He might not like to publish it yet, 
 because he might not like to tell of my blunders. 
 
374 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 At the same time the prevailing tone of Mozley's work 
 induced Pusey to lose no time in destroying all old letters 
 in which ' any one said anything of fault of any one.* His 
 sense of his own near approach to the great Judgment Seat, 
 and his deep realization of the Love of God, made all such 
 criticisms jar upon him. In the record of the busy years 
 of his ceaseless activity, there has of necessity been little 
 opportunity of alluding to the deep calm that lay behind 
 it : only a collection of his spiritual letters could reveal 
 aright this inner peace. But two or three glimpses of it, as 
 unveiled in his correspondence of this period, will not be 
 thought inappropriate, before the account of his passing 
 away to his rest. The secret life seems at this time to shine 
 through his ordinary letters. 
 
 In acknowledging an Easter gift of a picture representing 
 some flowers, which he had received from a little girl in 
 whom he was specially interested, he wrote as follows : — 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Easter Monday, 1881. 
 
 Your loving little painting reached me this morning. I love flowers 
 very much. They tell one such histories of the love of God. He 
 seems to have given them all that varied beauty for no other end than 
 to give His creatures pleasure. And there they are in deep dell or 
 mountain top, ' where mortal foot hath ne'er or rarely been.* I have 
 often thought that they must be for the Blessed Angels to gaze upon 
 and thank God for. The Daisy, as it spreads itself out as wide as it 
 can, seems to be drinking in the love of Heaven ; and the Rose, which 
 opens itself to that glow from above and gives out all its fragrance, 
 seems to be giving back love for love. It gives back all which it has in 
 return for the warmth which opens it. You, my very dear Beatrice, 
 are the rosebud which no force could open (as children sometimes try 
 to force an opening rose with their little fingers and only spoil it), but 
 which the glow of God's love will open as time goes on, more and 
 more. And the white of the lily of the valley tells of purity, and its 
 low-hanging head of tenderness and humility. And then by the name 
 of that lovely flower the ' Forget-me-not * God tells you * Forget not Me,* 
 and then He says that great word which you have chosen, * Thine for 
 ever.' For God will be as much your own as if He had never made 
 Angel or Archangel, or Cherubim or Seraphim : quite your own ; 
 quite belonging to your own individual tiny self: for St. Paul says, 
 * Who loved me and gave Himself for me^^ as if there had been no one 
 besides to die for. So the Psalmist says, * O God, Thou art my God.' 
 He is the very own God of every one who will have Him as his. And 
 
 Letters to Children. 
 
 375 
 
 God changes not, so He will be your very own God for ever and ever 
 and ever. So He teaches us to say, * I am my Beloved's, and my 
 Beloved is mine.' 
 May He keep you as His very own for ever. 
 
 In another letter he is acknowledging a New Year's gift 
 from the brother of the same little girl. Here quite uncon- 
 sciously, Pusey sketches a vivid picture of his own life :— 
 
 Christ Church, Oxford, Feast of the Epiphany, 1882. 
 It was a very pretty picture which your dear Mother chose for you 
 to send me. She told you perhaps that it is a knight in complete 
 armour from head to foot. What that armour is St. Paul tells us 
 Eph. yi. 13-17. Mama or Grandpapa will explain to you by-and-by 
 what it is. I do not know whether you have begun yet to hear or read 
 about knights and chivalry. There was a great deal grand about 
 those old knights. They thought nothing of any hardships, they were 
 very devoted and fearless, they never thought of themselves, or feared 
 any reproach in a good cause. They were men, and so did, some of 
 them, unwise things. Still they have left the name of ^chivalry' 
 behmd them as a name for devoted self-forgetful fearlessness in a good 
 cause. We (St. Paul tells us) are 'soldiers of Jesus Christ.' He says of 
 himself, ' I have fought the good fight.' God enli'sted you in this 
 warfare when He made you His child and a member of Christ, and 
 I hope that you will be a good soldier and fight His battles bravely. 
 It is strange that it should be hard not to be a coward. But people 
 are cowards if they are afraid of ridicule for doing whatsis right. But 
 among the young, those who do wrong laugh at those who do right 
 because they feel themselves in the wrong, and wish to shame people 
 out of what is good because it is a reproach to them. Then is the 
 time to remember that you are *a soldier of Jesus Christ,' and if you 
 are brave, those who laughed will be ashamed of themselves. You will 
 remember how, in the picture, the Guardian Angel points upwards to 
 the height, reminding him where his strength lies, as St. Paul says, 
 « I can do all things through Christ strengthening me.' 
 
 This has been all about war and fighting. I thought what little 
 picture 1 could send you as a token of my love. This is another side 
 of our Christian life. I do not know why in these pictures they repre- 
 sent our Lord as a little Child. Perhaps it was because at this time He 
 became a little Child for love of us. You see while He has His own 
 Cross in one hand, how tenderly He holds the little lamb with the 
 other (for He calls Himself the Good Shepherd) ; and how trust- 
 fully the little Iamb leans its head against His Bosom; which is what 
 Isaiah foretold of Htm (Is. xl. 11). That little lamb, dear, is you. 
 For Jesus, being God as well as Man, loves each one as tenderly as if 
 there were no Angel or Archangel, Cherubim or Seraphim ; and this 
 thought will be a treasure for you for your whole life. * Jesus loves me,' 
 
376 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey. 
 
 and in the little picture He tells you how to be like Him; 'Learn of 
 Me, for I am meek and lowly of heart.* He does not say, * Do great 
 things ' ; but be like Me, lowly. 
 
 On his birthday, two days before his last illness, he wrote 
 the following letter in reply to a friend's greetings on that 
 anniversary. It recalls and illustrates Newman's affec- 
 tionate description in a conversation with his own sister, 
 Mrs. Mozley. ' He spoke,* we are told, * of Dr. Pusey with 
 deep affection and admiration — " so full of the love of God." 
 . . . The tone and action with which the words " so full of 
 the love of God " were spoken live in memory to this day ^.' 
 
 E. B. P. TO 
 
 \ 
 
 » 
 
 South Hermitage, Ascot Priory, August 22, 1882. 
 
 God bless you for all your love. Love is indeed a wonderful thing, 
 and yet it would be more wonderful if it were not ; since love is of 
 God, a spark out of the boundless, shoreless ocean of His Fire 
 of Love. 
 
 What you say of this past near-half-century has been wonderful. It 
 was often on my lips, * This is the Lord's doing, and it is marvellous in 
 our eyes.' There was a little seed scattered, and what a harvest of 
 souls ! But God had prepared the soil, and the fields were white to 
 harvest. There was, however, a great deal of heart's devotion before 
 which never talked, but acted. I remember it in those before me of 
 whom I learned. 
 
 You, I hope, are ripening continually. God ripen you more and 
 more. Each day is a day of growth. God says to you, * Open thy 
 mouth and I will fill it.' Only long. He does not want our words. 
 The parched soil, by its cracks, opens itself for the rain from heaven 
 and invites it. The parched soul cries out for the Living God. 
 
 Oh ! then, long and long and long, and God will fill thee. More 
 love, more love, more love ! 
 
 1 < 
 
 Letters and Correspondence of J. H. Newman,' vol. ii. p. 475. 
 
 IL 
 
 CHAPTER XVIIP. 
 
 LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH — THE FUNERAL — 
 
 THE MEMORIAL. 
 
 1882. 
 
 If any man ever lived with the thought of death con- 
 stantly present to his mind, that man was Pusey. The 
 two truths on which throughout life he constantly fell back 
 were the nothingness of this world, and the enduring love 
 and magnificence of God. He sometimes quoted Burke*s 
 well-known exclamation, * What shadows we are, and what 
 shadows we pursue ! ' But he more often repeated St. Paul's 
 words, ' We know that if our earthly house of this tabernacle 
 were dissolved, we have a building of God, an house not 
 made with hands, eternal in the heavens.* 
 
 As each friend of his earlier days had been called to pass 
 beyond the veil, Pusey had gazed after him with a wistful 
 longing, which had only been kept in check by his habitual 
 submission to the Divine Will. As years passed on he felt 
 these losses less acutely, not because old age was bringing 
 with it any failure of natural sensibility, but because he 
 knew that the separation could not be long. No sorrow of 
 this kind, in his whole life, equalled the loss of his wife : 
 perhaps the greatest in his later years was that which he 
 felt when in April, 1866, he stood by Keble's grave in 
 Hursley churchyard. But when his son Philip died, 
 
 * The earlier part of this chapter was written by Dr. Liddon. 
 
 [ 
 
378 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 Rest at Ascot Hermitage. 
 
 379 
 
 in January, 1880, he rarely expressed himself as if they 
 were separated. * Philip says,' was a more frequent form 
 of quoting his departed son than * Philip used to say ' : 
 it was as though they were living in adjoining rooms. 
 *At my age we cannot, you know,' he observed with his 
 bright smile, 'be very long without seeing each other 
 again.' 
 
 Pusey's life had been for more than half a century 
 a preparation for death : and he seems to have been granted 
 something of the nature of a presentiment as to the time 
 at which his summons might come. One day in the 
 autumn of 1880 he was talking with a friend on the probable 
 future of Religion in Oxford, and a reference was made to 
 measures which might be expected after October, 1882, 
 when, in the due course of succession, the Master of Balliol 
 would become Vice-Chancellor. *Ah,' said Pusey, sud- 
 denly and decidedly, * that may concern you and others. 
 I shall have nothing to do with it.' His death occurred 
 within one month of the Master's entering on his 
 office. 
 
 On Trinity Sunday, June 4, a friend called to see him, 
 and found that he was keeping the day, as he had kept 
 every Trinity Sunday since 1839, as the solemn anniversary 
 of his wife's death. In a short talk, Pusey mentioned that 
 this was the first summer term in the more than fifty years 
 that had elapsed since he became Professor, in which he 
 had stopped his lectures before the end of full Term. 
 He had only done so now because those who had been 
 attending them were leaving Oxford. He spoke of it with 
 tears in his eyes, as if it were presentimental. 
 
 When all the other work of the Term was over, Pusey 
 left Oxford for Ascot Priory on the morning of June 16. 
 As usual, two or three large boxes, filled with books 
 of reference, went with him : and Channing, his faithful 
 servant, was not neglectful of any provisions which would 
 enable her master to bear the fatigue of the journey. For 
 the last time he looked round the rooms in which he had 
 lived for fifty-three years, and for the last time walked 
 
 I 
 
 from his door to the steps on the south side of the great 
 gateway, where Dr. A eland was awaiting him with his 
 brougham to take him to the station. Although wearied 
 by his effort to attend a meeting of the Governing Body 
 on the previous day, he talked cheerfully about his plans 
 and hopes for work up to the last moment, and left the 
 Oxford station by the twelve o'clock train. 
 
 As usual, when he was at Ascot, the change of air 
 appeared to do him good, and throughout July he was 
 * remarkably well.' He walked a great deal in the pine 
 wood, among the rabbit holes and in the heather ; in this, 
 it was noticed, returning to an old habit, which he had 
 dropped since the great shock of his son's death. At 
 times he was even in buoyant spirits. * It seems/ he said 
 one day, ' as if Almighty God were going to take away 
 my cough ' — the cough which he had been unable to shake 
 off for six months. 
 
 At the end of July those who watched him narrowly 
 observed something like the beginning of a change. The 
 Sister in charge of the Penitentiary at Plymouth became 
 suddenly and seriously ill. As a rule Pusey never showed 
 symptoms of surprise at anything that came from the Hand 
 of God. * One learns,' he used to say, ' as life goes on, to 
 hope for nothing, to be surprised at nothing, and to try 
 to make the best of everything.' But the news of the Sister's 
 illness came to him as a shock ; it affected him very 
 deeply. He at once took a desponding view of the case, 
 and of its probable consequences. Even when, on the 
 following day, a hopeful report from Plymouth arrived at 
 Ascot, he did not recover his cheerfulness. 
 
 However, he appeared to be in his wonted health during 
 the first three weeks of August. He used to sit out in 
 front of his little house for several hours of the day, and 
 occupied himself in reading and dictating. Before he left 
 Oxford a friend had asked him his opinion of Mr. T. 
 Mozley's * Reminiscences,' then recently published. His 
 opinion was that the clever writer had not been able to 
 resist the temptations which beset a good story ; and that 
 
 \. 
 
 H 
 
 i . 
 
38o 
 
 Lije of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 the book was inaccurate, and sometimes illnatured. In 
 particular, he was greatly concerned by a story about the 
 way in which Dr. Routh, the venerable President of 
 Magdalen, had received a story of the death of a Fellow 
 of his College under very distressing circumstances. Pusey 
 had a correspondence with Dr. Bulley, then President of 
 Magdalen, which satisfied him of the baselessness of the 
 story. But the book took possession of him in a manner 
 which would not have been the case in his days of health, 
 and the friend who had mentioned it to him has always 
 regretted that he had done so. 
 
 August 22 was Pusey *s eighty-second birthday. It 
 found him still, to all appearance, in his wonted health. 
 He had heard the confessions of the Sisters during the 
 three or four previous days. In discharging this duty, he 
 had not been quite equal to himself: one Sister said that 
 he had detained her for a long time, and had repeated 
 himself unnecessarily. But on his birthday he was cheerful ; 
 and acknowledged the congratulations which he received 
 with his wonted courtesy and tenderness. 
 
 His last illness really began two days later, on the night 
 of St. Bartholomew's Day, August 24. On the 23rd he 
 had heard that a lady who had intended to join the Sister- 
 hood had lost the relative, whose claims upon her time 
 and duty had hitherto made it impossible for her to carry 
 out her purpose. On the 24th he was told that she did 
 not now intend thus to 'consecrate her liberty. The report 
 strangely agitated him : and he wrote her a very earnest 
 letter. The report, as it afterwards proved, rested on 
 a misapprehension. 
 
 The post of that morning also brought a letter from 
 a person who had been visiting the Rev. S. F. Green, who 
 was still confined in Lancaster gaol, on account of his 
 conscientious inability to obey the Privy Council's in- 
 terpretation of the Prayer-book. In his days of health 
 Pusey would have dwelt on the high privilege of suffering 
 for conscience sake. Now his own depressed physical 
 condition coloured his thoughts. * Here,* he said, * we 
 
 t 
 
 Commencement of the last illness. 
 
 381 
 
 have all our comforts and this beautiful air to breathe, and 
 all around us is happy and peaceful ; while he, poor man, 
 is in prison,* The letter had described Mr. Green as 
 * wasted and gaunt*; locked up in 'a room which looked 
 like a very large dungeon with a huge fire.' Pusey 
 forwarded to the Times an extract from this letter, and 
 added a short note of his own. 
 
 To THE Editor of the * Times.' 
 
 August 24, 1882. 
 
 The character of the Rev. Mr. Green has been so entirely mis- 
 represented as if he wilfully remained in Lancaster gaol, ' keeping the 
 door locked on the inside,' that it occurred to me that the following 
 account of his condition from one who saw him lately might open the 
 eyes of some who would not jest at suffering. 
 
 But Pusey was no longer in a condition to write or talk 
 on subjects which deeply moved him : and there can be 
 little room for doubt that in his critical state of health, the 
 slight effort which he thus made contributed to precipitate 
 his illness. On the evening of the 24th he went to bed 
 without complaining of anything serious. When he was 
 called at seven o'clock as usual on the morning of the 
 35th, he could not rise. Evidently he had had some kind 
 of seizure. On that and the following day he remained in 
 bed : but he got up at nine on Sunday the 27th, read his 
 letters, and those about him hoped that his getting well 
 was only a question of days. He had often been worse 
 before and had regained his strength. 
 
 For a week he seemed to maintain the level which he 
 had reached on Sunday, August 27. He tried several 
 times to resume reading for his Hebrew Lectures. But 
 each time he had to put the books away, saying that he 
 could not get on. It was now becoming clear to those 
 about him that he was not to be long in this world. But 
 letters were received as usual, and some were still written 
 day by day. 
 
 His note to the Times, as was inevitable, had reopened 
 the floodgates of controversy. It was supposed, greatly to 
 
 % 
 
 I 
 
 
382 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 Pusey's annoyance, to reflect upon the Archbishop of York, 
 and it entailed a correspondence with his Grace, who 
 expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with Pusey's ex- 
 planations. Then a correspondent of the Times, who signed 
 himself 'a Vicar-General/ made fun of the account of 
 Mr. Green's condition in Lancaster gaol; and proceeded 
 to allude in similar terms to a piece of heartless and in- 
 delicate gossip which was utterly without foundation. As 
 soon as Pusey had ascertained from Mr. Green that the 
 story was false, he wrote to the Times once more, and for 
 the last time, on Thursday, August 31. He enclosed 
 Mr. Green's letter, and added— 
 
 E. B. P. TO THE Editor of the 'Times.' 
 
 August 31, 1882. 
 
 . . . The supposed fact which the Vicar-General states to rest on very 
 good authority, and on which he comments with so much flippancy, is 
 absolutely and entirely untrue. . . . Idle words have to be given 
 account of at an unerring tribunal ^ 
 
 These were the last words he ever addressed to the world 
 at large. The week which ended on September 2 was the 
 last week— in any sense active— of Pusey's life. 
 
 On Sunday, September 3, he was in low spirits; but 
 he said through the Evening Service for the day with 
 Miss Kebbel, who made the responses. She specially 
 noticed with what repressed energy he repeated the first 
 words of the eighteenth Psalm—* I will love Thee, O Lord, 
 my Strength.' After he had gone to bed, he repeated 
 aloud the Litany from memory : when he could not recall 
 one petition, he asked Miss Kebbel to write it in large 
 characters that he might see it, and then went on. 
 
 Monday, September 4, was the critical day' on which the 
 illness entered on its second and, as it proved, its fatal 
 stage. Up to that date it might have seemed likely that 
 he would recover. He had recovered from much worse 
 
 ' The Times, Sept. i, 1882. The tractation of his statement in the 
 Vicar-Oeneral made an ample re- 7iWj of Sept. la, 1882. 
 
 The last illness. 
 
 383 
 
 illnesses more than once; and his constitution seemed, 
 humanly speaking, to have vast reserves of vital power. 
 But after that day there was no real prospect of any issue 
 but one. During the morning of that day Pusey remained 
 in his little bedroom reading the Hebrew Bible. He 
 observed on coming out that he had spent a long time 
 over a single botanical term without being able to satisfy 
 himself as to its exact meaning. In his days of health, 
 when he had come to the conclusion that the sense of 
 a word was uncertain, he would have weighed the prob- 
 abilities, decided, at any rate provisionally, in favour of 
 one meaning, and gone on to something else. Now the 
 word haunted him ; he talked about it at luncheon to the 
 kind friends who waited on him, and who, of course, did 
 not understand Hebrew. Still, in the middle of the day, 
 Mr. Fagge, the doctor, called, and thought him so much 
 better that he begged him to go out and take the fresh air 
 in the afternoon. 
 
 About an hour later he was seen trying with evident 
 pain and difficulty to move across his room, resting on the 
 back of a chair, and almost immediately afterwards he fell 
 forward in a state of unconsciousness. He was lifted into 
 a chair, and when he opened his eyes, seemed to know no 
 one; and after a short time was, by his own request, 
 moved to his bed. He never left it again. 
 
 Dr. Acland, his old friend, was at once summoned from 
 Devonshire. He of course saw the full gravity of the 
 situation. ' If it were any one but Dr. Pusey, a man in 
 this condition would not be likely to live for twenty-four 
 hours/ But on the morning of the 7th, he pronounced him 
 to be even ' surprisingly better.' He had seen Dr. Pusey 
 in worse illnesses from which he had recovered, and he . 
 hopefully promised that when the time came for the 
 return to Oxford, he would himself come and take him 
 home. 
 
 It was not to be. There was another partial rally on the 
 morning of Friday the 8th ; but his strength was now- 
 giving way, and from that date, the downward progress 
 
 % 
 
 I i 
 
 I 
 
 ii 
 
 11 
 
 < 
 
384 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 mi 
 
 was unrelieved by any hopeful symptoms. The char- 
 acteristics of illness in its later stages now began to display 
 themselves: the increasing restlessness, the difficulty in 
 taking any nourishment, the weariness of weakness, the 
 long periods of apparent unconsciousness or stupor, during 
 parts of which, however, there is reason to think he was 
 engaged in constant prayer or keenly alive to what was 
 going on in the room. On Monday and Tuesday it 
 was quite evident that the end was near. His daughter 
 and her husband were sent for and reached Ascot late on 
 Tuesday. On Wednesday, at 8.30, Mrs. Brine visited her 
 dying father. He received her with a bright, cheerful 
 smile : ' Well, you see, dear, I am soon down, and soon 
 up again.' Then he asked about his grandchildren, one 
 after another, especially the absent soldier-boy, Percy Brine. 
 Then he added, 'What brought you here?' Mrs. Brine 
 wrote an answer in large letters : and Pusey put on his 
 spectacles to read it, but he could not see anything. 
 Dr. Fagge came at 10.30. 'Well, Dr. Pusey,' he said very 
 slowly, 'how are you this morning?' Pusey looked hard 
 at the mouth of the speaker, and then answered with 
 a bright smile, ' Is it not your business to tell me how 
 I am, rather than mine to tell you ?' Dr. Fagge then felt 
 his pulse, and, wishing his patient to understand the grave 
 character of his illness, said slowly, * Your strength seems to 
 be failing.' He wrote the words in large letters on a piece of 
 paper. Pusey again put on his spectacles and tried hard 
 to read them : but it is doubtful whether he did more than 
 guess at their meaning. 
 
 He was now exhausted ; and begged that he might be 
 undisturbed. After some hours he roused himself to ask 
 after the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was seriously ill. 
 In the middle of the day his grandson, the Rev. J. E. B. 
 Brine (who had lived with him since 1880), Dr. King, and 
 Miss M. Mihier came over from Oxford. Dr. King s presence 
 roused Pusey : he looked at him with his clear blue eye, 
 and put out his hand, while his face lighted up with 
 a beautiful smile. But he could say nothing. Soon after- 
 
 . ' . I-^ , .^u: -* 
 
 The end. 
 
 385 
 
 
 wards it seemed as if the end was very near; and 
 Dr. King, who had been saying prayers at his bedside, 
 read the Commendatory Prayer. 
 
 But he rallied at night, and on the following day, Thursday, 
 the 14th, recognized with delight his brother, the Rev. W. B. 
 Pusey, who had now arrived. He was, however, only able to 
 speak at intervals. When Mrs. Brine handed to her uncle 
 the Prayer-book which had belonged to his mother, Lady 
 Lucy, Pusey said in quite a strong voice, ' The dear old 
 book.' During Friday, the 15th, he was for the most part 
 wandering, and in his delirium his mind moved con- 
 tinuously round the solemn ministerial acts which had been 
 his greatest practical interest in life. He repeated again 
 and again the words, ' The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
 Which was given for thee, preserve thy body and soul unto 
 everlasting life.' When a cup containing some food was 
 brought him, he clutched it with reverent eagerness, thinking 
 that it was the Chalice. When he saw some of those who 
 were around kneeling at the bedside, he raised his hand, 
 with the words, 'By His authority committed unto me, 
 I absolve thee from all thy sins.' Mrs. Brine was anxious 
 that he should receive the Holy Communion, and the 
 question was written on paper in large characters, which 
 he succeeded in reading. He paused and then said, ' If 
 I am to receive the Holy Communion I must administer it 
 myself.' It was clear to his brother that his mind was 
 too overclouded ; and the subject was dropped. 
 
 But as death came near his thoughts were clearer, while 
 bodily weakness hourly increased. From time to time in 
 the morning of Saturday, September 16, faint words escaped 
 him, which appeared to show that he was repeating the 
 Te Deum mentally, in accordance with the advice which 
 he had often given to the sleepless and the sick. The 
 death -sweat was on his brow when he was heard to sigh 
 out a last aspiration, which summed up his life — 'My 
 God' He passed away at twenty minutes after three in 
 the afternoon. 
 
 His Hebrew Bible still lay on a little table near his bed, 
 VOL. IV. c c 
 
 f! 
 
 I 
 
386 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 1 • 
 
 open — as he had left it on the previous Sunday—at i Chron. 
 xvi, which describes David's triumphant restoration of the 
 Ark of God to its place in the reverent worship of Israel. 
 
 All present remained for some time kneeling round the 
 bed ; when they rose, the Rev. T. T. Carter was standing 
 just outside. They all went into the open air : it was an 
 autumn afternoon of cloudless beauty ; and some of those 
 present looked up into the clear blue sky, not without 
 many thoughts of the Blessed Angels who were just 
 carrying the departed soul into the Presence-chamber of 
 the Judge, and earnest prayers that nothing might be 
 wanting to his eternal rest^ 
 
 Dr. Liddon was abroad when the illness began: the first 
 news of its seriousness reached him at Turin. He tried to 
 start back the same night, but all the places in the sleeping- 
 carriages were engaged. When at last he got to Paris, on 
 the 1 8th, he bought an English paper, and his eye fell first 
 of all on an obituary notice headed 'Dr. Pusey.' The 
 following words are from his own diary : — 
 
 * I had not the heart to look on, but walked about the streets rapidly 
 for an hour before I came back to the hotel. ... So he has left us— 
 most dear and revered of friends, of whose friendship I have been all 
 along so utterly unworthy. How little 1 can realize it, though I have 
 been looking forward to this day for twenty years. Now that dearest 
 
 Dr. Pusey is gone, the world is no longer the same world. ... He 
 Who created and trained Dr. Pusey, can train successors if He will. 
 
 Requiescat in pace amicus dilectissimus.' 
 
 On the following Monday, September i8, the Body was 
 taken by road to Oxford. The Canons of Christ Church 
 were at the gate of the College, to receive it, and it was 
 laid in the room which he had used as his study for so 
 many years ; here sorrowing friends kept continual watch 
 by its side day and night. On Thursday, St. Matthew's 
 Day, September 21, a very large gathering assembled for 
 the Funeral, although it was in the quietest part of the 
 Long Vacation. The procession of clergy, five or six 
 
 * Dr. Liddon's manuscript ended with these words. 
 
 .1 
 
 The Funeral at Christ Church. 
 
 387 
 
 abreast, reached round three sides of the Great Quadrangle ; 
 the fourth, between Dr. Pusey 's house and the Cathedral, 
 being kept clear. As the Coffin was brought out of the 
 well-known door in the south west corner of the quad- 
 rangle, the Cathedral Choir came to meet it. By the 
 sides of the Coffin there walked as pall-bearers those 
 who represented the friendships and the labours of his 
 life : the Archdeacon of Oxford and three Canons who 
 were also Theological Professors (Dr. Heurtley, Dr. Bright, 
 and Dr. King), Mr. Gladstone, the Hon. C. L. Wood, the 
 Earl of Glasgow, the Hon. and Rev. C. L. Courtenay, 
 the Warden of Keble College, and Dr. Acland. As they 
 passed towards the Cathedral the Choir sang the hymn, 
 'A few more years shall roll,' recalling his own often- 
 repeated solemn words about the life which he had left 
 and that to which he had passed. At the west door of 
 the Cathedral the procession was met by the Dean of Christ 
 Church, the Bishop of Oxford, and Dr. Liddon, who read 
 the opening sentences of the Burial Service. After the 
 Dean had read the Lesson, Newman's hymn, ' Lead, kindly 
 light,' was sung, and Dr. Liddon then said the concluding 
 part of the Service, committing 'his dear body' to the 
 grave beneath the floor of the central aisle ' in sure and 
 certain hope of the resurrection to eternal life.' Before 
 the Bishop of Oxford pronounced the final Benediction, 
 the well-known hymn -Jerusalem the Golden' rang out, 
 lifting up the hearts of all the mourners from the thoughts 
 of death and separation to that Holy City where the 
 Lord God is the Light and the Life of the Saints, and to 
 the time, as he so often used to say in the solemn farewells 
 of his later years, of 'that coming in where there is no 
 going out, in life everlasting.' 
 
 He was laid to his rest to await that Day in the same 
 grave with his wife and two eldest daughters. A large 
 white marble slab in the floor of the central aisle of the 
 Cathedral marks the spot. The inscription on it, so far as 
 it refers to those who had gone before Pusey, was written 
 by himself; Dr. Liddon wrote the rest. 
 
 C c a 
 
 I 
 
^ 
 
 388 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 r' < 
 !- 
 
 miFrrzvfTTrr 
 
 :^i>AH?:^:hV^^i>i^^;OCf 
 
 IN SPE 
 
 BEATAE RESURRECTIONIS AO VITAM AETERNAM 
 
 PER MERITA D. N. J. C. 
 
 MIO OEPOSITUM EST QUICQUIO MORTALE FUIT 
 
 MARIAE CATHERINAE 
 
 UXORIS E. B. PUSEY S. T. P. 
 LINGUAE HEBRAICAE PROFESSORIS 
 ET HUIUSCE AEOIS CANONICI 
 OBOORMIVIT FESTO SS. TRINITATIS MOCCCXXXIX 
 VIXOUM EXPLETIS ANNIS 
 AETATIS SUAE XXXVIII 
 IN AMORE CONJUQIS XI 
 DECURTAVIT ANNOS MEOS 
 TU AUTEM IDEM ES ET ANNI TUI NON DEFICIENT 
 FILM SERVORUM TUORUM HABITABUNT 
 ET SEMEN EORUM CORAM TE PERMANEBIT 
 
 EDWARDI BOUVERIE PUSEY S. T. P. 
 
 LINGUAE HEBRAICAE PROFESSORIS 
 
 ET HUIUSCE AEOIS CANONICI 
 
 QUI IN PACE ET MISERICOROIA JESU 
 
 OBOORMIVIT D SEP. XVI MDCCCLXXXIi 
 
 NAT. ANNOS LXXXil DIES XXIV 
 
 BENEDICTUS DEUS QUI NON AMOVIT 
 
 ORATIONEM MEAM ET MISERICOROIAM SUAM 
 
 A ME 
 
 LUCIAE MARIAE NAT. EOR. MAX. 
 
 PUELLAE JAM IN VOTIS CHRISTO OESPONSATAE 
 
 OBOORMIVIT FER. II INF. HEBO. II POST OCT. PASCH. MDCCCXLIV 
 
 ANNO XV NONDUM EXPLETO 
 
 QUOO OONCUPIVI JAM VIDEO QUOD SPERAVI JAM TENCO 
 
 ILLI SUM JUNCTA IN CAELIS 
 
 QUEM IN TERRA TOTA DEVOTIONE DILCXI 
 
 CATHARINAE AEMILIAE filiaE EORUM OB. d. NOV. VII MDCCCXXXII 
 
 NAT. MENSES X 
 
 REQUIEM AETERNAM DONA EIS DOMINE 
 
 ET LUX PERPETUA LUCEAT EIS 
 
 INSCRIPTION ON THE MARBLE SLAB OVER DR. PUSSY'S CBAVB. 
 
 Dean Church on Pusey' s life and work. 389 
 
 The following words, spoken in the University pulpit at 
 Oxford on the first Sunday of the next Term, by Dean 
 Church, may well be quoted here. They are the words of 
 one who from the beginning had his hand on the pulse of 
 the Movement, and whose minute knowledge and singular 
 capacity for judgment enabled him to speak as no one 
 else could : — 
 
 * Many, I suppose, are thinking this morning, among the changes 
 since the University was last assembled, of one name which since 
 then has disappeared from its roll of members— a great and illustrious 
 Name, a Name which was the special possession of Oxford, but 
 belonged scarcely less to England and to Christendom. One of our 
 Great Men has passed away from us. I hope it is pardonable, even 
 when I cannot be sure of all sympathies, if I allow myself to remember 
 that only within the last month we were many of us standing about 
 the grave where the toils of his long life ended, and where he still 
 sleeps among us, in the Oxford which he so deeply loved. Merely 
 as the end of a career, without its match in modem Oxford, the 
 ceasing from among us of that long, familiar life must touch us all. 
 Few here present saw the outset of it in the Oxford Honour Schools, 
 just over sixty years ago ; few of those who saw its beginning could 
 look forward to its surprising and eventful course. They could not 
 imagine through what vicissitudes it would pass— all that it would see 
 of what stirs and tries the soul— what persistent, unwearied industry, 
 what unabated energy of public interest and sympathy, up to the very 
 week of death, what deep, inconsolable sorrows, what piercing wounds, 
 what profound disappointments, what strange chequered successes, 
 what unlooked-for revolutions, what alternations of disgrace and 
 honour, of unchecked obloquy and wanton insult, of boundless rever- 
 ence and trust. No man was more variously judged, more sternly 
 condemned, more tenderly loved. Of course that means that his was 
 a time of great and prolonged conflict, of great changes and great 
 reverses ; that in it all he took a foremost part ; that he had to deal 
 largely with foes as well as with friends. But now, all is over— hardly 
 yet weary, hardly exhausted, he rests from his labours of more than 
 half a century. What is the judgment upon him— not on the repre- 
 sentative of ideas, or the champion of a cause, or the worker in the 
 field of knowledge, but on the man ? 1 think that there is but one 
 answer from those whose hearts thrill at the memory of all that he 
 was to them, and from most of those— from many, I am sure — who 
 stood against him, disapproved, resisted him. First and foremost, he 
 was one who lived his life, as above everything, the Servant of God. 
 He takes rank with those who gave themselves, and all that they had, 
 and all that they wished for— their unsparing trouble, their case, their 
 honour, their powers, their interests, to what they believed to be 
 
388 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 ■till I 
 
 g b^'^i^^>A<^^:^>ts^^:^>A<^^^^ 
 
 IN SPE 
 
 BEATAE RESURRECTIONIS AO VITAM AETERNAM 
 
 PER MERITA D. N. J. C. 
 
 HIO DEPOSITUM EST QUICQUIO MORTALE FUIT 
 
 MARIAE CATHERINAE 
 
 UXORIS E. B. PUSEY S. T. P. 
 
 LINGUAE HEBRAICAE PROFESSORIS 
 
 ET HUIUSCE AEOIS CANONICI 
 
 OBDORMIVIT FESTO SS. TRINITATIS MDCCCXXXIX 
 
 VIXOUM EXPLETIS ANNIS 
 
 AETATIS SUAE XXXVIII 
 
 IN AMORE CONJUQtS XI 
 
 DECURTAVIT ANNOS MEOS 
 
 TU AUTEM IDEM ES ET ANNI TUI NON DEFICIENT 
 
 FILII SERVORUM TUORUM HABITABUNT 
 
 ET SEMEN EORUM CORAM TE PERMANEBIT 
 
 EDWARDI BOUVERIE PUSEY S. T. P. 
 
 LINGUAE HEBRAICAE PROFESSORIS 
 
 ET HUIUSCE AEDIS CANONICI 
 
 QUI IN PACE ET MISERICOROIA JESU 
 
 OBDORMIVIT D SEP. XVI MDCCCLXXXII 
 
 NAT. ANNOS LXXXII DIES XXIV 
 
 BENEDICTUS DEUS QUI NON AMOVIT 
 
 ORATIONEM MEAM ET MISERICORDIAM SUAM 
 
 A ME 
 
 LUCIAE MARIAE NAT. EOR. MAX. 
 
 PUELLAE JAM IN VOTIS CHRISTO DESPONSATAE 
 
 OBDORMIVIT FER. II INF. HEBO. II POST OCT. PASCH. MDCCCXUV 
 
 ANNO XV NONDUM EXPLETO 
 
 QUOD OONCUPIVI JAM VIDEO QUOD SPERAVI JAM TENEO 
 
 ILLI SUM JUNCTA IN CAELIS 
 
 QUEM IN TERRA TOTA DEVOTIONE DILEXI 
 
 CATHARINAE AEMILIAE FILIAE EORUM OB. D. NOV. VII MOCCCXXXII 
 
 NAT. MENSES X 
 
 REQUIEM AETERNAM DONA EIS DOMINE 
 
 ET LUX PERPETUA LUCEAT EIS 
 
 INSCRIPTION ON THE MARBLK SLAB OVKR DR. PUSSY'S CKAVB. 
 
 Dean Church on Pusey' s life and work, 389 
 
 The following words, spoken in the University pulpit at 
 Oxford on the first Sunday of the next Term, by Dean 
 Church, may well be quoted here. They are the words of 
 one who from the beginning had his hand on the pulse of 
 the Movement, and whose minute knowledge and singular 
 capacity for judgment enabled him to speak as no one 
 else could : — 
 
 * Many, I suppose, are thinking this morning, among the changes 
 since the University was last assembled, of one name which since 
 then has disappeared from its roll of members— a great and illustrious 
 Name, a Name which was the special possession of Oxford, but 
 belonged scarcely less to England and to Christendom. One of our 
 Great Men has passed away from us. I hope it is pardonable, even 
 when I cannot be sure of all sympathies, if I allow myself to remember 
 that only within the last month we were many of us standing about 
 the grave where the toils of his long life ended, and where he still 
 sleeps among us, in the Oxford which he so deeply loved. Merely 
 as the end of a career, without its match in modem Oxford, the 
 ceasing from among us of that long, familiar life must touch us all. 
 Few here present saw the outset of it in the Oxford Honour Schools, 
 just over sixty years ago ; few of those who saw its beginning could 
 look forward to its surprising and eventful course. They could not 
 imagine through what vicissitudes it would pass — all that it would see 
 of what stirs and tries the soul — what persistent, unwearied industry, 
 what unabated energy of public interest and sympathy, up to the very 
 week of death, what deep, inconsolable sorrows, what piercing wounds, 
 what profound disappointments, what strange chequered successes, 
 what unlooked-for revolutions, what alternations of disgrace and 
 honour, of unchecked obloquy and wanton insult, of boundless rever- 
 ence and trust. No man was more variously judged, more sternly 
 condemned, more tenderly loved. Of course that means that his was 
 a time of great and prolonged conflict, of great changes and great 
 reverses ; that in it all he took a foremost part ; that he had to deal 
 largely with foes as well as with friends. But now, all is over — hardly 
 yet weary, hardly exhausted, he rests from his labours of more than 
 half a century. What is the judgment upon him— not on the repre- 
 sentative of ideas, or the champion of a cause, or the worker in the 
 field of knowledge, but on the man? I think that there is but one 
 answer from those whose hearts thrill at the memory of all that he 
 was to them, and from most of those — from many, I am sure — who 
 stood against him, disapproved, resisted him. First and foremost, he 
 was one who lived his life, as above everything, the Servant of God. 
 He takes rank with those who gave themselves, and all that they had, 
 and all that they wished for — their unsparing trouble, their ease, their 
 honour, their powers, their interests, to what they believed to be 
 
 ^ 
 
 a 
 
 
If 
 
 390 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 their work for God ; who spared nothing, reserved nothing, shrank 
 from nothing, in that supreme and sacred ambition to be His true and 
 persevering Servant. The world will remember him as the famous 
 student, the powerful leader, the wielder of great influence in critical 
 times, the man of strongly marked and original character, who left his 
 mark on the age. Those who knew and loved him will remember 
 him, as long as life lasts with them, as one whose boundless charity 
 was always looking out to console and to make allowance, as one 
 whose dauntless courage and patient hopefulness never flagged, as 
 one to whose tenderness and strength they owed the best and the 
 noblest part of all that they have felt and all that they have done. 
 But when our confusions are still, when our loves, and enmities, and 
 angers have perished, when our mistakes and misunderstandings have 
 become dim and insignificant in the great distance of the past, then 
 his figure will rise in history as one of that high company who really 
 looked at life as St. Paul looked at it. All who care for the Church of 
 God, all who care for Christ's Religion, even those— I make bold to 
 say — who do not in many things think as. he thought, will class him 
 among those who in difficult and anxious times have witnessed, by 
 great zeal, and great effort, and great sacrifice, for God and Truth 
 and Holiness ; they will see in him one who sought to make Religion 
 a living and mighty force over the consciences and in the affairs of 
 men, not by knowledge only and learning and wisdom and great 
 gifts of persuasion, but still more by boundless devotedness, by the 
 power of a consecrated and unfaltering will \* 
 
 Pusey had made a will on November 1 9, 1875. The whole 
 of the document is in his own handwriting. It begins : — 
 
 * I, Edward Bouverie Pusey, make this as my last will and testament. 
 I die in the faith of the One Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, beHeving 
 explicite (as I have for many years declared) all which I know Almighty 
 God to have revealed in her ; and implicite anything which He may 
 have revealed in her which I may not know. I give my soul into the 
 Hands of Almighty God, humbly beseeching Him to pardon all my 
 sins, known to me or unknown, for the sole Merits of the Blood of my 
 Redeemer, Jesus Christ (one drop of Whose Precious Blood might 
 cleanse the whole world), and interpose His Precious Death between 
 me and my sins. 
 
 * I desire that my body should be buried quite simply and in the 
 churchyard of the place in which it shall please God to call me, unless 
 I should die in term-time within the precincts of Christ Church, 
 and then, too, as privately as the customs of the place may permit.' 
 
 The Will then goes on to leave everything to his son 
 Philip, with special injunctions not to reprint the two 
 
 * Dean Church's * Cathedral and University Sermons,* pp. 267-270. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Pusey Memorial Meeting. 
 
 391 
 
 volumes on the Theology of Germany, nor any of his 
 earlier corrections and notes on the English translation of 
 the Hebrew Scriptures*. He never drew up another Will, 
 after Philip's death ; * in a case like mine,' he said, * the Law 
 is the best Will-maker,'— so he really died intestate, and 
 his Library, which represented the studies of his life, 
 passed to Mrs. Brine, his married daughter and only 
 surviving child. 
 
 On the afternoon of the day of the funeral, a meeting 
 was held at Dr. Bright's house in Christ Church, to consider 
 the form which his Memorial should take. Dr. Liddon 
 advocated a College of Clergy in Oxford, to be a centre of 
 religious faith, theological learning, and personal sympathy, 
 as the most fitting Memorial of one whose whole heart was 
 devoted to the preservation of the Faith, and whose days 
 had been spent in fighting its battles in Oxford. This 
 proposal was then provisionally adopted ; and on Thursday, 
 November 16, a very large meeting was held in London, at 
 the house of the Marquis of Salisbury, in Arlington Street, 
 to settle finally the form that the Memorial should take. 
 At that meeting. Dr. Liddon's proposal was finally ac- 
 cepted. It was decided that the Memorial was to be in 
 Oxford, and that a fund of ;^5o,ooo should be raised to 
 purchase his Library and provide a suitable building for 
 it, and also an endowment for two or more clergy to act 
 as librarians, who should aim at promoting in every way 
 the interests of theological study and religious life within 
 the University. 
 
 The words of Lord Salisbury at the opening of that 
 meeting set forth the claims which may rightly be made 
 on Pusey 's behalf to the gratitude of even a wider circle 
 than English Churchmen : — 
 
 * It was Dr. Puse/s fate to be engaged in a double task — to have 
 before him two duties, differing very much in their immediate interests, 
 and differing, though in an inverse direction, with regard to their ulti- 
 mate importance to the Church. He was deeply mixed up, I need not 
 say, with the controversies of the day, and it was probably owing to his 
 
 * See vol. i. pp. 117-122. 
 
 
 I 
 
392 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 11 I 
 
 connexion with those controversies that the only authority in the 
 Church which he enjoyed was given him before his fame and his 
 merits became known. But there was another aspect of his character, 
 another goal to his efforts— he was above all things a Christian apologist. 
 His most earnest aims were not associated with the controversies, 
 deeply interesting though they were, with which his name in public 
 estimation was specially bound up. His mind was chiefly bent upon 
 one thing, that in an age when Christian faith was exposed to many 
 and dangerous attacks, the first duty of her sons and of those whose 
 learning could give her support, was to defend it in all its integrity. It 
 was as a defender of the Christian Church as a whole— as a defender 
 of the Faith once given to the Saints, and as a champion of the Church 
 of eighteen centuries— that he lived and worked ; not, as many have 
 thought, simply as a fighter in one of the transient conflicts which from 
 time to time divide the Church. . . . Already it seems as if the 
 fervour of old differences were passing away, and as if men were 
 turning from the narrow disputes in which many years ago they 
 were engaged, in order to prepare themselves for that great struggle 
 which is coming upon us— the struggle with the spirit of general 
 unbelief. It is with the efforts which he made, with the instruments 
 which he furnished for combating this danger, that, in my belief, the 
 name of Dr. Pusey will be ultimately bound up.* 
 
 To the clear-sighted and statesmanlike discernment of 
 these words, it is only necessary to add that they express 
 what was throughout Pusey's view of his own work. To 
 the defence of the Christian Faith he had solemnly devoted 
 himself in his early days at Gottingen, when he first 
 realized to what an extent ' the spirit of general unbelief 
 had in Germany shattered loyalty to Jesus Christ. In 
 England he saw that, as apologists for the Creed of the 
 Catholic Church, there was little to choose between the 
 Evangelical School of Cambridge and the Broad Church 
 School of Arnold. Both of these schools had a zeal for 
 holiness ; but they were both in danger of disparaging, and 
 even seemed ready to surrender some vital portions of that 
 * deposit of faith ' which was the heritage and the strength 
 of Christendom. The Tractarians— and Pusey was a 
 Tractarian till the day of his death— were convinced that 
 Christian Apology could only be successful in the hands of 
 those who held the whole of the Faith once delivered to 
 the Saints. They maintained that the Creeds, the Sacra- 
 ments, and the Apostolical Succession are not unessential 
 
 \m 
 
 The Christian Apologist, 393 
 
 outworks of the Church ; they are parts of a unity which 
 has logically been surrendered when one portion has been 
 
 
 INTERIOR or MEMORIAL CHAPEL AT ST. SAVIOUr's, LEEDS. 
 
 abandoned. With this clear conviction, Pusey spent his 
 life first in reasserting the Truths which were in danger 
 of being overlooked, then in proving that the Church of 
 
392 
 
 Life of Edward Boiiverie Piisey, 
 
 connexion with those controversies that the only authority in the 
 Church which he enjoyed was given him before his fame and his 
 merits became known. But there was another aspect of his character, 
 another goal to his efforts— he was above all things a Christian apologist. 
 His most earnest aims were not associated with the controversies, 
 deeply interesting though they were, with which his name in public 
 estimation was specially bound up. His mind was chiefly bent upon 
 one thing, that in an age when Christian faith was exposed to many 
 and dangerous attacks, the first duty of her sons and of those whose 
 learning could give her support, was to defend it in all its integrity. It 
 was as a defender of the Christian Church as a whole— as a defender 
 of the Faith once given to the Saints, and as a champion of the Church 
 of eighteen centuries— that he lived and worked ; not, as many have 
 thought, simply as a fighter in one of the transient conflicts which from 
 time to time divide the Church. . . . Already it seems as if the 
 fervour of old differences were passing away, and as if men were 
 turning from the narrow disputes in which many years ago they 
 were engaged, in order to prepare themselves for that great struggle 
 which is coming upon us— the struggle with the spirit of general 
 unbelief. It is with the efforts which he made, with the instruments 
 which he furnished for combating this danger, that, in my belief, the 
 name of Dr. Pusey will be ultimately bound up.' 
 
 To the clear-sighted and statesmanlike discernment of 
 these words, it is only necessary to add that they express 
 what was throughout Pusey's view of his own work. To 
 the defence of the Christian Faith he had solemnly devoted 
 himself in his early days at Gottingen, when he first 
 realized to what an extent ' the spirit of general unbelief 
 had in Germany shattered loyalty to Jesus Christ. In 
 England he saw that, as apologists for the Creed of the 
 Catholic Church, there was little to choose between the 
 Evangelical School of Cambridge and the Broad Church 
 School of Arnold. Both of these schools had a zeal for 
 holiness ; but they were both in danger of disparaging, and 
 even seemed ready to surrender some vital portions of that 
 * deposit of faith ' which was the heritage and the strength 
 of Christendom. The Tractarians— and Pusey was a 
 Tractarian till the day of his death— were convinced that 
 Christian Apology could only be successful in the hands of 
 those who held the whole of the Faith once delivered to 
 the Saints. They maintained that the Creeds, the Sacra- 
 ments, and the Apostolical Succession are not unessential 
 
 The Christian Apologist. 393 
 
 outworks of the Church ; they are parts of a unity which 
 has logically been surrendered when one portion has been 
 
 INTERIOR OF MKMORIAL CHAPIiL AT ST. SAVIOUr's, LEEDS. 
 
 abandoned. With this clear conviction, Pusey spent his 
 life first in reasserting the Truths which were in danger 
 of being overlooked, then in proving that the Church of 
 
 ill 
 
 I 
 
if! 
 
 !li 
 
 
 '4 ! 
 
 394 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 England had ever taught those Truths and in straining 
 every nerve to prevent their forfeiture, and afterwards in 
 showing how the Faith thus recovered in its completeness 
 was able to impart new spiritual energy to the English 
 Church, and in its strength to welcome without fear all those 
 discoveries of Science which were thought by others to 
 contradict it. When his share of this great work was 
 finished, very much still remained to be done. But under 
 God he had laid the foundation, and now others in grateful 
 remembrance may build upon it. He could well have 
 chosen for himself the motto selected for his Memorial in 
 Oxford, Dens Scientiartim Dominus: and he would have 
 always gone on to add the motto of the University which 
 he loved so truly, Dominus illiiminatio mea. 
 
 MEMORIAL CROSS IN THE PINE WOODS OF ASCOT CONVALESCENT HOSPITAL. 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST OF THE PRINTED WORKS OF 
 
 DR. PUSEY. 
 
 The following list has been compiled chiefly from the copies 
 of Dr. Pusey's works contained in the British Museum, and in 
 the Bodleian, Keble College Library, and the Pusey House Library 
 at Oxford. It is intended to embrace every separate printed book 
 and paper of which Dr. Pusey was author or editor, arranged in 
 chronological order, the several editions of a book being connected 
 by cross-references. Wherever a full collation (including the number 
 of pages) is given, the volume has been seen. The order in each 
 year is roughly according to the importance of the books. The sizes 
 given only indicate the ordinary publisher's idea of folio, quarto, 
 octavo, and duodecimo. An obelisk precedes a work edited, not 
 written, by Dr. Pusey. An attempt has been made to subjoin to each 
 year a list of printed letters (whether addressed to newspapers or 
 to private persons) and of public speeches, which have not been 
 separately issued. Imperfect as this supplementary list is, it would 
 have been impossible to form it, but for the extensive collections 
 of Miss Hughes, Lady Superior of the Convent, Woodstock Road, 
 Oxford, and of Miss Kebbel, also of Oxford : to whom, as well as 
 to Mr. C. J. Parker, of Broad St., Oxford, my best thanks are due. 
 It must be understood that the titles of these letters are not meant to be 
 exact, but sufficient for their identification : but the main entries are in- 
 tended to be verbatim transcripts. The Rev. J. O. Johnston has kindly 
 criticized and improved the whole Appendix, and Miss Milner of Oxford 
 has also given much welcome assistance. The only papers issued by 
 Dr. Pusey which have been knowingly omitted are the formal notices 
 of lectures issued from term to term by him as Regius Professor of 
 Hebrew, the first of which is dated Jan. 25, 1830, and the last June 6 
 (or perhaps June 13), 1882. 
 
 It would have been impossible, within the necessary limits of this 
 List, to include literary pieces addressed to or commenting on 
 
 1 
 
 i 
 
^ 
 
 394 
 
 Life of Edward Boiivcrie Piisey, 
 
 England had ever taught those Truths and in straining 
 every nerve to prevent their forfeiture, and afterwards in 
 showing how the Faith thus recovered in its completeness 
 was able to impart new spiritual energy to the English 
 Church, and in itsstrength to welcome without fear all those 
 discoveries of Science which were thought by others to 
 contradict it. When his share of this great work was 
 finished, very much still remained to be done. But under 
 God he had laid the foundation, and now others in grateful 
 remembrance may build upon it. He could well have 
 chosen for himself the motto selected for his Memorial in 
 Oxford, Dens Scientianun Doniinus : and he would have 
 always gone on to add the motto of the University which 
 he loved so truh^, Dominus lUuininatio mea. 
 
 MEMORIAL CROSS IN THE IINE WOODS OK ASCOT CONVALtSCENT HOSl'lTAL. 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 A BIDLIOGRAPHICAL LIST OF THE PRINTED WORKS OF 
 
 DR. PUSEV. 
 
 The following list has been compiled chiefly from the copies 
 of Dr. Pusey's works contained in the British Museum, and in 
 the Bodleian, Keble College Library, and the Pusey House Library 
 at Oxford. It is intended to embrace every separate printed book 
 and paper of which Dr. Pusey was author or editor, arranged in 
 chronological order, the several editions of a book being connected 
 by cross-references. Wherever a full collation (including the number 
 of pages) is given, the volume has been seen. The order in each 
 year is roughly according to the importance of the books. The sizes 
 given only indicate the ordinary publisher's idea of folio, quarto, 
 octavo, and duodecimo. An obelisk precedes a work edited, not 
 written, by Dr. Pusey. An attempt has been made to subjoin to each 
 year a list of printed letters (whether addressed to newspapers or 
 to private persons) and of public speeches, which have not been 
 separately issued. Imperfect as this supplementary list is, it would 
 have been impossible to form it, but for the extensive collections 
 of Miss Hughes, Lady Superior of the Convent, Woodstock Road, 
 Oxford, and of Miss Kebbel, also of Oxford : to whom, as well as 
 to Mr. C. J. Parker, of Broad St., Oxford, my best thanks are due. 
 It must be understood that the titles of these letters are not meant to be 
 exact, but sufficient for their identification : but the main entries are in- 
 tended to be verbatim transcripts. The Rev. J. O. Johnston has kindly 
 criticized and improved the whole Appendix, and Miss Milner of Oxford 
 has also given much welcome assistance. The only papers issued by 
 Dr. Pusey which have been knowingly omitted are the formal notices 
 of lectures issued from term to term by him as Regius Professor of 
 Hebrew, the first of which is dated Jan. 25, 1830, and the last June 6 
 (or perhaps June 13), 1882. 
 
 It would have been impossible, within the necessary limits of this 
 List, to include literary pieces addressed to or commenting on 
 
 I 
 
 i'l- 
 
396 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 <ii 
 
 Ih 
 
 ! ! 
 
 
 Dr. Pusey. The aim of the writer will be fulfilled if the following 
 pages serve as a touch-stone by which a reader of this Life may 
 test his own collection of the printed works therein referred to. Any 
 corrections and additions will be gladly received. 
 
 FALCONER MADAN. 
 
 Brasenose College, Oxford: 
 September^ 1897. 
 
 1824. 
 
 I. COLONIARUM APUD GRiECOS ATQUE ROMANOS INTER SE 
 
 COMPARATio. Oratio Cancellarii praemio dignata, et in Theatro 
 Sheldoniano habita die Jun. 30^ A.D. 1824. . . . 
 
 Pp- [41 + 36: [Oxford, 1824], 8". Signed at end * E. B. Pusey, 
 e Coll. Oriel.' 
 
 1828. 
 
 I. An Historical Enquiry into the Probable Causes of 
 THE Rationalist Character lately predominant in the 
 Theology of Germany, to which is prefixed, a Letter from 
 Professor Sack, upon the Rev. H. J. Rose's Discourses on German 
 Protestantism ; translated from the German. By E. B. Pusey, M.A. 
 Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. [Part L] 
 
 Pp. xvi + xvi + 186 : London, 1828, 80. See 1830, i. 
 
 1830. 
 
 I. An Historical Enquiry into the Causes of the Ra- 
 tionalist Character lately predominant in the Theology 
 OF Germany. Part IL containing an explanation of the views 
 misconceived by Mr. Rose, and further illustrations. By E. B. 
 Pusey, M.A., Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of Oxford 
 and late Fellow of Oriel College. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 436: London, 1830, 8°. See 1828, i. Part of a letter 
 from Mr. Pusey to H. J. Rose, dated Oct. 10, 1828, is printed 
 at pp. 1 75-80 of the latter's Letter to the Lord Bishop of London 
 in reply to Mr. Pusey's work (Lond., 1829, 8®). 
 
 1832. 
 
 I. A Sermon [on Haggai ii. 9] preached at the consecration 
 OF Grove Church on Tuesday, August 14, 1832. By Edward 
 Bouverie Pusey, B.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of 
 Christ Church ; late Fellow of Oriel College. 
 
 Pp. 38 : Oxford, 1832, 8«>. See 1856, 4. The titles as above were 
 the common ones used by Dr. Pusey on his titlepages till 1851 : 
 in that year he began to omit the reference to Oriel College, 
 which is not found after 1855. The 'B.D.' was of course 
 changed to *D.D.' after Feb. 25, 1836. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 1833. 
 
 397 
 
 I. Remarks on the Prospective and Past Benefits of 
 Cathedral Institutions, in the Promotion of Sound Re- 
 ugious Knowledge, occasioned by Lord Henley's Plan for 
 THEIR Abolition. By Edward Bouverie Pusey, B.D., . . . 
 Pp. [41+136: London, 1833, 80. 
 
 9. [as above, omitting * occasioned — abolition.'] Second edition. 
 
 Pp. xii+ 184: London, 1833, ^°* 
 
 3. The Pharisee and the Publican [sermon on St. Luke xviii. 
 
 14]. 
 
 Pp. 169-184 of * Original Family Sermons,* vol. i (London, 1833, 
 
 T20). 
 
 1834. 
 
 1. Thoughts on the Benefits of the System of Fasting, 
 enjoined by our Church. 
 
 Pp. 28: Oxford, [1834], 8°. No. 18 of 'Tracts for the Times,' 
 signed *E. B. P.,' dated 'the Feast of St. Thomas ' = Dec. 21 
 [1833]. See no. 2 ; 1835, i ; 1838, 5 ; 1839, 4 ; 1845, 7. 
 
 2. [as above : second edition]. 
 
 Pp. 28 : London (Oxford), [1834], 8**. 
 
 3. Questions on the Subject of Subscription to the 
 Articles, signed * A Bachelor of Divinity,' i.e. Mr. Pusey. (23 
 questions beginning * i. Is the University willing,' preceded by a 
 sentence beginning *|^" The expediency of substituting.') 
 
 Pp. 4: (Oxford), [circulated in the Oxford Common Rooms in 
 November, 1834], folio. See 1835, 5. 
 
 1835. 
 
 I. Supplement to Tract XV HL On the benefits of the system of 
 Fasting prescribed by our Church. 
 
 Pp. 16 : London, [1835], 8«. No. 66 of 'Tracts for the Times,' 
 signed * E. B. P. , dated July 25, [1835]: observations caused 
 by a letter of * Clericus ' to the British Magazine of April, 1 835 : 
 but the postscript is dated * Passion Week,' [1835]. See 1834, i ; 
 
 1839, 5; 1840, 3. 
 
 a. Tracts for the Times. Scriptural Views of Holy 
 Baptism. 
 
 Pp. 208 : Oxford, 1835, 8"- Nos. 67 (pp. 1-48}, 68 (pp. 49-104), 
 69 (pp. 105-208), of the 'Tracts for the Times,' unsigned, dated 
 Aug. 24, Sept. 29, Oct. 18, [1835]. See 1836, i; 1839, 6; 
 
 1840, 4 ; 1842, 7. 
 
 The bibliography of Tracts 67-70 is a little intricate. The first 
 edition of Nos. 67-69 is as stated above, and a note on No. 69 
 shows that the Notes to the three Tracts were intended to form 
 No. 70. But the number 70 was given to an abridged reprint 
 of Bp. Wilson's Meditations on Saturday, and the Notes were 
 probably not issued at all in the year 1835. I'^ 1836, Nos. 67-69 
 
 W 
 
I 
 
 II 
 
 l«' 1 1 
 
 i! 
 
 til';i 
 
 I'!'; 
 
 398 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 were reissued, with the Notes (pp. 209-296) and a general title- 
 page bearing the wnter's name and some prefatory matter, as 
 an independent work, but still called Nos. 67-69. In 1839, 
 No. 67 is issued revised and enlarged and called the second 
 edition, but Nos. 68-69 were never reissued, and No. 70 has 
 disappeared, having been printed in an unabridged form as an 
 addition to the original Friday Meditations (by Bp. Wilson) in 
 No. 65. So that practically Nos. 68-70 disappear entirely, and 
 in and after 1839 "o edition of the Tracts which seems to want 
 them can be called imperfect. 
 
 3. BlBLIOTHEC^. BODLEIANiE CODICUM MANUSCRIPTORUM 
 ORIENTALIUM CATALOGI partis SECUNDyE VOLUMEN SECUNDUM 
 
 Arabicos complectens confecit Alexander Nicoll, J.C.D 
 
 EDiDiT et catalogum Urianum aliquatenus emendavit E. b! 
 
 Pusey, S.T.B [There is also a general title to the * Pars secunda,* 
 
 of which the present work is vol. 2 : and also an original titlepage, 
 dated 1 821, of the 2nd vol. as it first began to be issued.] 
 
 Pp. [2] + xii + 73o, with nine plates of facsimiles: Oxonii e typo- 
 grapheo academico, 1835, fol. Edited by Mr. Pusey from p. 389 
 on, with additions and corrections to the whole : his contributions 
 are more important than would appear from the title. The Uri 
 Catalogue is the * Pars prima ' of the work and was published 
 in 1788. 
 
 4. Churches in London. Past and present exertions of the 
 Church and her present needs. Reprinted from the British Magazine 
 for November, 1835 [by E. B. Pusey]. 
 
 Pp. 16: Oxford, [1835 ?], 80. See 1837, '. 
 
 (Nos. 5-12. Papers about Subscription to the Articles, see 1834, 3 ;— ) 
 
 5. (Circular Letter to non-resident Members of Con- 
 vocation, beginning * Sir, I am requested (as a Member of a 
 Committee . . .': no doubt by Mr. Pusey: dated April 3, 1835. 
 
 Pp.4: (Oxford, 1835), 80. 
 
 6. (Another issue of the above, with variations, dated April 
 
 4, 1835.) 
 
 Pp.4: (Oxford, 1835), 80. 
 
 *#* Nos. 5 and 6 above introduce no. 7 and are connected with it. 
 
 7. Questions respectfully addressed to Members of Con- 
 vocation ... [27 in number, beginning * Is the proposed substi- 
 tution . . .,' signed * A Bachelor of Divinity,' i.e. E. B. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp. 8 : [Oxford, April, 1835, 8°.] 
 
 8. Oxford Matriculation Statutes. Answers to the * Ques- 
 tions ... by a Bachelor of Divinity' with brief notes by A resident 
 Member of Convocation [Dr. Edw. Hawkins: the original Questions 
 are here reprinted as they stand in art. 7]. 
 
 Pp. 32 : [Oxford, published May 7, 1835], 8«. 
 
 9. A second edition of the Questions . . . with some additional 
 queries suggested by the foregoing ones. [In this the 27 Questions 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 399 
 
 are reprinted and opposite to them in a parallel column 27 others not 
 by Mr. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp. 12 : [Oxford, published May 9, 1835], 8". 
 
 10. Subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles. Questions 
 . . . with answers by a resident Member of Convocation, and brief 
 notes upon those answers by the Bachelor of Divinity. [Mr. Pusey's 
 answer to the * Answers ' of Dr. Hawkins.] 
 
 Pp. 33 : [Oxford, published May 13, 1835] 8«. 
 
 11. (Circular Letter to non-resident Members of Con- 
 vocation, beginning 'Sir, I beg to inform you . . .' : no doubt by 
 Mr. Pusey: dated May 5, 1835. 
 
 Pp.4: (Oxford, 1835), 80. 
 
 12. (A reprint of 1834, 3, issued as No. 5 in both issues of * Pamphlets 
 in defence of the Oxford usage of Subscription . . . ' : the first issue 
 being on May 30, the second June 26, 1835). 
 
 Pp. 8: [Oxford, May-June, 1835], 8". 
 
 1836. 
 
 1. Tracts for the Times. Nos. 67, 68, 69. Scriptural Views 
 of Holy Baptism, with an Appendix. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey. 
 B.D., ... 
 
 Pp. XX +296: London, 1836, 8«. See 1835, 2: this may be re- 
 garded as a reissue with additions rather than as a second 
 edition, for the 1839 edition bears the words 'Second Edition, 
 enlarged.' 
 
 2. An Earnest Remonstrance to [Dr. Charles Dickinson] 
 the Author of the * Pope's Pastoral Letter to Certain 
 members of the University of Oxford ' : with a postscript 
 noticing the Edinburgh Review, and other pamphlets, and an ap- 
 pendix on Apostolical succession. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D 
 
 Pp. 104: London, 1836, 8°. Dated Apr. 25, (1836). The ap- 
 pendix is a first reprint of No. 74 of 'Tracts for the Times' 
 perhaps by J. H. Newman: pp. 1-36 were reprinted as No. 77 
 of ' Tracts for the Times ' : see no. 3. 
 
 3- [A reprint of the Earnest Remonstrance, headed by 
 
 the following * Note to the Advertisement':—] *The following is 
 
 Dr. Pusey's answer to an anonymous pamphlet, reflecting on these 
 
 Tracts, which appeared in the end of March, 1836. The pamphlet 
 
 professed to be a '* Pastoral Epistle from the Pope . . ." Dr. Pusey's 
 
 answer was entitled "An earnest Remonstrance " Tract 74 was 
 
 added to it as an Appendix.' 
 
 Pp. 36 : London, [i 836], 8«. No. 77 of * Tracts for the Times ' ; a 
 reprint of the * Earnest Remonstrance/ no. 2 above. See 18^7. 4. : 
 1839,7; 1840,8. ^"^' 
 
 4. Dr. Hampden's Theological Statements and the Thirty- 
 nine Articles compared. By a resident member of Convocation. 
 
 \ 
 
 

 |i 
 
 it 
 
 400 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 
 
 % 
 
 I 
 
 !. 
 
 With a preface [by Dr. Pusey] and propositions extracted from his 
 
 works. ... 
 
 Pp. 42 + 62: Oxford, 1836, 80. The Preface and Propositions 
 occupy the first 42 pages, and are signed * E. B. Pusey/ March 
 12,(1836). 
 
 5. Dr. Hampden's Past and Present Statements compared 
 
 [by Dr. Pusey]. 
 
 Pp. 24: Oxford, 1836, 80. Signed ' E. B. P., March 21, 1836': 
 on p. 23 is an ' Erratum in part of the impression,' in some 
 copies. 
 
 6. [as above, adding] a Sequel to * Dr. Hampden's Theological 
 
 Statements and the XXXIX Articles compared.' Second edition, 
 revised and enlarged. 
 
 Pp. 36 : Oxford, 1836, 8°. Signed * E. B. Pusey, Mar. 26, 1836.' 
 
 7. (A Petition to Parliament about Cathedrals, signed 
 *E. B. Pusey,' July 21, 1836.) 
 
 Pp. 4: 1836, folio. 
 
 8. +MAKE Ventures for Christ's sake. A Sermon [on St. 
 
 Matth. XX. 22]. 
 
 Pp. 16: Oxford, 1836, 8°. The sermon is by J. H. Newman: 
 the preface (on p. 2) was written, and the motto (on p. i) was 
 suggested, by Dr. Pusey. Very rare. 
 
 1837. 
 
 1. Churches in London, with an Appendix containing answers to 
 objections raised by the * Record ' and others to the plan of the 
 Metropolis Churches' Fund. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 
 Pp. 40: Oxford, 1837, 8". See 1835, 4. 
 
 2. Patience and Confidence the Strength of the Church. 
 
 A sermon [on Ex. xiv. 13] preached on the fifth of November before 
 
 the University of Oxford, at St. Mary's, and now published at the 
 
 wish of many of its members. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. xvi + 58: Oxford, 1837, 8°. See 1838,' 3, 4, and 6 ; 1841, 9; 
 1864, 9. 
 
 3. Catena Patrum No. IV. Testimony of writers of the later English 
 
 Church to the doctrine of the Eucharistic Sacrifice, with an historical 
 
 account of the changes made in the Liturgy as to the expression of 
 
 that doctrine. [Compiled by Dr. Pusey, dated Nov. i, 1837.] 
 
 Pp. 416 : London, 1837, 8**. No. 81 of ' Tracts for the Times.' See 
 1839, 8; 1840, 5. 
 
 4. [A reprint of the Earnest Remonstrance, exactly as 1836, 3, 
 
 with the following addition to the Note * Two extracts have been added 
 
 by the Author in the second reprint.'] 
 
 Pp. 36: London, [1837], 8®. This is part of the Second Edition 
 of vol. iii of the * Tracts for the Times,' being itself No. 77 : the 
 additions are on pp. 26-7 and 33-4. 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 401 
 
 1838. 
 
 1. The Royal and Parliamentary Ecclesiastical Com- 
 missions. From the British Critic and Quarterly Theological Review 
 No. xlvi, April, 1838 [by Dr. Pusey]. Reprinted for private distribution! 
 
 Pp. 112: London, [1838], 8«. 
 
 2. The Church the Converter of the Heathen. Two 
 sermons [on Ps. Ixxvii. 3-5 and Eph. iv. 12-14] preached in conformity 
 with the Queen's letter in behalf of the Society for the Propagation of 
 the Gospel, at St. Mary's Church, Melcombe Regis, Sept. 9, 1838 By 
 E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. 
 
 Pp. 148: Oxford, 1838, 80. See 1839, 9 ; 1859, 3; 1864, 7- 
 
 3. Patience and Confidence . . . [&c., as 1837, 2, omitting 
 now J. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 152 : Oxford, 1838, 8«. 
 
 4. Patience and Confidence .. .[&c, as 1837, 2, omitting 
 * now ']. Reprinted by permission of the author. 
 
 Pp. 58 : Glasgow, 1838, S*. 
 
 5. Thoughts on . . . Fasting . . . [&c., as 1834, i]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 28: London, 1838, S©. 
 
 6. Appendices to the Sermon preached by the Rev E B 
 Pusey, D.D., on the Fifth of November, 1837. Containing L An 
 explanation of points mistaken by the author of * Passive Obedience 
 contrary to Holy Scripture ' ; IL Remarks on the Revolution of 1688, 
 and the pnnciples involved or not involved in its condemnation in 
 answer to an article of the Edinburgh Review ; IIL The Oxford Decree 
 of 1683. 
 
 Pp. 96 : Oxford, 1838, 8^. See 1837, 2. 
 
 7. tTHE Confessions of S. Augustine. Revised from a former 
 
 translation [by W. Watts], by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., with 
 
 illustrations from S. Augustine himself. [Preface dated Aug. 24, 1838.] 
 
 PP- [8 J + xxxvi + 364 : Oxford, 1838, 8°. See 1853, 9; 1876. 8. 
 (Vol. I of the * Library of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church 
 antenor to the division of the East and West, translated by 
 
 "^r^^T ""u. ?^ ^°^^^'^ Church,' in forty-eight volumes, 
 i838-«5, which were superintended by the Rev. E. B. Pusey 
 ^u ^^^- Jo^? Henry Newman, the Rev. John Keble, the Rev! 
 Charles Mamott, and others. Pusey contributed several prefaces 
 to separate volumes : see vol. i, pp. 445-7 of the present work.) 
 
 8. tS. AURELII AUGUSTINI CONFESSIONES POST EDIT.TONEM PaRI- 
 
 siensem novissimam ad fidem codicum Oxoniensium recog- 
 
 NIT/E, ET post EDITIONEM M. DUBOIS EX IPSO AUGUSTINO 
 
 ILLUSTRATE [ed. by Dr. Pusey: the preface is signed *E. B P ' 
 Aug. 24, 1838]. 
 
 ^P/i.'^k!'^!'^- ^''''""' '^38, 80. See 1872,8. Vol. I. of the 
 Bibhotheca Patrum ecclesise Catholicae qui ante Orientis et 
 Occidentis schisma floruerunt. Delectu presbyterorum quorun- 
 dam Oxoniensium.' A second ed. was published before 1846 
 VOL. IV. D d 
 
 y 
 
n 
 
 \'\' 
 
 402 Lt/e of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The ten volumes of the ' Bibliotheca Patmm,' 1838-70, were 
 superintended by Pusey, Newman, Charles Marriott, and others. 
 Dr. Pusey contributed a short note by way of preface to 
 Theodoreti Comm. in B. Pauli Epistolas, pars ii (1870). 
 
 1839. 
 
 I. A Letter to the Right Rev. Father in God Richard Lord 
 
 Bishop of Oxford, on the Tendency to Romanism imputed 
 
 TO Doctrines held of old, as now, in the English Church. 
 
 By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., [with an * Appendix. Extracts from the 
 
 "Tracts for the Times," the " Lyra Apostolica," and other publications ; 
 
 showing that to oppose Ultra- Protestantism is not to favour Popery']. 
 
 Pp. 240+24: Oxford (London), 1839, 80. See 1840, i and 2. 
 The Letter is sometimes found without the Appendix. 
 
 2. A Letter . . . [&c., as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 240 + 24: Oxford (London), 1839, 8°. Apparently a simple 
 reissue : this edition was reprinted in America in this same year. 
 
 3. A Letter . . . [&c., as above]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. [?] (1839 or 1840), 80. 
 
 4. Thoughts on . . . Fasting ... [as 1834, i]. New edition. 
 
 Pp. 28 : Lond., 1839, 8°. No. 18 in ' Tracts for the Times,' vol. i, 
 Lond. 1839, 8^ See 1834, i. 
 
 5. Supplement to Tract XVIII ... [as 1835, i]. New edition. 
 
 Pp. 16 : Lond., 1839, 8<'. No. 66 in ' Tracts for the Times,' vol. 2, 
 Lond., 1839,80. See 1835, I. 
 
 6. Tracts for the Times. Scriptural Views of Holy 
 Baptism, as established by the consent of the ancient Church, and 
 contrasted with the systems of modem schools . . . Part I. [At 
 head : — ] Second edition, enlarged. 
 
 Pp. 398: Lond., 1839, 80. No. 67 in 'Tracts for the Times/ but 
 two chapters only. See 1835, 2. 
 
 7. [A reprint of the Earnest Remonstrance, exactly as 1837, 4]. 
 
 Pp. 36 : London, [1839], 8°. See 1836, 3. The third edition of 
 Tract 77: part of the New Edition of vol. iii of the Tracts, 
 1839. 
 
 8. Catena patrum, IV [as 1837, 3]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 424 : Lond., 1839. 8«. No. 81 in * Tracts for the Times,' vol. 4, 
 Lond., 1839, 8". See 1837, 3; 1840, 5. 
 
 9. The Church the Converter of the Heathen. . . [&c., as 
 1838, 2]. 
 
 Pp. 24+ 28 + 74 : Oxford, 1839, 12°. The two sermons were also 
 issued separately. The cover sometimes bears the date 1842. 
 
 10. The Day of Judgement. A sermon [on Joel ii. 11] preached 
 
 on the twentieth Sunday after Trinity in S. Peter's Church, Brighton. 
 
 By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. 
 
 Pp. 3a : Oxford, 1839, 8«. See 1840, 6 and 7 ; 1854, 4 ; 1872, 6 ; 
 1884, a. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 1840. 
 
 403 
 
 3* 
 4- 
 
 I. A Letter . . . [&c., as 1839, i] with a preface [dated July 25, 
 1840] on the doctrine of Justification . . . Fourth edition. 
 
 Pp. Ix + 240 + 24 : Oxford (London), 1840, 8«. See No. 2. 
 
 2. Preface to the Fourth Edition of the ' Letter . . . ' 
 
 [as 1839, I] ON the Doctrine of Justification. ... By the 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey ... 
 
 Pp. 60 : Oxford (London), 1840, 80. A separate issue of part of 
 the preceding art. 
 
 Supplement . . . [&c., as 1835, i]. Fourth edition. 
 
 ... Holy Baptism [as 1839, 6]. Third edition, enlarged. 
 
 Pp. 400 : London, 1840, 80. No. 6>j of the ' Tracts for the Times ' : 
 Identical with the second edition : see 1835, 2. 
 
 5. Catena Patrum IV [as 1837, 3]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 424 : London, 1840, 8°. No. 81 of ' Tracts for the Times.* 
 
 6. The Day of Judgement ... [as 1839, 10]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 32 : Oxford, 1840, 80. 
 
 7- The Day . . . [&c., as above]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 46: Oxford, [no date, 1840?], 8«. See 1865, 2. 
 
 8. [A reprint of the Earnest Remonstrance, exactly as 1837, 4.] 
 
 Pp. 36 : London, [1840], 8«. The fourth edition of Tract 77 : part 
 of the New Edition of vol. 3 of the Tracts, 1 840. 
 
 184I. 
 
 It The Articles treated on in Tract 90 reconsidered and 
 their Interpretation vindicated in a Letter to the Rev 
 R. W. Jelf, D.D., Canon of Christ Church. With an appendix 
 from Abp. Ussher on the difference between ancient and modem 
 addresses to Saints. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., 
 Pp. [4] + 218 : Oxford, 1841. 8°. 
 
 a. The Articles . . . [&c., as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [4] + 218: Oxford: 1 841, 80. A reissue with an alteration 
 on p. 115. 
 
 3. Plain Sermons by Contributors to the * Tracts for the 
 Times.' Vol. Ill [entirely by Dr. Pusey]. 
 
 ^V' [41 + 320: London, 1841, 8". Sermons 73-92, Series 13-18- 
 probably their first publication. The same as * Parochial 
 Sermons,^ vol. .3*: see 1873, i ; 1878, 3; 1883, 3. The 'Plain 
 bermons consisted often vols, issued in 1839-48. 
 
 4- Christ, THE Source AND Rule OF Christian Love. A sermon 
 [on St. John xiii. 34-35], preached on the feast of S. John the Evangelist 
 MDCCCXL., at St. Paul's Church, Bristol, in aid of a new Church 
 to be erected in an outlying district in that parish ; with a preface on 
 the relation of our exertions to our needs. By the Rev E B 
 Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. . ' ' ' 
 
 Pp. 56: Oxford, 1841, 80. See 1865, 2; 1878, 10. Preface dated 
 JNov. 21, 1841. 
 
 D d 2 
 
 11 
 
 I'l I 
 
404 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I i 
 
 til 
 
 4 
 
 5. The Preaching of the Gospel a Preparation for our 
 Lord's Coming. A sermon [on St. Matth. xxiv. 14] preached at the 
 parochial Church of St. Andrew's, Clifton, in conformity with the 
 Queen's letter, in behalf of the Society for the Propagation of the 
 Gospel. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. 
 
 Pp. [43 + 32 : Oxford, 1841, 80. See 1864, 10. 
 
 6. (The * Library of Anglo-Catholic Theology,' begun in this 
 year, was published under the superintendence of a committee, of which 
 Dr. Pusey was one.) 
 
 7. (The Commentary on the Four Gospels collected out 
 OF THE Works of the Fathers, translated from the Catena Aurea 
 of Thomas Aquinas, published 1841-45, was superintended by the 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, the Rev. John Keble, and the Rev. John Henry 
 Newman.) 
 
 8. + Prayers for Unity and Guidance into the Truth 
 p published (not compiled) * by Dr. Pusey]. 
 
 Pp. 19: Lond., 1841, 24«. 
 
 9. Patience and Confidence . . . [&c., as 1837, 2]. Third 
 
 edition. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 60: Oxford, 1 841, 8». See 1859, i. 
 
 10. (Paper in favour of the Rev. Isaac Williams, a candi- 
 date for the Professorship of Poetry. Signed * E. B. Pusey,* Nov. 17, 
 
 1841.) 
 
 Pp. 4 (pp. 3-4 blank) : [Oxford, 1841], 4°. 
 
 (Letter to Dr. Gilbert, Principal of Brasenose, 
 
 II. 
 
 on the same subject, signed *E. B. Pusey,' Nov. 25, 1841.) 
 Pp. 4 (pp. a-4 blank: [Oxford, 1841], 4". 
 
 12. Letter to a Friend, dated Mar. 27, 1841, printed in the 
 Record of April 5, 1841 : on the inspiration of Holy Scripture. 
 Two more followed on the same subject, dated April loand 23, and 
 printed in the Record of April 19 and 26, 1841. 
 
 13. Letter to the Rev. H. V. Elliot (1841) on sorrow. 
 
 14. Letter to a Friend, dated Sept. 7, 1841, on a passage in 
 Dr. Miley's sermon about Dr. Pusey's supposed leaning towards 
 Rome: apparently printed in the Herald of Sept. 25. 
 
 15. Letter in continuation of the above, dated Sept. 20, 
 1841 : also in the Herald. 
 
 1842. 
 
 I. A Letter to his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
 on some Circumstances connected with the Present Crisis 
 in the English Church. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. [43 + 172: Oxford, 1842, 8«. There is a German translation 
 of this Letter (1843) in the British Mosenm. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 405 
 
 2. •^— A Letter ... [as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [4] + 172 : Oxford, 1842, 8<». 
 
 3. A Leiter ... [as above]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. [43 + 164: Oxford, 1842, 8«. 
 
 4. A Letter ... [as above]. Fourth edition. 
 
 Pp. [43 + 166: Oxford, 1842, 8°. 
 
 5. Notes added to the Third Edition of a Letter 
 
 TO his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury by the Rev. 
 
 Dr. Pusey. 
 
 Pp. 24 : Oxford, [18423, 8®. A separate issue of part of No. 3, 
 above. 
 
 6. A Letter on the Proposed Change in the Laws pro- 
 hibiting Marriage between those near of kin. Reprinted 
 from the British Magazine, November, 1840. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D 
 
 Pp. 24: Oxford, 1842, 8". With a prefatory note dated 'Lent, 
 1842.' 
 
 7. . . . Holy Baptism [as 1839, 6]. Fourth edition. 
 
 Pp. 400: Oxford (London), 1842, 8". No. 67 of 'Tracts for the 
 Times.' 
 
 8. tTERTULLIAN, TRANSLATED BY THE ReV. C. DODGSON. . . . 
 Vol. [?]. Apologetic and practical treatises. 
 
 Pp. viii + XX + 536 : Oxford, 1842, 80. Part of the Library of the 
 FcUhers. Dr. Pusey contributed the Preface and notes of this 
 volume, signing the former *E. B. P.', June 24, 1842. See 
 1854, 7- 
 
 The Church the Converter : see 1839, 9. 
 
 S1 
 
 
 1843. 
 
 X. The Holy Eucharist a Comfort to the Penitent. A 
 sermon [on St. Matth. xxvi. 28] preached before the University in 
 the Cathedral Church of Christ in Oxford on the fourth Sunday 
 after Easter. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . , 
 
 Pp. viii + 96: Oxford, 1843, 8«. The appendix of 'Extracts* is 
 by the Rev. W. J. Copeland. This is the well-known sermon 
 for which Dr. Pusey was inhibited from preaching in the 
 University pulpit for two years. See 1859, ^ > 1865, ^ > i879> 2. 
 
 a. [another ed.] with an American appendix . . . 
 
 Pp. vi + 80 : New York, 1843, 8°. In the British Museum. There 
 are also two German translations, 1843 and 1844, both in the 
 British Museum. 
 
 3. tTHE Golden Grove : a Guide to Devotion. To which is 
 added, the Guide for the Penitent. Also, Festival Hymns. By Jeremy 
 Taylor, D.D. ... A new edition with a notice [by Dr. Pusey] on the 
 Guide for the Penitent. 
 
 Pp. [4] + xvi + *232' [but 149-176 occur twice] + [8]: Oxford, 
 1843, 1 20. The Notice (pp. 149»-I76*) is signed *E. B. P., 
 Advent, 1842,' but there is nothing to prove that the rest of 
 the book was edited by Dr. Pusey. 
 
I<i 
 
 406 
 
 i t 
 
 li f 
 
 ■"fi , 
 
 ii 
 
 m i> 
 
 t# 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 4. Protest [against suspension, addressed to the Vice-Chancellor, 
 signed *E. B. Pusey,* June 2, 1843]. 
 
 Pp. [2] : [Oxford, 1843], 40. 
 
 5. (Supplement to the Protest, signed by Dr. Pusey, 
 
 beginning * When I drew up*, June 6, 1843. 
 
 Pp. [2] : [Oxford, 1843], 40. 
 
 6. Letter to the Rev. E. Churton, printed in the English 
 Churchman in June, 1843, on the English Reformation. 
 
 7. Letter to the 'Irish Ecclesiastical Journal,' dated 
 Oct. 14, 1843, on Dr. Newman's consistency. 
 
 1844. 
 
 1. The Searching of the Heart. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D., of Christ Church, Oxford. 
 
 Pp. 13 : Lond., 1844, i2». No. 2 of * Tracts for Englishmen.' 
 
 2. God is Love. Whoso receiveth one such Little Child 
 IN My Name receiveth Me. Two sermons [on i St. John iv. 16-17 
 and St. Matth. xviii. 5] preached (with the sanction of the Lord 
 Bishop) in the Church of the Holy Trinity, Ilfracombe, in behalf of 
 a new church, and of the parochial schools, on the tenth and twelfth 
 Sundays after Trinity, 1844. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. . . . 
 Published by request. The profits to be given in aid of the new 
 Church. 
 
 Pp. [41 + 48 : Oxford, 1844, 8° : see 1864, 11. 
 
 3. [as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [4] + 50 : Oxford, 1844, 8®. 
 
 4. tA Guide for passing Advent holily. ... By Avrillon 
 [translated and edited by Dr. Pusey, who signs the preface * E. B. P.']. 
 
 Pp. lxiv+ 286 : London, 1844, 12°. An inserted notice of Nov. 28, 
 1844, states that the frontispiece, not being ready, will be issued 
 later. See 1847, 6 ; 1872, 7. There is also an undated edition 
 (pp. lxiv + 306 : London (Oxford), 12°) probably after 1890. 
 
 5. tA Guide for passing Lent holily By Avrillon. Trans- 
 lated from the French and adapted to the use of the English 
 Church [by Dr. Pusey, with a preface, also by him, signed * E. B. P.,* 
 Sexagesima, 1844]. 
 
 Pp. [2, frontispiece] + Ixiv + 396 : London, 1844, 12". A second 
 edition was issued before 1847 : see 1864, 18 ; 1872, 8 ; 1878, 14; 
 1884, 14. 
 
 6. tTHE Foundations of the Spiritual Life : drawn from 
 
 the book of the Imitation of Jesus Christ. By F. Surin. Translated 
 
 from the French and adapted to the use of the English Church [by 
 
 Dr. Pusey : the preface is also by him, signed * E. B. P.,' July 24, 1844]. 
 
 Pp. [2, frontispiece] 4- Ixxii-i- 252 : London, 1844, 12<*. See 1847, 
 8 ; 1874, 7. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 407 
 
 7. +The Epistles of S. Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage and 
 
 Martyr, with the Council of Carthage on the Baptism of 
 
 Heretics. To which are added, the extant Works of S. Pacian, 
 
 Bishop of Barcelona. With Notes and Indices. [Translated by the 
 
 Rev. H. Carey, with a preface by Dr. Pusey signed ' E. B. P.,' Ember 
 
 Week after Whit-Sunday, 1844]. 
 
 Pp. [4] + xxxiv + 42 2 : Oxford, 1844, 80. See 1868, 12. Part of 
 the ' Library of the Fathers ' ; the St. Cyprian has also a separate 
 titlepage. 
 
 8. tSERMONS ON Selected Lessons of the New Testament. 
 By S. Augustine . . . Vol. I. 
 
 Pp. xii + 486 : Oxford, 1844, 8*'. See 1854, 6. Part of the ' Library 
 of the Fathers ' : the preface is signed *■ E. B. P.' The translation 
 is by R. G. Macmullen. 
 
 1845. 
 
 1. On the Recent Judgements in the Court of Arches. 
 Three letters to the English Churchman, 1845. By the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., ... I. The Stone Altar case. II, III. Mr. Oakeley's 
 case. Privately reprinted. 
 
 Pp. 56: Oxford, [1845?], 8®. The letters are dated Sept. 25, 
 Oct. 5, Oct. II, 1845. 
 
 2. A Letter to one perplexed about his Duties to the 
 English Church. Reprinted and revised from the English Church- 
 man newspaper. No. 148 [Oct. 30, 1845]. 
 
 Pp. 8 : Leeds, [1845], 8°. The letter is dated August. In another 
 issue of this, dated Nov. 3, 1845, there is no title (pp. 8 : Leeds, 
 (1845), 8°). 
 
 3. Letter to the Rev. J. Keble, M.A. By the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D. . . . [Reprinted] from the English Churchman, Nov. 
 [really Oct. 16] 1845. 
 
 Pp. [2] + 4: [Oxford, 1845?], 8°. This is a reprint of about 
 the year i860, but is placed here for convenience of reference. 
 It also bears the words * To the Reverend J. K.', i.e. Keble, and 
 Dr. Pusey did not correct this, but as a fact the letter was not 
 addressed to any one person, see Vol. ii, p. 459. 
 
 4. A Course of Sermons on Solemn Subjects, chiefly 
 
 BEARING ON REPENTANCE AND AMENDMENT OF LiFE, PREACHED 
 
 IN St. Saviour's Church, Leeds, during the Week after 
 its Consecration on the Feast of S. Simon and S. Jude, 
 1845. [Chiefly by, and all edited by. Dr. Pusey, who signs the 
 preface *E. B. P.,' Advent Ember Week, 1845.] 
 
 Pp* [4] + *vi + 352: Oxford, 1845, 8°. The editor explains that 
 his own sermons, out of the nineteen, are the first and eleventh 
 • to nineteenth, but he delivered seventeen of them, and made some 
 
 additions. See 1847, 1 ; 1877, 3. 
 
 5. The Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost. A sermon [on 
 St. Matth. xii. 31] preached at Margaret Chapel, on the feast of S. Peter, 
 1845. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. 
 
 n 
 
 , 
 
A 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 « M 
 
 i 
 
 i 1 
 
 408 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 The profits, if any, to be offered for the fund for rebuilding Margaret 
 Chapel. 
 
 Pp. 24 : Oxford, 1845, S*. See 1875, 4- 
 
 6. The Blasphemy ... [as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 28 : Oxford, 1845, 8«. See 1865, a. 
 
 7. Thoughts on . . . Fasting . . . [&c., as 1834, i]. New edition. 
 
 Pp. 28 : London, 1845, 8®. 
 
 8. tPARADiSE FOR THE Christian Soul. Compiled by J. M.Horst. 
 Part IV. 
 
 See 1847, 5. 
 
 9. tTHE Year of Affections ... by Avrillon. Translated from 
 the French, and adapted to the use of the English Church [by 
 Dr. Pusey, who signs the preface * E. B. P.,' Jan. 25, 1845]. 
 
 Pp. Hi + 336 : London, 1845, la**- See 1847, 7- 
 
 10. (Prayers, signed J. K(eble), E. B. P(usey), C. M(arriott).) 
 
 Pp. 16 : Oxford, (1845), '^o. 
 
 11. Letter to Dr. Hawkins, Provost of Oriel College, printed 
 m the Morning Post, dated Jan. 8, 1845 : on Dr. Pusey's suspension 
 from preaching. 
 
 12. Letter from Dr. Pusey, on the case of Mr. Oakeley, 
 printed in the English Churchman of Oct. or Nov. 
 
 1846. 
 
 I. Entire Absolution of the Penitent. A sermon [on St. John 
 XX. 21-23] mostly preached before the University in the Cathedral 
 Church of Christ, in Oxford, on the fourth Sunday after Epiphany. 
 By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . [Sermon L] 
 
 Pp. XX+ 76 : Oxford (London), 1846, 8^. See 1859, i ; 1865, i » 
 1866, 6. 
 
 a. Entire Absolution of the Penitent. Sermon IL Judge thy- 
 self, that thou be not judged of the Lord. A sermon [on i Cor. xi. 31] 
 preached before the University in the Cathedral Church of Christ, 
 in Oxford, on the first Sunday in Advent> 1846. By the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 40: Oxford, 1846, 8°. See 1857, 5. 
 
 3. tTHE Life of Jesus Christ, in Glory on Earth ; a series of 
 meditations for each day from Easter to Ascension Day. Adapted for 
 members of the Church in England, from the French of Nouet. 
 [Edited by Dr. Pusey, who signs the preface *E. B. P.,» Easter, 
 1846]. 
 
 Pp. x\i + 292 : London, 1846, 12«. See no. 4 ; 1847, 4 ; 1872, 7. 
 
 4. tTHE Life of Jesus Christ, in Glory in Heaven; daily 
 meditations, for three weeks, from Ascension Day to the Wednesday 
 
 Appendix A, 409 
 
 after Trinity Sunday. Adapted for members of the Church in England, 
 from the French of Nouet. [Translated and edited by Dr. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp. [2] + '293 '—'478': London, 1846, 120. The pagination 
 connects this with No. 3 ; and an additional general titlepage, 
 dated 1846 (otherwise exactly as 1847, 4), is appended, with 
 a leaf of dedication. 
 
 5. tTHE Spiritual Combat, by . . . Lawrence Scupoli . . . with the 
 Path of Paradise, by the same. Translated (with the additional 
 chapters) from the Italian, for the use of members of the English 
 Church. [Edited by Dr. Pusey, who signs the preface *E. B. P.,' 
 Quinquagesima, 1846]. 
 
 Pp. [2, trontispiece] + xxxii + 240 : London, 1846, 120. See 1840, 
 3; 1868, 11; 1883,15; 1891,2. 
 
 6. Bunsen on the Chronology of Holy Scripture: 
 a letter signed * E. B. P.,' pp. 298-324 of the Christian Remem- 
 brancer, xii, July, 1846. 
 
 Conversation in 1846 : see 1866, ad Jin. 
 
 1847. 
 
 1. A Course of Sermons . . . [&c., as 1845, 4]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [2] + xvi + 352 : Oxford, 1847, 80. 
 
 2. Romanism in the Church, illustrated by the Case of 
 THE Rev. E. G. Browne, as stated in the Letters of Rev. 
 Dr. Pusey and Rev. A. B. Rowan, A.M. Republished from the 
 * Standard' and * Morning Herald' newspapers. With observations. 
 
 Pp. 48: London, 1847, S®. Letters of Dr. Pusey dated Sept. 4, 
 1847 {Morning Herald, copied by the Standard), Sept. 9, and 
 Sept. 16 (both Morning Herald) are reprinted, with other 
 matter. 
 
 3. Chastisements neglected Forerunners of greater. 
 A sermon [on Joel ii. 12-13] preached at Margaret Chapel on the 
 vigil of the Annunciation, being the day appointed *for a general 
 fast and humiliation before Almighty God - . .' By the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. Any profit to be given to 
 feed poor Irish children. 
 
 Pp. 32 : London, 1847, 8°. See 1859, 2 ; 1872, 5. 
 
 4. tTHE Life of Jesus Christ, in Glory : daily meditations 
 from Easter Day to the Wednesday after Trinity Sunday. Adapted 
 for members of the Church in England, from the French of Nouet. 
 [Translated and edited by Dr. Pusey, who signs the preface * E. B. P.,' 
 Easter, 1846.] 
 
 Pp. 16 + 478 : London, 1847, 80. See 1846, 3 and 4. 
 5. tPARADISE OF THE CHRISTIAN SOUL, ENRICHED WITH CHOICEST 
 
 Delights of Varied Piety. By J. M. Horst. Adapted to the use 
 
 ■:^l 
 
 m 
 
 I ' 
 
I^t# 
 
 410 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Piisey, 
 
 !f 
 
 
 m 
 
 of the English Church. In two volumes. [Translated and edited by 
 
 Dr. Pusey, who signs some of the prefaces * E. B. P.'.] 
 
 Pp. [4, frontispiece and title] +viii+ 112 : [part 3] [2]xii + 68: 
 [part 4] [41 + 92: [Vol. 3, part 5] [4] + xxxii + 1 36 : [part 6, 
 and ed.J [2] + vi^-i28: [part 7] [4] + 88: London, 1847, I2'>. 
 The separate issues of these parts are too intricate to be here 
 followed out. Part 2 of the original was omitted. See 1845, 8; 
 1848, 4; 1869, ^2' There is also an undated edition (pp. 
 xlii + 246 : Oxford, 12°). 
 
 6. tA Guide for passing Advent holily, ... by Avrillon. 
 
 Translated from the French, and adapted to the use of the English 
 
 Church. [By Dr. Pusey, who signs the preface *E. B. P.,' Nov. 17, 
 
 1844.] 
 
 Pp. [2, frontispiece] + Ixiv + 288 : London, 1847, 12®. See 1844,4. 
 
 7. tTHE Year of Affections, by Avrillon . . . [&c., as 1845, 9]. 
 
 Pp. Hi + 336 : London, 1845, 12°. 
 
 8. tTHE Foundations of the Spiritual Life, ... by F. Surin 
 . . as 1844, 6]. 
 
 Pp. [?]: Oxford, 1847, 'a". 
 
 9. tSELECT Works of S. Ephrem the Syrian, translated out 
 of the original Syriac. With notes and indices. By the Rev. J. B. 
 Morris. . . . [With an Advertisement of 4 pp. by Dr. Pusey, signed 
 E. B. P.,' Lent, 1847.] 
 
 Pp. [2] + xviii + 450 : Oxford, 1847, 8°. 
 
 [ 
 
 10. Letter to the * Morning Herald,' dated Sept. 4, 1847, 
 on the Rev. G. Browne, followed by one dated Sept. 9 : and one to 
 the Guardian^ dated Sept. 16. 
 
 1848. 
 
 I. Sermons during the Season from Advent to Whitsun- 
 tide. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. xxviii + viii + 376 : Oxford (Littlemore\ 1848, 8°. This is 
 'Parochial Sermons, vol. i.' See no. 2; 1852, i; 1864, ^J 
 1883, 2. One of these sermons, on 'Increased Communions' 
 (on I Cor. xi. 28) was reprinted at Aberdeen (pp. 28 : n. d. : 
 
 12°). 
 
 [as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [4] + xxviii + viii + 376 : Oxford (Littlemore), 1848, 8°. 
 Litanies for Penitents. In the words of Holy Scripture. 
 
 Pp. [?] : n. pi., 1848, I2<>. Edited by Dr. Pusey? 
 
 Devotions for Holy Communion. 
 
 Pp. [?]: n. pi., 1848, 120. Taken from Horst's 'Paradise for 
 the Christian Soul,* as edited by Dr. Pusey (1847, 5). There is 
 also an issue of the entire work in two volumes, with titlepagc 
 dated 1848. See 1856, i. 
 
 2. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 411 
 
 1849. 
 
 1. Marriage with a Deceased Wife's Sister prohibited by 
 Holy Scripture, as understood by the Church for 1500 
 Years. Evidence given before the Commission appointed to inquire 
 into the state and operation of the Law of Marriage, as relating to the 
 prohibited degrees of affinity, with a Preface by E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 To which is appended, a speech ... by Edward Badeley, Esq 
 
 Pp. xciv+ 174 (pp. '3'—* 176') : Oxford (London), 1849, 8°. 
 
 2. Do ALL TO THE LoRD Jesus. A sermon [on Col. iii. 17]. By 
 the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. 
 
 Pp. 18: London, 1849, 12«. See 1853, 8 ; 1855, 3; 1875, 5- 
 
 3. tTHE SPIRITUAL Combat ... by L. Scupoli [&c., as 1846, 5]. 
 Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [2, frontispiece] + xxxii + 246 : London, 1849, ' ^o. See 1846, 5. 
 
 1850. 
 
 I. The Royal Supremacy not an Arbitrary Authority but 
 
 LIMITED BY THE LAWS OF THE CHURCH, OF WHICH KiNGS ARE 
 
 Members. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Part I. Ancient 
 Precedents. 
 
 Pp. iv+ 260: Oxford (London), 1850, S®. 
 
 2. The Royal Supremacy . . . [&c., as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. iv -t- 260 : Oxford (London), 1850, 8°. 
 
 3. The Church of England leaves her Children free to 
 WHOM TO open their Griefs. A letter to the Rev. W. U. Richards, 
 Minister of All Saints, St. Mary-le-Bone. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. iv + 200 : Oxford (London), 1850, 80. Dated July 25, 1850. 
 
 4 . The Church . . . [&c., as above]. Second edition, with 
 
 a postscript, in answer to the letters of the Rev. W. Maskell. 
 
 Pp. iv + 312 : Oxford (London), 1850, 80. A reissue of the fore- 
 going art. with pp. 201-312 (the Postscript) added, dated Nov. 30, 
 1850. Some copies of the first ed. have the Postscript (which 
 was issued also separately) bound with them. 
 
 5. The Danger of Riches : Seek God first, and ye shall 
 HAVE all. Two sermons [on St. Luke xviii. 24-27 and St. Matth. vi. 
 33J preached in the parish church of St. James, Bristol. By the 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. 
 
 Pp. [41 + 48 : Oxford (London), 1850, 8«. See 1865, 2 ; 1880, 6. 
 
 6. God withdraws in Loving kindness also. [A sermon on 
 the Song of Solomon v. 2-8] preached by E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 
 Sermon xiv in ' Sermons preached at S. Barnabas, Pimlico, in . . . 
 1850,' London, 1850, 8", p. 379. There is also a separate reprint 
 of this sermon, entitled * A sermon preached . . . ' (pp. [2] + 30 : 
 n. pi, n. d., 8°). In the later issues (see App. B) some passages 
 are omitted. 
 
 t 
 
 \ 
 
 I I 
 
412 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 \\ 
 
 n 
 
 IH 
 
 I 
 
 II' 
 
 11 
 
 7. London Union on Church Matters. Address of the 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. ... At a meeting of the London Union on 
 Church Matters, held in St. Martin's Hall, October 15, 1850. Pub- 
 lished at the request of the Meeting. (Reprinted from the Guardian.) 
 With a Postscript. 
 
 Pp. 16: Oxford (London), (1850), 8». The postscript is dated 
 Oct. 21, 1850. See no. 12. 
 
 8. * Christ in us and we in Him' the Bond of Catholic 
 
 Unity. [Extracted from the Preface to * Sermons . . . from Advent to 
 
 Whitsuntide : by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D.' First edition, pp. v-xix : 
 
 together with the Advertisement to the second edition.] 
 
 No. 5 of * Tracts on Catholic Unity, by Members of the Church of 
 England,* London, [about 1850], 80. 
 
 9. Letter to the 'Guardian,' dated March 4, 1850, on the 
 Court of Appeal in ecclesiastical causes: followed by another, 
 dated 5th Friday in Lent, 1850, on the Royal Supremacy. 
 
 10. Letter to the 'Guardian* (of April 30?, 1850), not 
 dated, in reply to Mr. Goode's Letter to the Bishop of Exeter. 
 
 n. Letter to the * Guardian,' dated June 17, 1850, in 
 answer to Mr. Dodsworth. 
 
 12. Speech at a Supplementary Meeting held at the 
 Freemasons' Tavern, London, to consider the Judge- 
 ment in the Gorham Case: from the Times, July 24, 1850. 
 The Guardian report of the meeting was reprinted with an 
 appendix, see no. 7. 
 
 13. Letter to the 'Guardian,* dated Aug. 27, 1850, on the 
 Royal Supremacy. 
 
 185I. 
 
 I. A Letter to the . . . Bishop of London, in Explanation 
 of some Statements contained in a Letter by the Rev. W. 
 Dodsworth. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 Pp. viii + 268: Oxford (London), 1851, la®. 
 
 3. A Letter . . . [&c., as above]. Second edition. 
 
 3. A Letter . ^ . [&c., as above]. Third edition. 
 
 4. A Letter . . . [&c., as above]. Fourth edition. 
 
 Pp. viii+ 196: Oxford (London), 1851, 16°. 
 
 5. A Letter . . . [&c., as above]. Fifth edition. 
 
 Pp. viii + 196 : Oxford (London), 1851, 12®. 
 
 6. A Leiter . . . [«fcc., as above]. Sixth edition. 
 
 7. A Letter . . . [&c., as above]. Seventh edition. 
 
 Pp. viii + 196: Oxford (London), 1851, 120. An edition printed 
 at Hobart Town in this year is in the British Museum. 
 
 8. Renewed Explanation in consequence of Rev. W. 
 
 Dodsworth's Comments on Dr. Pusey's Letter to the Bishop 
 
 of London. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 56: Oxford (^ London), 1851, 80. There should also be a small 
 additional slip referring to p. 29. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 413 
 
 9- (Dr. Pusey's Reply to some Remarks of Mr. Dodsworth's 
 
 on the above letter.) 
 
 Pp. [?]: n. pi., 1 85 1, 8o. This is diflferent from the * Renewed 
 Explanation.' 
 
 10. The Rule of Faith, as maintained by the Fathers, and 
 the Church of England: a sermon [on 2 St. Tim. i. 13, 14] 
 preached before the University in the Cathedral Church of Christ, in 
 Oxford, on the fifth Sunday after Epiphany. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp- [41 + 72 : Oxford (London), 1851, 80. See 1859, i ; 1865, i ; 
 1878, 8. 
 
 11. A Lecture delivered in the Temporary Chapel, Titch- 
 FiELD St., previously to laying the Foundation Stone of the 
 Church of All Saints, in Margaret St., Marylebone, on 
 All Saints' Day, MDCCCL. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 Published by request. 
 
 Pp. 16 : London, 1851, 8". 
 
 la. Hints for a First Confession [by Dr. Pusey]. Privately 
 Printed. 
 
 Pp. 16 : Oxford, 1851, I2«. This also appears as pp. 67-77 of ' The 
 Ordinance of Confession. By William Gresley . . .' (Lond 
 1851% See 1884, 8 and 9. * 
 
 13. On the Proposed Vote of ;^53»ioo [a paper on the proposal 
 to build the New Museum at Oxford, signed * A Doctor of Divinity,' i.e. 
 Dr. Pusey, June 14, 1851]. 
 
 Pp. 4: [Oxford, 1851], 4«. 
 
 14. Correspondence between the Camden Professor and 
 the Rev. Dr. Pusey [about the Camden endowment, dated Tune 18, 
 1851]. 
 
 Pp.4: [Oxford], (1851), 40. 
 
 15. Letter to the * Guardian,* dated Mar. 12, 1851, in 
 answer to Mr. Palmer. 
 
 16. Letter to the 'Guardian,* March, 1851, in answer to 
 Mr. Dodsworth. 
 
 17. Letter to Mr. Skinner, dated Dec. 17, 185 », on Dr. 
 Pusey's editions of Avrillon. 
 
 1852. 
 
 1. Parochial Sermons. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. Vol. L 
 For the season from Advent to Whitsuntide. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. xxviii + viii + iv + 376 : Oxford, 1852, 80. See 1848, i ; 1868, 3. 
 
 2. Letters of the Rev. Dr. Pusey to the Earl of Shaftes- 
 bury AND Sir John Romilly, on their Imputations against 
 the Tractarians, with Sir John Romilly's Answer. (Reprinted 
 from the Morning Chronicle.) 
 
 Pp. 12 : Leeds, 1852, 80. The letters are dated June 23, July 21 
 and 27, 1852. 
 
 4 
 
414 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 P'riif 
 
 \\ 
 
 It: 
 
 lit 
 
 i 
 
 3. Library of the Fathers [an account of the state of the series, 
 volumes published and proposed, &c., signed *E. B. Pusey,* Nov. 17, 
 1852], 
 
 Pp. 8: [Oxford], (1852), S**. Another undated issue, beginning 
 with the same words as the dated account, viz., * The Library 
 of the Fathers has now been continued ... for fourteen years ' 
 (in ten 8vo pages), must have been issued m 1851 or 1852. 
 
 4. tLENT Readings from the Fathers. Selected from *the 
 Library of the Fathers.' [Edited by 'W. L E. B[ennett],' with an 
 additional prefatory note by Dr. Pusey, signed * E. B. P.'] 
 
 Pp. viii + 272 : Oxford, 1852, 120. See 1853, 10; 1872, 3. 
 
 5. Letter to the 'Morning Chronicle,' dated March 15, 
 1852, in answer to the Rev. R. Ward. 
 
 1853. 
 
 I. Parochial Sermons. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. Vol. II. 
 Pp. xii + 400 : Oxford, 1853, 8°. See 1848, 2; 1862, 2 ; 1868, 4 ; 
 1869, 2. An * Advertisement' deplores the loss of sermons on 
 Dan. iv. 27, St. James v. 19-20, and St. John xx. 21, at Reading 
 Station. They were probably not recovered, or at any rate have 
 never been printed. The sermon on Humility was reprinted in 
 New York in 1871 (pp. 24, 120) : and that on Patience had also 
 some years before been reprinted in the same city : both by * H. H.' 
 
 Parochial Sermons ... [(fee, as above]. Vol.IL Second 
 
 2. — 
 
 edition. 
 
 Pp. xii + 400: Oxford, 1853, 80. 
 
 3. (Letter to W. G. Cookesley from Dr. Pusey, July 7, 1853, 
 about a lady who joined the Church of Rome.) 
 
 Printed at p. i of a letter to Dr. Pusey by W. G. Cookesley, with 
 no title or titlepage, but dated July 16, 1853: pp. 12: n. pi., 
 [^853], 80. 
 
 4. A Letter to his Grace the Archbishop of Dublin on . . . 
 
 Miss Sellon's Establishment at Devonport ... By Rev. W. G. 
 
 Cookesley. . . Fifth edition. To which is added a Letter from Dr. Pusey 
 
 and W. G. Cookesley's Reply. 
 
 Pp. 78 : London, 1853, 8°. The letter of Dr. Pusey is on pp. 69-71, 
 and first appeared in this edition. 
 
 5. The Presence of Christ in the Holy Eucharist. A sermon 
 
 [on I Cor. X. 16] preached before the University, in the Cathedral 
 
 Church of Christ, in Oxford, on the second Sunday after Epiphany, 
 
 1853. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. viii+ 74: Oxford (London), 1853, 80. See 1859, i; 1865, i ; 
 1871, 5. 
 
 6. Justification. A sermon [on St. James ii. 22] preached before 
 the University at S. Mary's, on the 24th Sunday after Trinity, 1853, 
 by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 50: Oxford, 1853, 80. See 1859, i ; 1865, i ; 1879, 2. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 415 
 
 7. Evidence from the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., Regius Professor 
 
 of Hebrew and Canon of Christ Church. 
 
 Pp. 1-174 of Evidence in * Report and Evidence upon the recom- 
 mendations of Her Majesty's Commissioners for inquiry into 
 the state of the University of Oxford . . .* (Oxford, 1853, 8®.) 
 
 8. Do all to the Lord Jesus . . . [&c., as 1849, 2]. Fourth 
 edition. 
 
 Pp. [2] + 16 : London, 1853, 120. 
 
 9. tTHE Confessions of S. Augustine . . ., [&c., as 1838, 7]. 
 
 Pp. xl + 364: Oxford, 1853, 8°. Part of the 'Library of the 
 Fathers.* 
 
 10. tADVENT Readings from the Fathers. Selected from 4he 
 Library of the Fathers.' [Edited by * W. L E. B(ennett) ' : probably 
 supervised by Dr. Pusey : see 1852, 4.] 
 
 Pp. viii + 228: Oxford, 1853, 12®. 
 
 1854. 
 
 1. Collegiate and Professorial Teaching and Discipline, 
 IN Answer to Professor Vaughan's Strictures, chiefly as to 
 THE Charges against the Colleges of France and Germany. 
 By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. . . . 
 
 Pp. viii+ 216 (* 3'— * 218') : Oxford, 1854, 80. 
 
 2. A Correspondence between the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., 
 . . . and the Rev. R. H. Fortescue, M.A., late Curate of 
 BiGBURY, Devon, on the Practice of Auricular Confession, 
 
 AS evidenced BY THE INQUIRIES AT LeEDS AND PlYIVIOUTH : 
 
 edited, with a Preface and Notes, by the latter of the Correspondents. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 48: Plymouth, 1854, 8°. Dr. Pusey s letters are dated 
 Dec. 27 nnd 31, 1852. 
 
 3. Summary of Objections against the Proposed Theo- 
 logical Statute. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . [dated 
 June 5, 1854]. 
 
 Pp. 16: Oxford, 1854, 8°. 
 
 4. The Day of Judgement . . . [&c., as 1839, 10, adding * 1839' 
 after * Trinity ']. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 48 : Oxford, [1854?], 8°. 
 
 5. tFAMiLiAR Instructions on Mental Prayer; from the 
 
 French of Courbon : with a preface by the Editor [Dr. Pusey, who 
 
 signs the preface * E. B. P.,' Jan. 6, 1854] Second Part. 
 
 Pp. viii + 100 : London, 1854, 12°. See 1856, 9. Only this second 
 part is edited by Dr. Pusey, the first being edited by W[illiam] 
 U[pton] R[ichards]. 
 
 6. t Sermons ... By S. Augustine ... [as 1844, 8]. Vol. L 
 
 Pp. xii + 486: Oxford, 1854, 8°. 
 
 7. tTERTULLiAN . . . [&€., as 1 842, 8]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [2] + iv + Ivi + 548 : Oxford, 1854, 8°. 
 
 \ 1 
 
M 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 416 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverte Pusey, 
 
 1855. 
 
 1. The Doctrine of the Real Presence, as contained in 
 
 THE Fathers from the Death of S. John the Evangelist 
 
 TO the Fourth General Council, vindicated, in Notes on 
 
 A Sermon *The Presence of Christ in the Holy Eucharist/ 
 
 preached a.d. 1853, before the University of Oxford. By 
 
 the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. xii + 724: Oxford (London), 80. Dated April 5, 1855. See 
 1883, 4. Another work, entitled ' The Doctrine of the Real 
 Presence as set forth in the Works of Divines and others in the 
 English Chnrch since the Reformation,' was published in two 
 parts in this same year, bnt had no connexion with Dr. Pusey. 
 The first part was by Dr. William Wright. 
 
 2. All Faith the Gift of God. Real Faith entire. Two 
 sermons [on i Cor. iv. 7 and Rom. i. 4] preached before the University 
 of Oxford on the twenty-third and twenty-fourth Sundays after Trinity, 
 1855. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. viii + 96: Oxford (Bristol), 1855, 8«. See 1856, 5 ; 1864, 8. 
 
 3. Do ALL TO THE LORD Jesus. . . [&c., as 1849, 2]. Fifth edition. 
 
 Pp. 24: Oxford, 1855, 80. See 1865, a. 
 
 \\lk\ 
 
 ; HI 
 
 •I 
 
 \\ 
 
 !>, 
 
 1856. 
 
 1. Devotions for Holy Communion. 
 
 Pp. [?] : Lond., 1856, 120. Privately printed : • The Thanksgiving 
 after Holy Communion, &c., to end were by Dr. Pusey, and 
 were previously published separately : the first part was by the 
 Rev. [W.] U. Richards.' See 1848, 4 ; 1869, 5. 
 
 2. Bedell's Statute [a paper on the proposed alteration in the 
 position of the Bedells at Oxford : anonymous, but by Dr. Pusey : 
 undated, but Feb. 1856]. 
 
 Pp. 4 : [Oxford, 1856], 40. 
 
 3. Sermon [on Rev. xxi. 6] by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., Regius 
 Professor of Hebrew in Christ Church College, Oxford. The End 
 of All Things. 
 
 Pp. 222-40 of 'Sermons by eminent living Divines of the Church 
 of England* (London, 1856, 8^), 'British Eloquence. Sacred 
 Oratory, first series.' See Appendix B. 
 
 4. A Sermon . . . [&c., as 1832, i]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 30 : Oxford, 1856, 8°. See 1865, a ; 1884. a. 
 
 5. All Faith . . . [&c., as 1855, 2]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. viii + 96 : Oxford (Bristol), 1856, 8«. See 1859, i. 
 
 6. (Declaration on the Real Presence, first form, drawn up by 
 Dr. Pusey, beginning * {Private and Confidential] We the undersigned 
 Priests.') 
 
 Pp. 4 : n. pi., [1856], 8*. With a passage from Bp. Poynet. 
 
 Appendix A. ^jy 
 
 7. (Declaration as published, with the title Protest against 
 
 the Bath Judgement.) 
 
 Pp. [?] : n. pi. [Oct. 1856], 80. See VoL iii, p. 440. 
 
 8. 1 Meditations and Prayers ... by S. Anselm, sometime Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury. [Edited, but not translated, by Dr. Pusey 
 who signs the preface *E. B. P.' Sept. 1856.] 
 
 Pp. XX + 280 : Oxford, 1856, 120. - 
 
 9. tFAMiLiAR Instructions . . . [&c., as 1854, 5]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. xxviii+188: London, 1856, 120. In this edition both parts 
 are mcluded. ^ 
 
 10. Letter to the « Guardian,' dated Oct. 20, 1856, on the 
 Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist. 
 
 1857. 
 
 I. The Councils of the Church from the Council of 
 Jerusalem, a.d. 51, to the Council of Constantinople, a.d. 381, 
 chiefly as to their Constitution but also as to their 
 Objects and History. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 Pp. xvi + 356: Oxford (Bristol), 1857, 80. 
 
 a. The Real Presence of the Body and Blood of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ the Doctrine of the English Church, with 
 A Vindication of the Reception by the Wicked and of the 
 Adoration of our Lord Jesus Christ truly present. By the 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., ... 
 
 Pp. XXX + 354 : Oxford (Bristol), 1857, 8°. See 1869, 3 ; 1885, 3. 
 
 3- '^"E Real Presence . . . [&c., as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [?] : Oxford (Bristol), 1857, 80. 
 
 4. Repentance, from Love of God, life-long. A sermon [on 
 St. Luke xxii. 61-62] preached in the Church of St. Mary-the-Virgin, 
 Oxford, on Thursday, April 2, 1857. By Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 U»U,y . • • 
 
 Pp. 28: Oxford, 1857, 8«. 
 
 5. Entire Absolution of the Penitent. Sermon II f&c, 
 
 as 1846, 2). Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 48; Oxford (Bristol), 1857, 80. See 1859, i; 1865, i: 
 1879, 3. 
 
 6. tEXPOSITIONS ON THE BOOK OF PSALMS BY S. AUGUSTINE, 
 
 Bishop of Hippo, translated with notes and indices [by C. Marriott(?) 
 and H. Walford]. In six volumes. Vol. VI. Psalm cxxvi-cl. 
 
 Pp. [3] + vi + 548 : Oxford, 1857, 80. Part of the ' Library of the 
 leathers. The Advertisement is signed * E. B. P.', Advent 1857. 
 
 1858. 
 
 VOL. IV. 
 
 I. Letter TO the 'Guardian,' dated Dec. 7, 1858, on the 
 action of the Scotch Bishops. /» , ui m 
 
 E e 
 
 I!' 
 
 ii 
 
 n 
 
 li 
 
 , 
 
f ' 
 
 ' 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 H: 
 
 li 
 
 I 
 
 M 
 
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 » 
 
 Ml 
 
 418 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 1859. 
 
 I. Nine Sermons preached before the University of 
 Oxford and printed chiefly between a.d. 1843-1855- Now 
 collected into one volume. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, Regius Professor 
 of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church. [Preface dated * Easter 
 
 ^ ^^ Pp r8.i.e.s + 'xxii' + 'xxiii' + i]andviii + 94(-i843,i),andxx + 76 
 (- 1846, 1), and 48 ( = 1857, 5\ and viii + 74 (= |?53. 5). and 50 
 ( = 1853,6), and[4] + 7o ( = 1851, 10), and vm + 94 (=1856, 
 5), and xvi + 60 (-1841. 9): Oxford, 1859, 80. See 1865, i; 
 1879, 2. Afterwards issued as < University Sermons, Vol. 1, 
 see 187a, I ; 1878,4. 
 
 a. Chastisements . . . [&c., as 1847, 3]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 33 : Oxford (Bradford on Avon), 1859, 80. See 1865, a. 
 
 3. The Church the Converter . . . [&c., as 1838, 2]. Fourth 
 
 edition. 
 
 Pp. 68 : Oxford (Bradford on Avon), 1859, 8*. See 1865, 2. 
 
 i860. 
 
 I. The Minor Prophets, with a Commentary explanatory and 
 practical and introductions to the several books, by the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church. 
 Pp. viii + 634: Oxford, i860, 4". Issued in six parts (i860 (and 
 ed. 1861 : tenth thousand, 1863), 1861, 1863, 1871, 1875, 1877) 
 and with an additional titlepage, ' The Holy Bible, with a Com- 
 mentary explanatory and practical and introductions to the 
 several books, by Clergymen of the Church of England, Oxford, 
 i860, with Preface dated Easter, i860. See 1877, 3. The parts 
 were re-issoed without modification in various years. An mdex 
 to this work was published in 189 1. 
 
 3. God's Prohibition of the Marriage with a Deceased 
 Wife's Sister, Leviticus xviii. 6, not to be set aside by an 
 Inference from a Restriction of Polygamy among the Jews, 
 Leviticus xviii. i8. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 Pp. 44 : Oxford (London), i860, 8°. 
 
 3. On the * Honors ' proposed to be conferred by the New 
 Theological Sfatute. [Signed * E. B. P./ i.e. Dr. Pusey : undated, 
 
 but May, i860.] 
 
 [Oxford, i860,] 4«». 
 
 1861. 
 
 I, a. See i860, i (* Minor Prophets,* pt. i, 2nd ed., and pt. 2). 
 3. A Letter on the ' Essays and Reviews,' by Dr. Pusey. 
 (Reprinted from the Guardian [of March 6, 1861].) 
 
 Pp. 4 : n. pi., (1861 ?), 8». The letter is dated ' Lent, 1861.' 
 
 Appendix A. ^i^ 
 
 4. With whom lies the Responsibility of the Approaching 
 Conflict as to the Greek Chair? [Signed 'Pacificus,' i.e. 
 Dr. Pusey ; undated, but Nov. 1861.] 
 
 Pp. 4 : [Oxford, 1861], S*. 
 
 5. On whom lies the Responsibility of the Present Con- 
 test ? Answer to M.A. [Signed * Pacificus,' i. e. Dr. Pusey : undated, 
 but Nov. 1861.] ' 
 
 Pp. 3 : [Oxford, 1861], 8°. 
 
 6. Answer to Professor Stanley's Strictures [on the subject 
 of the endowment of the Greek Chair at Oxford ; signed * E. B. Pusev.' 
 Nov. 25, 1861]. ^ 
 
 Pp. 8 : [Oxford], (1861), 8<>. 
 
 7. The Thought of the Love of Jesus for us, the Remedy 
 for Sins of the Body. A Sermon [on i Cor. vi. 15] preached to 
 younger members of the University, at St. Mary's Church, Oxford, on 
 Friday evening, March i, [1861]. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 Published by request 
 
 Pp. 30 : Oxford, 1861, 8o. 
 
 8. Grounds of Objection to Details, at least, of the 
 Statute, as now proposed, for Middle Class Examinations. 
 [Signed * E. B. Pusey.'] 
 
 Pp.8: [Oxford, April, 1861 1,80. Another issue of this paper is iden- 
 tical except that it bears Messrs. Parker's imprint, and the price. 
 
 9. Vindication of Grounds of Objection to Details, at least, 
 OF THE Statute, as now proposed, for Middle Class Examina- 
 tions, AGAINST A Leading Article in the * Guardian.' [Signed 
 * E. B. Pusey,' May 6, [1861] 
 
 Pp.8: Oxford [1861], 80. 
 
 10. +The Works now extant of S. Justin the Martyr, trans- 
 lated, with notes and indices. [Preface revised by Dr. Pusey, who 
 signs it ' E. B. P.' : the Editor was the Rev. C. Marriott.] 
 
 Pp. [8] + xxiv + 386 : Oxford, 1861, 8°. Vol. 40 of the * Library of 
 the Fathers.* 
 
 II. Letter to the * Guardian/ dated Dec. o (?), 1861, on 
 the Greek Chair at Oxford. 
 
 1862. 
 
 I. See i860, I (* Minor Prophets,* pt. 3). 
 
 a. Parochial Sermons, Vol. IL Third edition. 
 
 See 1853, !• 
 
 3. Speech at the Church Congress at Oxford, July 9, 
 1 86a. See pp. 141-3 of the Heport of Proceedings (1863). 
 
 E e 2 
 
 I 
 
 ii 
 
 -M 
 
420 
 
 Lift of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 W 
 
 i 
 
 .' I 
 
 1863. 
 
 1. The Spirit comforting. A sermon [on St. Matth. v. 4] preached 
 in the Church of St. Mary-the-Virgin, Oxford, on Wednesday, March 
 18, 1863. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 32 : Oxford, 1863, S^. See 1877, 4. One of the Oxford Lenten 
 Sermons, 1863. 
 
 2. See i860, I (Minor Prophets). 
 
 3. Letter to the Rev. G. Williams, dated Jan. 27, 1863, 
 printed in the Guardian of Feb. 4, 1863, on Inspiration. 
 
 4. Letter to the * Times,' dated Feb. 17, 1863, on the * perse- 
 cution of Prof. Jowett ' : followed by others dated Feb. 20, 23, 25, 
 March 3, 16, and 20. 
 
 5. Letter to the * Guardian,' dated Apr. a, 1863, on the 
 living of Whitwoods. 
 
 1864. 
 
 I. Daniel the Prophet. Nine lectures, delivered in the Divinity 
 School of the University of Oxford, with copious notes. By the 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., ... 
 
 Pp. xl + 628 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1864, 80. See 1868, i ; 1883, 6. 
 A few copies of a privately printed * Index to Dr. Pusey's Daniel 
 the Prophet * by the Rev. G. R. Adam were issued in 1892 (?). 
 
 a. [As above]. Second thousand [or * Third thousand']. 
 
 Pp. xl + 628 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1864, 8o. 
 
 3. -tCASE, AS TO THE LEGAL FORCE OF THE JUDGMENT OF THE 
 
 Privy Council in re Fendall v. Wilson ; with the Opinion of the 
 Attorney-General and Sir Hugh Cairns, and a preface to those who 
 love God and His truth, by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. [The Opinion 
 is dated June 7, 1864.] 
 
 Pp. 36 : Oxford (London), 1864, S". 
 
 4. Case ... [as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 36 : Oxford (London), 1864, S". 
 
 5. Dr. Pusey on the Privy Council Judgement. 
 
 pp. 4 : n. pi., n. d., 80. A reprint of a letter by Dr. Pusey, dated 
 Feb. 17, (1864), which appeared in the Record oiYth. 19. 
 
 6. Parochial Sermons, Vol. I. Fifth edition. 
 
 Pp. [4] + xxiv + viii + 480 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1864, 80. The title 
 is not quite certain : the only copy I have seen had the 1852 
 titlepage. This edition has a dedication *To the Congrega- 
 tions. . . .' See 1848, 1. 
 
 7. The Church the Converter . . . [&c., as 1838, 2]. Fifth 
 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. 58 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1864, 8«. See 1865, 2 ; 1884, 2. 
 
 8. All Faith . . . [&c., as 1855, 2]. Third thousand. 
 
 Pp. vui + 94 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1864, 8». See 1865, i ; 1879, a. 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 421 
 
 9. Patience . . . [&c., as 1837, 2]. Fourth thousand. 
 
 Pp- [4] + 52 : Oxford (Plymouth), 8«>. See 1865, I J '879, 2. 
 
 10. The Preaching of the Gospel . . , [&c., as 1841, 5]. Third 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. [4] + 28 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1864, 8'*. See 1865, 2 ; 1884) 2. 
 n* God is Love . . . [&c., as 1844, 2]. Third thousand. 
 
 Pp- [4] + 50 '- Oxford (Plymouth), 1864, S®. See 1865, 2 ; 1884, 2. 
 
 13. Everlasting Punishment. A sermon [on St. Matth. xxv. 46] 
 preached before the University in the Cathedral Church of Christ, in 
 Oxford, on the twenty-first Sunday after Trinity, 1864, by the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 32 : Oxford (1864), 8®. See 1865, 6; 1878, 11 ; 1880, 8. 
 
 13. David in his Sin and his Penitence. [A sermon on Ps. li. 
 4.] By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 161-188 of 'Sermons preached during Lent in Great St. Mary's 
 Church, Cambridge* (Camb., 1864), 8°. 
 
 14. For the Hebdomadal Council only [a paper addressed 
 to the Vice- Chancellor, about the Middle Class Examinations, signed 
 *E. B. Pusey*: undated, but apparently 1864]. 
 
 Pp. 8; [Oxford, 1864?], 40. 
 
 15. Answer to the Objections to The Middle Class Ex- 
 amination Statute, and Reasons for its Acceptance. (Signed 
 * E. B. Pusey' : undated, but April or May, 1864.J 
 
 Pp. 8: [Oxford. 1864], 4«. 
 
 16. Will the Plan of the Delegates promote or dis- 
 courage the Study of the Bible, or will the Proposed 
 Statute discourage essential Secular Knowledge ? [Signed 
 *E. B. P.' : undated, but April, 1864.] 
 
 Pp. 2 : [Oxford, 1864], 4''- 
 
 17. (A Form of Statute, *for the Hebdomadal Council only,' 
 to give the Greek Professor ;£36o a year, with an anonymous preamble 
 composed by Pusey: undated, but probably Oct. 1864 : a single sheet 
 quarto : there is another form omitting the words about the Hebdomadal 
 Council.) 
 
 18. +A Guide to pass Lent . . . [&c., as 1844, 5]. Third edition. 
 
 19. Letter to a Friend, dated Jan. 4, 1864, printed in the 
 Guardian : on the Burial Service. 
 
 ao. Speech in Congregation, at Oxford, on Feb. 4, 1864, 
 printed in the Guardian^ Feb. 10, 1864, p. 136 : about the Endow- 
 ment of the Greek Chair. 
 
 21. Letter to the ♦ Record,* dated Feb. 17, 1864, on the 
 Privy Council Judgment on Essays and Reviews, 
 
 32. Letter to the * Record,* dated Feb. 23, 1864, on the 
 same. 
 
 23. Letter to the * Times,* dated March 2, 1864, on the 
 endowment of Professor Jowett 
 
 I 
 
w 
 
 i 
 
 \- 
 5- 
 
 I 
 III 
 
 < » 
 
 i.'i 
 
 422 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 24. Letter to the * Times,* dated March 7, 1864, on Mr. 
 Maurice and the Oxford Declaration : followed by another, not 
 dated, beginning * Sir, As before, I will not trouble you': and 
 another, undated, printed in the Times of March 15, 1864, 
 beginning 'Sir, Mr. Maurice, from a charge.* 
 
 25. Letter to the Rev. H. B. Walton, dated April 5, 
 1864, printed in the Guardian soon after: on the Oxford Declara- 
 tion. 
 
 26. Letter to the 'Times,* dated Dec. 13, 1864, 0° Mr. 
 Keble and ' Anglicanus * : followed by another, not dated, be- 
 ginning, * Sir, As " Anglicanus " does not wish.* 
 
 27. Letter to the • Times,* not dated, on Dr. Pusey's preface 
 to the Opinion of the Attorney General : beginning * Sir, 
 Accidentally I have only seen,' followed by a similar one, not dated, 
 beginning * Sir, It would be very imreasonable.* 
 
 1865. 
 
 1. Nine Sermons . . . [<fec., as 1859, i]. 
 
 Pp. xxii and as 1859, i, except that the last two sermons are 
 pp. viii + 94 (=1864, 8) and [4] + 52 (=1864. 9): Oxford 
 (Plymouth), 1865, 80. 
 
 2. Parochial Sermons preached and printed on Various 
 Occasions, now collected into one Volume. By the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. viii and 46 ( = 1840, 7) and 56 ( = 1841, 4) and [4] + 30 ( =^ 1864, 
 10) and [4] + 50 ( = 1864, II) and 3a (-1859, 2), and 28 
 (-1845, 6) and 24 ( = 1855, 3) and [41 + 48 ( = 1850, 5] and 68 
 (-1859, 3) and 58 ( = 1864, 70 »n<i 3o( = »856, 4) : Oxford, 
 1865,80. See 1884, 2. 
 
 3. The Church of England a Portion of Christ*s one 
 Holy Catholic Church, and a Means of restoring Visible 
 Unity. An Eirenicon, in a Letter to the Author of * The Christian 
 Year* [John Keble]. By E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. xiv + 410 ('3'_'4i3'): Oxford (London), 1865, 80. Part I 
 of the Eirenicon : see 1866, 7 ; 1869, » I '870, i. The * Fifth ' 
 * Sixth' and * Seventh thousand,* in the same year, do not differ. 
 The title on the label on the back is ' The Truth and Office of 
 the English Church.* 
 
 4. Tract XC. On Certain Passages in the XXXIX Articles. 
 By the Rev. J. H. Newman, B.D., 1841. With a historical preface by 
 the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., and Catholic subscription to the XXXIX 
 Articles considered in reference to Tract XC by the Rev. John 
 Keble, M.A., 1841. 
 
 Pp. xxviii + 88 + 26 : Oxford (London), 1865, 8». See 1866, 5; 
 ^875, 7; 1893, 2. There is an undated edition: 'Sixth thousand* 
 (pp. xliv+[?]: London, 8«). Tract XC is reprinted from the 
 stereotypes of the 4th ed. 
 
 5. Sermon X. The Conflict :— in a Superficial Age [a ser- 
 mon on Ps. xxxix. 6-7 by Dr. Pusey]. 
 
 Pp. 137-156 of * The Enduring Conflict of Christ with . . . Sin . . . 
 Sermons preached during . . . Lent, 1865, in Oxford . . . with 
 a preface by Samuel, Lord Bishop of Oxford ' (Oxford, 1865, 8»). 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 423 
 
 6. Everlasting Punishment . . . [&c, as 1864, 12]. 
 
 Pp. 33 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1865, 8». 
 
 7. The Local Examination Statute [signed *E. B. Pusey/ 
 
 March 6, 1865]. 
 
 Pp. 2: [Oxford], (1865), 4«. 
 
 8. University Examination Statute [a paper signed* A Mem- 
 ber of Council,* i. e. Dr. Pusey : undated, but March, 1865]. 
 
 Pp. 2 : [Oxford, 1865], 4''. 
 
 9. An Answer to the Paper * An Important Principle in 
 Danger* [signed *E. B. Pusey,* issued soon after March 10, 1865. 
 The subject is the Local Examination Statute]. 
 
 Pp. a : [Oxford, 1865], 4«. 
 
 10. The Spirit in which the Researches of Learning and 
 Science should be applied to the Study of the Bible. By the 
 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey. 
 
 Pp- [•] • [1865?], 80. A Norwich Church Congress Paper: 
 
 it occupies pp. 181-190 of the Report of the Proceedings (London, 
 1866, 80) and was read on Oct. 5, 1865. The paper was also 
 * Privately reprinted . . . ' (pp. 24 : n. pi., n. d., 8*). 
 
 11. Two Letters to the * Guardian* (?), on the Colenso 
 Judgment, the first undated, beginning 'Sir, Friends and foes,* 
 the second dated March 29, 1865. 
 
 12. Letter to the * Guardian * (?), dated April 26, 1865, 
 on the Oxford University election. 
 
 13. Letter to the * Guardian,* dated Oct. 9, 1865, on Dr. 
 Newman. 
 
 14. Letter to the * Times,* dated Dec. 4, 1865, on the Con- 
 firmation of Archbishop Parker : followed by one, perhaps to the 
 Timts^ dated Dec 16, 1865, in answer to Mr. Gumey. 
 
 15. Two Letters to the *John Bull' in answer to Mr. 
 Guraey, dated Dec. 7 and 18, 1865. (Dr. Pusey also wrote a letter 
 to the Morning Post, on the same subject, at about the same 
 time, not dated, beginning, * Sir, Having already answered.*) 
 
 16. Letter to the 'Times,' Dec. 12, 1865, on Anglican 
 Orders. 
 
 17. Letter to the ' Weekly Register,* Dec. 20, 1865, on 
 the same. 
 
 1866. 
 
 1. Occasional Paper of the Eastern Church Association. 
 
 No. IL The Essential Unity of the Church of Christ. 
 
 Extracted from * An Eirenicon * by E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . with the 
 
 sanction of the author. 
 
 Pp. 20 : London, 1866. 8®. The preface reprints a letter from 
 Dr. Pusey to the Rev. G. Williams, of King*s College, Cambridge, 
 dated Dec 23, 1865. 
 
 2. A Review of Dr. Pusey*s Eirenicon, reprinted from the 
 * Weekly Register,* with two letters to the Editor from Dr. Pusey on 
 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
M 
 
 fa 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 11 
 
 
 I 
 
 > 
 
 il ; 
 
 ' 
 
 I 
 
 i; 
 
 M! 
 
 424 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 his hopes of the reunion of the Church of England with the Catholic 
 Church, . . . 
 
 Pp. 36: Lond. [1866?], 8°. See 1867, 3: the second letter is 
 dated Dec. 6, 1865. 
 
 3. The Miracles of Prayer. A sermon [on St. Matth. xxi. 22] 
 preached before the University, in the Cathedral Church of Christ, 
 in Oxford, on Septuagesima Sunday, 1866. By the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D. ... 
 
 Pp. 36 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1866, 8«>. See 1878. 4 ; 1880, i. The 
 ' Sixth thousand ' issued this year is identical. 
 
 4. Sermon V. The Kingdom of Light set up.— The Conflict 
 AND Victory of its Faithful Children. [A sermon on St. Luke 
 xxiv. 49, by Dr. Pusey]. 
 
 Pp. 61-80 of 'The Conflict of Christ' . . . Sermons preached 
 during . . . Lent, 1866, in Oxford . . . with a preface by Samuel, 
 Lord Bishop of Oxford (Oxford, 1866, 80). 
 
 5. Tract XC. . . . [&c.,as 1865, 4, adding after *i 841':— ] Revised 
 edition of the Preface. Fourth thousand. 
 
 Pp. xliv + 88 : Oxford (London), 1866, 8«>. 
 
 6. Entire Absolution . . . (&c., as 1846, i). Sbcth thousand. 
 
 Pp. XX + 64: Oxford (London), 1866, 8<». See 1879, a. 
 
 7. The Church of England. . . . [&c., as 1865, 3]. Ninth 
 thousand 
 
 Pp. xiv + 410 : Oxford (London), 1866, 8». 
 
 8. Letter to the * Guardian,' dated Jan. 20, 1866, in answer 
 to Dr. Wordsworth. 
 
 9. Letter to the* Weekly Register,' dated Jan. 21, 1866, 
 a reply to Mr. Allies. 
 
 10. Letter to the • Guardian,' dated June 26, 1866, correct- 
 ing Mr. Gumey. 
 
 11. Two Speeches to the English Church Union, in June, 
 1866 : reported in several newspapers. 
 
 12. Letter to the * Weekly Register ' of July 28, 1866, io 
 answer to Mr. J. M. Rhodes. 
 
 13. Letter to the * Weekly Register,' dated Sept. 12, 1866. 
 
 14. Letter to the * Weekly Register,' dated Sept. 22, 1866. 
 
 15. Letter to the 'Times,* dated Nov. 13, 1866, on Confession. 
 (At least seven more letters from Dr. Pusey on this subject appeared 
 about this time in the Times), 
 
 16. Letter to the 'Times,* dated Dec. la, 1866, on the 
 alteration of a line in ' The Christian Year.' See 1867, 8 ; 1878, 1 a. 
 
 (Conversation in 1846 between Dr. Pusey and Mr. • G./ 
 then an Anglican clergyman, printed in the Weekly Register of 
 March 17, 1866.) ^ ^ 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 1867. 
 
 425 
 
 1. Will ye also go away ? A sermon [on St. John vi. 67-69] 
 
 preached before the University of Oxford, on the fourth Sunday after 
 
 Epiphany, 1867. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by 
 
 request. 
 
 Pp. x + 30: Oxford (London), 1867, 80. See 1878,4; 1880, 7. 
 Copies marked * Third ' and * Fourth thousand ' do not differ. 
 
 2. Life, the Preparation for Death : a Sermon [on Heb. ix. 
 27] preached at Great St. Mary's, Cambridge, on the first Friday 
 in Lent, 1867. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D 
 
 Pp. 28 : Oxford (London), 1867, 80. 
 
 3. Letters on the * Eirenicon': addressed to the Weekly 
 
 Register by M. J. Rhodes, Esq., M.A., and now reprinted with the 
 
 replies of the Rev. Dr. Pusey . . . and additions. 
 
 Pp. iv + 48: London, 1867, 8«. Dr. Pusey's letters to the Weekly 
 Register bear date i86(), July 28 (date of publication), Sept. 12, 
 22. See 1866, 2, 12-14. 
 
 4. t Essays on the Re-union of Christendom . . . edited by 
 the Rev. Frederick George Lee, . . . with a preface by the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D. . . . 
 
 Pp. lxxxviii + 310 : London, 1867, 12®. 
 
 5* Essays on Re-union. The introductory Essay by E. B. 
 
 Pusey, D.D. 
 
 Pp. 62 : London, 1867, 8». 
 
 6. Letter to the 'Literary Churchman,' dated Jan. 12, 
 1867, on Legislation as a remedy for Dissensions within the Church. 
 
 7. Letter to the President of the English Church 
 Union, dated Jan. 12, 1867, read at the meeting on Jan. 14. 
 
 8. Letter to the 'Literary Churchman,' dated Jan. 21, 
 1867, on the alteration in the Christian Year, see 1866, 16. 
 
 9. Speech to the English Church Union, Feb. 21, 1867. 
 
 10. Letter to the 'Oxford Chronicle,' dated March 26, 
 1867, about supposed tendencies in Dr. Pusey towards Romanism, 
 and including one to Mr. Golightly. 
 
 11. Speech to the English Church Union, in March, 1867, 
 on Ritual. 
 
 12. Letter to the * Oxford Chronicle,' dated April 13, 
 1867. 
 
 13. Speech to the Oxford Branch of the English 
 Church Union, June 11, 1867. 
 
 14. Letter to the * Church Review,* dated June 13, 1867, 
 on the * Index,* 
 
 15. Speech to the English Church Union, June 19, 1867. 
 
 16. Letter to the * Guardian,' dated July 29, 1867, on the 
 English Church and the Scandinavian bodies. 
 
 I 
 
 
 ■\\ 
 
( 
 
 
 I 
 
 iiM 
 
 ('• 
 
 •h 
 
 I >, 
 
 .'!■ 
 
 'J 
 
 ^\ 
 
 426 Zf/fe 0/* Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 17. Letter to the * Guardian,' dated Aug. 5, 1867, on the 
 Confessional, in answer to the Globe. 
 
 m 
 
 18. Letter to the * Times,' dated Sept. 9, 1867, about Dr. 
 Colenso. 
 
 19. Speeches to the English Church Union, Nov. 20, 
 1867. 
 
 1868. 
 
 1. Daniel the Prophet. . . [&c., as 1864, i, substituting for 
 * Second thousand '] Second edition, fourth [or fifth] thousand. 
 
 Pp. civ + 652 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1868, S". 
 
 2. Daniel the Prophet . . . [&c., as above]. Third edition, fifth 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. [?] : Oxford, 1868, 8«. 
 
 3. Parochial Sermons . . . Vol. i [as 1852, i]. Third edition, 
 sixth thousand. 
 
 Pp. [4] + viii + 480 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1868, 80. 
 
 4. Parochial Sermons . . . Vol. 2 [as 1853, i]. Second edition, 
 fifth thousand. 
 
 Pp. [?] : Oxford, 1868, 8®. 
 
 5. Eleven Addresses during a Retreat of the Companions 
 OF THE Love of Jesus, engaged in Perpetual Intercession for 
 the Conversion of Sinners. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 
 Pp. viii + 136: Oxford (Plymouth), 1868, 8^ A second edition 
 was published subsequently. See 1878, 9; 1882, 4. 
 
 6. Our Pharisaism: a sermon [on St. Luke xviii. 11] preached 
 at St. Paul's, Knightsbridge, on Ash-Wednesday, 1868. By the Rev. 
 E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Published by request. 
 
 Pp. [2] + 32 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1868, 8«. 
 
 7. Sermon V. The Victor on His Throne, the Object of 
 Divine Worship. [A sermon on Rev. v. 11-13, by Dr. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp- 73*98 of *The Victor in the Conflict. Sermons preached 
 during. . . Lent, 1867, in Oxford. With a Preface by Samuel, 
 Lord Bishop of Oxford ' (Oxford, 1868, 8o). 
 
 8. The Board of Examiners for the Proposed Theological 
 School. [Signed * E. B. Pusey,' June 10, 1868.] 
 
 Pp. 4 : [Oxford], (1868), 40. 
 
 9. The Divinity School. [A paper signed *E. B. Pusey,' 
 Nov. 19, (1868).] 
 
 Pp. 4 : [Oxford, 1868], folio. 
 
 10. The Worship of Mary in the Church of Rome. (Ex- 
 tracted from Dr. Pusey's * Eirenicon.*) With a few words to Ritualists 
 and Protestants. 
 
 Pp. 8: London, [1868?], i2». Compiled by 'Veritas': an attack 
 on Dr. Pusey's doctrines. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 427 
 
 11. tTHE Spiritual Combat . . . [&c., as 1846, 5]. Sixteenth 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. xxxii + 246 : Oxford, 1868, 12°. The 'Seventeenth thousand' 
 does not differ. 
 
 12. tTHE Epistles of S. Cyprian . . . [&c., as 1844, 7]. 
 
 Pp. XXX [(2) + ' X '-' xxxvi '] + 423 : Oxford (London), 1868, 8». 
 
 13. Letter to Dr. Liddon, in a postscript to a letter of 
 Dr. Liddon's to the Guardian (?), dated Mar. 21, 1868: on the 
 Oxford Tests Bill. 
 
 14. Speech at Keble College, Oxford. Pp. 40-46 of * Pro- 
 ceedings at the Laying of the First Stone of Keble College, Oxford, 
 . . . Apr. 25th, 1868 ' (Lond., 1868, 40). 
 
 15. Speech to the English Church Union, June 16, 1868. 
 
 16. Letter to the Hon. C. L. Wood, dated July 9, 1868, 
 on the English Church Union : published in the Guardian. 
 
 17. Letters to the 'Guardian,' dated July 20 and Aug. 10, 
 1868, about the Church Association. 
 
 18. Letter to the President of the Wesleyan Con- 
 ference at Liverpool, printed from the Proceedings of the 
 Conference in the Guardian of Aug. 19, 1868. 
 
 19. Letter to the ' Times,' dated Aug. 20, 1868, on the above 
 letter. This was reprinted in the Guardian of Aug. 26. 
 
 ao. Letter to Mr. Burgon, printed in the Guardian of 
 Sept. a, 1868 : on the Tests Bill. 
 
 ai. Letter to the * Times,' dated Dec 26, 1868, on the 
 Mackonochie judgment. 
 
 
 f| 
 
 il 
 
 1869. 
 
 I. First Letter to the Very Rev. j. H. Newman, D.D., in 
 Explanation chiefly in regard to the Reverential Love 
 due to the Ever-blessed Theotokos, and the Doctrine of 
 HER Immaculate Conception; with an analysis of Cardinal de 
 Turrecremata's work on the Immaculate Conception. By the Rev. 
 E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . [Half-title :— ] Eirenicon, part II. 
 
 Pp. xiv + 526 [*3'— '528']: Oxford (London), 1869, 8«. See 
 1865, 3. 
 
 a. Parochial Sermons. Vol II. . . . [&c., as 1853, i]. Seventh 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. xii + 400: Oxford (Plymouth), 1869, 8<». 
 
 3. The Real Presence . . . [&c., as 1857, 2]. Third thousand. 
 
 Pp. xxxii + 350 : Oxford (Plymouth), 1869, 8®. 
 
 4. Personal Responsibility of Man, as to his Use of Time. 
 
 [Sermon on St. John ix. 4, by Dr. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp. 69-85 of * Personal Responsibility of Man. Sermons preached 
 during . . . Lent, 1868, in Oxford . . . ' (Oxford, 1869, 8°). 
 
 I ■ 
 
 i j 
 
 m 
 
;• 
 
 i 
 
 J 
 
 
 M 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 428 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 5. Devotions . . . [&c., as 1856, i]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [?] : London, 1869, la". 
 
 6. The Proposed Statute for a Theological School. [Signed 
 *E. B. Pusey/ May 12, (1869).] 
 
 Pp. 4 : [Oxford, 1869], 4°' 
 
 7. The Proposed School of Theology. [Signed * E. B. Pusey,' 
 Whit-Monday, May 17, 1869.] 
 
 Pp. 4 : [Oxford], (1869), 4°. 
 
 8. Sketch of a Case prepared by Dr. Pusey. [A paper on 
 technical points connected with the Statute constituting a new Theo- 
 logical School : unsigned and undated, but apparently May, 1869.] 
 
 Pp. 4: [Oxford, 1869?], 40. 
 
 9. tTHE Sufferings of Jesus . . . Composed by Fra Thom^ de 
 
 Jesu . . . Translated from the original Portuguese [edited by Dr. Pusey, 
 
 who signs a note on p. iv. of Part I * E. B. P : in two parts]. 
 
 Pp. xxiv + 500 and vi + 416: Oxford (Plymouth), 1869, ia«. See 
 1884, 15. 
 
 10. tViLLAGE Sermons on the Baptismal Service. By the 
 Rev. John Keble . . . Third thousand. [With a * Notice ' of 2 pp. by 
 Dr. Pusey, signed * E. B. P.,' June 7, 1868.] 
 
 Pp. [2] + xii + 3io: Oxford (Plymouth), 1869, 8<». 
 
 11. tTRACTATUS DE VERITATE CONCEPTIONIS BEATISSIMvE VIR- 
 
 GiNis . . ., ANNO Domini mccccxxxvii . . . compilatus per . . . 
 fratrem joannem de Turrecremata . . . [edited by Dr. Pusey, 
 who signs the preface *E. B. Pusey,' July 25, 1869: but the Rev. 
 R. W, Stubbs prepared the text]. 
 
 Pp. 44 + 808: Romae, 1547, repr. Oxford (London), 1869, sm. 4*. 
 
 12. +PARADISE OF THE CHRISTIAN SOUL . . . [&C., as 1 847, 5]. 
 
 Fifth thousand. 
 
 Pp. xxxii + iia and 68 and [a] + 93 and [2] + 136 and [a] + 138 and 
 [a] + 86 leaves: Oxford (Plymouth), 1869, '2°. Vol. 1 has some- 
 times an 1870 titlepage, and Vol. 2 an 1871 one. Part V has also 
 sometimes a titlepage (London, no date), ' Devotions for Holy 
 Communion. . . . ' 
 
 13. Speeches TO THE English Church Union, Feb. 17 and 
 June 15, 1869; and to the Oxiord Branch, May 18, 1869. 
 
 14. Letter to the * Guardian,' dated July 26, 1869, on the 
 Tests BilL 
 
 15. Letter to the * Guardian,* dated Oct. 10, 1869, on the 
 appointment of Dr. Temple to the Bishopric of Exeter. 
 
 16. Letter to * John Bull,' on the same. 
 
 17. Letter to the * Times,' dated Oct. 25, 1869, on the 
 same: followed by another, not dated, in answer to Dr. Pusey's 
 critics, beginning, * Sir, Will you allow me.' 
 
 18. Letter to the • Guardian,' in seven parts, on the same. 
 
 19. Letter to the 'Guardian,' on Disestablishment: be- 
 ginning, * Sir, I did not say.* 
 
 Appendix A, 
 1870. 
 
 429 
 
 1. Is Healthful Reunion impossible? A second letter to the 
 
 Very Rev. J. H. Newman, D.D. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 [Half-title : — ] Eirenicon, part II L 
 
 Pp. xii + 354 : Oxford (London), 1870, 80. See 1865, 3 ; 1874, 4; 
 1876, 4. 
 
 2. Isaiah. [Sermon on Is. vi. 8-10, by Dr. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp- 75-93 of * The Prophets of the Lord . . . Sermons preached 
 during . . . Lent, 1869, in Oxford . . . ' (Oxford, 1870, 8°). 
 
 3. tPARADISE OF THE CHRISTIAN SOUL : see 1 869, 12. 
 
 4. Letter to the ' Times,' dated Feb. 10, 1870, on the opposi- 
 tion to Dr. Temple. 
 
 5. Letter to the ' Times,' undated, on Dr. Temple's explana- 
 tion : beginning, 'Sir, I gladly would have remained.' 
 
 6. Letter to the Rev. A. R. Fausset, on Biblical revision : 
 included in one from Mr. Fausset to the Recordf dated Mar. 23, 
 1870. 
 
 7. Letter to the 'Rock* (April?, 1870), about the Record 
 and the Rock : beginning * Sir, Allow me, in reference.' 
 
 8. Speech at the opening of Keble College, June, 1870. 
 
 9. Letter to the 'Times,' dated Nov. 15, on Mr. Voysey's 
 appeal : followed by one to the Standard, dated Nov. 20, on 
 the same subject. 
 
 187I. 
 
 I. The Purchas Judgment, a letter of acknowledgment to the 
 
 Right Hon. Sir J. T. Coleridge ... by H. P. Liddon . . . together with 
 
 a Letter to the Writer by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 72 : London, 1871, 8^. Dr. Pusey's letter occupies pp. 53-71, 
 and is dated April 3 and 10, 1871. 
 
 [as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [41 + 76: London, 1871, 8". Pusey's letter has a postscript, 
 dated April 29, 1871, which was also separately printed (pp. 4, 
 8° : * Note on a Letter ...'). 
 
 See i860, I (* Minor Prophets,' pt. 4). 
 
 This is my Body. A sermon [on St. Matth. xxvi. 26] preached 
 before the University at S. Mary's, on the fifth Sunday after Easter, 
 
 1 87 1. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D 
 
 Pp. 48: Oxford, 1871, 8«. See 1878, 4; 1880, i. 
 
 5. The Presence of Christ . . . [&c., as 1853, 5]. 
 
 Pp. viii + 74 : 1871, Oxford (London), 8°. See 1879, 2. 
 
 6. Doctrinal or Undoctrinal Instruction of the Under- 
 graduate Members of the University belonging to the Church of 
 
 2. 
 
 3- 
 4. 
 
 England. 
 
 Pp. [a]: [Oxford, 1871], 40. Signed 'E. B. P.,' 'Nov. ai.' 
 About the study of the XXXIX Articles, in connexion with 
 a proposed amendment of the Statute. 
 
 I 
 
 ; 
 
 m 
 
 \ 
 
430 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 7. (Dr. Pusey issued a paper reprinted in the London papers, dated 
 Nov. 30, (1871), about Toleration, addressed to Members of Con- 
 gregation at Oxford.) 
 
 8. (The 14th Occasional Paper of the Eastern Church Association 
 issued in 1871 or 1872 contains five Letters from Dr. Pusey to the 
 Rev. Geo. Williams, dated — , Feb. 20, — , Feb. 21, March 10, 1870: 
 on the subject of the Filioque clause.) 
 
 g. t Paradise of the Christian Soul : see 1869, 12. 
 
 10. Letter to a Friend, published in Saunders's News Letter^ 
 and reprinted in the Guardian (?), dated April 23, 187 1, on Auricular 
 Confession. 
 
 11. Letter to Mr. W. Brooke, dated May 23, 1871, 
 published in the Dublin Daily Express ^ in reply to Mr. Maskell. 
 
 12. Speech to the Oxford Branch of the English 
 Church Union, May 30, 1871. 
 
 13. Letter to the 'Record/ dated June 12, 1871, on Dr. 
 Pusey's Sermon on the Holy Eucharist. 
 
 14. Letter to the Members of the Catholic Union for 
 Prayer, dated Nov. 5, 1871, printed in the Guardian {\). 
 
 15. Letter to the Members of the Catholic Union for 
 Prayer, undated, enclosing a Petition from Dr. Pusey to be 
 presented to the Lower House of Convocation, about the Athanasian 
 Creed : printed in the Guardian (?). 
 
 16. Letters to the * Times,' dated Dec. 2, 14, and 16, 1871, 
 on Dr. Pusey's Suspension in 1843. 
 
 <\ 
 
 I ! 
 
 1872. 
 
 I. Sermons preached before the University of Oxford 
 between a. d. 1859 AND 1 872. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 Pp. xvi + 496: Oxford, 1872, 8®. This volume counts as 'Uni- 
 versity Sermons, Vol. H': see 1859, * * '884, i. 
 
 2. Sermons . . . [&c., as above]. Second thousand. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 492 : Oxford, 1872, S". 
 
 3. Lent Readings . . . [&c., as 1852, 4]. 
 
 Pp. viii+270: London, 1872, 12°. 
 
 4. Eve. [Sermon on Gen. iii. 4-5, by Dr. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp. 69-87 of ' The Typical Persons of the Pentateuch . . . Sermons 
 preached during . . . Lent, 1870-71, in Oxford . . .* (Oxford, 
 1872, 80). There is a separate edition of this sermon (20 pages) 
 marked 'Sermon viii'and 'Lenten Sermon, 1870, Eve,' without 
 title-page or author's name : probably a proof-copy issued for 
 the author's use in 1871 or 1872. The sermon is No. v as 
 published. 
 
 5. Chastisements . . . [&c., as 1847, 3]. Fourth edition. 
 
 Pp. 32 : Oxford, 1872, 80. See 1884, a. 
 
 6. The Day of Judgment . . . [&c, as 1839, 10]. Fifth edition. 
 
 Pp. zii -f 32 : Oxford, 1872, 8». See 1884, a. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 431 
 
 7. tA Guide for . . . Advent . . . [&c., as 1844, 4]. 
 
 Pp. lxiv + 306: Oxford, 1872, 12®. 
 
 8. tA Guide for . . . Lent . . . [&c., as 1844, 5]. Fourth edition. 
 
 Pp. xiv + 394: Oxford, 1872, 12®. 
 
 9. tTHE Life of Jesus . . . [&c., nearly as 1846, 3, 4]. Third 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 478: Oxford, 1872, 120. 
 
 10. t. . . AUGUSTINI Confessiones . . . [&c., as 1 838, 8]. Editio 
 secunda. 
 
 Pp. viii + 326: Oxonii (London), 1872, %'*. 
 
 n. Letter to the 'Times,' dated Aug. 10, 1S72, on the 
 Athanasian Creed : followed by another dated Aug. 22. 
 
 la. Letter to the 'Times,' dated Dec. 22, 1872, on the 
 Oxford Select Preachers. 
 
 1873. 
 
 1. Parochial Sermons, VoL III . . . [&c., as 1841, 3]. Revised 
 edition. 
 
 Pp. xii + 482 : Oxford, 1873, 8». 
 
 2. The Responsibility of Intellect in Matters of Faith : 
 a sermon [on St. John xii. 48] preached before the University of 
 Oxford, on Advent Sunday, 1872. With an Appendix on Bishop 
 Moberly's Strictures on the warning clauses of the Athanasian Creed. 
 By E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 84 : Oxford (London), 1873, 8°. See 1876, 6 ; 1879, 4. 
 
 3. Sinful Blindness amidst Imagined Light. A sermon [on St. 
 John ix. 41] preached before the University of Oxford, on the twenty- 
 third Sunday after Trinity, 1873. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 34: Oxford, 1873, 8«. See 1878, 4; 1879, 5 ; 1880, i. 
 
 4. Letter to Dr. Liddon, dated Jan. 27, 1873, read at 
 a meeting in defence of the Athanasian Creed, Jan. 31, 1873. 
 
 5. Letter to the * Times/ about July 21, 1873, on a petition 
 to Convocation. 
 
 6. Letter to Mr. Grove, dated Nov. 28, 1873, printed in 
 the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund Com- 
 mittee, Jan. 1874. 
 
 1874. 
 
 I. Lenten Sermons, preached chiefly to Young Men at the 
 Universities, between A.D. 1858-1874. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 
 D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. xii + 488 : Oxford, 1874, 8». The * Conclusion to " The Losses 
 of th« Saved " as preached at All Saints, Margaret St., Ash- 
 Wednesday, 1867,' which is omitted in this volume, though the 
 rest of the sermon is there, was printed separately (pp. 4, n. d., 8*.). 
 
 
 i-'i 
 
432 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 a. The Proposed Ecclesiastical Legislation. Three letters 
 
 to the Times (reprinted by request) : with a Preface. By the 
 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. . . . 
 
 Pp. 40 : Oxford, 1874, S°. The Letters are dated 1874, March 13, 
 20, 28. 
 
 3. (Letter from Dr. Pusey to the Members and Associates 
 OF THE English Church Union, dated Jan. 31, [1874 ?], followed by 
 a prayer written by John Keble, modified.) 
 
 Pp. 4: London, [1874?], 120. 
 
 4. Is Healthful Reunion impossible ? . . . [&c., as 1870, i]. 
 
 Pp. [?] : Oxford (London), 1874, 80. 
 
 5. Public- Worship-Regulation-Bill. Speech at the meeting of 
 the English Church Union, held at St. James's Hall, June 16, 1874, 
 by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. la : n. pi., 1874, 8°. 
 
 6. +COMMENTARY ON THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. JOHN BY 
 
 S. Cyril, Archbishop of Alexandria. Vol. L St. John i-viii. 
 
 [Edited by Philip E. Pusey, but a large part of the preface, see p. ix, 
 
 is by his father Dr. Pusey.] 
 
 Pp. lx + 684: Oxford, 1874, 8». Part of the * Library of the 
 Fathers.' 
 
 7. +The Foundations of the Spiritual Life . . . [&c., as 
 1844, 6]. 
 
 Pp. [2] + lxxiv+ 352 : Oxford, 1874, la®. 
 
 1 
 
 8. Letter to the • Times ' of July 24, 1874, on Dr. Pusey and 
 the Ritualists. 
 
 9. Address to the Associates of the Catholic Union 
 for Prayer, Aug. 18, 1874 (printed in the Guardian of Sept. 23, 
 1874, and Times of Sept 17). 
 
 10. Letter to Archdeacon John Allen, dated Nov. a, 
 [1874J, on the Rubrics (printed in the Guardian of Nov. 11, 1874). 
 
 r, 
 
 1875. 
 
 1. See i860, I (* Minor Prophets,' pt. 5). 
 
 2. Letter to the Archbishop of Dublin. 
 
 Pp. 16 : [Oxford, 1 875], 8°. On proposed changes in the Prayer-book 
 of the Irish Church. 'Not published': dated April a, 1875: 
 signed ' E. B. Pusey.* 
 
 3. Christianity without the Cross a Corruption of the 
 
 Gospel of Christ. A sermon [on St. Luke ix. 23] preached before 
 
 the University of Oxford, on Septuagesima Sunday, 1875. With 
 
 a note on * Modem Christianity a Civilised Heathenism.* By the 
 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 44: Oxford, 1875, 8«. See 1878, 4; 1880, i. The third 
 thousand was issued in this same year unaltered. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 433 
 
 4. The Blasphemy . . . [«&c., as 1845, 5]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. 34: Oxford, 1875, 80. See 1884, 2. 
 
 5. Do all . . . [&c., as 1849, 2]. Seventh thousand. 
 
 Pp. 20 : Oxford (London), 1875, S®. See 1884, 2. 
 
 6. +SERMONS for the CHRISTIAN YEAR. By the late Rev. John 
 
 Keble . . . [edited by Dr. Pusey]. ii vols. 
 
 (Vol. i) pp. xvi + 480, 1875 : (vol. 2) pp. xvi + 492, 1875: (vol. 3) 
 pp. xviii + 444, 1879, with Advertisement by Dr. Pusey signed 
 •E. B. P.*: (vol. 4) pp. xxiv + 458, 1875, with similar Advertise- 
 ment : (vol. 5) pp. xviii + 488, 1876: (voL 6) pp. xviii + 488, 
 1876: (vol. 7) pp. xvi + 404, 1876: (voL 8) pp. xvi + 488, 
 1878: (vol. 9) pp. xvi + 496, 1878: (vol. 10) pp. xvi + 464, 
 1877: (vol. II) pp. xvi + 536, 1880: Oxford, 1875-80, 8». 
 The volumes are not numbered, and vol. (lo), Sermons on 
 Saints* Days, was issued before vols. (8-9). 
 
 7. Tract XC . . . [as 1865, 4]. Fifth thousand. 
 
 Pp. xliv + 88 + 26 : Oxford (London), 1875, 8<». See 1865, 4. 
 
 8. Letter to Mr. Davidson, dated April 16, 1875, printed in 
 the Guardian early in Oct. 1882 : on divorce. 
 
 9. Letter to Archdeacon John Allen, dated May 6, 1875, 
 printed in the Guardian (?) soon after : on Church matters in 
 Ireland. 
 
 ID. Letter to the 'Times,* dated Dec. 27, [1875], about 
 a petition to Convocation by the Eastern Church Association. 
 
 1876. 
 
 I. On the Clause * And the Son * in regard to the Eastern 
 Church and the Bonn Conference. A letter to the Rev. H. P. 
 Liddon ... By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 Pp. viii+ 188 : Oxford, 1876, 80. 
 
 a. God and Human Independence. A sermon [on St. John 
 XX. 12], preached before the University of Oxford, on Sexagesima 
 Sunday, 1876. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 36 : Oxford, 1876, 8«. See 1878, 4 ; 1880, i. 
 
 3. 'Blessed are the Meek.* A sermon [on St. Matth. v. 5] 
 
 preached at the opening of the Chapel of Keble College, on St. Mark*s 
 
 Day, 1876. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 32 : Oxford, 1876, 80. See 1878, 4 ; 1880, i ; 1882, 2. This 
 sermon also occurs at pp. 6-34 of * An Account of the Pro- 
 ceedings at Keble College on the Occasion of the Openmg of the 
 Chapel . . . 1876 ' (Oxford, 1876, 80). 
 
 4. Healthful Reunion as conceived possible before the 
 Vatican Council. The Second Letter to the Very Rev. J. H. 
 Newman, D.D. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., ... 
 
 Pp. xii + 354 : Oxford (London), 1876, 8«. See 1870, i. 
 VOL. IV. F f 
 
 11 
 
I\ 
 
 V ' 
 
 i 
 
 434 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 5. The Searching of the Heart. A sermon. By the Rev. 
 E. B. Pusey, D.D., ... Reprinted. 
 
 Pp. 1 3 : Oxford, 1876. 8«. On St. Luke xviii. 1 1, but not the same 
 as 1868, 6. 
 
 6. The Responsibility of Intellect ... [as 1873, 2]. Third 
 
 edition. 
 
 Pp. 84 : Oxford (London), 1876, 80. See 1878, 4. 
 
 7. tSee 1875, 6 (Keble's Sermons). 
 
 8. tTHE Confessions of S. Augustine. Revised from a former 
 translation by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., with illustrations from 
 S. Augustine himself. 
 
 Pp. xl + 364: Oxford, 1876, 8°. See 1838, 7. 
 
 9. Letter to the 'Times,' dated Jan. 8, [1876], a sequel 
 to that of Dec. 37, 1875. 
 
 10. Letter to the 'Times,* dated Jan. 18, 1876, in answer 
 to Mr. Meyrick : on the Eastern Churches. 
 
 11. Letter to Canon LiDDON,Feb.8,[i876],onthe'Filioque' 
 clause : printed in the Times soon after. 
 
 12. Letter to the * Times' of Feb. 24, i8;6, in reply to 
 Mr. Orby Shipley. 
 
 1877. 
 
 I. Objects of the Society of the Love of Jesus. 
 
 Pp. 4: n. pi., [1877], 1 30. Dated Jan. 35, 1877. 
 
 a. See i860, i (* Minor Prophets,' pt. 6). 
 
 The issue of the entire work in this year bears a title exactly as 
 i860, I, but is pp. vi + 634, and a note dated 1877 is added to the 
 preface. 
 
 3. Ten Sermons during a Retreat for Clergy and a 
 Mission for the People at S. Saviour's Church, Leeds, in 
 THE Octave of its Consecration i 845, by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., 
 with Eight Sermons ... [by others]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 396 : Oxford, 1877, 8®. See 1845, 4. In this edition the 
 sermon by the Rev. William Dodsworth is omitted. 
 
 4. The Spirit comforting [&c., as 1863, i]. 
 
 Pp. 33: Oxford, 1877,80. 
 
 5. Losses of the Poor through the losses of the Devonport Sisters 
 of Mercy in 1876. 
 
 Pp. [3] ■»- 14 : n. pi., (1877), 80 Signed ' E. B. Pusey, Warden,* 
 Easter 1877. An appeal for help. An account of the result of 
 this appeal headed * To the Companions and Associates ' (pp. 4. 
 n. pi., [1877], 130) includes a Letter from Dr. Pusey, dated 
 Easter Eve (March 31), 1877, beginning 'My dearest Child, 
 God bless you,' thanking the subscribers of a first instalment 
 of £70). 
 
 6. tTHE Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah according to the 
 Jewish Interpreters. II. Translations . . . with an introduction to 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 435 
 
 the Translations by Rev. E. B. Pusey, Regius Professor of Hebrew, 
 
 Oxford. 
 
 Pp. Ixxvi + 574 : Oxford, 1877, 8®. The introduction is dated * Dec. 
 1876 * : the first part containing Texts appeared in 1876, but seems 
 to contain nothing directly contributed by Dr. Pusey. 
 
 7. tOccAsiONAL Papers and Reviews by John Keble, M.A. 
 [edited by Dr. Pusey, who signs the preface]. 
 
 Pp. xxiv + 508 : Oxford, 1877, 8<». 
 
 8. tSee 1875, 6 (Keble's Sermons). 
 
 9. Letter to the 'Daily Express* of May 31, 1877, on 
 Vestments. 
 
 ID. Letter to the 'Times' of May 38, dated May 35, 1877, 
 on the Ridsdale case. (The Times of May 24 seems to have also 
 contained a letter from Dr. Pusey.) 
 
 II. Letter to Mr. H. McNeile, dated May 31, 1877, printed 
 in the Guardian early in June : on the same subject. 
 
 13. Letter to the 'Daily Express,* dated June 14, 1877, in 
 answer to Mr. McNeile. 
 
 13. Letter to the 'Rock* of June 6, 1877, on the ^Manual 
 of Confession.* 
 
 14. Letter to the 'Daily Express* of July 21 (?), 1877, 
 containing a long quotation from Dr. Pusey's preface to a translation 
 of the Abbe Gaume's ' Manual of Confessors * adapted : * the book 
 is not quite ready for publication.* 
 
 15. Letter to the 'Daily Express,* dated July 24, 1877, 
 on Confession. 
 
 16. Letter to the 'Record,* dated Dec. 17, 1877, on 
 Confession. 
 
 1878. 
 
 I. + Advice for those who exercise the Ministry of Recon- 
 ciliation THROUGH Confession and Absolution, being the Abb^ 
 Gaume's Manual for Confessors or his extracts from the works of . . . 
 spiritual writers, abridged, condensed, and adapted to the use of the 
 English Church, with a preface embodying English authorities on 
 Confession, by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., ... 
 
 Pp. clxxxiv + 438: Oxford, 1878, 8«. See 1877, 13; 1879, i; 
 1880, 2. This work may be said to be Dr. Pusey's, rather than 
 Gaume*s. 
 
 a. t Advice ... [as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. [4] + clxxxiv + 438 : Oxford. This edition seems also some- 
 times to bear the date 1880. 
 
 3. Parochial Sermons, Vol. Ill . . . [&c., as 1841, 3]. Revised 
 
 edition. 
 
 Pp. xii + 483 : Oxford, 1878, 8^ 
 
 4. Eight Sermons preached before the University of 
 Oxford between 1864-1876. Now collected in one Volume, and 
 
 F f 2 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 

 u 
 
 I I. 
 
 •.^ 
 
 }' 
 
 ' f 
 
 M^ 
 
 i. 
 
 \i 
 
 I 
 ' I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 n 
 
 436 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 a Sermon preached at the opening of the Chapel of Keble College by 
 
 the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. . . . 
 
 Pp. viii, and 36 (= 1878, 11) and 36 (-1866, 3, fifth thousand) 
 andx+28 ( = 1867, i) and 48 ( = 1871,4) and 84 (1876, 6> and 
 34 ( = 1873, 3) and 44 (=1875, 3) and 36 (1876, 2) and 3a 
 ( = 1876, 3) : Oxford, 1878, 80. On the half title is ' University 
 Sermons, Vol. Ill ', see 1859, i ; 1880, i. 
 
 5. Habitual Confession not discouraged by the Resolution 
 ACCEPTED BY THE Lambeth CONFERENCE. A letter to his Grace the 
 Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 48 : Oxford, 1878, 80. 
 
 6. Un-science, not Science, adverse to Faith. A sermon [on 
 St. John i. 27] preached before the University of Oxford on the twentieth 
 Sunday after Trinity, 1878. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. 56: Oxford, 1878, 8'». 
 
 7. Un-science . . . [&c., as above]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 58 : Oxford, 1878, 8°. See 1880, i. 
 
 8. The Rule of Faith . . . [&c., as 185 1, 10, adding after 
 * Epiphany,' * 1851. With a preface on Papal Infallibility from Bossuet,' 
 omitting * late College,' adding * Third thousand ']. 
 
 Pp. xlviii + 68 : Oxford, 1878, 8". See 1879, 2. 
 
 9. The Love of God and of Jesus for Souls, and the Blessed- 
 ness OF Intercession for them. Addresses . . . [&c, as 1868, 5]. 
 Third edition. Fifth thousand. 
 
 Pp. viii + 136 : Oxford, 1878, 8«. 
 
 10. Christ the Source . . . [&c., as 1841, 4 : new edition]. 
 
 Pp. 48 : Oxford, 1878, 8°. See 1884, 2. 
 
 11. Everlasting Punishment ... [as 1864, 12]. 
 
 Pp. 36 : Oxford [1880 1], 8v«. See no 4. 
 
 12. (Letter to Dr. Liddon on the alteration of the words in 
 Keble's ' Christian Year' * Not in the hands,' of the Holy Communion. 
 Signed * E. B. Pusey,' May 20, 1878.) 
 
 Pp. [8] : n. pi., [1878 ?], 80. See 1 866, 16. 
 
 13. tSee 1875, 6 (Keble's Sermons). 
 
 14. tA Guide for passing Lent holily . . . [&c., as 1844, 5]. 
 
 Fifth edition. 
 
 Pp. [2, frontispiece] + pp. xiv + 352: Oxford (London ilip pasted 
 over, in some copies), 1868, 12*. 
 
 15. Letter to the * Times,* dated May 8, 1878, on * Why was 
 Keble College built?' 
 
 16. a similar letter, dated May 11, 1878. 
 
 17. Letter to Dr. Liddon, dated June 7, 1878, published 
 in the Guardian soon after : on Dr. Pusey 's letter to Bishop Bagot 
 
 18. Letter to Dr. Liddon, dated June 13, 1878, printed in the 
 Guardian in the same month : on the Real Presence. 
 
 H 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 437 
 
 19. Two Letters to the 'Times' of July, 1878, on Con- 
 cession, in comment on Mr. Jenkins's statements in the House of 
 Commons : the first is dated July 6, 1878, the second begins, * Sir, 
 I did not intend.* 
 
 20. Letter to Dr. Liddon, dated Dec. 12, 1878, on Dr. 
 Pusey's immunity from persecution. Printed in the Times, 
 apparently early in Feb. 1881. 
 
 u 
 
 1879. 
 
 1. Correction of some Criticisms on the * Manual for Con- 
 fessors.' By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., Canon of Christ Church. 
 
 Pp. xxxii : Oxford, 1879, 8°. See 1S78, i. 
 
 2. Nine Sermons . . . [&c.,as 1859, i]. New edition. [Half-title :— 
 * University Sermons, Vol. L*] 
 
 Pp. 24 and viii + 94 (=1843, i)and xx + 64 (»i866, 6) and 46 
 (=1857, 5)and vi + 74( = i87i, 5)and 50 ( = 1853, 6) and xlviii 
 + 68 (-1878, 8) and viii + 94 C«i864, 8: two sermons), and 
 [4] + 53 (=1864,9). 
 
 3. Prophecy of Jesus the Certain Prediction of the (to 
 Man) impossible. A sermon [on i St. Pet. i. lo-i i] preached before the 
 University of Oxford on the twenty-first Sunday after Trinity, 1878. 
 By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., ... 
 
 Pp. 56 : Oxford, 1879, 80. See 1880, i. 
 
 4. The Responsibility . . . [&c., as 1873, 2]. Fourth edition. 
 
 Pp. 84 : Oxford (London), 1879, 8«. See 1880, i. 
 
 5. Sinful Blindness . . . [&c., as 1873, 3]. Fourth edition. 
 
 6. To THE Members and Associates of the English Church 
 Union (corrected), November, 1879. 
 
 Pp. 8 : n. pL, (1879), 8vo. 
 
 7. (Letter to one in grief, beginning * My dear Mr. Your 
 
 loving wife* : signed *E. B. Pusey,* Dec. 1879. 
 
 Pp. [4] : n. pi. : 12». 
 
 8. Letter to the 'Church of England Pulpit and 
 Ecclesiastical Review,* dated Feb. 7, 1879, in reply to a review 
 of* Un-science, not Science, adverse to Faith.* See 1878, 5. 
 
 9. Letter, apparently printed in the Literary Supplement of the 
 Agricultural Gazette, March 3, 1879: about Dr. Pusey's elder 
 brother. 
 
 10. Letter to Mr. Belaney, dated May 20, 1879, printed in 
 the Weekly Register: on Dr. Newman's Cardinalate. 
 
 11. Letter to Dr. King, dated June 13, 1879, read at the 
 meeting of the Oxford Branch of the English Church Union on 
 the same day. 
 
 12. Letter to Mr. J. W. Wood, dated Dec. 21, 1879, printed 
 in the Church Times of Jan. (?) 1880 : on Communions. 
 
 
it 
 
 I 
 
 * ■ 
 
 II 
 
 ■11 
 ^1 
 
 l» ' 
 
 f}f. 
 
 . I 
 
 1(1 
 
 I; 
 
 :/! 
 
 438 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 1880. 
 
 I. Ten Sermons preached before the University of Oxford 
 BETWEEN 1 864-1 879. Now collected into one volume. And a sermon 
 preached at the opening of the Chapel of Keble College on S. Mark's 
 Day, 1876. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. viii and [a] + 36 ( = 1880, 8) and 36 (=1866, 3, sixth thousand) 
 and x + 30 ( = 1880, 7)and 48(-i87i,4) and 84 (-1879.4) and 
 34 (-1873, 3) and 44 (-1875, 3) and 36 (-1876, 3) and 
 58 ( = 1878. 7) and 56 (1879, 3) and 32 (=1876, 3): Oxford, 
 1880,80. This counts as * University Sermons, Vol. Ill': sec 
 1878, 4. 
 
 a. t Advice . . . [&c., as 1878, i]. Second edition. 
 Pp. [?] : Oxford. 1880, 8°. 
 
 3. What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment? In 
 
 rcp^y to Dr. Farrar's duUleo^ in hU ^ Eccrnai Hofie»' 1S79U By the 
 Rev. £. B. Ptiscy, D.D^ . . . 
 
 Fpw[1]: Oiiot6, i8S^8». 
 
 4. — What is . . . [&c., m above]. Second edition. 
 
 Ppw [t] ! Oxfocd. ]d^, 8>. 
 
 5. What is . . . [&c.» as above]. Third edition. 
 
 Pjp. xri •»- 390 : Qifofd, iS8o^ 9». 
 
 6. Ths Danckr or Riches . . . (&c, as tS^, 5]. Foorth 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. 4$ : Oxford, i8S^ %•. See 18^4. %, 
 
 7. Will ve also . . . (&c., as iS67» i]. Fifth thousand. 
 
 Pp. X 4> 30 : OiM^ i8io^ S>. Sec 00. 1. 
 
 8. ETEXLA.'n'IXO PUNISIIUKNT . . . [&C, as IS64, 12]. 
 
 P|N[a]4.36: Oxfocd,[i|i3o?lS«. See no. 1. 
 
 9. To THE MEMtiK:K.S OK TICK E. C U., OXFORD BRANCH^ 
 
 Pp. 4 : n. pi., (1880), S». Dsiicd May iS, iRSow 
 
 10. Lbtier bc^ning ' My dear Mr. , 1 nid^ new 10O6 timd 
 
 OfO.' 
 
 Pp. 8 : 0. pi, (iSSo), 9». ' UnpiiblUhed * : dtud Xo¥. 18, il9o. 
 
 n. i$t^ 1875, ^ (Kcble's Soxnoos). 
 
 lau LrrrcR to Mi. U. A. Browmk, <Ut*d Nor. >, iSto^priMcd 
 
 b the CuanUan moo after : on Mr. I>ile*ft trwnrtffmfnf 
 
 z^ Lmxa to the Hon. C. U Wooi\ datied Nov. 17, 1S80, 
 OD ttxe IhXt >idgiDefit : rnd at the meeting 0^ the Cnj^ib Cbnich 
 IMm in Lcwioo, ca Vow, it. Ptioied in the Stpfktpcnt to thr 
 Ck$urek C^mm G^ttitt, Dec 11, 1S80. 
 
 14. LrrrsR to th* 'Tiinas; ditftS Nor. aj, 1880, b rtplv 
 to < A DtoccMn Chncellw.* 
 
 z^ Lnm TO Ms. Siiaw-Stkwaict, dited Kov. ao, 1S80, 
 fHM at a« mmlAng of the Oxfoed Uraach of th« Eogiah Choich 
 IMoatooD after. 
 
 i9. LKTTtl, read at a Bi#ttinr in fHr«uigha» Tovin Kill 
 on Dec S, 1880^ aboat Mr. Ennghrs impiuooiDefiL 
 
 Appttidix A. 
 
 439 
 
 18SI. 
 
 I. Unlaw in JuDonojrw or the Judiqal Committee and 
 its Remedies, a letter to the Re^*. H. P. Ltddoo, D.D., Canon of 
 St. Paul'*, by the R«v. E. H. Pusey, D,f>^ . . . 
 Pp. vlU ♦ 7a ; Oxfcml» i^K ^. 
 
 a. ^^ UXLAW . . . [&c, as above). Second edition, wth an 
 
 appendix. 
 
 i^^^iSiOxfocd, iSSt^S*. 
 
 3. (LSTTCR bcgfllttlng ' My dear Sir, U was a gri^^ cbaige,' on the 
 bias of tbe Eccksiattical Courts^) 
 
 Pp. a : n. pJ., (iSSi), »•. Ditcd April 19. i8Sk 
 
 4. To THE MEMBERS OF THE E. C. V^ OXFORD BRANCH. 
 
 Pp.4: o.pl.,(iS8l).8». Pji'.ctl JuDc 9» 18S1. 
 
 «. To THE MEMIiltKi OP THB C K- W. M. S. 
 
 Pp. 4 : 0. p5.. 0»t)» «•• ^^*^ J°b' »9* i»i : to the Chan* oC 
 Escl^Ad WofkiiE Mca'ft Society. Sec no. la. 
 
 6. (Lbttcr to THE HON. C. WOOD, bsElbiiing * My d»Tcst 
 C. Wood, Lofd PenauKc's jurisdSdlon.') 
 
 l»p. 4 : n. pi.. C18S1), 8«. Pitetl Aug. 6, 18S1. 
 
 7. (Letter to a Lady, beglnnipg * My dear Madam, I gostscd 
 
 tbe ohkci of yoor enqwry ' : on ibe descent of man.) 
 
 Pp. 4 : ». pU 0»«0. ^« * Np* K» »« pifctoh^' s *»«<^ i^o^- V. 
 iSSi. 
 
 8. tLATKR Treatises op S. Athana.siu.s. Archbiswoi* op Alex- 
 ANDRU* wlh notes ; and an appendix on S. Cyril of AkoEattdiis and 
 TbeodoctL (Dr. Pusey contribaled the preliminary Observations. 
 
 siE&od * E. B. P.,* Oct at, iWi.] . , ^ w 
 
 Pp^ia^ai8:Oiibrd, i88i,8«. Partoftbt «Ulimy crftheFahen. 
 
 g tTHE Go^fRLa DISTRimmtD INTO MEDITATtOKS FOR EVERY 
 
 Day in the Year ... by I'Abb^ IJoquesDe. Tranikled fttjtt the 
 French and adapted to the uie of the English Church (edited by 
 Dr. Posey). Vols, i, 2 [for tbe 3rd Tolume asc 18S4, 13J. 
 
 Pp. [4] 4 534 tod [a] ♦616: Oxlicd, 18S1, 11*. SeciS?c,6. 
 
 10. iS, Cyril^ Archrlskop of Alexandria. Five touKs agatnat 
 
 NcMwIos : Schdis on tbe Incarnation : Cbri Jt i« oac : Fragimnts 
 
 •gainst Diodorc oC Tarsus, Theodore of Xlop«oc5tia, tbe Synousiasts* 
 
 (The tntnilation is by Dr. Pu^/s son Philip, and ports ol tbe 
 
 preface : the ftst of tbe prelaoe^ pp. JODnrii-cv, b by Dr. Pusey, 
 
 •bo3iEnsifE.B.PVDcc.34,iS8i.] . ^ .rm^ r .v 
 
 Ppw 1084.4081 Oxfonl, 18S1. 8». P«rt ol tbe/Lftivy of tic 
 
 ^atheffTrbc irtnJtfkw of St. AmbroK*» Lctias, VM»t6 in 
 
 tfec omc Library io tWi year, cootaiaa a ttfy «boct iottodacteffy 
 
 Botke by Dr. Pa»ey. tipcd « £. B. P.,' Lent, iSSi. 
 
 n. TifRii: Lrrrxus TO T«a 'Timk*,' d«ud Jtn. la, a4. «>d 
 a;. 18S1, OQ Ritmluxn. 
 
 •I 
 
 Hi 
 
^\ 
 
 
 11 
 
 |«i 
 
 •i; 
 
 i 
 
 If 
 
 il 
 
 I' 
 
 i' 
 
 ■ •: 
 
 ■ t 
 
 ,f 
 
 I 
 
 440 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 la. Letter to Members of the Church of England 
 Working Men's Society, read at their meeting in London on 
 Aug. 6, 1881. Another to Sir John Conroy, dated Oct. 15, was 
 read at a similar meeting at Reading, on Oct. 19 or 20, 1881. 
 Another read at a similar meeting in London, Nov. 7, 1881 : all 
 three are about Mr. Green. See no. 5. 
 
 13. Letters to the * Times* of Aug. 15 and aa, i88i, on 
 Mr. Green's imprisonment. 
 
 14. Letter to Mr. Packman, dated Oct. 7, 1881, read at 
 a meeting of the S. W. Yorkshire District Union of the English 
 Church Union, Oct. u : on Mr. Green's imprisonment. 
 
 1882. 
 
 1. Parochial and Cathedral Sermons. 
 
 Pp. [3] + xvi + 524 : Oxford, 1882, 8®. See 1883. 5; 1887, i. At 
 first Dr. Pusey intended this volume to begin with a Sermon 
 entitled ' Hell,' on St. Matth. iii. 10, preached at Frome in 1856: 
 but subsequently decided not to issue it. A proof of the first 
 two sheets is in existence, in which the sermon occupies pp. 1-23. 
 
 2. Blessed are the Meek . . . [&c., as 1876, 3J. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 32 : Oxford, 1882, 8«». A reprint, with an alteration on p. 24. 
 
 3. (Letter to Dr. Acland, beginning * My dear Acland, Of course 
 no Christian,' on the subjects required in the School of Natural Science 
 at Oxford.) 
 
 Pp. 4 : n. pi., (1882), 8°. Dated May i, 1882. 
 
 4. Eleven Addresses . . . [&c., as 1868, 5]. 
 
 Pp. viii + 176: (Oxford), privately printed at Holy-Rood : 1882, 
 lao. Only eight copies printed : two prayers are added on 
 PP- 174-5- 
 
 5. [Unpublished Letter to Lord Dalhousie.] 
 
 Pp. 4: n. pi., [1882?], 80: signed 'E. B. Pusey,' May 16, 1882: 
 about the marriage kw. 
 
 [Dr. Pusey died Sept. 16, 1882.] 
 
 6. A Daily Text-book gathered from the writings of the Rev. 
 Edward Bouverie Pusey, D.D., late Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, 
 and Regius Professor of Hebrew. By E. H. and F. H. With a preface 
 by the Rev. Edward King, D.D., . . . 
 
 Pp. viii + aoo : London, 1882, sq. la*. See 1884, la; 1896, 1. 
 
 7. Letter to the Hon. C. L. Wood, dated March 8, 1882, 
 prmted m the Church Times of March 10, 1882: on Mr. Green's 
 impnsonment. There were letters also on the same subject to the 
 Times, dated August 24 and August 31, 1882. 
 
 8. Letter to the * Spectator,' dated March ai, i88a, on the 
 same subject 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 H 
 
 \\ 
 
 441 
 
 Q Letter to Members of the Oxford Branch of the 
 English Church Union, read at their meeting m Oxford on 
 June I, 1882. 
 
 10. Letter to Canon Liddon, dated July 11, 1 88 2, printed in 
 the Guardian, July 26, 1882 : about the Rev. T. Mozley s estimate 
 of Keble. 
 
 11. Similar Letter, dated Aug. 18, 1882, also printed in the 
 Guardian. 
 
 1883. 
 
 1. Sermons for the Church's Seasons from Advent to 
 Trinity, selected from the published sermons of the late Edward 
 Bouverie Pusey, D.D., Canon of Christ Church and Professor of 
 Hebrew in the University of Oxford. [Preface signed * R. F. W., i.e. 
 
 Rev. R. F. Wilson.] 
 
 Pp. xii + 424 : London, 1883, 8*. 
 
 2. Parochial Sermons, Vol. I, for the season from Advent to 
 Whitsuntide. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., . . . Seventh thousand. 
 
 Pp. xxxu + 480; London (Oxford), 1883, 8«. See 1848, i. 
 
 3. Parochial Sermons, Vol. IIL Revised ed. 
 
 Pp. [?] : London (Oxford), 1883, 80. See 1841, 3- 
 
 4. The Doctrine of the Real Presence . . . [&c., as 1855, i]. 
 
 Pp. xii + 724: London, 1883, So. 
 
 5. Parochial and Cathedral Sermons. By the Rev. E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., . . . Third thousand. 
 
 Pp. [4] + xvi + 524 : London (Oxford), 1883, 8^. See 1882, i. 
 
 6. Daniel the Prophet. . . [&c., as 1864, i]. Seventh edition. 
 
 Pp. civ + 65 2; London, 1883, 8°. 
 
 7. Maxims and Gleanings from the Writings of E. B. 
 Pusey, D.D., selected and arranged for daily use by C. M. S[adler] . . ., 
 with an introduction by the Rev. M. F. Sadler . . . 
 
 Pp. xii + 140 : London, 1883, I2«. See 1885, i. 
 
 8. — — Second edition. 
 
 Pp. xii + 140: London, 1883, 12". 
 
 9. Selections from the Writings of Edward Bol^verie 
 Pusey, D.D., late Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ 
 
 Church, Oxford. 
 
 Pp. viii + 344: London, 1883, 80. See 1885, 2. 
 
 10. Christus Consolator. Short readings for the sick and 
 sorrowful, from the sermons of Dr. Pusey. Selected by a Lady. 
 With a preface by George E. Jelf, . . . Canon of Rochester. 
 
 Pp. xii + 44: London, 1883, I2«. 
 
 11. Private Prayers, by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D., edited with 
 
 a preface by H. P. Liddon, D.D. 
 
 Pp. xii +276: London, 1883, 240. The Prayers were chiefly 
 composed in about 1853-55. See 1884, 5. 
 
 I 
 
 m 
 
IS 
 
 Hi 
 
 442 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 12. Prayers for a Young Schoolboy, by the late E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D. 
 
 Pp. XX + 38: London, 1883,1a". The Prayers were chiefly com- 
 posed in 1839 for the use of the writer's son : the preface, by 
 Dr. Liddon, contains a letter from Dr. Pusey to his son, Oct. 29, 
 1843. See 1884, II. 
 
 13. Part III. Preparation for First Communion (published 
 by permission) with Instructions for Holy Communion, 
 gathered from the writings of the Reverend Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 D.D., by E. H. and F. H, With a preface by the Rev. H. S. 
 Holland . . . 
 
 Pp. XX + 88: London, 1883, la®. See 1884, 10. 
 
 14. Devotions for Holy Communion, compiled from various 
 
 sources, with an introduction gathered from the writings of the 
 
 Rev. Edward Bouverie Pusey, D.D., late Canon of Christ Church, 
 
 and Regius Professor of Hebrew ; and a preface by the Rev. George 
 
 Edward Jelf, . . . Canon of Rochester. 
 
 Pp. viii + 160: London, 1883, I2«. See 1884, 6. Compiled by 
 Dr. Pusey's daughter. 
 
 15. tTHE Spiritual Combat . . . [nearly as 1846, 5]. 
 
 Pp. xxviii + 376 : Oxford, 1883, 8®. 
 
 1884. 
 
 1. Sermons preached before the University . . . [&c., as 
 1872, i]. Second thousand. 
 
 Pp. xvi + 496: London (Oxford), 1884, 8°. 
 
 2. Parochial Sermons . . . [&c., as 1865, 2]. 
 
 Pp. xii + 32 (= general titles 1839, 10 without its title) and 48 
 (=•1878,10) and [4] + 28 (-=1864,10) and [4] + 50 (-=1864,11) 
 and 32 ( = 1872, 5) and 24 ( = 1875, 4) and 20 ( = 1875, 5) and 
 46 (-1880, 6) and 58 ( = 1864, 7) and 30 ( = 1856, 4) : Lond., 
 1884, 8<». The volume is lettered 'Occasional Sermons . . . 
 1832-50,' and is made up of separate sermons with a general 
 title. I have seen another edition made up of: — pp. [2, title- 
 page] and xii + 32 ( = 1872, 6) and 48 (-1878, 10) and iv+28 
 ( = 1864, 10) «id iv + 50 (-1864, II) and 32 ^ = 1872, 5) and 
 24 ( = 1875, 4) and 20 (=1875, 5) ^d 46 (= i88o, 6) and 58 
 ( = 1864,7). 
 
 3. Occasional Sermons selected from published sermons of the 
 Rev. E. B. Pusey, late Canon of Christ Church and Regius Professor 
 of Hebrew. With a preface by the Rev. R. F. Wilson . . . 
 
 Pp. 8+400: London (Oxford), 1884, 8». 
 
 4. *FoR ALL Times and all Seasons.* Readings selected and 
 arranged by C. M. S[adler], from the writings of John Keble, M.A., 
 and E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 
 Pp. viii + 208: London (Bungay), 1884, I2». 
 
 5. Private Prayers . . . [&c., as 1883, i.] 
 
 Pp. 16+276: London, 1884, 240. See 1883, 11, of which this 
 is substantially a reprint. 
 
 Appendix A, 
 
 443 
 
 6. Devotions for Holy Communion . . . [&c., as 1883, 14]. 
 Second thousand. 
 
 Pp. viii + 160 : London, 1884, 120. 
 
 t 
 
 7. (L) Prayers gathered from the Writings of the 
 Reverend Edward Bouverie Pusey, D.D., together with others 
 from his unpublished MSS., by E. H. and F. H. With a preface by 
 the Rev. R. F. Wilson . . . 
 
 Pp. xvi + 92: London, 1884, I2<». The 'Third thousand* was 
 issued in this year, and omits the ' (V)' See next art. and 
 1883, 13. 
 
 8. (Part H.) Penitence, with Rules for Guidance and 
 Hints for a First Confession. (Now published by permission.) 
 Gathered from the writings of the Reverend Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 D.D., by E. H. and F. H. With a preface by the Rev. C. W. Furse . . . 
 
 Pp. xvi + 64: London, 1884, 120. The * Third thousand' was 
 issued in this year, and omits the (' Part II *). See 1893, i. 
 
 9. Hints for a First Confession. By the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 
 Pp. 40: London, 1884, 16®. Edited with a preface by Francis 
 H. Murray, who added some questions from W. E. Scudamore's 
 * Incense for the Altar.' See 1851, 12 ; 1892, i. 
 
 10. Preparation for First Communion . . . [&c., as 1883, 13]. 
 Third thousand. 
 
 Pp. XX + 88: London, 1884, I2*>. 
 
 11. Prayers for a Young Schoolboy, by the Rev. E. B. Pusey, 
 D.D. Edited, with a preface by H. P. Liddon, D.D. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. XX +28: London, 1884, 12°. See 1883, 12, of which this is 
 almost a reprint. 
 
 12. A Daily Text-book . . . [&c., as 1882, 6]. Fourth thousand. 
 
 Pp. viii + 198 : London, 1884, squ. 12®. 
 
 13. tTHE Gospels distributed into Meditations . . . [&c., 
 as 1881, 9]. Volume III. 
 
 Pp. viii + 694: London (Oxford), 1884, I2». 
 
 14. tA Guide for passing Lent holily . . . [&c., as 1844, 5]. 
 
 Pp. xlvi + xiv + 352 : London, 1884, 12°. 
 
 15. i The Sufferings of Jesus . . . [&c., as 1869, 9 : in two parts]. 
 
 Pp. xxiv + 500 and vi + 416 : London (Plymouth), 1884, 12°. 
 
 1885. 
 
 1. Maxims and Gleanings . . . [&c., as 1883, 7]. Third edition. 
 
 Pp. xii + 140: London, 1885, 12°. 
 
 2. Selections . . . [&c., as 1883, 9]. Second edition. 
 
 Pp. 8 + 344 : London, 1885, 8°. 
 
 I 
 
 t 
 
444 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 3. The Real Presence . . . [&c., as 1857, 2]. Third thousand. 
 
 Pp. xxxii + 350 : London (Oxford), 1885, 8°. 
 
 4. -t Sermons on the Litany ... by the late Rev. John Keble . . . 
 with introductory notice by the late Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. 
 
 Pp. viii+172: London (Oxford), 1885, 8®. The short advertise- 
 ment is signed * E. B. P., Epiphany, 1879.* 
 
 5. tTHE Gospels distributed . . . [&c., as 1881, 9]. With an 
 introductory notice by the Rev. H. Montagu Villiers . . . Volume L 
 Second edition. 
 
 Pp. xvi + cxii + 530 : London (Oxford), 1885, la®. Apparently no 
 more of the and ed. was issued. 
 
 'i I 
 
 1886. 
 
 1887. 
 
 I. Parochial and Cathedral Sermons [as 1882, i]. Third 
 thousand. 
 
 Pp. [4] + xvi + 534 : London (Oxford), 1887, 8". 
 
 1888. 
 
 I. Extracts from Letters by the Rev. K B. Pusey, D.D. 
 On the Illness and Death of his eldest Daughter (April, 1844). 
 Pp. iia-iaa of the 'Convent Magazine,' April 1888 (Oxford, 8®.) 
 
 3. Letters &c. from the Rev. E. B. Pusey, D.D. Pp. 265-7 o^ 
 the * Convent Magazine,' Aug. 1888 (Oxford, 8®). The two letters are 
 dated Aug. 2 a and 29, i88a. 
 
 1889. 
 
 [Nothtng.'\ 
 
 \\ 
 
 1890. 
 
 [Nothing.l 
 
 189I. 
 
 1. Notes and Questions on the Catholic Faith and Religion. 
 The Notes and Answers compiled chiefly from the works and in the 
 words of Dr. Pusey. With a Preface by the Rev. Thomas Thellusson 
 Carter . . . 
 
 Pp. xxiv + 356 : London, 1891, 8<». 
 
 2. +The Spiritual Combat . . . [&c.,as 1846, 5]. 
 
 Pp. xxviii+a74: London, 1891, 8®. 
 
 V 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 1892. 
 
 I. Hints for a First Confession. 
 
 Pp. 40 : London, 189a, i6«. A reprint of 1884, 9. 
 
 445 
 
 tl^ 
 
 1893- 
 
 1. Penitence, with Rules . . . [&c., as 1884, 8]. 
 
 Pp. xvi +64: London, 1893, I2«. ^ Part 11' is only on the 
 binding. 
 
 2. Tract XC . . . [&c., as 1865, 4, adding the word * (revised) ' after 
 
 Dr. Pusey's name]. 
 
 Pp. xliv + 88 + a6 : London, 1893, 8». 
 
 1894. 
 
 [Nothing.'l 
 
 1895. 
 
 [Nothing!\ 
 
 1896. 
 
 I. A Daily Text-book . . . [&c., as 1882, 6]. Sixth thousand. 
 
 Pp. viii + 200 : London, 1896, 12". 
 
 No date. 
 
 1. READING IN Preparation for Holy Orders [by Dr. Pusey, 
 
 but unsigned and undated]. 
 
 Pp. 4 : [Oxford, about 1875 ?], 80. 
 
 2. Some Sermons by Dr. Pusey (chiefly addressed to Sisters of 
 Charity) were privately printed without date at Oxford ; of which 
 
 I have seen the following : 
 
 (a) On Arte ii. 37-8 (1864 ?) : pp. [2] + 6, 8°. 
 
 (h) On Cant. ii. 10 : pp. 8, 8«. 
 
 (0 (Begins * The Feast of the Holy Angels ) : pp. 4, »*• 
 
 {d) On St. John xiii. 34 : pp. 8, 80. 
 
 3. (Answer to begging letters, beginning * My dear I am 
 
 sorry' : signed * E. B. Pusey.' 
 
 Pp. [a]: [Oxford], I a». 
 
 4. A Prayer for the Grace of a Religious Life. 
 
 Pp. [2]: n. pi., 12°. 
 5 Commentary on the Holy Scriptures, for the unlearned. 
 
 Pp. [2I: Oxford, [1847], 8". A prospectus of a series, drawn up 
 by Dr. Pusey, but unsigned. 
 
I 
 
 446 
 
 Life of Edivard Douverie Pusey. 
 
 6. [Rules and Reguij^tions] ok tiik Companions or the 
 Love of Jesus. 
 
 Pp. 8 + 8 : n. pi., 1 a*. With nine Office*. ThU wm revised .ind 
 sanctioned by Dr. Posey, who siRn* a note on p. 1 of the lecond 
 part * E. B. P.* . . . The OfUcca were alxo printed by Ulbo|;raphy 
 on twelve pages of parchment, in a »hortcr form, 1 2^, 
 
 7. (Dr. Pusey drew up several papers describing and recommending 
 Ascot Hospital for convalescents and incurables, from 1878 to i8ii2 
 and perhaps earlier.) 
 
 8. (The Devonport Society, when at Bradford on Avon, was in the 
 habit of reprinting passages from Dr. Puscy's works on one side of an 
 octavo leaf, with more or less ornamental borders, as tracts.) 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 DR. pusky's sermons arranged in order 
 
 or THE TEXT5K 
 
 \v 
 
 ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 USL-LeotSemooi, i874« 
 
 O. P. SL-Ooe«MQ(ttl F^rocMilScrMOiit, 1865. 
 
 P. C. 8c - P^cocbbl tftd C4lhc^b»l Setmow, i«J. 
 
 P.8wiHi-PAiodilalS«nnQat%l85i,lS5S, 18I3. 
 
 S. C. Sc-Semooi for Church Seasons, 188^ 
 
 S. O. Jv-Sclecied OooukMl Samam^ i9S^ 
 
 S. a l.=Scfinai»a» a. StvkMi^s UfHt. i«45. 
 
 U. S. l-iU-UniTffwty Semom, 1^9, 1872, 18^ 
 When a dale and oumUr U gjNcn» tb« ••rmoii to mukcd will be tojmd in 
 Appcodix A *t the gittn rtlmact. The diUt giro* ibafc a the w« of 
 AUcfrvbJKkiM ue tbcM ot tht edhloo wbkh hifpencd to be uicd for ^m^ 
 the piffiiiatioo bHow. 
 
 FALOOKER MADAK. 
 
 B&ASKKOMi Coixzcc, Oxford : 
 jimxw/, 1897. 
 
 Cm, liL 4-5 . Eve— the course of temfXatioo (1871, i)* L. S. p. 107. 
 £xt\/, xir, 13 . Patience «nd confidence the «tlti«th of the Church 
 
 (1S37, a). ^' ^' '• 
 
 Z/vi/. JOL 26 . Sjuntlioew of Christiana. P. C. S. p. 161. 
 
 Aum!^, xtjal lo BaUam— haH-conrcrwoti unconinersion. L, S. p. 69. 
 
 Joshua ill. 5 . Prepare fo<r scasona of gmce, P. S. i. p. 3S. 
 
 I Kings x\'iii. 21 Compromises, P. C. S. p. 369 ; S. O. S. p. i6a. 
 
 „ xxviii.21 Error tor xwL ai. 
 Jc>k xiH. 15 . . Joy out of sulTeHnf. P. S. I p. 92 ; S. O.S- p. 41. 
 ^ xix. «5 • . Otery 0^ ibc Resurrcctio©. P. C. S. p. 406. 
 
 Ptalms ixr. IS The teechinu of Cod within and withoct. 
 
 P. S. iL pL 240. 
 
 ' Vol 3 » Ibc liu&e as Pkia ScmooA, Vol 3^ 184J. 
 
i ' 
 
 V 
 
 ' I 
 
 '1 . 1 
 
 I 
 
 448 
 
 Lt/e 0/ Edward Bouverie Pusey, 
 
 if 
 
 it 
 99 
 >» 
 
 Psalms xxvii. I God is our Light in all knowledge, natural or super- 
 natural. U. S. ii. p. 32. 
 xxxi. 16 Hope. P* S* "• P* 21. 
 xxxix. 6-7 The conflict, in a superficial age (1865, 5). L. S. p. 278. 
 xl. 9-10 Each has his own vocation. U. S. ii. p. 437* 
 
 li. 4 . David in his sin and his penitence (1864, 13). 
 
 ^ L. S. p. 237. 
 
 li. 10 . Re-creation of the penitent. P. S. ii. p. 181. 
 
 " Ixxxvii. V«; The Church the converter of the heathen (1838, 2). 
 " ^ O. P. S. 
 
 „ cxviii. 34 Christian joy. ?• S. iii- p. 439- 
 
 „ cxix. 59-60 Review of life. P. S. i. p. 140 ; S. O. S. p. 142. 
 
 „ cxxxix. 15-16 Daily growth. S. S. L. p. 330. 
 
 Prov. i. 24-28 . Irreversible chastisements. P. S. i. p. 172. 
 
 „ xvi. 6 . Value of almsgiving in the sight of God. 
 
 U. S. 11. p. 359« 
 
 Ecc/es,xu.i3-i4 Every thought, word, deed shall be judged. 
 
 P. C. S. p. 345. 
 
 Son^ of Sol. ii. 10. («. d.^ 2 ^.) 
 
 „ V. 2-8 God withdraws in lovingkindness also (1850, 6). 
 
 P. C. S. p. 300 ; S. C. S. p. 92. 
 
 Isaiah vi. 8-10 Isaiah, his heaviness and his consolation (1870, 2). 
 
 L. S. p. 466* 
 xlix. 5-7 The Christ the Light of the world to be rejected by 
 His own, &c. U. S. ii. p. 108. 
 
 On human respect. U. S. ii. p. 4ii« 
 
 Causes which blinded the Jews to the prophecies that 
 Jesus should suffer. U. S. ii. p. 161. 
 
 The prophecy of Christ our Atoner and Intercessor. 
 
 U. S. ii. p. 78. 
 
 Christ, the Lord our Righteousness. U. S. ii. p. 263. 
 
 God's presence in loneliness. 
 
 P. S.i. p. 190; S. C. S. p. 196. 
 
 The Day of Judgment (1839, 10). O. P. S. 
 
 Chastisements neglected, forerunners of greater 
 
 (1847, 3). ^- ^- ^• 
 
 Whither art thou going? P. C. S. p. 352. 
 
 (Consecration of Grove Church) (1832, i). O. P. S. 
 
 Power of truth amid untruthfulness, in Jewish inter- 
 pretation of prophecy. U. S. ii. p. I33« 
 
 Peril of little sins. P. C. S. p. 1 18. 
 
 » 
 
 1.6-7 
 liii. I 
 
 liii. 12 
 
 Jer, xxiii. 6 . 
 Hosea ii. 14 
 
 Joel ii. 1 1 
 „ ii. 12-13 
 
 Haggai i. 7 • 
 
 99 "• 9 
 Zech, xii. 10 
 
 Ecclus, xix. I 
 
 St, Matt, i. 23 . God with us. 
 • „ iii. 10 . . Hell (1882, I). 
 
 P. S. i. p. 47 ; S. C. S. p. 54. 
 
 „ IV. 1-2 
 ,, iv. 21 . 
 
 . Fasting. 
 
 , Obeying calls (St. James). 
 
 P. C. S. p. 391. 
 P. S. iii. p. 392- 
 
 Appendix B. 
 
 449 
 
 St, Matt, V. 4 . Continual comfort the gift of God on continual sorrow 
 
 for sin (1863, i). L. S. p. 387. 
 
 V. 5 . . Blessed are the meek (1876, 3). U. S. iii. 
 
 vi. 10 . . God advances His kingdom through man. 
 
 P. C. S. p. 319 ; S. C. S. p. 43- 
 vi. 22-23 . Man's self-deceit and God's omniscience. L. S. p. 128. 
 
 »» 
 99 
 
 >> 
 
 >> 
 
 }> 
 
 >» 
 )) 
 
 »» 
 >» 
 99 
 »> 
 >» 
 
 VI. 33 • 
 X. 42 . 
 
 xii. 31 . 
 
 XV. 28 
 
 xviii. 3 
 xviii. 5 
 
 xix. 18 
 XX. 6-7 
 XX. 16. 
 XX. 22. 
 xxi. 22 
 
 >» 
 xxiv. 14 
 
 Seek God first and ye shall have all (1850, 5). O. P. S. 
 Good of little acts to please God. 
 
 P. C. S. p. 144 ; S. C. S. p. 31. 
 The blasphemy against the Holy Ghost (1845, 5). 
 
 O. P. S. ; S. O. S. p. 225. 
 
 Prayer heard the more through delay. P. S. ii. p. 167. 
 
 xvi. 15-17 Faith in our Lord, God and Man. P. S. ii. p. 283. 
 
 xvii. 1-2 . The Transfiguration of Our Lord the earnest of the 
 
 Christian's glory. P. S. iii. p. 41 3- 
 
 Conversion. P. C. S. p. 17. 
 
 * Whoso receiveth one such little child in My Name, 
 
 receiveth me' (1844, 2). O. P. S. 
 
 Murder of souls. P. C. S. p. 363. 
 
 God calleth thee. P. S. i. p. 107 ; S. C. S. p. 33- 
 
 The fewness of the saved. P. S. i. p. 122. 
 
 Self-knowledge. P. S. ii. p. 98 ; S. O. S. p. 61. 
 
 The miracles of Prayer (1866, 3). 
 
 U. S. iii ; S. O. S. p. 295. 
 
 Prayer. P. C. S. p. 273 ; S. C. S. p. 373. 
 
 The preaching of the Gospel a preparation for our 
 
 Lord's coming (1841, 5). O. P. S. 
 
 xxiv. 40-42 Sudden death. P. S. iii. p. i. 
 
 XXV. 31-46 The merciful shall obtain mercy. P. S. i. p. 16. 
 
 XXV. 46 . Everlasting punishment (1864, 12). 
 
 U. S. iii ; S. O. S. p. 245. 
 
 This is My Body (1871, 4). U. S. iii. 
 
 The Holy Eucharist a comfort to the penitent 
 
 (1843, i). U. S. i. 
 
 The Will of God the cure of self-will. 
 
 P. S. i. p. 359 ; S. C. S. p. 67. 
 xxvii. 3-5 The sin of Judas. P. S. ii. p. 197. 
 
 xxvii. 21 . Barabbas or Jesus. P. S. i. p. 204 ; S. C. S. p. 274. 
 
 St, Mark\, 13-14 Baptism the ground and encouragement to Christian 
 
 education. P. S. iii. p. 287. 
 
 „ xvi. 9 . . Our Risen Lord's love for penitents. 
 
 P. S. i. p. 257 ; S. C. S. p. 340. 
 
 St, Luke ii. 21 . The value and sacredness of suffering. P. S. iii. p. 116. 
 iv. 1-2 . Victory over the besetting sin. ^ 
 
 P. S. ii. p. 146 ; S. O. S. p. 93. 
 Christ's words of love the reproof of detraction. 
 
 P. C. S.p. 215. 
 
 xxvi. 26 
 xxvi. 28 
 
 xxvi. 39 
 
 >» 
 
 » 
 
 IV. 22 
 
 VOL. IV 
 
 i 
 

 I 
 
 { 
 
 h' 
 
 U ' 
 
 450 
 
 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 >» 
 ii 
 
 
 S. O. S. p. 171. 
 L. S. p. 154* 
 
 SL Luke vii. 39, 48 Christ's loving thoughts the reproof of censorious- 
 
 ness, * • ^* ^* P* 235* 
 
 vii. 47. . Loving i>enitence. S. S. L. p. I ; S. C. S. p. 182. 
 
 ix. 23 . . Christianity without the Cross a corruption of the 
 Gospel of Christ (1875, 3)- ^' ^' *"• 
 
 xii. 61-62 Error for xxii. 61-62. 
 
 xiv. 25 . Error for xvi. 25. 
 
 XV. 7 . . Hopes of the penitent. S. S. L. p. 237 ; S. C. S. p. 226. 
 
 XV. 17, 20 The Prodigal Son. L- S. p. 205. 
 
 XV. 24 . . The Prodigal Son. L- S. p. 194- 
 
 xvi. 10 . Evil of little sins. ?• C. S. p. 131. 
 
 xvi. 25 . Why did Dives lose his soul? 
 
 L. S. p. 21 
 
 xviii. II . Our Pharisaism (1868, 6). 
 
 xviii. II . The Searching of the Heart (1876, 5). 
 
 xviii. 14 . The Pharisee and the Pubhcan (1833, 3). 
 „ xviii. 24-27 The danger of riches (1850, 5). O. P. S. 
 
 xxii. 26-27 Humility. P- S- »»• P- 63. 
 
 xxii. 61-62 Repentance, from love of God, lifelong (1857, 4). 
 
 L. S. p. 214 ; S. C. S. p. 209. 
 
 xxiv. 28-29 How to detain Jesus in the soul. 
 
 P. S. i. p. 270 ; S. C. S. p. 352. 
 xxiv. 49 . The Gospel the power of God (1866, 4). L. S. p. 300. 
 
 St. John i. 27 . Un-science not science, adverse to Faith (1878, 5). 
 
 U. S. ni. 
 
 v. 14 . . Peril of relapses. P- C. S. p. 45. 
 
 vi. 53-56 . Holy Communion— Privileges. P. S. iii. p. 343- 
 
 vi. 67-69 * Will ye also go away ? ' (1867, i). U. S. iii. 
 
 ix. 4 . . Personal responsibility of man, as to his use of time 
 (1869,4). L. S. p. 176. 
 
 ix. 41 . . Sinful blindness amidst imagined light (1873, 3). 
 
 U. S. iii. 
 
 xi. 41-42 . The Prayers of Jesus. L. S. p. 322. 
 
 xii. 26 . The Ascension our glory and joy. 
 
 P. S. ii. p. 216 ; S. C. S. p. 38a 
 xii. 32-33 Grounds of faith difficult to analyse because divine. 
 
 U. S. ii. p. I. 
 xii. 48 . The responsibility of intellect in matters of Faith 
 (1873, 2). U. S. iii. 
 
 xiii. 34 . (n. d.y 2 d). 
 
 xiii. 34-35 Christ the Source and Rule of Christian love (1841, 4). 
 ^ ^ O. P. S. 
 
 xiv. 6 . . JesUs the Way, the Truth, and the Life. U. S. ii. p. 210. 
 
 xiv. 15-17 The Christian the temple of God. P. S. i. p. 344. 
 
 XV. 9-10 . Union with Christ increased through works wrought 
 
 through him. S. S. L. p. 211. 
 
 „ XV. 19 . . The world an everliving enemy. U. S. ii. p. 388. 
 
 n 
 
 » 
 
 >» 
 
 >» 
 
 Appendix B. 
 
 451 
 
 St, John xvi. 23 Conditions of acceptable prayer. P. S. p. 239. 
 
 „ xviii. 37-38 The Gospel could not be true, unless it had certain 
 
 truth. U. S. ii. p. 186. 
 
 XX. 12 . . God and human independence (1876, 2). U. S. iii. 
 XX. 21 . . True peace and false peace. 
 
 P. C. S. p. 418; S. O. S. p. 351. 
 „ XX. 21-23 Entire Absolution of the penitent, I (1846, i). U. S. i. 
 
 » 
 
 » 
 
 
 P. S. iii. p. 366. 
 
 P. S. i. p. 76. 
 
 P. S. iii. p. 19. 
 
 P. C. S. p. 503. 
 
 P. S. ii. p. 372. 
 
 Rom, i. 4 
 „ iii. 26 
 „ iv. 25 
 
 Acts ii. 37-38 . (n. </., 2 a), 
 
 iv. 36-37 Christian kindliness and charity, 
 vi. 15 . . Character of Christian rebuke, 
 ix. 6 . . Conversion. 
 
 xvii. 27-28 The Being of God, in Whom we are. 
 xvii. 28 . Our being in God. 
 xxvi. 27-28 * Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian.' 
 
 L. S. p. 44* 
 
 Real faith entire (1855, 2). U. S. i. 
 
 . The doctrine of the Atonement. U. S. ii. p. 232. 
 
 , Christ risen our Justification. 
 
 P. S. i. p. 216 ; S. C. S. p. 326. 
 , The Resurrection of Christ, the source, earnest, 
 pattern of ours. P. C. S. p. 45 1. 
 
 vii. 22-23 Victory amid strife. P. S. ii. p. 327. 
 
 vii. 22-25 Christian life a struggle, but victory. P. S. iii. p. 93. 
 viii. 9 . . Actualness of the indwelling of God. 
 viii. 16-17 The witness of the Spirit, 
 viii. 22-23 Groans of unrenewed and renewed Nature. 
 
 P. S. ii. p. 304. 
 . Christian zeal. P. C. S. p. 257 ; S. C. S. p. 81. 
 
 . Natural good and evil. P. C. S. p. 74. 
 
 . Obedience the condition of knowing the truth. 
 
 P. S. iii. p. 184. 
 . Pray without ceasing. P. S. iii. p. 211. 
 
 » 
 
 
 it 
 
 P. C. S. p. 472. 
 P. C. S. p. 175. 
 
 »» 
 
 IX. 1-3 
 
 » 
 
 xi. 24 
 
 >» 
 
 xii. 2 
 
 >» 
 
 xn. 12 
 
 I Cor, ii. 2 . . Jesus the Redeemer and His redeemed. L. S. p. 421. 
 „ iii. 11-13 Loss through Httle sins. P. C. S. p. 103. 
 
 iii. 11-15 The losses of the saved. L. S. p. 89 ; S. O. S. p. 276. 
 . God's condescending love in restoring man by His 
 own indwelling. P. C. S. p. 459. 
 
 . False Peace. P. C. S. p. i. 
 
 . The terror of the Day of Judgment as arising from 
 its justice. U. S. ii. p. 313 ; S. C. S. p. 14. 
 
 . All faith the gift of God (1855, 2). U. S. i. 
 
 , The thought of the love of Jesus for us, the remedy for 
 sins of the body (1861, 7). 
 
 L. S. p. 364 ; S. O. S. p. 195. 
 . Life a warfare. P. S. ii. p. 113. 
 
 . Fasting. P. S. i. p. 140. 
 
 Gga 
 
 
 lit. A A 
 
 iii. 16 
 
 » 
 
 iv. 4 
 
 »> 
 
 iv. 4-5 
 
 » 
 
 iv. 7 
 
 1) 
 
 vi. 15 
 
 >» 
 
 ix. 26 
 
 ii 
 
 ix. 27 
 
 i 
 
• •-».« - 
 
 „ xi. 28 . 
 „ xi. 31 . 
 „ xii. 3 . 
 
 „ xiii. 13 
 „ XV. 22 . 
 
 2 Cor. V. 10 . 
 
 „ xii. 7-9 
 Gal. V. 6 
 » V. 7 
 
 
 iv. 30 
 
 V. I 
 
 452 Life of Edward Bouverie Pusey. 
 
 I Cor. X. 3-5 . Holy Communion-Danger in careless ^eceivlng^^^th 
 
 in neglecting. ^'^:^']'^'^\ 
 
 X. 16 . . The presence of Christ in the Holy Euchanst (1853, 4). 
 
 Increased Communions. „ , ^^i ^\ ^' Ft 1°^* 
 
 Entire Absolution of the penitent, II (1846, 2). U . b. i. 
 To believe in Jesus, the teaching of the Holy Ghost. 
 
 U.S. n. p. 403- 
 Love P. S. ii.p.41; S.C. S.p.166. 
 
 The Christian's life in Christ. P- S. 1. P- 232. 
 
 Human judgment the earnest of Divine. 
 
 U' S. 11. p» 290. 
 
 The grace of Christ our victory. L. S. p. 258. 
 
 Faith. P. S. ii. p. I ; S. O. S. p. I. 
 
 „ .., . .Backsliding. P. C. S. p. 61. 
 
 Eph. iv. 12-14 . The Church the converter of the heathen (^838, 2^. ^ 
 
 Grieve not the Spirit of God. U- S. ii. p. 338. 
 
 Christ's love in acts, the Christian's model 
 
 P. c. s. p. 197 ; S. C. S. p. 285. 
 
 The sacredness of marriage. ^ ^ o 
 
 P. s. ii. p. 387 ; S. O. S. p. 217. 
 
 «« „ 3 , . The Incarnation a lesson of humility. P. S. i. p. 61. 
 ,/iii.8-ll . The Cross borne for us and in us. 
 
 " P. S. in. p. 44 ; S. C. b. p. 147. 
 
 „ iii. 15-16 Progress our perfection. S. S. L. p. 309. 
 
 iii. 20 . . Heaven the Christian's home. c r q « ,0^ 
 
 " P. S. i. p. 231 ; S. C. S. p. 393. 
 
 iii. 2(^21 Bliss of Heaven-Glory of the Body. S. S. L. p. 289. 
 
 '' iv 6-7 . Thanksgiving. P. C. S. p. 284 ; S. O. S. p. 384. 
 
 Col. i. 27 . . The means of grace the remedy against sin. ^ ^ ^^^ 
 
 iii I . . The Christian's a risen life. ^ ^ o ^^q 
 
 " '"• ^ • P. S. iii. p. 145 ; S. C. S. p. 298. 
 
 iii 2 . . The Christian's life hid in Christ. P. S. i. p. 291. 
 
 " iii. 17 . .Do all to the Lord Jesus (1849, 2). ^ . ^ ^ ., 
 » " ' O. P. S. ; S. O. S. p. 365- 
 
 2 Tim. i. 13-14 The rule of faith as maintained by the Fathers and 
 
 . the Church ofEngland (1851, 10). U. S. i. 
 
 Heb. iii. 6-8 . Peril of delaying repentance. P- C. S. p. 29. 
 
 , V. 7 . . Distractions in prayer. e r\ c « ne 
 
 '' ^'' P. S. iii. p. 261 ; S. O. S. p. US- 
 
 ix. 27 . Life the preparation for death (1867, 2). L. S. p. i. 
 
 ;; ,r*. . The minuteLs and individuality of God J jud^^^^^^^ 
 
 „ xii. I . . The besetting sin. P. S. ii. p. 130 ; S. O. S. p. 76. 
 
 ,, V.33 
 
 Phil. ii. 5-7 
 
 Appendix B. 
 
 453 
 
 Heb. xii. 2 . . 
 
 » >» 
 
 » 
 
 xii. 6 . . 
 
 St.Jatnes i. 2-3 
 ii. 10 . . 
 
 
 11. 22 . . 
 
 \St.Pet.\,\o-\\ 
 
 »> 
 
 ii. 16 . . 
 „ ii. 22 . . 
 25/./'^/.i. 18-19 
 
 I St. John x. A . 
 
 » 
 
 • ■ • 
 
 in. 2 . 
 
 » » 
 
 » 
 
 iii. 2-3 . 
 
 iv. 7-8 . 
 iv. 16-17 
 iv. 19 . 
 
 v. 3-4 • 
 v. 4 . . 
 
 Rev. iii. 14-16 
 
 „ iv. 8 . 
 »i >» • 
 
 „ V. 11-13 
 
 „ xiv. 4 . . 
 „ xxi. 6 . . 
 
 No text . . . 
 
 Looking unto Jesus, the groundwork of penitence. 
 
 S. S. L. p. 173 ; S. C. S. p. 241. 
 Looking unto Jesus, the means of endurance. 
 
 S. S. L. p. 192 ; S. C. S. p. 257. 
 Suffering the gift and presence of God. L. S. p. 404. 
 Benefit of temptations. P. C. S. p. 185. 
 
 Real obedience in all things. P. S. iii. p. 70. 
 
 Justificarion (1853, 5). U. S. i. 
 
 Prophecy of Jesus the certain prediction of the (to 
 man) impossible (1879, 3). U. S. iii. 
 
 Free-will. P- C. S. p. 43i- 
 
 Patience. P. S. ii. p. 80 ; S. O. S. p. 22. 
 
 Prophecy a series of miracles which we can examine 
 for ourselves. U. S. ii. p. 53 *» S. O. S. p. 325- 
 
 The mystery of the Trinity, the revelation of Divine 
 Love. P- C. S. p. 493- 
 
 Bliss of heaven, ' We shall be like Him.' 
 
 S. S. L. p. 255 ; S. C. S. p. 106. 
 Bliss of heaven, * We shall see Him as He is.' 
 
 S. S. L. p. 272; S. C. S. p. 120. 
 The Holy Trinity. P- C S. p. 479- 
 
 The power and greatness of Love. P. S. ii. p. 356. 
 God is Love (1844, 2). 
 The love of God for us. 
 Victory through loving faith. 
 Victory over the world. 
 
 P. S. iii. p. 164 ; S. C. S. p. 312. 
 
 Lukewarmness. P' ^* S' P* 90. 
 
 do. P- C. S. p. 377. 
 
 . The rest of Love and Praise. P. S. ii. p. 259. 
 
 . The adoration of Heaven. 
 
 P. C. S. p. 513; S. C. S. p. 414. 
 
 . Jesus at the right Hand of God the object of Divine 
 
 worship (1868, 7). L. S. p. 437. 
 
 . God's glories in infants set forth in the Holy Innocents. 
 
 P. S. iii. p. 463- 
 
 The end of all things (1856, 3). 
 
 P. S. i. p. I ; S. C. S. p. I. 
 
 The love of God the Holy Ghost for individual souls. 
 (Really an * Address.') S. C. S. p. 404. 
 
 O. P. S. 
 P.C. S. p.439. 
 P. S. ii. p. 342. 
 
 ' ^1 
 
 11 
 
INDEX TO VOL. IV. 
 
 -M- 
 
 A. 
 
 Abolition of Tests Act, 197, 200. 
 Acland, Dr. (afterwards Sir H. W.), 
 
 254. 255, 326, 338, 33i> 333. 342, 
 
 383, 387. {See Letters.) 
 Alford, Bishop, 315. 
 ' Anglicanus,' letter to the Times, 239. 
 Anti-Puseyite League, 211. 
 Ascot Priory, Pusey's visits to, 87, 
 
 309; Convalescent Hospital at, 
 
 341 ; last illness and death at, 379. 
 Association for Reform of Final Court 
 
 of Appeal, 92, 94. 
 for the Promotion of the Unity 
 
 of Christendom, 130. 
 
 of Friends of the Church, a. 
 
 Athanasian Creed, 228-260. 
 Authorized Version, proposed revision 
 
 of, 229. 
 
 B. 
 
 Beauchamp, Lord, 205. 
 
 Belaney, Father, 341. 
 
 Bennett. Rev. W.^ E., 217, 218, 225, 
 
 305- 
 Bernard, Mr. Mountague, 27, 30. 
 
 Bethnal Green, outbreak of cholera at, 
 
 141. 
 
 Biarritz, Pusey's visit to, 133. 
 
 Bilio, Cardinal, 178, 186. 
 
 Blomfield, Bishop, 213 «. 
 
 Bonn, Reunion Conferences at, 294, 
 
 295- 
 Bordeaux, Pusey's visit to, 133. 
 
 Bright, Rev. W. (Regius Professor of 
 
 Ecclesiastical History), 219, 225, 
 
 326, 262, 264, 265, 266, 271, 345, 
 
 387, 391. {See Letters.) 
 
 Brine, Mrs., 307, 384, 385, 391. 
 
 Rev. J. E. B., 349, 384. 
 
 Bristol Church Congress, 93. 
 British Association at Oxford, 332. 
 Butterfield, Mr., architect of Keble 
 Chapel, 322. 
 
 C. 
 
 Cairns, Sir H. M., 36, 56, 85, 87, 88. 
 Capetown, Bishop of, 45. 
 Carnarvon, Earl of, 342. 
 Carter, Rev. T. T., 264, 266, 386. {See 
 
 Letters.) 
 Cavendish, Lord Richard, 92. 
 Chambers, Mr. (afterwards Sir T.), 
 
 232. 
 Chase, Dr., 203. 
 Cholera at Bethnal Green, 141. 
 Christian Year, The, 140, 330, 340. 
 Christopher, Rev. A. M. W., 318-320. 
 
 (^S"^^ Letters.) 
 Church Association, the, 217, 223, 
 
 325, 336, 261, 275, 361. 
 Church, Dean, 4, 70, 132, 388, 332, 
 
 373» 389- 
 Gierke, Ven. Archdeacon, 53 «. 
 
 Colenso, Bishop, 45, 197. 
 
 Coleridge, Mr. J. D. (afterwards Lord 
 
 Chief Justice), 30, 92, 102, 200, 
 
 326. 
 
 Confession and Absolution, contro- 
 versy on, 261-270; Gaume's 
 Manual on, 304, 305; Lambeth 
 Conference on, 310, 312. 
 
 Convocation, petition to, on Atha- 
 nasian Creed, 242-244; Syiiodical 
 Declaration, 254, 258 ; petition to, 
 on Confession and Absolution, 26 1 ; 
 
 I 
 
45^ 
 
 Index, 
 
 report of Committee on, 263 ; Re- 
 solution on Confession, 311. 
 
 Copeland, Rev. W. J., 266, 338. {See 
 Letters.) 
 
 Cotton, Dr. (Provost of Worcester), 
 
 53 «• 
 Courtenay, Rev. C. L,, 387. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dalhousie, Lord, 370. 
 
 Daniel the Prophet, by E. B. P., 71 
 
 foil. 
 Darboy, Mgr. (Abp. of Paris), 153, 
 
 173. 
 De Buck, Victor, 173, 174, 176-180, 
 
 185, 186, 187, 191. (.S>tf Letters.) 
 De Maistre, Count, 109. 
 Deceased Wife's Sister Bill, 370. 
 Denison, Archdeacon, 33, 34, 35 n. 
 Denison Case, 50, 52. 
 Devon, Earl of, 342. 
 Diiver, Rev. S. R., 302. 
 Dublin A'evieWfthej 146. 
 Dupanloup, Mgr., 132, 153, 161, 176- 
 
 178, 185. 
 
 Eastern Church Association, 293, 297, 
 
 134 ». 
 Eastward Position, 222-225. 
 Edinburgh Review^ the, 39, 40. 
 Eirenicon I, 79, 95 «., 107, 109, no, 
 
 123,125,126, 132, 133; Newman's 
 
 Reply to, 1 35-1 38 ; Roman Catholic 
 
 replies to, 144, 293. 
 
 II, 163, 164. 
 
 Ill, ' Is Healthful Reunion Im- 
 possible?' 162, 165, 173, 183-185; 
 
 title changed, 193. 
 Ellicott, Bishop, 237. {See Letters.) 
 English Church Union, speeches by 
 
 Pusey at Meetings of, 134, 212, 216, 
 
 276, 286, 287. 
 Essays and Reviews, 17, 23, 33, 34, 
 
 38 foil., 52, 62, 67,69. 
 Eternal Punishment, 49, 50; Oxford 
 
 Declaration on, 54, 56, 67, 344-346. 
 
 353-359- 
 
 F. 
 
 Faber, F. W., 135. 
 
 larrar. Rev. F. W., 344-346, 353» 
 
 354> 357- 
 Feudal 1, Rev. James, 43. 
 
 Filioque clause, 293-302. 
 
 Forbes, Bishop (of Brechin), 133, 14^, 
 I46,i5^,i73,i76,i77>i79.i86,i87, 
 263, 364, 394-396. \See Letters.) 
 
 Freeman, E. A. (afterwards Professor), 
 
 36. 
 Fremantle, W. R. (afterwards Dean 
 
 of Ripon), 53. 
 
 G. 
 
 Gaume, Abb^, Manual for Confessors, 
 303-306. 
 
 Genoa, Pusey's illness at, 254, 255, 
 323. 
 
 Germanism, 5. 
 
 Gibbs, Mr., donor of Keble Chapel, 
 32-?, 323. 
 
 Gladstone, Rt Hon. W. E., 14, 17, 49, 
 84, 94, 112, 195-202, 203, 206-208, 
 220, 221, 364, 387. {See Letters, 
 E. B. P.) 
 
 Glasgow, Earl of, 342, 387. 
 
 Golightly, Rev. C. P., 215. 
 
 Goodwin, Mr. C W., Essay on The 
 Mosaic Cosmogony, 38. 
 
 Gratry, P^re, 132. 
 
 Greek, Regius Professorship of, con- 
 troversy on endowment of, 10-22 ; 
 Lord Westbury's Bill for endowing, 
 
 33. 
 Green, Joseph Henrv, 332. 
 
 Rev. S. F., 366, 369, 380. 
 
 Guardian, the, 21, 22, 25, 40, 49, 50, 
 
 54 «., 112, 214 «., 216. 
 Gull, Sir William, 342. 
 
 H. 
 
 Hamilton, W. K., Bishop of Salisbury, 
 43. 47. 56, 65, 66. [See Letters.) 
 
 Hampden, Bishop, 43. 
 
 Harper. Father, 150. 
 
 Hatherley, Lord Chancellor, 225. 
 
 Hawkins, Dr. (Provost of Oriel;, 15, 
 18. 
 
 Heathcote, Sir William, 203. 
 
 Herbert, Mr. Sidney, 203. 
 
 Heurtley, Dr. (Margaret Professor of 
 Divinity), 26, 32, 224, 387. 
 
 Hoeven, Van der, 332. 
 
 Hook, Dean, 260, 339. 
 
 Infallibility, Papal claim to, 184, 185, 
 
 190, 193. 
 Irish Church, Synod of, 280, 281. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jackson, Dr. (Bishop of London), 218. 
 
 Jowett, Rev. B., Doctrine of the Atone- 
 ment, 10; prosecution of, 23-31; 
 Essay on The Interpretation of 
 Scripture, 38. 
 
 . «'..-• * * 
 
 Index, 
 
 457 
 
 K. 
 
 Keble, Rev. J., 12-14, 18, 24, 25, 31, 
 35» 45. 49. 50. 65, 86, 87, 90-93, 
 102, 124, 125; death of, 138, 198. 
 {See Letters.) 
 
 Keble College, foundation of, 202-205. 
 
 King, Rev. Bryan, 211. 
 
 Rev. Edward (afterwards Bishop 
 
 of Lincoln), 221, 384, 387. 
 
 L. 
 
 Lagrange, Fran9ois, story of E. B. P., 
 
 133 «• 
 La Rochelle, Bishop of, 132. 
 
 Latimer, Bishop, 263. 
 
 Mr. Digby, 27. 
 
 Leeds Church Congress, 255. 
 Leighton, Dr. (Warden of All Souls), 
 53 «. 
 Letters : — 
 
 Bright, Rev. Dr., 226. 
 
 to E. B. P., 271. 
 
 Buck, M. De, to the Bishop of Brechin, 
 
 177. 
 Christopher, Rev. A. M. W., to Rev. 
 
 H. P. Liddon, 318. 
 Carter, Rev. T. T., to E. A. Tugman. 
 
 Esq., 317. 
 Dollinger, Dr., to E. B. P., 118. 
 
 to Bishop Forbes, 147. 
 
 Ellicott, Bishop, to E. B. P., 117. 
 Farrar, Rev. F. W., to E. B. P., 354. 
 Forbes, Bishop (of Brechin), to Dr. 
 
 De Buck, 187. 
 Hamilton, Bishop, to E. B. P., 1 1 7. 
 Hansard, Rev. S., to Rev. H. P. Lid- 
 don, 142. 
 Hook, Rev. Dr. (Dean of Chichester), 
 
 to Rev. H. P. Liddon, 260. 
 Keble, Rev. J., to E. B. P., 13, 24,89, 
 
 134, 125, 130. 
 
 to Editor of Guardian, 25. 
 
 to Editor of the Times, 90. 
 
 Liddon, Rev. H. P., to E. B. P., 208, 
 
 306. 
 
 to Rev. J. H. Newman, 308, 309. 
 
 to E. A. Tugman, lisq., 316. 
 
 Manning, Rev. H. E., to E. B. P., 96. 
 Maurice, Rev. F. D., to Editor of the 
 
 Times, 57, 58, 60. 
 Newman, Rev. J. H., to Sir John 
 
 Coleridge, no. 
 to E. B. P., 78, 99, 106, 119, 
 
 123, 126-128, 131, 137, 148, 152- 
 
 154, 165, 168, 170, 172, 182, 191, 
 
 256, 257, 299. 356. 
 
 to Rev. H. P. Liddon, 307. 
 
 to Rev. W. B. Pusey, 256. 
 
 Letters {continued) : — 
 Palmerston, Lord, to Rt. Hon. W. E. 
 
 Gladstone, 17. 
 Paris, Abp. of (Darboy), to E. B. P., 
 
 154- 
 Pusey, E. B., 207, 291, 273. 
 
 to Professor (afterwards Sir H. 
 
 W.) Acland, 358. 
 to Bishop of Brechin (Forbes), 
 
 114. 
 to Rev. W. Bright, 219, 264, 
 
 271, 272. 
 
 to the Archbishop of Canter- 
 
 bury (Tait), 239, 250, 283. 
 
 — to the Dean of Chichester, 239, 
 250, 283. 
 
 — to Archdeacon Churton, 199. 
 
 — to children, 374, 375, 376. 
 
 — to Rev. W. J. Copeland, 101, 
 102, 103, 105, 126, 132, 266. 
 
 — to Lord Dalhousie, 370. 
 
 — to Archdeacon of Dublin, 281. 
 to Rev. F. W. Farrar, 353, 355. 
 
 to Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone, 
 
 37» ^"^3. 94. 112, 195, 196, 201, 217. 
 
 to Dr. Heurtley, 26, 225. 
 
 to Rev. J. Keble, 13, 14, 24, 31, 
 
 35, 46, 48, 86, 91, 93, 105, 125, 
 198. 
 
 to Dean Lake, 367. 
 
 to Dean Liddell, 326, 328. 
 
 to Rev. H. P. Liddon, 19, 85, 
 
 159. 175. 2CO, 208, 220, 224, 230, 
 231, 240, 265, 272, 278, 289, 292, 
 295. 29^ 305. 318, 321, 333. 337. 
 339» 348. 358, 366, 372. 373- 
 
 to Dr. Littledale, 180. 
 
 (and Rev. H. P. Liddon) to Rev. 
 
 A. H. Mackonochie, 273, 277. 
 
 to Rev. J. B. Mozley, 221. 
 
 to Rev. J. H. Newman, 98, 99, 
 
 100, loi, 106, 113, 118, 121, 123, 
 
 125, 131, 139. 141, 145. 150. 156, 
 158, 164, 165, 166, 169, 182, 189, 
 
 190, 19T, 193, 215, 252, 256, 297, 
 
 300, 340- 
 
 — to Dr. Ogle, 226, 
 
 — to Provost of Oriel, 372. 
 
 — to Philip E. Pusey, 113, 259. 
 
 — to Rev. W. B. Pusey, 110. 
 
 — to Rev. W. Randall, 198. 
 
 — to Professor RoUeston, 335. 
 
 — to Bishop of Salisbury (Hamil- 
 ton), 44- 
 
 to Rev. W. Scott, 210. 
 
 to Lord Shaftesbury, 51. 
 
 to Rev. J. Skinner, 369. 
 
 to Dean Stanley, 63, 65, 66. 
 
 to Bishop Tait, 211. 
 
 to E. A. Tugman, Esq., 316. 
 
458 
 
 Index. 
 
 Index, 
 
 459 
 
 Letters {continued) : — 
 
 — to Bishop Wilberforce, 15, 52, 
 54* 330. 231, 233, 234, 237, 244, 
 
 245- 
 
 — to Warden of Keble College, 
 
 322, 324* 325» 356. 
 
 — to Rev. G. Williams, 133, 183, 
 
 294. 
 
 to Rev. R. F. Wilson, 349. 
 
 to Hon. C. L. Wood, 279, 284, 
 
 286, 289, 343, 361, 362, 366, 369. 
 
 to Rev. H. A. Woodgate, 240. 
 
 to the Editor of the Guardian 
 
 40, 112; of the Records 50 ; of the 
 
 Times, 28, 58, 59, 61, 247, 275, 
 
 319. 363. 381, 382 ; of the Weekly 
 
 Register, 129. 
 Rolleston, Professor, to E. B. P., 81. 
 Shaftesbury, Lord, to E. B. P., 51, 
 
 241. 
 Stanley, Rev. A. P., to Editor of 
 
 Edinburgh Review, 39. 
 
 to E. B. P. 64. 
 
 to Abp. Tait, 252. 
 
 Sutton, Dr., to Viscount Halifax, 142. 
 Tait, Bishop (of London), to Dr. 
 
 Temple, 206. 
 Archbishop (of Canterbury) to 
 
 E.B.P., 236, 314. 
 Wilberforce, Bp. to Rt. Hon. W. E. 
 
 Gladstone, 197. 
 
 ' Levies.' 74, 83. 
 
 Lewis, Sir George C, 17. 
 
 * Liberal ' theology, 2. 
 
 Liddell, Dean, 326, 328, 329. 
 
 Liddon, Rev. H. P., 18, 19, 32, 85, 
 87, 92, 139, 161, 190, 200, 205, 
 208, 219, 239, 255, 265, 266, 296, 
 300, 306, 307, 309, 333. 337. 339. 
 364,386,387,391- (^^^ Letters.) 
 
 Lockhart, Father, 129, 130, 132, 146, 
 178. 
 
 Longley, Dr. C.T., Abp. of Canterbury, 
 43, 49 ; Pastoral Letter of, 56, 66. 
 
 Lucca, Cardinal de, 187. 
 
 Lushington, Dr., 44, 45. 
 
 Lyra Apostolica, 341. 
 
 M. 
 
 Mackamess, Dr. J. F. (Bishop of 
 Oxford), 342. 
 
 Mackonochie, Rev. A. H., 273, 274, 
 277, 361. 
 
 Malvern, Pusey at, 264. 
 
 Manning, Rev. H. E. (afterwards 
 Abp. of Westminster and Cardinal), 
 89, 96 ; pamphlet on The Workings 
 of the Holy Spirit in the Church of 
 
 England, 97, 98 «., 130, 146, 340. 
 
 {See Letters.) 
 Marriott, Rev. Charles, 203, 332. 
 Marseilles, Pusey's visit to, 133. 
 Martini, Raymond, Pugio Fidei, 302. 
 Maurice, Rev. F. D., 57, 58, 60. {See 
 
 Letters.) 
 Miller, Dr. J. C, 53 n. 
 Minor Prophets, Commentary on, 19 n. 
 Mixed Chalice, 224. 
 Month, the, 127. 
 Mozley, Rev. Thomas, Reminiscences. 
 
 372,374,379.^ . „ r 
 Rev. J. B. (Regius Professor of 
 
 Divinity), 220, 221. 
 
 Mtiller, Mr. Max, 15 ». 
 
 Museum (Oxford), 332. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nahum, Commentary on, 133. 
 
 Neubauer, Dr., 301, 302. 
 
 Newman, Rev. J. H. (afterwards Car- 
 dinal), 2, 4, 68, 78, 95 w., 97, 99, 
 103-106, 119, 121, 123, 126-128, 
 148, 150. 152, 154, 161. 178, 185, 
 189, 190, 220, 256, 299, 307, 309, 
 345. {See Letters.) 
 
 Norwich Church Congress, 77, 79, 80, 
 Si, 82. 
 
 O. 
 
 Ogilvie, Dr. (Regius Professor of 
 
 Pastoral Theology), 25, 224. 
 Orleans, Bishop of, 173, 178. 
 Oxford Election 1865, 195-202. 
 
 P. 
 
 Paget, Rev. F., 337. 
 — Sir James, 245. 
 Palmer, Sir Roundell (afterwards 
 
 Lord Selbome), 36, 56, 85, 87, 288. 
 Palmcrston, Lord, 14, 15, 17, ao, 197. 
 Paris, Archbishop of, 132. 
 Patrizzi, Cardinal, 130. 
 Pattison, Kev. Mark, Essay on The 
 
 Tendencies of Religious Thought, 
 
 38. 
 Penzance, Lord, 282, 284, 288. 
 
 Phillimore, Dr., Queen's Advocate, 
 
 23, .^o, ai8. 
 Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 43, 2 13 «. 
 Pius IX, calls Council of all the 
 
 Roman Bishops, 148, 150. 
 Pottinger, Mr., 27. 
 Powell, Professor Baden, Essay on 
 
 The Study of the Evidences of 
 
 Christianity t 38. 
 
 Priest, The, in Absolution, 303, 306. 
 
 Public Worship Regulation Bill, 275, 
 276, 282. 
 
 Purchas, Rev. J., 223. 
 
 Pusey, Edward Bouverie. {See 
 Letters.) Theological Liberalism, 
 3-5 ; two sermons on Faith, 6-10 ; 
 increased endowment of Greek Pro- 
 fessorship, 10-14 5 ^is pl^Ji of 
 augmentation, 14-17; obtains Prime 
 Minister's approval, 17; Essays and 
 Reviews, 17, 18; letter to the 
 Guardian, 21, 22 ; prosecution of 
 Professor Jowett, 23-31 ; letter to 
 the Times, 28, 39 ; second plan for 
 augmentation of Greek Professor- 
 ship, 32, 33; Essays and Reviews, 
 ecclesiastical proceedings against, 
 38-68 ; second letter to the Guar- 
 dian, 40-43; letter to the Bishop 
 of Salisbury, 44 ; to Rev. J. Keble, 
 46, 48 ; Inspiration and Everlasting 
 Punishment, 50; letter to Lord 
 Shaftesbury, 5 1 ; to Bishop Wilber- 
 force, 52, 54; Oxford Declaration 
 on Inspiration, 54-57 ; letters to 
 the Times, 58, 59, 61 ; invited by 
 Stanley to preach at Westminster 
 Abbey, 62-66; Lectures on Daniel, 
 70-74 ; meetings for discussion with 
 younger members of the University, 
 74 ; University sermons in reply to 
 Essays and Reviews, IS-J^ ; Paper 
 at Norwich Church Congress, 77- 
 81 ; Geology and the Bible, 79, 81 ; 
 speech on Free and Open Churches, 
 82 ; Ecclesiastical Final Court of 
 Appeal, 83-86 ; break-down in 
 health, sojourn at Ascot, 87 ; 
 pamphlet on case of Fendall v. 
 Wilson, 87-92, 95; agitation for 
 reform of Court of Appeal, 92-94 ; 
 reply to Manning's attack on the 
 English Church, 98-100, 105, 106 ; 
 republication of Tract XC, loi, 
 loa, 125, 126; Historical Pre- 
 face, 102, 103 ; proposed Roman 
 Catholic College at Oxford, 103- 
 105; First Eirenicon, 107-110; 
 meeting with Newman and Keble 
 at Hursley, 110-112; plan of Re- 
 union, journey to France, 113-116 ; 
 acknowledgements of the Eirenicon, 
 1 16-125 ; letters to the Weekly Re- 
 gister, 1 29-131 ; second journey to 
 France, 132-134 ; Newman's Reply 
 to First Eirenicon, 135-138; death 
 of Keble, 1 38-141 ; cholera in East 
 London, 141-144 ; the Eirenicon 
 and Ritualism, 144; helps Bishop 
 
 Forbes in his Explanation of the 
 Thirty-nine Articles, 145, 146 ; 
 Council of Roman Bishops, 148- 
 150; Answer to Newman's Reply, 
 150-153, 161, 162 ; the Second 
 Eirenicon, 162-165 5 correspon- 
 dence with Newman ou Transub- 
 stantiation, 166-172; new edition 
 of Cardinal De Turrecremata on 
 the Immaculate Conception, 181- 
 183; Third Eirenicon, 183-185; 
 the Oxford Election of 1865, 195- 
 202 ; foundation of Keble College, 
 202-205 ; nomination of Dr. Tem- 
 ple to see of Exeter, estrangement 
 from Mr. Gladstone, 206-208 ; the 
 Ritualistic controversy, 209-214 ; 
 speeches at E. C. U., 212, 216; 
 Rev. C. P. Golightly's Letter to 
 the Church-wardens, 215; Re- 
 port of the Ritual Commission, 
 215, 216; prosecution of the 
 Rev. W. J. E. Bennett, 216-218; 
 appointment of Rev. W. Bright, 
 Rev. J. B. Mozley, Rev. H. P. 
 Liddon, and Rev. E. King to 
 University Professorships, 219-221 ; 
 Ritual suit against Rev. J. Purchas, 
 222; the Eastward Position, 222- 
 225 ; the Athanasian Creed con- 
 troversy, 228-260; proposed re- 
 vision of the Authorized Version, 
 229, 230; the 'Westminster scan- 
 dal,* 231, 232 ; the Oxford explana- 
 tory note, 237, 238; petition to 
 Convocation, 242-244 ; serious 
 illness at Genoa, 254-257 ; death 
 of Bishop Wilberforce, 259 ; recon- 
 ciliation with Dean Hook, 259; 
 declaration on Confession and Ab- 
 solution, 261-270; attitude towards 
 Ritual, 271-280; troubles of the 
 Irish Church, 280-282 ; the Court 
 of Appeal, 282-286 ; resigns Vice- 
 Presidentship of the English Church 
 Union, 286-288; the Ridsdale 
 Judgment, 288-291 ; the Old Ca- 
 tholics, 292 ; Reunion Conference 
 at Bonn, 294, 297-302 ; death of 
 Bishop Forbes, 296; Gaume's 
 Manual for Confessors, 303-306 ; 
 another serious illness, 307-309 ; 
 retires to Ascot, 309; Lambeth 
 Conference on Confession, 310- 
 317 ; Mr. Christopher and the 
 Church Association, 318-320; 
 retires from the Hebdomadal 
 Council, 322 ; opening of Keble 
 College Chapel, 322 ; retires from 
 Council of the College, 325 ; refuses 
 
 1;;! 
 
460 
 
 Index, 
 
 Index, 
 
 461 
 
 f'^ 
 
 to sit for his portrait, 326-329 ; last 
 University Sermons, 330-338; on 
 teaching of Physical Science, 331 ; 
 reissue of sermon *The Rule of 
 Faith,' 338; proposed History of 
 the Oxford Movement, 338-340; 
 Newman made a Cardinal, 340, 341 ; 
 the Convalescent Hospital at Ascot, 
 341-343 ; Dr. Farrar's sermon 
 'Eternal Hope,' 344-346; death 
 of Philip Edward Pusey, 346-349 ; 
 answer to Dr. Farrar, * What is of 
 Faith, &c.,' 349-353 ; correspon- 
 dence on the same, 353-359 ; Church 
 troubles — the Church Association, 
 Ritualism, Un-law, 360-364 ; death 
 of Dean Stanley, 365 ; imprison- 
 ment of the Rev. S. F. Green, 336, 
 369; Revised Version of New 
 Testament, 367-369 ; Deceased 
 Wife's Sister Bill, 370, 371 ; Moz- 
 ley's Reminiscences, 372-374; let- 
 ters to children, 374-376 ; last 
 illness, 380-385 ; death, 385 ; fune- 
 ral, 386; his will, 390; memorial, 
 391-2. 
 
 Pusey, Philip Edward, 142, 346-349. 
 
 Rev. W. B., 385. 
 
 Q. 
 
 Quarterly Review, the, 40, 52. 
 
 R. 
 
 Randall, Rev. R. W. (afterwards Dean 
 of Chichester), 198. 
 
 Record, the, 50, 51. 
 
 Revised Version of the New Testa- 
 ment, 367. 
 
 Richards, Rev. W. U., 92. 
 
 Richmond, Mr. George, portrait of 
 E. B. P., 329. 
 
 Ridsdale, Rev. C, 282. 
 
 Ritual Commission, Reports of, 215, 
 228, 229. 
 
 Ritualism, movement against, 145, 
 209-214, 271-280; Resolution of 
 the Bishops on, 214; Memorial 
 on, 363, 364. 
 
 Rolleston, Dr., 335. {See Letters.) 
 
 Routh, Dr., 380, 
 
 S. 
 
 Salisbury, Marquis of, 391. 
 Scott, James Hope, 259. 
 
 Rev. W. (of Hoxton), 210. 
 
 Sellon, Miss, 341. 
 
 Sermons by E. B. P. (^See Ap- 
 pendix B) : — 
 
 * All Faith the Gift of God,' * Real 
 
 Faith Entire,' two University Ser- 
 mons, 6-9. 
 ' Dominus Illuminatio Mea,* 76. 
 
 * The Atonement,' 77. 
 'Everlasting Punishment,' 77, 344. 
 
 * Miracles of Prayer,* 77. 
 
 * Christ the Light of the World,' 
 
 77 «. 
 
 * Will ye also go away ? 214. 
 
 ' The Responsibility of the Intellect 
 in Matters of Faith,' 253. 
 
 *God and Human Independence,* 
 265 w. 
 
 * Unscience, not Science, adverse to 
 
 Faith,' 330. 
 
 * Prophecy of Jesus,' ib. 
 
 ' The Rule of Faith,' 338. 
 
 * Blessed are the Meek ' (opening of 
 
 Keble Chapel), 323. 
 
 Shaftesbury, Lord, 51, 206, 241. 
 
 Shirley, Dr. W. W. (Professor of Ec- 
 clesiastical History), 84, 203. 
 
 * Six Doctors,' the, 44. 
 
 Skinner, Rev. J., 345, 369. 
 
 Smith, Dr. Payne, 220. 
 
 Stanley, Dean, 4, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 
 32, 39, 62, 6. 
 252, 254, 365. 
 
 15. 
 , 64, 
 
 32, 39, 62, 63, 64, 66, 230, 231, 
 
 Stanhope, Lord, 228. 
 
 Stephens, Dr., 56. 
 
 Stubbs, Rev. William, afterwards 
 
 Bishop of Oxford, 182. 
 Swabey, Dr., Queen's Advocate, 27. 
 
 T. 
 
 Tait, Dr. A. C, Bishop of London, 39, 
 43, 45, 67, 206, 211 ; Archbishop of 
 Canterbury, 5«., 222, 232, 236, 239, 
 
 340, 247-251, 273, 375, 312, 314. 
 Talbot, Rev. E. S., first Warden of 
 
 Keble College, 205. 
 Temple, Dr., Essay on The Education 
 
 of the World, 38 ; nominated to 
 
 see of Exeter, 206. 
 Thirlwall, Bishop, 67. 
 Thomson, Dr., Archbishop of York, 
 
 45 ; Pastoral Letter, 56. 
 Times, the, 37, 28, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 
 
 90, 132, 339, 266, 275, 278, 292, 
 
 297. 299, 300, 306, 319, 338, 340, 
 
 341, 381, 382. 
 Tooth, Rev. A., 284, 288. 
 
 Tracts for the Times, No. LXXIII, 3 ; 
 
 No. XC, republication of, 101-103, 
 
 125, 126, 132. 
 Traill, Mr., 66. 
 
 Trench, Dr. R. C, Archbishop of 
 
 Dublin, 280, 281. 
 Turrecremata, Cardinal De, on the 
 
 Immaculate Conception, 181, 183. 
 
 U. 
 
 Ullathome, Dr., 164, 340. 
 Ultramontanes, the, 193. 
 * Unlaw,' Letter on, 364. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wales, Princess of, 342. 
 
 Ward, W. G., 118, 129, 135, 146. 
 
 Weekly Register, the, 95«.. 129, 130, 
 
 158, 341- 
 Westbury, Lord Chancellor, 33, 45, 
 
 197. 
 Westminster Revieiv^ the, 40, 89. 
 * Westminster scandal,' 232. 
 
 Whateley, Archbishop, 4. 
 W'ilberforce, Bishop, 35, 43, 52, 84, 
 
 94, 197, 205, 228, 229, 231, 233. 
 
 234» 236, 251, 258, 259. {See 
 
 Letters.) 
 
 Henry, 259. 
 
 Williams, Dr. Rowland, review of 
 
 Bunsen's Biblical Researches, 38; 
 
 proceedings against, 43, 45-47, 71. 
 ^— Rev. George, 92. 
 
 Mr. Monier, 15 w. 
 
 Wilson, Professor (Moral Philosophy), 
 
 332. 
 Rev. H. B., Essay on The 
 
 National Church, 38; proceedings 
 
 against, 43, 45, 46, 47. 
 Wood, Hon.C.L. (afterwards Viscount 
 
 Halifax), 142, 262, 284, 286, 287, 
 
 336, 349. 387. 
 Woodford, Rev. J. R. (afterwards 
 
 Bishop of Ely), 53. 
 
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