HOW SHALL IMMIGRATION BE REGULATED? An Open Forum Discussion of the Welty Bill (H.R. 14196). By SIDNEY L. GULICK Secretary of the National Committeelfor Constructive Immigration Legislation Headquarters: 105 E. Twenty-Second Street New York 1 A New Immigration Poucy Fair to all and safe for America Constructive, Patriotic, Just, Workable Bill introduced into Congress, H. R. 14196, May 22, 1920 Its Main Features and Advantages 1. Creates a Federal Immigration Board. 2. Uses a flexible Percentage Plan. 3. Distinguishes Transients from Immigrants. 4. Admits only so many Immigrants as we can (a) Assimilate (b) Americanize (c) Steadily Employ. 5. Sets high standards o£ Naturalization. 6. Gives Citizenship to all who Qualify. 7. Requires of all entering aliens a Pledge of Obedience. 8. Provides for deportation of specified Undesirables. 9. Plans for Distribution of Immigrants (not compulsory). 10. Secures accurate official records and reports from every State. 11. Preserves American Standards of (a) Living (b) Labor (c) Wages. 12. Safeguards American Labor and American Institutions. 13. Regulates Immigration to meet Economic Needs. 14. Promotes right relations with all other Nations. Already endorsed by twelve hundred leading American Citizens — Governors of States, Presidents and Professors of Universities, Economists, Members of Congress, Editors, Social Workers, Gov- ernment Officials, Financiers, Manufacturers, Physicians, Clergymen, Farmers, Lawyers, Teachers, Librarians, Authors, etc. How Shall Immigration be Regulated? The Immigration Question is certain to occupy increasing atten- tion until Congress enacts some new laws dealing comprehensively and constructively with the whole matter. It is a topic peculiarly fitted for Forum addresses and discussions. For a number of years the writer has presented to many audiences in various parts of America the principles and a program for Con- structive Immigration Legislation. These have recently been em- bodied in a bill and introduced into the House of Representatives by Honorable Benjamin F. Welty. This bill (H. R. 14196) and a pam- phlet explaining its principal features are printed separately. On many occasions, especially at forums, the addresses of the writer have been followed by questions and answers. In the follow- ing paragraphs he has summarized and condensed the questions most frequently asked and his replies thereto, which may be used as the basis of discussion in Open Forum and other meetings. I What economic advantages would American labor secure if the Welty bill for regulating immigration should be adopted? 1. The bill would stimulate the compilation of accurate statistics and the gathering of real information in each section of the country, as to unemployment, labor shortage and general economic conditions. This information, coming from each State, would help to promote a better distribution of labor. 2. The bill makes possible, whenever needed, the complete stop- page of new labor immigration. When a period of business depres- sion comes on, without waiting for any special action of Congress, always slow and difficult to secure, the Immigration Board could act promptly, preventing the further inflow of labor to complicate the situation. Statistics show that immigration continues to arrive and even to increase for several months after a period of sharp de- pression has set in, thus aggravating the distress of workingmen. This could be, in a measure at least, remedied by the wise control of the Immigration Board. 3. When prosperity returns and new enterprises develop requir- ing large amounts of manual labor — such as the opening of railroads, construction of irrigation works, and the increase of regular indus- tries, the restrictions on immigration can 'be promptly removed so that with the new stream if immigration these enterprises can be undertaken and their benefit secured for the entire community. Labor permanently prospers only when the community as a whole does. 3 II What economic advantages would employers enjoy if the Welty bill were to become law? 1. A contented, happy and steady working population is a great asset for those who employ labor. The Welty bill would help to produce such a condition. 2. If the Welty bill is not passed, labor will insist with greater urgency on some bill providing for the complete stoppage of immi- gration regardless of industrial conditions. Such stoppage, however, for a fixed number of years, would seriously hamper prospective de- velopment in the physical development of the United States. While no patriotic employer desired an inflow of labor during periods of distress and of economic depression, all patriotic Americans desire to have as large an immigration as we can wholesomely Americanize and steadily employ. The Welty bill is particularly designed to do this very thing — to restrain or even suspend immigration whenever the need for it is clear upon adequate and accurately secured facts, but to open the doors for it as soon and as rapidly as the new con- ditions of prosperity warrant it. Surely both the stoppage when needed and the new stream of immigration, when we can care for it, are of advantage to employers as to the entire community. Ill Instead of attempting to regulate the volume of immigration by arbitrary man-made laws, is it not wiser to let the natural economic laws of supply and demand determine, as in the past, the amount of immigration to the United States? 1. As a matter of fact, we abandoned this "laissez-faire" policy forty years ago when we stopped Chinese immigration. We have not allowed the law of supply and demand to control in this case. Few question the wisdom of restricting Asiatic immigration. Left to the play of "natural law," Asiatic immigration would have brought incalculable damage to many interests of inestimable value. 2. And even in the case of European immigration we have not for many decades let the law of "supply and demand" operate freely. We forbid "contract labor" immigration ; we forbid advertising by steamship companies for the purpose of stimulating immigration ; we reject many classes of immigrants who come under the impulse of the law of "supply and demand" (in the scientific sense), the diseased, the illiterate, the immoral and the criminal. People have come when there has been no desire for them on our side, merely because they reckon they can get along better here than in their native land. They are right. But we don't want them and have put up barriers. 3. Experience has shown that the "laissez-faire" policy so highly extolled and believed thirty to one hundred years ago is fallacious and dangerous. The rise of civilization and its preservation are en- tirely the product of man's forethought and energy applied — contrary to the "laissez-faire principle" — ^to the regulation and control of 4 Nature's processes. We continuously, and rightly, over-ride that principle in many matters. The time has come to do so in regard to all immigration. 4. The natural obstacles of travel of past generations furnished for centuries adequate restraint on immigration. The facilities, how- ever, of travel have now become so great, the sources in many foreign lands of available cheap labor are so large, degenerate individuals are so many, the differences of cultural and political ideas and practices of different peoples seeking entrance to the United States are so marked, and the races and languages of those who desire to come to us are so many and so diverse, that the United States should promptly develop a well thought-out policy for the control of immi- gration, if we are to preserve our people, make a success of democ- racy, maintain our distinctive culture and keep at a high level our scale of industrial and moral life. 5. The "laissez-faire" policy is not only played out, but it is positively dangerous. IV Will it be possible to secure accurate information as to the amount of unemployment, of labor shortage, and of the real economic condi- tions in the United States? 1. Increasing accuracy in our knowledge of these facts is being constantly secured. The proposed law will stimulate in each state the gathering of full records of the situation. 2. Moreover, the rapid development of labor employment agen- cies, the integration of organized labor and also of large manufacturers are factors making it more and more possible to know the actual facts. 3. The necessity for .having accurate knowledge will help secure it. V Should not the "literacy test" be repealed? 1. This test was finally passed (February, 1917) over President Wilson's veto because Congressmen, widely reflecting the opin- ion of their constituency in all parts of America, were convinced that some kind of restriction was needed. It was argued that the literacy test would restrict immigration in a way to secure a hig^her grade of immigrant, because it would eliminate those who could not read at least forty words in their own native tongue. The test has not been in force long enough yet for us to know just- what its results will really be. This probably is the best reason for letting it stand for a few years longer. Let us try it out. 2. There seems to be reason, however, for holding that the test puts a handicap on immigrants from rural sections and to give the preference to city populations. From the biological standpoint it would seem as though this would bring us the inferior stock of each country. Careful investigation should be made of the facts in regard to this point. 5 VI Should not the Gentlemen's Agreement be "denounced" and should not Japanese immigration be absolutely stopped? 1. The question is based on a misunderstanding. Because of the misleading assertions of some California anti-Japanese agitators, wide- spread misapprehension prevails throughout the United States in regard to the Gentlemen's Agreement and Japanese immigration. The Gentlemen's Agreement was made by Japan in 1907; it was an agreement to modify the clauses of the treaty which provided for mutual privileges of free travel and residence of Americans in [apan and of Japanese in America. The agreement got into full working order by July 1, 1908. Since that date no new Japanese labor im*"- migration has been admitted to America — this by the rigid regulation by Japan herself of passports for Japanese going abroad. 2. ^^ A full statement of the case may be had in a pamphlet en- titled "Japan and the Gentlemen's Agreement." It shows that immi- gration fell from 30,226 in 1907 to 3,111 for 1908—9 the first year of its full operation. Since July 1, 1908, Japanese admitted to Con- tmental United States have numbered 79,738 while the number of departures has been 68,770. Of the arrivals 32,879 were returning after a visit to Japan. When it is noted that during eleven years the number of wives admitted was 24,298 and of children 10,417 it is clear that the net increase by immigration of only 10,968 is not large,— is in fact very small. An American law forbidding all im- migration would hardly have been more effective- unless it had been so ruthless as to exclude wives and children coming with or to join their husbands and parents. VII Would not the Welty bill if passed admit a flood of Japanese? 1. By no means. Although the Welty bill does not specify that immigration shall be stopped from Japan or from any par- ticular people, it does provide that the Board, at its discretion, in view of all the facts, may completely suspend it from any given people. Under present circumstances it is certain that immigration from Japan would be completely stopped. 2. Some Californians desire to have the control of Japanese immigration taken out of the hands of the Japanese Government and placed in the hands of Americans. There is no objection to this if it is done in a way that is courteous and honorable and if the laws for regulating Japanese immigration are fair and friendly. The pro- posal of the California Oriental Exclusion League do not seem to be so. Those who desire to study these proposals carefully may be referred to a pamphlet entitled, "The New Anti- Japanese Agitation." 3. The National Committee for Constructive Immigration Leg- islation holds that the Welty bill provides for all that is wise and right in the position of the anti-Japanese agitators. Although it does 6 not in words "denounce" the 'Gentlemen's Agreement, the enactment of the law would, in fact, do away with the Agreement by bringing Japanese immigration under the complete control of the Immigration Board, as is all other immigration. VIII Why does the Welty bill repeal the laws dealing with Chinese? 1. Because some of those laws are in conflict with the provi- sions of our treaties with China. The Supreme Court of the United States has recognized the fact. No way has, however, been found by which to secure the ends deemed essential except by legislation which violates our agreement to give Chinese, lawfully in the United States, "most favored nation treatment." 2. Because the Welty bill has now provided a way for regulat- ing Chinese immigration in the same way and on the same prin- ciples that we apply to all, yet without opening the doors for dan- gerous immigration from China. 3. Because, since those laws were passed, China has become a Republic. Some of those laws are humiliating to them and not honorable for us. 4. Because it is highly important for us voluntarily to set right our laws dealing with Chinese before China becomes irritated and indignant at the humiliation we now place upon them. IX Why provide for the admission of Asiatic immigration at all? Is it not better to exclude them all, absolutely and permanently? We have one race problem now — why introduce another? 1. The Welty bill does not specifically deny immigration to Asiatics, not because it proposes to open the doors for Asiatic im- migration, but in order that their exclusion may be handled on gen- eral principles based on definite facts and figures and not on an ar- bitrary dictum and law sure to arouse irritation and indignation. No peoples are so moved by considerations of courtesy and its opposite as are Asiatics. Immigration from Asia to the United States should certainly not take place. The securing of exclusion, however, should be done in a way that is courteous and friendly, free from words or forms that are humiliating or discourteous. The Welty bill accom- plishes these ends. There are, moreover, other races than Chinese, Japanese and Hindu whose immigration is undesirable. The Welty bill makes it possible to handle every case with the best knowledge and wisdom that can be secured. 2. The question, "We have one race problem, why introduce another?" rests on the false assumption that the Welty bill proposes to admit Asiatic immigration. Such, however, is not the case. As already stated, the Welty bill proposes a new and better method for 7 handling- the situation. Our present Asiatic policy is actually pro- ducing- both a race problem and an international problem. The Welty bill seeks to secure the same ends in regard to immigration, only more effectively and at the same time to allay the racial and the international irritation. X Would the legislative program of the California Oriental Exclu- sion League, if enacted, really solve the Japanese problem? No, it -would not. On the contrary, it would only aggravate the situation. 1. The proposal to cancel the Gentlemen's Agreement -would be a -wanton insult to the Japanese Government and people, for that Agreement has been honorably kept by that government, both ac- cording to the testimony of our o-wn Government and according to our o-wn classified statistics of Japanese arrivals and departures. 2. The proposal to forbid further admittance of so-called "pic- ture brides" fails at several points. It assumes that all Japanese ■wives coming to America are "picture brides," a false assumption. During the past eleven years the -wives have numbered more than the "brides." Even though such a la-w -were passed it -would not ma- terially prevent the continued increase of Japanese families, for Japanese men could still go to Japan, get married, and bring their •wives back -with them. The proposal, moreover, is quite needless for beginning in February the Japanese Government stopped granting passports to "picture brides." 3. The proposal to prohibit all leasing of land to Asiatics -would soon force on to the market 554,808 acres. The economic loss to Americans through diminished rentals and land values and through rising prices for garden products is a minor consideration for Cali- fornians to think over. The proposal, if enacted, -would force all Asiatic farm labor, some 60,000 into the ranks of day laborers. 4. The proposal to prohibit the acquisition of real property by American-born Japanese minors under the guardianship of their par- ents would at the longest have effect for only a few years, for already there arc thousands of American-born Japanese children entering or in their early 'teens. As soon as they come of age, the process of land purchase can go on in spite of all laws against aliens and minors. In the meantime the law would have stirred up a host of angry feelings, inimical to the processes of Americanization. 5. The proposal to deny to Japanese parents the right to be guardians of their own American-born children, who are American citizens, if they own real property, would create universal Japanese indignation and still further strain our international relations. Would Americans calmly acquiesce in similar laws against them in any for- teign land? 6. The proposal to deny American citizenship to American-born Asiatics would hurt America chiefly. The 50,000 American-born chil- dren of Asiatic parents, now here in Continental United States are 8 American citizens and their children and children's children for all tune Avill be citizens. Only those born here, after the law o-oes into effect, would be denied citizenship. We would then have two groups of Asiatics, those who are citizens and those who with their offsprino- could never become citizens. The only real solution of America's Asiatic problems lies in the adoption of the Welty bill. XI Is not the chief opposition to Asiatic immigration that made by organized labor? Is it thinkable that the Welty bill can be passed if It makes provision for fresh Asiatic immigration? _ For forty-five years labor has demanded the rigid restriction of Asiatic immigration. This has been fundamentally correct. The Welty bill does not propose any change in that attitude; it urges only a new method by which that attitude is to be carried out. At its last convention, the American Federation of Labor did a noble thing in calling upon all brotherhoods to drop the words "white only" and to admit negroes to full membership. President Gompers was quite right in saying that this act "will settle the negro problem m our organization for all time." Similar action in regard to Japanese will have similar important results. Already in a few places Japanese have been admitted to the unions, and even in cases where they have not been members on the occasion of strikes they have behaved as though they were, win- ning the commendation of the unions. _ The true American policy in dealing with Asiatic labor is to con- tinue to oppose all increase by immigration and to promote the com- plete Americanization of Asiatics in America by absorption into the unions instead of leaving them to organize racially. If labor understands the real significance of the Welty bill in its various phases it will no doubt support the measure. XII Will not Japan be as dissatisfied with the immigration policy of the Welty bill as they are with the present American policy of Asiatic exclusion? This question assumes that Japan is pressing for free immigra- tion and will be satisfied with nothing less— an impression widely held m America. It is, however, a mistake. What Japan has earnestly and repeatedly asked for is not free immigration, but equality of race treatment. Differential race legislation, as it affects her people she feels to be a national humiliation and is accordingly resented. That this is the correct statement of the situation is clear from a consideration of the arrangement known as the "Gentlemen's Agree- ment." By this arrangement Japan has for twelve years rigidly re- stricted the coming of her laborers to the United States. While over 30,000 came in 1907 less than 3,000 came in 1910. For several 9 years more Japanese left our shores than entered. And out of defer- ence to California's popular desire, she has recently undertaken to give no more passports to Japanese brides, coming to join their hus- bands in America. If this is a correct statement of the case, it is clear that Japan will be satisfied, for although the Welty bill does indeed make room for complete stoppage of Japanese immigration, it also provides for complete equality of treatment even to the extent of giving citizen- ship to all who properly qualify. In saying above that Japan does not desire free immigration, we refer to the official attitude of the Government. Beyond question, millions of Japanese laborers would be only too glad of an oppor- tunity to migrate to our shores. The responsible leaders, however, realize that under the present international economic and racial con- ditions such an opportunity is beyond the range of hope and possi- bility. Acceptance of this situation, however, on their part strengthens, if anything, their instance on securing equality of race treatment. They are asking for their representatives residing in foreign lands a treatment which Japan grants to all foreigners resi- dent in her land — -complete freedom from race discriminatory legis- lation. Japan does not ask that her citizens in America shall have the right to own land and to become citizens. She does ask that if aliens of other lands are given these privileges they shall be given also to Japanese. Especially mistaken are those who argue that these privileges should not be given to Japanese in America because xA.meri- cans in Japan are not given these privileges there, for the facts are just the reverse. Americans can, and some have, become Japanese citizens. Americans and any aliens in Japan can and do own land. The writer, for instance, owns — on a 999-year superficies lease — about an acre of farm land on which he has built his summer cottage. XIII Why does the Welty bill repeal the "geographical zone exclusion method" for keeping out undesirable immigration? 1. Because by designation of latitudes and longitudes it is diffi- cult of adequate application. Certain immigrants should be excluded that cannot be so designated. 2. Because it has the appearance of being arbitrary and there- fore tends to produce irritation. 3. Because its purpose is more wholesomely secured by such general principles as are embodied in the Welty bill. XIV Does the Welty bill agree with the immigration policy of the Republican party? 1. The Republican plank on immigration adopted at Chicago reads as follows : "The standard of living and the standard of citizen- ship are its most precious possessions and the preservation and ele- vation of those standards is the first duty of our government. The 10 immigration policy of the United States should be such as to insure- that the number of foreigners in the country at any one time shall not exceed that which can be assimilated with reasonable rapidity and to favjor immigrants whose standards are similar to our own. "The selective tests that are at present applied could be improved by requesting a higher physical standard, a more complete exclusion of mental defectives and of criminals and of a more effective inspec- tion applied as near the source of immigration as possible, as well as at the port of entry. Justice to the foreigner as well as to our- selves demands provision for the guidance, protection and better eco- nomic distribution of our alien population. To facilitate government; supervision, all aliens should be required to register annually until they become naturalized. "The existing policy of the United States for the practical ex- clusion of Asiatic immigrants is sound and should be maintained." 2. Comparison of the provisions of the Welty bill with this plank shows a remarkable degree of harmony. Indeed, one of the special aims of the Welty bill is to regulate immigration in such a. way as to protect American standards of living and to promote the wholesome assimilation of aliens by insuring through the numerical provisions that the number of aliens of any given people at any one- time shall not exceed our power to assimilate them. The Welty bill also provides for an important raising of the standards of nat- uralization as urged by the Republican plank. It likewise is in har- mony with the provision in the plank calling for the maintenance of the exclusion of Asiatic immigration, although the method it pro- poses differs from that now in practice. The plank does not define- the method. XV Does the Welty bill agree with the immigration policy of the Democratic Party? 1. The Democratic platform has no plank on immigration in' general. Its plank on Asiatic immigration reads as follows: "The- policy of the United States with reference to the non-admission of Asiatic immigrants is a true expression of the judgment of our people,, and to the several states where geographical situation or internal conditions make this policy and the enforcement of the laws pursu- ant thereto of particular concern, we pledge our support." 2. The Welty bill is clearly in harmony with the spirit and" purpose of the plank. It proposes, indeed, to repeal the present laws dealing with the Chinese, but it proposes to secure the same ends in another way. XVI Should not all immigration be prohibited for several years at least, as provided for by a number of bills already introduced into Congress? 1. Organized labor is urging the complete stoppage of immigra- tion. It insistently contends that there has not been and is not now 11 any real labor shortage. If adequate wages are offered, plenty of labor can be secured, they hold. Employers, on the other hand, equally insistently contend that the labor shortage is exceedingly acute; that production cannot in- crease until a large amount of new labor is secured, especially of imskilled, manual labor. The true state of affairs can hardly be determined by the ordinary layman. Each side, moreover, is inevitably influenced by its own interests. Whether, therefore, it is wise or unwise to stop all immigration is a question too vast and complicated for those to decide who do not and cannot have access to all the facts. The decision should not be left to "special interests." One of the important merits of the Welty bill is that it does not attempt to decide the question off-hand either way. It provides for an Immigration Board having power to secure all the facts and au- thority to decide the question in the light of the facts. It can stop all immigration for three months or six months or a year or for any period that the facts seem to warrant. And if it thinks immi- gration desirable it can authorize it in volumes, varying with condi- tions, even to a pretty large amount. If it should permit immigra- tion to the limit of its authority some 1,800,000 might come from Northwest Europe and some 500,000 from South, Central and East Europe. XVII Under the Welty bill, could the Immigration Board suspend the "literacy test"? No. It may, by special action, in view of proved need and in- ability to secure in the United States labor of the kind needed, allow the importation of skilled or domestic labor under contract, but even in these cases, the immigrants admitted must conform to the law in regard to ability to read forty words of their own language. XVIII Could the Immigration Board under the Welty bill meet the demand of many Calif ornians and others to import several hundred thousand Chinese laborers for agricultural and other forms of menial manual labor? No, the bill does not provide for unskilled contract labor. XIX Is it not dangerous to create an Immigration Board with such great power to admit or exclude immigration? May it not be subject to improper political influence? Any course has its dangers. For Congress to stop immigration entirely would be dangerous. It would be the result of political 12 influence. To allow continued free immigration 'would also be dan- gerous and would be secured through political influence. To have a responsible Immigration Board which must find out the facts as to the conditions in all parts of the country, which facts must be printed in an annual report, and the decision of the Board to be based on the reported facts, would seem to be the least dangerous course, and the least open to unfair political influence. XX May not the ten per cent provision exclude immigration from peoples whose immigrants are desirable? That contingency is not at all likely. The "asylum principle" is already adequately provided for in the existing law. The percentage plan would seriously restrict immigration only from peoples that hitherto have sent us relatively little immigration. It would, in prac- tice, offer no restriction from countries whose peoples have already come in large numbers and are well incorporated into our popula- tion, e. g., British, Canadian, Scandinavian and the like. As time goes on and aliens become citizens, the permissible immigration from their native lands would increase. On a ten per cent rate their immigrants might double their foreign-born population here in ten years. That increase is surely as rapid as would be wise for any new people. XXI Would not the Welty bill allow an enormous immigration of negroes, if ten per cent of those now here may be admitted annually? This question discloses a curious misunderstanding of the pro- posal. First of all, no illiterate negro can enter as an immigrant in any case. Moreover, the "ten per cent" is ten per cent of those "nat- uralized" plus those American-born children, one or both of whose parents are foreign-born. The number of negroes of each of these clauses is practically zero, so that under the percentage plan permis- sible immigration from Africa would also be practically zero. XXII Should not all immigrants be excluded who do not intend and promise to become American citizens as soon as the law allows? 1. This, of course, is a matter of judgment. If the immigrant is inherently a patriotic' man, he will love his own country and re- fuse to immigrate here under such conditions. Those who would come to our land under such humiliating conditions would hardly be people whom we would care to welcome. Only those inherently patriotic people who have lived here a number of years and have learned to understand our history and our democracy and to love our freedom and our life, would probably make good American citi- zens. It would, therefore, be unwise to require all who enter as immigrants to promise when they enter that they will become citizens. 13 2. To appreciate how such a law would appear to immigrants -and to their peoples, let us reverse the situation. An American, for instance, goes to England or France for pleasure or temporary busi- ness. He finds he can prosper there and later takes his family, ex- pecting to remain indefinitely. We spontaneously desire them to remain loyal Americans. What would we think of him if he should lightly promise, the day he sets foot in that foreign land, that he will abandon his American citizenship? And what would we think of England or France if he could not set foot for an indeterminate residence in those lands unless he were to give such a promise? The question shows a remarkable failure to understand the nature of citizenship and patriotism and how to secure their reality. A new loyalty cannot be forced by law nor by penalties. XXIII Should not aliens be deported who, after a suitable number of years, do not become American citizens? This, too, is a matter of judgment. Of course, if they prove to l)e criminals or dangerous in any way, we have laws to deal with them. If they are not dangerous, it would hardly seem human to drive them out. The true method for dealing with such a situation would seem to be this : if there are many such of any given people the permissible immigration from that people should be proportion- ately restricted. Just this is what the Welty bill provides for. XXIV ' What is the advantage of the provision in the Welty bill for the ^'Text-book on American Citizenship"? The principal advantage is that every alien desiring to become a citizen can know exactly what the requirements are. At present, the standards of knowledge are quite vague. The judge in each ■court has his own concrete standard. An official text-book would apply equally all over the United States. Such an official text-book would serve as the basis for the instruction on Americanization in the liundreds of classes that are now educating aliens for citizenship. Prepared by experts it would be far better and more suitable for the needs of aliens than many of the books now used which have been prepared under emergency conditions by those who indeed did the l)est they could, but under adverse circumstances. XXV The Welty bill provides that all aliens entering the United States shall give a "Pledge of obedience." What is the use of this? Do they not have to obey the laws anyway? The advantage is entirely psychological. It will remove at the ■start the more or less unconscious belief, if they have it, that America is a free land, where people can do what they want — that there is 14 no law. ■ It can be made at the very beginning- of their life here the occasion for teaching them one of the fundamental principles of American democracy. Though the people make the laws they also are required to obey them. When aliens, who have promised to obey, disobey the laws the fact can be brought home to the consciousness and perhaps also to the conscience. The advantages of the provi- sion are many and real, the disadvantages are nil. XXVI Is it wise to open the doors of citizenship to Asiatics as the Welty bill does? 1. Yes, it is the firm conviction of those who support the Welty bill that the provision is not only wise but essential to the welfare of America and to the maintenance of right relations between America and the peoples of Asia. 2. It is to be noted that the Welty bill first provides for raising the standards of naturalization pretty high. Only on these high standards does it propose to give citizenship to all who qualify. Note the words "who qualify." If Asiatics can qualify, there is no reason why they should not be allowed to become citizens. Indeed, there is every reason why they should. It is far better for us as well as for them that they should develop a spirit of loyalty to our institu- tions and our flag, than that they should' live permanently here and always feel and act like aliens. We should not try to force aliens to become citizens — as Japan is trying to force Koreans to become Japanese — but if Japanese or Chinese who are here qualify and desire to change their allegience we should by all means let them do so, nay we should welcome them. 3. If they are here decade after decade and do not desire to become loyal American citizens, that of itself alone would be good reason for rigidly restricting their immigration. Democracy cannot be completely successful, if any considerable section of the perma- nent population either is necessarily debarred by law or prejudice from participation in the government, or does not desire such par- ticipation. XXVII Does the Welty bill include the provision to amend the Federal Constitution so as to take away American citizenship from American- born children, if either parent is an Asiatic ineligible for citizenship? It does not. This proposal by anti-Japanese agitators is strangely oblivious to the disastrous results that would surely develop from such a law. Not only would it produce bitter feelings among all Japanese against America, but it would create endless confusion here in America. For all children already born here are American citizens now and would remain so and their children ana children's children ad infinitum. Those alone would be deprived of citizenship who are 15 born after the amendment goes into effect. The psychological con- ditions that would then develop would be most unwholesome for the maintenance of good will and amity. Few recent proposals would be so effective as this one in creating and maintaining an insolvable race problem. XXVIII How does the Dillingham immigration bill (H. R. S. 2788) differ from the Welty bill? Senator Dillingham's bill is quite brief. It provides that immi- gration from each country shall not exceed five per cent of aliens of that countr}^ residing in the United Sta^tes and that this principle shall be applied rigidly to all countries, including those in Asia. It is evident that the two bills are quite distinct. Under the Dillingham bill Japanese immigration to the extent of about 6,000 to 8.000 an- nually would be permitted and that from China to the extent of probably 4,000 or 5,000. Senator Dillingham's bill takes no account of rates of assimilation, of the question of naturalization, nor of the changing economic and industrial conditions making changes in the volume of immigration desirable. Conclusion In the light of these considerations, should not the Welty bill be Avidely supported and promptly passed by Congress? Send for copies of the bill and for literature giving important facts about immigration matters in the United States, so that you may be informed on this question. Organize debates and open forum discussions on the subjects dealt with in the bill. Interest your friends and acquaintances in the bill, requesting them to write or interview their congressmen, urging its passage. Send as liberal a contribution to headquarters as you can, so that printed matter and publicity may be vigorously pushed by our office. Make your check payable to Central Union Trust Company of New York, 42nd Street Branch, New York City, but send it to our office, National Committee for Constructive Immigration Legis- lation, 105 E. 22nd Street, New York. 16