m. ' /; . r \ ca $ !-». j I Y TiJOttt 18 Srettt JSritaiii boiiig to Suppress Sfttoerq aiit) tf)e SfaDe=®rtti)c ? BY CHAS. H. ALLEN, F.R.G.S., Secretary of the British and Foreign Anti=Slavcr\J Society. PRICE ONE PENNY. Xonbou: 5 5, BK.OAI3 STBBET, E.O 1804 . Abraham Kingdon & Newmham, Printers, 12, Finsbury Street, Moorgate, London, E.C. We have no slaves at home. Then why abroad? And they themselves, once ferried o’er the wave That parts us, are emancipate and loos’d. Slaves cannot breathe in England ; if their lungs Receive our air, that moment they are Free ; Thev touch our countrv and their shackles fall. j That’s noble, and bespeaks a nation proud. And jealous of the blessing. Spread it, then. And let it circulate through ev’ry vein Of all your Empire ; that where Britain’s pow’r Is felt, mardvind may feel her mercy too. COWPER. XUf)at is ©rettt 35ritaiii being to suppress 8faucri) mib tf)e 8faoe=@:rabe ? spokesman—THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. In response to the invitation given by the World’s Congress Auxiliary of the World’s Columbian Exposition, to show what Great Britain is doing to suppress Slavery and the Slave-trade, it is necessary to give a short sketch ot the great movement which agitated England for so many years, and, after incredible difficulties, resulted in a triumphant issue; firstly—in the abolition of the Slave-trade, in 1807, and afterwards of Slavery itself, in all British possessions. In this sketch, honour must be given to the men who first undertook this apparently quixotic crusade. Granville Sharp may be termed the father of abolitionists in England, he having set the ball rolling by obtaining, in the Courts of Law, a decision, that if a Slave once touched English soil he became free, and could not be carried back into Slavery against his will. This happened in 1772. In 1785, a further step was taken. The annual subject for the prize essay in Latin to be competed for by the graduates of the University of Cambridge, was proposed by the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Peckard, in the following terms:— Anne liceat invitos in servitutem dare f The prize for this essay was won by Thomas Clarkson, a name imperishable in the annals of abolition. The young essayist was so impressed by the terrible nature of the facts which he had gathered together in the compilation of his essay, that he resolved to devote his life thenceforward to the Anti-Slavery cause. In 1808, Clarkson published his famous work on the History of the Abolition of the Slave-Trade, which ought to be studied by everyone desirous of mastering the subject. About one hundred years ago, in 1788, William Wilberforce, the famous Parliamentary champion of the abolition of the Slave-trade, whilst in company with W illiam Pitt, the Prime Minister of England, was sitting under a now historic oak tree, on one of the hills of Kent, when he resolved to give notice, on a fit occasion, in the House of Commons, of his intention to bring forward the subject of the Slave-trade. Faithful to this resolution, Wilberforce was successful in bringing about the passage of a measure, in 1807, for the Abolition of the British Slave-trade. Denmark had already set a noble example by abolishing the Slave-trade, in 1792, and the United States of America, then a rising Power, succeeded in gaining the lead by a few months, in the race with England, to carry a law 4 for the abolition of the Slave-trade—a law which was, however, frequently broken in America, owing to the long continuance of Slavery itself. The example of England and the United States was gradually followed by all the nations of Europe whose subjects had engaged in this traffic ; but it must be remembered that the passing of these Acts, which rendered the trade illegal, did not prevent a considerable amount of surreptitious traffic in human flesh, very much in the same manner as it is now carried on by Arabs on the East Coast of Africa. The Abolition of Slavery itself by England did not follow until many years after the trade was declared unlawful, nor until a small army of Abolitionists had devoted their strength and influence to the carrying out of this great work. Amongst those must be noted the names of Lord Brougham, Sir Fowell Buxton, William Allen, Dr. Lushington, Joseph and Edmund Sturge, Macaulay (father of the historian), Joseph Cooper, and his brother Emanuel, Sir George Stephen, and many others. Although the Act for Abolition was passed in 1833, full and complete emancipation in the West Indies did not take place until 1838, and this was speedily followed by total emancipation in all British possessions. As may naturally be supposed, the isolated efforts of individuals could not possibly contend with the enormous opposition of the vested interests which they attacked. Consequently, various associations of earnest men banded themselves together in the single-minded endeavour to assist the abolitionist leaders in their great work. These societies, of which a great number were formed in all parts of the United Kingdom, never laid down their arms until Slavery was abolished throughout British territory. It is impossible to pass over the notorious fact so often quoted to show the generosity of the British nation, namely, the voting of twenty millions sterling as an indemnity to the Slave-holders in British Colonies, for the loss which they expected to sustain by the enforced liberation of their Slaves. This measure, involving so large an outlay on the part of the British people, was not what may be called a bona fide Anti-Slavery policy. The Abolitionists of England were perfectly willing to lend their countenance to any application to Parliament by planters who could prove that the emancipation of their Slaves had caused them absolute loss, but this would involve freedom to the Slaves before any such loss could be proved. It must he remembered that the planting interest was represented in both Houses of Parliament by a very powerful party, and the Abolitionist leaders, fearing that any delay of emancipation might be the cause of a servile war, ceased to oppose the indemnity grant. It may not be out of place here to remind the public that the real views of the Abolitionists, in respect to such pecuniary grants, have always been those which were expressed with so much eloquence and felicity by Lord Brolgham in one of his famous speeches, about the year 1830, which may be said to have become a classic in English literature. 5 Tell me not of rights—talk not of the property of the planter in his Slaves : I deny the right—I acknovvledge not the property. The principles, the feelings of our common nature, rise in rebellion against it. Be the appeal made to the understanding or to the heart, the sentence is the same that rejects it. In vain you tell me of laws that sanction such a claim. There is a law above all enactments of human codes— the same throughout the world—such as it was before the daring genius of Columbus pierced the night of ages, and opened to one world the sources of power, wealth, and knowledge ; to another, all unutterable woes—such it is at this day. It is the law written by the finger of God in the heart of man. And by that law—unchangeable and eternal—while men dispise fraud, and loathe rapine, and abhor blood, they will reject with indignation the wild and guilty phantasy that man can hold property in man. In vain do you appeal to treaties, to covenants between nations ! The Covenants of the Almighty, whether the old Covenant, or the new, denounce such unholy pretensions. The extinction of Slavery in all British Dominions induced Abolitionists to turn their attention to Slavery and the Slave-trade in foreign countries, and for this purpose the present JBdtlsb anb iForeion HnU=SIaver^ Society was founded in London, in 1839. first president being the venerable Thomas Clarkson. It was many years before the Slave-trade between Africa and America became extinct. In spite of the utmost vigilance of a small fleet of cruisers. Slaves were carried by thousands across the Atlantic to Brazil and Cuba, amid all the horrors of the Middle Passage ; nor did this entirely cease until some five and twenty years since. The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society was, meanwhile, earnestly pressing upon the Governments of Slave-holding countries for the abolition of Slavery itself, for the truth of the economic law that where there is a demand there will be a supply, was exemplified in the continued attempts to smuggle cargoes of Slaves across the ocean. European Powers. France was the next European country to make a clean sweep of the institution of Slavery in all her Colonies, in 1848, by a summary law passed by the Republic, which enacted that within two months every Slave should receive his freedom unconditionally. Holland soon followed the lead of France, by freeing her Slaves about the year 1862, and, as everyone knows, the civil war in the United States of America gave unconditional freedom to from 5,000,000 to 7,000,000 of Slaves. Portugal introduced freedom into her Colonies by a gradual process, which came to an end about the year 1878. The last of the European Powers to abolish Slavery was Spain, one of the early originators of a system which has deluged the world with blood. No one can say how many thousands of Slaves have been imported into Cuba, the beautiful Queen of the Antilles, whose planters firmly believed that 6 it was impossible for them to live without Slave labour. Gradually, however,, in the steady march of progress, the sugar planters themselves began to realise that free labour was less costly than that of Slaves, and thus it came to pass that, without any violent uprooting of a system which had existed for centuries, first in Porto Rico, and then in Cuba, the system of Slavery disappeared entirely in i888. This was quickly followed by the freedom of about a million Slaves in Brazil, the last Christian country which upheld, the system. The annals of the Society contain incontestable proof that the great movements chronicled above were largely facilitated and hastened by the influence brought to bear through its exertions upon the Governments of Europe that still clung to the worn-out institution of Slavery. Mohammedan Slavery. The attention of the world has now to be directed to Slavery, so general throughout the Mussulman world, and the consequent impetus given of late years to the export trade of Slaves from the East Coast of Africa. So much has lately been written and said upon these topics that it is unnecessary to bring forward the proofs which exist of the unparalled horrors of what Livingstone called “ the open sore of the world.” For several years past the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society had been making strenuous endeavours to obtain, at the various International Conferences of the Powers of Europe, some practical recognition of the necessity of dealing with the abominations of the Slave-trade, but these attempts had proved futile. Without dwelling upon former anti-Slavery efforts made by noted Abolitionists at the Conferences of Vienna, in 1815, of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1818, and of Verona, in 1822, which are now matters of history, we will consider the attempts made in recent years by the British and Foreign '\nti-Slavery Society, to procure some unanimous declarations for a change in the international law relating co the Slave-trade. The Conference at Constantinople, 1876-7. At this Conference Lord Salisbury was the English plenipotentiary, and Lord Derby, as Foreign Secretary, received from the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society a long and forcible indictment against Slavery and the Slave-trade in the Ottoman Empire. An Address from the Society was also forwarded to the British Government, the Emperors of Russia, Germany, and Austria, the King of Italy, and the President of the French Republic. From this memorial it is only necessary to quote three paragraphs, the statements of which are applicable, in almost every particular, at the present time ; and it may be noted that even at that date the annual loss of life in Africa was estimated at something like half a million. “ That this Congress affords an appropriate occasion, such as has not been presented since the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, for carrying into full and complete 7 effect the consensus then arrived at on the subject of the Slave trade and Slavery. <>» ” That the devastation of Africa, and the murder of its people, variously estimated at from 400,000 to 500,000 every year, are perpetrated by the subjects, real or nominal, of the Ottoman Porte. » « « “ That if such were the views of policy and of duty which animated the Great Powers of Europe, when such views were in strong antagonism to vast and powerful commercial interests then existing among their subjects, it is not too much to believe that the present Conference will be inspired by the same spirit, for it will signally fail to discharge its high responsibilities, or to fulfil the just expectations of Europe, if now, at a time when these adverse interests no longer exist, they neglect to ensure the entire extinction of Slavery.” At this Conference no anti-Slavery work appears to have been under¬ taken, but another attempt was made by the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society to secure the introduction of the Slave-trade question at the Congress of the Great Powers of Europe, held in Berlin, in 1878, in which England was represented by the Earl of Beaconsfield and the Marquis of Salisbury, and the Society caused a notice of Motion to be placed on the Paper of the House of Commons for an Address to the Crown, to instruct the plenipotentiaries at Berlin to move the Congress to adopt a declaration that the existence of Slavery as a recognised institution was repugnant to civilisation, and that any nation permitting it was thereby disqualified from taking equal rank with other members of the European family. The Society also addressed a Memorial to Prince Bismarck on the subject, copies being handed to the plenipotentiaries of each Power represented. As is well known, the English plenipotentiaries declined to take the initiative in moving the Congress, there being obstacles which doubtless rendered it extremely difficult. The West African Conference at Beri.in, 1884-5. On the 18th November, an influential deputation of the Anti-Slavery Society waited upon Lord Granville to impress upon his Lordship the favourable opportunity which the Conference afforded for reforming the International Law with respect to the Slave-trade and Slavery, and asking that the representative of England be instructed to propose to the Conference that the law against the Slave-trade be assimilated to that of piracy. In accordance with these suggestions. Sir Edward Malet proposed the following resolution to the Conference :— “ According to the principles of the Law of Nations, as recognised by the high contracting parties, the Slave-trade and the trade which provides negroes for it are forbidden, and it is the duty of all nations to suppress them as far as possible.” And then the expose des motifs :— " The Slave-trade was placed under the ban of civilised Europe by a declaration of the Congress of Vienna, of February 8th, 1815. The same question was discussed 8 by the Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle, in i8i8 ; and, finally, at the Congress ofVerona, a resolution, dated November 20th, 1822, proclaimed the trade in African negroes culpable and unlawful, and ‘ a plague which has too long desolated Africa, degraded Europe, and afflicted humanity.’ Consequently the Powers engage to do all in their power to insure and hasten the abolition of this trade. “The idea of the above declaration is to facilitate and improve the carrying out of the principles of the Congress of Verona, which laid down the duty of civilised nations to help in the suppression of this trade. “ We hold that the words ‘ and the trade which provides negroes for it ’ are necessary in order to develop completely the principles enounced ; and it is in the hope that this interpretation may be accepted by the Powers assembled in Conference at Berlin, that I have the honour to submit the scheme for their consideration.” After some discussion the propositions of Sir Edward Malet were passed in the following form, and it should be remembered that the Declaration signed by the signatory Powers is still in force, by which each Power binds itself to do all that it can to stop this trade, and to punish those engaging in it. How many of the Powers can honestly say that tl ey have carried on the terms of the Declaration ? “ Ch.^pter II. “ Declaration relative to the Slave-Trade “ Article 9. “Seeing that trading in Slaves is forbidden in conformity with the principles of International Law as recognised by the signatory Powers, and seeing also that the operations which, by sea or land, furnish Slaves to trade ought 1 kewise to be regarded as forbidden ; so, therefore, the Powers which do or shall exercise Sovereign rights or influence in the territories forming the conventional basin of the Congo declare that these territories may not serve as a market or means of transit for the trade in Slaves of whatever race they may be. Each of the Powers binds itself to employ all the means at its disposal for putting an end to this trade, and for pur ishing those who engage in it.” Conference at Brussels, 1889-90. The work performed at the West African Conference, at Berlin, was certainly one step forward, but more remained to be done. Official docu¬ ments, as well as reports from travellers and missionaries, reported a large increase of the Slave-trade in Central and Eastern Africa, whilst the relapse of the Soudan into barbarism tended still further to encourage the raids of the man-stealers. The traffic by sea, notwithstanding the vigilance of British cruisers, and the occasional presence of war ships of Italy and other nations, was carried on with undiminished vigour, and means of evading 'he visits of cruisers were obtained by the surreptitious use of the French flag to cover cargoes of Slaves, it being well-known that no Treaty existed between England and France giving power for a mutual right of search. As a rule, moreover. Slave-traders when caught suffered only in pocket and not in person, the dhow being confiscated and the Slaves set free, whilst the captain and crew were usually turned adrift to recommence their nefarious work Further measures were necessary, and sterner laws would have to be enacted, and to secure these the conscience of Europe had to be aroused. 9 When, in July, 1888, Cardinal Lavigerie, unexpectedly, and un¬ announced, arrived in London, the Anti-Slavery Society hastened to offer a warm welcome to his Eminence, and to afford him every facility for addressing the citizens of London in one of their public halls. At the great meeting then convened, and presided over by an ex-Foreign Secretary of State, Earl Granville, K.G., a Resolution was passed calling upon Her Majesty’s Government to take concert with other Powers for the adoption of measures for the extinction of the devastating Slave-trade, as follows : — “That the time has now fully arrived when the several nations of Europe who, at the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, and again at the Conference at Verona, in 1822, issued a series of resolutions strongly denouncing the Slave-trade, should take the needful steps for giving them a full and practical effect. And, inasmuch as the Arab marauders (whose murderous devastations are now depopulating Africa) are subject to no law, and under no responsible rule, it devolves on the Powers of Europe to secure their suppression throughout all territories over which they have any control. This Meeting would therefore urge upon Her Majesty’s Government, in concert with those Powers who now claim either territorial possession or territorial influence in Africa, to adopt such measures as shall secure the e.vtinction of the devastating Slave-trade which is now carried on by these enemies of the human race.” The Committee of the Anti-Slavery Society, at its monthly meeting, on the 3rd August, 1888, resolved that a copy of the foregoing Resolution be forwarded to Lord Salisbury, to which they added the following Minute of their own :— “The Committee desire to call the attention of your Lordship to the fact that large portions of Africa are coming under the influence of the British and other European Governments, and that it is impossible for such Governments to avoid the responsibility attaching thereto, and which will be certain, in some form or another, to bring them face to face with the Slave-trade which is now depopulating Africa. “The Committee feel that it is the duty of all civilised Governments, but especially those holding responsible power in Africa, to unite in proclaiming the Slave-trade a crime against humanity and a violation of the Law ol Nations. “ They would therefore urge upon your Lordship that it devolves upon England, from the position which she has always held with regard to this question, to take the initiative in obtaining a consensus of the Powers of Europe to carry out the policy advocated by the Resolution enclosed.” In accepting the Resolution above referred to. Lord Salisbury asked the Society to “ suggest any practical steps towards carrying out the policy in question with reference to Africa.” His Lordship lost no time in com¬ municating with Lord Vivian, her Majesty’s representative at Brussels, in the hope that his Majesty the King of the Belgians would be inclined to invite the Powers to send representatives to an Anti-Slavery Conference to be held in his capital. His Majesty expressed his willingness to take this step, but owing to the serious complications which had arisen upon the East Coast of Africa, it was deemed advisable to delay for a time the issuing of the necessary invitations. Meanwhile, Mr. Sydney Buxto.n, at the request of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, had been successful 10 in securing a night for bringing forward in the House of Commons the Motion above referred to, and we need only refer to the important and interesting debate which occupied nearly the whole of the evening sitting of the 26th March, 1889. Resolution of the House of Commons; March 26, 1889. The Resolution, as amended, was agreed to without a division, and was as follows :— “That in view of the present increasing and extending desolations of Africa, caused by the Slave-trade, and also of the large responsibilities which European nations have now assumed in respect to that continent, the time has come when full and complete effect should be given to those declarations against the Slave-trade which were deliv^ered by the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, and by the Conference at Verona, in 1822. “ That therefore an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty that she will be graciously pleased to take steps to ascertain whether the Powers signatory are willing to meet in Conference for the purpose of devising such measures for its repression as may be at the same time effective and in accordance with justice, and under the regulations of International Law.” The Queen’s Speech. The next public notice of the proposed Anti-Slavery Conference was contained in the following paragraph in the speech of her Gracious Majesty proroguing Parliament in August, 1889 :— “At my suggestion the King of the Belgians has consented to summon, in the autumn, a Conference of the European Powers at Brussels, which will consider the present condition of the Slave-trade, both by land and sea, and will deliberate upon measures for arresting or mitigating the evils which it still inflicts upon mankind.” Opening of the Conference. Finally, as is well known, the Conference opened at Brussels on the 18th November, 1889, under the auspices of his Majesty Leopold II. Papers presented to the Conference by the Anti-Slavery ' Deputation. Before the assembling of the Conference, a Memorial containing the views of the Anti-Slavery Society as to the best means for dealing with the question of Slavery and the Slave-trade, and addressed to the British Foreign Secretary, the Marquis of Salisbury, was drawn up by the Committee. Copies of this Memorial were forwarded to the Ambassadors and represen¬ tatives of the Powers in London, with the request that they would ask their Governments to place them in the hands of their representatives at the Con¬ ference, and a deputation from the Society attended in Brussels for the purpose of supplying any information that might be desired. The Conference closed its sittings on the 2nd July, 1890, having agreed to a General Act with respect to the Slave-trade. A delay in the ratification of the Act prevented its coming into operation for more than a year, but with the formation of Bureaux at Zanzibar and at B’-ussels, it may now be said to have come into force. 11 IEnGlan^'6 Duties linger tbe Brussels Bet It is now necessary to consider what steps have been taken by England to- carry out the responsibilities which she has assumed with regard to the suppression of the Slave-trade in accordance with the terms of the General Act of the Brussels Conference. Some of the most important clauses of Article I. of the General Act relate to the gradual establishment, in the interior of Africa, by the Powers to which the territories are subject, of strongly-occupied stations, so as to protect these territories from the devastation of the Slave-traders. Another clause enjoins the construction of roads, and particularly of railways, in order to connect the stations with the coast ; also the establishment of steamboats on the inland navigable waters, and on the lakes, supported by fortified posts, established on the banks. To carry out these objects in the heart of a country so wild as Central Africa, a considerable length of time would necessarily be required ; still, some important steps have already been taken, especially in the case of the proposed construction of a railway from the coast to the Victoria Nyanza, the survey for which has now been completed. As the construction of railways will open up the country to legitimate commerce, and thus, eventually, destroy the nefarious Slave-trade, the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, which has never advocated the employment of military force, has given its ardent support to the action taken by the Government, in thus securing a ready means of communication between the central portions of Africa and the ports on the coast. It also- has supported, in the strongest manner, the Article in the General Act which calls upon the different Powers to prevent the introduction of fire¬ arms and strong drinks into Africa. Whatever other countries may have done, England has certainly adopted several important measures for prevent¬ ing the carrying on of this demoralising traffic. With regard to Uganda, a High Commissioner has proceeded to the interior, and is now engaged in endeavouring not only to pacify the country, but to put a stop to the Slave-raiding which has so long devastated that region. It is understood that this journey was undertaken mainly on Anti-Slavery grounds, as it was felt that so long as the trade in human beings was carried on there could be no hope of the establishment of legitimate commerce, or even of a modns vivendi between the various religious parties into which the country was divided. In Nyassaland, another High Commissioner has been actively engaged during the past few years in protecting the natives from the raids of the Arabs, half-castes, and from other tribes of blacks, who have so long made that region the happy hunting grounds of the Slave-raider. This has not been done without some severe struggles, and even one or two battles with the Slavers. The latest report from Mr. Johnston, Her Majesty’s Commissioner, contains a graphic description of some of the troubles in which he has been involved 12 by the carrying out of the Anti-Slavery policy of England, the results of Avhich he sums up in the following words, written in March of this year :— “ Although this serious outbreak on the Upper Shire has cost my administration a good deal of money, anxiety, and loss of time, it has served once more to bring out in a very gratifying manner the loyalty to British rule of the great mass of the population of Nyassaland, and of almost all the chiefs who dwelt within our borders. It is curious also that in the case of those other chiefs whom we have had to fight in the past, or if not to fight, to exact from them compliance with our regulations by the show of armed force, so far from their seizing this or any other preceding opportunity to attack us when our forces w'ere engaged with some other enemy, they have invariably shown on those occasions their loyalty and determination to assist the British ; or, in the least favourable cases, that they were resolved to maintain a strict neutrality. After a momentary hesitation, Kawinga, w'hom w'e had to fight in 1891, and who, next to Makanjir.x, is our most serious opponent, sent messengers to tell me, when I rvas on the Upper Shire, that he w’ould take no part in this quarrel with Liwoxde, and would afford him no assistance. The smaller Mananja chiefs on the Upper Shire were altogether on our side ; Msamara did his best to rescue Mr. Koe, and to re-open our communications with Fort Johnston ; Mponda hastened down to Fort Johnston, and, together with all his headmen, assured Mr. Nicoll, wdio was in charge there, that they would do their best to help in the defence of the fort if it should be attacked ; while Jumbe, the African Sultan on the w'est coast of Lake Nyassa, manned his two dhows and came himself to Fort Johnston with a ton of rice and fifty fighting men. All these acts of friendship w'ere quite unsolicited on my part, and had we not been thoroughly established in the good opinion of the chiefs and people at the south end of Lake Nyassa, there is no saying w'hat disasters might have overtaken us. As it was, our communications with the fort were cut off for nearly a month, and during all that time the military commandant (Captain Johnson) was away. " At the time this outbreak first began, not knowing to what extent I might rely on the friendliness of our former foes, and hearing that Makanjira and Zarafi were again making preparations to attack us, and that Kawinga would be probably over¬ borne by his ' young men ’ and join in, the situation seemed to be a very serious one ; and no doubt it would have become dangerous if prompt action had not been taken, and if I had not been so thoroughly supported by the officers and men of Her Majesty’s navy, and by Baron von Eltz and his men from the German Anti-Slavery Expedition. "Great commendation is due to Lieutenant-Commander Carr, of Her ^Majesty’s ship Mosquito, for the admirable manner in which he rapidly transported a large body of seamen, together with a Nordenfeldt gun, ammunition and stores of all kinds over a land journey of some 130 miles (/>., from Tshiromo to Liwonde’s) in a very short space of time, and arriving without a single man sick. The health of the seamen throughout all this expedition until they returned to Blantyre was excellent, and they worked very hard fortifying the places we left garrisoned. Commander Robertson arrived as soon as he could leave the transport work at Katunga, and, as I have related, went on with me to the limit of Liwonde’s country ; and on the return journey greatly facilitated the winding-up of the expedition. My thanks are also due to both Dr. Harper, of Her Majesty’s ship Mosquito, and Dr. Roewer of the German Anti- Slavery Expedition, for the care bestowed on the wounded men. 13 “ I consider that special commendation is due to Vice-Consul Sharpe for his gallantry and for the rapid manner in which he organised the somewhat undisciplined bands of Atonga ; and Captain Johnson, who had, perhaps, in anxiety and fatigue, the most to suffer in this campaign, proved once more what invaluable training active service in India gives for bush w'arfare.” England’s Action at Sea. It is very well known that a small fleet of gunboats and cruisers has for some years past been stationed at various points on the East Coast of Africa. The object of these cruisers is to intercept Arab dhows that may be trying to carry Slaves from the East Coast of Africa into the Islands of Zanzibar and Pemba, or to smuggle them out of Zanzibar for the supply of the markets of Arabia and Persia. This service is very trying to the officers and men, not only on account of the climate and the necessity for long exposure in open boats, but also from the danger of becoming embroiled in some dispute with the French authorities, for it is well known that since France refuses to allow any right of search on her vessels, the Slave-runner can obtain almost certain immunity from capture by flying the French flag, which there are only too many facilities for obtaining in African waters. The same difficulty also applies to the Island of Madagascar, where cargoes of Slaves are constantly carried away almost under the guns of a British cruiser, the officer in command having no power to interfere. During the past few months some very notable captures of Slave dhows have been made in Zanzibar waters, which reflect the highest credit upon the activity of the British officers and men. Still, it is impossible to deny that a very large number of Slavers escape scot-free, some high authorities calculating that some 40,000 to 50,000 Slaves are annually carried away from Zanzibar and the neighbouring coasts. This state of things will continue in more or less force until Slavery itself is abolished, as, according to the well-known economic law, which has always been so prolific of smuggling under high duties, where there is a demand there will always be a supply. Red Sea. For many years, and long before the Brussels Conference was thought of, English steam cruisers have been more or less engaged in patrolling the waters of that long, narrow sea. The close proximity of the African coast to that of Arabia, and the ease with which swift dhows can run across in a single night, renders the prevention of the Slave-trade in those waters especially difficult, and there has long been a constant supply between Africa. Arabia, and the East. The great heat also of the Red Sea renders this service particularly trying to the men engaged in it, though the work has been, in a measure, facilitated by a recent Treaty with Italy, which authorises British cruisers to stop and search any dhow carrying the Italian flag. Spain has also made a similar Treaty, and if France would consent to a similar friendly arrangement, the African Slave-trade would soon receive a material check. 14 Egypt. In any review of the Slave-trade in Egypt, a few years ago, that country -would have been indissolubly linked with the Soudan, for in spite of treaties made with England and the energetic campaigns of General Gordon, Romolo Gessi, and others, against the Soudan Slave-raiders, comparatively little was actually done to stop the trade in human beings in that vast outlying territory, which was nominally under the control of Egypt. Since the death of General Gordon, in 1885, and the rise of Mahdiism, the Soudan has been cut off from the civilised world, and has been given over to Slave-hunting and every other form of barbarian despotism. Egypt has now no control over the Soudan, but has to guard her frontiers from the incursions of fanatical Mahdiists. At the same time she has almost entirely prevented Slave-traders from entering her borders, and though a large Slave population still exists in Egypt, its numbers are only recruited by spasmodic contraband arrivals. The British and Foreign Anti-Si.avery Society took steps, nearly ten years ago, to facilitate the liberation of Slaves in Egypt proper, by founding a Woman Slave’s Home in Cairo, where girls and women, who had succeeded in obtaining free papers, could be safely harboured until they were able to enter into domestic service. This Institution still exists, and is doing good work. Tripoli, Tunis, Morocco. A certain amount of Slave-trade is carried on, more or less secretly, between Tripoli and Turkey, although the English Government has frequently called upon the Ottoman Porte to prevent this nefarious traffic. The methods of smuggling small numbers of Slaves as servants, or even as members of a passenger’s family, are most difficult to deal with, especially when conveyed by vessels not bearing the English flag. These abuses are frequently brought to light by the correspondents of the Anti-Slavery Society, though, in many instances, the offenders escape scot free owing to the difficulties mentioned above. Tunis, being under French Law, is now declared by the authorities to be virtually clear of the Slave-trade, though a large Slave population still exists. How far the above statement may be true it is impossible to say, as the French are more tenacious than almost any other people of having their affairs investigated. Morocco stands upon an entirely different category. Here we have a large empire, under the sway of a despotic Sultan, who himself can be scarcely said to be his own master, being surrounded perpetually by a fanatical clique of viziers and high officials, who virtually rule the Sultan. In Morocco there is practically no law, but every Governor carries out a despotic rule over the province of which he is the temporary chief, as his position, for which he has paid largely, is so insecure that his chief business is to squeeze out of the people under him sufficient money to reimburse him for his outlay, and to secure a fortune before the time comes when he 15 has to yield his place to some other sycophant of the Sultan. Hence, in Morocco, scarcely anything is done for the good of the people, nor is there a single carriage road in the whole country, and the traveller from Europe enters a land where the dial appears to have been put back 500 years. As may be supposed, Slavery and the Slave-trade flourish in this Empire in all their savage deformity, and, as no country has ever been able to obtain a Treaty from the Sultan to abolish, or even to check, the traffic in human flesh, open Slave markets for the sale of men, women, and children are to be seen in full vigour within one or two days’ journey of Gibraltar. This country has been visited, of late years, several times by Deputations from the Anti- Slavery Society, and public interest in the question has been so largely roused, that it is hoped that before long England may induce the Sultan to put a stop to a trade which is now a disgrace to civilisation. Slavery. It is quite clear that the only way to put a complete stop to the Slave- trade is to abolish Slavery itself. In v'arious countries under the protection of the Britsh flag the very simple expedient has been adopted of refusing to recognise Slavery as a legal institution, and by proclaiming the Abolition of the Legal Status of Slavery it has been perfectly easy for Slaves to set them¬ selves free. In India this was done without the proclamation of any formal Act of Emancipation, and resulted in the freedom of many millions of Slaves without any disturbance of the equilibrium or well-being of the country. A similar process was carried out by England upon the West Coast of Africa with a like good result, and before long it is to be hoped that the British Government will see its way to the enactment of a statute abolishing the Legal Status of Slavery in Zanzibar and all British protectorates in Africa. Until this keystone in the arch of abolition has been firmly fixed, it is useless to expect the extinction of the Slave-trade. For the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society CHARLES H. ALLEN, Secretary. 55, New Broad Street, London, E.C., July i^th, 1893. The above paper, headed, “ What is Great Britain doing to Suppress Slavery and the Slave-trade,^"' was written by request, to be read at a Conference of the Chicago World's Fair, and will probably be printed in the Archives of the World's Congress Auxiliary. IRenieinber them that arc in bonbe/' “Is not this the fast that I have chosen ? To loose the bands of wicked¬ ness, to undo the bands of the yoke, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke 1 ”— Isaiah Iviii., 6 . (^Revised version). BLACK SEA N OR'TH ATLANTIC ^•‘Azores' OCEAN /c AL.G E R tAT / J; Tangicr^^ Perna^^tf^T'S' ^Tripoli / Mafeira Marbdco ^ ' Mogadip O | Canary /? Mecca ’waAm Timbuktu; ^odeidah ROYAL NIGER CO fsiERl ■V-eor lOMEY ameroons 'Wadefai IMPERIA ) BRITISH E peC°»'‘ GULF OF GUINEA AFRICA ; Womdasa ^ie '^-.^^TlPemfaa /. - ' ^>„:'^/t>ZANZlBAR Biio an Qjl u Ascension /. Comoro Bengueb ‘St. Helenaif. >-^BRltlSH Q \ SOUTH < f Xa -frioa-; \ OO. J imane Walfjsh iJispuTHii^^ ; \^PUBi.\6f^^€lagoa Bai —yCEr^soj CA OLO N Y ^orf Elizabeth British Possessions and spheres offnfluence German tf f, ,, ,t i, French ,, „ ,, „ ,, Portuguese ,, „ ,■ m Italian ,/ if n n Congo Free State _ English Miles O 200 400 Independent, Non-European States^ Stan/brd's Ccogihstab!L'Oiido‘>i^ Map showing the European Spheres of Influence on the African Continent.