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AUTHOR: DYER, THOMAS HENRY TITLE: ANCIENT ATHENS: ITS HISTORY, TOPOGRAPHY PLACE: LONDON DA TE : 1873 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT Master Negative # BiiiLiOGRAPHIC MICROFORM lARGET Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record 886 D98 Restrictions on Use: I I ■ • ■ !■• I .III mt/f^miw Dyer, Thomas Henn/, 1804-1888. Ancient Athens: its history, topography, and remains. By Thomas Henry Dyer ... London, Bell and Daldy, 1873. xii p., 1 I., 553, ill p. front., illus., plates, plans. 26*^™. 1. Athens — Descr. V 4-35516 Library of Congress DF285.D99 -y TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM SIZE: ^..r'jk^^^lC^ REDUCTION RATIO: IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA (JI^ IB IIB DATE FILMED: ^ "^-^C'JSJ^ INITIALS___ Ulu/^. HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODBRIDGE. 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ITS HISTORY, TOPOGRi>»¥r" AND REMAINS. BY THOMAS HENRY DYER/LL.D. " I pray you let us satisfy our eyes With the memorials and the things of fame That do renown this city."— Twelfth Night, lii. '■'>. LONDON: BELL AND DALDY, YOEK STKEET, COVENT CxARDEN. 1873. LONDOJf : PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORT) STREET AND CHARING CROSS. '^ P HE FACE. CO The following work was projected and begun during a visit to Athens in the year 1869. The important discoveries lately made at that place, and especially the excavation of the Dionysiac theatre in 1862, sug- gested the idea that there might be room for a new book on Athenian topography and antiquities. The theatre, with its glorious recollec- tions of the dramatic poets, will always be one of the most interesting features of ancient Athens ; yet, as revealed by the excavation, it remains, so far as the author is aware, undescribed in any substantive work on Athens, whether English or foreign, though scattered notices on the subject occur in German and other periodicals. No description of the theatre will be found in the second edition of Breton's ' Athenes,' dated in 1868. This part of the work, therefore, will probably be new to many readers. The comparatively very perfect state of some of the most important portions of the theatre, as the orchestra and first row of seats, serves to throw much light on its arrangements, and has led the author to inquire, in an Appendix, into the correctness of some of the prevailing hypotheses respecting the method of the dramatic performances. The present work is intended neither for the accomplished anti- quary nor the professional architect, but for the reader who may wish to gain a general knowledge of the origin and progress of the city, and a satisfactory idea of its buildings, monuments, and works of art. These could hardly be understood without some acquaintance with the 134.27 VI FREFACE. history of Athens, both in its mythical and later periods. In the description of the monuments Pausanias has been followed; his omissions being supplied, so far as was possible, by accounts taken from other authors. And as mere archaeology is but a barren, and, for most persons, unattractive study, the author has endeavoured to impart some life and interest to the subject by connecting it, where practicable, with the literature and manners of the Athenians. As Colonel Leake's 'Topography of Athens' is still in many respects one of the best works on the subject, the author had at first contemplated preparing a new edition of it, with additions, so as to bring it up to the present time. But the form of Leake's book is little favourable to such a process, as consisting rather of a series of detached essays than forming a homogeneous whole ; so that to have supple- mented it with further notes and dissertations would have seriously aggravated this defect in its method. And as the author has some- times found himself compelled to difi'er from Leake's views, the dis- cussion of such points would have still further tended to swell the notes and appendices. He will here, however, heartily acknowledge the aid which he has derived from the Colonel's book, as well as from the slighter, but scholarly, sketch of the subject in Dr. Wordsworth's * Athens and Attica.' He must also confess his obligations to many foreign writers ; as Forchhammer, Miiller, Koss, Curtius, Eangabe, Breton, Le Normant, Beule, and others, whose names he may be excused from inserting here, as he has been careful to cite them in his notes whenever they may have afforded any information. The Germans, as usual, have gone more deeply into the subject than any other people ; but the author ventures to think that the profundity of their studies, to which he is much indebted, and perhaps the desire of saying some- thing original, has occasionally led them into paradox. Those who are always for burrowing miss sometimes what lies near the surface. The works of Meursius are, of course, the great storehouse for all PREFACE. vu \. the learning of the subject, and these the author has diligently con- sulted. It would, perhaps, be difficult to add, from the ancient writers, many more passages bearing on the matter to those which that learned Dutchman has collected. His works, however, are to be used with caution, for he had no local knowledge of Athens ; and the progress of criticism ha? thrown a different light on some of the passages which he cites. The author cannot conclude this preface without acknowledging his obligations to the friendship of Mr. George Long, who was kind enough to read the sheets as they were passing through the press. That gentleman's accurate and extensive scholarship has been of the greatest service to him ; and it is hoped that no larger share of errors will be found in the work than is perhaps unavoidable, considering the long period and the vast variety of minute particulars which it embraces. Brighton, February, 1873. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Introductory — Nature of the Attic plain — The so-called Cranaan city on the western hills — Hypotheses respecting it — Early population of Attica^ — Poseidonia — Attic traditions and legends pages 1-23 CHAPTER II. The legendary history of Athens from Cecrops to Theseus — Religion — Zeus Hypatos — Zeus Patroiis — Cronos and Rhea — Patron gods — Contest of Athena and Poseidon — Erechtheium — Genesis of Erechtheus — Early Attic gods — Athena Polias — Poseidon Erechtheus — Poseidon Hippius and Athena Hippia — Zeus Polieus — Hermes, Ares, &c. — Areiopagus — List of Attic Kings — Name of Athens — Introduction of Dionysus — Introduction of the Mysteries — Their nature and ceremonies — Method of celebration — lacchus — Ion — Eleusinian war — Oreithyia and other myths — ^geus — Theseus — The Minotaur, &c. — Festivals — ^The Synoicismus — Amazons — Centaurs — Dioscuri — Retirement of Theseus pages 24-69 CHAPTER III. Attic history from Theseus to the Persian occupation of Athens — Menestheus — Athenians at Troy — Codrus — Cylon — Epimenides — Solon— Laws — Peis- istratus— His buildings—Homer— Thespis — Hippias and Hipparchus — Harmodius and Aristogoiton — Tyranny of Hippias — Cleisthenes — Tribes — Cyclic chorus — Tragedy — Wooden Theatre — Its site — Orchestra^ — Dio- nysiac Theatre — Thesean Athens — Taking of Athens by the Persians pages 70-86 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. Athens in the time of Themistocles— City wall— Dipylmn— Cerameicus— Agora— Sacred Gate— Names of Dipylmn— Peiraic Gate— Colonus Agora;us —Melite—Ceiriadas— Barathrum— Gate Melitides— Ccele- Gate Hippades —Objects in Melite— Collytus— Cydathenffium— Limn©— Scambonidte— Itonian Gate— Diomeian Gate— Diocharean Gate— Acharnensian Gate— Eretria— Demi and Comae- Circmnference of wall— Population— Peiriean Wall— Phalerum— Long Walls— Harbours— Peiraeeus, its divisions— Total circumference— Other works of Themistocles pages 87-122 CHAPTER V. Athens from the time of Themistocles to its subjection by the Romans- Works of Cimon— The Long Walls— Athena Nike— Theseium- Pcecile, &e. —Pericles— South Wall— Erechtheium-Pheidias-Odeium— Parthenon - Old Hecatompedon— Propylffia— Eleusinian temple— Hippodamus—Pei- raeeus and Munychia— Streets of Athens— Funds of Pericles— His death— Erechtheium built— Bumt-Inscriptions-^gospotami— Long Walls de- molished—Restored by Conon— Aphrodisium— Lycurgus— His works- Revives the drama— Finishes the theatre— Other works— Macedonian ^ra- Phocion— Demetrius Phalereus— Census— Demetrius Poliorcetes— The saviours— Baseness of the Athenians— Demetrius in the Parthenon— Cas- sander-Lachares— Garrisons in Peir^eus, Munychia, and Museium— Olym- piodorus-Siege of Athens by Philip V.-Ptolemy-Attalus— Eumenes 11. — Antiochus Epiphanes— Greece a Roman province . . pages 123-158 CHAPTER VI. Athens under the Romans— Embassy to Mithridates— Aristion— Apellicon— Athens besieged by Sulla-Odeium burnt-Death of Aristion -Conduct of Sulla— Odeium restored— Athens sides with Roman republicans— Bmtus— Antony— Cleopatra— Treatment of Athens by Augustus— New Agora- Tower of the Winds-Temple of Roma and Augustus- Works of Acrrippa -Athens under early Emperors-Monument of Philopappus-HadTian— His works-Other benefactions-The Antonines-The Sophists-Deterio- ration of Athenians-Greek autonomy under the Romans-Gladiators— Herodes Atticus-Stadium-Odeium of Regilla-Pausanias- Attic Peri- egetas- Works of Pausanias-His travels— Method— By what Gate he entered-Enneacrunos pages 169-190 CHAPTER VII. Pausanias at Munychia-Phalerum-Peir^eus-Road to Athens-Pompeium -Temple of Demeter-Porticoes-Amphictyon, &c.-Cerameicus or Agora TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI — Described — Cycli— Stoa Basileios— Zeus Eleutherius — Apollo Patroiis — Metroum — Archives— Road to Pnyx^Bouleuterium — Tholus— Eponymi— Various Statues — Altar of Twelve Gods — Temple of Ares— Statues — Odeium — Orchestra — Wooden Theatre — Enneacrunos — Eleusinium — Simon— Eucleia pages 191-225 CHAPTER VIIL Pausanias' second tour— The HephaBsteium— Colonus Agoraeus — Aphrodite Urania — Amazoneium — Pseudo-Theseium— Poecile Stoa — Hermae — Hermes AgoraBus— Poecile described— The Stoics— Altar of Mercy— Old and New Agora — Aphrodite Pandemus— Propylaeum of Athena Archegetis — Leoco- reium — Temenos of ^acus — Statues— A grippeium — Stoa of Attains — Rostra — Boundaries of Roman agora — Appearance of the ancient agora — Oil market — Hadrian's fa9ade — Its destination — Tower of the Winds — Ptolemaeum — Theseium — Diogeneium — Anaceium — Temple of Aglauros — Prytaneium — Field of Hunger pages 226-267 CHAPTER IX. Pausanias' third tour— Serapeium— Theseus and Peirithoiis— Temple of Eilei- thyia— Arch of Hadrian— Olympium— Described— Temple of Cronos and Rhea — Temenos of Gaea- Statue of Isocrates—Pythium— Tripods— Del- phinium— Palace of iEgeus— The Kepi— Aphrodite Urania— Cynosarges— Tombs— The Cynics— Lyceium— Fountain of Panops— The Peripatetics— Agrae— Musae Ilissiades — Boreas and Oreithyia — Bridge — Artemis Agrotera — Heliconian Poseidon — Metroum — Lesser Mysteries — Stadium Temple of Fortune — Ardettus— Palladium — Ionic temple . . . pages 268-298 CHAPTER X. Fourth tour of Pausanias — Street of Tripods — Prize tripods — Len^um Temples of Dionysus— Odeium of Pericles— Dionysiac theatre— Views about it— Recent excavations- -Inscription of PhaBdrus, &c. — Time of resto- ration — Marble thrones — Orchestra — Changes of arrangement— Construc- tion of Greek theatres — Thrones in proedria described — Inscriptions on them explained— Vigour of Attic paganism— The koZKov, or audience part — Monument of Thrasyllus — Inscriptions— Choragic columns — Catatome Front of theatre — Statues— Capacity of theatre — Tomb of Talus — Temple of Asclepius— Of Themis— Of Aphrodite— Hermes Psithyristes— Gsea and Demeter — Portico of Eumenes — Odeium of Regilla . . pages 299-351 Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XI. Fifth tour of Pausanias^Sanctity of the Acropolis — Recent excavations — Beule's Gate— Pyrrhic dance— Pedestal of Agrippa— False inscriptions — The Pix)pylaBa— Temple of Nike Athena — Hermes PropylaBUs and the Graces — Artemis Epipyrgidia— Other Statues — Athena Hygieia — Various objects — Artemis Brauronia— Trojan horse— Statues — Athena Ergane — Aios ifrrj(f>o<; — Zeus Soter and Athena Soteira — Plutus — The Parthenon — Pediments— Interior — Vicissitudes of the Temple — Statue of Athena — Other objects in Parthenon — Statues outside— Erechtheium — Pandroseium — Athena Polias — Original image — Lamp — Anathemata, &c.— Olive tree — Errephoroi— Snake — Cecropeium — Canephoroi — Vicissitudes of the Ere- chtheium — Frieze— Lysimache—SphflBristra — Athena Promachos — Bronze Quadriga, &c pages 353-440 CHAPTER XII. Sixth tour of Pausanias — Grotto of Apollo and Pan — Clepsydra— Votive offerings on north cliff— The Pelasgicum—Areiopagus— Temple of the Eumenides— Athenian courts of justice— Panathenaic ship— Objects omitted — Museium Hill— Philopappus— The Pnyx— Nymphs' Hill— Athenian customs — Public processions pages 441-485 CHAPTER XIII. The Academy— Plato— Tombs on the road to the Academy— Funereal rites —Tomb of Cimon— Tombs at Agia Triada— Stele of Aristion- Sacred Way— Sciron— Temple of Demeter—Phytalus— Bridge over Cephisus- Cyamites— Hiera Syke— Procession of Ephebi— Pythionice— Pass of Daphni —Temples of Apollo and Aphrodite— The Rheiti— The Eleusinian Cephisus —Eleusis— Temple of Triptolemus— Propylaea — Telesterium— Simon's Tower— Colonus Hippius— (Edipus— Temenos of the Furies— Copper mines — Miiller and Le Normant — Conclusion pages 486-516 APPENDIX. I. On the fountain Enneacrunus pages 517-520 II. On the Thymele and the arrangement of the chorus in the orchestra. pages 521-530 III. On the Pnyx pages 531-542 il \' LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. View of the Acropolis from the South View op the Areiopagus View of the Dionysiac Theatre . Plan of Athens Plan of the Port Towns Plan op the x\gora .... View of the so-called Theseium . View of the Tower of the Winds Plan of the Peribolus of the Olympium Plan of the Temple of Zeus Olympius View of the Remains of the same View op the Monument of Lysicrates . Coin representing the Dionysiac Theatre Plan op the Orchestra Plan op the Dionysiac Theatre View op the Propyl^a Plan of the Acropolis View of the Parthenon View op the Erechtheium Coin representing Athena Promachos . View op Tomb of Dexileos . Plan op Pnyx Carrey 8 Drawings of Pediments of Parthenon (p.- 396) Front spiece. at end of vol. FAGK 39 82 87 113 206 230 256 273 275 277 301 308 315 343 364 367 391 L5 438 497 532 415 I- I .^ I i m r ANCIENT ATHENS: ITS HISTORY, TOPOGRAPHY, AND REMAIN s. nacrav ^Adqvai TifJUtaraTr] ttoXi?. Sophocles. CHAPTEK I. Introductory— Nature of the Attic plain— The so-called Cranaan city on the western hills— Hypotheses respecting it— Early population of Attica— Poseidonia— Attic traditions and legends. We shall relate so much of the early history of Athens as may serve to illustrate its progress as a city, and to explain the names and allusions which may occur in descriptions of its topography, its monu- ments, and its works of art. Whether this history be truth or fiction it is not our province to inquire. Such researches belong to the philo- sophical historian who undertakes to relate the political history of the people. For our more humble purpose it suffices to tell what the " Athenians themselves believed, or generally admitted as authentic, re- specting the origin and progress of their city, the introduction of their religious ceremonies, and the adventures of their most famous heroes, from which were taken the subjects of their poetry, their painting, and their sculpture. For the same reason we shall not stop to inquire whether their myths were of native growth, or— according to some modern views— imported from the East. Their primitive traditions as well as their early art point to an Eastern origin ; but to pursue this subject would lead us too far from our design, and it has been already discussed by many able writers. v.. n i^' ''^' J^ ' n> ^ y:^-^^ A NCIENT A THENS. THE ATTIC I'LAIN AND RIVERS. The immediately surrounding plain in which Athens lies is bounded on the north by Mount Parnes, which at its highest point attains an elevation of 4193 feet/ South-east of Parnes another smaller range, called Brilettus, Brilessus, or Pentelicum, of which the loftiest peak is 3884 feet high, encloses the plain on that side. Its southern de- clivities, consisting of marble, attract the eye of the spectator even from Athens by their whiteness where the quarries have been recently worked, whilst the ancient excavations have assumed a yellow tinge. A valley three or four miles in breadth separates the southern foot of Brilettus from Mount Hymettus, which, running in a southerly direc- tion almost down to the sea, forms the eastern boundary of the plain. This chain, whose most elevated summit is aoout 3056 feet high, is divided almost in the middle by a deep ravine into two portions, of which the northern and larger is the proper Hymettus, whilst the other was called either the " Smaller " or the " Waterless " Hymettus.^ On the south the plain is bounded by the waters of the Saronic Gulf, whilst Mount iEgaleos encloses its western side, running from a point on the coast nearly opposite to the capital of the Isle of Salamis in a northerly direction towards Parnes. This ridge, which is of no great elevation, separates the Athenian from the Eleusinian plain. The middle portion of it, through which ran the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis, was called Mount Poicilum (to YIolkiXov 6po]v, Koi to xm avTrjv irpos votop fjiiiXiaTa T€Tpafxp.ivou. — ii. !•>. I/yPOTHESES RESPECTING IT. 15 city. The wall at the Pnyx is not Pelasgic, but of a much later date. For these reasons we are inclined to agree with M. Burnouf that- the rock of the Acropolis was the first settlement of Athens, and the centre whence it spread itself, rather than with Dr. Curtius that the south-western hills were first inhabited, and the Acropolis afterwards forcibly seized by Cecrops ; a view for which no traditions can be adduced, and which in itself seems highly improbable, as well for the reasons given as also from the consideration that settlers would hardly have chosen a place where they might so easily be overpowered and dominated from the neighbouring height. At the same time the rock city was no doubt of high antiquity. We do not infer this so much from the houses being hewn out of the rock, as the Athenians seem to have availed themselves of that mode of construction till a late period of their history, as appears from the Dionysiac theatre, not to mention the Pnyx, as its age and destination are contested points. But the custom of burying the dead in their own houses, as was evidently done in this quar- ter, was certainly very ancient, as appears from a passage in the dialogue entitled ' Minos,' sometimes ascribed to Plato. ^ The author alludes to a time when a victim was sacrificed before the body was carried out, and proceeds to say that in a still earlier age the dead were interred at home. Now the law prohibiting the sacrifice of victims in funerals was introduced by Solon,^ and therefore burial in the house must have been long earlier than he. The fact, too, of this quarter having become almost deserted, as we see from several passages in the orators, shows that it must have been very ancient and old-fashioned. We cannot quit this subject without mentioning a tradition that the original inhabitants of Athens dwelt in caverns, of which indeed several may still be found there, and that the invention of brick houses was ascribed to Hyperbius and Agrolas (or Euryalus), who appear to have been Pelasgian, but of . . • oicroa TTov Kai ai/Tos clkovcov, olois vofiois €;(po)/ie^a irpo tov trepl tovs uno- davovTas, Upfid Tf TTpoa^dTTovTfs npo rrjs fK(f)opds TOV v€Kpov KOI eyxvTpioTpias pfTU- TTfpTTopfvor ot 8' av fKeivav eTi Trporfpot avTOv Koi edaiTTOv iv ttj oiKiq tovs aTrodav- diT-as.— p. 315 (p. i. t. ii. p. 254, Eekker). evayi^ftv 5e j3ovv ovk eXa(r€V, — Pint. Sol. 21. ^\ -' in ANCIENT ATHENS. EARLY POPULATION OF ATTICA. 17 their history we know nothing further. Were the first Athenian houses really raised with brick on rock foundations ? We seem to have a con- firmation of the tradition in the lines of iEschylus : ■ ovTf 7r\i.vBv(f>fis dcfiovi TTpoadXovs fi in this state of things, and more commonplace conditions had succeeded them. Homer's heroes resemble not the more sublime types of a Heracles or a Theseus. They are men indeed of a superior and almost superhuman mould, and under the immediate protection of the gods, from whom some of them are descended; but they achieve nothing miraculous. And this strengthens the probability that the siege was really an historical event. Concerning the antiquity of the heroic legends, and the manner of their formation, difierent opinions may be entertained. Preller is of opinion ^ that they can hardly be older than the age of Solon and Pisis- tratus. But this view is at variance with the fact that some of them are alluded to by Homer ; as that of Erechtheus, and that of Theseus and Ariadne.^ And, from the examples already cited from the same poet, of the antique custom of celebrating heroic deeds in song, it s^ems probable that such legends may have been even earlier than his days. The age of Theseus, the chief Athenian hero, preceded only by one generation the era of the Trojan war ; but the legendary history of Attica mounts several centuries higher. To recount all its tradi- tions forms no part of our plan. We shall content ourselves with selecting the more prominent ones, and those more especially which are connected with Athenian topography and art. * Griechische Mythologie, B. ii. S. 13."). ^ jijad, ii. 'A^y, si[i{. ; Cxi. xi. 321, stpi. 24 ANCIENT ATHENS. CHAPTER II. The legendary History of Athens from Cecrops to Theseus— Religion— Zeus Hypatos— Zeus Patrous— Cronos ami Rhea— Patron gmls— Contest of Athena and Poseidon —Erechtheium— Genesis of Ereehtheus— Early Attic gods— Athena Polias — Po- seidon Erechthens— Poseidon Hippius and Athena Hippia— Zeus Polieus— Hermes, Ares, &c.— Areiopagus— List of Attic Kings— Kame of A tlicns— Introduction of Dionysus— Introduction of the Mysteries- Their nature and ceremonies— Method of celebration— lacchus— Ion— Eleusinian War— Oreithyia and other myths— ^geus, Theseus— The Minotaur, &c.— P'estivals— The Synpicismus — Amazons— Centaurs — Dioscuri — Retirement of Theseus. Cecrops is commonly reputed to have been the first King of Athens. There were, however, traditions of earlier sovereigns, as Ogyges, or Ogygus ; but he seems properly to have been a Theban king. His name is synonymous with ' ancient' or ' primitive,' ^ and he was doubtless a ficti- tious personage. He is connected with Attica, as having been reputed 6y some to have been the father of the hero Eleusis, the founder of the town 01 that name." In his reign occurred the great flood which, according to tradition, covered Attica, as well as Boeotia, and left it desolate near two centuries. We hear also of Draco, ActaBus, or ActPBon. Porph3Tion, and others, as earlier kings than Cecrops. But the Athenian antiquary Philochoros declared all these names to be fictitious.^ To the same purpose is the testimony of Apollodorus, who says that Cecrops ruled first in Attica ; but he also mentions that he married Agraulos, a daughter of Actaeus.* That there was a sovereign named Cecrops, may with probability be inferred from the Acropolis, the original city, having been once called ' wyiryiov, irakaiov, apxaiov. — Hesych. - Pausan. i. 38, 7. * Lib. iii. 14, 1, sq. ^ A p. African. Chron. lib. iii. See Meur- sius I)e Reg. Ath. i. 6. LEG END Alt Y HISTOR Y. Cecropia, and its inhabitants Cecropidae.^ Further, Cecropis was not only the name of one of the four original Attic tribes, but also of one of the later ten.^ Cecrops was said to be an autochthon, or sprung from the soil ,(y>]y^vn'i), that is, he belonged to the primitive Attic race ; to symbolize which he was depicted as half man half snake.^ Hence he was called h(f)v)]h. Vesp. 438. Cf. Eurip. Ion, 1168. * Metam. ii. 555. ^ Demosth. Orat. Fun. p. 1398, Reiske ; Athen. xiii. l,&c. All the explanations arc given by Tzetzes, Cliil. v. 18, 1. 637 t-qq. « Strab. p. 397. 2i] AN( 'IE NT A Til ENS. he substituted cakes {TreXavoi)} These cakes, it appears, were still oflfered in the time of Pausanias on the altar of Zeus Polieus — the same as Hypatos — before the Erechtheium. We cannot, however, quite recon- cile this account with another passage in the same author, where he describes the sacrifice of an ox at this altar in the reign of Erechtheus.'^ This was the first occasion, he says, on which the priest called Bou- phonos {Sov(f)6vo<:) slew an ox at the altar of Zeus Polieus ; but leaving the hatchet there, he fled from the place, and the hatchet was arraigned in the court of tlie Prytaneium. This was therefore evidently an inno- vation on the institution of Cecrops, and considered as a guilty one. But then, what of the irekavoi, or cakes, which Pausanias says, con- tinued to be offered ? According to another account, they were the cause of the crime. The story is thus told by Porphyrins.^ Sopatros, an Attic farmer, was assisting at a sacrifice at Athens, when an ox returning from labour ate some of the cakes on the sacrificial table, threw others on the ground, and trod upon them. Hereupon, Sopa- tros, in a rage, seized a hatchet and killed the ox. Stung with remorse, he buried the hatchet, and fled to Crete. A drought ensued, and the Pythian oracle being consulted by the Athenians, answered, that a Cretan fugitive must free them from it ; the slayer must be punished, the slain ox recalled to life, though all were to partake of it. Sopatros was recalled, and invented the rites of the festival called Diipoleia ; in which, after the ox had been slaughtered and divided, his skin was stufied, and he was put in a plough, to betoken his revival ! Childish as is this ceremony, it is but too typical of the slight varnish with which superstition, in all ages, has sought to cover and atone for sin. Such was the institution of the Buphonia, called also Diipoleia. But, like all Attic legends, there are many versions of it. According to Androtion, cited by the scholiast on the ' Clouds' of Aristophanes (v. 981), the man who originally struck the ox was named Thaulon. His descendants formed an hereditary priesthood called Bouphuni and • Pans. i. L'(;, (S ■ yjii. 2, 1. ' i. 28, 11. ^ De Al)stiiK'uiia, ii. L'!>, ,m[. Ajilaopliiuiiiis, p. 1088, is ..1' upinioii that all these blumllcss sacriliecs were of a hitc Lolxrk, .lute, as Homer does nut mention sucIj. ZEUS FATUOUS. 27 Boutypi {^ov66voi, ^ovTviTOi) ; whilst those who drove the ox were called Centriad^ {Kevrptahai), and those who cut it up, Daitri {hairpoi)} With the license of the Attic theatre, Aristophanes sneers at the festival as very archaic.'^ Let us observe here, that the scene of these original ceremonies of the Zeus worship is on the Acropolis, and there is not a word about the vast and ancient sanctuary of Zeus, which a recent school of Athenian topographers pretends to have discovered upon the Piiyx Hill, on the site of the Ecclesia. Whether Zeus ever obtained among the Athenians the surname of Patrons (TrarpcSo?) is a disputed point. According to a scholiast on Aristophanes,' he got this name not as the progenitor of the Athenians, as Apollo was sometimes considered, but because they first welcomed the god, and were the only Hellenes who sacrificed to him according to their phratri*, denii, and races, or families {avy-ieveia<^). Plato, m a passage of the ' Euthydemus,' also recognizes him in these capacities, but denies that he was called Trarpwo?, but only epK€io^ and ^pdrpco^} Hence Porson and Lobeck^ have abjudicated this surname from the Athenian Zeus ; the former confining its use to the tragic poets, and the latter still further restricting it to those who were actually de- scended from the deity. We must of course bow to the decision of these great critics ; but at the same time we must confess that their ex- planations of the use of the epithet by Attic writers in other passages seems hardly satisfactory. Plato himself uses it in a passage in his ' Laws,' ^ which Porson sets aside because they are feigned laws, delivered to a fictitious republic. But the book was written for the » Schol. Arist. Tac. 418; Bckker, An. Gntc. p. 238 ; Porphyr. loc. cit. ^ dpxaia yf, Kai AtTroXiwSr; Kal Tfrriyoiv avafifara Kal Kr]K(i8ov Koi ^ov (v\ niovi vqto. (p6d8f fuv TavpOKTi Koi. dpvfiols iXdovrai , Kovpoi 'Adrjvaicav, TrepiTtXXo/xtVwv iviavrSiv} k.t.\. " 1 hen those who held the well-built town of Athens, Town of Ercchtheus with the noble heart, Earth-born, Imt fostered by Athena's care, Jove's child, and in her own rich temple set. Him, as the years revolve, the youth of Athens With blood of bulls and rams propitiate." These lines have by some critics been regarded as an interpolation of the age of Solon and Pisistratus ; because, it is said, the word 8r}/ioc could not have been applied to the Athenians in Homer's time, and because that poet never uses the word vr]6<;? But the charge cannot be supported, at all events by these proofs. Homer does not mention the Athenians, as forming a republican state, but Athens, as a town or district. Such a use of 8^/^09 is not uncommon in Homer. Thus, BofCDTot /i«Xa Triova Brj/nov e^ovre^, II. v. 710; and Aua:/?;? evl ttlovl Brjfio), lb. xvi. 437 ; where it is evident that he is speaking, not of the people, but the soil. It is true, indeed, that the word has been inter- preted by " Plutarch of the people " f but even if we should allow that Homer uses it in the sense of a republican state, still there is very good classical authority for it. That Athens was a democracy before the time of Pisistratus, and that it was established by Theseus, is affirmed by several classical authorities ; as Aristotle, cited by Plutarch in this passage; by Isocrates, who says that Lycurgus modelled the Spartan democracy on that of Athens ; by Demosthenes, who attributes to Theseus the foundation of a democratic state ; and by Strabo, who ' Iliad, ii. ;"40 sqq. ^ s See Miiller, Dorinns, ii. 73, sq. " Vif. Thes. 25. (}ENES1S OF FJiECnTHEUS. 31 describes Peisistratus and his sons as overthrowing it.' It is true that this earlier Athenian democracy had in it a strong aristocratic leaven, and differed very much from the later one produced by Ephialtes and Pericles breaking the power of the Areiopagus and giving wages to the judges, as well as by the efforts of other demagogues, and by the power and consideration which the Athenian people obtained through their Persian victories ;- but this is no valid objection against apply- ing the word ^^lo^ to the original state. The objection drawn from the employment of the word 1^0? is quite unfounded. It would be extraordinary indeed if Homer, who so frequently speaks of priests and sacrifices, should have been ignorant of temples. But it is not true. He mentions, and by the name of 1/7769, a temple of Apollo at Cilia, and another of .the same deity, with a large adytum, at Troy.'' There is again an allusion in the ' Odyssey ' to the temple of Ere- chtheus, not indeed under the name of 1^7709, but 80/^09 : — "iKfTO 8' f ff Mapa6^7/^ Hephaestus Phtha,md Hermes Thoth. An Egyptian origin is also ascribed to Erechtheus, the offspring of Hephaestus and foster-child of Athena, who, when there was a dearth at Athens, is said to have brought corn from Egypt.^ There was at all events a close connection between the Athenians and the Egyptian Saitae in the Delta. Plato says that the Saitae were very friendly to the Athenians and claimed a connection with them, but in what manner he does not explain.' According to Callisthenes and Phanidemus, quoted by Proclus in his commentary on this place, the Saitae were a colony from Athens, whilst Theopompus is also cited for a connection just the reverse.^ Plato in this passage identifies Athena and the Egyptian Neith, and that there was a similarity of worship in the two places seems certain ; but in which city it originated cannot be said. Herodotus records a tradi- tion that Athena was the daughter of Poseidon and the Libyan lake Tritonis.* However this may be, it will be seen, when we come to de- scribe the Erechtheium, that the deities worshipped in it were Athena, Poseidon, or rather Poseidon-Erechtheus, Zeus, Hermes, of the greater deities, and Pandrosos. Originally, perhaps, it was the house or palace of Cecrops, for we sometimes find it called simply h6fio<; or oiKfj/xa ; and according to an ancient Athenian custom to which we have before adverted, Cecrops appears to have been buried in it, in a part called the Cecropeium. Subsequently it became the temple of Athena, surnamed Polias ( = iroXiovxo'^), as the guardian deity of the city. Here was the most ancient and revered image of her, a mere ^oavov, rudely carved out ' Diwlor. Sic. i. 29. ^ ggg Meurs. De Fort. Athenar. i. 1. ^ fioKa (piXadrjvaioi, Kai riva Tp&nov Cf. Herod, ii. 28, 59, 170. oiKctoi Twi'Se (tcov ' Adrjvaioiv). — Tim. p. 21 * Herod, iv. 180. (iii. ii. 12, Bekk.). TEMPLE OF ATHENA POLIAS. 35 of a piece of olive wood, yet much more sacred than the gold and ivory statue in the Parthenon, the work of Pheidias ; for it was for the primi- tive statue that the peplus was worked. Before it a lamp continually burned.^ For a long time it appears to have been the only, or at all events, the principal, temple on the Acropolis. Thus Herodotus, in his account of the capture of the Acropolis by the Persians, mentions only this one temple as having been burnt, and constantly alludes to it under the name of the temple (to ipov, iv tw ipa., &c.).^ Nor can it be shown, we believe, from any ancient author, that there was any other temple on the Acropolis in use before the Persian wars than this one dedicated to Athena Polias. Professor Ludwig Eoss has indeed asserted the contrary, and maintained that Herodotus alludes to an earlier Hecatompedon, or Parthenon, which had become the seat of the worship of Athena before the Persian invasion.^ But all the passages which he cites are capable of being referred to the one temple of Athena Polias. At the same time we do not deny that when the Acropolis was taken there was a large Hecatompedon in progress of erection on the site sub- sequently occupied by the Parthenon. Kecent excavations have proved this fact too plainly to admit of any question. All we affirm is that it * Strab. p. 396 ; Pausan. i. 26, 7. ^ Lib. viii. c. 51, 53. * Archiiolog. Aufsiit/e, i. 129sqq. The only passages ihat might raise any doubt are viii, 51 and 55. In the first the Per- sians are said to have found the treasurers ill the temjile (jafiias rod ipov) ; on wliicli Ross denies that the public treasury could have been in the small and ununiform Erechtheium. The public treasure, how- ever, in the ante-Persian times, before it was augmented by the contributions of the allies, was doubtless small. As to the second, Koss remarks that in c. 55 Hero- dotus speaks of the Erechtheium as a temple not before mentioned, and there- fore a separate one {fcrri iv t^ aKponoki TavTTj *'Epe)(^6^os Toii yrjyfvfos Xeyofifvov elvai i/jjds). But he lias quoted only a small part of the imssage. For Herodotus goes on to say that it was the temple (vTjos) in w^hich were the olive and the sea water (ev tv rrjv eXair]V afia rcS oXXo) ipa KareXa^e (fiirprj- adfjvai), thus showing that hy vrjos he meant not the whole Erechtheium, but only a compartment of it. And a few lines further, "when they went up to the hierum or temple" (as avel^Tja-av es to ipov), showing that there was only one hierum, and that it contained the temple with the burnt olive. The whole com- plex of buildings forming what we now call the Erechtheium does not appear to have obtained that name till a much later period. » 2 36 ANCIENT ATHENS. was burnt when in an incomplete state, and before it had been dedicated for public worship ; and the unfinished columns which have been dis- covered show that this was the case. But we shall return to this sub- ject when describing the city. We will say a few words of the other gods who inhabited the temple in conjunction with Athena. The principal one was Poseidon, who appears to have been reconciled with Athena ; but when and in what manner we are unable to explain. Typical of the reconciliation there stood in the temple a statue of Lethe, or Oblivion.^ It would appear to have been effected through Erechtheus, with whom Poseidon became identified, under the name of Poseidon-Erechtheus, while the sea water which he had called forth obtained the name of Erechthean {OuXaaaa 'EpexOiU). A double name of this sort was not unparalleled, for Athena was called Athena-Aglauros and Athena-Nike. Hence we find mentioned a priest- hood of Poseidon-Erechtheus.2 Butes, brother of the second Erechtheus, was invested with this priesthood ; and the office, afterwards combined with a priesthood of Athena, was transmitted to his descendants, called Eteobutadse.^ Butes himself obtained divine honours, and had an altar in the Erechtheium by the side of that of Poseidon-Erechtheus.* Ere- chtheus appears also to have had a separate worship under the form of a snake, and a live one was kept in the temple, called oUovpo^ 6(f)L<;, or the guardian serpent. Some of Poseidon's attributes show him associated with Athena as the patroness of agriculture, for he is not only the god of the sea, but also of rivers, springs, and moisture in general, and so assists the productive powers of the earth. Under this aspect he obtained the epithet of (puraXfjiio^, ' nourishing ' or ' producing,' and is placed by Plutarch along with Zeus ojjLJSpLo^ (pluvius, ' descending in showers ') and Demeter Trporjpoaia {' presiding over tillage '), among the gods who patronized agriculture.^ In this character he had a priesthood ^ Pint. Sympos. ix. p. 740. ' Ajwllod. iii. 15, 1 ; Harpocrat. voc. * Ps.-Plut. X. Orat. Vit. t. ix. p. 353, Bourr;?. * Pausan. i. 2(3, 6. Reiske; ami in an inscription on one of ^ Septem Sap. Conv. p. 158(t. vi. p. G03, the thrones in the Dionysiac theatre: l^eiske). Cf. Cornutus,22; Preller, (iriech. riofffiSwvof yiHT]6)(ov Koi ^Y.pexOeccn. Mythol. i. 457. POSEIDON ASSOCIATED WITH ATHENA. at Athens, as is also shown by an inscription on one of the thrones of the priests recently discovered in the theatre {UoaeiZwvo^ cf)vTa\^iovl A further proof of his connection with agriculture and Athena is, that on the Holy Way leading from Athens to Eleusis, was a temple of Demeter and Core, with an altar of Zephyrus ; and that Athena and Poseidon. were here associated with their worship.' Zephyr is the husband of Chloris," or Verdure, a name analogous to that of Chloe, the epithet of Demeter, and the result of their union is Carpos, or ' fruit.' Poseidon and Athena are connected by other attributes besides those pertaining to agriculture. Poseidon was the creator of the horse : " tuque C) cui prima fremcnteni Fudit equum niagno tellus pcrcussa tritlenti, Neptune." Vug. Georg. i. 12. The scene of the creation is variously laid in Thessaly and in Bceotia.' According to the latter version, Areion, the first horse, belonged to Adrastus, and was the offspring of Poseidon and one of the Furies, or of Demeter in the shape of an Erinnys.* When Adrastus fled from Thebes he reined in his horses at the Attic Colonus, and saluted both Poseidon and Athena with the surname of Hippios." But ihe boast of Attica was the taming of the horse, which Athena shared with Poseidon. Hence in the CEdipus Coloneus of Sophocles, the chorus sing their con- joint praises at Colonus (v. 710 sqq.). For that Athena also claimed to ' Pausan. i. 37, 1. 2 The Latin Flora, wliich, according to Ovid, Fast. v. 195, is only a corruption of the Greek word. Cf. berv. ad Virg. Eel. v. 48. 8 Schol. ad Pind.Pyth. iv. 246 ; Philostr. Iniag. ii. 14, where however the creation is difterently related. Iliad, xxiii. 346, et ibi schol. * Pausan. viii. 25, 5. Cf. Serv. ad Virg. Georg. i. 12; schol. Piud. Pyth. iv. 240, &c. But there arc various versions of the story. It may be light, though perhaps hardly necessary, to apprise the reader, that in this and other cases we give only the more general and obvious outlines of Attic myths and legends ; which however may suffice for the student of Athenian literature. Those who seek a more recon- 1 dite interpretation of them arc referred to the works of Creuzx'r, 0. Miiller, Preller, and the two Lenormants. 5 Bckker, An. Gra Thes. 24. ^ viii. 44. ■' Sophocles, Electr. v. 707. * ^eoi TToKiv (7d>Cov(ri IlaXXaSos Btas. Persa^, 347. * i. 18, 2. Ct. Hesych. in voc. 6 Pausan. i. 2, 6 ; x. 8, 1 ; ApoUod. iii. 14,5. '' Philochorus, ap. Athen. ii. 7. Cf. v. 8. ^ Pausan. i. 2, 4. '•' Eurip. Pha'n. 651, ct ibi scliol. 42 ANCIENT ATHENS. ranean deity, the mystic lacchus, or Bacchus, celebrated in the Trie- terica, he was probably of Phrygian or Thracian origin. Two places in Attica — Icaria and Eleuthene — claimed to have introduced Dionysus into Attica. Icaria lay in the eastern parts of the country, a few miles south of Marathon, near Mount Icarius, celebrated for its vines. Eleu- therse was situated some twenty or thirty miles north of Eleusis, near the southern foot of Mount Cithaeron. In the first version the myth ran as follows. Dionysus coming into Attica along with Demeter was received by Icarius, the eponymous hero of the place, whom he taught to cultivate the vine and make wine of its produce. Some peasants, intoxicated with the draught Icarius had given them, and thinking that he had poisoned them, slew him and buried him under a tree. His daughter Erigone, directed to his grave by his dog Maera, hanged herself on the tree.^ Enraged at the death of his friend, Dionysus afflicts all the maidens connected with his murderers with madness, so that they hang themselves after the example of Erigone. An oracle promises relief when the corpses are found and expiation made ; but as the search was unavailing, the festival called alcopa, or icopa, was insti- tuted in memory of Erigone, called also evBeLTrvo';, in which little figures or masks (osciUa) were hung on the trees.^ The other version of the myth was the more prevalent and the more important one. According to this, it was Pegasus of Eleutherfe who first introduced Dionysus into Attica. In ancient times Eleutherai was a town on the borders of Boeotia, and voluntarily annexed itself to Attica. Even in the time of Strabo ^ it was by some ascribed to Boeotia. Hence it was a natural channel through which the Theban wine god should find his way into Attica. Near Eleutherae he had a temple, whence the ^oupou, or antique image, was carried in very early times to Athens, and was preserved in the most ancient temple of Dionysus near the theatre.'' Besides the surname of Eleuthereus (EXeveepev,), derived from the place, the god, both here and at Athens, had also the surname of * AiK)llod. iii. 14, 7. ^ Hesych.andKtyiu.M.invof.; Pollux, iv. oo ; Athcn. xiv. 10. ^ Page 412. * Pausan. i. 20, 2 ; liS, 8. ICARUS AND PEGASUS. 43 e\evd€po, or eXevdepto,, the ' free' or ' liberal ' ' (in Latin, Liher), which he had in common with Zeus.^ Pausanias relates that Pegasus was aided in introducing him by a Delphic oracle, which had pronounced that the god would come among them in the time of Icarius.^ The advent, therefore, was contemporary at Icaria and Athens ; and it is strange to find Preller, after Osann and Bergk, regarding the Icarian and Eleu- theran Dionysus as two distinct deities, and the former as the older and proper Attic god." From the account of Pausanias, it appears that Icarius and Pegasus must have been contemporary, and the apparently divergent stories may perhaps be reconciled by assuming that Icarius harboured the god and first planted the vine in Attica, but that it was Pegasus who introduced his worship. And it is plain that Pegasus was more considered by the Athenians than Icarius, for it is he who is placed at the festal board with Dionysus and the other gods ; and it is the Eleutheran Dionysus, as we have just said, whose antique image was first adored. There were, indeed, two temples of Dionysus in the Limnse, one of which contained the antique Eleutheran image, and the other a more modern one, the work of Alcamenes f but there is nothing to connect the latter with an Icarian Dionysus, and there is no more reason to suppose that tte two statues represented difi'erent divinities than there is to assume that the Athena of the Erechtheium and the Athena of the Parthenon were different. Amphictyon was succeeded by Erechtheus, or Erichthonios ; but Isocrates says— identifying him with the Erechtheus of whom we have spoken— that he followed Cecrops, who had no male heir, and that henceforth the kingdom was transmitted to father and son, down to the time of Theseus f whence we see the inextricable confusion of these legends. Pandion I., the neit on the list, is alluded to by Thucydides as an historical king, who allied himself with Tereus of Daulia in Phocis, ^ Hesych. in voc. ^- -> ^' 2 "Liberquc non ob licentiam lingiuc * Gricch. Mythol. i. dictus est inventor vini, sccl quia libcrat note 2. serviiio curarum aninuun."— Sencc. De ° Pausan. i. 20, 2. Tianq. c. 15 sub tin. " l*'"^'itli. p. 258. 525 and 527, 44 ANCIENT ATHENS. and gave him his daughter Procne in marriage.' The fable of Procne and her daughter Philomela is well known, but has no local Attic interest. According to some authors, the advent of Demeter into Attica took place in this reign, whilst others place it in that of his son and successor. This was Erechtheus, the second of that name. The worship of Demeter and the mysteries connected with it became one of the most famous and revered of the Attic religious rites. Herodotus seems tacitly to connect the Thesmophoria of Demeter and Core with certain mysteries performed at the Lake of Sais, and describes them as having been brought into the Peloponnesus by the daughters of Danaiis, who taught them to the Pelasgic women. He goes on to say that, when the Peloponnesus was subdued by the Dorians, these rites perished except among the Arcadians — a pre-eminently agricultural people.^ Thus we find that the inhabitants of Pheneus, in Arcadia, celebrated the mysteries much in the same way as they were performed at Eleusis. They had a story that Demeter had arrived among them during her wanderings ; but the surname of Eleusinia, w^hich they gave her, raises a presumption that they did not derive her worship in a direct line from the daughters of Danaus, but rather from Eleusis ; and indeed they acknowledged that Naos, who established it among them, was the great-grandson of Eumolpus, the original priest of the Eleusinia.^ Still we find among the Pheneates traces of an Eastern origin of the ceremonies, for they gave to Demeter the surname of Kid aria, from KiBapi^, signifying a Persian tiara.* In their greater mysteries the priest personated this goddess by putting on a mask, and struck with rods the nether deities.^ It seems probable that the worship of Demeter may have been introduced into Attica long before the invasion of the Peloponnesus by the Dorians, and it may have come thither through Megara ; for the Megarians asserted that they had erected temples to Demeter in the time of Car, son of Phoroneus,'' who is supposed to have reigned six or ' Lib. ii. c. 29. -' Lib. ii. c. 17L ■* I'ausan. viii. 14, 8; 15, L * Pollux, vii. s. 58. ■' Pausan. loc cit. '^ Pausan. i. 39, 4. WOBSniP OF DEMETER. 45 seven centuries before the fall of Troy, and long before the advent of Danaiis into Greece.' Megara, indeed, seems to have taken its name from certain underground caves, where Demeter and Persephone were w^orshipped,- and similar ones appear to have been established at Eleusis. But though the origin of the worship is wrapped in obscurity, every- thing connected with it seems to point to an Eastern origin. But there is another, and perhaps the most probable way in which the introduction of Demeter into Attica may be accounted for. One of her surnames was Gephyraea (rec^upaia).^ Now the Gephyraeans were a tribe said to have been of Phoenician origin, to have come with Cadmus into Boeotia, and to have settled at Tanagra, also called Gephyra. Being afterwards driven out, they emigrated into Attica, where they were allowed to settle on certain conditions, and where they established the worship and orgies of Demeter.* The compiler of the ' Etymologicum Magnum ' is wrong in calling them a demos ; they were merely a race, which eventually became dispersed about in various parts of Attica ; and thus Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who were of Gephyraean origin, were natives of Aphidna.^ Besides the name of Gephyraea, Demeter with them had also the name of Achaea (A.')(aia, Ion. ' X-)(aurj).^ Now, this title may be accounted for in various ways. First, it may be derived from Achaia in the Peloponnesus, where Demeter was peculiarly honoured, and where, under the title of \lava)(aLa, she became the pro- tectress of the Achaean League ;^ but as this title could have nothing to do with the Gephyraeans, it may here be left out of consideration, Another derivation is from axo's — the grief, namely, of Demeter for the loss of her daughter, as expressed in the Homeric hymn to the goddess : 'O^u he fiLv KpaBirjv axo^'<^o'^POTo?— ' brass rattling '; •' and it is related that, when the Gephyrieans emigrated from Tanagra, Demeter commanded them in a dream to follow the sound of the cymbals, and where it ceased, to build a city ; and they also erected a temple of Demeter Achfca.^ Hence Echo (' sound ') is intimately connected with Demeter. Echo was the mother, by Pan, of Baubo, or lambe —of whom we shall speak presently— and she had an altar on the road from Athens to Eleusis. Even the name of lacchus seems to be connected with the noise of the Eleu- sinian festival, and signified the boisterous song sung on that occasion.' Demeter is literally ' the earth-mother,' for the Doric Aa = Ya or Trj. But the goddess Yd, Yrj, or Yala (Gaea) is different from Demeter. Gsea is * the earth ' in its widest and most general acceptation, whilst * Plut. De Lsid. ct Us. t. vii. p. 489, Hciske. How M. Lenorniant ( Voie Sacree, i. p. 250) makes out from this jassage that the gotldess herself had the surname of 'EnaxOrj or 'ETrnx^, ^vo are at a loss to discover. '^ 'AxOfUi,!) dkTjfiTjTTjp, /xuoTiKwf.— Ilesych. ^ f) bill Tov tS>v KVfidTOV (I. Kvn^akiav) rixnv. Ai). Albeit, not ad Hesych..; schol. ad Aristoph. Ach. 708. * Schol. ad Theocr. Td. ii. v. 30. Cf. Veil. Vaterc. i. 4. '' rindar, Isth. vii. 3, and schol. " 'A;(ata . . . ^ on fifra. KU/i/3«Xu)i' f]\ov(ra TTfv Kuprjv (Cv'''^'- ' *] ^"t* Tois Tavaypaiois fieraaraaiv €K Tavdypas, fj ^riiir]Tr]p kot ovap (j>avei(ra, (KeXtvafv avToiis UKoXovdrjaai Tw yevofxtva ^x^ ' 'f°'' ottou av TravarjTai, fKfl iroXiv KTicrai • kcii ibpvaavro Upou *A;(niny Ar)p.iiTfpos. — Etym. M. popLivrjv, TOVTeaTi ttjv ^otjv, yivfrai taxos, Kai 7rXfoi/atr/i&) tov K''laKxos. — Ibid, in voc. Cf. Herod, viii. 65, T^i'^&)vi7i/. . . laKxa^ovai. THE ELEUSINIAN MYSTERIES. the added appellation of ^rr^p denotes its fructifying power. Demeter is not only the patroness of agriculture, but also of the usages of civilized life which result from it. Hence her epithet of 6ea/xo(f)cpoi;, or ' law-bringing,' shared also by her daughter Persephone ; for they are an inseparable pair.^ Thus we find them jointly invoked as tod deafio- (fjopo) in the proclamation of the herald in the ' Thesmophoriazusae ' of Aristophanes,^ which is probably a close imitation of that made at the festival of the Thesmophoria. But this festival was only a subsidiary one to that of the mysteries ; for agriculture is a primary condition, without which civilization cannot exist, and therefore, as the cause of it, demands a more solemn recognition. The Thesmophoria were cele- brated by the women alone, and lasted only three or four days ; whilst the mysteries took up nine, and were open to the whole population. Isocrates, whilst acknowledging that the mysteries originated in a myth— which was, doubtless, also the persuasion of every educated Athenian— has pointed out the twofold benefits which they typified ; namely, in this life, agriculture and the civilization which results from it ; in the life to come, the hope, through initiation, of a happy eternity.^ So also Sophocles, in a fragment preserved by Plutarch,^ asserts the influence of initiation as to the happiness or misery of a future state : Kflvoi (3poTa>v, 01 Tavra 8epx6(VTes tcXt) fivXaxT e$ AtSou • Tolabe yap p.6vois cxet C^v iari, rots 6' aXkoiai irdvT eKcl kuku. " 'i'hey are thrice blest Who, having seen these sacred mysteries, Descend into the grave. For they alone Once more enjoy a life, where all the rest Find nought but woe." * The most usual name for Persephone is simply Core (Koprj), ' the maiden ' or ' daughter.' Other forms are : Phersephone, Persephassa, Phersephassa, Phersephatta. The other gods invoked Demeter and Core, are * Ver. 295. there, besides Plutus, Calligeneia, Gaia KovpoTpuv fivarav icrjpv^, fidX ep(f)(ovos (or fv(f>a)Vos) S>v, k.t.X. — Xenoph. Hell. ii. 4, s. 20. « Schol. Aristoph. Plut. v. 84G. "^ Harpocr. voc. dvfno-KTfVTos ; Suid. voc. eVoTTTat. The mystje, however, though not epopta^ were n€fivT}fJifvoi, ' initiated.' — Aristoph. IJan. 318, 330. HIERARCHY OF THE MYSTERJES. 51 when completed, was called reXeTi], from its being supposed to render the partakers in it perfect. But according to some writers there were three degrees of initiation. The lesser mysteries were instituted in favour of Heracles, and therefore not till the time of Theseus, with whom, in the Attic mythology, he was supposed to be contemporary. Heracles, as a foreigner, could not be gratified with initiation into the greater Eleusinia ; but to compensate for his disappointment the lesser were instituted. A scholiast on Aristophanes ^ says that he was initiated in the demos of Melite, in which, as we have before remarked (supra, p. 20), he had in after times a celebrated temple. But Agrae on the further side of the Ilissus, of which we have already spoken (supra, p. 18), afterwards became the place of their celebration, and was sacred to Demeter as well as to Artemis.^ The hierarchy presiding over the mysteries, consisted, first, of the hierophant {i€po^dvrf]<;), who was the highest in rank of all the Athenian priests. He was also called the mystagogue (/uLvarayoyyo';), because he introduced the mystae into the temple at Eleusis, on which occasion he was assisted by the priest called Daiduchos (BaBovxov duaKTopayv etVf^aXf. — Sopater, 681. Cf. schol. ad Aristoph. Ran. 333. E 2 52 ANCIENT ATHENS- Eleusinia, was also crowned with myrtle, though in his more cheerful character of the wine-god, his diadem was composed of the ivy and the grape. laechus seems to be Dionysus yet in his infancy, and thus we find him called Dionysus at the breast.^ May not therefore lacchus represent the grape, still unsevered from the stem, and consequently still sucking its mother earth, whilst in mature age, as Dionysus, he presides over the produce of the grape, or wine ? And this dis- tinction between the two states of the god seems to have been recog- nised by some of the ancient interpreters of his allegorical existence ; for Diodorus Siculus, explaining why he was thought to have had two mothers, says that one of his births was from the earth, the other from the vine.^ lacchus and Dionysus are also identified by other writers, as Sophocles and Strabo.^ lacchus is sometimes re- presented as the son of Zeus by Demeter, sometimes by Core, and thus also like them a x^ovio^; 6e6^, or terrene deity. And thus he seems to be identical with Zaypev^, the chief god of the Orphic mys- teries, which were also Bacchic* Zagreus, like lacchus, is the child of the first birth, from Zeus and Persephone, whilst Dionysus is of the second birth, from Zeus and Semele. Thus Nonnus : 'Apx^yova^ Zayprj'i Kal 6-\lny6v(p Aiovvcrro. Zagreus is torn to pieces by the Titans, and Hera presents his heart to Zeus, who devours it ; or, according to another version, presents it to Semele, from whom the Theban Dionysus, the wine-god, is born. Here doubtless we have an allegory of the vintage, and the tearing to pieces of Zagreus symbolizes the crushing oi the grape. Zagreus is sometimes said to be Pluto's !?on, while sometimes he is identified with Pluto himself, the mighty hunter who captures all ; his name being derived from aypevo) and the intensive particle ^a.^ tius and Suidas in voc. * WOT€ TTjV IXiV (K y^f, TJJV 6' iK TUV ufiniXov ytvtaiv tov 6(ov, vofii^tadai. — iii. 62. * See l^uphocl. Ant. v. 1115 sqq. "Iuk- Xov re Koi Tou Aiowaov KoKovai, Koi tov dpxrjytrqv riov /xvo-TTjpt'coj', rr? Ai]fiT]Tp(.s baipnva. — }^tralH>, 10, ]). 468. Upcpea T avaKT e^cav /SaKxevf.— Eur. Hipp. 953. Cf. Herod, ii. 81. * Zaypfvs ' 6 Aiowaos . . . ^oKel yap 6 Zevf piyTjvai rp HepafCJiovt}' t^ rjf x^ouios 6 Aioi/ftrof . . . Trapa to ^a, Iv ij 6 irdvv aypfvav, Tivts t6v avrov the epopt ? Among the things revealed appears to have been the genesis of the god, typified apparently in a manner sufiiciently gross.^ The final revelation seems to have been that Brimo (either Deo or ' Pausan. viii. 15, 1, '^ oi p.fpvT}pitvoi tovs piWovras nveladat 8tbiTTovTai. — Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 1^52. ■' Kui yap a[ TiXiTUL Kai ra opyui to. TovTOiv cix^v aiviyp.aTa ' tov KTfva p.(v f] 'EXevtri's, rj (f)aXkayo}yi.a de tov (})aW6v. — 'I'heodoret. 1 herap. vii. But according to Tcrtullinn, the (paWos seems also to have licen exhibited at Eleusis : SSiunilacruiu rA A NCI EN T A THENS. APOLLO, CREVSA, AND ION. 55 Persephone) had brought forth a holy son, Brimos ;' which may perhaps mean that the seed-corn had produced other corn. We learn not what doctrines or moral precepts, if any, were incul- cated in the mysteries, but it was probably the revelation of these that was punished, like other impiety, with death ; for many of the cere- monies practised seem to have been openly talked of, and even parodied on the stage, as we see in the ' Frogs ' of Aristophanes. Eustratius, or whoever was the commentator on the first book of Aristotle's ' Nicoma- chean Ethics,' says, that it was for revealing, as it was thought, some of the more nnjsterious parts of initiation in his tragedies that iEschylus was compelled to take refuge at the altar of Dionysus ; and being tried for the offence in the court of Areiopagus, obtained an acquittal by showing that he had never been initiated.^ Now, we can only suppose that these were some doctrines which had occurred spontaneously to the poet's mind. And that they might easily have done so, being in fact not very recondite, may be inferred from the story of the Meliau Diagoras, who having, it appears, been really initiated, dissuaded others from doing the same by representing the mysteries as trivial — an offence for which a reward of two talents was offered to whomsoever should bring him alive, and one for killing him.^ But the whole subject of the mysteries is so obscure, that we will not venture any positive opinion upon this part of them.^ niembri virilis revelatur. — Adv. Valent. c. i. I'>ut Meursius (Eleusis, ell) thinks he is mistaken, and that the only object revealed was that shown by Baubo to Denieter. ' iepov fT€Kf TTOTvia Kovpov, BpiflU) Bpi- finu. — riiilosophumena, ascribed to Origen, V. 8. Sec Lenormant, Yoie ^'acree, t. i. p. 318; Clemens Alex. Protrept. ii. \\ 15 (Potter); Arnob. adv. Gent. v. 20. Ee- specting the ceremonies of initiation, see the passages collected from Clemens, Aino- bius, Porphyrins, Dio Chrysostom, Proclus, &c , by Meursius, in his ' Kleusinia,' c. 10, 11. Te>v p.vva bfivov rj-ycovia-yifda. IIAI. Tiv ; a)f aTravTO. baKpvd poi vols aois Xoyoisr. KP. f^oi^ot ^uvrjyjr' uKovaa hva-Ti\vuv y\pov} • (;r. ■" Thou know'st that northern cave At the Cecropiau rocks we call the High.? Vmd. Ves — where Pan's altars are and cavern -shrine. Cr. a fearful contest once 1 passVl through there. P^D. Say what — thy words call tears into my eyes. Ci{. Phoebus there made me his uuwilliny; wife." Ion, the fruit of this violence, was reputed, the progenitor of the lonians ; and hence also Apollo derived his name of Trarpwoq, or ' the ancestral.'^ We may perhaps infer from the story that the worship of Apollo was introduced into Attica about this time by the lonians. The gene- alogy seems to have been universally accepted f but the lonians, under the name of laones, had existed even in Attica before the period ascribed to Ion.* However this may be, it is related that Erechtheus with the aid of Ion — that is, of the lonians — defeated Eumolpus and ' Ion, V. 036 sqq. Cf. v. 1 sqq. ; Pausan. i. 28, 4, &c. From which pas- sages we learn that the rocks at this [oint were calleil MaKpni IltTpau ' Schol. Arist^>ph. Xub. ilTO'; Av. 1520. ^ Harjx)cr. in'ATToXXcoi'Trar/^aioy; Aristot. Met. iv. 28; &c. * See Clinton, Fast. Ilcll. i. p. 55, note ". ! 65 ANCIENT ATHENS. the Thraciaus, when the Eleusiniaiis surrendered, on condition of retaining their peculiar ceremonies.^ According to the authority just quoted, Erechtheus fell in this war, and also Immaradus, the son of Eumolpus; but there was another tradition, that Eumolpus himself was killed by Erechtheus, for which he in turn was put to death by Poseidon, the father of Eumolpus'— a version, however, which Pau- sanias rejected.^ Ion was now intrusted with the government of the Athenians, and is said to have been the first who divided them into four tribes.* According to some authorities, the festival of the Boe- dromia was instituted in commemoration of the aid rendered to the Athenians by Ion f but there are other accounts of its origin. Besides Creiisa, there are legends connected with the other five daughters of Erechtheus. In order to insure success in his war with the Eleusinians, he had been commanded by an oracle to sacrifice one of them. Protogeneia, the eldest, was selected as the victim ; but two other of the maidens. Pandora and Chthonia, also put themselves to death. Hence they were called 'par excellence UapOevoi, or ' the Virgins,' and are several times alluded to by Cicero under that name.** Some say that they were deified under the name of Hyades ;' but, like all other Attic myths, not only is there a great diversity on this point, but also on the whole story ; for Demosthenes says that Erechtheus sacrificed all his daughters, and that they obtained the name of Hya- cinthides.® Of the other daughters, Procris was married to Cephalos, whose well-known tale has no local interest ; whilst Oreithyia was carried off by Boreas. The rape of Oreithyia is a celebrated Attic myth, and was made the subject of a tragedy both by ^schylus and Sophocles. The maiden was sporting on the banks of the Ilissus, when she was carried off by ' tSi'a reXcii/ ttjv TeXerrjv. — raiusan. i. 38, 3. ' Ai^;ollod. iii. 15, 4 sq. ^ i. 27, 5. * Strabo, viii. p. 3F3. '' Harpocr. in voc. ^orjbpofiflp yap to ^orjoflv wvo/xa^cro, TovTfo-Tiv (tti fidxV Bpafiflv. ® Pro Sestio, xxi, 48 (ubi vid. schol. Bob.); Tusc. Q. i. 48, 116 ; De N. Deor. iii. 19, 49. " Schol. ad A rat. ap. Meurt;!. " Orat. Funebr. p. 1397, Reiske. Cf. riiot. Lex. voc. Ilapdfvoi. OBEITHYIA AND BOREAS. 57 the blustering god.^ They who have experienced with what violence the north wind sometimes blows at Athens will easily realize the origin of the fable. The scene of the occurrence, marked by an altar to Boreas, was still pointed out in the later days of Athens. Plato looks at the tale in a Euhemeristic light ; and Socrates, in the ' Pheedrus,' explains that Oreithyia was blown by the north wind from a rock at this spot and killed, adding, that another version placed the scene at the Areiopagus.^ It was about the same time that Leos is related to have sacrificed his daughters in order to avert a pestilence. Their names were Praxi- thea, or Phrasithea, Theope, and Euboule.^ The Athenians erected a monument to them called Leocorion, which in later times came to be included in the agora or market-place. The reigns of the two next sovereigns— Cecrops II. and Pandion II. —offer nothing worthy of note. The reign of ^geus, the adopted son and successor of Pandion II., is more important, and chiefly as the father of Theseus, the Attic national hero. The childless ^geus had consulted the Pythian oracle respecting a remedy for that misfortune ; and on his return to Athens was in- veigled at Troezen into a connection with ^Ethra, daughter of Pittheus, who ruled there. ^Egeus leaves her pregnant, instructing her, if she should bear a son, to conceal from him the name of his father, but to bid him, when strong enough, to lift a rock, under which ^geus had concealed his sword and sandals, and to bring them to Athens. ^Egeus is sometimes identified with Poseidon ; at least, in accordance with a custom prevalent in ancient times, of glossing over slips like ^thra's by giving out that the fruit of them was the ofispring of a god, Theseus was said to be the son of Poseidon." Poseidon, therefore, was only his putative ' Apollod. iii. 15, 2 ; r'ausan. i. 19, 0. '' Phc-edr. p. 229 (i. i. 7, Bekk.). ^ /Elian, V. H. xii. 28 ; Suid. voc. Aeoo- Kopiov. All the authorities for the story will be found collected in Meursius, Ceram. Gem. c. 17. * 1 kit. Thes. 6 ; Diod. Sic. iv. 59. M. Lcnormant, Voie Sacre'c, i. 255, would identify -(Egeus with Poseidon, from Stralio, p. 405, and Virgil, Mn. iii. 74. But the forms iEga^us and ^Egeus are radically different. In the next page, M. Lenor- mant repeats the erroneous story of the .^gsean Sea being named from /Egeus precipitating; himself into it. See below, p. 61, note '. ( r,8 ANCIENT ATHENS. EXnOlTH UF TlIEHEf'S. no father. After liis return to Athens, Mgews celebrated the Panathenaic festival, in which Androgens, son of Minos, king of Crete, was the victor in every contest. iEgens became ahxrmed at his success, especially as he had contracted a friendship with the Pallantida?, who were his rivals, and he therefore caused Androgens to be murdered at (Enoe, in Attica, as he was on his way to a sacred festival at Thebes.^ To avenge this deed, Minos makes war on the Athenians, subdues them, and com- pels them to pay, either annually or at certain stated periods, a tribute of seven youths and seven maidens, to be devoured by the Cretan Minotaur. The payment goes on some years ; Theseus, arrived at the threshold of manhood, dedicates his forelocks to Apollo at Delphi in the mode of tonsure called Theseis;^ then lifts the rock, previously called Ato? lOevLov ^Q)/j,()<;, but thenceforwards Trerpa BT/o-e&K ; ^ and lakes from under it the sword and sandals. AVith these trophies he set off for Athens, and emulating Heracles, chose to go by land, because the road was beset with dangers. His exploits were six. 1. On the mountain between Troezen and Epidaurus he overcame Periphetes, son of He- phaestus, surnamed Korynetes, from the iron club (Kopuvrj) with which he slew those who approached his haunt. 2. On the Corinthian Isth- mus he put his relative, Sinis, to death after his own fashion, by com- pelling him to bend a pine tree, which, by its revulsion, threw him into the air. As this was the boundary between Ionia and the Peloponnesus, Theseus afterwards erected at the spot a- column with inscriptions denot- ing their respective limits, and instituted here the Isthmian games.^ 3. He despatched the Crommyonian boar. 4. He slew the robber Sciron on the cliffs named after him, where he compelled the passers-by to wash his feet, and then kicked them into the sea, as Theseus did him. 5. Near Eleusis he wrestled with and overthrew Cercyon, and then put * Died. Fie. iv. 60 ; Apollod. iii. 15, 7. the main and n)ost generally accepted There are other accounts ; as that ^Tlgeus outline, sent him against the Marathonian bull, ^ Phit. 'J'hes. .'). ^(. Hero, as elsewhere, we give only ^ Tausan. ii. 32 7. * riut. Thes. 25; Straho, p. .'^02. * him to death. 6. On the banks of the Eleusiuian Cephisus he sub- dued Polypemon or Damastes, better known as Procrustes. Having achieved these labours, he crossed the Cephisus, and at the altar of Zeus Meilichios was purged by the Phytalida? of the homicides he had committed.^ The contrast between manly strength and female delicacy, and the picture of the hero sunk for a while into effeminacy, were favourite topics with the ancients, and gave rise to the stories of Heracles in the service of Omphale, and of Achilles among the daughters of Lycomedes. After performing these exploits, Theseus, like Heracles, puts on the dress of a maiden and proceeds to Athens. His appearance provokes the ridicule of some labourers employed in building the temple of the Delphinian Apollo, which, according to the description of Pausanias,''* must have been near the Olympium and the Ilissus. Enraged at their jeers, Theseus unyokes some oxen from a cart, and throws it over their heads upon the roof of the temple. Hence we see that the worship of Apollo had been introduced before this time, and that the city had extended itself beyond the original Cecropia. In the interval -^geus had espoused Medea, a fugitive from Corinth, and Athens was distracted by factions. Medea recognised Theseus, who had not yet discovered himself to his father, and fearing his influence, persuaded -^Egeus to poison him at dinner ; but during the banquet Theseus happened to draw his father's sword, and ^geus, recognising his son, dashed the poisoned cup from his lips. The spot where the poison wfts said to have fallen was still marked, in Plutarch's time, by an inclosure in the Delphinium, which therefore must have originally formed part of the royal palace.^ Aided by the herald Leos, Theseus now kills his uncle, Pallas, and overthrows his cousins, the Pallantid^e, who were aiming at the throne ; for which act he' was arraigned before the Delphinian tribunal and acquitted. His next exploit was the capture of the Marathonian bull, which annoyed the inhabitants of the Tetrapolis. Theseus brought it ' Pausan. i. 37,' 2 s([. =* i. 10, 1. 3 riut. Thes. 12. I GO ANCIENT ATHENS. SUICIDE OF ^GEUS. 61 to Athens and sacrificed it to the Deli^hinian Apollo, or, according to Pausanias,^ to Atliena. The crowning exploit of Theseus was the destruction of the Cretan Minotaur.'-^ Having performed his devotions in the temple of the Del- phinian Apollo, he set sail from Phalerum, then the only port of Athens. Arrived at Crete, Minos taunted him by denying that he was the son of Poseidon, and challenged him to prove his parentage by bringing up a ring which he threw into the sea ; whereupon Theseus plunged into his paternal waters, and re-appeared, not only with the ring, but also with a golden diadem presented to him by Amphi- trite. The valour and youthful beauty of Theseus attracted the love of Ariadne, the daughter of Minos. Furnished by her with a sword and a clue, Theseus despatched the Minotaur, otherwise called Asterion, and extricated himself from the labyrinth. An elopement with Ariadne followed, whom, however — seduced by the charms of ^gle— he un- gratefully abandoned at Naxos, whence she was carried off by Dio- nysus. Theseus made a long voyage before returning to Athens. Among other places he visited Delos, where he consecrated an image of Aphrodite, which, like all the primitive ^oava, terminated in a quad- rangular base instead of feet.^ According to Suidas,'^ Daedalus first sup- plied such images wiih feet, whence he was said to have made them walk. But according to Pausanias, this image of Aphrodite was the work of Daedalus, and was carried off by Ariadne when she left Crete. In such instances, however, the name of Daedalus must only be taken to signify workmanship of a very archaic kind, which the ancients, in their love for identification, ascribed to Daedalus as the most celebrated of primi- tive artists. The same story is told of Isis, who is said to have separated the legs of Jupiter Ammon, which previously grew together— a fable taken, as Warburton observes, from the form of the Egyptian statues of the gods, which were made with the legs undivided.^ At Delos 1 i. 27, 10. - The chief authorities are Plutarcli, in his life of Tiieseus, and the lltlenai En- comium of Isocratcs. ^ Pausan. ix. 40, 2. In A(u8uXoii TTOiJ^^xara. •• Di\inc Legation, I), ii. s. 4, wA. ii. Theseus instituted the chorus called yipavo^, or ' the crane,' which was danced round the altar of Apollo in commemoration of the labyrinth, the escape from which it imitated, being danced by many persons following one another in a line.^ Theseus had promised that on his return from Crete he would, if he had succeeded in his enterprise, hoist a white sail in place of the black one with which he had departed. But this promise he forgot, and the anxious iEgeus, as he watched from the Acropolis— at the spot afterwards occupied by the temple of Athena Nike — the arrival of the vessel, and fancied all his hopes defeated, precipitated himself from the rock and was dashed to pieces. Some authors, including Meursius, make him fall into the ^gaean sea, which hence derived its name from him ; but this is not only physically, but also etymologically impossible, for the sea is five miles off, and Atyato?, as we have already observed, cannot come from Alyein;.^ Theseus now became king of Attica, and, according to some, of Crete also. In commemoration of his success, he is said to have instituted two festivals-^the Pyanepsia (TrvaveyjrLa) and Oschophoria [oa^ojiopia). The former was a harvest feast, celebrated in the month Pyanepsion, in honour of Apollo ; the latter was established to commemorate the Cretan expedi- tion. Two youths in female attire — for such had accompanied Theseus to Crete — carried a vine-branch with bunches of grapes and flowers on it {6(T'xp<^, oaxVi or wa^v) from the temple of Dionysus in Athens, accompanied by a chorus, to the temple of Athena Sciras, at Pha- •lerum. This makes it more probable that the festival was in honour of Athena and Dionysus, as Photius says,^ than of Dionysus and Ariadne, according to the version of Plutarch. The other and more striking insti- tution was that of the Theoria, or annual legation to the Delian Apollo, which postponed for a time the death of Socrates ; for the priest of Apollo had garlanded the prow of the Theoric vessel on the day before judgment * Pollux, iv. 101; Pint. Thcs. 21; Lu- cian, De Salt. 3i. ' See above, p. 57, note ^. Meursius indeed (De Pegibus Athen. iii. 4) quotes Suidas and the Etym. M. for his view; but lM)th those late lexicograjihois nrc very untrusty guides ; and a little further on Meursius quotes the true derivative form Atyeioff (on a different occasion) from a better authority, Hariwcration. 3 Piblioth. 239 (i>. 322 A, Rekker). I 02 ANCIENT ATHENS. was pronounced against liim, and from that time till its return the city was in a state of purification, and no public executions could take place. Theseus had vowed the legation when he sailed for Crete, and the vessel which had carried -him thither was appropriated to the service, and called Theoris [deayp^^y Plutarch asserts that, by constant repairs, it was kept in existence till the time of Demetrius Phalereus,^ and thus gave occasion for the exercise of sophistical ingenuity in discus- sing the question whether it were the same vessel or another. Of the political acts of Theseus the most important for our present purpose is the making Athens the capital of Attica. According to some authors, it would appear as if he had actually transferred the in- habitants to Athens f but the word a-woLKeiv, used by Thucydides and Plutarch to describe the event, means only a transference of the govern- ment to the capital ; and, as Meursius observes, Strabo uses the word avvoLKiXeiv to designate the uniting of twelve different cities under one government.* It is, however, a fair inference from this fact that the ancient Cecropia was already by far the most considerable of the Attic towns, and also that the population must have increased very much after it became the exclusive seat of government. It was probably after this event, as we have already said, that the whole city, the Polis and the Asty, received the name of Athens ; and in commemoration of it Theseus is said to have instituted the festivals called Panathensea and Synoikia.^ The former we certainly cannot well place at an earlier date, and probably it was much later. On the same occasion Theseus also' introduced the worship of Aphrodite Pandemos (ApoBiTr) iravBrj/jLoi;) ; where we are not to take the word 7rcivSr}/jLo<; — as it was used in a later and more corrupt state of society — to characterize her as presiding over * Plat. I'lhTdo, init. ; Xenoph. Mom. iv. 8. - Tlics. 28. ^ Tr)v TToXii/ (rrropdbr]v Ka\ Kara Kco^as oiKovaav tls ravro (rvvayayv. — Isocr. Hel. Encoiu. p. 214 rin. ; tovs dfjfiovs . . . fieraya- yf'iv ets TCLs ^ABqvas. — Diod. Sic. iv. 61. Still more plainly Cicero : " Theseus eos ilemigrare ex agris, et in astu, quod appcl- latur, omncs se conferre jussit." — Do Leg. ii. 2, 5. * KeKpoira Trpwrov els Suoxat'SeKa rrokfis (TvvoiKicrai to nXfjdos. — p. 3i'7. to ^vvKi(rev ovK fCTTiv cTTi Tov ofiov ^vvoiKiad^vai (TToir)- (T(v, aXX' fVi TOV (jLiav noXiv, TOVTtaTi fir)- TpanoXiv, ^x^'-^ avTT)v [riyi' \a>pav, SC.]. — Schol. ad Thucyd. ii. 15. Cf. Pint. Thes. 24. ' Pint, and '1 hucj'd. loco. citt. THE AMAZONS AT ATHENS. 63 prostitution, but rather as uniting the population together, and thus answering to the Roman goddess Concordia. Hence he united with her worship that of Peitho, or Persuasion.^ The neglecting to observe this distinction has occasioned some serious mistakes in Athenian topography, as we shall see further on ; for Solon afterwards erected near the agora a temple to the Aphrodite Pandemos of the grosser type.^ The history of Theseus, even after his accession to the throne of Attica, continues to be almost entirely mythical ; but as his adventures, however fabulous, are connected with the antiquities and topography of Athens, we must give a brief sketch of them. Either alone or in con- junction with Heracles, he undertook an expedition to the Euxine against the Amazons, and carried off Antiope. This brought on an invasion of Attica by the Amazons ; and Plutarch, after Cleidemus, has pretended to relate a battle which ensued at Athens itself. The left wing of the Amazons is said to have been posted at a place called, in Plutarch's time, the Amazoneium, whilst the right wing extended to the Golden Victory at the Pnyx.^ Then, as iEschylus places their camp and main body on the Areiopagus,* it is evident that they must have faced towards the east and the Acropolis. This agrees with the scheme of the best topographers. We are unable to say where the Golden Victory was ; but the Pnyx is a well-known, and, until within the last few years, undisputed place, suiting precisely with the descrip- tion of Plutarch. About the Areiopagus, also, there can be no question ; and from these two objects it may be inferred that the Amazoneium, or post of the left wing, lay as much to the north of the Areiopagus as the Pnyx did to the south. The Athenians attack the Amazonian right from the Museium, the hill next adjoining the Pnyx on the east ; and the fight appears to have been in the road which led to the gate near the Heroum of Chalcodon, called, in the time of Plutarch, the Peiraic Gate ; consequently, in the valley between the Pnyx and the Areiopagus, where, in the time of Cleidemus, were shown the ^ Pausan. i. 22, 3. ^ For a description of the battle see ■^ Athen. xiii. 25; Harpocr. v. mivht]- Plutarch, Theseus, 27. iuts. * Eumenid. 088 sqq. 6i ANCIENT ATHENS. tombs of the Athenians who had fallen in the battle. The Athenians were repulsed and driven back to the spot where was afterwards the temple of the Eumenides, at the north-eastern extremity of the Areio- pagus. But the reserve of the Athenians, which had been posted on the Ilissus and the high ground beyond it— namely, at the Palladium, the Lyceium, and on Ardettus— now came up and drove the right wing of the Amazons back to their camp with great slaughter. This seems to have put an end to the battle, and indeed to the war ; and in the fourth month— that is, probably, of the war— a peace was made through the intervention of Hippolyta. For it was she, according to Cleidemus, and not Antiope, whom Theseus had carried off and married. Some related that Hippolyta was killed in the battle by Molpadia, and that her tomb, or stele, was that near the temple of Gaea Olympia ; while others held that it was Antiope who was killed and buried there.^ However this may be, there was a place called Horcomosium, near the Theseium, where the treaty was sworn to. An ancient sacrifice was made to the Amazons before the Theseia, or festival of Theseus. The author of the poem called ' Theseis ' made Antiope and the Amazons attack Theseus because he had married Phaedra, and said that they were defeated by Heracles ; but this account was regarded as less authentic. This marriage took place after the death of Antiope, by whom Theseus had had a son named Hippolytus, though Pindar calls him Demophon. We need not here relate the incestuous love of Phaedra for Hippolytus, which forms the subject of a tragedy of ' Tavisan. i. 2, 1 ; riut. Thes. 27. Leake with him, but on his side, along with lias made some strange mistakes about him. The only difference of opinion was, these passages. He says (p. 446, note) : whether it was Antiope or Hippolyte who " There appears from Plutarch to have was killed by Molpadia, which last only been a diflercnce of opinion as to the name Theseus is said to have slain. We might of the Amazon who was slain by Theseus, infer from Plutarch's words that if was Some said Antiope, others Hii)polyte, and doubtful whether the monument near the according to Pausanias it was Molpadia." Ulympium was that of Antiope or Hip- Nobody says that either Antiope or Hip- polyte. Molpadia also had a monument, ])olyte was slain by Theseus, riutarch's but it does not appear to have been at this words : tvioi be ^amv utra tov erjatcos spot. See Pausanias, 1. c, wlio says it was fiaxofjLfvqv I^Itttt oXvTTjv] 7Tf(Tfh Tr]v upBjJM- Antiope who was slain by Molpadia. nnv. do not m an that !?lie was fighting CENTAURS AND LAPITII^J. 05 Euripides. With regard to the further exploits of Theseus, authorities differed. Herodorus maintained that he took part only in the battle of the Centaurs and Lapithae, whilst others held that he accompanied Jason to Colchis and aided Meleager in slaying the boar.^ But it is evident from the many subjects of art taken from the war of the Amazons, and that of the Centaurs and Lapithae, that these were re- garded by the Athenians as the chief exploits in which Theseus had a share. The story of the enmity between the Centaurs and Lapithae, and the fight which took place between them at the marriage of Peirithoiis and Deidameia, to which Theseus was invited, is well known. He was said to have played a great part in subduing the Centaurs, but some accounts represent Heracles as the chief hero of the affair. Thessaly was famous for its horses, and the form of the Centaur, half horse, half man, was no doubt suggested by the rider and his horse. The form of the Centaur, noble though monstrous, became a favourite subject for the chisel of the Athenian sculptor, but did not attain its full perfection till the palmy days of art. The primitive form re- presented the whole figure of a man with the body and hind legs of a miserable little horse attached to him. It is in this way that Centaurs were represented on the chest of Cypselus.^ Eoss has given a drawing of a bronze Centaur of this kind,^ on a very small scale, found in the excavations on the Acropolis, the whole character of which, especially the hair and beard, is quite in the archaic style. This, how- ever, was by no means the first instance of the kind, for in the Floren- tine edition of Meursius' works such a Centaur wrestling with Heracles had been figured from an ancient gem in the Museum Yictorianum.* The amorous adventures of Theseus, who was a kind of ancient Don Giovanni, we need not enter into, as they present nothing of interest for Athenian art and antiquities. The strangest one was his carrying off Helen before she w^as of a marriageable age, when he himself was turned ^ riut. Thes. 29. ^ Kfvravpos bi fiera lovrovs tovs otti- a-$€u iTTTTou TToSay, Toiis be ffiTTpoa-dev airtov ex<^v aubpos eoTiv. — Paus. V. 19, 2 (Siebel). ^ Archiiol. Aufsatzc, i. p. 104. * Meursii Op. t. i. p. 915. Some others that have been discovered are mentioned by Ross. lb. p. 105, note 1. (>(» ANCIENT ATffENS. of fifty ; in which adventure he was assisted by his friend Peirithoiis.^ Theseus retained her at Aphidnae under the care of his mother, and in requital of the services of Peirithoiis aided him in an attempt to abduct Persephone, or Core, from Hades— a tale which later writers rationalized by representing Aidoneus as a king of the Molossi, who had a wife named Persephone and a daughter named Core. But this adventure proved the destruction of botli. Peirithoiis was killed by the dog Cerberus, and Theseus was cast into prison, where he is said to have sat four years on a rock, or, according to Yirgil, eternally — " sedet seternumque seHeLit • [nfelixThp.seus."2 From which long session, according to a malicious tale of the Athenians, his sitting-part grew as it were to the rock, from which he could not rise without leaving it behind. Hence the Athenians got the nickname of (iTToyXovToi {deptjges), a characteristic, however, which they are said to have obtained by their assiduity in rowing.^ Meanwhile Menestheus, great-grandson of Erechtheus, in the absence of Theseus stirred up the Athenians against him, and was assisted in his designs upon the throne by the Dioscuri, who came into Attica in search of their sister Helen. Echedemus, or Academus, the hero from whom the Academy took its name, flourished at this time, and indicated to the Tyndarida? where their sister was confined. The Lacedaemonians invaded Attica ; Aphidnae was captured and Helen released ; the Dioscuri were admitted into Athens at the persuasion of Menestheus, were initiated in the mys- teries, and obtained divine honours under the name of Anaces. After a time Theseus was released by Heracles from the custody of Aidoneus and returned to Athens, when he assigned all the shrines which had been dedicated to himself, except four, to Heracles. Thus they became Heracleia instead of Theseia.* In this story we have also no doubt the indication of a revolution, which is related as follows : The machinations ' The story is alluded to by Herod. Aristoph. Eq. 13G5. Cf. Lucilius Thar- ix. 73. r£eus, Coll. Proverb, in Mciirsius, Theseus, - yEneid, vi. 617. c. 27. ^ ot yap ^ABrjvmoi 7rdvT€s \(nTo\ irvy- * PhilochoniS ap. Plut. Thes. 35. X»VQV Tit oTrliTdin ann Qrja-e'ios. — Schol. ad CHARACTER OF THESEUS. 67 of Menestheus had done their work ; Theseus became unpopular and found himself obliged to abdicate. At Gargettus, a place on the south- west side of Mount Pentelicus, he uttered a curse against the Athenians, at the spot which continued to be called Araterion or Areterion (from apd or upi], ' an imprecation'). Then he retired to the isle of Scyros, ruled at that time by Lycomedes, who treacherously put him to death. From the preceding sketch of the life of Theseus it appears that the Athenians regarded him in two characters : as a mythological hero, and as a statesman who founded their political institutions. The question then arises whether he is a wholly fabulous personage, or a real person about whom an heroic halo has been thrown. There are some circum- stances in his story which might lead us to incline to the latter opinion. He is very difi'erent from Heracles. The exploits of that demigod extend over the greater part of the knovm world ; he founds no state, though the planting of colonies is ascribed to him ; and there seems reason to suppose that the idea of him was suggested by the maritime enterprises of the Phoenicians. The exploits of Theseus, on the con- trary, are chiefly confined to Attica and its neighbourhood ; and his ultimate expulsion from his kingdom, and death in a foreign land, have a certain historical air, since the legend of the founder-hero of a state, if wholly fictitious, would hardly end in misfortune and disgrace. He and his predecessor Ion seem to represent revolutions which tempo- rarily raised an Ionian to power, of which, however, they were deprived by the legitimate line of the Erechtheidap. Theseus is thrice men- tioned by Homer ; once in the Iliad and tv/ice in the Odyssey.^ It is said indeed that the line in the Iliad — Orjaia r Aiyeibriv, (TrifiicfXou aBavdroiaiv — must be spurious, because it also occurs in Hesiod.'-^ But would it not be more reasonable to say that Hesiod took it from Homer ? One of the reasons for abjudicating it from Homer is that it is not com- mented on by Eustathius and the scholiasts."^ But if that is a test of ' 11. i. 2<55; ()d. xi. 321, (iOO. '^ Scut. Here. Ih2. ^ See Clinton, Fast. Hell. t. i. ]), (U, note V. F 2 r,8 ANCIENT ATHENS. spiirioiisness, then many other lines must be blotted out ; and even if it be spurious, it must surely have got into the text long before the time of Eustathius. The probable time for such an interpolation would have been when Homer's text was revised by the Pisistratidae. Thucydides treats Theseus as an historical personage and the founder of Attic unity/ and his memory may have been handed down not only by the verses of poets but also by the festivals instituted by him or in his honour, and by the traditions connected with them, which would have been pre- served by the priesthood. But even so, all we can say of him is " stat nominis umbra." A person so called probably once ruled Attica, and made some important changes in its constitution ; but the nature of them cannot be established with anything like historical accuracy. In the reign of Theseus we find symptoms of the Athenians becom- ing a maritime people. Poseidon was a peculiarly Ionian god, and Theseus was his reputed son. Thus, in his time we find a harbour esta- blished at Phalerum, from which he sails for Crete ; not to mention the share in the Argonautic expedition attributed to him by some authori- ties. In the next reign, the Athenians are related to have sailed for Troy with a considerable fleet. AVhat may have been the appearance of the city of Athens in the time of Theseus we have but scanty materials for judging. The Acro- polis must of course have been always much the same ; but with regard to the surrounding asty we have little to guide us. If we draw an inference from the inscription on the Arch of Hadrian, which professes to mark the boundary of the ancient Thesean city, we might, perhaps, conclude that the Acropolis was surrounded by a wall at about the same distance from it on every side as that object is from its south-eastern foot. That such a wall must have been erected at all events before the time of the Pisistratidae is plain from the account which Thucydides gives Df the attack upon Hipparchus by Harmodius and Aristogeiton ; who being in the Cerameicus, not, be it observed, then called the outer Cerameicus, rush through the gate and slay him in the city.^ It is probable, how- ever, that this wall may have been built long after the time of Theseus, ' lil). ii. 15. 'J'hiiovd. vi. 57. THESEAN ATHENS. 69 and that Athens was then little more than a straggling village, which on the south-east may have extended nearly down to the Ilissus, in which direction the palace of -^geus seems to have been. The Pelasgic forti- fications about the Acropolis do not seem to have been constructed till after the Trojan war.^ But to these subjects we shall have to return in another part of this work. ^ Clinton i)laccstlic probable date of the the fall of Tr.>y. — Fast. Hell. vol. i. }>. 0<», iunnigratioii into Attica of the lY'las^i, note '. who built these walls, at sixty years jifter 70 ANCIENT ATHENE. CODUUS—GYLON. 71 CHAPTEE III. Attic hisfory from Theseus to the Persian occnpntion of Athens — Menestheus — Athenians at Troy — Codnis — C\ Ion— E])imenidcs— Solon — Laws — Peisistratus — His buildings — Homer — Thespis — Hippias and Hipparchus — Harmodiusand Aristo- geiton — Tyranny of Hippias — Cleisthenes — Tribes — Cyclic Chorus — Tragedy — Wooden Thtatre — Its site — Orchestra — Dionysiac "Jheatre — Thesean Athens — Taking of Athens by the Persians. Theseus was succeeded by Menestheus, son of Peteos, of the line of the Erechtheidae. He led the Athenians to Troy, and is twice men- tioned in the Iliad, where he is praised as being an able tactician : rSdv av6' fjyefMvvfv' vios UfTfcoo MfveaOfvs. TCpO OVTTU) TIS OflOlOi flTl^doVlOS y€V(T dvfjp KoaiJ,rj(ra'. imrovs t€ kol dve'pas dairi^iooTas.^ Under Menestheus fifty ships did pass Who for the ord'ring of a battle well Of hoise or fo< t the best of all men was. HoiiBES. The same military ability is ascribed to him by Xenophon and ^lian.'-^ According to an Attic tradition, he was one of the Greeks enclosed in the wooden horse Durius f but there is little to connect his name with Athens. He died in the isle of Melos, on his return from Troy.'* Menestheus was succeeded by Demophon, the son of Theseus. He was said by some to have brought the Palladium from Troy, by others to have seized it from Diomedes, who, when carrying it off, was driven by stress of weather on the Attic coast ; and an involuntary homicide com- mitted on this occasion is said to have led to the establishment of the ' Iliad, ii. 552; d'. xii. 331. - Xenoph. JVVcn.; .i:iiaji. Tact. c. 1, '' Pausan. i. 23, 10. ^ Euscbii CIn-on. 'I court called eVt UaWaSiM} It would be useless to -pursue any further the history of the Athenian kings, whose reigns have neither the authen- ticity of history nor the splendour of heroic fable, and therefore add nothing towards the illustration of Athenian topography or art. With Codrus the fifth king from Demophon, who generously offered up his life for the safety of his country, the Attic monarchy ends.^ Of the administration of the archons who succeeded, the first being Medon, son of Codrus, the same may be said as of the reigiis of the kings, and we will therefore pass on to the time of Solon and Peisistratus, when Attic history begins to assume some consistency. The first event which affords any notices of a topographical ch;i- racter is the attempt of Cylon to make himself tyrant of Athens. Cylou had gained the Olympic victory in the 35th Olympiad (b. c. 640), and elated apparently by this triumph, as well as by his marriage with the daughter of Theagenes, tyrant of Megara, he with his brother an 1 adherents seized the Acropolis during another Olympic festival, interpret- ing in that way the response of the Delphic oracle that he should undertake the enterprise during the greatest festival of Zeus ; especi- ally as he imagined that the one at Olympus was particularly connected with himself (Olymp. 40, B.C. 620).^ But the attempt proved a failure, Cylon and his fellow conspirators were surrounded by the Athenians, aided by the population of the rural districts ; and finding their poe tion untenable, they were induced by a promise of security to quit the altar of Athena, at which they had taken refuge, and to i^roceed to the Areio- pagus for trial. But on their way thither, and just after they had passed the Enneapylon, or Nine Gates, they were attacked and slain ; or as some authorities say, at the very altar of the Eumenides, to which they had hastened for safety/ ' Hari)ocr. in voc. ; Pans. i. 28, 9 ; Pollux, viii. 10. ^ For this event see Lycurg. Orat. in Leocr. p. 194, Iveiske ; Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 48, 116 ; Veil. Pat. i. 2, 3, &c. ^ In the dates we have followed Clinton, * llcTod. V. 71; Tluu yd. i. 12li ; Pausan. i. 28, 1 ; schol. ad Aristojjh. Eq. v. 443. Thucydides says that Cylon and his brother contrived to escai)e, but Herodotus relates that Cylon Avas slain ; and later writers adopt sometimes one account, sometimes the other. 72 ANCIENT ATHENS. SOLON'S INSTITUTIONS AND LAWS. 73 The topographieal particulars supplied by this event are that the Acropolis must now have been fortified by the Pelasgi and become the citadel of Athens ; that the Court of Areiopagus held its sittings on the hill which bore its name ; and that on its eastern side, at no great dis- tance from the entrance to the Acropolis, a shrine or temple of the Eumenides, or Se/ival Seai, had been established. The murder of Cylon had been recommended to the Athenians by the archon Megacles, and hence not only himself but his posterity also, the Alcmaeonidae, became accursed in the sight of Athena {evaocr. voc. 74 ANCIENT ATHENS. which could have been successful only in rude and ignorant times. He wounded himself and his mules, and in that state drove into the agora or market-place, where he accused the Pedicxn, an opposite faction consisting of the rich proprietors of the Attic plains, of having at- tempted his life. The Athenians, moved by his state, and by the recol- lection of what he had done for them in war, granted his request for a guard, which at first consisted of only fifty citizens armed with clubs. But their number he soon increased, and then seized the Acropolis. In order to render himself still more secure, he disarmed the people by the following stratagem. He convoked an armed assembly at the Anaceium, or temple of the Dioscuri, where he addressed them in so low a tone of voice, that they requested him to proceed to the Propy- laeum, in order that all might hear. When the assembly were all attentive, the guards of Peisistratus seized their arms and carried them down to the temple of Aglauros, which was situated above the Anaceium, half way up the cliff of the Acropolis.^ Peisistratus held the tyranny thirty-three years, but with two intervals, for he was twice driven out ; so that the actual duration of his enjoyment of supreme power was only about seventeen years." Once he contrived to return by conciliating the Alcma^onidae and Megacles, whose daughter he married. On this occasion also he is related to have practised a stratagem which could have been attempted only with a rude and ignorant people. He dressed up a tall and hand- some woman, named Phya, a seller of garlands, to resemble Athena, and carried her in his chariot to Athens, when she told the Athenians that she was bringing Peisistratus to her own Acropolis, and com- manded them to receive him. The second time Peisistratus returned by force of arms and with the aid of foreigners, after which he suc- ceeded in retaining the tyranny till his death in a good old age^ (01. G3.2, B.C. 527). Peisistratus was a genial tyrant, and on the whole ruled with ' Folvivu. J^trat. i. 21, 2. Fri»m the arms a>nus means the entrance to the Acroi)oli«. bciii;j; larrietl down (KarrjvfyKav) wo iiiijilit - Hcrotl. i. 50 sqq. ; Ari.stot. Pol. v. 12. |icrhui«s iiilVi- that, hy ' IVopylaMUii,' Poly- •' llcrud. ib. c. GO; Tolyivn. ib. .s. 1. WORKS OF PEJSISTL'ATUS. lO clemency and justice. He retained Solon's laws ; but in order, appa- rently, to render his hold of power more secure, he adopted the policy of dispersing the Athenians into the country and making them wear a labourer's dress. ^ This must have tended to check the growth of the city, though he is nevertheless related to have done much towards its adornment. Thus, he is said to have built the Pythium, to have laid the foundations of the magnificent temple of Zeus Olympius, to have founded the gymnasium at the Lyceum, and to have constructed the fountain called Enneacrunos.^ The Academy must have been in existence at this time, as Charmus, who lived in the reign of Peisistratus, is said to have dedicated there a statue of Eros ; and Hipparchus is related to have enclosed the place with a wall.^ Peisistratus is also reputed to have founded the earliest public library, and to have first arranged in a connected series the works of Homer, which had been previously sung in detached rhapsodies. Let us observe, however, that the fame of having introduced Homer's poems at Athens is some- times ascribed to his son, Hipparchus ;* whilst, on the other hand, Solon is related, before this time, to have made the rhapsodists sing portions of the poems one after the other."^ All that we can con- clude then, is, that it must have been about the time of Peisistratus and his sons that the recitation of the Homeric rhapsodies became a public entertainment at Athens during the great Panathenaea, which, as we have before observed, were probably now instituted.*^ And hence we may also, perhaps, infer that the oldest Odeium was now erected, for the purpose of these recitations and other entertainments of a similar kind. For the literary progress of the Athenians at this period ^ Dio Chrysos. Orat. vii. (t, i. p. VVJ, Teubncr); Orat. xxv. (p. 311 ib.). The dress may be inferretl from Aristo- l)hanes, Lysistr. 1155 (fcdi/ri t^s Korwrn/cr;?, IC.T.X.). '^ See Hesych. eV Hvdlui ;(eo-ui ; Vitruv. vii. Preet". ; Harpocr. voc. AvKeiov. "* Suidas, TO 'iTTTrdpxov Tf^x^us. ' A. Gell. N. A. vii. (vi.) 17; Cic. l)e Orat. iii. 34 137; .Elian, V. 11. xiii. 11; cf. viii. 2 ; Phit Hii)parch. p. 2:8 (i. ii. 237, Bckk.). TO. T€ 'OfiTjpov e^ v7roi3o\rjs yey pa(pc ijayl^ade'ia-dai, olov ottov 6 npwTos eXrf^eu fKfldev ap^eadai tov (\6p.€vou. — Dio*''. Laert. Vit. Sol. lib. i. s. 57. ^ According to Eusebius, Chron. the Panathenaic agon was institnted anno 1451, 01. .53.4 (n.v. 50G;. See Clinton under that year. 70 ANCIENT Am ENS. is also testified by another circumstance, that Thespis had begun to hiy the foundations of the drama. Solon, just before he went into exile, is said to have addressed much the same reproach to Thespis as Cardinal Ippolito d'Est did to Ariosto when he asked him, on the subject of his ' Orlando Furioso,' where he had picked up such a parcel of idle stuff? ^ But from such rude beginnings were soon to spring som»d of the sublimest productions of human genius. It is curiously illustrative of the carelessness of the Athenians for their history, that their best authors should be divided in opinion as to wliich was the eldest of Peisistratus' three sons, and whether he was succeeded by Hippias or Hipparchus. In the time of Thucydides, who lived only about a century later, the commonly received opinion was that Hipparchus was his successor ; but in support of his view to the contrary, he can appeal to no written records ; whilst among the Romans — a- much ruder people, yet careful of their history and tra- ditions — it had been customary, long before the time of Peisistratus, to record in writing the most memorable public events. All that Thucy- dides can appeal to in support of his view is hearsay, probability, and an inscription on a pillar. The arguments from probability are cer- tainly rather weak, as Meursius has shown.'"^ That Hippias alone of the three brothers should have had children does not prove him the eldest, especially considering the peculiar tastes of Hipparchus ; nor is there much force in the argument drawn from the difficulty wliich Hippias would have experienced in seizing the reins of government on the assassination of his brother, had he been previously in a private station ; for this, as Meursius observes, might have been effected by the address and coolness with which he proceeded to disarm the people before the death of Hipparchus was generally known. On the other hand, we think there is great weight in the circumstance that the name of Hippias immediately succeeded that of his father on the pillar erected on the Acropolis in memory of the unjust usurpation of the Peisistratids. Meursius explains this by saying that the name of Hippias was put first because he was the most harsh and cruel of ■' riut. S..1. c. l!l». - IVi^istratus, c. 11. Fcr the whole t^luiv ^ee Thuev, caairep 'Ap/xoStos k 'Apto'Toycircov, ore Tov Tvpavvov KTavtrr^v, laovofiovs T \\6r^vai eTTOirja-dTT^v.'^ 'My sword I'll bear in myrtle hiil, As once Harmodius and his lover, Who slew Hipparchus and thus did Their country's equal laws recover. Freedom and equality were not, however, as the song had it, the immediate result of the act of the tyrannicides; which in spite of its celebrity, was, as we have seen, prompted rather by private pique than by patriotic motives. On the contrary, Hippias ruled three or four years longer with increased severity.^ We will mention some of his acts that are connected with the monuments and topography of Athens. There was a courtesan named Leaena, beloved by Aristogeiton. Hippias ' Thucyd. loc. cit. ; Herod, v. 55. &c., consider these to be four stanzas of - Athen. xv. 50, where there are four one and the same poem. Cf. Aristoph. different forms of it. Some able critics, Lysis. 033, et ibi schol. ; Acharn. v. 08. however, as [.owth, rrunck, Schneidewin, ^ Herrxl. ib. 02 ; Tlnicvd. 1. c. TYRANNY OF T1 IP PI AH. 79 put her to the torture, to extort from her a confession of Aristogeiton's accomplices, but rather than do so she bit off her tongue.^ In com- memoration of the act, and by a play upon her name, a statue of a lioness without a tongue was erected on the Acropolis. From one of his regulations it would appear that the upper storeys of some of the Athenian houses overhung the streets, that they had steps, or perrons, l)efore them, as we have already remarked concerning the so-called Cranaan city, with railings, and that the doors opened outwards. For, according to the treatise on domestic economy ascribed to Aristotle, Hippias ordered all such things to be sold, and the owners were com- pelled to buy them in.^ He is also said to have instituted a tribute payable to the j^riestess of Athena on the occasion of deaths and marriages ; a measure of wheat, another of barley, and an obol.^ Hippias was 'ejected by the Alcmaeonids, a powerful Athenian family, which had been banished for a previous attempt to upset the Pisistratids. As we have already said, Megacles, one of their members, had played a conspicuous part in the affair of Cylon. Cleisthenes was now at their head. He ie said to have bribed' the priestess at Delphi by building a temple with a marble facade, while he had only con- tracted to erect one of tufa {'rrMpivo'^ \l6os:) ; ^ and the oracle persuaded the Lacedaemonians to liberate Athens from the tyrant. The first attempt, under Anchimolius, failed. The Lacedaemonians landed at Phalerum, but Hippias had obtained 1000 cavalry from Thessaly, and having cleared all the country about Phalerum to facilitate their evo- lutions, the invaders were completely defeated. On the next invasion, which was undertaken by land, Cleomenes and the Spartans were successful, captured Athens, and shut up Hippias in the Pelasgicum, where he would have been able to defy them. But his children and nephews, who had been sent out of the country, were seized, and in order to recover them he agreed to evacuate Athens in five days.^ This event took place in 01. 67.3 (b.c. 510). * Polya'n. viii. 45. Cf. Lactant. Do Falsa * Heroil. v. 02. J lutarch, liowevcr iltl I 20 ; who, however, tells the s!ory ascribes this story to the malignity of differently. Herodotus (t. ix. p. 415, Heiske). ' De cura rei fam. ii. 2, 4. -^ Herod, v. 05. Vi\ Aristoph. Lysistr. ^ Ibid. It was probably a registration fee, lloOsqq. fO ANCIENT ATHENS. No sooner was the tyrant expelled than dissensions arose between Cleisthenes and Isagoras, the chiefs of the Alcmseonids, till Cleisthenes, by courting the democracy, obtained the expulsion of his opponent. By some he is celebrated as having perfected Solon's constitution ; and it is certain, at all events, that he broke up the power of the aristocracy by admitting foreigners, metics, and slaves to citizenship, and especially by increasing the number of the tribes from four to ten, and thus de- molishing the influence of the Eupatrids arising from local connections. The names of the ten tribes were Erechtheis, ^ge'is, Pandionis, Leontis, Acamantis, (Eneis, Cecropis, Hippothoontis, Aiantis, and Antiochis. Cleisthenes also increased the number of the Senators to five hundred, fifty being elected for each tribe; and these bodies of fifty, under the name of Prytanes, presided by turns over public affairs.^ But it will suffice to have adverted to so many of thes5 political changes as will serve to explain subsequent allusions. \Ve will now mention a few things that lie more within our imme- diate scope. We have adverted above to Thespis and the beginnings of the drama. It seems probable that Peisistr^tus introduced at Athens the cyclic chorus and dithyramb,^ the Doric dialect of which shows that it was not of native growth. Peisistratus was a native of Philaidae, near Brauron, where the festival of Dionysus was celebrated in a very boisterous manner.^ Thespis was also a Diacrian, born at Icaria, where, as we have seen, the culture of the vine and the worship of Dionysus were very early introduced. And as the Diacrians formed the extreme democratic party, this may account for Solon's dislike of the inno- vations of Thespis. The view that Peisistratus introduced the cyclic chorus is rather confirmed by the circumstance that the tripods, the prize of the victors in it, were placed in the Pythium, or temple of Apollo, which Peisistratus had built,* as well as by the tradition that a mask of Dionysus preserved at Athens was said to be a portrait of that tyrant.^ However this may be, the dithyrambic chorus, with Thespis' 1 Aristot. Tol. iii. c. 1. CL HcrtKl. vi. 131; Isocr. Arcop. p. 143, &c. '•* See Donaldson, Theatre of the Greeks, p. 45 sq. ^ Aristoph. Pax, 874, and schoL * Phot ins, voc. nCdiov. ■' A then. xii. c. 44. I WOODEN THEATRE. 81 important addition of an actor, was welcomed by the lively genius of the Athenians and speedily developed into the regular drama. Choe- rilus is said to have been the first who exhibited a tragedy in 01. 64.2 (B.C. 523), four years after the death of Peisistratus.' He was soon followed by Phrynichus, who gained the tragic prize in B.C. 511, the year before the expulsion of Hippias, and thus the drama may be said to have been completely established during the sovereignty of the PeisistratiSs. Attic tragedy appears to have been originally performed in extem- pore wooden theatres O^m), and it was the fall of one of these, during the representation of a piece by Pratinas, which led to the building of the stone theatre.^ As to the place in which these scafibldings were erected opinions are very much divided. Some writers place them in the agora, on the north-west side of the Acropolis; others in the Lenaeum on the south-east side ; whilst others, again, think that some- times one sometimes the other of these spots was selected ; and perhaps this last opinion is the most correct. That these primitive exhi- bitions sometimes took place in the agora must be admitted, except we are to reject in a lump the testimony of scholiasts and lexicographers. Photius, Eustathius, and others say so expressly ;3 and it further appears, that above the spot where the stage was erected, and therefore probably near the ascent to the Acropolis on the north-west side, there stood a poplar tree, which those who could not get a place in the theatre were accustomed to mount, whence the proverb *a view from the poplar ' (aTr' alr^eipov or irap al'yeipov Oea), to denote a bad place.'^ And that the agora was on this side of the Acropolis in the time of the Suidas, voc. Xoip/Xo?. support of the charge. I Jtlem. voc. Uparlvas. * 'Ae^vrjacu alyupo: ^v, f,s 7r\r,' l>v iOfHiVTO iKpia (Trr,yvvuTO (Is rfjv Biav Tvph rov dearpov To{>s AiovvaiaKoijs dy{i>vas Trpiv ^ Kara- yevea-eai- ovt(o Kparli/oy.— Bekk. An. Grsec. aK(vaa6f]mL t6 eu Aiouvcrov OeaTpov.—Vhot p. 354. 'Att* alyetpov Bia kolX nap' atyeipop ' Cf. Eustath. ad Horn. Od. iii. 350. Leake, f} dnd ra>v eVxarcov atye^pos yhp eVdi^o, ^ju who held that the primitive wooden rov e^drpov, dcji' ^s oi pf, e^ovr^s tottop theatre was only in the Len^jiim, charges e^fipov,/.— lb. p. 419. Cf. Hesych. in Photius with error in saying eV rf, dyopa Alyelpov Bin, and 'Att' aly([pu>v. (vol. i. p. 247), but adduces nothing in G 82 ANCIENT ATHENS. Peisistratids is evident from the circumstance that Peisistratus, the son of Hippias, erected in it the Altar of the Twelve Gods, which remained there in the time of Thncydides, as we shall see further on. On the other hand there are some passages which show that dra- matic contests also took place in the Len^um or periholos sacred to the Len^an Dionysus, at the south-east foot of the Acropolis, before the theatre was built ;^ but these were probably in the festival^called the Len^a (ra Mvaca), celebrated in the month Gamelion, when these representations would very naturally take place in the proximity of the temple of the Len^an Dionysus ; while those during the great Dionysia, we may conclude, were originally held in the wooden theatre in the a-ora. The existence of a primitive orchestra here, near the spot whlre afterwards stood the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, is strongly confirmative of this view."^ This orchestra was probably first used for the performances of the cyclic chorus. We have only the evidence of Suidas, in the article Uparlva,, before quoted, respecting the building of the stone theatre and its date, which he fixes in Olympiad 70.1, or B.C. 500. It was constructed in the Lenseum, or Dionysiac enclosure, which, as we have said, lay under the south-east ' Ar)valoV mpl^oXos fxeyas 'A6fivf](nv, (V v ylrocprjat,. Crat. Inc. Fab. Frag. ^ The scholiast on the passage observe. • no. li. Meineke. . a^?^. ?.,«' " > -a > <•)$■ €Tl IKpiCOV OVTCOV (V T(a OfUTpai. G 2 / B4 ANCIENT ATHENS. THE PERSIANS AT ATHENS. 85 All we can collect about this wall is, that it was of considerably less extent than the one afterwards built by Themistocles, who is said to have enlarged it on every side.^ Supposing that the Gate of Hadrian, from the inscription on it, marked the boundary of the Thesean city on the south-east, then we may, perhaps, assume that the wall described a rude circle round the Acropolis with a radius about equal to the distance of that gate from it. That the configuration of it was circular we may infer from the oracle delivered to the Athenians before the Persian wars: 'Q /ie'Xfoi, Ti KaOr^aBe : \nTUiV (f>edy' ftrxcira ya'irjs 8(i}^lnTa Koi TToXio? rpoxofiBtos aKpa Kaprjya.^ " Why linger ye ? O wretches, fly to earth's remotest end, Nor seek'j'our wheel-shap d town, your homes, and fortress to defend." In this case it is probable that the remains of a wall still traceable on the crest of the Museum and Pnyx hills may, as Curtius suggests,^ have belonged to the primitive enclosure. We have already seen that a wall must have existed in the time of the Peisistratids ; but that it was built by them, as the author just mentioned thinks, is hardly probable. Their public works have been recorded, and it is not likely that one so impor- tant should have been omitted in the list. The fact of this enclosure being ascribed to Theseus, moreover, shows that it had originated time out of mind. If carried round with the radius mentioned it would have included the Areiopagus, and the modern bazaar ; but the high ground on the north-west on which stands the so-called Theseium, and the Olympium and neighbouring temples on the south-east, would have been excluded. In the midst stood the Acropolis, strongly fortified with a wall all round, and especially at its western entrance, with a fortress called the Enneapylon. Above this, probably, was a propylfeum. On the summit of the Acropolis, besides the Erechtheium, and perhaps a few ' Thucyd. i. 93. 2 Herod, vii. 140. 3 Erlauternder Text, S. 31. Curtius also mentions that vestiges of an ancient wall running in the direction of Hadrian's Gate, are still i>erceptible in the modern Street of Victory (686s rijs NIkt)s). Alt. Stud. i. 59. The statement of Isocrates, that the Athenians abandoned the city on the approach of the Persians, because it was not fortified (Panath. p. 243), seems to be a random assertion, contrary to the testimony of the historians. ' other monuments, a new and larger temple of Athena, called the Heca- tompedon, appears to have been rising, but not yet completed. Eound its sides were various temples, some of them mere caverns in the clifi"; others lower down were built of masonry. These will be described in the sequel. At the south-east side was the new Dionysiac theatre ; at the south-west side various public buildings and temples bordering the agora, the statues of the tyrannicides, the shrine of the Eumenides, &:c. Such 'perhaps, was the general appearance of Thesean Athens, when besieged by the Persians. That event happened in the archonship of Calliades, B.C. 480. The Pythian oracle had directed the Athenians to defend themselves witli wooden walls. The sagacity, or complicity, of Themistocles, inter- preted this to mean that they must take to their ships ; and this view had been supported by the refusal of the sacred serpent in the Ere- chtheium to take its food. The counsels of Themistocles prevailed. Athens was almost deserted ; a few only, unable or unwilling to fly, shut themselves up in the Acropolis ; and in order to carry out what they supposed to be the commands of the oracle, erected some wooden outworks, or palisades, before the entrance. The Persians, on their arrival, found the gates and wall of the asty undefended, and encamped without opposition on the Areiopagus. Arming their arrows with burning tow, they soon set fire to and destroyed the wooden fence. But the garrison, even after the destruction of the defence on which they had superstitiously relied, still held out obstinately ; Xerxes began to despair, when, probably on a hint from the Athenian exiles of the Peisi- stratid faction who accompanied him, he succeeded in introducing his men into the Acropolis through the temple of Aglauros below,^ no ' Such is the account given by Hero- dotus, viii. 51 sqq. It is therefore sur- prising how Curtius can assume, without adducing the least authority, that the for- tifications of the Acropolis were demolished after the departure of the Peisistratids, and that the only defence during the Persian siege was the palisade : " Pic Burg, zur Tyrannenzeit noch Citadelle, war nach Abzug der Pisistratiden demolirt worden und am Aufgange nur nothdiirftig mit Holzwerk verrammelt." — Erlauternder Text, p. 31. The palisade was evidently a mere superstitious compliance with the oracle, and the Persians still found the walls unassailable. The existence of the 86 ANCIENT ATHENS. doubt by means of the subterranean communication which modern researches have proved to exist. The garrison were now put to the sword ; the temple was despoiled, and the whole Acropolis burnt. A day or two afterwards, Xerxes permitted the Athenian exiles to go up and sacrifice on the Acropolis ; when they found that the sacred olive, although it had been burnt along with the temple, had thrown out a shoot a cubit long.^ Ten months afterwards, the Persian general Mardonius again entered Athens unopposed, the citizens having fled* to Salamis. On this occasion he completed the destruction of the city, overthrowing all the temples, walls, and houses, except a few in which the Persian leaders had lived.^ secret commuuication between the Ere- chtheiiun and the temile of Aglaim-s had l>een iugeniously conjectured liy Dr. Words- worth before it wns actiudly discovered. — Athens and Attica, ch. xii. ^ Herod, ib. c. 55. ^ Idem, ix. c. 3, 13 ; Thucytl. i. b"J. ^ 87 CHAPTEK IV. Athens in the time of Themistocles — City Wall — Dipylon — Cerameicus — Agora — Sacred Gate — Names of Dipylon — Peiraic Gate — Colonus Agorseus — Meiite — Ceiriada3 — Barathrum — Gate Melitides — Ca-le— Gate Hippades — Objects in Melito — Collytus — Cydathenjeum — Limnw — Scambonidfe — Itonian Gate — Diomeian — Diocharean — Acharnensian — Eretria — Demi and Comae— Circumference of Wall — Population — Peira\'vn Wall — Phalerum — Long Walls — Harbours — Peirseeus, il« divisions — Total circumference — Other works. Although the narratives of the destruction of Athens may be some- what exaggerated, there can be no doubt that when the inhabitants returned to it there was an immense deal to be done, both in repairing and reconstructing, before it could be again rendered properly habit- able. But the views of Themistocles, who was now at the head of affairs, extended beyond this. In reconstructing the walls he was determined to give them a larger circuit ; and especially, with a view to that naval superiority of the Athenians, which was always uppermost in his thoughts, he resolved to construct new harbours. These works, planned, though not entirely executed by him, mark him as the founder of the substantial greatness of Athens; its embellishment, which naturally came later, was left to be accomplished by Cimon and Pericles. The course of the Themistoclean walls has long been a subject of controversy amongst topographers, and cannot be said even yet to be completely decided. Most writers, however, are agreed upon a general outline which does not offer any very important discrepancies.^ The * In order to avoid useless controversy, we shall not here discuss the hypothesis of Forchbammcr, now, we believe, univer- sally abandoned. The line of wall adopted by that topographer — whose general merits we are very far from wishing to depreciate — would almost seem to have been arrived at by placing one leg of his compasses on 88 ANCIENT ATHENS. line drawn by Curtius, one 'of the most recent, most authoritative, and perhaps most innovating of Athenian topographers, does not very mate- rially differ, except on the southern side, from that laid down by Leake many years before ; nor is it a matter of much consequence, except in a purely antiquarian view, whether the general line deviated a few yards to the right or left. The situation of the gates is more important, as they are frequently mentioned in the classic authors, and because the direction of the streets and the site of some of the monu- ments depend upon them. We shall therefore first endeavour to ascertain the situation of the principal gates, which if once determined, the line of wall between them may be laid down with tolerable accu- racy. At the same time it will be convenient to describe, in connection with the gates, the different city regions ; for Athens, as Themistocles made it, remained very much the same down to the latest times. Unfortunately, however, there is only one gate, though the most important one — the Dipylon — on whose site we can pronounce with anything like certainty, and about which topographers are almost universally agreed.^ We learn from Plutarch that the Dipylon was anciently called the Thriasian Gate {Spcaaiai TlvXai) -^ and this is con- firmed by Harpocration,^ w^ho repeats the same story as Plutarch, that Anthemocritus, the herald despatched by Pericles to the Megarensians, 1 laving been put to death by them, was buried near that gate. Now, as Thria was a demos, or borough, lying north-west of Athens, the Thria- sian Gate would be on the corresponding side of the city. Again, it is universally allowed that the Academy lay north-west of Athens, and the route to it was through the Dipylon, from which it was about a mile distant.* From this gate issued also the Sacred Way leading to Eleusis, tlie Acroiwlis and drawing a circle round it, answering to the measure given by Thucydidcs. In this way lie brings the llissus within the city, contrary to all ancient testimony, and without pretending to support his views by any vestiges of ancient remains. ' Dr. Wordsworth stands, we believe, alone in placing it on the site commonly ascribed to the Peiraic Gate. 2 Pericl. c. 30. ^ Voc. 'AvOe^oKpiTos. * Liv. xxxi. 25 ; Oic. De Fin. v. 1. SITE OF THE DIPYLON. 89 f I which was bordered with tombs, among which Pausanias saw that of Anthemocritus, before mentioned.^ These ancient notices are confirmed by some recent discoveries of tombs near the church of Agia Triada, a little northwards of the bottom of the modern Hermes Street, the assumed site of the Dipylon ; especially the tomb of Dexileos, a knight who fell at Corinth, which we shall have occasion to describe in another part of this work. A further proof of the site of this gate may be derived from its having stood in the quarter of the city called Cerameicus ; whence it was also called the Cerameican Gate.'^ And that the Cerameicus lay on the north-west side of the city is evident from its having included the Academy as well as the agora,^ whence the Cerameicus was sometimes called Academeia ; whilst on the other hand the agora, from its being in that region, came to be called by later writers the Cerameicus. Hence, from its lying both within and without the walls, these respective parts were designated the Inner and the Outer Cerameicus.* After the build- ing of the wall of Themistocles, it was the Dipylon which formed the boundary between the two. Whether there was an Inner Cerameicus in the Thesean city may be a question. Thucydides, in the passage which we have quoted above (p. 76) respecting the assassination of Hipparchus, merely says that Hippias was arranging the Panathenaic procession m the Cerameicus, without adding the distinguishing epithet oufer ; which might lead us to infer that part of that region was first included within the walls by Themistocles. We may add here that the deme Cerameicus belonged to the tribe Acamantis. Pausanias says that the Cerameis derived their name from Ceramus (Ke^a/^o?), a son of Bacchus and Ariadne ; but Philochorus says that they were so called from their exercising the trade of potters ; though he also states that they sacrificed to Ceramus, who seems to have been the eponymous hero of the potters.^ This will be a proper place, in connection with the Dipylon and '• ^"' ^' TO"' evTos TOO AiTTvXov KepafifiKou. — Plut. '' Hesych. voc. Ar^/xtdtrt nvXms. Sail. 14. napa tS nvdodc^pco, e'Krbs rel- ^ Hesych. voc. 'AKaBrj^ia. ^ovs eV Kepa/xei;c«.— Plat. Parm. p. 127. ' (lai 8c 8io KtpanfiKoi, 6 p.iv c^o) ret- ■> Pausan. i. 3, 1 ; Haipocrat. in Kepa- Xnvs, 6 hi €j/rof.— Idem, voc. K«pn/xetKos. ful^ and Kepa/xetKoV. 90 ANCIENT ATHENS. SITE OF THE AGORA. 91 Cerameicus, to settle the situation of the agora. We have shown above (p. 81) that, at least as early as the time of the Peisistraids, the agora must have lain at the north-west foot of the Acropolis. There was ample room for it between that spot and the Areiopagus on one side, and the Thesean wall on the other ; but in all probability it was enlarged when the new wall was built. The site for it is marked out by the nature of the ground. The narrow valleys on the southern and western sides of the Acropolis and Areiopagus, which must have been still deeper in ancient times, afford not sufficient space for a large market place, in which, besides the usual transactions of buying and selling, assemblies of the people were sometimes held, religious processions took place, and, on certain occasions, evolutions of cavalry were exhibited.^ But on the northern sde the ground is open and level to any extent in a northerly direction, whilst on the east and west two gentle eminences leave a space between them of four or five hundred yards, amply suffi- cient for the purposes required. Of these eminences the western one, on which stands the reputed temple of Theseus, and which, as we shall show further on, was Colonus Agoraeus, is still sufficiently defined ; while the eastern one, from its being covered with buildings, is not so immediately perceptible. It is that on which stands the gate of the new agora. M. Pervanoglu has pointed out^ that this building stands on its ancient level, as is plain from the gateway and the road which passes through it ; whilst the floor of the portico of Attains, on the western side of it, is buried to a depth of about eight metres (twenty- six feet), and that of the Tower of the Winds on the east, six metres (nineteen and a half feet). Anciently, therefore, this gate must have stood on a ridge of ground between twenty and thirty feet higher than the level of the agora, which has been raised by rubbish and ruins in the same way as the Koman Forum. Hence the surrounding hills, the Acropolis, the Areiopagus, and Colonus Agoraeus on the west, whose height has not been increased by -the same cause, must have presented more marked and striking features in ancient times than they do now, and have formed a well-defined boundary for the agora. ^ Xenoph. Ilippaich. c. 3, s. 2. '^ Philologiis, t. xxiv. p. \ol. t That the site here described was that of the agora is strongly cor- roborated by some inscriptions, belonging to the fourth century e.g., found upon it about tw-enty years ago, under the northern side of the Areiopagus. The subjects of them are here immaterial, the only thing important for our object being that two of them are ordered to be placed before the Bouleuterion, or senate house, and a third near the statue of Zeus Eleutherios.^ All these inscriptions were found together, under the foundations of a small house. They cannot, therefore, have been in their original place ; but it is not likely that they were brought from any great distance, and it will be seen when we come to treat of the agora as described by Pausanias, that the statue and portico of Zeus Eleutherios and the Bouleuterion lay not very far from each other and near the spot where the inscriptions were discovered. Proceeding in a southerly direction from the Diplyto, which stood at the north-westernmost angle of the walls, the next gate must have been one between the little hill, or rock, on which stands the church of St. Athanasius, and the northern foot of the Nymphs' Hill. It is alto- gether improbable that there should have been another gate in the intervening space ; for, first, the distance is too inconsiderable (less than three hundred yards) to admit of one ; and, secc^idly, the nature of the ground, from the rock just mentioned and the more extended height of Colonus Agoraeus in its rear, would have afforded no com- modious approach to such a gate from within. Dr. Ernst Curtius, indeed, affirms that there are vestiges of a gate in the hollow between Agia Triada and Agios Athanasios, and thinks this may have been the Peiraic Gate.^ Now this was a very natural place for a gate, for the nature of the ground would make it a convenient outlet from the city. But a gate here would most probably have been the original Dipylon, the site of which, there is good reason to believe, must have ' See Rangabe, Ant. Hellen. t. ii. Xos. yni, 430, 478. Cf. Kiunanudes, Pro- graininc of Archa-ol. Soc. in Athens, .July, 1861, p. 16; Arch. Ephemeris, 4104, 57; 4108, 51; Ciirtiu«, Att. Stud. ii. 29. '^ Erlatitcrnd"!- Text der sieben Karten, »S. 32. A.s the asj>irate is dro|)pcd in modern Greek, we have written Agios for Aytoy. 1 ( D2 ANCIENT ATHENS. beeu altered. For the whole hillock on which the church of Agia Triada stands is made ground, as appears from the ancient tombs dis- covered near it a few years ago, of which we shall speak in the sequel, buried at a depth of about thirty feet. These could not have been within the walls, because burial inside the city was not permitted. The' nature of the soil, and the fact of the lower and more ancient tombs having later ones, of the Eoman period, above them, show that the tumulus is artificial. There are two occasions on which it may pro- bably have been made : the siege of Athens by Philip V. in B.C. 200, and that by Sulla in b.c. 86. It may perhaps be referred to the former. Sulla captured Athens by throwing down part of the wall near the Heptachalcum, probably between the Peiraic Gate and Dipylon,^ which he had learnt was not sufficiently guarded. The making of the mound not only for the purpose of attack, but also of destroying the celebrated tombs before the Dipylon and spoiling the finest approach to Athens is quite in accordance with what we hear of Philip's spiteful proceedings.^ However this may be, a new Dipylon seems to have been erected, not very far from the original one. Curtius, in the map of Athens in his 'Attische Studien' (No. 1), and also in his 'Sieben Karten,' included Agia Triada and the ^ombs near it in his line of wall, but in his plan in the * Erliiuternder Text ' to the latter (p. 38) has drawn a new and doubtless more correct line, two or three hundred yards to the east. It is not at all likely, as he suggests there, that the law forbidding burials in the city had been altered before the time of the Corinthian war (b.c. 394). At the spot indicated near the foot of the Nymphs' Hill there are evident remains of a gate, as well as vestiges of a wall in the direction of the Dipylon. Now, what was the name of this gate ? Forchhammer, who is followed by one or two writers, placed here what he calls the Sacred Gate ; not indeed precisely at the spot where the vestiges of one exist, but in conformity with his arbitrary hypothesis for enlarging the circuit of the wall some two hundred yards before it, where there I pi^t, Sull. 14. (juanv prae iiniK)tcnti ira est servatum." — ■^ "Dirutiv non tccta solum sed etiain Liv. xxxi. L*5. sepiilcia ; ncc diviiii Immanive juris quul- TlIE PEJRAIC GATE. {)3 are traces neither of wall nor gate. But this ' Sacred Gate ' is quite an imaginary one. The only author who mentions it is Plutarch, in his account of the siege of Athens by Sulla. ^ As the passage is an impor- tant one for Athenian topography, we will here state the substance of it. Sulla appears to have been encamped in the Outer Cerameicus, before the Dipylon ; for it was here that some of his men overheard a conver- sation between two old Athenians, who were complaining that the por- tion of wall about the Heptachalcum had not been sufficiently guarded. At this quarter, therefore, Sulla made his attack, by desti'oying the wall between the Periaic and the Sacred Gates. Over this breach he entered the city in the middle of the night, amid the braying of horns and trumpets and the ferocious shouts of the soldiery, bent on blood and plunder. The slaughter in the agora alone, which, as we have seen, lay in this quarter, was so great that the whole Inner Cerameicus was drenched with blood, so that, according to some accounts, it even flowed through the Dipylon. We may remark, by the way, that this passage is strongly confirmatory of the ag?>ra having occupied the site we have assigned to it. For though the story of the blood flowing through the gate is no doubt an exaggeration, yet it would have been too gross a one to attempt had the agora been on the south side of the Areiopagus, as some topographers have assumed. Now, if the gate at the north foot of the Nymphs' Hill was the Sacred Gate, then we must look still further southwards for the Peiraic Gate ; and the first at all probable place we can find for it is between the Nymphs' Hill and the Pnyx Hill. But the intervening space is the most improbable one in the world for the attack. Not only is it at a considerable distance from the Cerameicus, but also the ground outside was and is covered with deep hollows and ravines which would have rendered the marshalling of troops impracticable ; whilst even allowin^^ this difficulty to have been overcome, they would have had to advance into the city through a narrow gorge, where the besieged would have had every advantage. The Dipylon had many names. Besides being called, as we have seen, ' Sull. c. 14. 94 ANCIENT ATHENS. THE SO-CALLED SACRED GATE. r»5 the Thriasian Gate and the Cerameican Gate, it had also the appellation of Demiades Pylse {^r,^iLaZe^ riuXat), because it was a favourite resort of prostitutes/ And as it derived a bad name from this circumstance, so it may have obtained the good one of the Sacred Gate from its being the outlet to the Sacred Way leading to Eleusis ; which, however, in spite of its name, was a high road and common thoroughfare. When Plutarch, in his account of the siege of Athens by Sulla, speaks in the same chapter of the Dipylon and the Sacred Gate, it does not necessarily follow that they were two distinct gates, for these may have been only two different names for the same one. Had there been a gate expressly set apart for the Eleusinian procession, we should assuredly have heard of it from some ancient author ; and the absurdity of the supposition is apparent, because, even according to the hypothesis, the road leading out of it very speedily joined the high road to Eleusis. Further, that the Sacred Way issued immediately from the Dipylon is shown by the pas- sages before cited (supra, p. 88) respecting the tomb of Anthemocritus. Plutarch and Harpocration say that ft was close to the Dipylon, ^ whilst Pausanias places it on the Sacred Way.^ ^ Hesych. Arjfiida-i. Cf. Liician, DiaUig. Meretr. (t. iii. p. 287, Keitz). '^ irapa ras Opiaaiovs irvXas, al vvv AliTvKov 6uopa(ovTai. — Pint. Pericl. 30 ; irp 6 s Tois Qpia(riais TrvXai?. — Harp. ^Avdep. ^ 'loCo-t S' fV 'E\(va'iva (^ 'AOtjvmv, ^v ^AOrjvaiot KaXovaiv 65ui> lepdv, ^AvBepoKpirov 7r(Troir]Tai pv^fia. — i. 36, 3. It is possible that the gate which Plutarch calls ' Sa- cred ' may have been that which some call Eriai, ' sepulchral ' ('Hpi'ai from rjplov, a * barrow,' or sepulchral tumulus). It would require but a slight alteration of liis text {r)pias for iepas), and Meursius has corrected in the same way a passage in ^i'hcophraslus : ttoctovs oiet Kara rhs Upas TTvXas i^€vr)V€\6ai vfKpovs ; (Charact. ir(p\ dvaia-drjaias :) where he reads rjpias for if pas. See Athen, Att. iii. 12. This reading is also adopted by Dr. Sheppard, in his edition of the 'Characters' of Thco- phrastus, p. 130. An Tjpiov was a barrow such as there appears to have been before the Dipylon; which, however, does not seem to have been made for that purjwse, but to have been convt-rted to it. 'Jhere have actually been found here vast heaps of boms, which would justify and illus- trate the question of lheoi)hrastus. Plu- tarch, thus corrected, would not stand alone in his denomination of this gate, but be borne out by Theophrastus, and by the p]tymol. M. (as emended by Meursius): Hplai ' TTvXai ^A6fjVT)(Ti ' diaroTovs vfKpovs eK(f)fpf(r6at c'/cet fVi ra rjpia, 5 tart tovs Tdv\fji, fls o rovs (ir\ 0avdT(o KaTayvbxrdfvras (Vf^aWov. — Bekk. An. Graic. p. 219 voc. (idpaOpov. Hut oilier authorities make the Keiriada? be- long to the tribe HipjKithountis. Harixxir. voc. ^dpaOpou. Cf. Hesych. * De Demis urb. Athcnaruni, p. IG sq. A THE BAR A TUB UM— MELITE. 99 Prytanes interfered. The h]^iLo^, or executioner, was called o eirl or irpo^ Tw opv^fxaTL -^ or 6 eirl rov 6pir//iiaTo<;, ' the superintendent of the chasm;' where Taylor, without necessity, would read tm opvyixan? But to return to the regions. Melite, besides the Nymphs' Hill, must also have comprehended the Pnyx, as appears from a scholium on the ' Birds ' of Aristophanes, to which we have before referred. The scholiast there says: "Is not, some say, the whole of that district in which the Pnyx is included the Colonus called yu/o-^/,0??^ so usual is it partly become to call all that district behind the Long Stoa * Colonus,' though it is not. For all that part is Melite, and is so described in the boundary-records (Spiafiok) of the city." -^ If we were certain of the position of the Long Stoa, this passage would settle with absolute precision the situation of Melite ; but unfor- tunately it is the only place in which that portico is named. There can, however, be little doubt that it was the portico which extended from the Peiraic Gate to the agora, which Pausanias describes on enter- ing the city, but to which he gives no name (i. 2, 6 sq.). For the street from the Peiraic Gate to the agora must have been of considerable length, and therefore have admitted a Long Stoa ; while the Nymphs' Hill, which we have shown to be a part of Melite, as well as the Pnyx, * Deinarch. c. Demosth. iv. 40, Reiskc ; Pollux, viii. e. 7. " liycurg. c. Leocr. iv. p. 221, Reiske. ^ Another name for Colonus Agorauis, as a place for hiring laboun rs. flTjTrOTf OVV TO XOpioV, (f^acri TIV€S, (Kf'lPO ■nav (^ ir€pi\afi^dv(Tai koI 17 nvv^, KoXcu- vos (o-Tiv 6 (Tf pos 6 fiiadios \(ydfi€vos; OVTOiS flfpOS Tl VVV (TVUTfdfS ytyoVf TO KoXo)- vov KoXflu TO omadfu Ttjs fiaKpds (TTodsf aXX' ovK eo-rt. MfXiTt) yap airav fKtivo, toy (V Totp opia-fiois yiypairrai ttjs noXtas. — V. 998. Dobrce has simit the sense by reading ol trtpos for 6 (Ttpos-, which would in fact make three Cdloni ; one in which was the Pnyx, another the fxiaews or dyopalos, and a third the iwrnos. What the scholiast means is : " 'J'he Pnyx is not in that other Colonus called /niV^tof ;" that is, other in contradistinction to the Colonus inmos. Forchhammer jiara- phrascs the passage as follows : " Es ma-- wohl die Gegend, sagen eiuige, jcnc obere, in der auch die Pnyx begrifien ist, der Kolonos sein, der cine von den beiden, wclcher der Luhnerbcrg hiess."— -p. 72. Leake has overlooked this scholium, and has placed Melite and the Gate Mclitidcs on the northern side of the city, instead of the southern; consequently njisplacing also the adjoining deme Collytus. H 2 M '. ' I 100 ANCIENT ATHENS. would be accurately spoken of by the scholiast as lying behind it. At all events, the scholiast's words show that the Pnyx was in Melite, and we may pretty confidently assume that this region must have extended within the walls from Colonus Agoraeus on the north to the valley or ravine on the south, which separates the Pnyx Hill from the Museium ; but we should not be inclined with Forchhammer (p. 64) to include also the latter hill within its boundaries ; because we think that the scholiast, by mentioning the Pnyx, meant to designate its extreme boundary. Having thus endeavoured to fix the limits of Melite, our next task is to discover the situation of the gate called Melitides, mentioned by Pausanias and by Marcellinus, in his life of Thucydides. From its name, it must have lain somewhere in this region. Now, there are but two possible places for it ; viz. on the road between the Nymphs' Hill and the Pnyx Hill, or on that between the Pnyx and the Museium. A further indication of its site is that Thucydides was buried near it, in the place called Coele {KoIXtj, or Kot'Xr; 6S09— ' the hollow way ');' where also was buried Cimon, the father of Miltiades, outside the city, as Herodotus adds.^ Now this Cimon was contemporary with Peisistratus, and we must therefore look for Ccele outside the primitive or Thesean wall ; the remains of which in this quarter of the city may, as we have before remarked, be those still visible along the crest of the Pnyx and Museium Hills. We should therefore be inclined to identify as koiXt} 6B6^, or the hollow way, the deep, ravine-like road which runs between these hills. It answers well enough to the name, and there are traces of graves at the spot. The Pylse Melitides therefore would be near the church of St. Demetrius. The name of the other gate in Melite, between the Nymphs' Hill and the Pnyx, may probably have been Hippades, or the Equestrian Gate, as assumed by Leake. What gives some little colour to the assumption is, that there were displays of horsemanship at Phalerum, and probably a hippodrome near Peirseeus, for which this gate would have been convenient.^ Rangabe would derive its name * Marcellinus, Vit. Thiicyd. suh fin.; Paiisan. i. 23, 11. 2 vi. 103. ' Xenoph. Mag. Eq. iii. 1. I I 1 THE PYLJ£ MELITIDES. 101 from its being accessible only to horsemen and not to chariots ;^ and this answers well enough to the description of the road by M. Burnouf (above, p. 10). We need only add here that Hyperides, the orator, was interred before the Pylae Hippades.^ The deme of Melite belonged to the tribe Cecropis. We have already had occasion to observe that it was named after the nymph Melite, one of the mistresses of Heracles, who, according to Hesiod, w^as a daughter of Myrmex, according to Musaeus, of Dios, son of Apollo.^ The splendid temple of Heracles aA,eft/ca/c6avai ex^v fjfias, on ToCro fiev " Myriob. cod. 243, p. 375 B, Bekk. eWi KoXvTTos, Toiro Sc MfXtVj;, tovs opovs (rrevconos does not necessarily mean a g€ fin ix^iv fiTTcIi/.— lib. i. p. 65, Cas. Dr. narrow street, orf vcotto? ' rj dyvm, Ka\ rr\a- Wordsworth (Athens and Attica, p. 151), rda, koI d^KJioboi. Hesych. and Diodorus Leake (Topography of Athens, p. 442, Sic. (xii. 10, extr.) use it as equivak-nt to note 3), and Meursius (De p^^p. Attica^ nXarfui. But it may also mean a pass or under Colyttus), take this to mean that ravine between two hills, as in theCEdipus the boundaries between Melite and Collytus T. of Sophocles, v. 1399, and this defini- were actually marked by posts or walls, tion also suits very well the place in But then what is the meaning of the last question. words?— that you cannot tell the boundaries » to dt ae fifj KaroiKfiv 2apfifty, oi6(v (tovs opovs be fifj ex"" dnf'iv). Strabo is cWt • ovde yap Wdrjvaioi irdurfs KaroiKoiai talking of places that have no precise KoXvttov. — De Exil. p. 001 (t. viii. p. 372, boundaries, and illustrates what he means lieiske). by saying, "just as is the case with * Athens and Attica, p. 151. We may Colyttus and Melite," that is, they are observe here that Dr. Wordsworth and equally without precise l)oundaries, and Leake place Collytus at quite the opix)site vou can only say, in a general way, this or northern side of the town. I COLLYTUS, 103 evidence for this view except that Lucian probably assigned Collytus to Timon, the man-hater, as an appropriate place for his extraction. But a misanthrope might perhaps be sought more successfully in a fashionable than a disreputable neighbourhood ; and Timon must have been a rich man to build himself a tower near the Academy. The character which iEschines was performing in Collytus was that of (Enomaiis ; but it does not seem at all probable that Demosthenes meant any sarcasm by add- ing the name of the place ; for that is inserted also by Harpocration ^ in relating the same adventure, after Demochares, and by Apollonius, in his sketch of the life of -^Eschines ;^ and the intention of these writers could hardly have been sarcastic, but merely to identify the occurrence. Besides ^schines appears to have lived in Collytus, for he says in one of his letters, that he had dwelt there forty-five years.^ Nay, it seems not improbable that the mishap may actually have occurred in the house in Melite, where, as we have said, the tragic actors rehearsed ; for, as we have seen, the boundaries of Melite and Collytus were not very accurately defined, and one might often have been mentioned for the other. Dr. AVordsworth's charge might, perhaps, derive some colour from a passage in Plutarch's life of Demosthenes, where the orator retorting upon Demades, who had compared himself to Athena, exclaimed : " This Athena was caught in adultery not long ago in Collytus."* But everybody knows that such things might happen in the most fashionable quarters. Collytus was the deme of Plato, the most eloquent of Attic writers,^ though according to some accounts he was actually born in ^gina, whither his father had been sent to divide lands ; so that it appears a man retained his paternal deme wherever he might happen to be born. We have already said that Timon the misanthrope was also a Collytean.^ * xoc. "la-xavbpos. ^ ap. Reiske, Orat. t. iii. p. 13. ' Ibid. p. 674. The genuineness of these letters has indeed been much ques- tioned, but some of them seem to be authentic. We have touched on this sub- ject in another place. At all events the writer, in so precise a statement, would probably have followed some authority or tradition. * cap. 11. ^ Diog. Laert. Vit. Plat. lib. iii. s. 3. " Lucian. Tun. 7 ; Pausan. i. 30, 4. . I 104 ANCIENT ATHENS. From what has been said, we hope it will appear with as much cer- tainty as can be reasonably expected in such a matter, that the more important half of the city, from the Acropolis westwards, was occupied by the four regions or denies mentioned, namely, the Inner Cerameicus, including the agora, Colonus Agor^eus, Melite, and Collytus. The Acropolis itself appears to have been uninhabited, at all events after the Persian wars, and the same must have been the case with the eastern portion of the Areiopagus, appropriated to the court of the same name ; its western and southern slopes may perhaps have formed part of Melite or Collytus. In the eastern quarters of Athens it is not easy to arrange with anything like precision the situation of the diiOferent regions. It seems, however, highly probable, as Leake has assumed, that the region called Cydathenseum, whose name suggests a reference to some ancient and distinguished part of Athens, may have lain under the southern and eastern side of the Acropolis, as we know from Thucy- dides that this was the oldest part of the city, and contained some of the most primitive and venerable shrines. We learn from Hesychius that it was a deme within the city, belonging to the tribe Pandionis.' This region, therefore, would have contained the district called Limnte, or ' the marsh,' for such, from its low situation, it might once very pro- bably have been. It was no deme, as the scholiast on Callimachus im- pro2)erly calls it,' who appears to have confounded it with a place of the same name on the borders of Messenia, but only a district (to'ttov, ^copiov)? The Limnae included the Len£eum, or enclosure sacred to the Lenaean Dionysus, containing two temples to him and the Dionysiac theatre, which will be described in the sequel. It is not probable that the Cydathencneum embraced the Museium Hill, and the whole of the valley under its eastern side to the walls of Themistocles. We should be inclined to place here the Scambonidae, though we have little or no evidence to adduce in support of the con- jecture, except that there was a lane in that region called after Myrmex rf)v\ris (V liarft. — in vuc. - In Hymn. 3; tl". Striibo, viii. p. 'M'2; I';ui.s;iii. iii. '_*, (J; iv. 31, .'!. ^ llariiucT. in voo. ; selinl. ad Arihlupli. llan. 2JS. I 4 a YD A THEN^UM—LIMNyE—SCAMHONIDA:. 105 {Mvpfi'r]Ko^ arpaTTo^), son of Melanippus, who, as we have seen, had a heroum in Melite, which must in part have adjoined the Museium.^ Aristophanes seems facetiously to allude to it as the ' Ant's Path,' an interpretation which it would literally admit.^ It seems at all events pretty certain that the Scambonidae were a city deme of the tribe Leontis. It is mentioned by Aristophanes and Pausanias, and by Plu- tarch, as the deme of Alcibiades,^ but there is nothing in these passages to show its situation. There must doubtless hkve been a gate in the valley under the eastern side of the Museium, about two hundred and fifty yards south of the present Military Hospital, where there are evident traces of the ancient wall ; and there is tolerably satisfactory proof that this must have been the Itonian Gate. The existence of a gate at this spot may be in- ferred not only from the nature of the ground but also from the account of Pausanias, who, when describing his arrival at Athens from Phalerum mentions having seen here the monument of Antiope. Now, as Phalerum lay more to the east than Peiraeeus, a gate leading to it may be con- veniently sought in this quarter ; and it appears from a passage before cited from Plutarch (supra, p. C4) that a monument either to Antiope or Hippolyta, he was uncertain which, lay here, near the temple of the Olympian Gaea.* The name of the gate may be inferred from a passage in the dialogue entitled ' Axiochus,' sometimes ascribed to Plato. Socrates is there described as having gone out at a gate leading to Cynosarges^ — therefore to the north-east of the one we are considering — and to have got to the Ilissus, when he sees Cleinias and others running towards Callirrhoe, which must have been on his right hand. They all turn back in order to visit Cleinias' father, who lived near the gate ' llcsych.and Phot, in voc. This Myrmex, * t^i/ oTTjXrju ttjv rrapa to t^s Ftjs Trjs being the grandson of Theseus, must have 'oXvfimas tfpd»/.— Thes. 27. I'he site of been different from the fatlier of Melite. this temple will be shown in the descrii)- 2 Thesmopli. 100. tion of the city by Pausanias. ' Aristoph. Vesp. 81 ; Pausan. i. 38, 2 ; ^ t^iovri fioi es Kvvoaapyes Kai yfvofitvw Plut. Ale. 22. Leake (vol. i. p. G34) and fioi kutu tou 'iXtao-ot', K.r.X.— Axiochus, Sauppe (De Dcmis, p. IG) place Scam- init. Inmidjo within the city. ii! 106 ANCIENT ATHENS. DEME OF DIOMETA. 107 called the Pylae Itoniee,^ where was the monument of the Amazon, keep- ing along outside the wall. Kecent discoveries have confirmed the existence of a gate at this spot.^ The gate at which Socrates had gone out when he met with Cleinias must have been near the south-eastern extremity of the peribolos of the Olympium, which is the only place where he could have seen Cleinias running towards Callirrhoe, and suits the description of his turning back with him and keeping along under the city wall till they arrived at the Itonian Gate. It suits also with the circumstance of Socrates being on his road to Cynosarges, which, from a gate near the Olympium, would have lain on his left hand a little higher up the stream. For Pausanias, when describing this quarter, and also proceeding up the river, or t(J his left, enum-erates the objects after the Olympium in the following order : the temple of Apollo, Aphrodite in the Gardens, Cynosarges, the Lyceium, Artemis Agrotcra, and then the Stadium. We have described more particularly the site of Cynosarges in another part of this work when accompanying the route of Pausanias, and therefore it may suffice to say here that it probably stood nearly opposite the Stadium, but a little to the west of it. Cynosarges lay in the district, or deme, called Diomeia, after its eponymous hero Diomus, a son of Collytus. Diomus was sacri- ficing here to Heracles when a white dog ran off with part of the victim, whence the name of the place.^ Diomeia probably extended a good way beyond the river outside the walls, but lay not at all within it. The gate at which Socrates went out seems to have been the Dio- meian Gate, which is mentioned by Hesychius.* But this proves nothing as to Diomeia being a city deme, as the gates were often named * Tr]v Trapci to Tt'i^os »/«/*«»' Tois 'Ircortaij, 7r\T)(Tiov yap axei Ta>u irvXcov, irpos rfj "ApaCovldi aTTj\r].—\\ 3G5 (iii. iii. 508, Bekk.). But the text seems to be wrongly IHinctuated, and perhaps we should read : TT]V TTapa TO Tflxos rjufu, Tois 'Irtaviats TrXiyo-toi/ yap mxft Tuv ttvX&ji' — "we took the road along the wall, for he lived near the Itonian Uate ;" literally, "near the Itonian of the gates." We tind a similar idiom in 1'hucydidcs : tovs oKXovs fifTci TPV KXfaplba KaBiaTT] cVt Tas QpUKias KoXovfievas tSjv irvkdv. — v. 10. ^ rhilolo;;us, xxv. p. 337. ^ Hesyeh. Suid. Stephan. Byz. in Kui/do-- apyfs. * prfTTOTe ovv dvTi tov, Aio/x^cri irvXais, ^j]p.id(nv flnfv, bia ttjv iyyvTrjTa Totv ovofxa- T(ov ; — Hesyeh. in Arjfiida-i nvXais. 1 from distant places to which they led, as the PortaB Acharnenses, Peira'icae, and the ancient appellation of the Dipylon, Thriasiae. Plutarch, in his treatise on banishment, says, "Would Athenians who had removed from Melite to Diomeia consider themselves exiles and foreigners ? " ^ Why he should have selected Diomeia for the comparison is not plain, unless from its being without the walls, though only just without ; so that residence there might literally, but hardly virtually, be deemed exclusion from the city. The next gate must be sought some seven hundred yards to the north-east of the Diomeian, at a point near the palace gardens where the line of wall having reached its easternmost extension forms a rather acute angle and trends away to the north-west. This gate, as will be shown when describing the route of Pausanias, must have been the Diocharis, leading to the Lyceium. The only other gate in all the remaining line of wall Avhich we can lay down with any probability and from inference, is the Acharnian.^ The borough of Acharnae, from which it took its name, must have lain about seven or eight miles due north of Athens. This may be shown as follows : Brasidas, having passed Eleusis and the Thriasian plain, defeats the Attic cavalry at Rheitoi, and advances through Cropeia, having Mount -^galeos on his right — consequently in a northerly direction — till he arrives at Acharnge.^ Again, Thrasybulus, having taken post at Phyle, on Mount Parnes, descends, and attacks the Athenian camp at Acharnae, and thence marches to Peiraeeus.^ He was therefore marching in a southerly direc- tion, and Acharnae might lie in about the middle of a line drawn from Phyle to Peiraeeus. It is a reasonable inference, therefore, that the gate leading to it might lie in about the middle of the northern portion of the city wall ; and it is here that Curtius places it, at the top of the modern ^olus Street, between the bank and the new theatre ; a site which had been previously selected by Leake, and also, though beyond the true line, by Forchhammer. ' p. 601, t. viii. p. 372, Reiske. » Thucyd. ii. 19. •^ 'AxapvtKal TTvXai 'Adf)vj](riv.—}lesych. * Xenoph. Hell. ii. 4, 2 ; Diotlor. Sic. voc. 'Ax^pvTj. iv. 32. . I 108 ANCIENT ATHENS. Besides the seven gates mentioned, namely, Dipylon, Peira'icae, Hippades, Melitides, Itonise, Diomeise, and Diocliaris — there were doubtless several more, the names of which are not found in ancient writers. It cannot be doubted, also, that there were more city demes or regions than the seven we have described ; and a glance at the map will show that a large space in the northern and eastern quarters of the town has been left unaccounted for. According to Strabo, the district on the northern side of the Acropolis, on which the Eoman market-place was built, had been called in ancient times Eretria ;^ but there is no trace, either in writers or inscriptions, of any Attic deme of that name. It may be observed that the seven demes which we have named as being within the walls — Coele was without — all. belonged to different tribes, viz., the Ceramenses to the tribe Acamantis, the Colonenses to Antiochis, the Melitenses to Cecropis, the Collytenses to Mgeis, the Ceiriadae to Hippothoontis, the Cydathenaeenses to Pandionis, and the Scambonidas to Leontis. It is, therefore, a plausible conjecture of Sauppe's,^ that when Cleisthenes made a new division of the tribes he so arranged that a deme, or part of one, belonging to each should have a place within the walls. And if this view is correct, it furnishes an additional reason for excluding Diomeia from the city, as that deme belonged to the tribe iEgeis, already represented by the Collytenses. According to this principle, there would remain three city demes to be accounted for, situated in the north-eastern part of Athens, but what were their names and positions we have no materials for deciding. It is not surprising that this quarter should not be so well known as the others. It seems to have been the last occupied, and to have had no temples or other public buildings to attract attention, and call forth allusions from the ancient writers ; and thus Pausanias does not appear to have visited more than that part of it which lay immediately under the Acropolis. Whether the civic demi were the same as the eonicv (/tw/^at), into which Solon and Cleisthenes are said to have divided the city,^ is a ' lib. X. p. 447. '^ l)c Demis, p. I'J. ^ ^ifXufxevoi Tijv fiiu 7r(5\ti' Karit Ka)/i(ts', rqv be \d(v eTrjpflTo ' Knl tov Ileipaiois ^uv Movi/u;(ta f^TjKOVTit pev a-Tabicov 6 anas irepi^oXos, to S' ev (jivXaKij ov, rjpiav TovTov. — Thucyd. ii. 13. » 110 ANCIENT ATHENS. the text of Tliucydides, especially as they cannot be construed gram- matically ; for, as the sentence stands, the neuter singular to (puXaa-ao- /jL€vov must be made to agree with the plural verb tjcrav. It may be added that Thucydides has been very precise in giving the whole measure of the peribolus of the Peiraic fortification, though only half of it was guarded, yet, as the text stands, he omits giving the whole circuit of the city walls. We dare not, however, venture to propose any emendation of a passage which has been passed over by so many great critics/ The dictum of the scholiast that the unguarded part was seventeen stadia is evidently intended to make up the round number of sixty for the whole peribolus. It is impossible to believe so absurd a statement, as it would leave nearly a third of the enceinte unguarded. The only tolerably probable method of reconciling present appear- ances with the words of Thucydides is a hypothesis of Dr. Curtius,^ that the remains of the wall traversing the Pnyx and Museium hills belong to the primitive or Thesean inclosure. This may likely enough have been the case ; for the wall in question, as we have before ob- served (p. 84\ probably surrounded the Acropolis at a radius about equal to the distance from the Acropolis to the Arch of Hadrian, which answers very well to the situation of the existing vestiges. The ancient wall must doubtless have traversed the summit of the hills, for it would have been of little use in the valley. And as Themistocles is said to have enlarged the circuit on every side, it is not unlikely, as Curtius thinks, that his wall embraced all that hilly region which from the Museium, the Pnyx Hill, and the Nymphs' Hill, slopes down to the Ilissus, ending near that river in an abrupt and narrow apex, and thus forming an irregular triangle. Curtius supports his view by the fact that there are vestiges, though scanty ones, of a line of wall in the circuit indicated. This would give the enceinte a circumference of about fifty smaller stades, consequently leaving seven stades for the unguarded part adverted to by Thucydides. It is difiicult to verify this * Curtius, Att. Stud. i. 75, note, suspects objection to it, the jxisition of the koi the whole member fori 6e avrov . . . tou l^efore cK^vKaKTov, is quite unfounded. ^aKr)piKov to be a f!;loss ; Viut liis only * Attisclic Stud. No. 1, S. 58 sqq. LINE OF WALL— POPULATION. Ill last assumption, because we do not know where the Phaleric Long Wall joined the city wall. The junction, however, was probably near the Itonian Gate, since Pausanias arrives there in walking from Phalerum to Athens. If this gate, as we have endeavoured to show (p. 105), lay somewhere in front of the Military Hospital, then a distance of seven stades would about bring us to the point where the southern Long Wall began. But the question is beset with almost insuperable difficulties, and we will here mention one of them. It has been seen above (p. 100), that there were tombs before the gate Melitides, which must therefore have been in the wall which traverses the summit of the Pnyx Hill; and as Thucydides the his- torian was buried there, long after the time of Themistocles, how can we reconcile this fact with his having enclosed all this quarter in his wall ? Nothing can be decided about the population of Athens. In the time of Xenophon there appear to have been 10,000 houses ;^ but it is not stated whether this enumeration was confined to the city, or, included the population of the ports and suburbs. Mr. Clinton takes it of the asty only, and assuming that each house contained 12 persons, consequently reckons that there were 120,000 inhabitants in the city proper ; to which he adds 40,000 more for Peiraeeus, Munychia, and Phalerum.^ Boeckh assumes that the population of the same places was 180,000.^ Leake gives them at 192,000, taking the houses of the asty and suburban demi at 12,000, and allowing 16 inhabitants for each house.* Those who are curious in the matter are referred to the authors cited, for any minute examination of it would demand more space than we can afford ; and after all, the data are so unsatisfactory that nothing like an approach to accuracy can be made. Thus, for instance, even 12 persons to each house (the lowest number assumed in the foregoing' calculations) appears very large for the miserable hovels of which Athens principally consisted. But it must be always Eng. tr. ^ Mem. Socr. iii. 6, 14. "^ Fast. Hell. vol. ii. p. 484 (395). * Topogr. of Athens, vol. i. .app. 21, ' Public Economy of Athens, p. 30, p. 622, 2nd ed. 112 ANCIENT ATHENS. remembered that the slaves outnumbered the free citizens in the proportion probably of 4 or even 6 to 1. Themistocles appears to have completed the city wall and the ring wall at Peiraeeus ; but the Long Walls which connected the port towns with Athens, though seemingly designed by him,^ were executed by his successors. The haste with which he carried out the walling of the city, the stratagem by which he gained time for it, by amusing the Lacedaemonians, and the signs which the wall showed of its hurried construction, are related by Thucydides." The walls at Peiraeeus, on the contrary, were built in the strongest and most durable manner of solid masonry. They were of immense thickness, but carried up to only half the height that Themistocles had intended. Their actual height is stated by Appian -^ to have been forty Trrj^ei^;, or more than sixty feet. Appian there says that they were built by Pericles in the Peloponnesian war, which is doubtless an error into which he has fallen through the circumstance that Pericles completed the Peiraeean fortifi- cations by the addition of the middle or southern wall. Remains of the Peiraic wall still extant confirm Thucydides' account of the solidity of its construction.'' It will be convenient here, in order to keep the subject together, to describe the port towns and the Long Walls, though these, as we have said, were not completed till some time afterwards. Here a much debated question arises, which from its topographical importance must be examined. Till about thirty years ago Phalerum, the original port of Athens, was generally thought to have been situated at the westfern side of the bay of the same name, in that little natural cove or harbour now called Phanari. But Dr. Ulrichs, who was professor of Latin literature at the university of Athens at the ' Tr]v TToKiv okr)v &pyLOTToix(vo>i irpos tt}u yieva. These passages seem to show that , . Gf/xio-TOKX^s 6' ox)x tos 6 the Long Walls lay at least in the plan of aaaav. 6ii\ Kco^iKos Xf-yet, Tjj TToXet tov Ileipaui irpoa- ipM^fVy uXXa Tr]v iroKiv e|^^/'f tov Ilei- paiSis. — Pint. Them. 19. The passage in Aristophanes is Eq. 815 ; where the scholiast remarks : alvLTTtTai 8ia. tovtcdv Til fiaKpa Tei'x'J rrapa to'is 'Adrjvaiois koXdv- Ihemistocles ; but Leake doubts whether he ever contemplated them (vol. i. p. 417). ^ lib. i. c. 90 sqq. 3 Bell. Mithr. t. i. p. 324, ed. Toll. * Leake, vol. i. p. 411. THE LONG WALLS. IVi t time referred to, was induced to place it on the opposite side of the bay, near the church of St. George ("Ajlo^; Tecop-yio^) ; and it must be con- fessed that this view obviates some difficulties attendant upon the previous one. For instance, it can hardly be disputed that Athens was at one time connected with its ports by means of three long walls, the Phaleric, the Northern, and the Southern ; yet if all the ports were in the Peiraic peninsula, it is difficult to imagine what could have been the use of the third wall ; while, if Phalerum lay on the east side of the bay, it is evident that the southern, or middle wall, would have been required as a protection against a hostile landing in the bay. And it has never, we believe, been pretended that any traces of a third Long Wall could be discovered in a line between Athens and Peiraeeus. It has indeed been sometimes asserted, that a third wall never ex- isted, and some colourable grounds are not wanting for this opinion. Thus, when Athens was taken by the Lacedaemonians in b.c. 404, it was only proposed that ten stades of each of the two^ Long Walls should be levelled, and no mention is made of a third. But it is evident that the partial destruction of both the Long Walls between Athens and Peiraeeus would have admitted an enemy into the whole system of fortifications. He would then have been within the Phaleric Wall, and the port of Phalerum would have lain at his mercy.^ Hence the Athenians seem to have discovered that the Phaleric Wall was of little or no use ; especially as an attack from the south was hardly to be expected, that side of the town being covered by Mount Hymettus ; and Athens, we believe, was never threatened in that quarter but once, namely, in the second year of the Peloponnesian war.^ For these reasons, the Phaleric Wall seems to have been allowed to fall into decay ; and an inscription relating to the repairs of the Long Walls, ^ I irpofKaXoivTo 8(, tSju fiaKpS>u reixiov garded as forming one fortification, the fir\ 8eKa ara^iovs KadfXfiv eKUTepou. — Xenoph. Hell. ii. 2, 15. Cf. Lysias o. Agorat. p. 451 sqq. (Heiske). ^ See Forchhammer, lopogc p. 9. It may Iw observed, however, that the two Peiraic Long Walls were sometimes re- interior of which was inhabited ; and in this view the demolition by the Spartans may possibly have included the Plialeric Long Wall. ' 'J'hucvd. ii. 55. k V 114 ANCIENT ATHENS. SITUATION OF PTTAIERUM. 115 apparently about b.c. 335, mentions only two, the North Wall and the Sonth.^ Hence later writers allude only to the north and south walls, or those which connected Athens with Peiraeeus ; called by Greek authors aKeXrj, and by Latin ones hrachia} These passages, indeed, might be urged in favour of the view that there were never more than two ; but the evidence on the other side is too strong to be overcome. For we find three distinct names for the walls : the North Wall, the South Wall, and the Phaleric ; and we find the South W^all sometimes called the Middle Wall (jo Bia /xiaov Te4;^o?),^ which clearly indicates three. And Harpocration, quoting Antiphon and Aristophanes, says categorically, that there were three walls, called respectively the North, the South, and the Phaleric* Again, it is said that one of the reasons of Themistocles for trans- ferring the harbour from Phalerum to Peiraeeus was, that the latter ofiered the convenience of three ports instead of one.^ Now, it is diffi- cult to say what these three ports could have been unless they were those of Peiraeeus, Munychia, and Zea, at present called Port Drako,*^ Fanari, and Paschalimani or Stratiotiki. And even if the largest port, Drako, could be conveniently divided into three, so as to answer the requirements of Pausanias' description, we should then have one port too many, and unaccounted for, namely, that of Zea. These arguments are supported by the fact that at the part of the bay indicated, near Agios Georgios, there are undoubted remains of an ancient harbour, and * See Leake, vol. i. p. 617. ^ ^Esch. De falsa Leg. p. 335 sqq. IJeiske ; Liv. xxxi. 26 ; Strabo, p. 3U5, &c. 3 Plat. Gorg. 455 (ii. i. 22, Bekk.). * ^AvTi(f)ci)v irpos NiKojcXea ' rpitov ovT(t)v monster, aiiil in the present instance appears to have signified a colossal lion of '.vhite marble which stood at the head of the harbonr ; whence the Italians gave it the name of Porto Leone. Wheler saw it in thid place. He describes it as ten feet Tfixo>v (u rfj 'ArrtK^, us koI ^Api(TTo(pdvr]s high in a sitting posture, and from its (fiT](Tiu iv Tpi(f)a\r)Ti, tov t€ /3op€iof , Koi tov having a hole answering to its mouth he voTiov Koi TOV ^aXrjpiKovy bia p-taov tovt(ov took it t(j have been a fountain. — Journey, (Keyero to votiov, ov iivr]p.ov(vei /cat IiXaTu>v p. 418. It was carried to Venice after the eV Topylq. — voc. bia pea. Td^ovs. capture of Athens by the Venetians in * Pausan. i. 1, 2. 1687.— Leake, Topography, &c. vol. i. •^ Dhrako {dpuKcov) in modern Greek p. 371. means not only a serpent, but also any 1 of other objects which may have belonged to the town of Phalerum described by Pausanias ; as the tambour of a large Doric pillar, quarried stones, cisterns hewn in the rocks, fragments of tile and pottery.^ The author may add the testimony of a gentleman ^ who accompanied Dr. Ulrichs in two or three of his visits to this spot, and discovered by diving the foundations of a mole of solid Hellenic masonry. The same gentleman also observed in company with the learned professor distinct vestiges of an ancient wall in the direction between Athens and Agios Georgios. And Curtius says that at its termination large square blocks of stone (Quaderreihen) project into the sea, for the purpose of protecting a landing-place."^ Ulrichs' hypothesis agrees well enough with the measurement given by Thucydides of the Phaleric Wall, w^hich, he says, was thirty- five stades.* Measuring from the Itonian Gate, where it is probable that this wall may have begun, since Pausanias, as is evident from the objects which h^ mentions, arrived at that gate in walking from Phalerum, there are thirty-two of the smaller stades between it and Agios Georgios in an absolutely straight line, and something may surely be allowed for so trifling a deviation from it, especially near the terminus. That there must have been an interval between it and the Long Wall, and that consequently they started from difi"erent points, is plain from Thucydides' saying that this interval was unguarded. On the other hand, if the Phaleric Wall was carried to Phanari, on the western side of the bay, it would be impossible to bring it under forty stades, from whatever point of the city wall it may have started. Again, Pausanias says,^ that Phalerum was anciently selected for the port of * Dr. Ulrichs' pamphlet, p. 9, Eng. 1r. ^ Sir Patrick Colquhoiui, then residing at Athens as Hanseatic consul. I am informed by Dr. Finlay the historian, a resident of Athens, that the Albanian peasantry called the spot Phalerea before Ulrichs' opinion was broached. ^ Dr. Ulrichs does not speak very con- fidently. He says : " I think I recognized at many points in the vineyards, elevated some feet above the marshy hollow, on the right hand side of the road from Athens, indisputable remains of the old Phaleric Wall." Pamph. p, 9. Dr. Curtius says more positively that there are remains in two places, consisting of courses of stone resting on rubble. Erlauternd. Text, p. 34. * lib. ii. 13. •■ lib. i. 1, 2. I 2 ^ ■■ ■'1 1 6 J 116 ANCIENT ATHENS. MUNYCHIA. 117 Athens, because the sea there is at a less distance from it than at any other point ; an assertion which suits St. George but not Fanari. It was also conveniently situated for the south-eastern quarter of the city, which, as we have seen, was the earliest inhabited. Assuming then that Phalerum lay near St. George and the Three Towers (Tpet? livpyoi) on the eastern side of the bay, we will now pro- ceed to the Peiraeeus ; first remarking that in this view Cape Colias must be placed a few miles further south, at a promontory on which stands the church of Agios Cosmas. The whole peninsula, probably once an island, which projects into the Saronic Gulf at a distance of about five miles south-west of Athens, appears to have been called Peiraeeus, and formed one of the Attic denies of the tribe Hippothoontis. The largest of its three harbours seems also to have borne the name par excellence of Peiraeeus, and it is thus that we must interpret a passage in Harpocration, where he says that one of the headlands of Peiraeeus was called "Eetioneia.^ The word which he uses (aKpa) more generally signifies a " height," and the peninsula is actually divided into two heights ; a more extensive but less elevated one in its southern portion, and a higher and smaller one on the north- east where the peninsula joins the main land. But the former could not have been Eetioneia, which, as is plain from Thucy- dides, was the narrow tongue of land which projects itself into the sea on the western side of the large harbour. As the passage is of great topographical importance, we give it in a note.^ The entrance to the 1 *i Tov UeipaifoiS aKpa. ^ OJKoSo/iOVI/ 8e (TL 7rpO0VfJ.nT€pOU TO €V tJi Yi(Tia>vf'iq t('l^os ' t]v Be tov Tfi\ovs f] yviafirj avrr) . . . ov\ tva tovs iv '2iipcp tju /3ta e7rt7rXe'coo"i, fir] Se'^coirai es tov JJeipaia, dXX' iva TOVS 7To\fp.iovs uaWov^ orav ^ov- XoiVTai, Koi vaval Koi Tre^w 8e^u>vTai ' XV^^ yap ecTTi tou IleipaiSjs fj Hfrttoveia, Kal nap avTi]v fvdi/s 6 eajrXovi (oriv' eVei- X'^C^'''^ f^W OVTU> ^VV TO) TTpUTfpOU ITpuS ijndpov VTrdpxovTi Teixfi, woTf KaOe^opevoiV es avTo avOpcdTTOiv oKiyoiV apx^iv tov ye eaifKov ' eTT avTou yap tov eVi Tto OTopaTi TOV \ip.€vos arevov ovtos tov CTepov irvpynv eTeXfVTa to t€ naXaiov to npos rjireipov Ka\ TO evTos TO Kaivov Tei;(oy, TdxiC^p-^vov npos ddXaaa-av. 8itaKo86p.r](rav 8e koi aToav, fJTTfp Tjv peyiaTTj koi iyyvTaTa tovtov evdvs fXOp.fVT} €V TG) neipnifi, Kal rjpxov avToX ai/T^f, €s Tfv Kal TOV (t'itov TjvdyKa^ov iriivTas TOV virdpxovTa re Kal tov ecTTrXeoira t^at- pe7a6ai Ka\ evTfvBtv npoaipovvTas 7ra)Xeti/. — viii. 90. This passage suffices to show j harbour was formed by the extremity of this tongue, and by a head- land called Alcimus, projecting towards it from the opposite shore. These were prolonged by moles, called x^^«''> or " claws," from their resemblance to a crab ; and at the extremity of each was a tower. Such was the usual construction of Greek harbours, formed, where possible, of land-locked basins, and capable of being shut up by means of a chain from mole to mole, which rendered them Xt/LttVe? Kkeiaroi, or enclosed ports. There are vestiges of such a mole at Munychia. The inlet in the west of Eetioneia was perhaps the Kft)(/)09 Xlmv (the dumb or noise- less harbour).' The Thieves Harbour {^oipoiv \i^ii]v) where skipi^ers might run in and out as they pleased, must, according to Stra^•o's description, have been the next inlet on the west, opposite the little island of Psyttaleia.- The north-eastern height of the peninsula, called IMunychia, was usually considered a part of Peiraeeus.^ Strabo describes Munychia as a hill {\o<\>o^) forming a sort of distinct peninsula, wh'.iih it may be said to do from having the harbour of Zea (Paschalimani) on the west and the bay of Phalerum on the east. Strabo adds, that under it lay three harbours, by which he can only mean Peiraeeus, Zea, and Munychia ;•* for as Ulrichs observes,^ after the sentence referred to he proceeds to describe Athens, and then two or three pages further on returns to the sea-coast and mentions Phalerum.^ Strabo's description does not suit the southern part of the peninsula, where Leake places Munychia ; for, although there is a height there, it has not near the elevation of that in the north-eastern quarter, nor can the three harbours be said to lie under it. The description tallies only with the the double iiieuning of Peiiweus, as a port anil as a district ; the name being used in the Ibrnier sense iu the first two instances, and in the latter in the third. So also Bekker, Anecdota Gr. : 'HfTitoi'eto, /Liepos Ti tov Heipaiws. — p. Ii62, 25. ' Xeno[)h. Uclh ii, 4, ol. " Strabo, ]). o"J5 ; Dcniosth, npus \a- Kp'iTov 7rapaypa(])f]v, p. I'o'J, Keiske. ^ Movvvx''"-' TO/ros tov JJeipuLas. — Phot. Lex. * 61^' ollfipaievs Kal avTos fv toIs drjpois TttTTopfvos, Ka\ rj Moi;fu;(ia " \65. ^ Topography of tlie Harbours, Mr. Ewing I've Colquhoun's translation, ]». U. " peTO. 8e TOV lleipaui, (^f}S TTapaXiq — [>. u'J8. 7 118 J NCI EN T A TIIENS. north-eastern height', and this is an additional proof that Phalerum could not have lain here. The three harbours of Peiraeeus are men- tioned hy other writers, as Scylax,^ Nepos,^ and Pausanias ;^ and since, as Ulrichs further remarks,'^ each of these three harbours was an enclosed one (/^Xeto-rd?), and capable of being defended by means of a boom or other contrivance,^ we can understand these passages only of the three harbours in the Peirseean peninsula ; the great harbour being one of them ; for it cannot be pretended that it had within itself any second, or third, enclosure. It is true that Pausanias does not mention Zea, for the reason probably that it was quite a military port, and consequently travellers did not land there. Hesychius (in voc.) gives two derivations of its name ; from ^eia, " barley " or " spelt," and from an Athenian name for Hecate. The latter seems far the more probable one ; for the corn-market was at the head of the great Peiraeean har- bour, while Hecate was a Thracian deity, and, as we shall see further on, there was a Thracian colony in Peiraeeus, which established there the worship of Bendis. Near Zea was situated the court called Phreattys, for the trial of involuntary homicides who had gone into exile for a certain time, and were obliged to plead their cause before they were suffered to land ; which they did from a ship moored off the shore. The place seems to have been called indifferently 'Ey Zea and 'Ey ^i^pearroV But though the large Peiraeean port consisted only of one basin with a single entrance, it was nevertheless appropriated to two different purposes, the northern and apparently the larger portion of it being set aside for commerce, whilst the southern part was used for the Atlienian * 6 6c Ufipaifvs \ifi€vas ex^t rpels. — jwit by IsKus, De Philoct. hered. p. 137. Terii)!. Attica-. * Ibid. p. 14. ^ " Qimm enim Phalerco portii neque ^ 6 neipaievs Xifievas exet rpeU vduras luagno ntque bono Athenienses uterentur, KXeiarovs.—Schol in Aristoph. Pac. 144. luijus consilio triplex Pira?ei portus con- Zea, fj 'E^cnV;; napa 'A6r]valois koI ds tS>v stitutus est, isque mocnibns circumdatus." cV Ileipaiel. \ip.iva)v ' exa 8i 6 napaievs — Vit. Them. c. 6. ^ Toty T€ yap irXeovaiv (TnTTjbfioTepos 6 Hfipaifvs ((f)aiv€T6 ol irpoKflcrdai, Koi Xt/xe- vas rpeis avff evos fX^'" '""'^ ^aXrjpo^. — i.' 1, 2. Munvchia is also mentioned as a Xifievas rpeis kX(is (tvvtl- iiave had a more extended sense than 6(pivov Kal tS>v dih piaov rax^i' np^s rbv v€U)(roiKOs. Thus the Ae|etf 'PrjTopimL nfpijSoXov rov ua-Tfos ' olKelaQai yap ov Newo-oiKot • Karayayia eVt t^? euXdTTijs iroKai. Ka\ ravra (TvpiravTa.—De Tyranuide, wKoSo^77/xei/a eiy inroSoxrjv t€>u vfSiv, ore p. 199, Reiske (t. i. ]). 96, Teubner). kui pf) daXaTTfioKv ' to. vfapia 8e fj rSiu SXtov varepov tou mipaia Tfixicrai nXfiovau j) TTfpt^oXiJ.— Bekk. An. Gra-c. p. 282. But ivevi^Kovra o-raStW.— l)e (Jenio, p. 521, even thus we cannot reconcile the numbers. Beiske (i. 312, Teubner). TOMB OF TUEMJSTOCLES. 121 passage quoted from Dion Chrysostom that the space between the Long Walls, while they existed, was, as we have said, an inhabited fortification. They were between 500 and 600 feet apart. In addition to the walls of the asty and the Peiraeeus, it is probable that Themistocles also built the north wall of the Acropolis. There is, indeed, no direct evidence of the fact ; but neither is there any of its having been done by anybody else ; and as Cimon, who succeeded The- mistocles as leader of the Athenians, is related to have constructed the south wall, it is a reasonable inference that he found the northern one completed. The mode in which it is constructed corroborates this view. A considerable portion of it consists of fragments of columns and other architectural members, just as the wall which he built round the asty was constructed ;^ and much of them is calcined, showing that they had belonged to the buildings on the Acropolis burnt by the Persians. Besides the fortifications, Themistocles seems only to have erected two temples— that of Artemis Aristobule in Melite, already mentioned, and one of Aphrodite Aparchos in Peiraeeus, from the circumstance of a dove having perched on his trireme during the battle of Salamis." After all his great services to his country, Themistocles turned traitor, and died in exile in the service of Persia. Yet the Athenians seem to have forgiven him, if the account of Diodorus be true, that they deposited his remains in a tomb just at the entrance of the great Peiraic harbour.^ No spot could have been selected for it more appropriate to the memory of the man whose master-mind had created that great stronghold of their naval supremacy. Plato, the comic writer, is supposed to allude to it in the following lines : 'O aos de Tvpfios iv koXw Kex^^t^^^^^ roi? (pnopois 7rp6(Tpr](n9 earaL iravraxov, Tovs T eKTrXeovras elaTrXeovrds t oyjrfrai, Xa)7ruTav a/xiXX' r/ tcov veo)v BfacfTai. 1 Thucyd. i. 93. ^ Plutarch, Them. 32 ; who, however, '^ Schol. in Hcrmog. Trept Idfav, cap. says that Diodorus spoke rather from con- TTfpl yXvKvTTjTos (lihct. Gnw. li. p. 407, jecture than knowledge. Aid. ap. Leake, i. 3(>8, note 3). * Tlut. ibid. 122 ANCIENT ATHENS. Which may be thus translated : Thy piled-Ill) tomb well jjlaced iiix)n that strand The merchants will salute on every hand ; Outward and homeward bound alike 'twill face, And view the ships contending in the race. Where the allusion seems to be to the regattas during the Panathenaic festival. If the lines of Plato really refer to Themistoeles — and it would be difficult to name another to whom they would be more appro- priate — then the tomb must have been erected within some twenty years after his death, for Plato was about that time his junior. At all events, the tradition that Themistoeles was interred here prevailed at Athens down to the time of Pausanias, who mentions the tomb. Peiraeeus is still a fine harbour, and capable of receiving large vessels. Dodwell remarks ^ that there was sometimes not a single boat in it ; while Lord Broughton, who visited Athens only a fe\j^ years later (1810), saw in it only one Hydriote merchantman, chartered to carry off the spoils of Lord Elgin.- Its aspect is much changed since that time, and men-of-war, as well as many merchant vessels, may now be seen in it. 1 Tour, vol. i. p. 421. * Hobhouse's Journey, vol. i. p. 362. 123 CHAPTER V. Athens from the time of Themistoeles to its subjection by the Romans— Works of Cimon— The Long Walls— Athena Nike— Theseium— Poecile, &c.— Pericles- South Wall— Erechtheium—Phei.lias—Odeium— Parthenon— Old Hccatompedon— Propyla\a — Eleusinian Temple— Hipi^odamus—Peiraicus and Munychia— Streets of Athens— Funds of Pericles— His death— Erechtheium rebuilt— Burnt— Inscriptions ^gospotami — Long Walls demolished— Pcstored by Conon— Aphrodisium — Lycurgus— His Works— Revives the Drama— Finishes the Theatre— Other works — Macedonian era — Phocion— Demetrius Phalereus— Census— Demetrius Poliorcetes — The i^aviours— Baseness of the Athenians— Demetrius in the Parthenon — Cassander—Lachares— Garrisons in Peirffieus, Munychia and Muscium — Olympio- tlorus— Siege of Athens by Philip— Ptolemy— Attalus — Eumenes II. — Antiochus Epi[)hanes — Greece a Boman province. After the ostracism of Themistoeles, in b.c. 471, Cimon took the lead in the affairs of Athens. !^esides the public money at his disposal, he had large private possessions, and his generous and munificent temper, with the additional stimulus of a love of popularity, led him to employ a large share of these resources in strengthening and adorning the city. We have remarked that the Long Walls lay only perhaps in the plan of Themistoeles, and that he contributed nothing to their exe- cution. According to Plutarch,^ Cimon laid the foundations of the Phaleric and the northern Long Wall after his victory at the Eurymedon (b.c. 466) — a work of great labour and expense, as they had to be carried through swampy ground, which it was necessary to render firm by means of huge stones and rubble. These foundations were perhaps hardly completed at the time of his temporary exile (b.c. 461) ; and at his recall (b.c. 456), which appears to have been effected by a compact with Pericles arranged through Cimon's sister Elpinice,^ he found the walls finished ; for, according to Thucydides,^ the Athenians began to ' Cim. c. 13. '' Pint. Pericl. 10. 3 lib. i. c. 107, 108. 124 ANCIENT ATHENS. WORKS OF CIMON. 125 erect them at the time of the battles in the Megarid (b.c. 457), and they were completed after the battle of Tanagra in the following year. They could hardly have been built in so short a time had not the foundations been previously laid. Pericles appears to have had the chief conduct of afifairs during Cimon's exile, and it is not, therefore, surprising that we sometimes find the Long Walls ascribed entirely to him. Cimon seems also to have erected, before his banishment, the south wall of the Acropolis, the masonry of which is of a more regular kind than that of the north wall. Whether he also built the little temple of Athena Nike, which stands on the western abutment of the south wall, is a disputed point. lioss, in his work on the Acropolis, so magnificently begun, but of which, unfortunately, only the first number was completed, ascribes it to Cimon, and fortifies his opinion by arguments drawn from the age of Calamis, who imitated at Olympia the statue of Athena Nike, and of x\lcamenes, who made the statue of the triple Hecate which stood near the temple;^ also from the consideration that no such structure is ascribed to Pericles, whose works are particularly enumerated, while those of Cimon are not, and the improbability that such a building should have been undertaken during the Peloponnesian war.^ On the other hand, Curtius, who generally either ignores or opposes the views of Boss, abjudicates the temple from the age of Cimon, on account of the style of the sculptures which adorned it.^ But that some temple must have stood at this spot before the Propylaea were built is, we think, conclusively shown by Michaelis, who remarks that the south wing of the Propyhea does rot advance so far westward as the north wing, evi- dently on account of the temple existing there.* We certainly cannot imagine any other probable cause why so grand and important a struc- ture as the Propylsea should have been curtailed of its fair proportions. At the same time there is much truth in Curtius' remark about the sculptures, which from their style were certainly not prae-Pheidian ; but these were very probably added at a later period. ' rimsan. ii. 30, 2. - Die AkroiK)lis voa Athcn, p. 9 sq. •' Krlauttinder Text, p. 37. * See Gerhard's Arohiiol. Auzeiger, June 1802. Another work which may be attributed to Cimon is the Theseium— most probably not the structure which now bears that name -as a receptacle for the remains of Theseus, which he brought from Scyros.^ It is also probable that he may have erected some of the porticoes in the agora. In his time flourished an excellent school of painting, which included, besides Polygnotus, Micon and Panaenus, even Pheidias himself ; for the great sculptor began life as a painter, and is said to have adorned the temple of Zeus Olympius with his pictures.^ We may perhaps place in the time of Cimon the introduction of painted scenery at the theatre, for Yitruvius says that this was done by Agath- archus for one of the tragedies of .Eschylus.^ Polygnotus was an amateur who never painted for money. He was an admirer of Cimon's sister, Elpinice, and therefore in some sort her brother's rival. He adorned with his art the portico called Peisianaction in the agora, which hence obtained the name of Poecile, and is said to have introduced into one of the pictures a portrait of Elpinice in the character of Laodice.-^ Polygnotus seems to have been generally assisted in his pictures by Micon, a professional and mercenary artist, who probably supplied those technical details in which Polygnotus may have been deficient. It is possible that Cimon may have erected the colossal statue of Athena Promachos in the Acropolis.^ The artist, whoever he was, left it imperfect, for the engraving on the shield was done by Mys from the drawing of Parrhasius, who lived in the time of Socrates.^ Cimon adorned the agora by planting it with plane trees, and improved the Academy by introducing into it streams of water and laying out shady walks.' His own gardens he threw open for the recreation of the public. Cimon died in B.C. 449, and it was Pericles, his successor in the administration of aff'airs, to whom Athens owed those magnificent 1 Plut. Cim. 8. ' I'l^^t- ^^^"^^- ^- ^^ » 2 piin. II. N. XXXV. 54. If this be true '^ The scholiast on Demosthenes m the Olympium must have been in a suffi- Androt. p. 597. Reiskc even phices it ciently advanced state to admit of being before the battle of Salamis. , « Pausan. i. 28, 2. 3 iib. vii. Pnef. ' l'l"t. Cim. 13. M» 126 ANCIENT ATHENS. WORKS OF PERICLES— PHEJDIAS. 127 buildings which made it unrivalled in the world. Pericles also com- pleted the fortifications of Athens, for it was by his advice that the southern or middle long wall was built. Socrates, when a youth, had heard him recommending-' the measure.^ This third wall, executed by Callicrates, seems to have been built about b.c. 445, or perhaps a little later. The chief glory of the administration of Pericles was the restoration of the Acropolis. Half a century had elapsed since its destruction by the Persians, yet its buildings still lay in calcined ruins. It is even uncertain whether the Erechtheium, the venerable temple of Athena Polias, had been restored. We know that the Athenians suffered several of their temples to lie in ashes in order to cherish among the people an immortal hatred of the Persians. We can hardly imagine, however, that the buildings on the Acropolis were left so long in ruins from this cause. The reason more probably was, the want of funds. To free Athens from the danger of another capture was the first care of her rulers, and the sums spent upon the fortifications must have been enormous. Those having been completed, Pericles could turn his attention to the embellishment of Athens, and the funds supplied by the contributions of the allies furnished ample means for all his magni- ficent designs. That he should have erected so superb a structure as the Parthenon, and yet have sufi"ered the original and more sacred temple of Athena to lie in ruins, seems hardly probable. Yet there is no account of his having restored it ; and hence, perhaps, we may con- clude that this had been done, though in a somewhat hasty and per- functory manner, by Themistocles. For before the end of the century, as we shall see further on, it had either to be rebuilt, or thoroughly repaired. The delay, however, was fortunate, not only for the Athenians, but for the world and for all time, since it placed at the disposal of Pericles the genius of such an artist as Pheidias, and such architects as Ictinus and Mnesicles, whose incomparable works became for after-ages models to be imitated, but never equalled. And Pheidias was only the head of ' riat(i, Hor^ias, ^ 22, I ckk. a school of first-rate artists. As M. Beule has observed,^ it is impos-' sible to suppose that the sculptures of the Parthenon, executed in so short a time, were the work of one pair of hands. The pediments alone contained 40 or 50 figures, for the most part of colossal dimensions ; to which must be added the 84 figures of the metopes, and 300 of the frieze. Besides, sculpture in marble does not appear to have been Pheidias' forte, and Pliny seems uncertain whether he had done anything in that material.^ Chasing (ropevriKr]) was his more peculiar art, and his ivory statues his chief glory.^ Beule is of opinion that the statue in the Parthenon, with its accessories, would alone have occupied him several years ; and when we consider that he had to direct all the works of Pericles, he could not have spared much time for statuary. Alca- menes and Agoracritus were his pupils, to whose works he sometimes put the finishing touches,* and to them, perhaps, is to be assigned much of the sculpture of the Parthenon ; but, as Pheidias was the presiding genius, and doubtless the designer of the whole, his reputation has overshadowed that of his assistants. The Odeium, on the eastern side of the Dionysiac theatre, seems to have been the first building completed by Pericles. The date of it may be proximately determined by the following lines : 6 (TXii'OKf^aXof Zevs 661 TrpoaepxfTai 6 UepiKXerjs TtpSeioj/ eVi tov Kpavlov e;^o)z/, ineihr] TovcrrpaKov 'irapo'i.)(eTcu,.^ " But here comes Pericles, squill-lieaded Zeus, Bearing his own Odeium on his pate Now that the ostracism is done and ])ast." * The point of the joke — for ancient jokes must sometimes be explained — lay in the circumstance that the conical roof of the Odeium resembled the peaked cranium of Pericles. The allusion seems to be to the ^ L'Acropole, t. ii. p. 97 sq. But perhaps the author carries the idea, though just enough in itself, too far when he says : " Phidias, comme Hercule, est le heros de travaux impossibles." ^ "Et ipsu;n Phidiam tradunt sculpsisse marmora." — II. N. xxxvi. 15. ^ Idem xxxiv. 49 ; Quint, xiv. 10 ; Diod. Sic. xxvi. 1. * Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 16. ^ Fragm. of ' Thrfiitta3 ' of Cratinus, a]>. Plut. Perici. 13. \ 1 128 ANCIENT ATHENS. HECATOMPEDON OR PARTHENON. 129 ostracism of Tlnicydicles, son of Melesias, the rival of Pericles, by which Pericles obtained the sole administration/ As this took place in B.C. 444, the Odeium must have been finished before that date. The Parthenon appears to have been the next work of Pericles; for, according to the testimony of Philochorus, the statue of Athena had been placed in it in the archonship of Theodorus (b.c. 438) ; while the Propylaea were begun in the following year, in the archonship of Euthymenes, and completed in five years.' After the erection of his chryselephantine statue of Athena, Pheidias was accused of embezzling some of the gold appropriated to it, and fled to Elis, where he died a few years after, in the archonship of Pythodorus. It may be inquired why a new temple to Athena should have arisen close to her older and more sacred one ? But such a question is not more reasonable than to ask why the Athenians should have substituted for the little ancient image of the goddess, made of olive wood, and between four and five feet high, a magnificent statue of gold and ivory. The increase of population, the progress of refinement and art, had demanded a larger temple and a more splendid worship. But super- stition still invested the primitive sanctuary with a peculiar veneration, and the Athena of the Erechtheium continued to be regarded as the guardian deity of the Acropolis. The statue, though rude, was the more divine because its origin was lost in obscurity, and might there- fore be regarded as celestial, and modern art concealed its defects in the folds of a magnificent peplus. That a more ancient temple of Athena had existed at the spot occupied by the new one, and also that there had previously been Propylaea, can hardly be doubted ; but notices of them in ancient authors are vague and scanty. We have shown above (p. 27, note 1) that the passages in Herodotus sometimes adduced in order to show the existence of an ancient Parthenon adualhj in use, before the Persian wars, prove no such thing. It is noticeable that Pausanias calls the Erechtheium, not a temple, but an oUrj^ia-, and Professor Boss's opinion is not improbable, that it was originally the ' See Leake, vol. i. p. 461 sq. 2 Scliol. in Aristoph. Pac 00 i ; Ilarimcr. voc. npimv\ma nnra; Pint. Perid. 13. abode, or the reputed abode, of Erechtheus, and was converted into a temple when he became a god and was made equal to Poseidon. The only ancient authority who mentions a previous temple distinct from the Erechtheium — for nothing can be concluded from the account in Thucydides (i. 126) of the affair of Cylon — is Hesychius, whose testi- mony as to its existence is direct, since he says^ that the new Heca- tompedon was fifty feet larger than that burnt by the Persians ; a remark which, as Leake observes (i. 556), is quite inapplicable to the small temple of the Erechtheium. Hence it appears that both the old Parthenon and the new were called Hecatompedon ; and this, indeed, seems to have been the more usual name for it, at all events in later times ; for the ' Etymologicum Magnum,' when speaking of it, adds, " some call it the Parthenon."" The authorities just quoted derive the name from its dimensions ; and if these be taken from the cella of the more modern building, they are not far from the mark, for the whole temple is a great deal more ; and it could only be with reference to its length that there was a difi"erence of 50 feet between the old Par- thenon and the new, for the whole breadth of the new, on the upper stylobate, is only 100 feet, and we can hardly suppose that it was twice as big as the old. Leake, however (p. 557), takes the name Hecatom- pedon to express the measure of the front on the upper stylobate of the new building, which is just 100 Greek feet ; but this is open to the objection just stated. And, indeed, the name of Parthenon seems to have been properly confined to the ccIIa of the goddess. In the in- scriptions which contain lists of objects in the temple we find parts of it mentioned under the names of Pronaos, Parthenon, and Hecatom- pedon. The meaning of the first name is plain enough, but respect- ing the other two opinions may differ. Boeckh is of opinion that the whole building was called Hecatompedon, and that the Parthenon was that portion of it which contained the statue.^ According to Hesy- chius (voc. 'E/caTo/xTreSo? v€(oopfvovTOs, ap^ov- Tos fie KaXXt'ou ^■S.6r\vrj(Tiv.—\. G, 1. * o T( dpxalos V€u)s 6 T^s TloXiaSos, fv a* 6 dv ^T], Koi al vfjfs this TToXf/xioiy irap(866j](rav, Kal to, i/ecopm KaBrjpeBrj, Koi AaKeSatfiovioi ttjv aKponoXiv vp.a>v fixov, KoX fj 8vvap.i5 airaaa ttjs ttoXcws jrapfXvdr]. — p. 471. ^ Such seems to be the meaning of Trfi fvairoTdXiO'i'OTaTos fti] 6 Hfipaifvs. — Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 31. 2 "Advancing further towards the sea the ground is more stony, and the plain in parts uncultivated, and the road ascending a low rocky hill brings you at once u^wn the Pirseus." — Hobhouse's Journey, vol. i. p. 361. It is laid down in Curtius' plan of the Peirjeeus, where the height is given at fifty feet. ' Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 34. CONON RESTORES THE WALLS. 147 and the last engagement must, partly at least, have been outside the line of walls. In ten years, however, by the victory of Conon at Cnidus (b.c. 394) the Athenians regained their naval superiority. One of the first cares of Conon after his success was to restore the Long Walls and the Peiraic fortification, and the means which he adopted for that purpose show that there was a great deal to be done. For Conon not only employed in the work the crews of his own fleet, consisting of eighty triremes, but also hired builders and masons, sparing no expense that was necessary; whilst the Athenians themselves, the Boeotians, and other cities, voluntarily took upon themselves part of the labour.' Conon also erected, or rather, perhaps, enlarged and improved the Aphrodisium on the shore of the Peiraean harbour, in commemo- ration of his victory at Cnidus, where Aphrodite was the reigning goddess.^ For more than half a century from this time the history of the city is a blank. In his third Olynthiac oration Demosthenes refers indig- nantly to the trumpery public works ' then undertaken in comparison with those of the preceding age, though the luxury of private houses had much increased, and some of them had become more splendid than the public buildings.^ But in b.c. 337, Lycurgus the orator, son of Lyco- phron, obtained the administration of the Athenian finances, and by his taste and munificence restored in no inconsiderable degree the splendour of the Periclean age. Lycurgus was of an old and wealthy family, and the confidence reposed in him by his fellow-citizens may be estimated from the circumstance that they had deposited in his hands, apparently as a sort of banker, 650 talents* (near £260,000)-~a trifling * Xenoph. Hell. iv. 8, 10 ; Diodor. Sic. xiv. 85. According to the latter author the Thebans alone sent 50^) workmen. ^ Pausan. i. 1, 4. ' p. 36 sq. Reiske. * Psephisma at end of Vit. X. Orat. (Plut. Oper. t. ix. p. 385, Reiske). The Life says 250. The following account of Lycurgus is taken from that work, and from Pausanias, lib. i. 29, 16. Two frag- ments of the psephisma of Stratocles in honour of Lycurgus have been discovered at Athens, one in 1859 at Panagia Pyrgotissa, near the Stoa of Attains, and the other in 1862 in the Dionysiac theatre. The first, published by Kumanudis in the 'ETriypnt^r.l L 2 148 ANCIENT ATHENS. sum, indeed, in these days of millionnaires, but large for a small state like Athens. He held the administration for about the same time as Pericles, but the revenue during that period exceeded that brought in by Pericles by G500 talents. The demagogues, after the time of that minister, had raised the tribute of the allies by degrees to 1300 talents.^ Much of this fund was expended by Lycurgus in augmenting the mili- tary and naval strength of Athens. He brought into the Acropolis a great quantity of arms, including 50,000 javelins, which were no doubt deposited in the arsenal to the east of the Parthenon, of which, it is thought, the foundations have been discovered in building the new Museum.^ Partly by building, and partly by repairing, he fitted out a fleet of 400 triremes, and completed the ship sheds and arsenal, which he found in an imperfect state. He instituted, at the Peiraeeus, an agon in honour of Poseidon, with not less than three cyclic choruses. It was probably also under his direction that the walls were repaired. From an inscription found in 1829, it appears that this work was exe- cuted when his son Habron was treasurer, most probably in the life- time of his father, and by his instructions.^ Much, also, was devoted to the adornment of the city and the gratification of the tastes of the Athenians. He provided for the Panathenaic processions Victories of solid gold (oXoxpvo'ov^), gold and silver vases, and gold ornaments for a hundred canephoroi. Being a man of cultivated mind, and a patron of the drama, he restored the credit of the comic stage by bringing in a law to revive an agon that had grown obsolete ; namely, that the comedians should contend in the theatre in the festival of the Chytri, or pot feast, 'EXX7;i'iKai,\vas very mutilated and illegible ; the second, which will be found in the number of the 'ApxatoXoyiK^ 'E(f)T]fi€p\s piiblished in June, 1863 (Xo. 241), con- tains about twenty lines of the jisephisma more or less perfect. A great part agrees verbatim with the copy in the pseudo- Plutarch ; the differences were no doubt owing to the scribe who copied it. The fragments have also been published by Dr. Carl Curtius in the ' Philologus ' for 1866 (t. xxiv. p. 83 sq?.). ^ Plut. Arist. 24. According to the author of the * Lives of the Orators,* it was Lycurgus ^ho raised it to 1200. — p. 351. ^ Carl Curtius in Philol. xxiv. 269. 3 See the Inscr. in Rangabe, t. ii. j). 381 sqq. Cf. Miiller, Dc Munimentis Athen. WORKS OF L YCUR G US. 149 and that the victor should be inserted in the Didascah'x of the asty.^ Comedy had begun to decline in the archonship of Callias (b.c. 406), when the choruses had been reduced ; and not many years after- wards, Cinesias dealt it an almost mortal blow by procuring a law for abolishing the comic choregia altogether.^ Lycurgus also procured a decree that bronze statues should be erected to ^schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, doubtless those seen by Pausanias in the theatre ; ^ and that copies of their tragedies should be preserved in the public record ofl&ce and read by the town clerk when the actors were performing them, who were not to act them except in this manner.^ A regulation adopted, apparently, to prevent the text of those great geniuses being corrupted by the caprice or negligence of the actors. The same dramatic tastes led Lycurgus to complete the Dionysiac theatre when director of it.^ We have seen that even in the palmy days of the Attic drama the lower seats were of wood (supra, p. 83) ; and it seems probable that ^ Such seems to be the meaning of the following obscure sentence : da-fjveyice Se Koi vofiovs, Tov fiev irepl Tci>v Kco/xcdSwi/ dya)va vols xvrpois eTTireXelv €dp.iXXov tv TO) dfaTpca, Kol TOV vinfjcravTa els aoTv KaTokfyecrdai, irporfpov ova €$6v, dvaXap." (idvcov TOV dya)va c/cXfXoi7roTa. — Vit. X. Or. p. 347, Reiske. Petit (Legg. Att. p. 145) renders : " victorem civitate donato." But most of the dramatic jwets must have been already Attic citizens. Wyttenbach translates : " victorque in asty recipere- tur," which is unintelligible. ^ Schol.ad Aristoph. Ran. 406 ; cf. Boeckh, Public Econ. of Athens, p. 461.. Engl, trans. 3 lib. i. c. 21. * This we take to be the meaning of the following sentence : koi tos rpaycoblas avTu>v iv Koiv(S ypa'^apivovs (^vkdrreiVy koi TOV TTji TToXewy ypafiparea rrapavayivaxrKfiv Tols vnoKpivopfvois OVK e^elvai yap avrds v7roKpiv(aeai.—\it X. Or. p. 348. The passage is evidently corrui)t. Some have emended it by reatliiig avToiis for aira?, which, however, scarcely makes better sense ; and some by inserting dXkois after avTus. The fault seems to be in ovk, which in a prohibitive sense ought to be /ii7, as we find just after fiT]8ev\ e^tlvai, k.t.X. Therefore we would read : ovTa>s t^flvai ydp, k.t.X. Dr. Donaldson, Theatre of the Greeks, p. 167 (6th edit.), interprets the law to mean that " tlie actors were obliged to compare the acting coi)ies of the plays of the three great tragedians with the authentic copies of their works pre- served in the state archives ; and it was the duty of the public secretary to see that the texts were accurately collated." But first, this would have been no check <»n the actor when ix?rforming; secondly, TrapavayivaxTKdv tois vnoKpivopfvois cannot mean to collate the texts, but to read them while they were acting, to see that they were correctly delivered. * Koi TO OtaTpov TO AiovvariaKov f^fip- ydaaTo. — Pseph. in Vit. X. Orat. p. 385. f 7reT«Xftrf piv to Biivrpov. — Pausan i. 29, 16. 150 ANCIENT ATHENS. Lycurgus's improvements consisted of substituting stone ones for them, and perhaps also adding the marble thrones for those entitled to the TTpoeBpla, or first row, which recent excavations have brought to light. He may also have adorned the theatre generally, since, as we have seen, he placed in it the statues of the great tragic triumvirate. In addition to these works he also perfected the Panathenaic stadium by levelling the ravine in which it is, and putting a stone kerb round the course. He made a gymnasium at the Lyceum, planted that place, and built a palaestra there. These were his most memorable works ; but he also adorned the city with many other objects, which are not particularly specified. For his services, Stratocles procured i decree that he should have a bronze statue in the agora, and that his eldest representative for ever should be entitled to dine in the Pryta- neium. He died in b.c. 323. But these were about the last public works of any importance exe- cuted by the Athenians from their own resources and as an independent state. Athens, however, no doubt received many minor embellishments during this and the following period, especially in the erection of small temples and tripods in commemoration of choragic victories. The monument of Lysicrates, in the Street of the Tripods, belongs to the year b.c. 335 ; r.nd probably other monuments of the same kind were erected there about the same time. In 320 Thrasyllus constructed the little temple over the theatre with the statue of Dionysus above it, which some years after (271) received the tripods consecrated by his son. Lycurgus was one of the nine orators demanded by Alexander. The power of Macedon was now gaining the supremacy ; and after the defeat of the confederate Greeks at Crannon by Antipater, the Athe- nians were compelled to receive a Macedonian garrison in Munychia (b.c. 322). One of the measures of Antipater was the disfranchisement of the poorer Athenian citizens, to whom new homes were ofiered in Thrace. It is said that 12,000 were removed thither,^ so that consider- ably more than half of the Athenians who enjoyed the franchise must ^ Pint. Phoc. 28; Diod. Sic. xviii. 18. koi Sto-xtXt'wi') is evidentlya mistake, as the 'ihe number of 22,000 (nXtiovs 8io-/xuptwi/ whole number of citizens was only 21,000. THE MACEDONIANS AT ATHENS. 151 have been in a state of pauperism, as the new qualification was only 2000 drachmas. The orators were now silenced ; Demosthenes had poisoned himself, others had been put to death by Antipater, and Phocion, supported by Menyllus, the commander of the Macedonian garrison, governed almost at his discretion the 9000 citizens who remained at Athens. It seems not improbable that the Pnyx was destroyed at this period to gratify Antipater's hatred of the popular assembly and its orators ; but we can adduce no authority for such a conjecture. The bema still bears the signs of having been fractured with great violence, and it is not an object which would have attracted the iconoclastic fury of the Christians. After the death of Phocion, Cassander, the Macedonian commander, by treaty with the Athenians, appointed Demetrius the Phalerean governor of Athens, under the title of superintendent or guardian {em/jLeXrjTt]'^) of the city (b.c. 318). During ten years Demetrius ruled Athens in uninterrupted peace. He was a man of taste, a lover of learning, and himself a voluminous author, by which qualities he had probably recommended himself to the attention of Cassander. Birth or dignity, at all events, gave him no title to the post which he held, for he appears to have been a slave in the family of Conon, though of a superior order.^ He had, however, received a good education, had been a hearer of Theophrastus, and had had some ex- perience in public affairs, as he appears to have had a share in the administration when Harpalusfled from Alexander to Athens^ (b.c. 324). Being of a philosophic and literary turn of mind, he at first used well the power with which Cassander had invested him, and, in imitation of Peisistratus and Pericles, he endeavoured to improve Athens by laws, and other regulations. He is said to have first brought into the theatre a class of men called Homeristae, who appear to have diflfered from the ancient rhapsodists by chanting the verses with a sort of modulation or recitative,^ He is related to have improved the city with buildings,* but we can indicate none in Athens itself; the only ' Diodor. Sic. xviii. 74. ^ Diog. LaiJrt. in Vit. v. 7G; /Elian, V. If. xii. -13; Diojr. L. ii,j,i. 75. ' A then. xiv. 12. * If that is the meaning of Karaa-Ktvals, I)io2. L. luc. cit. 152 ANCIENT ATHENS. works of his that we know of being the completion of the Eleusinian temple by the addition of a portico, and the building of a magnificent arsenal or armoury at Peiraeeus, which, if we may trust Pliny,^ was capable of supplying 1000 ships. Both these works were executed by the celebrated architect Philo, who wrote a treatise upon the latter, and another upon the symmetry of temples.^ Demetrius, in a census which he took of the Athenians, is said to have found 21,000 freemen, 10,000 metics, or resident aliens, and 400,000 slaves ; ^ which probably means in all Attica. It is very difficult to reconcile these numbers with the account before given of the removal of 9000 citizens to Thrace by Antipater. The number of resident aliens, and also of the slaves, in proportion to the citizens, seem both enormous. From the same place of Athenaeus, it appears that private individuals sometimes had 1000 slaves; but, if true, these could only have been proprietors of mines or very large manufacturers. Demetrius had ^t first lived plainly and frugally, as became a philo- sopher, and he even passed sumptuary laws to restrain the luxury of the Athenians. But the possession of almost unlimited wealth and power corrupted his mind, and the latter part of his administration became as notorious for its dissoluteness and profligacy, as the begin- ning had been commendable for the opposite qualities.* The conquered Athenians had lost their self-respect, and had already sunk down to be that herd of slaves and flatterers which they remained ever after. They encouraged and applauded the vices and the vanity of their ruler. In the year of his archonship (b.c. 309), when he celebrated the Diony- siac pomp, the poet who composed the choral hymn alluded to his noble birth, and compared him in beauty and splendour to the sun ; and at the instance of some parasite as many bronze statues are said to have been erected to him as there were days in the year.^ The Athenians, of course, felt no real afi'ection or respect for the man whom they so basely flattered; and when his namesake Demetrius, called Poliorcetes, from his ' H. N. vii. 125; Strak p. 395. 2 Vitruv. vii. VxxL 12. ' Ctesicles ap. Athcn. vi. c. 103. * Durisaml Carysiius, ap. Athen. xii, 'Kovi /xaXtora dvrjfifpov Kal es to ddov dcfiftbt- ararov. — I'ausan, i. 25, 5. 150 ANCIENT A Til ENS. amidst the general excitement the rhetor Democleides proposed and carried a decree that Peiraeeus and Munychia should be delivered up to Demetrius. This, of course, was a work of supererogation. Demetrius would no doubt have occupied those fortresses without asking the permission of the Athenians ; and soon afterwards, to keep them more securely in subjection, and to prevent their insurrections from diverting him from his other projects, he also seized and fortified the Museium Hill, which lies over against the Acropolis.^ (e.g. 295.) In the obscurity of the Macedonian period there is little to be dis- covered of the history of the city. We shall content ourselves with noting the principal events. When the arms of Pyrrhus began to prevail over those of Demetrius, the Athenians seized the opportunity of revolt. Under the conduct of Olympiodorus, they expelled the garrisons which Demetrius had placed on the Museium, and recovered Peirseeus and Munychia. Encouraged by these successes, they abolislied the priest- hood of the saviours, and restored the annual archonship ^ (b.c, 288). Demetrius made an attempt to recover Athens, which was frustrated by Pyrrhus, whose aid the Athenians had invoked. Pyrrhus entered Athens, but after sacrificing on the Acropolis retired, advising them to admit no more kings. In b.c. 268 Antigonus Gonatas laid siege to Athens, which, though said to have continued five or six years with intermissions, was without success. Antigonus, enraged at their obsti- nacy, laid waste Attica and burnt the temple and sacred grove of Poseidon at Colonus.^ At length his eff"orts were successful ; Athens was compelled to capitulate and to admit Macedonian garrisons into the Museium, Peiraeeus, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium. It was durin^ the period of their subjection to Antigonus that Zeno, the Stoic philo- sopher, was intrusted with the keys of the city, and on his death Antigonus, who loved and admired him, persuaded the Athenians to bury him in the Cerameicus.'' One of the most dreadful of the Mace- ^ Pint. Dometr. 34. Let us observe here that 110 mention is made of Phalerum ; which shows that it had ceased to be a military }T«:>rt, and is another 2>rool' that it lay not at the Peiraic iK-ninsnla. - Pausan i. 26; Phit. Demctr. 4G. '^ Pausan. i. 30, 4 ; iii. 0. * Diog. Lacrt. vii. 6, 11. PHILIP V. AT ATHENS. v,u donian inflictions was the siege of Athens by Philip Y. in b.c. 200. He repulsed a sally of the Athenians from the Dipylon, but was unable to take the city by assault ; and as the Athenians were now aided by the Komans, who had begun to play a part in the aff'airs of Greece, Philip was obliged to retreat, and pitched his camp at Cynosarges. Hence he wreaked his vengeance on the surrounding suburbs, destroying not only Cynosarges with its temple of Hercules, its gymnasium, and sacred groves, but the Lyceium also, and every pleasant or holy place around the city, sparing neither the buildings nor even the tombs. But after an unsuccessful attempt on Eleusis he retreated to Megara, and thence to Corinth.^ During the struggle with the Macedonians, the Athenians were probably assisted with money by some of the Eastern princes. We know, at all events, of several who aided in embellishing their city, and on whom they lavished the tokens of their adulation. One of the Ptolemies, most probably Philadelphus, built near the Theseium, about B.C. 260, the gymnasium which bore his name ; and in return for his benefactions the Athenians changed the name of the tribe Antigonis to that of Ptolemais.2 Attains I., king of Pergamus, who formed au alliance with the Athenians against Philip, visited Athens in b.c. 200. He was received with the most striking demonstrations of popular good- will and reverence. As he approached the city from Peiraeeus not only the magistrates and knights, but also all the citizens with their wives and children went forth to meet him. When he entered the Dipylon, which gate was probably selected as being the noblest entrance of Athens, all the priests and priestesses ranged themselves on each hand, every temple was open, and at all the altars stood victims ready for the sacrifices which he was entreated to perform. He showed him- self a still more liberal benefactor than Ptolemy. He adorned Athens with a stoa, long known only from the mention of it by Athenaeus (v. 50), situated on the north-east side of the agora, as the discovery of the architrave and inscription within the last few years has proved. Its remains had previously been assigned to the gymnasium of Ptolemy. ^ Liv. xxxi. 24 sq. ; 30. '^ Pausan. i.. 17, 2; Cic. de Fin. v. 1. 158 A NCIENT A THENS. Attalus also placed in the Acropolis at the eastern extremity of the southern or Cimonian wall a series of sculptures, representing the Gigantomachia, the battle with the Amazons, the battle of Marathon, and the overthrow of the Gauls in Mysia.^ He also laid out a garden at the Academy. The Athenians rewarded him as they had done Ptolemy, by giving the name of Attalis to the tribe Demetrias.^ Eumenes II., the son and successor of Attalus (b.c. 197-159), in- herited his father's love for the Athenians, and built for them a portico which appears to have lain on the west side of the theatre, as Vitruvius, after mentioning it, observes by way of distinction, that the Odeium of Pericles was on the left hand of those leaving the theatre, and conse- quently on the east.^ It has been sometimes mistakenly identified with the arxihes near the Odeium of Eegilla. Antiochus IV., surnamed Epiphanes, king of Syria, was another of those princes who took a pride in adorning Athens. About the year B.C. 174 he formed the design of completing the Olympium, and appears to have employed for that purpose a Roman architect named Cossutius, but in what state he found it, or how far he advanced it, it is impossible to say. According to some authorities, he began it. The work was interrupted by his death, and it was some centuries yet before the temple was destined to be completed. Some writers say that he left it half finished, if we are to take the word ^J/xtTeXe? literally.* Antiochus also appears to have placed above the theatre the gilded Gorgon's head.'' In B.C. 146 the Achaean League, the last bulwark of Grecian inde- pendence, was overthrown by the Eomans, and subsequently all Greece, as far as the borders of Macedonia and Epirus, under the name of Achaia, became a Eoman province. * These have been recognized in some recently discovered sculptures. See Briinn, Bullet, deir Instit. 1865, p. 116. ^ Polyb. xvi. 25 ; Liv. xxxi. 12 sq. ; Pausan. i. 5, 5 ; 8, 1. " lib. V. c. 9. * See Vitruv. vii. i'rajf. 15, 17; Athen. V. 21 ; Antiochus Epi,hanes qui Athenis Olympeium inchoavit. — Veil. 1 a^ i. 10; of. Liv. xli. 20. TO 'OXv/xTTioi', oirep f]fxiTf\fs KartKine TeXevToyv 6 dvadels ^aaiXfvs. — Strab. 396. " Pausan. v. 12, 2. J 59 CHAPTER YI. Athens under the Romans-Embassy to Mithridates-Aristion-Apellicon-Athens besieged by SuUa-Odeium burnt-Death of Aristion-Conduct of Sulla-Odemm restor°ed-Athens sides with Koman republicans-Brutus-Antony-Cleopatra- Treatment of Athens by Augustus-New Agora-Tower of the Winds-Temple of Roma and Augustus- Works of Agrippa-Athens under early emperors-Monu- ment of I'hilopappus-Hadrian-His Works-Other Benefactions-The Antonines —The Sophists-Deterioration of Athenians -Greek autonomy under the Romans -Gladiators-Herodes Atticus-Stadium-Odeium of Regilla-Pausanias-Attic perieget£e- Works of I'ausauiSs-His Travels-Method-By what gate he entered? — Enneacrunos. The Athenians had lived more than half a century in peace and security under the Roman domination, and might have continued to do so had they not suffered themselves to be misled by a philosopher whose doings form one of the strangest episodes in their history. Aristion, or Athenion, for we find his name written both ways,^ was of servile origin, but having inherited his master's property, he got himself illegally enrolled an Attic citizen. He now professed himself a Peripatetic, and having made a good deal of money by teaching in various places, returned to Athens, where he procured an embassy to Mithridates Eupator, king of Pontus, and succeeded by his address in completely insinuating himself into the monarch's favour. Mithridates was then at the height of his power, and Aristion, in his letters to the Athenians, painted it in such glowing colours that he inspired them with the hope of throwing off the Roman yoke, and regaining their ancient liberty by the aid of so powerful an ally. The extent to which he had dazzled them may be judged from > Athenseus, who gives the most ela- borate account of his history (lib. v. c. 47 sqq.), from Poseidonius, the Stoic philosopher and instructor of Cicero, alone calls him Athenion. All other writers call him Aristion : Strab. p. 398 ; Pausan. i. 20, 3; Plut. Syll. 12; Appian, B. M. p. 189 sqq , &c. He may possibly have changed his name, as Casaubon suggests (ad Athen. 1. c). 160 ANCIENT ATHENS. ATHENS UNDER THE ROMANS., 161 the circumstance that on his return, being driven to Carystus, in Euboea, by a storm, they despatched some ships of war to bring him home, with a silver-footed couch on which to enter the city. The whole population flocked out as he approached Athens, expecting some wonderful tidings from Mithridates ; but the wiser part could not help admiring the freaks of fortune on contrasting the pomp of his entry, exceeding any the Komans had indulged in, with his former state of a poor schoolmaster in a ragged cloak. The actors and others connected with the Dionysiac theatre especially welcomed him, hailing him as the messenger of the new Dionysus, and invited him to the hearth of their guild to partici- pate in their prayers and sacrifices. Instead of his former hired lodgings, he now dwelt in the house of one of the richest men in Athens, brilliant with embroidery, pictur^g, statues, and plate. When he went abroad in a splendid chlamys, and wearing a golden ring engraved with the head of Mithridates, he was preceded and followed by a crowd of slaves, and those thought themselves happy who could but get near enough to him to touch the hem of his garment. The day after his arrival, a great crowd, both citizens and strangers, assembled spontaneously in the agora to hear what he had to tell them. Having ascended the rostra placed before the stoa of Attains for the use of the Eoman praetors, he began with a good deal of affec- tation and grimace to magnify and extol the power of Mithridates; then, after pausing a while to let his speech take full effect, he pro- ceeded to exhort his auditors no longer to endure the state in which they were, a state of anarchy purposely prolonged by the Roman senate in settling what form of government they would have. " Let us," he exclaimed, " no longer submit to see our closed temples, and squalid gymnasia, our deserted theatre, our dumb tribunals, our Pnyx, conse- crated by divine oracles, ravished from the people ! Shall we endure the sacred voice of lacchus to bo silenced, the venerable temple of the Eleusinian goddesses to be shut up,' and the schools of the philosophers to be reduced to silence ? " * Such seems to be the meaning, as avuKTopov roiv Btoiv KfKXfintvov (Atlien. Casauhon observes, of the words t6 o-f^voj/ v. 51). They would also apply to the The utterances of such a person, with such an object, should of course be used with caution in drawing inferences regarding the earlier condition of Athens under the Eoman dominion. At the same time what he brings forward are matters of fact which must have been noto- rious to all his audience, so that the most passionate advocate, the most unscrupulous impostor, could hardly have ventured to falsify them. And we must recollect that we have Poseidonius, a most respectable phttosopher, and a contemporary, as a voucher for the speech. We are aware, indeed, that Strabo says ^ that the Eomans left the Athenians their laws and liberty ; by which, however, he perhaps only means that they became what the Eomans called a ' Libera Civitas ;' that is, they were allowed their own municipal government. For only at the end of the preceding page he had observed that the Athenians, after the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, preserved their democracy down to the time of the Boman domination, and that though they were sometimes unjustly treated by the Macedonian kings, in order to compel their obedience, yet they preserved under them their form of government untouched.^ The fact seems to be, that, under the Eomans, they re- tained their magistrates and their customary laws, only with the vital exception that their public assemblies were abolished. This agrees with the statement of Aristion about the people being deprived of the Pnyx. The ecclesia had lost its imperial functions, and with regard to state policy, the Athenians were no longer autonomous. The Mysteries, though afterwards revived, may at first have been temporarily suppressed by the Eomans from their hatred of midnight and secret meetings ; but we can adduce no evidence in support of the sttitement of Aristion. It was about the same time that the secret Bacchanalian societies were \ suppressed in Italy. temple of the Dioscuri ; but the preceding allusion to lacchus indicates ihe true mean- ing, and Ihe temple of the avaKts was liardly important enough to be introduced into an appeal such as this. » p. 398. 'Pufiuliav tniKpUTflas. ical yap (I rt piKpov VTTO TWJ' MaKfbufiKiov liii(ri\((i)v TrapfXvTTiJ- BqaaPy (ov ottXcou. In the time of Athem-eus, the civil magistrates Avere called strategi. The fact of the people going to the theatre to elect Aristion, instead of to the Pnyx, seems to show that the latter was now quite out of use. Even the assemblies in the theatre had been suppressed, for Aristion notes the Oiarpov av€KK\r](riaarTov (Athen. V. 51). ^ This seems to have consisted of 2000 soldiers, whom Mithridates had sent with him to Athens. Appian, Bell. Mithr. p. 189. ' This anecdote appears to show that the proposers of psephismata made a draft of them, and that, when carried, they were engraved on bronze tablets or stone. < 1 N contrived to return, and joined Aristion. By him he was despatched to plunder Delos ; but through his blundering, the enterprise completely miscarried, and Apellicon himself nearly fell into the hands of the Piomans.^ In these events, as well as in their earlier history, we see how prone the Athenians were to be led away and deceived by any clever and specious intriguer. These and other machinations of the king of Pontus against the Komans, brought on the Mithridatic war, the conduct of which was in- trusted to Sulla. Landing in Greece, he marched through Boeotia. Thebes, which had also thrown off its allegiance, now submitted without striking a blow. Sulla then arrived in Attica, and telling off part of his army to invest Athens, he himself undertook the siege of Peireeeus ; into which Mithridates' general, Archelaiis, had thrown himself with a con- siderable force. An attempt to escalade the walls having failed, Sulla found himself compelled to institute a regular siege, which lasted many months, and obliged him during the winter to construct a fortified camp at Eleusis. Archelaiis made a most vigorous defence, burning Sulla's machines as soon as they were erected before the walls ; so that to construct new ones he cut down the timber in the sacred groves of the Academy and Lyceum. Provoked at this obstinacy, Sulla turned the siege into a blockade ; and directing all his force against Athens, which was now suffering the extremities of famine, took it by assault (B.C. 86). The attack was made, as we have already had occasion to observe,^ between the Dipylon and the Peiraic Gate, near the monu- ment called Heptachalcum. Then followed a dreadful massacre, which spared neither sex nor age, and inundated the streets and agora with blood. During the siege Aristion with a few followers had taken refuge in the Acropolis, having first burnt the Odeium of Pericles, lest its materials might assist the Eomans to scale and capture the citadel. Here his ^ Such is the account of Athenaus, v. 53; but Appian relates that Archelaiis, having reduced Delos, which had revolted from the Athenians, sent the sacred trea- sure to Athens by Aristion, along with 2000 soldiers, and that he was thus enabled to seize the tyranny (Bell. Mithr. p. 189). And this perhaps is the more probable account. 2 Above, p. 93. . M 2 » i 164 ANCTENT ATI/ FN S. SULLA AT ATHENS. I(i5 conduct was of a piece with the rest of his character. He and his com- panions passed the day in feasting, drinking, dancing, and making merry, whilst the citizens were starving, and endeavouring to support life by boiling down old shoes, and gathering a herb called parthenion, which grew on the Acropolis. He even aggravated their misfortunes by insult. To the Hierophantis, who had begged a measure of corn, he sent some pepper ; he suflfered the holy lamp of Athena to be extin- guished for want of oil ; and when the senate and priests came to entreat him to propose terms to Sulla, he dispersed them with arrows. When the city was taken, the siege of the Acropolis was assigned to Curio, and after some time, the want of water, which was supplied only by the rain, compelled Aristion to submit. He, and those who had held office under him, were then put to death. Peiraeeus was soon afterwards reduced, when the arsenal, docks, and principal buildings were burnt by Sulla. He re-established at Athens the laws previously imposed by the Eomans, and deprived the citizens of the right of voting and electing their magistrates ; with a promise, however, that these privileges should be ultimately restored to them.^ After this time the Long Walls and the walls of Peiraeeus were never rebuilt ; and indeed there was no longer any occasion for them, since Athens had ceased to be a naval power. Thus Strabo, as we have already remarked, describes the Peiraeeus in his time as almost deserted. Sulla, however, appears to have committed no more devastation than was necessary for military purposes. His cutting down the timber at the Lyceum and Academy was not a wanton act, like those of Philip V., but done to procure the implements of war. Pausanias, however, who gives a more unfavourable account of his proceedings than the other authorities, charges him with decimating in the Cerameicus those who had shown themselves adverse to him when Taxiles, the general of Mithridates, advanced during the siege to the relief of Athens ; and Sulla's cruelty and contempt for human life render the charge not improbable. Pausanias also accuses Sulla of many other ferocious acts, unworthy of a Eoman, and especially with the impiety of dragging * Appian, Bell. Mithr. p. 195 sq. ; Pint. 8ull. c. 12 sqq. . Aristion from the altar of Athena, to put him to death ; to which Pau- sanias, with his usual devoutness, ascribes the horrible malady with which' he was afterwards seized.^ Sulla does not appear to have carried off any works of art from Athens, as Mummius did from Corinth ; but he is said to have sent some of the columns of the Olympium to Rome, to be used in the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter, which he was rebuild- ing.'-^ These must have been the columns provided by Antiochus Epiphanes. They could hardly have been of so gigantic a size as those used when the temple was completed by Hadrian ; for these would have been out of all proportion to the much smaller temple on the Capitol ; unless indeed the height of the ancient temple was very much increased, and not proportionably to its other dimensions. As there was apparently little hojte in Sulla's time that the Olympium would ever be finished, this can hardly be regarded as a greater spoliation than the acquisitions of Lord Elgin. Sulla, who had some literary tastes, seized indeed the library of Apellicon ; but this might justly be regarded among the spoils of war, like the forty pounds of gold and the six hundred pounds of silver which he took from the Acropolis, or the captured slaves whom he caused to be sold.^ To Apellicon, perhaps, is partly due the corrupt state in which we have the text of Aristotle ; but he appears to have been helped in depraving it by the grammarian Tyrannio, after the books had been carried to Rome.^ Apellicon was rather a book collector than a philosopher ; and as the manuscripts of Aristotle were in a very damaged state when they came into his posses- sion, from having been kept in a cellar or well, he supplied the obli- terated parts out of his own head, and, according to Strabo, published a very faulty edition.^ But though Sulla committed no wanton destruction at Athens, he appears to have done nothing to repair the damage caused by the siege, for which, indeed, he had perhaps neither time nor means. The Odeium of Pericles was left to be restored shortly afterwards by Ariobarzanes HI, surnamed Eusebes, king of Cappadocia, another of those princes who took a pride in associating their names with Athens. » lib. i. c. 20. •■' riiii. N. H. xxxvi. lo. » Appian, B. M. p. lUO ; Plnf. Sull. 2G. * Pint. ibid. ^ t^tral). p. 009. 166 ANCIENT ATHENS. ATHENS DUBING THE ROMAN CIVIL H^ARS. IC'.T It appears to have been restored on the original plan, since Pausanias, a century or two after, still notes its resemblance to the tent of Xerxes.^ The Komans, indeed, did nothing for Athens till the time of Augustus, and their rule, during the republican period, tended rather to the damage than the benefit of the city, and indeed of Greece in general. The arch-plunderer Verres, when legatus of Dolabella, is charged by Cicero with carrying oflf many pictures and statues from Achaia, and with taking a great quantity of gold from the Parthenon.^ The ruined and prostrate state of ^Egina, Megara, Piraeeus, Corinth, is pictured in a letter of Servius Sulpicius to Cicero.^ Corinth was rebuilt by a colony of freedmen sent thither by C. Caesar, who enriched themselves and filled Eome with the most beautiful specimens of the ceramic art, by plunder- ing the tombs.* The establishment of the empire benefited Greece by putting an end to the extortions of the irresponsible republican magistrates. From the time of Sulla, the Athenians made no further attempts to free themselves from Koman domination ; though when Eome herself was torn with civil faction, they inclined towards the republican, in that case, the conservative party, as was natural enough from their ancient sympathies and traditions. On the same side were many of the most gifted and best educated of the Romans them- selves ; men who had formed their minds, like Cicero, and subsequently Livy, Horace, and others, by the study of Greek literature, which many of them had imbibed at the fountain-head, in Athens itself. For after its reduction by Sulla, that city had become a sort of Eoman university, and to have studied there came to be regarded as an almost indispensable part of a liberal education. Athens being filled with young men of this sort, its citizens would naturally have been swayed also by them in the part which they took in the great political question of the day ; and therefore we can feel no surprise that they should have erected statues to Brutus and Cassius by the side of those of Harmodius and Aristo<2fcitou."'^ HI), i. 20, ;j. Cic. in Verr, II. i, 17, 4"). Fii>]>. ad Fain. lib. iv. ">. < Stiab. p. 381. " Dion Cass, xlvii. 20. 9 The Athenians sided with Pompey against Caesar ; yet, after they had surrendered to his legatus, Fufius Calenus, C^sar appears to have borne them no grudge for the part which they took against him, and bequeathed them money wherewith to adorn their city ; at least Augus- tus, as we shall see, gave him credit for so doing. Brutus visited Athens a little before the fatal day of Philippi, and was received with acclamations and honorary decrees. His warlike projects were then concealed. He seemed only to be making an agreeable holiday, and his time was chiefly spent in hearing the philosophers Theomnestus and Cratippus. But he was secretly making preparations for the cam- paign ; and he employed himself in conciliating the young Eomans then studying at Athens, among whom was Cicero's son, of whom he appears to have thought very highly.^ The Athenians erected statutes to Brutus and Cassius. In the subsequent struggle between Antony and Octavianus they sided with Antony, whose agreeable vices were, perhaps, as welcome to them as the austerer character of Brutus. Antony entered warmly into all their pursuits. He heard their philosophers, beheld their games and contests, was initiated in their mysteries ; he loved to be called Philhellene, and still more Philathenaeus, and made them many presents.^ He was passing the winter at Athens when the news arrived of the victory of Ventidius over the Parthians, on which occasion he feasted the Greeks and accepted the post of gymnasiarch at Athens. When presiding at the games he left at home the ensigns of his dignity, adopted the Attic costume, and caressed the contending youths. And when he went forth to the war he plucked a fillet from the saci:ed olive, and, in obedience to an oracle, took with him a vessel filled with water from the Clepsydra.^ His wife Octavia was an especial favourite with the Athenians, who showed her many marks of honour. When, on a subsequent visit to Athens, Antony brought Cleopatra with him, she desired to receive some testimonies of the same kind, and the Athenians sent to her house a decree they had made in her honour by ambassadors specially appointed for the purpose, among whom was Antony as an ' Plut. Brut. 24. =* Idoiu, Ant. 23. lltid. 33 ssj. 168 A NCIEN T A THENS. CONDUCT OF AUGUSTUS. IGO Athenian citizen.^ When he departed for his last unfortunate campaign the gods seemed to declare against him. The statue of Dionysus, which formed one of the group in the Gigantomachia erected by Attains on the Acropolis, was blown down by the wind and fell into the theatre ; an omen which derived its significance from the fact that Antony affected to trace his descent from that god, and called himself the younger Dionysus. It was probably the beauty of the deity that occasioned this selection, as afterwards in the case of Antinoiis. But, indeed, the character of the deity was nearer to human nature, espe- cially to Pagan human nature, than that of any other god. His voluptuous character, associated with merriment and revelry, and without anything awful or repulsive, was calculated to excite goodwill, whilst his Indian triumphs saved it from contempt. Hence, perhaps, it was that so many sovereigns and potentates afiected a connection with him. The same storm overthrew the colossal statues which had been erected to Attains and Eumenes, which, by an absurd practice that the Romans were not ashamed to adopt, had been re-inscribed to Antony.^ When Octavianus, by the overthrow of Antony at Actium, became master of the Eoman world, he could very well afford to despise the political opinions of the Athenians ; but to have wit and genius on his side was always part of his policy, and we need not, therefore, be sur- prised that he not only forgave them, but even became a remarkable benefactor. His sister Octavia, too, may have pleaded in their favour, who during her residence at Athens with her husband obtained, as we have said, the love of the Athenians. He mulcted them, indeed, in some of the territories which Antony had bestowed upon them, who had given them the islands of ^gina, Icus, Ceos, Sciathus, and Pepare- thus.^ Of these Augustus took away ^Egina, and also deprived them of Eretria in Euboea." By forbidding them to sell their citizenship he deprived them of a source of revenue, but at the same time must have increased their respectability. The foundation of Nicopolis and Patras must doubtless have proved detrimental to Athens and other Greek * riut. Ant. 0. 'u. '^ Jbul. 60. ^ Ajuiau, H. C. V. p. 67;'). * Dion Cass. liv. 7, ? cities. These acts Augustus probably deemed necessary in a political view ; but he compensated the Athenians by improving their city. It is to this time that we must refer the Propylaeiim of the new agora, which still exists, consisting of four Doric columns, supporting an en- tablature and pediment, and forming its entrance on the west ; while the Horologium, commonly called the Tower of the Winds, which faces it, though executed at the expense of a private individual, no doubt formed part of the general design, and marked the boundary of the market on the east. These buildings and their topographical relations are de- scribed in another place, ^ we are here only concerned about the origin of them. An inscription records that the Propylaeum was built out of the gifts of C. Julius Caesar and of Augustus ; and as the former is called a god, whilst the latter is only styled son of a god, we may con- clude that it was erected during the lifetime of Augustus. Besides, it was hardly probable that the Athenians should have allowed the gifts of Caesar to have lain unemployed during the long reign of his successor. But it appears not to have beon finished till after the death of Augustus. For, in another inscription, which stood under a statue, probably an equestrian one, of Lucius Caesar, grandson and adopted son of Au- gustus, that emperor is styled Oeo^, or ' god,' and must therefore have been dead.^ Lucius had died before his grandfather, a.d. 2. But there may be reason to think, that though this gateway was not built till the reign of Augustus, the agora to which it formed an ornamental entrance had been laid out before that time. Leake is of opinion that the new agora was formed in the course of the last century before the Christian era, which is probable enough (p. 218). But we cannot agree with what he adds, that the religious motive, or ostensible reason, of the change was probably the defilement of the Ceramic agora by Sulla's massacre. Ther.e is no reason or authority for believing that the Athenians regarded it in that light ; nor is it likely that the Eomans would have taken a step equivalent to a condemnation of them- * After the description of the agora by Tausanias in the next chapter, where the inscriptions will be found. " lieake (p. 214, n0. •'' Icaru-Mcnippus, c. 24, * Vit. Sophist. lil>. ii. r>, 3, .-iiul 8, 2. ' vol. i. p. 44; Plin. N. II. xxxiv. 8. '^ Ibid. s. 36. •'' Paiisan. x. 7, I. ' Dion Cass. Ixiii. l-l. » Plin. N. H. iv. 22 (^illig) ; Sitct. Nero, 24. " riiilostr. V. Apollon. v, 41 ; Tausan. vii. 17, 2. 172 ANCIENT ATHENS. WOBKS OF HAD n J AN. 1 Tf all philosophers from Eome/ Nerva and Trajan, also, appear to have neglected Athens, though the latter visited it once. But it was in his reign that the monument of the Syrian Philopappus was erected on the Museium Hill, as may he gathered from the Latin inscription on it ; which, as it gives the title of Dacicus to Trajan, but not that of Parthicus, must have been erected, as Leake observes,^ between a.d. 101 and 108. AVitli the accession of the Emperor Hadrian, a.d. 117, a new era of prosperity dawned upon Athens. Hadrian had early displayed a great inclination for the Greek language and literature, even to the neglect of the Latin, so that in his qusestorship he incurred some ridicule by his mispronunciation when reading a speech of Trajan's in the senate. Hence he obtained the name of Gra^culus.^ In the fifth or sixth year of his reign he visited Athens, and was initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries. The laws of these rites, as we have already observed, seem to have been relaxed in favour of these great persons, who became at once mystae and epopts.* Yet there was no need of this haste in the case of Hadrian, who seems to have spent about three years at Athens. During this visit he undertook the office of Agonotheta, and gave orders for those works which he dedicated on a subsequent occasion. His second or third visit seems to have been in about a.d. 129. On this occasion, according to Spartianus, he became archon eponymous ; but, according to Phlegon of Tralles, he had held that office before, when he visited Athens previously to his accession, in the sixth consulship of Trajan (a.d. 112); and, if he is right, Hadrian must have been twice archon.^ He is said to have exhibited in the Panathenaic stadium a venatio of 1000 wild beasts, wdiich is probably an exaggeration. Hadrian did so much for Athens, that a large part of its eastern side, including the Olympium, was called after him Hadrianople. The entrance to this district was marked by an arch or gateway he erected. » Suet. Dom. 10 ; A. Gell X. A. xv. 11. ^ vol. i. p. 49G. 3 /El. Spart. in Vit. c. 1 and 3. * Ibid. 13, with the note of Salmasius. '■ Ibid. 10, and the note of Salniasius;, lo, <). Xiphilinus, in liis abridgment of Dion Cassius (Ixix. 16) agrees with Spartianus, that Hadrian was archon on this occasion, when he dedicated the Olym- pian temple. His first visit was made an era from which to date, roeckli, C. Inscr. (ir. No. 288. f bearing inscriptions which showed it to be the boundary between the ancient city of Theseus and that which he had erected or improved. This part of the town was also called New Athens (Novae Athenae), as appears from the inscription on Hadrian's aqueduct. It extended beyond the Themistoclean wall, which indeed appears to have been pulled down for the purpose ; for in the foundations of some of the ancient towers may still be seen mosaic floors belonging to Eoman villas ■} and thus, as we shall see further on, Pausanias, when describing objects that lay in this quarter, and certainly beyond the ancient enclosure, does not mention passing through any gate. Thus Hadrianople appears to have formed an open suburb, with country houses along the banks of the Ilissus. As Curtius observes (loc. cit.), Hadrian, in restoring the Olympium, had in view rather his own glorification, as master of the world, than that of the ruler of Olympus ; and indeed, it appears from some inscriptions found at this spot, that he usurped the title of the deity, and called him- self Olympius.2 Besides his colossal statue, the temple was surrounded with a whole forest of statues of him, the anathemata of Greek cities ; and thus Athens was exalted to be the metropolis of the Hellenic world. Besides finishing this magnificent temple, Hadrian built for the Athenians a gymnasium with a hundred columns of Libyan marble, which is supposed to have stood at the little church of Gorgopiko, near the new cathedral, where Leake observed several marbles with inscrip- tions relating to gymnastic victories, and where there are some fragments of columns, &c.^ We should, however, be rather inclined to ascribe these remains to the gymnasium called Diogeneion, which must have lain some^^jhere in this quarter. Hadrian founded a temple of Hera, and another of Zeus Panhellenius ; also a Pantheon with a hundred and twenty columns of Phrygian marble, with porticoes of the same material, having apartments adorned with gilt roofs and alabaster, and contain- ing sculptures, pictures, and a library .'^ At the bazaar is an extensive and well-preserved portion of a Corinthian colonnade, evidently part of 1 Curtius, Erlauternder Text, S. 47. . " Such seems to be the meaning of the 2 Leake, vol. i. p. 168. somewhat obscure passago of Tausanias, i. 3 Ibid. p. 262, note; Breton, Athenes, 18,0. See Siebelis' note, p. 242. 174 ANCIENT ATHENS. THE ANTONJNESSOPHISTS. 175 the fafade or screen of a quadrangular enclosure, in which these buildings may have stood. The architectural details resemble those of Hadrian's arch at the Olympium/ and thus confirm the idea that it is a structure of that emperor. Its site also tends to the same con- clusion, since its southern side occupies the breadth of the new or Eoman agora, and lines drawn from its eastern and western sides would touch the Tower of the Winds on the one hand and the Propyl«um of the agora on the other. Hence we may infer that it was accommo- dated to the area of the new market-place, and was designed as a finish to one of its sides. But into this question we shall enter more at length further on. Hadrian also undertook an aqueduct for bringing water from the Cephisus. Two Ionic columns, with part of the archi- trave, belonging to the frontispiece of a reservoir, were seen by Stuart about midway between the city walls and the Hill of St. George, or Lycabettus ; and on digging he found vestiges of the other two columns. These have now disappeared ; but the piers of some arches which must have belonged to the same aqueduct are still extant five or six miles to the north of Athens, near the village of Dervish-Agii.^ As the archi- trave was imperfect, only half the inscription was preserved ; but Spon found at Spalatro a perfect copy of it in a MS. two centuries old. From this it appears that the aqueduct was. completed and dedicated by Antoninus Pius ^ in the second year of his reign (a.d. 140). Besides adorning Athens with these buildings, Hadrian also pre- sented the Athenians with the island of Cephallenia, gave them large sums of money, and a donation of corn annually. He also instituted games, called Hadrianeia in honour of himself.* He was the greatest benefactor the Athenians ever had, and for this the inclination to be so sufficed, since his means were unlimited; and the Athenians could * Wilkins, Atlieniensia, p. 165. 2 Leake, vol. i. p. 202 ; Stuart, Ant. of Athens, vol. iii. eh. 4 ; Wheler's Journey, p. 374. ^ It runs as follows : Imp . Caesar . T. Aelids . Hadriaxus . Antoninus . Aug . rius . Cos . Ill . Trib . Pot . II . P. P. Aquaeductum . IK . Novis . Atiirnis . COEPTUM . A . DiVO . HaDEIAKO . PaTRE . SUO . CONSUMMAVIT . DEDICAVITQ . ScB Wheler's Journey, p. 374 ; Leake, vol. i. p. 203. * Dion Cass, (Xiphilinus), Ixix. 16; of. Salmasius ad Spart. V. Hadr. (Hist. Aug. t. i. p. 176). hardly do less than repay him by creating a thirteenth tribe with the name of Hadrianis.^ It also appears, from inscriptions lately dis- covered, that the name of one of the Attic months was changed to Hadrianon in his honour.^ The two Antonines, who succeeded Hadrian, were also favourably disposed towards the Athenians ; but, with the exception of the com- pletion of Hadrian's aqueduct by Pius, already mentioned, we know not of any buildings which they erected. We observed in the theatre a pedestal inscribed to M. Aurelius, son of Antoninus, as irpo^rdrr}^ 'kdr)vaiwv, equivalent perhaps to the Eoman patronus. M. Aurelius visited Athens for the purpose of being initiated, and he established there masters in every branch of learning with annual salaries, whose lectures were to be public. He had himself studied under Greek teachers, and among the rest, Herodes Atticus,^ whom he ever afterwards treated with the greatest respect. Philostratus has preserved a letter of Aurelius, in which he bids Herodes, if he have ever injured him, to demand retribution in the temple of Athena previously to the emperor's initiation.* The sophists formed a remarkable feature in Athenian life under the empire, and we will here say a few words respecting them. The chief of the sophists at Athens was said to occupy the throne or cathedra (6 T(bv ao4>LaT(bv epovo^). When the sophist Adrian filled that post, he appeared in a magnificent garment, and wearing the most precious gems ; he drove to the school in a chariot with silver harness, and a crowd of Greeks escorted him home.^ A still higher post, to which Adrian was ultimately promoted, was the sophistical chair at Eome, called the upper throne (6 av(o Opovo^). The lectures here were delivered in the Athenaeum instituted by Hadrian.^ To excel as a sophist was in those days a sure road to wealth and distinction. M. Aurelius, it is ' Pausan. 1. 5, 5. ' Vischer, in Neues Schw. Museum, 1863, p. 56. ' Capitolin. V. Ant. Phil. c. 2; Dion Cass. Ixxi. 31. M. Aurelius himself, how- ever, who enumerates his teachers in the first book of his ' Meditations,' does not mention Herodes. * Vit. Sophist, lib. ii. 1, 12 ; of. ibid. X. 4. ^ Philostr. ibid. c. 2. « Aur. Victor, Hadr. 2. t 170 ANCIENT ATHENS. GLADIATORS AT ATHENS. 177 said, overwhelmed Adrian and his family with wealth and honours/ though he was no admirer of the sophists. It was probably when he was young. On the other hand, Lucian, in his 'Nigrinus,'^ says that these showy philosophers were not much esteemed at Athens. That the character of the Athenians gradually became very much deteriorated after the loss of their independence cannot, we think, admit of a question. The disfranchisement and removal of so many citizens by Antipater, the oppression of the Eomans, the cruelty of Sulla, and the custom of selling their franchise in order to increase their revenue, had indeed eflfected a great change in the population of Athens itself. In the reign of Tiberius, Piso described the Athenians as virtually extinct, and the present race as nothing but the offscourings of various nations.^ In a speech intended to excite animosity against Germanicus for the favour he had shown them, something must no doubt be allowed for exaggeration ; but that there was a considerable degree of truth in the assertion is confirmed by the fact, that in the time of the Antonines the Attic dialect in all its purity was no longer to be looked for at Athens itself, but in the midland districts of Attica, the population of which had not been mixed with barbarians and foreigners.* Nevertheless, as Dr. Finlay observes,^ the Eomans had perhaps formed too contemptible an opinion of the Greeks from the adventurers who flocked to Eome from the Grecian cities of the East. The Eomans had left the Greeks a considerable appearance of autonomy. The Amphictyonic Council still continued to meet in the time of the Antonines, and Augustus had added Nicopolis to its members.''' The Olympic, Pythian, and Isthmian games were still celebrated.^ With regard to the Athenians, they were allowed to send a guard, as in the old times, to the temple of Apollo at Delos.^ The court of Aieioj)agus continued to exercise its functions, and indeed with independence and vigour, for in the reign of Tiberius it refused to ^ Philostr. ibid. c. 4. '•* cap. 13. * Greece under the Romans, p. 78. ® Pausan, x. 8, 2 sq. 3 (( Colluviem nationum." — Tac. Ann. ii. 55. ' Id. V. 9, 2 si]. *" Id. viii. ,33, 1. X 7 2 • ii "^ "^ ■.\. I ) -J , II. _, ... * Philostrat. V. Sophist, ii. 1, 7. I spare, even at the intercession of Piso, a person whom it had con- demned of fraud.^ But intercourse with the Eomans, aided by the foundation of Eoman colonies in Greece, as Nicopolis and Patrae, helped to deteriorate the Greek character. The influence of the two nations on each other was of an opposite kind. The literature of Eome was developed, and the rough Eoman mind received a polish which it could never, like the Attic genius, have attained by its own efi'orts. " Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit ;" but in the process the victors inoculated the Greeks with some of their own barbarousness. This was particularly shown by the introduction of gladiatorial combats into Greece. At what time this took place we have no means of ascertaining, but such combats were certainly exhibited in the Diony- siac theatre at Athens in the first century of our era. For Dion Chrysostom, who flourished at that period, animadverts upon the subject with indignation, and observes that often a gladiator was killed on one of those thrones where the hierophant and other priests sat ; alluding evidently to the marble arm-chairs which formed the first row in the theatre, and which, as will be seen when we come to describe it, the recent excavations have discovered in situ. The Athenians, as we learn from the same passage oi Dion, had borrowed the spectacle from the Corinthians, who in the later times were, as we have seen, a Eoman colony. The Corinthians, however, displayed more decency in its use, for they exhibited these combats outside their walls, in a sort of squalid hole, or ravine, in which one would not even like, says Dion, to bury a gentle- man.''* It was, indeed, a sad profanation that the theatre which had witnessed the performance of the masterpieces of ^schylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, should be desecrated by so brutal a spectacle. From the life of Apollonius by Philostratus, we learn that the Athenians gave ' Idem, i. 28, 5 ; Tac. Ann. ii. 55. ^ olov evBvs TO. TTfpi Tous fiovufidxovs nvTO) (rv fXfvBtpcov, 'Adijvaioi Sc €v TvTaiTr)V KoXfjv ravTTjv 3eav vir avrfjv Tr)V aKpoTroKiv, ov tov Awwaou tVi TTjv op\r](rTpav rideaaiv, coarf iroXkaKis fv avTois Tiva cr(i)aTT€(rdat rots dpuvoiSf ov TOV iepo(pavTi]U Kal tovs aXXovs Upfls dvdyKT] Kadi^fif. — Orat. xxxi. t. i. p. 385 sq. (Teubner). N 178 ANCIENT ATHENS. a great deal of money for criminals, adulterers, fornicators, burglars, cut -purses, kidnappers, and others, and made them fight. When tlie Athenians invited Apollonius of Tyana to their assembly, then held in the theatre, that philosopher, who visited Greece in the reigns of Nero and Galba, wrote to them that he would not enter a place polluted with gore. " I wonder," he said, " that the goddess herself hath not forsaken the Acropolis since you shed so much blood before her eyes. If you go on in this fashion you will soon sacrifice hecatombs of men instead of oxen in your Panathenaea. And canst thou, Dionysus, endure to enter the theatre and receive the libations of the wise Athenians in the midst of such slaughter ? Thou hadst better begone, for Cithieron is purer." ' Lucian represents Demonax as exhorting the Athenians, when they were deliberating about the introduction of these combats in emulation of the Corinthians, first to destroy the altar of Pity.^ But if Demonax was born, as is commonly supposed, about a.d. 90, the story is refuted by the authorities already quoted-for both Dion Chrysostom and Apollonius had animadverted on the custom. Of the sophists to whom we have alluded, Herodes Atticus'was one of the richest and most distinguished. He was of an ancient Mara- thonian family, and his father had becomt suddenly possessed of immense additional wealth by the discovery of a hidden treasure. A great part of this he had bequeathed to the Athenians, by directing that each citizen should receive a mina annually ; but his son tricked them out of it by proposing an immediate payment of five min* apiece, and when they came to receive the money he deducted all debts due to his father and grandfather, so that the greater part of them got little or nothing, while many remained still indebted. Hence, after he had com- pleted the Stadium, it was pleasantly said that it was called Panathenaic, because built with the money of all the Athenians. Herodes also derived much wealth from his mother, and further increased his fortune by marrying a rich lady named Kegilla. When he presided at the Pan- athenaic festival he promised the Athenians and other Greeks assembled in the Stadium to view the games that on the next occasion they ' Vit. Aix.Uon. Tyan. lib. iv. e. 22. '^ Vit. Demon, c. 57. WORKS OF HERODES ATTIC US. 179 should find it covered with marble. And he was as good as his word, by completing within the four years a structure finer than any theatre in existence. On one side of the Stadium he erected a Temple of Tyche, or Fortune, with an ivory statue of the goddess who rules the world. She was indeed a divinity to which he was much indebted. In the same Panathen«a he improved the ship which bore the peplus, and made the latter more splendid. He altered the chlamys worn by the Athenian ephebi from black to white.^ They had previously worn black on public occasions in memory of the herald Copreus^ whom the Athenian youths had killed when he was in the act of dragging the Heracleidae from the altar of Pity. Lastly, Herodes built the Odeium, the ruins of which may still be seen under the Acropolis, and dedicated it to the memory of his wife Eegilla; whom, however, he had been accused, though falsely, of murdering, by causing her to be whipped in the eighth month of her pregnancy. Besides these magnificent buildings at Athens, Herodes erected many more in various Greek cities.^ Thus, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, Athens attained, through the munificence of Herodes, the acme of its splendour. Its ancient monu- ments still remained in their original perfection, but from this time little or nothing appears to have been added to them, and soon after the process of decay must have commenced. It was therefore a fortunate circumstance that it should have been visited and described while in the maturity of its beauty by an inquisitive and intelligent traveller ' rhilostr. V. Soph. ii. 1, 3, p. 550. There is a great difference of opinion among the learned on this ix)int. Meur- sius (Panath. c. 22) is of opinion that black was worn even in the Panathenaic procession. Petit, on the other hand, denies that this could have been the case, as there was a law forbidding the use of dyed gar- ments on that occasion (Leg. Att. p. 95, ed. VVesseling, 1742). Palmer supports Meursius, and replies to Petit's objection that the black garments were not dyed but made of black wool. Olearius (ad Phi- lostr. 1. c.) sides with Petit, while Wesseling (ad Petit 1. c.) cites a passage from Suidas (voc. a(TKo^op(lv)m which it is said that the metics in the pomp wore a purple chiton, and the citizens a dress of whatever colour they liked (pi Se doTol ea-dTJra fix^^t V f^ovXovTo). This however does not in- validate the words of Philostratus, which, as Wesseling observes, refer only to the ephebi as a distinct class. ^ The life of Herodes has been wriittn by Philostratus (Vit. Soph. lib. ii. 1). Aulus Gellius, who was his pupil, also gives some anecdotes of him (N. A. i. 2 ; ix. 2 ; xix. 12). N 2 180 ANCIENT ATHENS. GRECIAN CIGERONI-PAUSANIAS. 181 like Paiisanias. A city so beautiful and so renowned as Athens had of course attracted the notice of writers long before his time. About the time of the Persian wars, Pherecydes and Hellanicus had composed works on the history and antiquities of Attica, and these were followed by other writers— as Clitodemus, or Clidemus, Marsyas of Pella, Ister, Phanodemus, and others.' These works, no doubt, contained many particulars concerning the early state of Athens as a city ; but in a later age several books were published with the express purpose of describing it for the use of travellers. One of the earliest and most noted of these authors was Polemo, who lived about two centuries before the Christian era. From his employing himself in collecting inscriptions, Polemo obtained the name of ^TT/Xo/coTra?, or the Pillar- cutter. He wrote a work in four books on the anathemata in the Acropolis; another, in one book, on the paintings in the Propyka; and a third on the Sacred Way leading to Eleusis.^ Heliodorus, who lived at about the same time, also employed himself in describing Athens, and the elaborateness with which he performed this task may be inferred from the fact that he devoted fifteen books to the descrip- tion of the Acropolis alone. He also wrote a book concerning the monuments of Athens, and another on the tripods consecrated there.^ Other writers on the same subject were Diodorus, surnamed o UepiTj- yvr/]^ (the Cicerone or Guide), Menacles, or Callistratus, and Ammonius of Lamptra, who wrote a book upon altars.* But of these writers only a few scattered fragments remain, and Pausanias is the only professed periegetes of Athens whose work has come down to us. His book, therefore, and the few meagre notices in Strabo, are the chief sources of our knowledge about ancient Athens, aided by what incidental allusions we can gather from the classical writers. But as the works of the periegetae were extant in the time of Pausanias, he was pro- bably led from that cause to treat of Attica and Athens less fully than ' See Heyne, ad Aiwllcxlor. iii. 14 voce. GerrnXo?, 'Ou^r- 809). ^j,erj.a. ■' STab. p. 386 ; Athen. vi. 20, x. 48,59, * Pint. Thes. 36; Them. 32; Ciiuon, xi. 43, 72, xiii. 51 ; Hari)ocr. passim. 16 ; Harpocr. voce. 'EKaTofinedov, Kepa- 3 Vit. X. Orat. p. 375, Ilei-sko ; Haqwr. ^(tKoy.'Ep^m ; schol. Aristopli. Av, 394, tVc. i of other countries, and thus the omission of what an ancient reader might have deemed superfluous becomes to us an irreparable loss. We would gladly have sacrificed some of his historical narratives for a more detailed account of the objects which he saw, or a sketch of those which he has altogether omitted. He tells us himself that he had selected only the things chiefly memorable.' Still we have reason to be thankful for a book which conveys so good a general idea of ancient Athens. The little that we know of Pausanias is gathered from his own writings and from some passages in Stephanus of Byzantium.^ From a comparison of these it would appear that he was a native of the Lydian Magnesia (Magnesia ad Sipylum), and that he flourished in the reigns of Hadrian and the two Antonines. . He speaks of Antinoiis as his contemporary, though he had never seen him;^ whence we may conclude that he was at all events a youth at the time of Antinoiis' death, which happened several years before a.d. 138, the date of the death of Hadrian. In another passage * he alludes to the second Anto- ninus, or Marcus Aurelius, and his wars against the Germans and Sauromat^, which, however, lasted during the greater part of the reign of that emperor. In the first book of his Eliacs ' he says that two hundred and seventeen years had elapsed since C. Julius Caesar made Corinth a colony ; and as this happened about b.c. 46," it follows that he ^ o bf) tv rfi (rvyypa(^^s, dXXa TO. paXiara «|ta pvTjprjs f-mXf^dpevov un avTav dpr^Kivai, brfKoxro) 8f) irpo tov Xi'ryov TOV es ^napTu'tTas. — lib. iii. ll, 1- From tlic word e7rav6pdpos, 'Ao-KciXtoj/, 2eXevKoj3i;Xos, &c. 3 lib. viii. 9, 4. * Ibid. 43, 4. * v. 1, 1; cf. ii. 1, 2. •* Leake says, p. 21, note : " Corinth an«l Carthage were taken and destroyed in the same year, B.C. 146. 102 years afterwards, or B.C. 44, they were both restored and colonized by Julius Caesar." But the term of 102 years cannot be fixed froui the authorities he cites ; viz., Dion Cass, xliii. I 182 ANCIENT ATHENS. must have been writing that book in a.d. 171. As he was not yet in the middle of his work, if he wrote his books in consecutive order, we may presume that he probably lived through the reign of Aurelius, who died in a.d. 178, and we shall therefore, perhaps, not be very far wrong in placing his life between the years 110 and 180. Like Herodotus, whom he has sometimes been thought to imitate, Pausanias was a great traveller.^ He appears to have visited Thebes in Egypt ; ^ it may perhaps be affirmed from a passage in his Boeotica that he had seen the temple of the Libyan Ammon ; ^ and he says in his Eliaca Priora * that he had a personal knowledge of the Dead Sea and the Lake of Tiberias. He appears also to have visited Kome and Italy, and many parts. of the Mediterranean, and to have travelled over most or all of the countries in which the Greek language was spoken. The fruits of his travels were a work on Syria,^ now lost, and another entitled 'EWa8o? Hepirjyr/crt?, containing a description of the principal states of Greece proper, viz. : Attica, Corinth, Laconia, Messene, Elis, Achaia, Arcadia, Boeotia, and Phocis. The primary object of Pausanias in visiting these countries appears to have been to describe the works of art which they contained, and thus to prepare a sort of guide-book for the travelling connoisseur of antiquity. His attention was chiefly directed to statues and pictures ; he seldom or 50; Appian, De Rebus Pun. ad fin. ; Pausan. V. 1, 2, cf. ii. 1, 2. Clinton also mentions the restoration of these colonies under the same year, which was that of Caesar's assassina- tion ; but without fixing it in that year. The expression of Diodorus (Excerp. Wes- seling, ii. 591) that it was almost exactly 100 years from their destruction to their restoration (biiKTfKvBoTaiv a\(bov erwu cko- Tov) seems to justify the assumption that the latter took i)lace in B.C. 46. But Pau- sanias' expression * to his time ' (es e/xO ^*^ verv vague. ^ We do not see how Leake (p. 29) can infer from iv. 35, G, that Pausanias had " particularly examined JopjKi." Where it is evident that he speaks only from hearsay ; since he goes on to mention that he had seen with his own eyes (ldu>v oi8a) some black water at Astura, warm baths of Atarneus, opjwsite Lesbos. Whence we conclude that he had not seen with his own eyes the water described at Joppa. * i. 42, 2. 3 ix. 16, 1. * V. 7, 3. * Stephanus Byzant. voc. 2fX€VKo^j]\os. Tzetzes, Cliil. vii. 167. CIlAliACTEli OF PAUSANIAS. 183 5 never describes the architecture of a building. But he mentions the temples and other structures which were worthy of notice either from their importance, their antiquity, their beauty, or the historical asso- ciations connected with them ; and as he does this, at all events when treating of Athens, in the local order in which they stood, his book incidentally becomes a valuable topographical guide. But Pausanias was not only a lover of art. He was also a devout pagan, and a curious inquirer into history and antiquities ; and hence his work rises some- times almost to the dignity of history, from its containing many mytho- logical and historical relations which are not to be found in any other author. It is perhaps a fortunate thing for us, that Pausanias possessed no false and afifected enthusiasm for art. He does not, like some of our modern sesthetical critics, treat us to long disquisitions intended rather to display the beauties of the writer's style than that of the objects on which it is employed. Hence he has not only more space for the enumeration of works of art, but we may also have a more confident reliance that those mentioned, were really masterpieces. He has, indeed, on this account, been accused of coldness and insensibility ; and it has been said that his highest expression of admiration for anything is, that it is " worth seeing " {dea^ a^uov). But, as he travelled over Greece in quest of works of art, he could hardly have been indifferent to their beauties ; and in his days the appreciation of them must have differed from our own. The statues, at all events, must then have been a hundredfold more numerous, and even those of the second class made a nearer approach to excellence than our modern ones. Amidst such a galaxy of beauty, to say that an object was worth seeing would have conveyed a diff'erent idea to ancient ears than it does to us, who from the paucity of master-works are apt to fall into raptures over the few which come under our observation. It is of much more importance to us that Pausanias should have been correct than that he should have been enthusiastic ; and it is for- tunate that in this respect he appears to have been all that we could desire. Some eminent critics have arrived at this conclusion merely 184 ANCIENT ATHENS. from a study of his text. Thus Bayle (in his ' Dissertation on Hippo- manes ') quotes him in preference to Pliny ; and Mitford preferred him as an authority to Diodorus Siculus and Plutarch.^ But it is much more satisfactory to find that the correctness of his descriptions has been verified by eye-witnesses in modern times. Thus the late Lord Broughton writes : " Pausanias alone will enable you to feel at home in Greece; and it is true that the exact conformity of present appearances with the minute descriptions of the Itinerary, is no less surprising than satisfactory."- This judgment has been remarkably confirmed by recent excavations at the Acropolis, as will be seen when we come to treat of it. Pausanias probably omits no place or building which contained statues or pictures by the great masters ; but the rule by which he mentioned some objects, and passed over others, appears capricious. That he should have left most of the Eoman buildings unnoticed may perhaps be attributed to national feeling ; but it is difficult to discover why he should not have named several interesting objects of Greek antiquity, which must have lain in his route, as the Leocorion, the altar of the Twelve Gods, &c. But the most striking omission in the eyes of any modern visitor of Athens is the Pnyx. Perhaps the most probable way of accounting for this is, that the quarter of the Pnyx not containing any remarkable buildings or objects of art, and the place of assembly itself being then in a state of ruin and dilapidation, it did not form one of the regular places to which visitors were con- ducted. And this leads us to speak of the method in which Pausanias wrote his book. The renown of Athens, and the treasures of art which it contained made it the resort of strangers from all parts of the world ; and we can hardly doubt that there were professed ciceroni, who, like the valets-de place of continental Europe, conducted them to the principal objects of interest. It has been not improbably supposed that the work of Pau- sanias was intended as a supplement to the bald and parrot-like details I p ^ Hist, of Greece, i. 78. ^ Hobhoiise, Journey through Albania, i. 214 . METHOD OF PAUSANJA8. 185 of such guides.* However this may be, it is certain that his periegesis of Athens was conducted in the strictest and most methodical order. This is a fact of the utmost importance for Athenian topography. If ho visited the different objects without any settled method, and put them down " at random in his book, it can be no guide to their situation ; while on the other hand, if he took them in the local order in which they occurred, it is evident that his work affords a most valuable topo- graphical clue. It becomes, therefore, important to show that such was really his plan. The best proof of Pausanias' strictly methodical way of proceeding is his description of the Acropolis ; because the objects there being still pretty perfect, we are able to follow him step by step. Here every- thing is noted in the order in which it occurs ; first, the temple of Nike Apteros, then the Propylaea and Pinacotheca, next several statues and other objects, which, as we shall see further on, recent excavations have discovered to be in the precise situation which he indicates. He then proceeds round the south side of the Acropolis, and after describing the Parthenon and adjacent objects, returns by the Erechtheium, and the northern side. Hence a presumption that his description of the whole city was done in the same methodical way. And that this was the case is confirmed by another of his routes, viz., that from the Prytaneium round the base of the Acropolis to its entrance, which also contains well identified objects : some still existing, as the choragic monument of Lysicrates and the theatre; and others so well ascer- tained from classical authorities as to leave no doubt about their site. The same thing may also be inferred from the general method of his book, which is divided into several convenient portions or walks, begin- ning with those nearest to the ports ; a method which it would have been quite unnecessary to follow if the description of the objects had been his only aim, and if he had not also consulted the convenience of the visitor, by taking him through the various parts of the city in a regular order. We will therefore proceed to sketch out these various ^ See Ulrichs, Roisen u. T'orschungen in Griecheuland, Th. ii. S. 148 ff. 186 ANCIENT ATHENS. GATE BY WHICH PAUSANIAS ENTERED. 187 routes, and then accompany him through each of them ; which will be a method as convenient to us as it was to the ancients, for acquiring a knowledge of the city and its monuments. Pausanias assumes that the traveller may have landed either at Phalerum or Peiraeeus ; and therefore conducts him to the city by each of the roads leading from those ports, in order that he may describe the objects found on them ; but it is only on his second walk, namely, from Peiraeeus, that he actually makes his entry. By what gate he entered is a contested point; and as the topography of the most important portion of his periegesis, embracing the agora and its neighbourhood, depends upon this question, we must endeavour to determine it. If, as we have shown, the agora lay to the north of the Areiopagus, there are only two gates which will at all suit the account of Pausanias,' viz., the Dipylon, at the north-west angle of the walls, and the Porta Peiraica, between the so-called Hill of the Nymphs and the church of Agios Athanasios. Any entrance to the southward of these, as between the Hill of the Nymphs and the Pnyx Hill, or between the latter and the Museium Hill, would leave too long a space between the gate and the agora to be filled up by the objects described by Pausanias ; and accord- ingly topographers who have adopted such an entrance, as Forchhammer and Dr. Wordsworth, place their agora on the south side of the Areio- pagus. Another objection is, that had Pausanias entered on this side, he must have passed near the Pnyx, and could hardly have avoided mentioning so important an object. Dr. Curtius is the chief advocate for the Dipylon. One of his prin- cipal arguments is drawn from the Pompeium and the temple of Demeter which Pausanias mentions as just within the Gate, and which Curtius thinks were placed there through a kind of mystical connection with Eleusis, to which the Dipylon led.^ This appears to us altogether fanciful. Besides, it is evident that the Pompeium was intended not only for the preparation of the Eleusinian processions, but also of the * Attische Stud. i. GO, and ii. 17, note. i Panathenaic. For Pausanias says that it was not only for yearly pro- cessions, but also for those which recurred at a longer interval;' by which he must mean the great Panathenaea. Let us also observe that the image of lacchus, which Pausanias tells us was preserved in the temple of Demeter near the gate by which he entered, was carried through the agora in the Eleusinian procession;^ which of course it would have been had the temple and the Pompeium been near the Peiraic Gate ; but not if the procession started from the Dipylon. It has been inferred from some passages in ancient authors, that the Dipylon formed the ordinary entrance to the city from Peiraeeus. Thus, after landing at Peiraeeus, Attalus is described as entering the city by that gate;^ and in the 'Navigium' of Lucian,* Lycinus, one of the party coming up from Peiraeeus, says that he will make his vow in the last half stadium before arriving at the Dipylon. Now, on such an occasion as the entrance of Attalus, which was a state one and attended by crowds, the Dipylon might have been selected as the handsomest and most convenient entrance. Indeed, there was not so great an interval between the two gates as to make it a matter of very much importance by which one entered ; and for some parts of the city the Dipylon might have been the more convenient. But the very name of the Peiraic Gate proves that it was the usual entrance from the Peiraeeus, and therefore that it must have offered the shortest route to the heart of the city ; and a glance at the map shows that this was so. It is probable that, for the greater part of the distance one and the same road would have served from the Peiraeeus, both to the Dipylon and the Peiraic Gate ; and this was probably the ayLtaf trov, or carriage- road mentioned by Xenophon^ as leading to Peiraeeus, and by Plato as running under and outside the northern Long Wall;® but on nearing the city it must have branched into two — one branch proceeding to the * oiKoboiXT)^a €s TrapacTKfVTjv forrt Twi' TTOfinup, as Trffinovfri, Tcis fi(v aua ttoi/ erof, Tiis 8f Koi \fi6vov diaXfinovTfs. — i. 2, 4. 2 Schol. ad Aristoph. Kan. 323. ^ Polyb. lib. xvi. c. 25. * c. 17. ^ Hellen. ii. 4, 10. « Kepnbl. iv. p. 439 (iii., i. p. 203, Bekk.). 188 ANCIENT ATHENS. Porta Peiraica, the other in a more northerly direction to the Dipylon. It must have been in the first-named portion of the road, and near the gate ipv iT6pp(o roiv irvXCiv), that Pausanias saw the monument consisting of a warrior standing by his horse, which has not improbably been identi- fied with the heroum of Chalchedon, father of one of the wives of Theseus, and which, according to Plutarch/ stood at the Peiraic Gate. And this forms another probable argument that Pausanias entered by that gate. He must certainly have gone out at the Dipylon to visit the Academy (c. 29) ; and he mentions quite a different set of objects outside of it. Another circumstance, which will appear when we come to describe the agora, is, that the buildings and other objects on it cannot be arranged with so much regularity and with such conformity to the text of Pausanias, if we suppose him to have entered by the Dipylon, as they can if he passed through the Peiraic Gate.^ Assuming, then, that he entered by this last, we will proceed to sketch out his different routes in the interior of the city. His first day's work (c. 2-14) embraces the street leading from the gate to the Cerameicus or agora, and all the buildings and monuments which lay on the south side of the agora, as far as the Eleusinium and the temple of Eucleia, which must have marked its eastern boundary ; after which he returns to that part of the agora at which he had entered it, viz., the Stoa Basileius, and proceeds to describe the remainder of it. In this route, however, he is supposed to have committed an irregu- larity which does not occur in any other, and to have suddenly left the agora, to which it was devoted, in order to visit the fountain Ennea- crunos and other objects assumed to have been in quite a distant part of the city, the description of which has no reasonable connection with » Thes. 27. See Leake, p. 233 sq. ; Bursian, Geogr. v. Griecli. i. 278 f. '^ The argument of Bursian and others that Pausanias must have entered by the PeiraTeGate,l)ecauseitis some time before lie arrives at the Cerameicus, whereas had he passed tlirougli the Dipylon, he uas already in it, would have been conclusive but for the fact that Pausanias si)eaks of the Cerameicus only as the wjura, and not as the district. ROUTES OF PAUSANIAS. 189 the present route. All this part of the city forms the subject of a subse- quent tour, in describing which he mentions objects which must have been close to those he has described before, if they were really there ; yet he does not say that he has been there previously, or assign any reason for this arbitrary and inconvenient separation of things supposed to have been united. When we consider the regularity of his method in all the other parts of his work, there is a prima facie improbability that he should have done this ; but as the inquiry is rather long, we have discussed it in an Appendix.^ All the remaining walks of Pausanias are accomplished in the most regular manner, and afford not the slightest ground for suspecting a deviation. In his fourteenth chapter (§ 5) he begins a new walk, having completed the description of the south side of the agora, which formed the subject of his first. Starting again from the same point, the Stoa Basileius, he now completes his description of the west and north sides of the agora or Cerameicus, and their neighbourhood, and then proceeds into the new, or Koman, agora, which lay to the east of it. The description of this and the adjacent objects, as the gymnasium of Ptolemy, the Theseium, and the sanctuaries, &c., under the north side of the Acropolis, beyond the eastern limit of the agora, as far as and including the Prytaneium, completes this route. His third walk begins from the Prytaneium (c. 18, 4), just beyond which building two roads branched off. One of these, leading to the Olym- pium and the objects on both banks of the Ilissus, is the subject of this third walk (c. 18, 4, to c. 20). For his fourth walk he returns again to the Prytaneium, and takes the other road through the street of Tripods, round the eastern and southern base of the Acropolis to its western entrance, and entering by the Propylsea, visits all the objects of interest on its summit. Having returned to the Propylaea, his fifth walk (c. 28, 4, to 29, 1) is employed on the objects around and below them, and the mention of the Areiopagus leads him to give an account of the other Attic courts of justice. This closes his description of the See Appendix No. 1. T 190 ANCIENT ATHENS. 191 city ; and the remainder of his book is occupied in describing the Academy, the Sacred Way, Eleusis, and the towns, mountains, and islands of Attica. Having thus given the reader a general notion of the plan and method of Pausanias, we will now accompany him in his walks, sup- plying, so far as we can, some additional particulars which he left unnoticed, and describing, where they exist, the present state of the monuments which he saw. This will convey a tolerably accurate idea of Athenian topography, so far as it can be determined, which a description of the Panathenaic and Eleusinian processions will help to complete. o <» CHAPTEE VII. Pausanias at Munychia— riialernm— Pcirjeeus— Road to Athens— rompcium— Temple of Dcnicter— Porticoes— Ampliictyon, &c.— Ceranieicus or Agora— Described — Cycli— St,oa Basilcius— Zens Elcutherius— Aix)llo Patrons— Metroum— Archives — Koad to Pnyx — Bonleuterinm — Tholns— Eponymi — Varions Statnes— Altar of twelve Godg — Temple of Arcs — Statnes — Odeium — Orchestra — Wooden Theatre — Enneacrnnns— Eleusinium — Simon — Encleia. Pausanias (c. i.) mentions three Athenian ports — Munychia, Phalerum, and PEiRiEEUS. Of the first he only says that it contained a temple of the Munychian Artemis. It was, perhaps, more particularly a military port and seldom a landing-place for strangers. Phalerum w^as an Attic deme of the tribe iEantis, having for its eponymous hero Phalerus, a grandson of Erechtheus. From its greater antiquity it was natural that it should contain more objects of curiosity and veneration than the other ports, and Pausanias notices several here, the first of them being a temple of Demeter close to the port. In a pas- sage of his Phocica (x. 35, 2) he again adverts to this temple, and says that it was in a half burnt state, as it was left by the Persians, the Greeks who opposed them having resolved that several of their temples should remain in that condition, as memorials of perpetual enmity. Near it was a temple of Athena Sciras, which, as we learn further on,^ was founded by a soothsayer named Sciros, from Dodona, at the time when the Eleusinians were waging war with Erechtheus. A little beyond it was a temple of Zeus. There were also altars to the unknown gods, to certain heroes, to the children of Theseus, and to Phalerus, who, according to Athenian tradition, sailed with Jason to Colchis. There was also an altar, according to diligent antiquaries, of Androgens, son of Minos, here worshipped as a hero. The objects enumerated by 1 i. 30, 3 ; ef. Strab. ix. 393. 192 ANCIENT ATHENS. DESCRIPTION OF PHALEUUM. 193 Pausanias may be supplemented with a tomb of Aristeidcs/ and a place called the Oschophorium.^ Demetrius Phalereus, the last of the Attic orators, whose native place it was, and who is Plutarch's authority about Aristeides, said that he had also possessed a farm here. Ac- cording to Diogenes Laertius,^ the sepulchral monument of Mus^us, bearing an epitaph which he gives, was at Phalerum ; but Pausanias, as we shall see further on, places it at the Museium Hill, a view to which the name of the hill gives some colour. The spring at the Acropolis called Clepsydra was said to have run underground into the harbour of Phalerum.-^ This place was famous for a little fish called aphye {^vrj), which, when caught in other places, seems not to have been much relished.^ The mention of the anonymous altars suggests the idea that St. Paul may probably have landed at Phalerum, from that well-known passage in his speech to the Athenians,^ where he says that, when coming through {h^epx6^levofiol av^vvtioL, were not uncom- mon in the Attic demes. Diogenes Laertius, in his life of Epime- nides (i. 110), explains their origin as follows. The Athenians, when labouring under a great pest, sent for Epimenides from Crete, who expiated the city by collecting on the Areiopagus a number of black and white sheep, and suffering them to stray whither they would ; when, wherever one of them might lie down, sacrifice was to be offered to the proper god. St. Chrysostom, on the other hand, says« that such altars were erected by the Athenians for fear of having overlooked some deity. There appears, however, to have been an altar of this kind in ^ Pint. Arist. 1. ^ Ilcsych. in voc. 3 lib. i. 3. * Schol Aristoph. Lysistr. 912; Vesp. 853; Av. 1694. ^ Athen. iv. 13 ; iii. 71 ; vii. 22. ® Acts xvii. 22. In this passnr;e the word 8ei(n8aifj.ou€(TTepovs should, i>erhaps, be interpreted "somewhat religious" ratfier thnn " too sui)crstitious " as in our ver- sion ; for it may have a good, as well as a bad, sense, and an orator like St. Paul would hardly have begun his address with a sort of insult. ' According to (Ecumenius, cited by Meursius (Peira.^eus,c. 10), the full inscri])- tion was Qtoh 'Aaias, koL EvpMtrrjs, kui At^VTjs, 6(w ayva>(TT(^ Kiu ^cVo). f 'f. Pliilostr. V. AjK)llon. vi. 11. ^ Homilies on the Acts, xxxviii. Athens itself; for in the dialogue entitled ' Philopatris,' attributed, most probably falsely, to Lucian, Critias is made to swear by the Unknown God in Athens.^ Cape Colias, whither, after the destruction of the Persian fleet, the remnants of it were carried by the waves, is about twenty stades distant from Phalerum. It had an image of Aphrodite Colias, and of the deities called Genetyllides, which Pausanias took to be the same as those called by the Phocaeans Genna'idae. On the road from Phalerum to Athens was a temple of Hera, having neither roof nor doors. It was said to have been burnt by Mardonius, and appears to have been one of those left unrestored by the Athenians for the reason before given. The image of the goddess was by some ascribed to Alcamenes; but as it was damaged by the fire, it could not have been his work, since he lived after the Persian wars (c. 1, 4).^ On arriving at the city there was a monument of the Amazon Antiopc (c. 2, 1). Pausanias, therefore, must have arrived at the Itonian Gate, where this monument was, as we have before shown.'* Such were the objects to be seen at Phalerum, and on the road between it and Athens. At Peir.eeus Pausanias adverts to the docks or ship-sheds (i/ew? oIkol), and the tomb erected to Themistocles, at the largest harbour, after his bones had been brought from Magnesia. Plutarch describes it as an immense /cp^/Tri?, or base, with an altar-like elevation on it.* We have spoken of this monument before (supra, p. 121). But the most remarkable object was a temenos sacred to Zeus and Athena, with bronze images of both the deities. Zeus held in his hands a sceptre and a figure of Nike or Victory, whilst Athena had a lance. There was also a picture by Arcesilaiis of Leosthenes, who defeated the Macedonians, and his sons (c. 1, 2). Strabo appears to allude to this temple under the title of Zeus Soter, or the Saviour,^ and he says that there were in it small porticoes, * Nr) Tou" Ay vaxTTov iu ^A6r)uaii. — C. 9. ^ Such appears to be the meaning of Pausanias in this obscure passage. (The quotations from that author, where no book is cited, are of course from the ' Attica '). ^ Above, p. 61 and 10r>. * Vit. Them. c. 32. ^ TO iepov Tnv Aios tov Scorijpoi:, — ix. ]X 396. 194 ANCIENT ATHENS. DESCRIPTION OF PEIRAIEUS. 195 containing some admirable pictures by the most celebrated artists. These had probably vanished in the time of Pausanias, or else he mentions only that of Arcesilaiis on account of its superior excellence, or for its subject. Arcesilaiis was an encaustic painter, who flourished a little after Alexander the Great.^ Pliny alludes to the statue of Athena as a very admirable one, the work of Cephisodotus.'-^ On the shore was a long portico, which the coast people used as a market, and there was another market for those who lived further off. Among the porticoes was a place called Deigma, where samples were shown of goods on sale {^e^y^la, ' a sample 'j, and where, also, there seems to have been counters of bankers or money-changers. It was from its nature a kind of exchange, or meeting-place for Athenians and foreigners, consequently a gossiping place, as it is characterized by . Aristophanes.^ Xenophon records a kidnapping of merchants and skippers from it,^ and Polyaenus a plundering of the bankers' counters by Alexander of Pherae." Behind the portico were statues of Zeus AND Demos, executed by Leochares. Images of the people personified were sufficiently common at Athens. Parrhasius is said to have painted the Athenian Demos in a very ingenious manner, representing all its conflicting passions— its anger, clemency, pride, humility, &c.,'' as they are so humorously sketched by Aristophanes in his 'Knights' (v. 719 sq., 1111 sq.). Such personifications were not altogether peculiar to the Athenians, for Pausanias mentions at Sparta a colossal statue of the Spartan people.^ The conjunction, however, of Demos with Zeus at Peiraeeus shows that the people were not only personified but also deified. This fact was denied by Boeckh f but it has been subsequently placed beyond doubt by the discovery of a throne in the Dionysiac theatre inscribed to the priest of Demos and the Graces." Several other inscriptions to the same purport have been discovered. > Pliu. H. N. XXXV. 122 (Sillig). ^ Ibid, xxxiv. 74. 3 Eq. 975, et ibi schol. Cf. Harpocr. in voc; Demosth. adv. Polycl. p. 1214. * Ildlen. V. 1,21. ' Stratag. vi. 2, 2. « Plin. H. X. xxxv. 69. " lib. iii. 11, 8. " In the Monats-Berielit dcr Berl. Akad. Oct. 1853. V Conon erected near the sea a temple of Aphrodite (c. 1, 3), after defeating the Lacedaemonians off Cnidos,^ where Aphrodite was par- ticularly" worshipped, and had three temples. But perhaps Conon's work was only an enlargement of the temple which, as we have already mentioned, Themistocles erected to Aphrodite Aparchos in the Peirseeus. This Aphrodisium has been mistaken by Leake and others for the name of one of the ports, from a misunderstanding of the scholia to the ' Pax ' of Aristophanes (v. 1M\ Of the harbours of the Peiraeeus, the scholiast mentions only Cantharus, because that is the one which occurs in the text of his author. Callicrates, or Menecles, cited in that scholium, says that Cantharus is one of the three shut-up {K\eicTToh<;) harbours of Peiraeeus, and that it had sixty ship-sheds; then came {eha) the Aphrodisium, and then five stoae encircling the vPeiraic) harbour. These no doubt formed the portico alluded to by Pausanias, as used by the sea- board people for a market, which was probably in five divisions, to allow of thoroughfares. The other two shut-up harbours were Munychia and Zea on the east side of the Peira'ic peninsula. At the time of Pausanias' visit, Peiraeeus must have been in a sad state of decay. Already in the time of Alexander the Great, Philiscus, the comic poet, had compared it, with allusion to its walls, to a great empty walnut-shell : llfipauvs Kupvov fiiy ((ttX koI Kfvupr and, as we have before observed, Strabo found there only a few houses round the ports and the temple of Zeus Soter. Dodwell saw there at the beginning of the present century, the remains of a great quantity of wells, cisterns, and subterranean chambers cut in the rock,^ which must have given it much the appearance of the rock-city on the southern hills of Athens. On the road from Peiraeeus to Athens, Pausanias observed remains of the Long Walls which Conon had restored after the battle of Cnidos ' Xenoph. Hell. iv. 3, 10 sq. 2 Anthol. Jacobs, xiii. p. 708. =* Tour, i. p. 42G. He calls it Mouny chia; by which however he appears to mean the southern part of the Peninsula o 2 1 19(> ANCIENT AT IT ENS. (c. 2, 2). Those built l)y Themistocles after the evacuation of the city by the Persians, had been pulled down, as already observed, by the Lacedaemonians. The most remarkable tombs on the road were those of Menander and of Euripides. But the latter was only a cenotaph ; for Euripides was buried in Macedonia, where he had been a guest at the court of King Archelaiis. At a little distance from the gate was another tomb, having on it a warrior standing by his horse. Pausanias knew not whom it represented, but only that it was the work of Praxiteles. It belonged probably to the heroum of Chalcodon (above, p. 63). The first object on entering the city was a building called the PoMPEiuM, in which were prepared the solemn religious processions whether they were annual, or whether they recurred after an interval of years. Pausanias gives no further account of it ; but we know from other sources that it contained a bronze statue or bust {eUcov) of Socrates executed by Lysippus,^ and a painted portrait of Isocrates.^ As the depot of the sacred vessels of gold and silver {lep^ ..,,/, ^o/.7re?,) ..^ed m the processions and games, it must have contained a considerable treasure, which indeed Pericles enumerated among the resources of the state.^ Alcibiades was accused of using these vessels for domestic pur- poses.^ They were under the custody of the Architheori. Harpocration says,^ from Philochorus, that the confiscated property of the Thirty Tyrants was applied to the making of such utensils; but these as we have seen, could not have been the first. Lycurgus, the orator, 'among his other benefactions to the Athenians, presented them with some gold and ^i\\ex jpomjpeia.^ Near the Pompeium was a Temple of Demeter, with statues of her- self, of her daughter Core, or Pherephatta, and of lacchus, holding a torch. It was written on the wall, in Attic letters, that they were the work of Praxiteles. We have before adverted to this lacchus as being carried through the agora in the procession to Eleusis, accompanied ^ Diog. Laert. ii. 43. Tertullian, Apo- log. says it was of gold. ^ Vit. X. Orat. Pint. Keiske, ix. 338. 2 Tliucvd. ii. 13. * Plut. Ale. 13; Andoc. in Ale. p. 126, Peiske. ° VOC. tronTreias. " Vit. X. Orat. (PluN Reiske, ix. p. 346). STREET TO THE AG OB A. 197 with hymns. Forchhammer^ has a very probable conjecture that it was in this temple, which must have lain in Melite, that Hercules was related to have been initiated in the Lesser Mysteries. It was very likely the Ph£rephatteium mentioned by Demosthenes in his speech against Conon;^ and it seems to have been also called Iaccheium {'laKxelov) from the image of lacchus preserved here.^ Near it was an equestrian statue of Poseidon, hurling his trident at Polybotes ; * but the modern inscription ascribed the statue to some other person. We have here, therefore, an instance of the misappropriation of ancient statues ; but the vainglory of the appropriator, most probably a Eoman, Pausanias frustrates by concealing his name. Pausanias calls it an ekcov, the term for a portrait-statue, which this now purported to be ; while ayaXfxa is the proper word for the statue of a god. Two porticoes extended from the gate to the Cerameicus, by which term, as we shall show presently, Pausanias means the agora. But as such a use of it might tend to confuse the modern reader, we shall con- tinue to use the word agora. Measuring from the Peira'ic Gate to the agora, these porticoes must have been between two and three stadia, or upwards of a quarter of a mile, long. There is a portico at Bologna about two miles long. We may perhaps assume from the scholium quoted in p. 99, that the portico nearest the gate was called the Long Stoa. It would appear from what Himerius says of them, that they served as shops, or places of business.^ They appear to have contained various buildings, and they probably had openings for thoroughfares. We have seen that the portico at Peiraeeus, which Pausanias speaks of in the singular number, is called /i;e porticoes by the scholiast on Aristophanes. Before the porticoes were bronze statues of men and women of renown. One of them contained sanctuaries of the gods, a Gymnasium named after Hermes, and the House of Polytion ; in which, says Pausanias, some * Topographie, [>. ^2. Cf. scliol. Aris- lacclms."— L'ueckb, f. Ins. Gr. i. p. 471. toph. Han. 504. * ^"lie story of Polybotes is relited by 2 p. 1259. Apollodorus, i. i- KTvcov, aXKovs re dfovs iaricov kul AiovvaoVf evraiiOd (ortv, Koi Hrjyaaos 'EXeu^cpeus, K.T.X. 200 ANCIENT ATHENS. the market-place. We do not believe, however, that it is found in the latter sense in any of the classical Greek authors ; that is to say, in any authors down to the end of the orators. Nor, we believe, can the phrase apxala dyopd, or ancient market place, be found in them, but only in writers of a later age. Apollodorus appears to have used it,^ who lived in the second century b.c. ; but by that time a new market-place may have been constructed by the Romans, or rather, perhaps, he is speaking of a still more ancient and primitive agora, which may have existed in the early days of the city on the south side of the Acropolis. The new agora had been made at all events before the time of Strabo, who flourished in the Augustan period ; for he mentions that the agora had been removed to a district once called Eretria.- Now it seems very pro- bable that after the establishment of the new agora, the former one came to be called, by way of distinction, " Cerameicus," from the district in which it lay. In any event it is certain that Cerameicus came to be used as equivalent to agora, as we will show by a few examples. In the ' Lives of the Ten Orators,' ascribed to Plutarch,^ who lived in the last half of the first century of our era, it is said that a bronze statue was erected to Lycurgus in the Cerameicus;^ whilst in the original psephisma at the end of the Lives, the statue is ordered to be erected in the agora.^ And Pausanias also mentions the statue as being in the Cerameicus.^ Whence we may conclude that in the time of these writers the name of Cerameicus was synonymous with that of agora. Again, Pausanias in his description of the Cerameicus (loc. cit.), ' A pud Hai]:otr. voc. liavhr^yios 'A0/jo5. ^ oi S' airb Tr]s ^Adrjvrjaii' ^Kperpias, i) viv fOTiv dyopd. — p. 447. ^ The ' Lives of the Ten Orators ' were certainly not by Plutarcl). Anybody may convince himself of this who will compare the lives of Demosthenes in the ' Parallv-l Lives,' and in the ' Lives oi' the Orators.' The author of the latter appears to haw been a more careful writer than Plutarch, as he quotes psephismata in support of his statements. At tlio same time it cannot be doubted that he was a late writer. * €v Kepa/xet/coJ.— riut. Oper. t. ix. j). 353, Reislce. fTTTjo-ai avToii rov brjpov j^^iiKktiv fiKi'mi (P dyopq. — Ibid. p. oiSt). I. P, •». CERAMEICUS AND AQOItA. 201 mentions in it a statue of Demosthenes. But in the psephisma ap- pended to the life of Demosthenes, it is directed that he should have a statue in the agora.^ And indeed, the author of the life here says that it was in the agora ;^ and in another place he identifies the spot more accurately, by saying that it was near the enclosed space and the altar of the Twelve Gods;^ which as we have seen (supra, p. 82^, was erected in the agora by Peisistratus the son of Hippias. Hence it would seem that some of these later writers use the words indifferently, and that there was no universal or exclusive custom in the matter. For thus Lucian, a late writer, mentions the statues of Harmodius and Aris- togeiton as being in the agora;* whilst Pausanias and Arrian, who both lived in the time of the Antonines, speak of them as being in the Cerameicus.^ But Aristotle, a classical writer, says they were in the agora.^ The usage, therefore, of the later writers seems to have some- times varied in this matter, though it appears to have inclined for Cerameicus ; and Pausanias doubtless adopted the latter appellation for the sake of clearness in his topographical description, as he had to speak of two market places-the regular Athenian agora, and the later one established by the Romans. In Grecian cities, the market place or agora was the centre both of political and social life. It was here that the assemblies of the people were originally held, and it was not till the riper years of Athenian history that a separate place, the Pnyx, was set apart for them. It was in and about the agora, as being the heart of the city, that the legisla- tive chambers, the courts of law, and the other establishments for con- ducting the public business, were placed ; and from this cause, as well as from the large resort for purposes of traffic, the agora became the seat not only of the finest public buildings, but also of the principal monuments erected in honour of public men.^ It was to these that the 1 Plut. Op. ix. 380. '^ Ibid. p. 360. ' ibid. p. 367. * De Parasit. c. 48 (t. ii. p. 873, Pieibz). " Pans. i. 8, a; Airian, Exp. Alex. iii. !»*), 8. " Km els ou TTpSiTOV iyKu>p.iov (Troirjdrj, olov els'linroXoxov, Koi 'Appodiov KaVApia- T, 6. ^ n7rdvT(OU yap iifiiv ra>v KaXcou €pyu}V ra 202 ANCIENT ATHENS. DESCRIPTION OF THE MARKET-PLACE. 203 attention of Pausanias was exclusively directed ; but as we should scarcely obtain a complete knowledge of Athenian life without also sur- veying it as a market, and a place of resort for idlers and gossips, we shall say a few words about it under those aspects also. The laws respecting the agora appear to have been very strict. Although we cannot affirm that Plato, in his 'Laws,' ^ speaks of the actual usage, yet we may infer that he wrote conformably to Athenian notions when he lays it down that all buying and selling must be done in the proper place in the agora, and for ready money ; those who conducted their business in other places, and on credit, were to do so at their own risk, and were not to be allowed to claim the benefit of the laws. This could hardly have been the actual practice ; still there was a habit of ready-money dealing among the Athenians which gave rise to the pro- verb " Attic faith " ('ATTtATj; TrtWt?), and is probably alluded to by Plautusin the 'Asinaria'— " Graeca mercari fide." There was an express law against speaking falsely in the market, that is, we suppose, making fraudulent misrepresentations, either on the part of buyer or seller.''^ The Agoranomi, of whom there were five at Athens and five at Pirseeus, were charged with seeing that this law was observed, as well as all other regulations concerning sales.*^ They appear to have had the power to punish citizens by fines, and metics and slaves by flogging. They were also the receivers of the market dues.* It was forbidden to taunt any citizen with being a dealer in the agora.^ Goods were sold in booths or stalls (a-K-qvai), but tradespeople were not allowed to set them up wherever they pleased. Each trade had its allotted place in the agora called a circle {kvk\o<;), apparently because the booths were pitched in a ring. Everything but meat appears to have been sold in these kvkXol.^ When the agora was wanted for VTrofivTjfiara iv Tjj dyopa dvaKdrai. — -^Esch. c. Ctesiph. p. 575, TJeiske, * lib. xi. p. 915 (iii. 3, 235, Bekk.). ' Harpocrat. in Kara ti)v dyopau dyj/evBelv. Cf. Demosth. in Lept. p. 459, Keiske. ' Harpocr. in ' Aynpdvofioi. * In later times tlic Agoranomi >eem to have been identified with the Logistaj (schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 720) ; but origi- nally these were distinct magistrates. Cf. ibid. V. 896. ^ 'Demosth. in Eubul. p. 1308, Keiske. ^ Schol. ad Aristoph. Kq. 137. public occasions the booths were cleared away. The circles were named after the articles sold in them : as the fish market, the unguent market, the green-cheese market, &c. (to 6>o., rh i^vpa, 6 x^^po. rvpo,). Eupolis names several kv^Xoc in the following lines :- TTfpin^doV els TCL (TKOpoha Ktll zh KpOflflVU KOL TTf/Ji TO. yeXyTj. " 1 „ c.„t about to tl,e garlic n.aAct, the onion shops, the frankincense shop., an,l towards the spice dealers, and the frippery market." Particular spots in the market appear to liave been frequented Ly certain townspeople as a rendezvous. Thus the Deceleians were to he found at the barber's shop near the Herman, and the meetmg-place for the Plata^ans was at the green-cheese market,^ and others, according to their wants or their trades, at the shoemaker's shop, the unguent market, &c. We sometimes hear of iyopa, «^«Xo, in a different sense from that just mentioned, and signifying apparently not any particular division ot the agora but the whole of it, or rather the persons assembled in it, as in the following passage of the ' Orestes ' of Euripides :- " Keeping aloof from the eity and the market-place." menee Leake has been led to think' that the Athenian agora was actually of a circular form. And he is confirmed in this idea by another passage in the < Hipparchics ' of Xenophon, where it is said that 1 Thus Lysias : fXdovra ds tov xXwpo" Tupoi/.— cent. Tancl. p. 732, Reiske. Cf. Taylor, Lect. Lysiaca^ c. 12. And Aristo- phanes : TO. nfipdKia ravri Xc'yo), rdv t(o /ivpo). — Eq. 1375, "in the unguent market." Where the scholiast observes that it was an Attic usage to name places after Avhat was sold in them, and thus to say TO livpov for to nvpmrMkiov. Again m the 'Kanx': irapa rous Ix^i^^ dviKvylrtv (10G8), "at the fish market." 2 Fragm. ap. MtineUe, p. 211. Asses' flesh seems to have been a common meat in antiquity. The place Avhere it was sold was called fieaKovia. Poll. ix. 5. » Lysias c. I'ancl. p. 731 sq. ; eKatrros yap vpuw eWia-rai irpoa(f)cHTqv 6 p.fv npos pvpoTw'ki.ov, 6 be npos Kovpt'iou, 6 be npos aKVTOTopelov. — Idem, Trept tov 'Abwdrov, p. 754. ' vol. i. p. 217 sq. 204 ANCIENT ATHENS. the cavalry are to ride round the agora.^ Hence he imagines the agora to have described a sort of half-circle round the southern part of the Areiopagus. But with regard to the first passage we may observe that the scene of the ' Orestes ' is laid at Argos, and therefore can prove nothing respecting the agora at Athens, even if kvkXo, here had really any reference to material form. But ^yopa, kvkXo, means not the market-place itself, but the public assembly of the Argives who had met in it to try Orestes, of the proceedings of which the whole speech of the a77€Xo? is a description. The ill-favoured but manly man alluded to in the passage in question as getting up and speaking in favour of Orestes is described as rude and rustic, seldom coming into the city or attending the public assembly, which is all the line means. That this was Porson's view of it is plain enough from his note : " Sed primo observandum est, nuncium, hoc est ipsum Euripidem, cum tacita quadam indignatione loqui, quasi hoynines urhani rusticorum commercio se pollui crederent."^ He does not illustrate the passage further because perhaps he thought that the use of kvkXo, to denote a circle of j^eojple was too common to need it. In the passage from Xenophon, .vkX^ ^epl r^v ayophv TrepceXavvecv means only to make the circuit of it, and indeed .v^Xo, here would refer rather to the horsemen than to the ground which they traversed. By a similar mode of reasoning to Leake's we might infer from the phrases " forum circumire," or " to drive round Grosvenor Square," that the Koman forum and the London square were round. The same rule too would make the !epa circular as well as the agora in which they were, which is absurd. We are inclined, therefore, to think that the agora, the site of which we have already indicated, formed a parallelogram of about three hundred and fifty yards in length from east to west, and two hundred and fifty in breadth from north to south. This would have formed a noble and spacious area, and that it must have been such is evident from Xeno- ' kvkXco nepl ri^u dyophv kul ri Up^ "coutaminating,forsooth, with Ills i.rcseucc 7rfpte\a{>v,cv.-ul 2. the fine city gentlemen." ^ XpuiVo) h;is a liiia.si-ironicrtl meaning ; DESCRIPTION OE THE MAUKET-ELACE 205 phons speaking about the cavalry galloping from the Herma3 to the Eleusinium. The same inference may be drawn from its having some- times served for assemblies of the people, and from the numerous large buildings which lined its sides. On certain festivals the whole agora became a sort of rkfievo^, or hallowed spot, and was marked out with vessels of holy water {-rrepip- j^avrnpLo), beyond which certain persons were not allowed to go. Among such persons were those whohaj^ not performed milita^er^ vice, or had shown cowardice by deserting the ranks,^ or had been guilty of lewd and abominable conduct.^- When any one was to be condemned by ostracism the whole agora was boarded in, ten entrances being left, one apparently for each of the tribes.^ That the Athenian agora, like the Roman Forum,^ was the resort of idlers and loungers, and especially when the hours of business were over, needs no further illustration than the account given by Demosthenes in his speech against Conon, of his promenade in it, and the revellers whom, much to his annoyance, he encountered. In the earlier times the Scythian bowmen, called Toforat or tKyOai, one thousand in number, who were under the orders of the Prytanes, and discharged the office of policemen by keeping order in the assemblies, &c., were stationed under tents, or booths, in the middle of the agora, but were subsequently removed to the Areiopagus.' Two of these men went about with a rope dipped in a red dye when it was necessary to compel the people to go to the ecclesia, a practice graphically described by Aristophanes in his Acharnenses ' : ol 8' €V dyopa 'XaXovai, Kuvca kcu kutu) TO o-xoivioi/ (f)(vyov(Ti TO /if/iiXrto/ieVoi/.— V. 21. " See in the market how they talk and chatter, And send about to shun the red-dy'd rope." ^ 6 p.ev Toiwv vopoBerr^s tov aaTpaTd'Tov, Kal Tov 8eiXdi/, Kai tov Xnrovra Trjv rd^iv, (^a> tS)v TTfpippavTTjpiav tPjs ayopds i^dpyfi. —Msch. c. Ctesiph. p. 56R, Rciske. 2 Idem, c. Timarch. p. 47. 3 Schol.adAristoph.Eq.851. Cf. Phit. Arist. 7. * " vespcrtininnque pererro Saspe forum,"— Hor. Sat. i. 6, 113. ^ Schol. ad Aristoph. Ach. 54. 20G ANVIENT ATIIKN.^. Those who got marked with tlie rope were punished. For the same purpose all the avenues of the agora were closed with hurdles, except those which led to the ecclesia, and all huying and selling was sus- pended.i But to return from this digression. On entering the agora, Pausanias says (c. 3, 1) that the first building on the right was the Iroh ^acriXeto,, or Regal Portico, so called apparently because the archon basileus took his seat in it during his year of office. Pausanias walking eastward from the Peiraic Gate, must have entered the agora at its south-western side, or a little to the north of the western extremity of the Areiopagus. At this point, therefore, must have lain the Stoa Basileios*; and in the time of Stuart traces of the foundations of an extensive building were visible here, running in a line eastward, as the stoa would have done.^ If we may admit the epistles of the pseudo-^schines as topographical evidence, it must have extended nearly up to the ascent of the Acropolis, and consequently to the eastern extremity of the Areiopagus ; thus lining the greater part of the southern side of the agora. For in the fourth epistle it is said that the Athenians honoured Pindar with a bronze statue, which existed in the time of the writer {kuI Tjv avr^ kuI ek w^^ er.), and stood before the Stoa Basileius ; while Pausanias mentions this statue as being near the temple of Ares, which, as we shall see further on, lay at the north- eastern end of the Areiopagus, and not far from those of Harmodius and Aristogeiton,on the ascent to the Acropolis. The very words of the epistle which we have cited prove it to be a forgery. For when a man says that an object uas in existence down to his time, he implies that it had ceased to exist, which with regard to this statue is manifestly false of ^schines, since we know from Pausanias that it was in existence several centuries later. The real ^schines would have said, ' which is before the Stoa Basileius.' And that this stoa extended to so great a distance is contradicted by the fact that it was succeeded to the eastward by other buildings, which must have stood between it and the temple of ' Scho!. ad Aristopli. Ach. 22. 2 See tlie plan of Athens, in the tliird volume of the 'Antiquities.' % STOA JIASJLEJOS. 207 Ares. We must therefore here reject the testimony of the pseudo- iEschines altogether as that of an ignorant forger.^ On the tiled roof of the Stoa Basileius were figures in terra cotta representing Theseus hurling Sciron into the sea, and Hemera, or Aurora, carrying off Cephalus. Near the portico were statues of Conon and his son Timotheus, and of Euagoras, the Cyprian king, who per- suaded the King of Persia to make over his Phoenician triremes to Conon. We learn from Demosthenes that Conon's statue was of bronze, and doubtless the rest of the group were of the same material.^ The Council of the Areiopagus appears sometimes to have assembled in the Stoa Basileius, and on these occasions it was surrounded with a rope in order to keep off persons who had no business there.^ The rope was drawn at a distance of fifty feet, and policemen stood by to prevent improper persons from approaching.^ It was to the Stoa Basileius that Socrates was summoned to answer the charges brought against him by Melitus and others, as Plato tells at the end of his ' Theaetetus.' Before it stood an altar at which the Thesmothetae, after undergoing an examination by the Senate, took an oath to perform their office in a just and proper manner.^ In this stoa were preserved the Kvp^ea, or stone-pillars on which the laws relating to religion were engraved,*' and which, as we have observed, were brought hither by Ephialtes from the Acropolis. Close to the Stoa Basileius was a statue of Zeus, surnamed Eleutherius, and another of the Emperor Hadrian, who was remarkable for his benevolence towards his subjects, and particularly towards the Athenians. Such is the eulogy of him by Pausanias, to which we may ^ There are now twelve letters extant under the name of vEschiucs. Photius considered only nine to be genuine (Cod. 61 and 264). Taylor denounced them all as spurious, and the fourth by name (Heiske, ^sch. t. iii. p. 054). But M. Le Bas has asserted the genuineness of the tenth from an inscription found at Dclos. * Expedition de Moree,' t. iii. p. 25. ' c. Lept, p. 478, Iiciske. C. Nej). Timoth. ; Xenoph. Hell. iii. 4, 1 ; Tsocr. Euag. p. 200, Steph. ^ TTjv €^ Apfiov irdyov ^ovXrjv urav iv rrj /SaciXfio) aroa KaQf^ofiivq iTf picrxoivlar^rai, K.T.\. — Demosth. in Aristog. I'll". * Jul. Poll. lib. viii. 124. ^ Pollux, viii. 86. ^ Aristot. ap. Harpocr. in voc. ; Phot. Lpx. 208 ANCIENT ATHENS. add that the Athenians in return held him in high honour, and put him on a level witli Zeus himself, as we see among other things already mentioned, by his statue being erected here in company with that of the father of the gods. And there can be little doubt that the statue in question, like that of Zeus, was also inscribed with the title of Eleu- therius ; for, as we shall see further on, there is in the theatre a throne inscribed to the priest of Hadrian Eleutherius. Harpocration ' quotes a passage from Hyperides to the effect that Zeus was so called because the neighbouring portico, of which we shall speak presently, was built by freedmen {.^eXevdepoi) ; and another from Didymus, in correction of this, affirming that Zeus obtained the name from his having delivered the Athenians from the Persians. This last was doubtless its true origin, as it is found on other objects besides this statue, and the view of Didymus is confirmed by Aristides.^ Moreover, Isocrates, in a pas- sage lately cited, calls the statue in question that of Zeus Soter, or the Saviour ; which, as we have shown in another place, was equivalent to that of Eleutherius.^ Behind the statues just mentioned was a portico which Pausanias (3, 2) does not name, but we know from other sources that it was called the Portico of Zeus Eleutherius, and consequently derived its name from the statue of that deity. It is adverted to by Plato' in the beginning of his ' Theages ' under that title. Harpocration (voc. Baai\€ioli. p. 576, Reiske. ) records,^ but also for wills, accounts, and other private documents.^ Hence this temple, as well as the temple of Apollo Patrons, the Bouleu- terium, and the Tholos, being all places of public registration, were called the " Archives " {ra apxelay The Lyceium was also an apxelov, and contained the archives of the polemarch. We hear also of another called the Parasitium, the position of which we cannot indicate ; but it appears to have been mentioned in an inscription in the Anaceium, and in a regal law.* The name of the officer (Parasites) who deposited the first-fruits of the sacred corn in the Parasitium became a term of reproach. Three inscriptions having reference to the Metroum have been found at the church of Hypapante, opposite the north-west angle of the Acropolis ; ^ a circumstance which tends to confirm its position. The Metroum must have stood at the north-eastern foot of the Areiopagus, as appears from the legend of a Metragyrtes,® who was said to have first initiated the Athenian women in the worship of the Mother of the Gods; wherefore the Athenians cast him headlong into a chasm which once existed here, through which the Eumenides were fabled to have descended.^ But a pestilence having supervened, they were directed by an oracle to expiate their act by building a senate-house at the spot, making an enclosure round it, and dedicating the whole to the Mother of the Gods. They also erected a statue of the Metragyrtes, and filled up the chasm.^ From this legend- we may infer that the Metroum was a sort of adjunct to the Bouleuterium, and the story was probably invented to explain this connexion. The Metroum appears to have stood at the corner of a street or turning. We infer this from the speech of .^schines against Timarchus, which shows that there was a street or road at it, by which the people went ^ ^schin. 1. c. ; Lycurg. c. Leocr. p. 184, Reiske ; Photius in MrjTpaov. ^ Diog. Laert. x. 16 et ibi Manage. ' Thus the Tholus is described as tottos TIP ip Tois dpxeiois. Bekk. An. Grac. p. 264. * J. Poll. vi. s. 35 ; Athen. vi. 27. ^ Rangabe, Ant. Hell. ii. Nos. 1153- 1155. ^ Metragyrtes was another name for a Gallus, or priest of Cybele. ' irdyop nap' avrop )(a(rp.a bvaoprai X^oi/dy.— Eurip. Electr. 1280. ^ Photius and Suidas, voc. MvTpayvpTrjs. p 2 pf 212 J NCIENT A THENS. THE BOULEUTEIilUM AND TIJOLUS. 213 from the agora to the Pnyx/ and which must consequently have run between the Acropolis and the Areiopagus. Again, it was the same road which led up to the Acropolis, since Arrian says that the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton stood upon it, about opposite (Kar- uvrLKpv ixakLorTo) the Metroum.^ This temple no doubt faced the north, and before it was the altar at which, as described in the passage from ^schines, Pittalacus, the public slave, took refuge. The statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, therefore, would have been opposite its eastern side. Inside the Metroum was a large earthenware cask, in which Diogenes was said to have lived.^ From the south-western corner of the agora to the road just mentioned, leading from the agora to the Acropolis, and onwards to the Pnyx, we have, therefore, three buildings in consecutive order, all facing to the north — the Stoa Basileius, the temple of Apollo Patrous, and the Metroum, while the Stoa of Zeus Eleutherius lay behind the Basileius. The buildings next mentioned, the Bouleuterium and Tholus, are no longer in the line, but face to the east and to the road already mentioned leading to the Acropolis and the Pnyx. This may be inferred from Pausanias saying that the statues of the eponymous heroes which came next to the Tholus were higher up the ascent {avwrepw, cap. 5, 1). The north-eastern extremity of the Areiopagus forms a kind of bay, leaving plenty of room for these structures ; and it is here, indeed, that Curtius places them, though he arrives there in a very different manner. ^ 6 EIiTTaXaKOf epxcTai yvfivos els rfjv ayopav Ka\ Kadi^fi eVi t6p ^(Ofiov tov t^s Mrjrpos Tcov 6ca>v • o\Kov he (rvvSpafioirroSf oiop clayOf ylyveaOaXy (po^rjdevTfs o re 'HrjyT)- aavdpos Koi 6 Tifiapxos jxt) dvaKT]pv\6fj avTa>u f) ^SfXvpi'a els TTCKrav rt]v ttoXlv — cV^jJci 8e eKK\T](ria — Beovcri irpos tov dcufiov koX avroL^ (c.T.X. — p. 84, Reiske. We believe that enjjei here is usually rendered instdbat, ' a meeting of the ecclesia was at hand.'' But we take the meaning to be that given in Reiske's Index Graec. iEsch. : " coibat, ad- ventabat in forum concio." The members Avere actually proceeding to the Pnyx, and on passing the Metroum would observe the suppliant Pittalacus. Hence the haste of Hegesander and Timarchus to get him from the altar, and out of the agora. dvaKTjpvxOjj means only ' should be rumoured about* {irepi^or^Tos yevijraiy schol. ad loc.). ^ Ka\ vZv Kelvrai ^AdrjvTjcnv iv KepofieiKci al elKoves [of Harmodius and Aristogeiton] rj avifiev es ttoXiv, KaravriKpy fiaXiara tov MrjTpaov, ov p.aKpap Tav Evdai/c/icui/ tov ^ctifiov. — Arrian, Exjied. Alex. iii. 16, 8. ^ DioK. Laiirt. vi. 23. In the Bouleuterium, lying next to the Metroum at the commence- ment of the ascent, was an ancient wooden image {^oavov) of Zeus Boulseus ; an Apollo, the work of Peisias, and a statue of Demos, or the Athenian people personified, and probably deified, by Lyson. Also pictures of some Thesmothetae, painted by Protogenes the Caunian. The portrait of Callippus, who led the Athenians to Thermopylae to oppose the entrance of the Gauls into Greece, was done by Olbiades, an artist who seems not to be otherwise known. Pausanias then enters upon a long digression concerning the Gauls. In the Senate House, Zeus Boulaeus and Athena Boulaea had a com- mon shrine (lepop), at which the senators sacrificed on entering, an act that was called elaLTrjpia Oveuv, or el(Ti,Ti]pia virep Trj. 268, Reiske, compared wiih Apsiues De Arte Khet. cap. irtpl irpooifilov. * V. H. v. 12. « lib. vi. 58. ® Diog. Laert. vi. 63. 220 ANCIENT ATHENS. ODEWM—OnCIIESTnA— WOODEN THEATRE. 221 of citharoedists.^ It was therefore probably made in the time of Hip- parchus, son of Peisistratus, who, according to Plato, first introduced at Athens the poems of Homer, and caused the rhapsodists to recite them during the Panathensea, relieving one another by turns; a practice which still continued to. exist in Plato's time.^ Both Hesychius and the scholiast on the ' Wasps ' of Aristophanes (v. 1104), call the Odeium a TOTTo?, or ' place ' ; and the latter adds, " resembling a theatre " {OearpoeLhrj^) ; whence we may infer that it was not constructed with the regularity and perfection of the Dionysiac theatre. Forchhammer observes^ that Suidas confounds this Odeium with that of Pericles ; and it may be added that Meursius * confounds all three ; that is, the later one of Herodes Atticus also. Forchhammer also justly remarks that an elaborate building like the Odeium of Pericles, could not justly be called a place. The ancient one must have been of very considerable size, as, in the time of the Thirty, the hoplites, numbering about 3000, and the cavalry, were ordered to assemble in it ; whilst on another occa- sion the cavalry slept in it, with their horses.^ In these later times, and after the building of the Odeium of Pericles, it seems to have been converted, at least occasionally, into a storehouse for corn, and an office for the a-LTO(f)v\aKe<; and jxeTpovofioL.^ Near this spot and the statues of Harmodius and Aristogeiton was an Orchestra used on festivals for choric dances and more especially, we may suppose, before the theatre was built.^ This increases the pro- bability that the Odeium also was at this spot ; for it was natural that these places for public spectacles and recreation should have been placed near one another, and in the very heart of the city. We may conjecture also that it was round this orchestra that the wooden THEATRE was crcctcd, which by its fall occasioned the building of the stone one at the Acropolis. That this structure was in the agora, we ^ Hesych. in voc. ^ See the Hipparchus, p. 228 (i. 2, 238, Bekk.). 3 Topographic, p. 41. * Ceram. Gem. c. xi. " Xenoph. Hell. ii. 4, s. 9 ainl 24. ^ Demosth. c. Phorm. p. 918 ; c. Nea?r. 1362 sq. ; Poll. viii. 33. OpXTjarpa- tottos (ni(f>avfjs els Travrfyv- piv, ev6a 'Apfiodiov Koi ^ kpiaToydrovos eiKoves. — Tim. Lex. Plat. 'OpxTjarpa • TT/Jw- Tou fWridr) iv rjj uyopa. — Phot. Lex. ( know from Photius.^ Near it was a black poplar tree, from which a distant view of the stage could be obtained over the heads of the spec- tators seated on the scaffolding. This poplar is also identified as having been in the agora by Hesychius, who says that it was customary for those remote spectators to suspend little tablets on it.^ Hence " a view from the poplar " (alyelpov 6ea or Oea irap alyeiprp) became proverbial for a bad and cheap position ;^ a passage moreover from which we may con- clude, that seats on the scaffolding had to be paid for at a price which kept out the vulgar. We might conclude from the nature of the case that the poplar was on rising ground, even if we had not the express testimony of Suidas to that eff'ect,* and it must therefore have been on the rising ground, if not on the cliff*, at the north-west extremity of the Acropolis. We see from the practice of Pausanias, that it was customary to speak of these neighbouring spots as in the agora, though not precisely upon it. If we have rightly fixed the locality of these objects, the poplar must also have been near the Odeium ; and we think that, with a slight emendation, we may claim for this view also, the authority of the lexicographers. Hesychius says that the poplar was near the hierum, or temple (irXrja'Lov rod lepov).^ This absurd and meaningless way of speaking can of course arise only from a corruption of the text, as the commentators are unanimously agreed. So far as we know, the only emendation proposed is that of Meursius,^ who would read TrXrjaiop tou Upiov — projoe tabulatum. But he should have given us an example of Xkplov in the singular ; which we do not think is to be found. We would read : ifXrjcriov tov 'flBeLov, 'near the Odeium.' It matters not that Suidas has the same reading as Hesychius ; for the article of that late and blundering lexicographer is a mere verbatim * "iKpia • TO. iv TTJ dyopa, d0' &v idfavro Tovs Aioiwa-iaKovs dycovas 7rp\v j) KaraaKev- aad^vai to iu Alovixtov dearpov. ^ CK TTJs iv TT) dyopa alyelpov to. nivaKia i^rJTTTOv oi tpp.T}pevov TOvSe tov \6yov, Koi orroa-a f^rjyrja-iv e^ei to ^AdfjVTjo-iv iepov, Ka.\ovp.€vov 8c 'EXcuo-moj/, eirtaxev osl^is oveiparos s. 3. vrpo tov vaov Tovbe €v9a Koi tov TptTrroXc/xou to ciydKfia, K.T.X. — cap. 14. ^ vol. ii. p. 296. d 224 A NCIENT A THENS. THE ELEUSINIUM AT ATHENS. 225 can be thus separated from the temples of Triptolemus and of Demeter and Core, it is highly improbable that a temple so important and so venerated, with statues in and before it, should have been thrust into this dark and gloomy hole ; and, secondly, that it was not, appears indisputably from the circumstance that in the Panathenaic procession, the ship with the peplus went round it; a feat which could not have been performed had this cavern been the temple. Yet in spite of these plain and palpable difficulties, Curtius, in his most recent topo- graphical work,i also places the Eleusinium under the eastern side of the Acropolis, though not indeed, like Leake, in the grotto. Such are the errors and inconsistencies into which they who place the Ennea- crunus with its adjoining objects at the Ilissus, must necessarily fall. Before the Eleusinium was the image of a brazen ox being led to sacrifice. Here also was a seated statue of Epimenides of Gnossus, who is said to have slept forty years. The Eleusinium appears to have been accounted one of the holiest places in Athens, and to have been ranked in this respect with the Acropolis and the Theseium. Plutarch ^ mentions these three places together as worthy of the highest reverence ; and it was the same three from which, on account of their superior sanctity, the country people were excluded when they flocked into Athens at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war.^ It was forbidden, under the penalty of 1000 drachms, to carry the suppliant olive-branch (iKernpia) into the Eleu- sinium and place it on the altar ; that it was death without trial appears to be a false assertion. The day after the Eleusinian mysteries had been celebrated at Eleusis the senate met in the Eleusinium for the trial of any crimes committed during their celebration, and the for- bidding of a suppliant bough to be brought thither seems to imply that their judgment was inexorable.'' It may, perhaps, be some confirma- tion of the site of the Eleusinium, that the little metropolitan church * See his plan of the agora at p. 55 of the ^ Thucyd. ii. 17. Erlauternder Text to his seven maps of * See Andoc. De Myst. t. iv. p. 55 sqq. Athens. Reiske. ^ De Exil. viii. p. 394, Reiske. I f situated towards the extremity of the agora, contains some Eleusiniac bas-reliefs.^ Simon, a great master of the equestrian art, had set up before the Eleusinium a bronze horse, or, according to Pliny, an equestrian statue of himself, on the base of which were inscribed the titles of his works.^ On festival days Xenophon would have the cavalry proceed round the agora, beginning at the Hermse and making the circuit of the various shrines, in honour of the gods. When they had completed the circuit and got back to the Hermae, then he would have them start again in squadrons of tribes, and gallop as far as the Eleusinium.^ This would seem to show that it must have stood in an open space and at the extremity of the agora, as we have placed it. The only object which Pausanias sets beyond it is the little temple of Eucleia, built from the Persian spoils, to which we have adverted elsewhere. Here, then, was the termination of the agora, even if the last two or three objects could properly be called on it ; and a line drawn about due north from this spot will cut the gateway dedicated to Athena Archegetis, which formed the entrance to the new Eoman market-place, lying to the east of the ancient one. Here Pausanias terminates his fia:st walk within the city, and his description of the objects on the southern side of the agora. ^ Rangabd in Mem. dell' Inst. 1865, H. N. xxxiv. 76. p. 360. 3 De Off. Mag. Eq. iii. 2. 2 Xenoph. De re eq. i. 1 ; xi. 6 ; Plin. I n 'V. ,^*ffm'^st^mmmm^mmmmMm'f^emmsmsmmeemsmi-. ■i-s^ -;'*"atri#pShi^^V[ 226 ANCIENT A Til ENS. CHAPTER VIII. Tlie Tlepha^steium — Colonus Agoranis — Aphrodite ["rania — Aniazoneinm — Pseudo- Theseiuni — Poecile Stoa— HermfB — Hermes Agoneus — Poccile described — The Stoics — Altar of Mercy — Old and new Agora — Aphrodite Pandemus — Propylanim of Athena Archegetis — Leocoreinm — Temenos of ^Eacus — Statues — Agripjieium — Stoa of Attahis — Rostra — Boundaries of Roman agora — Appearance of the ancient agora — Oil market — Hadrian's facade — Its destination — Tower of the Winds — Ptolemreum — Theseium — Diogeneium— Anaceium — Temple of Aglaurus — Pryta- nciuni — Field of hunger. To commence his second tour, Pausanias returns to the Stoa Basileios, and proceeds from that point to describe the objects on the west and north sides of the market-place. Some of these, like the temple of Ares, &c., on the south side, were not exactly in the agora, but they were so immediately adjacent to it as to appear to form part of it, and thus naturally belong to its description. Such was the case with the objects on the rising ground which flanks the western side of the agora, and on which stands the so-called temple of Theseus. The first object which Pausanias mentions here is the Hephjesteium, or temple of Hephaestus, which, he says, lay above the agora and the Stoa Basileios.^ And that it was really on a height appears also from a passage in the speech of Andocides concerning the Mysteries, where he says that Diocleides, seeing Euphemus sitting in the Chalceium, and leading him u^ (dvaynycov) to the Hepha}steium, began to tell his story.^ We should always recollect, moreover, that in ancient times this height must have been much more marked than it is at present. The valley of the agora, ' urrcp 8e tov KtpafifiKov /cat aroau rj]v signify above. KakovfievT]v ^aaiXnov. — i. 14, 5. We have ^ Idau 8e Evcprjiiov iv tw XaKKtita kuOt]- pointedout in Appendix No. 1, Pausanias' fituov, dvayayuv avrov tls to 'H^atoreioj/, usual construction of vnip with an ace. to Xeyeiu, k.t.X. — t. iv. p. 20, Reiske. I \ I I i C OL ONUS A G Oli^' US. 0'>7 and perhaps also the other valleys in the heart of the city, has been filled up by debris to a height of some twenty feet, whilst the eminences have not undergone any corresponding elevation. Before describing the objects on it, we will say a few words about this civic Colonus, for so this height was called. It was originally the place of resort for labourers seeking to be hired, and hence obtained the name of o filaOio^} Subsequently, however, the place of hire appears to have been changed to the Anaceium, or temple of the Dioscuri,^ which, as we shall see further on, lay under the Acropolis, beyond the eastern boundary of the agora. We have the authority of Solon for the tradition that Eurysaces, one of the sons of Ajax, dwelt in this neighbourhood after he and his brother Philaeus had made over to Athens the island of Salamis, and become Athenian citizens ; whilst Philseus took up his abode at Brauron in Attica, and became the eponymous hero of the demus of the Philaidae, to which Peisistratus belonged.^ From Eurysaces, on the other hand, Alcibiades was descended ;* and, as we have already observed, his ancestors probably erected the heroum called EuRYSACEiuM. It lay on Colonus Agoraeus, near the Hephaesteium, but is not mentioned by Pausanias.^ The Chalceium mentioned in the passage from Andocides is by some thought to have been a market for ironmongery lying under the Colonus Agorseus, and the vicinity of the temple of Hephaestus gives some colour to this opinion ; but possibly it may mean only a blacksmith's shop. By the statue of Hephaestus stood one of Athena, at which Pau- sanias was not surprised, being acquainted with the myth about Eri- ch thonius; and as Athena was represented with grey eyes — another proof, by the way, that statues were painted — he concluded that the myth was of Libyan origin. For, according to the Libyans, she was the off- spring of Poseidon and the Lake Tritonis, and had grey eyes like her ' Above, p. 99. * 'Ai/aKftoi/, AiocTKOvpoiV Upou, ov vvv oi p,iaBo(f)opovvT(s 8ov\oi (o-raaiv. — Bekk. Anecd. p. 212, 12. " Plut. Solon, 10. * Id. Ale. 1. " Harpocr. voc. KoXwi/amif ; but under EvpvoraKeiov he says that it was in Melite. That district and Colonus Agora^us were, however, cii(ov Koi dviTLOiv. — Harp. loc. cit. ^ ^Afia^oviov — €OTt Sc ifpuv o \\fia^uuts * loc. cit. I 230 ANCIENT ATHENS. Theseus, of which the war with the Amazons was not the meanest, and might well have been regarded by the Athenians with more interest than the rest, as forming part of their domestic history. But it will be proper here to give some account of the temple in question in its present state, in order that the reader may be better able to judge for himself of its probable destination. VlUiW OF THE SO-CALLIil) Til KSKIIM. The so-called Theseium is the first ancient monument that meets the view on approaching Athens from Peiraeeus, and it is in so perfect a state of preservation that, at a little distance, it might almost be taken for a modern structure. Indeed, it now serves as a sort of museum in which are kept many valuable relics of ancient sculpture, and in particular the famous bas-relief of a Marathonian hero, as large as life, carefully preserved under a glass, and still bearing very visible traces of colour. The temple is of the Doric order, and is of the kind called hexastylos peripteros; that is, having six columns at each front, and thirteen at each side, counting over again the end columns of the fronts. The dimensions of the temple at the top of the stylobate are rather more . l' J J B S3 laaga awW B w-WK vta a!g^*gaWM'a».ra*-»»^^'^^^^^^-^' "' ' THE FSEUDO-THESEIUM. 231 than 104 ft. in length, and 45 ft. in breadth. The dimensions of the cella are about 61 ft. 6 in. in length, with a pronaos at the eastern end of about 12 ft. 6 in. ; and the breadth within the walls is between 20 ft. and 21 ft. It is wholly built of Pentelic marble, and was formerly used as a church dedicated to St. George. The name of Theseium appears to have been first given to this building by the Jesuit Babin in a treatise on Athens composed in 1572, an edition of which, with notes, was published by Spon in 1074, a little before his journey to Athens. It is a mistake to suppose that the name rested on an ancient tradition, for it is mentioned by no topo- grapher previous to Babin ; and Cyriacus of Ancona, who visited Greece in 1437, and collected some inscriptions there, calls it the temple of Mars.^ But the name given to it by Babin was adopted by Spon and Wheler, and prevailed to the present times unquestioned, till in 1838 Ludwig Ross disputed its correctness in a Greek pamphlet published at Athens, and since republished in German, in 1852. His view, so far as the negative portion of it is concerned, has been adopted by several of the leading German topographers ; and there can be little doubt of its correctness. Two ancient authorities alone suffice to show that the Theseium could not have stood on the Colonos Agoraeus. Plutarch says that it was " in the middle of the city," ^ and the temple in question is quite at its outskirts, not far from the Dipylon. Still stronger evidence may be drawn from the methodical tour of Pausanias, who does not mention the Theseium here, but further on, when speaking of the opposite, or eastern, side of the agora. It is more difficult to determine the affirmative side of the question, and say to what divinity this temple was really dedicate. Ross contends at some length, that no certain inference can be drawn from the sculptures on the frieze and metopes of a temple, as to the god adored in it. A safer conclusion may be drawn from sculptures on the pediments ; but those which once existed on the eastern front have now disappeared, and it seems doubtful whether the western front ever had any at all. It is natural, however, to think that the subjects even Hctss, Thesviuin, p. - sq. ' KOI KftTm fiev iv /^ttr/y t^ 7r«>Xfi. — Thcs. cap. iilt. ' •tf-:K^:f0umrKtW3m:^ mmmm9mi9> f .m9^ ' m.s'-i»mi^ ut^m f ^mi ^j mrniJ^msmmM '■-•5:«iiqpe*«iW*EKi^^,W RBffi!W.S*W!SM3GaWSP sKj-sassKSisawsa mm^ ' B^ ta . vMaj i ^ffl;5Jj^w^w i^gw ^ ^ -jw ^^ ' ■ ' ' ' ^iMaiiM'ssfm i »ji.u; ' ii i 'a ' iyjwi^^B B 232 ANCIENT ATHENS. of the friezes and metopes would at all events have some relation to the deity who owned the temple. The frieze of the pronaos appears to represent the battle of the Grods and Giants ; that of the posticus, the combat of the Centaurs and Lapithse. The metopes of the eastern front have evidently for their subjects the labours of Heracles ; those of the northern and southern sides, of which there are only four on each side at the eastern end, show the exploits of Theseus. It is from these sculptures that the temple has been commonly assigned to Theseus, but, as we have seen, wrongly. They might afford a general presumption that the temple belonged to some warlike deity or hero, and Ross has assigned it to Ares. But the temple of that god lay, as we have seen, on the Areiopagus. The sculptures have no appropriate reference to HephaBstus ; and this is another reason, besides the site, for rejecting the hypothesis of Pervanoglu. They are, perhaps, more adapted on the whole to Heracles than Theseus, and Curtius is inclined to consider it an Heracleium ; founding his view on a scholium to the ' Frogs ' of Aristophanes, in which it is said that Heracles had a very conspicuous temple in Melite.^ According to the same scholiast it was built in commemoration of the great plague ; and the statue of the hero was the work of Ageladas, the master of Pheidias. These particulars accord well enough with the building in question. But it is a fatal objection to this view, that the temple is not in Melite, but in Colonus Agorseus. For, as we have shown above (p. 97), the latter was a city deme, and if it lay not here, we know not where to place it. At all events, we have here another omission of Pausanias, who does not mention this building, whatever it may have been. The conjunction of Heracles with Theseus in the sculptures, would not have been unsuitable to an Amazoneium, since he aided the Attic hero in his war with the xlmazons, and the position of the building answers well enough to the allusion in Plutarch's description of the Amazonian line of battle (see above, p. 63). Hence it appears to us not at all improbable that it may have been the Amazoneium ; but there are not sufficient grounds for giving any decided opinion on the subject. The building in ques- ' €U MtXi'r*/ tiTTiv fTrKpavtirTiiTov ifpov 'H/Kj/cXeovs aXt^tKHKoi'. — ad V. 50i. 1 t J I r I PCECILE STOA. 233 tion appears to have been converted by the Byzantines into a church dedicated to St. George.^ After describing the Hephsesteium and the temple of Aphrodite Urania, Pausanias proceeds to the Stoa called Pcecile. The two former buildings were, as we have said, probably on the skirts of the agora ; but the Poecile, as we know from several authorities, was actually on it. Thus, ^schines alludes to it as forming one of the glories of the agora.^ The same inference may be drawn from Pau- sanias saying that close to the Stoa there was a bronze statue of Hermes Agorajus ; and from comparing this with Lucian, from whom we learn that the Hermes Agorseus was by the Poecile;^ and with the scholiast on this passage, who says that the Hermes was styled Agorseus because it was erected in the agora.'' A further proof, if any were needed, might be drawn from what we hear about the house of Meton, the astronomer, which was near the Poecile, and to which he set fire when he was feigning madness, in order to prevent either him- self or his son being drafted on the Sicilian expedition.^ Now we know from Aristophanes and his scholiast that Meton's house was on Colonus : oaris eifi fya> ; Mirav, ov oldfv 'EXXas x^ KoXcovds.^ " Who I am ? why, Meton ; Known at Colonus, and throughout all Greece." And this will serve to fix the Poecile still more precisely at the north- west corner of the agora. For the gate and the Hermes indicate a road- way into it, and there could have been none over the high ground of Colonus. This, no doubt, formed the entrance into the agora from the Dipylon. We must here note a very remarkable feature of this part of the ^ Mommsen, Athen. Christ, cap. xiii. No. 116. ^ TrpoeX^fTf ovv ttj biapolq. Kol fls Tr]V (TToav TT)v TTotKiXTjv ' dnavTav yap vfiiv twi/ KaXoiV (pya>v ra vnofiurjixaTa iv tj) ayopq dvuKdrai. — c. Clcbiph. p. 575, Reiske. ' 'Epp,i]s 6 ^Ayopaios 6 napa ttjv UoikiXtjv, — Jup. Trag. 33. ■* o)s iv rfi ayopa l8pvp.€Vos. — Ibid. 5 .Elian, V. H. xiii. 12. " Avcs, 997, et ibi scliol. .^ai»?e»a'^»3«^-«K«'«^^f^'^ii*iW'Wt.5U' lyiMiMiiM'W g5BjE3OT5Tr^'cw^'«srr»~*-K:r-w ■«*»g^^y;^ affi- ^ «^ '^ W g g y »g ' ^ W W WSF^g^ tig^wK ^imfsr^ '' ^.y^s w m s'. :-*v^' f z i' '^rmi!m^ ^f3^^ 234 ANCIENT ATHEN^i. agora which Pausanias altogether omits ; namely, a line of Herm^, which stood between the Stoa Basileius and the Poecile.^ They would thus have formed a boundary to the agora, under the Colonus Agorseus. It was here that the phylarchi, or commanders of the horse, taught youtlis the rudiments of horsemanship, such as mounting and dismount- ing, as appears from the following fragment of the ' Hippotrophos ' of Muesimachus : arelx els dyopiiv wpos Toiis 'Epfias, ov 7r/)oo"<^otT«(r' ol (f)v\ap)(oi , Tovs T€ fiadrfTcis tovs wpaiovs, oil? dva^aiveiv fVi toiis nrnovs " Go to the Hernia^ III the agora, where the Pliylarchs Also gather, and where Pheidon Teaches his pupils, when they're oki enough, To get on their horses, and get off again." This also was the spot whence the cavalry started, on festivals, to make the tour of the agora,^ and was therefore the best place for viewing the spectacle. Hence Demetrius, being commander of the horse in the Panathenaea, erected a scaffold above the heads of the Herma3, from which his Corinthian mistress Aristagora might get a good view of the pageant.* It is here that the horsemen represented on the western side of the frieze of the Parthenon, may be supposed to be mounting their horses. It was an article of impeachment against Socrates, that he lounged about these Hermae and the tables of the money-changers."* A barber's shop in the neighbourhood appears, as we have before observed, to have been the rendezvous of the Deceleians.^ Some of the ' M€z/€kX^s, Tj KaW'icnpaTos, (V t(u irfp). 'A6r]vaiV ' j «! U 'g^-Ji K W.iWJW I »J W I SWSS^H^'JffWtJ'^JWU i.iaw.!- ■i». ^ M. »;^w».«WMiW J MM!l» im yH»t ! gB'tliy^^ msm I 236 ANCIENT ATHENS. On the other hand, Demosthenes and Isbbus call it a TrvXk, or small gate, and Philochorus (ap. Harpocr.) a ttvXcov, or gatehouse ; ^ neither of which terms answers very well to the idea of a triumphal arch ; which, indeed, seems to have been a Roman invention. The Hermes Agorjeus must have been of quite a different character from the Hermae which lined the side of the agora. These cubic ones seem to have been made of stone ; but the Hermes Agoraeus was a bronze statue, and apparently of great beauty, as artists often took casts of it.^ It was an ancient statue, having been erected by the archons in pursuance of the commands of the senate and people, when the fortifications at Peiraeeus were begun, as recorded in an elegiac distich inscribed on its base.^ An altar stood before it, erected by Callistratus when master of the horse;'' a fact which shows that it was regarded as an dya\/xa, or divine image. The P(ECiLE Stoa was originally called Peisianacteios {ireicnavd- fcreios;),^ and obtained the name of ttovklXtj, ' variegated,' after it had been adorned with paintings. It probably faced the south, and the Stoae Basileius and Eleutherius on the opposite side of the agora. May not the remains of a portico still traceable a little southward of the church of St. Philip, and about midway between the so-called Theseium and the Stoa of Attains, have belonged to the Poecile ? These remains consist only of two gigantic figures with legs terminating in snakes, and which appear to have performed the office of pillars in sup- porting a portico.^ These figures project a considerable way into the area of the agora, but not more than about 120 feet from a line extended from the northern wall of the Stoa of Attains, which would not give too great a depth for a large stoa like the Poecile, including the * nepiTv^uiV ai)T(o irtpl rov ''Epfirjv top nposTfi TTvXidi, — Demosth.c. Euerg.p. 1146, Heiske ; t^s crvvoiKias ttjs rrapa ttjv ttuXi'So. — Iswus, de Philoct. Hered. p. 134, Reiske ; ot apj(ovTfs dveOfcrav ^ppr)v Trapa top ttv- Xojva TOP 'Attikov. — Ilarpocr. voc. 'Epp^s irpbs rfi TTvKidi. Where we sec that Har- |)Ocration himself calls it irvXls. Leake would read dariKuu for drTiKov, p. 121. ^ Lucian, Zeus Trag. 33, and schol. ^ Harpocr. loc. cit. * Vit. X. Orat. t. ix. p. 357 (Reiske). ^ Plut. Cim. 4 ; cf. Diog. Laert. vii. 5 (ed. Meibom, Amst. 1692), with Menage's note. It probably took its name from Pcisianax, Cimon's brother-in-law. Bur- sian, Gcogr. p. 286. ^ See Curtius, Att. Stud. ii. p. 40. P (EC ILK STOA— PICTURES. 23^ T 1 portico, or colonnade, in front of it. And if these figures formed the easternmost end of a portico stretching towards the west for about 400 feet, it would, with the addition of the gate of the agora, have pretty well occupied its northern side. The snake-like termination of the figures, so evidently referring to the myth of Erichthonius, seems at all events to bespeak for the building an ancient and genuine Attic origin. The first picture in the Poecile represented the Athenians at (Enoe, drawn up in order of battle, and preparing to engage the Lacedaemo- nians. Pausanias then proceeds to speak of the middle wall ; whence we may conclude with Siebelis (ad loc.) that the portico was closed on three sides, and that the middle wall, or that facing the entrance, was double the length of the side walls, as it appears to have contained two pictures, and the others only one. The first of the pictures on the centre wall represented Theseus and the Athenians combating the Amazons. The subject of the second picture was the Greeks and their kings debating about the outrage of Ajax on Cassandra after the capture of Troy. Here Ajax himself was represented, as well as Cassandra and other captive women. The last of the paintings^ had for its subject the battle of Marathon. In the foreground, the Athenians and Plataeans— the only Greeks who aided them against the Persians — were seen engaged with the Persians in equal combat, the Plataeans aided by Boeotian dogs.^ Beyond these, in the middle ground, the barbarians were flying, and pushing one another into the marsh. This lake or marsh was that formed by the Charadras, under the hills of the isthmus of Khamnus.^ In the extreme distance were the Phoenician ships, and the Greeks slaying the bar- barians who were attempting to get on board. In the picture were also represented the divinities and heroes who were thought to have aided ^ TfXeurmoi (or TtKfVTaiov) hf. t^s ypa(})^s. elaiv ot paxfo-dpevoi MapaOiavi. — Paus. c. 15, 4. Leake translates (i. p. 122) : " at one end of the picture are those who fought at Marathon." But that battle could hardly have been represented as part of the picture of the Greeks at Troy. The gen. sing, ttjs ypa^^f, as Siebelis observes, refers to all the paintings. '■^ Demosth. c. Nea^r. 1377, Reiske ; cf. iElian, de Nat. Anim. vii. 38. ^ Hobhouse's Journey, &c. i. p. 431. if xi-^W^S^" s.-;SK«?SSiSraf^M(«i8WHS*W"^'^«"» -n^tmsfsteBmgfStmm 238 ANCIENT ATHENS. the Athenians in the fight ; as the hero Marathon, son of Apollo, after whom the district was named ; Theseus ascending through the earth as if from Hades ; Athena and Heracles, the latter of whom the Mara- thonians claimed to have been the first to worship. Among the combat- ants most conspicuously represented, were the Athenian polemarch Callimachus, Miltiades, one of the generals, and the hero Echetlus, or Echetlseus. This last, as Pausanias relates further on (c. 32, 4), was the man of rustic aspect who appeared in the battle, and after slaying many of the barbarians with a ploughshare, suddenly vanished. To the Athenians who inquired about him, the oracle only replied that they must honour the hero EchetLneus. There w^as also in the picture a head of Butes, but only as far as the eyes, the rest of the figure being hid behind a mountain, whence, from being so easily painted, the proverb Oarrov rj Bovttj'^} The picture of the battle of Marathon was, no doubt, that which most attracted the attention of the Athenians, as we may conclude from the copious notices which they have left us of it. According to Pausa- nias (lib. V. 11, 2) it was painted by Panaenus, who appears to have been a brother of Pheidias.^ iElian, on the other hand, attributes it either to Micon or Polygnotus;^ but the disjunctive particle shows that he was not very certain about the matter. The truth seems to be that Polygnotus painted the Greeks in council ; Micon, the battle with the Amazons, and Pansenus, the battle of Marathon; but we have no notice of the artist who painted the first picture representing the Athenians and Lacedaemonians at (Enoe. These three artists, therefore, were contemporary, and flourished about the middle of the fifth century b.c. We have Plutarch's authority that Polygnotus painted the council before Troy ; and that the head of Laodice, one of the captive Trojan women, was a portrait of Cimon's sister, Elpinice, of whom he was enamoured.* For Polygnotus was no vulgar artist painting only for gain, but did this picture gratis ; while Micon was r \'i f • ,0> PICTURES IN THE P (EC ILK 239 paid for his labour.^ Micon painted the battle of the Amazons, as we learn from the ' Lysistrata ' of Aristophanes : TOf 8' 'A^afdi/as (TKOTTf i, as MtVo)!' typa^'' d<^' Inirav naxofiivas Tois du?ipd(riv. V. (578. " See the Amazons Drawn by Micon, fighting, monntcd, With the male sex." In the battle of Marathon, Panaenus is said to have introduced five por- traits, those of Miltiades, Callimachus, and Cynaegirus, on the Athenian side, and those of Dates and Artaphernes on the side of the Persians. We may infer from Pliny, that these were among the first portraits done in colours, since he considers them to have been a great advance in art.^ The Athenians appear to have allowed Miltiades the honour of this portrait, instead of an inscription, which had been refused.^ The portrait of Cynaegirus must have been quite in the background, for he had his hand cut off" in endeavouring to prevent the Persians escaping in the ships.* Panaenus may probably have taken the portraits of the Athenian com-manders from busts. It may perhaps be inferred from Pausanias saying, in his account of the theatre (c. 21, 3), that the statue of iEschylus there was much posterior to his death, and to the picture in which his valour at Marathon was represented, that Panaenus had also inserted a likeness of iEschylus. The Portico, with its pictures, appears to have been preserved down to the time of Synesius and the reign of Arcadius and Honorius, when a proconsul of Achaia, who affected in- dignation that the Pcecile, as the seat of the Stoic philosophy, should have acquired more veneration than even the temples themselves, carried off the pictures ; ^ whence perhaps we may infer that they were painted on board, or at all events, not on the wall. Whether the four pictures mentioned by Pausanias were the only ones in the Portico does not seem ' Hesych. voc. darrov. - Plin. H. X XXXV. 54. ' De Xat. Animal, vii. 38. * Plut. Cim. 4. * Plin. N. H. XXXV. 59. ^ Ibid. 57 ; of. Nep. Milt. 6. 3 iEsch. c. Ctesiph. p. 576. * Herod, vi. 114. ° Synes. Epist. cxxxv. ; and the note of Menage, ad Diog. Laert. vii. 5. % I 240 ANCIENT ATHENS. ALTAR OF MERCY. 241 to be certain. An anonymous ' Life of Sophocles ' ^ says, that he was painted in the Poecile playing on the lyre, which he did in his ' Thamyris.' A scholiast on Aristophanes ^ says that there was a picture by Apollodorus, or Pamphilus, of the suppliant HeracleidaB at Athens, " in the Portico of the Athenians ; " by which he probably means the Poecile par excellence. But the whole account is obscure; though the lines of Aristophanes seem certainly to refer to a picture. In the Portico were brazen shields of the Scionaei and their allies, as the inscriptions showed.^ Other shields, smeared with pitch in order to preserve them, were said to be those captured from the Lacedaemonians in the island of Sphacteria. There was also a bronze statue with only one hand, of which Demonax ironically said that the Athenians had at length honoured Cynsegirus with a statue ; though it does not appear that it was really his.* Before the Portico stood a bronze statue of Solon, and another of Seleucus, the companion of Alexander ; and this gives occasion to Pausanias to fill the remainder of the chapter (c. 16) with an account of Seleucus. The statue of Solon seems to be that alluded to by Demosthenes in his second speech against Aristogeiton.^ Diogenes Laertius relates that, under the domination of the Thirty Tyrants, 1400 citizens were massacred in the Poecile without a trial ;^ and, according to iEschines, Diogenes assigns this massacre as the reason which induced Zeno to select the Poecile for his discourses, hoping thereby to render the place more retired and less liable to such profanations. From its size and beauty it was the most cele- brated portico at Athens, and hence was called " the Stoa " j^ar excellence^'' and in Latin authors, " Porticus," or " the Porch." Its celebrity was no doubt also greatly owing to Zeno having selected it for his lectures, and founded here the Stoic sect, or philosophy of the * Prefixed to his works. ayopq or^o-at.— p. 807, lieiske. Cf. ^Eiian, * (Is Tf]v aroav ruiv ^Adrjvaiav. — ad Plut. V. H. viii. 16. V. 385. 8 Diog. Laert. vii. 5 ; ^Esch. de falsa leg. ^ On their revolt from the Athenians, p. 628, Keiske (who j^ays 1500). see Thucyd. iv. 120 sqq. ' eireXde ras iv AvKfi(o (axoXas), ras iv * Lucian, Demon. 53. 'AKabrj^ia, tt]v a-roap^ to naXXadtoi/, t6 ^ 2oXci)i/a yl^Ti(f>iaaa6ai x^^f"^" f" t^ viaKCiV 2uXa)w (f)r](n (rcopara dyopdaavTa fvnpfTrTJ cVt