MASTER NEGA TIVE NO . 92 -80602 MICROFILMED 1992 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material.. Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to «?S ^ ^T °''^T "?' "^ ^^^ judgement, fulfillment of the order would mvolve violation of the copyright law AUTHOR: HOOKHAM, MARY ANN F'*'^ TLE: THE LIFE AND TIMES OF MARGARET.... 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INC WOOnRR innFrr I n Association for Information and image Management HOOWayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring, N/iaryland 20910 301/537-8202 Centimeter Lil 2 3 4 liiiiliiiili 8 9 iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiili iiliiiiliiiiliii 10 iiiiliiii 11 12 13 14 iiiiliiiiliiiilnuliiiiliinl 15 mm Wrni I 1 1 1 Inches I I I I I TTT 1 TTT 1.0 i.l 1.25 I m ■ 5.0 Hi 1 2.8 3.2 3.6 4.0 1.4 I I I T^ T TTT 2.5 2.2 2.0 1.8 L6 I MfiNUFRCTURED TO flllM STfiNDflRDS BY APPLIED IMRGE, INC. ■ ''^^ - ^'f'^'Sini^^ \: p 4; tr I ) ( I in the (Citij of ^cw liovTi. 1895 @ltrcH ituouyntouslH. % -J / / /// MAEGARET OF ANJOU. • •»• • ••' 4' I % n THE LIFE AND TIMES MAKGAKET UF ANJUir, Ql'BEN OF KIKG HENRY VI. (From a Hcture of her Marriage sold at Strawberry HilL OF i J « 9 • i i » • » •• » J ) J » » • • * I - } •••••• MARGARET OP ANJOU, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. IJv ]\rARY ANN HOOKHAM. VOL. I. » LONDON : TINSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAxND. 1872. i • • • • • • • • • • • •, • • • •• • • •• • .! ! : : ••. •• '« • • • •-• ••• < • ■ •• ••• '• • ••• ••••• :/: • • • • • • • • ••• • »••• •••••• ••••• • • •• • • •• , • • • • • •••••• •••••• J THE LIFE AND TBIES OF MAEGAEET OF ANJOU, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FEANCE; AND OF HER FATHER ii EENE ''THE GOOD," KIXO OF SICILY, NAPLES, AND JERUSALEM. WITH MEMOIRS OF THE HOUSES OF ANJOU. BY MAEY ANN HOOKHAM. . t * WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON : TINSLEY BKOTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAND. 1872. LOXDOX : BRADBITRY, BVAK8, AND CO., PRINTERS, WH1TEFRIAR8. T( i, To Ox e SI P^ « o. TO THE KEADEK. It is not my intention to write a preface to the accompanying ^York, since I have long felt assured that I may trust to its own intrinsic interest to com- mend it to the historic reader. Tlie romance of real life, so remarkably depicted in the vicissitudes of Queen Margaret's career, and that of her Father, cannot fail to arouse the feeling heart, and to awaken genuine sentiment : add to this, the broad light diffused over the arts and literature of those times, by King Ren6" the Good." My sole object, therefore, in this page is to render a just tribute to those who have kindly aided me in a task, which, from the obscure period of which it treats, has been found greater than at the commence- ment was anticipated. More especially do I seek this opportunity to acknowledge, the valuable assistance rendered me, through the courteous correspondence of that learned historian, the late M. de Barante ; as well as that of M. Grille, Librarian of the University of 047 HI I^J^^^^^^^^^Z^HZx^^i^^^BSa ^ TO THE EEADER. Angers, to Avhom I Lave been greatly indebted for facts of local Interest. To many kind friends and relatives, who have ably assisted me in my under- taking, and foremost amongst them to Mrs. Matthew Hall, I desire also through this medium to express my very sincere thanks. MARY ANN HOOKHAM. 4, FiTZEOY Street, Fiizrot Squap.e, fciniari/ 20fh, IS72. »-— »»"^ CONTENTS. INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. PART T. PAGE The Early Histoby of Anjou i PART II. The Ancestoes of Rene of Anjou :— John, King of Fringe 45 Louis I., Duke of Anjou 47 Louis II., Duke of Anjou 72 Louis III., Duke of Anjou 95 CHAPTER 1. A.D. 1435. Rent's birth— Education— Marriage— Children— His tastes and wars — The Battle of Bulgneville— He becomes Duke of Lorraine and Bar— Ren6 in prison— Released on his parole— The Emperor Sigis- raond's decision — Fetes in Lorraine — Ren^ returns to his prison — Death of Louis III.— Death of Queen Joanna IL— She appointed Ren^ her heir— Ren6 sends his Queen, Isabella, into Provence and to Naples xiS CHAPTER II. A.D. 1444. Queen Isabella's reception at Naples — Her talents and influence — Her great successes — Rival claims — Alphonso set free — Ren^ is libera- ted — He goes to Tours, Anjou, and Provence — Then to Grenoa and Naples— His reception there — Ren^s poverty — His cause declines — Alphonso besieges Naples — Caldora dies— Rene visits the Pro- vinces — Alphonso goes to Capua — Returns and renews the siege of Naples — He enters the city — Rent's bravery and defeat — He returns to France — A marriage contract — Rene's mother dies — Louis of Anjou dies — The treaty for peace at Tours, and for the marriage of Henry VI. to Margaret of Anjou 170 Xll CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. Affairs in England previous to the marriage of Henry VI. FAGE 203 CHAPTER lY. A.D. 1444-1445. The marriage of Margaret of Anjon by proxy— Her progress through France — Her arrival in England— Her illness— Her marriage to King Henrj- VI.— Her progress to London— Her reception by the people — Her coronation £26 CHAPTER Y. A.D. 1446-1 44S. The Queen's great influence— A conspiracy against the Duke of Glou- cester—His death and character— The Cardinal of Winchester dies- Colleges founded— The Duke of Suffolk's defence— The pretensions of the Duke of York— His variance with the Duke of Somerset . 279 CHAPTER YI. A-D. 144S-1450. The surrender of Maine and Anjou— The Duke of Suffolk's impeach- ment— His banishment and death— The loss of Caen— The conduct of Sir David Hall-Somerset returns to England— Cade's rebeUion and death CHAPTER YII. A.D. 1451-1455. Cbmonrs against the Duke of Somerset-York takes up arms-He is apprehended, and released- Treaty with Scotland— The Queen visits Norwich— Her correspondence— The loss of Guienne— Lord Talbot's death-Henry VI. taken ill-The birth of Prince Edward- The Duke of York made " Protector "-The King recovers, and resumes his authority— York retires into Wales • • • • APPENDIX 322 363 415 • • • • I* • '» .• • » • ••• • • • • • • • ■•••t* oil >* i i INTRODUCTOEY HISTORY. PART L OP THE BABLY HISTORY OF ANJOU. After the conquests of Charlemagne the Em- peror, the great kingdom of France was divided into numerous fiefs, or petty sovereignties. These were again, after the intervention of that long period called the feudal times, re-united under the French crown. Of these provinces, Anjou was one which took a conspicuous part in the poKtics of Europe. During 600 years the Angevine rulers were of three separate families or *' Houses," originating in, and acknowledging allegiance to, the crown of France. Some difficulty has been found by writers in marking distinctly the origin and fall of the First House of Anjou ; but the dynasty of ihe " Third House," from which Rene of Anjou and his daughter Margaret sprung by direct lineal descent, is traced with sufficient per- spicuity in all the annals. FTBST AND SECOND HOUSES OF ANJOU. In the vear 768, Charlemame bestowed his sisi:er Bertha in marriage on Milon, Count of Maine, giving, as her dower, the territory of Anjou, and confen^ upon Milon the title of Count of Angers. From this VOL. I. B 768. 778. 778. 818. 819. 824. 836. • ••••••*.*•• • • •••• ••"•• • '• • • 2 INrilO^I^t'TCjElf : HTSTOEY. inarria<2:e procestleffrfovrlriiksftiiiis: warriors, Eoland, Tliierri, Geoffrey, and Baldwin. After a rule of ten years, Milon was killed in battle against the Saracens in Spain. His eldest son, Eoland, succeeded liim in 778. That Eoland whose praises have been sung by Ariosto — that famous Eoland, who is reported, in one of his hand-to-hand encounters, to have cloven through man, saddle, and horse with one fell blow ! But Anjou can hardly be said to have felt his governing hand, since he was killed at Eoncevaux, in the very year of his accession. The title and possessions then devolved upon his brother Tliierri, who was destined, during a long reign, to bear the brunt of a cruel warfare, often simultane- ously carried on by two fierce enemies, and to witness continual scenes of devastation and carnage over- spreading that fine portion of France entrusted to his charii^e. The imperial power of Charlemagne was too mighty for the grasp of his son, and, under the mental and moral incapacity of his grandson, it dwindled and narrowly escaped extinction. Louis *■ le Debonnaire," the son and successor of Charlemai]:ne, had not been four years upon the throne of France, ere the Bretons rose in open rebellion against him. The King repaired to Angers, and, joined by his cousin Tliierri and the Angevine nobility, marched into Brittany, and speedily reduced that refi-actory province. Five years after, a second rising of the Bretons, under their Duke Nomeno^, is stated to have been suppressed by Louis with equal facility. But, as early as 836, according to some chroniclers, a new enemy appeared upon the soil of France, in the persons of the famous brigand, Hasting, and the Danes, who overran and eventually colonised Normandy ; and were, therefore, i .1 4 1" . -« " INTEODUCTOEY HISTOET. 3 often called Nonnans in those times. No one ever did so much injury to the Angevines as this lawless chief with his pirate hordes. In 838, the Danes made a descent upon France by the Loire, under the conduct of Hasting. It was not liowever, until after the commencement of the dis- astrous reign of Charles "le Chauve," son of Louis "le Debonnaire," that the Normans on the one hand and the Bretons on the other, succeeded to any remarkable extent m ravaging Anjou, and dismembering France. In the earliest years of that reign the restless Bretons ■agam took up arms against the new yoke, makin"- their Duke Nomenoc:^ King of Brittany ; and, mindfufof the recent loyalty of their neighbours, invaded Anjou ravaged the banks of the Loire, and destroved the abbey of St. Florent. They even approached the city of Angers, but, on learning that Thierri was pre- pared to fight, they hastily withdrew into their o^ii country. It was about this time, 843-5, that the Danes ionnd then- way to Nantes ; and, after making a great massacre of the people in one of its churches, estab- lished themselves temporarily on a neighbouring island of the Lon-e. Thence they continued to devastate the province of Brittany, for a length of time, conquering the Bretons m three consecutive battles, till NomenoJ' compelled to sue for peace, loaded them with presents' to mduce them to quit his temtory. ' Thierri, meantime, weakened by his great aade the capital of his territory. After making peace with Nomenoe, the Normans advanced up the Loire, entered the Maine, and attacked the city of Angers. Thierri sustained the first onset of Hasting, and even repulsed the enemy out of the city; but the Normans, after making a feint of retiring, retmned in a few days and took the city by assault. They massacred nearly all the inhabitants, pillaged and set fire to the city, and finally burnt alive the unfortu- nate Count Thierri, a venerable old man of more than eight}' yeai's of age. From this period the frontier provinces were for a long time continually the scene of devastation and carnage. The King of Brittany, Nomenoe, bent on conquest, a second time invaded Anjou, and gained the capital without striking a blow. He ravaged both Anjou and Maine for several years, until a violent malady ended his fife. His son Erispoe, who succeeded him, obtained a sig- nal victory over the French king, Charles " le Chauve," who was obliged to confirm to him the possessions of Thierri, viz.. Angers and Upper Anjou ; that portion of Anjou became, in fact, at that period an integral part of the kingdom of Brittany. Indeed, such was the deplorable state of the country-, that, in order to obtain peace King Charles conceded all that was required of him, sanctioning the marriage of his son Louis *'le 4N INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 5 Begue " with the daughter of Erispo^, and confirming the latter in the attributes of royalty. Erispo^, how- asr ever, was slain in 857, upon the very altar in a sanc- tuary to which he had fled, by his cousin Salomon, who then declared himself King of Brittany in his stead. Robert, meanwhile, whose strength and valour had won him the surname of " le Fort," was respected in his territory, and was able successfully to repulse both Bretons and Normans. He remained always faithful to his benefactor Charles, who in return, in 8G1 entrusted sex. him with the title and authority of Count of Angers and Upper Anjou, to preserve during the minority of his son Louis, the heir naturally of Erispoe. But the French nobility, discontented with the unfortunate government of their monarch, viewed with a jealous •eye the favour shown to Robert. They intrigued with Louis, King of Germany, to depose his brother Charles *'le Chauve," and at length took up arms with him at their head, and made their rendezvous in Brittany. Upon this, Robert collected troops and took defensive measures against the approach of the rebels. Louis invaded Anjou with a large army in 862, and imme- 362. diately encountered that of Robert, but the latter succeeded, Avith inferior numbers, in driving back the enemy into Brittany, killing more than 2,000 of them and recovering the whole of the booty which they had plundered during the incursion. The fiigitives rallied indeed, and afterwards re- entered Anjou, but when Robert marched promptly upon Louis and gave him battle a second time, the result was the complete victory of the Angevines, and total rout of the Breton and other forces. Finally, both Louis and Salomon, the Kings of Germany and ' Brit- tany, took the oath of fidelity to Charles " le Chauve." In the same year Salomon enlisted on his side the formidable alliance of the Normans in Brittany ; but i 865. 6 INTKODUCTOEY HISTOEY. tte prudence of Robert dictated to lilm to buy off tlie latter at the cost of 6,000 silver livres. Thus, at length, disembarrassed of the pretensions of Salomon m Anjou the French king confirmed the rank and government ot \ngers and Upper Anjou to Robert "le Fort'' who, ni 863. 863^, obtained another complete victory over the Nor- mans, entrenched in islands on the Loire, m which he was severely wounded. ^ Robert attained the climax of his successes m SGo, over the Normans, on their return from Poitiers to the Loire after pillaging that city. Taking them by surprise, he killed 500 of them, without losing a single man. In acknowledgment of this especial feat the king created him Marquis of Angers, and gave him the counties of Auxerre and Nivernois. In the following 866. year he was further promoted to a dukedom of France^ with charge of the whole country between the Loire and the Seine. He was not, however, successful against his old foes in this new scene of his operations. The Normans, ascending the Seine as far as Meluu, there fell upon a force much superior to their own in strength and commanded by Robert himself, over w^hich 867. they obtained a speedy and decisive victory. A year or two later Robert returned to Lower Anjou, again to do battle with those insatiable brigands. He en- countered, near Chateauneuf, 400 Normans and Bretons, who had despoiled the city of Le Mans. They were led by Hasting himself, who, surprised at this point, retreated within the church of Brissarth with some loss. The churcli havmg been speedily fortified, and the nidit cominc^ on, Robert deferred until the morrow the attack. But, in the night, he was obliged to repel a sally from the besieged, when he was, after prodigies of valour, cut down on the threshold of the church. Ranulph, Duke of Aquitaine, his ally on that occasion,, was at the same time mortally wounded by an arrow h INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 7 from one of the church windows, an(J died three days after. Their united forces were put to flight, and the whole county fell defenceless under the yoke of the Norman adventurer. Robert *' le Fort,^' whose just and warlike career thus terminated in battle in defence of his country, was the first ancestor of a long line of French kings, since Hugh Capet, the head of the third dynasty, was his great- grandson, and the little town of Seronne or Chateau- neuf was consequently the first possession of that dis- tinguished race in France. The peasantry of the country still cherish his remembrance under the homely title of " General le Fort." At the time when Hasting thus re-appeared upon the soil of Anjou, the people of its capital, who had been peaceably employed for several years in rebuilding their city, had at length learnt to banish all fear of the return of that ruthless scourge, who twenty years before had sacked and burnt it so unmercifully. When therefore they were apprized of the stratagem of Hasting, so fatal to the brave Robert and his ally, the consternation was general. The victor returned w^ith his. spoil to his vessels on the Loire. He occupied the banks of that river during five years, living on the pillage of the country. It is certain that from 869 to 873 the Normans w^ere in possession of Anjou, but about the year 871 their chief resolved to seize upon some important town and make it his abode. He gave the preference to Angers, and, quitting the Loire, approached that city. The two sons of Robert " le Fort," Eudes and Robert, were too young at his death to succeed to his rule. The title of Count of Tours and Angers was therefore bestowed on the abbot Hugues ; but at his death, a few years after, the trust of the county was confided to Eudes, who w^as made 871. 8 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 9 872-3. CouQt of Paris and Duke of France. It is, however, more than probable that neither Hugiies nor Eudes possessed any but a titular authority over the province of Anjou during that anarchical period. At any rate, on the approach of Hasting, the inhabitants of Angers, despite the strength of their fortifications, fled in terror. The remembrance of his cruelties had so powerful an effect upon them, that neither assurances nor menaces on the part of the authorities could stay the aftighted citizens. They abandoned their city to the mercy of the Normans, who entering, with their leader, estab- lished themselves there with their families, and became its new inhabitants. The French king, aroused mto activity by the bold- ness of this enterprise, at length concerted measures, with the aid of Salomon, King of Brittany, to expel the bngand. In the following year Angers was success- fully besieged by the French and Bretons in alliance. It was a protracted siege, and only terminated by means of a stratagem of Salomon. His soldiers dug a wide and deep canal to draw off the waters of the Maine, and thus leave the ships of the Normans on dry ground. The Nonnans were powerless, or thought themselves so, without their vessels, and, though the canal was never finished, it is confidently asserted that the cause which made the besieged treat urgently for peace was this ingenious undertaking. Hasting found himself compelled to offer a large sum of money for permission to depart the city with his followers. He even promised to quit the French territory for ever, and so completely imposed on the credulity of Charles, that the King raised the siege, and suffered him to transport his vessels into the new bed of the Maine. Thence he reached the Loire once agam, when, with a faithlessness natural to a foe of his stamp, he remained, and soon after recommenced p his former system of depredation along its banks with impunity. The first person into whose hands the real govern- ment of Angers and Upper Anjou was confided, after the siege of Angers, w^as one of the foresters of Anjou, born in the territory of Rennes, in the Armorique, named Torquat. After Robert "le Fort" and the Norman anarchy, Torquat was the first governor of Angers, and was appointed in 873 simply as defender of the Angevine and Breton frontiers. He had a son of an aspiring mind, named Tertulle, who at first filled the office of ranger, but as that appointment was accompanied by no particular dis- tinction, in order to advance his fortunes he entered the service of the King and distinguished himself in the army. Tertulle became one of the Leudes, or faithful, of Charles, in the year 875, but at what date he succeeded his father as governor of Angers and Upper Anjou, and guardian of the frontiers on that side, is unknown ; it is only certain that between them Torquat and Tertulle administered that part of the country from 873 to 892. In the year 875, when he had dis- tinguished himself and became a Leude of Charles, Tertulle won the hand of Petronilla, daughter of the Duke of Burgundy, which King Charles bestowed on him, together with a benefice in the Castle of Laudon, and some lands in Gastinois. Tertulle became Senes- chal of Gastinois. The offspring of his union with Petronilla was a son, born in 876, named Ingelger, who at an early age attained an historical reputation, and became the first hereditary sovereign in Anjou, as well as the founder of a long and powerful dynastic sway. On the death of his father, Ingelger was only in his sixteenth year, too young to be invested with the 873. 875. 876. 892. 10 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 893 important command which Tertulle had exercised, and yet fiill of promise of a brilhant career. He had been educated mider the eye of his father ; and endowed with natural genius, a noble physiognomy, and a hand- some figure, he had already become remarkable for a skill in horsemanship and in the military exercises, which even compensated for the dejSciency of physical strength that years alone could contribute. It seemed as if already the French King Eudes designed for him the same appointment which his fixther had held, for though some years elapsed before Ingelger became Governor of Angers, yet history mentions no intermediate possessor of that title, and next after the vacancy created by the death of .Tertulle records the name of Ingelger. Meanwhile a romantic occurrence gave rise to his debut, about a year after his father's death, and con- tributed in no small degree to his advancement, in that early age of chivalry. Adele, Countess of Gastinois, the godmother of Ingelger, had found her husband one morning, dead in his bed by her side. Though respected no less for her modesty than her beauty, the Countess was many years younger than the deceased, and that circumstance, coupled with a greedy ambition on the part of the Count's nearest relative, except herself, named Gontran, made her the subject of an unworthy suspicion. Gontran, in order that she might be dis- inherited and himself put in possession of the title and estates, published an accusation against her of homicide and adultery. The decision in this matter rested with the crown, but the trial upon which that decision depended was, in those days, one of courage and strength totally irrespective of justice. The French king accordingly came to Chateau Laudon on a day specified, ^-ith his princes and barons, to jud^e the • >-sS» ■%gBprv«i -Ttma^ INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 11 affair. The Countess was present in deep mourning. Gt)ntran reminded them simply, that some years before, when the King had wished to marry the late Count, the Seneschal of his palace, to the Countess, she had long rejected the offer with hauteur, asserting that the Seneschal was bom her vassal, and that she had only vielded on the reiterated instances of the King and of all his court ; in short, that she had been inspired with sentiments of hatred and contempt only towards this her second husband, and that those feelings had doubt- less caused her to commit the double crime laid to her charge. To prove his assertions, he immediately cast his gage into the midst of the assembly! The Countess replied only by sobs and tears, for no one dared to take up the gage of combat, and in that age the innocence of the accused was decided by combat alone. At length she sank fainting on the ground, and seemed ready to expire. Unable any longer to endure the sight of the agony of one w^ho had taken so much care of his infancy after he had lost his mother, and had subsequently inspired him with all the generous sentiments which form the hero, Ingelger threw himself at the feet of the King, and besought his permission to fight for the honour of his benefactress. Surprised, yet pleased, the King at length consented, though ^vith regret. On the morrow the same assemblage re-appeared upon the field of battle ; the Countess with her ladies was present in a carriage hung with mourning, and, from the raised corner of the sable drapery, her eyes met those of her champion as the signal was given and he loosed the rein to his horse. The age, strength, and military reputation of his ad- versary were all superior. At the first shock the lance of Gontran pierced the buckler of the youth, but there rested entangled, and whilst he vainly endeavoured to 12 rNTTEODirCTOEY HISTOEY. INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. la withdraw it, Ingelger passed his through the body of his opponent, and threw him from his horse; then alighting, he despatched him with his dagger. Amidst the acclamations which followed, his godmother, hav- ing alighted from her carriage and embraced Ingelo-er petitioned the King to allow her to dispose of^all her fortune to him to Avhom she owed her honour. The royal approval was given, and Ingelger rendered homage for all the lands which the Countess of Gastmois thus bestowed upon him. They were the town of Chateau Laudon and the Gastinois territory. The King of France, an eye-witness of this brilliant commencement of his noble career, did not lose si-ht of Ingelger, and some years after gave him the tem- porary government of the town of Angers, and of that part of the county which has been called Upper Anion Ihis however, was but the first grade in the ladder of Ingelger's ambition. Before the ninth century the mihtary benefices granted by the King to his Le'udes, or faithful, had been transferable ; but during that epoch they existed for life, and before its close became hereditary Thus, about this date, the French King, for the better defence of his territories against the Normans and others, divided them as heirlooms amongst his generals with the titles of dukes and counts. Ihe feudal government, which has been aptly 'nf.". '-■'?"? "^ "'°^"'^^^ «°^^^V, ^as then established m Anjou ; and that province was elevated in the person of Ingelger, apparently before the year 900 mto one of those particular sovereignties which all depended on the principal monarchy, by virtue of feith and homage alone. ^Ingelger was created hereditary Count of Anjou Deja Maine, and as his zeal and talents displayed themselves he s^n after became Viscount of Orkans and Prefect of Tours. He then took the command i from Orleans to Andecavi, whilst the Counts of Brittany, Judicael and Alain, completed the chain of defence against the inveterate Normans by undertaking to protect the passage and mouth of the Loire through Brittany. Ingelger's repeated ^-ictories over these enemies acquired for him the reputation of one of the first generals of the age, while the wisdom and firmness he exhibited in his administration gained him general esteem. Thus he obtained the notice of two powerful prelates, the Bishops of Tours and Orleans, who gave him their niece, the beautiful Ad^le or AUude, the richest heiress in those countries, in marriage. The Count of Anjou became by this marriage one of the most wealthy and powerful of the nobles of France. The country of Gastinois had for its chief town Chateau Laudon, and its boundaries were the county of Sens, the territories of Melun and Etampes, the county of Orleans and the Nivemois, including in its compass Courtenai, St. Fargeau, Moret, Puiseaux, and Gien, as well as the territories where the towns of Fontainebleau, Nemours, and Montargis now stand. With all these possessions^ Ingelger became the object of jealousy to most of the barons of Gastinois, who had beheld him from beino*^ an equal suddenly raised to be their sovereign. At first, indeed, they refused to recognise him ; but, either through fear, or out of respect to the King's authority, they all, at length, rendered him their homage. The last enterprise in the life of Ingelger forms an illustration, almost as happy as his first, of the energy and intrepidity, no less than the love of justice, inherent in his noble character. It appears that fifteen or twent}^ years previously, the inhabitants of Tours, in expectation of an incursion: of Hastmg, removed the body of St. Martin, as their 14 INTEODUCTORY HISTORY. 912. 313. most precious treasure, to Auxerre. Tlie security of tlieir province liaving been In the meantime established, the people of Tours now desired the restitution of the body of their saint ; but all to no purpose. In vain they petitioned the King on the subject ; he replied, that, so long as it remained in France, he cared not what town possessed it. In this extremity they appealed to their Prefect, Ingelger. He collected six thousand Angevine horse- men, placed himself at their head, and marched straightway upon the town of Auxerre; which, no longer able to resist a demand supported in so sub- stantial a manner, restored the venerable deposit without further parley. This incident is referred to tlie year 912, the same in which Rollo, having married Gisella, daughter of Charles "le Simple," and embraced Christianity, made peace at last between the Normans and French. In the following year occurred the death ot Ingelger, whose body was conveyed to Tours followed by all the barons and nobles of Anjou and buried according to his desire in the church of St Martin. With this commencement of the feudal system the people of Anjou, who had hitherto always enjoyed certain rights from the time of the Romans, fell into total slavery, and were parcelled out with the lands on which they dwelt. In that state of political annihila- tion they remained, with little exception, until the thirteenth century. Ingelger left one son, named Foulques, and sur- named " le Roux " from the colour of his hair He succeeded his father in the counties of Anjou and Charolais. Foulques inherited almost all the o^ood qualities of his father ; but some historians assertlhat he tarnished their lustre by his dissolute manners He was certamly brave and enterprising, and always INTEODUCTOEY HISTORY. 15 returned victorious from his wars with the Normans and Bretons. Foulques became the first hereditary Count of the entire territory of Anjou. In 914 Charles " le Simple " ceded to him Lower, or Outre- Maine Anjou, and from that time the two counties united continued under one head. Foulques " le Roux" married Roscilla, daughter of Garnier, Count of Tours, by whom he had three sons : the eldest Ingelger was killed in battle previous to the year 929, and the second, named Guy, surrendered himself as hostage to the Normans to obtain the liberty of Louis d'Outre-Mer, King of France. On the death of Foulques "le Roux," his third son Foulques succeeded him, and the first reign in Anjou commenced in which the material prosperity of the Angevine people had obtained any consideration. • This Count was entitled " le Bon," for the worthy actions of his public life. He w^as well educated for his time, cultivated music and the belles-lettres, and associated with learned men of all ranks, eager to profit by their talents. His kindness and condescension towards the poor never varied, and his administration was remarkable for mildness and justice. In short, he vv^as a pattern of rulers in his era. He had, besides, the wisdom and good fortune to live on amicable terms with his neighbours. The age of Norman and Breton invasion of Anjou was past. Twenty years of profound peace intervened before the age of Angevine conquests in Brittany and the territory of the Count of Blois. These twenty years constituted the happy reign of Foulques *'the Good," a golden age for Anjou, a period when that provhice, already the most en- lightened in France, attracted strangers from far and near to come and share the benefits of its learning and its prosperity. In that age of feudalism, how much of all this depended upon the individual character of the 914. 938. ■* **■+*' S£^ - -^ *v-*-jtatf -ftf ^ f^', fy^f^d^ -^^^^^ 16 IXTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 17 958. 978. Count who presided over the destinies of that portion of France. On his accession, that province presented the spectacle of towns and boiirgs abandoned and in ruins, of fields left uncultivated, and of a people of wandering serfs without sustenance and without a home. Touched by so much misery, Foulques bestowed his earliest attention upon agriculture. He granted permission to the labourers to hew in his forests all the wood they required for rebuilding their houses and making their implements of husbandry, and then made them advances of money to procure cattle and seeds. In short, in the course of a few years, through the wisdom, goodness, and energy of their ruler, the inhabitants themselves, as well as their neighbours, were astonished to find the country abounding with flocks and herds, rich crops, orchards, and \anes laden with fruit. Foulques " le Bon'' married Gerberge, sister of Thibault L, Count of Blois, cementing by that union the peace and happiness of the two provinces, Anjou and Blois, during his time. Foulques II., who was, besides, extremely pious, was carried, according to his desire during his last illness withm the church of St. Martin at Tours, and actually died there, surrounded by the bishop and monks, a d 958 He left seven children by Gerberge, the eldest ot whom, Geoffrey, succeeded him. The character of Geoffi-ey was much contrasted with that of his pious, gentle, and humane father Geoffrey was surnamed^Grise Gonelle,"from commonly weanng a tunic of coarse grey stuff*. He was warlike and enterprising. He rendered some signal services to Lothaire, King of France, against Otho II., Emperor ot Germany, and assisted in the defeat of the Normans Danes, and Saxons whom Otho had led upon Paris^ Ihe King of France, to testify his satisfaction, made hmi Grand Seneschal of France, which office he V S .»i{ 3 M ■1 1. ^ <^reated expressly for him and his descendants. The life of Geoffrey '* Grise Gonelle " was spent mostly in the battle-field. He had incessant contests with William IV., Count of Poitiers; he fought David, Count of Le Mans, and, in compensation for his victory over him, received his estates ; he triumphed over the Bretons who had come to pillage Anjou once more ; and was besieging one of his vassals in the castle of ]\Iarson, near Saumur, when he died of a sudden attack in the year 987. Geoffrey " Grise Gonelle " had several children by his wife Ad^le, of whom two alone survived him, and in turn succeeded to his title and possessions. Of the elder, Maurice, no trace has been left beyond the statement that he ruled one year only in Anjou. The name of his brother, Foulques "Nerra," who then took the reins, is well known. His good government during a very long reign was of great importance to the province of Anjou, and much resembled that of Foulques " le Bon," despite its w^arlike character at an early period, and despite the stains with which tradition licenses his private life. But soon after its commence- ment he experienced a bitter and ambitious enemy in the person of Conan I., King of Brittany, who had married his sister. He had occasion to do battle in person more than once during the year 992 against his brother-in-law, who was as treacherous as Foulques was brave and honest. The last sanguinary battle in that year terminated in the death of Conan, together with a thousand of his Breton followers. In 994, Foulques laid siege to Tours, then held by Eudes, Count of Blois, and his arms having been there also victorious, a peace of some years ensued, during which he was enabled to give his undivided attention to the administration of Anjou. In his desire to ameliorate the condition of his subjects, and to augment 9S7. 983. «/«7^* 994. VOL. I. -tK 18 IXTrvODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 101: 1016. 102:>. 1029. 1036. le<>:itimately tlie population of the coimtiy, he not only built a great number of to^vns, eastles, churches, and monasteries, but placed inhabitants in them, and sought to render them ha})py by every means in his power. In fact, as the terrible year 1000 passed harmlessly by (when it had been believed that the end of the world was approaching), a surprising change began to operate upon all classes, and in Anjou it especially manifested itself by an era of celebrated architecture, and Foulques became distinguished in history as the edificatcur. But he was yet more worthy of public renown, for having constantly made concessions to his unhappy peo})le. About 1012, he granted lands to the poorest amongst them, and estabhshed public markets for the sale of their produce, in order that they might mauitain themselves. "Nerra" tirst brought largely into use the slate with which Anjou abounds. We find him again, however, in lOlG fighting against Eudes of Blois,''and so late as the year 1025, he conquered and annexed the town of Saumur, which has been called the garden of Anjou. The limits of the province of Anjou were, iudeetl, considerably extended on each side under his rule, until it comprised about the same area as the department of iMaine et Loire in the present day. In 1021), however, Foulques "Nerra" was unsuccessful in a contest against the Count of Maine and Alain III. of Brittany ; and about the year 1036, his son Geoffrey rose in open rebellion against him. He defeated, im- prisoned, and finally jiardoned his son. " Nerra" is reported to have burnt alive his first wife on a charge of adultery. It is stated that her shade appeared to him in after years, and that it was in remorse for this and other similar savage acts of his ecirly martial career, that he made three separate pilgrimages for the Pope's benediction and to the Holy •^ IXTEODUCTOEY HISTORY. 19 Land. By his second wife, Hildegarde, he had the sou Geoffrey who succeeded ]iim. During Foulques "Nerra's" time, Etheh-ed II. of England, and many banished Saxons, took up their abode in Normandy His son and successor, Geoffrey " Martel," became one ot the greatest generals of his age, but inherited none ot the qualities which had earned the public gratitude ior his father. He was engaged in warfare nearly the Aviiole of his life. After serving in several campaigns under Henry I. of France, Geoffrey " Martel " laid sie-e to fours, which was then held by Thibault III., Count of Blois. Thibault, having refused to do homage to the King for his possessions, this monarch had confis- cated them, and invested Geoffrey "Martel" with them. In this enterprise, which took place on the 21st ot August, 1044, Geoffrey was completely successful against very superior numbers. The Count of Blois was himself taken captive, and as many as 1800 prisoners, and a considerable booty fell into the hands ot the besiegers. From his j)ersonal prowess in this victory the name of " Martel," or hammer, was given to hini, m allusion to the fatal blows by which lie prostrated his opponents. The French Kiu"- how- ever became the mediator for Thibault, who obtained Ins liberation by ceding as his ransom the towns and castles of Tours, Chinon, and Langeais. From that date, Tourrame was dismembered from the counties of Blois and Chartres. Before he had attained his twenty-second year, Geoffrey ".Afartel" had twice conquered in battle William V., Duke of Aquitaine. Ihey contested La Saintonge; and, for four years there was constant bloodshed between Saumur and 1 oitiers. On the occasion of his second defeat the iJuke was made captive ; and, after a confinement of hree years, died in his prison. GeoftVey then married his widow, Agnes of Burgundy, who brought him as 1040. 1043. 1044. 1044-3. c 2 20 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 10-IS. 1050. 1060. her dowry, the county of Poitou and many lesser fiefs. The vaHant Geoffrey next attacked Normandy, but could make no permanent acquisition within the terri- tory of William the Conqueror. Though always faith- ful to his sovereign, Henry 1., his great ambition led him to invade frequently the states of his neighbours, and, in one important matter, he did not hesitate to employ fraud as well as force to gratify this culpable ambition. He took advanta<2:e of the infimcy of Herbert H., Count of Maine, to procure his own nomination as administrator of that province during his minority, but never relinquished the sovereign authority over Maine during his life-time. He had, besides, been unscrupulous enough to sieze by force from his nephew Foulques "I'Oison," the county of Vendome, which he restored only on the King's intercession, after he had enjoyed its revenue for twenty years. He made great acquisitions to his dominions, but his subjects could liave experienced little happiness under his restless rule. Although twice married, Geoffrey " Martel " had no children, either by Agnes or Grecia, to whom to be- queath his great possessions ; and with him ended the first branch of the Second House of Anjou, as it is called, or of the direct line from Ingelger. This last of the Ingelgerian Counts in direct descent, resigned his states in the year lOGO, in favour of his two nephews, Geoffrey "le Barba" and Foulques "Rechin," and entering the monastery of St. Nicholas, at Angers, died there on the following morning, in his fifty-fourth year. Geoffrey and Foulques, the nephew^sand successors of Geoffrey "Martel," w^ere sons of Alberic, of Gastinois, and a sister of Geoffrey " Martel." The former received from his uncle, Tourraine and the town of Chateau Laudon, and the latter, Anjou and Saintonge. The inequality of this division was the cause of a bloody feud betw^een INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. .>, ^1^ ! i the two brothers during eight years, as well as of the most unnatural cruelty protracted over a period of thirty years more by the one brother upon the other. The surname of "Rechin," or quarrelsome, given to Foulques IV. has, by some, been understood as referring the whole culpability of these disasters to him principally, if not solely. It appears certain, however, that Geoffrey " le Barba " began the feud by claiming a right over his brother's inheritance of Anjou. He was actually master of the whole county of Anjou in lOGG. Foulques ' ' Rechin " succeeded in making him his prisoner in the same year, but released him on the command of Pope Alexander II. In the following year, however, Geoffrey " le Barba " renewed the wvar by besieging the fortress of Brissac. Foulques ' ' Rechin '' advanced against him, and took him prisoner for the second time, together with a thousand of his partizans, and confined him in the Castle of Cliinon. This incarceration was continued for thirty years, and so terrible was its results, that the unhappy Geoffrey " le Barba " lost his reason. Mean- while, the wdiole Angevine nobility had been divided into two hostile camps ; and very many had fallen in the civil^ war. The recent acquisition of Saintonge w^as, besides, lost to iVnjou during these troubles ; and to appease Philip I. of France, Foulques "Rechin" was compelled to surrender Chateau Laudon to the crown. In 1073, Pope Gregory VII. excommunicated Foulques " Rechin" for having married Ermengarde of Bourbon within the prohibited degrees. But although proved to have been a zealous Roman Catholic by his defence of the faith against heretics, and by his gifts to the Church, Foulques " Rechin " seems generally, throughout his life, to have made very light of papal anathemas. He was a second time excommunicated by the same pontiff in 108G, for his lengthy and cruel detention of his brother in prison. But in proof of the 10G6. 1067. 1073. 1086. 22 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. noc. 1109. utter futility of these aiicathemas, Pope Urban II., ten years after, favoured Angers, amongst many otlier French cities, with a visit, to preach a crusade to the Holy Land ; and having been magnificently received there by this same Foulques " Rechin," presented him with a golden rose, which had received his blessing. Geoffrey " le Barba " was as close a prisoner as ever at that very date, though it is true that he was re- leased sliortly after, by command of this same Pope Urban II. Foulques "Rechin" was a very abandoned character in private life. He married three wives, and repudiated them all ; but the fourth repudiated him. This last, named Bertrade, was the sister of Amaury of Jlontfort, and was reputed the most handsome woman in the kingdom ; but, such was her frailty, that after living with Foulques '* Rechin " four years, she deserted him, and fled to Philip I., King of France. By his second wife, Ermengarde, Foulques had a son named Geoffrev " MarteL" who would have sue- ceeded him in Anjou, but Bertrade was jealous of the hiterest of lier son by " Rechin," named Foulques ; and in HOG, Geoffrey "Martel" was found murdered. It would hardly be expected that Foulques *' Rechin" was learned for his time, but so he is reputed. He wrote in Latin a history of the Counts of Anjou, in which, after briefly speaking of his ancestors, he informs us, that the twenty-seventh year of his reign was marked by a great prodigy. He aflirms that the stars then fell like hail upon the eai'th, causing a great panic and mor- tality in France, 100 persons of rank, and 2,000 of the people having died at Angers alone. Foulques *' Rechin" died in 1109, at the age of sixty-six. His son by Bertrade, Foulques V., succeeded him. He had been invested with the county of Anjou, by Phillip I. during the lifetime of his father in 1106, after INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 2'6 ■■ ^) ii the assassination of Geoffrey " Martel." This Count was destined, in a much shorter reign than that of his father, to attain higher alliances, and to secure wider possessions for his descendants. It was during his reign, that Anjou first became connected with the reigning family of England. He began by annexing the county of Maine to that of Anjou, by his marriage with Eremburga, daughter of Helie, Count of Maine, who, at his death in 1110, made him his heir. Soon after, the King of France needed his assistance against the English : Foulques V. had maintained that the rank and title of Grand Senes- chal of France, borne by Geoffrey *' Grise Gonelle," w^as a family inheritance in the house of Anjou, and taking advantage of the King's present necessity to plead for a confirmation of that title to him, he gained his object. He next distinguished himself by several victories over Henry I. of England when that king in- vaded Normandy. His humanity to the prisoners in his triumphs quite won the heart of the English monarch, who finally sought his alliance, and a mar- riage was celebrated l)etween his son William, and Matilda, the daughter of Foulques. The bridegroom at these nuptials was fourteen and the bride eleven years of age. After AVilliam's shipwreck on his return to England, Matilda retired to the abbey of Fontevrault, in Anjou, of which thirty years after she became the Abbess, and died there in 1155. In 1120, leaving his wife Eremburga with his young children, Geoffrey and Helie, in charge of the county, Foulques made a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and on his return, as Grand Seneschal, he bore the banner of France, and commanded the avant garde of the army of Louis " le Gros." Eremburga was an amiable and high-minded lady. She bore him two sons and two daughters, who were all married to the sons and no3. JllO. 1119. 1120. 24 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. T 112; 1129. 1131. 1135. 1137. daughters of kings. She died in 1125. In the same^ year Foiilques re-visited the East; and four years after finally returned and settled there, as heir to Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, havhig accepted the proffered hand of his daughter Mehsende. In 1131 Foulques succeeded that prince on his throne. He died a violent death in 1144^ and was buried at Jerusalem, while his son, Baldwin, by his se- cond marriage, then mounted the throne. Foulques V., who was of a noble and enterprising spirit, was very remarkable for his bad memory; he was known to pass b}^ without recognition persons to whom he had shortly before testified the most sincere marks of his friendship. When Foulques departed finally for the East, he resigned his rights over Anjou, Maine, and Tourraine to his son Geoffrey " Plantagenet." This name, which seiTcd to distinguish a long line of his descendants, was derived from the badge assumed by Foulques, his father, on his way to the Holy Land. The planta- (jenisia, or broom pod, when in season, was used to strew^ the chamber floors, and thence became an emblem of humility, and as such was borne by Foulques in his pilgrimage. Henry II., King of England, afterwards used this badge to show his descent from the House of Anjou, and it was engraved upon his robe in his monumental effigy. In the same year that Geoffrey acceded, he espoused Matilda, daughter of Henry I. of England, and widow of Henry V., Emperor of Germany. Thus he found himself on tlie death of Henry I. heir to the crown of England, but not only was \hat throne usurped by Stephen, hi 1135, but the Normans also prefeiTed Stephen, who was therefore, in 1137, installed in that fiefdom by Louis " le Gros.'^ For four consecutive years Geoffrey made unsuccess-- INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 25 ift- m^ ful campaigns into Normandy. Stephen died in 1141, but the Normans did not generally succumb to Geoffrey until the year 1144. Meantime some of his barons of Anjou had revolted against him, and even with- stood his authority until 1147. In punishing one of them he sustained the first attacks of the French King Louis VII., in open war, and braved the thunders of Pope Eugene III. to the last. He died in 1151, at the early age of thirty-eight. He Avas learned ; and be- loved by the^people at large, and bore altogether a good character. But twenty years of feudal w^arfare ruined and depopulated his three counties of Anjou, ]\Iaine, and Normandy, and the repeated neglect of a due cultivation of the soil brought on a terrible famine in 1146. Geoffrey rebuilt the Castle of Seronne, which, as well as the town, was from that time named Chateauneuf. His wife Matilda, lived till 1167, and his son Henry, eventually became King of England in right of his mother. Normandy was ceded to him during the life of his father, at whose death, he likewise took posses- sion of Anjou, and his other territories in France. x\njou, thus united to the crown of England, was so held for upwards of half-a-century. Henry II. w^as born at Le Mans, in 1133, and was only eighteen when he succeeded his father in Anjou. Geoffrey had never intended to unite the possessions of Anjou, Maine, and Tourraine under the same rule as the kingdom of England. On the contrary, he had by his will left those counties temporarily to Henry, upon his oath that, from the time when he acceded to the English throne, he should surrender them to his third son, Geoffrey. An attempt however was made by Geoffrey to possess himself of them immediately after his father's death, but having been worsted in battle by Henry, in 1152, was forced to succumb to him. 1141. 1141. 1147. 1151. 1152, w 2G INTRODUCTOEY HISTORY. 1151 1156. lira. 1152. At lengtli, when Henry ascended the throne of England, in 1154, Geoffrey was a captive in tlie hands of the Count of Blois, Henry's ally, and instead of endeavouring to effect his liberty, and restore to him his rightful inheritance, Henry II. listened only to the dictates of his grasping ambition, and retained posses- sion of the whole of his ill-gotten power. In 115G, Geoffrey having paid his ransom established himself in Tourraine, but his unnatural brother be- sieged and speedily vanquished him, and the unfortu- nate young Count died not long after at the early age of twenty-four. Henry II. bears a good character in Anjou. It is stated that in 117G, during a long drought, he had transported from England nourishment for 10,000 men daily for some months; and a clause in his will provided a hundred silver marks for the marriage of the Angevine young ladies. He favoured the works of the Levee, to enclose the Loire within bounds, and they made great progress in his reign. He founded the hospital called "Hotel Dieu,"''at Angers, besides other worthy establishments. Henry's administrative talents are recognised in a hundi'ed ways by the people of Angers and Saumur; the communes and other first germs of the liberty of the hoiurjeoi's^ date from him. He had also a great taste for learning' his court was the asylum of the learned men of Europe. In the necrology of Fontevrault, he is called the Solomon of his age. He was eloquent, loved poetry, and wrote verses himself in the Provencal tongue. Above all, having shown himself the sub- stantial friend of the people, he was very popular His ^ consort, the beautiful Eleanor, the divorced of Louis VII. of France, and daughter of William X Count of Poitiers, brought him at her marriage in lloi>, the extensive and important province of Aqui- INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 27 L taine ; she died at Fontevrault in 1204. Henry II. died at Chinon, in July 1189, aged fifty-six. Henry II. had four sons, named Henrj^, Richard, Geoffrey, and John. Henry and Geoffrey died in the life-time of their father, and Geoffrey left a son named Arthur. Richard next inherited the county of Anjou, together Avitli the other French possessions appertaining to the English monarchy. The short reign of Richard "Camr de Lion " was entirely occupied in his combats with Saladin in the East, and with Philip Augustus in Normandy. Anjou had little enough of association with its Count during the ten years, 1 189 — 99. Richard married hi 1191, Berengaria, daughter of Sancho VI. King of Navarre ; but left no children. He had designed in 1190, as his heir, Arthur, the son of his brother Geoffrey, and grandson of Henry II. ; but finally bequeathed his territories to his brother John. He left, by his will, his body to Fontevrault, his heart to Rouen, and his entrails, in token of his contempt of that people, to the Poitevins. On the death of Richard "Coeur de Lion," the in- habitants of Anjou, Tourraine, and Maine, declared in favour of Arthur, Avhilst England and Normandy seconded the claims of John, as successor. John, thereupon, accompanied by his mother Eleanor, led an p]nglish army to the disputed territory, and laid siege to Angers. Prince Arthur was at this time no more than twelve years old. Philip Augustus, who aspired to concentrate in his own person an absolute authority over the whole kingdom of France, at the same time decided on supporting the cause of Arthur against John, by the arms of France. But a matri- monial expedient saved much bloodshed at that time, although it was fatal to the just cause of the young Arthur. 11 39. 1199. 1199. 28 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 1202 1202 1205. 1206. I 1213. 12U. 1216. It suited the policy of Pliilip Augustus to establish peace between himself and John, by effecting u marriage between his son Louis and Blanche of Castille tlie niece of John. ' In 1202 Philip further developed beyond a doubt his ambitious projects, by marrying his daughter Mary to Prince Arthur; but in the same year Arthur was taken prisoner by John, and after a detention of nine months was strangled by his unnatural uncle, at Rouen Ailer Arthur's assassination, John was cited before the peers of France, to answer for that crime, and failino- !v-:7''f-'"'' '•" P''o^''"ces in France were confiscated" ^^ ith his cnme the fiefs of Anjou and Maine were severed from the English crown, and reverted as bv right to that of France. It is true John did not voluntanly subnnt to the sentence, since he invaded aiK had possession of Angers again in 1200, when (jToth-hke, he demolished its ancient walls He lost it in the following year, and seemingly brooding over h,s retributory misfortunes, made no urther attempt upon it until 1213. In that year Wing collected a powerful army, he landed at' strik ng a blow. But he never really recovered the provinces forfeited by his crimes, for'the yeZl2U beheld him once more in retreat from Anjou, never oct:b;'^To;,.'"r' f"" '^^ '''' ^" ''^ 1^*'' «'■ uaobci, 1210. In the person of Kino- John endprl ^vhat IS called the "Second House of Aijou " In 1204, after the confiscations of John-s French possessions, Philip Augustus estabhshed hered'ta v ^as the , tor of the unfortunate vouno- Arthur .nod ^^ dliam des Roches, who was' in fict S ^'» all. except the name, over Anjou, Maine and rourrame, owing allegiance only t'o he crown of % INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 29 Franco. The Seneschal, William des Roches, died in 1222. His son-in-law, Amaury de Craon, succeeded him. Philip Augustus, whose ambitious mind, aided by fortunate circumstances, had effected such gi'eat changes, died the year after. Meantime, Henry HI. of England continued to wear the titles of the French possessions of his ancestors, amongst them that of Count of Anjou, but made no attempt for the present io regain them. Pierre Mauclerc, Duke of Brittany, however, aspired to regal power, and tlie Seneshal Amaury having marched a large force into Brittany was, after some successes, taken prisoner by Mauclerc, on the 3rd of March, 1223, and incarcerated at Touffeau, near Nantes. Ikit afterwards, unequal single handed to the task of combating the French Regency of Blanche of Castile, during the minority of Louis IX., Mauclerc did homage to Henry HI. of England. On the 3rd of May, 1230, Henry disembarked a con- siderable army at St. Malo, in the view of re-conquering Anjou, and the other forfeited possessions of his crown. Louis IX., then only fifteen years old, consequently came to Anjou, and having fortified its chief places, advanced to tlie attack of the allies ; but in the following year a peace was concluded, the province of Guienne liaving been ceded to the English crown. In 1241, Louis gave tlie counties of Poitou and Auvergne to his brother Alphonso ; and in the year 1246, he invested his brother Charles, Count of Provence, with the counties of Anjou and Maine, thereby annulling the rank and title of Seneschal, and instituting the 1222. 1223. 1230. 1241. 1246. THIED HOUSE OF ANJOU. Charles I., the founder of the proud fortunes of this Third House, was ambitious in character, and events 30 IXTEODUCTOEY IIISTOEY. 1251 IMt. 1266. long favoured his ambition. Count of Provence, through the inheritance of his consort, he liad not long- been invested with Anjou and Maine, ere he was invited to the conquest of Sicily. The monarchy of Sicily then comprised the same territory as the kingdom of Naples in the present dav ; but Palermo was its metropolis. In 1251, Pope Innocent IV. declared a crusade against Mainfroy, the natural son ot Frederick II. Emperor of Germanv, to whom the kmgdom of Sicily then belonged, and attempted in \am to annex tlie Sicilian dominion to the Papal tlirone. Having taken a survev, therefore, of the ambitious heads of liis time, he first invited England to Its conquest; but thiling in that quarter, he\ext fixed on Charles of Anjou as his fitting instrument and offered to him tlie crown of Sicilv. So temptino- a proposition made a powerful impression upon the mmd of Cliarles, and is said to have operated still more remarkably upon that of his wife, who louoed to be a queen ; but it was not at that time responded to It was not until the reign of that Pope's successor, Lr ban I\., that Charles accepted the offer, and under- took the conquest. In 12(34, he conclnded a treaty ^•v.th that pontiff, by virtue of which, amongst other engagements, it was i,rovided, that the kingdom of Sicily should be hereditary in the fomiiy of Charles, diat It should be held, liowever, in liege homage to the Papal throne, that an annual tribute should be paid to the I ope, by the Angevine prince, and that during a minority the Pope should exercise the administration ')t the kmgdom. A crusade was then preached- Carles was crowned in Rome, with his Countess, on the (.th of January, 1266. He tlien encountered Mdnfroy and m one great battle, that of Benevento, gained 'a complete victory, and Mainfroy was slain Naples sun-endered to the victor, who speedily obtaTned IXTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 31 possession of La Pouille, Calabria. Terre de Labour, and tlie greater part of Sicily. Charles handsomely recompensed those who had served him, knighting some, and giving lands to others. It was also on this occasion that he instituted the order of knighthood called the Spur. The fame of the great successes of Charles of Anjou, now caused his alliance to be esteemed a desideratum amongst the highest European princes. His eldest son Charles married ikry, the only daughter of Stephen, King of Hungary. His daughter Blanche was united to the Count of Flanders, and his daugliter Beatrix espoused Philip, King of Thessaly, the son of Baldwin H., Emperor of Constantinople. By this marriage contract it was provided, that the Empire of the East should devolve on the posterity of the Count of Anjou. The despotic character of Charles, however, was ill adapted to govern the aspirations after constitutional freedom in which the warm-hearted Italians have indulged in all ages. The Gibelins fomented a rising against him, and induced Conradin, the son of the Emperor Frederic 11. , and last male heir of that house, to take the lead of the insurgents. Conradin, a youth of only sixteen, was defeated by Charles, and lost his life on the scaffold at Naples, in 1269. To the last, Conradin evinced a high spirit; his conduct on the scaffold formed an important link in the chain of events. Before his death he addressed the people, saying, *'I make Peter, King of Arragon, heir of all my rights," and having thrown down his glove in token of the investiture, the pledge was scru- pulously conveyed to him for whom it was intended. Beatrix of Savoy, the first wife of Charles of Anjou, died at Nocera, in the Terre de Labour. As heiress of Raimond Beranger, Count of Provence, her hi.sband had assumed that title in her right, and at her death 1267. 1269. 32 IXTEODUCTOEY HISTORY. Naples, some churches, and otlier beautiful edifices He also favoured the university of Naples ind did not" meanwhile neglect that of 4„<;ers X 7 ii-ilJt,. ^f *i . -^"S*-rs. Jie made a pnnci- ■ Paht^ of he county of Salerno, and bestowed if upon Antiocli to the king-doni of Jerusalem tliat hdv lece.vmg m exchange from the countv of T, • ^ pension of 4,000 Ijvrcs. • '^"J"" "" The treaty was ratified at Rome with tl,^ P. ' consent, and the coronation of Clnl \ ' T' ^'' r •Torusalem was there celebrated. Wrtl "ll'f cession the kings of Sicilv of both ou es of 1 and some of the French l-Jnn-. ,"/^°"f'> ^t Anjou, have taken tl,; titl d Ss" T^ VV'" 'f'' and the House of Lorraine ■> 11 ? "■"''^'■"^' present day. B,, at ZkTTchlZrT '^'" of .Terusalen> consisted onlv of the tl !' ! ",^'"»^^^'": some other nettv n]o.„, i , " ^^ ^^^^ ^nc purely titulaf ' ^ ''' ''''^ "°* ^«"° '^f^^^' '^ "became At last we arrive at tlie revor^P nf +i • • . fortunes of Charles Ind m.r/.T • '' ^''^'''''^ ^'^^ nit aeclnie. The immediate cause of In*.. All be ascribed tn h;^ • j- ? ^ *^" ^^'^^ ^" V "-'.iiucu ro Jus ni ordinate fhiVcf oA- , aggrandizement thono-h h;. f ^'' 1'"''^^''^' and his cruelty tow^rf I ''''"^ ''^'' ^"*^ ^"^^^^s, once for a double enterprise o restore R iS''^'''^'' throne of Constantinople wh ch hadl^^^ '" '^'' Michael Paleolo-u. nnd . ^^'^ "'"^^^^ by aieoio^u., and to reconquer a part of the INTRODUCTOEY HISTORY. 13 Holy Land. The designs of Charles were, however, frustrated by the stratagems of John of Procida. The massacre of the Sicilian Vespers succeeded, in 1282, in which the flower of the soldiery of Anjou, Maine, and Provence fell victims to the vengeance of the oppressed. On receiving this intelligence Charles of Anjou fonned a resolution to exterminate the islanders, and commanded the siege of Messina. It was at this critical juncture, after a lapse of fourteen vears, that Peter, King of Arragon, who had accepted his gage from the scaffold, appeared, to avenge the death of the brave and youthful Conradin. Peter came to the relief of Messina, and turned the fortunes of the contest against the besiegers. As the climax of retribution, Charles beheld his son, the Prince of Salerno, taken prisoner on the seas l)y Roger Loria. Thus, in the midst of his fast dechning fortunes, deprived of his natural successor, the l)itterness of his last days may be better imagined than described. He died at Foggia, on the 7tli of January, 1285, aged fifty-eight. From the date of this conquest by Peter of Arragon tliere have been two kingdoms of Sicily so called, viz., on this side, and on that side, of the Faro of Messina. ' It has been stated that Charles II., Count of Anjou, called "the Lame," was in prison when his father died! He remained so for three years. In the interval, Robert of Artois took the reins of government, and the Avar continued between the Houses of Anjou and Arragon. For the purpose of making a diversion in favour of the former, the Popes Martin IV. and his successor Honorius IV. offered the crown of Arragon to Charles, Count of Valois, grandson of St. Louis. Charles of Anjou obtained his freedom in 1288 but it ^as conditionally ; that Sicily should belong 'to his adversar^^, and that he should prevail on the Count of Valois withm three years to renounce his claim to the ▼OL. I. 12S2. 12S;. 12S8. di INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 1289. 12&0. 129C. crown of Arragon. To tliese conditions, however, the Pope Nicholas IX. refused liis assent, and not only released him from his oath, but crowned him King of the Two Sicilies on the 29th of ilav, 1289. The Kino- of Arragon then carried the war into Calabria, and after some advantages and some reverses, concluded a truce for two years. During that period Ladislaus IV., King of Hungary, died without issue, leaving that kingdom to his sister JIary, the wife of Ghai'les of Anjou. But Charles II. presented it to his son, Charles *' Martel," who was accordingly crowned King of Hungary on the 8th of September, 1290. This branch of the family of Anjou gave three kings and one queen to Hungary. Louis, the third of these kino-s, was also Kiivj; of Poland and had three daughters, with whom the race became extinct. The oath taken by Charles of Anjou on his release from prison still remained valid in the eyes of some diplomatists, notwithstanding the authority of the Pope. In order, therefore, to terminate the discord which prevailed, a council was held, and a treatv signed at Montpulier, in 1290. It was thereat decided, that Sicily should be restored to Charles of Anjou, despite his oath, and that Charles of Valois should renounce his claim to Arra^ron, receiving- in consideration thereof the hand of ^Margaret, the eldest daughter of Charles "le Boiteux," whose dower was to consist of the counties of Anjou and Maine. This treaty was only executed in part ; for the King of Arragon and his successors constantly refused to surrender Sicily. The marriage, however, of Charles of Anjou's daughter, ilargaret, with the Count of Valois was duly celebrated on the 16th of August, 1290; and thus the county of Anjou passed away from the first family of Anjou-Sicily, in which it had remained forty-four years, and entered into that of Valois. It is INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY 33 not our province to follow the fortunes of Charles H of Anjou from the date of his cession of that provmce. His immediate government of Anjou was chieflv remarkable for a bitter and implacable persecution in UbJ of tiie Hebrew race, which was, indeed, at that time expelled from tlie whole of France. His death did not occur until many years after, in 1309 at Casenova, near Naples. He was as celebrated for his krge progeny as his sire liad been for his ambition He had by Jiis wife, Mary of Hungarv, ten sons and five daughters, eleven of whom, as having become distinguished, it will be as well to enumerate here. Charles "Martel," King of Hungarv. Egbert, King of Naples. xri^'Src: o?S:r ' ""' '"^" ""•^•^"^ "^ Constantinople. JOHX, \ Locis, / '">*'' I>ntes of Doras. Margaret, irife of Charles of Valois, Count of Anion Bl.vxche, wife of James II., Kins of Arragon. Eleakora, wife of Frederick, King of Sicily Mary, wife of Sancho, King of Majorca Beatrix, wife of Azzon VIII., Marqnis of Este and Farrara. As most of these children of Charles IT. became heads ot families thence arose the double titles for the sake of distinction of Anjou-Sicilv, Anjou-Hun- gary, Anjou-Poland, Anjou-Tarentum, Anjou-Imperial Anjou-Duras, &c. And yet, a hundred years later' there remained not a single prince of the blood of Charles II. of Anjou. In the year 1290, Charles of ^'alois became by his marriage Count of Anjou, as Charles III. He was the younger son of Philip " le Hardi," and was remarkable tor his skill and bravery in all the great events of his time_ The war having b en renewed between France and England, on occasion of Edward I. refiisincr to do homage to Philip for Guienne, Charles of Anjou was i^se-r. 1290. D2 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 1297 1303. 1305. 1314. 1315. successful in his engagements both witli tlie English and the Flemish. Thus his brother, Philip " le Bel," in order to recompense his bravery, and at the same time to replace one of the twelve ancient counties or duchies, of which the neighbouring kings had obtained possession, elevated Anjou, in 1297, into a peerage county. Two years later, Charles of Anjou agahi commanded tlie forces of France against those of England and Flanders, with so complete a success, that the Count of Flanders was obliged to surrender at discretion ; and the King of France detained him as liis prisoner, and took possession of Flanders. The King of England thereupon abandoned tlie side of the Flemish, and having been re-established in Guienne, peace was restored. The Count of Anjou assisted at the coronation of Pope Clement Y. at Lyons, in 1305. That pontiff was tlie first to choose Avignon as his abode. Louis X., son of Pliilip "le Bel," on ascend- ing the throne of France, in 1314, complained to Enguerraud de Marigny, the treasurer of the kingdom, of the disordered state of the finances. Doubtless these disorders were attributable to the repeated wars of Philip's reign, in which Charles III. of Anjou had taken a principal part. Tlie treasurer boldly ascribed the circumstance to Charles of Anjou, a gTcat imprudence against a man of such princely power. Charles retorted by accusing Marigny of peculation, and succeeded in his design of crushing him ; and Enguerraud was accordingly hanged at ilontfaucon, in 1315, to the subsequent remorse and lasting dis- grace of this Count of Anjou. In 1317 Charles bestow^ed the county of Maine on his son Philip. This separation of the rule of the two counties, which had been so long historically connected, lasted very few years. Charles III. died at Nogent-le-Roi on the 16th of INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 37 r» 'k November, 1325, and at his death the administration of Anjou also passed into the hands of his son Philip. Charles IV. of France, surnamed " le Bel," leaving no direct heir at his death, Edward III. of Eng- land disputed the succession with Philip of Anjou and Valois. The former, as nephew of Charles IV., urged the right of his mother, Isabella, and in that way he was one degree nearer than his rival ; but Philip's claim being from the male line was preferred. In the year 1328, therefore, Philip of Valois, Count of Anjou, ascended the throne of France as Philip VI., and re-united Anjou to the French crown. Subsequently, in 1332, Philip invested his son John with the territories of Anjou and Maine. They so remained until the accession of John to the throne of France, hi 1350, as John II. "the Good," when they were once again united \vith the sovereign rule in his person. In tlie meanwhile, the battle of Cressy had intervened in 1346, and a period of humility and misfortune had set in for France, in which, however, Anjou did not play a very prominent part. John gave Anjou and Maine to his second son, Louis I., in 135G, the very year in wdiicli he w^as him- self taken prisoner by the English, in their renowned victory at Poitiers. Finally, Charles, the eldest son of John, afterwards Charles V. of France, as Lieutenant- General of the kingdom during the captivity of John, erected Anjou into a peerage duchy, in 1360, in the person of his brother, Louis I., who then became first Duke of Anjou. With this detail the reader has now been transported over a period of almost six centuries, to the epoch of the accession of the paternal grandfather of King Rene.'^ * Bodin ; Godard Faultrier ; Chalon's France ; Hallam'a Middle Ages ; Carte ; Mezerai ; Froissart. i:>25. 102S. 1:550. i;]:>G. IGGO. 38 INTBODUCTOEY IlISTOEY. GENEALOGY OF THE HOUSES OF ANJOU. FIRST HOUSE OF ANJOU. In the 9th Robert " Le Fort," Count of Anjou century. "Outre Maine." EUDES, his son ; obtains more than half France, and gives up his part of Anjou to FouLQUES SECOND HOUSE OF ANJOU. "Le Roux." Ingelger, Count of Anjou " Decja j Maine." Foulques "Le Roux," Count of all Anjou. Foulques " Le Bon." Geoffrey I.,"Grise Gonelle." Foulques " Nerra." Geoffrey " Martel "—no heir. (Here ends the First branch of the Second House of An- jou ; or the direct line from Ingelger.) Anjou divided between two nephews of Geoffrey " Martel." Geoffrey III., "Le Barbu." Foulques IV., "Le Rechin;'* defeats Geoffrey, and becomes sole Count of Anjou. Foulques V. Geoffrey "Le Bel," or " Plantagenet." Henry II. "1 I Kinsrs Richard I. ) of I England. John, J Excommunicated for the murder of Prince Arthur. (Here ends the Second House of Anjou.) > INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 39 After the excommunication of King John, Philippe Auguste, King of France, regained possession of Anjou and Maine. These counties were governed by a Seneschal, until the time of Louis IX., or St. Louis, who in- vested his brother Charles with them, in 1290. THIRD HOUSE OF ANJOU ; or FIRST HOUSE (or line of Robert " Le Fort " ) restored, called " Valois." Charles, First Count of Anjou. Charles, Second Count of Anjou. Charles, Third Count of Anjou ; Charles bestowed, in 1317, the county of Maine on his son Philippe. Philippe de Valois, Count of Anjou, and afterwards King of France. Philippe, in 1332, invested his son John with Anjou and Maine. John, Count of Anjou, and afterwards King of France. John, in 1856, invested his son Louis with Anjou and Maine. y i! ; INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. PART II. THE ANGEVINE IIISTOBY— continued. The Ancestors of Kinj,' Rene.— Jolm, Kinjr of France.— Louis, First Duke- of Anjoii. — Louis II. — Louis III. The history of the " Dark Ag-es," necessarily ^vTittel^ with many imperfections, is g'enerally read Avith still less of that earnest attention which the other chapters of history command. There exists a tendency to de- preciate the value of its records, because some of them have been • always enveloped in doubt and mystery. (Jan the public rest satisfied that there has been no stone left unturned, even at the present hour, in the course of the Herculean task of the historian, which ini'dit admit of a little more of the light of truth? If so, should we not rather trust to the moderate compass and concentrated efforts of the biographer's labours to disinter those facts from their silent tomb of ages? Is there not enough also of interest and importance in the times which gave birth to and cradled the first living germs of our present i)roud liberties to invite to further research ? In a word, is there not in the dawn of civilization a strong enough motive to enchain us to its study ? As hi the darkest hour which immediately precedes the natural morn, the mhid's prospect alone serves to cheer and enliven the thickness of that gloom, so to us, who have learnt the certain result, should appear the INTKODUCTOEY HISTORY. 41 <^ profound intellectual darkness preceding, and introduc- ing, literature and civil and religious liberty. ^Regarding only the stormy turbulence of those times%r the cruelties exercised by individuals, they might be pronounced ''barbarous ; " but, let it also be remembered, that from that period is traced the origin of all our noblest histitutions, and of that total change which was effected in the manners and customs, politics and religion of England. In this country, the seeds of dissent had already, before the establishment of the Lancastrian dynasty, paved the way for the great Reformation ; but, while the preaching of "Wyclifte and others had awakened inquiry, and agitated men's minds, it had also led to cruel persecutions ; for the day had not yet arrived when Protestantism could prevail to the displacing of the forms of antecedent centuries. The clergy had obtained, through their great wealth, considerable hi- fluence in temporal, as well as hi ecclesiastical affairs. Bigotry and superstition had not yet yielded to intel- lec^tual light, and they often gave rise to tumult and confusion, which, while they were increased by the ignorance of the lower classes, were augmented still more by the violent and unrestrained passions of the aristocracy. Thus was it hi matters appertaining to the church, in the period immediately preceding the civil contests of the Houses of York and Lancaster ; that oasis in which all principles were temporarily absorbed by personal animosity, but, out of which happily arose a new order of things ecclesiastical for succeeding generations. In politics, the same steady progress is observable ; the Parliament, introduced by Henry HI., was under the Lancastrians constituted upon a broad basis^ of liberality for that age ; municipal rights were receiving «' 42 IXTRODUCTORY HISTOEY. safe development, and daily the middle class was gaining wealth and strength. But here, again, all was interrupted and impeded by the civil war, only to take deeper root at its close, assisted by the sur- prising influence of the printing-press. In France, during the same period, though no Re- formation was at work in religion, we find at first, the political sway of the people grown strong enough, in the large towns, to curb the arbitrary tendencies of the monarch and nobles. But notwithstanding the incessant warfare with England, which lasted nearly the whole of the fifteenth centurv, the French kino-s were enabled, by favouring circumstances, to destroy the rights of their subjects, and to establish the founda- tion of that despotic system under which the nation has ever since suffered. Striking indeed is the con- trast between the two countries at this epoch ; civiliza- tion was fost gatherhig strength, and liberty was entrenching itself within impervious barriers in England ; tyranny was levelling popular rights under Charles \'., hiring the first regular standing army under Charles VII., and perfecting the scheme of its personal ambition under the crafty guidance of Louis XL, in France. These sovereigns have been called wise and great ; but upon them, as the founders of such disastrous institutions, and not upon the pretended mercurial character of the French people, are strictly chargeable the fruitless revolutions of our own times. Yet there were certain analogies between England 4nid France in that period, closely connected as^they liad been by family ties, intermixed as they were bv the rivalry of their arms. Their blended histories, in that era peculiarly distinguished by its chivalric mstitutions, present a series of extraordinary events, and introduce us to a perfect constellation of heroic <^haracters, which appear equally to emerge from the INTEODUCTORY HISTOEY. 43 lowest as from the highest gi'ades of society. Perhaps the most important analogy, because under the diff'e- rent circumstances of the two nations, the same result ensued, and the same unerring precept was inculcated in the science of administration, consisted in the dis- astrous minorities of Charles VI. in France, and of Henry VI. in England. Those regencies were pro- ductive of the greatest evils to their respective countries, and how truly does the chronicler exclaim, " Vac genti cujus Rex est puer ! " " Woe to that nation wliose king is a child ! " • And how entirely beyond the poor limits of human foresight are the most approved of monarchical institu- tions, when civil war is the infallible inheritance of that people whose king may happen to be a child ! Charles V. had beheld the French provinces wrested from the English, and peace restored to the most rebellious portions of the monarchy. He died respected for the greatness and the unity which his wisdom had created out of the ruins of Cressy and Poitiers. His son, Charles VL, was a minor at the date of his accession. Civil war and foreign war burst forth, and with equal ruthlessness laid waste his miserable country. The famous battle of Agincourt supervenes, and the epoch of England's greatest continental conquest was precisely that of the minority of Charles VI. of France. But, flushed with the glory of his victories, with the gratified ambition of his aggrandizement, the English king, Henry V., regardless of the lesson of state con- cealed under the misfortunes of his prostrated enemy, bequeathed all his gi'eatness to the puny grasp of just such a minor ! The tide rolls back from that hour as inexorably to * Baker's Chron. 44 INTEODUCTORY HISTORY. INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 45 the absorption of England's foreign possessions, and the abasement of all her boasted strenfH;h, unity, and grandeur. The personal fate of Henry YI. comes to be even more despised than that of the ^'King of Bourges " himself, in the petty conflicts of a miserable civil war. That England did not then succumb under as desperate a thraldom as held France for succeeding centuries, was certainly not owing to her monarchical institutions, but rather to that fortunate vitality, which had been already imparted to her in the liberal constitution of her Parliament, and her municipal freedom. Not one of its numerous provinces had taken a more remarkable part in the pohtics of France, at the epoch referred to, than the county of Anjou. No families had rendered themselves more reno\\Tied in the history of the world, throughout the ages immediately preced- mg, than those distinguished by the early chroniclers as the " Three Houses of Anjou." Ambition, generally of a laudable character, seems to have been the ruling passion of the majority of the members of those Houses'^; lofty aspirations, for the most part accompanied by feel- higs of honour, were the instigators to their memor- able deeds, whether considered individually, or as a collected family. To the illustrious ancestors of the "Good King Rene" and his celebrated daughter. Queen ilargaret of Anjou, may be with singular justice applied the beautiful lines of our Bard of Avon :— •'Glory is like a circle in the water, " WTiicli never ceaseth to enlarge itself, '* Till, by broad spreading, it disperse to nougbt." From a humble orighi in the persons of Robert " le Fort " and Ingelger, two contemporary counts of the ninth century, the Houses of Anjou never ceased to extend their influence through individual enterprise and unexpected accessions of power, until they wielded the dominion over seventeen foreign kingdoms ! From the Houses of Anjou we trace all the kings of France of the Third, or Capetian dynasty ; eleven kino-s of Eno-land, well known as the race of Plantage- net, besides several kings and queens of Jerusalem, Arragon, Spain, Naples, and Hungary; — so that, at one period, almost all the crowned heads of Europe could trace their pedigree by marriage or by conquest, to the House of Anjou as their great parent source. Yet, only one hundred years after the families of Anjou had, in the Third House, attained the zenith of their prosperity, not a single prince of that far-famed line survived ! In the person of Rene, became extinct the last of the hereditary Dukes of Anjou. At his death that province was finally re-united to the crowTi, and degenerated into a mere appanage possessed by the younger sons of the kings of France. AVith Rene terminated the Fourth House of Anjou, according to the division of certain authors, although in reality there were but two distinct Houses, the First, Third, and Fourth having proceeded from Robert "le Fort," and the Second from Ingelger.* The preceding historical details of the reigning families, and of the county of Anjou from the time of Charle- magne to that of John, King of France, will be found explanatory of this* subject, and they will also render intelligible"^ the numerous titles borne by King Rene, which onlv served to emblazon the escutcheon of an all but titular prince.! But if, as the last male descendant of a long line of distinguished characters, Rene, Duke of Anjou, has a claim upon the attention of posterity, there is good reason to hope that when the poetry and chivalry, the virtues and misfortunes of his long life are set forth, the history of this king of Sicily and Jerusalem Bodin. t See page 32. 4G INTPtODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 1356. will command our interest and sympathy even in the annals of the "Dark Ages." And if, as the father of one of England's greatest, and most unfortunate, and most maligned of queens, modern literature ought to possess some English record of Rene of Anjou, how mcomplete would it prove without an accompanying memoir of the heroic queen of Henry VI.! Yes^ though biography has not omitted of late years to recognise, however briefly, the merits of Queen Mar- garet's chequered life, it is felt, that the whole history of the " Good King " is a further testimony of itself in fiivour of the unhai)py q^^een, and that the melancholy romance which surrounded the last days of each, spent nearly at the same date, forbids the s^eparation of the blended fetes of father and daughter. Some short notice then, of the immediate progenitors of Rene, some narrow outline of the events directly preceding his accession, is a task essential to this introductory chapter. The battle of Poitiers, one of the most memorable conquests of English arms upon the French soil, was fought^on the 16th of September, 1356.* John '" the Good," King of France, ^vho was the great grand- father of Rene, was present in person, together with his four sons, Charles, Louis, John, and Philip, at this battle. Its loss to the French has been equally ascribed to the cowardice of his eldest son Charles, and to the temerity of the King himself and his youngest son, Philip. Edward the Third triumphantly led John and his son, Philip, captive to England, and a truce of some years ensued. Previous to these events King John had bestowed upon his second son Louis, by Bonne of Luxembourg then about seventeen years of age, the counties of Anjou and Mame, in hereditary appanage ; and his • Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 47 eldest son Charles now first assumed the title of Dauphin, on the occasion of his father's imprisonment. Louis, First Count of Anjou, the paternal grandfather of King Rene, was married in 1360,* upon attaining his twenty-first year, to Mary of Chatillon, usually called Mary of Blois, the daughter of Charles of Blois, Duke of Brittany. The contract of marriage was con- cluded at the Castle of Saumur. Mary received as her dowry a great many castles, fiefs, and baronies, and the Count of Anjou added to her jointure the third part of his counties of Anjou and Maine. Some months later in the same year, while King John yet remained in captivity in England, the Dauphin Charles, as Lieutenant-General of the khig- dom, elevated the county of Anjou one degree in heraldry in the person of his brother Louis I., whom he created First Duke of Anjou. Although Louis belonged by origin to the House of Valois, he has been more generally denominated from this and subsequent occurrences the head of the " Second House of Anjou-Sicily." t The treaty of Bretigny, between England and France, bore the date of the 1st of May in the same year, and from that period the name of Louis, Duke of Anjou, becomes of frequent repetition in the history of his country. By the articles of that treaty King John was, at length, released from his detention, under certain important conditions. His ransom was fixed at three millions of golden crowns, to be paid by instalments to England in the course of six years. But Edward HI. required numerous hostages, mean- time, for the performance of these stipulations, fore- most among whom were to be the King's brother, the Duke of Orleans, and his second and third sons, the Dukes of Anjou and Berri. These princes voluntarily * Moreri ; Godard Faultricr. f Moreri ; Bodin ; Godard Faultaier. 1360. M r"ffTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. g, France and upon this occasion he evinced symp- toms of energy and vigour. Early in 1403 he went to Avignon and gained easy access to' the pontifical palace ; he rendered his homage to Bene- dict, offered him his protection and assistance, and concerted with him for his liberation. Not long after Benedict escaped in disguise to Chateau Renard a forces belonging to Louis, where a guard of safety Unworthy indeed must have been the subject of this solicitude for within one short year after he had thus obt^med his freedom, both the King of Sicily and the L>uke of Orleans were utterly disgusted with the pride selhshness, and obstinacy of this elect of half Chris- tendom. On the 12th of November, 1404, Mary of Blois the queen-mother of Sicily and Duchess of Anjou expired at Angers ; and was interred in the Cathedral of St Maurice m that city.* As long as she lived she had governed Anjou and Maine as a patrimony out of which to make her profit bhe had amassed there a treasure of two hundred thousand crowns, which had been accumulating even during the period when her son was in distress in Italy and was constrained, at last, to abandon the kingdom of ^ aples for want of money. Her maternal solicitude seems to have undergone a serious change from the date of her son's reverses. There was no great ex- pression of public lamentation in Anjou on the occa- sion of her demise. The life of the King of Sicily from this period be- comes rather closely identified with the history of the court and government of France. He occupied the third rank m the royal council, which ruled the king- dom ; but as minister he did not, whether from want of * Moreri ; Godard Faultrier. Q 2 1404," 1404. Ill 84 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. talents or ambition, distinguish himself in his new and exalted position. It was much in that age not to have rendered him- self notorious for his vices, not to say crimes, like his father and his uncle of Berri did before him, and like some of his contemporary relations, who did disgrace and brutalize themselves a little later, as it were, in his presence and company. If he never signalised himself by the practice of great and exalted virtues, at least, he can never be charged with the exercise of gross vices, or even of petty crimes. It has even been affirmed that, whilst in Italy, he had learnt by heart, as a lesson of faith, the neces- sity of making himself beloved, in order to win and preserve a crown. It is asserted of him, that at Naples, and still more in Calabria, he had gained credit for good nature, amiability, and a degree of liberality which partook rather of prodigality. In this new character the King of Sicily became ad- verse to intrigue and unambitious ; not the leader of factions, but the mediator between hostile parties on many occasions in the course of the terrible and tedious ordeal of civil feud to which France became subse- quently exposed. Louis II. assisted at the funeral obsequies of the Duke of Orleans, as well as at the subsequent recep- tion of his widow, the Duchess, whom he led into the King's presence to make her formal complaint of the inhuman murder of her lord by the Duke of Bur- gundy.* It must be remembered that the French court was «at this time tlie most dissolute of the age, and that the Prench people were sunk in misery and deprived of the shadow of liberty ; thus we may more readily com- prehend the strange dereliction of duty, and the fatal * Sismondi ; Monstrelet. INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 85 display of imbecihty, immorality, and injustice which supervened. When the formidable and unscrupulous Jean "sans Peur" appeared before the capital in hos- tile array, no one remained near the imbecile monarch bold enough, or sufficiently talented to oppose the de- signs of this insurgent, and the council contented themselves with praying him to grant a conference ere he advanced on the city. It is observable, as delineating the more accurately shades of character, that while tlie King of Sicily and the renegade old Duke of Berri could so far tolerate the triumphant murderer of Orleans as to meet him at Amiens for a parley, the upright brother-in-law of the late king, the only member of the royal family of France in those times whose character remains wholly unsullied at the bar of history, the Duke of Bourbon, seeing only disgrace in this unjust compromise, retired in disgust to his duchy. The good service which the moderate Duke of Anjou thought to render to his king and country by that compact was, in fact, a deliberate surrender of the nation's, the king's, and his own honour. Following then, an invariable rule, innocence and truth having first conceded, there was no end to tlie impudent encroachments of guilt, until it became evi- dent at last, that France would have ^been in a better position if every other member of the royal council had followed the example of Bourbon. Early in February, 1409, a pretended reconciliation was effected with the Duke of Burgundy at Chatres. The King of Sicily was one of those present in close proximity to the king. The scene is once again changed from the court and civil contests of France to the soil of Italy. Here in May, 1409, Louis II. found another opportunity uo9. for contesting the Neapolitan dominion. The Council '"^^"^^^'i^- of Pisa had deposed the two popes, Benoit XIII. and 86 DJTEODUCTORY HISTOBT. Gregory XII., and had elected Alexander V. But the chair of St. Peter and the Papal States were forcibly subjected to the temporal power of a refractory and ambitious king, to wit, Ladislaus of Naples. This monarch, now verging on the prime of life, and having been successful through his talents, energy, and per- severance, aspired to the Imperial crown and adopted for his device, " Aut Cc^sar aut nullus." He rejected, therefore, as a matter of course, the Council of Pisa and declared in favour of the easy Gregory XII who was indeed nothing better than his paid and passive instrument. He had already made war on the Floren- tmes, because they wotild not acknowledge him legiti- mate sovereign of the states of the church. On the other hand, the Florentines and their allies had recog- nised the council and the new pope. They desired to expel Ladislaus from Rome, and fixing upon Louis of Anjou as a worthy coadjutor, in consequence of his claims to the throne of Naples, they offered him the command of a joint expedition against their common enemy. They accordingly influenced the CouncU of Pisa to acknowledge Louis, King of Naples, and he in turn, thus supported, undertook to establish Alex- ander V. m the papal chair. With this view he embarked 1,500 Provencal cavaliers on five vessels at Marseilles, and arrived at Pisa by the end of July Alexander there invested him with the kingdoms of Sicily and Jerusalem, and with the Gonfalon of tlie Church ; and Louis, having joined the Florentine army, entered the pontifical states. The Florentine army was commanded by Braccio di Montane Mala- teste di Pisaro, and Ange de la Pergola, all celebrated generals, and better versed in the art of war than any Frenchman of that period. Some of the cities of the lapal _btates opened their gates to them without opposition, and this emboldened Louis with Quixotic INTEODUCTOEY HISTORY. 87 ■ valour to push his army to the siege of Rome, where, however, he soon suffered a repulse from the Count de Troya, wlio commanded the city for Ladislaus. Thus the campaign of Louis terminated for that year. He could not patiently await in camp in person beyond November, when he crossed again to Provence, and hastened back with all speed to Paris. Before he readied that city the army he had abandoned had been admitted into Rome, and Paul Orsini went over to the Florentines with 2,000 horsemen.* The intelligence of the success of his army, malgre lu% did not induce the King of Sicily to retrace his steps to the scene of action. An interval of four months elapsed before he returned to Italy. That period was employed by him in seeking an alhance with the Duke of Burgundy ; and it does not redound to his credit that he was at this time conveniently oblivious of the murderer's confession addressed to his own ears, and that he testified no sense of degradation in the step he was taking in the bethrothal of his son Louis to Catherine, the daughter of this powerful Duke of Burgundy. This proposal being accepted, after the espousals, the young princess was consigned to the charge of Queen Yolande, to be brought up at Angers along with her future husband. This lady's dower, ten thousand crowns, was paid at the same time by Burgundy to Louis, and was of vast utility to the latter in the preparation of a new armament with which to invade the Italian shores once again. Arms, men, and ships were from that moment, by his orders, levied and prepared with the utmost dispatch in Provence ; so rapidly was this expedition organised, that in a month's time, by the beginning of May, Louis actually set sail from Marseilles for Porto Pisano, with sixteen large ships and numerous smaller vessels, * Daniel; Sifimondi. 1410. 88 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. un. _ Circumstances of an unexpected nature, however interposed to convert his triumph into defeat, and to punish him with remorse for having bartered his cJiilcl s and his own honour for gold. Six of his larger vessels w^'ere,' in the first place captured bj the Genoese. The others arrived in safetj^ and disembarked the remainder of his army at Piombmo; but on his arrival there, Louis was apprized that Pope Alexanckr V. had died at Bologna, on fhe 3rd of May, and that John XXIII. had been appointed his successor. He proceeded at once to Bologna. On his occasion of the arrival of Louis of Anjou with so large a force m support of the council and the papacy at so inopportune a moment, it was not unnatural that he should be met by a numerous clerical deputation There were present twenty-two cardinals, two patriarchs, six archbishops, twenty bishops, and eighteen abbots all Zt 'T R-'"T«- ,^^T'''^'' '"^^^ '' this account, that the King of Sicily himself was clothed in scarlet " ^S 111 .' 1 ™'*"'' '""' ornamented with small giit bells, and his attendants consisted of fifty kni<^hts arrayed m uniform." On the 6th of June, Louis^lid homage to John XXIH. for the kingdom of Naples but was compelled to postpone his operations until the autumn, in order to concert afresh with the new pope and the Florentine republic* ^ The army of Louis of Anjou seemed formidable, for besides his Provengal troops, there were the emigrants from :Naples of the Ano-evine nartv ar,^ +l,. • n.f n ■ J- ir o"® P^"y> ^ou the companies of Braccio di Montane, of Sforza, paid by the Floren- ines, of Angelo de la Pergola, retained by the Sien- nese, and of Paul Orsini in the pay of the Pope. There was however, a scarcity of money and ammunition and much time was lost in reconciling the generals who were ever readier to tum their arm's against elSi * Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet. INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 89 than to unite in a common cause. At length, the Florentines having seen the Pope re-estabKshed in Rome, seceded from the compact, and made peace with Ladislaus. Louis accompanied the pontiff to Rome, determined to prosecute the war, although he had not money enough to maintain his 12,000 soldiers, the bravest warriors of Italy, during even a short cam- paign. He then conducted them at once to Ceperano ; Ladislaus took up a position at Roccasecca, on the other side of the Garigliano, and awaited him with forces nearly equal in number. After passing the river, Louis attacked the enemy with impetuosity. It was the 19th of May, 1411, and Louis of Anjou then obtained a great victory, which went by the name of Roccasecca. Almost all the barons in the army of Ladislaus were taken prisoners, and the baggage, and even the King's table utensils fell into the hmids of the conqueror. Ladislaus fled, but rallied his troops at St. Germaine. Then, strange as it may appear, the extreme poverty of Louis's soldiers caused them to sell to the large body of their prisoners both their liberty and their arms ; and Ladislaus apprized of this, dispatched from. St. Germaine some trumpets and money, and thus, in a few hours, he regained his army. Louis of Anjou had indeed employed his victory to so little profit, that when he would have advanced, he found all the defiles which led to the kingdom' of Naples occupied by hostile troops, while his own men were in want of the necessaries of life, a prey to sick- ness, and even more untractable on account of the booty they had seized. Three days after the battle of Roccasecca, Louis was compelled to retreat before Ladislaus. In the month of July he reconducted his forces to Rome, and in the following month abandoned the struggle altogether to return to France. This was 90 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 1412. the last bold attempt of Louis II. to retrieve what he considered his hereditary and rightful possession. He never again returned to Italy.* At the time that Louis 11. was thus, for want of resources, compelled to evacuate the kingdom to which he had aspired as rightful heir, his consort, Yolande, "the Queen of the four kingdoms," was endeavouring as fruitlessly, for the same reason, to assert her more genuine rights in Spain. f On the death of her father, John of Arragon, in 1395, his brother Martin had possessed himself of the crown. Martin died in 1410, having no children ; therefore the right of Yolande, as John's daughter, to one of her four kingdoms seemed incontestible. A pretender to the succession, however, appeared in the person of Don Ferdinand, Infante of Castile, the nephew of King John. The rival claims of Yolande and Ferdinand were brought before the Parliaments of the different States of Arragon. Queen Yolande appeared personally at Barcelona in defence of her rights ; and the Count of Vendome, with other ambassadors, repaired thither from Charles VL, to further her cause. These negotiations lasted three months, when the claims of Yolande failed, and Ferdi- nand obtained a peaceful recognition as king. The court of France was glad to procure a confirmation of their former alliance with Arragon, and Yolande was forced to content herself with the promise of 200,000 crowns in compensation, a sum afterwards reduced to 200,000 francs.J The last failure of Louis II. in Italy seems to have been generally considered final. In the following year, 1412, Ladislaus was duly invested with the kingdom * Monstrelet ; Sismondi ; Daniel. + Jean Michael of Beauvais, who for his talents became secretary and counsellor of Louis IL, and afterwards of Queen Yolande, drew out for her a genealogy to prove her rights to the crown of Arragon.-Godard Faultrier :;: Daniel ; Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. -'v^ #-^-jg~'ij^,jli.iJMig-' » 'innliri^i "' INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 91 of Naples, and Louis returning to France, engaged in the intrigues of that court, and had soon to raise troops in Maine and Anjou to defend his own states against the attacks of the Counts of Alengon and Richmont, and the Duke of Orleans. A change had taken place in the opinions of Louis IL, and since the treaty of Bourges he had openly espoused the faction of Burgundy's enemies. Hitherto Bur- gundy had perhaps taken small heed of this, for his daughter Catherine, who had been affianced to Louis, eldest son of the King of Sicily, had already lived three years at Angers, and was still under the guardianship of Queen Yolande. On the 20th of November, however, the Lady Catherine was sent back, with a good escort, to the city of Beauvais, and thence to Lille, to her father, who uttered furious imprecations at this treatment of his daughter, and took a solemn oath to be revenged upon the Duke of Anjou. He regarded this act as a deep personal insult, and his resentment continued throughout his life. It is difficult to assign the motive of Louis for this extreme proceeding, since it was not because Burgundy had been branded with the crime of murder, which had happened before these espousals were proposed. The useless advances of the Duke of Anjou a little later, with a view to an accommodation with Burgundy, exhibited only his usual instabihty of purpose, and en- courages the inference that the dismissal of Catherine could have arisen from no high-minded cause. It is probable that Charles VI. may have asked at that date for the hand of Louis's eldest daughter, Mary, for his third son, Charles, since their pledges were exchanged two years after. Louis, the intended of Catherine of Burgundy, was at the same time espoused to Margaret of Savoy. Poor Catherine, who was as amiable in ■^--^i-i^ ^- . -M^^^g^-i^s?m^-.-^-.--^^^,0^.V:z-:'^ 92 141 1415. Sismoinii L'AMic Millot. lOTEODUCTOEY HISTORY. dispositiorx as she was tender in years, did not lonff survive tlie ignominy of this occurrence. Slie died un- married, not long after, at Ghent.* The King of France supported by his princes entered upon a campaign, in 1414, against the Duke of Burgundy ; but, after some success, a recurrence of the King s malady and sickness in the camp obli-ed them to conchide a treaty with the rebellious duke f in the year 1414 died Ladislaus, Louis's successful competitor m the kingdom of Naples. His sister Joanna II., succeeded; who, surrounded by unworthy lavountes, passed her time in licentious fetes, utterly neglectful of the cares of government. Many princes however, sought her in marriage, and feeling the need of support, she, at length, decided in favour of Jacques de Bourbon, Count de laMarche, hoping, by an alliance with a prince of the House of France, to protect herself from a recurrence of any active pretensions on the part ot Louis of Arijou. She secured to herself an undivided monopoly of the regal power, allowing her husband only the title of Count and Governor-General of the kingdom The marriage took place in 1415. Soon afterwards Jacques de la Marclie, not content with the semblance of power, and besides resolved to reform the manners of his wife and her court, cruelly put to death one of tlie Queen's favourites, and confined Joanna herself within her palace, out of the sight of Her people, appointing as guard over her an old French otticer She was, however, soon rescued by the JSeapohtans from this captivity and re-established in her authority, while Jacques de la Marche was in his turn, thrown into prison.^ t Bourdignd ; Mezerai ; Barante ; Monstrelet. t Sismondi ; Jlo^trelet; i:coles. Hist. , Daniel ; Ifeerai ; TAbbe MiUot "■ t ESTTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 93 The wars of Henry V. of England at this period wholly absorbed the attention of Louis II. On this invasion of France by the English, Louis joined the large army which King Charles VI. led on in person against Henry in Normandy. In the disastrous defeat which followed, Louis of Anjou was present, and must have saved himself by flight ; but his relatives, Sir Robert of Bar, and Edward, Duke of. Bar, who, with the Duke of Alengon commanded the main army, were numbered among the heaps of slain. From this time little more is recorded of Louis II., whose life was drawing to a close. At this juncture he felt ill, and retired to Angers. While under this indisposition, he sought an accommodation with the Duke of Burgundy, but his overtures were treated with haughty contempt by Jean '' sans Peur," whose ven- geance could only be appeased by the life of the King of Sicily ; nay, this was even at this period augmented by two unforeseen events: first, the death of the Dauphin making way for the next son of the King, as heir to the throne, and who was wholly Burgundian ; again, by the death of the profligate old Duke of Berri in 1416. This same year a conspiracy was discovered amongst the Burgundians, affecting the lives of the Queen of France, the King of Sicily, and others ; also a similar attempt was made on the life of Louis in the following year.* The fury of the Duke of Burgundy against Louis had not yet been goaded to the utmost. On the 4th of April, 1417, his son-in-law and protege, John the Dauphin, died suddenly, apparently poisoned by the Armagnacs. Again, and for the last time, the rage of Burgundy was evinced, and this branded ally of the foreign invader, this absentee from the patriot field of Agincourt, whose success in life had been achieved • Daniel ; Monstrelet ; Barante ; Mezerai ; YiUeneuve Bargemont. 1416 I !t 1417. Moreri ; Moiistrtlet. 94 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. by_ the impudence of his crimes, whose hirelings had twice attempted to assassinate the Duke of Anjou as they had of old the Duke of Orleans, had now an audacious public clamour ready to ascribe the death of the young Dauphin John to the agency of Louis II because by that event his son-in-law became Dauphin and heir to the throne of France. There was no. real index to the author of this crime It such It was. But, ere its authorship can be assiQ 142 Sisiuoml 102 INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. Arragonese faction was the stronger of the two, and Braccio, who supported it, was daily making new acqui- sitions, and at length, in 1423, his authority extended almost all round Rome, seeming to block up the ponti- fical court. He needed only the conquest of the Abruzzi, and this he was attempting with 3,000 horse and 1,000 infantry. Martin V. beheld his increasing power with dismay, and exhorted and encouraged the people of Aquila to defend him. He next sought the protection of Queen Joanna for the besieged, and endeavoured to persuade her to deprive Braccio of his command.* The unexpected arrest of Caracciolo by Alphonso occurred on the 22nd of May, 1423, which gave reason to believe that the arrest of the Queen was likewise intended, had not her guards prevented it. Joanna, finding herself besieged in the Capuan castle, sent for Sforza, who hastened to deliver her, and a pitched battle ensued, which lasted six hours, with equal intre- pidity on either side. At length Sforza triumphed, and Alphonso was in his turn besieged in the Castello Nuovo. A fleet from Catalonia soon brought a considerable militar}^ armament for the relief of Alphonso ; and Sforza, unable to prevent the landing of this force, was obliged to conduct the Queen from Naples to Aversa.f Queen Joanna, while separated from Caracciolo, had abandoned herself to despair, and would have resigned even her crown to procure the freedom of her lover. His liberation was effected without loss of time, and twenty of the most distinguished of the prisoners taken at the late battle of Formelles were exchanged for the Seneschal. From this time the Queen resolved to look for * Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. t Sismondi ; Ejdes. Hist. ; I'Abbe MiUot. INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. 103 defence to the party of the Angevines. She invited Louis HI., who resided still in poverty at Rome, to repair to her at Aversa, and wrote to the diffierent courts of Europe to make known the ingratitude of Alphonso, to revoke her adoption of him and to sub- stitute in his place Louis III., Duke of Anjou, whom she declared Duke of Calabria and presumptive heir to the throne. She even permitted him the title of king, that he might not be inferior in dignity to his rival.* It is not a little to the credit of Louis HI. at the early age of twenty-one, that his naturally mild cha- racter, perhaps further modified by the ordeal of his previous misfortunes, never allowed him, when he had grown powerful again, to raise his pretensions beyond that which Queen Joanna willingly granted him. The Pope suppUed him with such troops as he had at command, and at their head he repaired to Naples, in obedience to the summons of the Qaeen. The Genoese and the Duke of Milan also furnished him with soldiers, and thus Louis was soon enabled to retake all that the ambitious Alphonso had gained in the kingdom ; and he preserved these acquisitions till his death. He remained but a short time at the court of Queen Joanna, and then withdrew into Calabria, where the mildness of his administration and his amiabihty made him beloved by all his subjects.| Alphonso, alarmed at the combination formed against him, returned to Catalonia, leaving his brother, Don 1423. Pedro, at Naples, with some Italian condottieri. In his passage he surprised Marseilles, and pillaged it, to ♦ Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. ; Moreri ; Hallam ; Yilleneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; I'Abbe Millot. t Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. I J 104 INTEODUCTOEY HISTOEY. 1424. Sismondi. revenge himself on Louis of Anjon. Enriched with the spoils of that city he proceeded to Spain, carrying off the body of Saint Louis, Bishop of Toulouse, his relative.* The following year witnessed the death of the two hostile generals, Sforza and Braccio di Montane. The former was succeeded, both in the army and in the Queen's favour, by his son, Francesco Sforza. The principality of Braccio was destroyed on the death of that general. Of the generals left in support of Don Pedro, one went over to Braccio, and another, the notorious be- trayer, Jacques Caldora, once more changed ' sides, first entering into treaty with his enemies, and then opening to them the gates of Naples. On its return to the capital the Queen's army exer- cised no cruelties towards the inhabitants, and Carac- ciolo, now once more in the enjoyment of the supreme power, would not suffer the siege of Don Pedro and his small force shut up in the Castello Nuovo, in the politic intent of retaining Louis IH. in submission through fear of his rival. Louis became, however, at this time virtually as well as in name. King of Naples ; during the life time of Queen Joanna, he had, in fact, won more than his father or his grandfather in that kingdom, since his inheritance was no longer actively disputed.! As Caracciolo advanced in age, the passion of love, to which he owed his elevation, gave place to ambition. In his sixtieth year he continued to rule the Queen, whose passion had made her his slave, and he was never satiated with power, riches, and honours. His demands became exorbitant, and excited the jealousy of the courtiers. At length Joanna, distressed by his importunity, to console herself, admitted to her confi- INTEODUCTOEY HISTORY. 105 1432. Sismondi. dence the Duchess of Suessa. Through the instiga- tions of this lady, the Queen gave orders for the arrest of Caracciolo, and her servants, exceeding her com- mands, murdered him.* Louis in. had been suffqred to reside at Cosenza, in Calabria, an exile from the court of Queen Joanna, in order that she might without restraint resign herself and the government of her kingdom, into the power of Caracciolo. When, therefore, Louis was apprized of the death of the Grand Seneschal, he flattered himself that he should be recalled to court, and at last enjoy the prerogatives of the presumptive heir to the throne. It was not so, however, for the Duchess of Suessa, w^ho now in her turn became desirous of maintaining the sole influence over the Queen's mind, would not suff the hands of the men ; and although the heir of a sovereignty, he was, like the son of a private gentle- man, submitted to the guidance of certain old barons and knights of high reputation and experience, under whose instructions, enforced by noble examples, a manly and severe education succeeded to the tenderness of maternal care. The effeminate games of childhood also gave place to violent and painful, and sometimes dangerous exercises. It was thus that the youth of that period were inured, even in the bosom of the palace or castle, to the fatigues and perils of war.* It was about this time, upon the occasion of Queen Yolande's visit to the capital with her little son, that the good disposition and extraordinary application to study evinced by Ren6 first attracted the attention of his uncle Louis, Cardinal of Bar, who began, when his ^^^^ pupil was only seven years of age, to direct his studies, ooda.,!' He had frequent opportunities of observing his cha- p*^^^'^^^'*- racter, and delighted to behold in him those inestimable gifts with which nature had endowed him, and which his parents had most assiduously cultivated. It was indeed to these that Rene owed the unexpected change in his destiny which the notice of the Cardinal procured him, and which paved the way to his subsequent dis- tinction. Being only the second son of the King of Sicily, Rene had no hopes of any inheritance beyond the title of Count of Guise. It was not, however, his fortune to be throughout life only a titular prince ; yet, while seeming to delight in overwhelming him with un- looked-for favours, this same fortune granted him not one of these without subjecting him to some new adversity.f The relationship of the Cardinal of Bar to Rene was ♦ Godard Faultrier. t DomCalmet; Bodin; Biographic Universelle ; ViUeneuve Bargemont, Godard Faultrier. 118 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 119 that of great-uncle on the maternal side. He was fourth son to Sir Robert of Bar and Mary, daughter of John, King of France. Sir Robert, who was both learned and valiant, died in 1411, and having lost his two eldest sons, he bequeathed the duchy of Bar and castlewick of Cassel to his third son Edward, Marquis of Pont. This duke, with a younger brother John, lord of Puissage, and Robert their nephew. Count of Marie and Soissons, all three perished on the field of Agin- court ; and thus the Cardinal became sovereign of Bar, although this inheritance was claimed by his sister Yolande, Queen of Arragon, and then: dispute only ter- minated in 1419, when the Cardinal gave up his rights in favour of Rene of Anjou. After the death of so many relatives, the Cardinal, seeing his name about to be extinguished, and having already felt some affection for Rene, gave him the preference over his other nephews ; and, as his attachment increased, he took upon himself the charge of his education, under the surveillance of Jean of Proissy, to whom Rene had been entrusted by his mother Yolande.* Prelates of the fifteenth century lived like sovereigns within their own dioceses with great magnificence. They did not always find the thunders of the Church sufficient to defend their temporal rights, and were sometimes obliged, as Monstrelet tells us, " to carry a helmet for a mitre, a breastplate instead of a cope, and for a cross of gold, a battle-axe." The breviary was not more familiar to them than the sword, and Louis of Bar, surrounded by examples of glory, had, as it were, imbibed in his infancy the hereditary valour of his race, while at the same time he possessed in the hifrhest decree the virtues which honour the Church. He united to the most extensive information a taste for literature ; and his love for the arts, of which he was * Dom Calmet ; Monstrelet ; ViUenenve Bargemont. } t« the enlightened protector, induced him to extend his munificence to most of the artists of his time, whom he attracted to him, either to the old palace of Bar or to Paris, where he often prolonged his stay. It may be presumed that this prince neglected no means to perfect the rising talents of his pupil, and it is probable that in these visits which they made to- gether to the French court, Ren6 received his lessons in drawing and painting of the brothers Hubert and John Van Eyck. The latter, better known by the name of John of Bruges, had passed great part of his youth near Charles V., who had conferred on him many favours. It is beheved that it was to these cele- brated masters, or to their pupils, that Ren6 was indebted for his first instructions in an art which he constantly loved, and cultivated at all periods of his life. It is in childhood, when the imagination is suscep- tible and the senses are awake to every impression made on them by external objects, that the strongest tastes are formed, and the outlines of future character are observable. Rene's taste for painting was not more surprising than his inclination to engage in all that related to chivalry. In the Middle Ages the institutions of chivalry formed the best school for honour and moral discipline, and were very influential in promoting intellectual im- provement. Hallam, who has so ably written of these times, says, " Chivalry preserved an exquisite sense of honour as eifective in its great results, as the spirit of liberty and religion on the moral sentiments and ener- gies of mankind." There were notwithstanding amongst the members of the chivalrous orders, many individuals more con- spicuous for their vices than for the virtues they professed. »mtm 120 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 1417. Rapin. At the same time that Een6 was taking his first lessons in the art of drawing, he probably beheld the commencement of a chivalric institution, in which no doubt, although so young, he was permitted to take some part. This was the " Order of Fidelity " which Thiebaut, the fifth Count of Blamont, desired to found ; but of which, in order to confer eclat and durability, the Duke of Bar was declared the supreme chief. It was at Bar that this order was recognised, on the 31st of May, 1416. Forty knights of Lorraine, some of them very young, were associated together during five years, bound by oath in love and unity to support one another in every reverse of good or bad fortune.* It may be well to notice here, that one of these knights who thus pledged himself with others, was Robert de Sarrebruche, called the Damoisel de Commercy, after- wards much distinguished by the frequent violation of his engagements to Rene. Time was rapidly passing with the young pupil while occupied in his new exercises and delightful employments. He had just entered his ninth year when his father, the King of Sicily, died. On being informed of his dangerous condition, Rene hastened to him, and received his last farewell. He then beheld the tender interview between this dying monarch and his son-in-law, Charles VIL, who was counselled by him especially " never to trust the Duke of Burgundy, but to employ every means to keep on good terms with the formidable John ' Sans Peur.' " It had been well for Charles had he obeyed these counsels. Rene, who became by his father's will, Count of Guise, continued to reside with the Cardinal. By his happy disposition and attractive qualities, he so far confirmed the good opinion of his patron, that he began to regard him truly in the fight of a son, and • Dom Calmet ; Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont. MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 121 % If did not hesitate to name him as his heir in the duchy of Bar. He initiated him in the affairs of his state, and associated him in all the acts of his government. He even desired that Ren6 should be considered by his subjects as their future sovereign. In 1418, this young prince first acted in concert with his uncle in the government, and addressed letters in his own name to the different officers of Barrois.* At this time the greater part of Lorraine was in- fested by brigands, deserters, and vagrants, who upon being repulsed from the interior of the kingdom, and from the fortified cities, dispersed themselves towards the provinces on the borders, where they pillaged, committed murders and all kinds of violence. Such were the sad results of the long wars which had deso- lated France. More than once the Cardinal of Bar had been compelled to take up arms, and go in person to defend his states ; but he resolved at length to put an end to these evils by forming a league with Conrad Bayer de Boppart, Bishop of Metz, another martial prelate like himself. They attacked together several lords, who were even more culpable than the brigands themselves, inasmuch as they had sheltered them from justice in order to profit by their plunder. Ren6 of Anjou accompanied his uncle in this rapid expedition which might be said to be the first Bargemont. campaign of this young prmce, and it proved suc- cessful, f Discussions were at this time entered into between the States of Lorraine and Bar. Their proxunity to each other caused their interests sometimes to clash, and involved them in dissensions and bloodshed. A furious war had been recommenced m 1414, under • Bom Calmet ; Biographie TJniverselle ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. f Villeneuve Bargemont. 1418. 122 MAEGAEET OF ANJOXT. Edward, Duke of Bar, which had brought destruction by fire and sword on these unhappy states. Two years later a treaty was concluded between them ; but they were again apprehending a speedy rupture, when the Cardinal of Bar proposed a means of establishing peace between these duchies on a solid basis. After nominating Ren6 of Anjou to succeed him in his own states, the Cardinal did not rest here, but further evinced his solicitude and the interest he took in his welfare, which, added to political considerations, induced him to propose an alliance between his young relative and Isabella, the daughter and heiress of Charles II., Duke of Lorraine, and Margaret of Bavaria. Thus he hoped to form a lasting union between the States of Bar and Lorraine, and to restore unanimity and peace.* It might naturally have been expected that much opposition would have been raised to this marriage, although many lords of Lorraine openly expressed their desire that it should take place. Charles 11. had been a long time devoted to the Duke of Burgundy, who had in a manner protected him in his youth. His consort, Margaret of Bavaria, was a near relative of the Duchess of Burgundy; and besides that, he had entertained a personal enmity against the princes of the blood, and w^as at variance with the Duke of Orleans at the time of his death.f Great manoeuvring was required to negotiate for the hand of this duke's daughter, since it was on the part of an Angevine prince, but the Cardinal triumphed over all obstacles ; Duke Charles readily consented to the marriage, and appointed an interview with him on • Villeneuve Bargemont ; Monstrelet ; Dom Calmet ; Biograpliie Uni- verselle. f Duke Charles of Lorraine had in his will, made in 1408, even forbidden that his eldest daughter should be united to a prince of the House of France. «:k MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 123 Jii I 1418. Dom the subject. They repaired to the Castle of Foug, near Toul, which belonged to the Cardinal, on the 20th of March, 1418 ; and it is remarkable that ^^^^^ Charles of Lorraine, besides the lords of his court, caimet; should have brought with him Antoine de Vaudemont, Blrgemonl his nephew, to countenance by his presence the arti- cles of this marriage, since he ultimately became the most powerful opponent of Rene. The Cardinal was accompanied by his jo\mg protege j of whom it was said, that his prepossessing appear- ance, his courage, of which he had already given proof, and his rising reputation charmed the Duke, and contributed, as much as policy, in deciding him to bestow on him the hand of his daughter. The agree- ment * was then entered into by the two princes. It had been previously decided that the Duke of Lorraine should have the control of the person of Ren6 until he had attained his fifteenth year ; that on that same day the parties should be betrothed, and that on the following day the marriage ceremony should take place.| At the time that the articles of this marriage were published in Lorraine, and when the nobles were joy- fully taking their oaths, another assassination occurred which struck consternation throughout France. This was the murder of John " Sans Peur," Duke of Bur- gundy, in open day, on the bridge of Montereau, on the lOth^of September, 1419. _ .mo.^ It might have been apprehended that Philip, the Blrgemonl ♦ This agreement states, — Istly. That on the day of Pentecost, 1419, the Count of Guise should return from his journey into Anjou, the object of which would be to obtain the consent of his mother. 2ndly. That he should repair to Bar, where the Duke of Lorraine would meet him, to arrange the conditions of the marriage. 3rdly. That they should then fix the period when Rene should be con- ducted to Nanci, and cease to reside with his uncle, that he might be entirely under the surveillance of his future father-in-law. f Villeneuve Bargemont ; Dom Calmet ; Biographic Universelle. —■ST' 124 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT. next heir to the Burgundian States, would seek to revenge his father's death on all the members of the Angevine family ; but happily this was not the case, for although he vowed eternal enmity agamst the Dauphin (who was suspected to have commanded the criminal act), he had not the injustice to mvolve others indiscriminately. He did not, therefore, ofter any opposition to the alliance which the Duke ot Lorraine was about to make with the brother-m-law of one, whom he regarded as his father's assassin, but received with favour the ambassadors sent by that prince to condole with him on his misfortune* Profiting by this unexpected kindness, and fearmg that other°difficulties might arise, the Cardinal of Bar immediately passed an act to confirm the adoption ot Ren6, and his resignation to him of the duchy oi Bar and the Marquisate of Pont-^-Mousson,t conditionally on his taking the name and arms of Bar4 This act was passed at St. Mihiel, on the 13th of August, 1419, and the treaty of marriage, agreed upon the pre- ceding year, was then also ratified.§ The dower of Isabella was fixed at 5,000 livres annually, or 4,000 only in the event of Duke Charles having a male heir to succeed him in Lorraine, ihis * Yilleneuve Bargemont. j j a+ t The Marquisate of Pont-a-Mousson appears to have comprehended St Mihiel. Briey, Longwy, MarviUe, Saucy, Stenay, Longuyon, Foug, Pierre- fort Cond^-sur-Moselle, and rAvamtgarde. .. „„„,.„ t In the shield of the complete arms of Bar, Een^ was allowed to carry a small escutcheon with the arms of Anjou. p„„io„d 8 The historian of Lorraine informs us that Kmg Henry V. o England haling demanded the hand of Catherine, the ^-^^^'^,^^111:11 hLjf hearing that the Duke of Burgundy was reconciled *<> tl^« .^"""^ tSTfei^ed thft this would re-unit«the forces of France, and oblige hm te ^banTorhis conquests in that kingdom. He, therefore, applied to the DiZrf Lorraine, and asked his daughter IsabeUa in marriage for his hr^her the Duke ^f Bedford, hoping by this alUance to unite Duke Ch<^es in his interests, and place France between two fires It is, however, sur- prising that Henry V. was ignorant that the Duke of Lorraine had already contracted his daughter to Een^ of Anjou, in March, 1418. i MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 125 .? .1 princess had, besides, the sum of 40,000 livres, ready money. All the States of Barrois had been convoked upon this occasion. The sister of the Cardinal, Bonne of Bar, was also present. She was the wife of Valeran of Luxembourg. The Count of Ligny was also there, besides Jean of Sarrebruche, Bishop of Verdun, and the three abbots of St. Mihiel, La Chalade, and Lisle en Barrois. The same day the Cardinal and the Duke of Lorraine mutually engaged to appoint Rene and Isabella as their heirs ; and they obliged all their . vassals to take oath to acknowledge them as their legitimate sovereigns after their death.* When these arrangements were confirmed on both sides, Yolande of Arragon, called by the chroniclers " La belle Reinne de Sicile," conducted her son to his uncle, to whom she had already sent Mansard de Sue, bailiflf of Vitry, to signify her willingness to take the name and the arms of Bar. The Cardinal then prepared to conduct his young nephew to Nanci, there to entrust him to the care of the Duke of Lorraine, when an unforeseen •obstacle occasioned a delay equally fruitless and un- expected. Arnould, Duke of Berg, the husband of Mary of Bar, a sister of the Cardinal, had entertained secret pretensions to the duchy of Bar, and had even been eao-er to make it known immediately after the battle of Agincourt ; but repulsed by the energetic measures of Duke Edward, he had continued at peace until Rene became the declared heir to this duchy, when, aroused by the feeling that this adoption would annihilate for ever his own claims, his disappointed ambition sti- mulated him to a new enterprise. Assembling his troops he advanced with rapid strides, and attacked the forces of the Cardinal ; but no sooner did that * Dom Calmet ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. 126 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 12T 1420. Mureri. prelate appear, with Ren^, in arms against hira, than he was defeated in a pitched battle, and taken prisoner.* Rejoicing in their success, the Cardinal and his nephew then proceeded to the capital of Lorraine, where the nobles of the two duchies came, to ratify solemnly the promises and conditions stipulated in the contract of St. Mihiel. So great was the satis- faction universally expressed on witnessing the cordial affection which existed between the betrothed, that Duke Charles could no longer defer the marriage, notwithstanding^ the vouth of the affianced, Rene beinof only twelve years and nine months old, and his consort still a child. Isabella, who was born in 1410, has been described as being at the time of her nuptials, tall in person, and possessing regular and uncommonly beautiful features. To a mind above her age she united strength of character; and the gentle piety of her mother, Margaret of Bavaria, seemed to have been transmitted to her as a precious inheritance. Rene was equally remarkable among the young lords of Lorraine. He was distinguished by an open physiognomy, and large eyes " k fleur de tete ; " he was fair and fresh coloured, and his amiable manners attracted the attentions of the ladies, and had already rendered him dear to his young betrothed. "f" Henri de Ville, Bishop of Toul, a worthy prelate and a relative of the Duke of Lorraine, was chosen to officiate as priest at this marriage, which was cele- brated on the 14th J of October, 1420, in the Castle of Kanci, with the greatest pomp which could be- dis- played ; and as one author t^lls us, amidst a joy which • Villeneuve Bargemont. t Villeneuve Bargremont ; Godard Faultrier. t The Hth of October in the MS. prayer book of King Rene. « ^ if \ \ seemed to approach delirium. The same rejoicings prevailed throughout Barrois upon this union, formed under such happy auspices ; and it was generally re- garded as the means of annihilating former animosities and divisions, and of restoring that happiness which had long been banished from every heart.* Few events rendered the early years of Rent's wedded life remarkable. During this period of hap- piness, his leisure was devoted to his studies ; indeed after their marriage the young bride and bridegroom continued both in their own way to pursue their educa- tion, which they completed under the active surveiU lance of Margaret of Bavaria, Charles of Lorraine, and the Cardinal of Bar, three notable characters of that age ; of whom the two former were so peculiar as to claim especial notice. Margaret of Bavaria, the mother of Isabella, was the daughter of the Emperor Rupert, and one of the most virtuous princesses of her time. She lived in such complete retirement at her palace at Nanci that she was almost a stranger to the pleasures of her court, and occupied herself in works of benevolence and in founding pious establishments. Her life has been written in Latin by her confessor, Adolphus de Cirque, a Chartreux. He says, " she lived an austere life, chastising herself with fasting and wearing sack- cloth," and he relates of her, that, " having found a little ^ book entitled " La Rosaire Evangehque," containing the life of Our Saviour and of the Holy Virgin, this princess was so deeply touched by it that it was con- tinually in her hands. The Almighty, by this means, poured so much blessing on her soul, that she became a model of every virtue. He bestowed upon her also some mu*aculous gifts, and even granted her several • Moreri ; Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Dom Calmet ; Biographie Universelle ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Monstrclet ; Sismondi ; Godard Faultrier. 128 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. victories in her husband's favour. Of these, not only the people of Lorraine, but also foreigners and the Duke's enemies, bore witness. Upon one occasion the Duchess, while the combat lasted, caused public prayers to be offered in the city, and ordered a solemn proces- sion, at which she assisted barefooted, and with tears implored the succour of heaven for her husband's cause. After the battle of Champigneules, the van- quished prince acknowledged that the victory was not owing so much to the valour of Duke Charles, as to the Duchess Margaret, who had appeared at the head of the army with a brilliancy that their eyes could not endure. This occurred a second time under other cir- cumstances ; and the enemy, who were put to flight, afterwards declared that they had been terrified, and unable to support the presence of this princess whom they had beheld at the head of the army of Lorraine." When asked by her confessor if she had been present at the battle, the Duchess replied, " That it would not have become either her sex, or her condition ; but that she had addressed her prayers to Jesus Christ, implor- ing the protection of her subjects." Her prayers were always — " Lord, thy will be done and not mine ; " and she never asked of God either the death or cap- tivity of her enemies. We shall be less surprised at the influence which this extraordinary woman held over the minds of the people, when we contemplate her exceeding piety. Such was the self-control she had obtained that her humility, patience, temperance, disinterestedness, and charity were unequalled. She visited the hospitals with her ladies, and personally waited on the sick, and dressed their wounds. By her means several sick persons were restored to health ; and when this became publicly known, the afflicted ones were brought from afar to the gates of her palace, that MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 129 as she passed them on her way to church, she might bestow upon them her blessing. Many of these were cured ; but the Duchess declared that she could do nothing for those who remained in their sins, or wanted faith, or who placed greater con- fidence in the art of medicine than in the goodness of God. The Duchess took great care of her servants ; nor would she allow her daughters to remain in idleness, but set them herself an example of useful occupation. On fast days and Sundays she gave them instruction in the scriptures, conducted them to church and to the Lord's table. Her mornings were all spent in devotion, her afternoons in the care of her household and attend- ance on the poor. She confessed herself daily, took the holy sacrament every feast day and Sunday, and submitted her body to a severe scourging when the Duke, her husband, was absent. Such was the austere life of Margaret of Bavaria. The Duke of Lorraine, on the contrary, was not very devout. He did not attribute the advantages he obtained to his wife's merits, and still less to his own ; but to the prayers of the good people who prayed for him. The Duchess, however, was somewhat afflicted at the temporal prosperities enjoyed by Lorraine, fearing that God might reward her during her life for the little good she did, and deprive her in eternity of that bliss which was her only ambition. Charles of Lorraine had no taste for solitude, and his capital became, during his reign, the centre of the most brilliant fetes. The Duke was one of the most poHshed and intellectual princes of his time, although naturally of a warlike disposition and educated in the battle-field. That portion of his time which was not employed in w^ar, or in the gratification of his passions, he devoted to literature. He was particularly fond of VOL. I. 130 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. T^AEGAEET OF ANJOU. 131 1420. history, and it was said of him that he never passed a single day without reading some chapters of Livy or of Caesar's Commentaries, his favourite authors, which he took with him on all his expeditions. Often, in speaking of himself, he would say that, "in com- parison with Caesar, he seemed to be only an appren- tice in the art of war." It may be inferred that this prince did not fail to encourage his pupil Ren6 in the love of study, and from the period of his first visit to his court also may have originated the taste and talents of Ren6 for music, a science in which Duke Charles delighted. He was always surrounded by the most eminent musicians of the day, and evinced bis own love for music by playing skilfully on several instru- ments.* We are informed that Rene was engaged alternately at the courts of Lorraine and Bar in the cultivation of music and painting, the study of the ancient languages, legislation, and feudal customs ; and he thus acquired, during the short intervals of peace, an education superior to the age in which he lived. While occupied by such agreeable studies the hfe of Rene must have been tranquil and happy ; but it was only a brief period. As early as the 10th of November, in 1420, this prince was at once awakened to the anxiety of protecting his states from a powerful competitor, to repulse w^hom it might even be re- quired to unite with others in some military expe- ditions. The Duke of Lorraine had, upon his daughter's marriage, taken on himself the care of the estates of Rene, as well as the charge of the person of his son- in-law ; and he was occupied in November of 1420, in obtaining the recognition of Isabella as his successor, • Dom Cahnet ; Villeneuve Bargcmont. <> • ' in case he should die without male issue. To this lie had been compelled by the conduct of his own nephew, Antoine de Vaudemont, who, from motives of interest, had not participated in the general satis- fiiction upon the marriage of Rene and Isabella. Hj had long enjoyed the hope of reigning in Lorraine after his uncle's decease, but the union which had just taken place had destroyed his illusions, and he could with difficulty restrain his feelings of resentment on beholding himself superseded by an Angevine prince. The age of Rene precluding explanation, De Vaude- mont stifled his resentment at the offence and injustice, as he considered it ; yet his apparent composure gave occasion for serious apprehension. This prince, who had been born in the midst of political storms, had aspired to personal distinction ; and priding himself on his illustrious ancestry, he thirsted to add glory to his race. He was a devoted subject, a faithful friend, and a respectful relative. His noble character, and espe- cially his frankness, added to his military talents, had secured him some powerful allies. As an enemy he was the more to be feared, as it was well known that justice and good faith only could make him draw his sword; but, when indeed he did so, his haughtiness led him on to extremes, even beyond the bounds of prudence, for he did not estimate the chances of war, nor the misfortunes and oppressions which might drive a people to despair. Such was the character of a prince, who, unable to endure even the shadow of an injustice, had so unexpectedly found in the youthful Rene a powerful rival, against whom he only awaited the opportunity of revenging himself Antoine de Vaudemont insisted that the Salic law being still in force in his family, Lorraine, a fief male, ought not, under any pretence, to revert to a female, or K 2 132 Dcm Calciet 1-1:29. Dom Calmet. MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. to leave his family by marriage. Finding, however, that he could not prevail upon his unele to revoke his will in favour of Isabella, this prince declared that upon the death of Charles of Lorraine he would prove his rights, and obtain with his sword that inheritance of which he considered himself so unjustly deprived. These menaces made it necessary for the Duke of Lorraine to call upon the nobles of his States to swear to perform the con- ditions of his will ; and he also caused his daughter to be crowned as his immediate heiress.* On the 5th of February, 1424 (according to the chronicle of Lorraine), Isabella, Duchess of Bar, made her first entrance at Pont-a-Mousson, where many gentlemen, knights, and esquires awaited her, and celebrated her arrival there by jousts and grand fetes. t On the 1st of August of the same year Isabella gave birth to her eldest son, John, afterwards Duke of Calabria. This event was commemorated with rejoicings in Lorraine. Her eldest daughter, Yolande, was not born until two years later, in 1426, with a twin-brother called Nicolas, Duke of Bar, who died young.J The second daughter of Rene and Isabella, the renowned Margaret of Anjou, was bom on the 23rd of March, 1429, at Pont-a-Mousson, which was then one of the finest castles of Lorraine and had formed a part of her mother's dower. The infant Margaret was baptized, under the great crucifix in the Cathedral of Toul, by the bishop of that diocese. Her sponsors were her uncle Louis III. Kino- of Naples, and Margaret, Duchess of Lorraine, her maternal grandmother. § • Moreri : Dom Calmet ; Bodin ; Biogxaphie Umverselle ; Godard Faul- trier ; Barante. t Dom Calmet. X Jloreri ; Bodin. § Moreri ; Diet Historique dea Femmea Celebres. ;* MARGARET OF ANJOU. 133 Rent's faithful nurse, Theophaine la Magine (who, by this time, had doubtless advanced in experience as well as in age,) was appointed* to watch over the first years of this favoured child, who inherited the excellence and talents of her father ; to these, as she grew up, she added the beauty and grace of her mother, afterwards appearing as a bright star in the horizon, destined to shine conspicuous with transcendent lustre. At a very early age Margaret of Anjou gave proofs of those virtues which win the affections, and of such great abilities as seldom fail to command the notice of the world. In her case they led to the splendours of a throne, where she became immersed in difficulties and afflictions. In the military expeditions which Een6 undertook with the Duke of Lorraine and the Cardinal of Bar, he was very successful. He effectually checked the aggres- sions of the Count de Vaudemont, and in all his enter- prises exhibited great activity, ardour, and bravery. It was during the sojourn of this prince on the borders of the Meuse that he improved himself in the profession of arms, while engaged in repelling the rebellious vassals ; until, fatigued with such petty war- fare, he sought to enlarge his sphere, and was induced to join the forces of Charles VH. It was just at that remarkable era when Joan of Arc f had miraculously eflected the deliverance of Orleans, * Dom Calmet ; Moreri ; Baker. t Rene had already seen the heroic shepherdess of Yancouleurs, on her first appearance in the presence of Duke Charles, at Nanci. She had there spoken of her high mission, and in reply vras reminded of her unfitness for war ; in order to inspire the Duke and his court with confi- dence she requested to have a horse brought to her, when, springing upon this high battle-horse without the use of the stirrups, she seized, with a martial air, a lance which was handed to her, and executed in the court of the castle several courses and evolutions as well as the best-trained man- at-arms. 134 MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. 14 29. M jzeraL Een^ of Anjou was blockading the city of Metz which the Duke of Lorraine had besieged. Had that prince been influenced by pohcy or prudence, he would have remained neutral in those contests which desolated France ; but his affection for King Charles, his brother- in-law, and his predilection for the French, irresistibly impelled him, with all the enthusiasm of a youthful breast, to join the royal standard on the plains of Champagne, where his brothers, Louis III, Duke of Anjou, and Charles, Count of Maine, had already appeared. Nor could the solicitations of the Cardinal of Bar, or of the Duke of Lorraine, deter him from his purpose. The experience of these princes led them to fear the resuks of the union of the English with the Burgundians against themselves, should they declare war against them ; but Rene, unmoved by their argu- ments, left the siege of Metz almost by stealth, and his conduct was soon justified by the success of the cause he embraced. It was on the 16th of July, 1429, the eve of the same day on which King Charles was consecrated in the church of St. Denis, that Eene joined him, bringing with him the Damoisel de Commercy and other lords ; and he afterwards accompanied that monarch in his brilliant career of triumphs and conquests, serving him wnth devotedness and fidelity.* Rene ventured, although but twenty-one years of age, to second the advice of Joan of Arc, the Duke of Alen9on, Dunois and others, contrary to the counsel of the powerful La Tremouille. He soon became united with all the great generals of France, Potou, La Hire, the Duke of Bourbon, and still more intimately with Arnaud de Barbazan, called '' le chevalier sans reproche," and it was with this general that he appeared before Paris. They seized together on • Biographic UniverseUe ; ViUeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 135 .» Pont-sur-Seine, Chantilly, Pont Saint Maxence, and Choisy, and finally they entered with Charles VIL at St. Denis. Then detaching himself from the royal army, Ren6 distinguished himself particularly at the head of his troops, by the taking of the fortress of Chappes, in Champagne, near Troyes, where, with 3,000 men, he defied 8,000 English and Burgun- dians united,* and triumphed over them in spite of the efforts of theb skilful chief, Antoine de Toulon- geon. Also at the village of La Croisette, near Chalons-sur-JMame, Ren6 gamed a victory over the English.l When this prince was rejoicing in his good fortune, and becoming daily more illustrious by the success he obtained in the cause of the neglecte4 and despised " King of Bourges," as King Charles was styled, he was compelled to quit the field of action somewhat hastily, being summoned to attend the death-bed of his warm-hearted and generous relative, the Cardinal of Bar. With deep and unfeigned regret, Rene paid his last tribute of respect and honour to the memory of his uncle, who died in 1430, and then, repairing to Bar, he Biograpiiie attended his funeral obsequies. This loss was almost immediately after succeeded by that of the Duke of Lorraine ; and scarcely had Ren6 taken possession of the territories of his uncle, when he was called upon to assume the reigns of government over the dukedom of Lorraine. Charles, the second Duke of Lorraine, expired on the 23rd of January, 1430,1 and was interred in St. George's Church at Nanci. He left a will, made in 1425, abrogating his former testament, and prescribing the manner in which his son-in-law should govern in Lorraine, in the event * Monstrelet says the number was only 4,000. t Biographie UniverseUe ; Barante ; Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet. ^ SDme place the death of Duke Charles in 1431. Univer- seUe. 1430. 136 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 137 of the decease of his wife Isabella.* Een^ of Anjou thus became an independent prince, and was solemnly acknowledged by the nobles and clergy of the two States. Een^ made his entrance into Nanci with Isabella, both mounted on magnificent chargers, amidst the blessings of the multitude, and the olden cry of " Noel ! Noel ! " The clergy and the most distinguished of the nobility attended them, according to ancient usage ; and near an antique stone cross, erected at the gate of St. Nicholas, the Duke and Duchess dismounted, pre- vious to their entry into the city. They gave their horses to the Chapter of St. George, who preceded them, bearing the cross and the cuissard of the holy knight. The Vem Creator was then chanted by the people. Ren6 and Isabella were thence conducted in pro- cession to the ducal church; they knelt before the high altar, and the Dean presented to them a half-ex- panded missal. " Most high and honourable seigneurs,'' continued the aged ecclesiastic, "we beg of you to take upon yourselves to swear that you will conform to the duties which your predecessors of glorious memory have been accustomed to respect, in comphance with ancient usage, on their entry into the duchy of Lorraine, and the city of Nanci." *^ Willingly," re- plied Bene and Isabella, and laying their hands on the sacred volume, they swore by their hopes of paradise, faithfully to maintain the rights of Lor- raine. The Duchess Margaret, who was dressed in mourning, was delighted to see her daughter thus honoured. f The history of the Middle Ages offers nothing more Fanlfrie"^ ^^^^*'^ ^''*- °^ Lorraine j Biographie Universelle ; Godard t Chronicle of Lorraine. \ solemn than these acts of religion, in which the people, the clergy, and nobility summoned a prince on his accession to the crown to protect their franchises, their liberties and privileges. This admixture of loyalty and rudeness, of submission and independence always prevailed in these free customs of Lorraine. The earliest acts of Rene developed a maturity of wisdom rarely discovered in a prince of two-and- twenty, the age at which he had succeeded to his inheritance of Bar and Lorraine. The people of these countries, who had so lately been rejoicing in their reunion through the marriage of Ren6 and Isabella, were destined to experience the vanity of their hopes and expectations, and to feel no less than their Duke and Duchess, the cruel vicissitudes of war, for Lorraine was again plunged into an abyss of evils after the death of Duke Charles. On the occasion of this visit of Rene, he concluded with the city of Metz a peace which was happy and lasting. He called to the pre- sidency of his council, the virtuous Henri de Ville, Bishop of Toul ; assembled about him men the most distinguished for their merits and learning, and re- nounced fetes and pleasures to devote himself to the administration of the duchy. A law against blas- phemers, a statute which granted an indemnity to men at arms whose horses had been killed in hib service, and other letters patent in which he con- signed to certain cities and abbeys his protection and a confirmation of their privileges, have been preserved as pledges of his faith and constant solicitude. This epoch of the life of Rene was no doubt the happiest of his career. Blessed by his subjects, at peace with his neighbours, he had not yet felt the gales of adversity, and no reverse had tarnished the eclat of his arms. It is pleasing to dwell on the 138 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. tender solicitude he felt for his people, his brilliant valour, and his sincere piety ; and also on the virtues of the good Isabella, whom heaven had rewarded by granting her four beautiful children, bright ornaments ot the Court of Lorraine. Ren6 visited successively all the towns of his duchy and received, in his progress through them, the most aflecting proofs of devotion and love. For the first time the strife of arms was not heard in Lorraine, and but for the ambition of the Count de Vaudemont, nothing had occurred to disturb the general tranquiUity and happiness.* An oath had been taken by the Count de Vaude- mont to maintain with his sword his right to the IJuchy of Lorraine, and he pretended that the fief was male, and could not pass to Ren6 by the right of a woman. This prince had been educated in the camp had served in eight pitched battles, and was inured to war ; he therefore despised the youth and inexperience ot Kene, and when required to do homage to the young Duke, on taking possession of Lorraine, he posi- tively refused. The fortress of Vaudemont was imme- diately besieged by Rene, but the garrison bein- assured of assistance, defended it for three months with great valour. This was but the commencement ot a gi'ievous war. No two leaders could be more opposed to each other in their views and interests Ihe Count de \audemont had always belonged to the Burgundian party, while Rene, a son of Louis II of Anjou, one of the greatest enemies the House of Burgundy had ever had, had not only joined the J^rench army, but had made deplorable war upon the Burgundians, assisted by Arnaud de Barbazan, Firs Chamberlain to the King of France, by whom he had been distinguished as " le chevalier sans • Dom Calmet ; Barante ; Biographie Universelle ; Godard Faultrier. MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT. 139 reproche " and permitted to assume the Fleurs-de-lys for his arms. To recompense Rene for the services he had ren- dered him. King Charles at this time sent him some reinforcements led on by his friend Barbazan. Ren6 was also joined by the Bishop of Metz, the Counts of Linanges and Salu, the Lord of Heidelburg, the Sire of Sarrebruche, the Sire of Chatelet and others, with whom he united a considerable army. On the other side was the Marshal de Toulongeon, who, taking part with the Count de Vaudemont, rendered him no little assistance by raising for him an army in Burgundy and Picardy ; and, as a further means of promoting his cause, he circulated a report that the object of Rene, after the defeat of the Count de Vaudemont, was the conquest of all Burgundy. A tax of 50,000 francs was accorded by the States of Burgundy, and Duke Philip also taking part with the Count de Vaudemont, supplied him with a large body of troops, headed by Antoine de Toulongeon, who, having been defeated before the fortress of Chappes by Rene and Barbazan, eagerly thirsted for revenge.* This army, amounting to 1,000 or 1,200 f men, all experienced in war, advanced towards Vaudemont, and in order to pro- voke Rene to fight, commenced by ravaging his territories. This prince, much affected by witnessing the mis- fortunes to w^hich his people were thus exposed, became impatient to terminate the contest by a decided battle, and quitting the blockade of Vaudemont, advanced to meet his adversaries on the plain, where they had strongly entrenched themselves. The Bur- gundians, however, were not sufiiciently numerous to * Bodin ; Barante ; Monfaucon ; Sismondi ; Monstrelet ; Mezerai ; Bio- graphie Universelle ; Godard Faultrier. t Monstrelet sajs 4,000. — Huii.a».i . 140 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 141 1431. Bodin. risk an engagement in a country where this was ren- dered difficult by the hedges and ditches which inter- sected It; and provisions failing them, the Marshal advised a retreat into Burgundy, much to the chagrin of the Count de Vaudemont. They had already begun their march, when they were overtaken by Een6, and challenged to fight. The Lord of Toulongeon replied that he was prepared for battle, and such was the gallant bearing of this party that Barbazan, perceiving It, would have prevented the engagement, advising delay, and representing that the want of provisions would soon compel the Burgundians to retreat, but he was not listened to, so urgent were the youno-er knights for the attack. ° The two armies met, on the 2nd of July, 1431 on the plains of Bulgneville, near Neufchateau, and in this battle, called "La journ^e des Barons" on account of the number of lords present, the Count de Vaude- mont gamed the advantage by making a sudden attack with his artillery, and the Duke of Lorraine was de- feated. His general, Barbazan, was killed, and Ren6 himself wounded, and taken prisoner along with two hundred of his followers. The total loss of the van- quished was estimated at 3,000 men.* The engao-e- ment lasted but an hour ; some even say, but a quarter of an hour. Ren6 had fought in this battle like a lion, and was not overcome until blinded by the blood which flowed from a wound on the left brow, the mark of which he carried to the grave. The Marshal de Toulongeon conveyed his prisoner with all speed into Burgundy, where, at first, Ren6 was confined in the chateau "de Talent," near DiJon, but afterwards removed to that city, and im- Wax; Monstrelet; Baudier; Biographie UniverseUe ; GodaTFani: 1431. prisoned in a tower of the palace of the Dukes of Burgundy.* Isabella meanwhile, with her children and her ^.^^^^^^^^^ widowed mother, Margaret of Bavaria, had remained at Bargemont Nanci, to await the issue of the battle of Bulgneville, which ended so fatally for the interests of the Duke of Lorraine. The first news of this disaster was conveyed to these princesses by some of the affrighted fugitives from the battle. They told the unhappy wife of the capture of her lord. *'Alas!" exclaimed Isabella, clasping her child, the little Margaret,! to her bosom, " Alas ! where is Ren6 ? He is taken, he is slain ! " "Madam," they replied, "be not thus abandoned to grief ; the Duke is well, though disabled, and a prisoner of the Burgundians." But the Duchess appeared in- consolable. The news of Rent's defeat was speedily confirmed, and when Isabella was assured that her husband's life had been spared, she became more com- posed, and prepared, with the assistance of her mother, to take such steps as the exigency of the state demanded. These courageous princesses, far from being over- come by this terrible shock or by the trouble and consternation which ensued, were only animated to greater exertions. They soon displayed the utmost firmness and presence of mind. They immediately convoked the Council, and Isabella appeared in the midst, dressed in a long mourning veil, and leading her four little children. As she entered the hall, she ex- claimed, "Alas! I know not if my husband be dead or taken?" "Madam," replied the lords who were present, "be not discomforted; Monsieur the Duke has indeed been taken by the Burgundians, but fear not, he will be ransomed. By the grace of God, we will see ♦ Moreri ; Biographie UniverseUe ; Monstarelet ; Godard Faultrier. t Then cnly two years old. 142 MAEGAEET OF AN JOU. MARGAEET OF ANJOIT. 143 I \ the end of this war. The Count Antoine would have the duchy, but it is well defended. We will not cease to make war with him, and in a short time your husband will be released." At these words the good Duchess was a little consoled. She commanded, by the advice of her council, a general levy in Lorraine and Barrois. In a few days a numerous army was assembled, well furnished, and to these were added the remnant of the army which had escaped from Bulgneville ; and these were conducted by the valiant knights before Vezelise, having repulsed the attacks of the Count de Vaude- mont. On the sixth day of the siege this unfortunate town was taken and sacked to the utmost. They also took the fortress of Toulio, and guarded Nanci from a coiip-de-main. Deputies were sent to most of the towns to exhort the people to maintain their fidelity to Ren^, and to refuse obedience to any orders which might emanate from the Count de Vaudemont. To this prince, their kinsman yet theu' most bitter enemy, the unhappy Isabella and her mother even ventured to address themselves in person. They ob- tained an interview with him at Vezelise, when with all the pathos and energy inspired by misfortune, they represented to him the evils attendant on a civil war in Lorraine, and so aifecting were their supplications that they obtained from the Count a truce for three months, from the 1st of August to the 1st of November, and which afterwards was prolonged to the 25th of January following.* While Isabella was thus engaged in courageously defending her rights to her paternal inheritance and preserving her duchy from invasion and civil war, Rene, from the solitude of his prison, was vainly ad- dressing to Duke Philip numerous messages. This * Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. prince, however, at a distance from his capital, refused to listen to any treaty respecting the freedom of his illustrious captive. Hard and austere as the Duke must then have appeared towards his prisoner, yet Philip of Burgundy was not insensible to feelings of compassion, or unable to appreciate merit. When he came, some time after, to Dijon, to preside at the Chapter of the Order of the Golden Fleece, and to bestow the collars of this Order on his victorious generals, Vergy, Toulongeon and others, who had been triumphant at the battle of Bulgneville, he remem- bered Duke Rene, and when passing the Tour de Bar, he stopped, and commanding the guards to admit him, he then hastily entered the prison, and evinced his great sympathy towards his captive whom he subsequently often revisited, showing great satis- faction in his society. The Council of Lorraine regarded with the deepest sympathy their Duchess, in her afflicted and desolate condition, being left with four young children — two boys and two girls — described as the most beautiful ever seen. The intercessions of the unfortunate Isabella with her hostile kinsman, the Count de Vaudemont, although somewhat availing for her country, were altogether useless in procuring the liberation of her husband. Ken6 had become the prisoner of the Duke of Bur- gundy, who consigned him to a tedious incarceration in his own dominions. The first days of Rene's cap- tivity passed in the fortress *' de Talent ; " these were days of sorrow ; but he expected to be transfen'ed to Dijon, and hoped for the change, as promising him a less rigorous confinement. Orders were, however, received by the Marshal de Toulongeon to convey his illustrious prisoner to Bracon-sur-Salins. At this place the governor of the castle, Antoine de Bracon 144 MABGAEET OF ANJOU. I MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 145 ff 1431. surnamed Simard, was entrusted with the care of Een6 ; and the dungeon being in a ruinous condition, this prince was placed, for a time, in the Saulnerie or Salt-mine. At the expiration of four months, a con- tagion breaking out near this spot, Ren6 was, by orders of the Council of Burgundy, conducted to Dijon. The Council was, indeed, too much interested in the preservation of the life of Eene to risk it by such a distemper, but its members were also influenced by other motives in the removal of their captive. Several attempts had been made to rescue this prince, and another being discovered in November of this year, 1431, it caused so much alarm to the Bishop of Langres, and to the Council of Burgundy over whom he presided, as to occasion them to write, during the night, to the bailiff of Chalons, to whom, at that time, was entrusted the chief surveillance of their prisoners. This new enterprise was undertaken by Robert de Baudricourt, who assembled in the little town of Gondricourt a body of soldiers devoted to the Duke of Lorraine, and equally resolved with their leader to procure his freedom, even at the risk of their lives. The dispositions had been made with the greatest secrecy ; and a German taken prisoner at Bulgneville, who had been just set free, contrived to acquaint Ren6, while he was being conveyed from the Salt-mine to the chateau de Bracon, of the plan con- certed for his deliverance : but the Duke's removal to the chateau de Rochefort, near the town of Dole, completely defeated this project. In this new abode Rene was only permitted a few days of repose, when he was conducted to Dijon, and such severe measures were there resorted to for his security, that he became convinced he must re- nounce every hope of escape. The most delicate attentions were, notwithstanding, paid to him, in order to make his captivity less painful. The melancholy situation of the youthful prisoner was also mitigated by the presence of the Bishop of Metz, of Erard de Chatelef, of the brave Rodemark, of the faithful Vitallis and others, who had all been taken prisoners, like himself, by the Burgundians. Rene was incapable of selfi^mess, and he hastened to guarantee a part of the ransom required of his companions in misfortune, and having thus assisted in procuring their return to Lorraine, he remained himself a solitary captive in the Tour de Bar, at Dijon, which ever after retained this name from its illustrious inmate.* One of the first cares of Rene, after the battle of Bulgneville, was to found, at ih^ chapter-house of Notre Dame de Vancouleurs, a perpetual mass for the soul of Barbazan his general, and for all those who had been slain in that engagement. Not confining himself to this act of piety, this religious prince, shortly after his arrival at Dijon, had a chapel erected on the right of the choir of the palace church, under the in- vocation of Notre Dame and his patron St. Rene. Amidst these sacred occupations and duties, how many sorrowful thoughts and protracted regrets must have assailed him ! Li the solitud'e of his prison, Rene found leisure to reflect on the early disappointment of all his prospects of glory and of happiness. A single battle had deprived him of the flower of his army, of hberty, and, perhaps, even of his states ; had separated him from all he held dear, and had banished for ever his projects for the welfare of Lorraine. He felt but too sensibly — from the excessive precautions taken for the security of his person — the great importance which Philip, Duke of Burgundy, attached to his prisoner, and he contemplated the calamitous influence which his imprisonment would have over his future life. VOL. I. * Villeneuve Bargemont. 146 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 147 Thus he gradually fell into a sombre melancholy, which was much augmented by the recollection of his wife and four helpless children ; and although treated with all the regard due to his misfortunes, rank, and per- sonal merits, a deep grief took possession of his heart. Nothing seemed to alleviate his sorrow, and even the very distractions offered him became importunate. The most absolute solitude could alone soothe him. It was at this mournful epoch of his life that Ren^, in order to escape from the ennui which consumed him and from his melancholy reflections, had recourse to the fine arts, which he had constantlv cultivated. He applied himself with great assiduity to the study of painting, music, and poetry, and these, which had already delighted him in his youth, proved his conso- lation under misfortune, and afterwards became the solace of his r-^-^ -^ge. The first fniits of his talents for painting Eene consecrated with affecting pietv to the decoration of his newly constructed chapel in the palace church, in which he placed the arms of Bar. In the same manner, that which he had ordained the foundation of, in the church of the Carthusian friars of Dijon, wa^ ornamented by his own hand. He after- wards pamiod his o^vn portrait on a window of the Duke's chapel. Two years later there were placed there the emblazoned arms of nineteen knights of the Toison dor, who had been present at the Chapter held in 1433. Thus the portrait of the Duke of Lorraine was found surrounded by the escutcheons of the greater [ail of the generals who had borne arms a^rainst him at Bulgneville. Xor was it only in the company of the muses that Eene solaced his captivity : he employed himself in more serious studies, and if his genius was aroused, his judgment also became matmred amidst the reflections which his solitude awakened. He leamt the value of I J the study of history, which forestalls the lessons of ex- perience, and he engaged earnestly in the difficult science of administration, and in the art of war in which he had already received so severe a lesson ; in short, he learnt how to profit in the school of adversity. The rich library of Philip was situated at no great dis- tance from the prison of Rene, and it may be presumed that this illustrious captive was permitted to explore its literary treasures, and that this fortunate resource proved conducive to his resignation, while it also prompted him to the useful occupation of that time which he had so much at his own disposal.* The Duchess Isabella, meanwhile, with her mother, ^largaret of Bavaria, continued indefatigable in their endeavours to obtain the release of Rene. When they found their hopes of carr^-ing him off were disappomted by his removal to Dijon, they applied themselves to their relative, the Emperor Sigismond, and also des- patched an embassy to the Duke of Burg^undy, to demand the lil:>eration of the Duke of Lorraine at what- ever price. Erard de Chatelet (himself but just ran- somed out of the hands of the Sire de Ver^n'), was employed by the two princesses in this embassy ; and, as they neglected nothing to secure the success of their attempt, they previously concluded with the Seig- neur de Vergy (who, at this time, had great power at the court of Philip) a treaty, the articles of which had l)een drawn up by the Council of Dijon. The success of Erard de Chatelet's embassy was imfortunatelv annulled by one of those rare fetalities which occasionally set aside the wisest combinations and arrangements of human foresight. The benevolent protection of Sigismond, which had been exerted in favour of Rene from the very origin of the pretensions of the Count de Vaudemont, now rendered null this * l&sa!aa.\ TiUaieiiTe I. 2 I 148 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 149 embassy. The Duke of Burgundy having learnt that the Emperor had recognized his prisoner as Duke of Lorraine, haughtily opposed the right he arrogated to himself, and protested that he alone had the power of disposing of the fate of Rene.* This reply, so discouraging to the two princesses, caused Margaret of Bavaria to endeavour to procure, by a personal application, the mediation of King Charles VII. She set out accompanied by Henri de Ville, Bishop of Toul, and Conrad Bayer, Bishop of Metz. At Lvons she found the Count of Genoa, the brother-in-law of the Duke of Burgundy and his father, \ by his ancestor, Philip " le Hardi;" and for a long time they were objects of great interest to travellers, though now lost to France. The Duke of Burgundy's visit to Dijon had no rela- tion to Rene, although he was so eager to behold him. The design of the Duke in this journey was to preside, with the utmost pomp which was customary in those days, over a Chapter of the Order of the Golden Fleece instituted in January, 1430, on the occasion of the second marriage of Philip. It is probable that Isabella of Portugal was there with her husband, and also that Rene sought permission to assist in a cere- mony so analogous to his tastes. Philip saw his prisoner several times, he frequently invited him to his banquets, and as he became more and more acquainted with the amiable disposition of Ren6 and the gentleness and grace of his manners, he felt all the early prejudices, which had been instilled into him against this prince, vanish away.* Nor did he confine himself to these outward marks of interest. He appointed, on the 1st of April, the meetings for the consideration of the con- ditions which should be exacted for his release, and to Blrgemort; fix the epoch of his liberation. It would even appear Monstreiet. that from the 1st of March, 1432, Rene regarded himself as free.t In the first session the Chancellor of the Duke of Burgundy read through the articles of this provisionary treaty, and at the second meeting they were accepted. "Rene therein makes mention at length of the obligations under which he was to the affectionate prayers of his mother-in-law and of the princes of the blood ; he acknowledges the kindness and courtesy of the Duke of Burgundy ; submits, as a guarantee of his word, to give as hostages his two vouno; sons, John and Louis of Anjou ; he moreover * Villeneuve Baxgemont. + Heures Manuscrites du roi Eene. 1432. 152 MAEG.\J?ET OF AXJOU. concedes to the Duke Philip the castles of Clermont in Argonne, Chatillon, Bourmont, and Charmes ; and con- sents to pay the Biirgiindian troops that were to fomi their garrisons." For greater security, on the IGtli of the same month, thirty gentlemen of Lorraine m-Iio were devoted to their Duke and the greater part of whom had been present at Bulgneville, undertook upon oath, that " that prince should return within the Tour de Bar on the 1st of May, 1433," but if he failed, they were to surrender themselves prisoners at Dijon one month after the expiration of the term assigned. Besides these clauses of the treaty there M-as a pecuniary ransom not yet stipulated, and upon which were exacted in advance, 20,000 saluts d'or as well as 18,000 florins claimed by the Marshal de Toulon- geon as the ransom of the Sire de Rodemacli Ren6 subscribed without hesitation to all these conditions iu order to get free, and tliat he might return to LoiTaine once more preside over the government of his states' and by his presence afford some remedv for the accu- mulated evils which overwhelmed his "people There was yet, however, one condition more added to these numerous exactions, and this M-as still more painfully extorted from him. '' The imperious Count de Vaudemont liad again taken up arms and at the head of 7,000 men threatened to possess himself by force of the duchy with which they refused to invest him. When he heard of the neo-otia- tions entered into at Dijon he again proclaimc°I his TpfV'"" ^^"^ '"*''■*' measures with the approval ot 1 fillip, only consenting to remain at peace in ex- pectation of a final decision, conditionallv, that Ren(5 should bestow the hand of his eldest daughter Yolande upon his own son, Ferri of Lorraine At first Rem^ rejected this demand, and his repuo-. nance was only too just ; but motives of general policy M.VRGAEET OF ANJOU. 153 I' prevailed, and he submitted this point to his council. It was afterwards referred by Rene and Antoine to the arbitration of the Duke of Burgundy to determine the conditions of this marriage, and it was finally settled that Yolande should receive 18,000 florins of the Rhine as her dower, the half of which sum should be appropriated to the purchase of a domain for the betrothed. It was agreed that the parties should be affianced on the 24th of June of the same year, and that afterwards the princess Yolande should be conducted to Neufchatel, and confided to the care of Count Antoine de Vaudemont until the day of the marriage. This treaty was signed by the two princes who were recon- ciled to each other, and all the articles were duly observed, to i\\Q great joy of the people. In a letter addressed about this time by Rene to the Regency of Lorraine, in which he required them to send his two sons to him, we find stated the considerations which induced him to submit himself to these rigorous exactions. " The misfortunes and divisions caused in my states by my detention, make it a law for me," says he, " to employ as soon as possible all the means in my power to put a speedy end to them." The return of Rene was indeed imperatively de- manded by the grief of his beloved wife and mother, as well as by the miserable condition of Lorraine. John of Fenestranges, Grand JIarshal of Lorraine, Gerard of Haraucourt, Seneschal, James of Haraucourt, Bailiff" of Nanci, Philip of Lenoncourt, and others, conducted John and Louis of Anjou to Langres and thence to Dijon, where they amved on the 28th of April, previous to their father's liberation. Rene finally left his prison on the 1st of May, 1432,* and about the same period Yolande, his eldest daughter, was * Moreri ; Monfaucon ; Biographie Universale ; Sismondi ; Monstrelet ; Mezerai ; Baudier ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. 1432. 154 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1432. separated from her mother, and departed to the Countess de Vaudemont.* Monstreiet .^^ ^'^''^^ ^^ ^^^ ^'"^^ ^^'^^ ^^^^ entered into a treaty with two princes, with whom he liad been for some tnne at war. These were two brotliers, tlie Counts of St. Pol and of Lignj ; the latter had conquered Guise, a city which had fonned part of the inheritance of the Duke of Bar, and which Rene had ceded to his mother Queen Yolande, in 1424, when her guardianship ended! For the security of this place Eene freely gave up the Castle of Bohein, in the presence of 'many of his nobility, by his orders assembled. Upon this occasion the proposals were made for the marriage of Margaret Rene's younger daughter, with the Count of St Pol's second son, Peter of Luxembourg ; f but this was de- lerred until another meeting. :j: Margaret of Anjou,' the fourth child of Rene and Isabella, was at this period scarcely three years of age, and just commencing her education, at Nanci under the eye of her illustrious mother. By this tender parent she was carefully instructed, and gave early promise of tlie talents and beauty which afterwards so much distinguished her. The Duke of Burgundy, in 1433, held the feast ot the Golden Fleece, at Dijon; and shortly after being mvited by Ame, eighth Duke of Savoy, to be present at the marriage of his son, the Count of Genoa about to be united to the daughter of the Kino- of Cyprus, at Chambery, the Duke repaired thither with an escort of two hundred knights and esquires. Ren6 ot Anjou was also there. He was received with the greatest respect by the Duke of Savoy, and was placed at tiie nuptial banquet next the bride. There were ♦ Villeneuve Bargemont ; Biographie Universelle ; Monstrelet t The equerry of the Count of So. Pol had taien Ren^ prisoner t Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. loo 1433. IMonstrelet. I also present, the uncle of the bride, the Cardinal of Cyprus, the Count of Nevers, and the heir of Cleves. On the day of the arrival of the Duke of Burgundy, the wedding took place, and it was followed by a plentiful feast, and a succession of diversions. At this court was seen a luxury quite regal, and the most exquisite politeness. It was here that Rene beheld for the first and last time, Margaret, the daughter of the Duke of Savoy^ who, at this time, w^as preparing to rejoin her husband, Louis III., Duke of Anjou. This princess, resplendent in beauty, youth, and grace, was the ornament of the wedding feast. After these fetes, Margaret of Savoy immediately set out for Italy, with a numerous suite. Philip and Ame also departed; they only separated at Chalons, where, by an act of the 26th of February, the Duke of Burgundy completed his marks of generosity towards his prisoner, by prolonging the period of his freedom, and allowing his two sons to go and meet him at Nanci.* It was in the interval of this journey to the Court of Savoy that Charles VIL, his Queen Mary, Charles of Anjou, and the Duke of Bourbon, not satisfied wutli the treaty of Brussels, had made overtures to the Regency of Lorraine, to act directly, and even without the authority of Rene, with the Emperor Sigismond. This monarch appeared in fact to be the only arbiter whose right of decision regarding the sovereignty of Lorraine could not be disputed. The Bishops of Metz and Verdun undertook earnestly to commence this delicate negotiation, and supported by the French ambassadors, they had all the success they could anticipate ; consequently, Rene and the Count de Vaudemont were summoned to Basle, where the * Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont. 156 H.iP.GABET OF AOTOU. 1434. Villeneuve J>argemout. Emperor was stayins- in orrlpr +1,„; • i • tliey should mn;L- .1 ■ ^* '" ^"^ presence o/e tC CZ'^\ *^"7fP^^tive pretensions. t^^^tRen6:\yC7Jonlff, ^T '"'^^'^^^^^' "^^ absent hi^sdf ntlout ^tl '" ^'" ^'''^'' ^^"'^ "°* Burgundy and t^^^ft ,> t ''''''°* "^ *''^ ^^^^e of prince o/kl ll'rl 3'?";;"^ r^ *° '■"'^™^ *'"'^ Joim and Louis of Injou 1 ,lf P''' ^T *7 ^°"^' Tour de Rir Ti • ^T' " ''"^ conducted to the mo. „-|,„ all «rived 3 "T "°" °""'" ;now.^ i,i»t' i;„t ir;s":Si:' "'i'"^*' his reccDtion of f h^ + -n •^. » leiative. IJius, m ^-eatest'tlcf o' .etr? ^ 7^^ ^^^ Wting peculiar goodwW to ard' ^ Z'- ^"''' "^'"- Council particinated h ,, .'''7',.^en«- His court and manifestid thSl V . ''^"^' ''^'''^ ^'''^<^ «« the Count' e V Idei^^^ 1^" '''' '^'''^'^<^- ^' not without reasoT that thi. l ?""'' ^''™- ^"^ the decision of the Sun f 0^1:: " "^"'' ^"'"^"^^ act to be committed to pl/;fr !r?' r*"^ "^ opposition to any judo^er^m 1 H :-l^''™S- Ws by bis rival should h.^f -^^^ ^'^^^ produced so anxious wa le that f ''T'T''"^ '' ^""^ ' '^^ safely into the n„f '*f/"*"'° sbould be delivered y the hands of S.gismond, that he accom- MiVEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1 ' ^ panied the lawyers and advocates who were to present it. He entered with them into the cabinet of this monarch, and after it had been read, began to discuss it himself ; but he was inten'upted by Sigismond immediately, who told him he perfectly understood his reasons, and that he would confer with his Council about the matter. This abrupt manifestation of the Emperor's will did not prevent one of the Count's advocates beginning a long harangue, in which, going back to the origin of Lorraine, he sought to prove that the duchy being a fief male, was not transferable by marriage ; and in support of his arguments, he brought so many quotations foreign to the case, that the Emperor at last offended, withdrew, leaving the Bishop of Passaw, the Count of (Etingen, and Chicala, his Aulic Counsellor, to listen to the conclusion of the discourse.* The next day, the 24th of April, the Duke, with liis principal officers, went in state to the cathedral of Notre Dame at Basle, where a mass of people awaited his arrival, expecting that the investiture of Lorraine must be irrevocably fixed. Each person was seated according to his rank. When Sigismond was about to ascend the magnificent throne which had been prepared for him in the choir, the Count de Vaudemont advanced to him, and solicited and obtained from him permission to plead his cause in public. His advocate then com- menced his harangue, which, as he entered into minute details and repeated facts already well known, was of great length ; but he was, notwithstanding, heard in profound silence. He had scarcely finished when the Emperor made a sign to his Aulic Counsellor to pro- nounce judgment. Chicala then, with a loud voice, said, " that the Emperor being well instructed on this important proceeding, and of the respective titles of * Villeneuve Bargemont. 158 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 159 the august pretendants, and having reflected on it maturelj', as well as the princes and lords who com- posed his Council, gave, hy provision or grant, the Duchy of Lorraine to Rene of Anjou ; yet without prejudice to the future rights of the Count de Vaude- mont. Sigismond then motioned to the young prince to draw near received his oath of fidelity, and recognised Inni as Duke of Lorraine, according to all the fonnula m use from time immemorial. This prompt and un- looked-for decision much disconcerted the Count de \audemont, who instantly quitted the assembly earnestly protesting against the validity of this iud- ment, ami with his mind intent on distuiinng anew the BasTe * ^ ^'''"''''^' "^'''' ^''' ^^'^P'^rted from Rene, meanwhile full of joy and gratitude, and clesirmg to proht by a. second prolongation of his liberty granted to him by the Duke of Bur-undy dated the 1st of xMay, bade adieu to Sigismond ' The universal joy upon his arrival at Nanci con- vinced this prince how much his presence was desired by the people of Lorraine, and how perfectly they comprehended his attachment to them. In their con gratulations of one another they seemed to forget their past sufferings, and even sought to erase their remem- brance from the minds of those individuals who had endured the most. Deeply affected by these senti- ments, Rene m his turn sought to give proof of his own satisfaction, and ordered preparations to be made for a geiieml fete, to be held at Pont-a-Mousson, on tlie ntli of the same month. All the lords of the neighbouring States were invited to join it with a guarantee that they should return to their houses in A « :S safety. This precaution was indispensable in tliose times, when even the highways were not free from peril. At the tournaments, balls, and other amusements that succeeded, Rene and Isabella presided, which afforded general satisfaction. The greatest order and harmony prevailed, hiterrupted only by one event, which happened at the close of these diversions and might have led to serious results.* Robert de Sarrebruche, not having been invited to this fete, probably on account of his bad conduct at Bulgneville,t regarded this neglect as a deadly affront, and to revenge himself, concealed himself with some soldiers in a thick wood through which the knights of Metz would have to pass, and taking them by surprise, dispersed some and captured eighteen of them, whom he brought to Commercy. This audacity was resented by Rene, who assembled several noblemen of Lorraine and a large body of troops, and marched upon Commercy, which the Damoisel resolved to defend to the utmost ; but he was unable to repel the efforts of Rene, and was only preserved from the just punishment of his temerity by the mediation of the Constable of Richemont, to whom Rene was under some obligations. These princes resolved to raise the siege of Com- mercy, and decided that Robert de Sarrebruche should go to Bar, whither they were themselves about to proceed. At this place the Damoisel, throwing himself at the feet of Rene and the Constable, acknowledged his repentance, and promised upon oath never again to take up arms against the Duke of Lorraine, on pain of forfeiture of a large sum of money. After this, * Villeneuve Baxgemont t He was one of the knights whose imprudent counsel in favour of the attack caused the defeat of Rcn^. 160 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 161 Robert de Sarrebruche was set free, but soon after- wards an accidental circumstance rekindled his anger, and he threatened Rene haughtily. The Constable,' enraged at this conduct, caused him to be arrested, and compelled him to subscribe to the conditions which had been exacted from him. At this time also, some other quarrels with tlie neighbouring lords engaged the attention of Rene.* It would appear that the Duke of Lorraine, although bound to return to his prison at the expiration of^'a year, viz., on the 1st of May, 1433, continued to enjoy his liberty for two entire years, without any desire being manifested on the part of the Duke of Burgundy to terminate it. Had he not, indeed, felt the fullest confidence in the honour of Rene, he had his two sons for hostages, who were answerable for him ; in short, everything seemed to lead to the beUef that this prince would continue still to exercise the same generosity towards his prisoner. The solenm judgment, however, pronounced by the Emperor Sigismond, at Basle, had made the Count de Yaudemont more than ever the enemy of Rene, and it was with the utmost vexation that he beheld the strong attachment of the people of Lorraine to their Duke. He perceived that his own cause would be ruined, if his rival remained at liberty, and in the exercise of the sovereign power ; he therefore renewed his entreaties with the Duke of Burgundy, that his rights should be recognised, and complained that they had taken away from him a prisoner who belonged to him only, as the chief of the victorious army at Bulgneville. He even retraced, m a long memoir, the circumstances of that eventful day ; and in conclusion, supplicated the Duke of Burgundy to leave him master of the fate of Rene, or, at least, to oblige him to return to his ♦ Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont. I I prison. These reiterated solicitations at last prevailed with Philip, who, finding some of the Count's reasons unanswerable, sent one of his heralds-at-arms to the gate of Rene's palace, to enjoin him " to return without delay to the Tour de Bar," agreeably to the act of the eth'of April, 1432.* The rejoicings of his family and subjects upon the decision of the Emperor Sigismond were scarcely over, when Philip's abrupt command was received by Ren6 to return to his prison. The severe mandate struck with dismay the Council of Lorraine, who, in unison with the unhappy Isabella, vainly endeavoured to alter the mind of Philip, or to delay the accomplishment of the cruel sentence. Equally useless were their attempts to picture to this Duke the misfortunes which would inevitably be re- newed in their country, which had but just been spared so many miseries— the will of Philip was irre- Tocable. The people of Lorraine would have fought for the freedom of Rene, but it was to no purpose that they urged this noble-minded prince to allow them to do so ; his word had been pledged, and he said, " he preferred to submit to the lot which awaited him, rather than endure the dishonour of breaking his word." His sense of honour prevailed over natural affection. Unappalled by a gloomy ftiturity, he tore himself from the tender embraces of his family, and while hastening to obey this cruel sentence and resume his chains, he seemed to have adopted the sa}4ng attributed to his gi'eat grand- father, John, King of France—" Que si la foi et la verite etoient bannies de tout le reste du monde, neanmoins elles devroient se retrouver dans la bouche des rois." Thus did this prince gain the esteem even ♦ ^ronfaucon ; Moreri ; Mezerai ; Biographie Universelle ; Baudier ; Oodard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. VOL. I. ^ 162 MAEGAHET OF ANJOU. of his enemies.* This action of Rene was the more noble, because at this time he was supported by hi^ relative, Charles VII., by a multitude of his former companions in arms, and especially by subjects who were devoted to him, and thus he was able, had he desired it, to oppose open force to the commands of Philip. This admirable trait of character has, how- ever, been blamed by some authors, who, unable ta appreciate his greatness of soul, have beheld in it only a deficiency of courage and weakness of mind.f Rene was conveyed again to his prison at Dijon, but a formidable league having been formed to liberate hmi, it was no longer deemed prudent to let him remain in the Tour de Bar, and they hastened to conduct him to the chateau de Rochefort. The lords of Burgundy, hearing that Charles VII. sought to get him removed from the toT\-n, came to him, and said, " Sir, you have dwelt here long enough ; you must come with us." The Duke replied, ^' Alas! where do you want to take me to ? " To which they answered, " Never mind, we wiU take you to a good place; we shall make good cheer, and we wiirHve AA-ith you." They then conveyed him to Bracon.| ^ Again we behold this prince in confinement at the finest period of his fife, and separated from all he held most dear in the world, and this also when he had scarcely learnt his power of doing good ; he had be- sides, at this time, lost every prospect of obtaininn- his ireedom. What sources of reflection must have been pre- sented to him in the caprices of fortune to which he had already been subject ; and who, more than this prmce, had reason to dwell with sadness on the chain of events which often composes man's destiny, when, * Sismondi ; Biographie UniTerseUe. t ViUeneuve Bargemont j Chroniqne de Lorraine. ii MARGARET OF ANJOU. 163 I ■ amidst the gloom of his prison, a kingdom was pre- sented to him in perspective, yet in receiving its crown he was destined to lament the loss of a brother he tenderly loved ! It was during his imprisonment at Bracon that Rene was visited by the Baron of Montelar, a gen- tleman of Provence, who was charged to announce to him the death of his brother, Louis III., Duke of Anjou, whose rights and possessions now became the inheritance of the Duke of Lorraine. He was also informed by this baron of the favourable intentions of Queen Joanna towards him, and of the devotion of the people of Provence. Rene truly mourned the loss of his brother, which, together with the sad tidings of another bereavement quickly succeeding, much augmented the gloom of his captivity. Vidal de Cabanis, another gentleman of Provence, arrived at Bracon on the 15th of March, 1435; he ,,.^^^^ came to inform his master of the death of Queen Bargemont. Joanna II. on the 2nd of February, and of her adoption of Rene, and confirmation of the disposition which his brother had made to him of all his rights to the kingdom of Naples, Sicily, and Jerusalem.* After having beheld the last moments of the Queen of Naples, the only offspring of the House of Duraz- Anjou, Yidal had set off in haste in order to instruct Rene in all the details which might interest him, and above all to depict to him the affection of the Nea- politans for his family — a just and touchmg homage to the memory of his father, as well as to that of the unhappy Louis III. This testimony of devotion on the part of Vidal de Cabanis much affected Rene, who embraced his faithful messenger vdth. kindness * Moreri ; Bodin ; Monfaucon ; Gaufridi ; Sismondi ; Godard Faultxier ; Monstrelet ; Biographie UniYcrselle ; Villeneuve Bargemont. M 2 164 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. and called him bis loyal servant. He shed tears afresh for the loss of his brother, lamented the death of Queen Joanna, and endeavoured to understand thoroughly, by means of his faithful ambassador, the actual condition of the kingdom of Naples. It was difficult for Rene to calculate on the part which the Court of Rome would take at this juncture between Charles VII., who favoured Rend, and Alphonso v., the competitor of Rene. The Pope him- self had even been nourishing, in secret, pretentions to the kingdom of Naples. The support of this pontiff could not therefore be relied upon. With much more certainty did Rene estimate the friendship of the Duke of Milan ; he thought he could naturally rely upon his support, since he was doubly allied to him on account of Valentine, Duchess of Or- leans, and JIargaret of Savoy, whose eldest sister he had married. It was, nevertheless, highly important that he should not be forestalled in the good opinion of Philip Visconti, and also equally necessary that Rene should show himself in person in Italy, in order not to give time for the zeal of the Neapolitans to abate. Rene could now see clearly how much his loss of liberty would cost him, but he had no hope of soften- ing the Duke of Burgundy, and the only means he could adopt for the preservation of Naples was to dis- miss his consort Isabella very promptly to Provence, and even to Naples, with the unlimited powers of Lieutenant-General. The ambassador himself under- took to go to the Duchess and apprise her of it ; he then quitted the fort Bracon, and Rene became from this time more than ever a prey to anxiety of mind. * The elevation to the throne of Naples, so unlooked for, yet so flattering to the heart of Rene, had no in- fluence in procuring his liberation from prison. The * Villenenve Bargemont. m d i M^VEG^iEET OF AITJOU. 165 Duke of Burgundy was even more urgent than ever, and watchful for the security of his captive. Rene, per- ceiving at length that his severity was unabated, dis- missed Queen Isabella into Italy, as he had arranged with the faithful Vidal de Cabanis, hoping by this means to preserve in his interests the Pope and the Duke of Milan, to arouse the zeal of the Angevine party, and to overthrow the intrigues of Alphonso, King of Arragon, who still laid claim to the throne of Naples in right of his former election.* Queen Isabella at this time mourned the loss of her respected mother, Margaret of Bavaria, who had died on the 27tli of August in the previous year, at Nanci. After the death of Duke Charles, the widowed Mar- garet had built an hospital at Einville-aux-jurs (which had been part of her dower), and there she had resided, in the constant exercise of charity, distributing alms liberally to the poor, and serving them with her own hands. Thus had she passed her time to the end of her pious life.| The virtues of the noble Isabella appear to have been called forth by adversity, justly entitled "the school of heroes." We have now to follow the consort of Rene in a career in which she displayed a bold and enterprising spirit, and such superior talents as rendered her justly deserving to be ranked among the number of the most illustrious princesses of the fifteenth century. To great political abilities, Isabella, at the age of five and twenty, united a persuasive eloquence, and an exterior affable and imposing. These, added to her natural vivacity and ardour, rendered her capable of engaging in a great enterprise, of conquering its ob- * Dom Calmet. Monf aucon ; Bodin ; ViUeneuve Bargemont ; Mezerai, Biographie Universelle ; Godard Faultrier. t Margaret of Bavaria was interred in the church of St. George, Nanci, by the side of the Duke of Lorraine, her husband. 166 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. stacks, braving its perils, and bringing to her allegiance all such Neapolitans as were still undecided, or opposed to her interests.* This princess had one great incentive to exertion, one only object in view, in this vast enterprise ; but this was dear to her heart, long and earnestly desired — the hberation of her husband from captivity — this it was which nerved her to more than femi- nine attempts. She despaired of softening the Duke of Burgundy, and her grief at her husband's misfor- tunes determined her on sustaining his rights, in the hope, however remote, that by fulfilling the wishes of the Provengaux and the Neapolitans, she might hasten the time, or obtain the means, to set her husband free. With these views, Isabella committed the care of her government of Lorraine and of Bar to the Bishops of Metz and Verdun, and prepared for her expedition, while a crowd of lords sued for the honour of accom- panying her. Two of her children were at this time absent from her : John, Duke of Calabria,t the eldest, shared the captivity of his father at Bracon, but whe- ther through the favour or severity of the Duke of Bur- gundy is not known ; while Yolande, the eldest daughter of Isabella, had become the pledge of peace with the Count de Vaudemont, and had gone to reside with his Countess. Louis, Marquis of Pont-a-Mous- son, the second son of Isabella, and Margaret of Anjou, her youngest daughter, only remained with her, to share the dangers or participate in the honours of their mother's enterprise.^ With these beloved children, this courageous princess set out for Naples. In her way thither she first visited Provence, and was received with transports of joy by the people of * Villeneuve Bargemont. t This title was inherited by the eldest son of the King of Naples. I Biographic Universelle ; Bodin. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 167 )• * Aix. She there convoked a General Assembly of the States, and took oath always to maintain the privi- leges of tlie capital and of all Provence. In return she received the homage and oaths of fidelity of that corpo- ration, and of those of the principal cities of the country. The Provengaux had been recently visited by a pesti- lence, as well as by a long and disastrous war ; but during the short visit of Isabella, her prudence, firmness, and the amenity of her manners so gained upon the hearts of the people, that in spite of their misfortunes they evinced the utmost eagerness to supply their new sovereign with men, money, and vessels. With these supplies the Queen of Naples (for thus henceforth she must be styled) resolved to embark at Marseilles. Upon entering this town, another cordial welcome not a little affected the princess, to whom these public rejoicings manifested the interest they felt for her cause.* Isabella's first care had been to make herself acquainted with the parties which divided Naples. Her next precaution, before she set sail for the shores of Italy, was to ascertain the dispositions of her allies, and to this end she dismissed the Archbishop of Aix, Amino Nicolai, on an embassy to the Duke of Milan. The venerable prelate was accompanied by three deputies, who had been devoted to Louis III. These, viz., Vidal de Cabanis, Louis de Bouliers, Viscount de Hcillanne, and Charles de Castillon, were to bring back the reply of PhiHp Visconti to Isabella, who, upon receiving it, was to be prepared to set sail for Naples. It is interesting to behold how Queen Isabella, even at a time when her mind was occupied by these poli- tical measures of so much importance in the com- mencement of her new career, — it is interesting, we ♦ Biographie Universelle. 168 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. say, to regard the tender wife, ever mindful of the smallest things which could divert the melancholy or alleviate the suiferings of her unfortunate husband. Tims having herself admired the picturesque aspect of the castle of Tarascon, (which had been finished by Louis II. of Anjou in the year 1400,) Isabella employed a skilful painter to take a view of it, and then sent the artist with his work to exhibit it to Rene, at Bracon. Symptoms of a violent pestilence at Aix had driven the Queen to take refuge in the village of Tarascon, a place separated from Languedoc by the Rhone, and here the appearance of Isabella and her children excited the most lively joy ; indeed, wherever they went, the same welcome was manifested. " The people of Taras- con admired the young Prince and Princess as if they had been two angels who had descended from heaven. In the streets, which were decorated with festoons, garlands, and flowers, there were bonfires blazincr, songs and public rejoicings ; chants of music in the churches, and everywhere continual benedictions."* Queen Isabella was too impatient to show herself at Naples to wait very long for the return of her ambas- sadors, and finding they did not appear, she no longer thought it prudent to delay her departure. She gave orders to William de Baux, Lord of Maillane and St. Vallier, to visit in her absence all the posts and fortifications on the coasts of Provence which might require to be defended against the incursions of the Catalonians. On quitting the Proven^\iux, Queen Isabella expressed in the most lively manner her grief at parting from them, and at leaving her husband and her son in captivity ; indeed, so aflecthig was her fare- well, that her new subjects voted by acclamation a sum of 25,000 florins for the ransom of the Duke of Calabria."!" MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 169 / . « The fleet of Queen Isabella consisted of five galleys, anned and equipped at Marseilles, which cast anchor in sight of Frejus about the beginning of October. The Queen took on board the Bishop of that city, Jean Beniaud, who was ambassador of Charles VII. at the Council of Basle, and had been distinguished for his virtues and extensive information. While in full sail for the coast of Frejus, the Queen's deputies from Milan, bringing the most satisfactory despatches, dis- embarked at Marseilles, and set out again immediately for Naples. After a fortunate passage, Isabella ap- peared at Gaeta, and was received wdth the respect due to her as sovereign. Being informed that in this place many of the partisans of Alphonso had taken refuge, and guided by some treacherous or imprudent counsels, the Queen displaced Ottolini Zoppo, w^hdm the Duke of Milan had made Governor of Gaeta. This act of authority, the consequence of which Isabella did not foresee, afterwards proved highly prejudicial to her interests. She quitted Gaeta, however, in full confidence, and proceeded to disembark at Naples.* * Villeneuve Barg-emont. * Chronique de Lorraine. t Villeneuve Barg-emont. H35. CHAPTER II. " Why, then I do but dream on sov'reignty, Like one that stands upon a promontory, *' And spies a far-off shore where he would tread, " Wishing his foot were equal with his eye, " And chides the sea that sunders him from thence, " Saying, he'll lade it dry, to have his way." Shakespeare. — Henri/ VI. Queen Isabella's reception at Naples— Her talents and influence— Rival claims— Alphonso set free— The Queen's successes— New efforts to release Rend— He is set at liberty— He goes to Tours- Into Anjou and Pro- vence—Thence to Genoa and Naples— His reception— His poverty— His cause declines— Naples besieged— Death of Don Pedro— Alphonso re- tires— Caldora dies— Rene visits the provinces— Treason of Antoine Caldora— Rene's losses— Alphonso renews the siege of Naples— He enters the city— Rene's bravery— He is defeated— Alphonso triumphant— He is acknowledged by the Pope— Rene returns to France— A marriage contract— Death of Ptcnd's mother— Louis of Anjou dies— Rene at Tours —A treaty of peace with England— CJontract of marriage of Margaret of Anjou with Henry VI. It was somewhat extraordinary that the two com- petitors for the crown of Naples, after the death of Queen Joanna, were both prisoners at the same time : Rene of Anjou being detained in the Tour de Bar by the Duke of Burgundy, and Alphonso of Arragon still a prisoner of Philip Galiezzo, Duke of Milan. When these princes recovered their liberty, the war was resumed with great vigour; meanwhile, it was only through the energy and courage of Isabella of Lorraine that the Angevine cause was sustained in Naples. The consort of Rene of Anjou arrived in the Neapo- Htan capital on the 18th of October, 1435, a few months after the death of Joanna II., and found the people strongly predisposed in her favour, not merely MARGARET OF ANJOU. 171 from the choice of their late queen, but more especially fi'om their attachment to Louis III., who, by his great condescension, had won all their hearts. Queen Isabella was conducted, with her son Louis and her daughter Margaret, to the Capuan castle, the ancient residence of the Angevine princes. In their way thither, they traversed the city under a magnificent canopy of velvet, embroidered with gold ; and they were met by a deputation, headed by the Count de Nola, of sixteen lords, nominated by the late queen, who all paid their compliments to their new sovereign, and gave her a most gracious reception. These lords immediately took their oaths of fealty and obedience to the Angevine queen, and their ex- ample was followed by a crowd of barons, while deputations of the various classes of the people pressed forward to welcome her, and proclaim her the Queen ; in short, the Neapolitans bestowed the crown on Isabella of Lon-aine amidst transports of universal This excellent princess was far from exulting in the high position to which she had, so suddenly, been advanced ; she was but too well aware that with the regal diadem come many responsibilities ; and to her, the anticipation of trials and difficulties, which to struggle against and overcome would require the utmost resources of her genius.* The kingdom of Naples, once so flourishing, was at this time without troops, finances, or even an influen- tial chief. The Neapolitan generals had too often changed sides from caprice or interest ; and finally had arrogated to themselves independent authority. There- fore had not Queen Isabella possessed a strong mind, * Villeneuve Bargemont ; Denina ; Sismondi ; I'Abbe Millot ; Hallam ; Godard Faultrier. 172 M.VIIGAEET OF ANJOU. she would have been discouraged by the aspect of ' f'Jr ^^'"'^ ^''^ ^ ''^^'^" ''"^^^^^ of generals of ledgd ,n the capital; but her firmness, moderation goodness, and prudence, soon placed he^ at the head of a powerM army, and strengthened the devotedness Anion wl f"\«''' P-t--"« of the House of Anjou, who already idolized their heroic queen Certain ,t is, that had not fortune, in favour^; or Rene, the conduct of his courageous and en- ightened consort would have confirmed for ever the tei tj, and this testimony has been given by all impar- lal historians The result, Iioweve^ was unfortunate; un liutr . t"' , "''^'^"'' "'* ' -ble and \ inl ^^ ' r^^ ''" ""'^^'^^1 'contest with S tl "T '^'''' '''''' '' *'- -P'-tion of rid r '" "" "J^'"^^ '^ *^^ King, her tin of O^ '•^P-^enting, were founded on the adop- tion of Queen Joanna I.; who, to punish the in^^ra- t^ie brancii of Duraz. No descendant of Charles of ibyou^ now remained, but the line of Dura, was not . Alphonso, King of Arragon, on tlie contrary based "s rights upon the choice of Joanna 11. ; forllhou^h pretended hat it was a reciprocal treaty, and that to be annulled the consent of both parties was req« rhe Spamsh king had besides a claim to the Neapo .tan throne, anterior to that of the An-evine nnnTe; transmitted by Constance, the daughterif ManSd: t^l * Villeneuve Barg^emont. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 173 the line of Arragon ; and in Sicily, Alphonso already reigned as the nearest heir of the Normans by whom this kingdom was founded.* With no less right than either of these competitors, Eugene IV. had claimed the crown of this kingdom? which had been enfeoffed to the three Houses of Hauteville, Hohenstauffen, and Anjou ; conditionally, that it should return to the Church on the extinction of the legitimate line in these Houses. This happened at the time of Queen Joanna's death, when Eugene IV. immediately announced his rights, but he found it impossible to make this important conquest. Bemg driven, at length, from the Papal dominions, Eugene resided at Florence, and, while there, he interdicted the two rivals fighting, at the same time forbidding the people to obey them ; and he nominated as Governor, in his own name, Giovanni Witteleschi, Patriarch of Alexandria, who, no less a soldier than an ecclesiastic, was able to maintain with the sword the rights of the Pope, his master. It had been the design of Alphonso to anticipate the arrival of the French in Italy, and he speedily or- ganized a large body of Spanish soldiers from Sicily, with which he entered the kingdom of Naples, and was there joined by Giovanni Marzano, Duke of Suessa, and other nobles, with their followers. With these he besieged Gaeta, one of tlie richest and finest ports on the Mediterranean. The inhabitants had, upon the death of Queen Joanna, invited the Genoese to keep a garrison there, until the legitimate heir to the Neapolitan throne should be acknowledged; and Francois Spinola had been appointed Commander by * The illegitimacy of Manfred, however, rendered these claims invalid, as they also became by the number of females who had passed from House to House, as well as by a prescription of an hundred and seventy-five year s, — Sknwndl ; Denlna. 174 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. ^ 1435. Sismondi. the Genoese, with Ottolini Zoppo to support him who was secretmy to the Duke of Milan. Thus waJ thetown ably defended, the garrison established, beino- composed of 300 Genoese soldiers, besides som^ Milanese troops, who repulsed Alphonso most effectu- ^ny This prince also found, that although he was acknowledged as sovereign by many of th^ Neapoli- tans, a strong party still remained in favour of Kmg Rene, which induced the Spanish prince to seek the assistance of Pope Eug^^ne. This pontiff constantly refused him, saying, "that ifl^ claims were as incontestable as he represented he This answer irritated Alphonso, who immediately sought to show an ardent zeal for the Council of Basle and wrote to the Pope to engage him to obey its decrees. He then advanced to Rome, and had nearly made himself master of the city, when Witelleschi appeared, and defeated his project.* The engagement which decided, for the time bein- this struggle for power, and in which Alphonso was " aken prisoner, occurred on the 5th of August, 1435. In the following October, Queen Isabella arrived at Naples, to the support of the Angevine cause. Most effectually could Pope Eugene have advanced the interests of this Queen, but all his endeavours were rendered useless by the peculiar dangers of his own position, bemg threatened by the thunders of the Council of Basle, and his own authority contested. Ihus hndmg his tiara insecure, his conduct became variable, and he finally consulted only his own per sonal interests. ^ The removal of the Governor of GaOta by Queen isabella, served as an excuse for the Arragonese * Eccles. Hist. ; Sismondi ; Villeneuve Bargemont. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 175 faction to raise discontent, suspicion, and division ; and after the departure of the Queen, the agents of Alphonso became audacious, and invited Don Pedro, the brother of Alphonso, to land with his troops and take possession of Gaeta, which they did with- out opposition, and made known their success to Alphonso.* This prince, meanwhile, had been seeking to pre- judice the Duke of Milan, whose prisoner he was, against Isabella. Visconti was a weak, though an affable and generous prince, and when Alphonso had discovered his character, he set to work to aggravate the affront which had been offered by the Queen in the removal of the Governor of Gaeta. When pos- sessed of this place, Alphonso became more bold in his arguments against the Angevines, and exerted himself to prove to the Duke of Milan, that his real interests forbade him to support Ren6. "If he is once acknowledged sovereign of the kingdom, you will soon see," said he, "this prince leagued against you with the ambitious Charles VII. The Alps will be an insufficient barrier to protect you. All Italy wnll become the object of his efforts, and the Milanese will, doubtless, be the first invaded. You are not ignorant that the Court of France has already discussed whether, even during your lifetime, she should not assert the rights on this principality, transmitted by Valentine of Milan. Remember that the ties of blood are but a vain phantom, that vanishes before interest or ambition; and forget not, that the Duke Galeas, your father (whose sister had espoused the brother of Charles VI.), feared nothing so much as the French. Does Philip then believe he has less cause to dread them ? " This representation, made by a prince so eloquent as Alphonso, made so great an * Sismondi ; Villeneuve Bargemont, ITG MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 143^ Siiiiiondi. impression on Pliilip Visconti, that, adopting with- out reserve the views of his captive, he gave liim his liberty without ransom at the end of the month of October, and previous to their separation, a treaty of alhance was signed between them. The Duke of Milan did not even consult the Genoese on this step, so much was he fiiscinated by his royal prisoner.* Alphonso of Arragon, having thus obtained his freedom, hastily quitted Milan. After a short stav m Spam, he went to Gaeta, and arrived there on the 2nd of February, 1436. His presence revived the zeal of his partisans, and attracted to his cause many who had hitherto been undecided. Deputies came also from several neighbouring cities to him, and hoisted his standard ; in short, from this time he had every reason to hope for success. One error had, however, been committed by Alphonso in concluding his treaty with Philip Vis- conti, viz., in considering Eugene IV. as one of their enemies. This was impolitic,— and the Pontiff, already disposed to favour Rene, now decided on recognising him as King of Naples, and sent to Isabella, who needed troops, the same AVitteleschi who had been employed previously to take possession of the kingdom in the name of the Church. In April of this year, the Patriarch of Alexandria arrived in the Neapolitan territories, with 4,000 foot soldiers and 5,000 horse, to render assistance to the Angevine queen. They succeeded in taking by assault several fortresses, and encountered Jean des Ursins, Prince of Tarentum, the Arragonese chief, whom they routed, and thus suddenly arrested the efforts of Alphonso. I This salutary diversion enabled Isabella to drive VillenenTe Bargemont : Sismondi. f Sismondi ; Villeneuye Bargiemont. MAEGARET OF ANJOU. i ( away from their strongholds some seditious captains who, until that time, had contrived to maintain them- selves there. The Queen also dismissed the brave Michael Attendolo, with the young prince Louis her son to subdue Calabria. Thus, by her activity' and wisdom. Queen Isabella speedily prevailed on the people to announce themselves in her favour, and she received the homage of the principal towns in the kingdom. These first successes, and the alliance with i>ug^ne IV.— which Isabella sought to confirm — were celebrated at Naples by demonstrations of the most lively joy. Brilliant tournaments were, for several days, held in honour of the Queen, and jousts, balls, and all the varied amusements customary in that age. * Isabella showed but little satisfaction at these multiplied fetes, for her mind was pre-occupied by the condition of Rene, and of Lonaine. While striving with all her means, as well as with all her heart, for the prompt deliverance of her hus- band, she supplicated Eugene IV., whose benevolence was never failing, to interest himself in procuring the freedom of Ren^ immediately, seeing how much needed as his presence as chief, in order to preserve the union and discipline of the army engaged in his cause. This tender solicitude prevailed with the sovereign pontiff, who attempted to move the generosity of the Duke of Burgundy by representing the extraordi larv example of disinterestedness of the Duke of Milan, and by his earnest prayers that the Duke of Anjoii might be promptly restored to his family and subjects. This wish had, indeed, become general throughout France as well as Italy, and its expression became more energetic. In the preceding year, while Queen Isabella was traversing Provence, a meeting had taken place at • VaieneoTe Bargemont ; Eodin ; Godard Faoltner TOL. I. 178 MAEGARET OF ANJOTJ. Nanci, on the 19th of September, at which were present the Bishops of Metz and Verdun, and the ancient knights ; and these engaged, at all sacrifices, to obtain the release of Rene, and to support him in the conquest of his kingdom. Again, in November of that year, the nobles of Barrois and Lorraine assembled, naving taken the resolution to employ their persons and property for the deliverance of their duke. These affecting details reached even the prison of the unfortunate Rene, who then thought of making an appeal to the devotedness and generosity of all his subjects. This excited a fresh burst of affection and loyalty, and in reply to his noble confidence, each one taxed himself to the utmost, being willing to contribute, accordinfi: to his ability, for the ransom of 7 O t ' his sovereign. The Regency received from all parts similar offerings and proposals ; and one knight in particular, whose name ought to have been recorded in histor}% not content with expending a sum of 1 8,000 saluts d'or,* engaged, without reserve, all the fiefs and domains he possessed. These unquestionable testimonies of affection were made known to the Duke of Burgundy at the same time as the supplications of the Pope, but that prince had become still more inexorable towards Rene. He even wished to conceal from his captive the constant proofs of affection and loyalty so eagerly evinced for him by his friends and subjects. It appears that all communications, from his people or from Queen Isa- bella, to the unhappy prisoner were intercepted by the Duke of Burtrnndy; so that, the more earnest the desu*e manifested to break his fetters, the closer were they actually drawn, and the more remote appeared the day of his liberation.f * The saint valued 25 sols. — Villeneuve Bargemont. "f Viileneuve Bargemont. MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 179 From this time Rend was subjected to a discipline more rigid than before, kept in severe restraint, and no longer permitted the indulgence of communicating with any of his family. It was during this solitary confinement in the castle of Bracon, where Ren^, yet in the flower of his age, was languishing in hopeless captivity, being secluded from intercourse with man- kind, and receiving no intelligence of those he loved and no succours from his numerous allies, that "believ- ing himself forgotten by everybody," says Duhaillan, and seeking to express a mute but eloquent grief, he painted, very appropriately, round the walls of the chamber where he was immured, and on the glasses, des oublies dor, or wafers of gold, as emblematical of the isolation into which he was plunged. These "- oullies* or cornets (little horns) of gold," were painted by him with great taste, and disposed at un- equal spaces, signifying, by this delicate invention, that his people had consigned him to oblivion. These paintings are still to be seen in \}i\.Q chateau, and are proofs of the skill of Rene, and of his exquisite taste in the art. f In addition to these, as we are told, Rene painted several other subjects on the thick walls of his prison, and scarcely knowmg how to dissipate the ennui which consumed him, he traced there also a great number of sentences, or moral re- flections suggested to him by his melancholy situation. :f ♦ " On appelle ouhli^ une esx)ece de patisserie legere d'une forme specials. Dans la phrase sur le roi Rene, cette expression forme un jeu de mots. I^ bon roi donnait au mot ouhlxe le sens du latin obit num. L'etymologie v^ri- tdble d'oublie ne se prete gueres, il est yrai, a la pensee du bon roi : oublie (petit gateau) vient de ohlitu*, offert ; mais afin de donner un corps a I'ex- pression de sa pensee, Rene d'Anjou a joue sur les deux sens si difFerens des mots oubliCy gateau ; et oubli, oblivium. Ce jeu de mots est intraduisible en Anglais. Le calembourg etait fort en honneur du temps de Rene, et les blasons en sont pleins," ^ t Chronique de Provence ; Biographie Universelle ; Dom Calmet ; Nofitradamus. X Villeneuve Bargemont V 2 180 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. At length the period arrived when this prince was destined to receive the reward of his fortitude and resignation. The Duke of Burgundy, moved by so many petitions, appeared to be appeased, and on the 1436. 11th of April, 1436, sent his Chancellor, Rolin, and P^rgrmont. J^an dc Fribourg, Governor of Burgundy, to acquaint his captive with the conditions of his release. These demands of Philip were so exorbitant, that, when submitted to the Council of Lorraine, they decreed it right to reject them. Rene, being informed of their resolve, wrote to the Regency that they had merited his esteem, in refusing to sanction a dishonourable treaty ; that he would never have signed it himself; and that he would prefer to remain all his life a prisoner, rather than purchase his liberty on conditions so bur- densome to his people. '' If I die," he added, " in this cruel captivity, he who detains me gains by it only the jhame of having thus reated a prince who would not otherwise be his prisoner. For the rest I place my confidence in heaven, and in my just rights." After so many disappointments, Ren6 happily found that virtue never loses its empire over a generous heart. The noble spirit with which he had protested against an act which he thought injurious to his States, dis- armed Philip, and perhaps made more impression on his mind than the persuasions of the Pope, of the Council of Basle, of Charles VIL, and of all the princes of the blood, who had all now united to make a last attempt for the liberation of the Angevine prince. To effect their object, these combined powers, in concur- rence with the Council of Lorraine, carried forward their negotiations with the Duke of Burgundy, and their efforts were ultimately crowned with success ; the treaty being ratified and the royal prisoner set free. There is much obscurity and contradiction in the writings of this period, some authors asserting that MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 181 . Ren^ quitted Bracon for the Tour de Bar, and that he was afterwards conducted to Lille, where Philip held his court, and where he received the Chancellor, the Duke of Bourbon, and others, and finally concluded the treaty. Other historians have, with more truth, fixed these meetings at Dijon, where Philip was resid- ing on the 4th of November, 1436, and from whence he repaired to Arras ; leaving Rene, guarded by thirty cjens d^armes, at the chateau de Talent. While at Dijon the Duke of Burgundy had shown great favour towards his young cousin ; he had evinced great joy at again beholding him, had often admitted him to his table with the Chancellor, Rolin, and in their discourses the principal points of his re- lease were determined. At these interviews Rolin conceived so favourable an opinion of Ren^, that upon his master's departure he offered him his support. The treaty commenced at Dijon in November, 1436, was terminated at Brussels on the 28th of January, 1437. The ransom of Rene of Anjou was fixed at 200,000 golden florins (upwards of 83,000^.) and the cession of several places; amongst these were the manors of Cassell and of La Motte-aux-Bois, which had been formerly added to the Duchy of Bar as the dower of a princess of Flanders. Rene engaged to pay 100,000 crowns in the month of May, 1437, and the same sum at Dijon the following year ; and the remaining 200,000 whenever he might be in com- plete possession of the kingdom of Sicily. For secu- rity Rene gave the seal of twenty lords of Lorraine and of Bar, ten of Anjou and Maine, and ten of Pro- vence, and all these lords agi'eed to become prisoners in the forts of Besangon, Dijon, or Salins, should Rend forfeit his engagement. There were other articles of the treaty, which they urged should be mollified, but it was in vain. Philip 182 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. further insisted— First, that Rend should observe a neutrahty between the French, the Burgundians, and the Enghsh. Secondly, that in order to establish peace between these powers, Rene's second daughter, Margaret of Anjou, should espouse King Henry VI. of England, without prejudice to the marriage before agreed upon between her sister Yolande and Ferri of Vaudemont.* Thirdly, the Duke of Burgundy re- quired, that, should the sons of Rene die without male issue, the inheritance of Lorraine should devolve on Yolande, or her heirs, and that this princess should also receive, at her nuptials, a dower, consisting of a large sum of money. Such were the terms upon which Rene could alone hope to obtain his freedom ; but while the arbiters of the two parties were discussing the amendments in this treaty, at Brussels, the captive prince was trans- ferred anew to the fort Bracon, his son, the Duke of Calabria, being a prisoner, on parole, in the Tour de Bar. The modifications which Ren^ hoped to obtain were prevented by the artifice of the Count de Vaudemont, who contrived, by means of one of his friends, to counteract the generous efforts of the Chancellor, Rolin, and to neutralize his exertions in favour of the Angevine prince. f Thus Rend was compelled to sub- scribe to these hard conditions. He made concessions of every kind, and after promising a large sum of money, the cession of several cities, the mortgage of the Duchy of Bar, and even of his own person — after consenting to the marriage of his daughter Yolande, then nine years of age, to Ferri, the eldest son of his enemy the Count de Vaudemont, by which union Lor- raine would be restored to the male heir of that family— • The Pope had panted a dispensation of kindred, for this marriacre on the .^rd of April, 1435. *=* ' t Villeneuve Bargemont. IIAEGARET OF ANJOU. 183 after all these engagements, the unfortunate Rend was liberated.* The news which Rene had received from Italy is said to have hastened his termination of this treaty, and after having given his full consent to the condi- tions, the Duke of Burgundy at first only set him free on his parole, on the 11th of February, 14o6 ; but, if he profited by this authority for some months, Ren6 must still have been in apprehension of captivity, since we find that the Duke of Bourbon, the Marshal de la Fayette, Christopher of Harcourt, the Constable of Richemont, and the Count de Vendome, arrived at Rheims, on the 18th of October, to unite with Renaud of Chartres to obtain the release of Ren6 from the fort Bracon. They came to Salins early in November, and on the 7th of that month the Chancellor, Rolin, in their presence, drew up and ' caused to be signed the act for Rene's liberation. Finally, this prince departed from his prison of Bracon on the 25th of November, use. *■ •Till trodard 1436. It being impossible that the enormous sum pauitrier. demanded by Philip could be raised immediately, a number of lords of Lorraine, each having four knights, again offered themselves as hostages, to be confined in one of the towers of Besan^on, for one month beyond the expiration of the term granted him. The position of Rene was so sensibly felt, that, not- withstanding the embarrassed state of his finances, he received from King Charles VIL, 20,000 florins; from the Bishop of Verdun, 8,000 ; from the Prince of Orange, 15,000; and a number of persons of less note also contributed to the first payment of his ransom. After a rigorous captivity of five years' duration, the joy of Rene on quitting the mountains of Jura may • Bio^aphie Universelle ; Monstrelet ; Bodin ; Sismondi ; Monf ancon ; Barante ; ViUeneuve Bargemont ; Baudier ; Godard Faultrier ; Mezerai. 184 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. wel be imagined ; yet even this was not altogether unalloyed, for he had left his son, the young Duke of Calabria, still detained as a hostage in the Tour de ou' u^^'T ^^^^^'nP^nied at his departure by the Chancellor Rohn, as far as Pont-4-Mousson, the princes ot France having returned to Charles VII They afterwards all repaired to the Duke of Burgundy, at Lille, on the 25th of December, in order to ratify this important treaty. Rene also went to Lille after a short stay at Pont^VMousson, and was pr;sent, as well as the Count of Vaudemont, at the Burgundian court upon this occasion. Rene happily profited by this meeting; for Philip, on the 1st of January, re- ceiving the compliments of the season from Ren^ generously cancelled part of his debt, as a gift amomit' ing to 200,000 saluts d'or. '^ ' Philip then conducted RenS and the French princes from Lille to the city of Arras, into which he made his entry with the utmost display of pomp and mag- nificence surrounded by these princes, and the chief of the nobihty of Burgundy, and several of the cler'v one of whom, the Bishop of Liege, had two hundre^l horses ,n his suite. Ffites and rejoicings followed commemorative of the peace just concluded ; and while thus engaged, Philip sought, by various ieans, to make Rene forget the melancholy days of his imprisonment; and he gave him a new mark of his generosity, calculated to afiect him much. He ofi-ered nf M '^;^^°"V*'^« >-°"ng I>"ke of Calabria, the hand of Mary of Bourbon, his niece, the daughter of Charies, Duke of Bourbon, a proposal joyfully accepted bJ sabtl'dtr* '''"•' '"*'" ""^"^'^ ^-'««'0'^^ The first use which Ren^ made of his freedom was • Monfaaoon ; ViUeneuvo Bargemont MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 183 ' to go and return thanks to the States of Bar and Lorraine, for their exertions to procure his release. The chief nobility of these duchies met him at Pont-^- Mousson, where he arrived on the 28th of February, 1437. He consulted with them on the necessities of his States, on the subject of his ransom, and other matters. During the course of these deliberations Rene went to Dijon, and brought back from thence his son, the Duke of Calabria. To those individuals whose devotedness and fidelity had been so eminently displayed towards him, Rene next proceeded to ex- press, not only in words, but by various acts still in his power, the gratitude of his heart. Amongst these were Erard de Chatelet, Henri de Bar, the Sire de Rodemark, and others, to whom he made gifts of money or property ; and to the people of Salins, who had shown so much interest for him, he granted the privilege of passing through his States without being subject to any of the tolls which were established there. The noble liberality of Rene extended even to his enemies. To the Damoisel de Commercy, (who, ever faithless to his engagements, had been taken'with arms in his hands by the Regency, in August, 1436,) this prince gave liberty without ransom. In addi- tion to these benefits, Rene made provision for the poor, and sought to render stable and uniform the administration of Lorraine. Nor was this prince wanting in his just tribute of gratitude to Charles VII. ^ Leaving all the magnificent fetes, prepared in Lorraine and at Metz, to celebrate his return, Rene quitted Nanci, attended by his chief knights' and repaired to Tours, where the King of France was then residing. * Soon afterwards Ren6 proceeded to Angers. Here ♦ YiUeneuve Bargemont ; Biograpliie UniverseUe ; Godard Faultrier. 1437. 186 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. he again received fresh testimonies of the affection and zeal of his people. It was during his stay in this province that Ren6 concluded the marriage of his son John, the Duke of Calabria, with Mary, the daughter of the Duke of Bourbon. This union was celebrated 1437. in April, 1437, at the city of Ano^ers.* The Duke of Villeneuve . . . ^ Bargemont. Calabria, at this time but twelve years of age, had already shown much aptitude for study, and it was easy to foresee that he would one day be distinguished for his talents and virtues. His education had been first superintended by Henri de Ville, but this prelate died while his pupil was detained in Burgundy. Those whom Rene selected to succeed him in this office were Jean Mauget, Nicholas of Haraucourt, Jean de La- land, and others, all of them distinguished for their talents and virtues, and especially Palamede de Forbin, who had been attached to the young Duke of Calabria even from his infancy. To the castle of Tuc6, near Saumur, Rene next repaired, and there he passed a few days with his mother. Queen Yolande, now advanced in years. He then visited the other towns of Anjou, and received the oaths of fidelity of his people ; after which he departed for Provence, being unable to yield to the wishes of the Angevins for his prolonged stay in their province, the state of his affairs at Naples requiring his presence, f After the first successes of Witteleschi, Queen Isabella had flattered herself that she had found a loyal and courageous defender; but no sooner had this general become initiated in the secret of the state, than he abandoned her cause, and by this perfidy the Queen lost those advantages she had with such great difficulty obtained. It was only in Naples that Isabella could hope for support, and she therefore redoubled her in- * Some writers date this event in 1434. f Monfaucon ; Monstrelet ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 187 Stances for the presence and assistance of the King, her husband.* Rene had resolved to go to Provence without again visiting Lorraine, where he had made provision for the care of his States. He had committed the government into the hands of the Bishops of Metz and Verdun, and Erard du Chatelet ; but it would seem that this gave offence to Antoine de Vaudemont, who doubt'iess had expected to see his son, Ferri, appointed to the Regency during the absence of his new relative, and that he should himself have unlimited power over this country. His former resentment revived at the want of confidence, as he called it, on the part of Ren6 ; and instead of promoting peace, he sought only to excite civil dissensions. Such was the condition of affairs when Ren^ of Anjou was preparing for his expedition to the kingdom of Naples. ^ In Provence, Rene experienced an enthusiastic recep- tion. He entered Aries on the 7th of December, and viiieneuVe reached the city of Aix on the 13th of the same month. Go?ar7''^' He soon gained the affections of his new subjects, and ^^*"^^''^^''- they evinced their interest and zeal by supplies of men and money. When he had, with paternal care, pro- vided for the necessities of this country by wise laws and regulations, he went to Marseilles. At this place he received the congratulations of the ambassadors of Pope Eugene, and of the Doge of Genoa, upon his release from captivity; and during his stay at this port, the Genoese sent him a fleet, with which he sailed to Genoa. His arrival was celebrated by a number of fetes, and Ren^, while thus detained, formed strong ties of friendship with Thomas di Fregosa, one of the most distinguished doges of that republic. At length, with the additional reinforcements given to him at this • Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. 188 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. place, Rene proceeded to Naples, where he arrived on the 9th of May, 1438. Paitf f "^'^^^ Neapolitans received their king with enthusiasm 'Bi'^ro;i ^^ '^'^^^''^^ *^^ ^^P^^^l mounted on a white horse, richly caparisoned, dressed in royal robes and having the crown and sceptre ; the sound of cannon, of church bells, and of the acclamations of the inhabitants (by whom he was acknowledged sovereign), testifying the universal welcome. The renown he had acquired"^ and the presence of his consort, had procured for hini a great interest ; but when they beheld the simplicity of his retinue, and discovered that he brought with him only military talents, and not gold, their ""zeal was sensibly diminished, and their shouts of joy and welcome were succeeded by a mournful silence.* Ren^ had mdeed purchased his liberty at an enormous ransom • his treasuries were empty, and he had brought no army, and no subsidy, to this kingdom, which was already ruined, and whose revenues were divided amongst factions. Thus his partisans, although charmed by the goodness of his character and his courage, soon perceived that his success depended upon their own exertions, and they suffered their zeal to cool, and the Angevme cause to decline. Ren6 resided alternately at the palace of Queen Joanna, and at the Chateau de r(Euf,t where he was soon surrounded by many learned men and artists. J Michael Attendolo and Jacques de Caldora specially attached themselves to the service of Ren^, and also Michelotto, who brought him 1,000 horses. These * Papon, Hist, de Provence ; Biographie UniverseUe ; Bodin ; Sismondi • ViUeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier. t An ancient fortress, with eight towers and a Gothic chapel, built on a rock of an oval shape from whence it took its name. It was here that Rene presents Isabella with the duchy of Melphe, as a token of his gratitude for ner late enterprises. t Sismondi ; Godard Faultrier ; Hist. General de Provence. MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. 189 experienced generals were constantly occupied in exer- cising in the profession of arms, a certain number of men, whom they employed for him who offered the highest terms. The Carraccioli family were also de- voted to Ren6. On the 9th of August, 1438, Ren6 left Naples and opened the campaign by Abruzzi, where he obtained possession of Aquila. When informed of the move- ments of Alphonso, he returned, and beat his squadron near Nola, in the Terre de Labour, but no action took place. He then besieged Castello Nuovo,* a strong fortress, erected by Charles I. of Anjou, for the defence of Naples, and which had long been in the possession of Alphonso. After these successes, the city of Naples abandoned itself to pleasure. The tournament of Otho Carraccioli was held, one of the most splendid and remarkable amongst the jeu d'amies of the age, and so peculiar was it, that it has never been forgotten. It took place at the Castle of St. Elmo, on Lundi-gras, 1438, and a multitude of Angevins, Lorrains, and Proven^ aux were present, f The details of this feat of arms are not given, but we are informed that Rene had awarded two prizes of great value, to excite the skill and valour of the com- batants. The first of these, a rose and an aigrette of diamonds, was offered by the Queen herself to Otho Carraccioli, who was unanimously proclaimed the victor. The second, a ring set with precious stones, called the jyrix cTamour^ was presented by Beatrix de St. Severin (a young widow whose charms caused her to be styled *' le Soleil des beautes Napolitaines ") to the renowned Otho who gained with eclat all the honours of this fete. • The Castello Nuovo, or Chateau Neuf, still possesses towers, admirably carved, of the thirteenth century, t Hist. General de Provence ; Godard Faultrier. U38. 190 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 191 1439. PaiK)n ; tbdard Faultricr. While at Naples, the youthful Margaret was pur- suing her education under the car^ of her accom- plished mother, and of Antoine de Salle, her brother's learned preceptor. She thus early acquired knowledge of various kinds, and also the surprising eloquence which distinguished her in her subsequent career. Yet this period of tranquillity did not last long. Rene fully justified the high reputation he had ac- quired at his accession ; his campaign in the Abruzzi had added new laurels to his fame, and affairs be^an to take a new turn. In the spring this prince pursued his conquest of the farther Abruzzi, and while thus en- gaged, Alphonso, (whose party was daily increasing, and who had returned to Italy with a numerous army,) advanced to the interior of the kingdom, and seized the opportunity to approach Naples, then only defended by the courageous Isabella. The Spanish prince, in besieging Naples, expected it could not make a long resistance, and the invention of cannon facilitated the attack ; but the siege con- tinued a month, when the death of his brother, Don Pedro, and the continuance of heavy rains, obliged Alphonso to raise the siege and fall back on Capua. This unexpected retreat saved the city. The walls having been shaken by the artillery, and also under- mined by the waters, fell down of themselves. The breach thus presented was suflBciently large to admit the besiegers, but they did not return to the attack before Rend amved to the relief of the city.* Rene was now called upon to practise the lessons of wisdom which the Doge had given him. In November of 1439, the brave Jacques de Caldora died, at the age of sixty. His son, Antoine, succeeded him ; he received the Constable's sword and the title of Viceroy, but • Hist. General de Proveuce j Godard Faultrier. he did not inherit the zeal or fidehty evinced by his father.* Upon receiving the order to appear with his forces at Naples to oppose the enemy, the purport of his answer was, that he could not make the army march without money ; that to him it seemed necessary that Rend should show himself in all the provinces in sub- jection to him, to confirm their fidelity, and to raise amongst them the necessary sums to enable him to contend with his enemy. To obviate every pretext for disobedience, and being at the same time assured of the loyalty and fidelity of the Neapolitans, Rend assembled before him the prin-? cipal amongst them, and, mounted on horseback, in the court of the castle, with about forty French noblemen around him, he addressed them as follows : " Do not believe, my friends, that I have degenerated from the virtue of my ancestors ; there is no peril which I would not brave to preserve so flourishing a kingdom, and so many valiant subjects. You know that Antoine de Caldora is master of all our forces. I commanded him to come to our assistance ; he has replied, that without money the army cannot march ; that it was my interest to go and join him myself; and that, with the funds drawn from the provinces which obey me, I should be able to overcome the difficulties which now arrest me. I am going ; I hope soon to return ; and shall act in such a manner that this city shall continue what it has ever been, the capital of the kingdom. I commend it to you during my absence ; I commend to you also the Queen and my sons, whom I leave in your hands." Saying this he rode off, amidst the acclama- tions of the Neapolitans, who prayed for his success, and assured him, that " they would die sooner than ♦ Godard Faultrier ; Daniel ; Hist. General de Provence ; Mariana. 192 MAEGARET OF AXJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOXJ. 193 suffer any banner than his to be established in Kaples." In this expedition Ren^ was followed by some young noblemen, who, in their haste, being unable to pro^ cure horses, went after him on foot, accompanied by eighty foot soldiers. These, headed by Raymond de Bartlotte, were exposed to many dangers ; sometimes in peril of their lives, or of being taken by the bands of Alphonso, while they traversed the country' ; at other times compelled, in crossing mountains covered with snow, to make new paths for themselves. Rene also marched on foot, and from time to time, turning to his followers with a gay and cheerful countenance, he told them that '' if they partook of his dangers and fatigues, they should also share the fruits of his vic- tor}'." Thus did he show his condescension and generosity throughout this journey, and rendered him- self beloved. During this diflScult march Ren^, one day, while pass- ing through a village, was attacked by some of the peasants, live of whom were secured and brought before him for punishment; but when they thr'ew themselves at his feet to beseech his mercy, he treated them with kindness, and restored them to freedom, gra- ciously adding that, " as a monarch he wished to' Mfil all the duties of a monarch, the first of which was cle- mency ; and that, far from destroying any of his subjects, he would be occupied only for their happiness.''* This march of Rene and his followers was performed in the winter season, and the snow torrents and the ascent of steep mountains greatly impeded his pro- gress, yet he triumphed over these accumulated diffi- culties, and in spite of a thousand dangers, he finally arrived at Santo Angelo di Scala, a barony belonging * Hist. Genial de Prorenoe. Is d ' 1 to Carraccioli, where he obtained shelter and pro- visions. He afterwards went to Benevento, where the celebrated battle had taken place between Charles L of Anjou and Mainfroy, in which the former triumphed.* The vigour and energy of Rene would, we are told, have been crowned with success, in re- ducing the rebel provinces, but for the treason of Antoine de Caldora, who, having been upon some offence cast into prison by the Angevine monarch, now thirsted for revenge. He ultimately caused the un- popularity of Rene, for the other generals followed the example of Caldora, and being bribed by the agents of Alphonso, and discontented at the poverty of Rent's court, they changed sides. A great part of the army of Rene revolted, and the loss of a galley from France, bearing large suras of money, precipitated his ruin. The siege of Naples was renewed, in the meantime, by Alphonso, who gained PozzuolL Rene returned in haste to the city, but while approaching it, disaffec- tion appeared amongst his troops. The treason of Caldora was perceived; he had been distributing the gold of Alphonso. Upon this, the Italians, touched by the misfortunes of Rene and aroused by one of those changes of feeling so natural to that people, swore to bury themselves with their leader beneath the walls of Naples ; yet such was their lerity, that thev subsequently abandoned him. The burst of lui. loyalty, however, for the moment revived a gleam of p^^^ hope, and Fregosa, the illustrious Doge of Genoa, engaged to support the Angevine monarch, who, shut up in Naples, (even while a frightful famine prevailed there,} was preparing to defend himself to the last extremitv, sendinor back to Provence his consort Isabella, and his children.t This step was greatly * Godazd Faoltzkr. t Hist. G^itnl de ProTeDce ; Godazd Fanltrier ; Daoid ; XuiaiuL 194 MARGARET OF AXJOTT. 1442. prejudicial to Rene's cause, the people interpreting that he had but httle hope of preserving the kingdom. The populace too often exhibit a natural disposition to regard things in the worst point of view, in short, to look to the dark side ; wherefore reputation, in war- like matters, contributes infinitely to success. Rend had so secured to himself the love of the people of Naples, that they were willing to undergo many privations and dangers for his sake, especially when they beheld him so willingly participate in their sufferings. The hopes of the besieged rested on Count Sforza, who had been earnestly solicited by Rend to come to his aid. This general was still at the head of a flourishing army, and he set out in January, 1442, to defend or reconquer the fiefs he had inherited in the kingdom of Naples, In this expedition, however, he was so unsuccessful that before the expiration of the year, he no longer possessed a single fief of all those which his father had acquired with so much labour and such numerous victories. In the details of this war it would appear that the conduct of the Pope, which was in contempt of a sworn peace, occasioned the defeat of Sforza, and thus deprived Rene of his last hope of the conquest of the kingdom of Naples.* Alphonso had obtained possession of Capria, Gaeta, Aversa, and Acerre. A fresh treason soon gave him the command of the capital. After he had provided for the safety of his familv, the courage of Rene seemed to be aroused. He gave his orders with energy, and going with activity from place to place in the town, he divided with his people the small store of provisions which remained to them. These were, however, insuflBcient for their necessities and hunger pressed hard upon them; at last, one • Daniel ; Mariana. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 195 poor widow was refused bread. In her despair, this woman ran to the conduit-maker, Annello, who was a partisan of Alphonso, and told him of a subterranean passage, by which the Spanish troops could enter the town. This news was conveyed by Annello to Al- phonso, who despatched some of his generals with 250 soldiers, under the guidance of Annello. These Arra- gonese invested the capital by night. Their guide enabled them to introduce themselves with licrhted torches, at midnight, through the same aqueduct which, nine centuries before, had enabled Belisarius to obtain possession of the city. When Rene was in- formed that his enemies had penetrated into the town, he ran in great haste to the combat, but the darkness increased the confusion. The walls were scaled, and a desperate fight ensued. Rene fought bravely, for he still had hopes ; but the gates were forced in, and the Arragonese columns, one after another, rushed into the city. Thus was Naples taken by Alphonso, while the Angevine prince, in the midst of a thousand dangers, had only time to escape, sword in hand and with his horse covered with blood and foam, to the Chateau-Neuf. This was his only retreat on the fatal night of the 3rd of June, 1442.* After this catastrophe, the faithful Genoese offered Fourier ; their vessels to Ren^, who, having no longer any re- ^l^ source, availed himself of this means to make a hasty retreat into France. Two days after his defeat, Rene embarked. He sailed first to Porto Pisano, and from thence went to Florence to complain to Pope Eugfene IV. of his want of faith. This pontiff, to console him, gave him the investiture of the kingdom which he had just been compelled to abandon. In the vain contest for this kingdom Ren^ had experienced the treacherous and 1442. inana Daniel. Bodin ; Godard Faultrier ; Mariana ; BanieL o '2 196 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1442. selfish desertion of his numerous allies. After the capture of Aversa all the very powerful and wealthy family of Caldora went over to Alphonso, and the army of Sforza, sent to his aid by the Duke of Milan, was beaten near Troya, in Apulia. Thus Alphonso gained the ascendancy, and Rene was compelled to yield the field to his adversary, who founded the line of Arragonese kings in Naples upon claims more splendid than just.* About the same period that the Spanish monarch was engaged in the capture of Naples, a league had been formed by Pope Eugene, the Venetians, Flo- rentines, and Genoese, to drive out the Arragonese from all Italy ; but this enterprise failed, owing to the want of unity amongst their forces ; and after the departure of Rene, the conqueror became possessed of the whole of the kingdom. Alphonso made a trium- phal entry into Naples ; and being earnestly desirous of a reconciliation with Pope Eugene, he prevailed on him to acknowledge him the following year as king, and also his son Ferdinand as his successor, f From Florence Ren^ repaired to Genoa, where he experienced a friendly reception from the Doge, Fre- gosa. He then proceeded to Marseilles, and after an absence of four years and a half, arrived there at the end of the year 14424 The general testimony of historians is, that Ren^ of Anjou, although so unfortunate in the issue of his enterprise in Italy, *' had perfectly fulfilled all the duties of a valiant soldier and a skilful general." At this period even he felt that he could not, and ought not, to renounce all hope ; and he, therefore, sent into * Bodin ; Mariana ; Hallam ; Godard Faultrier ; Daniel ; Sismondi ; Eccles. Hist. t Mariana ; I'Abb^ Millot. t Daniel ; Godard Faultrier : Eccles. Hist. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 197 i I Italy, Vidal de Cabanis and Charles de Chatillon, in order that they should send him such intelligence as might be favourable to his future interests. Many troubles had arisen in Lorraine during Rent's expedition into Italy; the prince did not, therefore, prolong his stay in Provence. Being, however, de- sirous of visiting the principal cities, he went to Taras- con at the commencement of February, 1443. At this place Ren^ received William Haraucourt, Bishop of Verdun, Pien-e de Beaufremont, Seigneur Charny, and Antoine de Gaudei, the secretary of the Duke of Burgundy, who had been sent by this prince to nego- tiate the marriage of his nephew, Charles, Count of Nevers, with the second daughter of Rene, Margaret of Anjou. This princess had nearly attained her fourteenth year, and already gave indications of those personal charms and mental qualifications for which she was afterwards so much distinguished ; and these, doubt- less, had great influence in fixing the choice of her new suitor. The Count of Nevers had been affianced to Jane of Bar, daughter of Robert of Bar, Count of Marche, and afterwards had been on the point of mar- rying the Duchess of Austria, but finally he decided in favour of Margaret of Anjou. Both Ren^ and his consort. Queen Isabella (who had arrived at Tarascon), eagerly accepted these pro- posals, and the contract of mamage was signed on the 4th of February, 1443. Rene agreed to give with his daughter the sum of 50,000 livres as her dowry, and the Duke of Bur- gundy guaranteed to settle upon her a jointure of 40,000 livres ; but Rene, on his side, wished that in conside- ration of this alliance the Duke would forego the 80,600 ecus d'or, which he owed him, and for which he held, as security, the cities of NeufchS,teau, Preny, 1443. Villenoiive V>argemont; Don C.tlinet. 198 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. and Longuy. The Duke, at length, consented to remit that sum, and the interests, in consideration of a reason- able indemnity, and upon this, Rene, as an equivalent, gave up Clermont, Varennes, and Vienne, in Argonne. There was one clause, however, inserted, which gave infinite displeasure to the Count de Vaudemont. It declared that the children of Margaret should be heirs of Sicily, Provence, and Bar, to the exclusion of the children of Yolande, her eldest sister, who was affianced to Ferri de Vaudemont, the son of Antoine ; yet with a reservation, that, if Yolande should marry a second time, the male children of that alliance should exclude the descendants of Margaret from the paternal succes- sion, in reservation of the duchy of Bar, to which they were legally entitled. King Rene could not possibly have marked in a more decisive manner the displea- sure he felt against the House of Vaudemont. This arrangement was bitterly complained of by both father and son, and the former carried his complaints to King Charles, the arbiter and guarantee of the late treaty which had fixed the pretensions of the two houses. Charles VII. then demanded reparation of Rene, and even threatened to take up arms should he oppose the treaty of 1441. Antoine still claimed Rene as his prisoner, and King Charles referred the affair to the Parliament, the proper judge of the Duke of Bur- gundy; but he reserved to himself that which re- lated to the said treaty. Thus was the marriage of the Count of Nevers deferred, and ultimately its accomplishment prevented, for while these questions were agitated, another, and a more irresistible offer was made for the hand of the Princess Margaret.* 1443. The rest of this year, 1443, was passed by Rene pin'emont ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^f ^^ Marseilles, where he devoted himself to the administration, and especially to the most • Dom Calmet ; VUleneuve Bargemont. ll MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 19d * effectual means to prevent the landing of the Arra- gonese forces. While at Marseilles, Ren6 received intelligence of the death of his mother, Yolande of Arragon, Queen Dowager of Sicily. She died on the 14th of December, 1443, at the Castle of Saumur,* and was interred in the Cathedral of St. Maurice, at Angers. The life of this princess had been distinguished by a multitude of acts of piety and benevolence, and the Provengaux, who had been acquainted ^ with her virtues and estimable qualities, sincerely united in the just regrets of their sovereign.f At the time of the departure of Rend for Naples, the Count de Vaudemont had felt offended, for two reasons : first, because he did not form one of the Regency Council, and next, at the reports circulated of the King's repugnance to gi'ant his daughter Yolanjje to his son, Ferri. Being apprehensive lest this princess should be taken away from him, or, perhaps, embittered against Rend's ministers, he collected his troops, encouraged the incursions of the rebels, and even took great numbers of them into pay, and enticed to his party Robert de Sarrebruche, who was ever ready to break his oaths.:|: Thus hostilities commenced, and Antoine and the Regency were alternately conquerors at this period, which was signalized by pillage, conflagration, and murderous combats. Charles VII. at length resolved to put an end to these excesses, and summoned the parties to appear before him ; at first, they apparently submitted to the conditions this monarch imposed, but the war again broke out with increased fury. At this period Louis of Anjou, having been appointed Lieutenant-General, entered Lorraine. He found the - The ca.Htle of Saumur had been granted to Queen Yolande aa part of her dowry, in order that she might pass there the remainder of her days, f Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. ^ ViUeneuve Bargemont. 1443, 200 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 1444. country devastated by bloodshed and civil contention, and be was compelled at once to take decisive measures. Although only twelve years of age, he defended with vigour the town of Bar, caused the siege to be raised, and compelled Robert de Sarrebruche to capitulate in the citadel of Commercy; but while the laurels of victory were thus gathering on his youthful brow, death suddenly deprived the country of this hero of noble promise. Louis, Marquis of Pont-k-Mousson, expired, after a short illness, in 1444,* and had not the happiness of again beholding his father, who was preparing to come to Lorraine, to endeavour by his presence to terminate the troubles of his people. Rene, however, subse- quently abandoned this intention, either through the grief he felt^on his son's death, or from his anxiety to defend his province of Anjou from the attacks of the English, who had been makmg great progress in Maine. Louis de Beauvau having been dismissed with un- limited powers into Lorraine, Rene set out for Poitiers, to rejoin the King of France, while Queen Isabella departed for Nanci. King Charles VIL and Rene afterwards proceeded together to the city of Tours, where they arrived at the same time as Charles of Orleans, who had just re- appeared at the French court, after many years of captivity in England. It was here that this prince, so renowned for his mental accomplishments and poetic talents, for the first time beheld Rene, and they con- tracted an intimate friendship, the constancy of which shed many charms on their subsequent lives. Ren6 also found himself in the presence of all his old companions in arms, and he again resigned himself to his taste for • Louis died, it is believed, in January, 1444, but the precise date is not recorded. He was interred in the church of St. Autoine, Pont-a-^ousson. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 201 J^tes, which had only been interrupted, or laid aside, whilst he engaged in his warlike expeditions. The w^hole court rejoiced at his coming, for he was known to be a prince who loved pleasure, and brought in his train men of wit and amusement. * The presence of Rend at Tours was of great service to King Charles, who, upon the occasion of the treaty of peace with England, about to be concluded, specially charged this pritice with the care of directing this important aifair. Rene first obtained a truce for eight months, and he then discussed with consummate skill their reciprocal interests, thus striking at the root of the negotiation, and by his firmness and clear perception, contrived to terminate the disagi'eements which might have occa- sioned a new war. Many were the conferences held with a view to establish a permanent peace, but so many difficulties arose that it was found to be imprac- ticable, and only a truce was agreed upon, the terms of which were dated the 21st of May, 1444. During the course of this negotiation, in the month of April, a proposal was made on the part of Eng- land, which apparently altered the position of Ren6, and ought to have consoled him for his late mis- fortunes. This was a treaty of marriage, proposed by the Duke of Suffolk, between his master, King Henry VI., and Margaret of Anjou, the second daughter of King Rene.f The satisfaction of Rene may readily be imagined, for such a measure could not have been anticipated, since the King of England was, at this time, considered as all but betrothed to the daughter of the Count of Armagnac, and this new offer seemed also to remove every prospect of a fresh dissension between the two 1444. Monstrelet, * Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. f Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; Monstrelet. 202 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. kingdoms, and placed the daughter of Rene in a rank the most flattering to the ambition of a father. The only dowry exacted by King Henry was the cession of the rights, transmitted to Rene by Yolande of Arragon, on the kingdom of Minorca. He re- nounced the rest of her succession, and he restored the town of Le Mans to Charles of Anjou, and to Rend all his possessions which had been taken from him by the English.* By this marriage, which was willingly agreed to by all parties, and soon after concluded, the House of Anjou-Plantagenet was, after the lapse of several centuries, united, on the throne of England, to the Second House of Anjou-Sicily.| * Villeneuve Bargemont. f Godard Faultrier. < CHAPTER III. King Henry. — " Was ever king that joy'd an earthly throne * * And could command no more content than I ? ** No sooner was I crept out of my cradle, " But I was made king, at nine months old ; ** Was ever subject long'd to be a king, " As I do long and wish to be a subject ? " Shakespeare. — Henry VI. King Henry V.— His death and will— The characters of Bedford and Glou- cester — Quarrels of Gloucester and Beaufort — Losses in France — Death of the Duke of Bedford— Contests in the Cabinet— The influence of Cardinal Beaufort— Education and character of Henry VI. Previous to the attempt to delineate the character, and narrate the eventful career of Margaret of Anjou, it will be advisable to take a slight survey of the English court ; that stage whereon she was des- tined to act so conspicuous a part, and where her conduct, it has been said, involved the happiness of almost all her adherents, leading to contentions, civil warfare, and to the misery of herself and family. That these unhappy results emanated from the misrule of the Lancastrian queen may, however, be disproved by patient inquiry into the facts of history, even amidst the confusion of the records of turbulent times, ren- dered almost contradictory through the party spirit of historians. It will be found, that, far from being the cause of so much misery, Margaret was herself misguided and unhappy; the victim of the intrigues of designing men, already at variance in their country, to which she came as a stranger, yet where her high talents, and the noble qualities of her mind and heart, alone enabled 1422. Eocles. Hist. 204 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. her, subsequently, to niaintain her position as sovereign. Neither did she succumb to her adverse fortunes, until she had proved, to the utmost, her heroism and devo- tion to her husband and his country. Henry V., the conqueror of Agincourt and one of the greatest heroes of his age, held, for a brief period, the sceptre of England with an able and vigorous hand; for he had gained renown by other than military skill, and had evinced the greatest endowments and good quahties. In the prime of life, however, and in the midst of his victories in France, he was seized with sudden illness, which caused his death ; and he left his crown to an infant son, nine months old. It was the destiny of this little prince, Henry VI., to lose all the foreign conquests of his warlike sire, who, as if apprehending misfortunes, had taken many wise precautions for the futurity of his infant son. On his death-bed Henry V. conjured his nobility assembled around him to remain united, in order to preserve the interests of his son, whose education he intrusted to the care of the Earl of Warwick, and appointed his brother, the Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, and his youngest brother, the Duke of Glou- cester, Regent of England, during his son's minority. He recommended them also to cultivate the friend- ship of the Duke of Burgundy, and to offer him the Regency of France. His advice also was, that they should retain their prisoners of war until his son should be able to judge of their disposal himself, and on no account should they make peace with the French, unless by the surrender of Normandy they could obtain an equivalent for their losses.* Such were the commands of the dying monarch, who was so much beloved, respected, and admired. How pru- dent were these injunctions, but how soon disregarded ♦ Holinslied ; Baker ; Sandford ; Howel ; Rjiner's Foedera. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 205 by his relatives and subjects! Private passions and individual prejudices too often arise to overthrow the wisest plans of human foresight. Shortly after the remains of Henry V. were con- Ling^^-. signed, with the utmost pomp, to their last earthly Home, resting-place, a division took place in the English Cabinet. Objections were raised to the Regency of the Duke of Gloucester, whose uncle, Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, directing a search into precedents, de- clared the claims of Gloucester were unconstitutional. The Council, however, wished to conciliate the Duke, who strongly urged his right from his relationship to the crown, and his brother's will appointing him to that office, more especially from the absence of the Duke of Bedford in France, but in vain ; he was made "Protector" of England in the absence of Bedford, and thus advanced to a dignity which commanded respect but conferred no real authority. AH real power was vested in the Council of Regency, at the head of which was the Bishop of Winchester. This ambitious and grasping prelate appears to have commenced from this time an incessant rivalry, and a great contest for power, with his nephew, the Duke of Gloucester, who naturally felt depreciated and con- tinued to struggle against his adversary. Thus, during the infancy of Henry VI., the influence of these two powerful individuals alternately swayed the Council of England, rendering her measures ineffective or abortive, and eventually, most disastrous. The nation had appeared to acquiesce in the arrange- ment for the Protectorate. Gloucester, however, from this period ceased to regard his uncle as a friendly kinsman, but rather as one who consulted his own private interests at the expense of his relatives and his country. In France, the Duke of Bedford, who was an ac- 206 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. complished and able prince, sustained the interests of his nephew, prosecuting the war with vigour, supported by many skilful generals. Numerous towns and castles were taken, and finally, a decisive victory gained at Verneuil.* These rapid successes of the English soon reduced King Charles VIL, (who had just acceded to the throne,) to the most desperate condition. He could not maintain his troops, or the splendours of his court, and at last found himself unable to procure even the necessaries of life for himself and the few who remained attached to his person. Suddenly a new phase was presented in the drama, and strange and unexpected events occurred to revive the spirits of Charles. These were the mission of Joan of Arc, and the recall of the Duke of Bedford to England, f It was to interpose and accommodate in the dis- sensions of Gloucester with his uncle Beaufort, that the Regent was compelled to abandon the scene of action in France, where he had been so prosperous. The Duke of Bedford was no less prudent in council than valiant in the field. Endowed with superior genius, and the perfect master of his own passions, he found little difficulty in adjusting the differences of his kinsmen. His brother, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, was possessed of eminent virtues and talents, to which he added such extensive information in science and literature as would have placed him on an equality with the Duke of Bedford, had not his inordinate ambition and violent passions caused him to commit errors which gave his enemies the ♦ Holinshed ; Sandford ; Baker ; Rymer's Fcedera ; Howel ; Ba- rante. t Holinshed ; ETmer's Foedera ; Barante ; Mezerai ; Anquetil ; MUles's Catalogue. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 207 advantage. He was also censured for his haughty demeanour, yet he was the universal favourite of the people, and when deprived of power in the Cabinet he took part with the ancient nobility, in whose neglect and discontent he, in some degree, shared. The members of the Council were ever watchful to prevent this duke's assumption of autho- rity, and as they knew he could not displace them, they were not afraid of offending him. In time, a confederacy was formed against him, headed by the Bishop of Winchester. The exertions of Gloucester to reform the Church, and thus to humble his opponents, involved him in many quarrels with them, in which they gained the advantage through the Jiasty temper of the Duke. The Duke of Gloucester had also imprudently married the Countess of Hainault, and in the attempt to secure her inheritance he had employed some troops sent to the Regent for the war in France ; he had, likewise, involved himself in a personal quarrel with the Duke of Burgundy, whose alliance and friend- ship were much required in the prosecution of the French war. In all these matters, in which the in- terests and welfare of the country were involved, the Duke of Bedford was compelled to mediate. At first his remonstrances, and those of the Council, were in- effectual, so incensed was Gloucester by his dispute with his uncle, the Bishop, which had indeed risen to a great and dangerous height.* Early in the contest for supremacy between Gloucester and Winchester, the people of London had taken part with the former, who was their favourite, but this interference had been resented by the latter, who caused many persons to be accused of treason ♦ Rapin ; Carte ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Sharon Turner ; Fabian ; Barante ; Life of Chicheley ; Pol. Vergil ; Eccles. Hist. 1425. Holinshed. 208 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. and thrown into prison. This gave rise to murmurs and complaints against the arbitrary measures of the Bishop, who, to suppress the spirit of rebellion, garrisoned the Tower, and ordered Sir Richard Wide- ville " to admit no one more powerful than himself." This step, which exhibited the great power of the clergy at this time, excited the highest displeasure in the Duke of Gloucester, who, on returning from abroad to take up his residence in the Tower, was refused admittance. His first impulse was to resent this affront by closing the city gates against the Bishop of Winchester, and he next applied to the Lord Mayor for an escort of five hundred men, to conduct him in safety to the King at Eltham. The Bishop, finding the city gates closed, attempted to force his entrance, and then barricaded the road with his numerous retinue, to prevent the egress of the Duke. In this hostile position, the eff*usion of blood seemed inevit- able; but a temporary pacification was, with great difficulty, eifected, through the mediation of the Arch- bishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Coimbra, a prince of Portugal, who were obliged to ride eight times in one day between the offended parties. The complaints of the two parties were finally referred to the arbitration of the Duke of Bedford. To such a height had the differences of these dis- tinguished adversaries attained, that the general peace and welfare of the capital was in imminent danger ; the shops were closed, all traffic obstructed, and the citizens were obliged to keep watch and ward to prevent the evil consequences which the hostile appearance of the partisans in this quarrel hourly threatened. The Regent was thus compelled, by a hasty sum- mons fi'om the Bishop of Winchester, to abandon his important conquests in France, in order to adjust these MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 209 petty dissensions at home, at a time when, after the victory of Verneuil, the forces of King Charles might have been effectually crushed.* The Duke of Bedford could not approve of the hasty and passionate conduct of his brother ; neither was he satisfied with the interference of the citizens of London, towards w^hom he evinced his displeasure. He gave orders for a meeting of peers at St. Alban's, and also for a Parliament at Leicester, whither the members were commanded to repair unarmed; but such was the animosity of the two parties that there was great difficultv in enforcino^ these orders. The Duke of Gloucester came forward in Parliament with a personal accusation against his opponent, com- prised in six articles, four of which related to personal grievances ; and in one of these the Bishop was accused of attempting the life of the Duke on his way from London, by placing armed men on the road to assault him. Of the other two accusations, the first charged that prelate with having garrisoned the Tower, with intent to get the young King into his power ; in the last it was intimated that the late King had accusec} the Bishop of an attempt on his life, and of having instigated him to dethrone the King, his father. Of these last charges the Duke of Bedford readily acquitted his uncle ; for the favour with which Beaufort had always been distinguished by Henry V. was sufficient testimony of his innocence. Finally, the eight lords, who had been chosen as arbitrators on this occasion, succeeded in persuading the Bishop of Winchester to make an apology to the Duke, and thus effected a reconciliation. The differences also of the lords who had taken part with these powerful adversaries were, in their turn, adjusted, and peace and unanimity restored. This * Sandford ; Barante ; Eymer's Foedera ; Baker ; Anquetil. VOL. I. 210 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 211 was a cause of great rejoicing to all who loved tran- quillity ; and to commemorate the general pacification, King Henry caused a solemn feast to be made on Whft Sunday, at Leicester. The little monarch, then but four years of age, was knighted by his uncle, the Regent of France ; after which the King knighted forty of his attendants. At the same time King Henry ' created Richard Plantagenet (son and heir^of the Earl of Cambridge) Duke of York, restor- ing him to his family estates and honours ; and also advanced John, Lord Mowbray, to the dukedom of Norfolk. These first acts of Henry VL, which doubt- less emanated from the Duke of Bedford (the King being so young at this time), were acts of clemency and forgiveness much in accordance with the weak character evinced by Henry in his subsequent life. The father of the Duke of York, the Earl of Cambridge, had been beheaded for treason, and Thomas Mowbray, the father of the Duke of Norfolk, had suffered banish- ment for a similar offence ; yet notwithstanding, their estates and titles were restored on this occasion. These favours, however, proved to be ill-judged, since ultimately the conduct of these two noted indi- viduals, who obtained great influence in the kingdom, ^ turned to the ruin of King Henry and all the Lancas- trian party.* The Bishop of Winchester had only been required by the arbitrators to make a slight apology to the Duke of Gloucester, yet his conduct appears to have called forth universal disapprobation. He was either required or permitted to resign his chancellorship, and it was a long time before he recovered the influence which this exposure occasioned him to lose. Upon his resignation, he requested permission to travel; but he neverthe- • Holinshed ; Baker ; Milles's Catalo^e ; Monstrelet ; Cobbett's Trials ; Thorsby's Leicester. less remained in England until the next year, and then he accompanied the Duke of Bedford to the Continent, where he received the intelligence that Pope Martin had created him a cardinal. At Calais he was invested „ J.^-^* with the insignia of that dignity in the presence of the linga.i. Duke of Bedford and his court.* The ambitious designs and intriguing disposition of Beaufort had been exposed by his nephew Gloucester, who was no less suspected by the Cardinal of the intention of making himself independent of the Council. From this time his conduct was watched, and the members of the Council, influenced by Beaufort, were employed to disappoint and thwart the views of the Duke, who became irritated and impatient under this continued opposition and the failure of his projects. His union with the Countess of Hainault being declared invalid by the Court of Rome, Gloucester, as if regard- less of the censure of the world, married Eleanor Cobham, daughter of Lord Cobham of Sterborough, who had long lived his mistress, and was no less remarkable for her dissolute life than for her great beauty. The defection of the Dukes of Burgundy and Brit- tany, with other causes, operated against the English in their subsequent wars in France, where Bedford and the generals who supported him, struggled on to preserve their acquisitions rather than to achieve the complete conquest of that kingdom. f In England, whither the Bishop, now Cardinal of Winchester, had returned, the former contests and rivalry were renewed between the Duke of Gloucester and that prelate. In the latter no favourable change had been effected by his new dignity of cardinalate. * Rapin ; Baker ; Sandford ; London Chron. ; HolinRhed ; Villaret: t Holinshed ; Sandford ; Baker ; Baraate ; Mezerai ; Anquetil ; PcL Ver^l ; Rymer's Fcedera. p 2 212 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT. 1429. Holinshed Ikiker. Henry v., it is said, had withlield this high office from his uncle, knowing his insatiable ambition, and the pride which such distinction might excite in him * Beaufort was, indeed, naturally of an intriguing dis- position, and had great abilities and experience united to love of power, and thirst of gain. The wealth which accrued to him from the cardinalate enabled him to obtain greater influence in the kingdom than ever, so that he even appeared to be the only wealthy indi- vidual, so much did his riches exceed those of others. He was called "the rich Cardinal," and his ambition in- stigated him to take the sole direction of pubhc affairs. As the power of Beaufort increased that of Glou- cester decreased. This became apparent in the reduc- tion of the Duke's salary as Protector from eight thousand marks to five thousand, and then to four thousand. Afterwards, the coronation of the young King, which took place on the 6th of November, 1429, entirely suppressed the Protectorate and established the authority of Beaufort, f The education of Henry VI. had been first intrusted, by the Council of Regency, to the Duke of Exeter and the Bishop of Winchester, his gveat uncles, who were named his governors ; but after the death of the former, in 1424, Beauchamp,:f Earl of Warwick, had been appointed to fill this high office. The late monarch, at his death, had given the highest testimony of his respect for, and confidence in, the Earl of Warwick, by appointing him to be tutor to his son until he attained his sixteenth year. For some time this earl remained in France, and continued engaged in the war there ; but afterwards Parliament confirmed the dispo- * Holinshed ; Barante ; Rapin. t Sharon Turner. X The name Beauchamp was derived from " Bello Campo." Hugh de Beauchamp, the first of this noble family, came over from Normandy at the time of the Conquest. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 213 sitions of the King, and Warwick entered upon his new office in England. The rigid discipline and coercive instructions en- forced by this nobleman procured from the young and delicate prince only an unwilling obedience to his commands, while indeed they were ill calculated to strengthen and expand a mind naturally weak, and which, like the tender plant, too often displays by its ijrowth the imorance, or the unskilful hand of the culti- vator. Indeed it has been said of King Henry VI., *'that he was a monarch early taught to weep."* The policy of the Duke of Bedford induced him, under his late severe losses in France, to bring over the young king. He hoped, by procuring his corona- tion in Paris, to recover somewhat of his own influence in that kingdom, and to arouse the energies of those who still regarded the English monarch as tlieir lawful sovereign. At eight years of age Henry VI. was accordingly crowned king of both realms ; and the genius of the age was employed to invent amusements for the royal child, in whom some traced a fancied resemblance to the hero of Agincourt, while others prognosticated that his reign would be no less splendid than happy. Alas ! these were idle visions ; and Henry's career far more resembled the day which dav/ns amidst sunshine and joy, and closes in clouds and tears. There were present at this coronation, which was performed by the Cardinal of Winchester, in the church of Notre-Dame, on the 17th of December, 1430, the Archbishop of York, the Dukes of Bedford, York, and Norfolk, the Earls of Salisbury, Warwick, Suffolk, Oxford, and other noblemen. In the midst of the feasting and rejoicing attendant ♦ Baker ; Sandford ; Holinshed ; Biograph. Britannica ; Lingard ; Howel ; Baiante ; Monfaucon : Eccles. Hist. ; Eapin. 1430. 214 MABGAEET OF ANJOU. on this event, the Cardinal of Winchester gave great offence to the Duke of Bedford by arrogating to him- self the first place in the kingdom, and desiring him^ to lay aside the title of regent during the stay of the King in France. Such was the disgust conceived by Bed- ford at this, that he would not again favour the views of the Cardinal. By some it has even been asserted that it was this difference which gave rise to the sub- sequent divisions amongst the English nobility. During the period of the King's absence for his coronation in France, Richard, Duke of York, was appointed constable of this realm, and it was thought that it might have been this which gave to the noble- man (who had just been restored to his family estates and titles) a foretaste of power, and made him after- wards so ambitious of regal authority.* The return of Henry VI. to England was welcomed with great joy by the nation. Splendid pageants were exhibited in London by the people, who sought by every means to show their attachment to the heir of King Henry V. and of the race of Plantagenets, who had been the first of their sovereigns to be crowned King of France. The great exultation and pride of the nation exhibited on this occasion was afterwards powerfully contrasted with the melancholy chain of events in this monarch's reign. Never, perhaps, did Dame Fortune prove herself so fickle as in her mock promises to the young King of England, in bestowing on him "riches, prosperity, and long life;" for not one of these did Henry of Windsor enjoy. This year, 1435, Isabella, Queen of France, died, ,,,,,.. and soon afterwards the Duke of Bedford. His death Pol. Yergi'. o-ave a mortal blow to the successes of the English in ♦ Holinshed ; Sandford ; Rymer'a Foedera ; Milles's Catalogue ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Howel ; Lond. Chron. ; John Rous ; Barante ; Eccles. Hist. ; Monfaucon ; Baudier ; Godard Faultrier. 1435. IViker; Howel ; MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 215 t <.l France. Bedford had been a prudent prince, of great experience in arms and government, and much feared by his enemies. The Earl of Warwick was judged the only person capable of repairing his loss. He was therefore discharged from the care of the person of the King, and being made Lieutenant-General of France and Normandy, the highest honour which could be con- ferred upon an English subject, he was dismissed to fulfil his oflice.* Warwick took with him his wife and son, and was attended by a peculiar officer-at-arms, called "• Warwick Herald," who received from the Earl an annuity of ten marks. Some successes attended this earl at first, but he did not long enjoy his newly conferred dignity. He died at Rouen, in April, 1439. t After the treaty of Arras, the Duke of Burgundy sent letters of remonstrance to induce King Henry VI. to make peace with France, and to explain his own motives for renouncing his former alliance. When these letters were read aloud in the Council, they excited much surprise, and the young King was so much affected at their contents " that his eyes were filled with tears, which ran down his cheeks." He exclaimed, " that he plainly perceived, since the Duke of Buro-undy had acted thus disloyally towards him, and was reconciled to his enemy. King Charles, that his dominions in France would fare the worse for it." Upon this the Cardinal and the Duke of Gloucester abruptly left the Council, much confused and vexed ; and their example being followed by others, no deter- « * HoUnshed ; Baker ; Anquetil ; Barante ; Hume. t The Earl of Warwick ha^ by his second countess one son named Henry, and one daughter, Anne. The Countess of War^vuck reured, on the AM her husband, to the monastery of Southwick, ^ Hampshire ; but s^v^ the earl only a short time. She died on the ^^th of June 439, aXas interred in the abbey of Tewkesbury, which she had founded.^ Fol Vergil; Barante; Biograjih. Bntaniuca, 1439. Baraute. 216 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. inination could be agreed upon. The parties collected again in small knots, and abused each other as well as the Duke of Burgundy. Nor were the populace less lavish of their opprobrious epithets upon that Duke and his country, and even collected in bodies, seeking for obnoxious foreigners, whom they ill-treated, and even murdered some of them before the tumult was appeased. When the Council again met, the messengers from the Duke of Burgundy only obtained a verbal reply from the Lord Treasurer.* In 1439 the regency of France was bestowed on Richard, Duke of York, the son of the Earl of Cam- bridge, and the Duke of Somerset was appointed to fill the place of SaHsbury, lately slain. It has been sup- posed that Somerset was ambitious of the regency, and from envy and hatred of the Duke of York, sought to prevent his repairing to France to direct the opera- tions of the war, and maintain the conquests of the English. However this might be, he so effectually applied himself to this purpose that the Duke of York was detained in England until Paris, and many other of the chief places in France, had been recovered by the enemy. This ill-will on the part of Somerset was perceived by the Duke of York, who was inspired with feelings of the strongest resentment against him, and although he dissembled his sentiments, he took frequent occasions to injure and offend him. Thus commenced a hatred bet\yeen two powerful families, which ter- minated only in their annihilation. The conduct of the Duke of York, upon his landing in France, has been highly extolled. He rendered great services to his country, wisely directing the affairs of the English ; yet the utmost exertions on their part were insufficient to maintain their former conquests. * Monstrelet. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 217 I King Charles had recovered from the dismay into which his early losses had thrown him, and having attained the age of manhood, when his noble and generous character unfolded itself to the world, he found his adherents daily increasing, while Henry, still a child both in age and capacity, appeared an unequal rival, incompetent to dispute his crown.* j Much praise has been bestowed on the Queen Con- sort, Mary of Anjou, for the fond energy with which she urged Charles VII. at this time to grapple with his misfortunes and his culpable indolence of character. Nor was this approbation undeserved. Such was the penury of King Charles when he fixed on the capital of Berry as the centre of his kingdom, that, we are told, he sometimes immured himself in his apart- ments with the Queen, in order that he might not blush in having a single witness to the rough fare with which he was obliged to content himself Even for the moderate supplies of his table he was indebted to his steward, Jacques Coeur, and other friends. The good and generous disposition of Mary of Anjou was mani- fested in this hour of distress. Her firmness, com- bined with prudence, supported the King under his trials, while her tenderness made her think nothing too great a sacrifice. She was also ingenious in her resources ; she sold her rings, jewels, plate, and even the silver from her chapel, to supply the means of remunerating those whom they desired to attach to their person or party. She was mainly instrumental in awakening in the Kmg, her husband, the ardour with which he at last exclaimed, "God and reason must be on my side!" while unsheathing his sword, he filled with a new confi- dence the generals, who speedily surrounded his royal standard in that extremity. Charles had even medi- * Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandford ; Anquetil ; Barante ; Howel ; Speed ; Eymer's Foedera ; Pol, Vergil. 218 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. tated his escape into Dauphin^, and thence to Spain or Scotland, seeing no probability of raising the siege of Orleans ; but to his queen, Mary of Anjou, was due the credit of obstructing his weak resolve which was soon after entirely dissipated by an event unparalleled in the history of nations.'''' The great event, which so speedily changed the whole face of affairs, was effected by the exploits of a simple unlettered girl, bom at Dom Reme on the frontiers of Lorraine, and so well known to all succeeding generations as Joan of Arc.f She had been already distinguished in her small sphere for her virtue, courage, and vigour of mind ; but having formed ambitious aspirations for the honour and good of her country, her piety and enthusiasm gained her access to Charles of Lorraine, and through his assistance, to Charles VIL One of the French writers, speaking of the Maid of Orleans, says, "• She was an extraor- dinary girl, raised up by God to punish the English, and to make them feel the injustice of their enterprises on France. Far from profiting by this singular event, through which He spoke to them so plainly, they thought only of revenging themselves on this girl, whom Pro- vidence had employed to humble them. They accused her of idolatry, magic, blasphemy, and heresy, and burnt her to death. God testified his anger against all those who took part in this injustice. He humbled the English more and more, and honoured the memory of this extraordinary girl, by whom He had worked so many miracles. "| In the north of France, now become the seat of war, the Regent continued to struggle under accumulated * Chalon's France ; Villeneuve Barg-emont. t Moreri ; Monf aucon ; Mezerai ; Rapin ; Monstrelet ; Sismondi ; Godard Faultrier. X Daniel ; Eccles. Hist. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 219 difficulties. In England, the continued contests be- tween Beaufort and Gloucester caused the neglect of affairs in France, and no steps were taken to repair their repeated losses. The death of the Duke of Bedford, and King Henry's assumption of the regal power (which he used rather at the discretion of the Cardmal than his own), deprived the Duke of Gloucester of all in- fluence in the kingdom ; so that, although sincere in his attachment to the interests of his nephew, he could not serve him, or overcome the opposition of his ad- versary. Amidst these contests, and the affronts offered to the Duke, his affinity to the crown and his great popularity gave him an advantage, of which his hasty temper as often deprived him. No accommodation could be effected between the two kingdoms ; but at length a truce was entered into with the Duke of Burgundy, and the English engaged to release the Duke of Orleans, the last of the five ^^^ noble princes whom Henry V. Jiad captured and who B^ti. had been a prisoner in England twenty-five years.* The release of Orleans furnished to the rival parties in the Cabinet a new subject for contention. Glou- cester represented the injunctions of the late king, not to release the prisoners until his son should be of age to dispose of them himself. He added other powerful arguments, entered a formal protest against the deter- mination of the Council, and strenuously endeavoured to prevent the liberation of this prisoner, but in vain. The Cardinal, who had been some time exerting him- self to bring about a peace, had pledged himself to the Duchess of Burgundy, with whom he had had several interviews, to effect the release of the Duke of Orleans. Having more weight in the Council than his nephew, 1440. * Baker ; Hume ; Henry ; Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Monstielet ; Rapin ; Barante ; Mariana. 220 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1440. Fpeetl ; liymer's Fcedera. he ultimately gained his point, and the Duke of Bur- gundy paid part of the prisoner's ransom. The Duke of Orleans, before he left England not only paid 40,000 nobles, and gave security for 80,000 more, but engaged to return to his prison at the expi- ration of the year, unless he succeeded in getting King Charles to agree to a final peace. The Eno-lish monarch promised, on his part, to repay the money on signature of the treaty, or on the Duke's return to the Tower of London, where he had passed his tedious captivity of twenty-five years. Surely no one could have been more deeply interested in effecting the object for which, apparently, he was set free, or have felt more strongly his responsibility in procuring a peace so desirable for the interests of both realms. His own happiness, liberty, and future welfare seemed to be at stake, for he had, moreover, engaged to marry the niece of the Duke of Burgundy who had agreed with him to forget former enmities. This seemed much for Orleans to attempt ; for, let it be remembered, he was the son of the Duke of Orleans who had been assassinated by John *' Sans Peur." All these conditions were, notwithstandino- ulti- mately fulfilled.* When set at liberty, at the end of the year 1440 the Duke of Orleans had much difficulty in effecting the object to which he had pledged himself He found King Charles surrounded by favourites, who, by their intrigues, so effectually excluded others fi'om their monarch's notice, that some time elapsed before he obtained the influence to which he was entitled by his rank and abilities. When the King at length yielded to his suggestions in favour of a peace, no general basis of a pacification could be found. Thus, only an armistice for two years was agreed upon. Henry VL, • Anquetil. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 221 1441. meanwhile, was obliged to extend the period fixed upon for the return of Orleans to his captivity. It was the hope and expectation of the negotiators of this peace, the chief of whom were the Duke of Orleans and the Earl of Suffolk, that during the interval afforded by this truce some means would be dis- covered of reconciling the interests of the two nations. The Duke of Gloucester at this time laid before the King a written statement of the transgressions of the Hoimshed. Cardinal, contained in twenty-four articles, in which he sought to lessen his credit with Henry VI., but the King only referred the examination of these charges to the Council. The spiritual lords, who chiefly com- posed this body, were in the interest of Beaufort, and therefore passed by these charges in silence. Some of them were undoubtedly true, yet the Cardinal still con- trived to enjoy favour at court. Many things had, in- deed, been done without the consent of the King or of the Duke, both by the Cardinal and the Archbishop of York.* The time, however, approached when party rage, which repeated aggravations and insults had aug- mented to the most bitter hatred, was about to vent itself in a series of attacks on the reputation, familv and even on the life of its devoted victim. W^e have seen how the high estimation with which the Cardinal of Winchester had been regarded by King Henry V. aided that prelate's escape from public censure under the charges laid before the Duke of Bedford. As his preceptor, the young monarch, Henry VI. , habitually looked upon him with respect and es- teem, and he ever after submitted to his authority. This rule over the sovereign it was the interest of the Cardinal to preserve ; and the pride and avarice of this • Baker ; Speed ; Hall ; Pol. Vergil ; Holinshed ; Fenn's Letters ; Lin- gard ; Henry ; Hume ; Barante ; Sharon Turner ; Villaret ; Anquetil. 222 M.VEGAEET OF ANJOU. 9 ecclesiastical statesman increased with his accumu- lated wealth and enlarged influence. His continual opposition to the Duke of Gloucester kept up a never- failing contest in the Cabinet ; and about this period there began to be exhibited in every fresh quaiTel, much personality and malice, which were only ex- tinguished in the grave. History exhibits the cir- cumstances of this quarrel in various lights ; some authors advocating the measures of the Cardinal, and aggravating the faults of the Duke ; but all concur in attributing to Gloucester many virtues, while the greatest crime laid to his charge appears to have been a rash and impetuous temper, which is ever more fatal to its possessor than to others. This it was which led him boldly, too boldly for his own safety, to advo- cate his country's welfare. For instance, at the close of his address to the King, he adds, " For truth, I dare '' speake of my truth, the poore dare not doo so. And *' if the Cardinal, and the Archbishop of Yorke, may '' afterward declare themselves, of that is, and shall be *' said of them ; you, my right doubted lord, may then " restore them again to your councell, at your noble "pleasure." * The Cardinal and his party were, however, in little danger of losing the confidence of a prince so accus- tomed to yield, and who showed too little spirit to resist the authority of Beaufort, even in favour of an injured kinsman. Many attempts were made to destroy the character of the Duke of Gloucester in the opinion of his nephew, the King. His patriotic exertions were con- strued into ambitious attempts at the crown ; and his hereditary family pride having instigated him to prefer the fatigues and hazards of a war in which it was pos- sible to preserve the laurels which his brother had won, * Holinshed. MARGABET OF ANJOU. 223 to an ignoble peace, his public conduct was regarded with suspicion, as betraying symptoms of a disaffected spirit, ready to revive, upon every opportunity, fresh troubles and contentions. The lofty spirit of Gloucester, which had already been tried by many disappointments, was now compelled to submit to a far greater insult than any he had before experienced. He, who, on account of his love of literature and taste, had been styled *'the Maecenas " of his age, had to endure the degradation of beholding his wife tried and punished on an absurd and groundless charge of necromancy. The rank of the lady ought to have commanded respect, and would, doubtless, have preserved her from such indignities, had not her former dissolute character and the declin- ing influence of her husband exposed her to the mahce of his enemies. We are told that the Cardinal laid this charge against her, finding no grounds of accusation against the Duke. Indeed it was highly improbable that a man who had been distinguished for exposing impostures, and who, in the encouragement of learning, had founded the divinity school at Oxford, should have ventured himself, or encouraged his wife, to tamper with witches or necromancers. It does not, however, seem surprising that Henry, already impressed with such unfavourable sentiments towards his uncle, should have listened to an accusation against the wife of one so often aspersed before him. The Duke had been accused of aspiring to the crown. This charge went further, and supposed an attack on the King's life by means of the necromantic art. Upon this plea the Duchess of Gloucester was apprehended. She had been discovered, by the spies of the Cardinal, engaged in private meetings with Sir Robert Bolingbroke, a priest and mathematician (for which last he was suspected of necromancy), and three 224 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. Ii41. Lingard ; Stow. others, one of whom was Maijary Gourdimalii, called the ^' Witch of Eye." With these persons Eleanor Cobham, Duchess of Gloucester, was subjected to a severe examination before the chief prelates of the kingdom, viz., the Cardinal, the Archbishop of York, and Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury. She was charged with a design to destroy the life of the King by enchantment. With the assistance of her accomplices, she was said to have formed an image of the King in wax, which, by sorcery, was consumed by slow degrees, and it was intended that the King should perish in like manner. No trea- sonable practices were proved against the Duchess, yet she was sentenced to do public penance in St. Paul's and two other churches for three days, and afterwards to be imprisoned for life. This sentence was executed with great severity. She was first incar- cerated in the Isle of Man, and afterwards in Kenil- worth Castle. Sir Robert Bolingbroke was hanged, and Marjary Gourdimam burnt at the stake as a reputed witch.* There can be little doubt that Gloucester deeply resented this attack on his wife ; the cruel and unjust sentence served to widen the breach between this prince and his uncle, and every after-event only tended to aggravate their quarrel.f Nothing but the weak- ness and credulity of the King could have caused him to give credence to a plot, which only the most artful malice had devised, to effect the ruin of the Duchess of Gloucester. When Henry VI. assumed the regal power, he betrayed no indications of that vigour and energy * This unjust condemnation of the Duchess of Gloucester caused a statute to be made for trying peeresses by their equals, a privUege they had never before enjoyed.— ^^•, Pari. Hist. ; Ufe of Chichelej. t Holinshed ; Speed; Sandford ; Baker; Carte; Fabian; Rymer'a Foedera ; Stow ; Lond. Chron. ; W. of Worcester ; Life of Chicheley. M^iEGAEET OF ANJOU. 225 which had so eminently distinguished his father. He had been restrained by the Cardinal in his early years from attention to pubKc affairs; and his subsequent life was marked by a kind of natural imbecility and incapacity for business. At this time, he seemed to unite to a weak understanding a temper so easy, yet so kind and benevolent, that he became rather the sub- ject than the sovereign of all who surrounded him. Thus a field was opened for the ambitious and de- signing ; for that characteristic, which, in a private individual, would have been considered only as amiable, was, in a monarch, found to be highly censurable. It was not difficult for men of understanding to perceive, that to gain the ear of the King was, in effect, to rule the kingdom ; and for this several com- petitors appeared, amongst whom the Cardinal of Winchester took the lead.* This prelate sought only his own private interests, and those of his party. Having been accustomed to rule the King's person during his minority, and to assume an undue authority in the realm, he contended sharply with the Duke of Gloucester for the continuance of that power. He endeavoured, by various means, to thwart the views of that nobleman, who, on his part, anxiously sought to banish all ecclesiastical statesmen from the council- chamber, " that men might be at their freedom to say what they thought the truth." Thus the hatred and envy of these two parties alternately disturbed and agitated the Enghsh court ; until that period arrived when King Henry, having attained his twenty-first year, was advised to choose a consort, to participate his enjoyments and to share his throne. * Biondi ; Rymer's Foedera ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Sharon Turner i Henry. ^ VOL. I. CHAPTER IV. <( <( <( " Speak ! hast thou seen her? \^-ill she be my Queen ? *' Quick, tell me ev'ry circumstance, each word, *' Each look, each gesture ; didst thou mark them, Suflfolk ? " Shakespeare. — Henri/ VI. *' Did not the Heavens her coming in withstand, " As though affrighted when she came to land ? * ' The earth did quake her coming to abide, The goodly Thames did t^svice keep back his tide ; Paul's shook with tempests, and that mounting spire. With light' ning sent from heaven was set on fire ; " Our stately buildings to the ground were blown. *' Her pride by these prodigious signs was shown ** More fearful \-isions on the English earth, " Than ever were at any death, or birth." — Drayton. Propositions of marriage for King Henry — He is aflSanced to the daughter of the Earl of Armagnac — This earl is taken prisoner — Negotiation for peace with France, and a proposal for the hand of Margaret of Anjou— The Earl of Suffolk, his family, and pretensions — His embassy to Tours —Policy of the English ministers — Margaret of Anjou and her accom- plishments — A truce signed — The marriage proposed and determined upon— No dower required— Suffolk returns to England, and obtains the sanction of Parliament— Suffolk's eulogium of Margaret of Anjou — Nuptials by proxy— Margaret comes to England— Her illness— The marriage— Progress to London— The coronation— The King confides in the Queen, who unites in the party of Cardinal Beaufort. It was easy to perceive that the lady, whosoever she might be, who should become Queen of England, would decide the balance of power between the con- tending parties in the Cabinet, and consequently each became desirous of selectmg their king's consort from a family likely to be favourable to his own peculiar interests. The first matrimonial alliance proposed, was by MARGARET OF ANJOU. 227 the Duke of Gloucester. In the terms of the treaty for peace with France, in 1439, instructions were given to propose the marriage of King Henry VI. with one of the daughters of Charles VII. This conference, however, was broken up, and this lady became afterwards the wife of the son of the Duke of Burgundy. The continuance of the wars between the two kingdoms at length excited the commiseration of all Christendom. The Pope had exhorted the two monarchs to put an end to the eifusion of blood, and several conferences had taken place between the Car- dinal of Winchester and the Duchess of Burgundy, the result of which was the appointment of a meeting to treat about a peace, the Dukes of Brittany and Orleans being the mediators.* The Duke of Gloucester next proposed the union of his young monarch with the daughter of the Earl of Armagnac, and finding that the rich provinces of Gas- cony and Auvergne would be this lady's portion, he thought the marriage would prove acceptable to the people. It was also expected that this alliance would serve as a protection to Guienne. The Count of Ar- magnac, who had taken possession of the inheritance of the Countess of Cominges for which the King of France was also a competitor, justly fearing the power of that monarch, had earnestly sought to ally himself with England, in order to maintain himself in his new acquisitions. He proffered the hand of his daughter to King Henry VI., with a handsome dower, adding to a large sum of money the fiill possession of all his towns and castles in the province of Aquitaine, which had formerly belonged to England.f * Rymer's Foedera ; Rapin ; Sharon Turner. t Baker ; Sandford ; Hall ; Beckington ; Rymer's Foedei-a ; Rapin ; 3Ionstrelet ; Barante ; Hume ; Henry ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard, Q 2 228 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. The ambassadors from the Count of Armagnac were graciously received by King Henry, who, on their return, dismissed Sir Edward Hall, Sir Robert Eoos and Thomas de Beckington,* the King's secretary, to complete the contract. This marriage had been warmly advocated by the Duke of Gloucester, but it was no less dreaded by the Cardinal and his party, who liked not to receive a princess so much in favour with their opponent; and it appears not improbable that they gave some hints respecting the intended match to King Charles, as the event, which so speedily followed, seemed to show. Iiv tlie month of May, 1442, the ambassadors of Henry VI. set out with his instructions for the conclusion of this marriage. Early in the following month, the King of France, who was much displeased at the combination forming against him, despatched the Dauphin with a powerful army to invade Guienne, and this enterprise was so successful, that within eight days the whole country had rebelled against King Henry. Treachery as well as force seems to have been employed to under- mine the influence of England, a report having been spread that no relief was to be expected from this country. The appearance of the ambassadors, and the penisal of King Henry's letter restored the confidence of the people, succours being promised them, which they earnestly desired, but the extraordinary negligence of the English in the fulfilment of these promises can with difficulty be explained. The ambassadors ap- pealed strongly to the King ; they wrote also to Lord Cromwell, the treasurer, and their messengers were accompanied by the Archbishop of Bourdeaux, who was deputed by the inhabitants to represent their situ- ation. Despatches were again sent, on the 17th of * Thomas Beckin^n, of Beckington, Somersetshire, Bishop of Bath and Wells. A great benefactor to the Church of Wells. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 229 October, to the King, the Duke of Gloucester, and the Cardinal of Winchester. The letter to His Majesty described the state of Guienne, the successes of King Charles, and the non-arrival of succours from England The ambassadors assured the King that if only'^a few men had been sent, the French monarch would in all probability have been made prisoner, and the country might have been preserved. It was the general opinion that this maniage was strenuously opposed by the Earl of Suffolk; and one ' of the subsequent charges against this nobleman was the breach of this contract. He was charged with having acquainted the King of France with the pro- posed marriage the moment it was agitated, and with having thus caused the invasion of Guienne, in the month of June.* From this period, until the dose of that year, the rapid successes of the French, and the surprising negligence of the English in not sending succours to that province, caused a change in the •sentiments of the Count of Armagnac ; and if the conduct of the Count, which had excited the suspicions of the English ambassadors, did not finally dispose King Henry to break off this alliance, the result was inevitable, from the seizure of the dominions and person of the Count, who, with his two daughters and youngest son, were taken prisoners by King Charles. Thus was the marriage of the King of England de- ferred, or rather set aside; for this nation did not -scruple to put an affront on a prince who was unfortu- nate and unable to revenge himself; and while the princes of Christendom united their endeavours to este-blish peace between the two kingdoms, another union, more agreeable to King Henry though not ♦ Monstrelet, on Hall's authority, says that this was done by the Cardinal of Winchester, from hatred of Gloucester. I 230 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1444. HoliushecU more fortunate for the English nation, was decided upon.* The Cardinal of Winchester, on his part, had also selected a bride for his sovereign. His choice had not been determined with less political foresight than that of his rival ; and great secrecy appears to have been observed before this important decision was divulged to the public. It was two years after the negotiation with' the Count of Armagnac, that the Cardinal, (ever anxious to procure peace, while in his eagerness to frustrate the measures of his opponents he seemed even to disregard the public good,) dismissed an em- bassy to negotiate with France, and to adjust the terms of a peace, to which the late severe losses had inclined the people to agree.f After the death of the Duke of Bedford, the Cardinal had introduced into the Council William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, who had so far succeeded in inofratiatinor himself into the royal favour that the King became attached to him, and blindly followed his suggestions. From this time it would appear that the Cardinal made this earl instrumental in his own ambitious projects, employing him to gain the King's consent to the new alliance he proposed, and to receive all his instructions for the completion of this marriage. The Earl of Suffolk did not inherit the great talents which had distinguished some of his ancestors. His grandfather, Michael de la Pole, was born of mean parents, but his eminent abilities enabled him speedily to obtain great wealth, and also the notice of Edward HI., who took him into the number of his privy council. He became Chancellor of England, and • Baker ; Hall ; Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. ; Sandford ; Carte ; Fabian ; Monstrelet ; Beckington's Journal ; Villaret ; Mezerai ; Rapin ; Sharo n Turner ; Barante. t Carte ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Barante ; Villaret. MxiRGAEET OF ANJOU. 231 in 1385, Richard H. created him Earl of Suffolk ; but with the decline of the authority of this monarch, the influence of Michael de la Pole decreased also, and he died an exile from his native land. His son, Michael, lost his life at the siege of Harfleur, and the earldom was bestowed by Henry V. on the third son of this nobleman ; but he was slain at the battle of Agincourt, in 1415. Thus, his brother William succeeded to the titles and estates, to which he added the ample dower of his wife, Alice, the granddaughter of Geoffrey Chaucer, the poet.* The Earl, although not endowed with more than ordinarv abilities, was courageous and ambitious. He expected to advance himself and his party to the highest estimation with his sovereign, but this attempt was not unaccom- panied with danger ; supported, however, by the favour of the Cardinal, he was well received at court, and successful in obtaining the young King's sanction for him to procure for his consort the lovely princess Margaret, the daughter of Rene of Anjou.f The learning and surpassing charms of the poor but unrivalled daughter of King Rene had been re- ported to the young sovereign of England, " who was anxious to enter into the endearing restraints of th^ most holy Sacrament of marriage;" and he resolved, if possible, to obtain her hand. For this purpose a secret negotiation with her father was commenced ; and the King obtained a portrait of the youthful Margaret, which made him more than ever desirous to conclude the contract. King Henry, though feeble and destitute of those * Alice Chaucer had been already twice married ; having first espoused Sir John Philips, Knt. Her second husband was Thos. Montecute, Earl of Salisbury, who, at his death, left her great riches. — Stow ; Milles's Cata- logue ; Li/son's Mag. BHt. ; Allen'' s York ; Monstrelet ; Biograph. Brit- tanwa. f Rapin ; Barante. 232 JLiEGAEET OF AXJOU. commamlmg talents wliicli shone conspicuously in ins father and his grandfather, was still peculiarly susceptible of the influence of learning and great talents. It was for these— possessed by Margaret of Anjou m so eminent a degree— that she was selected by Cardinal Beaufort for the consort of his soverei-n He had the discernment, doubtless, to perceive how smgularly fitted was this princess to guide tlie well- meanmg, but weak and in-esolute Henry, who seemed formed by nature as well as by education, to be governed implicitly. When on the point of engaging in this embassy, the Karl of Suffolk showed a little reluctance, whether feigned or real, and professed himself unequal to the undertaking. He was not ignorant of the risk he mcurred; and however ambitious of advancing himself with his sovereign and the nation, he confessed his incapacity, and presenting a petition to the Kino- modestly begged to be released from this undertaking' or, if denied this favour, entreating to be secured from any after penalty, should he fail in the object of his embassy. He also showed great caution in receivino- his instructions. It is probable that he might justly fear the resentment of the Duke of Gloucester, who would be sure to oppose this measure ; or, it mio-ht be that he was conscious that he should incur the penalty of an Act passed in the reign of Henry V. against any one who should conclude peace with the Kino- of France without the consent of the three estates in both realms. To remove these objections an instrument was sio-ned by the King and his Parliament, which granted pardon beforehand to the Earl (who in this instrument is called grand seneschal of his household, and ambassador") or any error of judgment which he might commit in Ins double capacity, provided he arranged the ne 266 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. a less energetic mind than that of Margaret of Anjou. The people of Porchester, notwithstanding the tempest, came in crowds to gaze upon their fair sovereign, and welcomed her loyally, strewing their streets with rushes for her to pass over/^ * In Porchester Castle f the first interview took place between Queen Margaret and King Henry the Sixth ; the monarch receiving his bride in a manner propor- tionate to her birth and merit. At this meeting, when Margaret first appeared in the full charm of youth and beauty, so radiant was she that " the King could scarce look her steadfastly in the face," yet these pleasing attractions hardly equalled her remarkable mental endowments ; while, by her amiability alone, she had won many hearts on her progress to the shores of England. The King bestowed great rewards on all who had accompanied her, from the Countess of Shrewsbury even to the master of the vessel J which brought her over from France, as we learn from Rymer's *' Foedera," in which are many minute and curious documents, signed by the King, one of which related to a safe conduct to certain Scotchmen, who, with their servants, desired to be present at the Queen's coronation. Another enumerates some New Year's gifts, bestowed by King Henry in the preceding year ; also the following description of the wedding ring : viz., ** A ring of gold garnished with a fair rubie some- tyme given unto us, by our Bel Oncle, the Cardinal of Englande, with the which we were sacred, on the day of our coronation at Parys, delivered unto Mat- * Porchester -was a seaport in Hampsliire of great note ; near it Ports- mouth now stands. — Drayton. t Holinshed ; Stow ; Carte ; Rapin ; Baudier ; Lingard ; English Chron. Camd. Soc. X This was Thomas Adam, who received from the King an annual pen- sion of 20 marks for life. — See Ajfj?cndix, p. 420. o «> CI G> uke s orders, tliey were arrested and cliarged with a conspiracy. King Henry having kept liis Christmas at Bury St Jifhnunds, remamed there until Easter, 1447. Upon the first day of the meeting of Parliament as appomted (the 10th of February), the King presided in person, sittuig m a chair of state in the refectory of the monastery. On tliis day the Duke of Gloucester armed at Buiy and was lodged in the hospital, where soon after he was arrested by Lord Beaumont, the High Constable of England, the Dukes of Buckin-jiam bomerset, and others, who appointed certain of the Kmg s household to attend upon him, none of his own domestics being peniiitted to wait upon him Thus was the Duke of Gloucester cast into prison upon a charge of high treason, and it was reported in excuse for his committal, that he had formed a desU to kill his sovereign, usuqi the throne, and rescue his Duchess, who had been a long time confined in Kenil- worth Castle. The people gave no credit to the first ot tliese charges, and gi-eat disturbances were made throughout the town on account of the Duke's im- pnsonment; but the clamours were soon appeased because it was generally believed that Gloucester was mnocent, therefore no one doubted that he would as easily dear himself upon this as he had done on the former occasion.-^ The Duke was not, however per- m.tted the opportunity for his defence, being found dead m his bed on the morning after his arrest.f kLv^ '' ^'^^' '• ^^^ = Carte ; W. of Worcester ; Bowel's Med Hi,t t^L'^^'.^T^- ^"'^^-^ Catalogue = Sandford ; Baker Hu:^^':t' lora Alien s York ; Henir : Barante : VUIaret ; Hmne. t Stow writes that '^on the Uth day he died, for sorrow, that he might The cause publicly assigned for the Duke's death was apoplexy ; but his unpopularity at court and with the Queen's party, and the violence which character- ized this period, seems to give a degree of probability to that which rests on tradition onli/, viz., that the Duke was murdered in an apartment of St. Saviour's Hospital, then an appendage to the monastery. Nor did the exposure of the Duke's body, on which no marks of violence were perceptible, serve to remove from the jiublic mind the impression, which was gene- ral, that the Duke of Gloucester had met vnth his death by unlawful means. Various conjectures were formed as to the manner in which this horrid deed had been perpetrated, and universal was the detestation with which those persons were regarded who were judged to have been its authors.** Such was the unfortunate end of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, one of the first i)rinces of the blood, and a great favourite with the people, who, for his love of literature and the rank he held as patron of the genius and talent of his age, was justly styled the " Mtecenas of his times." He was a magnificent patron and benefactor of the University of Oxford (where he had been educated), and founded the Bodleian Library, to which he presented one hundred and twenty-nine fair volumes on tlie sciences, in the year 1440. Gloucester was a skilful and upright governor ; ever disposed to favour the poor, and, therefore, much be- loved bv them. He was also ^' leanied and courteous," and if we cannot agree with the old chronicler, who not come to his answer ; " while other authors state that he died on the 1 4th or 1 7th day after his arrest, or assert that he was found dead on the 2:3rd or 28th of Februaiy. * HaU ; Baker ; Biondi ; Holinshed ; Stow ; Pol. Ver^ ; Sandf ord ; 3Iilles's Catalogne ; Carte ; W. of Worcester ; Fabian ; Paston Letters ; Hist, of Butt St. Edmonds ; Fox's 3Ionasteries ; Howel's Med. Hist. Ang, ; Speed ; Allen's York. 29S ALVHGARET OF ANJOU. adds that ^'he was also devoid of pride and ambition," we must at least allow him many excellent qualities, and confess it nnght be truly said of Iiim, that he was *• Virtute tluce nou sanguine nitor." ** Great by deeds of virtue, not of blood.'"* On account of his many virtues and the care he took of the commonwealth, Gloucester obtained from the people the title of the ''Good Duke," and for his love of justice he was also styled the " Father of his country." He had governed the kingdom during twenty-five years, as we are told, " with great comt mendations, so that neither good men had cause to complain of, nor bad men to find fault with, his re- gency." He had been idolized by the nation, and not without reason, for he had long shown a lively interest m the welfore of his country, and had, hi sup^ port of those points which he deemed essential to its honour, sustained repeated indignities and affronts. He had shown that he inherited the spirit of his family, a spmt which, in his brother Henry V. and the Duke of Bedford, had been generally esteemed and admired ; yet he differed fi'om these relatives in the irritability of his temper and his impetuosity, which doubtless caused his frequent quarrels with Beaufort, and gave that prelate a political ascendency over him It is probable that the Duke of Gloucester owed his fate to his active exertions to reform the Church, and to banish ecclesiasticcU statesmen from their inordinate share in the government. In these attempts he could not foil to humble his rival and to excite his enmity • add to which, we are told, that he had attempted to deprive Beaufort of the see of Winchester, which must cl ^^""^ ' ^T^ ^^^"^ ' ^^P^^ *' ^^^^ ' ^^^0^ Turner ; Lei^hs Collections ; Holinshed : Baker ; HaU ; Sandford. ° ISLVRGARET OF ANJOU. 299 have increased his rage against him. Upon this occa- sion, as on many others, fresh fuel w^as added to the flame of discord which burned between these two power- ful individuals ; and their petty feuds, (otherwise unworth}' of the notice of the historian,) become im- portant, as being the fruitful source whence sprang many of the contests and desolating wars of King Henry's reign. That the young King should have been early pre- judiced against his uncle is not surprising, being of so easy a temper that it required little address to win his favour; this Beaufort secured for himself, and em- ployed it against his adversary. The Duke of Glouces- ter, however, Iiad deserved better at his nephew's hands ; for he it was who, with more spirit than pru- dence, had resented King Henry's exclusion from the Cabinet, when, at the age of seventeen, he had re- quested admittance there ; and Henry's subsequent incapacity is mamly attributable to his arbitrary governors, and his exclusion from, and ignorance of, public affairs.* The body of the Duke of Gloucester was interred in i^^- the Abbey of St. Albans, to which he had been a ^"^i''"*. great benefactor. The Abbot Wethamstead, whom he much esteemed, says repeatedly that the Duke fell ill immediately after his arrest, and died of his illness. Wethamstead commends him in these two lines, — * ' Fidior in regno Regi, Duce non f uit isto ** Plus ne fide stabilis, aut major, amator honoris," *' Than Humiihrey none of faithfulness had greater store, ** Stoofion^fth^ titJeonthecrosshavebeenlongobliterated.-,SA>;r; Pol. TW !^^L^! Funereal Monn^uenU; B1.rc^.Morun„cntalPemains; Lin.aZ ' MABGAEET OF AXJOU. 301 high treason, and sentence of death passed upon them. Their judges were appointed by virtue of the King's commission, and of these the Marquis of Suffolk Avas the chief. -= The King granted a pardon to these unfortunate men. His humanity w^ould not allow them to suffer. This clemency on the part of King Henry, we are told, w^as caused by his attention to a sermon, which had much affected him, delivered by Dr. Worthington, a celebrated preacher, on the forgive- ness of injuries ; and his Majesty declared " that he could not better show his gratitude for the protection of the Almighty than by granting a pardon to those w^io, he believed, had intended his destruction." These persons were thirty-two in number w^hen appre- hended ; the five on whom sentence of death had been passed were drawn to Tyburn for execution. There the hangman had actually performed his office — the vital spark was almost extinguished — when the Mar- quis of Suffolk produced the tardy pardon upon which these miserable beings had relied, for it was suspected that they had been bribed to an acknowledgment of guilt upon a promise of certain pardon. This pardon was by some persons conjectured to be only an artifice by which Suffolk sought to lessen the odium which might attach to himself after the death of Gloucester. No investigation took place as to the cause of the sudden death of this Duke. It was asserted that he died a natural death, brought on by apoplexy, or the effect of anxiety of mind.| This opinion was held by three contemporary writers, who wxre all his friends and eulogists — Hardyng, the Yorkist ; William of Worcester, who in recording the meeting of Parlia- * Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandford ; Howel ; Stow ; Eapin ; Henry ; Hist, of Bury St. Edmonds ; Lingard ; Smollet. t Pol. Vergil ; Speed ; Carte : Villaret ; Hume. 302 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. ment cat Bury says only, " tliere died Humphrey, the Good Duke of Gloucester, tlie lover of virtue and the State;" lastly, Wethamstead, his intimate friend, tells us that, " after being placed in strict confinement, he sank from sorrow." The seeds of discontent had been long sown in this country, and the division of the chief rulers into two parties had much increased this growing evil, Avhile the Queen preserved a select favoured party around her court. Many, very many, had rallied round this idolized and deservedly esteemed prince ; and the sud- den bereavement of their favourite called forth their utmost indignation. They could not penetrate the apparent mystery, the cause of his death, and regarded it as a crime, a murder, and sought to attach it to his different enemies; and, casting off their respect for the rank of their Queen, they even dared openly to charge her with this outrage.* The death of Gloucester, from whatever cause, did not remove from him the imputation of treason; it was still pretended that he was guilty of the charges laid against him, and for which some of his servants had been led to execution. These persons had never been confronted with him, neither were they of the chief of the Duke's household ; nor were they such persons as he would probably have chosen to intrust witli a secret so important, had he really entertained any treasonable projects. Those individuals who were universally considered • as the authors of Gloucester's death, were o{ too high a rank in the kingdom for anyone to have courao-e enough to accuse them, much more to inflict the punishment which, it was believed, they had so justly deserved.! When, however, hatred and malice had * Holinshed ; Rapin t Biondi ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry. MARGARET OF ANJOU, 303 effected their direful purpose, when no human autho- rity could call the culprits to the bar of justice, the unerring will of the Almighty, whose omnipresent eye had regarded this secret deed, so disposed the chain of succeeding events, that this cruel murder became the source of continued trials and misfortunes throughout the lives of its authors. In whatever manner effected, Gloucester's death certainly was, as an old historian expresses it, " like the stroke of an evil angel sent to punish England, and to make way for the practices of Richard, Duke of York, who, immediately after the death of Duke Humphrey, (that grand prop of the red rose-tree,) began to set on foot his royal title.*'* The Duke of Gloucester most probably came by his death through the inveterate malice of his enemies, who had preconcerted the destruction of his power. These were the chief ministers of the Queen, the Car- dinal of Winchester, the Archbishop of York, the Duke of Buckingham, and the Marquis of Suffolk. These four individuals consequently became the par-^ ticular objects of popular hatred, and the impression made by this affair was never afterwards removed from the public mind. + The attempts of these ministers to deceive the nation w^ere fruitless and unworthy artifices. The arrest of the Duke's servants was a base subterfuge, which did not answer their purpose, (viz., to screen themselves from popular resentment) ; but it produced a contrary effect, in convincing the people by the favour shown to these unhappy men, that they were, as well as the Duke, altogether innocent of the charges laid against them. J * Sandford ; Holinshed ; Hall ; SmoIIet ; Peck's Stamford, t Speed ; Allen's York. t Villaret. 304 ILVEGAEET OF ANJ0I7. How for Queen Margaret of Anjoii was really impli- cated m this affair is left to conjecture.* No existin noble work „^h,,^^ MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. 317 In the chapel of Queen's College was a curious altar- piece, on three panels, representing " Judas betraying Christ," "The Resurrection," and *' Christ appearing to the Apostles after the Resurrection." These fine paint- ings, supposed to have been presented by the foundress, Margaret of Anjou, were afterwards removed to the president's lodge.* The distracted state of the public affairs, and the discontents of the people, first inspired Richard, Duke of York and Lord of Stamford, with the hope of one day being able to establish his right to the crown. He had of late risen in power and popularity, and was a prince of great valour and abilities ; he was also prudent in his conduct, and mild in his disposition. He was the only heir to the House of Mortimer, or March, and was descended, on his mother's side, from Lionel, the second son of Edward HL, and elder brother of John of Ghent, whose descendant was Henry VL, the monarch at this period occupying the throne. I When the truce with France had been prolonged, in 1445, the Duke of York had returned to England, after his regency there, and had been graciously received at court, and many acknowledgments made to him for his services. The King, to show in an especial manner his gratitude, appointed him again Regent of France for most gfenerona of the nobility to furnish large sums of money ; and amongst these we find the Duke of Clarence, Cicely Duchess of York, Marmaduke Lumley, and others, who became great benefactors to this college. Andrew Ducket, a worthy and discreet man, died on the Gth of J^'ovember, 1484. — Sandf&rd; Toplis; Henry; Rapin; Leland; Baher; Carter' i Cambridge ; Lysson's Cambridge; Parker^s Cambridge. * This college, with the general title of " Queen's College," bears her hereditary arms. In the president's lodge is still to be seen a portrait of Queen M argaret of Anjou, and near to ft that of her successor on the throne, Elizabeth Woodville. At the invitation of Bishop Fisher, Erasmus visited Cambridge many years later, and took up his residence in a tower of this college. t Sandford ; Baker ; Hume ; Rapin ; Biondi. 318 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. the ensuing five years. Before this period had expired, however, the Duke became an object of serious mis- trust to the Queen and her ministers, who, had they preserved the good opinion of the nation, or had the " Good Duke of Gloucester" been alive to maintain his rights, would not have had reason to fear these projects, as, in either case, it is highly improbable that the Duke of York would have ever asserted his claim.* The Duke did not at first openly assert his preten- sions ; it would have been dangerous to him to do so, while he was as yet ignorant of the dispositions of the people. He therefore proceeded with such caution that his intentions could not be discovered. He con- tented himself with making his right known to the people by secret agents. It was circulated that the House of Lancaster had usurped the throne, and that, although the usurpation had been tolerated whilst its kings were men of ability and virtue, and governed to the satisfaction of the nation ; yet, having now no longer that expectation in their present king, they were unwilling to maintain it for the sake of a queen, a foreigner, and one whose arbitrary government was so much to their disadvantage. That the House of March had been unjustly deprived of the succession, and that the Duke of York, as sole heir of that dis- tinguished house, ought to be acknowledged king, and advanced to a dignity to which his virtues, talents, and the services he had rendered his country, justly entitled him. By these secret intimations, the Duke soon obtained a party amongst the people ; but he did not himself appear, his friends only exerted their influence in his favour. In support of the present administration there were still many persons of great power and influence in the * Holinshed ; Speed ; Henry. ' MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 319 kingdom ; of these were the Earl of Northumberland, the Duke of Somerset and his brother, the Dukes of Exeter and Buckingham, the Earl of Shrewsbury, the Lords Stafford, Clifford, Dudley, Scales, Audley, and others.* The late reports had not passed unheeded by the Queen and her Council; and they were not slow in attributing them to their true author, who, if concealed from others, could not easily deceive such quick-sighted persons as those who were themselves so interested in making this discovery. These parties came at once to the resolution, if possible, to lessen the credit of the Duke of York. They were more desirous of doing this, as they suspected the Duke would, as Regent of France, obstruct the surrender of Maine and Anjou, promised to Charles of Anjou at the treaty of 1444.| The desired opportunity soon presented itself. The Duke of Somerset, whose family interests were ever opposed to those of York, had endeavoured to hinder the dispatch of this Duke on his first appoint- ment to the Regency of France. He became again so envious of the distinction of his rival, that he pre- vailed on the King to repeal the grant he had made to the Duke of York ; and, assisted by the Marquis of Suffolk, he obtained the same grant for himself This treatment was highly resented by the Duke of York, and gradually the mutual enmity of these two nobles led to their ruin, and also that of many others who became involved with them. The Duke of Somerset, who had upon his brother's death succeeded to the family title, was dismissed to France to take upon him the office of Regent in the place of York, who was thus removed previous to the expiration of the period for which it had been be- * Baker ; Holinshed ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Villaret. f Eapin. Mi 144S. Spee«.l : RapLn ; Paston Letters. 320 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. stowed upon him.* York resolved to be revenged, but for a time dissembled his resentment. The haughty disposition of Somerset gave him great offence also, and he became his determined enemy. We shall soon have occasion to observe how private pique, and the irritating sense of injustice, contributed to increase the general dissatisfaction of the nation. Discontent is a growing evil, which oft takes its rise from some trivial cause ; it needs the skilful hand of a physician to eradicate its earliest s}Tnptoms, or it will not fail to grow into an incurable disease. Queen Margaret knew not how to stem the torrent of dissatisfaction to which her conduct had given rise. She seemed, at this time, as if she braved the people by lavishing favours on the object of their aversion. She caused the King, who submitted entu-ely to her guidance, to create the ]\Iarquis of Suffolk a duke, and by this a new pretext was afforded to the enemies of Queen ilargaret to stir up the people against her. The King's weakness becoming daily more appa- rent, the nation seemed at this period to be wholly ruled by the Queen and Suffolk. The great power of this minister is thus set forth bv a wi-iter of that dav, who tells us, " There shall be no man so hardv to do, neither say, against my lord of Suffolk, nor none that longeth to him, and all that have done and said against him, they shall soon repent them."f It is doubtless an error in the ruler of a state to listen only to the nobility, or to those courtiers who immediately surround the throne. The voice of the people should never be totally disregarded ; and there are, at times, concessions necessarv to be made, even to the meanest subjects in the realm. • Sandf ord : Holinshed : Baker ; Stow ; Carte ; Speed ; Rapin ; Lin- gard : Barante : Villaret : Leland's Ireland. t Holinshed : Baker : Hall : Stow ; Speed ; PoL Vergil : Rapin ; Pas- ton Letters ; Villaret ; Allen's Tork. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 321 . Tlie honour lately confeiTed upon Suffolk was pro- bably not intended to offend the people, but solely as a compensation to the Duke for the complaints to which he had been subjected ; and possibly given to add weight to the King's declaration, and apparent con- viction, of the Duke's innocence. Surely it could not have been expected that the Queen would pass censure on the conduct of Suffolk in the affair of her mar- riage, or be offended with a treaty by which she became Queen of England ! This treaty, too, having been signed, and the conditions agreed to, would it be honourable not to fulfil them ? Doubtless the Queen and her minister reasoned thus; and we have seen that they were mfluenced by it to remove the Duke of York from his Regency, that he might not obstruct the surrender of Maine and Anjou. For this surrender, which appeared to them as an act of justice, they were severely blamed ; and the more so, because these territories, being given up to Charles of Anjou, the uncle of Queen Margaret, it seemed to be done to favour the interests of her family. TOL. L CHAPTER VI. {Lord Say.) '* Tell me wherein I have oflFended most ? " Have I affected wealth or honour, speak ? ' ' Are my chests fill'd with extorted gold ? *' Is my apparel smnptuous to behold ? '' Whom have I injur'd, that ye seek my death." — Shakespeare. ( Dul-e of Torlc. ) " T'was men I lack'd and you will give them me, " I take it kindly ; yet be well assured, ** You put sharp weapons in a madman's hands, *' Whiles I in Ireland nourish a mighty band, " "Twill stir up in England some black storm " Shall blow ten thoiisand souls to heaven or hell, " And this fell tempest shall not cease to rage *' Until the golden circuit on my head, ' ' Like to the glorious sun's transparent beams, ** Do calm the fury of this mad-bred flaw," — Shakespearh. The surrender of Maine and Anjou— Losses in France — Complaints of the English— The arrest of York prevented— An affray at Coyentry-RebeUion in Ireland— York is dismissed thither — Parliament meets — Suffolk accused of treason— His defence— He is sent to the Tower, and then banished the kingdom— His departure— His death— His character and enemies — The merits of the Duke of York— Reinforcements are sent to Somerset— Loss of Caen— The conduct of Sir David Hall— Somerset returns to England— Cade's rebellion and death. It had been stipulated at tlie treaty of Tours, that the counties of Maine and Anjou should be surrendered to the French ; but Le ilans was still garrisoned by the English, who, unwilling to quit so important a city, had repeatedly delayed the restitution ; at first, on account of the opposition made to this measure by the Duke of Gloucester, and afterwards, by the Duke of York. * King Charles demanded the ftill restitution which * Rapin : Barante ; Daniel : Yillaret. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 323 had been promised him; and, at length, grown im- patient of the delay, he dismissed Count Dunois with a powerful army, to lay siege to Le Mans. Upon this, King Henry commanded that the city should be given up ; but, at the same time, he declared that it was but during the time of the truce, and that he reserved to himself the right of sovereignty.* The surrender was 1448. accordingly made in the year 1448. Barant«; Ihe feebleness of the English ministry at this period, ^ume while it served to encourage the discontents of the people, inspired their enemies, the French, with hopes of recovering their kingdom. Although they had again prolonged the truce, it was but to prepare for a renewal of war on the part of France. An unexpected circumstance, however, put an end to the truce sooner than was anticipated by any of the parties. The town of Fougiers, in Brittany, was suddenly seized upon by an Arragonese, named Surienne, who had been many years in the service of the English, and who had been governor of Le iL^ns at the time of its surrender to King Charles. He had, at first, refused compliance with the orders for this surrender, either doubtini? their authority, or anxious to retain his government as his only fortune ; but, upon being compelled to yield it to the French, under Count Dunois, he withdrew with his troops, amounting to 2,500 men,| into Normandy, expecting to be quartered in some other towTi by the Duke of Somerset, who was Governor of Noimandv. In this he failed, for Somerset refused to receive him, not being able to provide for his numerous followers, and displeased at his late disobedience. Surienne, upon this, committed many ravages in Brittany, took the town of Fougiers, and supported his troops by his depredations. * Holinshed : Barante : Hume : Carte ; Villaret : Rapin : Monstrelet. t Xoastrelet says Surienne had only 700 men. Y 2 324 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. The Duke of Brittany laid his complaints before King Charles, and this monai'ch required from Somerset compensation for these injuries. It was in vain that the latter represented that these depredations were committed without his privity, and that he had no power to restrain these adventurers ; equally vain was liis promise of affording satisfaction to the Duke of Brittany. The King of France rendered an accommo- dation impossible. He insisted on the recall of the plunderers, and that reparation should be made for the dimiages, which he caused to be estimated at the exorbitant sum of 1,600,000 crowns. This monai'ch liad been occupied during the tnice in establishing discipline in his army, in suppressing faction, repairing his linances, and promoting order and justice in his kingdom. ^ Thinking this a fit opportunity for the renewal of the war, and conscious of his own superiority over the English, he dismissed two ambassadors ta England to demand satisfaction for tlie insult offered to the Duke of Brittany ; and should he even obtain this reparation, the King was prepared with another pretext to occasion a rupture with England. His ally, the King of Scots, had been engaged in a conflict with, the EngHsh, who were charged by King Charles with ha^-ing broken the truce with that monarch ; but King James had not sought an advocate in his quarrel, and it was only because the French King had resolved oa war that he made use of these pretexts.* In England nothing but discord prevailed; the court was di^'ided into factions, ever contending against each other, and exhibitmg their mutual animosity; the people, displeased with their government, were full of complaints. In the midst of these dissensions the conquests in France were no longer attended to. * Holinslied : H»U : Barante : Baker : Monfaacon : Hmne : PoL Tergil; Speed; YQlarei ; Kidpath. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 325 The Queen and her counsellors did not even seem to think of presernng the acquisitions of Henry V. The truces with France and Scotland had both been broken through, and there was much pillaging on the MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 329 one was seeking his private revenge, instead of uniting to resist their foreign enemies. Whilst there seemed to prevail a kind of stupor in the English Cabinet, and no attention was paid to the earnest entreaties of Somerset, and others, for supplies for the war, the whole realm was torn and distracted by contentions. The misrule of the Queen and her mhiisters, the pride and hatred amongst the nobility, and the com- plaints of the people, all these were sufficient, even more than sufficient, to paralyse any political power or healthy action. It was the early manifestation of a morbid condition which preceded the terrific scenes of the civil war which speedily followed. The Queen's inactivity about this time made it almost appear that she was' in league with her husband's enemies ; but it is evident that the English were totally unprepared for w^ar, and, therefore, that Surienne acted independently in taking Fougiers; yet, if the English were unable to continue the war, and could not furnish the means for preserving their acquisitions in France, some effectual step ought to have been taken to establish peace.* The conduct of the Enghsh ministers was faulty in the extreme ; they suffered King Charles to amuse them with fruitless negotiations while he prepared for war ; and, on their own part, they neither contrived to observe the truce, by making restitution to the Duke of Brittany, nor did they take any measures for de- fence. Inexcusable as were these faults of the minis- ters, yet an accommodation with France would have proved impossible, since King Charles was bent on war, taking advantage of the dissensions in England. These dissensions were rather aggravated than allayed * Holinshed ; Hume ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; Villaret. 330 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. by King Henry and his Queen, the former not heeding them, and the latter being influenced by bad count sellors. While the ministers were selected rather to favour the mterests of the Queen, and to be subservient to her views and those of Suffolk, persons without talent and mcompetent to rule the state were appointed, and others who had courage to oppose this party, (often men of merit and ability,) were dismissed from favour and excluded from any share in the administration. The people even complained that persons devoid of religion and without principle were chosen, in order that there might be fewer scruples in the way of any measure proposed by this party. ^ The Queen's government, as well as her choice of improper ministers, caused bitter complaints ; and the people, impatient at the evident neglect of foreign affairs, became angry against the Duke of Suff"ofk, who, they said, had, by the surrender of Maine, been the cause of the losses in Normandy. They accused him of the murder of the Duke of Gloucester, whose memory was still cherished by the nation, and this served to throw a greater odium on all who were suspected of his death. ^ Sufiblk was likewise considered to have wasted the King's treasure, and to have removed from the royal presence his good and virtuous counsellors, and to have substituted persons of doubtful character' and enemies of the country. They even asserted that he had assisted in the removal of Gloucester, in order that this prmce might not, with his wonted spirit and activity penetrate or obstruct his designs.* ' The Queen, too, became very obnoxious to the people ; for, at this time, looking on Suff^olk as the author of her power, she seemed to adopt his passions ^•^HoUnshed; Sandford ; Pol. Vergil ; AUen's York ; Eapin ; Baker; MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 331 as her own ; and, using her authority over the King, she found means to load the Duke with favours, follow- ing his advice in all things, and appearmg to treat him as her confidant.* This conduct was very unwise on the part of Queen Margaret, and highly prejudicial to her. It could only have been occasioned by her youth and inexperi- ence. Yet the consequent imputations cast upon the Duke of Suffolk and Queen Margaret were not only untrue, but absurd and ridiculous, as may be believed when we consider the family of Suffolk, his character in private Hfe, and his great age. Suffolk had attained his fiftieth year before the death of his great patron and friend, the Cardinal of Winchester, who had, as well as the Queen, shown him especial favour, yet exhibiting it towards him with the most judicious care. The aspersions cast upon herself and Suffolk w^re not unnoticed by the Queen, who began to fear they tended to the destruction of the Duke, and perhaps might even be fatal to herself. It is said that Queen Margaret adjourned the Parliament, assembled at that time at Blackfriars, to Leicester, and again from thence to Westminster.! Many private dissensions originated at this period of our history ; and some of them still remain involved in mystery. Amongst them may be named the enmity between Lord Bonville and the Earl of Devon. In 1449 the latter nobleman was engaged in besieging Lord Bonville in his castle of Taunton, which caused a great disturbance throughout the West of England. Assistance was most unexpectedly rendered to the besieged by Richard, Duke of York, Lord Molines, William Herbert, and others; and we are informed that Bonville delivered himself up to the Duke of York. The origin of this quarrel does not appear, but i f 1449. Carte. t Baker. 1449. 1449. 332 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. Lord Bonville from this period espoused the interests of the House of York ; and even at this time Richard aimed at the crown.* There were many changes also in the higli offices of the kingdom. In tliis year the Bishop of Lincohi died ; and, through the intercession of Suffolk, this bishopric was given to Marmaduke Lumley, Bishop of Carlisle, f John, Lord Beauchamp was made Treasurer, and Lord Cromwell, Chamberlain. Somewhat later the former was driven from office, and John Tiptoff, Earl of Worcester, was made Treasurer in his place; and, although Cromwell continued to be Chamberlain, we are told that the kingdom was ruled by the party of Somerset. This Duke was, indeed, sharing the royal favour. He was made Captain of Calais by King Henry, upon the occasion of the celebration of the festival of Christmas, held by this monarch at Greenwich in 1449.t During the preceding summer a marriage had taken place, which had proved the unhappy source of con- tention. Thomas Neville, the son of the Earl of Salis- bury, was united to the granddaughter J of Lord Cromwell, at Tattersalls, in Lincolnshire ; and in re- turning from these nuptials a quarrel arose between the bridegroom and Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont, near York ; which, adds the historian, " gave rise to the greatest trouble in England." § This, and many other dissensions, like the gathering clouds in the dis- tance, were portentous of the approaching political storms of this realm. Amidst the confusion which prevailed at this period, ajawyer's^ apprentice, named Brystall, moved that the King, having no heir to give security to his title, an heir apparent should be elected ; and he proposed 'the * Toulmin's Taunton ; Lingard. t Or niece, as others say. t W. of Worcester. § Lingard. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 333 Duke of York. But for this offence Brystall w^as afterwards committed to the Tower.* The Duke of York, at this time, first began to afford Queen Margaret cause for serious inquietude. At a meeting between this nobleman and the Kmg he made some demands on the royal favour, to which, if this monarch was, by his meek and yield- ing temper, disposed to listen, we are informed that Queen Margaret was decidedly opposed ; and the Duke departed in satisfaction with his sovereign, but not in the same '' good conceit" with his royal mistress. It w^as, indeed, rumoured that if the Duke of Bucking- ham had not, by his interference, prevented it, the Duke of York would have been arrested. The part wdiich Buckingham took on this occasion was caused by the offence he had taken at the sudden dismissal of his two brothers from their offices of Chancellor and Treasurer, for this Duke usually sided with the Queen.f He was also the friend of Somerset, whose part he took during an affray at Coventry, in which two or three townsmen were killed and the alarm-bell rung, when a general insurrection took place, to the annoyance of the nobility; and *' all this arose from the general hatred of the Duke of Somerset." j: The aversion was even more general against the Duke of Suffolk, who upon one occasion (in 1449) was, with Lord Cromwell and others, in the Star Chamber, when William Taylboys, with a numerous party of his attendants — who were all secretly armed — surrounded the door of Westminster Hall and the Star Chamber, as Cromwell asserted, with intent to kill him. This was denied by Taylboys, and Suffolk admitted his ex- cuses ; yet the Council committed him to the Tower. 1449. * W. of Worcester. f Paston Letters : W. of Worcester. j Lingard ; Paston Letters. 334 MAEGAHET OF ANJOTJ. 1449. Stow, Lord Cromwell afterwards obtained a verdict against him ; and, although it was against the w^ish of Suffolk, Taylboys was thro^vn into prison. Lord Cromwell also caused Suffolk to be called to account by the Commons for his disloyalty. On the 6th of November in this vear John, Viscount Beaumont was made Lord Chamberlain of England ; Henry de Bromefield was created Lord Vesey; and William Bonville was created Lord Bonville. " Wil- liam Beauchamp was also created Lord St. Amaraud, and Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont. John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, dying in this year, he was succeeded by John Kemp, Cardinal of York.* A rebellion in Ireland at this time added to the troubles in which the English Court was involved; but it afforded Queen ]\Lirgaret an opportunity of dis- missing the Duke of York from her presence, who had made himself particularly obnoxious to her by the rumours lately circulated respecting his pretensions to the crown. He was created Lord Lieutenant of Ire- land, and dismissed to quell the insurrection, for which office, it was pretended, no one else was so well quali- fied. Only a few troops were, however, furnished him ; and it is said that his enemies hoped he would, by a failure in this enterprise, forfeit his reputation with the people, or, that the chance of war would for ever remove this object of their mistnist.f The Duke was keen enough to penetrate their de- signs ; but he was so skilfiil that, by his condescension and miliiness, he gained the good opinion of the Irish ; and it must m justice to the Duke, be said, that the Acts he passed during his administration were vers' credit- able to his memory. He brought them backto their * W. of Worcester : Stoir : Paston Letters : CoUinson's Somersetshire ; LysBon's Mag^. Brit, t Baker . Stow : Eapin : Burdy's Ireland. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 335 duty ; and, without having recourse to arms, he accom- modated their differences : nay, he did more than this, for he so won their affections that they ever afterwards remained faithful to his interests, and those of his family, even in their greatest troubles.* It was thus the Duke of York became all-powerful amongst this people ; add to which, his vast possessions in Ireland increased his importance. He was Earl of Ulster and Cork, Lord of Connaught, Clare, Trim, and Meath, including at least a third of the kingdom in his inheritance. In accepting the office of Lord Lieutenant of Ire- land, the Duke had taken care that it should be attended with all the honours and power which his most distinguished predecessors had enjoyed. He had stipulated to hold his government for ten years ; to receive the whole revenue of Ireland %vithout account ; with a pension annually of two thousand marks, and the same sum in advance. He was also empowered to let the King's lands, to dispose of all offices, to levy all such forces as he might consider necessary, to name his own Deputy, and to return to England at his pleasure.! Two rival powers at this time contended for supre- macy amongst the Irish, at the head of which were the Earls of Desmond and Ormond. Of these it may be observed, that the former was a powerful leader, although his authority had been acquired by a kind of usurpation of the rights of his nephew. The Earl of Ormond, strugghng amidst many diffi- culties and troubles, had been twice unjustly accused to Henry VI., whose lenity and kindness to this noble- man seems to have originated the lasting attachment * Stow : Speed : Leland's Ireland : Moore's Ireland ; Lingazd ; Burdy'a Ireland : Rapin : Hmne : Ellis's Orig. Letters, t Leland's Ireland. 336 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. of tlie family of Butlers to the House of Lancaster.* Tlie leaders of tlie two opposing factions were chosen by the Duke of York, upon the birth of his son, George, Duke of Clarence, in the Castle of Dublin, to be the sponsors for the child; which incident had its full effect on Desmond, who became confirmed in his ad- herence to the House of York ; and by the use Avhich the Duke of York made of his power, he enabled his party, in the subsequent contests with the Lancas- trians, to draw forces from Ireland to maintain their cause. It is also said that the zeal of the Irish was much augmented by the flattery of the Duke whenever called upon to support his cause in the subsequent wars. The use of the English bow was much encouraged by the Duke in Ireland, and it was enacted that every one holding lands or possessions to the value of 20/. should entertain an archer, arrayed and horsed after the English manner. This provision, though appa- rently designed for the Irish, was really intended to maintain the Duke's cause in England, whenever he should openly assert his claims to the Crown.* Durins: the absence of Duke Richard in Ireland the dissensions at home continued, and no attempt was made to accommodate them. Three predominant evils still harassed the countr}% and seemed to threaten its ruin. First, the misgovernment of the Queen and her ministers ; secondly, the pride and evil passions, espe- cially covetousness, of the lords spiritual and temporal ; and lastly, the discontents of the people, occasioned by the said misgovernment. There were many changes in the rulers, and frequent commotions throughout England, which could scarcely be allayed ; the aristo- cracy, growing more and more powerful, contended against each other, and while yielding to their hatred * Leland's Ireland. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 337 1450. and private animosities, the national welfare was for- gotten. ^ To add to the murmurings of the people at this time, a considerable tax was laid upon the citizens of London. The Bishop of Chichester, possibly discerning the coming disasters, resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and retired to Portsmouth, where, on the 9th of January, 1450, he was cruelly murdered by some sailors, said lu to have been hired for that purpose by Richard, Duke ^^''^■ of York. Indeed the Duke's guilt was so apparent, that King Henry, two yeai:s afterwards, in his reply to the Duke of York's letter of complaint, con- fidently alluded to it. It has been suggested by some writers, that the Duke's hatred to all who were either wise or valiant enough to uphold King Henry, prompted him to this despicable action, and the sincerity of the Bishop could not fail to be a crime in the eyes of York. This was but one of many perfi- dious acts done by the adherents or accomplices of Richard, while he remained in Ireland. The people generally, however, appear to have taken part in this cruel deed, since they cried out that the Bishop was " a traitor to the King and Queen, and one of the " barterers of Normandjj." Adam Mole^Tis, Bishop of Chichester, who was of the baronial family of MolejTis, was also Dean of SaKsbury. The old chroniclers call him " a wise and '* stout man.'' He was one of the ambassadors who conjointly ^vith Sir Robert Roos and others, had agreed for the cession of Maine and Anjou.'^ In the same year, though somewhat later, the great power of Richard, Duke of York, was again made * Adam Moleyns was succeeded by Sir Eeginald Peacock in the bishopric of Chichester.— ^£//p.. Sj?eed; Carte; IV. of Worcester; Toulmin; HoweVi Med. Hitt. Ang, TOL. L 1450. Stow. 338 MAEGARET OF ANJOTJ. apparent. In the city of Gloucester he took Reginald, Abbot of St. Peter's, and sent him, with others, to the castle of Gloucester. This act was immediately on the Duke's return from Ireland.* 1450. The annals of this year were filled with tragical events, which exhibited the ferocious spirit of the times, and seemed to be precursors of the coming national calamities. One dark and mysterious page relates the cruel destruction of William Ascough, Bishop of Salisbury. He was descended from an ancient family, seated at Kelsey, in Lincolnshire. On the 26th of July, 1438,^ he had been consecrated to the above see, in the chapel of Windsor, and soon after appointed the King's confessor ; this being the first instance of a bishop fulfilling this office. Having occupied this see nearly twelve years, he had become obnoxious to the Commons of Leicester, who pointed him out as an object of public resent- ment, and when the rebel Jack Cade and his followers came to Edginton, in Lincolnshire, where the Bishop then was, some of this prelate's own tenants joined the rebels, and falling upon his carriages, plundered them, carrvinf): off no less than 10,000 marks in money. Tliey assaulted the Bisliop himself on the followhig day, the 29th of June, 1450, even whilst officiating at the altar in his vestments ; and dragging him away to a neighbouring hill, they barbarously murdered him. While kneeling down and offering his last prayer, one of the party clove his skull with a bill ; then tearing his bloody shirt in pieces, to he pre- served in memory of the action, they left his body naked on the spot.f • stow ; Fosbroke's Gloucestershire. t stow ; Fabiaa Speed ; W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Lingard ; Fuller's Worthies. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 339 Dr Fuller, in speaking of this tragedv, gives this distich : — " By people's fury mitre thns cast down " We pray henceforward God preserve the crown." The motive for this cruel treatment is not at first apparent. Bishop Godwin cannot account for it ; but Dr. Fuller imagines it was because the Bishop of Salis- bury was "learned, pious, and rich," three capital crimes in a clergyman ; and the last of these suffi- ciently accounted for the liorrid tragedy, it being very probable, that, having robbed the good Bishop, they afterwards murdered him to secure his riches. When we again consider the tearing of the hloodij shirt to pieces, to be borne away as a trophy of the act. It does not appear that it was avarice which actuated the murderers. The circumstance of the Bishop's own tenants having joined in the attack would seem to show that he was, though perhaps unjustly, held to be a haughty or cruel master.* Amidst the general dissatisfaction, wliich extended J Itself even to the members of the Council, Parliament met to arrange the affairs of France, and to devise some means for the recovery of their losses. Tlie Queen perceived the necessity of their assistance to prosecute the war in France, lest they should be compelled to withdraw from that kingdom, and thus afford fresh cause for displeasure to the nation. The divisions in the Cabinet suggested to the mind of Queen Margaret that she might obtain her object with more facility by the removal of the Parliament to Leicester, where she hoped to find herself more popular than in London; but her design was so earnestly opposed by the Lords, that she was compelled to abandon it, and the meeting was held at West- IWO. >in. * FuUer's Worthies ; Biograph. Britannica. z 2 340 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1 450. Jlolinshetl Hume. minster. The Lords assembled there were very nu- merous, and it seems they had apprehended some secret plot, similar to that which had led to the fate of the Duke of Gloucester.* At this meeting of Parliament the Duke of Suffolk was accused of high treason. The articles of im- peachment were numerous, of which the chief were the following : — 1st. His having treated with the French ambas- sadors, to persuade King Charles to invade England, with a view to placing his own son, John, on the throne, whom he proposed to marry to Margaret, the daughter of John, Duke of Somerset, and who, it was pretended by him, was next lawful heir to the crown. 2ndly. That he had been bribed by the French to release the Duke of Orleans. 3rdlv. That he had advised the said Duke of Orleans, before his departure from England, to per- suade the King of France to make war in Normandy, by w^hich advice the English had lost that province. 4thly. That he had agreed at the treaty of Tours for the surrender of Maine and Anjou, including the city of Mans, to the King of Sicily and his brother, Charles of Anjou, without the consent of his asso- ciates in this embassy ; and that, upon his return to England, he prevailed upon the King and the Council to perform his engagement, to their great loss and disadvantage. 5thlv. That he had traitorously made known to the French, while abroad, the weakness of the Enghsh garrisons in their kingdom, which information induced them to assault them. 6thly. That he had betrayed the secrets of the English Cabinet to their enemies. * Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Stow ; Eapin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 341 7thly. That he prevented the conclusion of peace, by betraying the purposes and instructions of the ambassadors sent to treat with France. 8thly. That he had boasted before some lords, that his influence and credit at the French court was as great as in England. 9thly. That he had, in compliance with the views of King Charles, by whom he had been bribed, detained the forces prepared to oppose their enemies. lOthly. That he had omitted in the treaty for the truce the names of the King of Arragon and the Duke of Brittany (both comprised on the part of France), by which neglect the kingdom was deprived of both these allies.* ^ The Duke of Suffolk came forward boldly to assert his innocence ; and in answer to these charges he gave a formal denial to the greater part of them, while he replied to others by producing the written commands of the King. It was not in vain that the Duke had taken the precaution to provide himself with this in- strument. Suffolk cleared himself before the Council of all these charges, except the last, which concerned the King of Arragon and the Duke of Brittany, which he still left a mystery ; yet the popular rage could not be appeased. The Commons sent up to the Lords, a month later, a new impeachment, charging Suffolk w^ith im- provident waste of the public money, and of advising the King to impoverish himself bv needless gi'ants; of bestowing public offices on disloyal persons, and of screening from justice a notorious outlaw, named William Taylboys. In neither of these impeach- ments was any mention made of the death of Glou- cester, which, by some, has been considered as a * Holinshed ; HaU ; Stow ; Speed ; Fabian ; W. of Worcester : Bapin ; Allen's York ; Hume ; ViUaret. 342 MAEGAEET OF ANJOXJ. proof that there was no evidence of his having been murdered. In the House of Lords the Duke of Suffolk arose and complained of the clamours raised against him. He insisted on his innocence, and expressed his concern that, after having served his country during thirty-four campaigns, seventeen of which he had passed abroad without seeing his native land ; after having suffered in its cause an imprisonment, from which he had only been released by paying a large ransom ; having lost his father and three brothers in the cause of the Crown, that he should be suspected of yielding to bribery, and of betraying his sovereign, who had liberally rewarded him with the richest of gifts, and highest honours in his power to bestow.* This speech, however, failed to calm the resentment of the Duke's enemies, who were rather provoked by it to insist on the truth of their charges; yet these accusations were absurd and ill- founded, and adopted, rather upon the clamours of the people, than out of regard to justice and truth, f It may be observed that greater skill and prudence were required for the defence of the English posses- sions in France, in the present position of affairs, than formerly had been necessary for Henry V. to acquire them ; but this the people of England did not compre- hend ; and although they had granted very willingly the necessary supplies for the war, they complained bitterly of the loss of their acquisitions. It was not probable that a minister so high in the esteem of his sovereign, could abandon his foreign conquests, and invite the enemy, to assert his personal rights at home. The surrender of Maine might deserve to be censured, but Suffolk maintained that some of the Council had * Eot. Paxl. ; Speed ; Lingard ; Allen's York ; Rapin ; Hume ; Villa- ret ; Monstrelet. f Howel ; Hume ; Allen's York. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 343 given their consent to it; and that, as the English could not garrison all their fortresses abroad, it was proposed to contract their forces, and thus to make them more formidable. The subsequent loss of Nor- mandy ought not to have been ascribed to this sur- render, as it was already open to invasion.* There would be Httle credibility in the idea of a person of the rank and character of Suffolk endeavouring to obtain the crown for his son; to effect which, he would have to call in the arms of the French to depose his own sovereign, whose right had been hitherto uncon- troverted, and whose mild and inoffensive manners had made him beloved by his subjects. Queen Margaret, also, was far too active and penetrating to suffer such a purpose to escape her observation. Had she discovered it, there is no doubt that she would have withdrawn her favour from such an aspiring person, even if she had not resented it by inflicting some severe punishment ; but the Queen remained the patroness of the Duke, and sought to screen him from the rage of the people.f It was also proved by the Duke of Suffolk before the peers, that Margaret of Somerset, to whom, it was said, he proposed to marry his son, had no title to the Crown ; and he also appealed to some of those who were present, and who were acquainted with his inten- tion of uniting his son to one of the co-heirs of the Earl of Warwick, had he not been disappointed in doing so by the death of that lady. The losses in France were accounted for by the negligence of the English ministers, and the people's discontent, which caused the foreign affairs to be forgotten, or but ill attended to, while King Charles was improving his states and preparing for war. To appease the Commons, the Queen caused the Duke of Suffolk to be sent to the Tower ; and thinking • Hume ; Croyland Cont. f W. of Worcester. 1450. Paston Letters. I if «' 344 MAEGAKET OF ANJOU. that this would satisfy them, she soon afterwards ordered him to be released, when he was received into his former favour at court. It appears, however, that from this time Suffolk, dreading the popular resent- ment, usually went out with a guard to protect him. The news of the Duke's liberation gave occasion for a sedition in Kent ; but this was soon appeased. ■^^* The Queen, in April this year, procured an adjourn- ment of the Parliament to Leicester, fearing that the enemies of Suffolk would persist in impeaching him. At this meeting the Duke appeared, in attendance on the King and Queen, in quality of Prime Minister, which gave great offence to the Commons, as it seemed to be done in contempt of them ; nor were they slow in resenting this conduct. They came for- ward in a body to petition the King to punish all those persons who had been instrumental in the sur- render of Normandy, and they accused the Duke of Suffolk, John, Bishop of Salisbury, Lord Say, and others. As there appeared no other means of quieting the people, the King removed Lord Say, (Treasurer of En!2:land,) from office, and also the other adherents of Suffolk. The Duke was, meanwhile, reserved for a severer fate. His ruin seemed to be determined by the Com- mons, and there was no alternative but to punish him, or to engage in an open quarrel with that House ; the Queen, therefore, judging that any sentence passed at such a moment must, necessarily, be a severe one, endeavoured to save the Duke from some part of the punishment which might, probably, be intended for him, by preventing a formal sentence. The King assembled his Lords in his own apartment, and caused the Duke to appear before them, when he • Holinshed ; Baker : Biondi ; Hall ; Stow ; Speed ; Paston Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ; W. of Worcester ; Baudier ; ViUaret. MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 345 1450. Rapin: demanded of him what he could urge in his defence. The Duke of Suffolk denied the charge, but threw him- self on the mercy of the King, upon which King Henry passed upon him sentence of banishment for the period of five years.* During the trial of Suffolk, the people were in a state of great agitation ; and when the sentence was iS^ ; made known to them, they openly threatened the life ^''^^' of the Duke, and a party of 2,000 men even attempted to intercept him in his way from prison ; but they only succeeded in seizing his horse, and ill-treating his ser- vants, and the Duke proceeded to his estates in Suffolk. f Finding that his banishment was his only means of safety from the rage of the populace, the Duke of Suffolk hastened to embark.^ When about to depart his country, he assembled all the knights and esquires of his neighbourhood, and took oath on the sacrament, in their presence, that he was not guilty of the crimes of which he had been accused. He also wrote an eloquent and affectionate letter to his son ; and we are assured by one of our historians, that " whoever has read this affecting com- position will find it difficult to persuade himself that the writer could have been either a false subject or a bad man.":|: Judging from historic facts only^ it still appears that Suffolk had been in some way implicated in Gloucester's removal from court, if not in his death, § probably being influenced by the Cardinal of Winchester. He might have been ensnared into some measures which his heart and conscience did not approve, for the epistle of this nobleman to his son bears evident marks of a penitent mind, and of an 'il 111 { * Sandford ; Paston Letters ; Howel ; Stow ; Speed ; Rapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Allen's York ; Baudier ; Villaret. f Lingard ; Hall ; W. of Worcester. J Rapin ; Henry ; Allen's York. § Lingard ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester 346 -IIAEGAEET OF ANJOU. J anxious desire to preserve his son from the con- sequences of such evil counsels and designs as he had himself fallen under. The letter is as follows : — " My dear and only well-beloved Son, — I beseech " our Lord in Heaven, the Maker of all the world, to " bless you, and to send you ever grace to love Him, " and to dread Him ; to the which, as far as a father " may charge his child, I both charge you and pray " you to set all your spirits and wits to do and to know " His holy laws and commandments, by the which ye " shall, with His great mercy, pass all the great *' tempests and troubles of this WTetched world." " And that also, weetingly, ye do nothing for love " nor dread of any earthly creature that should dis- " please Him. And there as {whenever) any frailty " maketh you to fall, beseech His mercy soon to call you " to Him again with repentance, satisfaction, and contri- " tion of your heart, never more in will to offend him." " Secondly, next Him, above all earthly things, to be " true liegeman in heart, in will, in thought, in deed " unto the King, our aldermost [greatest) high and " dread sovereign lord, to whom both ye and I be '' so much bound to; charging you, as father can and " may, rather to die than to be the contrary, or to *' know anything that were against the welfare or pro- " sperity of his most royal person : but that, as far as " your body and life may stretch, ye Hve and die to *' defend it, and to let His Highness have knowled^-e '' thereof in all the haste you can." " Thirdly, in the same wise I charge you, my dear " son, alway as ye be bounden by the commandment '' of God to do, to love, to worship your Lady and " Mother ; and also that ye obey alway her command- '' ments, and to believe her counsels and advices in all " your works, the which dread not but shall be best "' and truest to you." MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 347 u u (( (( U u u (( u a a u ** And if any other body would steer you to the con- trary to flee the counsel in any wise, for ye shall find it nought and evil." " Furthermore, as far as father may and can, I charge you in any wise to flee the company and counsel of proud men, of covetous men, and of flattering men, the more especially and mightily to withstand them, and not to draw nor to meddle with them, with all your might and power ; and to draw to you, and to your company, good and virtuous men, and such as be of good conversation and of truth, and by them shall ye never be deceived nor repent ye of " " Moreover, never follow your own wit in no wise, but m all your works, of such folks as I write of above, ask your advice and counsel, and doing thus, with the mercy of God, ye shall do right well, and live in right much worship, and great heart's rest and ease." " And I v/ill be to you as good Lord and Father as my heart can think." " And last of all, as heartily and as lovingly as ever father blessed his child in earth, I give you the bless- ing of our Lord and of me, which, of His infinite mercy, increase you in all virtue and good living ; and that your blood may, by his grace, from kindred to kindred multiply in this earth to His service in such wise, as after the departing from this wretched world here, ye and they may glorify him eternally amongst his angels in heaven," *' Written of mine hand, " The day of my departing from this land," " Your true and loving father," " April, 1450, *' Suffolk." * '' 28 Henry VL" • Paston Letters. 348 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. i 1450. • i The Duke of Suifolk had so incurred the hatred of the English nation that he was regarded with equal detestation by all ranks in the kingdom. The nobility were envious of his exaltation to the premiership, and of the great favour shown him at court, and they could not bear to behold the preference given to one of infe- rior birth to themselves, and who was but the descen- dant of a merchant. His immense acquisitions also excited their envy, and as they took from the Crown (already reduced to the most shameful poverty), they appeared, even to the indifferent, to be highly cen- surable. The people, already exasperated at the Duke's supposed share in procuring the death of Gloucester, complained of his arbitrary measures, and of the injus- tice of his conduct. It may, however, be observed, that Suffolk and his associates in the ministry were compelled to adopt some measures which, in the eyes of the vulgar, might appear unnecessary, owing to the impoverished state of the revenues of the Crown, and their load of debt, amounting to £372,000, which could not be discharged; and the purveyors of the King, for the support of his household, were even compelled to become exorbitant upon the people, and to extend theii' demands to the utmost of their pre- rogative.* The Duke of Suffolk sailed from Ipswich with two small vessels and a little spinner. This last the Duke sent forward with letters, by some of his most faithful servants, towards Calais, to ascertain how he might be received there; but danger awaited him even in his flight from his native land. His enemies, perceiving that he still possessed the Queen's confidence, and that the irregular proceedings were intended for his preser- vation—judging, also, that it was probable he would, on the first opportunity, be restored to his former * Hume. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 349 dignities and favour at court — engaged the captain of a vessel of war to waylay him on his passage to France.* This vessel, carrying 150 men, had other ships in company, and its master having met the little spinner on its way, learnt of the coming of the Duke. The ships of Suffolk were captured, and the Duke himself ordered on board the Nicholas of the Tower, one of the largest vessels in the navy, belonging to the Duke of Exeter, Constable of the Tower. Suffolk inquired the name of the ship ; and on hear- ing it, he remembered the words of Stacy, who had foretold of him, that " if he might escape the danger of the Tower he should be safe;" and his heart failed him, believing himself deceived. When the Duke of Suffolk entered this vessel, he was received with the awful salutation of ** Welcome, traitor ! " He remained two nights on board, during which time he wrote a letter to the King, had much converse with his confessor, and was compelled to submit to a mock trial before the sailors, who passed sentence of death upon him. He was, upon the second morning, let down into a small boat alongside the vessel, which was furnished with a block, a rusty sword, and an executioner, who, after requiring him to die like a knight, at the sixth blow struck off his head. The sailors next seized his gown of russet and his doublet of velvet mailed, and the body, thus stripped, was laid upon the sands near Dover, and his head, fixed upon a pole, was set by it. The hatred of the murderers of this nobleman was only dii'ected against him personally, and did not extend to his followers, who were permitted to disembark unhurt. The atten- dants of the Duke, placing themselves by the remains of their master, offered up their prayers. Then the k\ * Holinshed ; Hall : Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabian : Speed ; Allen's York ; Lingard ; Henry. 350 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. I s Sheriff of Kent watched the body while he dismissed the Under-Sheriff to the judges, and then to the King, for some commands respecting it. The Duke's remains were afterwards delivered to his widow, and buried in the collegiate church of Wingfield, in Suffolk.* Thus perished one of Queen Margaret's first friends in England; yet he had occasioned her many misfor- tunes. There was no inquiry made after the perpetrators of this illegal act. The death of Suffolk was regarded by some persons as a just punishment from God for procuring the murder of Gloucester. His guilt, how- ever, in this affair has not been proved; and if this accusation was unjust, still there can be little doubt that he caused many evils to his country, and to his ill conduct must be attributed the repeated losses in France. He had nevertheless previously distinguished himself for twenty-four years at the head of the English armies in France, had gained many signal victories, and, on the death of the Earl of Salisbury at the siege of Orleans, the chief com- mand devolved on Suffolk, and he vigorously continued the siege. When the English were defeated before Orleans, and subsequently, when many disasters befel them, Suffolk exhibited much bravery. He was at one time taken prisoner, but soon released in exchange for one of the French nobility, of whom many were in the hands of the English. I The King and Queen were both grieved at the death * By some, however, it has been said that he was interred at King-ston- npon-HuU. His effigies in armour, carved in wood, painted and gilt, were placed upon his altar-tomb.—Holinshed; Baker; Paston Letters; Hall- Siindford; W. of Worcester; Stow; Pol. Vergil; FaUan; London Chron • Henry; Lingard; Allen's York. t Rapiu ; Holinshed ; Speed ; Allen's York. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 351 of Suffolk. Queen Margaret was much enraged at the manner in which this deed was effected, and even threatened to be revenged, especially on the people of Kent ; and this threat, we are told, became a plea for a formidable rebellion, which took place not long after in that county.* The death of the Duke of Suffolk appears to have been effected by a party who had sworn his destruc- tion. This party consisted of some of the first persons in the kingdom, and whose vengeance was not to be averted by the failure of his prosecution, or by his escape from the mob, who attempted to intercept him in his way from prison. Of the motives of these persons we are left in ignorance. It has been conjectured by some writers that the enemies of the Duke, and who procured his death, were those ambitious nobles who envied him for the preference shown him in the Council chamber. Others have concluded that he was removed through the policy of the Duke of York, because his presence was a bar to the attainment of his views ; and in support of this opinion they allege that some of the noblemen, who afterwards actively espoused the cause of York, came to the Parliament at Leicester, at which Suffolk was impeached, with hundreds of their retainers in arms.f If we admit the agency of Suffolk in the murder of the Duke of Gloucester, we at once account for many of the irregular and apparently mysterious proceedings of the nobility of that period, and which, until the principles and motives which influenced them be ex- plained, cannot be at all understood. The Duke of York was the friend of Gloucester, and it is probable that he might have resented the treatment shown him ; and upon his death, when a new path appeared to be laid open to his ambition, which he resolved to pursue, ♦ Henry ; Lingard. f Lingard ; Paston Letters. 352 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. he might have endeavoured to remove one obstacle to his views in the person of Suifolk, when, by so doing, he might think he was only inflicting a just punish- ment on the murderer of his friend. This was but one instance of the summary vengeance to which Duke Richard had recourse, and it was peculiar to his times. The Duke of Gloucester had long enjoyed the favour and affections of the people, and it was the earnest de- sire of York to obtain these also ; but he had been twice depreciated in their eyes by one who had already incurred his resentment. He had been removed from his Regency in France to make way for his rival, the Duke of Somerset, and afterwards dismissed into Ireland to quell a rebellion there, with inadequate forces ; and both of these mea- sures originated with Suffolk."^" These causes would seem to account for the re- moval of Suffolk by the agency of the Duke of York, especially as he was himself in Ireland, which pre- vented suspicion falling on him, while his two great friends, Warwick and Mowbray, with their armed re- tainers, seemed to have prepared themselves for resist- ance at Leicester, should any suspicion rest on them, or should the Queen or her party seek to revenge tliemselves for this murder. There appears to have been a premeditated scheme to destroy the Duke of Suffolk, as these noblemen arriving at Leicester previous to this murder, they seem to have awaited its results, and agreeably to a previous acquaintance with this design. Both the Commons and people hated the Duke. The Queen and her party alone sought to defend him ; and, as the last means for his safety, suddenly came to the resolution to banish him the realm. The haste and secrecy observed in the execution of * Baker. \ MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 353 this determination, and the King's private council, would make it probable that the Queen had discovered some fresh cause for alarm. The people and the Commons had, neither of them, concerted any general plan by which to get rid of their enemy. The capture of the vessel also must have been by a very superior force to that of Suffolk, as his attendants did not make the least resistance, and yet they were attached to his person, as appears evident from their conduct when put on shore.* This powerful rival of York being removed while he was in Ireland, engaged in pacifying the Irish, the Duke continued to receive from his friends particular accounts of the proceedings in England, where his secret agents contrived to serve him by extolling his merits to the people, and by reminding them of the King's incapacity and of the Queen's arbitrary government. These representations had the more weight, as the ge- neral discontent increased on the subject of the losses in ^ Normandy, and the Duke's party was augmented daily, while Richard thus cherished the displeasure of the nation instead of redressing their wrongs. f The Queen, perceiving that the dissatisfaction, so general in the country, arose partly from the repeated losses abroad, despatched a reinforcement of 1,500 men to the Duke of Somerset, under the command of Sir Thomas Keriel. These forces were joined by many other troops, with their leaders, from the English gar- risons, which much augmented their numbers; but they were met by the Constable Riclimont at Four- migni, where, after having defended themselves with great valour, they were entirely routed and their com- mander taken prisoner.;}: • Paston Letters ; Allen's York, t Hall ; Howel's Med. Ang. ; Rapin. X HoUnshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Anque- til ; Monstrelet ; Villaret. yoL. I. ^ ^ 354 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTT. •11 Somerset, who had retired to Caen after the sur- render of Eouen, ^Yas now left without resource. Kins: Charles's forces surrounded that city, led on by his most skilful generals, and amongst them the Constable, who had just been victorious at Fourmigni. There came also the Counts Dunois, Clermont, d'Eu, and Nevers, with the diflerent armies of France. They had already conquered Harfleur, Bayeux, Honfleur, A\Tanches, and other cities, and now they were joined by the King, who came to besiege in person the city of Caen, attended by the King of Sicily, the Dukes of Calabria, Alen^on, St. Pol, and many others. The besieged were well supphed with provisions and ammimition, and a long siege was expected.* It was in vain for the Duke to resist these united forces, yet with but little hope the English defended themselves, and with much skill and courage per- severed in repulsing their assailants. The walls sustained some damage, but the castle, which was situated on a rock, and had within it a dunireon which was inaccessible, received no injury. Sir Robert Veer was captain of the castle. Sir Henry Bedford of the dungeon, while Sir David Hall, who had been appointed to the care of the city under the Duke of York, was still permitted to retain this office. It happened that while the cannonading of the city was continued daily, in a manner that was more alarming than dangerous, a stone shot fell in the town, and, as it chanced, came between the Duchess of Somerset and her children, which so terrified this lady that she implored her husband, on her knees, to have compassion on his family, and to procure their safe departure from the city.j ^ATiether the Duke was influenced by the persuasions of his wife, or foresaw ♦ Barante : Baker : Monfanoon : Eapin : Villaret ; AnquetiL t Holir.ahed : HalL MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 355 that the city must soon surrendel^ (for it was on the eve of being taken by storm,) the Duke resolved to capitulate, and it is said that he did so contrary to the advice of the other governors, who declared that it was not yet time to think of yielding.* The city was saved the horrors of an assault, and by the clemency of King Charles, the Duke and his family, and all the garrison were permitted to depart, leaving only their artillery and 300 cro\\Tis.| Sir David Hall, who had been always faithful and diligent in his trust, and who would have still defended the town if others had supported him, now remember- ing the interests of his former master, the Duke of York, departed with some of his trusty fiiends to Cherbourg, and there embarking, sailed for Ireland, where he recounted to this nobleman the unfortunate issue of the war and the loss of Caen. This recital served to excite still more anger and hatred against the Duke of Somerset in the heart of one already suffi- ciently his enemy, and who never afterwards ceased to persecute him until his enmity was silenced in the tomb. J The remainder of Normandy was soon subdued, and after two campaigns the King of France beheld him- self master of this province. Not one town now belonged to the English of all their fair possessions. The duties of the Duke of Somerset being ended, he returned to England to take an active part in the con- tentions so general, to supply the place of Suffolk in the hatred of the people, and to be equally confirmed in the good opinion of Queen Marfraret.§ It was during the same year in which the French had been so triumphant, and had recovered entirely a • Holinshed : Hall : Eapin : Barante : Villaret. t Baker : Stow : Olivier de la Marche ; Monstxelet. J Hall : History of Shrewsbury. § Barante ; Bapin ; Sandf ord ; Monfaucon ; MiUes'i Catalogue ; W. of Worcesfter. A A 2 356 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1450. province which the English had been possessed of for thirty years, that the discontents of the English nation, hitherto confined to complaints and menaces, and only vented upon individuals, broke out into open rebellion. The Queen's credit had sensibly declined, since, not- withstanding her threats, she could devise no means of punishing those who had been the murderers of Suf- folk. She appears to have been left at this period to stand alone at the helm of government, and she is said to have shown great firmness during the troubles with which she had to contend.* The war was apparently at an end, a truce having been concluded ; yet the minds of the chief nobility were agitated continually, and none of them obtained the peace which they had been so long anticipating. This was owing, as we are informed, to the great lenity of the King, who, had he shown greater firm- ness and exerted his regal authority, might have over- ruled all ranks and composed their differences.f A bill at this time was passed in the Lower House to attaint the memory of the Duke of Suffolk, and another to remove the Duke of Somerset from Court, and also the Duchess of Suffolk and most of the friends of the King; but King Henry would not give his assent to the first. This bill was expressed in the language of the Kentish insurgents, viz. :— " That Suf- folk had been the cause of the arrest and death of Gloucester, and of abridging the days of other princes of the blood." While the Duke was alive they dared not to bring forward these charges, which has been considered as a proof of the innocence of Suffolk. Thus began to appear the rebellious spirit which marked these times.J ♦ Sandford ; Rapin : Hume ; Heniy ; Barante ; Villaret ; Holinshed. t Baudier ; Milles's Catalogue. X Rot. Pari. ; Lingard. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 357 Lo.itlon ron. It has been maintained by many historians that the hso Duke of York, fearing openly to lay claim to the i^^^; crown, wished, during his stay in Ireland, to try JJ".'"''' the dispositions of the people towards himself, and Letters; thus to judge of the probability of his future sue- ch cess; to this end he instigated an Irishman, named Cade, of low extraction and of desperate character, to become the leader of a rebellion amongst the Kentish- men. Jack Cade had formerly been in the service of Sir Thomas Dacre, and had fled to France to escape punishment for a murder of which he had been con- victed. While abroad he had served in the French armies, and had acquired some skill and experience in military affairs ; and his naturally bold and adven- turous spirit well fitted him for the leader of a rebel- lious people. To give importance to his enterprise, Cade assumed the name of John Mortimer, of the House of March ; and endeavoured, as it is believed, to pass himself off for the son of the nobleman of that name, who had been, in the former reign, condemned and executed for high treason. In the present disaffection to the government, num- bers were ready to listen to any one who would promise to redress their grievances ; and the friends of the Duke of York, who were numerous in the countv of Kent, soon rallied round the adventurer who had assumed so popular a name.* Cade thus assembled gi'eat numbers, pretending that his object w^as a reformation in the government, and the relief of the people ; and he assured his followers that his enterprise was both *^ honourable to God and the King, and profitable to the whole realm." He also added, that should the King or Queen fall into their hands, they should be treated with respect. The army of this adventurer was speedily augmented to the num- ♦ Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Baker ; Hume ; Rapin ; Villaxet. 1 1 ^ = 1 !l (i 358 MAEGAEET OF ANJOXJ. ber of 20,000 ; and with these he proceeded to Black- heath, and there encamped. The King sent to the insurgents, to demand the occasion of their taking up arms ; and received for answer, that they designed no harm to their sovereign, but that they desired to petition ParHament to punish bad ministers, and to show more regard for the happiness of the people. The King marched against these rebels with an army of more than 15,000 men; but, upon his approach, Cade retreated to Sevenoaks, and there lay in am- bush; while Henry, supposing that they had fled through fear, returned to the city, and contented him- self with sending a small force against them, under the command of Lord Stafford. These troops were surprised by the insurgents, and defeated ; their leader was slain, and Cade arrayed himself in the armour of that knight. At first the petitions of the insur- gents were regarded as seditious, and only to be silenced by force of arms ; they were now considered to be more reasonable. The rebels even inquired why they should fight against their own countrymen, see- ing they were but asserting their national rights? Two petitions had been presented already by Cade, containing the demands of his followers. They were called '* the complaints of the Commons of Kent," and *' the requests of the captain of the great assembly in Kent." They represented the grievances of the country, viz., that the King designed to punish the people of Kent for the murder of the Duke of Suffolk, of which they were innocent ; that he gave away the revenue of the crown, and maintained himself by tax- ing the Commons ; that the lords of tlie blood-royal were excluded from the Cabinet, while men of low extraction were admitted to supply their places ; that the sheriffs, collectors, and others, were insupportable extortioners ; and that m the election of knights the i* MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 359 commoners did not obtain their just influence. In short, that justice was not duly and speedily ad- ministered. They demanded that the relatives of Suffolk should be banished from court; and that the King should receive into favour the Dukes of York, Exeter, Buck- ingham, and Norfolk, with other earls and barons. They required the punishment of all who had shared in the destruction of the Duke of Gloucester, and of those who had been the cause of the loss of Maine, Anjou, and Normandy, as well as of several well- known traitors, called Slegge, Cromer, Lisle, and Robert Este. These petitions also contained many assurances of loyalty and affection to the King, in whose service they professed themselves willing to suffer even to death. These demands appeared plau- sible ; and as the insurgents, although elated with their victorv, maintained a show of moderation, even promising that if their grievances were redressed, and certain obnoxious persons punished, (the chief of whom were Lord Say, the late Treasurer, and Cromer, High Sheriff" of Kent), they would lay down their arms, the King's Council found it difficult to persuade the people to advance against them. It was not merely the common people, but also persons of wealth and hio-h rank who inclined to the side of these rebels, and so general was the unwillingness to fight agamst them, and the persuasion that pacific measures should be adopted, that the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Buckingham were sent to confer with them. Cade behaved upon this occasion with propriety, but with decision ; and while he showed them respect, he refused to disband his troops until his petitions had been complied with. Some concessions were now deemed mdispensable ; I .'< 360 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. and upon the return of these deputies Lord Say was committed to prison, and Lord Scales being appointed to the care of the Tower of London with a sufficient garrison, the King disbanded his army, and withdrew, for greater security, to the castle of Kenilworth/^^ Cade and his followers, who had resumed their posi- tion on Blackheath, next proceeded to London. Here it had been already determined, in a Council held by the Lord Mayor, that no resistance should be offered them. The gates were thrown open, and the insur- gents, whose numbers were vastly augmented since the late victory, came into the city triumphantly. Cade, as he entered, cut the ropes of the drawbridge, and afterwards, passing London Stone, he struck it with his sword, exclaiming, " Now is Mortimer lord of this citv ! " After their entrance into the capital, Cade con- trived for some time to maintain the utmost disci- pline amongst his followers, whom he forbade, under threats of severe punishment, to injure the citizens. He even led his troops, to prevent disorder, every evening back to the Borough. Cade insisted on the Lord Mayor and the Judges assembling in Guildhall, and he caused Lord Say to be arraigned. Sentence was passed upon him, as well as upon the Duchess of Suffolk, and others, who were considered to be the accomplices of Suffolk. Lord Say was soon after beheaded, and his son-in-law, Cromer, the Sheriff of Kent, being found, shared the same fate. After this cruelty the head of the ill-fated nobleman, and also that of Cromer, were iSxed on poles, and carried through the streets of the metropolis, with acts of shocking brutality, by the populace. When the vengeance of the rebels had been somewhat satiated with the blood of these two individuals, they * See Appendix, p. 435. If MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 361 became less circumspect in their conduct ; Cade him- self is said to have relaxed in his discipline, and to have plundered the house of a tradesman who had received him with hospitality. Upon this, the rabble eagerly sought to enrich themselves with the plunder of the wealthy, and several houses were entered and pillaged ; at length, the rich citizens taking the alarm, concerted measures with Lord Scales to prevent the repetition of these injuries. Cade receiving intelli- gence, however, that they purposed to defend the drawbridge, and not to admit his party on the ensuing day, a riot followed, and during six hours a severe conflict was maintained between the two parties, when the citizens obtaining the advantage. Cade was com- pelled to retreat. It was agreed on both sides to suspend hostilities, being weary of the contest. At this juncture, the Archbishops of York and Canterbury, who remained in the Tower, dismissed the Bishop of Winchester (William Waynfleet),* to the borough of Southwark, whither the rebels had re- treated, to offer them a pardon, under the Great Seal, to all except their leader, provided they immediately laid down their arms, and returned peaceably to their homes. The Kentishmen, discouraged by their late defeat, accepted the proposal with gratitude, and dis- persed themselves ; but Cade, suspecting that the King would not extend his mercy to the leader of the rebellion, repented, and once more attempted to assemble the disaffected. He found many still ready to support him ; but the authority he had once lost could not be regained. The common cause was for- gotten by these ruffians, who sought only to enrich themselves with the plunder which had been conveyed • On the death of the Cardinal, William Wajnfleet had been advanced to the bishopric of Winchester. He exhibited great ablHties, integrity, and prudence, especially in this insurrection. 362 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. i^ from the citj. At length, Cade, hopeless of re-esta- blishing unanimity amongst them, fled on horseback into Sussex. He was soon traced to his place of retreat, where, (defending himself courageously to the last,) he was slain by the new Sheriff* of Kent, Alexander Iden. The head of this rebel, for which a reward of a thou- sand marks had been ofi*ered by the King, was carried to London, and placed on the bridge. Several of the associates of Cade in this rebellion suffered on the scaff'old; and it was afterwards laid to the charge of the Duke of York, that they had acknowledged that their design was to place him upon the throne, had their enterprise succeeded.* King Henry, however, failed to turn to advantage the success he had thus gained over the insurgents, and his inactivity at this crisis proved detrimental to his cause. The ministers of the King had offended the people, yet their attachment to the House of Lan- caster remained firm and unshaken, and had Henry acted at once with great decision and spirit, the ambitious hopes of the Duke of York would have been early crushed, and the rights of the Lancastrian sovereign firmly established in the land. * Baker : Hall ; Holinshed : Sandford ; Fabian ; Stow ; Biondi ; W. of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; London Chron. ; Rapin ; Villaret ; Philpott's Kent ; Birch's lUus. Persons of Great Britain. If CHAPTER VH. (Clarence.) " A little fire is quickly trodden out ; *' Which, being suffer'd, rivers cannot quench." {King Henry.) " Thus stands my state, 'twixt Cade and York distress'd ; ** Like to a ship, that, having 'scap'd a tempest, " Is straightway calm'd and boai'ded with a pirate : ** But now is Cade driven back, his men dispers'd ; ** And now is York in arms to second him." (Wanmck.) ** I'll plant Plantagenet, root him up who dares ; "Resolve thee, Richard ; claim the English crown." — Shakespeare. Clamours against Somerset— He is sent to the Tower — The people murmur and suspect Queen Margaret— The Duke of York returns to England — He assembles his friends— The Earls of Westmoreland, Salisbury and Warwick, and the Duke of York described— Their connections— The Duke of York retires to Wales, raises an army and returns to London — He encamps at Brent Heath— He disbands his army — Interview- between the Dukes of Y''ork and Somerset— York is apprehended and released— Treaty of peace with Scotland— The Queen goes to Norwich — Her condescension — Her letters — An effort made to recover Guienne — Talbot's success — His death— His character — Tastes — Gift to the Queen — Loss of France— Death of the Queen's mother— Complaints against the Queen— King Henry's illness— Birth of Prince Edward — Calumnies against Queen Margaret— The Duke of York urges his claim to the crown — His character — His party obtains great influence — Somerset arrested and sent to the Tower — The Duke of York made "Protector" — He holds a Parliament and gets possession of Calais — King Henry recovers — He resumes his authority, and Somerset is released — The King tries to reconcile York and Somerset — York is offended and withdraws into Wales to raise an army. Queen Margaket had accompanied the King when he marched at tlie head of his army of 15,000 against the rebels, but on the latter retreating, the Queen, far from being animated with the warlike spirit w^hich marked her subsequent career, did not encourage her 364 MAEGAEET OP ANJOIT. consort to follow up his success by the pursuit of the insurgents. Yielding rather to feminine weakness or linllf '"''''''? '^'' *''^ K^"^ ^°"'d ^^i place himself m personal peril, but resign to his lieutenants this easy victory. ^ The prayers of Margaret prevailed, and Henry giving Sir Humphrey Stafford charge of his forces retired with the Queen to the castle of Kenilworth ' Jri r n" "^'t' "^ '^' '''''^^'' ^^d difficulties with which Queen Margaret had so lately been sur- rounded, It can hardly be doubted, that she must have greatly required the skill and experience of the several nobles and statesmen of whose services she had, in so brief a period, been deprived. Her indignation had been excited by the cruel murder of the Duke of Suffolk whom she had vainly endeavoured to protect • and while deploring the loss of her earliest rfiend in England ^vho had brought her hither, and had braved with her the public enmity and hatred), how painful must It have been to her to endure alone these trials » Even more than Suffolk must the youthful Queen whlTlI ^"/^'^^^^^d ^^^^^ of Winchester, whose skill and discernment had, for so many years been employed m the direction of political affairs. He might indeed like the helm, have guided safely the tempest-tossed vessel in the late rebellion, durin^ which It may even be believed that the saving hand ot a Gloucester would have been welcome ^ At such a time as this, the return of 'the Duke of Somerset was considered fortunate, and we are told that the royal pair ^^ hailed his arrival as a blessing '^ Somerset was indeed the nearest relative of the Kin- • and at this moment, when the court was beginninc: to be distracted by the pretensions of the Duke o'f York, It was hoped that the services and attachment ot one whose interests were allied to those of the MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 365 crown, would successfully oppose the ambitious pro- jects of that nobleman. By some historians, Somerset has been considered as the only faithful minister of Henry VI., who, by his care, watchfulness, and good counsels, sought to deliver the kingdom from factions, and preserve peace. The Duke of York, therefore, justly anticipated the opposition he would raise to his projects, and determined to excite against him the hatred of the people and the envy of the nobility. Certain it is, that the presence of Somerset was attended with new troubles to the Queen. The people immediately raised clamours against the Duke ; they accused him of not having done his duty in Normandy, and blamed him for the loss of that province, but especially for his conduct at the siege of Caen. The Commons, adopting these complaints, presented a peti- tion to the King, praying that the conduct of Somerset might be investigated, and that, in the meantime, he should be sent to the Tower. Their request was granted, for Henry was unwilling to offend the House ^^^ of Commons.* Upon receiving the news of the im- prisonment of the Duke, the populace evinced such transports of delight that they immediately attacked and plundered his palace ; and in spite of the exertions of the King's officers, they created such a tumult as could not be appeased until one of the ringleaders had been despatched. At the breaking up of Parliament the Duke was liberated, and placed in the same situation at court as the Duke of Suffolk had occupied. He was created Prime Minister, and the Queen showed him great 1451. * This arrest of Somerset appears, according" to some authors, to have been by the advice of the lords of the King's council, for the safety of his person, and to prevent his falling into the hands of his adversary ; besides, that the power of the Lancastrian party was suflB.ciently strong to prevent his being brought to trial. His imprisonment was only for fourteen months. Paston Letters ; Majnn; Lvigard ; Vdlaret; Daniel, 366 MAEGABET OF AXJOU. 1451. Holinshed ; VilJaret ; Rapin ; i>arante. censure his conduct ; yet we are assured, by some coLrd'c"*'" '' '" ^°™*^^ ^^-^ ^"'^ ^--l^-y -d The surprising success of the French in the recoTerv ItTth-'^-^P-^' ''r ^^ ^^--^ their aZIZ the Jollr I ^''°™. ' ?''°» '""^^ farther off than IffordT!.\ .r,T '" '^^^ P°^'^^ «f tJ^*^ Enghsh to so bu if,:* ' t'^'""''' '^""^ ^''^^ ^^'^° -^^^-ed to do o?Weser -in .r '^P'"'' '^'' '^'^ ^'^^^ *'- '"tention to the rel ef of :, """-'• ^' '™^ ^'' ^'^^^^^^^ to the relief of the cities, which, one by one sur rende d after making a faint resistance, 't^ ^^ serJand fTT "'Tl'^- '^ ^''^''''' ^eusac, Montt serrand Chalais, St. Fois, and other cities • and the Xt 1^'^ f''""'^ •^^'^*'°"^^' unint^rrupted^^ unt.l_ they obtained possession of tlie whole of this i his last entered mto treaty with the enemv and engaged to submit to King Charles should "iy not '1th JoS ' TT' '^^^ ^"^^-'^ before' tl e -4th of October. At the expiration of that period no amy appeared, and this cityf as well as al t'eother ZtZt "^''■' ^'^^ ''-''' '^ ^p- ^^- ^^t- to The city of Bayonne, only, refused to acknowledge m me treat}. An army was dismissed against it under Le command of the Count Dunois, who, oblio^^nl them F J t';- '""^'^ '^' "^^ '° t^^t province wh^erth^ English had preserved their autho% since thrtime of Henry the Second, a period of three' hundred yeatf I III^H' H^\^"^ ^ J""-* ^ B-ii--- Daniel. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 367 No the forei sooner were tne loreign wars over than the in- testine divisions were renewed. The cession of Maine and Anjou had rendered the people of England sus- picious of treachery ; and when Normandy and Guienne surrendered to the victorious arms of King Charles, this nation bitterly complained of the government, and of those whom they judged had had any share in these misfortunes. The practice about this period was adopted of writing sathical verses on those individuals who, by their political conduct, had become obnoxious to the people. Some of these verses, written in April, 1451, were intended for William Boothe, Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, or Chester, as the diocese was generally called ; on account of his taking part with the Duke of Suffolk in the King's Council. The petition of the Commons was, that Boothe and several others might be removed from the royal presence for the rest of their lives. They were charged with " misbehaving about His Majesty's person," and elsewhere, leading to neglect of law and non-observance of the peace of the realm.* The King only complied by banishing some of these for one year. The offence of the Bishop was soon overlooked, for in the following year, 1452, he was translated to the see of York. Reflections were made in some of the verses alluded to, on the character of Boothe, and he was charged with procuring his advancement, not by his knowledge and talents, but by simony, usury, and the influence of his family. The writer adds, '* by simoni and usur bild is thy botJie^'' and in another place, '* breke up thy lothe^ These and similar puns were the taste of the In addressing Boothe the vmter speaks of the age. • See Appendix, p. 428. 368 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ, fell of Rome, and warns him that a similar fate awaited England if the existing abuses were not removed • he cites the proverb, that "The voice of the people is\he voice of God." Allusion is also made to De la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, and the following pun made upon his name : — *' The pool is so perilous for men to pass " That few of the bank royal can escape."* The nobility, while they reproached one another, all united in blaming the Duke of Suffolk as the author of their troubles. Queen Margaret was regarded as a foreigner, and an enemy ; and her father and relatives bemg engaged in advancing the interests of the French, It was not expected that the Queen would very strenu- ously oppose such measures as were favourable to them in the Council-chamber, where she held the most un- limited sway.f It was not surprising that such an opinion should have gamed credit amongst the people, (who were already bhnded by their prejudices against the Queen ) when we remember that the House of Anjou, and especially one member of that House, the Count of ^lame, (who was uncle to Queen Margaret,) was always m such high favour with King Charles. Rene also had accompanied this prince to the siege of Rouen and was present at the taking of other cities. J It is certain that the observance of a neutrality on the part of these princes would have been of the utmost service to Queen Margaret. Such indeed was the disaffection of the people to- wards the Queen's government, that she found her- self unable to adopt any measures against the Duke of York, whose popularity increased. Doubtless the Bentley's Excerpt. Hist. ; Rot. Pari. Barante ; Monstrelet ; ViUeneuve Bargemont. t Hume. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 369 people would have supported this Duke in any new enterprise, and that he meditated some attempt against the throne began to be apparent.* It was privately whispered, at this time, that King Henry was of weak capacity, and easily abused ; that Queen Margaret was ambitious and malignant; that the Council did not seek the public good, but their own; and that, through these causes, France was lost: finally, that God would not. bless the possessions of the usurper, Henry VI. There seems to have been little doubt that the late rebellion had been commenced through the instigation of the Duke of York, whose object was to ascertain the disposition of the people towards the House of March ; but the death of the leader had prevented the evidence being adduced which would have determined the truth of this opinion.f Great alarm began to prevail at court, as to the projects of the Duke of York. He was suspected of a design to bring over some Irish troops, doubtless with rebellious intent ; and orders were therefore des- patched to the sheriffs of Wales, Shropshire, and Cheshire, to prevent the landing of the Duke upon the coast; and should he succeed in doing so, they were commanded to refuse him lodging and entertain- ment.:]: This precaution was not only unnecessary, but ill judged, as it betrayed to the people that the court stood in awe of the Duke, and this, as leading them to enquire the cause, would have been best concealed ; it also served as a caution to the Duke to be on his guard, and gave him a pretence to complain of suspicions which, for the present at least, were, or • Baker; Rapin. t Leland ; Hume : Hist, of Shrewsbury. X These instructions were particularly insisted on at Chester and Shrcwe- bury. I hii 'fii Vol. I. B B mi a 370 MAEGAEET OF AXJOIT. seemed to be, altogether without foundation.* Queen Margaret appears also, in this procedure, to have adopted a course widely different from her former conduct, for she had even anticipated the designs of the Duke, and had begun openly to oppose them. Had slie concealed her suspicions, she might have betrayed him into some snare, or false step, which would have been his ruin, or justified her measures against him.| Previous to the Duke of York's return from Ireland, he had opened his views to his friends in a letter from Dublin, in June 1450, addressed to the Earl of Salis- bury, whose sister he had mamed. He began by complaining of the deficiency of supplies from England, owing to which he could not resist the rebels. He continues, " my power cannot stretch to keep it in the *' King's obeisance, and verie necessity will compell me ** to come into England, to live there, upon my poor '' livelihood. For I had leave be dead than any in- " convenience should fall thereunto by my default,'^ &c. &c. The Duke's intimation of leaving his command with- out orders justly excited the displeasure of the court, and caused alarm amongst the ministers. They con- sequently determined to seize his person and prevent his approach to King Henry.J The conduct of the Duke, however, proved these suspicions to be erroneous. He embarked for England with only his own domestics, and, conscious that his enemies had no proof to bring against him of a trea- sonable nature, he boldly attempted to land on the coast of Wales ; but finding an armed force at Beau- maris, headed by Lord de Lyie, ready to oppose him, he was compelled to proceed to another port, where Rapin. * Hume ; Leland. ^ Hist, of Shrewsbury. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 371 he was more successful* We are told that one of the motives for this hasty return of the Duke from Ireland was, that he feared, on hearing of the loss of Caen, that he should be deprived of his large estates in that island, which he inherited through the Mortimers from the Lacys and De' Burghs, which caused him to resolve, on his immediate return to England, to attack the minis- ters, and endeavour to place himself at the head of the government. While the Duke was passing through Northampton- shire, in his way to London, he sent for William Tre- sham, a lawyer, and the late Speaker of the House of Commons, who had been very zealous in the prosecu- tion of the Duke of Suffolk. Scarcely had Tresham left his own house at Multon Park, near Northampton, when he was intercepted and murdered by a band of ruffians, 160 in number, armed with swords and spears, belonging to Lord Grey of Ruthyn ; but how far this nobleman sanctioned the act of his servants is not known. It is probable that the life of Tresham was taken in revenge for his late conduct in procuring the death of Suffolk ; and if not from private pique, it must have been caused by the public animosity. It may at least be called a sign of the lawlessness of that period. The Duke proceeded on his way, and the murderers of Tresham were outlawed. f The friends of the Duke were numerous, and they had had frequent conferences together ; but, being un- able to resolve upon any step without his assistance, they had been anxiously expecting him. When the Duke of York arrived in the capital they assembled around him ; and as they must, from their wealth and influence in the kingdom, have appeared a most formid- able faction in the eyes of a young and inexperienced * W. of Worcester ; Leland : Eapin ; Henry, t Rot. Pari. ; Lingard. B B 2 J: ml IP 372 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Queen, who had been, from various circumstances, deprived of almost all good counsel, and who unhappily had lost the best inheritance of a sovereign — the love of her people — it will not be amiss to introduce the reader to a personal acquaintance with the House of York, its alliances, and its friendships. * Richard, Duke of York derived his claim to the crown from his mother, (a descendant of the House of Mortimer) who had married the Earl of Cambridge, beheaded in the preceding reign ; he held, in right of his father, the rank of first prince of the blood, which conferred a lustre on his title derived from his mother ; for the family of Mortimer, although of high descent, was equalled by others iu the kingdom.* Being the representative of three distinct successions, viz., those of Cambridge, York, and Mortimer, the present Duke became the inheritor of immense possessions. To these were also united the estates of Clarence and Ulster, and the patrimonial property of the House of March. I The Duke had obtained considerable influence amongst the chief nobility by his marriage with Ceciha, the daughter of Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, whose family was perhaps the most powerful ever known in England. The individuals who composed that family, although extremely wealthy, were not so much distinguished by their opulence as by their pecu- liar characters and intrinsic merits. Of this " noble, ancient, and spreading family " of the Earl of Westmoreland were the Bishop of Dur- ham, the Lords Onsley, Latimer, Fauconbridge, and Abergavenny, and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick. The two last were amongst the most distinguished of the English nobility. The Earl of Salisbury was the eldest son of Ralph * Baker ; Hume. f Milles's Catalogue. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 373 Neville by his second marriage, and obtained his title and estates by his union with the daughter of Monta- cute. Earl of Salisbury, who died at Orleans. Richard de Beauchamp, son of the Earl of Salisbury, also ob- tained the title and inheritance of another ancient and distinguished family, no less wealthy and powerful than the former, by his marriage with the daughter* of Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, who died while Governor of France. Thus, the Earl of Westmoreland, his son, and his grandson, were eminently distinguished by the gifts of fortune, but even still more remains to be said of their personal merits. | Besides this family the Duke of York hai many other adherents. Of these the chief were Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, (whose hereditary animosity towards the House of Lancaster had induced him to attach himself to the interests of York,) Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, (son-in-law of the Duke of Somerset,) and Edward Brooke, Baron of Cobham.| Such a powerful combination amongst the principal nobility could not but be formidable when the dis- satisfaction of the people was so general At the time of the Duke of York's return from Ireland the court was absent from the metropolis, upon 1451. a progress in the western counties of England. The nX^^i^.^ King visited his castle of Kenilworth, and the city of Coventry. He was joined by the Duke of Buckingham, "who came by command of his sovereign, with a " strong guard ; also he attended about the King's *' person with great costs and expenses." § The rebellion of Cade had satisfied the mind of the ♦ This lady was sister of Henry, Earl of Warwick (after his father), and the favourite of King Henry. t Holinshed ; MiUes's Catalogrue ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Barante ; Hume ; Lingard. t Holinshed ; Rapin ; Hume j Lingard. § Rapin ; Issue Roll, "« ^••.^srsa 374 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. r 1451. Rhpin ; H( iinsh?d. I Duke as to the support he would be likely to obtain irom the people ; for, if such vast numbers were dis- posed to support the pretensions of one who had such slight claims to their notice, what might not be expected when the true heir of the House of March should step forward to demand their sup- port?* The general discontent at the Queens con- duct, and that of her ministers, also warranted his hopes, and encouraged him in the first steps of his ambitious career. This nobleman held a consultation with his friends and adherents, with whom it was determined that the Duke should retire into Wales, where he had many partisans, and there secretly secure an army to support his pretensions.f The Duke lost no time in executing his designs. When he had raised an army of 10,000 men in Wales, he addressed, from his castle of Ludlow, a monitory letter to the King, previously to his taking any steps which might be construed into rebellion. He therein complained, that during his stay in Ireland, he had been calumniated to the King; and that certain per- sons, set as spies, had been lying in wait in six several places to seize him, with intent to convey him to Conway Castle. Also, that his landmg in England had been opposed by the King's officers ; and that letters had been despatched to Chester, Shrewsbury, and other places, to prevent his reception. He also ^complained of the malicious attempts of certain persons to indict him for treason, to his great injury, and that of his family, and "for all this, he required, that justice should be done him." The Duke also complained of the general disaffection to the ministry, and especially • Pol. Vergril : Rapin ; Henry. t Holinshed ; Baker ; Sandford ; PoL VergU ; Milles's Catalogue • Lin- gard. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 375 towards the Duke of Somerset, whose conduct, he prayed, might be inquired into, and satisfaction afforded to the nation. He offered his assistance in the execu- tion of this purpose; and further complained, of Somerset's restoration to favour without being sub- jected to any examination.* It was evident to the ministers that the Duke of York sought to quarrel with them ; but, in the present position of affairs, they dared not show him any resent- ment. King Henry, in his reply to the Duke's letter, alluded to the fact of the Duke having unlawfully slain the Bishop of Chester, as one of the causes of the frequent complaints against him ; also, that the rumours of the ambitious sayings of the Duke had led the court., although uncertain of their truth, to act on the defensive, by placing troops to oppose his landing ; but that the manner of the Duke's appearing, being un- armed, had sufficiently evinced his loj^alty ; and that his reception by the King would have been different had not the suddenness of his coming, without previous notice, occasioned the servants of the crown to ac;t on their former orders. The King wrote also to this effect, viz., that he had some time since resolved to reform the government ; and that for this purpose he intended to appoint certain counsellors of talent and virtue, amongst whom the Duke should be included ; that it required some deliberation before he could bring to justice the traitors, of whom the Duke had complained ; but that he would not permit them to go unpunished, not even the Duke of Somerset.f This moderate reply, which was altogether unex- pected by the Duke of York, took from him every pretence for rebellion ; yet he resolved that the King's refusal to punish the ministers immediately should * Hall ; Fabian ; Eapin ; Home ; Phillips's Shrewsburj. t Holinshed. ill 1 !, 376 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. furnish him with a pretext for employing an army already prepared; and that he would not be turned from his purpose by a moderation which might be real, or designed to deceive him.* Thus it was that ambition stifled the dictates of reason, and led on to civil warfare. The Duke of York marched at the head of his new army towards London ; but he had not proceeded far before he learnt that the royal forces were prepared to oppose him. The Queen, who had anticipated his design, had been more active than he expected. She had raised, in the King's name, a body of troops, but without inform- ing them for what purpose ; and thus, while the Duke had retired into Wales, she had been engaged in pre- paring an army to advance against him.f It was not the Duke's object to risk a battle yet, without a better pretence to win the people to his side, and to justify his rebelhon. He well knew also that the citizens of London were of themselves sufficiently powerful to incline the balance in favour of either party, and therefore he resolved to gain that city over to his interests. On a sudden, therefore, he altered his course on hearing of the King's approach, although he was not deficient in courage, or in experience. | He endeavoured, by a rapid march, to get before the King, and expected on reaching the capital to be well received there; but, to his great disappointment, he found the gates shut, the citizens being unwilling to declare for him, while their King was so near at hand, with a much larger army. The Duke of York was therefore obliged to cross the Thames, at Kingston. He encamped at Brent Heath, near Dartford, twelve miles from London, whither the King followed him t Baker. • Rapin ; Pol. Yergil. \] t Rapin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 37' and pitched his camp at a distance of four miles from the insurgents. An engagement seemed inevitable ; but the King dismissed the Bishops of Winchester and Ely to demand the reason of the Duke of York taking up arms ; and the latter finding it expedient, at this juncture, to make his peace at court, for fear of ruining his affairs by precipitation, alleged that it had never been his intention to desert his sovereign ; but that he only desired to remove from the Council certain evil-disposed persons, of whom the Duke of Somerset was the chief; and that he was willing to disband his troops, if the King would consent to the imprisonment of Somerset, so long as Parliament should decree. King Henry's compliance with this request occa- sioned no less surprise to the Duke than he had before felt at his moderation, in the answer to his letter. He knew that both the King and Queen were guided by the advice of Somerset, whose interest it was to reject these demands ; and for whose sake (as York wished it to appear) the ministers did not hesitate to involve the country in a civil war. The King not only en- gaged to comply with the Duke's request, but imme- diately caused the Duke of Somerset to be apprehended. Then would York gladly have retracted his word ; but he was tlius compelled to disband his forces, which he preferred doing to the risk of losing the favour of the people.* Upon this the Duke boldly appeared in court, with- out taking any precautions for his own safety ; nay, he even ventured, in the presence of the King, to accuse the Duke of Somerset, with much vehemence, of having sacrificed the interests of his country to his own ambitious and sordid views. At this moment, whilst he was boldly proclaiming his enemy to be a traitor, • Sandford ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Daniel ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Eapin; Hume ; Henry; Lingard ; Birch's Illus. Persons of Great Britain. 378 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. what was his astonishment when Somerset presented himself before him, having been concealed behind the hangings of the tent, and he, on his part, accused the Duke of York of a conspiracy to dethrone his sove- reign ? Greatly was the Duke of York dismayed at the sudden and unexpected rencontre, yet, perceiving the danger of his own situation, he did not lose his pre- sence of mind ; he moderately complained of the want of faith shown to him, and threw the odium of this treachery upon the Duke of Somerset. Yet he was no sooner dismissed the presence than he was apprehended by the orders of King Henry ; who then proceeded to London, the Duke of York, as his prisoner, riding before him.* Thus betrayed into the power of his enemies, the Duke of York would most probably never have escaped the effects of their resentment had they dared to pro- ceed against him, but they feared the opposition and hatred of the people, which had already often been manifested, and they knew the Duke was too popular to be unrevenged. Two other reasons also contributed to preserve him ; first, a report that the Earl of March, the eldest son of the Duke of York, was advancing at the head of a powerful army to effect his release, and it seemed probable that the troops lately disbanded would unite with them. In addition to this, the deputies of Guienne had sought succours of the King, promising to reduce that province to his authority. The forces, however, designed by King Henry for^ this war must necessarily be employed at home, in the event of such a civil contest as was likely to result upon the punish- ment of the Duke of York, and thus would a fair opportunity be lost for the recovery of Guienne. * Hall ; HoHnshed ; Baker ; Sandf ord ; Stow ; Pol. VergU ; Fabian ; Daniel ; Bapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Henij. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 379 A treaty of peace had been lately signed between England and Scotland, to which both kingdoms had been inclined, through the rebellions of the Douglas family in the latter, besides the agitated state of the Borderers, and the dissensions amongst the English people. The ambassadors of the two kings met in the church of St. Nicholas, in Newcastle, on the 14th of August, 1451, when the peace was concluded.* Queen Margaret, alarmed at the report of the ap- proach of the Earl of March towards London, in her anxiety to secure friends, visited Norwich and other places, accompanied by Edmund of Hadham, and Jasper of Hatfield, the King's half-brothers. The Queen's familiarity and obliging address pleased the gentry, and indeed she well knew how to conciliate the affections of those whom she wished to gain over to her interests. We are told that the people of Norwich advanced 100 marks as a loan to their King, and the aldermen presented the Queen with 60 marks, to which the Commons added 40 more, and in return obtained a general pardon for past offences, and the grant of a new charter, on paying a fine of 20 mark^.j The King, being disturbed at this period by the claims of the Duke of York, prudently sought, by all possible means, to strengthen himself against him, and to this end he created his two half-brothers, Edmund, Earl of Richmond, and Jasper, Earl of Pembroke. These were sons of Owen Tudor, who had married Catherine, Queen Dowager of England, the King's mother. After her death, Owen lost that respect which had been shown him, and he was twice com- * Mackenzie's Newcastle. + They also advanced to the Queen the whole fee farm of the city for the last year being£l2U Us. 4d. Tljiis charter, dated the 17th of March, at West- minster, 'was consented to in full parliament.- ^<:/7/; HoUmlied; Balwr ; Paston Letters; Pol. Vergil; Stow; Rapin; Lingard; Henry; Parkin;* Noricich, 1451. i Ir ii U52. 380 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. mitted to prison, from which he escaped. When his sons had such high honours conferred upon them, the Welshmen were flattered by the promotion of their young countrymen, and continued ever after to adhere faithfully to the House of Lancaster. The next year (1453) King Henry knighted his two brothers.* The Queen's stay at Norwich was but short, only two days ; while there (as we learn from the letter of Margaret Paston) "she sent for Elizabeth Clere, by *' Sharinborn, to come to her, and she dared not dis- ** obey her commandment, and came to her; and when *' she came into the Queen's presence, the Queen made *' right much of her, and desired her to have a hus- *'band; and the Queen was right well pleased with ** her answer, and reporteth of her in the best wise, *' and saith, by her truth, she saw no gentlewoman, *' since she came into Norfolk, that she liked better *' than she doth her."t The cousin of Elizabeth, no doubt, felt some satisfaction herself while she thus narrated the interview with royalty. This w^as by no means a solitary instance of the Queen's address and condescension. Like the trou- badour king, her father, she had a tinge of romance in her character, and a genuine flow of feeling and sympathy for the unfortunate, which, ever and anon, was elicited by circumstances such as made her acquainted with the wants of others, and their need of her royal influence. This she exerted for the benefit of her personal attendants and others, without reserve. All those who were in interesting positions of difliculty or distress, needing a friend to help them, found that friend in their gifted sovereign. When her personal eloquence was not available, her pen was often employed to persuade, to urge, and to excite MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 381 * Stow ; Pennant's Wales. i Paston Letters. those whom she addressed; to overcome their obstacles, and to consent to the happiness of their relatives. Her arguments, however, too often proved unavailing ; a matter of no great surprise w^hen we consider that many of these letters, (which, through party ani- mosity, were consigned to oblivion for a period of 400 years,) were written during the first ten years after her marriage ; that unhappy period, when the clouds gathered around her, when she became unpopular, and the national discontents were followed by the loss of her ministers, and open rebellion. It was during a succession of terrible events, which might have appalled any but a lion-hearted queen, like Margaret of Anjou, (between the year 1445, when, as one of the brilliant flowers of France, she came to England in all her pride and beauty, and the year 1455, the date of the first battle of St. Albans, two remarkable epochs, much contrasted with each other ;) that these interesting letters were written.* The pleasing condescensions of this queen w^ere, during this period, frequently elicited. It is agreeable to find this new and charming phase in her character, and should especially be dwelt upon at this, the commence- ment of her eventful career. Her tastes resembled those of her father. She exhibited great fondness for poetry and music ; nay, she even inclined to the gentle arts. Her courage and heroism were blended with gentleness and sympathy for the unfortunate, especially in affairs of the heart. These letters of the Queen are proof of this ; and it is to be regretted that in the absence of this testimony afforded by her correspondence, histo- rians have been so apt to dwell on the belligerent * These letters were discovered in 1860 at Emral, in Flintshire ; they had been transcribed, in the same century that they were written, by one John Edwards, of Kirkland. A daug-hter of this family married into that of Puliston, of Emral, where the MS. volume of letters, seventy-five in number, was found. — Letters of Q^^een Margaret^ edited hy Cecil Monro. llj i 382 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 383 character which Queen Margaret was compelled to assume in the subsequent Wars of the Roses. Thus has the character of this Queen been traduced, and her excellent qualities ignored ; even as in natural objects it sometimes happens that the darkest shades are per- mitted to become most prominent. Queen Margaret, although conspicuous for the beauty of her person, and the richness of her attire, sought by higher influences than these to gain the attachment of those more immediately around her. She especially invited the young ladies to visit her; put to them questions about their lovers, and professed herself gratified by their answers. Never was the course of true love obstructed but Queen Margaret aroused her energies to remove the cause, and set all right again ; and this, whenever she perceived that any member of her household, or their friends, required her support to further their suit. Most earnestly and pleasingly did the Queen act as mediatrix, and plead for the lovers. One of her letters, written when Suffolk was chief minister, was addressed to Robert Kent, supposed to have been a " spiritual lawyer." She pleads for one of her attendants thus : — " By the Queue. " Welbeloved, we grete, &c., and late you wite " that our welbeloved servant, Thomas Shelford, whom "for his vertues, and the agreable service that he " hath don unto us herbefore, and in especial now late '' in the company of our cousin of Suffolk, we have '' taken into cure chambre, there to serve us abowte " our personne, hath reported unto us, that for the "• good and vertuous demening that he hath herd of a " gentil woman beyng in your governance, which was " doghter to oon, Hall of Larkfeld, he desireth full '' hertly to do hir worship by wey of marriage, as he " seith ; wherfor, we desire and praye you hertly, that, " setting apart all instances or labours, that have or " shalbe made unto you for eny other personne what " so ever he be, ye wol by all honest and leaful menes " be welvvilled unto the said marriage, entreting the *' said gentllwoman unto the same, trustyng to Godd's *'mercye that it shalbe both for His worship, and *' availle in tyme to come. And if ye wol doo yor "tendre diligence to perfourme this oure desire, ye " shal therin deserve of us right good and especial " thanke, and cause us to showe unto you therefore " the more especial faver of oure good grace in tyme " to come." "Geven,"&c. It is worthv of remark, that Thomas Shelford, the wooer, had never seen the lady, but had fallen in love with her on hearsay of her virtues. On another occasion, Queen Margaret requests of the executors of Cardinal Beaufort, to assist " one Frutes and Agnes Knoghton, poor creatures, and of virtuous conversation, purposing to live under the law of God, in the order of wedlock," that they may be helped forward by means of the alms at the dis- posal of these executors, " in their laudable intention." This letter was written soon after the death of the Cardinal, in 1447, who left by his will the residue of his goods not disposed of, to be used for charitable works, according to the discretion of the executors, for the relief of poor religious houses,—" for marrying poor maidens, and for the help of the poor and needy ; and in such works of piety," he adds, "as they deem will most tend to the health of his soul." The Queen, in her letter, alludes to the last words of this clause, and, on several occasions, applies to the same fund for the relief of the indigent, in furtherance of the inten- tions of her uncle, the Cardinal. 384 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. The influence of Queen Margaret was also exercised in favour of one, Thomas Burneby, " sewer for our mouth," who would fain unite himself to Jane, the well- endowed widow of Sir Nicholas Carew, the lady having seventeen manors in her own right, a circumstance not overlooked by the suitor when he induced his royal mistress to write for him. The Queen tells her, but in vain, that Burneby loves her "for the womanly and " virtuous governance that ye be renowned of," speaks of his merits, and hopes that " at reverence of us the " lady will be inclyning to his honest desire at this "time."* The widow lady of thirty-six gave no heed to -the pleading of her youthful mistress, but married Sir Robert Vere, brother of John, the twelfth Earl of Oxford, t At another time, Queen Margaret writes urging a father to persuade his daughter to consent to the suit of Thomas Fountaine, yeoman of the crown. Eliza- beth Gascarick could not be prevailed upon to regard most kindly the trusty yeoman, although the Queen warrants his virtues and fidelity to both the King and herself, and pleads his love and zeal for his fair lady. The Queen then writes to William Gascarick_ the father, to whom she says, " We pray right affectuously that, " at reverence of us, since your daughter is in your " rule and governance, as reason is, you will give your " o-ood consent, benevolence and friendship to induce " and to excite your daughter to accept my said lord's " servant and ours, to her husband, to the good con- • This letter of the Queen was written from Eltham between 1447 and 1450. Burneby, the favoured "sewer of the mouth," was a legatee under the will of Cardinal Beaufort. He steadily adhered to tho Lancastrians, and accompanied the Queen in her flig-ht to Scotland, in 14G1. t Her son by Sir Robert Vere became subsequem ly the fifteenth Earl of Oxford. This lady became a second time a widow, and dwelt in the manor of Haccombe, with right to do according to her pleasure, except that, while she was permitted to enjoy the fruit, she was restricted from making "any cyder thereof." MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 385 " elusion, and tender exploit of the said marriage, as " our full trust is in you." Quite useless, however, was the pleading of both queen and father ; neither of them had any influence over this lady, who is said to have married Henry Booth, of Lincolnshire. The prayers of the Queen were much disregarded by all those to whom she addressed them. One of these royal letters was directed to Edith Bonham, the Abbess of Shaftesbury, respecting the promotion of her chaplain, Michael Tergory. "^Mar- garet doubtless esteemed him highly; his merits liaving been, indeed, well attested. After having studied at several of the colleges at Oxford, he had been one of the earliest rectors of the University of Caen, founded by Henry VL, in 1431. He was Archdeacon of Barnstaple, in the diocese of Exeter, in 1445, and then became the Queen's Chaplain! Very earnestly did Queen Margaret write in his favour from her residence at Fleshy, on the 11th of March, in 1447, the time when the Bishopric of Li- sieux was vacant. To this see the King, as well as the Queen, sought to promote him ; and it is said King Henry entertained a special respect for him ; but fruitless were the recommendations of Micliael Ter- gory, for Thomas Basin succeeded to the vacant see of Lisieux.* The same ill success attended the application of the Queen to the Master of St. Giles-in-the-Fields, with whom she pleads for the admission into the leper- liouse, of a young chorister " named Robert Uphome, ''aged only seventeen years, late chorister unto the * The chaplain became, at length, Archbishop of Dublin, and died in 1471. He was buried in St. Patrick's Cathedral. Michael Tergory wts called, by Anthony Wood "the ornament of the university." Another author says of him, that he was a man of great wisdom and learning. VOL. I. c Q ' I'ji 386 MAEGABET OF AXJOTT. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 38' "most reverende fadre in God our beal nncle the " Cardinal, (whom God assoile,) at his college at Win- " Chester, who is now by Godd's visitation become " lepour." Margaret was not, however, to be deterred from her good intentions, or her willingness to be of use to any one, even to Lory, our cordwainer, who being fully employed in fitting her Majesty, and other fair ladies, her subjects, with shoes, the Queen writes to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, and prays, that, " at such " tymes as we shall have nede of his craft e, and send "for hym, that he may not appere, and attend in " enquests, [junjs) in the Cite of London, that he " may not be empannelled, but therein sparing hym at " reverence of us," &c, &c.* This prayer was pro- bably unheeded also. The testimony of the Queen was even given to the " famous and clean living of her clerks," in the hope of gaining preferment for them, which she urgently be- sought'' of some persons, who, had they been willing, coufd have granted her request. Nay, she could not, without difficulty, obtain for a lay servant even a poor servile appointment. All this disloyalty and indiffer- ence to the Queen's authority exhibit the aspect oi the times, and betoken a season approaching of con- tiicts and rebellion. In the correspondence of Queen Margaret no men- tion is made of her personal trials nor her difficulties. Her letters t are not on affairs of state, nor at all poli- tical. In some of them she speaks of the money owing to her • also of her wishes to be exempted from the dues of the customs on her imported finery ; while in • Tliis letter was written soon after the Queen's marria^. The corcl. wainers had only lately been incorporated. t Many of tie Queen's letters were dated from ^\ mdsor, and from Pleshy, a few rom Eltham. The dates of the remainder have not been preserved. others she writes about her parks, the care of her deer, and of her bloodhounds. One of these was addressed to the " Parker of Ware," and from this letter it would appear that when it was written the Queen was on terms of friendship witii the Earl of Salisbury,* and that the condescension was mutual. This earl, although favouring in secret the Duke of York, did not openly espouse his cause Tintil^ the year 1455. It was probably soon after the marriage of Margaret, and the assignment of her dower, (in which the castle of Hertford was included,) that she wrote as follows : — " By the Queen, Wei beloved, for as much as we knowe " verrily that oure cousin, therl of Salisbury, wol be " right well content and pleased that, at our resorting " unto our castell of Hertford, we take our disporte " and recreation in his parke of Ware ; we embolding " us therof, desire and pray you that the game there *' be spared, kepte and cherished for the same entent, " without suffering eny other personne there to hunte, " or have shet {shot or shooting) cource, or other " disporte, in destroing or amentissment {diminution) " of the game above-said, until (such) tyme (as) ye '' have other commandment from our said cousin in '' that behalf. As we trust you," &c.t The number of Queen Margaret's letters dated from Pleshy, in Essex (which castle formed part of her dower, with the manor belonging thereto), leads to the conjecture that this was a favourite residence to w^hicli the Queen resorted for seclusion.^ ♦ The father of the Earl of Warwick. t Letters of Queen Marg-aret, edited by Cecil Monro. X Pleshy was formerly caUed " Castell de Placeto," and was the abode for centuries of the lords high constables of England. The village, eight miles from Chehnsford, is now only distinguished by its ancienl; castle. There is, however, one space of ground, on which are some fine trees c c 2 ii '^.^^CJ^i^'^^ b 1 452. Holinshe'l. 388 MAEGABET OF ANJOTJ. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 389 A Council was called to meet at Westminster,* for the purpose of hearing the accusations of the two Pukes, who mutually charged each other with many crimes and offences. Somerset, strongly suspectmg the part which Richard, Duke of York, shortly after adopted, earnestly entreated the ministers to compel his adversary to acknowledge his purpose ; and, after liaving thus convicted him of treason, to execute jus- tice o^'n him, and on his children ; intending by the destruction of the Duke, and his heirs, to suppress re- l)eUion amongst the people, and to restore peace to the Idngdom. The certainty that York not only aimed at liis mvn life, but also at that of the king, and that he aspired to the crown, caused Somerset to become vehe- ment in his solicitations, and he even prayed that God would not permit this enemy of his king and country long to escape the hand of justice.f Had the advice of Somerset been followed, the Duke of York would have been tried and executed ; but the merciful Henry shrunk from the idea of shedding the blood of a cousin : his own word had been pledged for his safetv, also the public faith was engaged ; and the Duke's death at this time would have seemed rather the o-ratification of the revenge of Somerset than etfected to secure the peace of the country.^: Many things were in the Duke's favour, and seemed to set forth his inno- cence; of these were, first, hisr3ming voluntarily to the King, unsupported by his followers ; and, secondly, his humble submission, and reasonable demands for himself and for the people ; which argued that he did not aspire to the crown. situated ^et^reen the mmpart, called " the mounds," and the church, which still retains the name of " the Queen's garden." * This council was adjourned from Westminster to Reading, on account of the plague. + Hall : Holinshed : Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Mag. Bntannica. ::: Sandford -, Lingard. After deliberating on these points. Queen Margaret and her ministers determined to release the Duke, although the private interests of the House of Lan- caster demanded the sacrifice of his Ufe ; indeed it is not improbable that the subsequent misfortunes inci- dental to this reign might have been prevented, had this nobleman been punished for his first revolt. * To secure themselves as much as possible from any future designs on the part of the Duke of York, the Queen and her Council compelled him to take an oath " never again to appear in arms against his sovereign, but to be his faithful and obedient subject throughout life." This oath was taken in St. Paul's Cathedral, in the presence of the King, the Bishop of Winchester, and most of the nobility ; it was also taken at Westminster, Coventry, and other places. After all this, the Duke was liberated, and retired to his castle of Wigmore.t Somerset, now without a rival continued in hidi favour at court. :[: At this time it was resolved to make an effort for the recovery of Guienne. The people of this province Sn liad only submitted to the King of France because the ^^^"^ EngKsh had neglected to send them relief; and, as they yielded so unwilhngly, it was not surprising that they should endeavour to free themselves from the yoke. The French army had no sooner quitted that province, than the inhabitants of Bourdeaux, with the principal lords of Guienne, determined to revolt to their former governors, provided that they woukl assist them ; and they dismissed some ambassadors to London to represent their case. This seemed a flattering prospect to the English for * Rapin. + Holinshed ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Lond. Chron. ; Lingard ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Birch's Illust. Persona of Great Britain, X Pol. Vergil. 1 4.G2. Rapin ; 'I li 390 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 391 1453. Rapiit ; Holinshc Lingaril ; limiie : Feurant. regaining their lost authority ; and the Queen and the ministers still hoped to retrieve their credit with the people by the success of this enterprise. Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, (one of England's most courageous generals,) was dismissed to France, with an army of 7,000 men, to reconquer this province. This general, although about eighty years of age, engaged with the utmost alacrity in this expedition, for his country's honour. He speedily embarked with his troops, having assurances of further supplies to be sent after him ; and, on his arrival on the Continent, lost no time in prosecuting the war. The day after he landed he entered the city of Bourdeaux, one of the gates being opened to him by the citizens who commanded it; and so unexpected was this blow to the French garrisons, that they could not even effect their escape. The Earl of Shrewsbury quickly regained several of the towns of Guienne ; but the approach of winter put a stop to his conquests at a time when he was in a fair way for recovering the whole of this province. The following spring, the King of France, (who had been engaged in punishing an offence offered him by the Dauphin,) sent two of his generals, with an army of 10,000 men, to oppose the EngHsh. The Earl of Clermont followed with the rest of the French troops. Chaloin and Chastillon were besieged, and vigorously defended by their garrisons. The French, through fear of the Earl of Shrewsbury, whose long experience and courage they well knew, adopted some expedients to which they seldom had recourse. Lord Talbot considering that should the Earl of Clermont unite his forces with those of the generals who preceded him, their numbers would so far exceed his own that a defeat would be inevitable, determined to prevent this by a bold attack. He drew out all his aniiy, and leaving Bourdeaux, presented himself before the enemy's camp. Here he fell upon them with a force and energy which had only been witnessed upon the field of Agincourt, or in similar battles. At first, the French w^ere repulsed and driven to their camp, when, the English pressing on to complete their victory, they were attacked in their rear and compelled to halt by a troop of the enemy's horse ; this gave the French an opportunity to recover themselves, and turned the fate of the battle. The brave Lord Talbot was wounded in the thigh, and his horse killed under hun. Turning to his son w^ho fought by his side, this nobleman exclaimed, — "Leave me, my son, our enemies have gained the day ; there be no shame to you in flying, for it is thy first battle;" but the. young man thought not of any future services he might render to his country, and disdained an ignoble flight, preferring to lose his life along with his respected parent, and he was soon after slain. Lord Talbot was so disfigured by his wounds that his body, w^hen borne from the field of battle, could not be recognised, and even an English herald, who came to seek him, hesitated on being shown the corpse; but at last he identified him by putting his finger in his mouth, and ascertaining by the defi- ciency of a tooth; then, indeed, the faithful servant yielded to an excess of grief. Upon the death of their general, the English were overpowered by numbers, and completely routed. They are said to have lost 2,000 men ; but the death of the noble veteran, whose valour and skill supported their hope, was much more deplored. Lord Talbot had been twenty years in the King's service abroad, and had been rewarded by many signal honours. He was buried at Rouen, but his remains were afterwards removed to Whitchurch in Shropshire. To complete the successes of the French, the Ear' 'i T^^,fjr---W'f*-'>'aef- ^ 392 MxiEGABET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 393 of Clermont arrived after the battle. Bourdeaux and all the other English cities were successively besieged, and surrendered, until the whole province fell agahi into the hands of King Charles, and the English were driven out, never again to return. The unfortunate termination of this war took from the English every hope of the recovery of Guienne. Calais and Guisnes now only remained in their posses- sion of all that fair portion of France which they had once held.* 14^3. In this year, 1453, King Henry, who was always a weak monarch, and unable to hold the reins of government, fell dangerously ill. His disease, (which possibly he inherited from his maternal grandfather, Charles VI. of France,) was a. severe malady of the brain, attended with total aberration of reason. So much was the natural imbecility of King Henry in- creased, that he could not even preserve the semblance of his royal dignity. He was so much afflicted that he appeared to be deranged, and was conveyed by the Queen, by slow degrees, fi'om Clarendon, where he was staying, to Westminster. The distressing condition of this monarch occasioned the prorogation of Parliament, and the Duke of York was recalled into the Cabinet. f Henrj-'s acute sen- sibility and tendency to fever of the brain, had been too much disturbed and excited by the turmoil of the late public events ; and under the difficulties he had had to contend with, his mental and bodily powers alike gave way, and left but little hope of his recovery. The situation of Queen Margaret at this time, when she was expecting to become a mother, must have * Holinshed : Hall ; Baker ; Lond. Chron ; Speed ; Stow ; Monfaucon ; Barante : Rapin ; Andrew's Great Britain ; Henry ; Phillips's Shrews- * bury : John Rous ; Pennant ; Monstrelet. f Baker ; Sandf ord ; Stow ; Hume ; Lingard ; Hallam ; W. of Wor- cester. / been most painful. The Duke of York was enjoying the supreme authority. The people were still dis- contented at the ineffectual attempts to recover their foreign possessions, and they blamed their Queen and her ministers, as if it were in their power to effect impossibilities. The grievances of the nation were much augmented by the Duke of York, who, taking advantage of the King's incapacity and of the people's dissatisfaction, hastened to assert his title, which he was still more than ever resolved to maintain, since the oath which he had so lately taken was regarded by him only as a political expedient, by which he had succeeded to extricate himself from imminent peril. *'^ During the late war in Guienne, the Queen had lost another of her best and earliest friends in Lord Talbot, who had, with his lady, joined in the escort of his fair sovereign, when she came from her native land to espouse King Henry. This noble warrior, (who had terminated his career in France like a hero,) was no less the sincere friend of Margaret, the polite courtier, and the enlightened peer of England. Highly intellectual and of refined taste, he was able to appreciate the talents and acquirements of his royal mistress, and, gratified on beholding her fondness for the arts, he presented to her a magnificent volume of illuminated manuscript.f In this gift to tlie Queen, his own taste, and acquaint- ance with literature and the arts are also admirably dis- played ; and his dedicatory lines to Queen Margaret bear satisfactory evidence of his admiration of her abilities and accomplishments. He asks of her *'to explain to his lord, the King, anything that may appear difficult to understand in the book; for," he • Hume ; Henry ; Rapin ; Monfaucon. t This MS. is still preserved in the British Museum. il 394 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. adds, " though you speak Engh'sh so well, you have not forgotten your French." The illuminated title-page of this costly work ex- hibits a stately hall, in which the Queen, seated beside King Henry, and surrounded by their courtiers, is re- ceiving from Lord Talbot his magnificent folio. In the hall is represented a rich oriel behind the royal seat, over which is a vaulted ceiling, groined, and painted blue, with golden stars ; the long lancet-shaped win- dows are rounded at the top. From pillar to pillar is extended an arras of gold and colours, with the royal arms in checkers, forming the back-ground of the royal seat. The King and Queen are both arrayed in regal costume ; the right hand of Margaret being locked in Henry's hand. The Queen wears a royal crown upon her head, from beneath which her pale golden-coloured hair flows in graceful profusion over her back and shoulders, and her pale purple mantle is fastened around the bust with bands of gold and gems. Her dress, beneath the mantle, is of furred cote-hardi. Margaret appears thus portrayed in the youth and beauty of her twentieth year, uniting the royal majesty to her own genuine loveliness. In this highly-finished picture Lord Talbot kneels before her with his offer- ing; his faithful dog attending him. Queen Margaret's emblem, the daisy flower, is abundantly scattered over the title-page, also clustered round he; armorial bear- ings, and appears in every corner of the pages of this valued manuscript. Another ornament is the Queen's initial, a crowned M., around which is the garter with its motto. A striking feature in i\\e picture, and a novel one, is the appearance of the Queen's ladies in their newly adopted attire, viz., heart-shaped caps. They were made of a roll wreathed with gold and gems, and formed into a turban over a close caul of gold cloth, or net, brought to a point, low in front, and MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 393 rising behind the head. King Henry's nobles are crowded to the right of their sovereign, clothed in full surtouts of whole colours, and trimmed with fur. They have black caps, or their hair cut close to the head, the custom prevalent in time of war, when the growth of the hair was prevented by the pressure of the helmet. The Earl of Shrewsbury has, in this unique work, paid another compliment to the Queen, by portraying Queen Olympias with her features, and arrayed in her royal robes. The kirtle of the Queen of Mace- donia is also powdered with the daisy flower. At the close of this volume, an allegorical piece re- presents the Queen and the chief ladies of her court as the Virtues ; Margaret, having on her crown and purple robe, is characterized as Faith, and King Henry as Honour. The death of Lord Talbot was felt as a national mis- fortune, for the people had honoured him as the greatest general of his time. His noble character, and literary merits, had also gained him the high esteem of Queen Margaret and her court, who especially deplored his loss. The ill success of the English army in France in- creased the distress and gloom of this period, and the clamorous Yorkists began to be regarded as enemies of the King. Still heavier trials than these awaited the Queen, who, in the spring of this year, had to mourn the loss of her beloved and devoted mother, with whom, in her early years, she had shared in difliculties and dangers, and learned the lessons of adversity. "^'^ Isabella of Lorraine died on the 28th of February, 1453, after a lingering and painful illness, in which she received the soothing care and attentions of her eldest daughter Yolande, and her husband, Ferri de • Queen Margaret's mourning weeds were blue, perhaps of that dark, deep shade called French black. 396 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 1453. Holinshed : Sand ford : Pol. Vergil Hume ; Lingard ; Ritpin. Vaudemont. Queen Margaret, although not able to share these duties, was deeply afflicted, and sym- pathized in the grief of Rene, who for a time appeared inconsolable. If it be true that highly gifted intellects are apt to grasp at the probable future, and to guide their actions thereby, we may suppose that Queen Margaret, ob- serving the passing clouds which oft overshadowed the reasoning faculties of her husband, formed some anti- cipation, that by a more heavy oppression he might be visited. She felt the urgent need of judging and act- ing for him when he was unable to decide on public affairs which perplexed and excited him. She there- fore adopted the course of leading him to pass his time in peaceful occupations and amusements. Some have blamed this prudence, saying these pursuits were more suitable for a monk than for a king. Yet the Queen evinced in this her gentleness and affec- tion for her consort no less than the correctness of her judgment. It was during this unhappy position of affairs that Queen Margaret gave birth to her only child. Prince Edward. This summer the Queen had been residing at the Palace of Westminster, and here it was that her son, the heir of King Henry's now disputed throne, first saw the light, on the IStli of October, (St. Ed- ward's day,) in 1453. The Queen was attended by the Duchess of Somerset, to whom she was much attached. The nation rejoiced greatly at the birth of their prince. The little infont was baptized in Westminster Abbey, the ceremony being performed, with gi'eat splendour, by the pious William Waynfleet, Bishop of Winchester,* who was King Henry's most beloved * This prelate immediately aftenvards eonfirmed the infant prince, ac- cording to the Ptonian Catholic rites. MABGABET OF ANJOU. 397 friend and counsellor ; and the Duke of Somerset, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Duchess of Buck- ingham were the sponsors. The font was arrayed in russet cloth of gold, and surrounded by a blaze of tapers. The " Cry some " or king's mantle, in which tlie royal babe was received after his immersion, with other accessories, cost the sum of £554 16s. Sd. This mantle was very rich with embroidery of pearls and precious stones, and was lined with a fine white linen wrapper, to prevent the brocade and gems from coming in contact with the delicate skin of the new- born prince.* On the 18th of November the ceremony of the churching of the Queen took place at the Palace of Westminster, a writ of summons under the privy seal havins: been issued to command the attendance of ladies of the highest rank in England. On this oc- casion were present ten duchesses, eight countesses, one viscountess, and sixteen baronesses, f King Henry was still suffering under his severe mental malady, and in such a state of aberration of mind that he could not notice his Httle son. The con- dition of the King, at this time, is portrayed in an interesting passage in a letter addressed to the Duke of Norfolk, as follows: — "As touchyng tythynges, " please it you to wite, that at the Princes comyng to " Wyndesore, the Duke of Buk' toke hym in his armes, '' and presented hym to the Kyng in godely wise, be- " sechyng the Kyng to blisse him; and the Kyng gave " no maner answere. Natheles the Duk abode stille " wit the Prince by the Kyng ; and whan he coude *' no maner answere have, the Queene come in, and " toke the Prince in hir armes, and presented hym in 1 ) 7 ( ■ I u 1453. * Tssne Bolls ; Fabian : Milles's Catalogue. t Five hundred and forty "brown sable backs" adorned the Queen's rUurching-robe. See Appendix, p. 435. 398 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. " like fourme as the Duke had done, desiryng that he " shuld blisse it ; but alle their labour was in veyne, " for they departed thens \vitout out any answere or " countenaunce, sauyng onely that ones he loked on " the Prince, and caste downe his eyene agen witout " any more."* Previous to the birth of her son, the King had pre- sented Queen Margaret with a token of regard, viz., a jewel, called a demy ceynt^ bought by him of his jeweller, John Wynne of the city of London, and as he says, " delyverede by oure commandment unto oure " moost dere and moost entierly belovede wj^f, the '' queue." f The royal infant had received from his mother the name of Edward, a name much dearer to the countrv^ than that of his father and grandfather. The choice of this name showed the wisdom and policy of Queen Margaret ; still seeking, if it were possible, to ingra- tiate herself with the people. The little Prince was carried to Windsor, and there, on Pentecost Sunday, 1454, he was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Corn- wall, and Earl of Chester, in the presence of the Queen, the Chancellor, the Duke of Buckingham, and many lords. To these titles were afterwards added the castle and lordship of Buelt and Montgomery'; which, it would appear, belonged to this prince by right, but had been omitted in his fonner patent, through the interference of the Duke of York4 It may be presumed by the provision made at this period in favour of the young Prince that the recovery of the King was hopeless. What a season of anxiety • Egerton MSS. + As long aft€r as the year 145G, the King -vrrites from the castle of Eccleshall to command payment of 2(vdL for the above gift. X These creations are placed by some of our historians in the year ]4o7, three years later : but a letter in the Paston Collection proves this to be erroneous. i MARGABET OF ANJOU. 399 for the unfortunate Queen ! We are told, indeed, that her child awakened in his mother's breast the fondest affection, but it was united to the deepest anxiety ; and truly, it was his destiny to cause her many griefs.* From his infancy, however, this prince gave presage of a most excellent disposition, which, in after years, was confirmed, and, as he arrived at years of discre- tion, he advanced in amiability and virtue. The birth of Prince Edward gave rise immediately to some very unjust and unfavourable reports, in which the malice of the Queen's enemies was but too appa- rent. Some individuals boldly asserted that this child was not the King's son. Others, while they main- tained this opinion, and called him supposititious, acknowledged that they had no other foundation for their opinion than the improbability of the Queen having a son, after having passed nine years of her wedded life without having any children, f The legitimacy of the Prince was, however, soon established by the concurrent voice of the people ; and while these remarks were circulated by the enemies of Queen Margaret, to the injury of her reputation, others, more liberally disposed, who questioned not the honour or virtue of their Queen, regarded the birth of her child as auspicious of better fortune ; hoping, that having a son and heir. Queen Margaret would feel a more lively interest in the welfare of the nation. She had, in fact, become the object of popular dislike, if not of hatred, throughout the kingdom, and was universally considered as too well affected towards France. J Had this last imputation been true, it is most certain that Queen Margaret must have incurred the penalty of her * Sandford ; Toplis ; Milles's Catalogue ; Paston Letters : Nugse An- tiquas ; Stow : Fabian ; Howel's Med. Hist. Ang. ; Pol. Vergil ; Hallam ; Hume : Birch's Hlust. : Ormerod's Chester. + Holinshed ; Hall : Fabian ; Rapin : Lingard ; Henry. :;: Eapin ; langard. M 400 MARGAEET OP ANJOU. deviation from rectitude ; for the war with France was no sooner over than the active and discontented spirit of the English nobihty broke out in a long and bloody civil contest, and all that courage and energy, (which had formerly gained them the brightest laurels in a foreign land,) were productive only of the most perni- cious results, when employed in desolating their own country to gratify their personal resentments.'"' Had the birth of the Prince of Wales happened earlier, it might have contributed, perhaps, to calm the public mind ; which by this time had been prepared, by the insinuations of the Yorkists, to receive the Duke of York, if not as their king at this period, at least to acknowledge him as Henry's successor. This hope was destroyed by the inopportune claimant, the infant Edward, and Queen Margaret's enemies industriously circulated doubts of the legitimacy of her child, assail- ing her with calumnies which could not fail to be impressed on the minds of the people, who were so ill- disposed towards her.f During the late events Richard, Duke of York, was staying in the city of York. It was reported' that Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter, was also there covertly, and the writer (a Lancastrian) adds, " God send him good counsel hereafter." The Duke of York remained in that city until after the feast of Corpus Christi. He paid great attention to the religious solemnities, which gi'atified the people, and gained him much popularity. The characteristics of this Duke had been displayed both in Ireland and in France, viz., his valour and ability, his prudent conduct and mild disposition ; and these had gained him many friends. He was, besides, extremely cautious, and even betrayed some fear in his * Holinslied. t Fabian. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 401 subsequent proceedings against the King.* Had not the death of Gloucester paved the way for the ambi- tious schemes of York, it seems probable that the latter would never have asserted his right to the crown ; and, having now done so, he encountered so many obsta- cles, that he might have been diverted from his pur- pose, had not the general discontent of the people encouraged him to proceed. The repeated indisposition of the King had caused great vacillation in the minds of the people, for although they respected their sovereign, and were attached to him for his meek and amiable disposition, they could not but acknowledge that he was only the shadow of a king ; and that he lent his name to anything pro- posed to him by the Queen and her ministers. These ministers, by the bad use they made of their autho- rity, had lost their influence and respect with the people, who loudly complained of Somerset's choice of men devoid of principle and talent, to fill the offices of state, and even the Council-chamber. They went so far as to suspect him of a design to suppress religion and morality altogether, and of not allowing the correction of the abuses and disorders of the country. | The loss of France had irritated the people, and while the King was thought to be incapable of retrieving the honour of the nation, the Queen was considered too zealous for the interests of the French, and ambitious of monopolizing all power ; finally, that Somerset was a greedy minister, eager to enrich himself at the public expense. Such was the condition of the public mind at this period. No wonder that they should listen to the claims of York, and that tlie birth of the Prince, by depriving this Duke of his right as heir apparent, * Paston Letters ; Hume, f Rapin. I 145S. Raplu. II VOL. I. D D 402 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTT. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 403 should increase the irritation of all parties, and ex- clude every hope of his peaceable succession to the throne.* The Duke of York perceived the advantage he derived from the disposition of the people, and resolved to insinuate himself into their aifections, under the plea of redressing their grievances, by obliging the King to appoint more competent ministers. He was convinced that could he succeed in excluding: his enemies from the Cabinet, he should be enabled to establish his own friends there, and eventually triumph. Many of the nobility were predisposed to any new arrangement, through their dislike to the ministry. The Duke, therefore, to effect his purpose, engaged several lords in his interest, under pretence of driving the Duke of Somerset awav from court : for he was envied and hated by all. He next stirred up the people against his rival, and tried to lessen the credit of his sovereign, by reminding the people of his incapacity to govern, f The unfortunate Henry was indeed totally unfitted by his illness to assume even the semblance of reefal power. He lay senseless, and was unable either to walk or to stand. Yet the hope of his recovery sus- tained the Queen in this trying hour whilst absorbed in maternal cares, and in watchful anxietv over the afflicting malady of her husband. Amidst the political changes of this period Margaret took no part. She would not risk the safety of her child by any attempt to seize the reins of government, but she acted with prudence and dignity. She maintained her state as Queen, held courts and audiences, but having no longer the King's authority to support her, she was * Monfaucon : Hume : Rapin. t Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil , Rapin. compelled to yield to the torrent, and to suffer her enemies to govern as they pleased.* A graphic and interesting account has been afforded us in a letter from the pen of a Yorkist. He speaks of party gatherings about this time, and of individual movements ; unconnectedly he speaks of both factions ; it is, as it were, the history o{ one eventful year (1454) preceding the commencement of the civil wars. Anxiety for personal safety, or alarm for the public weal, seems to be, on every heart, portrayed. It would be difficult to fix the date to each of these particulars, but as a whole they exhibit a period symptomatic of the com- ing troubles, and show the misrule of the Yorkists and the confusion of the Lancastrians. The purport of this letter is as follows : — " At the beginning of the year 1454, we find the '' Duke of Buckingham giving orders for 2,000 bands " or scarfs, distinguished by the Stafford knot ; men " were at a loss to know for what purpose." f *' The Cardinal had commanded all his servants " to be prepared with all such habiliments of war as " they knew how to use, in the defence of his person." ^ "The Earl of Wiltshire and Lord Bonvile have "made known, in Taunton, in Somersetshire, that " every man who will join them, and serve them, " shall have provision daily so long as they abide with " them. The Duke of Exeter hath been to Tuxforth, " near Doncaster, in the north country, and there Lord " Egremond met him, and those two were sworn to- " gether ; and the Duke is come home again." "The Earl of Wiltshii'e, the Lord Beaumont, * Holinshed ; Lond. Chron. : Rapin ; Hume ; Henry, t Humphrey Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, was a firm Lancastrian, and in attendance on both King and Queen. • t Cardinal Kemp was of great age, and the burden of his charge of affairs in Church and State too heavy. His active measure in favour of the Queen might have caused him to fear an attack on his life. D D 2 1454. 404 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. " Panynges, Clyfford, Egremond, and Bonvile, are get- " ting all the forces they can to come hither with them." *' Tresham, Joseph, Daniel, and Trevilian, have " made a bill to the Lords, desiring to have a garrison *' kept at Windsor for the safeguard of the King and ** Prince, and that they may have money for wages of *' them, and other, that shall keep the garrison. Thorp ^* of the Exchequer, articulethe fast against the Duke '' of York, but what his articles were is unknown. The *' Duke of Somerset's herbergeour hath taken up all *' the lodgings that might be had near the Tower, in *' Thames Street, Mark Lane, St. Katherine's, Tower ■' Hill, and thereabout." '' The Queen has made a bill of five articles, w^hich '' she desires to be granted her. First, that she desires " to have the whole rule of this land ; the second, that '' she may appoint the Chancellor, Treasurer, Privy " Seal, and all other officers of this land, with sheriffs, " and all other officers that the King should make ; '' the third is, that she may give all the bishoprics of *^ this land, and all other benefices belonging to the " King's gift ; the fourth is, that she may have suffi- '' cient livelihood assigned her for the King, the Prince, " and herself; the fifth article was omitted." In continuance, the writer describes the coming, on the 25th January, of the Duke of York to London, with his friends, Salisbury, Warwick, the Earls of March, Richmond, and Pembroke, each one of them with a formidable arrav of armed retainers. Next, he adds ; — " Every one who is of the opinion of the Duke " of Somerset makes himself ready to be as strong as " he can make him." Then follows a caution to York to watch and be- ware of the snares of his enemies ; for, he adds, " the '' Duke of Somerset has spies going in every lord's '' house of this land ; some go as brothers, some as MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 405 " shipmen and otherwise, which make known to him " all that they see or hear relating to the Duke ; *' therefore," he repeats, "beware and watch."* According to the information conveyed in this letter,f the Duke of York made his appearance in the metropolis, accompanied by his most powerful adhe- rents and friends, each of them bringing a numerous- retinue. The Court took alarm ; and to prevent dis- sensions and warfare, which they apprehended, the Queen reluctantly consented to admit the Duke of York, and the Earls of Salisbury and AVarwick, to the Council. The Parliament which had been summoned to meet at Reading on the 12th of November, 1453, was, in consequence of the King's illness, adjourned until the 11th of the February following, and again until the 14th of the same month in 1454, when the meeting was appointed to be held at Westminster. Previous to the events of this year, 1454, York had taken the resolution to remove the unfavourable im- pressions inspired by his former conduct, by adopting a mild and submissive course, at the same time seek- ing to win the public favour. His willingness to dis- band his troops, and his oath of fidelity to the King, were, he well knew, likely to remove any suspicions of his evil intentions. J The King's malady was at its height in the year 1453, and the government was then chiefly administered by the aged Chancellor Kemp. It is true Queen Margaret herself exercised the regal authority in the ♦ Egerton MSS. f The object of the writer appears to have been to convey information privately, which had been collected by several persons belonging to the household of John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, one of the lords of the York- ists' party, that their master might be acquainted with the eventc passing in London, and other places, before his arrival in the capitaL ^ Kapin. 406 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. name of her husband, but the counsels to which she deferred were those of the Chancellor Kemp, and of the Duke of Somerset. The former had, as the Queen knew, formed one of the Cabinet before her marriage to King Henry, whose unlimited confidence he had enjoyed. Queen Margaret, however, lost this acute and faith- ful counsellor just when the political horizon of this country began to be obscured, and the threatening storm rendered his services more than ever necessary to his royal mistress. 3454, In February, 1454, the Duke of York opened the session in the name of the King, with the title of Lieu- tenant. The death of the Chancellor Kemp, who was also Archbishop of Canterbury, occurred on the 24th of March, at his palace, Lambeth. A deputation forthwith waited on the King at Windsor, to convey the intelli- gence, and to consult his royal pleasure in appointing persons to fill these high offices; but, upon their re- turn, they reported that although they had three times earnestly solicited an interview, they could not obtain it ; nor did they receive any other reply than that "the King was sick." This evidence of King Henry's inability to govern was sufficient. The Duke of York was created " Pro- tector " of the kingdom during the pleasure of the Khig, or until the young Prince should arrive at years of discretion. This Act also granted to the Duke, as ^' Protector," a salary of 2,000 marks annually.* The Duke and his two friends, Salisbury and Warwick, had no sooner taken their seats in Par- liament than they carried all before them. The first act of Richard of York w^as to proceed boldly * Milles's Catalogue ; Lond. Chron. ; Hume ; Hallam's Middle Ages Henry ; Lingard. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 407 L against the Duke of Somerset, and to have him arrested. This took place even in the Queen's chamber, from whence he was hurried to the Tower, where he was confined during the Christmas season. An accusation w^ also laid against him in the House of Peers, charging him with the loss of Caen. This impeachment, however, was not prosecuted, no suffi- cient evidence against him being adduced. At this time the Duke of Norfolk distinguished him- self as one of the enemies of Somerset ; he rose in the house and made an artful and eloquent harangue against him. Somerset was deprived of his govern- ment of Calais ; of which place, (always very important in times of trouble as a refuge,) the Duke of York took possession himself, for the period of seven years.* After these abrupt and decided measures of her enemies, and the disrespect shown to Queen Margaret, in the seizure of Somerset in her chamber, it is highly improbable that the articles, (alluded to in the pre- ceding letter,) which she had drawn up, if presented at all, would be listened to by the Lords. In like man- ner, the petitions of her party must also have fallen to the ground. The proceedings of this session, so much under the influence of the Protector, are difficult to trace. Many lords absented themselves, and were compelled by heavy fines to attend. It w^as decided in the Parliament, held by the Duke of York, on the 15th of March, 1454, that a medical Commission should be appointed, of three physicians and two surgeons, to watch the health of the King, and to attend on him. Those who were chosen for this office were John Arundell, John Faceby, and William * Sandford ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Paston Letters ; Lond. Ckron. j Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Kapin ; Lingard ; Henry ; Hume. 1454. 408 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1454. Hatcljff,* physicians, with Robert Wareyn and John Marcball, surgeons, who were empowered to act according to their own discretion and the exigency of the case.| At the meeting of Parliament on ^lie 2nd of April, the King's three Great Seals, one of gold and the other two of silver, were brought in a wooden chest, and delivered by the Duke of York to the newly appointed Chancellor, Richard, Earl of Salisbury, who from this time became, (the first so styled) Lord Chancellor of England. After conferring this distinction on his brother-in- law, the Protector next favoured the succession of Thomas Bouchier to the Archbishopric of Canterbury, at the same time nominating William Gray, Bishop of Ely in the room of Bouchier, the new* Primate. Five noblemen were also selected from the two contending parties, to be intrusted with the custody of the seals for seven years ; these were the Earls of Shrewsbury, Worcester, Wiltshire, and Salisbury, and the Lord Stourton. During this period of the rule of the Yorkists, the Commons, steadfast in the cause of the King, vainly petitioned for the restoration of their Speaker' Thomas Thorp, who had been thrown into prison by the Duke of York.J The latter had, while in chief authorit}', prepared in the palace of the Bishop of Durham, habiliments of war ; and these arms had been seized by Thorp at the command of the King, upon which the Duke brought his action against Thorp, and upon trial recovered 1,000/. damages; and the unfortunate Speaker was committed to the Fleet prison in execution. ♦ One of the Foundation FeUows of Cambridge University, and chief physician to the King, t Nicholas's Acts of the Privy Council. :: Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rot Pari. ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 409 ^ The whole House pleaded for him, urging his pri- vilege by common custom, time out of memory of man, and ''ever afore these times used in every of the Pariiaments of the King's noble progenitors." The Duke of York, however, declared in the House of Lords that Thorp, having been cast in an action of trespass for carrying away his goods, lay now in prison in^ execution, where he, (the Duke,) prayed that he might remain. This had the force of a command, for the Duke had great power ; and, therefore, while the Commons, overiooking their grievances, appointed a new Speaker, Thorp was detained in prison notwith- standing his privilege, and was compelled to pay the exorbitant damages required of him. He contrived to escape to the King, but, being retaken, was sent to Newgate, and afterwards to the Marshalsea. This Baron Thorp was a faithful adherent of Henry VL, and w^as especially employed by him, both in peace and war, against the headstrong lords. He became thus the inveterate enemy of the Duke of York, who was much swayed from his usual disposition in procuring from the Commons so unwarrantable a determination against him; but at this time the country was fast verging on civil war.* ^ The Lancastrians had contrived to maintain the rights of their King. They declared that the title of "Protector" carried with it no authority, merely giving to the Duke precedence in the Council, and the com- mand of the army in time of war ; that it might be revoked at the King's pleasure, and should not affect the rights of the young Prince of Wales, who had been created Duke of Cornwall and Eari of Chester, and, when of age, the Protectorate would devolve upon him, should the illness of the King continue.! ♦ Baker ; Stow ; Hallam : Townsend's House of Commona. t Rymer ; Rot. Pari. ; Lingard. 410 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. During the imprisonment of the Duke of Somerset, and the King's indisposition, Queen Margaret had been compelled to yield to the rival power; but Henry's malady was not permanent. He recovered his health, and the use of his reason, about Christmas, and was conveyed to London. The interview between the Queen and this monarch, upon his recovery, has been thus described in one ot the Paston Letters : — '' On the Monday afternoon the Queen came to him, '' and brought my Lord Prince with her ; and then he '' asked what the Prince's name was, and the Queen '' told him, Edward ; and then he held up his hand, and " thanked God thereof. And he said, 'he never knew him " till that time, nor wist not what was said to him, nor " wist not where he had been, whilst he had been sick, ''till now;' and he asked, who were godfathers? and " the Queen told him, and he was well apaid {content), ''And she told liim that the Cardinal was dead ; and " he said, he never knew thereof till that time ; and " he said, one of the wisest lords in this land was dead.* " And my Lord of Winchester,! and my Lord of Saint " John's I were with him on the morrow after Twelfth " Day, and he spake to them as well as ever he did ; *' and when they came out, they wept for joy. " And he saith, he is in charity with all the world ; " and so he would all the lords were. And now he " saith matins of Our Lady, and Evensong, and heareth " his mass devoutly." "Written at Greenwich, on Thursday after Twelfth-Day, " By your Cousin, " Edmund Clerc." " 10th January, 1455. *' 33 Henry VL" * This was John Kemp, whom the King commended, f William Waynfleet. ::: Robert Botill, lord prior of St. John of Jerusalem, in Middlesex. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 4U This brief and curious account of King Henry's illness is interesting as coming from himself. His total loss of memory, to which he alludes, commenced about October 11th, in 1453, and continued until Christmas, 1454. This letter also exhibits the King's true cha- racter for charity, meekness, and discretion. The writer of this epistle, who had some appointment at court, was then staying at Greenwich, and had there- fore good opportunity for observation. No sooner was the King's health restored, than Queen Margaret instigated him to revoke the Duke of York's commission, and to resume his own proper authority ; with which the King complied, at the same time treating the Duke with his accustomed kindness. Thus ended the '' Protectorate." * The late inactivity of the Queen had lulled the Duke of York into an imaginary security. He did not expect to be thus suddenly deprived of his newly-acquired power: his affiiirs were not, however, sufficiently advanced to give him authority to dispute this point, although it was evident that the King s resumption of power was only to intrust the government into the hands of the Queen. Margaret, on recovering her former influence, im- mediately released the Duke of Somerset from the Tower, the Duke of Buckingham offering bail for him, together with the Eari of Wiltshire, and two other knights; but these were, a month after, freed from their engagement. Somerset had been accused and apprehended by orders of the Council, and it was therefore considered that the King had no power to release him without consulting that body; but no regard w^as paid to this opinion ; and, without having been submitted to any trial, the Duke took his seat in * Sandford : Baker ; Paston Letters ; Carte ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Henry • Milles's Catalogue, ' i 412 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. the Cabinet, where the Queen, supported by this favourite minister, regained her former importance, and York and his party were no longer able to pre- serve any authority.* The enmity between the Dukes of York and Somerset, upon this, rose to a great pitch, and some of the more prudent of the members exerted their interest to reconcile them ; nor did this appear imprac- ticable, the object of both parties being to preserve the good opinion of the people, which they could not hope for should they suffer their ambitious motives to be- come apparent. These noblemen consented to submit to arbitration; and agreed that whichever refused to ' yield to this decision should forfeit to his rival the sum of 20,000 marks, and that the award should be given before the 20th of June. Eight persons were chosen as arbitrators, viz., the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Ely, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earls of Wiltshire and Worcester, Viscount Beaumont, and the Lords Cromwell and Stourton. These all met at Coventry, and held their controversy in the presence of the King. It was represented, meanwhile, to this monarch by the Duke of Somerset, that he had been deprived of his government of Calais upon an accusa- tion against him, which had not been proved ; and that it was still detained from him unjustly by the Duke of York. With much earnestness did King Henry labour to reconcile his two irascible subjects. He now took from the Duke of York the government of Calais, and, under pretence of maintaining a neutrality between the parties, he declared that he would himself assume that government ; but this arrangement proved highly dis- pleasing to the Duke of York, who immediately, with feelings of deep resentment, retired from court. * stow ; Baker ; Carte ; Lingard ; Henry. ! MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. 413 For his personal safety he went into Wales, but his chief object was to prepare an army to enforce his claims to a throne, which he found he could not obtain by policy and address.* The Duke had become con- vinced that nothing but force could displace his enemies ; the Queen' and Somerset having, through their influence over the King, so much the advantage. The friends of the Duke — Salisbury, Warwick, Lord Cobham, and others, — soon joined him. They had also arrived at the same conclusions, viz., that remonstrances and public accusations were in- effectual. It was resolved, finally, that their disputes should be settled by force of arms. An army was speedily levied, and their pretext for this hostile movement was, the release of the Duke of Somerset without legal autho- rity ; a plea, they well knew, which would draw many to their standard. From his castle of Ludlow, the Duke of York addressed a letter, in February, 1455, to the bailiffs, burgesses, and commons of Shrewsbury, com- plaining of the misconduct of the Duke of Somerset ; and setting forth his intention, viz., to remove this minister by force from the King's Council and person ; and he further exhorted them to aid him in this enterprise. In the march of the Duke of York towards London he was supported by the Earls of Salisbury and War- wick, the Duke of Norfolk, and Lord Cobham, with all their followers, amounting to 3,000 men. On the side of the royalists were the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham, the Earls of Northumber- land, Stafford, Dorset, Pembroke, and otliers, with an army of 8,000 men,'|' with the King at their head. * Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Paston Letters ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Phillips's Shrewsburj. f stow says more than 2,000. 1455. Stow. 414 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. These all encamped the night before their encounter at Watford, and the following morning entered St. Albans.* * Baker ; Holinshed ; Stow : Sandford ; Carte ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Howel ; Hume ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry. APPENDIX TO THE FIEST VOLUME. (Rymer's Foedera, vol. xi.) a.d. 1444. 22 Heniy VI. For the Earl of Suffolk upon his scruples in tJie execution of the E,iibam, entrusted to him. The King to all, &c. :— Wml'rH*^f'p'",''t''w ^^""^i^™"^'! ow dearly beloved cousin, WilUam de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, Great Seneschall of our Household our Ambas^or, and othe,^ in hia suite in our kingdom of F^nce, to our Uncle and Adversary of France, upon certain n,a«ers touching Us, our Kingdom, our dommions and the quiet of our subjects. And 85 our consin fears to exceed the bounds of his commission as granted by Act of our CouncU under our own hand and Seal. We, wishmg to remove all occasion of fear and scruple from our afore- saidcousm and aU doubt in the execution of our laws and command and every like feebng in the hearts of our subjects To all and every we wish to be known, in our great desire for peace tn^r ^"'li""' %''«'='*'^"»° exonerating the Amba.ssador and his heirs lor ever and ever from any consequences resulting from the dischar<.e of his embassy, and freeing him and his heirs from all molestat^or demands on the part of the King, his heirs or successoi^. Witness the King at Westminster, Feb. 25. fl Mandate for tJie Payment of Momys for the expenses of the Queen^s journey into England. Henri, bv the grace of God, kyng of Englande and of Fraunce and lord of Irlande, to the tresorere and chamberlains of oure Escheqiiier, greting, We, by the advice of oure counsaH, have maade certain adWsamentz of 416 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. dispenses and coustages that by estinacione wolde suffise for the bringing oute of our reaume of Fraunce unto oure presence of oure mooste beste beloved .vyf the queue, as by ij copies of the said advises, the whiche we sende unto you closed withinne thees, it may appere unto you more at plain We wol therefore, by thadvis of oure saide counsail, and char-e you that yede iver, by way of apprest, unto oure welbeloved servantz Johne Breknoke and to Johne Everdone, clercs in oure householde, or to the oon of theim whom we have assigned to entende for and aboute the said expenses, the sommes conteigned in the said cedules after the advi^s ^ ' ^"^ ^^'^ ^^"^ "^"^^ '''"^^' ''^^^'" ^^^ ^^"""^^^ "^' ^^^ ^^^ Yevene undre oure Prive Seal, at Westminster, the xix day of Au-st the yere of oure regne xxij. , J o j Bexet. {Th€ Second Schedule.) Five barons and baronesses, each four shilHngs and sixpence the >■ '''°'i "' I'y '''' h- water, on td nn Z "^\' ""''' '^'" sold and silver in ba« and wallets, and all other goods whatever, on their coming to see the soleumity of the Coronation of the Queen. j- oi uie domfllfr'f™''''?,*"."""' *° any place within his Majesty's ton,ards as often, and m what way they please, during the t«rm of the aiAEGAEET OF AXJOTJ. 417 ^^"^me' KiLt' ''*' '^'""' " °''''™^*"° '""" *^ '^"-'^ '^' Provided always, that they conduct themselves well and honestlv towards he King and his people, and that neither by worf oTdeed hey «ay, or attempt anything that may tend to the prejudice of the Ktror • rrT^^TrT^"" t*'"--'"'-' tteydo not enter id any Castle F^Ls Witness the King at Westminster, Dec. 5. (Ibid.) A.D. 1445. 23 Henry VI. CoMerning the ring with which the King was sacred ok the day of his CoromtuM at Paris, to be remade for th, marriage of the Quee,vaJ of 'mnoua presents. "> •^aeen, am Right trusty and well-beloved, For, as moch as oure Trusty and well beloved Squire John Merston Tresoner of oure Chamber and Keej^er of our Jewels hath bJ oure special commandement delivered these jewelles unde^ written A Kyng of Gold garnished with a fayr ruble, somtyme yeven unto us S t^ R^k ^' >1°" C»»°"i™ ^t Parys, delivered unto Matthew Sig ri^g. "^ '" ""^^^ '^'"^'' '''"S f» the Queen's wed- Here follows an enumeration of various articles of gold and jewellery with their pnces, presents from the King to various persons, on the New 1 ears day previous. .t J''''".u'o°^ ^"'"^ '''^* ^" ^"^^ "^ *« Pite °f Our Lord, Gar- M with Stones and Perle, bought of Matthew Philip, aaid yern unto oure bel oncle, the Due of Gloucester, by us on Neweyek's Day h^t passed, price xcfej. ' <-} "•^i^ A Cuppe of Golde covered and chased, bought of John Patteslef oJ England, on the said Neweyere's Day, price xclib. viis An Ouche of Gold Garnished with a Balys, a Saphyr, and a great Perh. bought of the «.id Mathew, and yeven by us'um'o the Du" ixeter on the said Neweyere's Day, price Ix I. T t "^o ^'1 "^ ^°''* garnished wi'th stones and perle, Bought of the said John Pattesley, and Yeven by Us unto the Arihebi^hop tfCanterb^y on the said Neweyere's Day, price I lib. "•-eroury and perle. Bought of the said John, and Yeven by Us unto the Ducheie 01 Buckingham on the said Neweyere's Day, price xxxiu^. yi,. viijr An Ouche of Gold made in manner of a Gentil-woman, garnished with stones and perle, bought of the said Mathew, and Ye^en by Us ™to the Earl of Warwick on the said Neweyere's Day, price xxxi VOL. I. ^ r . E E I 418 MARGARET OF ANJOU. A Tabulet of Gold with an Ymage of St. Katerine, garnished ^ith stonvs and perle. Bought of the same Mathew and Yeven unto the Bishop of Sanini on the said Neweyere's Day, price xxvi^. xiiis. and iiij d. A Gipser of Gold, .eamished with Rubies and perle, bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven by Us unto oure Cousin, the Viscount Beaumont, on the Siiid Neweyere's Day, price xxl. An Ouche of Gold made in manner of a pare, garnished with Stonys and Perle, and bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven by us unto the Lord of Sydeley, on the sayd Xeweyere's Day, price xx I. An Ouche, garnished with a Balys, a Sajih^T, and six Perles, bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven by Us unto Sir James Fenys, Knight, on the same Neweyere's Day. An Ouclie of Gold made in manner of a Peche, garnished, bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven by Us unto Sir John Beauchamp, Knight, Steward of c ur Howshold, on the same Neweyere's Day. An Ouche of Gold and in the middes a Flour de Lyes, bought of the said Mathew, and Yeven to Sir Roger Fenys, Knight, Tresorier of oure household on the same Newevere's Dav. And an Ouche of Gold garnished with a greet Perle, a Rubie, and a Diamond pla}Ti, taken of the Stuff of our Jewelhows, and Yeven by Us unto Ro.'« at.endan:er;« wen be oved Consort, on her departure from our Kingdom of France and on her comujg to our presence, has had and sustained, and also of X' ,s »nH'"Jr'' f '•'"'* Pn^iseworthy services which he has rlde^ us, and wjU render to us in future, in our especial favor, we hZeZ.^ Si?aTofsf Sir-*" *- --'-^ -'^-^-^^ thl '-P- the';::';7!Krof t'-uthisr z ^'c^ fn'T ^. those duties for the time being, at t'he ^tl:^^^^^,^^^:^ in equal portions of forty pounds from our Custom, oTwZl tITZ fotTh. r ""t^'' "' ^™'r' '" ''^ ^'' ''y *« CoUecto« of those dude, for the t.me bemg at the aforesaid periods in equal portion,. Confimmg all other grants and gifts formerlv made by us to the said E.chard,alland eve.,^ statute, act, orionane*, restriction, on Ly cau^or matter whatever otherwise made or provided notwithstaklT^ "" In virtue whereof, &c., *' Witness the King at Westminster, 15th day of May. 1x2 ))^ 420 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. (Ibid.) A.D. 1445. 23 Henry VI. Concerning the customary gifts far the Master of the Ship who brought the Queen to England. The King to all, &c., greeting : — Know that, as we have been informed that it has always been a custom on those occasions, when Queens have arrived in this our kingdom, that certain gifts should be granted to the masters of those vessels in which they have crossed the seas. We, therefore, in consideration of the good and faithful services which our trusty Thomas Adam, late master of the Ship called Cok John of Cherbourg, in which our well-beloved and chosen Queen voyaged to our said kingdom, rendered to our aforesaid Consort on her passage, in our especial favor do grant him 20 marks annually to the end of his life, on the death of John Williams, seaman, of our Customs, in port of , our Town of Southampton, to be paid by the Collectors of Customs for the time being, at Michaelmas and Easter, in equal portions. In \irtue whereof, &c, &c., Witness the King at Westminster, June 10. Issue Roll, 23 Henry VI. 18th June.—To five minstrels of the King of Sicily, who lately came to England to witness the state and grand solemnity on the day of the Queen's coronation, and to make a report thereof abroad. In money paid to them in discharge of £50, viz. :— to each of them £10 which the Lord the King commanded to be paid, to be had of his gift by way of ^^'^^- , By writ, &c. £50. To two minstrels of the Duke of Milan, who came to England to wit- ness the solemnization of the Queen's coronation, and report the same to the princes and people in their country. In money paid to them by the hands of Edward Grj^meston, in discharge of 10 marks ; viz. :— to each of them 5 marks, which the Lord the King, with the advice and assent of his Council, commanded to be paid to the said minstrels, to be had of his ^^' By writ, &c. £6 I3s. 4d. To John de Surenceurt, an esquire of the King of Sicily, and steward of the Queen's household abroad, who came previously to the Queen's reception, to witness the solemnization of her coronation, and to report the same as above. In money paid to him by the hands of Edward Grymeston, in discharge of 50 marks, which the Lord the King, with the :id\'ice and assent of his Council, commanded to be paid to the said ^^^^y ^'^' By writ, &c. £33 65. 8d. To John d'Escoce, an esquire of the King of Sicily, who, as a true sub- ject of the Queen's father, left his own occupations^ abroad and came in the Queen's retinue to witness the solemnity on the day of her corona- tion. In money paid to him, &c. By ^-rit, &c. £66 135. 4d. f I* MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 421 I9th Ju?ie.—To Sir Ahneric Chaperon, knight, and Charles de Caste- hon, clerk, Ambassadors from the King of Sicily, lately sent to the Lord the Kmg, m the Queen's retinue, upon certain affairs on behalf of the said Lord, the King of Sicily. In money paid to them in dischame of 200 marks, which the said Lord the King commanded to be paid to the said Ahnenc and Charles ; viz. :— to each 100 marks, to have of his gift by way of reward. By writ, &c., £133 ds. Sd. Issue Roll. 27 Henry VI. Uth Nov.-To William Flour, of London, goldsmith. In money paid to him by assignment made this day, in dischaige of 20 marks, which the Lord the King commanded to be paid to the said William to be had by way of reward, because the said Lord the King stayed in the house of the said William on the day that Queen Margaret, his consort set out from the Tower of London for her coronation at Westminster' By writ of privy seal amongst the mandates of Michaelmas Term in the 24th year of the said King. ^23 'g^ g^ A.D. 1444. Petitions in Parliament in the twenty-third ye.yr of Henry VL (Fro7n original Documents in the Tower of London.} So it bailie as Srs. Grace be to the Lord. " Henry by the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord The of Ireland, to all the present members of his Parliament Saluting Queen's Ye know how, when the honour of high rank of King took its first ^''^'^' ongm, and to which we have attained, it was disposed of by God to be administered by his rule, that the subordinate powers might be bestowed on aU those needing and deserving the Royal munificence. In like man- ner It is fitting that the King's Majesty should be the more studious to pro\ade for the Queen, as relating to her dowiy ; and since the ineflable providence of the Eternal King, ever bestowing his favours upon us decided wisely on both sides ; he has taken in marriage the most iUus-' tnous daughter of the King of Naples and Jerusalem, and Grand Duke of Lorrame, the Queen Margaret, bom of Isabella, accoixling to the agreement of our nuptials. We do therefore tenderly soHcit your wilh and custom in the dowry of the Consort herself of Hemy ; foUowing nobly the recorded works of our ancestors, the titles of her right, declaring that it should be given her at this demand in the following form ; by the advisement and assent of the Lords present and temporal, and of the authority of King Henry of England in the present Parliament at Westminster ; begun and held 422 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. on the twenty-fifth day of February, in the twenty-third year of King HenrVs reign, and until the twenty-ninth day of April then next follow*^ ing, adjourned and prorogued ; and afterwards until the twentieth day of October then next following, adjourned ; and from the said twentieth day of October, until the twenty-fourth day of January then next fol- lowing, adjourned and prorogued ; by authority of those belonging to the said Parliament : " We do give and concede to the said consort of Henry, the castle, town, possessions and honours of Leicester, with its members and dependencies in the county of Leicester, namely the Manor of Dt sseford,the Bale of Desseford, the Manor of Shiilton, the Bale of Shul- ton, the Manor of Hinkeley. the Borough of Hinkeley from without the Bale of Hynkeley ; the Bale of Glenfeld, the Bale of Belgrave, and Sylebv,^vith 40 marks per annum from the fruitful farm of the towTi of Gunthorp^in the county of Nottingham, the Bale of Curleton, the Manor of Stapulford, the Bale of Stapulford, Hethelye, with the deed of the thrifty Frith, the Bale of the Honor of Leicester in the Counties of Northampton, Warwick, and Leicester, the Manor of Swannington, the farm and Mills of the town of Leicester, the Manor of Fouston, the Manor of Sweton, and the Manor of Laiigton in the County of Leicester, fixed at the value of 250^. 8s. Ofrf. per samum. The Castle, the Manor, and Honor of Tudbury, with their members and appurtenances, viz., the Manor of RoUeston, the Manor of Barton, the Manor of Marchington, Manor of Uttoxhatter, Manor of Adgarseley, the Bale of one part, called Anard, of the other part, called Rodman, the Bale lately freed in the County of Stafi"ord, the Ward of Tudbury, Ward of Barton, Ward of Yoxhale, the Ward of Marching- t(m, and the Ward of Uttoxhatter, in the County of Stafl"ord ; and in the County of Derby, the Manor of Dufteld, the Manor of Beaurepaire, Manor of Holbrok, Manor of Allerwassle, Manor of Southwode, Manor of Heighege, the Hundreds of Gresley, the Manor of Edrichay, Manor of Holand, Manor of Byggyng, Manor of Irtonwode, Manor of Bonteshale, Manor of Brassington, Manor of Matloke, Manor of Hertington, Manor of Spondon, Manor of Scropton, the Himdreds of Appaltre, the Bale for filling up lately freed in the County of Derby ; the Ward of Dufteld, the Ward of Holand, the Ward of Colbrok, Ward of Beaurepare, the Castle and Manor of Melbourne, the farm Querrere of Rouclif, the Castle and estate of Alti Pecci, the Landsend called Wynnclondes^ the new freedom in Pecco in the Coimty of Derby, fixed at the value of 927/. 17*. 7kd. per annum. The Manor of YerkhuU in the county of Hereford, at the value of 6/. 13^\ 4d. per annum. The Manor of Croudon in the County of Bucks, at the value of 20/. lU. 4d. per annum. The Manor of Haseley, Manor of Kirtelington, Manor of Dtidington, Manor of Fir\-ton, and the Manor of Ascot in the County of Oxfordshire, to the value of 155/. 7s. lO^d. per annum. The Castle and Estate of Plecy, the Manor of Heighestre, Manor of W^altham, Manor of Masshebury, Manor of Bad ewe, Manor of Dunmowe; Manor of Lighes, Manor of Wykes, Manor of Walden, Manor of Dependen, Manor of Quenden, Manor of Northampstede, Manor of Farnhara, Manor of Shenfeld, the Bale of the Honor of Tudbur}-, Lancaster and Leicester, in the Counties of Essex MARGARET OF ANJOU. 423 Hertford, Middlesex, London and Surrey, the Manor of Enfeld, and a building called Hackeys, in the County of Middlesex, an Hotel in the city of London, called Blanch Appleton, -with a house, called Steward's Inn, in the parish of St. Olive's in that city ; the Castle and town of Hertford, the Manor of Hertfordingbury, Manor of Esgudeu, and the ' Manor of Bayford in the County of Hertfordshire ; and the Manor of Walton in the county of Surrey, to the value of 555/. 165. O^d. per an- num. The Estate in the County of Essex, to the value of 40/. 10s. lOrf, per annum. The Manor of Wathersfield, in the County of Essex, to the value of 27/. 10s. 7d. per annum ; and the Castle and possessions of Kenelworth, with dependencies in the County of Warwick, to the value of 15/. 4s. 6hd. per year. And certain Castles, Towns and honours, do- maines, manors, lands and houses, and other things pertaining to Duke Henry of Lancaster, are promised and are held per annum at the value » of 2,000/. To be had, held and kept of tlie said Consort of Henry, all the appointed Castles, Honours, Towns, Domains, Manors, Wapentaches, Bales, county estates, sites of France, carriages, landed farms, renewed yearly, the lands, houses, possessions and other things promised, with all their members and dependencies, together with the lands of the Mili- taiy, Ecclesiastic advocacies, Abbotcies, Priories, Deaneries, Colleges, Capellaries, singing academies. Hospitals, and of other religious houses, by wards, marriages, reliefs, food, iron, merchandize, liberties, free cus- toms, franchise, royalties, fees of honour, returned in a short time, and other our commands, given in our presence, and by executions on the same things by outlets, boundaries, and amercements, forests, chaises, parks, woods, meadows, fields, pastures, warrens, vivarios, ponds, fish waters, mills, mulberry trees, fig trees, and all other thinj;s pertaining to the same Castles, Honours, Towns, Estates, Manors, Possessions, lands, houses, and ether things promised ; however they may tend, or pertain to them ; together with such returns of lands and tenements in tlie dowry, to the end of her life, or years ; and by all other returns made to the appointed Castles, To^\^ls, Honours, Possessions, Manors, Wapen- taches, Bales, Lands, Houses, and other things i)romised however, tend- ing, or pertaining thereto ; to be given at the feast of the sacred Michael the Archangel, in the 24th year of King Henr}-, to the end of her life, in respect of her dowry, and so freely and honestly, until some restoring or making over to Us, or the heirs of Henry, so that we may inherit them, or be indebted to his heir if we hold them at the hands of Henry. And if it should happen that some of the appointed Castles, Honours^ To^\tis, Dominions, Manors, Wappentaches, Bales, County Estates, Annuities' sites of France, carriages, landed Farmes, Restoration Lands, Tene- ments, possessions, or other tilings promised, should so be assigned through us to the said Consort of Henry in respect to her down-, or some parcel of the same, that they shall be shown and recovered out of the hands of the said Consort of Henry, or that she herself shall be law- fully expelled from thence, or from some parcel of thence ; then We will and concede, that the said Consort of Henry do receive the necessarj^ satisfaction, and recompence of us, the heirs and successors of Henry, I 424 MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. MAROAEET OF ANJOU. 425 having so shown or recovered them by this means. And that the-same Consort of Henry, when her authority is allowed, shall have and coerce for her whole life, through herself and her ministers, all things and all such like privileges, franchises, liberties, state atfairs, with executions, for grant and proclamation of the same, concerning the Castles, Honoures, Towns, Dominions, Manors, Bales, and other things promised, assigned' and conceded, to the same Consort of Henry in the form appointed, such as we have appointed to Duke Henry in the said ways. And since diverse annuities to the amount of 324^. lis. 3d. annually accruing, con- ceded to diiferent persons before these times, to the end of the life of the same separately, of Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements, and other things promised, pertaining to the Duke Henry of Lancaster^ are ended ; that it is appointed that such should be assigned to the Consort of Henry in respect to her dowry. We have conceded, and we do concede, when her authority is aUowed, to the said Consort of Henry, 324/. Us. 'Sd. to be had and held of the said Consort of Henry annually,' from the said feast of the Sacred Michael to the end of her life ; on account of the issues, profits and returns of Henry, Duke of Cornwall, and on account of the issues, profits and returns of the Tin Coinages in the Counties of Cornwall and Devon, through the hands of the General Receiver, the said Duke Henry, our heirs and successors, and of whatever other Receivers, Occupiers, or Holders of the said profits, issues, and returns, for the time being, in recompense for the appointed 324Z. lis. Sd. of the appointed Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements, and other Possessions appointed, in the annuities being ended, which were given to the end of the lives of the divers persons separately. Provided always, that after that, it should happen, that any person inheriting any annuity by concession or confirmation of Hemy^,Vhether of any one of our progenitors, or ancestors, in the said Castles, Dominions, Lands, Tenements, and other possessions of the said Consort of Heniy in respect to her dowry, above assigned, shall retire, whilst the appointed Consort of Heniy is living ; that then such a sum as the same person may thus receive per annum from thence, or from some parcel thence, shall be annually deduced and cut off, during the life of the said Consort of Hemy^ for the use of Henry and our heirs, from the appointed 324/. lis. 3d! conceded by the same Consort of Henry, as is appointed in recompense, and so singly dui-ing the life of the said Consort of Henry, after the decease of whose person some annuity in the appointed Castles, Domi- nions, Manors, Lands, Tenements and possessions appointed, shall be assigned to the said Consort of Henr}^ in the appointed form, as part of her dowry, by concession or confirmation of Henrj-, or of our fore fathers or ancestors, as it is appointed, the hefr dying, such a sum as the said person in his life may receive of the appointed 324/. lis. 3d. annuaUy, above repeated, during the life of the said Consort of Henry, shall be' deduced and cut off, for the use of Henry and our heirs. We will also, and by granted authority ordain that the Chancellor, Duke Henry of Lancaster, for the time being, in writing under the seals of the same acknowledged Duke, shaU certify before the Saint Henry to the Trea- surers and Barons of the same Saint for the time being, other men, and single persons, for the said annuities of the said Castles, Dominions, Manors, and other things promised, pertaining to the same Duke, as part of the dowry that is promised to be assigned, or of some parcel of the same, inherited in whatever manner, besides the sums and quantity of this annuity of the same persons, that the same Treasurer and Barons may be able particularly to receive nothing in deducing and cutting off the said 324/. 1 Is. Sd. in recompense of the things conceded. And that all those who inherit, or are now about to inherit any farms belonging to the specified Castles, Manors, Honours, Lands, Tenements, Posses- sions, Profits, Emoluments, or commodities of whatever kind belonging to the Duke Henry of Cornwall through the said Royal patents of the great seal of Henry, or otherwise are held, or shall be held, to return, or pay whatever gains they themselves make through us for those farms, that they pay, and are compelled and held to pay, such gains to the Receiver-General, Henry, Duke of Cornwall, and not to the Reception of St. Henry, nor any others by any means. And that the same Dwellers on the soils of this said Receiver Henry, called Duke Henry for the time being, his farms made and appointed through the acquaintance or ac- quaintances of the Receiver himself, with St. Henry, and of our heirs, do testify the simi, or sums of monies received and paid of this same, to us, Henr/s heirs and successors, that they may inherit the allowed allocation, and live quiet and free, and without pretext of any other payment, or by other means done. We concede also, and by granted authority of the said Consort of Henry we concede, a thousand pounds to be had and received of the same Consort of Henrv, to the end of her life, annually, from the said feast of St. Michael, to the end of the Passover and St. Michael, in respect of her dowry, or marriage portion, from the issues, profits and returns of other remains of Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements, Honours, Services, Possessions and Heritages, and other emoluments of whatever kind belonging to Duke Henry of Lancaster, as in England, so in Wales existing and remaining in the hands of Henry, beyond the said Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, Tenements, and other things pro- mised, pertaining to the Duke aforesaid, in respect of the dowry assigned, by the hands of the General Receiver, Henry, our heirs and successors, of the same Duke Henry of Lancaster for the time being. And if the said annual return of a thousand pounds or any part per- taining thereto, on the contrary should not be paid to the same Consort of Henry to any end aforesaid, then we will and concede, by authority and assent of the aforesaid, that it shall be held well lawful for the same Consort of Henry, through her ofticials and ministers in all the Castles, Dominions, Manors, Lands, and Tenements of Henry remaining appointed to the said Duke Henry of Lancaster, existing and remaining in the hands of Henry, to bind fast, and to carry off, the bond thus taken, to escape and hold back themselves from punishment until it is satisfied and paid to the same Consort of Henry by the same return and arrange- ments of the same party. And moreover lest perhaps the said possessions. 426 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. and other things promised belonging to the Dukf^ TTpt,,^ f t remaining in the hands of Henry should herlfn^ fj^ Lancaster by imposition, through ^Ucl.7r;^!^tit l^lut ^^fp ""'^*^^ Henry should be retLlerl Iw .n,/ ^^ ^ ^^'^ ^""'^ Consort of annuTl return of Jl^) bv^th^ '? ""^ ''''^^"^ ^^^^^^^^^ «^ ^^^ ^^^d He^y of Wast.: ? anV„'leTseaT rHeT'^'^V""'? '^^' °^ ^""^^ and other tilings promised, after the Feamit TZ'^^""^ the year of our Lorrl ^J.Aa fk„* ^u • / ^"i^^^^t^si wnicn tviH be m vigoL and amhori", in ht Ite IL"™ •'''*^"'V''f ''^ '"^P-ed of appointed to be eoncaied to her IT he ha„l nT , ^""° 'iV " " builde. of the same. And if any sul'^il:^^^^ T any payment out of the issues of his office otherwis: thantl rap! MARGARET OF ANJOU. 427 pointed by the Receiver-General Henry, the said Duke Henrj^, he shall be burdened still in his computation by sums so paid through him to us. We concede also, and by the said authority moreover we assign to the same Consort of Henry, £3,666 135. 4c?. to be had and received of the same Consort of Henry, annually, to the end of her life, from the said Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, to the end of the Passover and St. Michael, by equal portions, as a part of her dowTy, in the subsequent form, viz., £1,000 thence annually to the end of the afore- said time, both from the small and great Customs of Henry, our heirs and successors in the Port of the To^^^l of Southampton belonging to Henry, through the hands of the Collector of the same Customs for the time being. And £1,008 155. 5d. thence per annum, to the end of the said time, from the issues, returns, and profits of the said Duke Henry of Cornwall, and from the issues, profits, and returns of the Pewter and Tin Coinage in the Counties of Cornwall and Devon, through the hands of the Receiver-General Henry, heirs and suc- cessors of the same Duke, and of whatever other Receivers, occupiers, or Dwellers of the same Profits, issues, and returns for the time being. And £1,657 17s. lie?, thence per annum, to the same end, to the Saint Henry, our heirs and successors through the hands of the Treasurers and Chamberlains of the same Saint for the time being, as well from the first monies proceeding from the advances of our Vice-Counsellor and Com- missary, our heirs and successors, as from whatever other issues, profits, farms, debts, and returns are paid to the said Saint, until We, the heirs and successors of Henry, shall have made provision and recompense to the same Consort of Henry, from the Lands, Tenements, Returns, and other possessions to the value of the said £3,666 13s. 4d. per annum, within Henry's kingdom of England, as part of her do\vTy, or other things to be held to the end of her life. And moreover by the said authority. We will and concede, that the aforesaid Consort of Henrj' shall be provided and recompensed out of the lands, tenements, returns, and possessions, which first come or fall into the hands of Henry, or of our heirs through us, and the said heirs of Henry, according to the deduction and satisfaction of the said £3,666 13s. 4d. to be held as part of her said dowry. And by the aforesaid assent and authority, We will and concede that the said Consort of Henry shall have so many and such Baronial fees as may be allowed by Law, and unemployed, by demand, and other Baronial fees and other Warrants so many and such as may be necessary and opportune to be conceded and assigned to her in this part, for the payment of sums and annuities to her, as it is promised, and for the execution of the promised things. And that the Chancellor, Henry of England, and the Keeper of the private Seal of Henry, besides the Chancellor, Duke Henry of Lancaster, We, being heirs and successors for the time being, do make, without delation from the tenor of those presents, such Baronial fees and Warrants, from time to time whensoever and wheresoever on the part of the Consort of Henry ronahiliter, they may be requisite. Save whatever things are bound to the state of Hemy, or his possession, right, title and 428 MAEGAEET OP ANJOIT. uiterestm the customs, issues, profits, and returns of the said Duke of Cornwall, the Pewter and Tin Coinages, and in the said Castles, Towns Dommions, Manors, Honors, Bales, Grounds, Lands, Tenements Wape„' taches, sleek cattle. Hundreds, Franchises, Libert es, FaTs rIX" Consort of Hemym the said form conceded and assigned both in the SlstS oZ 7^ "'■ """r "' ''"' ^ «---> ^ discharge Onlff iff V"f.'^' "^"^^ commanded to be paid to the said Queen as weU for the daily expenses of her chamber as in reHef of the great charges which the said Queen incurred on the day of the Circum- cision of our W last past By Lt, &c , j"(Z Amidst the agitation caused by the disastrous public events, and TV'hilst the spirit of resistance to the government was beginning to mani- fest itself, songs and poetry, as a means of promoting the general discon- tent, were much used, and even assumed a bold character. Some of these, which have happHy been preserved, are most valuable. There are many aUusions in one of them to pei^ons of rank and influence, each of vv^om IS described by his badge. It appears that this poem was vrntten after 1447, as Cardinal Beaufort, who died in tha^ year is spoken of as hav-mg " his velvet hat closed " ' ..ff p'!?' 1 '^' ^f"'' '^ ^'^"'^' Gloucester, Exeter, and Somerset, and of Cardinal Beaufort, are first enumerated, and the commencemen tV.^ I /l^ f ffl^^d ^« d-ted from the capture of Rouen in 1417. The Duke of Norfolk "laid to sleep," meaning bribed by Suffolk, who MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 429 «nvied him. The gallant Talbot, Earl of Shi*ewsbury, in reference to his name and badge, " our good dog," was perhaps " bounden " by the grant of the Earldom of Waterford, &c., in 1446. By Lord Fauconberg having " lost his angle-hook," his capture by the French is implied. Lord Willoughby de Eresby seems accused of indolence, and by the bear being " bound that was so wild, for he had lost his ragged staff," allusion was intended to Richard Neville having been created Earl of Warwick, which distinction may have satisfied his wishes, and thus, to use the metaphor, the bear was deprived of his staff. The Duke of Buckingham's " wheel " became spokeless from his having taken offence at the dismissal of his brothers, (the Chancellor and Treasurer,) by Suffolk; and also from having induced the King to receive with kindness, the Duke of York. Thomas Daniel, John Norreys, and John Trevilian are particularly mentioned, since the last-named is said " often to have blinded the King," and their names appear among those indicted by the Commons, in 1451, " for mysbehaving about the King's roiall persone." The Earl of Arundel having refused to support Suffolk's power, became popular in Sussex and Kent. Bourchier, and some other noble, who is described as the wine bottle, (possibly the Earl of Oxford, since a long- necked silver bottle was one of his badges,) and the Prior of St. John's, are mentioned as having united with the Bishop of Exeter. The Earl of Devonshire is related to have retired into his own country, instead of helping "with shield and spear" the attempt then contemplated to overthrow the obnoxious minister ; while the Duke of York's anxiety and irresolution are admirably described under his cognizance, a falcon, flying hither and thither, uncertain where to build her nest. ON THE POPULAR DISCONTENT AT THE DISASTERS IN FRANCE. 1 Bedforde* Gloucetter' ** The Rote is ded, the Swanne is goone Excetter* " The firy Cressett hath lost his lyght ; ** Therfore Inglond may make gret mone, ** Were not the helpe of Godde almyght. Roone* ** The castelle is wonne where care begowne Somerset * " The Portecolys is leyde adowne Cardinalle7 ** Iclosid we have oure welevette hatte *' That keveryed us from mony stonnys browne, ^ Verses in the Cotton. Rolls, ii. 23. - John Plantagenet, Duke of Bedford, third son of Henry IV. Badge,— the Root of a tree. * Humphrey Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester, fourth son of Henry IV. Badge, — th^ Swan. * John Holland, Duke of Exeter. " A Cressett with burning fire," i.e., a fire beacon, said to have been the badge of the Admiralty. •' Rouen, surrendered to the French in 1447. fi John Beaufort, Duke of Somerset. Badge, —a Portcullis. " Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winf*b- Daniel Trevilian. Badge, — a Cornish Chough. " The bird. '^ William Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel. Badge,— the White Horse, here si C\i a> CO ^ r^ CM <; g ^ O o- \ 00 i s «'/7tr/2' /I u o > 3 O z < o BRITTLE DO NOT PHOTOCOPY i ijiiiiivlj OF* MRS. H III >^h. - '■^~- lito :=( H^ •*^' tt h: 8 " RENE "THE GOOD," KIXO OF SICILY, KAPLE3, AND JERUSALEM, DUKE O? ANJOU ASD LORRAIK AN'D COUNT OF PROVENCE, THE • > * • • • » • • • • • • I • • • • • • • » • • •lit! •• • • I • • • • • • • • I a • • * I * t • > • LIFE AND TIMES OF MAEGAKET OF ANJOU, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FRANCE. r>Y MARY ANN HOOKHAi\[. VOL. II. LONDON : TINSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAND. 1872. • • • • •• • • • • • •• • • • • ••• • • • • • • • • • • • .0 ».• • • a • a • ' . . • • • ,» • • • • •• • • • • • • • '• • • • '^ • .» •.• • • • • ••• •»• •,( • • • • • • • • • • • • ■ • •• • • ,• • • «■ • •• •; : THE LIFE AND TIMES OF MAEGAEET OF ANJOU, QUEEN OF ENGLAND AND FEANCE; 95 . AND OF HER FATHEE KENfi "THE GOOD, KING OF SICILY, NAPLES, AND JEBCSALKM. WITH MEMOIRS or THE HOUSES OF ANJOU. BT MAEY AM HOOKHAM. WITH PORTRAITS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON : TINSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE ST., STRAND. 1872. •• • • • • • • • • • • •• • • ' ••• •,. • •• • • • • • •• •• • • • ••• • • * * • • • V.;. .*. .•;.•;: • • • • • • • • LOKDON : BRADBURY, EVANS, AND CO., PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. A.D. 1455-1459. The battle of St. Alban's— King Henry's illness— York again *' Pro- tector "—The King and Queen go to Coventry— They invite the Lords to repair thither— Invasions of the French and Scots— The reconciliation of the Lords— Their procession to St. Paul's -An affray— Warwick assaulted— SaKsbury takes up arms— The battle of Bloreheath- Lord Audley is slain— Ludlow spoiled— Parliament held at Coventry— Yorkists attainted— Rebellion in Kent— The insurgents enter London PAGE CHAPTER II. A.D. 1460-1461. The battle of Northampton— The Tower of London besieged— Death of Lord Scales— The Duke of York's claims discussed in Parliament —York becomes absolute— Queen Margaret flies to Durham, Wales, and Scotland— She excites the northern barons to take up arms— The battle of Wakefield— The Duke of York killed— Battle of Mortimer's Cross-Second battle of St. Alban's— Edward, son of the Duke of York, proclaimed King 68 CHAPTER III. A.D. 1461-1464. The Queen raises a large army- -Yorkists defeated at Ferrybridge- Battle of Towton— King Henry, his Queen, and their son fly to Scotland- They are well received by the Scots— Incursions in England— Henry repulsed at Durham- A defeat in Wales— King Edward's first Parliament— Somerset submits to Edward— Lord Oxford beheaded— Queen Margaret goes to France— Death of Charles VII. and of his wife, Marie of Anjou— Louis XI. lends money to Queen Margaret, and some troops, headed by Pikre de Brez6— They return with the Queen to England— They take several castles, but are repulsed by the Yorkists— A shipwreck— Warwick retakes the castles— Margaret in Scotland— Br6z6 departs 112 21 1 ) CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. A.D. 1464-1465. Battles of Hedgely Moor and Hexham — King Edward's treatment of the Lords — The Queen's adventure in the forest — She escapes to Flanders, and settles in Lorraine with her son— Education of Prince Edward— Sir John Fortescue— The distress of the Lancastrians — King Rent's tastes and occupations — The Tournaments — The Order of the Crescent — Death of Isabella of I^rraine — Rene's war with the Genoese — Marriage of Ren^ to Jeanne de Laval — King Heniy's concealment in "Wales and elsewhere — He is discovered, and brought to London— HI treatment of him by Warwick — He conducts him through London — Henry VL in prison in the Tower PAGE CHAPTER V. A.D. 1465-1470. 161 King Edward's marriage— Warwick offended— The Widdevilles are promoted— Jealousy of the nobility— Marriage of the sister of King Edward — Warwick's revenge — His plot against Edward— He marries his daughter to Clarence— Insurrection in Yorkshire- Battle of Banbury— Earl Rivers and his son beheaded— King Ed- ward taken prisoner— He escai>es— A rising under Sir Robert Wells —Lord Wells beheaded— Tlie battle of Ernpyngham— Warwick and Clarence, with their families, fly to Devonshire— Sail from Dart- mouth—Land at Honfleur— They go to Amboise— Louis XI. sends for Queen Margaret— She is reconciled to Warwick, and Frince JMward marries I^dy Ann— Warwick returns to England, and restores Henry VI. to the throne 210 CHAPTER VI. A.D. 1470-1471. Rejoicings in France— Queen Margaret's reception in Paris— Burgundy's discontent — King Edward at the Hague — Parliament called by Warwick— Edward's party attainted— The Earl of Worcester be- headed — Warwick sends for Margaret, and waits for her at Dover —The league "du bien public "—Rent's conduct— John of Anjou in Spain— His death— Rent's letters, genius, paintings, writinf^— His good nature and love of his people— His Institutions -The Duke of Burgundy's policy— Affairs in Fjigland— Edward returns and lands in Yorkshire— Warwick opposes him— Clarence joins his brother— Restoration of Edward IV.— His affability— King Henn' sent to the Tower ' o^o } » i CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. . A.D. 1471. Battle of Bamet-Warwick killed-Edward enters London in triumph -Queen Margaret lands at Weymouth-She takes refuge at Ceam- Then at Beaulieu-Her alarm for her son's safety-She goes to Bath -The Lords assemble the Lancastrian forces-King Edward col- lects his army-Battle of Tewkesbury- Somerset and others taken prisoners and executed-Murder of Prince Edward-Queen Mar- ^ret taken prisoner-Sir John Fortescue taken, and set free-The Queen ed in triumph to London, and imprisoned in the Tower- Henry VI. murdered- His burial-His own choice of the place of his sepulture-Three parties claim the right of the interment of his f^ ir'r?'' ^^*'^ ^^ *^" ^^P^ ^'^^ ^i« removal-The design of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. to repair his tomb -His charact^ XI PAGE 292 CHAPTER VIII. A.D. 1471-1480. Qneen Margaret ia prison in the Tower- Removed to Windsor-Then to Walhngford-Ren4'a age and misfortunes- Death of Charles of Anjou, and of Ferri de Vaudemont ; also the death of .Nicholas of Anjou- Louis XI. seizes on Anjou-Rene retires to Provence-His pursuits tastes, and disposition-Rene's letter to Queen Ma,^aret -Loms XI. meets Rene at Lyons-Rene appoints Charles of Maine ^w5 d m''"™; "^^ "^"^'^ "' «-e-Lo„is treats with King Edward-Margarets ransom-She leaves England-Yields up all her r,ghts-Her melancholy-Rene at Gardane-He instructs hi» grand-daughter-The defeat and death of "Charles the Bold " by hUh^r w '""'"'"''"''^ "'""^-Death-Wm-Removal of J^^l'"T'°iT"™'"'' "■"* "Pit^Ph-Rene's Institutions Z^Ilt^L^hTtr"'"'" "' '•'^■"" "'' —-His death- 330 CHAPTER IX. A.D. 1480-1482. Queen Margaret's second cession to Louis XI.-Her pension-Her re sidence atDampierre-Her last days-Her death, burial, and will-" The cathedral of St. Maurice-Character of Queen Ma.^ret-The seq^l to Jeanne de Laval, Yoland of Anjou, Margaret oFLorrain CecUy Duchess of York. Elizabeth Woodrille, and other prominen; characters, m conclusion ^ "xumenc 368 xu CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. < > ( PAGE Review of the fifteenth century— Causes of the Wars of ** the Roses "— Religion, politics, arts and sciences, literature, manners, and customs 384 APPENDIX 427 MARGARET OF ANJOU. CHAPTER I. {Warwicl:tomrUa^eaet) " I„ signal of my lova to thee, ^^ VVill I upon thy party wear the rose ; *' And here I prophesy— this brawl to-day, ^'' Grown to this faction in the Temple Gardens, ^^ Shall send, between the Red rose and the White A thousand souls to death, and deadly night. " •-Shakespeare ^ncST T"'"' *^' '"" Parties-They come to U,nlonL^e f^rcourt Aniff ''°^"°. *° ''• P-1'^-The Torkista withdraw uH™" ^1? IVJ" ^"don-Warwick assaulted-Salisbury tak^ assembles a large anny at Coventry -Remonstrates with the Kin • • • • •• • , • » • • • • • • : I • • • • • •• • •• • 1456. Baker ; Holinshed Sandford. 2 '-l/.itAkGiEEi^QK ANJOU. • • • • • always emJSlep^tfcaL; ./}f :M^6pitjj of innocence, and of love, should' in those days have been used as the badge of destruction, hatred, and bloodshed ; but it affords another instance amongst the many of man's perversion of the good gifts in nature, when excited by his passions to the destruction of his fellow-men in civil warfare. As early as the time of John of Ghent, the rose was used as an heraldic emblem ; and when he mar- ried Blanche, the daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, he used the red rose for his device. Edmund of Lang- ley, his brother, the fifth son of Edward III, adopted the white rose in opposition to him ; and their fol- lowers afterwards maintained these distinctions in the bloody wars of the fifteenth eentury. There is, how- ever, no authentic account of the precise period when these' badges were first adopted. The " House of " Clifford " bore the white rose, being descended by a female line from Edmund of Langley. We are further told that the white rose was the device of the castle of Clifford, one of the possessions of the Duke of York. The badge of the House of York was first the white falcon, and it was not until the time of his claiming the cro^vn that the Duke of York adopted the white rose, when it is probable he chose it for his followers from its contrast to that of his rival.* In the town of St. Alban's, on the 23rd of May, 1455, was fought the first battle in the memorable wars of the Roses. * The white dog-rose, " rosa arvensis," which is most common in the west of Yorkshire, has been generally named as the rebel rose ; but both white and red were rebellious emblems, as the blood of our ancestors has proved. Some have said that during the civil wars a rose-tree, found at Longfleet, bore white flowers on one side and red ones on the other, prognosticatino- the union of the two Houses ; also, that after the marriage of Henry VII. a rose was first seen with red and white petals, called the " York and Lan- caster," an emblem of that happy xmion.—Sand/ord; Pennant ; Londiniana • Willemonfs Jlegal Heraldry ; Camden' s Remains ; PhilU^s'sSylva Florifera MAEGARET OF ANJOU. ,3 The two armies met on level ground, where there appeared to be no impediment to fighting, and an engagement seemed inevitable. Before its commence- ment King Henry sent a herald to the Duke of York commanding him to keep the peace as a dutiful sub- ject, and thus to avoid the shedding of blood. To this the Duke, who, in all his actions sought to make It appear that he was consulting the public good, replied, that he would dismiss his troops if the Kin^^ would deliver up the Duke of Somerset to submit to the ordmary course of justice. The King refused declaring, with firmness, " That, sooner than abandon *' one of the Lords who was faithful to him, he was " prepared that day to live or die in their quarrel " Thus was the Duke's offer rejected, the Court only regardmg it as a vain pretext ; and finding no other way to accommodate their differences but by the sword, both parties prepared for battle. The King's banner was placed in St. Peter's Street. Ihe attack was commenced in three places by the msurgents, who, headed by the Earl of AVarwick vigorously pressed the royalists, shouting the tre- mendous name of their leader, as they broke in through the gardens into Holywell Street. The Duke of York also entered the town, when a dread- ful fight ensued. The suddenness as well as the force of the assault had thrown the royalists into great confusion, and the Duke of Somerset found it impossible to repair the disorder. The opportunity indeed, was scarcely afforded him, for the Duke of York, perceiving the advantage which his friend had gained, seconded him with so much alacrity that the battle was quickly decided, with the loss of 5 000 or as some say, 8,000 * men, on the side of the royalists. quLfeTZmT "^^^%^f, "^'l ^^^^^ fey tfee King, or Queen, that no quarter should be given. Authors differ much in their computations. Some B 2 4 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Many of the chief nobility were slain. Amongst those who fell were the commander, the Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland (son of the noted Hotspur), Humphrey Earl of Stafford, the valiant John Lord Clifford, who had defended the banners, and several others of less note. The Duke of Buckingham, the Lords Dorset, Dudley, and Wen- lock, with others, who were also wounded, withdrew from the battle, and thus the defeat was complete.* King Henry, finding himself deserted by his chief nobility, and having received a wound in the neck with an arrow, retired to a neighbouring dwelling, which was quickly invested. The Duke of York, with the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, hastened thither, and, throwing themselves on their knees before their Sovereign, with mock humility assured him of their readiness to obey all his commands, now that their common enemv, the "Traitor" Somerset was no more. The affrighted monarch exclaimed, " Let there be no more killing, and I'll do what you " will have me ! " A retreat was immediately sounded, and King Henry was conducted by the Duke of York, first to the shrine of St. Alban's, and afterwards to London. The lively interest so universally felt for the King was evinced on this occasion. A letter written im- mediately after this battle ends thus : — " And as for " our sovereign Lord, thanked be God he hath no " great harm." This first battle of St. Alban's was chiefly gained by the archers. The Duke of Somerset say that many thousands were slain in this battle. One writer tells us 800 common men, besides the nobles. A letter, dated the day after the battle, reduces the number to six score. The day of the battle has also varied ; by some it is placed on the 2nd, 22nd, 23rd, or 2Sth of May. ♦ Baker ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabian ; Rapin ; Carte ; Harding's Chron. ; MiUes's Catalogue ; Sandford ; Pennant ; Henry ; Daniel ; Stow ; Lond. Chron. ; Howel ; Toplis ; Lingard ; Hume ; Paston Letters ; Rot. Pari. ; Bridge's Xorthampt. ; Phillips's Shrewsbury. I MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 5 lost his life beneath the sign of the "Castle," thus fulfilling the prophecy of Margery Jourdemayne, the " witch of Eye," which has thus been given by Shakespeare : — ** Let him shun castles, ** Safer shall he be on the sandy plains, ** Than where castles movmted stand."* In the chapel of St. Mary, at St. Alban's, were interred the bodies of Somerset, Northumberland, Clifford, and others, to the number of forty-seven, slain in this battle.f The timid monks of St. Alban's Abbey had anxiously " listened to the clash of arms and the groans of the " wounded, and on the morning after the battle issued " from their cells to behold the melancholy spectacle. *• The maimed and mangled corpses lay in the streets, " transfixed with barbed darts, which had made such " havoc amidst the partisans of the red rose." Fear- ful of offending the victor, these monks would not remove the bodies of the slain, until permission had been given them. Then the pious brethren performed their obsequies, and interred them in a line in the chapel, each one of the nobles and others according to their birth and rank.:|: Sir Philip Wentworth, who had borne the King's standard in the field, cast it down and fled ; thus he drew upon himself the contempt of all parties by this base desertion of the royal colours. The Duke of Nor- folk, although on the Yorkist side, would have hanged him for his cowardice, had he not concealed himself in Suffolk, not daring to appear before the King.§ In the reverse of fortune which King Henry at this * Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; PoL Vergil ; Howel ; Paston Letters ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Lingard. t Pol. Vergil ; IVIilles's Catalogue ; Pennant ; Daniel. X Wethamstede ; Grough. § Paston Letters. 6 MAEGABET OF ANJOU. time experienced, he did not so much lament his own misfortunes, as he grieved at the death of the Duke of Somerset. He had placed such great confidence in him, and could not but regret that, after his conduct in France, and the great valour he had shown abroad, he should at length be slain at home by his own countrymen. It is recorded, of this first battle of St. Alban's, that no executions were commanded by the victorious party. The ties of kindred were yet unbroken by the ambi- tious and vindictive spirit of the nobles and heads of families ; but, it being a point of honour to revenge offences, these high-born chiefs, yielding more and more to their resentment, became at length implac- able, and daily widened the breach between the two parties. In this fatal contest of "the Roses," the first blood shed was in this battle of St. Alban's. It was tlie commencement of an era quite unprecedented in English history, and signalized by twelve pitched battles, in which alternately the banners of York and Lancaster floated triumphantly ; the utmost fierceness and cruelty being exhibited during a period of thirty years, in which it is computed not less than eighty princes of the blood lost their lives, and almost all the ancient nobility of this land were annihilated.'-^ 1455. After the battle of St. Alban's and the King's return SiS''^' t^ ^^^^ metropolis, a Parliament was summoned by T-T^r'' ^^'^ monarch,^ which was appointed for the 9th of July Letters. followiug.f The Lords were commanded to attend with only their o^\^l household servants, such fear was there, that t'his meeting would lead to discord and contention. A letter of that period informs us that the King leeu and Prince then repaired to Hertford, to remnfn Queen * Toplis ; Hume. t This was prorogued on the 31st of July to the 12th of Xovembeir. MAEGABET OF ANJOU. until the opening of Parhament. The Duke of York also went to the Friars at Ware, the Earl of Warwick to Hunsdon, and the Earl of SaHsbury to Rye, to await the time of this important session. The Duke of Buckingham had, it appears, taken an oath of submission to the Yorkists, and w^as bound, as were his two brothers, by recognizance in notable sums to adhere to their party. Previous to the late engage- ment the Earl of Wiltshire had been in attendance on the King's person, and desiring to return to this office he addressed a letter from Petersfield iq the victorious Lords for their permission to do so, or in case of their refusal, to allow^ him to depart to Ireland and live there on his own estate ; but, previously to this, these lords were advised to require of him, the same as of the Duke of Buckingham. The Baron Dudley was in the Tower, having accused many persons; and the Earl of Dorset was in the custody of the Earl of Warwick. • Three persons were, at this time, accused of con- spiring to stab the Duke of York in the King's chamber, but they were able to clear themselves of the charge ; yet this occasioned a great commotion throughout London, on Corpus Christi, the 5th of June. In this month also a blazing star is recorded by the chroniclers to have appeared, extending its beams to the south : the ominous precursor of this Parliament and of the coming disasters."' The unfortunate King Henry was at this season again attacked by his former disorder, and the session was opened by the Duke of York, as his Lieutenant. The next day the Commons petitioned that if the King were incapable of attending to the protection of the country an able person should be appointed as " Pro- " tector," to whom they might have recourse, to redress * Paston Letters ; Howel's Medulla Historias Anglicanae. 1455. I 8 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. their grievances ; especially as gi'eat disturbances had lately arisen in the West, through the feuds of the Earl of Devonshire and Lord Bonville. Upon this the Lords conjured the Duke of York to undertake this charge. In reply, the Duke, with affected humility, alleged his incapacity ; but, on their renewed entreaties accompanied with compliments on his wisdom and abilities, he accepted this oiRce, but conditionally, that the "Protectorate" should not be, as before, revocable at the will of the King, but by the Parliament, with the consent of the Lords temporal and spiritual. The powers of government were vested in the Council ; but this provision was only intended by the Duke to blind the eyes of the nation, as he had previously secured a majority in his favour in the Council, and his two friends Salisbury and Warwick had already been appointed to fill the ofiices of Chan- cellor and Governor of Calais. A declaration was next made to this effect, viz., that the Queen and the Duke of Somerset had imposed on the King's kindness and condescension, and had admi- nistered badly in his name. Also that they had laid a false accusation against the Duke of Gloucester, who was declared in this Parliament to have been a true and loyal subject. The alienations of crown lands of this reign were now revoked, and an attempt was made to justify the late rebellion, under the plea that the King required to be set free from his thraldom. All the blame was cast on Somerset and his party, whose concealment of the Duke of York's letter had been the cause of the late conmiotions. This letter, so maliciously withheld from the knowledge of the King by the Duke of Somerset, Thomas Thorp, Baron of the Exchequer, and William Joseph, Esquire, their confidant, was intended they said, to promote the peace and welfare of the i! I MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 9 kingdom; for therein they had merely required, as good and loyal subjects, that the King would be pleased not to listen to the misrepresentations of their enemies, until, by their presence, they might be enabled to confute them. Further, they had humbly craved permission to approach their sovereign, in order to exhibit the causes of their appearing in arms, by which they purposed only to show their fidelity to his person, and to promote his security and honour. The sup- pression of this letter furnished them with a pretext in Parliament to justify their subsequent conduct, as well as for the battle which had ensued, in the result of which they were triumphant. A general pardon was granted by them to all who had committed crimes and offences previous to the first day of this session. The Yorkists, having established their authority, decided that King Henry should be permitted to main- tain his dignity ; yet they suffered him to enjoy but the name of King. They dared not take his fife, lest by this act they should provoke the anger of the people, who were strongly attached to him, for his peaceful and holy life and for his clemency. The Duke of York, therefore, as well as the Duke of Clarence and the Earls of Warwick and Oxford made a great show of favour and condescension to the King, calling themselves his best friends. They even took oath on the 24th of July in the most solemn manner, and swore allegiance to their King, promising to defend his person and maintain his authority ; and this oath was ordered to be enacted in the Parlia- mentary Roll, and also incorporated in the " Book of " the Council " to be left on record.'*' Nor would the Duke of York allow it to appear that King Henry acted by compulsion. For this reason a petition had * This *• Book of the Council " referred to no longer exists, and probably with it have perished many important records of the reign of Henry VI. 10 ]VL\EGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 14 oo. been several times presented to the King during his illness, and while residing at Hertford, praying him to nominate a Protector, being himself incapacitated for paying attention to affairs of state. This monarch at length appointed the Duke of York to fill that high office until removed by Parliament, or the young Prince should be of age to govern. This was the second time that York was made Pro- tector, and it lasted but a brief period. The illness of King Henry at this time was not so severe as in the preceding year. The condition of apathy into which he had fallen was not mental only, but also bodily, being obliged to be assisted from one room to another by two of his attendants. On the 5 th of June this year the Dean of Salisbury, named Kemer, a man approved of as expert and notable in " the craft of medecine," was, by order of Parliament, sent " to wait upon the King at Windsor, " he being (as the doctor was well aware) labouring " under sickness and infirmities." Henry was, notwithstanding all this, still capable of attending to public affairs at times, as the proceedings of the period show ; many things being referred to him by the Council. He also declared his son, the young Edward, to be Prince of Wales and Duke of Cornwall, and passed an act of resumption of all grants made since the first year of his reign. Parliament was prorogued on the 13th of December to the 14th of January following, partly on account of the departure of the Duke of York, who was com- pelled to repair into the west, to quell the riots and rebellion which were giving rise to murders and various crimes in that part of the kingdom. While the " Protectorate " lasted, the King was obho-ed to approve of the conduct of the Duke, however deLotic and to commit the sole direction of affairs into his hands ' MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 11 M The Earl of Salisbury at this time surrendered the King's Great Seal of silver, and two others also, one of gold, and the other of silver. On the 7th of March, 1455, these three seals were by the King placed in the charge of Thomas Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, who took the oath of Chancellor.-^ In the late Parliament the Duke of York had caused a bill to be passed, granting to Queen Margaret for life an annual pension of £1,000, to be drawn from the rights and unposts of the customs of the port of Southampton, and from several manors dnd heritages in the counties of Northampton, Southampton, and Oxfordshire. The Protector at the same time com- mitted the care of the King during his sickness, and of her infant son, to the Queen, and assigned their resi- dence at Hertford. Margaret was not in a position to resist this arrangement, and she seemed to be absorbed in her duty and solicitude as a wife and mother ; but ere long she found means to repair with her husband and child to Greenwich, where she speedily assembled her friends around her. During these times the election of members for the House of Commons, even for counties, was much influenced by the great men of the day. Thus we find the Duke of York, while in the exercise of chief authority, meeting by appointment the Duke of Nor- folk at Bury St. Edmunds, passed there a day with this staunch adherent of his cause, and they together determined on the persons whom they chose to be returned as knights of the shire for the county of Norfolk. A schedule of the intention of the Duke, with the names of those chosen, was forwarded to Sir John Paston by the 18th of October this year, 1455, * Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Carte ; Kymer's Foedera ; Milles's Cata- logue ; Rot. Pari. ; Stow ; Sir H. Nicolas' Proceedings of Privy Council ; Paston Letters ; HaUam ; Pol. Vergil ; Howel ; Daniel and Trussel ; Wethamstede ; Lingard. 1455. 1455. f 1455. Paston Letters ; Holinshed 12 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. by the Earl of Oxford. This noble Earl had ever been faithfully a Lancastrian, but he had just married the daughter and heir of Sir John Howard, knight, and the lady's possessions were at Winch, in Nor- folk, from which place the above letter was dated. The Earl had joined the party of the Duke of York (who had not yet advanced his claims to the crown), and he, therefore, resolved to second his intentions. When he became, however, acquainted with the Duke's ambition and treasonable purpose, Oxford reverted to his former allegiance.*"* During this season, when the Yorkists openly triumphed, they ventured even to accuse some of the friends of the House of Lancaster with being guilty of numerous outrages and offences. They openly charged Lord Scales, Sir Thomas Todenham, Sir Miles Stapylton, and John Heydon, of being confede- rate together and causing riots, so that, but for the care and loyalty of the Yorkists, much evil would have arisen amongst the liege subjects of the Kino- dunng their late stay at Norwich. "^ The Duke of York and his party contrived to put aside from the Council all those "whom the Kino- loved or the Queen favoured," and substituted o^ers more disposed to their own views. All public offices were supphed in like manner, until the three Eicnards (York, Sahsbur.^, and Warwick), like the tamed triumvirate of old, governed all things accordino- their own will and pleasure. Some writers affirm hat It was in order to exercise their despotic rule, and to be able to deprive King Henry of his kingdom, or his hfe, when they pleased, that ihej removed his ormer counsellors and substituted others. However this might be justice was duly administered and no bribery allowed ; the only complaint was made by the * Paston Letters. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 13 Abbot of Westminster, on account of the removal from the sanctuary of Westminster of John Holland, Duke of Exeter, whom they had dismissed to the Castle of Pomfret. They also released from sanctuary Sir William Oldhall, a follower of Wickliflf.-' The meek Henry listened to the various arguments of the Yorkists in excuse for their proceedings. He affected to believe them, and even acquitted them of disloyalty, pardoned their offences, and received from his peers their renewed oaths of fealty. These lords, however, upon the same day that they had assured their captive monarch of their allegiance, quarrelled amongst themselves. Some high words passed between the Earl of Warwick and Lord Crom- well in the King's presence, each seeking to excuse his own conduct relative to the battle of St. Alban's ; at length, on Warwick accusing Lord Cromwell of being the first instigator of the late rebellion, so much anger was excited, that, fearing some danger to himself, Cromwell made an appeal to the Earl of Shrewsbury, who, for his protection, lodged him in the Hospital of St. James's, beside the Mews.| The spirit of contention was spreading through the metropolis; civil commotions disturbed the peace of the city. The lawless inhabitants of St. Martin's exhibited at this time more boldness and audacity than they had done before. In a body they issued forth on one occasion, and assaulted and wounded several of the citizens, and then withdrew into the Sanctuary. The Mayor and Aldermen, heading the citizens, forced open the gates of St. Martin's, and secured the ring- leaders. The Dean complained of breach of privilege ; and the King sent for the Mayor to come to him, in * Pol. Vergil ; Baker ; Holinshed ; Sandford ; Paston Letters ; Stow ; Eymer; Lingard. t Stow ; Eot. Pari. ; Carte ; Paston Letters ; Lingard. 1155. 14 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 15 1455. Holinshe • MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 17 his beloved consort an agreeable companion, and one who could assist and participate in his favourite studies. It may therefore be presumed that their frequent pro- gresses through the country were peculiarly pleasing to King Henry, and no less gratifying to the Queen, had not the anxiety she had begun to feel for the safety of her crown, served to counterbalance her enjoyments. The style and manner in which King Henry addresses the Queen, and their confidence, which appears to have been mutual, is pleasing to dwell upon. The King writes, concerning the woods of Kenilworth (included with others in the dowry of Margaret), and which were entirely under her control, "Right dere and right " entirely best beloved wyf, we grete you hertly. And *'forasmoche as We, of oure grace especiall, have "granted unto John Barham X oks for ty rabre, to be " taken in your outwods of Kenelworth, of our yefte. We " therefore desire and praye you, that ye wol see that " the said John may have delyverance of the said oks, "after th' entent of oure saide grante, etc., etc. " Yeven, etc., the yere of oure reign, xxvii. (1449). "To our right dere wyf the Queen."'*' Queen Margaret went to visit her favourite city of Coventry in 1455, accompanied by King Henry and ^^^ her little son. She arrived there on the Feast of the exaltation of the Holy Cross ; and many curious and quaint pageants were exhibited at her reception. At the gate she was addressed by Isaiah and Jere- miah, as Empress and Queen ; and they also congratu- lated her on the birth of her son. Also, at the church gate. King Edward the Confessor, St. John the Evan- gelist, and St. Margaret, each addressed the Queen and Prince in verse ; and these lines, from their singu- larity, have been deemed worthy of recording. They run thus : — * Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou, edited by Cecil Monroe. VOL. ir. 1455. Dns, i 18 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. (St. Edward.) " Motlel of mekenes, dame Margarete, princess most excellent, ** I, King Edward, welknowe you with affection cordial, " Testefj-ing to your highnes mekely myne intent *' For the wele of the King and you, hertily pray I shall " And for prince Edward my gostly chylde, who I love principal, " Praying the, John Evangelist, my help therin to be *' On that condition right humbly I give this ring to thee." {John Evangelist.) *' Holy Edward, crowned king, brother in verginity, *' My power plainly I will prefer thy will to amplefy, * ' I^lost excellent princes of wymen mortal, your bedeman will I be. * ' I know your life so ^-irtuous that God is pleased thereby " The birth of you unto this reme shall cause great melody : ' ' The vertuous voice of prince Edward shall dayly well encrease, St. Edward his godfader, and I shall pray therefore doubtlese." <( {St. Margaret) ** Most notable princes of wymen earthle, Dame Margarete, the chefe myrth of this empyre, " Ye be hertely welcome to this cyte. " To the plesure of your highnesse I will set my desyre ;^ '* Both nature and gentleness doth me require, " Sith we be both of one name, to shew you kindness ; ** Wherefore by my power ye shall have no distress. ** I shall pray to the Prince that is endlese, " To sucour you with solas of his high grace ; " He will here my petition, this is doubtlesse, ** For I wrought all my life that, his will wase, * ' Therefore lady, when you be in any dreadful case, *' Call on me boldly therefore I pray you. And trust in me feythfully, I will do that may pay you." * (( There was also a pageant of the nine worthies, in which " Hector welcomed her tenderly," and at the cross were " divers angels." Joshua promised to fight for her as " knyghte for " hys ladye," and David eulogized her many virtues. The conduit was "arraied" " with as many vergyns " as might stande thereon," and a '' grete dragon, I' breathing flames, and St. Margaret killing him '''(as ui her legend), at the same time assuring her namesake "quean that, both nature and gentilness bound her " to do all kindness to Margaret of Anjou." The city of Coventry was at this time well worthy of royal notice. In the ancient records it is called the * Warton's Eng. Poetry. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 19 " Prince's Chamber," "' and it was chosen to be one of the first visited by the infant Edward. The notice of its fair sovereign also obtained for this city the appella- tion of the "Queen's Chamber," and that it was particu- larly favoured by Queen Margaret is evident, from its being likewise styled the "secret harbour," or "bowser" of that Queen. When Henry VI. came to Coventry in 1451, he constituted this city with the contiguous district into a separate county, independent of the county of War- wick. He also conferred many favours on Coventry at that time. He created the first sheriff, and pre- sented a gown of cloth of gold to St. Michael's church, where he attended mass. Coventry was the resort of devotees, and had numerous splendid religious build- ings, and its massive embattled walls were in high state of preservation. Its merchants, too, were spirited and enterprising, as well as rich and generous. The citizens of Coventry zealously supported King Henry in all the contests between the two Houses of York and Lancaster, and vainly did King Edward IV. seek to w^in over that city, when he came in 1465, and kept festival^ there. He could not shake the fidelity of the inhabitants to their beloved monarch. The most beautiful buildings of Coventry were erected during the reign of Henry VI., and of these the body of St. Michael's Church and St. Mary's Hall are the most remarkable. Within the hall of St. Mary's w^ere portrayed, on the splendid tapestry with which ^ it was adorned, the portraits of King Henry and his consort, each with their attendants ; and as the tapestry was made, and affixed there, during the * London was then called the '' King's Chamber," or « Camera Regia," a title, Camden teUs us, it obtained soon after the Conquest. Lydgat€, writing ' of London, says, " The King's Chambre of custom, men the caUe." c 2 20 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU, lifetime of these sovereigns, the portraits may be re- garded as authentic. 1456. The chief purpose of the Queen's visit to Coventry appears to have been to remove and guard the Kmg from the machinations of the Yorkists.-' Queen Mar- garet also went to Bristol, in 1456, with many of the nobility, and was received there with much honour and well entertained.! In this year she likewise revisited Chester, and by her courtesy and regal hospitality, gained the hearts of the people 'of that city. J While the Queen was at Chester King Henry remained at Shene, having as his only companion his"^half-brother the Earl of Pembroke, whilst the Earl of Richmond, his other brother, and Griffith were engaged in war in Wales.§ The Earl of AVarwick was at Warwick about this time, and the Duke of Buckingham at AVrittle. The Earl' of Salisbury, wlio was Chancellor and Treasurer, was the only lord who was staying in London on the day of the commencement of the great Council. As for the Duke of York, though Calais and Guisnes were threatened with siege, and many fleets upon the seas ; though Kentish men were again rebellious and "much in doing" amongst them; yet, says the writer of these "novelties," ''my Lord of York is still at " Sandall, and waiteth on the Queen, and she upon " him." Their mutual suspicion made them w^atcli each other's movements. The Duke of York, after having established his authority as Protector, made no further attempts to * Hall; Lond. Chron.: Pennant; Fabyan; Henry ; Smith's Costume of Brit. ; Encyclopsedia Britannica. f Seyer's Memoirs of Bristol. :J Heningay's Chester. § The Earl of Richmond died in November of 1450. He had married, about the year 145"), Lady Margaret Beaufort, daughter of theDukeof Somer- set, and their son was but an infant at his father's death. He afterwards conquered Richard III. and succeeded to the English throne. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 21 advance himself, but gave himself up to a life of apparent security and indifference, which surprised even his enemies ; and whilst he permitted the King and Queen to remain at liberty, he vainly imagined that they could not deprive hira of the Protectorate. Thinking it too dangerous to lay open claims to a crown which, for fifty-six years had been worn by the Lancastrians, he contentedly awaited a more favourable season for the consummation of his am- bitious projects ; meanwhile, seeking to secure the favour of the people, as the only certain means for its attainment. By a show of equity and moderation, the Duke sought to win the affections of the people, and to undermine the Queen's credit ; yet the irresolu- tion which lie manifested at the same time, served to balance the power between the two parties ; for, while it restrained him from openly asserting his claims to the crown, at so favourable a juncture, it no less per- mitted the Queen to preserve her influence by means of her superior energy and firmness of character. Queen Margaret easily penetrated the design of her adversary, and w^as not slow in exerting herself to disappoint it. Her lofty and enterprising spirit was not discouraged by difficulty or danger, and she sought every opportunity to oppose the pretensions of the Duke. Displeased with the late proceedings, the Queen endeavoured to excite a spirit of resistance in the Lords of her party, representing to Humphry Duke of Buckingham, that these traitors had slain his son at St. Alban's, and to Henry, Duke of Somerset, who had succeeded his father in the dukedom, that it was these rebels who had also killed his father. Both these noblemen w^ere attached to their King, and grieved at his adverse situation ; and they reminded the Queen of the indignity done to her by the Yorkists, in depriving her husband. King Henry of all authority, 22 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 23 while they ruled themselves with despotic power ; thus they sought to rouse her to opposition. Most of ^ the Lancastrian Lords, being well aware of the intentions of the Duke of York, which only waited a fitting time for execution, were eager to oppose his attempts at the crown, and had resolved to take some steps against the usurper. Some writers say that the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham, with other Lords, first went to Queen Margaret secretly, and ac- quainted her with their determination, representing to her that the Duke of York sought to deceive the King, and even, unawares, to kill him ; and they urged her timely exertions to prevent these evil conse- quences, and required her to remove King Henry from these wicked counsellors. Upon this admoni- tion, Queen Margaret, who was much affected, and alarmed for her own and her husband's safety, seized the opportunity, not many days after, to prevail upon the King, under pretence of seeking a more whole- some residence, to repair to Coventry. This city was ever devoted to the interests of Queen Margaret ; and afforded her a haven of refuge in all the political storms which threatened to destroy her peace, or her life. It was in this city that King Henry, perceiving his imminent peril at this time, as- sembled his friends and adherents, and took measures for his future safety. After mature deliberation it was resolved that the Duke of York should be deprived of his oflBce as " Protector," and the Earl of Salisbury of his, as Chancellor. By command of the Queen a Council was called for this purpose, to assemble at Greenwich.* It vras not to be expected that the Queen would suffer the Duke of York to retain very long his office, * Holinshed ; Sandford ; Baker Pol. Vergil ; Lingard; Hume. Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; which gave hun such great influence in the kingdom; and she soon found a pretext for his removal in the restoration of the King's health. During a tempo- rary absence of the Duke, Queen Margaret caused the ^i456. King to appear in Council, and there, after stating Hume; that, by the grace of God, he had been restored to ^^^^ health, and found himself again able to undertake the government of the kingdom, he demanded the Duke of York's resignation. The members of Parliament who were present readily agreed to the dismissal of the Duke, either considering this demand was reasonable, or being secretly won over by the royalists.* The Duke of York was accordingly deprived of his office on the 25th of February, 1456, and the Earl of Salisbury displaced. These noblemen, as well as the . Earl of Warwick, were summoned to appear before the Council, at Greenwich, but they did not obey the command, affirming '' that no power could call them '' to account." t The unconcern of the Duke had arisen from the opinion of his security in his office of " Protector : " he was therefore thunderstruck on finding himself so suddenly, and unexpectedly, re- moved from his dignity; but, conscious that the power which had efi'ected it was too strong to be overcome, he smothered his resentment, and appeared to acquiesce in the new arrangement. His friends followed his example ; and, under the plea, that they had no employment at Court, they all, soon^^afterwards, withdrew into Yorkshire. Here frequent conferences were held by Salisbury and Warwick with the Duke of York ; and Queen Margaret, fearing some treason, resolved to break their confederacy. J Queen Mar- * stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard; Henry ; Nicolas' s Acts of Privy CouncH. f Sandford ; Baker ; Lingard ; Fabyan. X Pol. Vergil ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; Holinshed j Sir H. Nicolas's Proceedings of Council. 24 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1456. Paston Letters. garet called to the royal Council the Dukes of Buck- ingham and Somerset, and Thomas Bouchiere, on the 11th of October, resigned the Chancellorship to Wayn- fleet, his personal friend. The gentle character of Henry VI. had preserved him many friends, who were unwilling to see him deprived of his authority. The sudden change, however, from the administration of the Yorkists to that of Queen Margaret, who governed again entirely according to her own will and pleasure, occasioned some commotions in London, where the majority favoured the Duke o^* York. So powerful, indeed, was this faction, tiiut the Queen could not pro- ceed against the Duke in that city, and even judged the person of the King unsafe in the capital. Some disturbances had arisen there on 15th May, between the citizens and some merchants of Lombardy, which she suspected had been raised by the Yorkists! It is indeed probable that the leaders of this party took some share in these turmoils, of which many false reports were circulated; viz., that Lord ' Beaumont was slain, the Earl of Warwick much hurt, that 1,000 men were killed, and six score knights and esquires wounded. Two of the Lombards were hanged, and peace was restored. The King was at this time still at Shene * and the ♦ It has been said that no trax;e can be found of Henry VI. having been at Shene ; the following letter, however, shows that both King Henry and Queen Margaret did resort thither, at any rate for hunting — • « By the Queue, ^^ "Trusty and welbeloved, for as moche as we suppose that in short tyme, we shall come right negh unto my lord's manoir of Shene we * desire aiid praye you hertly that ye will kepe ayeinst one resortinge ^^ thedre. for our disporte and recreation, two or iii of the gretest bukkes in , my lord's pare there, saving alwayes my lord's owne commandment there m his presence. As we trust, etc. To my lord's squier and ours, J. B., Jieper of Shene Parke, or his depute there. " There is no means of fixing the date of this letter.-Z(^m of Onten Margaret, edited hj Cecil Monro. ^ MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 25 Queen and Prince at Tutbury, in Staffordshire, or, as most of the historians say, at Coventry.* In this year there appears to have been a little 1457. respite from domestic feuds, but the alarm and mis- ^pi^; trust was still general, and these were doubtless aug- mented by the frequent incursions of foreign enemies. A party of Bretons first landed on the coasts, and committed some depredations, but was repulsed. Then, the French, taking advantage of the> divisions among the English nobility, made an attempt at Fulney, or Foy,f in Cornwall, and plundered this town and some others. This expedition was conducted by William, Lord Poinyers. Another, and a more con- siderable [invasion, on the part of the French, was headed by Pierre de Breze, whose forces amounted to 1,500 men, but after doing some injury at Sandwich, they were compelled to depart. J The French historians have furnished us with very minute details of this descent upon Sandwich, which they considered reflected much glory on their country- men. They inform us, that the chief originator of this enterprise was the Queen of England. It may not be uninteresting to trace these details ; for, in so doing, we become acquainted with the source of this movement, the Queen's motives, and the great power of the Duke of York, at this early commencement of the civil contest. § It was during the King's inability to govern, owing to his indisposition, that the Duke of York obtained supreme authority, in the year 1454; when, taking advantage of his high position, he show^ed great favour to the family of Douglas, in opposition to the Scottish monarch James II., who, in conjunction with France, maintained the interests of Henry VI. * stow ; Holinshed ; Eapin. t Fowey. X Monstrelet. § Baker ; Howel; Stow; London Chron.; Monstrelet ; Paston Letters. 26 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1457. Pinkerton. Tlie Earl of Douglas, in rebellion with his own sovereign, sought the protection and allegiance of the King of England.* By the Yorkists he was freely admitted to the titles of an English subject, and a pension granted him for his services until he should recover his estates, of which King James had deprived hmi. This monarch was enraged at the reception of Douglas in this country ; and, entering the northern counties, ravaged Northumberland with fire and sword, and levelled many castles with the ground. Hearing of the recovery of King Henry, in 1455, that monarch intended to dismiss an embassy to England, but when the battle of St. Alban's restored the power of the Yorkists, he abandoned his purpose. No sooner, however, did the Lancastrians resume their authority, than the Scots negotiated a truce with this country, which was signed at Coventry in 1457, to be conthuied until July, 1459. f Queen Margaret on her part must have been anxious to form close ties with Scotland, and by every possible means to counteract the growing power of that party, whose rebelHous spirit even threatened to desolate the kingdom. It is evident from the preceding circum- stances how much the Duke of York must have incensed the Queen and her party by his astonishing boldness m givmg shelter to the Scottish chief, and by this act' excitmg a warfare with the sister-kingdom, in opposi- tion to the efforts of the royalists to preserve peace. W e are told that Queen Margaret, perceiving the force of the tide against her, thought to make a diversion in her own favour, by means of a descent of the French on the English coast, hoping by their assistance to injure, if not to destroy, the faction of York.^ t S^r''^''"^ '"^ ^" allegiance untU the reign of Richard III. t Daniel's Hist, of France ; Monstrelet. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 27 To accomplish her purpose, the Queen interposed the influence of her father, Rene of Anjou, and her uncle the Count of Maine, who together incited the King of France to this enterprise. It was confided to Pierre de Breze, the Seneschal of Normandy, who w^as accompanied by the bailiif of Evreux, and many other lords and men-at-arms. They sailed with a fleet equipped at Honfleur, con- sisting of 4000 soldiers. They set out on the 20th of August, and w^ere driven into Nantes by stress of weather ; thus they did not reach the coast of England until the 28th of August, of this year 1457. De Br^ze j^^ltel' landed two leagues from Sandwich, and dividing his ^"^^o^^treiet. troops into three bodies, each having a brave leader, he commanded them to attack the town on the land side, while he endeavoured to force the place by the port. The English were totally unprepared for this assault. There were in this port three vessels of war, of the largest size, and several smaller ones, filled with troops, who resolved to fight desperately. A herald was sent to them by De Brez^, to inform them that if they fired a single cannon, or drew a bow, they should have no quarter ; but that, if they ceased from hostilities, he would allow them to quit their vessels uninjured. These conditions w^ere accepted. The Seneschal made his descent with great order and vigour ; and the port was taken by Pierre de Louvaine. The resistance was greater on the land side, and many were slain ; but the French, sword in hand, entered the town; and about the same time that the port was taken, a fierce and bloody combat ensued, the English defending their town with great courage ; but at last they yielded, and the invaders hoisted their banners on the gates, under which they formed themselves in battle array, and for ten hours the bailiff of Evreux with some troops 28 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 1457. Paston Letters. guarded the city without, while the town was pillaged by those who had entered it. The Seneschal upon this occasion justified the renown he had acquired. He forbade his followers,- under pain of death, to touch the effects of the churches, to set fire to the houses, to attempt the honour of the women, or to kill any one in cold blood, all which commands were strictly obeyed. A moderation, so unusual in those times, obtained for this general the commenda- tions, even of his enemies. The English hastened from all parts in great numbers to the aid of the town, and skirmishes were kept up for six hours ; many were slain on both sides, but at last the French made a retreat. They effected this with much order, canying off considerable booty and many prisoners, who were afterwards ransomed. In this attack 300 of the English were killed, but only thirty of the French troops, whose numbers amounted, according to Monstrelet, to between IGOO and 1800'-' combatants. Besides the Seneschal, all who shared in this enter- prise gained great renown by it, and as a reward for their yalour, twenty of them were honoured with knighthood. This expedition produced, in part, the effect which the Queen had expected. To guard their coasts, the English removed from the frontiers of Scotland, but the terror of the arms of France was not enough to reunite the twopowerful factions of York and Lancaster.! Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, on the 2nd of April, in 1457, had the great seal delivered to him. Robert Neville, Bishop of Durham, died this year, who was a son of the Earl of Westmoreland : he had filled this office nineteen years. Laurence Booth was then consecrated on the loth of September, and filled his * other writers say 1500. t Daniel ; Carte ; Monstrelet ; Paston Letters ; Davies's Eng. Chron. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 29 1457. Davies's place as Bishop of Durham. He afterwards became Lord Chancellor. He built the gates of the College at Auckland at his own expense, and was, twenty years later, translated to York.* Several authors relate, that in this year, or in the beginning of 1458, the Earl of Devonshire was put chron. to death in the Abbey of Abingdon by means of poison. He was at that time with Queen Margaret, and his life, it is said, was sacrificed to appease the malice between the young lords (whose fathers were slain at St. Alban's), and those who adhered to the Duke of York.t Perceiving the small respect paid to her party by 1457. the Londoners, Queen Margaret persuaded the King Lingard; to make a progress into Warwickshire, under pretence ^"™^' of benefiting his health, and affording him recreation. The King set out, amusing himself with hunting and hawking by the way, and the Queen was apparently occupied with nothing but these pastimes. Amidst these sports, however, and while they stayed at Coventry, Margaret did not forget her projects for dis- placing and getting rid of her enemies. She dismissed kind letters to the Duke of York and his friends, who had retired into the north, requiring their immediate presence at the court, then held at Coventry, to consult on a matter of great importance. In giving this invitation to the rebellious lords, the Queen has been accused of having formed some design against them ; and that, finding herself at the head of a feeble government, totally unable to take any vigorous measures by which to restore tranquillity to the kingdom, she allowed her fears, or her hatred, to prevail over the nobler feelings of her nature, and sought to get rid of her enemies by treacherous means. * Paston Letters ; Antiquities of Durham ; Carter's Cambridge. t Holinshed ; Stow ; Davies's Eng. Chron. T^i 30 MAEGAEET OF ANJOtT. To effect this object, she is said to have removed the King to Coventry, where, it was probable, less favour Avoukl be shown to the rebellious lords than in the capital.* It may be alleged as some excuse for this attempt, if indeed this charge be true (for it has not been explained), that the Duke of York was an enemy the more dangerous, inasmuch as his designs were not openly asserted ; and the caution with which he pro- ceeded, colouring his actions with a view to the public good, prevented any legal steps being taken against him. He had mdeed become a formidable adversary it being impossible to prove anything against him. ' His mtentions, however, though disguised from the public, could not be so easily concealed from Queen Margaret, who was so deeply interested in opposing hun, and who possessed such talents and penetration.? I he Duke of York was aware of this ; and it argues much m the Queen's fiivour, that he set out without any apprehension of danger, accompanied by his two fnends, Salisbury and Warwick, in order to obey her royal commands and repair to Coventry These partisans even flattered themselves that the Jving had ^t last discovered the mismanagement of his counsellors, and required their presence, to assist him n foming new arrangements; but they were quickly undeceived. On their way they were met by soml secret messengers, who assured them that the/wodd be nsafe m the city to which they were proceeding Ins intelligence arrested the progress of these lords -^0 instently concerted new plans ; and they all sepal wior! ^vf '^7''^ ''''''"^ '' his castle of \Vigmore^ in ^\ales ; the Earl of Salisbury to Middle ham, m Yorkshire; and the Earl of Warwick to Caiat J W^ ■' ''""^""^ ■' ^^- > Baker , Fabyan ; E.pi„ ., ^^, ._ ^^^, t Rapin ; Paston Letters. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 31 i f -1 4 % i I t of which town he had been appointed Governor after the battle of St. Alban's. The Queen, it is said, was much disappointed at having failed in the snare she had^ laid for her enemies ; but she was consoled in having separated them, which, for a time, made their power less dangerous.* The Earl of Salisbury afterwards feigned sickness, to avoid putting himself in the power of the ,King and Queen. The peace with foreign nations had been restored, but the intestine divisions continued. The prejudice against the Queen and her ministers increased. The young Duke of Somerset seemed to fill the same posi- tion which his father had so lately occupied, and with it shared the same ill-will of the nation ; every feilure or disappointment being attributed to the misconduct of the ministers.! Amongst the many tumults and commotions which occurred throughout the land was a great affray in the north, which took place this year, 1457, between Sir Thomas Percy, Lord Egremond, and the sons of the Earl of Salisbury, in which many were wounded and slain. Lord Egremond was taken, and sentenced to pay large sums of money to the Earl of Salisbury, and mean- while was committed to Newgate ; but Lord Egi^emond soon after escaped with his brother. Sir Richard Percy, out of this prison in the night and went to the King! ^1 The other prisoners took the leads of the gate, and II defended it for a great while against the sheriffs and ''all their officers," so that they were compelled to call in more aid from the citizens to subdue them, in^ which they at last succeeded, and " laid them in " irons.":}: * HoUnshed ; Baker ; Hall ; Sandford ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; Kapm; Hume; Lingard ; Henry; Paston Letters; Daniel and TrusseU t Rymer ; Holinshed ; Fabyan ; Pinkerton ; Eapin. t Stow ; Fabyan ; Holinshed ; London Chron. ; Daniel and Trussel 1457, H57. 32 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. ALiEGARET OF ANJOU. 33 During this unhappy period the spirit of rebellion had prevailed in Ireland no less than in England. In this reign the Earl of Ormond, as Lord Lieutenant, was first employed against the Earl of Desmond, who affected the state of an independent prince in Ireland, and prevailed so far as to get Ormond removed from office. John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, succeeded him. and united witli Dcbmond in accusing the late Governor of many crimes ; but tlie King refused to listen to these charges, and took no measures against the Earl, and hence, it is believed, arose the lasting attachments of the Butler family to the House of Lancaster. ^ The effect, however, of these turbulent and unprin- cipled factions was that the spirit of party prevailed, even in the King's Council and courts, and no business ^vas allowed free progress or execution in law, when it touched any of the said two parties. One of the most violent of Ormond's accusers was Thomas Fits-Thomas, the prior of Kilmainham, who havmg impeached him for treason the Earl appealed to arms, and a day was fixed for the combat which should decide their quarrel. Ormond was permitted to remove to the neighbourhood of Smithfield "for his " breathmg and more ease," and in order to prepare and train himself for the fight, wjiile the pugnacious prior was engaged in this interval in learning " certain pomts of arms" from Philip Treheme, a fishmonger ot London, who was paid by the King for giving these mstructions. The parties met on the gi-ound appomted, but, at the moment of encounter the Ki stopped the fight and took the quarrel into his own hanck-it IS saul through the instance of Worthington.« At Ins penod the doctrines of Wickliff had begun to be dissemmated m England, and all, whose opinions * Moore's Ireland ; Stow. as mg favoured the Reformer, were subjected to controversy. The persecutions of the Lollards in the previous reign had doubtless originated many of the contests and disagreements in the times of Henry VI., occasioned by the resentment of this party against the House of Lancaster. The strife produced by the political leaders in the kingdom w^as not a little augmented by the con- tentions in the Church, as if adding fuel to the flame. A new doctrine had just emanated from the Papal See, viz., that the Pope was the source of all power, to whom all Bishops w^re subordinate, even as his dele- gates ; and, at a time when the English clergy were seeknig to maintain the liberty of the Church, one of the Bishops, more talented and more vain than the others, became a strenuous advocate and supporter of the Pope. This secular doctor of divinity had laboured many years to translate the Holy Scriptures into English, and was accused of having passed the bounds of Christian belief in certain articles, and of dissent from the established creed. These opinions, which were deemed heretical, Reginald Peacock ^ came for- ward to maintain, and with much display of learning and eloquence he preached at St. PauFs Cross, in 1447, in support of the decision of His Holiness. In the year 1458 the ostentatious prelate was compelled to abjure, at St. Paul's Cross, before which his books were burnt, and he was sentenced to confinement for life. He was deprived of his bishopric, and a pension assigned him to live upon in an abbey. | Reginald Peacock, Bishop of Chichester, is described as being of an ardent temperament, a logical mind, and a powerful imagination. He looked with contempt * A Welshman by birth, Reginald Peacock became a Fellow of Oriel CoUep, Oxford, in 1417. He was a student of divinity, and distinguished for his talents. He was appointed to the See of Asaph in UU, and conse- crated by Archbishop Stafford. t HoHnshed ; Lond. Chron. ; Baker ; Dr. Hook's Archbishops ; Stow. VOL. II. jj 1458. 34 M.VBGAEET OF ANJOr on the intellectual abilities of otliers, and liked to per- plex them, sometimes speaking ironically, sometimes m earnest. Such a character might advance false doc- trine, and he was proclaimed a heretic. He had at one time been befriended by the Duke of Gloucester, who was ever temperate in his line of conduct towai'ds those who professed the doctrines of Wickliife. The opinions of Peacock, and his vanity and sarcasm, soon raised him many enemies : all classes condemned him. By exalting the Pope, and thus disregarding the esta- blished laws of the land, he raised such indignation amongst the clergy, that he was summoned before the Primate to have his writings investigated ; but Arch- bishop Stafford, having himself yielded to the new doctrine of papal supremacy, allowed Peacock to escape censure at this time. Bouchiere, however, afterwards acted with great severity towards him. He caused him to appear before him, William Wa}mflete being present and other bishops and prelates, at Lambeth, where they condemned his writings as heretical. We are told tliat this was a " party movement to deprive " the Lancastrians of a spirited writer." One charge against him was that he sought to affect a change in the religion of England, by the introduction of Popery, or Ultramontanism. Even more than this was inferred, from a letter addressed by Peacock to the Mayor of London, viz., that his design was not only to excite the people to a cliange of faith, but to raise an insurrec- tion. Thus it became a pohtical offence, and he was again cited to appear before a Council at Westminster, at which King Henry was present. This was towards the close of the year 1457, when such hostility was shown towards him, that he was compelled to with- draw before the temporal Bishops could proceed with their business. This was a full council and the Yorkists were powerful, and an attack on the unfor- ^1 § MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 35 tunate prelate had been previously arranged. Certain doctors of divinity arrived, who demanded of the Arch- bishop copies of the works of the Bishop of Chichester, in order to examine them. Finally, being required to abjure, or to suffer the punishment of a heretic, Peacock decided on the former. The court adjourned until the next day, when doubtless some political feeling swelled the tide of inveterate anger which rose against this talented and apparently good man. On tlie 3rd of December the Archbishop, his assessors, and the twenty-four divines, were again sitting in Lambeth Chapel. The Bishop of Chichester was summoned, and repaired thither to abjure, in a positive form, the condemned conclusions. The court again " adjourned " to meet on the following day, when a solemn assem- *' bly was to be held at St. Paul's." *' Here the Primate attended, his cross borne before *' him, and he appeared, accompanied by the Bishops *' of London, of Durham, and of Chichester. An im- " niense crowd surrounded the Cathedral. From the ** great west door the bishops, in full pontificals, were " seen to come forth ; one by one each silently and " sadly took the seat assigned to him at St. Paul's " Cross. Before the cross a fire blazed. When the ** Archbishop was seated, he turned a silent look tc- " wards the Bishop of Chichester. Peacock was seen ^' the next moment prostrate at the Primate's feet. *' His voice could not be distinctly heard ; but his *' attitude notified to the spectators that he was making *' his public recantation. The Primate was motionless. *' Peacock rose from the ground and stood before the "pyre. One by one his books were brought forth, " the labour of years, containing some of the most " powerful writings of the day ; eleven quarto volumes " and three folio volumes were handed by him to the T> 2 „ *j.,-|ji»a««-ai[''i^i3^ ^ 36 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. " public executioner, whose ruthless hands committed " them to the flames. "The only consolation was that they had been " transcribed, and that transcriptions of them might "be hereafter produced. But the ascending flames " ignited the passions of the surrounding muUitude. " The assembled people were inflamed into fury against " the man who exalted the Pope above the Church, " and denounced the statutes, by which papal aggres- " sions had been restrained. The bishops, the lords, " the commons, the people all condemned Peacock. " The infuriated mob rushed towards the unfortunate " prelate, and sought to hurl him into the flames which " were consuming his books. The Archbishop and " the civil authorities interfered to preserve order. " Peacock trembled, and, while looking on the martyr- " dom of his books, he was heard to say, ' My pride " 'and presumption have brought upon me these trou- " ' bles and reproaches.' " The Primate was still unsatisfied. Peacock was deprived of his See of Chichester, and sent a prisoner first to Cambridge, then to Maidstone. Finding that his moral degradation did not appease his enemies, Peacock resolved to resist them. He appealed to the Pope, in whose cause he had suifered; and was responded to by His Holiness. " Forth came fulminating from Rome three bulls, " directed against the Primate of England, in vindica- " tion of the Bishop of Chichester." Bouchiere re- fused these bulls ; and, in spite of the Pope, Peacock was degraded, and another appointed his successor, while he was placed in stricter confinement f and sub- sequently he ended his life in prison. * He was placed in a secret chamber with one attendant, and " allowed '• no books, but a breviary, a mass book, a psalter, a legend, and a bible • *' nothing to write with, no stuff to write upon." VThat a condition of re- straint for such an intellectual man ! Ift MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 37 The severities exercised over his unfortunate pri- soner exhibit in no favourable light the character of the offended Primate. His zeal for the Church seems to have made him forgetful of mercy and Christian charity."' The device of Queen Margaret had separated the Yorkists, but they still contrived to keep up a correspondence, and were no less united in their views than before. While the Duke sought to in- gratiate himself with the people, he well knew that it was no easy matter to wrest the crown from a monarch who had so long held it by hereditary right ; and neither party had so decided a superiority as to be sure of victory should they have recourse to arms.f An attempt was made at this time, by Queen Mar- garet, to effect a reconciliation between the two parties. She perceived the advantage which had been taken of their dissensions by the foreign powers, and that the blame of every unfortunate measure fell upon her, or her ministers, of which the Duke of York availed himself. Margaret, therefore, adopted the wise policy of composing their grievances, and of restoring unanimity amongst the nobility; and this was the more expedient, since the late untoward events appeared to favour the Duke of York's projects. The task of restoring peace and unanimity to two powerful factions was found by no means easy ; and the ingenuity of the Queen was called forth in pro- curing then- obedience to her wishes. This was evinced by the summons being sent in the name of the King. Queen Margaret's former commands having failed to draw together the rebel chiefs, an express invitation was, by her means, dismissed from the * Birch's mus. Persons of Great Brit. ; Dr. Hook's Archbishops, t Eapin ; Holinshed. 145/. Holinshed. 38 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 1458. Biondi ; Stow. King to the Duke of York, requiring him and all his friends to repair to London ; and it was expected that these commands would be readily obeyed, the King being much beloved for his pure and innocent life, and his uprightness. Some historians say that the Kino^, i^rnorant of, or being displeased at, the proceedings of Queen Mar- garet at Coventry, "as contrary to his good inten- " tion," upon his return to London called a Council ; and, after representing the miserable condition to which the kingdom was reduced by intestine division, which had induced the Scots and the French to insult them, and to commit devastations on the borders, he spoke of the necessity of a reconciliation, and offered willingly to })ardon and forget the injuries which he had himself received. It is added, that the Queen and the Duke of Somerset, each made a similar offer to the Duke of York, at the instances of the King.-^ It seems improbable that King Henry took so active a part, yet if, influenced by his strong aversion to the shedding of blood, he really did by hi's persuasions effect this reconciliation, there can be little doubt that the Queen Avas previously disposed to unanimity, and equally sincere in Iier endeavours to promote it. The letter of Henry, in his own handwriting, addressed to the Duke of York, after requiring his presence, and that of his friends, solemnly engaged that no injury should be offered them, and cont'ained assurances that the King was perfectly sincere in his purpose of reconciliation. Finding no plausible objection to make against this mvitation, it was resolved by the Duke of York and his adherents to accept it ; they were, however, still V I ^'^??\' f °^^^^ ' ^^^^ ' Paston Letters ; Stow ; Rapin • Henrv- Echard Hist. Eng. ; Daniel a»d Trussel. ' ^ ' MARGARET OF ANJOU. 39 ■ r» I jealous of Queen Margaret, who, on her part, retained some mistrust of her enemies. Amidst these mutual suspicions it is not improbable, that each party hoped to obtain some advantage by the meeting, and it is even more likelv still, that neither in their hearts resolved upon giving up entirely their former purposes.'-*^' The Duke of York might, doubtless, be induced, by the moderation of character for which he was so remarkable, or by that timidity which withheld him from seizing on the crown when it w^as within his reach, to agree to this reconciliation. The Queen meanwhile was too penetrating to expect that the Duke w^ould suddenly, or tamely give up his claims, yet might hope that kindness and conciliatory measures would delay the execution of his projects, until she midit, bv some fortunate circumstances, have recovered her popularity with the people. To remove the possibility of any apprehensions, it w^as mutually agreed that the parties should come to the capital, with a certain number of their armed retainers ; and the King even granted permission to the Earl of Warwick to bring with him from Calais eighty foreigners, in addition to his English fol- low^ers.f After all these preparatory arrangements, the Duke of York came to London on the 26th of January, Poive"^ 1458, attended by 400 of his adherents,^ and lodged ^"hro^; in his own residence, Baynard's Castle,§ still doubt- ^^k^r; ing the faith of the Queen. The Earl of Salisbury Letters; arrived on the 15th of January, bringing with him v^^; ' Hume. * Baker ; Paston Letters ; Holinshed ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin. t Paston Letters ; Rapin ; Pennant's London. j Another writer tells us that the Duke of York came to London with only his own household, amounting to 140 horsemen. § Baynard's Castle had belonged to Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, who rebuilt it. L^pon his death, Henry VI. granted it to Richard, Duke of York. 1458. Fabyan ; 40 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 500 horsemen, and lodged in his own house, called the " Herbour." '" The Duke of Somerset, who arrived on the last day of January, had 200 horse. Another writer says that Somerset and the Duke of Exeter, who had been lately released, came with 300 men, and lodged without Temple Bar. The Earl of Northumberland, Lord Egremont, and Lord Clifford came with 1,500 men, and lodged in Holborn. The Earl of Warwick, who amved a month later, brought with him GOO men, in red jackets, with white ragged staves, em- broidered behind and before. These lodged at Grey Friars.f The delay in the arrival of this earl was only caused by contrary winds ; and we learn, from the Paston Letters, that the Duke of Exeter enter- tained great displeasure " tliat my Lord of Warwick " occupieth his office, and taketh the charge of the " keeping of the sea upon him." The Duke of Buckingham also came, and with him his grandson Henry, Earl of Stafford. They entered the capital in the train of the King and Queen, who, with a great retinue, arrived in London on the 17th day of March. On entering the metropolis, they fixed their residence at the Bishop's palace, near St. Paul's, which at this period was surrounded by stone walls, afterwards hidden by dwelling-houses. It should be remarked also that this royal abode, chosen for this brief and momentous season, was situated at an equal distance from both the factions. W^hen the Lancastrians, as well as the Yorkists, had assembled in London, the greatest precautions were taken to prevent any disorders ; and as these * other writers say, the Earl of Salisbury had but 400 horse, and four- score knights and esquires. By some it is asserted that the Queen and her Bon remained at Berkhampstead until the conference was ended. t Pennant says that Warwick and his followers lodged in Warwick Lane. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 41 (V 1 would doubtless have arisen, had they occupied the same quarters, care was taken that they should lodge in different pai'ts of the city ; and it was further con- sidered requisite, for the maintenance of order, that the Lord Mayor, Sir Godfrey Boleyn,'-' should ride round the city every night, with a competent number of his trainbands, which amounted to 10,000 men.| To what an extent must the general suspicion have prevailed ! Besides all this, the Lord Mayor and Alder- men kept a standing watch in arms day and night. The Lords who lodged within the city held a daily council at Blackfriars,f while those without, met in the Chapter House, at Westminster. The resolves of the Yorkists, were communicated to the Royalists by the Primate, and other prelates ; and the proceed- ings of each day, were in the evening laid before the King, who, as umpire between the two parties, pro- nounced his award. Mediators were unanimously chosen, and finally a reconciliation was effected, on the 3rd of April ; the Archbishop of Canterbury, and others of the clergy, having used the utmost diligence and activity to promote it. Many arrangements were entered into by the op- posing parties. The Earl of Warwick agreed to give to Lord Clifford 1,000 marks, "in good, and sufficient " assi2:nment of debts." Lord Egremont, and his brother Richard Percy (the sons of the Countess of Westmoreland), who, for certain trespasses and transgressions, had been con- demned, at the sessions of York, to pay to the Earl of Salisbury 8,000 marks, to his son Thomas Neville 1,000 marks, and to the said Thomas and his wife * This Sir Godfrey (or Jeffrey) Bollen or Boleyn was the great-grand- father of Queen Anne Boleyn, second wife of Henry the Eighth. f Baker says the number of the trainbands was 500 ; Lingard says 5000 ; Stow 2000. :J: Stow tells us that these meetings were held in Warwick Lane. 1458. i 42 ]!kLVEGAEET OF ANJOU. M.VRGARET OF ANJOU. 43 2,000; also to John Neville, another son of the earl, 800 marks, were released from the payment of these sums, and from the custody in which they had been held by the late sheriffs of London ; being, how- ever, bound over to keep the peace towards the Earl and his family. The Duke of York and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick consented to bestow a yearly rent of £45 on the monastery of St. Alban's, for suffrages, obits to be kept up, and alms to be employed, for the souls of the late Duke of Somerset, the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Clifford, and others, slain in the battle of St. Alban's ; and it was determined, that both those who were dead, and those who had caused their death, should be reputed faithful subjects. The Duke of York also agreed to give to the Duchess of Somerset, and Henry her son, the sum of 5,000 marks, which were due to him from the King, for his services in Ireland. At length all parties evinced their perfect satisfac- tion. They mutually agi'eed that, setting aside their several animosities, they would live together in unity and obedience to their sovereign, and that, to obviate complaints, the Duke of York, the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, as well as several others of their party, sliould take their seats in the Cabinet. All these articles being agreed upon, they were after- wards ratified under the Great Seal of England, and a public thanksgiving was appointed for the 5th of April, in token of the universal joy at this reconcilia- tion. Accordingly, on that day the King, Queen, and all the Lords, went in a solemn procession to St. Paul's. In proof of their amity, one of each party walked hand in hand, proceeding in couples after each other. Before the King walked Henry Beaufort, Duke of I Somerset, and Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbur}^ ; next came John Holland, Duke of Exeter, and Richard Neville, Earl of W\arwick ; after King Henry followed the Duke of York, leading the Queen by the hand, who showed, by her great complacency, that she was at least sincere in her desire to please.* To the people this was a spectacle promising future peace and harmony ; but these external forms could not avail to eradicate the passions of ambition and reveno-e wdiich secretly influenced the two factions ; and this important convention of the nobles of the land, was indeed, but a prelude to civil broils, and ceaseless warfare. The following lines from the pen of Lydgate, com- memorate this reconciliation between the Lords of the Yorkist faction and the King and his adherents :— •' When Charyte ys chosen t^ ith stats to stonde, ** Stedfast and styll, with oute distaimce, *' Then yrreih may be exilid out of thys londe, *' And God on re gide to have governaunce ; '* Wysdom and welthe with all plesaunce, " May rightfulle reigne, and prosperite, ' ' For love hath underleyde wrethfull vengeaimce, ** Reioyse Englond the Lords accordid bee. " Reioyse and thonke God, and sonv no more, * * For now shal encrese thi consolacone ; " Our enemes quake for drede ful sore, '' That pees ys made that was divisione, * ' Whiche ys to them grete conf usione, " And to us joy and felicite ; '* God hold them longe in every seasone, *' That Englond may reioyce, the concord and unite. " Now ys sorw with shame fled yn to Fraunce, * * As a felon that hath f orswome thys lond ; *' Love hath put O'W'te malicius governaunce, " In every place both fre and bonde ; ** In Yorke, in Somersett, as ye undjT stonde, ** In Warwikke also ys love and charite, ** In Salisbury eke, and yn Northumljerlond ** That every man may reioyce the concord and unite. * Holinshed ; Hall ; Baker ; Fabyan ; Stow ; Sandford ; London Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Paston Letters ; Howel ; Pennant's London ; Rapin. 44 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 45 145S. Stow; Fabvan. " Egremond, and ClyfiFord, and other forseyd, " Ben sett yn the same opynyone ; " In every quarter love is thus leide, " Grace and wisdome hath the dominacione, " Awoke welth, and walk in thys regione, ** Re\\Tide abowte in towne and cite, * ' And thonke them that brought it to thys conclusion ; * ' Reioyse Englond the concord and unite. " At Poules in London, with grete renowne, * ' On oure Lady day, the pes was wTought ; ** The King, the quene, with Lords many one, ' ' To worshyppe that virgine as they oght, " ^Yent a prosession, and sparjd right noght, * ' In sight of alle the comonialty ; *' In tokyn that love was in hart and thoght ; " Eeioice Englond, the concord and unite. * ' There was by twene them lovely countenance, " Whyche was grete joy to aUe that there were, ** That long tyme hadd \>en in variaunce, " As frynds for ever they went jrn fere, '* They went togedre, and made good chere ; " Fraunce and Bretagne, repent shall ye, " For the bergeyne shall ye bye fulle dere ; " Reioice Englond the concortl and unite. " Our sovereyn lord the kynge, God kepe alway, ** The quene and bisshope of Canterbury " And other that have labored to thvs love dav. " Goil preserve them we pray hertly ; " And London for they fulle diligently ; ** Kept the pees in trobull and in adversite ; " To brynge yu rest they labored ful treuly ; ' ' Reioice Englond the i>eas and unite. " Off thre things, y preys thy worshypfull citee : " The first, of trewe fe^ihe that they owe to the kyng ; " The secounde, of love of cache comonialte ; The thynle, of good rule evermore kepyng ; " The whyche Gwl mayntene ever long durynge, " And save the maire and all the hole citee, " And that ys amys brynge to amendyng, " That Englond may reioice the pees and unite." * ^ In Whitsim week following, the Duke of Somerset, Sir Anthony Rivers, and four others, kept jousts before the Queen, in the Tower of London, against three of * Cottonian MS. ; Ljdgxite. I the Queen's esquires and others. In like manner they jousted at Greenw^ich the Sunday following.* After all the fair appearances of confidence and friendship on the part of both Yorkists and Lancas- trians, the former soon began to evince their mistrust of the Royalists, and under various pretences, withdrew from court. The Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury re- paired to York, and the Earl of Warwick went over to Calais. An accidental quarrel arose bew^een the ships wdiich bore this Earl and his followers to Calais, and some vessels belonging to Genoa and Lubeck ; the latter carried their complaints to the King, and Henry having appointed commissioners to inquire into the affair, the Earl of Warwick was compelled to return to London, to answer to the charge.f During the Earl's stay in this city another quarrel arose, equally trivial in its commencement, but far more important in its results. The Earl had gone to the Council-chamber, and while detained there one of his people fell out with a servant belonging to the King, and wounded him ; upon w^hich his comrades, to revenge the offence, seized upon whatever weapons were at hand, but the aggressor escaped, and they vented their fury on the rest of the Duke's followers. Another affl'ay happened in April this year, be- tween the inhabitants of Fleet Street and the men of Court, in w^hich the Queen's attorney lost his life. The governors of the courts of law, and many others, were upon this imprisoned by the King's orders. J The Queen's Chamberlain, Sir Thomas Shernbome, died on the 3rd of February in this year. He had married Jamina de Chemeys, a French woman, and one of Queen Margaret's maids of honour. * Stow ; Fabyan ; Holinshed. t Baker ; Hoi in shed ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hall ; Lingard. ^ Holinshed. 1458. n 46 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Sir Thomas was buried at Sliernborne, in Norfolk, in the family sepulchre. The inscription on his tomb (now effaced) was as follows : — '' Thome Shernebornc camerar. d'ne Margarete regine ''' Anglie, et Jamine uxor ejus quo da domiccllane *' ejusd' regine y * The Earl of AVarwick was also assaulted in his way from the Council to his barge upon the Thames ; and he narrowly escaped the fury of the populace, several of his train being killed in this affray. Shortly after the Earl was informed that the King, or, as some say, the Queen, had issued orders for his arrest, and confinement in the Tower. Had he been taken, the Earl of AVarwick would probably have lost his life; but he contrived to elude those who had been sent to apprehend him. He was persuaded that this tumult had been raised by the Queen's contrivance, Avho, as he thought, wished to g^i rid of him without being con- cerned in the affair; and he resolved to be revenged of this affront. The Earl repaired instantly to Warwick, to his father, the Earl of Salisbury, and they together proceeded into Yorkshire, to the Duke of York, to con- sult with him as to the measures to be adopted. f It was thus that an accidental affray drew upon this unfortunate Queen all the burden of this Earl's resent- ment ; and it seems even more than probable that she was altogether ignorant of the afiair. It is, besides, not unlikely that the Court, having noticed that the Earl of Warwick's men had raised a tumult, had suddenly issued an order for the apprehension of their leader. The circumstances bv no means lead to a conviction that Margaret had any share in the attack on this high-spirited lord, but only prove the danger * Gough's Sepulcbral Monuments. t Ilolinshed : Hall ; Sandfnrd ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Hume ; Henrj'; Lingard; Daniel. fJ MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 47 of want of confidence between a sovereign and her subjects. The haughty W^arwick, having once enter- tained a deep-rooted mistrust of his royal mistress, no promises — no compliance, could afterwards eradicate it ; on the contrary, every accidental circumstance w-as construed to the prejudice of the Queen.'* When the Duke of York and his friends consulted together, they came to the conclusion^ that the late reconciliation w^as designed to ensnare them, in order that they might be more easily dispatched when they were separated, by some secret means, which would not excite suspicion. Indignant at the offence which they considered had been offered them, they spoke of it iU; sharp and bitter terms, saying, that "it '' was nothing less than the deceit and fury of a " woman (meaning the Queen), wdio, thinking she " might do whatever she pleased, sought to torment " and utterly destroy all the nobility of the land." It is probable, that these lords did not regret being furnished with a pretext for having again recourse to arms ; and declaring that they could no longer depend upon the assurances of the Court, they immediately prepared for war. The Earl of Warwick once more evinced his suspicion in the haste with which he em- barked for Calais, fearing that this place would be seized by the Royalists, f Resolved upon demanding satisfaction of the Khig for the affront offered to his son, the Earl of Salisbury set out from Middleham Castle with a sufficient escort to defend his person. While passing through Lan- cashire, either towards Coleshill, in Warwickshire, where King Henry was, or being in quest of the Duke of York, who, after his return from Ireland, * Even Eapin, who is always severe against Queen Margaret, acknow- ledges that it is difficult to decide if this were the act of the Queen, or merely accidental. t Pol. Vergil ; Eapin ; Henry ; Holinshed. . 48 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. was staying at Ludlow, in Shropshire (for it is doubt- ful which was his object), news was brought him that the Queen, while at Eccleshall, in Staffordshire, had commanded Lord Audley to collect all the forces of that county, and of the adjoining ones of Salop and Chester, to oppose the Yorkists. This information arrested the progress of the Earl of Salisbury, and he determined to strengthen his party, before he en- countered the Eoyalists. He raised a new army in AVales, and his forces were augmented to 4,000 or 5,000 men by the time he had arrived at Bloreheath, in Staffordshire. Queen Margaret had at this time the advice and assistance of the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham, and she had also kept a vigilant eye on her own aflfiiirs. It was her opinion that the Earl of WarAvick had excited this new^ rebellion, purposely to establish the Duke of York upon the throne. In appointing Lord Audley to the command of the forces, which she ordered to advance against the in- surgents, the Queen was led to make this choice because this lord had most influence in the county through which the Earl of Sahsbury had to pass. Queen Margaret also suspected that the Earl of Salis- bury, in seeking a conference with the King, had no good intention towards his sovereign or herself, and therefore commissioned Lord Audley to apprehend him, should it be in his power.* The activity of the Queen, previous to the engage- ment at Bloreheath, was remarkable. After issuing her commands to Lord Audley to raise a new army in the King's name, she proceeded next to exert her personal influence in rousing the energy of her adhe- * Sandford ; HaU ; Hoiinshed ; Stow ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Wethamstede • Rot. Pari. ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Pennant ; Hume ; Henn- • Lingard; Daniel. ^ ' MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 49 t rents. Her amiable manners, and artful and insinuating address, soon gained the affections of the people. Margaret next went on a progress with the King, probably to awaken the public sympathy for him, and their zeal in his cause, through Warwick, Stafford, and Chester ; but in the first of these counties w\as less successful than in the others, owing to the surprising influence which the Earl of Warwick maintained there. The magnificence in which this nobleman lived, added to his extreme gallantry, and the boldness and energy wdiich he exhibited in his actions, gained him the hearts of all who approached him. He was besides extremely generous and hospitable, and the openness and sincerity of his character secured the friendship of those who surrounded him. His vv^ords were regarded by them as truth itself, and his gifts were no less certain proofs of his sincerity. At his table no less than 30,000 persons were daily maintained in his numerous castles and manors in England ; and those who entered his service were more devoted to him than to' their sove- reign, or to the laws of their country. Stow tells us, that at his palace in Warwick Lane, London, " where " he * kept house,' six oxen were consumed at every " breakfast ; that every tavern was full of his meat ; and " every guest w^as allowed to carry off as much roasted " or boiled as he could bear upon his long dagger." * To counteract the influence of this powerful lord was Queen Margaret's chief care, and to win, by her kind- ness and condescension, all the nobility and gentry of these midland counties. In her progress through Cheshire she was highly successful, and ingi'atiated herself everyw^here, persuading the lords to espouse her cause. The more effectually to attach the lords and gentry to her, the Queen "kept open house " amongst them, and commanded the young Prince, her son, to * stow ; Pennant ; Baker ; Barante ; Hume ; Lingard. TOL. iL a I 50 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 51 Toplis : Lingard Rapiu. distribute a profusion of collars of white embroidered swans to the commander of her forces, Lord Audley, and to all the gentry of Cheshire, to be worn by them in token of their attachment to herself, the King, and her son. These white swans, the badge of the young Edward, were borne bv all who fouo-ht for the Lancastrians in the memorable battle which ensued at Bloreheath. Similar badges w^re also sent by the Queen to many others of her adherents in different parts of England ; for she had hopes that she might be able to unite a party strong and powerful enough to overcome her enemies.* The two armies met on a plain called Bloreheath, near Drayton, in Staffordshire, on the 23rd BakerT ^^ September, 1459. Lord Audley, in obedience to Hoiinshed ; the Quceu's commands, had drawn together his forces Avith the utmost expedition. These amounted to 10,000 men, twice the number of the forces of the Earl; but the latter, far from being intimidated, re- solved to obtain by stratagem a victory which he could not hope to win by force. Lord Audley having encamped on the banks of a small river, the Earl of Salisbury stationed his army on the opposite side, apparently to guard the pass and to prevent an attack. He then suddenly withdrew in tlie night, so ordering his march that, when daylight appeared, the rear of his army only could be discovered by the Royalists. This seemingly hasty retreat roused the ardour of the King's forces, and these, thinking they had but to pursue an army already taking flight, began to pass the river in great disorder ; but, before they had accomplished their purpose of gaining the opposite bank, even while some w^ere just landed, others * Holinshed : Stow : Paston Letters ; Pennant ; Lysons' Cheshire ; Magna Britannia ; Baudier ; Lingard : Ormerod's Chester : Fabyan ; Daniel ; Heningay's Hist, of Chester ; Kennet's Hist, of Eng. still in the water, and the rest preparing to pass it, the Earl of Salisbury suddenly turned back, and fell upon them. So sudden and unexpected was this movement, that the Lancastrians had scarcely time to draw up for battle. An obstinate fight was main- tained for four or five hours, during which the Royalists were supported by fresh supplies continually crossing the river; but the confusion, inevitable in^ a battle fought in such a manner, occasioned their defeat. The loss of the Lancastrians was estimated at 2,400 naen. Lord Audley and all the principal officers were slain. Amongst those enumerated were Sir Thomas Dutton, Sir John Done, Sir Hugh Venables, Sir Richard MoU- neux. Sir William Troutbeck, Sir John Legh, of Booths, and Sir John Egerton, who were all left dead on the field of battle.* Dudley, and many knights were made prisoners, amongst whom w^ere Sir John and Sir Thomas Neville, knights, two sons of the Earl of Salis- bury,! and Sir Thomas Harrington, Raufe Rokesby, Thomas Ashton, Robert Evereux, and others, who were all sent to Chester. X § The extent to which party animosity had reached at the period of this fatal battle has been strongly depicted in the words of the poet, who thus describes the death of these brave men, each having fallen by the hand of a relative : — " There Dutton, Button kills ; a Done doth kill a Done ; " A Booth a Booth ; and Leigh by Leigh is overthrown, " A Venables against a Venables doth stand, •' And Troutbeck fighteth with a Troutbeck hand to hand ; * To these shonld be added that of Sir Robert Booth of Denham, whose monumental brass fixes his decease on this day. t These two sons of Salisbury were traveUing with Sir Thomas Harrington into the North, but were taken. A message from the " March " men caused them to be set free. X They were released from their prison in the castle of Chester by order of the King, and delivered by Sir John Main waring to Lord Stanley. § Hall ; Sandford ; Holinshed ; Bak:er ; Fabyan ; Drayton's Poly-olbion ; Toplis ; Pol. VergH ; Stow ; Mag. Britannia ; Pennant ; Rapin : Hume ; Henry ; Daniel ; Lingard ; Ormerod's Chester ; Cliron. Lond. ; Heningay's Chester ; Kennet's Hist, of England. X 2 b --ii»*W»*->»^(«»>'-WW*(S^l^£- ^'ntHS -^ .^ v^ : . ,^^ •tt-^a)**-'*' 52 ALiEGAEET OF AXJOU. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 53 *' Tlien Molineux cloth make a Molineux to die ; ** And Egerton the strength of Egerton doth tiy. " Oh Cheshire ! wast thou mad of thine own native gore, " So much until this day thou never shedd'st before I ** Above two thousand men upon the earth were throvsii, *' Of whom the greater part were naturally thine own." During the battle of Blorelieatli Oueen Mariraret remaiued at Ecclesliall, in Staffordshire, where, fi'om the tower of the church in that town, she beheld this fierce encounter, so fotal to the Lancastrian cause.* Tlie King was staying at Coleshill. The quarrel between the two parties, at first confined to the higher classes, now began to occasion division and strife in almost every foiuily in the kingdom : it found its way into the recesses of the convents,' and even into the cottages of the poor. One party called the Duke of York a traitor, who was only spared through the clemency of the King ; tlie other party, taking the side of the rebels, considered their chief hadlbeen injirred, and, with his associates trampled under foot by the Court minions, and compelled to unsheath tlie sword for self-preservation.f The unfortunate, yet faithful and high-spirited con- sort of King Henry, finding that she had foiled in her purpose of aj^prehending the Earl of Salisburv and that the battle was lost by her partv, was vet not wanting in expedients, although disappointed, and thrown more than ever upon her own resources Bein- convinced that nothing but superiority of numbers could avail her, she caused to be assembled a larcre army. These forces met at Coventry, where the Kin- jomed them, but would foin have been excused fi-oin agam having recourse to arms.J He would o-ladly An^teyj"!' '''°' '''' ^^'"''^ '^ "^^ '^' ^^^^^ ^^ commander, Lord t Wethamstede ; Cont Croyland ; Lingard ; Holinshcd. ^ btow ; Holmshed ; Pennant : Rapio. have quelled the rebellion by means of a treaty, but the Queen, undaunted by the late failure, resolved to oppose the Duke of York to the utmost of her power in the field, as she had before done in the Cabinet. After the defeat at Bloreheath, the' Royalists, whose ai'dour was unabated, pressed onward to Ludlow, and in their way experienced many difficulties from the inclemency of the season, the bad roads, and w^ant of accommodation ; to which hardships King Henry sub- mitted with cheerfulness, halting only on Sundays. He often spent his nights in the open fields ; but the life of a soldier was far from agreeable to this monarch, who on all occasions advocated peace. Queen Margaret was at this time most earnestly bent on the subjugation of the Yorkists. Some histo- rians assure us that the Queen, being convinced that it was in vain for her to attempt to persuade the King her husband to second or approve her measures ; (he, either through the feebleness of his understanding, or his pacific disposition, becoming unmanageable,) being disappointed in her projects for want of his concurrence, resolved at last to endeavour to place her son on the throne, seeking to prevail on Kino- Henry to resign it in his favour. She had even en- gaged some lords to aid her in this attempt, and these noblemen actually moved the King to abdicate, but could not succeed in obtaining his consent.* The sagacity of the Queen enabled her to perceive that the Duke of York aimed at the crown ; and, being persuaded of this, she earnestly sought to arouse the King to a sense of the danger he incurred from the pretensions of so fonnidable a rival. She reminded him of the preparations which were then making by the Duke, showing the necessity for action, as by his delay the Duke always became the aggressor. She * stow J Baodier ; Fabjan. 1459. Fabyan. 54 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. conjureJ liim, then, to march witli the utmost expedi- tion, and by a prompt and. courageous attack to displace and confound the insurgents.* The arguments of Queen Margaret, although they induced the King to set out in quest of the rebels, did not prevail on him to assault them, until he had first made use of every pacific means to recall them to their allegiance. The royal army consisted of 60,000 men, headed by the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter. Thev marched in the direction of Wales, but stopped short at Worcester, v^hen King Henry dismissed Eichard Beauchamp, Bishop of Salisbury, to the rebels, who had encamped at Ludlow, witli an offer of pardon, upon condition of their laying down their arms within six days.| The Earl of Salisbury, after his victory at Blorelieath, had proceeded into Wales, where the Duke of York was employed in levying troops. These noblemen held a long conference. They perceived that the King and Queen had penetrated their design, and it was therefore no longer of use to dissemble. They resolved to make one more desperate effort to accomphsh their purpose, or to lose their lives in the attempt. Uniting all their forces, they redoubled their exertions to assemble a large army, and dismissed a summons to the Earl of Warwick, who speedily joined them, bring- ing with him a part of his garrison from Calais, under the command of Sir John Blount and Sir Andrew Trollop, who had distinguished himself in the wars in France.^ To tlic proposal of King Henry the York- ists only replied by alleging that they could not rely on promises, which were evidently meant to ensnare * Baudier. J^Holinshed; HaU ; Sandford ; Baker; Stow: Green's Worcester; t Pennant says that Salisbury joined the Duke at Ludlow. ISLVEGx^ET OF ANJOU. 55 them, as had been seen in the late'^attempt on the Earl of Warwick ; and that there was no trusting to the King's word, as long as the Queen had such predomi- nant power ; but that they were willing to submit to their sovereign, if he could devise means to ensure their safety.* Upon receiving this answer, the King commanded his forces to advance, with ^design to give them battle ; he then obtained from the rebels a most submissive letter, beseeching him to remember that they had been compelled to adopt defensive measures, to protect themselves from their enemies ; that it was evident they entertained no treasonable desims from their remaining in a distant part of the kingdom, where they had attempted nothing ; that they wished only to obtain redress for the grievances of the people, which had been occasioned by the faults of the ministers. Finally, they prayed the King to consider them as loyal subjects, and receive them again into his favour. I This address failed in its object. The Royalists, inspired with a contemptible opinion of the enemy's courage, from the humble manner in which they wrote, approached within half a mile of their camp, resolved to come to an engagement on the following day. The King's proclamation was meanwhile dis- persed amongst the enemy, offering pardon to all who would lay down their arms ; and this had a powerful effect. The troops of the Duke, thinking the King's pardon was offered on account of the superior numbers of the forces of the Royalists, lost no time in abandon- ing the apparently weaker side. Sir Andrew Trollop, and those wdio had accompanied him from Calais, who * Hall ; Holinshed ; Baker ; Stow ; Sandford ; Rot. Pari. ; Wethamstede ; Pol. Vergil ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Green's Wor- cester. t Stow ; Holinshed ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrewsbury. 56 MiVEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1459. Holinshed Hume ; Henry ; Burdy's Ireland ; Lingard. had long served the King with fidehty, but had been deceived by the fair speeches of their employers, now, for the first time, discovered the treasonable intentions of the Duke of York, who, to keep up the spirits of his men, had spread a report that King Henry died the day before, and even commanded mass to be chaunted for the repose of his soul. This report reached the King, who, to refute it, immediately appeared in the midst of his troops, and harangued them with a martial air, and greater spirit and energy than he was ever kno^m to exhibit on any other occasion. This much gratified the Lancastrian lords and soldiers, and all who were eager to show their loyalty to their sovereign. The falsehood of the Duke of York ^ being thus made apparent. Sir Andrew Trollop and his followers went over, in the night, to the Kino- and thus threw the Yorkists into the utmost confusion! Consternation and distrust spread through the camp, and the defection became so general, that the con- federate lords, in great alarm, lest they should fall into the King's hands, fled precipitatelv into the heart of ^^ ales. The Duke of Yoi^k proceeded thence, with ' his son, the Earl of Rutland, to Ireland. The Earl of March, the eldest son of the Duke of York, and the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick, proceeded into Devonshire, where, assisted by John Denham, Esq., hey escaped from Exmouth to Guernsey, and thence to Calais. The remainder of the army submitted to the King s mercy ; and all received a pardon, except a tew, who were executed as a public example.- Ihis bloodless victory was highly satisfactory to the merciful monarch ; and the next day Kin- Henrv con voked a Parhament to meet at Coventry ZlrZ MARGARET OF ANJOU. 57 flight of his enemies, the King proceeded by long journeys into Wales, hoping to overtake the Duke of York ; but the latter eluded his pursuers. The King then returned to Ludlow, from whence he dismissed his army, having first spoiled the Castle of Ludlow, and sent the Duchess of York, with two of her younger sons, to be kept in w^ard with the Duchess of Buckingham, her sister. The town of Ludlow, be- longing to the Duke of York, was spoiled to the bare walls. While staying at Ludlow, the King decided some old controversies, and received under his protection the people of those parts, who flocked around him, rejoicing in his success. Here also King Henry appointed some noblemen of approved loyalty to govern and defend the counties of Durham and York. All the adherents of the House of York were ill- treated and plundered throughout the kingdom, which only served to inflame the animosity of the two parties. Those who had served the King were recompensed with the estates and spoils of the insurgents, according to their respective services and condition. Amongst these, Thomas de Roos was rewarded for his loyalty with an annuity of £40 per annum, out of the for- feited estate of the Earl of Salisbury.'-' From the time of the dispersion of the Yorkists, near Ludlow, the King regained his due authority; and the Lancastrians only were employed in public affairs, which were so conducted until the following summer. During this period the King, by the advice of his lords, caused the Yorkists to be proclaimed traitors, and treated with great severity. 1459. * Lingard ; Allen's York ; Hall ; Stow ; Baker ; Holinslied ; Paston Letters; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester; Baudier; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Fabyan. 58 MxlBGAEET OF AXJOU. 145P. Pennant ; Paston Letters. A Parliament was held in the Chapter House of the Priory at Coventry, in 1459, which was subsequently called by the Yorkists, the ^^ Parliamentum diaholi- " ci^m," on account of the numerous attainders passed against this party.* These attainders, while they marked [the spirit of the times, were both unwise and impolitic, as was the conduct of Queen Margaret afterwards, in her attempts to exterminate the party opposed to her. By tliis conduct the Duke of York was ahnost left without the choice of remaining as a subject with impunity. Queen Margaret seems to have relied on the fidelity of the people of Coventry, and in all the seasons of her greatest alarm and anxiety she fled there. Her influence in this city was very great at the time the memorable Parliament alluded to was held there. The Queen's enemies styled this place her "secret " arbour," and tell us the members were wholly devoted to her interests; and they subsequently charged her with having procured their electian by illegal power. The proceedings of this Parliament were marked by great severity, and formed a precedent to the House of York in their after-conduct. In the hst of attainders in this Parliament we find, not only the Duke of York and his chief friends, but also his adherents, and some also amongst them who afterwards joined the Lan- castrian cause. They were all declared guilty of high treason, and their heirs disinherited to the sixth degi'ee,t and their estates confiscated.;}: Shrew^wTLi^r"^*^ '*'"^ ^'^'^"^ P-ton Letters; PMUips's t stow and others say to the ninth degree. X A list of persons attainted in this Parliament — Jasper, Earl of Pembroke, half brother to Henrj VI Cicely, daughter of Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland Eirl o/w ''' "f' r '^ ^'^""^^ ^^^ «^ ^^^«^^^' -^d »>-other of the Larl of \\ arwick, afterwards the Archbishop of York. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 59 When King Henry was called upon to sign these acts of attainder, such was his anxiety for, and love of, mercy, that he caused a proviso to be added, by which he was enabled, at any time, and without the authority of Parliament, to pardon these noblemen, and to re- estabhsh them in their former estates and dignities, should they sincerely implore his forgiveness and favour ; nor would he give his consent to the con- fiscation of the property of the Lord Powis, and two others, who had craved his mercy the morning after their leaders had fled."! What the poet said of Csesar, might with justice be applied to King Henry ; viz., " that he was slow to punish, and sad when he was *' constrained to be severe," — ** Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox ; " Cuique dolet, quoties cogitur esse ferox." X Richard, Duke of York, after being betrayed and defeated, was driven to take refuge in Ireland ; where he was not, however, received as a fugitive, but as a chief, or Governor, owing to his former conduct in that country. The Duke w^as now even joyfully wel- comed by the Irish. They not only treated him with great respect, but voluntarily offered him their ser- Lord Grey of Ruthin, afterwards Earl of Kent. The Duke of York. Sir Thomas Parre. The Earl of March. Sir John Conyers. The Earl of Rutland. Sir John Wenlock. The Earl of Warwick. Sir William OldhaH. The Earl of Salisbury. Edward Bouchier, Esq. The Lord Powis. Thomas Vaugh'n. Lord Clynton. Thomas Colte. The Countess of Saer. Thomas Clay. Sir Thomas Nevylle. John Denham. Sir John Nevylle. Thomas Thoryng, Sir Thomas Harryngton. John Oter. * The Bishop of Exeter and Lord Grey of Ruthin submitting themselves obtained the King's favour. + Holinshed ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Allen's York ; Encyclopaedia Bri- tannica ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrewsbury. i Ovid. 1459. Burdy. 60 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 61 1459. Stow ; W. of Wor- cester ; Paston Letters. vices, to live or die for him, as if he were their lawful sovereign, and they his faithful subjects. While the Duke had been in England, a period of eight years, a succession of deputies had been appointed by him to rule in Ireland. At the time of his return, Thomas, Earl of Kildare, was deputy, and the prevailing party was the Geraldines, by whom the safety of the Duke, and of his colleagues, was provided for. Such Acts of Parliament were also passed as almost declared the colony independent of the English Crown. It was in vain that they were opposed by the Earl of Ormond, who earnestly maintained the King's cause ; so much so, that some of the agents of this earl were executed for attempting an arrest on the royal warrant, as violators of the acts of the party of the Geraldines.* The friends of the Duke of York, who had fled to Calais for refuge, were welcomed there by Lord Fauconbridge. All the Yorkists who assembled at this place consulted together, each proposing some fresh expedient to effect their purpose, and they were none of them deficient in courage or inclination.! At this very time, when the Irish were exhibitino- all the warmth of affection for the Duke of York he was formally attainted in the Parliament at Coventry, and all his adherents proclaimed rebels and traitors J The attention of the English Government was at this penod directed to a new object. Somerset had, by the Queen's means, been appointed Governor of Calais, the King giving him a grant of it previous to the late engagement. He was dismissed with some troops to take possession of the town ; but, upon his approach, the garrison fired on him, and prevented his landing. He was thus compelled to withdraw to tlllk'L^k^f^^'^'^ "^^^'^ Burdy's Ireland; Moore's Ireland. ' • I Leland. Guisnes, whence he made frequent sallies, but was unable to recover that town, which was strongly for- tified ; and in one of his conflicts, on St. George's day, he lost many of his followers, at a place called Newnham Brigge.'-*-' When informed of the difficulty which Somerset experienced in effecting his object, the Queen equipped a fleet to bear him succours, under the command of the Earl of Rivers and his son. Another account is, that the Queen was so incensed at the opposition the Duke met with, that, in a great passion, she gave orders to prepare all the King's ships lying at Sandwich, to render him assistance. These, while they awaited a favourable opportunity to set sail, were surprised by Sir John Denham, a friend of the Earl of March, who, with some troops, had been dismissed by the Earl of Warwick. These forces, arriving at Sandwich by daybreak. Lord Rivers and his son. Sir Antony, and most of his officers, were surprised in their beds, and taken prisoners ; and the rest were won over by Sir John Denham, who finally departed with the King's vessels to Calais, taking with him also Lord Rivers, his son, and officers. These ships were employed by Warwick to carry him over to Ireland, and there he desired to consult the Duke of York as to the means they should adopt for their own defence. When Lord Rivers was brought before the lords at Calais, " there were eight score torches, and *' there my Lord of Salisbury rated him, calling him " knave's son, that he should be so rude to call him, " and these other lords, traitors, for," he said, " they '* should be found the King's true liege men, when he " should be found a traitor." Lord Rivers was also " rated " by my Lords Warwick and March ; but this ♦ Holinshed ; HaU ; Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; PoL Vergil ; W. of Wor- cester ; Paston Letters ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Daniel. 62 MAEGABET OF ANJOU. ;i MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 63 1459. W. of Wor cester. 1459. was a show of great moderation on the part of these Yorkists, who, according to the cruel customs in these civil wars, might have ordered their prisoner for im- mediate execution. After the Earl of Warwick's conference with the Duke of York, he returned to Calais. He met in his passage the new Admiral, the Duke of Exeter, who did not dare to an-est the Earl's progress, and Warwick reached Calais in safety. He brought with him his mother, the Countess of Salisbury, who, through fear, had fled to Ireland.* The Duke of Somerset about this time returned from Guisnes, 500 men having been sent over to reconduct him to England. Sir Simon Montford was appointed to guard the w. of Wor- Cinque Ports, having'*some ships under his command, to prevent the approach of the Earl of Warwick ; but all these precautions were unavailing. The Earl sur- prised Sir Simon before his vessels were ready, and having ransacked the town of Sandwich, he carried off Sir Simon and his officers to Calais, where they say the Earl of March, to revenge those who had suffered in his father's cause, had twelve of them beheaded, ^^.g In February this year, 1459, nine persons were w. of Wor. apprehended in the metropolis who were Yorkists, one of them a lawyer, named Roger Neville, the rest tradesmen of the city of London. They were drawn, hanged, and beheaded; the offence for which they suffered being, that they were desirous of approaching Calais to aid the Earl of Warwick. | A conspiracy was also discovered, the object of which was to besiege the Tower of London. The * Baker ; Holinshed ; Hall ; Fabyan ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; Paston Letters ; Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Daniel, t Baker ; Paston Letters ; Leland ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel. |9q »/■'' Duke of Exeter was implicated, and five of his family, and also Thomas Brount, knight, of Kent. They were all tried in July this year, 1459, at Guildhall, ^/^f^^^. and convicted, and were then drawn to Tyburn and cester. beheaded ; also, soon afterwards, another person, named John Archer, who was engaged in the same plot.* It had been anticipated by the Queen and her ministers, that the interview between the Duke of York and the Earl of Warwick would be productive of a new rebellion ; consequently, a Council was held on the subject, wherein it was determined that a dili- gent search should be made throughout the kingdom for all the friends and adherents of the Duke of York, and that such of them as should be found faithful to him, and most capable of rendering him assistance, should be executed. James Butler,t Earl of Wilt- shire, Lord Scales, and others, were employed ^ in the office of discovering those who had sided with the Yorkists, and they were authorised to punish the offenders according to law. These severities, however, had a different effect from that which had been anticipated. The general dis- content increased, and scarcely had these two lords begun to execute their commission, having condemned to death a few persons in some towTis where the Duke's cause had been boldly espoused, than the in- habitants of Kent flew to arms, and the people, who had before eagerly flocked to the standard of Cade (an adventurer, ^\^[th a feigned title), now exhibited great zeal and excitement in favour of one they called the rio-htful heir, and true descendant of the House of York4 * W. of Worcester. t James Butler was the son of the Earl of Ormond, and was created Earl of Wiltshire by Henry VI. during his father's lifetime. He had been ten years Deputy of Ireland, and became Lord High Treasurer of England. . + Stow J Paston Letters ; AUen's York ; Henry ; Rapin. 64 MAHGAEET OF ANJOU. 1159. In 1459, Pope Pius II. sent into England a Legate, with a view to assist in the reconcih'ation of the rival parties of York and Lancaster ; and also to prevail on King Henry VI. to join the forces of this nation in a crusade. The Legate employed on this occasion was Francesco de Copini, Bishop' of Teramo, who, far from executing the purposes of his mission, fostered the dissensions of the rival parties, when he should have ^ composed them ; he joined the army of the Yorkists, and even proceeded to excommunicate the adherents of the Lancastrians. This is stated by the Pope himself. Copini had arrived at Calais, when he received a letter from the leaders of the Yorkist party, Richard, Earl of Warwick who wasXaptain of Calais, Edward, Earl of March' Eichard, Earl of Salisbury, and William Neville, Lord Fauconbridge. The letter was dated from Calais, and had the seals, as well as the signs-manual, of all these persons attached to it. They offered to Copini a vessel, to go speedily and iirge upon King Henry the " honour and integrity of *' the mtentions of these lords, both to him and to " the country, confirmed by oath." They alluded to their having obtained possession of the King's fleet which they had>eized upon previously at Sandwich Copini^ much [incensed the Pope by the perversion oi his mission, and by the enormous bribes, in plate and money, which he had received. He was recalled by him, and put into prison, in the castle of St. Ano-elo The Legate made a full confession of his guilt' He was deprived of his bishopric, and changed his name from Francesco to Ignatius. Afterwards he became a monk in the Benedictine monasterv of St Paul, at Rome, and died in obscurity. The Yorkist Jords showed their Wnse of obligation to topmi by granting him the sum of £100 annually, MARGARET OF ANJOU. 65 payable from the ports of Southampton ; and this was granted until such time as he should obtain prefer- ment in the church.* The impolitic scheme of Queen Margaret, for the extirpation of the Yorkists, had raised universal alarm in the minds of the people of Kent. Their strong attachment to the Duke of York had been often manifested; and perceiving the method adopted in other counties, for the destruction of his party, they could but anticipate that their own ruin would follow. With this impression they made a timely appeal to the Lords at Calais, inviting them to make a descent on the coast of Kent, promising to join them, and risk their lives and fortunes in their cause. It may well be imagined that this offer was far from displeasing to the lords who received it ; but, being unwilling to engage too hastily in this enterprise, they dismissed Lord Fauconbridge to as- certain the real disposition of the people.f When Lord Fauconbridge arrived at Sandwich he found^ the inhabitants throughout Kent were sincere in their professions to>he Lords at Calais, and earnestly desired to support the pretensions of the Yorkists. He sent immediately this intelligence to Calais, adding that nothing but the utmost despatch could save this county from the ruin which appeared inevitable ; and that if prompt assistance be rendered to the inhabi- tants of Kent, those of^ other counties might be en- couraged to join them4 The Lords of Calais could no longer hesitate ; but previous to engaging in their new projects, they con- veyed information of them to the Duke of York, in Ireland, and caused a public protestation to be made throughout Kent and the adjoining counties, to the * Ellis's Letters. f Stow ; Baker j Rapin ; Henry ; Daniel. I Stow; Bapin; Lingard. VOL. IL « f C6 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1460. Stow; London ChroiuJ effect that their only motive for taking up arms was to free the poor from oppression, and to preserve their rights and privileges. They further added, that they doubted not that all worthy Englishmen would unite their efforts for so noble an enterprise. The Earls of Wiltshire and Shrewsbury and Lord Beaumont were charged by them with misguiding the King. They asserted, that the King of France had been written to, to besiege Calais ; and that the people of Ireland had been commanded to expel the English. Finally, that the Yorkists were loyal subjects, which it was their in- tention soon to make manifest. This declaration had so great an effect over the minds of the people, that when the Earls of Salisbury, Warwick, and March reached Sandwich, brinerinir with them 1500 men, they found there already assembled an army of 400 * strong, under the command of Lord Cobham.l With this additional army the Yorkists began their march towards London, and before they arrived at the metropolis their numbers were increased to 25,000 or, according to some writers, 40,000 men. Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury (who was in- debted for his exaltation to that See to the Duke of York), joined their party, as did the Bishops of Lincoln and London, and many barons. Also, the Pope's Legate had joined them. Besides these, William Grey, Bishop of Ely, and George Neville, Bishop of Exeter,' brother of the Earl of Warwick, declared .for them, and with some armed men met the warlike leaders with their army at Southwark, and conducted them to the city by London Bridge ; j^ when they reached * Lingard says 600. t Stow ; HaU ; London Chron. ; Leland ; Pol. Vergil ; Allen's York • Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard ; Daniel. ' t One historian tells us that in this approach to the city, thirteen of the strongest of the Bishop's armed men were suffocated, having faUen on the bad roads, and being unable to rise through the weight of their armour aud the concourse of people. ' MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 67 I I, I i tlie capital the gates were thrown oijen to receive them. They entered the city on the 2nd of July, 1460. It appears that resistance was vain, for London was at tiiat tune " kept without watch, and nothing furnished ^'^' like a town of war, and therefore of necessity open "to the first assailants." They all proceeded to St. Paul's, and there, in the presence of the prelates who had espoused their cause, the Yorkists swore that they intended nothing contrary to the continuance of Kin<^ Henry's authority.* ° London.' ^''°" '' ®'''"^^''"^' ^'"'''' ■"'• °^ ^^''''^''^' ■• ^^S^"^ ■' MaMand's 1460. F 2 i il MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 69 CHAPTER II. {Queen Margaret) ** Oft have I heard that grief softens " The mind, " And makes it fearful and degenerate ; ** Think therefore on revenge, and cease to weep." Shakespeare. {Queen Margaret.) ** What are you made of ? you'll not fight "Nor fly: ** Now is it manhood, wisdom and defence * * To give the enemy way ; and to secure us ' ' By what we can, which can no more but fly ? [Alaiin afar of. " If you be ta'en, we then should see the bottom *' Of all our fortunes ; but if we haply 'scape, ** As well we may, if not through your neglect, *' We shall to London get, where you are lord, " And where the breach now in our fortunes made *' May readily be stopped." — Shakespeare. The King and Queen at Coventry— Margaret's activity— She raises a new army— Edward, Earl of March, opposes her— The battle of Northampton —Buckingham and others slain— The Queen escapes to Durham- Respect paid to the King— Parliament meets— York's pretensions dis- cussed—The Duke of York appointed successor to King Henry— A procession to St. Paul's— York becomes absolute— He attempts to ensnare the Queen— Margaret robbed near Chester— She goes to Wales and Scotland— Affairs in Scotland— The Queen returns to the North of England— She raises an army in Yorkshire, and is joined by the northern barons— Promises of plunder— The Queen goes southward with an army of 20,000— ITie Duke of York advances to meet her, and withdraws to Wakefield— Queen Margaret harangues her troops- Battle of Wakefield Green— Death of the Duke of York, and of his son— Earl of Salisbury beheaded— The Queen advances towards Lon- don—Battle of Mortimer's Cross— Owen Tudor beheaded— Warwick leads another army against the Queen— Battle of Bernard's Heath- Interview of the King, Queen, and Prince Edward— Lord Bonville and Sir Thomas Kiriel beheaded— The plunder of St. Alban's— The Queen applies to the Lord Mayor for provisions, and is refused— The Earl of March advances to London, and Queen Margaret retires to the North— The Earl of March enters London, and is proclaimed King. I ^ i Queen Margaret, who was at Coventry, found herself a second time excluded from the capital, where she had vainly endeavoured to prevent the entrance of the rebels, by sending thither a considerable force, under the command of Lord Scales. So general was the disaffection in this city, that, even previous to the entrance of the insurgents, the Mayor had shut the gates upon Lord Scales, who, thus repulsed, threw himself into the Tower, and threatened to destroy the city with his cannon, should the enemy be allowed to enter. The citizens, however, were not intimidated by this menace, and boldly permitted the Yorkists to establish themselves in the capital* The King and Queen were meanwhile collecting forces at Coventry with the utmost expedition. The Duke of Somerset, who had returned to England, and the Duke of Buckingham, took the command of this army, an office chiefly nominal, for Queen Margaret was herself in reality the general. No step could be taken, no measure adopted, but with her concurrence ; and, although the King was present also in person, the Queen was the only real commander, f Eagerly did Margaret desire to come to an engagement, which her ardent mind inclined her to expect would decide the contest. How vain were these expectations! How unlike the judgment of riper years ! At this time Margaret could not have been more than thirty-one years of age, when her masculine understanding and her courage led her to brave the fortunes of war, and even death itself, in her earnestness to recover by force of arms, that which by policy she could not preserve, viz., the peaceable possession of the throne. The Queen would not listen to any parley ; and the * Baker ; HaU ; Rapin ; Henry ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London, t Sandford ; HaU ; Baker ; Pol. VergU ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard • Female Worthies. ^ ^litimmiL^fsiaj^^iii^aitaiftei ^^';^e>»' ■« 70 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. King, intent on his devotions, did not even receive the messengers sent by tlie enemy to seek an accom- modation ; the Duke of Buckingham also refused to admit them, even upon a second and a third ap- plication. * The Earl of Marcli, a youth of about twenty years of age, set out from London, with 25,000 men, to oppose the Queen, who, as he had heard, was on her way to the metropolis ; and he hoped to come to an engage- ment with her before she could collect a larger army. The Earl was accompanied by the Earl of Warwick and Lord Cobham, as lieutenants, whilst the Earl of bahsbury remained in the city with a great part of his lorces. Lord Scales, taking advantage of the departure ot these noblemen, caused his cannon to play against the city, and eifected some mischief; but the vigilance ot the Earl of Salisbury, in stopping his supplies, occa- sioned him great distress.f Upon approaching the army of the Royalists, en- camped near Northampton, the Earls of March and Warwick had dismissed the Bishop of Salisbury with proposals of accommodation. These offers, as we have seen were not made known to the King ; but the Oomt esteeming them as mere professions, refused to hsten to them, and both amiies prepared for battle. I lie gueen, m her eagerness to decide the quarrel by an engagement, had crossed a little river called Nen or Nyne, which lay behind the plain upon which itt tt ~f "^'/"^king haste to effect this passage i 1h, ?, ' '''°"^'' ''^' '^'^''''S^ °f it to avoid a battle : this circumstance was ultimately of great disadvantage to her. J " The memorable battle of Northampton was fought . Saadford ; Sto. , Baudie. ; Pennant ; Hapin ; Zin,ard ; Pol. Ve,^. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 11 4 on the 19tli of July,* 1460.t The Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham having the command of the royal forces, the Queen withdrew to a distance, to watch the encounter, and to issue her orders as circumstances should require. In the army of the Yorkists the right wing was commanded by the Earl of Warwick, the left by Lord Cobham, and the Earl of March fought in the centre. The King only remained inactive on this eventful day, which seemed to promise to establish him on the throne, or to dispossess him of it for ever. Retiring to his tent, within the precincts of the camp, he there patiently awaited the issue of the battle. Such respect had the pacific character of King Henry obtained for him amongst the Yorkists, that the lords of this party had proclaimed throughout their army, that great care should be taken not to injure the person of their sovereign. They also ordered that the com- mon soldiers should be spared, and their leaders only sacrificed to their vengeance. The engagement, which was commenced by the Yorkists, lasted two, or, as some say, five hours, with great fury and equal obstinacy on both sides, until Lord Grey, of Ruthin, who had headed part of the King's forces, suddenly deserted to the enemy. The Royalists, discouraged by this unexpected event, and fearing that others would follow this example, began to give way, and were finally routed with considerable loss. In their flight they were impeded by the river Nen, which occasioned a greater slaughter, besides that many were drowned in attempting to repass it. Amongst the slain were the Duke of Buckingham, the Lords Beau- mont and Egremont, the Earl of Shrewsbury (son of • Toplis says on the 10th of July ; also Allen's Hist, of York. t Some teU us that the Bishop of Hereford, a white friar and the King's confessor, encouraged the Lancastrians to fight ; and for this he was after- wards committed to the castle of Warwick, where he long remained a prisoner. 1460. Baker; Sand ford ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Stow; Pennant ; Rapia; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard. 7a MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. I the great Lord Talbot, killed in the French war) and Tr/J^^'"', °^ ^'^^ '^°^ ^"^d ™*^"t. There were 10,000 men killed in this battle.* The slaughter was cluefly of the nobility, and many prisoners were taken t Lord Beaumont was the first nobleman who bore m England the title of viscount, with which King Henry had distinguished him, in 1439, and he had ever proved his faithful adherent. The Duke of iiuckmgham had also been firm in the interests of his ro val masf Pr T^ iyiK/« i,„ l. i , , .. „ .. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 73 o^ — ^ "u,^ ai^^ ueeii nrm m tne interests of his 'Tl'^''^ r^' ^^^^ ^' had prepared the " Stafford ^ knots, to distinguish his party; in 1455. at St. ' -^o. x^^ liaupiepcireu ine " btaj Albans, he had been wounded while fighting by the so" W %"^^'!l that encounter he had lost his eldest son. Lord Stafford. For a short time, in 1456 how- ever, he jon.ed the Yorkists, being ;frended by tie Queen s removal of his two relatives from the offices of Chancellor and Treasurer ; but he soon retled to ^Northampton, where he lost his life. His remains The unfortunate issue of tho hi^HU ^f v ^i, Rull, n, of „.!,„„, „., „^ ^ ■ a ^KJ of .s..-; of .tS'St: :st ';™ *- partisan of Kinr Henn- mj !° T ° r , .'^""'"Pe, a Lancastrians with his followers, a strong body of Welshmen. This account appears more credible, when we consider the mercenary disposition of Lord Grey, as exhibited in the Paston Letters. This Lord, who carefully regarded his own interests, survived through four stormy reigns, and contrived to preserve his property with the favour of King Edward IV Richard III, and Henry VIL* Alas! for the unfortunate Queen, thus suddenly deprived of her once loyal adherent ! yet many others supported her cause, and sought to retrieve the mis- fortune by a vigorous resistance, until, driven back, and discomfited, on the edge of a stream, swollen by the heavy rains, they had no escape from the flood, or the sword, but to end the contest by a precipitate flight. The bodies of those who were slain were buried in the hospital of St. John, or in the church of the convent, called the Abbey de la Pre, in the town of Northampton. The Queen, the young Prince, and the Duke of Somerset, with others who had escaped the battle, rode away with the utmost expedition into Yorkshire,' and thence to Durham; they were, indeed, in the utmost alarm, lest they should fall into the hands of their enemies. They still had hopes that they should be able to augment their forces, or to escape into Scotland, until a more favourable season for renewing the war.f The King fell again into the power of the Yorkists, from^ whom, however, he received all the homage due to his rank, and even as much respect as he could have demanded in his most prosperous circumstances. This monarch, we are assured, if insensible to his change of fortune, received some consolation in his ♦ Dugdale ; Paston Letters. t Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin. '^>s^;aem^'f'-^<'fas^''fs:^^'&^'%s:^-j^'^f'^sm -imw^mff^ ~ ^-i MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. reverses from the deference shown him. He seemed bom to a life of calamity, and he must have deeply felt the loss of his steady friends, experienced generals, and near relatives, who, one by one, fell in this ruthless warfare. He had, at this time, to regret the Duke of Buckingham, the proudest of England's lords, who had been granted the precedence of all other dukes, those excepted of the blood-royal. He had been advanced to his dukedom by the King him- self, and was by blood allied to this monarch. Far different were his fortunes to those of Lord Grey of Kuthin. His grandson, the only heir to his estates, being but four years of age, became a ward to the King, and was consigned, along with Humphrey, his brother, to the care of Anne, Duchess of Exeter, with an allowance of 500 marks annually for their maintenance. ^ The victorious lords conducted King Henry, in a kind of procession to Northampton, soon after the battle, and there stayed until he came to London which city he entered on the 16th of August followino-' attended by a great many of the Yorkists, who had s'^o lately been m arms against him. These lords, with triumph, conducted their submissive monarch through the capital, and lodged him in the Bishop's palace From this time until the meeting of Pariiament which was called in the name of the King to meet at West- mmster on the 7th of October, (for the acknowledged object of healing ihe dissensions of the two parties) the Yorkists continued to pay their court assiduously to their meek and passive King. In all public affairs meanwhile, they took upon themselves to act in the Kmg's name, and they prevailed upon Henry to sio-n whatever orders were agreeable to their own interest^.* Pnl I'^V 'E^P^^i,^^' I^nd.Chron.;W. of Worcester; Hume; Stow PoLVergU: Lingard ; Rapin ; Heniy ; Bridge's Northampton. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 75 William Waynfleet, Bishop of Winchester, had been appointed High Chancellor in 1456, in the room of Thomas Bouchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, who had held this office under the Yorkists. This Bishop was a learned and zealous prelate, eminent for his piety, amiability of temper, and his great compassion towards the poor. These distinguishing characteristics marked him as one of those beloved of the saintly monarch, w^ho delighted in rest and peace and holy converse. With such a companion as this King Henry passed his time ; and w^e find that even when com- pelled to approach the battle-field, and listen to the din of w^ar, previous to the encounter at Northampton, this Bishop was with his beloved sovereign.* The object of this prelate was to resign his chancellorship ; not that he was less firm in his attachment to his royal master's interests, but that this had been im- puted to him by Pope Pius H. To free him from this charge, the King addressed a letter to his Holiness, wherein he speaks of the bishop's services to him in the administration, and adds, that such had been his conduct as should preserve his character from censure.j It was on the 7th of July, 1460, that Waynfleet made this resignation to the King, in the presence of the Bishops of Hereford and Durham, and others, in King Henry's tent, then pitched in a field called *' Harding- " stone Field," near the Abbey of St. Mary '' de " Pratis," not far from Northampton. This great seal of silver was, by the King's orders, deposited in a chest, in his tent, the key of it being delivered to him. The Yorkists, having again recovered their authority, ^^^^^ through their success at Northampton, now furiously ^^®J^|.j. assaulted the Tower of London, which was besieged Paston Letters, * Birch's Illust. Persons of Great Britain. t Edward IV., when established on the throne, treated Waynfleet with consideration, notwithstanding his attachment to King Henry VI. 76 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. t i by the Earl of Salisbury, Lord Cobbam, and Sir 'John Wenlock. This fortress had been held by the Lords Scales and Hungerford, having with them also the High Sheriff of Kent, and John Dalamara of the county of Berks, and others ; but all their loyalty was unavaihng — they were compelled to surrender to their besiegers. Tliis they did, but conditionally, that they should depart free — a privilege, however, which was not accorded them by the new Governor, the Earl of Warwick ; for it appears that Lord Scales, attempting to escape from the Tower, in order to reach the Sanctuary at Westminster, and having, as described by the chronicler, " explored the Thames by night, in " disguised apparel, was descried by a woman," and was killed in a conflict by the sailors of the Earls of Warwick and March, beneath the wall of the Bishop of Winchester's house, on the banks of the river. He was despoiled of his clothes, and left naked for many hours, lying on the earth in the cemetery, near the porch of the church of St. Mary of Overy, in South- wark. At length, on the same day, he was honour- ably interred by the Earls of Warwick, March, and others. Thomas Lord Scales was regarded as a noble- man of distinguished worth and great loyalty. He was sixty-two years of age.* The contest between the two parties seemed now to have terminated, the chief of the Lancastrians being killed, or imprisoned, Queen Margaret and her son having fled, and the weak King Henry being at the disposal of his enemies ; but torrents of blood were yet to be shed before this fatal quarrel should be ended. This was owing chiefly to the political timidity of the Duke of York, and the courage and activity of the Queen. George Neville, Bishop of Exeter, was ap- •Stow; Baker; Sandford ; W. of Worcester ; Paston Letters : Mait- land's London. ' pointed Chancellor on the 25th of July, and Lord Bouchiere, Treasurer. At the meeting of Parliament on the 7th of October, H^Ji^shed • 1460, the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, the Earls w. ofWor- CGstcr ' of Northumberland and Devonshire, as well as others Hume'; i of the Lancastrian party, did not dare to appear. Only ^'"** the Yorkists were present. The Earl of Warwick obtained from the King a grant of the government of Calais, and the Duke of Somerset was commanded to give up to him that of Guisnes. The Duke of York and his friends, viz., the Earls of Salisbury and War- wick, Lords Clifford and Clinton, Sir Thomas Harring- ton, Sir John Wenlock, and others, were all declared good and loyal subjects. Also, in this Parliament, all the acts were repealed which had been passed at the last meeting at Coventry. The King was obliged to sanction all these measures with his authority, and indeed whatever the victors required. Almost all the archbishops, bishops, and abbots attended during this session.'"" The victory of the Yorkists at Northampton had once more called the Duke from Ireland, on which occasion the attachment of his adherents was eminently evinced in this country. They flocked around him in vast numbers, uttering violent professions of fidelity and of resolution.! The friends of the Duke of York were anxiously desiring his presence in London to direct their future proceedings. Nor did the Duke fail to take advantage of this turn of fortune in his favour. He hastened to London, and entered the capital with sound of trum- pets, an armed retinue of 500 horsemen, and a drawn sword was carried before him. It was the second day of the meeting of Parliament when the Duke arrived. * W. of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry, t Leland. i8 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. He alighted from liis horse at Westminster, and pro- ceeded directly to the House of Lords, placed himself under the canopy of state, and with his hand upon the throne stood for some minutes, as if expecting to be invited to take the seat. During this period of suspense the total silence of the housQ sufficiently convinced the Duke that the members were not all . favourable to his purpose, and to add to the confusion he evinced, the Archbishop of Canterbury, advancing towards him, inquired " if he would not go and pay his "respects to the King?" Upon this the Duke coloured deeply, and hastily replying, that " he knew " no one to whom he owed that honour," withdrew instantly to his own house. The Duke perceived that it was quite in vain to expect to be solicited to receive the crown, and resolved to throw aside the mask with which he had hitherto disguised his actions, and openly assert his claims. Accordingly, on the following morning, he sent in to Parliament a written state- ment of the grounds whereon he rested his preten- sions, and these were debated, according to the several abilities and dispositions of the members, with great earnestness.* The Duke began by stating that he derived his descent from Henry HI., by Lionel, third son of Edward HL, Eichard H. having resigned; Henry, Earl of Derby, who was the son of John of Ghent, the younger brother of Lionel, contrary to all right, inher- ited the crowns of England and France and the Lord- ship of Ireland, which lawfully belonged to Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, great grandson to the said Lionel, and thence by right, law, and custom descended to himself, being the lineal representative of Roger • Pol. Vergil ; Leland ; Baker ; Allen's York ; IVIoore's Ireland ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard ; London Chron. ; Fabyar. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 79 I I I Mortmier. The following day the Duke required an immediate answer. It was the first time that the Duke of York had publicly urged his claims to the crown. The people were not yet prepared to depose their beloved monarch. His inoffensive character had attached his subjects to him. His family had filled the throne for three gene- rations. He had himself reigned thirty-nine years. Most of the Yorkists had received their honours, and some their estates, from him. The Duke of York had sworn fealty to King Henry when he succeeded to the inheritance of the Earl of March, from whom he derived his claims ; he had done so when he was ap- pointed to the government of Normandy, and again when made Lieutenant of Ireland. When he became Protector he had acknowledged him as his king ; and he had, besides, frequently sworn on the Sacrament to be faithful to him. All this had induced many of his adherents to think that he did not, in reahty, aim at the crown; and this also accounts for their apathy upon his first endeavours to attain his object, and for the murmurs of the people. The Lords resolved to wait on the King and receive his commands. When these claims were made known to the King, i46o. he replied, " My father was king ; his father was also ^^^^ard. '' king. I have worn the crown forty years from my " cradle : you have all sworn fealty to me as your " sovereign, and your fathers have done the like to " my fathers. How then can my right be disputed ? " To this he added, " therefore I say with King David, " my lot is fallen in a fair ground, I have a goodly " heritage : my help is from the Lord, which saveth *^ the upright in heart." It must be remembered that, in England, there was no Salic law, by which females were excluded from the succession, and Richard of York was descended by 80 MAKGARET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. the female line from the second son of Edward III., while King Henry's rights and those of his father and grandfather came only from the third son ; nevertheless the crown had been confirmed by Parliament to those Lancastrians more than sixty years, and the Duke was obliged to act with caution in gaining to his interests the members of that body, since he required their assistance to carry out his designs.^ The Pariiament, in favour of Henrv, aofreed that his grandfather, Henry IV., took possession of the throne without opposition. To this the Duke's friends replied, that the Earl of March, then alive, could not without danger dispute it with him, but that his silence ought not to be construed into consent. Secondly, it was said that Henry IV. obtained the crown by consent of Parliament ; but, it was answered for the Duke, that he was not disposed to act without that power, but that Parliament, having once deviated from established custom in favour of the House of Lancaster, they had no less powerful inducements to render justice to the Duke of York. Thus much was said respectino- the authority of Parliament without calling it in ques"^ tion; as it was intended that its power should be instrumental in raising the Duke of York to the throne. Thirdly, Richard II. 's resignation was next brought forward by the Lancastrians. Here the Yorkists expressed a doubt as to the power of a monarch while in the hands of his enemies, about to depose him, to determine the succession. It was also denied that it favoured the House of Lancaster, or even Henr}- IV. himself. Fourthly, it was asserted, that the Earl of Cambridge having been put to death for high treason, his posterity were thus ren- dered incapable of any inheritance. But, in reply, it Catal^''?^^ ' Wethamstede ; Rapin ; Hotel's Med. Hist. Angl. ; MiUes's :8l i " was urged that the Duke of York had been acknow- ledged by this title, as well as that of Earl of March, not only by the King, but by all the nation, and that he had also been restored to all his rights and honorary distinctions. Fifthly, it was argued that the crown had remained in the Lancastrian line during a period of forty years. The Duke's friends reasoned that the crown was a natural right, and ought not to be set aside by any positive law. Sixthly, it was finally represented for the King, that having, during a reign of thirty-eight years, led so harmless and pacific a Hfe that no person had conceived any offence against him, It would be cruel to deprive him' of the crown. This argument had great influence over the minds of the ministers, so much were they prepossessed in favour of the King; but the Duke's friends again repHed, that by leaving the crown to Henry no kindness was conferred upon him, owing to his inability to govern ; but that it was rather bestowing it on the Queen and her mmisters, who had already made such bad use of their power ; nor did they deem it just, that the nation should suffer for the sake of the King, or an injustice be allowed from a charitable motive. Though all this was urged, the Council came to the decision, that the Kmg should still wear the crown during his life but that the Duke of York should be acknowledged his successor. In all the proceedings of these Lords their attach- ment to King Henry appears to have been great for, smce the title of the Duke could not be defeated' they yet refused to proceed to the next step, namely' to dethrone their monarch. ' An act of Parliament was then passed to this eieFect that the Duke of York, notwithstanding his undoubted nght to the crown, ^villingly agreed that King Henry should enjoy it during his life, and would readily M MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. swear to obey him as bis lawful sovereign ; but that, should this agreement be in any way broken through by the King, the Duke of York, or his heirs, should immediately succeed to the throne ; that the Duke should be proclaimed heir apparent and protector of the King's person, lands, and dominions. The Duke and his two sons, the Earls of March and Rutland, took oath not to molest the King, and to support him on the throne. The royal assent was obtained to this bill, which, besides declaring the Duke of York heir apparent, granted to him and his sons certain estates on that account, and made it high treason for any one who should make any attempts against his person.* It can hardly be imagined that the ambitious views of the Duke of York did not carry him beyond this arrangement, by which it might be a considerable time, if, indeed, he should ever he able to attain to the rank of sovereignty ; but probably the very extraordinary moderation of Richaid Duke of York disposed him to concede a point which he foresaw could only be gained by the sword ; and he adopted a line of conduct very different from what might have been expected from him, considering that he had at this time a victorious army to support his title, which had been acknow- ledged to be just in the Council ; so that it seemed but a little more effort was required on his part to secure the throne. Some persuasion only was neces- sary for him to get the crown awarded to him by Parliament, it being the custom of that House to decide m favour of the stronger party. It is evident, how- ever, that Its members Avere not overawed by the Duke's power, but felt at liberty to decide, according to their unbiased judgment ; yet it is the more sur- Chron. , Rapm ; Henry , Allen's York ; Hume ; Lingard ; Fabyan. ^ lUEGAEET OP ANJOU. „ prismg that the Duke did not make use of his advan- tage, since It must be remembered that, being older than Henry, he could hardly ezpect to oullive him. fnl.1 "^ '* Parliament was succeeded by a formal procession to St. Paul's, where the King ap- peared wearing his crown, attended by the Duke of l7^'Z .^^T""': ™' ^^PP^'^^'i °" All Saints' Day and on the Saturday following Richard Duke of York was proclaimed, with sound of trumpet, heir ap- parent to the crown, and " Protector" of the realm * warhi'r'"''''*,-"*", ""^^ ^""^ ^^""-y ^^d entered was highly prejudicial to his family ; especially to the young prmce, his son; yet this monarch nfade no mitted the management of public business to the care aLt 1' . ^''^ ^"^ ^'' P^'-ty- ^'th whose arrangements he appeared contented, while he was consoled under this species of semtude by occupying himself wholly in religious exercises.f Two portentous omens were at this time noticed' by he superstitious. AVhile the Duke of York was declarmg his title in the upper house, in the loweH crown, which was hanging in the middle of this build- ing bemg an ornament to a chandelier, without any wind or movement to occasion it, fell down, as did also another crown from the top of Dover castle ; both mdicating, as was thought, a change in the dynasty. ^^ ^od, that King Henry, a most holy^ man, should by " ^m^.^7 calamities wherewithal he was continually ^^ aflflicted, be deprived of this earthly kingdom, to ^^ enjoy forthAvith the everlasting ; for a good man can " auctions " "* ^°°*^' *''°"^'' ''" "'^'' ^ ^'^""'^''^ ! J"*-.^"': ■' Sto" ; Fabyan ; Lineard ; Rapin. t Kapin : Allen's York + b f oi _ cusioric. t Baker ; Stow ; PoL Verga G 2 84 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 1460. Rapin ; Huiae. The Duke of York, who had now become not only absolute master of the government, but also of the King's person, prevailed upon Henry to sign an order for the Queen to repair to him. Letters were despatched into Scotland requiring, in the name of the King, that Queen Margaret, the Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, and all others of the English nobility in that kingdom,' should speedily repair to the royal presence in London! By this manoeuvre the Duke of York hoped to find a pretext to banish Margaret the kingdom, for he felt his own power would be insecure while the Queen's influence might clash with his interests. He well knew that, in the present posture of affairs, she dared not to obey this command of her husband, and ven- ture into the midst of her enemies; and by thus rendering her criminal by her 'refusal, he hoped to justify his future proceedings against her. He thought he should have the good fortune to get rid of his rival, .by raising an impediment to her return, and he vainly imagmed that Margaret would be left without re- source. In this Richard of York had formed an erroneous estimate of the Queen's character. Her masculine spmt was not to be so easily intimidated by dangers and difficulties, and, far from being dismayed by her Jate misfortunes, she appears to have been, on the contrary, stimulated to the most active exertions * The Queen had, after the defeat at Northampton, fled with Somerset and others, to Durham ; but she secretly withdrew from that city, attended only by «ight persons, bearing with her the young prince, her son, for whose safety she showed great anx ety. Margare when flying with this little escort from Eccleshall to Chester, narrowly escaped bein<. taken prisoner by John Cleger, one of Lord Stanky's • HaU ; Baker ; Stew ; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Hume ; Hcnrr. MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 8S servants ; and was also robbed of her jewels and apparel * by her own attendants, but finally suc- ceeded in reaching Wales, where Queen Margaret thought herself secure. King Henry had been passing his time during the im last session of Parliament at Eltham and Green- f^" wich, m hunting, while his consort and son were with the Duke of Exeter and a few trusty followers' enduring many adversities in Wales; although, for a brief period, protected by the valour of David-ap- Jevan-ap-Enion, governor of the fortress of Harlech t in Merionethshire, where these fugitives had sought refuge.J The Duke of Somerset, it would appear, had gone to Dieppe, and with him the Lords Whittingham John Ormond, Sir Andrew Trollop, and others of the garrison of Guisnes, having a safe conduct from the King of France. It was rumoured that Somerset purposed to join the Queen in Wales. The Queen made but a short stay in Wales, where ueo she had experienced many disasters, and after- ^^'"'^ wards sailed, with her son, to one of the ports of KudZdi Scotland. It is deeply interesting to contemplate at ""''''• this time the maternal solicitude of Queen Margaret ; who, from the period of the disastrous issue of the late engagement, seemed to be no less occupied in the care of her son's personal safety than in maintain- ing the interests of her unfortunate husband.§ James IL, King of Scotland, on hearing of the * stow says this robbery was to the amount of 10,000 marks t There is stiU a tower in Harlech Castle called by the name of Manraret of Anjou, where she abode during this season of adversity t Fasten Letters ; Stow; Toplis ; Fabyan ; Allen's York , Hay's Bioff • Kapm; H„„,e, W. of Worcester; Henry; Lingard; Wrk^all's -To^": Lewis's Topographical Dictionary. ' § Paston Letter ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; Eidpath ; AUen's York • Pennant^ Wales; Toplis; Lingard; Rudland's Snowden ; Rap^; H^"* .' Henry ; Fabyan ; Lewis's Top. Diet. ' I «• MAEGAEET OP ANJ0X7. defeat of the Lancastrians, at Northampton, was in- stantly excited by this event to take up arms. With a numerous army he laid siege to Eoxburo- castle, a fortress which had long been in the power ot the English, and was at this time held by Willliam Neville Lord Fauconberg. While engaged upon this siege the Scottish monarch was accidentally killed by the bursting of a cannon-ball, when in the flower ot his age, and to the great grief of his ^vidow, his army, and his people. His country wa^ again ex- posed to a mmority, and was from this period torn by divisions, and similar troubles to those " which were occurnng m England. Some consolation might have been felt by this people at first, while deploring the loss of their young and warlike monarch ; when they beheld his spirited and energetic Queen, Marv of (zueldres, who, arriving immediately in the camp, with the mfant heir, and sho;ving him to the army with tears m her eyes, conjured them, by the memory of their sovereign, and by the renown of Scottish valour, not to quit the siege until they had reduced this fortress. The eloquence of the Queen prevailed —the castle was taken, and leveUed to the ground In the wars of the Roses, the party of the Lancas- tnanshad ever been espoused by King James, from his personal relation to the famihes of Somerset and Gaunt; also because his ally, the King of France lent his assistance to the English monarch, which is The death of King James was preceded a few days by that of Charies m, of France, who was said to have staiTed himself to avoid the risk of bein.. poi- soned by his own son, Lewis XL, his successor.*" • stow; Holinshed; Pinkerton; W. Of Worcester; Eapin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 67 From Scotland, Queen Margaret returned to the north of England, where she employed every persua- sion in her power to induce the Barons to aid her cause ; and she succeeded in a short time in raising a new army in Yorkshire. Upon the decision of Pariiament, with respect to the succession of Richard Duke of York to the throne, Queen Margaret, whose maternal feelings were in- sulted, pubhcly expressed her displeasure at the injury done to her son by his exclusion from the throne of his forefathers, which she fully resolved and declared she would revenge, and also release her husband from his present thraldom. Her courage and natural abili- ties seconded this determination ; for she was indeed gifted, not only with the accomplishments of her own sex, but richly endowed with the courage and talents of the other, Avithout their failings.* This Queen's vigour and spirit supporting her small power, enabled her to maintain the interests of her son, and of those who [stUl adhered to the House of Lancaster. Unfiiriing her standard in the neighbourhood of York, there soon rallied around it the Eari of North- umberiand, the Lords Gifford, Dacre, and Neville, and these were speedily joined by the Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Devonshire, with their followers from those counties, who came^by way of Bath, Cirencester, Evesham, and Coventry. A Council was then held^by these northern chieftains at York, in which the destruction of the Yorkists was determined upon.f These northern barons could not but compassionate the helpless condition of thefr Queen ; and when they * Hall ; Sandf ord ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath ; Leland ; Bapin ; Hume ; Female Worthies. t Sandford ; HaU ; W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Henry ; Historical View of Northumberland. 88 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1460, W. of Wor. cester. beheld her affability and condescension, as well as the dexterity she displayed in winning their favour, for she spared no pains to insinuate herself by promises and assurances, their admiration of her talents inspired them with the resolution to endeavour to restore her to the throne. The pride of these nobles, who regarded themselves as the most valiant in the kingdom, had been wounded by the disposal of the crown without their having been consulted, and their indignation at this stimulated them to revenge themselves. Thus their private pique came to the aid of the Queen's enterprise. Their desire of revenge also sufficiently accounts for the rapacity and thirst for plunder which marked the subsequent pro- gress of these northern barons ; they having promised the people, in order to allure them to join in the war, that they would permit them to plunder all the country south of the Trent. By these means an army of 18,000, or 20,000 men was collected with an expedi- tion which surprised the friends of Queen Margaret, and no less astonished her enemies.* Almost all the northern barons joined this army, and thus powerfully supported, the Queen set out, bendino- her course to the south, and taking her son with her. "" Information had been conveyed to the Duke of York of the Queen's attempts to raise an army, and although Ignorant of her great success, he prepared immediately to oppose her, thinking that he could not be too speedy as he well knew that her spirit and activity were the enemies he had most to apprehend. Parliament having been adjourned in December the Duke of York took with him the Earl of Salisbury and an army amounting to 4000, or 5000 f men, and having Au'en^sToU.^"^'' ' ^"^"^ '' ^'^^ ' ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ Northumberland ; t One writer says 6000 men. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 89 1 first committed the care of the King to his trusty friends the Earls of Norfolk and Warwick, he marched from' London towards York. As he proceeded, he obtained mtelhgence of the Queen's superior numbers, and considered it advisable to delay an engagement until his son, the Earl of March, whom he had commanded to follow him, with the rest of his forces, should join him. Upon reaching AVakefield, therefore, he with- drew to Sandal Castle, where he amved on the 21st of December. Here he kept the Christmas Day, alono- with the Earl of Salisbury ; while the Duke of Somer- set, the Earl of Northumberland, and the rest of the Queen's forces, were lying at Pontefract. The castle ot Sandal was strongly fortified, and the Duke of York thought himself secure, for he was convinced that the Queen could not force it.* Queen Margaret dared not, indeed, attack this castle being unprovided with artillery; and she- was mucli mortified to see her enemy thus sheltered from her assault, especially, as in her present circumstances liavmgthe superiority in numbers, she had every reason to expect success, could she engage the Duke in battle, bje could not feel equally certain that, after the delay which would give time for the arrival of the Earl of March, she should have as good a chance of success • she therefore did all she could to provoke her enemy and entice lum to come out and meet her in the field' She exerted all her ingenuity to effect her purpose • she placed some troops in ambush on each side of Wakefield Green, one of them commanded by Lord Clifford, the other by the Earl of Wiltshire, while the mam body of her army was led on by the Dukes of . Somerset and Exeter. Then, making her appearance before the walls of Sandal Castle, she sought, by various AUen s York ; Eapin ; Hume ; Henry. ' 90 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. 91 means, to provoke the Duke to battle ; by turns she threatened and challenged him, and even taunted him with aspiring to wear a crown, when he had not even courage to fight a woman.* The Duke of York had hitherto been distinguished for prudence and sound judgment, and during the wars in France had obtained great credit for discretion and good conduct ; but, unfortunately for himself on this occasion, he suffered his valour to get the better of his reason, or his animosity against the Queen to blind him, so as to make him commit an error, which was unpardonable in so great a general. Rapin says he was driven to it by the failure of provisions in the castle, and another historian confirms this. He tells us, that " while the troops of the Duke of York were " wandering through the country in search of provisions, " a dreadful battle took place ; " however this may have been, the Duke sallied forth from his retreat, and on hearing the taunts of the Queen, exclaimed, *'What, " shall it be said, that York was blocked up in his camp " by a woman, without daring to fight ! '* Quite contrary to the advice of his friends, the Duke of York drew up his forces on Wakefield Green, relying on his own courage and experience to compensate for the deficiency of his numbers. This was exactly what the Queen desired ; and, drawing up her army in order of battle, she was the first to begin the engagement.! Upon this day the Queen is said to have harangued her troops in person, and the Chevalier Baudier has thus transmitted to us her speech : " You bear this day, my loyal English, the justest " arms that ever appeared in any war, as being em- " ployed to restore liberty to your King, who is now a. • Baker ; Stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Female Worthies, t Hall ; Baker ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Stow ; Pol. Ver^l ; Allen's York ; Female Worthies ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard. I " prisoner, and the succession of the crown to his son, "which a lawless tyrant has taken from him by " violence ; for this reason, I ought not to doubt but *' that you will behave yourselves valiantly, and that " each of you have already proposed to yourselves the " illustrious name which you are going to acquire, of " deliverers of your King, and protectors of the prince, " his son. "If you have a woman for your general, and fight " under her command, the advantage you will receive " from thence is not inconsiderable ; for, if the King " were here present in person, the booty would be the " only share you would have in the consequences of " the victory, whilst he would engross all the glory of " the success. The King being absent, you will now "have both, and the world will sooner give the " honour of the victory to your valour, than to my " conduct. " I hope, however, you will see to-day that there is " no other difierence between the generals of the two " armies, besides that of their sex. I see already in " your looks the courage which inspires your hearts, " and the resolution you have taken either to conquer " or die, and that none shall be able to reproach you " that, on so important an occasion, you have done less "than a woman, who puts herself at your head." As Queen Margaret concluded her speech, the whole army set up a loud shout, and held up their arms in token of their willingness to serve her. When the fight began, the Queen, who commanded in person, rode through all the battalions, animating and encouraging her soldiers to do their duty. * These were not deficient in valour, for, at the first onset, they attacked the Duke with such ftiry, that he instantly felt the superiority which the Royalists had • Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Biographie Universelle. 92 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. over him in point of numbers ; and while he was thus hard pressed by the army in front, the troops, who had been placed in ambush, issuing forth, fell upon him in the rear so unexpectedly, that his forces were thrown into the utmost disorder, and in less than half an hour were completely routed. The Duke himself was killed while fighting with gi'eat valour, and his son, the Earl of Rutland, a boy of but twelve years of age, flying with his tutor from the field, was taken prisoner by Lord Clif- ford, who barbarously despatched him with his dao-o-er in spite of the earnest prayers of his tutor that his life might be spared. It has been said, probably in excuse for this cruel action, that the father of Lord Cliiford had been slain in the battle of St. Albans, and his son had taken an oath not to leave one branch of the line of York standing. In this battle were killed Sir John and Sir Hugh Mortimer, Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir Thomas Neville, son of the Earl of Salfs- bury, Lord Harrington, Thomas Harrington, and others. Many of those who perished at this time, were young gentlemen of distinction, and heirs of noble families in the south of England. The body of the Duke of York being afterwards dis- covered by Lord Clifford, he cut off the head, and affixing It to his lance, with a paper crown placed on It, by way of derision, presented it thus to the Queen saying, " Madam, your war is done ; here is your " king's ransom," upon which we are told Queen Mar- garet commanded that it should be set up on the walls of York. The Earl of Salisbury was taken prisoner, and beheaded by martial law, with several others, persons of distinction, at Pontefract. At this place were mterred, by the consent of the lords, the bodies of the Duke of York,* the Earls of Salisbury MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 93 and Rutland, and others, and their heads were placed over different parts of York. * Thus ended the battle of Wakefield Green,| fought on the 29th of December,! 1460; in this encounter 3,000 § Yorkists were slain ; yet, this victory served only to accelerate the downfall of the Lancastrians. Some writers inform us that the Duke of York was taken alive, and was made the subject of derision by his conquerors ; who, placing him on a molehill, with a garland on his head made of bulrushes (instead of a crown), knelt before him, crying, " Hail King without rule ; hail King without heritage ; hail Duke and Prince, without people, or possessions ! " Having thus, with many angry words, vented their scorn and re- proach, they cut off his head, and presented it to the Queen. II The Duke of York was much lamented by his followers, and not without reason. His faults were such as only spring from qualities calculated to render him beloved and esteemed, and he doubtless deserved a better fate. His enemy, the Duke of Somerset, used to say of him, " That, if he had not learnt to " play the king, by his Regency in France, he had " never forgot to obey as a subject." The Duke lost his life in the fiftieth year of his age. He left three sons and three daughters; the former were Edward, Earl of March, George, and Richard ; the latter were Anne, Elizabeth, and Margaret.^ * Stow ; Baker ; Sandford ; Hall ; Toplis ; Leland ; Allen's York ; Wethamstede ; W. of Worcester ; Paston Letters ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; Rot. Pari. ; Pol. Vergil ; Ridpath ; London Chron. ; Female Worthies ; Hume ; Habington ; Watson's HaUfax ; Pennant ; Burdy's Ireland ; Henry ; Lingard ; Femmes Celebres ; Rudland's Journey to Snowden. t This battle, we are also informed, was fought in the south fields, near Wakefield, by the bridge of nine arches. t Some writers date this engagement the 24th, some the Slst, of December. § Lingard tells us 2000 only were slain. II MiUes's Catalogue. ■[ Sandford ; Allen's York ; Hume ; Holinahed. 1460. Sandford ; Toplis ; W. of Wor- cester ; Ridpath ; Rapin; Henry; Hume ; Lingard. J 94 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. MAEQAEET OP ANJOU. Shakespeare has faithfiilly exhibited the character of the Duke of York, where he makes him to despise the inequality of the number of his forces, to those of the Queen, and to exclaim, — ** Five men to twenty, though the odds be great, " I doubt not, uncle, of our victory, " Many a battle have I won in France, •' When as the enemy hath been ten to one ; *' Why should I not now have the like success ? " But this rash confidence cost him his castle and his life. On the spot where he fell, a stone memorial was erected, when his party were again in the ascendant, and continued there until the contests of the seven- teenth century, which occasioned its removal.* This great victory at Wakefield, which may be said to have been achieved by the courage and perseverance of Queen Margaret, seemed to promise^ security to King Henry's crown, but its ultimate effects were the contrary. The defeat of their leader aroused the fiercest animosities of all the supporters of the House of York ; it excited the energies of Edward, the son of the Duke of York, and aroused the pride and talents of the potent WarTNick ; in short, all the latent zeal of this party was, at once, called forth against their conquerors, and all became ambitious of wiping away the dishonour of the late encounter. A deadly retaliation ensued, which neither the talents of the Queen, or of her generals, or the sanctity and virtues of the King, could arrest. The contest, from' this time, bore a decided character; the desire for revenge giving to the parties a finnness they had never before exhibited.! Amidst the rejoicings of the Queen for her late victor}', she, imhappily, did not exhibit those feelings of compassion for the vanquished, which ever adorn • Warner's Tour. ; Lingard : Hist, and Antiquities of York. t Lingard. 95 humanity ; and, either yielding to her resentment agamst the Duke of York, or, possibly, in compliance with the wishes of Lord Chfford, she commanded the head of her great enemy, Richard of York, to be set up on the walls of York, and in ridicule of his pre- tensions, as it was said, " that York might overlook " the town of York." The brutality of character of Lord Clifford has been already exhibited, and it seems far more probable that this act, commanded by the Queen, was granted to his suggestions rather than to gratify herself. In like manner, Queen Margaret might have conceded her own sentiments to the exigency of the times, in per- mitting the northern Barons to use the pri\ilea-e of plundering the country south of the Trent; for"" this permission was indeed highly injurious to her interests- and we find the further progi-ess of the armv marked by fire and sword, to which the monasteries, churches and pnvate houses, were alike sacrificed.* ' Thus did the Queen, with her northern army hasten on to make sure of the capital, without which neither party could be established. While advancing towards London, she received information that the Earl of March was on his way to meet her ; but, being ignorant of the number of his forces, she contmued her route; sending onlv a detach- inent agamst him, under the command of the Earl of Pembroke.! Edward, Earl of March, was at Gloucester, when he learnt the melancholy news of the fate of his father and brother. He went immediately to Shrewsbury where the inhabitants were strongly attached to him' and desired their help to avenge his father's death' He mcreased his army to 23,000 men in these parts • and then set out in quest of the Queen. He had * ^^^- t Baker ; Rapin ; Hume. 96 MARGABET OP ANJOU. been much dismayed by the defeat and death of his father, for whose assistance he had been then pre. paring, and he now resolved not nnlv +^ himself, but to maintain t.l'.ZT'^ Ms'ZS no retreat; for, having once been driven to such on7o7thVrr"' "fJ^'"-^ '''''' ^f ^'- -*- ^onof Tlie Earl of March had been encoura^:Xt:;hSlt^^^^^^^^ «rea on the side of the Yorkists ; and the Eari of 60,000, others asserting he had 51 onn 1 m Pembroke had Init 8,000), wat n^tTe Ty' I^^ of the success of the young heir of York The hi. torians relat. that this engagement took Ice in le' r Mness, that the Eari of March is recorded to have one, and this sight so animated the courao-^ nf the youthful Edward, that he rapidly disneS his enem.es.t It has been supposed ^that, on account f this circumstance, the Eari of March give the sun i^n Its full brightness for his cocrnizance TI 7 F^ , Pembroke saved himself by ^Z, ^^^^^ p ^ * Sir H. Nicolas's Proceedings of the Privy Council t One writer tells us that the loss wiw re informed that at the Queen's request, upon the occasion of their happy meeting, the King knighted ^itw "i Y,°T**' ^^ "T^ "^'""^ ^^' ""* ^'°» ^^ *<>™d in the camp with.Lord Montague, Ms chamberlain. ^ 102 ILiEGAEET OF ANJOU. his son, Edward, Prince of Wales (wlio was then seven years of age), as>ell as thirty noblemen and gentle- men,* who had displayed great valour in the precedino- battle, t ° They afterwards proceeded to St. Albaii's Abbey where the Abbot welcomed them, and anthems were simg. A humble petition was offered to the Kino- for the protection of this abbey, and the town, from the outrages of the soldiers. He at once granted this request ; but, although proclamation was made to that effect, It was in vain ; the northern soldiers declaring that they had been promised the spoils wherever they went south of the Trent, they presumed on their pnvdege, and continued their ravages. King Henry alsojssued orders for the arrest of the Earl of March, but this command was as futile as the preceding oue.:|: _ It is related that the King, with his accustomed kmdlmess of heart, visited the young Lord Grav, who at the village of Colney, was drawing near th;^ close of his mortal career. Possibly he was clingino- to ife, as mostly is the case in youth, and Henry sought to afford him consolation in the approach of death bv directing his thoughts to the only refuge upon wliich he had based his o«-n hopes. A contemporary writer tells us also tliat the dying lord received the honour of knighthood from his beloved monarch, who then conferred upon him the distinction for the sake of his two sons,§ Sir Thomas and Sir Eichard ; their fother bir John, havmg been prevented by the intestine divi- • Among these ^vere the Earl of Shrewsbuij- and Lorf Roos + Baker ; Rot. Pari. ; Lingard I. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 103 slons in the country, from taking his seat in the House of Peers. Twelve persons, besides Sir John, were knighted at this time by the King,^ at the village of Colney. Several persons of distinction were beheaded after the late battle ; although, as it is said, their lives had been srranted bv the Kin^if. Amono^st those were Lord Bonville and Sir Thomas Kiriel, knight, who were seized and put to death in the presence of Prince Edward, at St. Alban's, upon Ash Wednesday ; and it was reported this barbarity was in retaliation for the execution of Lord Hungerford, at Hereford.* Queen Margaret has been charged with this cruelty, and it is probable the Queen did, in the heat of vic- tory, and in the spirit of retaliation, give this command. Barbarous as it may appear, we must pause at the consideration of her reprehensibleness, when we are called upon to do justice to the varied accounts of this period. Two questions arise ; viz., were these orders given for the indulgence of her own private animosity, or for the gratification of some of the Lan- castrian faction ? Stow relates that Bonville was put to death through party violence, at the instance of the Queen, the Duke of Exeter, and the Earl of Devonshire.| ^lany of our historians cast the odium of this trans- action on the Queen only. They state that, when the flight of the Yorkists became general, the Lords about the King's person, perceiving the danger, withdrew themselves, " Lord Bonville, only coming in a compH- '' mentary manner to the King, and saying it grieved " him to leave his majesty, but that necessity for the *' safeguard of his life enforced it, was importuned by " the Kmg to stay, and also Sir Thomas Kiriel, a knight * Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Hall ; Baker j Rapin ; Toulmin ; Hume ; Morant ; Henry ; Lingard. t Stow ; Lyson's Mag. Brit. 104 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 105 " of Kent, lie passing his royal word that their stay " should be no danger to them." Upon this promise they stayed ; but the Queen, hearing that the Commons had beheaded Baron Thorp, at Highgate,'' in revenge thereof caused both their heads to be struck off.f Some; very powerful motive must have influenced the Queen to make her act thus— in contempt of the King's word, and in defiance of all good faith, to issue her command for the execution of these noble- men, and thus to sully the glory of her late victory. One suggestion only is supplied to us as the proba- ble cause, and it is certain that private injuries are always most keenly felt and resented. It has been asserted that Lord Bonville, after the battle of North- ampton, in which his party was triumphant, had the custody of the King's person, and possibly, by some indignity he had offered to the meek monarch, .this nobleman had incurred the Queen's resentment. Whether this opinion be correct or no, it is probable that Lord Bonville suffered for his attachment to the Yorkists, whose party he espoused in 1449, when he was besieged at Taunton4 ^'lis lord was the last of an ancient Devonshire family, and it is remarkable, that the havoc of civil war annihilated three genera- tions within the short space of two months. At Wake- field Lord Bonville had witnessed the death of his son. Sir William Bonville, and of his grandson, AVilliam' Lord Harrington,§ who were killed in battle in De- cember, 1460, and in the following February the aged grandfather lost his life. * Thomas Thorp, one of the barons of the Exchequer, made an attempt to join the Queen, and for this purpose disguised himself in the habit of a monk with his " crown shorn ; " but he was discovered, sent to the Tower in^l^:z%';ut^ '' ''' '"^'^ ^^ """"^^^^ ^""' ^^^^^^^' - I ^^V..^f^ ' ^^''''^''^ ' ^^^^^^ ' ^^^- X ToulmiB. ^ ih^ title he enjoyed in right of his wife, the heiress of Lord Harring- ton, of Harrmgton. ° In these wars of the Roses, or, as they might be designated, of bloody retaliation, the law of Hfe for life appears to have been strongly adhered to by the victors on either side ; and this might be adduced as some excuse, if any could be made, for the hasty and cruel proceeding just related, which has even caused Queen Margaret to be designated by one writer, the *' barbarous queen." The astonishing success which had attended the arms of this Queen in the battles in which she com- manded in person, has led some to believe that, had the King's forces always had her able direction, the Lancastrians might have been more fortunate.* The grand error of Queen Margaret, like that of the celebrated Carthaginian general of old, was delay, and to this, has been attributed her ultimate want of success. After so memorable a battle as that of Bernard's Heath, had she marched on, with her victorious army, to London, and demanded admittance, there is little doubt that she would have been welcomed. In this, however, she was even less faulty than Hannibal, as it did not originate in her own neglect ; on the contrary, being indebted for her late victory to the exertions of a band of northern troops, (whose services she was utterly unable to recompense, and who had voluntarily attended her in this war, conditionally, that they should ravage the country south of the Trent), these soldiers now firmly insisted on the exercise of this privilege, and no prohibition, or intreaties could induce them to march forward. Thus the interests of the Queen were sacrificed to their rapacity, and so unruly became these northern soldiers, that the most peremp- tory orders could not deter them from their purpose. While presuming on their agreement, the prohibi- tions of the King and of the Queen were equally dis- * Baudier. 106 MABGAEET OF ANJOU. i regarded by them, and they continued their plunder of St. Alban's and its Abbey, and, in defiance of all authority, ransacked and pillaged the country in the most horrible manner. Several days were passed by them in spreading devastation around, and they even extended their ravages as far as the gates of the metropolis. How little cause had the triumphant Queen to rejoice in her victory, on beholding the mis- conduct of her powerful adherents, and the vain efforts of the King to save his favoured Abbey from their destructive force ! In consequence of these continued depredations, the people of London, and the inhabitants of the counties around, who had been thus allowed time to recover from the consternation into which the defeat of the Earl of Warwick had thrown them, resolved to expose themselves to every peril, rather than to admit such cruel plunderers. They felt the necessity for the pro- tection of their property, and many attached themselves to the Yorkist party.* The terror with which the northern army had inspired their minds was hi<^hly mjunons to the Queen ; and the confusion and con- tentions of the Londoners must have been considerable One writer describes it thus : " At this tyme during " the troubelous season, great watches were kept daily ^|and nightly, and divers opinions amongst the citizens ; for the mayor and many of the chief com- moners held to the Queen's party, and the common- alty was with York and his affinity." Thus when the Queen, finding herself distressed for provisions owing to the licentiousness of her followers, sent to the Lord Mayor of London, requesting of him supplies • he, fearing to offend her at this moment, gave orders lor several carts to be loaded with provisions ; when, HenJ:S^'!^"'^-»*^"^^'«"'P'''''> Paston Lettel, Hume! MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 107 however, they were about to convey them from the city, they were stopped by the populace, near Cripple- gate; and the adverse party declared to the Lord Mayor, that they would not permit any succours to be conveyed to an army, whose avowed object was to plunder the country. Upon this, the mayor prevailed upon three ladies, the Duchess of Bedford, the Ducl;iess of Buckingham, and Lady Scales, to go, accompanied by several prelates, to the Queen and her counsellors, then at Barnet, to intercede for him, excusing him for not using force with the citizens, in order to comply with her request, as he feared to excite their anger in such doubtful times, when it might not be easy to allay it. The ladies were successful in their embassy. They not only pacified the Queen, but prevailed in persuading her, that, if some of the lords of the council with a guard of 400 good soldiers, were sent to London to appease the tumult, by riding through the streets, some of the aldermen would then come out to meet her, and would introduce both the King and Queen quietly into the city.* Queen Margaret prudently and wisely concealed her displeasure at the indignity offered her by the citizens, and appeared to acquiesce in the plan proposed to her. While this neo-otiation was carried on, the Earl of . March was advancing with rapid strides towards Henry'; London. His purpose was to encourage the citizens '^®* to oppose the entrance of Queen Margaret ; indeed, the news only of the Earl's approach caused the Lord Mayor to lengthen his treaty with the Queen, until her affairs became desperate, f When the Queen was informed that the Earl of March was so near at hand, and that he had united his own army with the remains of that of the Earl of * Biondi ; Baker ; Habington ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Hall ; Sandfordj; Eapin ; Henry ; Maitland's London ; Lingard. f Ibid. 1461. II 108 MARGAEET OF ANJOTJ. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 109 1461. Baker ; Lingartl ; Henry ; Rapin. Warwick, she determined upon retiring to the north. She thus wisely provided for a safe retreat, show^mg prudence, which is called "the better part of valour." Margaret w^as well aw^are that her army, with their present Hcentious habits, were not able to encounter the enemy wdth any reasonable hope of success, and foreseeing that she would be compelled to fight at a great disadvantage, at the very gates of the capital, where she could not anticipate a favourable reception from the people, she resigned it to her rival, whose favour there, seemed gi'eater than her ow^n. The Queen then hastily withdrew from St. Alban's to Dunstable, and thence to a remote part of the kingdom.* Edward, Earl of March, now triumphantly entered the metropolis on the 28tli February, 1461, overjoyed at his good fortune, and welcomed by the unanimous voice of the people. His friends, perceiving how much the timidity and caution with which the Duke of York, his father, had acted, was prejudicial to his interests, advised him to con- sent to bolder measures, and even resolved, by a des- perate effort, to establish him at once upon the throne. After several consultations, they determined to set aside the ordinary modes of proceeding, and, without waiting for the sanction of Parliament, to endeavour to obtain, first, the suffrages of the people, and then those of the nobility. They hoped, also, to justify this by the act of Parliament, which confirmed the agreement made between the King and the Duke of York. Without further delay, the Earl of Warwick, pursuant to this resolve, assembled his troops in St. John's Fields, and the people, who crowded thither, being draw^n up in the form of a ring, the Earl, standing in the midst of them, • Sandford; HaU ; Stow; Biondi ; Ridpath ; W. of Worcester; Hume • Henrj' ; Rapm ; Lingard. ' first read to them the agreement entered into between the King and the Duke of York, and the act of Par- liament confirming it. He next proceeded to assert that Henry, having notoriously violated this agree- ment, thereby had forfeited the crown. Then, raising his voice, the Earl demanded of the people " if they " would have Henry of Lancaster for their king?" and being answered in the negative, he further re- quired of them to say *'if, in compliance with the '' agreement they had just heard, they would receive " Edward, son of the Duke of York, for their sove- " reign?" Upon which the people set up a loud shout in token of their consent. The news was quickly conveyed to the Earl of March, then at Bay- nard's Castle.* One point being thus gained, the Yorkists next con- vened an assembly of all the clergy, nobility, and gentry in London and its vicinity, and at their meeting the Earl of March, having set forth his title by birth, as well as by the agreement entered into by his father, demanded "that the crown should be adjudged to '' him." As no one had courage at such a moment to support the cause of the Lancastrians, a declaration was made, by the unanimous consent of all present, that '' Henry VL had forfeited the crown, to which " Edward, Earl of March, had now an indisputable '' right." The youthful Edward received the crown with modest protestations of his Incompetence, and fears to undertake so great a responsibility ; but when ex- horted by the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Exeter and London, and the Earl of Warwick, he concluded with lively promises of promoting the hap- piness of his people. • HaU ; Sandford ; Baker ; Stow ; Biondi ; London Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Pennant ; Hume ; Rapin ; Henry ; Lingard. 1461. W. of Worcester : Milles's CatiiJogue ; RApin ; Henry ; langard. 110 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Edward of York was, in his nineteenth year, both handsome and accomphshed, which, as well as the tame of his late success, and the commiseration felt for he unfortunate fate of his father and brother, attracted the people to him, who had been estranged from the other party by the ravages they had committed. The following day Edward assumed all the para- phernalia of royalty : he received the homa^^e ouL no ity assembled for this purpose at Bayfard' Las e. T^ie next day he went in procession to St Pauls and offered there; and appointed the solemn Te DeuM to be sung. Then he was conveyed in roj.1 state to Westminster, and there in tlie'gre t hall took the kmg's seat, having the sceptre of St Ed^^rc m his hand. He then returned by water to St. P.d s and finally established himself in the B op of Exeter s palace, the usual residence of Henry VI On the day after being the 4th of March, he was'p o- claimed king, under the title of Edward IV * Ihus terminated the unhappv reign of Henry of Lancastei whose life had always b!en spfr^ a pnvate and uniform manner, having taken n^ha e in he achnmistration during the thirty-eight years and ^ half of his sovereignty. His personal chamct com manded respect, even from his enemies ; and it has been " sWe tL ^ "^ ^"' '""'''*'°° *° ^^' misconduct • " control" '' """'' ''"''' ''''' ""^^'^ ^' ^-^ no No one ever became king so soon after his birth or hved so long after his deposition ; he was crowned kC O • Biondi ; Habington ; MiUes's Catalogue • Fabv^r, p u ^ Worcester; Sandford ; Stow'a Snrvpv Tf ' / ^^ ' ^^^^^ ^ W. of Vergil; Pennant ;RapmHen^;V T " ^^"^ ' ^^^P^*^ ^ ^oL bniy. ' ■^P"' ' ^^^ ' H^e ; Lingard ; Phillips's Shrews- MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Ill at nine months old, and lived twelve years after he was deposed. He was thirty-nine years of age when de- throned, his son being then only seven years old.* ♦ Lingard ; Baker ; Stow ; Rapin. CHAPTER III. {Qu€e7i Margaret.) '' Great lords, wise men ne'er sit and wail their loss, " But clearly seek how to redress their harms. "-Shakespeare. {King Henry.) " My crown is in my heart, not on my head ; " Not deck'd with diamonds and Indian stones, " Nor to be seen : my crown is call'd content,— •* A CTOvra it is, that seldom kings enjoy."— Shakespeare. {King Henry.) From Scotland am I stol'n, even of pnre love " And thus disguis'd to greet my native land ; " No, Harry, Harry, 'tis no land of thine ; " Thy place is fiU'd, thy sceptre wrung from thee ; '* Thy balm wash'd off, wherewith thou wast anointed : " No bending knee will call thee Cssar now, " No humble suitors press to speak for ri^ht Ao, not a man comes for redress to thee ; " For how can I help them, and not m}-self ] "—Shakespeare. The Qneen raises a largre army in Yorkshii^She is opposed by Kin<. Edward and Warwick-The Yorkists defeated at Ferrrbridc.^Fitz'' waiter slain-BattJe of Towton-King Edward returns to London- His coronation-The King and Queen fly with their son to Scotland- ITiey are weU received by the Scottish monarch, but obtain no succours -Queen Margaret s exertions-Incursions into England- Kin? Henrv ^puked at Durham-A defeat in Wales-Two earls are beheaded King Ikiwardsfim Parliaments-Somerset and others submit to ^w^-Earl of Oxford beheaded-King Edward's manoeuvre-\o effectual succours from France-Alnwick Castle taken-Queen M^r ff* ^ !? ^'^'*' ^^ ^^^"^ "^^ ^^^ troops-Some castle. taken-The Queen is driven back-A shipwreck-Warwick regains the castles-Queen Margaret retires into Scotland. It is not necessar}- to be an able politician to perceive that the monarch, who is competent and willing to hold the reins of government in his own hands, has "the best MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 113 chance of success and prosperity, and his people the fairest opportunity for happiness. The prince who delegates to one or more favoured individuals the duties and cares of his high station, that he may yield himself up to idleness and luxury, richly merits the consequent evils, viz., the loss of his people's ^steem, the annoyance of popular discontents, and, as it has sometimes proved, the rebellion of the whole kingdom. Henry VI. may be called a truly unfortu- nate monarch, since we find that he experienced all these evils, being himself a good man. He was ever willing to promote the peace and happiness of his sub- jects ; but nature had not gifted him ^\ith talents to rule, and ill health, added to a meek disposition, caused him to give up to each contending party. He was at this time no longer in the power of the victorious Yorkists— no longer did he succumb to their direful influence, and sign their deeds, so destructive of his own interests and happiness ; yet was he far from the goal of peace to which he seemed to be ever looking. Restored to his natural and true position, by the side of his beloved and courageous Queen, yet was he again cast into a humiliating condition, and into no less'un- happy and perilous circumstances. Deprived of his crown, and of his former semblance of royalty, and driven away from his capital, a new campaign seemed opened to the unhappy monarch, who, we are told, *' could not endure the sight of blood." He was hastily carried northward with the stream of destructive warriors, who, not unhke their antecedents, the Goths and Vandals, had eflectively removed all within their reach, that time had stamped both in art and nature as beautiful or good. Queen Margaret had retired into Yorkshire, where im. she soon obtained a considerable increase to the number ^^pui; of her followers, owing to the hcence in which she was P'^^i TOL. iL Lingard- V 114 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. compelled to indulge her troops of plundering the country. Many also joined her standard, influenced by party animosity, and thus were the royal forces aug- mented to 60,000 men. AVith this army the Queen might have advanced to offer her enemies battle ; but the adventurous Edward hastened to oppose her. This young monarch, being well aware that although he had assumed the title of King, he held it but by a precarious tenure, set out speedily from London for the north, to arrest the pro- gress of the Lancastrians ; and as he advanced the people flocked to him from all the tow^ns and villages throufi:hout the kinofdom. The Earl of Warwick accompanied him, and when he reached Pomfret his army amounted to 49,000 * men. From thence a body of soldiers was despatched, commanded by Lord Fitzwalter,f who obtained posses- sion of the passage of Ferrybridge over the river Aire, which lay between the two armies. To dislodge them from this post the Lancastrians dismissed Lord Clifford, whose attack Avas so successful, that the Yorkists were driven across the river wuth great slaughter, and Fitz- walter and several distinguished officers wxre killed.:}: On hearing of this defeat, the Earl of Warwick was greatly alarmed lest it might discourage his troops. He immediately informed King Edward of this event, and evinced by his emotion his fears for the results ; vet he feared not for himself, but lest the disaster might damp the energies of his soldiers, when they were on the eve of a decisive battle. He gave orders * Some authors say King Edward's army amounted to 40,000 only, while by another statement it is 40,G00. f Some historians tell us, there was no Lord Fitzwalter at the time ; but in the " Fragment," by Hearne, we find him called John Ratcliff, then Lord Fitzwalter. \ Baker ; Habington ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester ; Heame's Frag- ment ; Ridpath ; Allen's York ; Milles's Catalogue ; Hall ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Antiq. of York ; Hume ; Lingard ; Baudier ; Henry ; Rapin. ^ MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 115 for his horse to be brought him, and, stabbing it in the presence of the whole army, kissed the hilt of his sword, made in the form of a cross, and swore, that if all his followers took to flight, he alone would defend the cause in which he had engaged. Upon this, King Edward issued a proclamation, giving liberty to any who desired it to retire, promising also liberal rewards to all those who should do their duty ; but denouncing the severest punishment against all who should betray signs of fear in the approaching conflict. The Yorkists, as well as their leader King Edward, had unanimously resolved *'not to cease from their " exertions, until they had removed the dishonour of " the fight at Wakefield ; " and indeed the deadly retaliation exhibited in the ensuing engagement was proof of this. The war between the two Roses had now become one of extermination, no forgiveness being hoped for from either party ; they thought not of their lives, and it was proclaimed that no prisoners should be taken. To conquer, or to die, was their aim at this crisis. It was an important crisis truly. Each party had employed the utmost eiforts, and tried every expe- dient, to be successful in the fight to which they were looking, and each man nerved himself for the awful struggle. Lord Falconbridge was dismissed by the Yorkists to recover the post which had been lost. He passed the river Aire, or Are, at Castleford, three miles from Fenybridge, along with Sir William Blount and Robert Home, intending to surprise Lord Cliff'ord ; but he retired in great haste towards the main body. In his retreat, however, he fell in unawares with a party of his enemies, and his helmet being off, either from heat or pain, he was shot in the throat with an arrow, as some say without a head, and w^as instantly killed. This Lord Clifford was much hated for his barbarous I 2 116 MxVBGAEET OF AXJOU. murder of the innocent Earl of Rutland, a boy of only twelve years of age (the youngest son of the late Duke of York) ; the piteous intercessions of this stripling might have awakened compassion in the roughest heart. For this and other cruel acts the Yorkists had surnamed Lord Clifford * " the butcher." They now felt revenged for the defeat at Ferrybridge by his death.j The King, Queen, and the young prince their son w^ere staying at York. They w^re desirous of this engagement J as their only means of success. The command of the Lancastrian forces had been bestowed on the Duke of Somerset; but the Queen, although absent from the field, was not idle ; she had been, previous to this battle, employing all her address to confirm the loyalty of her adherents, and to arouse their courage. When King Henry heard of the near approach of his enemies, he did not sally forth to meet them on account of Palm Sunday being on the morrow, a solemn feast day, and one, on which he preferred rather to pray than fight, in order that the day after he might be more successful in battle. Such w^as his faith ! but his piety was not regarded. The soldiers liked not • This John, twelfth Lord Clifford, left two sons very young, who were living with their mother at Londesborough. Lady Clifford, to save her children from the vengeance of the Yorkists, sent Richard, the youngest, into the Netherlands ; and placed Henry, the eldest, with a shepherd, who was the husband of one of her maids. This young nobleman was removed from Londesborough and conveyed into the mountains of Cumberland, where he continued to lead the life of a shepherd until he attained the age of thirty-two, having never learnt to read, when King Henry the Seventh, in his first Parliament, restored him to the estates and hereditary distinc- tions of his family. t Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Rapin ; Drake's Hist, of York ; Allen's York ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Antiquities of York ; Hume ; Lingard ; W. of Worcester ; Historical View of Northumberland. X John de Wethamstede, the monk of St. Alban's, composed a poem in Latin, soon after the battle of Towton, giving an account of the wars of the Roses, especially as they related to St. Alban's monastery.— Wright's Political San$8. UAHOAHET OF ANJOU. 117 1 tarrying, and we are told the saintly monarch was constrained to sound the alarm for this cruel massacre of friend and foe. Doubtless he then gladly withdrew from the scene of strife to the shelter of the battlements of York.* When the armies met face to face, the men shouted aloud — it was a portentous shout ! — each party ex- pecting to be victorious : for were they not equal, both in courage and resolution, all Englishmen, all aUke proud of their power, and disdainful of their enemies ? Yet was their strength and power insuflBcient when one party resorted to artifice, and when the elements, intermingling in the fray, lent their assistance to end this direful conflict. Thus was the truth made mani- fest, that '' the race is not to the swift, neither is the " battle to the strong." Betw^een the villages of Towton and Saxton, about ten miles from the city of York, on a " goodly plain," the two armies met ; and on Palm Sunday, the 29th | of March, 1461, was the bloody battle fought, called by some the ^'Pharsalia" of England. J It has been considered the most sanguinary engagement ever fought in this land ; and to augment the horrors, con- temporary WTiters tell us, that the fight began " at four *' of the clock at night, and continued all night till on *' the morrow at afternoon." The commands of King Edward W'cre, that no prisoners should be taken, but that all should indiscriminately be put to the sword, § and this w^as responded to by a similar di'eadful pro- clamation from the Lancastrians. The right wing of King Edward's army was led on • Pol. Vergil. t Toplis says it was the 28th March, X This battle is sometimes called " Palm-Sunday Field." § Historians say that King Edward did not give this command from cruelty, but that his army should not be encumbered with prisoners. 1461. Toplis ; Ridpath ; Allen's York; Pinkerton ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard ; Rapin, 118 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. by the Earl of Warwick ; the left by Lord Falcon- bridge, in the absence of the Duke of Norfolk, who was sick ; and the main body was commanded by the King, while the rear guard was entrusted to Sir John Wenlock and Sir John Denham, two valiant com- manders. At the commencement of this engagement the Yorkists obtained the advantage, owing to a heavy fall of snow, which, driving in the faces of the royal troops, almost blinded them. Lord Falconbridge, per- ceiving this circumstance, employed the following stratagem to turn it to his own advantage. He ordered some of his infantry to advance before the lines, and discharge a volley of arrows amidst the enemy, and then to retire. The Lancastrians were thus led to believe, that the army of the Yorkists was within their reach, and they exhausted all their arrows without doing any execution, as they fell short of the enemy. King Edward, then advancing, committed great slaughter. The dismayed Lancastrians had re- course to their swords, but their valour was quite unavailing. The Earl of Northumberland and Sir Andrew Trol- lop, seeing the disadvantage, left the vanguard and urged on their men to the figlit, hand to hand. Then, indeed, the battle became desperate, each man stand- ing his ground until slain, or knocked down, and then another took his place. Needless were the orders to give no quarter; such w^as the extreme of hatred manifested by the two parties, that it called for nothing short of blood, or death. They continued fighting with great desperation, for an almost in- credible length of time ; ^' for contemporary writers assert, that the battle commenced three hours before darkness came on, and that they fought all night, and • Some writers say they fought for four or five, others for ten hours. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 119 t until past midday. About noon, John, Duke of Nor- folk, came, with a fresh band of " men of w^ar," to the aid of King Edward, and completed the defeat of the royal forces, which were pursued to Tadcaster. Much courage was displayed by King Edward in this battle, and the conduct of Falconbridge greatly promoted the victory. A graphical account of the conclusion of this direful conflict has been given by one of our historians, who says, *' The Lancastrians gave way, and fled to York ; but, seeking, in a tumultuous manner, to gain the bridge at Tadcaster, so many of them fell into the rivulet Cock,* as to quite fill it up, and the Yorkists passed over their backs in pursuit of their brethren. " This rivulet, and the river Wharfe, into which it empties itself hereabouts, were dyed with blood ; nor is this surprising, so many falling a sacrifice at this time for their fathers' transgressions, and their wounds, being made by arrows, battle-axes, or swords, would bleed plentifully. The blood of the slain lay caked with the snow which covered the ground, and afterwards dissolving with it, ran down, in a most horrible manner, the furrows and ditches of the fields, for two or three miles' distance." No one of note was taken prisoner, except the Earl of Devonshire, and he seemed to be saved when they were weary of killing. Many of the chief nobility lost their lives. There were slain three earls, ten lords, and a prodigious number of knights and gentlemen, of the Lancastrians. The following were amongst the most distinguished of those killed ; the Earl of West- moreland, and the Earl of Northumberland, Sir An- drew Trollop, Viscount Beaumont, the Lords Neville, • We are told that this rivulet is so narrow that a man may easily leap over it, its breadth being, in most places, less than four yards, which renders this account more credible, to those who may be inclined to doubt it. iVy 120 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1461. Ridpath ; Sharon Turner ; Clialmer's Caledonia ; W. of \Yor. •ester. Henry Stafford, of Buckingham, Scales, Willoughbjy Wells, Dacre, and Malley ; also Sir Ealph Grey, Sir Eichard Fency, and Sir Harry Belingham. The total loss of the Lancastrians was estimated by a contem- porary writer at 38,000 men ; but King Edward, writing in confidence to his mother, told her that the loss sustained by his enemies in this battle was 28,000 men. The total loss on both sides has been variously computed by historians at 20,000, 33,000, 35,091, 36,776, and 38,000 ; this last being, however, as we are told, the statement of those who buried the dead. The prisoners and wounded amounted to 10,000. This was, indeed, " a sore-fought field ! " The Dukes of Somerset and Exeter, who had fled from the dreadful conflict, conveyed immediately the fatal news of their defeat to the King and Queen at York. The Lancastrian army, but a short time before so powerful, had been, contrary to all expectations, completely routed. All hope was thus extinguished ; and the King, Queen, and Prince Edward, all precipi- tately fled towards Scotland. They did not consider themselves safe while in England, and used their utmost efforts to escape, flying all night, lest they should be overtaken by the cavalry which King Ed- ward had sent in pursuit of them. They first went to Newcastle, and proceeding thence on the second day of their flight, they arrived in safety on the borders of Scotland. The royal fugitives were attended by the Dukes of Exeter and Somerset, the Lords Roos and Hunger- ford, the Lord Chief Justice Fortescue, and other lords and gentlemen of rank, who all submitted to this voluntar}^ exile.* It was not in vain that the Lan- • Drake's York ; Baker ; Makenzie's Newcastle-on-Tyne ; Leland ; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan ; Sandford ; Howel ; Toplis ; Paston Lett-ers ; Allen's MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 121 1 castrians had so hastily departed from York ; for King Edward repaired thither on the morning after his victory, hoping to surprise his enemies, and secure the unfortunate Henry, but in this object he was dis- appointed. The Lords Montague and Barnes having besought the King's gi'ace for the city of York, which he granted, the victorious monarch, with great solem- nity, entered this city, and kept the feast of Easter there, being well received by the citizens, and many processions being made to his honour. Edward's first care was the removal of his father's head, and that of the Earl of Salisbury, from the city walls, and to order their interment with their bodies. In the spirit of retaliation, the victor commanded that several of his prisoners should be executed. Amongst these were Thomas Courtney Earl of Devonshire, the Earl of Kyme, Sir Wifliam Hill, and Sir Thomas Foulford, whose heads were cut off, and each of them affixed to a pole, and then fastened over the gates of York.* It may be remembered that, in the commencement of the career of the Duke of York, the Earl of Devon- shire had espoused the cause of the Yorkists, and had afterwards returned to his allegiance to King Henry. He seems, at last, to have suffered for his incon- stancy.! The Earl of Northumberland, who was a powerful baron, had a palace in the city of York, situated in Walmgate. Modern antiquarians assure us that the body of this Earl was brought home by his retainers, and buried in the Church of St. Dionysius, or St. Dennis, York ; Heame's Fragment ; PoL Vergil ; Archaeological Journal ; Coll in - son's Somerset. * James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire, was also beheaded at Newcastle. t This was the fifth Earl of Devon. His son, Thomas Courtney, was beheaded in 1461 ; and his brother, Henry Courtney, in 146C, was also beheaded at Salisbury. 122 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. a n in this northern capital, and that a large blue stone in the north aisle marks his burial place. The villagers have a tradition, which points out the spot where Lord Dacre fell. It is called Towton Dale, or Tartingdale ; and a road, running between two stone quarries, is said, with great probability, to have been the scene of the battle. From the same source is the following tradition, also verified by facts : — "It is reported that the soldiers were buried in " large mounds, on the field of battle, and that the " Yorkists, either in affection, or in triumph, planted some rose trees on the tombs of their fallen country- ft/ men. These mounds, through the lapse of four " centuries, have worn nearly down to the level sur- *' face of the soil ; but you may yet see a kind of " circles in the field, above the quarry, already men- " tioned, and these circles are covered with patches " and clusters of rose trees. The rose is white, and " now and then, on the appearance of a pink spot on " the flower, the rustic, happy in his legendary lore, *' traces the blood of Lancaster." * From the chronicles of those times we learn that those who fell in the desperate conflict at Towton, were at first interred in five pits. They were after- wards buried in the churchyard at Saxton, where a */ 7 mean tomb has been erected to the memory of Lord Dacre. This flat marble stone, although now much * Archa?ological Journal ; Hume. It has been asserted by some historians that King Henry escaped, after the battle of Towton, to a place called Coroumber, in Yorkshire, which, they say, was closely besieged by Edward's soldiers under Sir Robert Ocle and Sir John Conyers. They add, that some of the Earl of Northumber- land's esquires raised an army of o or 6000 men to fight with the besiegers, hoping that, in the meantime, Henry VI. might be fortunate enough to make his escape through a postern gate. It was rumoured, also, that Queen Margaret, her son, and the Duke of Somerset, were at this place, and not less than four thousand of the north countrymen were slain upon this occasion. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 123 broken and defaced, still bears this imperfect inscrip- tion : — " Hie jacet Ranulphus Ds. de Dakre et . . . ' * miles et occisus erat in bello principe " Henrico VI. Anno Dom. m,cccc,lxi, xxix " die Martii, videlicet dominica, die ** palmarum. Cujus anime proprietur Deus. Amen." <( The five pits in the field near to Saxton church,, could not have contained, as we are told, the hundredth part of those who were slain, and many must have been buried in other parts of that field ; indeed the plough- share oft discovers some of their remains, and this has called forth the following lines from the poet's pen : — " As oft as the ploughman turns the fields, " Half-buried human bones the soil still yields, '* The dire remains of civil strife, * ' An hundred thousand bereft of life ** This quarrel claims ; and Tadcaster may boast *' That thirty thousand in her fields were lost." The citizens of London at this period evinced their strong attachment to their unfortunate monarch. The following passage may be quoted in proof of this, from a letter written immediately after the battle of Towton. ** We send no sooner unto you, because he had none " certain until now, for unto this day London was as " sorry as city might be."* From the city of York King Edward proceeded to Durham, where, having set things in order in the North, and committed the charge and governance there to the Earl of Warwick, whom he left behind him, he then returned in great triumph to London. On * Hall ; Biondi ; Sandford ; Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; Leland ; Fabyan ; Pol. Vergil ; Habington ; Rapin ; W. of Worcester ; Milles's Catalogue ; Ridpath ; Allen's York ; Fasten Letters ; Toplis ; Sharon Turner ; Anti- quities of York ; Collinson's Somersetshire ; Pennant. 124 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1461. Baker ; W. of Wor cester ; Stow; Paston Letters ; Heam's Chron. ; Henry. Chalmer's ! Caledonia ; W. of Wor- cester. ! 1 the 1st of June he reached the manor of Shene, where he remained until the 2Gth of June while preparations were making for his coronation. The day fixed for this ceremony was Sunday the 29th of June, 1461, being St. Peter's day. On the Thursday preceding he came from Shene to the Tower of London, whither he was conducted by the Mayor and Aldermen and 400 citizens, who met him on the road, on horseback, clad in splendid scarlet liveries. While at the Tower King Edward, in the most sumptuous manner, enter- tained the chief of the nobility and gentry wdio were favourable to the House of York ; and on the morning of Saturday he made thirty-two new knights of the Bath, who being arrayed in blue gowns with hoods and tokens of white silk upon their shoulders, rode before the King the same afternoon, and thus "in goodly " order " brought him to Westminster. On the follow- ing day, Sunday, King Edward was solemnly crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the accustomed ceremony and honours in the Abbey of Westminster. The new monarch's attention was next turned to Scotland, whither he dismissed ambassadors to propose a truce with that kingdom, fearing that by the succours the Scots would in all probability afford to the fugitive Queen, they might enable her to attempt the recovery of the crown, and thus make the Lancastrians more formidable than ever.* Queen Margaret and her little escort had meanwhile arrived at Berwick, where they all embarked, except- ing the Duke of Somerset, and finally reached Scot- land in safety.! They first proceeded in four vessels • Sproti Chron. ; Pol. Vergil ; Fabyan ; Baker ; Stow ; Heame's Frag- ment ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Maitland's London ; Sharon rnrner ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Allen's York ; Rapin ; Henrv ; Hume t Baker ; Hall : Sandford : Stow ; Rapin ; Pol. Vergil ;' TopUs ; Paston Letters ; Lingard ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Antiquities of York - W of Worcester. ' MARGARET OF ANJOU. 125 " , to Kirkcudbright, w^here they were honourably re- ceived. Finding, while at this place, that the mental infir- mities of her husband rendered it necessary for him to remain there, the Queen left him with four persons, and a boy, to attend upon him, w^hile she proceeded with her son and her court to meet the Scottish Queen at Edinburgh. It was the 30th of August, 1461, when Queen Margaret left Kirkcudbright. The chief atten- dants on the exiled Queen were Lord Roos, and his son, John Ormond, William Talyboys, Sir John Fortescue, Sir Thomas F}Tidern, Sir Edmund Hampden, John Courtney and others, in number less than thirty. Lord Hungerford* was also amongst the faithful adherents of Margaret. He had fled after the battle of Towton, with his royal mistress into Scotland ; but as he soon afterwards accompanied the Duke of Somerset to France, it is probable that he w^as employed by the Queen, to bear some message to the French King. This monarch f had, even while at war with England, issued orders to all his ports that the Lancastrians should be well received, and many Englishmen pre- suming on this favourable reception, took refuge in France at this period. J While at Berwick, the unfortunate King and Queen had sent to request of James HL an honourable recep- tion, and the royal protection during their stay in his dominions ; and in return they had received a most gracious reply. The Scottish monarch, then but seven years of age, expressed great concern for the defeat of the Lancastrians, and regi'et, that he could not receive them under better circumstances ; he concluded with • This nobleman was attainted by King Edward, and his estates were forfeited to the crown. t This was Charles VII. X Paston Letters ; Fabyan ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester ; Sharon Turner ; Chalmer's Caledonia ; Daniel ; Collinson's Somersetshire. 126 MAEGxlEET OF ANJOU. assurances that, under whatever condition they might apply to him, they should receive every succour and protection which his kingdom could aflford.* This young monarch also testified his respect and attention by going out in person to welcome the Lancastrian exiles ; and after showing them all kinds of honours, he finally lodged them in his own palace. His mother, Mary of Gueldres, hastened to embrace, and sympathize in the sufferings of the unfortunate Margaret of Anjou. In her, she beheld a form beautiful and elegant as her own ; she found her endowed with a genius as lofty and aspiring, and a temper so much resembling that which she herself possessed, that it was impossible for her to witness her distress without be- coming her friend. She received her with every kind- ness, appointed for her and King Henry an honourable maintenance, and promised to assist them in the recovery of their kingdom. Queen Margaret, notwithstanding all this show of courtesy, could not procure much help from the court of Scotland, to enable her to recover her crown. The Council, composed of the chief of the Scottish nobility, had the guardianship of the young king. Two parties had laid claim to the Regency ; one of them headed by Mary of Gueldres, the other by the Earl of Angus ; and the states, in order not to offend either of them, had selected two Regents from each, at the same time petitioning the Queen to be satisfied with the direction of her children's education. Under this arrangement both of these parties continued to subsist, and Queen Margaret, amidst these dissatisfactions, found the king- dom in such a state of agitation, that she could pro- cure little attention to her solicitations.! She first • Sandford ; Baker ; Baudier ; Pol. Vergil; Ridpath. t Sandford ; Baker ; PoL Vergil ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Baudier ; Rapin • Hume ; Carte ; Stow. ' M.VEGARET OF ANJOU. 127 . ♦ pleaded her claims to their assistance, through the connexion between the House of Lancaster and the royal family of Scotland ; but she obtained, in reply, only the expression of their good wishes. When, however, she offered to deliver up to them the town and fortress of Berwick,* and to contract her son to the Princess Mary, the sister of their king, they lent a more willing ear to her proposals, and were finally prevailed upon to assist her.f In order to secure the friendship and aid of the powerful George Douglas, Earl of Angus, the lands between the Trent and Humber, of the yearly value of 2000 marks sterling, were promised to him, to be erected into a dukedom. It was, however, agreed, that Angus should be at any time at liberty to make war upon England, at the Scottish king's command, and that he should not be amenable to the EngHsh Pariiament, or courts of justice. This nobleman, who was tutor to the young King of Scots, was so flattered by the prospect of an English dukedom, that he readily engaged in the service of the Lancastrians, and was soon after enabled to render them a signal service. When the Duke of Burgundy heard of the proposed marriage of Prince Edward and the daughter of the Scottish Queen, he dispatched the Lord of Gruthuse to break it off. " He did this, as some afiSrm, on account of the enmity he bore to King Rene ; but others tell us, with more probability, that he was equally attached to King Edward and to the King of Scotland, being uncle to Mary of Gueldres, and he did not wish to see them become irreconcilable. Through this inter- ference the marriage was rather deferred than broken * This town and castle were surrendered on the 25th April, 1461, and the young King of Scots visited, on the 15th June, his new acquisition. t Stow ; Carte ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Pinkerton ; Ridpath ; Monstrelet ; Daniel ; Henry ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; W. of Worcester. 128 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 1461. Paston Letters ; LingarJ. off; yet the Duke of Burgundy was eventually suc- cessful. * Queen Margaret bad, by ber exertions, to overcome not^ only tbe prejudices of tbe Scots, but the machi- nations of ber enemies from the English court, there- fore was her success the more extraordinary. The Regents of Scotland had felt disposed to agree to the truce desired by King Edward IV., but the eloquence of the Lancastrian Queen overcame their scruples, in her favour, and the only effect which this embassy from England produced, was the prevention of any declaration in favour of the exiled family. Many individuals, nevertheless, of all ranks, espoused their cause, and it was not until the following year, that any truce was established between the kingdoms, f In return for the surrender of Berwick, an object which had been often \\ished, and attempted by the Scots, since the invasion of Edward, a Scottish "^army entered England, and advancing to Carlisle, laid siege to the city, which was held by the Yorkists. The English, under Lord Montague, raised the siege, and the Scots were defeated, with a loss of GOOO men, amongst whom was a brother of Lord Clifford. King Henry, meanwhile, with some faithful ad- herents, advanced into the county of Durham, but he narrowly escaped being taken prisoner, owing to the superior number of his enemies.| The Lancastrian Queen still retained possession of several castles in Northumberland; and when the negotiations with the Scots were ended, and they had promised to assist her, Queen Margaret's measures • Barante ; Pinkerton ; Eidpath ; Lingard. t W. of Worcester ; Baker ; Stow ; Sharon Tnmer ; Eidpath ; Eapin • Hume ; Henry : Lingard. ^ ' t Paston Letters; Pinkerton; HaUam ; Bvmer ; Sharon Turner: Jlonstrelet ; Lmgard. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 129 . were promptly and vigorously taken. It cannot be doubted that the Queen had accompanied King Henry in his expedition to Durham, although no records furnish the details of this precise period, beyond the fact, that Laurence Booth, who, through the intercessions of Queen Margaret, had been appointed to the see of Durham, had taken part, in these times of trouble, with his royal patroness, and had thereby incurred the ire of the Yorkist Kinir. It was supposed that the Queen had nearly reached the city of York, when King Edward penned the fol- lowing letter, which he addressed to his adherents : " Right trusty and well beloved, we gi'eet you well, II and thank you of the great truth, love, and kindness '' shewed unto us at all times herebefore, and specially " to the days and time of our great necessity, for the '' defence of our land and subjects ; wherein ye ap- " proved your said truth and devoure of such largesse* "as we will ever remember in the mightiest part of " the affection of our heart ; not holding doubted, but *' ascertained, that we shall be assured of the perfect- "ness of your hearty perseverance in the same; letting " you witt, that yesterday, and this day it come certainly I* to our knowledge, that on Thursday last past it was. "fully determined, concluded, and assented, in the " Council of our great enemy, the King of Scots, in " Edinburgh, between him and Margaret, late called " Queen, under the form following : " The same Margaret, in the name of Henry, late " called King, our great traitor and rebel, hath granted '' unto the said King of Scots, to his heirs and suc- '' cessors, seven sherifwicks of our realm of England ; " his son Edward in marriage to the sister of the same " King, and to be, for the same intent, for seven years " under the keeping and governance of the Bishop of * Liberality. TOL. IL 1461. ' 130 MAEGABET OF AXJOU. (( u it ii u II u a (( ti (; (( u ft • I. * • a ii u Samt Andrew's, to whom she hath granted the Archbishopric of Canterbiu-y ; to divers clerks of bcotland, divers bishoprics in tliis our realm, and the livehhood Lmds of the lords, gentles, and nobles thereof, to divers Scots and Frenchmen, havin^r thereof petitions, by the said King Henrv signed" and by the consequence and sequel, the obeisance of our said realm, and of our sul>iects thereof, as much as she may, under the domination and power of the same Scots and Frenchmen ; whom she hath excited and provoked to show them of the greatest and argest cruelty and tyranny against our said subjects that tiiey can, unto the execution of the end of her insatiable malice toward them ; whereunto her iov and consolation is most disposed and applied Over this, the said Margaret hath, inasmuch as she may, ,n the name of the said Henrv, bomiden the realm to be adjoined to the league' ^f antient tmie made and renovelled* betwixt France and Scotland. " And to the observing and performing of all the promises for the partyf of the said Henn-, Margaret hath made solemn oath, the said Thursd^v. op^enlv in the said council, upon the Four Evangelists • for the which the said &ots there also bodilv made' l^e and hill party with them, against us and our ^uljiects, to put them in divoire, to the execution 01 the said niahce ; and to the same intent to enter our land on Fnday next coming ; arreadvin^t their great ontance to besiege otir castle of Northam aathonsed by the said Bishop, with the clerot "f Scotland ; the lords, gentlemen, and commo^altv .H^ ''"'fZl "*' ^" ^' -^- The T Im the part of. ■»• VaV,-«^ * "^- ♦ Jiafang read V. M^VEGAEET OF AXJOU. 131 " winch we purpose to resist with God's grace, and 'I arready us thereto, and to the rebuke of the said '^'^ mahce, and of the great presumption and customable " pride of the said Scots, grounded and estabHshed II upon unrighturse covetise,* that we trust in the II Lord shall be the occasion of their fall and declme, " if they persevere in their said purpose." Kmg Edward becomes more and more vehement as he proceeds Tvith this address, and in conclusion of this appeal, he says — ^ '' We, therefore, pray you to pray heartily to God for ^'' our good speed in our righturse cause and quarrel, and II true intent in the defence and tuition of our said 'land II and subjects; whereunto we will join our body, II blood and life ; and that you will joyfully couragef "yourselves and our subjects of that our citv, under II the trust of God, and the mystery of His gi^ace and " might, wherein we establish our surety and progress, II and trust thereunto, that ye shall hear such tidings II of the resistance of our said enemies, as shall be In II perpetual memory to their rebuke and confusion, " and singular and assured comfort to vou and all our " said subjects. "I Another letter was addressed by King Edward to the King of Scots, in which he alludes to his reception into Scotland ; he says of the " traitors and rebels, II Henry, late usurpant king of our said realm, Mar- "garet his ^vife, and her son, and other our traitors "and rebels," not being his liegemen, and exhorting him to deliver them up unto him, without delay, if they become not his lieges and subjects, and if it so be, to eenifv the same.§ Atter this the heaviest punishments v>cic denounced by this monarch, against all those who should be found Unrighteoas oaretoaaieB. t Stow ; HaIliwell-3 Letters. t Embolden. § Halllwell's L^texa. K 2 132 MAEGAJRET OF ANJOU. 1461. Sharon Turner. 1461, favouring, or giving reception to King Henry, Queen Margaret, or any of their partizans. The same ill success which attended the efforts of the Lancastrians in the north of England, pursued them in their ineffectual attempts in Wales during this year. A guard was set by Edward on the northern marches, lest any should desert and join King Henry in Scotland ; for although victorious, his rival feared, that Margaret would return and excite the people to renew the war.* King Heniy, while in adverse circumstances, took refuge at one time in Muncaster Castle, in Lancashire. There is a room there still bearing the name of " King ** Henry the Sixth's room," where he was concealed^ when pursued by his enemies in 1461, probably when he fled from Durham. The possessor of the castle was Sir John Pennington, who gave the unfortunate monarch a secret reception. The King, upon his departure, addressed to Sir John many kind and courteous acknowledgments for his loyalty and hospitality, lamenting, at the same time, that he could present him with nothing more valuable, as a testi- mony of his goodwill, than the cup out of which he crossed himself This he gave into the hands of Sir John, ^ and accompanied the present ^^ith the following benediction, '' The family shall prosper as long as they preserve it unbroken." The superstition of the times caused it to be imagined, that it would carry good fortune to the descendants of this house, whence it was called the ^'luck of Muncaster." It was a curiously wrought glass cup, studded with gold and white enamel spots. The blessing attached to its security occasioned the family to consider it important for their prosperity, at the time of the usurpation, that the • Henry ; PoL VergiL MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 133 I ! ^^ luck of Muncaster " be deposited in some place of security, and consequently it was buried, until, by the cessation of hostilities, this care was rendered no longer necessary. It happened, however, unfortunately, that the person permitted to disinter this precious cup let the box fall in which it was enclosed ; and this gave such alarm to the remainmg members of the family, that they could not summon courage to open it, and quiet their apprehensions. It therefore remained (as tradition tells us) for more than forty years unopened ; at the end of which period, one of the Penningtons, more courageous than his ancestors, unlocked this casket, and joyfully proclaimed the safety of the "luck of Muncaster."* King Edward had fortified the frontiers ; he had built forts on those parts of the sea-coast which were most convenient for landing ; particularly in the south of England. He also 'gained possession of all the castles and holds both in North and South Wales; and the Duke of Exeter, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pem- broke, and other noblemen, were defeated by King Edward's army, on the 13th of October, 1-4G1, at Tatehill, near Camar^'on, and compelled to fly to the mountains. Many of the Lancastrians likewise went over to Edward, t All England and Wales was at length in the possession of the young King ; Harlech Castle only held out. This fortress had been kept by Piichard Tunstall; and afterwards by Lord Herbert. The former held this castle previous to the Welsh chieftain, David ap Jevan, who protected the Queen, when she took refuge at Harlech, after the battle of Xorth- ampton. • Boby's Lancasliire. t Biondi ; Paston Letters ; Heniy ; Sharon Turner j PoL VergiL 1461. T '* ^ <^* k ' 134 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1461. After his defeat in Wales, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, passed over into Ireland; where, in the following year, 1462, he endeavoured to procure some further assistance for his unfortunate half-brother Kmg Henry the Sixth/- This monarch, doubtless, on his departure from Muncaster Castle, found means to return to the Scottish court, where the Queen still remained, with some of her adherents ; we learn that King Henry, with his attendants, resided at Edinburgh. It was at this time that Sir John Fortescue, Lord Chief Justice of England from the year 1422, was made Lord Chancellor by his beloved sovereio-n While at Edinburgh the King, Queen, and Prince Edward lodged at the Friar preacher's house, also Exeter, Somerset, and others. Not long after the Duke of Somerset, Lord Hungerford, and Robert VV hittingham, with four or five esquires, came from Scotland into Normandy. It was rumoured that " they were like to be deemed prisoners ;" indeed, the English refugees were exposed to numerous perils, lor many fled to France, relying on the favourable reception of King Charles, at whose court Somerset and others had hoped to find an asvlum. When these persons, however, reached Dieppe, they were immediately an-ested by the officers of the new King, Louis XL, and were apprised of the death of Charles VII. Surprised and disappointed, and while in uncertainty concerning their fate, the following letter was addressed by Lord Hungerford to his royal mistress in Scotland : — "To THE Queen of EncxLand in Scotland.— " Madam, please it your good God, we have, since our " coming hither, written to your Highness thrice : the * Paston Letters ; Barry's Itinerary of Wales. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 135 li u (( u il u u u u ii il a u u li (.(, a u a (( cc a Li a li a u first we sent by Bruges, to be sent to you by the first vessel that went into Scotland ; the other two letters we sent from Dieppe — the one, by the carvel in which we came, and the other, in another vessel ; but, Sladam, all was one thing, in substance, of putting you in knowledge of the King your uncle's death** (whom God pardon), and how we stood arrested, and do yet. But on Tuesday next we trust and understand we shall up to the King,| your cousin german. His commissaries, at the first of our tarrying, took all our Letters and Writings, and bare them up to the King ; leaving my Lord of Somerset in keeping at the castle of Arkes ; and my Fellow Whityngham and me (for we had safe conduct) in the town of Dieppe; where we are yet. But on Tuesday next we understand, that it pleaseth the said King's Highness that we shall come to his presence ; and are charged to bring us up. Monsieur de Cressell, now bailiff of Canse, and Monsieur de la Mot. *' Madam, fear you not, but be of good comfort, and beware that ye adventure not your person, ne my Lord the Prince, by the sea, till ye have other word from us ; in less than your person cannot be sure there, as ye are, and that extreme necessity drive you thence. And for God's sake, let the King's Highness be advised the same ; for, as we be informed, the Earl of March | is into Wales by land, and hath sent his navy thither by sea. And, Madam, think verily, we shall not sooner be de- livered, but that we will come straight to you, with- out Death take us by the way, the which we trust he will not, till we see the King and you peaceable again in your realm ; the which we beseech God * Charles VII. of France. f Lewis XI. X This was King Edward IV. ■^■V^w 1461. Paston Letters. 1461. 136 MAEOAEET OF ANJOU. '' soon to see, and to send you that your Highness desireth. " Written at Dieppe, the 30th day of August, 1461. " Your true subjects and liege men, " hungeeford. " Whytyngham." The suspicious position in wliicli tliese lords sud- denly found themselves prevented the efforts they intended making for the interests of their royal mis- tress at the court of France, whither they had been dismissed to obtain assistance for the Lancastrians Lord A\ cnlock and others, who had been sent over ambassadors to the French King, on the part of ±.dward, were awaiting a safe conduct at Calais. The treasurer of this town, with many soldiers, some join- ing tljem also from the Marches, M-ere engaged in besiegmg the castle of Hammes, near Calais, « both parties making great war." * The Count of Cliarolois, who was related to the J^uke of Somerset, interested himself in bis favour Having a high esteem for him, on account of his preference for the Lancastrian party ; and at his peti- tion the King of France gave the Duke his liberty, besides making him handsome presents of gold and sil\ er. He was also conducted to Tours, and well received there. After this, the Duke of Somerset, desiring to return to Scotland, was informed that King Edward had placed spies there, to Avatch his conduct, upon which he witiidrew to Bruges, where he remained in privacy a considerable time. It was not until March in the tollowing year that he returned to Scotland, as appears from the deposition of certain Frenchmen taken prisoners at Sharringham, in Norfolk, wlio,' • Daniel.; Paston Letters. ^ MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 137 being examined relative to Queen Margaret's affairs, stated that the Duke of Somerset was gone into Scot- land from France, and that Lord Hungerford had, a few days before, passed before Shan-ingham in a carvel of Dieppe, on his way to Scotland, having however, but few followers.* The Scottish Queen, as it appears, entertained great hatred against the Duke of Somerset, because he had discovered an intrigue between her and the King of France, and she even employed Lord Halys to lie in wait for the Duke to kill him.f On the 4th of November, 1461, King Edward im. held his first Parliament, when his title to the crown uoweL was confirmed. All the acts which had been made in the reigns of his predecessors against the House of York were repealed. Henry VL, after having reigned thirty-eight years, by the unanimous consent of the people, was, in this session, declared an usurper. An act of attainder and forfeiture was passed against King Henry, his Queen, and their son, the Prince of Wales^ also against Henry, Duke of Somerset, the Earls of Northumberland and Devonshire ; Lord Roos ; Thomas Beaumont ; Henry, Duke of Exeter ; Jasper, Earl of Pembroke; the Earl of Wiltshire; John, Lord Clifford ; the Lords Hungerford and Dacre ; John Fortescue, Esq. ; and many others, even, according to some authorities, to the number of one hundred and forty persons. This act, indeed, extended to almost every individual who had distinguished himself in the cause of the Lancastrians. In excuse for this severity it was alleged that the power of that House ought at once to be annihilated. Every Lancastrian, who had not perished in the struggle to support his sovereign on the field of battle, was adjudged to suffer all the ♦ Monstrelet ; Paston Letters ; W. of Worcester ; Daniel ; Barante t W. of Worcester. 138 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 139 14(31- Stow; Sandford ; !MilIes's Catalogue. 1461 Paston Letters. penalties of treason, the loss of his honours, the for- feiture of his estates, and an ignominious death. Another motive probably led to this unexampled severity ; it was the^ necessity of providing funds to satisfy the expectations and reward the services of those to whose exertions King Edward was indebted for the posses- sion of the crown. When this first Parliament of King Edward was held, the nobihty of England consisted of only one Duke, four Earls, one Viscount, and twenty-nine Barons, such numbers • having been slain in battle, put to death on the scaffold, or having fled from their native country to save their lives. During this session King Edward created his eldest brother, George Plan- tagenet, Duke of Clarence, and his youngest brother, Richard Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester. Lord Falconbridge he created Earl of Kent ; and Henry Bouchier, the brother of the Archbishop of Canter- bury, Earl of Essex. Also John, Lord Neville, the brother of the Earl of Warwick, he created first Vis- count Lord jATontague ; * likewise Lord Wenlock he created Baron Wenlock. Anthony Widville was sum- moned to this Parliament as Lord Scales. The Duke of Exeter had married King Edward's sister, who pre- ferred to remain with her brother rather than to share the misfortunes of her husband : the Duke having fol- lowed King Henry into Scotland, his estates were bestowed at this time on his Duchess. The new Earls of Kent and Essex, with the Lords Audley and Clinton, Sir John Howard, and others, were dismissed by King Edward, witli forces amount- ing to 10,000, to scour the seas. They landed in Brittany, assailed the town of Conquet, and the isle of ♦ This Lord Montague was rewarded with the earldom of Northumber- land, although the late Earl had left one son. t t 1461 Stow; Bee, but were repulsed by the inhabitants, who, headed by the Sire de Kimerch and Rosmadec, Ber- trand de Chaffault, and others, compelled them to retreat hastily to their vessels, after which they re- turned to England.* The vengeance of the Yorkists was still unsatisfied, even after so many bloody battles. Fresh victims were found after a diligent search, and every culprit was brought to a summary execution. Neither' old nor young were spared. The first of these was the aged Earl of Oxford, who was both wise and valiant, and of an unimpeachable character. He was arrested by John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, then Constable of England, and, without being allowed any trial, was sentenced to die, under pretence that he had cor- responded with Queen Margaret. He was beheaded on Tower Hill, on the 22nd of February, 1461 ; and at Sn the same time, and under the same charge, viz., of pfbyln.' having received letters from the Queen, were also executed on Tov/er Hill, Aubrey de Vere, the eldest son of the Earl of Oxford, Sir Thomas Tudenham,t Sir William Tyrrel, and Sir John Montgomery. ij: John Clopton was also arrested, but his life was spared. These and other cruelties distinguished the first year of the reign of King Edward IV., who rewarded his own adherents with the lands and effects of these victims. The Earl of Oxford had disputed in Parliament the question concerning the precedency of the Barons temporal and spiritual, a bold attempt in those days, and judgment was given in favour of the Lords * Sandford ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Stow ; Howel ; Milles's Catalogue ; Henry ; Allen's York ; Bridge's Northamptonshire ; Collinson's Somerset- shire ; W. of Worcester ; Sharon Turner ; Paston Letters ; HaUam ; IVIon- strelet ; Rapin ; Hume j Lingard ; Barrow ; Roujoux, Dues de Bretagne. t Or Tiddingham. J Or Walter Montgomery. 140 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. temporal, througli his arguments.-- This Earl had accompanied King Henry V. in his wars in France lie left one son, named John de Vere, then only nine months old. Another of King Henry's faithful adherents, Thomas de 1.00S, died this year, at Newcastle, after sharing the exde of his master, who had rewarded his services with an annuity of £40 for his life, out of the Earl of balisbury's forfeited estate. The battle of Towton had caused the confiscation of his property. His eldest son Edmund joined the Lancastrians, f At this time King Edward was at war with France Brittany, the Low Countries, and Scotland ; vet it was only respecting the last of these that he entertained any uneasiness. He justly expected that the Queen's active mmd would invent some fresh enterprise, and if supported by the Scottish chieftains' valour and num- bers, she would become truly formidable. To prevent this, he adopted the advice of the Earl of Douo-ks who had long been a refogee in England, and enjoyed an annual pension there, and who at this time recom- mended him to enter into a negotiation with the Earl ot Koss, Lord of the Isles.:}: This nobleman had revolted from King James and he at once concluded a treaty with the English monarch It was agreed that the Earl of Ross should lay waste the northern parts of Scotland with fire and sword • and by this treaty, it was stipulated that he should' with all his vassals, become the liege subjects of Ed- ward, and that if Scotland should be vanquished through t1^^^^' ^°''°'' ""™°-' stow ; 3IiUes-a Catalogue; Hume- Paston Letta. ; Barrow ; Henry ; W. of Worcester ; Fabyan , MonTele't. xolthX^onS;"!- ^"" ' ''"""''^^ ' ^^°^ ■■ "^"^^'^ '^""'•^ ^^^'-■^ MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 141 1462. 1462. this alliance, the northern part should be assigned to Ross, and the remainder to Douglas. Thus did King Edward seek to balance the influence of Henry VI. in Scotland, and by the invasion of the territories of King James to prevent his rendering him any eifectual assistance. AVe are even told that Edward purchased the fealty of the Earl of Ross by the payment of an annual pension, and that he also, to amuse the Queen Dowager, Mary of Scotland, made her a deceitful offer of marriage. In April, 1462, the Earls of Warwick and Essex, Lord Wenlock, the ]^^^^ Bishop of Durham, and others were sent on an embassy into Scotland, and at Dumfries met the Scottish Queen on this fruitless offer.* King Edward addressed a letter from Stamford on the 8th of March, 1462, to Thomas Cooke, whom he calls *' his trusty and well-beloved alderman of our " city of London." In this epistle he alludes to information he has re- ceived respecting the designs of his *' great adversary " Harry, nammg himself King of England, who through " the malicious counsel and excitation of Margaret his " wife,naming herself Queen of England, have conspired, " accorded, concluded, and determined with our out- *' ward enemies, as well of France, and Scotland, as of "other divers countries, that our said outward enemies " in great number shall in all haste to them possible " enter this our realm of England, to make in the same " such cruel, homble, and mortal war, depopulation, "robbery, and manslaughter as heretofore hath not "been used among Christian people, and with all ways " and means to them possible, to destroy utterly the "people, the name, the tongue, and all the blood " EngHsh of this our said realm ; insomuch that in the * Pinkerton : Ridpath ; Paston Letters ; Barrow ; Henry ; Lingard ; Hume ; W. of Worcester ; Rymer. 142 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. ^'^' said conspiracy, among other things, it is agreed and ^'' accorded by our said adversary Harry, moved thereto 1^' by the malicious and subtle suggestion and enticing " of the said malicious woman Margaret liis wife, thai " m case they shall and may perform this their mali- ^'^' cious and cruel purpose (which God forfend !), that 1^' then his uncle Charles of Anjou with the Frenchmen " shall have the nomination, rule, and governance of this "our realm aforesaid." King Edward continues his letter with stating, that " for the furtherance of their ^'^' wicked intent, the said Harry and Margaret his wife, II had granted to Louis de Valois, naming himself King II of France, a renunciation and release of the right and " title that the crown of England hath to the°croAvn I' and realm of France, and also to the duchies and I countries of Guienne ; and besides liath granted to I' the same intent to the Scots not only the town and II castle of Berwick, now by his deliverance occupied by the same Scots, and also a great part of our realm II of England. Which things diligently considered, it ^^ appeareth that the said Harry and Margaret his wife, II not only to us, but to all our realm and true liege ' people, have been mortal and cruel enemies " Kino- Edward continues, " We intending with all our mighl ^^ and power to resist our enemies, and in no wise to II spare our own person, body, or goods, neither refuse ^^ any peril for the defence of our reahn and of our true ^^ subjects ; we desire and pray you, in the most especial ^^ wise, that you, immediately upon the receipt of these ^|our letters assemble all the householders and in- ^ liabitants within your ward, as well citizens as ^_ foreigners,* and declare unto them the mahcious ^^ intent of our adversary and enemies, and exhort and pray them with such words of benevolence as shall for the country people to call the inhabitants of a distant village f orei^erf MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 143 r " be thought to you behoveful, that they, for the defence " and surety of themselves and of all this land, and m '' the eschewmg of the great and horrible mischiefs ''and inconveniences above rehearsed, will at this ''time, and in this great and urgent necessity, show " effectually and indeed their good will, zeal, and affec- "tion unto us, and to the common weal of this land " and prosperity of themselves. "Further, for the relief of the great charges^that we "must of necessity bear, they and every of them will " grant unto us certain sums of money, to be given of " their free will, and that they will not suffer wilfully "all this realm and themselves to perish and utterly be " destroyed ; that trusting in the infinite goodness and " righteousness of Almighty God, who hath declared for " our right and title, that ifour true and faithful subjects " will at this time apply themselves benevolently to " our desire in this behalf, that we shall so defend and " preserve them from such perils and mischiefs, and all " this land, that within a few days they shall have cause " to think that they never herebefore better expended " their money. Over this for your direction and more " speedy execution of this matter, we send you certain "instructions, praying you, that ye will effectually " labour to the accomplishment of our desire in this " behalf, and that ye fail not us, as ye desire the wel- "fare and prosperity of us, yourselves, and all this "land."* In this year, 1462, John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester, p^^^^ was appointed by King Edward to fill the office of Lord betters Treasurer, as he had done in the reign of King Henry.f It w^as about this time that the displeasure of the Yorkist King was evinced ag^iJnst the Bishop of Dur- ham ; he seized his temporalities, which he retained for two years ; when restored to him, the Bishop deserted * HalliweU's Letters. f Paston Letters. 1462. 144 MARGABET OF ANJOU. 4 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 145 1462. Hume. the Lancastrian cause, and was employed by Edward, who rewarded his services by making him Lord High Chancellor of England, in 1473. Afterwards he was translated to York.* Queen Margaret had repeatedly applied to the Court of France for assistance, but had received no effectual succours. Louis XL, who had lately succeeded his father King Charles upon the throne, was at this time exerting his political genius to subdue the independent spirit of his vassals ; and in this attempt had raised so great an opposition throughout his kingdom, that he found him- self unable to take any advantage of the divisions of the English nation. Nor was this monarch willing to afford Queen Margaret the assistance she required in money and troops, although he evinced great regard for her, and wished well to her cause. He even favoured the Lancastrians at the court of Rome, and in all the states of Europe, and promised this Queen an asylum in his dominions should she be obliged to quit her kingdom. This, however, he advised her not to leave, but at the utmost extremity. This King of France never concluded any treaty with King Henry, saying that it would be time enough to do^ so when the King of England had subdued his enemies and resumed his authority. The offers of the Yorkists were alike refused by Louis, who declared "it " was not a good quarrel," and that " the enterprise of a " subject who wishes to dethrone his sovereign, is neither *'just, reasonable, nor worthy of support." f At length, despairing of foreign aid. Queen Margaret resolved, in spite of fatigue or danger, to go in person to France, to sohcit the; assistance of her friends and * Dug-dale's Monasticon. The only act recorded of this bishop was that he built the gate of the college of Auckland, and adjoining edifices. + Hume ; Barante ; Madlle. Lussan. \i relatives. She left the King and Prince in Scotland, and sailed from Kirkcudbright, in Galloway, on the p^kertin. 16th of April (or, as some say, on the 28th of June), chahner's' 14G2, accompanied by the Duke of Somerset and a RoufouxT small retinue, in four vessels. They sailed between huTc'; ' Wales and Ireland, and upon landing at Ecluse, in ^^'''^' Brittany, the Queen was kindly and honourably 're- ceived by the Duke of Brittany. Compassionating her condition, he afterwards sent her a. present ol" 12,000 crowns, upon her arrival at Rouen, and even promised to furnish her with a squadron, in addition to those she might be able to collect with the help of her friends and relations.* The unfortunate Queen passed through Brittany, and thence proceeded to the city of Eouen. A regis- ter of^ this city gives the following account of Ihe Queen's reception : — ^^ "On Tuesday, the 13th of July, 1462, after " canonical hours, and towards evening, the Queen II Margaret of Anjou, wife of the King' of England, II Henry VL, arrived before the King our Lord, in I' this town of Rouen ; and was received with much II honour, by the gentlemen of ihe King's suite, the ''^^ counsellers, and others of the four-and-twenty of II the Council of this town, together with ten distin- II guished individuals of each quarter, who went forth ^'1 to meet that Queen on horseback, and met her on *| the road between Grammont and Sotteville ; and II the reception was given, and the oatli administered, " in obedience to the letters and commands of the " King, our Sire, by Germain Mancial, Knight, the " Lieutenant - General of the bailiwick of'^Rouen, " speaking on foot, by the side of his horse, to the * Carte ; Paston Letters ; Roujoux ; Hume ; PJdpath ; W. of Worcester • Daniel ; Henry ; Lobineau ; Pinkerton ; Lingard ; Tillet's Recueil des Rois • ^\ right's History of Scotland. * VOL. II. L 14G IIAEGAEET OF ^INJOU. said Queen ; and answer was made, and thanks " returned for the said Queen Margaret, by the Arch- ^'1 bishop of Narbonne, Master Antoine Crespin ; and '' this Queen was presented, and handed, and escorted '^|to her dwelHng, which was in tlie hotel of the " ' Golden Lion,' in face of the church of La Ronde "belonging to Regnault de Villene, barrister of " Rouen." * The first application whicli Queen Margaret made was to her father, the King of Sicily ; but Ren^ although abounding in nominal dignities, was in o-j-eat distress, and could not afford any succour to^ his daughter. He could only unite his earnest solicita- tions with those of the exiled Queen at the Court of France ; and he endeavoured to prevail upon all true knights to avenge the wrongs of the English monarch t Ihe unfortunate Queen had reason, at this period to feel sonie regret for the loss of King Charles VII her kind-hearted uncle, who had parted from her with such marked forebodings of misfortune, when she quitted her native country for England. How wel- come would have been his generous sympathy upon her return to France in such adverse circumstances » The death of King Charles had happened about a year before, and had been accelerated by the beha- viour of his son, who he believed had entertained a design to poison him, and, yielding to the fear and grief to which this conviction gave rise, he obstinately refused all nourishment, and died at the a"-e of sixtv. ° Charles VH. was one of the greatest monarchs ^^•ho had reigned over France. He had a heart anrl * Collection TJniverselle des Memoires particuliers relatif a I'Histoir,. A. rBiond °w ''/r ■ '"" " ""'^'"^^ °* '"^^ »"y of l^o-en ^"' '' .. V MAEGAEET OF ANJOTJ. 147 head equally well disposed ; he was religious, honest and upright, and selected good and great men to rule for him; he paid respect to and listened to their advice, which caused it to be said of him that he allowed himself to be governed. He loved his sub- jects, and taxed them but little. He easily forgave • but, when the offender happened to be one who ap- proached his person, after granting his pardon, he would never see that person again. Few reigns have been productive of so many great men, both political and warlike : Charles attached to himself these by his beneficence and goodness. After the defeat of the English nothing would have been wanting to his happmess, had not the conduct of the Dauphin dis- turbed his peace, and weakened his mind by grief The regrets and sorrow of his subjects for his loss form his best eulogy. ' The great events of the reign of Charles VII seem to contradict the opinion of the mediocrity of the genius of this prince ; who, driven from his throne at so early an age, and finding so many obstacles and difficulties, yet arrived at so much power and recovered his regal authority. If he did not act himself, he, at least, had great discernment in the choice of those who served him.* The Princes of the blood under the late reign had been accustomed to rule, or to contend for rule and they were ill-disposed to Charles VII., who was jealous of their power. These Princes saw the con- stitution verging to an absolute monarchy, in the direction of which they would have no share: the fear of such a calamity occasioned several attempts at rebellion during this reign, and gave rise to the war commonly called "du bien public." f The death of King Charles was soon followed by * ^'"^^'- t Hallam's Middle Ages. L 2 148 MAEGAKET OF ANJOU. that of his consort, Mary of Anjou. She was distm- guished by her virtue and prudence, but more especially by her moderation and patience under the rude trials to which her husband's infidelities subjected her. Such was her conduct that satire, so much in vogue in France, could not touch her reputation. She was exempt from the faults of the court of King Charles, and preserved the love of the people, the esteem of the courtiers, and even of Charles himself. It is related of ]\Iary of Anjou, that, when some persons noticed the irregular conduct of that King, and even attributed it to a weakness that she did not resent his infidelities, the Queen replied : "He is my lord, and " has all power over my actions, but I have none " over his." * Rene of Anjou was tenderly attached to his sister, who, indeed, by her behaviour to her husband, sTiowed herself to be a model for wives and princesses who in her sphere might find themselves in similar circum- stances. Strongly united to her husband while Kvina- she was no less inconsolable at his death, and in her widowhood wept daily at his tomb. The poor and unfortunate regarded her as a parent, and respect for her many virtues silenced the malignant. On her return from a pilgrimage Mary was taken ill, and died in the Abbev of Chatellier, in Poitou, on the 29th of October, 1463.t The son and successor of King Charles was not easily mfluenced by the claims of relationship, or alive to the intercessions of beauty in distress ; he was naturally selfish and unfeeling ; notwithstanding, he received the unhappy Queen at his court at Chinon, with apparent kindness. When Queen Margaret • Anquetil; Daniel ; Memoirs of Queens and Regents of France, t Moreri : Montstrelet ; IMonf aucon ; Daniel ; Villeneuve Bargemont • Godard Faultrier ; AnquetiL ' MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 149 urged her distressed condition, and with earnest en- treaties besought him to assist her dethroned hus- band and her helpless son, she found him deaf to her arguments, and unwilling to grant her any supplies, until she promised to deliver up to him the town and castle of Calais, should she, by his means, be restored to the throne. Upon this assurance, Louis engaged to lend Queen Margaret 20,000 crowns, and to fiirnish her with a small body of troops, amounting to 500 men-at-arms, Avho, with their usual attendants, comprised a force of 2,000 men. These were to be under the command of Pierre de Breze, Grand Seneschal of Normandv. The agi-eement, signed at Chinon, on the 23rd of June, 14G2, was to this effect :— " :\Iargaret, Queen of Eng- 'Mand, being empowered by the King of England, " Henry VI., her husband, acknowledges the sum of "twenty thousand Hvres, lent to her by the King " Louis XL, to the restitution of which she obhges " the town and citadel of Calais, promising that as '' soon as the king, her husl)and, shall recover it, he " will appoint there as Captain, his brother Jasper, " Count of Pembroke, or her cousin, Jean de Foix, *' Count of Caudale, who will engage to surrender the '' said town to King Louis XL, within one year, as his " own, or pay to the said King Louis XI. forty thou- ''' sandx>oun(ls (double the amount of the loan)." De Breze had already been distinguished as a brave general, and had enjoyed the royal favour in the pre- ceding reign. He had been made Governor of Rouen after the defeat of Somerset, but having incun-ed the displeasure of the present King, had been throwTi into prison. Louis now gave him his libertv, on condition that he should engage in the service of King Rene, and conduct this expedition into England. It is said, that the French King hoped by these means to 1462. Pinkerton. 150 MAKGAEET OF ANJOU. get rid of him, having furnished him with forces so inadequate to the enterprise.* The crafty Louis, not thinking it to liis interest to espouse the cause of the Lancastrians openly, per- mitted notwithstanding, a secret treaty to be ^i^tered into between Queen Margaret and Pierre de Brez^, by Jhich It was agreed "that, in consideration of the ^^ assistance he should bring to King Henry, her ^^ husband, the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, ^^ and others, adjoining, should be made over to him ^^ and his heirs for eyer, to hold them independently of the crown of England." This reward, which has been considered yastly disproportionate to any seryice the Count might be able to render, could never be Mly bestowed upon him ; it was therefore jud-ed necessary that^ Breze, in taking possession of these islands, should do it by surprise, making his act appear to the world as unpremeditated. Yet even then, the Count could never fully obtain possession of tliem, as will appear in the sequel. It is not difficult to perceive by this treaty, and the secret part taken in it by Louis XL, the^reat importance of these islands at that period, nor can It be supposed that the Norman baron would have been permitted to hold his acquisitions independently of the French crown ; and some have said, that it can scarcely be doubted that he acted under the guidance of the King of France. However this may have been, it is certain that Pierre de Breze speedily assembled 2,000 veterans, which he had the greatei' iacihty in doing, having already been engaged in the wars of France. AVith this body of soldiers he passed de F^T'i^tl L.f 7 M ^^"^'"^'^ Particuliers relatif a rHistoire Chartres ' "" ' ""''^^ '' ^'^^^^^^ ; Female Worthies ; Tresor des MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 151 over into England, where he rendered all the services in his power to the cause of Queen Margaret. The Count, meanwhile, to secure the reward of 'his services, which indeed were great (for he did all it was possible for him to do, in the support of a sinking cause), sent a Norman gentleman named Surdeval, with a sufficient force, to take possession of Mount Orgueil Castle, the commander of which had received secret orders from the Queen to deliver it up. As it had been preconcerted, the French arrived in the night, when the garrison was unprepared for resist- ance, and the commander was taken in his bed, in order that to the world it might appear as a surprise, rather than a premeditated treachery.* AVhile at the French Court, Queen Margaret had the mortification of beholding the ambassadors of King Edward, who were negotiating a truce, well received and frequently admitted to audience. The Lancastrian Queen was doubtless an un- welcome visitor, and it was on this account that Louis XL gave her some troops ; he promised, how- ever, further supplies, and gave orders that all the adherents of the House of Lancaster should be well received in his dominions. After her tedious and almost fruitless application, which occupied this Queen at least five months, she at length set sail for England, in October,f 1462, having w.lfwor- witli her only the small forces granted her from ^^n France, and which were scarcely deserving the name Letters ; of an army ; indeed she seemed so poorly attended, Barrow. that it was remarked she had scarcely a sufficient retinue for so great a Princess. It must not here be omitted to state that during: this visit of Queen Margaret to France, and while * Falle's Jersey ; Warner's Hampshire ; Plees's Jersey ; Inglis's Channel Islands : Crutwell's Tour through Great Britain, t Jean de Troye says it was November. 152 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 1462. Ridpath ; Henrj' ; Lingard ; W. of Wor cester. Staying at the court of Louis XI. at Chinon, she became sponsor to the only son of the ransomed poet, tlie Duke of Orleans, and his wife Mary of Cleves. The child was named Louis by the King of France, who stood godfather, and became long afterwards Louis XII.* ^ King Edward had guarded the seas, with the inten- tion of waylaying the Queen, on her return from France, but she succeeded, after a rough passage, in landing at Tynemouth. Here Queen Margaret un- furled her standard, and invited the Scottish allies, and the friends of her family, to rally around her ; and she was, at this time, once more cheered by a transitory gleam of hope in the success of her cause. She was, however, disappointed in her expectation that the people of Northumberland would declare for her ; for they had heard that King Edward's army of 2o',000 men, commanded by the Earl of Warwick, was' ap- proaching, so that finding the Queen had but few auxiliaries from the continent, they remained for the most part quiet. Thus Queen Margaret only succeeded in taking the castles of Bamborough, Dunstanburg and Alnwick. This last surrendered through the want of provisions. Some write that the castle of Warkworth was also taken. The care of Alnwick Castle was en- trusted to the son of Pierre de Breze, Lord Hungerford, Robert Whittingham, and others, having a garrison of three hundred men. During the time of these sieges the King was staying at Durham.! When the Earl of Warwick arrived in the north with his army of 20,000, and intelligence was brought of King Edward's approach with an equal number, the Lancastrians separated; some to gai'rison the castles * Biondi; W.of Won-^ter: Tillet's Recueil des Rois ; Duclos ; Fabvan • Pinkerton; Ridpath; Monstrelet : Baker; Bodin : Rapin; Henry; cite ' Fasten Letters ; Femmes Celebres : PhiUp de Comines ; Hume ; Barante ' Darnel ; Jean de Trove : Lin^rd : Barrow. t Some writers say the Queen advanced as far as Durham. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 153 cester. they had just taken," whilst others, with the French auxiliaries, retired with the Queen on board their ships v/ith great precipitation. i^^^. Within a few hours after their departure from Tyne- w. of Wor- mouth, they encountered a severe storm. The Queen's "" * " vessel was separated from the other ships, and it was not without the utmost exertions that it was brought into the Tweed, and reached Berwick. The remainder of this little fleet had dispersed towards Bamborough, where the Frenchmen would have landed, but Lord Ogle and Sir John Manners, at the head of some troops, prevented them. Upon this they retired to the little isle of Lindisfarne, but were pursued thither by Lord Ogle and his followers, who completely defeated them, slew five hundred, and took the rest prisoners, Pierre de Breze only excepted, who escaped in a fisherman's boat to Berwick. Li this wreck Queen Margaret lost all the treasure which she had obtained from the King of France. After these continued misfortunes the Queen gave up the care of defending her castles, now be- sieged by the Yorkists, to the Duke of Somerset, Pierre de Breze, and others of her party, while she withdrew with her husband and son to Edinburo:h : and there, for some time, they continued to reside. They seemed left almost alone, deprived of friends, of money, and even of hope. The cause of the Red Rose appeared, indeed, to be desperate, but it was still supported by the courage and intrepidity of Queen Margaret.f • At one of these castles, viz. Bamboroug-h, when the garrison was taken by the Queen's forces, Sir William Tunstall was taken, and in danger of being beheaded- His brother, Richard Tunstall, at this time bore arms for the Queen against him. t Sandford ; Baker : Ridpath : Henry ; Lingard : Female Worthies ; Fabyan ; Biondi ; Pinkerton ; W. of Worcester : Stow ; London Chron. ; Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland ; Rapin ; Sharon Turner ; Howel ; Mackenzie's Newcastle ; Monstrelet ; Duclos ; Paston Letters ; Carte. 154 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 146S. Vaston Letters. Kiug Edward had advanced as far as Newcastle wlien, hearing of Queen Margaret's shipwreck, he returned to Loudon. Another account is that the Kmg was compelled to withdraw, being visited by the small-pox. The Earl of ^yarwick had been made commander of the forces of the Yorkists after the battle of Towton and had received the title of Warden of the East and "W est Marches. This Earl divided his army into three bodies, and besieged at the same time the three castles of Bamborough, Dunstanburg, and Alnwick. The besieged made au obstinate resistance, and disijlayed much valour.*^ Bamborough Castle had been entrusted to the care of the Duke of Somerset, the Eari of Pembroke Lord Eoos, and Sir Ralph Percy, with a garrison of 300 men. Sir Richard Tunstall, and some others of less note, defended Dunstanburg Castle with 120 men The Lords .Montague, Ogle, Arundel, and manv others, ad- vanced against Bamborough with an armv of 1 000 men, and besieged it ; while the Earl of Worcester'and Sir Ralph Grey, with 10,000, assailed the castle of Dunstanburg. Meanwhile the Earl of Kent Lords Scales,t Powis, Cromwell, and Baron Greystock, with 10,000 men, assisted at the siege of Alnwick ' This ^stle was held by the son of Breze, with the Lords Hungerford and "Whittingham. The Earl of Warwick, taking up his residence at Warkworth Castle, three miles fi-om Alnwick dailv superintended these sieges, sending provisions to the besiegers, and other supplies. The Duke of Norfolk had also been placed at Newcastle, to assist the Earl of \\ arwick, and send to him the ordnance. T •* ^^^^t. '■ ^'^'^° ^*^"^ ' ^''^^^ ■• ^^- «f Worcester ; Stow • Hnme • Lm^ ; Sharon Turner ; HL4. Toplis ; Hume ; Lin^'ani ; Heaiy ; Ciirie. with all the forces he had ready, to oppose the Queen, while he remained to collect a large army, both by sea and land. He issued a proclamation, commanding every man, from the age of sixteen to sixty, through- out the kingdom, to be ready to march against his enemies, at a day's notice. At length, having as- sembled a powerful army, and having with him a splendid train of nobility, he set out from London, and arrived at York about the end of Ma v.* Queen Margaret, meanwhile, traversed the north of England, plundering and ravaging w^herever she went. Lord Montague had advanced as far as Durham, where he halted for several days ; and when he had received a reinforcement from King Edward, proceeded in quest of the Queen's army. He met a detachment of her forces, commanded by the Lords Roos and Hungerford, at Hedgeley Moor, near Wooler, on the 20th t of April, 14G4. The Lancastrians, witii only 500, defended themselves against this attack with great bravery, but were, at last, defeated. The courageous Sir Ralph Percy was killed. His last words were, ''I have saved the bird in my bosom," in allusion to his loyalty to King Henry. A stone pillar, having the Percy arms rudely cut upon it, marks the spot where this action took place. Roos and Hunger- ford escaped to the Queen. Much elated at his success, Montague resolved to have the honour to himself of Queen Margaret's defeat, before King Edward could possibly join him. He, therefore, boldly advanced to attack her, with an army of 4,000 men. The Lancastrians, who had but 500 men, commanded by the Duke of Somerset, encamped on a plain called the Linnels,:|: on the south bank of • Sandford; Stow: Ridpath; Baker; Henry; Hapin ; Allen's York. t Toplis and ethers say it was on the 25th of ApriL 1 Or Lennolds, where the line of entrenchment is still visible. MAEGARET OF AXJOU. 165 the Devil's Water,* near Hexham, where they awaited the approach of their enemies. These soldiers were emboldened by the presence of King Henry, whose only hope of restoration to the throne depended, as they well knew, on the success of this battle ; there- fore, when the contest began, they fought desperately. This engagement took place on the 15th of May, 1464. The Queen's forces were taken by surprise by Lord Montague, who, marching by night, attacked them in their trenches, before they knew of his ap- proach, and a long and bloody battle ensued. The skill and bravery of Montague enabled him, at last, to gain a complete victory. King Henry owed his safety to the fleetness of his steed.f He fled to the Castle of Harlech, in Wales, which fortress was still held by Davydd ap Jevan ap Eynion, who, in defiance of re- peated acts of attainder, refused to yield to King Edward. The Duke of Somerset was taken prisoner as ho fled from the field of battle, and was immediately beheaded at Hexham. The Lords Roos and Hunger- ford, whose personal bravery and unwavering attach- ment to their unfortunate monarch deserved a better fete, were discovered, the following day, in a w^ood, and w^ere executed, with many of their followers, at Newcastle. On account of the illustrious dignity of his family. Lord Hungerford's body was, by permission, removed to Salisbury, and there interred in the north aisle of the cathedral. The Duke of Somerset was buried in the Abbey, at Hexham. From this Duke, as it is sup- posed, the name of Duxfield was given to a field near the scene of action. * This has been contracted into Dils water by some writers. t Biondi ; Stow ; Toplis ; Howel ; Wright's Hist, of Hexham ; Holinshed Ridpath : Hutchinson's Durham ; Gent.'s Magazine ; Carte ; Rymer ; Rapin Hume ; Lingard ; Femmes C^lebres ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Henry 1464. Stow ; Toplis ; Allen's York ; Hume ; Henrj- ; Lingard ; Sharon Turner ; Kvnier. 1464. Holinshed. 166 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Tlie prisoners taken and beheaded with the Duke were the Lords Basse, Molens, Wentwortli, Hussey, and Sir John Findern, knight. There were also others decapitated; viz., Edward Fysshe, knight, Bluke Jukes, John Bryce, and Thomas Hunt ; and,' within a short period afterwards, other executions fol- lowed, at York and other places. The victims were twenty-five in number, who, having escaped from the field of battle, had secreted themselves, but were dis- covered by the Yorkists. Of these were Sir Richard Tunstall and "William Taylbois, Earl of Kyme, who was apprehended at Eiddesdale, brought to Newcastle, and beheaded. Sir Humphrey Neville was taken in Holdemess, and lost his head at Y^ork, as did also John Botler, knight, and others. Nothing but utter extermination appeared to be the purpose of the victors. Unhappily, they found but too plausible an excuse for this in the previous example of the Lancastrians. King Edward bestowed all the estates of his victims on his own followers.* After the battle of Hexham, Queen Margaret had immediately separated herself from the King, her husband, in order that she might be better aWe to conceal herself in England, while she awaited an opportunity to embark for the continent, as she feared any longer to trust the Scots. Once more a fugitive with her son, without resource, and apparently in worse circumstances than those in which she had ever before been placed, she was com- Sharon Turner ; Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland ; Fabyan • Pol. Vergil. ' *Lingard: Holinshed ; Biondi ; Toplis : Stow; Baker: Pol Ver^U • Sandiord ; MiUes's Catalogue ; W. of Worcester ; Ridpath : Bridge's Northamptonshire ; Kapin ; Carte ; Collinson's Somersetshire ; 3Ionstrelet • Barante ; Paston Letters : Barrow ; Allen's York : Historical View of JSorthumberland ; Sharon Turner ; Henry ; Hume ; Fabyan MARGARET OP ANJOU. 167 (d ' pelled to seek shelter and concealment in the adjacent forest. Her adventures that night were so romantic as to raise the tone of history, and while they form an interesting digression from all the honours of the battle-field, they exhibit the energetic character of Queen ]\Iargaret, whose noblest phase appeared in this her greatest peril. The dark recesses of Hexham forest, and the rocky banks of the river Devil, had been the retreat of a ruffian horde, who, during this period of civil strife, found a plea for their abandoned life in neglected laws| and the example of their superiors. A band of these ruffians met the Queen while she was wandering, with her little son, in the darkness of the night, and un- awed by her rank, and untouched by pity for her sex or situation, they seized her, stripped her of her jewels, and would have treated^herVith'greater indignity, had not^ a quarrel arisen amongst the banditti about the division of their spoil. From words iliey proceeded to blows, which afforded the unhappy Queen, (who trem- bled for her.life, and that of her son,) an opportunity to escape. She pursued her flight across the forest, carrying her child in her arms. She wandered on,' -although oppressed with fatigue and hunger, and al- most overcome with terror and anxiety, when another robber crossed her path, with his sword drawn ; but the great soul of Queen Margaret would never succumb under any accumulation of misfortunes. In this moment of exigence she approached the man, assuming an air of confidence, and presenting her son, she exclaimed, '' Here, my friend, I entrust to your care the safety of "your King's son." Impulse is often unerring; the Queen's confidence was not misplaced. The robber, who had been outlawed for adhering to the House of Lancaster, still retained a humane and generous spirit, which had not been destroyed by his licentious course 168 MAEGAKET OP ANJOU. fjf' ■ ?^?%"f ^Pfcted appeal to his feelings, joined to he sight of Ins Queen and his Prince in distress and the beautj and dignity of the unhappy Margaret completely softened his heart. He instantly accS the sacred trust reposed in him ; he swore to refrah! hdel% He assisted the Queen to a secure but rrt t{ ', ''''''"' '^' ^■*^™^'"<^^ ^""^^'^led with the Z.J V "I °V"'^"»^^ ^"^'^'"^^ the name of ^e Queens Cave." Its roof was supported by a formed part of a wall, and divided the cave lon^i^ tudmally, to accommodate the Queen and her son This cave has been described by an author who in' 182^ visite It as follows:-" The Queen's Cav; L be"' ^^ neath the southern bank of the little river exactlv ^^ opposite the farm-house on the Black Hill. Its'situa- tion IS extremely secluded. An idea of the Queen's accommodation m this wretched retreat may be con! . ceivedfrom its present extent, which does not exceed 31 feet m length, and 14 feet in breadth, while the height wdl scarcely allow of a person standing up! • If f remannng m this melancholy seclusion n the forest for some time, the robber conductedTer in safety to a vil age on the sea-coa^t. She was then received for a time by Sir Ralph Grey into Bam borough Castle and thence sailecf for th/cient "' Many indeed were the victims to party resentment yet we are told that the Earls of Montague and War- wick were empowered to receive rebels to mercy, upon their submission. They were also permitted to reward out of the estates of the rebels, such as might serv^ uiig Edward faithfully in reducing the northern castles! which were st.ll m the hands of the Lancastrians. row , ± einale Worthies ; W nght's Hist, of Hexham. MABGARET OF ANJOU. 169 King Edward, at this time, made an extraordinary grant to tlie citizens of York ; by which it would appear that they had greatly favoured this monarch's cause. The patent, dated at York the 10th of June, 14G4, ex- presses the King's concern for the sufferings and hard- ships the city had undergone during these wars, and for the poverty which they had occasioned, on account of which he not only relinquished his usual demands upon that city, but assigned it for the twelve succeed- ing years, an annual rent of £40, to be paid from the Customs of Hull.* The fortunate Montague met the King on Trinity Sunday at Y^ork, who rewarded him with the earldom of Northumberland, and the estates and honours be- longing to Sir Ralph Percy. He then dismissed him, with his brother the Earl of Warwick, and the Lords Scroop and Fauconbridge, to recover the places which still remained in the possession of the Lancastrians. They quickly regained the castles of Dunstanburg and Alnwick. That of Bamborough, where Queen Mar- garet and many of the Lancastrian adherents had taken refuge with Sir Ralph Grey, was closely besieged. This fortress was strong enough to defend Itself, and the siege continued until July, but a wall accidentally falling on the commander, placed the life of Su' Ralph Grey in great danger, and his adherents finding themselves left to their own discretion, im- mediately surrendered the castle, on condition of pardon from the King. They made no stipulation for the life of their commander, who only recovered from the severe contusions he had received to suffer the punishment of his desertion from Edward. He ugi had no hopes of pardon. He was led into the presence ^*^^' of the incensed monarcli, at Doncaster, and Lord ^^;' Worcester, a ready minister of King Edward's cruel- HuThiL * Ridpath ; Baker ; Carte ; AUen's York. son. 170 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1464. Lingard. ties, pronoimced his sentence, which was speedily exe- cuted. His knightly spurs were struck off, the heralds in attendance took from him his coat of arms, which they reversed, and compelled him to wear them thus to the place of execution ; they also broke his sword over his head. Thus disgraced, he was conducted to the end of the town, where the executioner terminated his earthly sufferings. This knight, and Sir Humphrey Neville, were the only exceptions to the general pardon which King Edward had offered to all those who had been in arms against him. From Bamborough the Earl of Warwick advanced to Berwick. He took the town, and laid waste the adjacent country. He then burnt the towns of Jed- burg,^ Lochmaban, and others, taking revenge of flie Scottish borderers, to whom probably the late inroad into England was mainly attributable.* In the escape of the unfortunate Henry VI. from the battle of Hexham, he was so closely pursued, that three of his servants who accompanied him, and rode on his horses of state, were taken prisoners. They were dressed in gowns of blue velvet, and one of them carried King Henry's cap of state, called " Abacot,"t adorned with two rich crowns of gold, and ornamented with pearls, which was taken immediately to King Edward, and with which this monarch caused himseff to be crowned with great solemnity at York. Many writers affirm that King Henry, after the battle of Hexham, returned to Scotland, where he found a temporary asylum.J This report seemed to be pro- * Biondi ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Rymer : Baker ; Ridpath • Hutchinson's Durham; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Henry; Historical View of JSorthumberland. t This word" Abacot," Spelman says, signified "a royal cap, ensigned with two crowns," which, doubtless, were those of England and France An ,"^^1 ^^^^^ ' HoHnshed ; Fabyan ; Grafton ; Lingard ; Pinkerton • AUen s lork ; Henry ; Barrow MARGARET OF ANJOU. 171 bable, as the interval between the two last battles had been passed by him in that country. Subsequently, however, he went southward, and arrived in a part of the country called Craven, then but little known ; or, as others affirm, at the castle of Harlech. The Scots had hitherto shown much affection for the House of Lancaster, but the issue of the late battle of Hexham had rendered their cause more irretrievable, and had cooled the ardour and friendship of these allies. The Earl of Warwick had, in the preceding year, with consummate art shaken the attachment of Mary of Gueldres to the interests of Henry by proposing her marriage with King Edward, and the Scottish Queen met that nobleman at Dumfries on the subject ; she even advanced as far as Carlisle to hasten the negotiations, and at this place she was met by some of the chief nobility of England. Mary's doubtful repu- tation, however, and the ruin of King Henry's affairs, occasioned this match to be broken off, and the mortified Queen fell a victim to her feelings. She died in the flower of her age, on the 16th of November, 1463.* The English and Scotch ambassadors met at York, and concluded a truce for one year, which was after- wards prolonged to fifteen years. By this treaty, it was agreed that the Scots should abandon the cause of King Henry, and no longer afford protection to this monarch, to his Queen, his son, or to any of their followers. King Edward resigned the friendship of the Earl of Douglas in order to confirm this treaty. | Another truce was concluded by King Edward, which was also for one year ; this was with Louis XL The * Pinkei-ton : W. of Worcester ; Lingard ; Gent.'s Mag., Mil ; Paston Letters. t Douglas was afterwards seized by bis countrymen, and thrown into prison, where he remained until his death in 1488. 112 MilEGAEET OF ANJOtT. H6J. Duke of Burgundy likewise renewed tlie truce of com- merce witli England and the Low Countries, and it was finally agreed that these several kings and rulers should lend no assistance to their respective enemies. I his truce was to continue until the year 1467 The conclusion of this truce had been somewhat hindered by the Count of Charolois, who showed much favour to the party of Queen Margaret.* After these reverses Queen Margaret sailed, with her son Prmce Edward, from Bamborough to Sluvs m Flanders. The Queen was accompanied in her Hight from England by Edmond Duke of Somerset and_ his brother, John Beaufort, their elder brother having been beheaded at Hexham ; also by the Duke ot Exeter Pierre de Brez^, Sir John Fortescue, Edmond Mundford, E. Hampden, Henry Eoos Thomas Ormonde, Robert Whittingham, knights' John Morton, Robert iVIackeret, doctors, besides manv other knights and gentlemen, and also some ladies'- the number amounting to about two hundred. They all armed at Sluys in safety.! From thence Queen Margaret proceeded with her son to Bniges where she was honourably received.^ Leaving Prince Ed- ward at this place, she passed on to Lisle, where she was hospitably entertained by the Count of Charolois, who, being descended bv his mother's side from the House of Lancaster, showed her real kindness. From Lisle the Queen went to Bethune, to hold a conference with Philip " the Good," Duke of Bur- gundy, the father of the Count of Charolois, and the most magnificent prince of his age. Being at this nlrS'^^^;^^:^.,''''"'^^'' ^-^' ^"'P-"^^ Paston Letters ; B^r^te^R^^ oMVorcesto : I5..ker ; Ridpath ; Pinkerton , Lmgard , caraBte ; Henry ; Hume : Femmes CelSbres. ^ Jlonstrelct ; Baudier. MAEGAEET OF ANJOL'. 173 . , time at St. Pol, the Duke dismissed a party of horse to escort Queen Margaret tliither, and to protect her against tlie excursions of the garrison of Calais. They safely lodged her near the Carmelites. The Duke received her with much outward dis- tinction and respect, generously overlooking the ani- mosities which had existed between their families, in order to afford her all the succours she required in her present distress. AVlien introduced to the Duke, Queen Margaret, in the most pathetic manner, related to him her misfortunes and the loss of her kingdom, and besought him to assist her in the recovery of her possessions ; but, while the Duke sought to console the unhappy Queen, he refused to listen to her solicitations in favour of her husband. He gave her, however, a supply of money for her present expenses ; it is said that he bestowed upon her 2,000 crowns of gold ;'and gave, at the same time, 1,000 to Pierre de Breze (called the Lord of Varennes), who had shared her misfortunes, and 100 also to each of the ladies who had attended her. The Duke also furnished her with an escort to the duchy of Bar, in Lorraine, which belonged, at this time, to her brother, the Duke of Calabria. Queen Margaret re- gretted much that she had not earlier thrown herself upon the generosity of this noble Duke, thinking that her affairs might have been more prosperous.* At length she settled, with her son and her principal followers, in the Castle St. Michel, in Barrois, which, with the estate annexed to it, was bestowed upon her by her father, Rene of Anjou. From this period Queen Margaret remained for several years secluded from the world; yet she still watched with anxiety the course of events, sustained with the hope of one * W. of Worcester ; Rot. Pari. ; Monstrelet ; Baudier ; Rapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Female^Worthies. 174 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. day being able to place lier husband or lier son on the English throne.* In her retirement she did not fail to exert all her influence with the friends of her family, to persuade them to assist her in some future effort to wrest the crown from Edward; and her active mind was, doubtless, forming continually new schemes to effect this object. She was also employed in the education of her son, a most promising boy, who had for his preceptor Sir John Fortescue, the greatest lawyer of that period, and w^ho has been described as " the " ornament of his honourable profession," and " as one " of the most learned and best men of the age in ''which he flourished." Sir John had been made Chief Justice of the King's Bench in 1442, and presided in that court many years with wisdom and integrity. His attachment to his sovereign had caused him to be attainted of high treason by King Edward, in 1461 ; and, after sharing the misfortunes of his master when he fled into Scotland, he was there made Lord Chancellor, an office, nevertheless, which he was unable to fulfil. He followed Queen Margaret to her retreat in France ; and there sought to soothe and cheer her solitude, by assisting her with his counsels, and superintending the education of her son. It was for the instruction of the young Prince of Wales that he composed, during his exile, his excellent little treatise " De laudibus legimi Angliae.^t The following passage shows the author's motives for undertaking this work, and his zeal as pre- ceptor, and exhibits a good specimen of this excellent work, which blends religion and morality so admirably with the laws, in explaining them to the young prince, of whose habits it gives us some idea. * W. of Worcester ; Pinkerton ;;i Henry ; Lingard ; Hume, t Pinkerton ; Morant ; Lingard ; Henry. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 175 ' (( (( u u (<: u u (( u ii u u a a a (( u li ti u u a a a u a ii u it ti a " The Prince, shortly after growing to man's estate, applied himself wholly to feats of arms, much delighting to ride upon wild and unbroken horses, not sparing with spurs, to break their fierceness. He practised also sometimes with the pike, and sometimes with the sword, and other warlike weapons, after the manner and guise of warriors, according to the use of martial discipline, to assail and strike his companions, that attended upon his person ; which thing, when a certain ancient knight, being Chancellor to the aforesaid King of England, saw, who also in the miserable time did there remain in exile, he spake thus to the Prince : "Your singular towardness, most gracious Prince, maketh me right glad, when I behold how earnestly you do embrace martial feats ; for, it is convenient for your grace to be thus delighted, not only, for that you are a soldier, but much rather, for that you shall be a kino^. For it is the office and dutv of a king, to fight the battles of his people, and also rightly to judge them, as in the eighth chapter of the First Book of Kings, you are plainly taught. Wherefore I would wish your grace, to be, w^ith as earnest zeal, given to the study of the laws, as you are to the knowledge of arms, because, that like as wars by force of chivalry are ended, even so judg- ments by the laws are determined. Which thing Justinian the Emperor, well, and wisely, and ad- visedly pondering, saith thus : It behoveth the imperial majesty, not only to be guarded with arms, but also to be armed with laws, to the end that he may be able rightly to execute, the government of both times, as well of war as of peace. Howbeit, for your most earnest endeavour to the study of the law, the exhortation of the chiefest law maker, Moses, sometime captain of the synagogue, ought 176 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. "to be of much more force witli you, than the words " of Justinian ; whereas, in the seventh chapter of " Deuteronomy, he doth, by the authority of God, " strictly charge the kings of Israel to be readers " of the law, all the days of their life ; saying " thus : When the king shall sit upon the princely " seat of his kingdom, he shall write him out this *' law in a book, taking the copy there of the priests, " the Levites ; and he shall have it with him, and "he shall read it all the days of his life, that he " may learn to fear the Lord his God, and to keep " His commandments and ordinances, written in this " law. And Hel^nandus, expounding the same, saith "thus: *A prince, therefore, must not be ignorant of " the law, neither is it tolerable that he, under the " pretence of warfare, should be unskilful in the law/ " And a little after, he is commanded, saith he, * to "receive the copy of the law *of the priests, the " Levites, that is to say, of Catholic and learned men.' " Thus much he : for the book of Deuteronomy is " the book of the laws, wherewith the kings of Israel " were bound to rule and govern their subjects. This " book doth Moses command kings to read, that " they may learn to fear God and keep his com- " mandments, which are written in the law."* It may be conjectured that it was at this time of Queen Margaret's retirement from the world, when, doubtless, she occasionally indulged in a melancholy retrospect of the past, or dwelt with painful interest on the condition of her meek and patient consort, whose separation from her, and incarceration, must have been a source of grief to her, that the little volume called "Le petit Bocace " was written for her diversion. This rare manuscript was composed by George Fortescue De Laudibus Lcgum Angliae. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 177 Chastelain, historiographer to the Dukes of Burgundy esteemed one of the best writers of his times ; and was written at Tours.* It is in the form of dialogues between Jehan Bocace and the Queen, introducing subjects of moral and religious contemplation, calcu- lated to dispose the mind to resignation under the reverses of fortune. " C'est cy le temple de Bocace " Miroir pour tous tirans de la terre, " Auquel la reyne d'Angleterre " C'est venu plaindre a triste face." f Queen JMargaret obtained much consideration amongst her own countrymen and kindred; but when she received the news of the capture of King Henry, she departed secretly to the court of King Rene, her father, with whom she remained until, through another revolution in her favour, she was enabled once more to reappear in England. This was her last attempt.^ The scanty documents relating to the exile of this Queen, and of her residence with the good King Rene,,, afford but little information respecting her tastes and occupations during this season of seclusion and melan- choly .^ Neither do we learn how far she was able to participate in the recreations of her respected parent, or solace herself by the society of her friends and kindred. By the latter she was always esteemed and had much attention shown her. We may instance a little note to be found in the archives of Milan, dated Chartres, May 5th, 14G7. " Giovanni Pietro Panicherolla to the Duchess and " Duke of Milan. " The Marquis de Pont, son of the Duke John, has * MS. of the fifteenth century, dated 1498. t MS. in the library of the late Lord Stuart de Rothsay. t Sandford. VOL. II. N ^ 178 MABGAEET OF ANJOU. ** quitted Nanci, in Lorraine, and is gone to visit his " aunt, late Queen of England, who has also with- " drawn into Lorraine, with a son of hers, aged thir- " teen, having no other place of refuge. She is subse- " quently to come and reside here at the court." * It was while in attendance on the Queen and Prince at St. Michel-in-Barrois, in Lorraine, that Sir John Fortescue wrote to the Earl of Ormond, then in Por- tugal. In his letter he does not speak of himself as Chancellor, but merely as one of the knights who were at that time with the Queen. Their means of living must have been much straitened, for Sir John speaks of their great poverty, and adds, '' but yet the Queen sus- " teyneth us in mete and drinke, so as Ave be not in '' extreme necessity." Another letter was also sent from Prince Edward to the same nobleman, urging him to intercede with the King of Portugal, to assist King Henry in the recovery of his kingdom, and subduing of his enemies. I The tastes of Prince Edward, so different from those of his father, and his love of martial exploits, seem almost an inheritance from his maternal grandfather Ren6, at w^hose court he probably found encouragement for his favourite amusements. Chivalry, although on the decline in Europe, was still maintained in its original character in the province of Anjou, by King Rene, of whom Bourdigne says, "his gentle and chivalrous " heart delighted in knightly deeds " — that the young prince must have been stimulated by the picturesque observances of chivalry ; and his tutor tells us that he grew up " in a warlike spirit, and was a gallant horse- *' man, and expert in the use of the lance." Queen Margaret, however, had resolved that her son should not only become a martial character, but receive * Sforza's Archives of Milan. t Archaeological Journal ; Fosse's Lives of the Judges. 1 1 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 179 an education of a superior kind, and with this intent had placed him in his early childhood under the care of Sir John Fortescue, to whom no little honour was due for his diligent instructions in the free institutions of his native land. Much praise is also due to Queen ]\Iargaret for her choice of such a preceptor for her son ; for although brought up in arbitrary doctrines, her enlightened mind had led her to desire that her son should be filled with noble and liberal sentiments. At this period of her seclusion from public life, the care of her son's education must have afforded no small satis- faction to the mind of the dejected Queen. When we consider how the fortitude of Margaret sustained in her breast the constant hope and desire for the restora- tion of her husband, or the future establishment of her son on the throne, her perseverance in renewing every possible friendly aid to this end, her grief at the King's imprisonment, and the extreme distress and ruin of her true and constant adherents, we should find it difl&cult to pronounce, as some writers have done, this period of our heroine's existence, which she passed with her father and her son at Angers, as the happiest of Queen Margaret's life. The most considerable noblemen attached to the interests of the Lancastrians, amongst whom were the Duke of Somerset, his brother, the Duke of Exeter, and others, who had all escaped with Queen Margaret to the Low Countries, suffered great distress. Fearing that their rank being discovered, would cause them to be delivered up to King Edward, these noblemen en- dured, during their exile, all the extremities of want and poverty. It is related that the Duke of Exeter, whose wife was sister to King Edward, was seen following the train of the Duke of Burgundy, bare-footed and bare- legged, and begging his bread from door to door. In V 2 180 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. the most severe weather these unfortunate noblemen ran about as errand boys to the lowest classes of the people ; but, when the Duke of Burgundy learnt their rank, he gave to each of them, a small pension, barely sufficient for their support.* Let us now turn for a brief space to the interesting, yet unfortunate events, of the life of this heroine's father, Een6 of Anjou. Contented at beholding his beloved daughter raised to one of the first thrones in Europe, and at the same time, feeling disgusted with wai', upon beholding the ill success of all his efforts to secure the crown of Naples, Rene appeared from this period in a new character, and his hfe assumed a different aspect. We have hitherto beheld him only as a wari'ior, the very plaything of fortune, by turns a conqueror, a prisoner, a traveller, or a fugitive, as if in cruel expiation for a rapid exaltation ; and only consoling himself amidst his mis- fortunes, by dispensing benefits around him, and by the consciousness that his glory was untarnished, and must ennoble him, even in reverses. Rene at this season disposed himself for tranquillity; and we have now the more agreeable office of re- cording him from the year 1446 (for we are reverting somewhat to the past), when, as the philosopher, he was devoting himself to letters, to poetry, or to paint- ing, reviving for his amusement the ancient chivalry, and leading the tournament-t For the first time in his life this prince found himself at peace ; and being in quiet possession of Lorraine, Provence, and Anjou, he tasted of that repose which he had so dearlv boudit and was content in the bosom of his familv, and in conferring happiness on his subjects. In yielding to * Philip de Comines ; Sandford ; Rapin ; MiUes's Catalogue ; Baker ; Baudier : S. Turner ; Henry ; Barrow ; Historical View of Northumberland, t Moreri ; Godard Faultrier j ViUeneuve Bargemont ; Bodin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 181 his taste for chivalric fetes, this Duke of Anjou en- livened his court, both in Anjou and in Provence; and. passing his time alternately in these beautiful ' pro- vinces, he also relieved himself, after the cares of go- vernment, in cultivating the arts and belles-lettres in his hours of retirement, having previously so often ex- perienced their salutary influence while under the pres- sure of misfortune and in imprisonment.* Banishing all ambitious thoughts, except that of making himself beloved, Ren6 determined that hence- forth his abode should be in the fertile and charming country of Anjou, the place of his birth, and the cradle of his ancestors. In this favoured province, where nature lavishes her treasures, he enjoyed with tran- sport the liberty of frequenting those spots where he had passed his childhood, and this good monarch created for himself a course of life analogous to his tastes. He called around him the elite amongst the Angevins, and invited to his court, gentlemen, literati, and artists, consecrating to pleasure all the hours which were not devoted by him to the arts or litera- ture.^ These occupations and amusements of Rene obtain a peculiar interest with us, by their showing in a remarkable way the manners and customs of the age in which he lived. Rene was engaged about this time of his life in a poetical correspondence with the gifted Charles, Duke of Orleans, and also with the Dukes of Bourbon, Bur- gundy,^ and Nevers. He painted landscapes, portraits or miniatures, and even was employed in drawing out plans for the gardens of his palace ; still more than in all these, did he enjoy himself in the marvellous fetes which he instituted, in which, without incurring danger, much honour might be acquired.f In imitation of the Greeks and Romans, the Go- * Bodin ; Moreri. t Bodin. ■.»-~.^- — *■■ 182 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. yernors of the Middle Ages had introduced mihtaiy games, the object of which, was the same as that of the ancients. These fetes, or ^'Tournays," as they were called, afforded for seyeral centuries infinite de- light to the people of France ; and, indeed, these com- bats appeared well calculated to sustain the spirit of the young cayaKers, and by exciting emulation and the loye of glory, to proye the source of yirtuous and great actions. The tastes and example of Eene contributed much to this passion for fetes amongst the Angeyins, He composed a treatise on the fonn and manner of the Tournays, which he embellished with seyeral sketches by his own hand, representing the characters in the costume and attitudes which they should adopt in their different parts.* To add example to precept, Eene announced the first of his military fetes in 144G, called the " Emprise de la gueule du dragon," or the "pas de jorite."t '^0 increase the eclat of their " Emprise," four gentlemen of Anjou chose for its announcement the time when Potou de Saintrailles, Dunois, Louis de Beauyeau, and Jean de Cossa, followed by a multitude of other lords of the courts of Proyence and Sicily, were preparing to yisit their beloyed monarch, with whom they had gained laurels in their youth. Eyer zealous for renown, these braye chieftains seized with ardour the opportunity of again distinguishing them- selyes with him while partaking his pleasures. Thus were they seen to rush into the presence of Rene and Isabella at the moment wlien they were departing from their gothic palace at Angers, surrounded l)y a brilliant cortege of ladies of honour, officers, and pages, and were proceeding to the spot appointed by the champions for their amusement. * This manuscript was in the Eoj-al Librarj-. + The entertaining of the " dragon's mouth, or the Pace of the Tilt " maintained by King Rene in favour of the ladies. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 183 . It was on the banks of the beautiful Loire, on a vast plain, enamelled by the yaried flowers of spring, beneath some majestic trees, in short, amidst some of the most enchanting scenery of this proyince, that there as- sembled, on one of those smiling mornings, whose serenity is unclouded by a single speck, all the most illustrious which France at this time possessed and gloried in. Here were to be seen warriors grown hoary in the fight, and beside them, ladies resplendent in youth and beauty, adorned with flowers, golden diadems, and jewels. These, mounted on white palfreys, covered with cloth of velvet, embroidered with gold, animated by their graceful movements and melodious voices, the scenery around. Near them, mounted on fiery coursers, was an assembly of young knights, equerries, or suitors, entertaining one another with the great exploits in the field of departed heroes, and seeking to attract the notice of the fair ones, by letting them read m their eyes, so full of fire, their desire of signalising them- selves, or even more tender sentiments. It may well be imagined that there was a succession of enchant- ments on the banks of the Mayenne at Chinon, for, says the historian, " these illustrious knights were going '* to strive, for the acquisition of honour, to exercise " themselves more and more in the noble deeds of arms, " and testify their courage and valour to those they *' loved the best." This last avowal of a gallantry quite chivalric, was by no means foreign at this moment to the prince who was looked upon as the hero of the tilt announced. The anonymous manuscript * assures us that Rene presented himself there, with the intention of making known his devotion to the ladies in general : yet truth constrains us to mention here one of the first weak- * Notes written by Rene. 184 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. nesses of the heart, remarkable in the life of this monarcli. Malgre his boundless affection for his Queen Isabella, and that conjugal fidelity which ever remained unshaken, Ren6 could not encounter, without experiencmg for her the strongest interest,- the noble daughter of Guy de Laval. This princess was scarcely thirteen years of age, but her beauty, graces, and mental qualifications were so much developed that Rene was captivated by them, and sought, as one writer tells us, " to make his expertness shine, for the ^^ esteem with which it inspired the young and beautiful Jeanne de Laval." It must, however, be added, that this attachment had less the character of ardent passion than of those romantic affections " on which " imagination ffeasts, and which each knight felt him- ^'' self obliged to feign, if he did not actually feel it by ^^ addressing Ids vows to an object, which was often ideal, under the name of ' lady of his thoughts.' ^^ " Thus Isabella of Lorraine had nothing to cause ^^ her alarm, and indeed there was no indication that she ^^ noticed It, for she always treated the young Jeanne ^^ de Laval with marked esteem and distinction. It II may also be said, en passant, that if Ren6, durino- a tlie rest of his life, was accused of more than one ^^ fault of this kind, he surrounded them with so much ^^ secrecy that he even veiled the real names of the objects of his tenderness from observation." In an age when his contemporary princes openly boasted of their triumphs over the fair sex, this conduct of Ren(5 was the more remarkable. _^ " It was not by the brilliancy of his armour, or by ^^ the magnificence of his apparel, that Ren.5 sought to u t?.!!"l^!'^' i^r^^^f '" ^^'^ eyes of Jeanne de Laval. ^^ btill afflicted by the loss of his mother and his son ^^ and gneved at the departure of his daughter, Margaret 01 Anjou, he appeared in the lists, dressed in armour ILVEGAEET OF ANJOU. 185 U *' entirely black, his shield being sable, studded with '' silver spangles. His lance was black, and his horse "was caparisoned in black, reaching down to the *' ground. Of the other circumstances of the " Emprise de la gueule du dragon, '^ we learn from the same author merely " that the King of Sicily went and touched the "- shields of the champions, and tilted^ so skilfully and ''' so fortunately, that the honour and prize of the combat "were publicly decreed to him."* On the superb plain near Saumur,t chosen for the celebration of this tournament, Rene had caused to be constructed a spacious palace of wood, decorated within and without with elegance and splendour. It was furnished with rich tapestry, and a prodigious number of silk and velvet cushions for the accommodation of the ladies, for whom especially this entertainment was given. In this royal pavilion, called by Rene, in imita- tion of those named by ancient novelists in chivalry, " le " chateau de la joyeuse garde," several weeks passed in an uninterrupted succession of pleasures of all kinds. The Duke of Anjou held there a kind of plenary court, inventing daily new fetes, cavalcades, banquets, and dances, to amuse his illustrious guests, while they awaited the complete assemblage of the brave champions called by honour to carry off the prize decreed by the Queen of Sicily, and which was announced three times in a loud voice by the poursuivant d amies. The following minute details have been given by one of the historians of Anjou of this interesting ])as darmes. " On the day of the tournament King Rene set out "from his castle for the place appointed for the tilts, • Villeneuve Bargemont ; Bodin. t It was between Razilly and Chinon. This f^te was sometimes called " Emprise de la joyeuse garde." 186 MARGARET OF ANJOU. 11 and in the following order was the procession : Two '' Turks dressed in damask of carnation and white, each II leading a lion, tied with a huge chain of silver, marched "first. Then follow^ed drummers, fifers, and trum- " peters of the King on horseback, all dressed in the "Hvery of Anjou, carnation and white. Next came II two kings-at-arms, carrying their books or charters I' of honour and nobility, in order to note down in them "the high deeds and valorous combats which were " going to be performed." After these came four judges of the camp, mounted on superb horses, whose cov'er- mgs reached to the very ground, and were ornamented with richly-worked coats of arms. Two of these judges had been chosen from amongst the oldest and wis'est knights, and the other two from the equerries all skilful in combat. ^' The King's dwarf next appeared, II mounted on a beautiful and well-caparisoned horse^ II bearing the shield and device chosen by Ren6 for this II fete, the bottom of it was of gules, strewed with I'pansies 'au naturel' Similar to the coats of arms II were the banners, the head-gear, the coverings and II caparisons of the horses of the knights, the equerries II of the King, and all the champions. A very beau- II tiful young lady, dressed magnificently, and mounted 'I on a superb white palfrey then followed ; she held II m her hand a very rich scarf tied to the bridle of II the horse on which King Ren6 was mounted. This II lady's office was to conduct all the champions, " when the time came for them to tilt against the II assailants. The King was followed by Ferri, of II Lorraine, the Lord of Beauvau, and his brother, II Guy de Laval, Lenoncourt, Cossi, Plessis, and many " other champions of renown. ^^ "Arrived at the spot where the lists were esta- '^'^ bhshed, in the order mentioned, they found a large " tent erected, richly decorated, also 'scaffoldings for MARGARET OF ANJOU. 18' " the judges, for the kings-at-arms, as well as for the "ladies, adorned with tapestries and cushions with " gold lace, which were placed round the lists, but " separated the one from the other by spaces so as to "allow^ the people to enjoy the brilliant spectacle. " There w^as also a stage raised several steps, and a " marble column placed on it, to w-hich was appended " the shield of the device. Those of the assailants who " wished to tilt against the champions w^ere obliged to " come and touch the shield with the end of their lance, '* and at the foot of this column w^ere the two lions "chained, of which w^e have spoken. "According to express agreement on the part of " both champions and assailants, each of the vanquished " w^as obliged to present a diamond, a ruby, or courser, " or some other gift previously agreed upon. " These prizes were intended for their mistresses, and " we learn that, at this fete, there were no less than fifty- " four diamonds and thirty-six rubies given to the ladies " by those who were vanquished ; besides these, there " were two principal prizes given at the expense of " King Een6, which were, by the command of the judges "of the camp, presented to the conquerors by Jeanne "de Laval. The first prize was a noble courser, and was gained by Florigny ; the second was a clasp or " box of gold, enriched with diamonds, and was decreed "to Ferri of Lorraine." Of those who assisted at this tournament were Mont- morency, Breze, Daillon du Ludd d'Harcourt, Tancar- ville, de la Jaille, Jean de la Haye, Guillaume de la Jumalliere, Lord of Martigne, Briant, Florigny, and Ferri de Vaudemont. Above all, the Duke of Alengon was remarkable, wearing the Order of the Golden Fleece, and still more distinguished by his fine form and noble features, which gained for him the surname of " la beau prince." (( a 188 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. The chevaliers were also guided by Pontou de Samtrailles, the brave Gascon, who Iiad already fi<^ured m the pas d'annes of Eazilly. There were also present Charles of Bourbon, father-in-law to the Duke of Calabria, the Counts d'Evreux, d'Eu, and Charles d Artois. Lastly should be mentioned the Count of Severs, who, having vainly aspired to the hand of Mar- garet of Anjou, found himself, perhaps imconsciously, the rival of Ren^, in addressing at this time his secret vows to the beautiful heroine of the fete, Jeanne de Laval. ,, "Jl'ese tilts terminated fortunately without accident which seldom happened. Afterwards the Kincv Queen, and all their brilliant assembly, returned t°o |4he castle of Saunuir, where Rene continued for several, some say fifteen, days, his magnificent balls and entertainments.* " The helmet and cuirass were now laid aside by the ^'' brave knights, who, having signalised themselves ^_ betore in the combat by their courage and agility and by the rudeness and simplicity of their attire on II this occasion vied with one another in the richness ^ and elegance of their apparel, and their gallantry ^1 towards the ladies. The gratification of these heroes ^^ m the series of amusements wliich King Rene had " prepared for them was gi-eat, yet we may justlv add, ■^ that It was equalled, even surpassed, by the satisfac- tion which the 'merry monarch,' as Rene has been ^^ styled, experienced himself on this occasion, in the "presence of his family and court, and placed between " his much-beloved Queen Isabella, and the fascinatino- " Jeanne de Laval." ° The joust, thus renewed upon the return of this excellent prince to his native province, became subse- • A picture representing this Tournament was painted bv Kin<^ Bene who offered it to his brother-in-law, King Charles VII. ' M.AEGAEET OF ANJOU. 189 t * quently, in a degree, the expression of joy at his appearance amongst the Angevin nobility, who had retained a lively inclination for these ancient amuse- ments of their own sovereigns. It is easy to imagine how this monarch, brought up in hereditary ideas so worthy of him, would indulge in the chivalric spirit, and delight in and occupy him- self in these noble games, which were not in his age regarded as vain amusements. He did not, however, forget his duties as a sovereign. Always assiduous to render his people happy, he sought every means of ameliorating their condition, and he was well informed of all the events which con- cerned the interest of his subjects.* Soon after his arrival at Angers, a frightful drought desolated nearly all Provence. The harvests had been destroyed, the springs dried up, and the miserable inhabitants of Aix had to send to a great distance to have their corn ground, and were obliged to fetch water several leagues distant. Rene, touched with this calamity, immediately ordered his grand seneschal to exempt each city or village afflicted by this scourge, from taxation during a year. This rare example of humanity was more than once displayed, on similar occasions, by this prince, whose disinterestedness knew no bounds ; and while we read of the regal pomp and luxury which was exhibited at the celebration of his attractive tournaments, we are reminded that the same monarch who commanded these expensive tilts, assisted in drying the tears of the distressed and indigent.! In December, 1447, Rene was engaged in a holy tour to Provence, to collect the bones of saints. In July following, he assisted at the council held by the Archbishop of Tours. The termination of the year * Bodin ; (rodard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. t Bodin ; Gc-dard Faultrier. 190 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 191 1448 Rene passed in tranquillity at Angers. He then traversed Provence, resting at Aix, Marseilles, at Aries and lastly at the chateau of Tarascon, where he announced another fete, three years after his former one in 1449.* This tournament at Tarascon has been described by the Seneschal of Anjou, Louis de Beauvau. At this epoch but few of the French nobility had acquired the know- ledge of readmg and writing ; but, at the court of Anjou on the contrary, most of the gi^eat people, imitating the example of their king, were men of letters, and several ot them have left honourable traces of it The manuscript of Louis de Beauvau,*relating to the tournament of Tarascon, is written in verse, and ad- dressed to Louis of Luxembourg. A miniature etchino- placed at the head of his book represents the firsi scene of the fete. It exhibits a shepherdess seated in the middle of the Jandscape, -near a barn, having on ^ a grey dress, and her head covered with a little red ;^ hood such as the simple bourgeoises usually wore • ^^ ler lap was filled with white, blue and red flowers ' ^^ her dog and her crook were near her ; and at some ^^ distance appended to a large tree, were two cuirasses, ^^ one black, the other white. In the middle distance was seen a flock of sheep in a fold." ^^ '' The tournay of Saumur had been quite of a mih- . tj^y ^^If ^^^e;- ^ That of Tarascon was almost a fete ^^ ^l^a^,^Petre. The knights appearing each in a shep- herds dress, which they wore over their armour. ^^ Ihe prize was a bouquet, and a kiss from the shep- ^^ herdess ^^ e are not told the name of this ladv, but ^^ the author gives us to understand that, malm-e the ^^ simplicity of her attire, she was a person of high ^^rank.^ Amongst the knights who figm-ed on this occasion were Philippe de Lenoncourt, Tauneguy * Bodin ; Godard Faultrier ; ViUeneuve Bargemont. \\ Duchatel, and Ferri de Lorraine. Louis de Beauvau appeared with great eclat ; he was on a bay horse, armed in red, and on his shield were these words, in golden letters, ' les plus rouges y sont pres.' After a violent and doubtful combat against Philibert de Laigle, he at last shivered to atoms the lance of his adversary. Philippe de Lenoncourt next entered the lists. Tauneguy Duchatel, carrying with great mirth the lady of Ponteve behind him, advanced against him. They attacked each other so vigorously that their lances both broke at the same instant, and Lenoncourt shivered two others also of his antagonist, who then yielded him the victory, and departed, with his courageous lady, who kept her seat throughout this terrible encounter." " The fete being ended, the shepherdess mounted her horse, and to the sound of instruments, twice made the tour of the lists, accompanied by her two admirers, and preceded by the heralds and judges. She thus arrived at the house of Louis de Beauvau, who furnished her with a magnificent supper. She then went to the castle, preceded by a herald, who bore a wliite wand in one hand, and in the other the grand prize, which was a golden rod and a briUiant diamond. The poursuivant-at-arms de- manded of the King, who was the victorious knight to whom he adjudged the prize ? Guy de Laval and Louis de Beauvau had each of them broken three lances, the number prescribed for the grand prize, but Ferri of Lorraine had broken four, and it was awarded to him. This vaUant knight accepted it, but only as an ornament for the head of the noble shepherdess." This tournament, which was executed in true pas- toral style and good taste, and which attracted nume- rous actors and spectators to Tarascon, lasted three i 192 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. days only ; and we learn from the poem of Louis de Beauvau that the handsome women of Provence saw with regret the conclusion of the "Emprise." * This was Rene's last tournament. The gratification experienced by this prince in these romantic entertainments, led him to seek ''the exalta- " tion of knighthood, and to found an Order to promote " it still more for the * honour of God and of the '' ' church,' and that ' all noble hearts should daily " 'increase and augment their well doings,* in courtesy "and fiiir behaviour, and likewise in valiancy and " feats of arms." So says Bourdigne, the historian of Anjou ; but we do not learn whether the young prince, Edward, became a member of this "Order;'' and it is probable he did not, as his arrival in France with the Queen, his mother, was about the time of the suppression of this Order by Pope Paul Il.t The chivalric fetes were suspended in 1-448, when Eene had to mourn for the loss of his two relatives, ilarie Duchess of Calabria and Antoine de Vandemont ; the former was an amiable princess, adored by her husband, family, and subjects. The latter had, before his death, entirelv overcome the enmitv which had previously existed between himself and Rene. J It was in the year 1448 that Rene, while at Angers, instituted the military Order of the Knights of the Crescent, which Pope Paul II. suppressed in 14G4.§ The knights of this Order bore on the collar a Crescent, pendant, with the words inscribed, "Los en Croissant," after- wards famihar to King Charles VIII. of France. The symbol of this Order, a crescent of gold, had " the word ' Loz ' enamelled in letters of blue, which " formed, with the crescent on which it was written, a MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 193 i • Bodin ; Godaid Fanltrier. C Villeneuve Bargemont. t Bouidigx^. § Some saj 1460. " sort of rebus, signifying that one acquires ' Loz,' " that is, praise, by growing in virtue." The knights attached to this Crescent a tagged point of gold,* enamelled in red, after each action in which they had distinguished themselves. Their costume was a cas- sock and a mantle f of white velvet, over which they wore a great cloak of crimson velvet ; bordered with ermine for the princes, and with linen of two colours for the gentlemen. Under the right arm they wore the decoration of the Order of the Golden Crescent, suspended from a chain of the same metal, attached to the upper part of the sleeve. J St. Maurice became the patron of this new Order, and the south wing of the cathedral of Angers was covered with heraldry, for it became the chapel of these knights. § The statutes of this Order commanded fratemitv and mutual succour. The knights swore by their " share of Paradise," and by " the redemption of their souls." Their chief was called Senator, and his oflSce annual. It was first filled by Guy de Laval. The object of Pope Paul II., who was the enemy of Rene, in suppressuig this Order, was to free the Neapolitan knights, who were members of the " Crescent," from their oaths, and to prevail on them to unite in the interests of Ferdinand of Arragon. against Rene of Anjou, who, nevertheless, continued to bear the badges of this Order even to the time of his^ death. § The rupture of the truce between England and France, drew Rene of Anjou from his pleasing occupa- tions, and, at the head of his veteran troops and the Provencal nobility, he came to the aid of the King • Aiqtullette. t Mantlet. t Moreri ; Bodin : Monf aucon ; Dom Calmet ; Villeneuve Bargemont : Selden's Title of Honour. § Godaid Fanltrier. VOL. IL o 194 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. of France against the English. He was present at the taking of several cities, and when King Charles VII. entered in triumph the city of Rouen, Rene marched on his right hand, and the Count of Maine on his left. Rend has been described as " brilliant, mounted on a " palfrey, with a horse-covering of azure velvet, inter- " spersed with lily flowers of gold, and the cross of "Jerusalem." Rene was also in the battle of Fourmigni, and at the capture of Caen and Falaise. The valour and conduct of the Angevine prince in these wars, may have deserved eulogium, but his neutrality would have been doubtless very serviceable to the interests of his daughter, Queen Margaret, who, upon the loss of Normandy and Guienne, was, with her ministers, sus- pected of treachery; and throughout England great disorders arose owing to the discontents of"" the people.* When in Anjou, Rene inhabited by turns the castles of Angers, Saumur, and Bauge. He was popular and liberal, living without pomp, whether in town or country. He was fond of building, and when not thus occupied for himself, he employed himself about the houses of the poorest of his subjects, or for those who were encumbered by a numerous family. A^ writer of his times says, that, to this taste of Rene for construction, we must attribute the numerous escutcheons on the houses of Anjou. They were placed upon the houses which Rene rebuilt or repaired, and this has rendered the name of the " Good Duke '' so popular in Angers.f Out of respect to his patron saint, Rene rebuilt the Chateau de Possonniere and the Chapelle de St. Rene. * Villenenve Bargemont : Godard Faultrier. t Bodin ; Bourdigne. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 195 This reconstruction was in the middle of the fifteenth century. The charming ogival windows of the chapel were ornamented with coloured glass, and one of them represented the resurrection of St. Rene.''^ The Castle of Baug6 was also built by Rend, who was regarded as the founder of the town of Baug6. In the midst of a forest a beautiful lodge had been erected, in former times, by Foulques Nen-a, around which a small village had been formed. It became a bourg, and a little church was added. The name of this place was derived from the muddy soil (the resort of wild boars), whereon this place was built, and in Rent's time it became a handsome town, althoudi without commerce or manufactures. Rene was greatly attached to this place, and also to Saumur, where he built a house in the Faubourg of the Bridges, called by the people the " Palace of the Queen of Sicily." The front of this dwelling was enriched with the armorial bearings of King Rene. These became in part effaced by time, but the shield long remained visible, bearing the decoration of the Order of the Knic^hts of the Crescent. Round the escutcheon was a chaplet of large berries, in the midst of which were the words : *' Devot lui suis." This was a device of this good king to testify his love for his Queen Isabella, and he afterwards assumed a new one, expressive of his grief for her loss. Not far from Angers, where his consort resided, Rene constructed the charming hermitage of La Baumette f (named by him from Saint Baume, so celebrated in Provence), and this he caused to be erected on a rock, watered by the iMayenne. It was to divert the attention of Isabella in her dangerous ill- ness, that Rene undertook this work, and to accom- * Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. t La Baumette (the Little Balna), a monument of conjugal piety, may stm be seen ; and at Saumur, « La maison de la Reine de Cecile," though defaced by time. 2 I 196 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. plish a VOW he had made to re-estabhsh it. About the same period, Ren^, indulging his taste for archi- tecture, built a little manor house in Reculee, as well as a hermitage, afterwards resorted to by Queen Mar- garet of Anjou, when she made the cession of her rights to Louis XL* Isabella of Lorraine had been for some years subject to attacks of a disease, which, at this time, returned with increased violence. She had renounced the pleasures of a court whose ornament she had been, and had been living in Anjou, in the most profound solitude, no longer joining in the fetes or the politics of the times, her only amusement being the educa- tion of her young' grandchildren, and religious exer- cises. She adopted an extreme simplicity in her manner of living, in place of the magnificence formerly observed in her palace. She also put a stop to all superfluous expense, in order to augment, by her own economy, the money requisite for the King, her hus- band. Rene still preserved for his consort, after thirty-two years of marriage, the most tender affec- tion ; and the good understanding so visible in their union, contributed to increase the admiration with which his subjects regarded him. Often would he seek to delude himself on the subject of this incurable malady, which bore with it the marks of a decay which Isabella sought by every means to conceal from him ; and at times he would try to escape from the cruel thoughts which haunted him, by hunting in the forests of Saumur, Beaufort, and Baug^ ; but these scenes were even less fi-equently the witness of his skill in these sports, than of his melancholy reveries, excited by the dangerous condition of his beloved Isabella. Then would restlessness and vague presenti- ments bring him back to her side, where, with new • Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 197 ardour, lie would return to those pious reflections which had never been extinguished in his soul. At length, Isabella's strength visibly diminished from day to day, and she expired on the 28th of February, 1453.* She was buried in the church of St. Maurice, at Angers, near the tomb of the second family of Anjou-Sicily.f It isi needless to dwell on the gi'ief of King Rene when bereft of his beloved consort. In solitude, on the banks of the rivers, amongst the willows, and in the green meadows, he would indulge his sad thoughts : sometimes fixing his eyes on the water, he would give himself up to a placid reverie, per- haps beholding, in the now tranquil, now noisy wave, some image of his own chequered life. To those who sought to console him he only replied by an ItaUan device,^ in imitation of a verse of Petrarch : " Arco per lentare detendere piaga non sana^'' § " Reldcher Fare ne guerit pas la plaie." King Rene had, by Isabella of Lorraine, nine children : five sons and four daughters. Of these, five died in their infancy. || Those who were distin- guished in history were John, Duke of Calabria, the eldest son ; Louis de Pont-a-Mousson, Duke of Bar ; Yoland, Duchess of Lorraine ; and Margaret, Queen of England.^ To sooth his grief, and in remembrance of his love for his consort, Rene painted on the walls some vessels filled with fire, with these words : " Uardant desir ; " * Some date this event on the 22nd of February ; others say the death of Isabella occurred in the year 1452. t Moreri ; Monf aucon ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Villeneuve Barge- mont. X This new device was a bow, of which the cord was loose, with the Jtalian saying-, " To unstring the bow does not heal the wound." § Godard Faultrier ; Bodin. II They were Charles, Een^, Nicholas, Isabella, and Anne. ^ Moreri. 198 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 1453. Daniel. round this symbol he put a chaplet of pater-nosters, in which was expressed, in ItaHes, ''' Devot lui suis!' In the year 1453, Rene of Anjou again took up arms, at the soHcitation of Frangois Sforza, Duke of Milan, and of the Florentines, his old allies, who were attacked, at this time, by the King of Arragon and the Eepublic of Venice. Sforza held out hopes to him of making war against Naples, when the contest on this side the Alps should be ended ; and Rene again flattered himself with the hope of chasing Al- phonso from Italy. He repassed the Alps, continually giving proofs of his talents and bravery ; but was soon induced to abandon tliis enterprise. The intrigues of Alphonso in the Mikmese camp, and amongst the Milanese, their unjust rivalry, and insufferable pre- tensions, quite disgusted him, and he returned into France, leaving behind him his son John to maintain the cause ; but even he also became displeased, and withdrew from this war. Some write that the Angevine Prince came to Geneva, with but two vessels, and so small were his forces, and mean the condition of his court, that con- tempt only was excited towards him, while doubts arose respecting his skill and capability of governing^ This opinion was also adopted by some of the French : the Dauphin, (afterwards Louis XL), had led on a body of infantry. The French, who eagerly undertook this enterprise, advanced as far as Asti ; but, at the expiration of three months, they all returned to their own country, apparently without any reason. John, Duke of Calabria, was extremely chagrined to see himself thus abandoned, and especially by the King, but it is probable that he might have perceived the futility of these struggles for the kingdom of Naples.* * Daniel ; Mariana ; Godard Faultrier ; 3Ioreri ; Bodin. o o o o 55 o 1- el r3 r og* o OS o a 00 — I: s o ^ 3 as ej If s .3 z "3 o o 3 s o o o •s. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 199 P H .as a: 'O 3 c o s a 04 •d S5 . ^ o o a J* fi O rl'O iH 09 _ J = ® .4 o o o .5^ PC4 o 01 c oo I I •8 IS i u _D or o •d 9) S -a o i CO o fl A 3 ^ o o Pi Upon his return from Italy Rene gave up the duchy of Lorraine to liis son,* and again returned to his beloved Anjou. He was more than ever disgusted with public affairs, and resigned himself to the arts, especially to that of miniature painting on vellum. Ennui still followed him amidst these peaceful occupations, and yielding to the susceptibility of his heart, he united himself in marriage with Jeanne de Laval, the same Princess who had been so much distinguished by him at the tournament in Anjou, eight years before. Rene was at this time forty-seven years of age, and his second consort was twenty-two. Their marriage was celebrated in the- Abbey of St. Nicholas, at Angers, on the 16th of September, 1455. The Car- dinal of Foix, Archbishop of Aries, officiated. Jeanne de Laval was the daughter of Guy, 14th Count of Laval, and of Isabella of Brittany, his second wife. Guy de Laval succeeded Raoul de Montfort, his paternal grandfather, in the estates and titles of Montfort, and obtained such favour with King Charles VIL, that he erected his barony of Laval into the seventeenth county, in July, 1429. This was granted with Margaret of Brittany, the daughter of John, sixth Duke of Brittany, and of Joanna of France, the sister of Charles VII. When this Princess died, Guy de Laval married Isabella of Brittany, elder sister of Louis III., Duke of Anjou. f The offspring of this union Avere three sons and seven daughters. Of these the third daughter was married to Rene of Anjou. The articles of Rene's marriage were signed, 3rd * Some write, that John of Anjou reigned in Lorraine from the time of the death of his mother, Isabella of Lorraine. t Guy de Laval became again a widower, and married Fran9oise de Dinan, Lady of Chateaubriant, only daughter of Jaques de Dinan. 200 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. September, 1455, by Louis de Beauvaii, Guy de Laval, and the sire of Loue, in the presence of Anne de Laval, the grandmother of the bride, the Counts of Vendome and Tancarville, the Lord of Loheac, Raoul de Bosket, and Olivier de Feschal. The dower of Jeanne de Laval was valued at 40,000 crowns of gold, about 368,000 francs.* ^ From the period of this second marriage the Ange- vine Prince appears to have renounced all projects of conquest. He conducted his new wife through Anjou, and into Provence, where they remained several months : Rene so regulating his time as to divide it between the administration of his States and the amusements afforded him by poetry, painting, and music.f But it seemed to be the destiny of Rene never to be allowed to taste of the quietude for which he so constantly longed. Italy had enjoyed, for some time, the sweets of re- pose ; but, in 1456, Alphonso, King of Arragon, again began to trouble it. He ravaged the territories of the Siennois, who were defended by the Venetians and the Duke of Milan, and they compelled him to make compensation for the injuries he had done, by the payment of a sum of money. Two years elapsed, and Alphonso attacked Genoa by sea and land. The city was divided into two factions, the Fregoses and the Adornes. Of these Alphonso took part with the latter, while the former was supported by the Duke of Calabria, to whom succours were dismissed by the King of France ; and King Rene came in sight of Genoa, with ten galleys, to the help of the commander, who had been acting on the defensive with great valour. * Monfaucon : Moreri ; Bodin ; Hist, de Montmorency et de Laval, par Andr^ Du Chesne ; Godard Faultrier : ViUeneuve Bargemont. t Godard Faultrier ; Mariana ; Daniel. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 201 Rene's fleet consisted of 1,000 good soldiers, united with those of the King of France, amounting to 6,000 men, sent from Dauphine, with other reinforce- ments from Savoy. A fierce battle ensued, but the Genoese, by a stratagem, obtained the victory, and the French were obliged to fly to their galleys, the Genoese pursuing them, and making great slaughter. The city was on the point of sun-ender, when Alphonso was attacked by a malignant fever, which in a few days terminated his life, in July, 1458. This Prince left no legitimate children, therefore his brother, Don John, King of Navarre, became his true heir ; but Alphonso had bequeathed the kingdom of Naples to his natural son, Ferdinand, who took peaceable pos- session of the throne.* The Neapolitan barons, hoAv- ever, began to cabal against his succession, and even intreated Don John to come to Naples; but this prince contented himself with the kingdom of Arra- gon and the island of Sicily, which his brother had left him, upon which the lords of Naples called in the Duke of Calabria, son of Ren6 of Anjou. This brave Prince w^as easily prevailed upon to undertake the invasion of Naples, and, accompanied by his rela- tive, Ferry de Vaudemont, hastened into Italy. Unfortunately, at this crisis. Pope Calixtus died; and his successor. Pope Pius II., declared for the Arragonese, and gave the investiture of Naples to 'Ferdinand, at which King Rene was so indignant that he forbade his people to obey the decrees which might issue from the Court of Rome. Florence and Venice united with the Angevine prince ; but Sforza continued in alliance with Fer- dinand, thinking this the best safeguard for his o\vn dynasty. Orsini, Prince of Tarentum, the most powerful * Mariana; Daniel. 1461. Daniel 202 HABGARET OF ANJOU. vassal of the crown, and a large proportion of the great Condottien, with whom were the veterans of the fanner wars, all oined in supporting the banner 5 destined to experience the fate of all his family in at hist brilliant success, and gained a battle near ttliou 7 f ?' "^"'^ "^^^^ '^^ reconciled the House of Anjou, and this expedition failed hrough one of those defections so common amonS the Italians The desertion of the Genoese, on whose enmi^to the House of Arragon the Duke of Cal" bna Jiad relied, was aggravated by this Prince's want of resources : this beino- nerceiwd Iw +1 i of Jik no^„ +1 .1 *' perceived by the barons o his party they all returned, one by one to the allegiance of Ferdinand.* ' This Av^s the last attempt made by the Angevine Princes for the possession of their Neapolitan To mmions ; and Rene was the last sovereign V Naples of theraceofAnjou.t <•' -L>apies, In conclusion, says Bodin, "it behoves us to destroy a calumny, by refuting a great error which has escaped Villaret in his History of Frl 1 Ihis author says, ' that at the time of the expedition of Charles VII., in 1,61, against the to.vn ^Gen T Z^ ^-V't^'T ^^""""^"^^^ ^ thousand gens d armes, whom he had embarked at Marseilles " ^his Prince remamed during the action on board hS galleys ; and that, seeing his troops beaten and in con- ^^ fiision enraged to find that his gens d'armes had not gained a victory, which he had not had the courage to dispute at their head, he commanded that his vessels W^ltir : Df:^i ^''''- ^^'- ■' ^'-^ ■■ ^Wrsa: Hist. , Men- + Bodiu ; ViUaret ; Mezerai ; Universal Hist. MAEGAEET OP AXJOU. 203 ii tt It I' should set sail from the coast, thus abandoning those *' unfortunate French to the discretion of the con- I' queror. This action, equally cowardly and barbar- ^'1 ous, covers the memory of King Rene with an II indelible shame.' Happily, this act, affirmed on II such slight evidence by Villaret, and contradicted by " the well-known character of the Prince, is found II only in one single contemporary historian, Jean '' Simonetta, who, in reporting it in the life of Ludovic II Sforza, sworn enemy of Rene, still gives it only as a II popular report, to which he dared not attach credit. '^'^ How then could a French historian admit, without '' examination, so odious a calumny, one which tends to " tarnish the glory of a prince whose life was distin- " guished by so many acts of bravery and humanity."* By the adoption of Queen Joanna I., the only ad- vantage derived by the second branch of the House of Anjou was the county of Provence ; for, after so many unfortunate struggles for the crown of Naples, fortune decided in favour of the crown of An-agon.f At the time when Louis XL ascended the throne Rene was residing peaceably at Angers ; and had it not been for the presence of their Prince, the county of Anjou would have been involved in fresh troubles. The nobles detested the new monarch of France ; or rather his hostile system towards the feudal families, and they readily united to compel him to modify his government.^ There is much obscurity in the writings of this period concerning the locality in which King Henry concealed himself during this season of his adverse for- tunes. The first account we have quoted, viz., that he took refuge in Harlech castle, conveys no further par- ticulars of his stay in that fortress, or of the time of his departure from it. Stow's account differs materially * Bodin. f Gibbon. Grodard Faultrier. t Godard Faultrier. I 204 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. from the other historians. He says, " Kiu^ Henry fled four days before the battle of HexJiam J^tT \ "where ho nnri «+i, ,."='"'. ^^^"amintoLancashire, w^^ieie he and others lived in caves full hardly un know, ,h ^ ^^^^„ j^ .^ J^ m n Lancashire and in Westmoreland many friend' he natives of these counties were sincerely attached e^J'hi'mSf f ' '''' ''^'^ ''^''y -'^Wed iL t c', teal iiimself for some months * tions"" He""'' "^""'f' ^°'''''''^ ^'' ^"^"'•^^l ^^^y Pnva- Mac 111 L P f'\'''''''^ '■« the house of John ali dilt I i Tr'^''^'' '■" ^^^^^taoreland. He m mo^ of • ''"°^'" ^^"' •" ^-^'^-^^ire, and and Rr f r r"T' ''''' ^'^'"^ at Whalley Abbey and Bracewell ; but the chief residence of this unfoi t^t^ZT' o'r' ': ''"' '-^ ^*Bo.to?Han; uTr '°"f^ '''"'^^^ Jie occupied, was called "Kino- "te-i'dof.ffl ;':.•''' "'^^'W Prince ate the " world ' ' ^"""^ ^'' ^^^'"^'o" from the The probable cause why Henry sought refuc^e it Bol hall, Sir Ralph Pudsey, had married Margaret Tunsta An:;: T '^^'^ "^r^'' -^« --"S occa ion + ■ Tl? " .n^\ '"'' ""^"^^^ ''™ «« this occasion4 Thurland Castle, the residence of Tunstall being in danger, and in a less retired situa ion tl ' Kmg came to Bolton, where the loyalty of st RaS afforded him a secure asylum ; nor'was this the fiS occasion upon which this family had she red th persecuted sovereign. The race of thePudseys had been * Stow : nymer ; Lingard : Carte. -^-^:^^Z^Tc^^^^^^ Lancaster MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 205 I distinguished by a course of loyalty and hospitality, and the fidelity of Sir Ralph was never impeached m the treacherous proceedings which subsequently deprived this King of his freedom. The dutiful attachment of Pudsey was not, however, sufficient safeguard to the dethroned monarch, who, probably, being under some apprehension that his retreat was about to be discovered, quitted Bolton Hall, where he had passed some months in security, and repaired to AVaddington Hall. While at Bolton, Henry had given orders for a well to be dug, and walled round for a bath ; this well still bears his name, and, even at the present day, con- tmues to be venerated by the peasants for many remarkable cures said to have been wrought there.* Some rehcs of interest were left at Bolton by King Henry ; these were a pair of boots, a pair of gloves, and a spoon. The gloves reached to the elbow, and| by them, it would appear that the hands were exactly proportioned to the feet, and not larger than those of a middle-sized woman.f It has been remarked that " in an age when the habits of the great, in peace "as well as in war, required perpetual exertions of I' bodily strength, this unhappy Prince must have " been equally contemptible from corporeal and from "' mental imbecility." His enemies probably thus regarded him; but if this were the case, how much more does it argue m favour of the benevolent qualities of this monarch, who, undoubtedly, inspired much respect for his character, and even so attached those to him, who * Roby's Lancashire ; Gent.'s Magazine ; Stow. t The reHcs left at Bolton by the King were, for their better preserva- tion, deposited in an ark in the year 1822, which was constructed for the head of the present family. The ark was made of oak, and beautifully de- signed and executed in the architecture of the fifteenth century. On a brass plate within, an account is given of the circumstances under which these relics were left. 2()C MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. were his immediate attendants, that they never for- sook him and even shared his captivity.* When Henry fled for safety to the "Peel of Bolton," as this castle was called, he was accompanied by Doctor Mannmg, Dean of Windsor, Doctor Bedle, and young soSl": tT '" ^'""'^ '^'^ dangers and cheered hi^ can ure 'to If T ''' 'Tr '™"^^'^^ ™*'^ ^^^ «« his capture, to the Tower of London The castles of Bracewell and Waddington, at this havLtsTh '^ f John Tempest; and an 'alliance TXfsi > f™'? ^'^^^^'^ ^''^ Tempests and es^lli "''^ ^' f"'"'^^ '^''' '' Pr-erve their n^arch to TT,' V^'"^^ "^ '''' -f^^^-^e monarch to Sir John Harrington, for after this reachery they were suffered to^'oy theirtnds t 'dir:'' ^^'"'^ f!- J^hn Harrington "^v: rewaided, as expressed m the grant to him "for Ins great and laborious diligence in taking our' gr a "Thurki^l r ?r f'^f '^ ^'^ 1^'^^^^^ Tunstill, of " f5" 1 if ' I' *'"' "'"°™t of £100, by Kino- Edward the Fourth, on the 9th of July, 1465 "i After having been concealed by his faith ul subjects for many mont^, some say even for a whole yelrwht the most diligent search was made after him Ws 4. n , 1 . ^ ^ ' ^^^ ^^^ ^ ohn Harrms'ton with JTllt: Z%7'T' '""^ King whilstltlTer at ^ addmgton Ha 1, and made him their prisoner. the cunrlat ,'''"' T^"^^ "'^^ *^^ ^^^i*-" ^^ country, that he was betrayed by Thomas Talbot + Se^TeiX'td' T^^L'i'li ' ^'^.^' ' '^^^ ' ^^- <>* Worcester, tm they oould^e proTid Jtu^, '1 r "''^ -' "^ I^->"-d a.d Tichel X Rymer. GelM^neft:;' ^^"^^^"^^^^^^^^^^^re ; W. of Worcester; MAEGAEET. OP ANJOU. 207 and his cousin, John Talbot, of Colbey (Salisbury) ; that when the house was beset, the King, by some means, escaped, and ran across the fields, when he passed the Kibble by a ford, called Bungerly Hippino-- stones, into Clitterwood, and there, being closefy pursued, was taken. He was treated with great indignity by his captors, who, strictly guardin"- him conveyed him to London. The capture of Kino°Henry took place on the 29th of June, 1465 ; and Sir John lempest shared with the Talbots in the rewards be- stowed for this act by King Edward. On his approach to London, King Henry was met at Islington by the Earl of Warwick, who formally arrested him as "Henry of Lancaster," and "forth- " with," says the chronicler, "his gilt spurs were taken from his feet."* The Earl of Warwick did not come out to meet him to show his respect, but to see him conducted in safety to the Tower.' He caused his legs to be bound with leather straps to the stirrups of the small pony which he rode, and in other respects showed him much indignity : a great barbarity towards one, whose meek and patient conduct under adversity, entitled him to universal respect. In this degraded manner King Henry entered London, by way of Chepe and Cornhill. It had been proclaimed that no man should, under pain of death, salute him or pay him the smallest mark of respect. His public and humiliating entrance into the metropolis, exposed him to the insults of the fickle multitude, who, on former occasions, had been accustomed to testifv their reverence for his virtues by shouts of applause ; some of the citizens, indeed, were much disturbed by this proceeding, but did not dare to betray their senti- • Holinahed ; Stow ; Baker ; Carte ; Fabyan ; W. of Worcester ; Pol lancihSr"^ °' Gent.-sMag.; Monstrelet; Lingard ; B^inest 1465. Lingard ; Arundel MS. 208 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. ments. The Earl of Warwick not only behaved towards him in the most insulting manner, but even encouraged the mob to deride him : he preceded the deposed monarch to the Tower, crying " Treason! " treason ! behold the traitor ! " and when they reached the place, Kmg Henry was led three times round a tree, which was placed in the front of the Tower (in the manner of a pillory), and then confined within that fortress, a strong guard being set to watch over him. This monarch's personal safety at this time was less owing to the generosity of the Yorkists, than to their opinion of his inability to give them any uneasmess. While in prison King Henry was treated with humanity, but kept in the most rigorous confinement. To an ambitious mind, a tedious imprisonment in the Tower of London would have been insupportably irk- some ; but, to the gentle and unassuming Henry of Lancaster, it seemed but a haven of refusre from the storms and troubles of life.* It was during this captivity that tlie unfortunate monarch probably penned the following lines, which exhibit the composure of a truly pious and resigned heart. " Kingdoms are but cares ; '• State Ts devoyd of stale ; ' • Ryches are redy snares, *• And hastene to decaie. • • Who meaneth to remoffe the rocke ' • Owte of the slymie mudde, *■ Shall myre hymselfe and hardlie scape •• The swellTnire of the flodde." t * Biondi ; Fabyan : Stow : Toplia ; Baker : Addit MS. ; Rvmer : W. of Worcester ; John Rons ; Ridpath : Rapin ; HeDiy : Sharon Turner ; Hume : Barante ; Robv s Lancashire ; Barrow ; Monstrelet ; Baylev's Hist, of the Tower : DanieL t Nug« Antiquae, I MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 209 Fortune appeared now to have utterly deserted the House of Lancaster ; yet the contest between the two Roses was not altogether ended, seeming, rather, to be hushed to a temporary rest, while the energies of Queen Margaret reposed, only to become invigorated and to prepare for more desperate resolves. Mean- while, one might exclaim, in the language of the poetess, — (( (( (< a (( (< Oh Rose f who long hath bloom'd the pride Of England's garden, hang thy head ! The dew upon thy leaves is dried ! The generous, bright, exulting red. The triumph of thy cheek, is fled ! And one less beautiful shall raise Her stem, where now thy bloom decays ! York's rose is now the garden's queen ! York's star to fortune lights the way ! Nay, Heaven is pledged ! York's eyes have seen, Responsive to their glances keen. Three golden, glorious suns at once iUume his day." * Many, indeed, were the British hearts by whom the Lancastrian rose was still cherished; but, humbled and abashed, they sought refuge at a distance from the gaze of a court, or the allurements and splendours of societv. • Miss Holford's Margaret of Anjou. rot. II. CHAPTER V. (King Edward. ) * * Her looks do argue her replete with modesty ; " Her words do show her art incomparable ; *' All her perfections challenge sovereignty; ' ' One way or other she is for a king, ** And she shall be my love, or else my queen." Shakespeare, {The Earl of Warwick. ) " Did I impale him with the regal crown ? '* Did I put Henry from his native right ? * ' And am I guerdon'd at the last with shame ? * * Shame to himself ! for my desert is honour ; *' And to repair my honour, lost for him, ** I here renounce him, and return to Henry." Shakespeare. King Edward's marriage projected— Warwick sent to demand the hand of Bona of Savoy— Edward's interview with Elizabeth Woodville, and their marriage— Warwick offended— He returns to England— Enmity between Edward and Warwick, who withdraws from court — Jealousy of the nobility— Of Clarence and Montague — Marriage of the King's sister— Anger of Warwick against King Edward— He meditates re- venge, and engages the Archbishop of York to assist him— Clarence marries— Insurrection in Yorkshire— Battle of Banbury— King Edward in prison— He escapes— Lord Wells is beheaded— Battle of Loosecoat Field— Vauclier's manoeuvre— Louis attempts a reconciliation— War- wick meets Queen Margaret in France— They are reconciled— Marriage of Prince Edward— Clarence won over to Edward— Warwick returns to England— His army- Henry VI, proclaimed— Edward's flight — King Henry released from prison and restored to the throne. The youtliful Edward was now enjoying the sun- shine of prosperity, acknowledged as the lawful sove- reign of a people who rejoiced in his favour and success. No longer fearing civil discord, this monarch gave himself up to the dissipations and amusements of his high station. He lived in the most social and familiar MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 211 manner with his subjects, especially with the Lon- doners. His gallantry and handsome person rendered him a general favourite with the fair sex, while the young and gay of his own, found him all condescension and affability. It was during this season of tranquillity, while King Henry was in captivity and Queen Margaret banished the kingdom, that Edward was, by the advice of his ministers, persuaded to confirm to his posterity his right to the crown, by his marriage with some foreign princess. The ladies who were selected w^ere Isabella of Castile, who was afterwards married to Ferdinand of Arragon, and Bona of Savoy, the sister of the Queen of France. This last was chosen by King Edward, and the Earl of Warwick was dismissed to Paris to demand the hand of the lady.* The King of France, whose thoughts were wholly occupied in his project of making himself absolute, was, m^ pursuance of this object, engaged in many quarrels with his barons. He was, however, highly gratified with the proposal of an alliance with Engla^nd,^ by which, while increasing his own power, his vassals were pre- vented seeking foreign aid in their wars against liim. To make sure of his advantage, Louis delayed tlie negotiation, while by the help of the Earl of Warwick he secured a personal friendship with King Edward. This wise foresight was, however, rendered fruitless by the precipitate conduct of the English monarch, who, unaccustomed to control his passions, had during this interval wandered to a new object, accidentally presented to him, but calling forth so much romantic sentiment as to fix at once his affections. While in Northamptonshire Edward had resolved to pay a visit to Grafton, the residence of Jacqueline of Luxembourg, the widow of the Duke of Bedford. Her * stow ; Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; Baker ; Rapin ; Hume. p 2 212 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 213 second marriage to Sir Rieliard Woodville had brought upon her much censure and contempt, because of her union with a private gentleman. She had, however, obtained the favour of Queen Margaret for lier daughter EKzabeth, who first left her home at Grafton to visit the court of this Queen, now there was no longer any favour or promotion from the House of Lancaster. The brave and devoted husband of Elizabeth had lost his life in supporting King Henry's cause, and his inno- cent children were exposed to the rancour of party feehng. They were deprived of their inheritance, their lands confiscated, and their old mansion bestowed on one of the Yorkists, who, taking possession, obliged Elizabeth with her children to seek refuge under the paternal roof. While she continued to reside there, and was dependent on her father's bounty, she devoted herself to the education of j^er sons, the eldest of whom was but four years of age. It was at Grafton, or, as some say, in the forest of Whittlebury,that King Edward first beheld EKzabeth ; for this lady, thinking it a favourable opportunity to obtain the grace of the young King, threw herself on her knees before him, and besought him to restore the lands of her husband, and to take compassion on her destitute children.* King Edward was instantly smitten with the charms of the beautiful widow, and, touched by her distress, not only granted her request, but assured her that it was not in his power to refuse her anything. Shortly after, in a private interview, he made known to her his passion, which had so suddenly taken root in his breast under the guise of compassion ; but all his importunities were unavailing, the virtuous Elizabeth, while she modestly confessed her unworthiness to become his queen, obsti- nately rejected every dishonourable proposal. The esteem of Edward was heightened by the rigid * Guthrie ; Wethamstede ; Heame's Chron. ^f inflexibility of the lady, and he at last resolved to share his throne, as well as his affections, with the woman whose personal charms and dignity of character ap- peared to render her so worthy of them. King Edward was but twenty-two years of age, and he did not question his right to marry a subject. This union was privately solemnised at Grafton, and for some time it was kept secret.* We are assured that none were present at these espousals, on the 1st of May, 1464, except the Duchess of Bedford, the priest, and two gentlewomen, with a young man to assist in singing.| It was not until this monarch prepared for the coronation of his Queen, that his marriage was divulged to the astonished people, who were expect- ing the match with Bona of Savoy to be speedily concluded.^ The Earl of Warwick, who had hastened the negotia- tions, when they were drawing to a conclusion, dis- covered that all his exertions were fruitless, through the unruly passions of the monarch who had employed him. He could not brook the affront which was put upon him. He had thought that King Edward entertained too much regard for him, to treat him so unworthily, and he felt indignant at this conduct in one, to whom he had rendered such essential services. He complained to the King of France, who could not fail to resent the slight thus oflered to his family ; and his anger was augmented by this monarch, whose situation at this time not allowing him to demand satisfaction, he wisely * Some say that this marriage was not even known to Elizabeth's father. Lord Rivers. Carte places the date of this marriage on the 1st of May, 1408. He says it was concealed for more than a year previous to the battle of Hexham. The same date is given in Heame's Fragment. t The priest who married them was buried before the altar in the church of the Minories, at London Bridge. X Baker ; Rapin ; Hume ; Stow ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Lin- gard ; Allen's York ; Heame's Chron. ; Ridpath ; Henry ; Paston Letters. 1464. Baker. 214 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. concealed his sentiments, and awaited a more favour- able opportunity of revenging himself* Meanwhile, the Earl of Warwick returned to Eng- land, but with a heart swelling with hatred and revenge. He abhorred the ingratitude of Edward, but perceived the necessity for concealing his sentiments ; yet even in this endeavour he could not help betraying his disgust, and the King, although he still showed some favour to the Earl, gradually began to regard him in the light of an enemy. Their mutual hatred, in spite of their attempts to disguise it, became aggra- vated, and caused them much uneasiness. King Edward gave the Earl great occasion for com- plaint, and this he did either to gratify himself, or to lessen the credit of the Earl with the people. Warwick perceived the King's design, but let it pass unnoticed, lest by untimely resentment he should place himself in such a situation that he could not revenge the insult which had been offered him. Finding himself no longer regarded with the same favour as formerly, Warwick withdrew from Court, under the plea of indisposition ; and, seizing an oppor- tunity, he obtained leave to retire to the castle of Warwick. This Earl could not bear to witness the exaltation of Sir Richard Woodville, the Queen's father, who was created Lord Rivers, and eno:rossed the Kimr's confidence, to the exclusion of AVarwick, who was scarcely employed in public affairs, nor could the latter endure the diminution of his credit at Court. His ambitious mind made him discontented, although the grants which he had received from the Crown had increased his patrimonial estate to 80,000 crowns per annum; and he was displeased at beholding King Edward, jealous of the power which had supported him, daily advancing the authority of the Queen's * Daniel ; Baker ; Hume ; Rapin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 215 \ relatives as his rivals. The King justified his partiality to these individuals, seeking thus to counterbalance the great influence of Warwick, whom he had before assisted to exalt.* The Earl, on his part, acted with great dissimulation. About Michaelmas, after the King's marriage, when Edward desired to make his union known to the public, Warwick and Clarence led Elizabeth bv the hand to the Abbey of Reading, in the King's presence, and declared her Queen of England before the nobility and people there assembled, when the former paid her their compliments. Edward passed the Christmas at Eltham, and thence removed to Westminster ; and about this time lands to the value of 4,000 marks were settled upon the Queen. Preparatory to her coronation, the King made, on Ascension Day, at the Tower of London, thirty-eight Knights of the Bath, amongst whom were several of the nobility, viz.. Lord Dumas, SirBartelot de Ribaire, and Sir John Woodville, the Queen's brother, besides four citizens, viz., Thomas Cooke, Matthew Philip, Ralph Josselyn, and Harry Waver. The coronation of the Queen took place on the 26th of May, 1465. On the 24th, Elizabeth was met at Shooter's Hill, in her way from Eltham to London, by the Lord Mayor, aldermen, and citizens, nobly mounted and richly attired, who conducted her to the Tower. "j" On the next day, the 25th, she was conveyed in a horse litter, preceded by the new-made knights, to West- minster, where, on Sunday, the 26th, she was crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, with the accustomed * Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; W. of Worcester : Rapin ; Paston Letters ; Carte ; Hume ; Lingard ; Maitland's London. t In Edward IV. 's reign the Tower of London was frequently a royal residence, perhaps from its proximity to the city, where the King so much sought to ingratiate himself with the people, who had assisted in his elevation. He kept his court there in this year (14G5), and on other occa- sions also. 1464. 1465. 1465. Baker. 216 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1465. Lingard. ceremonies. The pomp of the coronation was aug- mented by the presence of Count James of St. Pol, a prince of the House of Luxembourg, and the uncle of the Duchess of Bedford, who, with his hundred knights and their attendants, had been especially appointed and sent to England by the Duke of Burgundy.* This array had been made purposely to please King Edward, and at his request, to show the high descent of his Queen, and to impress on the minds of his peers and subjects the worthiness of the object of his choice. ^ Thus it was shown that the relatives who had disdained to notice the Duchess of Bedford, because she married a private gentleman, althougli "the handsomest in England," were ready to claim kindred again when her daughter was about to ascend the throne; and, proud of their connection, their en- mities were all forgotten. The coronation was suc- ceeded by splendid tournaments, held at Westminster for several days.f At this time King Edward kept his court with great splendour at the Tower of London. Here it was that Edward began his career, by bestowing, with a lavish hand, favours, honours, and emoluments on the family and relatives of the Queen. Her father, Lord Rivers, was made Treasurer and Grand Constable ; her brother. Sir Anthony Wood« ville, was united to the greatest heiress of the land, the only daughter of Lord Scales, and this greatlj' offended the Duke of Clarence, the King's elder brother, who thought that the hand of that lady should have been bestowed on himself Also John, a younger brother of the Queen, was wedded to tlie • At the dinner and jousts which followed the coronation, th^ Eirl of Warwick and his two brothers were not present t Baker : Heame's Fragment ; Fabyan ; Heniy ; Ridpath ; W of Wor- cester ; Lingard. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 217 y wealthy Dowager Duchess of Norfolk, who was then in her eightieth year, the bridegroom being only twenty years of age. The five sisters of the Queen were also bestowed in marriage by King Edward. Catherine was given to the young Duke of Buckingham; Mary to WilHam Herbert, created Earl of Huntingdon; Anne to the son of Gray, Lord Ruthyn, created Earl of Kent ; Margaret to Thomas, Lord Maltravers, son and heir of the Earl of Arundel ; and Jaquette to John, Lord Strange, of Knocking. The daughter and heiress of the Duke of Exeter, who was the niece of King Edward, was affianced to Sir Thomas Gray, one of the Queen's sons, and 4,000 marks were given to the bride, by Elizabeth. This match greatly offended Lord Montague, who had been treating for a marriage between his son and that lady, and he took it as an affront to the whole family of the Nevilles ; this afforded another grievance also to the Earl of Warwick. Besides this Earl, many others of the nobility were dissatisfied and jealous at the sudden elevation and favour shown to the Queen's relatives, and their promotion to the first offices of the kingdom. Lord Montjoy had been dis- placed from his office of Treasurer, which was sup- plied by Lord Rivers ; and that of High Constable, which had belonged to the Earl of Worcester had been also given to the same Lord Rivers ; the King, mean- while, created the Earl of Worcester Lieutenant of Ireland, under the Duke of Clarence. Many nobles also, who had formed projects for the advancement of their own children, saw themselves superseded. The affabihty of the Earl of Warwick had rendered him popular, and the nobility had become accustomed to his magnificence and power, but sore complaints were raised against the new favourites. Although Warwick 218 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 219 at this time was not in office, liis brothers were per- mitted to retain their former position. The Marquis of Montague held his post of Governor over the northern counties, there being no cause for apprehen- sion on the side of Scotland ; and the Archbishop of York was still Lord Chancellor.* We may regard the man^iage of King Edward with one of his subjects as the origin, in a great measure, of the rise of the middle-class in this country. The landed aristocracy was at this time all powerful, and fearing their influence, King Edward sought to coun- terbalance it, by making concessions to the lesser gentry and rich citizens, looking to them for protection and assistance. He continued to displace from office, and reduce the authority of the ancient nobility, who had maintained his pretensions, and, indeed, had placed him on his throne. By these means society became changed, and soon presented a new phasis ; while the peculiar characteristics of feudalism gradually disap- peared in England, as was also the case in France, through the efforts of monarchical power to remove vassalage and baronial independence. It was the policy of the English monarch to keep on good terms with the foreign princes, that he might not create new enemies against himself; since the Lancastrians, although subdued, were still very nu- merous. The treaty with Scotland had been pro- longed by him ; and he had besides entered into a truce with Brittany, and also with France. After the affi-ont which Edward had put upon the King of France, he could only regard him as a secret enemy, who would not fail, one day, to revenge himself; however, he resolved to keep on good terms with him, fearing he might yet be disposed to assist the House of Lancaster.! * Baker ; Stow ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard. f Rapin. I Still more did King Edward desire to keep fair with Louis at this time, while he hastened the conclusion of a marriage between his third sister, Margaret, and the Earl of Charolois. Having sprung from the House of Lancaster, Charles, Earl of Charolois, had ever faith- fully adhered to King Henry ; but policy now insti- gated his alliance with Edward, in order that he might strengthen himself against the power of France. This marriage did not meet the approval of Warwick, who avowed himself the enemy of this Earl; and it has been said that this was the com- mencement of the coolness between King Edward and his haughty subject.* However this might be, we w. ofWor find the Earl of Warwick, in 1466, employed, with '^^''^*®^' Lord Hastings, [in concluding the league of amity between King Edward and Charles of Burgundy, and also in conferring about the marriage. He had like- wise been, in the same year, negotiating the peace with France. The French ambassadors returned with the Earl to London, their object being to prevent the marriage of King Edward's sister ; but they had only a cool reception from the King, who then left the capital, appointing an inferior agent to reject their proposals, while the Earl of Warwick endeavoured, by his attentions to them, to compensate for the King's slight. Amongst his own friends the Earl spared not his menaces, and when the ambassadors had departed, he retired to Middleham, much discontented. f Warwick hated most the ingratitude of King Ed- ward. Certainly nothing can be more injurious to a monarch's reputation than behaviour which exposes him to such an imputation. No king ever was more indebted to a subject than Edward was to Warwick ; and, in like manner, also to his two brothers : t stow ; W. of Worcester ; Ling-ard. * Lingard. 220 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 1467. Rapin. indeed, to the exertions of these three, all members of one family, he owed his crown ; they were noble relatives, and superior characters, cast in no common mould. Had the King esteemed them as he ought, and as sentiments of gratitude would have dictated, they might have survived the reign of faction, and, like valued gems, have adorned and sustained his crown. The King, however, permitting his passions to rule him, allowed these distinguished noblemen, whose admirable qualities, great fortunes, and digni- ties gave them naturally astonishing influence in all affairs of state, to be depressed and superseded by the rising power of the Woodvilles. During the late absence of the Earl of Warwick in France, the bastard of Burgundy had come to London, under the pretext of performing feats of arms with Lord Scales, but also to negotiate the proposed marriage. The Parliament met, but, under the plea of sickness, the Chancellor absented himself, when Edward, who had become suspicious of Warwick from his con- ferences with King Louis, went, with a great retinue, to the house of the prelate, and required him to give up the seals, and at the same time took from him tw^o manors, which he had previously obtained from the crown. The Bishop of Bath and Wells, one of the Queen's friends, w^as then appointed Lord Chancellor.* An emissary from Queen Margaret having been taken in Wales about this time, gave information to King Edward that the Earl of Warwick was regarded in the French court as a secret partisan of the Lancastrians. Warwick refused to leave Middle- ham, and the accuser was brought there and con- fronted with him ; but the charge w^as dismissed as * Rymer j Lingard ; Monstrelet j Rapin. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 221 groundless. The King, however, ordered a body- im. guard of 200 archers to attend upon his person, and Lfr.^'" a rupture seemed inevitable; but it was prevented through the interference of tlieir common friends, the Archbishop of York and the Earl of Rivers, who met at Nottingham, and arranged the terms of a recon- ciliation.* The Archbishop conducted his brother to Coventry, where King Edward received him graciously, and all offences between him and the Lords Herbert, Stafford, and Audley being reciprocally pardoned, the Archbishop was rewarded for his services by the restoration of his two manors. Warwick, after this, appeared at Court, and when the marriage of King Edward's sister was finally settled, in 1467, and she departed, she rode through London behind the Earl of Warwick. The Princess Margaret was conveyed to Bruges, being accompanied by her two sisters, the Duchess of Exeterf and the Duchess of Suffolk, :|: with a splendid retinue. A contemporary writer tells us that the Duke of Somerset, who had been staying with the Duke of Burgundy, " departed and all his bands, well be seen ''out of Bruges, a day before that my lady the *' Duchess Margaret, sister of Edward IV., came " hither ; and they say that he is to Queen Margaret "that was, and shall no more come here again, nor be *' holpen by the Duke." From this time King Edward took part with his new relative, the Earl of Charolois, who, at this time, by the death of his father, Philip "the Good," became Duke of Burgundy. Edward also united with the Duke of Brittany. It was not for the interest of * W. of Worcester ; Lingard. t The Duke of Exeter, her husband, was still in France, in great distress. X This lady's husband was the son of Queen Margaret's favourite minister. 222 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 223 England to permit these Dukes to be subdued, by which the French King would gain a great ac- cession of power, and become formidable to Edward, who neither loved Louis, nor cared to keep well with him any longer than policy required. We also find that when a conspiracy was discovered in favour of King Henry, the Earl of Warwick sat amongst the judges upon the trial. In spite, however, of all these outward appearances, no real confidence existed ; and the people, who per- ceived the approaching conflict, pitied their favourite, and blamed the ambition of the Queen and her relatives.* The Earl of Warwick still harboured in his breast the keenest resentment. He resolved to make known that no one could affront him with impunity ; and he secretly meditated revenge upon Edward. He was the most haughty Earl that England had ever seen, and his pride was augmented by the services he had rendered to the House of York.' The insult which the King had offered him, by marrying, while he was negotiating another match, could not be forgotten by him, and, besides, he had not been consulted by the King on the subject of his choice. Had any apology been offered by Edward, it is probable that the Earl's anger had been mitigated, and the affair over- looked ; but the King treated him with contempt and silence, and even sought to lessen his credit with the people, thus greatly increasing the EarFs indignation. Another cause has been assigned, by some authors, for this Earl's displeasure, viz., an injury of a private nature, which Edward had offered to one of his daughters, and which does not seem to be improbable ; however that may be, the Earl of Warwick only ♦ Baker ; Stow ; Pol. VergU ; W. of Worcester ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Paston Letters ; Lingard. concealed his anger more surely to effect his re- venge. 1 It appears uncertain whether King Edward, who might wish to get rid of his imperious counsellor, dis- missed the Earl of Warwick or not ; but, in the month of June, 1467, he was engaged in a negotiation ^^67. relative to commerce, and visited Louis XL at Rouen. Barante ;' Some writers assure us that it was by invitation of ^^j^; this monarch, who sought to gain over a nobleman so influential in the kingdom ; and, indeed, it was to the interest of Louis to have England on his side in his quarrels with Burgundy. To this end he sent rich presents to Warwick, and sought to win his friendship, especially as he observed his increasing discontent with Edward. He sent messengers with flattering compliments to him; nor was the Earl insensible to his favours, perceiving how much the power of the French would support his credit in England, which was then on the decline. He there- fore accepted the invitation of Louis, and, quitting England, landed at Harfleur. The French King ad- vanced to meet the Earl as far as the village of La Bouille, on the Seine, four leagues from Rouen, at- tended by several of his nobles. At this place Warwick arrived on the 7tli of June, where a splendid repast had been prepared, of which having partaken, he paid his respects to the King, and then proceeded to Rouen by water, while the French King went thither by land. This was the fii:st time that Louis had beheld the haughty Earl, whom he so much desired to conciliate. The magistrates of Rouen, " in their formalities," advanced to receive the Earl as he landed at the Quay of St. Eloy, and then the priests came in their copes, bearing crosses, banners, holy water, and relics of ♦ Monfaucon ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapin. 224 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. saints, and with great pomp and ceremony con- ducted him in procession to the Church of Notre Dame, where he made his offerings, and then pro- ceeded to an apartment prepared for his reception, and magnificently ornamented, at the Jacobins, one of the religious houses. Soon afterwards the Queen and Princesses came to Rouen, and the King remained there during a fortnight, (some say twelve days,) with the Earl of AVarwick. He showed him all the respect due to a sovereign, appointed him a residence next his own, and, by a private door, he frequently visited him secretly. When the Earl took his leave and returned to England, he was accompanied by the Admiral of France, the Bishops of Laon, St. John de Pompain- court, St. Ohvier le Roux, and several others, whom the King had appointed to attend him. From this time the Earl of Warwick became more the servant of Louis than of Edward, and daily assumed more boldness in manifesting his discontent. While at Rouen the Earl of Warwick received from Louis XL several fine and costly presents, one being a piece of gold plate, and another a large gold cup, set with precious stones. The Duke of Bourbon also presented him with a rich diamond ring, and other handsome gifts. He had, moreover, all his expenses and those of his attendants defrayed by the French King, from the time of his landing at Harfleur until he embarked for England. In return for the handsome gifts made to the Earl of Warwick and his suite. King Edward afterwards sent to France some rich presents of hunting horns, bottles of leather, &c., and this seems to make it probable that Edward really did employ Warwick at the French Court. The potent Earl, if this was the case, doubtless seized the opportunity to secure MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 225 the assistance of Louis in accomplishing the object nearest his heart, viz., the dethronement of Edward; and from this time the Earl maintained a constant correspondence, in secret, with the French monarch.* After his return to England, the Earl of Warwick began to carry his designs into execution. He first sought to win over his own brothers, the Archbishop of York and the Marquis of Montague. He repre- sented to them the great services they had all three rendered to King Edward, and how ill he had requited them, their rewards being inadequate to their merits. He charged the King with ingratitude, and with seeking to degrade their family in a manner intolerable to men of honour ; and especially in the insult offered to himself m the affair of the marriage of the King. He concluded, by assuring them that he had resolved to let King Edward see that the hand which could assist him to a throne, was not less powerful in pulling him down ; and he desired only their help in his undertaking. The Archbishop of York was easily prevailed upon to enter into^ this project ; Montague hesitated, made some objection, and adduced arguments, to which Warwick replied with eagerness. At length Montague conceded ; but it was more out of complacence to lis brother, than from his desire to participate in this plot.f The Earl next proceeded to communicate his project to the Duke of Clarence, who, having evinced great dissatisfaction at the conduct of the King, for bestowing on Lord Scales, the Queen's brother, the hand of the richest heiress in the kingdom, the Earl of Warwick had reason to think that he would gladly seize the opportunity of revenging himself; nor was he mis- taken. Clarence heartily entered into his views, and * Barante ; Monfaucon ; Philip de Comines ; Monstrelet ; Eymer ; Lin- gard ; Sharon Turner ; Eapin ; Henry ; Lussan's Louis XI. t MiUes's Catalogue ; Pol. VergU ; Baker ; AUen's York ; Rapin. VOL. II. 226 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. W. cf AVor cester. tlie Earl of Warwick, to secure him, proffered liim the hand of his daughter Isabella, to whom Clarence was attached, and he bestowed a considerable fortune as her dower, being the half of the lands which AVarwick held in right of his wife. Thus the King's eldest brother became strictly united with his greatest enemy, who had even plotted to dethrone him. Surely the ties of blood and of affection should have for ^ ever deterred him from engaging in this conspiracy. It was ambition which stifled the voice of nature ; and pride, wounded pride, urged on to the most desperate and unlooked-for events. Warwick even attempted to prevail on tha Duke of Gloucester to join this confederacy, but he found him so reserved that he dared not close with him.* The Duke of Clarence was, at this time, next heir to the crown, and King Edward, who was not ignorant of Warwick's ambition, anxiously endeavoured to pre- ^ vent his brother's marriage ; but in vain. ^ Soon after the interview between the Earl of War- wick and Clarence, they proceeded together to Calais, where the marriage was solemnised in the church of St. Nicholas. The ceremony was performed by the Archbishop of York, the bride's uncle ; but whether in privacy, or with the King's consent, the historians have been unable to decide. There is, indeed, much room for doubt on some events of this period. Some authors assert, that it was only on the morning of the day of this marriage that the Earl of Warwick made known to Clarence, his pr.oject for the restoration of King Henry; and that the Duke, who until that time was in ignorance of it, then agreed to it. These two noblemen remained at Calais for some time after the marriage ; and King Edward felt much secret dis- * BaJ^er ; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Rapia ; Hume ; Barante • V lilaret. * MARGARET OF ANJOU. 227 pleasui^ towards the Earl of Warwick on account of tins union. Others write that the Earl and Clarence returned to ^ngland, and enjoyed the favour of the King, who as It regretting his former misconduct towards Warwick made him Justiciary of South Wales, and afterwards beneschal of the whole of that country. Edward must mdeed, if this were true, have been in ignorance of the projects formed against him.« In the year 1467, a servant of Robert Whittingham "67. named Cornelius, by trade a shoemaker, was seized ^7"" at Queenborough, and letters being found upon him "°" h-om Queen Margaret, who was then in France, he was tortured by fire, in order to make him discover the nanies of such noblemen and gentlemen as corresponded with the exiled Queen.f This cruel means of extort- ing confession was not uncommon in England at this time; the civil warfare, and the violence of party beino- a great hindrance to the regular and impartial administ tration of justice throughout the kingdom. A kind of military government prevailed, and the High Constable being invested with authority to inflict punishment' even of death, upon the most exalted subjects, without so much as having recourse to the proceedings of law he not unfrequently acted on his own private convic- tion of their guilt. Persons of rank were sometimes put to death without any inquiry after evidence ; and occasionally the Constable, in order to obtain a show of justice, would seek for proof by means of the rack, as in this case of ComeHus.t _ One of the letters found upon Cornelius was from his master, Whittingham, addressed to Thomas Dan- * stow ; W. of Worcester ; Pol. Vergil ; Baker ; Lond. Chron. , Lino-ard ■ Barante ; Rapm ; Cont. Hist. ; Croyl. ; Villaret. t Henry ; W. of Worcester. t Henry. Q 2 228 MAEGARET OF AXJOU. vers, which caused the latter to be arrested and com- mitted to the Tower. Many confessions were made by Cornelius, which occasioned the apprehension of several persons; and amongst them of one John Hawkins, on a similar charge, viz., of receiving letters from Queen Margaret. Hawkins impeached Sir Thomas Cooke, Lord Mayor of London, of treason, and he ^yas sent to the Tower. Lord Eivers was appointed to his office. Some writers assert that this nobleman contrived the removal of Cooke, and was assisted in this by his wife, the Duchess of Bedford; and we further learn that they also obtained the dismissal from his office of Chief Justice Markham, for having decided that Sir Thomas Cooke was not guilty of treason. These circumstances exhibit the high autho- rity assumed by the new favourites. This was the same Thomas Cooke to whom King Edward wrote, in confidence, from Stamford, in 1462^ calling him " his trusty and well-beloved alderman of London," and earnestly beseeching his assistance at this time, when he felt in the midst of perplexities and alarms respecting the " designs of his great adversary " Harry, naming himself King of England, who, " through the malicious counsel of Margaret his wife' '' naming herself Queen of England, had conspired " with others, his enemies, against him." Since that season of trial and difficulty the King had shown favour to Sir Thomas by making him, with others, a Knight of the Bath ; this was at the Tower, on the 15th of May, previous to the coronation of his Queen. This distinction was probably to reward his services • but how were the times now changed with this worthy mayor, that the power and influence of a party, or family, should have so easily displaced him from his high position of trust and authority ! The mis- fortunes of Sir Thomas Cooke arose, not only from his MARGARET OP ANJOU. 229 ■ adherence to the Lancastrian interests, but also from his great wealth and possessions, at a time when he had so powerful an enemy as Lord Rivers, the Treasurer. The affair has been thus related. When Hawkins came to Sir Thomas Cooke, requesting him to lend a thousand marks on good security, he, hearing that this sum was designed for the use of <5ueen Margaret,* refused to lend it. Two or three years after, the said Hawkins, being imprisoned in the Tower, and being brought to the '' Brake " (called the Duke of Exeter's daughter!), be confessed, amongst other things, this demand upon Sir Thomas Cooke. Hawkins was put to death, and Sir Thomas was sent, first to the Compter, in Bread Street, and thence to the King's Bench, in Southwark, and he was detained from AVhitsuntide to Michaelmas. His residence in Essex, called Gyddihal, was spoiled, and the deer in his park destroyed ; and although arraigned upon life and death, and acquitted on his trial at Guildhall, he was not set free until he had paid to the King £8,000, and to the Queen £800. Some writers say his estates were confiscated.^ His lady shared in liis misfortunes; for upon his appre- hension she was, witli her servants, turned out of her house, and only regained possession upon the acquittal of Sir Thomas, when they found their dwelling in an evil plight, the servants of Sir John Fogg § and Lord Eivers having made havoc of whatever they pleased ; and this they had done at their town, as well as country residence. They seized on their jewels and plate, and chief merchandise m cloth of silk, and cloth of * TMs money was intended to pay an army the Queen was raising in France. t So called because she had invented the torture. I To this they also add that Cooke's wife was committed to the care of the present mayor. § Sir John Fogg was under-treasurer. 230 ALIEGARET OF ANJOU. 1468. W. of Wor- cester. 1468. Stow; Kudlancl. hIndV' '"""''' '''''°° '''''=°^^'"^'^' ^ame into the Treasurer's Cooke had, at an earlier period, been befriended by the Lady Margai-et, tlie sister of King Edward ; but when she had quitted England, all these troubles fell heavily upon him * Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, held Denbigh Castle and o her places in Wales, in 1459, in behalf of King Henry VI., his half-brother; but in 1460, when he Yorkis s were victorious, they wrested them from him. In the year 1468, this Earl of Pembroke re- turned with fifty followers, and but little money • yet when reinforced by 2,000 Welshmen, they boldi; ntnd . ? ^y^l Hace at Denbigh, wlLh they plundered, and set on fire, and burnt the town Their object appeared to be destruction rather than conquest. Upon the arrival, however, of Lord Herbert, in North Wales, with an army of 10,000 men, Jasper Tudor was defeated, and of the prisoners taken, twenty were b" The castle of Harlech still held out against Edward Sji .?.f 'T '^' ^^^■"'°'^' ' ^^^^ "°Weman, who sided with the House of Lancaster, was still in passes' sion of this fortress. This governor, a man of "eat stature and dauntless courage, was a firm support'-er " Kmg Henry s cause ; and when Lord Herbert came on the part of Edward, to summon him to surreS this cas le, he gave a humorous reply, to this effect : u St ™^- t r' " ''''^' '^ ^^^"•^«' till all the od women m Vales talked of him, he would now defend his Welsh castle, till all the old women in France should hear of it." Tt/*" ff\ *^' ''^"*=*'°'^ °f this stronghold, Kin<. Edward had supplied Herbert, Earl of Pembroke^ t Dwlle^'p" ' ^'- '^ '^'"''^' ■' ^^-^'"d's London. t Du^^ale s Baronage ; W. of Worcester ; Carte ; Eudland's Snowden. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 231 r with a powerful body of men. They had to en- counter the greatest difficulties ; their march was truly formidable, lying through a rough, alpine territory. This rugged line was afterwards called " Le Her- bert," or "Herbert's Way," by which the castle was invested. Tlie prosecution of the siege was committed by the Earl to his brother. Sir Richard Herbert, a knight equal in prowess and valour to the commander of the castle. After a lengthened siege, beyond the ordinary duration, this fortress was found to be impregnable, and only to be reduced by famine. Then the general of the Yorkists entered into terms of honourable capitula- tion with Davydd, promising him safety and protection through his intercessions with the King. In this, how- ever, he was not successful at first, until he boldly offered his own life, and threatened to reinstate the Welsh hero in the fortress, informing King Edward of the difficulty of gaining possession of it* William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, with his large army wasted and desolated the counties of Carnarvon and Merionethshire to the utmost, as the Welsh rhyme bears witness — ** Hardleck a Duibeck pob dor Yn Cunnev " Nanconway yn fan'or " Mil a phedwarcant nae Jor ** Atlinigain ag wyth rha^or." ** In Harleck and Duibeck every house *' Was basely set on fire, *' But poor Nantconwy suffered more, For there the flames burnt higher ; 'Twas in the year of our Lord Fourteen hundred and sixty-eight, That these unhappy towns of Wales " Met with such wretched fate." li (( (( (( ♦ Barry's Itinerary of Archbishop Baldwin through Wales • Lewis's Topographical Dictionary of Wales ; Rudland's Journey to Snowden. 232 3kLlBGAEET OF AXJOU. 1468. In the castle of Harlecli were taken Richard Tunstall, Henry Behngham, and Wilham Stoke, knights, Whit- tingham, and others, to the number of fifty persons. They were conveyed to London by Lord Herbert, and imprisoned in the Tower. Two of these, named Thomas Elwick iind Triiblote, were beheaded on Tower Hill.* When Queen ilargaret learned the news of the im- prisonment of King Henry she was much distressed ; but, far from desponding, she only redoubled her solici- tations for help at the French Court. Rene had already given her all the assistance in his power. With only a small force, ^Margaret and her son. Prince Edward, passed through Normandy on their wav to England ; for the Queen had resolved to make an attempt to rejoin her husband. Along with Prince Edward she visited the Abbey of Bee, situated nine leagues from Rouen, and stayed five days in that monastery, where they were received by Geofrey d'Espagne, sumamed Benedict, who is said to have presided over this abbey for twenty-four years, with the greatest wisdom and prudence. Queen Margaret afterwards pursued the road to i4t>^ ^I<^^^fort, and thence to Honfleur, where she was to w.ofWor. embark for England. This was about the end of October, 1468. King Edward received intelligence at this time of the intention of Queen Margaret to invade England, and that with her son and some troops she lay at Honfleur, and he immediately sent out the Lords Scales and Montjoy with 5,(k;)0 men, in two large vessels, and with several galleys to guard the seas, and to prevent their landing. They were cruising up and down continually from the :?5th of October "until the • Sir John Wvimes Hist, of the Gweder Famil v ; Bairvs Innenirr- Stow : W. of Worcester : Rudkuid's Snowden. 146S. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. •233 1469. Stow end of November, when the rough weather drove them into the Isle of AVight, of which Lord Scales was the Governor.* After this, it may be presumed that the Queen gave up her project. There was an insurrection in Yorkshire in the month of October, 1-4G9. This was ^enerallv attributed to Ri'ii^th; . . " Rapin • the Marquis of Montague, and his brother, the Arch- Henry'; bishop of York ; some historians say, it was preconcerted ^^^' by the Earl of Warwick, who was preparing to assist in it, with his new son-in-law, the Duke of Clarence. This mutiny was raised by some persons who had been bribed to do it. They caused a report to be cir- culated that the funds, which were raised voluntarily to maintain an hospital at York, had been misapplied, and were onlv used to enrich the directors of the hos- pital ; that these contributions, which had in course of time become a kind of right, were not necessary, the hospital being suflBciently endowed. Upon this slight pretext, the people assembled to the number of 15,000, and, after killing some of the collectors, proceeded to York, bavins: at their head Robert Holdem, or Hilvard, commonly called Robin of Riddesdale. Montague collected a body of citizens, and sallied forth to meet the insurgents ; he despatched a great manv, and seized the chief, whom he ordered to be decapitated. This conduct would seem to remove any suspicion of the influence of Montague in raising thLs rebellion, but his subsequent behaviour bears a more decided character.f When the news of this insurrection reached King Edward, he instantlv dismissed orders for Sir William * History of the Abbey of Bee : W. of Worcester : Bently's Exoerpta HLstorica : Female Worthies. t Howel : Baker : ^liHes's Catalogue : PoL Vergil : Ridpath ; Allen's Toric ; Baiante ; Eapin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Heniy. 234 M^VEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 235 ,^ b Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, Governor of Wales, to assemble all the forces he could collect, and prepare to march. Still the King did not suspect his own brother, or the Earl of Warwick, although he could not doubt that these commotions were occasioned by some of the Lancastrian party. 1469. The insurgents, not discouraged by their late failure, had again recourse to arms, and placed at their head Henry, son of Lord Fitzhugh, and Henry Neville, son of Lord Latimer ; one of these was a nephew, the other a cousin-german of the Earl of Warwick. These young commanders were guided by the experience of Sir John Conyers, a skilful warrior and a valiant man. This party at first proposed to get possession of York, but suddenly altered their minds and marched towards London. As they advanced they proclaimed "King Edward an unjust prince and an usurper." No motive could be assigned for the change in their course, and the affair of the hospital was altogether a pretext to assemble the people.* The Earl of Pembroke and his brother set out to meet the disaffected, whose numbers were increasing in their march to the metropolis. The forces of Pem- broke amounted to 10,000 men,t mostly Welshmen, and were joined by Lord Stafford, with a reinforcement of 800 archers. The insurgents first gained a slight advantage over a detachment headed by Sir Richard Herbert, the brother of Lord Pembroke, who had been dismissed to reconnoitre. The King exhorted Pembroke not to be disheartened by so inconsiderable a loss, and promised that he would join him with a large army. The rebels, meanwhile, fearing to meet King Ed- ward's armv, resolved to withdraw to Warwick, but * Howel ; Baker ; Pol. Vergil ; Eidpath ; Allen's York ; Eapin ; Lingard ; Hxune : Henry. t Stow says 18,000 ; Baker T.'"^^-^. were prevented doing so, by Pembroke, who, to revenge himself, marched towards them, and compelled them to halt. The two armies encamped near each other upon Danesmoor, near Hedgecote, about four miles from Banbury. The battle which ensued has been variously called by the name of Hedgecote, Banbury, or Cots- wold, and took place on the 26th of July, 1469. ^u^. Before its commencement, a quan-el arose between the TopUs_; Earl of Pembroke and Lord Stafford about quarters, chr„n. -, and the latter deserted during the night with his 800 Lmg^d archers. The rebels, having received news ot this defection, resolved to take advantage of it, and on the following morning, at break of day, they advanced m aood order to attack the royalists. Henry Neville, one of the commanders, eagerly seeking to engage the enemy, lest they should endeavour to withdraw was sharply encountered, taken prisoner, and put to death in cold blood. Irritated almost to fury by this bar- barity these northern adherents rushed impetuously upon their enemies, who seemed on the point ot nctory when one John Clapham, a servant of the Larl ot Warwick, joining in with 500 men, set up a cry ot a Warwick ! a Warwick ! and then displayed the colours of this nobleman, with the white bear and the ragged staff, which, the Welshmen perceiving, they took to flio-ht believing the Earl had himself come. In spite of°the heroism of Sir Richard Herbert, whose conduct that day has been highly commended, the Yorkists were completely routed. The Earl of Pembroke and his brother, while valiantly fighting, were encompassed and taken prisoners. They were conveyed to Banbury, and, with ten other gentlemen, had their heads struck off to avenge the death of Henry Neville. Their judges were Sir John Conyers and John • Herbert, Earl o£ Pembroke, had been newly created to this title. 236 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1469. Ridpath. Claphaiii ; but some tell us that they were beheaded by command of the Duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick. After this signal victory, the insurgents continued their march to Warwick, where they were joyfully received by the Earl of Warwick.* King Edward was justly enraged against Lord Stafford for his desertion of Pembroke from a light quarrel, and for thus having caused the late defeat. He gave orders for his public execution, which took place in the town of Bridgewater. This Earl bore the disgraceful title of an Earl of three months' standing and no more."f A few days after the battle of Banbury, the people of Northamptonshire assembled in great numbers, and, joining the rebels, proceeded in a tumultuous manner to Grafton House, the seat of the Earl of Rivers, the father of the Queen. They seized this nobleman and his son, and brought them to North- ampton, where they were both beheaded in the most summary manner. J After these proceedings, it is surprising that King Edward did not discover that the Earl of Warwick was the real author of these insurrections. He was well aware that he was the sworn enemy of the Earl of Rivers, and the insurgents had been willingly received into the town of Warwick ; yet the King, although acquainted with the Earl's discontent, and that of his brother, the Archbishop, did not at this time suspect them. The citizens of AVarwick acted, doubtless, by com- • Sandford ; Stow ; Baker : Pol. Ver^l ; Milles's Catalogue ; Toplis ; Howel ; Ridpath ; London Cliron. ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry ;. Paston Letters. t Stow : Milles's Catalogue : Lingard ; Rapin ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; Ridpath ; Baker ; Henry. ■t Sandford : Stow ; Baker ; Ridpath : Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Barante ; Bentley's Excerpta Historica ; Fabyan. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 237 '• pulsion in favouring the Earl's party ; but this conduct was afterwards severely visited wdth the displeasure of the King, who deprived them of their privileges, and made them pay 500 marks to recover them.* In proof how little King Edward suspected his brother Clarence and the Earl of Warwick, when they again re-appeared in England^ (supposed to have been in the month of February, 1470,) he employed ^U70- them soon afterwards to levy troops against the rebels. Hume.' This commission they executed, but only for their own purposes ; and the forces they raised were afterwards employed to augment the army of the rebels. King Edward, meanwhile, thinking that the design of Warwick and Clarence was to fly into Ireland, issued a proclamation forbidding the Irish to^ obey the Duke, and commanding them to take him prisoner, as well as the Earl of Warwick, should it be in their power. As a reward for this service, he offered an annuity of £1,000, or £10,000 in ready money. He also conferred the government of Ireland upon the Earl of Worcester. After this, King Edward proceeded to levy troops in all those counties which acknowledged his au- thority. In a similar manner, the Earl of Warwick and Clarence had been employed, and when they received intelligence that the King was upon his march, they united their forces with those of the rebels, and when Edward reached them he found them prepared for battle.! The power of the Nevilles was most formidable in the north, for, as Wardens of the Marches, they had successively inherited an office which gave great influence, first to the Earl of Westmoreland, to his son • Pennant ; Hume ; Lingard ; Rapin ; John Fordum ; Scoti Chronicon. I Ridpath ; Rapin ; Hume ; Villaret. 238 MAEGAEET OF iys^JOU. 1 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 239 1460. Ridpath ; AUen's York. Salisbury, and then to the Earl of Warwick, whose brother, John Neville, lastly succeeded, being raised to this dignity on the ruins of the Percy family. This John Neville was also, at that time. President of York- shire, and his brother George being Archbishop of York, the three brothers became in effect masters of the most warlike part of the kingdom. King Edward afterwards adopted the policy of reducing the great authority of these noblemen, who, although they had been his friends, were powerful enough to act against him. Soon after the rebellion in Yorkshire, the King, to effect this object, received the fealty of Henry Percy, the son and heir of the Earl of Northumber- land, who, fighting for the Lancastrians, had fallen in the battle of Towton. From the time of this battle Henry Percy had been detained a prisoner in the Tower ; but, on his swearing fealty to the King, he was immediately liberated, and went to his residence at Leckonfield. The gentry and people of Northumberland also petitioned King Edwai'd to restore Henry Percy to the estates and honours of his ancestors, which, being effected, he received, in addition to the title of his ancestors, the Wardenship of the East and Middle Marches, which John Neville resigned, being pro- moted to the higher title of ^larquis of Montague. Of these appointments ilontague would never have consented to be deprived, merely for an empty title, had not other inducements been held out to gratify his ambition; but King Edward, seeking to attach him to himself, and alienate him from his brother's interests, had previously signified his intention to unite his eldest daughter, then apparent heir to the croTMi, to George, the only son of the Marquis of Montague, who was male heir of all the three Nevilles, / 1470. Paston and upon whom he conferred the dignity of Duke of Bedford.* During the late internal commotions King Edward must have felt his crown somewhat insecure, the insurgents being numerous in those places wdiere he had fixed his quarters. On this account, while he was at Fotheringay, being alarmed at their numbers, the Wvdvilles had withdrawn from the army, and retired to their country places. At Newark the disaffection w^as so great that the King fled to the castle of Nottingham, from whence uZ^ he wrote to request Clarence, War\vick, and the Arch- bishop to hasten to him there, with their usual at- tendants in time of peace. To Warwick his note conveyed these significant w^ords : " And we do not *' believe that ye should be of any such disposition " towards us, as the nnnour here runneth, considering *' the trust and affection we bear you. And, cousin, " do not think but ye shall be to us welcome."t In obedience to this summons the Earl of Warwick, the Duke of Clarence, and the Archbishop repaired to King Edward, w^hom they found at Olney, in great distress at the defeat of Pembroke and the murder of the Wydvilles, as well as the desertion of his adherents. He freely told them his suspicions and displeasure ; but, though he was deceived at first by their expressions of respect, he quickly perceived his imprudence ; finding himself actually in their power, he accepted their excuses, which it would not have been safe to refuse. The few who had supported him dispersed, by permission of Warwick. By his com- mand also the insurgents w^ithdrew to their houses, laden with booty, and King Edward accompanied the two brothers to Warwick as their prisoner. He was * Ridpath : Stow ; Rot. Pari. ; Allen's York ; Paston Letters ; Lingard. t Paston Letters ; Lingard. 240 M^VEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 241 1469. Lingard. soon after removed, for gi-eater security, to Middleham Castle, and entrusted to the care of the Archbishop of York. By some writers, however, we are informed that King Edward was surprised by the Earl of Warwick in^ the night, and taken in his bed, at a place called Vs oolney, four miles from Berwick ; but these authors all agree that he was conveyed to Middleham, and placed in the custody of the Archbishop. England exhibited at this period the novel spectacle of two rival monarchs, each of them a prisoner, the one in the Tower of London, the other in York- shire.* Thus terminated the war, for the two victorious Lords, trusting in their good fortune, disbanded their forces. They next turned their attention to aifairs of government, yet they did not evince any anxiety to restore King Henry, and whatever their inten- tions might have been, they were unexpectedly de- feated. ^ While in the custody of the Archbishop of York, King Edward conducted himself in so affable and obliging a manner, that he prevailed on that prelate to permit him the Hberty of occasionally hunting in the park, attended by only a few persons. Having thus far succeeded in the design he had formed, Edward next conveyed, by means of one of his keepers, a letter to two of his adherents, who «lwelt in that neighbom-hood, to whom he made known a means of aiding him in his release. ^ These gentlemen, who were dehghted to serve the King in this affiiir, privately assembled their friends, and, lying in ambush near the park, seized the oppor- * Sandfoi-d : Baker : .MiUes's Catalogue ; HaU : Stow : Howel ; Paston Letters ; Pol. Ver^ : Allen 3 York ; Lingaid : Sharon Tnmer : Eapin • Barant€ ; Com. Hist. Crovland. f » ' tunity while King Edward was out on his diversion, to carry him off. King Edward having thus regained his freedom, proceeded instantly to York. In this city he did not long remain, perhaps not confiding in its fidelity, but hastened into Lancashire, where he was joined by Lord Hastings, his High Chamberiain, with some troops. Taking a circuitous route in order to elude the Eari of Warwick, Edward went to London, where he was readily admitted by the citizens, to the great astonishment of the Eari, who, little expecting such a circumstance, had not provided for the defence of the place.* He could hardly forbear suspecting the Archbishop, his brother, of having yielded to bribery, so much was he amazed at his want of discretion ; but \^ arwick had no time now to arraign him, being com- pelled to reassemble his forces with the utmost expe- dition, to meet the King in battle. Edward also raised an army with great exertions. Meanwhile, some of the most pacific of the Lords at- tempted a mediation between the two parties ; but this failed, although at first it was acceded to; and when a conference was held at Westminster, the King and his opponents, Clarence and Warwick, spent the time m mutual reproaches, tending to widen the breach between them.f After this. King Edward allowed the Archbishop to i47o. remain at his seat. The Moor, in Hertfordshire, but u^Z left some of his own serv^ants with him to watch him. He treated the Eari of Oxford in the same manner. Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, and his relatives about this time landed in Devonshire, and there obtained some power. ♦ stow: Baker: HaU; Milles's Catalogue ; Pol. Vergil ; Eapin: AUen's York ; Comines ; Rot. ParL t Baker ; PoL Vergil ; Eapin. VOL. II. K 242 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1470. Stow. In the North there were also so many in arms, that Percy was unable to resist them, and King Edward purposed to assist him. Some conferences were held at this time at Baynard's Castle, under the mediation of Cecily, Duchess of York, the King's mother, and a reconciliation was effected between King Edward, the Earl of Warwick and his party : but it proved altogether insincere.* The Duke of Clarence and the Earl of Warwick repaired to Lincoln, where they assembled their forces, under the command of Sir Robert Wells, son of Lord Wells. This family having great interest in Lincolnshire, the people readily collected under their leader, who was a man of valour and experience, and as they sought to arouse the gentry and people to join their standard, they everywhere proclaimed " King Henry ! " On being informed that Sir Robert Wells had taken up arms against him. King Edward sent an express to Lord Wells to appear at Court immediately, intending to compel him to use his influence with his son to induce him to abandon the rebels. Lord Wells, however, having reached London, learnt that the King was greatly enraged against his son, and fearing to meet him, took sanctuary in Westminster Abbey; but when King Edward sent him a safe conduct he immediately appeared before him, and, in compHance with this monarch's wishes, he wrote to his son to prevail on him to desert the Earl of Warwick and dismiss his followers. Young Wells refused to obey these com- mands, which so much incensed the King that he ordered Lord Wells to be beheaded, together with his brother-in-law. Sir Thomas Dymock, who had accom- panied him.f A summons was then sent to Sir ♦ Lingard ; Paston Letters ; Stow. t Stow ; Baker ; Howel ; Pol. Vergil ; Lingard ; Henry ; Eapin ; Fabyan ; Hume. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 243 ' Eobert Wells, from whom the King received the indignant reply *' that he never would trust the per- *' fidy of the man who had murdered his parent." It has been alleged, in excuse for King Edward's cruelty, that he suspected these noblemen of con- niving at the proceedings of his enemies ; nor was he mistaken, for these unfortunate persons acknow- ledged, in their last moments, that they had been encouraged in their rebellion by Clarence and Warwick. This act of cruelty was, nevertheless, very injurious to the reputation of King Edward.* Young Wells, when he heard the news of his father's death, was inspired with so violent a thirst for revenge that it occasioned his ruin, and was of great prejudice to the Earl of Warwick. Sir Robert Wells was encamped near Stamford, whither the King's troops had advanced, ^^^th intent to come to an engagement before Clarence and War- wick could bring him succour. Wells would have withdrawn to Stamford, but his impatience to revenge his father's death, made him run all hazards rather than retreat. He fought with great valour while supported by his followers, 30,000 in number, and at length, finding himself defeated, he urged his enemies to take his life, but this they refused to do, reserving him for an ignominious death, a few days after, on the scaff'old. Lord Willoughby was also beheaded at Doncaster, and several knights and gentlemen were put to the most barbarous and ignominious death by command of Lord Worcester, who was High Constable at this time. This battle, which took place on the 13th of March, 1470, was fought at Ernpyngham, in a field called t^L; *' Home Felde," about five miles north-west of Stam- l^j! * Lingard ; Eapin ; Henry. K 2 1470. Baker; 244 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Hume; Paston Letters ; Henry ; Lingard. 1470. ford, near the road to York, and it still retains the name of " Bloody Oaks." Some of the Lancastrians, when flying from the field, threw off their coats, that they might not be encumbered by their weight in their flight ; and this occurred in a field which, from this circumstance, has, by tradition, been erroneously considered as the place of the engagement, and thence this was called the battle of " Loose-coat-field." * The victory was decisive for King Edward, and 10,000 of his enemies were slain, f The King was prevented by want of provisions from following after Warwick and Clarence, who, with their adherents, had gone to Manchester, to sohcit the aid of Lord Stanley, who had married the sister of Warwick. A proclamation was now issued by King Edward against the rebellious party, enumerating their offences, and exhorting them to return to their duty within a certain time. The King assured them, that, if they would vindicate themselves he would admit their justification with pleasure ; and if not, he should still remember that they were allied to him by blood, and had been once numbered amongst his dearest friends. The measures of Clarence and Warwick had been interrupted by the defeat at Ernpyngham, and they were hardly prepared to meet the King, when he might be on the road to attack them. They found that they had no alternative but to screen themselves by flight, and accordingly they proceeded rapidly to Exeter, taking with them the Countess of Warwick * This field, called " Loosecoat Field," was between Stamford and Little Casterton : perhaps they were here closely pursued by the enemy. This battle is sometimes called the battle of Stamford. t Sandford ; Toplis ; Baker ; Stow ; Howel : Blore's Rutland ; Pol. Vergil ; Milles's Catalogue ; London Chron. ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; Lingard; Henrj- ; Rapin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 245 ; t and her two daughters. Here they arrived on the 3rd of April, 1470, but only stayed while shipping was provided for them, when they embarked at Dart- mouth, and sailed to Calais. Meanwhile, King Edward, with all speed, had mus- tered his forces, consisting of 40,000 men, and fol- lowed to the city of Exeter, which he reached on the 14th of April, but too late to overtake his adversaries. He had with him the Bishop of Ely, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earls of Arundell, Wiltshire, Worcester, and Shrewsbury, Lord Hastings and others. The Mayor and four hundred citizens gave the King a most gracious reception ; clad in red gowns (the city livery), they assembled at the south gate, await- ing his arrival. The Recorder, in a humble oration, congratulated his coming ; the Mayor, yielding the keys of the gates and mace of his office, with them presented a purse of one hundred nobles in gold, which was thankfully accepted by Edward, who restored the keys and mace. The Mayor then, bare-headed, bore the mace through the city, as he conducted his sove- reign to his lodging. King Edward on the next day, being Palm Sunday, attended divine service in the church of St. Peter, and afterwards went in procession, according to the custom of the day, round the church- yard, "to the great joy and comfort of all the people." Three days after King Edward returned to London. The Earl of Warwick's design was to return to Calais, where he had left Vaucleir, deputy Lieutenant, in his absence. He trusted much in the fidelity of this person ; but what was his astonishment when, upon his approach to Calais, he was fired upon from that town ! He sought to move Vaucleir by representing the situation of the Duchess of Clarence, who had just given birth to a son ; but, in return, Warwick could 1470. 246 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. olny procure from liim some wine for the relief of his daughter. This was sent by a trusty messenger, who informed the Earl, that Vaucleir was still attached to his service, but w^as compelled to act thus, because had he permitted the Earl to enter Calais, he would not have been safe there ; and he added, also, assurances of his future fidelity. King Edward, being ignorant of the motives for this conduct, was so gratified by it, that he made Vau- cleir Governor of Calais, and the Duke of Burgundy voluntarily added the annual pension of 1000 crowns. Thus repulsed at Calais, the Earl and his party landed at Dieppe, and proceeded to Honfleur, in Nor- mandy, where they were kindly and hospitably received by the French Admiral, the bastard of Bourbon, who provided good accommodation for the ladies and their attendants at Valongis, and conducted the Earl of Warwick, the Duke of Clarence, Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, and John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, to the court of Louis, at Amboise, where the French King gave them a cordial reception.* Louis XL had beheld with a jealous eye the strict alliance formed between King Edward and the Duke of Burgundy ; he also still harboured the desire of revenging the affront he had received in the affair of King Edward's marriage, and he now found it would be to his interest to oppose both these powers. He was likewise offended at the assistance given by the English monarch to the Duke of Brittany, and he feared that, should the former remain on the throne, his protection would be readily procured by the French Princes, whom he was anxious to subjugate. These ♦ Philip de Comines ; Paston Letters ; Rymer ; Baker ; Monfaucon ; Rot. Pari. ; Henry ; Monstrelet ; London Chron. ; Pol. Ver^l ; Hume ; Holinshed ; Villaret ; Jean de Troye ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Chastellain ; Barante. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 247 various motives induced Louis, not only to treat the English nobles with civility, but also to promise them his assistance in rekindling the civil war in England. It is not improbable that he might even have pre- viously concerted measures w^ith Warwick for that purpose, especially as he hoped that, by raising fresh troubles in England, he might prevent Edward's inter- fering in his affairs. It was no easy task which the King of France had at this time undertaken. His object was to effect a reconciliation between two of the most bitter enemies that perhaps ever existed, namely. Queen Margaret of Anjou, and the Earl of Warwick. The Earl regarded Margaret as his mortal foe ; yet this Queen had even more just cause for resentment, since she might attribute to Warwick her greatest misfortunes. Queen Margaret had been residing for some time ^^l^^- with her father, the King of Sicily, at Angers, having Monstrelet. her son with her, when the messenger of Louis XI. arrived, with orders, to conduct King Rene, his daugh- ter. Queen Margaret, and her son. Prince Edward, to the court at Amboise.* The summons was readily obeyed. The King of France sought to induce Queen Margaret to comply with the terms of the Earl of Warwick, but great was his astonishment to find she objected firmly, even to the very first article. Margaret of Anjou was unfortunate, an exile, and beheld all her hopes blighted; yet was she high- minded, resolute, and resentful. She had been de- throned by the Earl of Warwick, and could not forgive him or feel confidence in him, neither could she suffer herself to be governed by him. Three conditions were required by the Earl. First, • stow ; Baker ; Pol. Ver^l ; Jean de Troye ; Sharon Turner ; Lingard ; Henry ; Monfaucon ; Chastellain ; Monstrelet ; Barante ; Villaret. 248 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 249 a complete pardon from the Queen and her son ; secondly, that Prince Edward should marry his younger daughter, Anne ; and thirdly, that she should send a strong army to England to support her rights. To the first point the Queen made reply to the King, in the presence ^of the Duke of Guienne and many others, that she could not, consistently with her own and her son's honour, pardon the man who had been the chief cause of the downfall of the King, her husband, herself, and her son, and that, from her heart, she could never forgive him, or be reconciled to him. She declared that it would be prejudicial to their interests to join with the Earl, having many adherents who would desert her, should she enter into such a treaty, which might cause more hindrance to their cause than the union of the Earl and his followers might advantage them; wherefore she entreated the King to desist from urging this alliance. This refusal, although dictated by resentment, was dignified and consistent. Never did Queen Margaret upon her throne exhibit the lofty superiority of her character so much as she did in rejecting these pro- posals of the Earl of Warwick. When the Queen's disdainful answers were conveyed to the mortified Earl, he acknowledged that he had deserved them; but in excuse he said, that King Henry and his Queen, influenced by evil counsels, had sought his destruction and that of his party, without cause ; he urged that, by their ill-treatment of him, they had furnished him with sufficient motive to labour for their injury ; and finally, he justified his conduct as being that of an injured and persecuted nobleman. He acknowledged that he had been the means of placing King Edward upon the throne, but that his treatmen't 1 ii u of him had been such that he would now, with all his might, labour for his dethronement and banishment ; and then, beseeching the Queen and Prince to believe him and forgive him that which in time past he had done against them, he offered himself to be bound to be their true and faithful subject in time to come, and required of Louis to be his surety] for the fulfilment of this promise. To this the King of France readily agreed, and he also " prayed the Queen at his request to pardon the " Earl of Warwick," representing to her " the great love which he had unto him," and "that he was more bound and beholden to this Earl than to any other *' man, and therefore would do as much and more for " him than for any man living." After the Queen had been thus required by the King, many were the treaties and interviews which took place with her relatives, and the servants of her father, King Rene ; yet Margaret continued to resist these importunities. She could not forget the wrongs she had experienced from this Earl, who now sought her friendship. She could only think of him as the Earl of Warwick w4io had deprived her husband of his throne, and exalted his own friend, the Yorkist, to the regal power. She dwelt on his personal treatment of her beloved lord, the meek Kin^: Henry, with such insult and contempt at the time when he conducted him to the Tower of London, where he had since remained a prisoner. Then, again, the Queen remembered that when flying from England with her beloved son, she had to endure all the obloquy cast upon the birth of this child by the same Earl of War- wick, who, from some political motive, chose to declare, in the most public manner, that he was not the King's son, and thus traduced the character of Margaret herself. At length, through the united persuasions of her 250 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 2ol father's friends and others, the Queen yielded a reluct- ant consent to the request of Louis ; but this was con- ditionally, that Warwick should publicly, before kings and princes, declare that he had sworn falsely and injuriously of her person, and that he should do the same in England and also before all the people, all which the Earl of Warwick promised to fulfil. Then the Earl came to Queen Margaret, and falling on his knees before her, said all that could touch her, and prayed humbly for her mercy and pardon. To all this the Queen would scarcely reply, although the proud Earl knelt to her a quarter of an hour ; but at last she pardoned him, as did her son also. After that, they pardoned also the Earl of Oxford, who came with Warwick; and the Queen said to him, "that his "pardon was easy to purchase, for she well knew how "he and his friend had suffered for King Henry's "quarrels." Finally, it was agreed that'' Warwick should go to England, taking with him supplies from France. Queen Margaret still continued resolute in refusing her consent to the projected mamage, saying that it was neither honourable nor profitable, for herself, nor for the young prince her son. Again, she would assert that she could, if she desired it, find another alliance more advantageous, showing the King of France a letter she had but just received from England, in which " my lady the princess," the daughter of King Edward, was offered to her son. Thus, during fifteen days King Louis perseveringly supported the Earl of War- wick, while the haughty Queen endured a severe con- flict. At last, overcome by the importunities of all around her, she gave a qualified consent to the marriage, but required the throne to be Anne's dower. It was finally determined that this lady should be placed under the care of Queen Margaret, and that the marriage should not be completed until the Earl had with a large army invaded England, and had restored King Henry to the throne. The Earl of Warwick assured the King of France that he had letters from England promising him that when he landed he would have ready for his service an army of 50,000 men. He required only a few troops, ships, and money of the French King ; and he proved that he was, by his own means, providing 2,000 French archers, and provisions for 6G, 000 men. Astonishing as this appears at first, it will seem less surprising and improbable, w^hen w^e consider how much the Earl of Warwick had always been the favourite of the people. Every popular ballad contained his praises, every pageant or public exhibition made allusion to his virtues and misfortunes, and his exile had made him even more idolized than before ; nay, it was " as if " the populace had lost their sun, when lie was " absent." When the Earl of Warwick first resolved to dethrone King Edward, it was not his intention to restore his rival, but to place the Duke of Clarence on the throne. He found this plan, however, to be impracticable, being equally opposed to the interests of the Yorkists and of the Lancastrians ; he therefore adopted the suggestion of Louis XL, and determined to restore King Henry, in w^hich project all parties would be disposed to render him assistance. The hatred which had rankled in the breast of Warwick against King Edward, with the in- dignities he had received fi'om him, added to his present unfortunate situation, obliterated the remembrance of the injuries he had previously experienced from the Lancastrians, and especially from Queen Margaret, by whose orders his father had been executed. Findins" therefore the need of a plausible pretext for the de- thronement of Edward, no other offered so effective as '■^ 252 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 253 1470. the restoration of Henry ; but in this enterprise the Queen's assistance appeared to the Earl to be essen- tially requisite, and it became their mutual interest to lay aside their animosity. The joy of Louis was great in the success of his endeavours to reconcile these two mortal foes, and in the prospect of restoring the Lan- castrian dynasty. This monarch had also another cause for infinite satisfaction in the birth of an heir to his throne, which he had earnestly desired. It was during the stay of Queen Margaret at Amboise that the Queen of France gave birth to a son. This infant was born on the 30th of June, 1470, at the castle of Am- boise, and received the name of Charles when baptized by the Archbishop of Lyons, who was his godfather. The other sponsor was Edward, Prince of Wales, and the godmother was the Duchess of Bourbon! Queen Margaret also was present at this ceremony, which was succeeded by public fetes, prolonged to commemorate the arrival of the royal infant.* After this, the noble company who had been as- sembled by the King of France at Amboise to meet the Earl of Warwick and others, all repaired to Angers, to complete the contract entered into. In this^fine city, the birthplace of King Rene, the English exiles were joyfully welcomed by the inhabitants, who rejoiced at the prospect that the daughter of their sovereign would be again restored to her kingdom. "They 1^' provided them all right willingly," says Bourdign^, II the choicest wines, the rarest meats, and every de- 'I lightful pastime; so that the Enghsh were well content, "and thought no place in the world like Angers.'' Here they seem to have stayed some time ; and while they tarried, the Earl of Warwick took oath upon the cross, in St. Mary's church in Angers, that he would faithfully hold to the party and quarrel of King Henry, * Jean de Troye ; Monstrelet ; Monfaucon. and as a true and loyal subject serve him, the Queen, and the prince. Also, " the King of France and his " brother, clothed in canon's robes in the said church " of St. Mary, sware that they would help, bear and " sustain to their power, the said Earl of Warwick hold- " ing the said quarrel of Henry. After this, the said " Queen sware, and promised from henceforth to treat "the said Earl as true and faithful to King Henry " here, and the prince, and for the deeds passed never "hereafter to make him reproach." Many other points were also at this time spoken of relating to the treaty of marriage, and finally all the parties agreed to these terms ; viz., that the Earl of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence should endeavour to their utmost to restore King Henry to the throne ; that Queen Margaret should engage by oath to permit them to conduct the affairs of government during the King's lifetime ; and that the same arrangement should continue during the minority of the prince, his son, should Henry die before he came of age ; lastly, to confirm this, that the Prince of Wales should be married to Anne, the younger daughter of the Earl of Warwick. This alliance was required by the Earl in the month of July,^ 1470, and at that time refused by Margaret; and it has been doubted by many, that the marriage took place before Warwick left France. In the month of August, however, the Queen gave her consent to this union, as an additional contract only, and not for its solemnization ; indeed, there is no contemporary account of its celebration at Angers, where most historians assert that it actually took place immediately. If this were the case, we may infer that the scruples of the Queen were at last overcome, and that she deemed the marriage to be expedient under her adverse circum- stances. There appears to be much presumptive evidence in 254 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 1470. the absence of the records of this marriage to prove, that it really was celebrated at Angers. The presence in this city of the royal family of France, together with the relatives of Queen Margaret, the engagement of the Duke of Guienne to aid the Lancastrian cause, and his approval of the marriage of Prince Edward to the daughter of the Earl, which was signed by the Duke on the 30th of July, 1470,^'^ seem to point to this union as called for and urgent, because confirming the com- pact entered into by all parties. The Earl of Warwick did not quit France until the autumn, and on the 6th of October released King Henry from his prison and replaced him on the throne. Perhaps the Earl tarried at Angers to witness the espousals to which the Queen still felt so repugnant: it might possibly be that Warwick had his private opinion or hope of one day seeing his daughter with the prince mount the throne, and therefore the mamage must be completed. By this. union the Duke of Clarence became the brother-in-law of Prince Edward, and the Earl of Soyianf • Warwick equally allied to the Houses of York and Lancaster. We are told by some wTiters, that " after "these nuptials Clarence and Warwick took a solemn " oath never to cease from war until King Henry or " his son should be established on the throne. In like *' manner, all the adherents of this party professed, " and engaged, speedily and faithfully to observe and "execute the compact of their leaders. Then was "confidence and satisfaction restored to all, being " confirmed to future ages by the marriage of the prince "and the Lady Anne." In this contract made at Angers, it was resolved also that should the young prince die without heirs the crown should devolve on the Duke of Clarence. A perpetual alHance was likewise made between Eno-- * This document is still preserved in the British Museum. 1470. MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 255 i land and France, and a league offensive which should last until the subjugation of the House of Burgundy. '^^' The new arrangements were not satisfactory to the Duke of Clarence, who was secretly discontented ; nor was his Duchess better pleased, having the expecta- tion of beholding her younger sister advanced to the throne, while she would thus remain only a subject. King Edward received information of the league which had been formed against him, from the Duke of Burgundy; but believing that Warwick had fled for want of friends to support him, he did not think that he could so suddenly rise into favour, neither did he concern himself about the preparations which they were making in France. Relying on the affections of his people, and neglecting affairs of importance, he resigned himself to effeminate and voluptuous plea- sures. He could not, however, help feeling uneasy at beholding his brother, the Duke of Clarence, united with his enemies, and fearing it might in time produce fatal consequences, he endeavoured to wean him back to his former allegiance. For this purpose he gave instructions to one of the women belonging to the Duchess of Clarence, whom he bribed to act this part, and giving her a passport, dismissed her to her mistress. This woman acted with much address, and, fortunately for King Edward, she was successful. When she reached her mistress, she conveyed to the Duke of Clarence the sentiments of the King, his brother, viz., that he would inevitably involve himself in ruin by the step he had just taken ; that, even should the Earl of Warwick succeed in his designs, it could not be expected that the Lancastrians • Chastellain ; Cont. Hist. Croyland ; Stow ; Hall ; Baker ; Toplis ; Pol Vergil ; Jean de Troye ; Milles's Catalogue ; Comines ; Baudier ; Daniel ; Paston Letters ; Rapin ; Monfaucon ; Villaret ; Monstrelet ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry ; Sharon Turner. 256 MABGAEET OF ANJOU. would trust a prince of tlie House of York, when they should perceive thcat he was no longer useful. That his hfe would not be safe ; that he ought not to rely on the oath of the Queen, which might be only intended to ensnare him. That he might expect to be oppressed by AVarwick, who would wish to despatch him, not liking an associate in the government, and expecting that he might one day seek to revenge the injuries done to his family ; also, that the King had but one daughter, who was very young, and in case of her death, he would inherit the crown; but should the House of Lancaster be restored, he would lose that prospect, as Prince Edward might have many children. Other arguments were added, with assurances of aftec- tion, and of future kindness from King Edward. Clarence was won over by this reasoning, and per- ceived the folly of his conduct. He bade the woman inform his brother that he would declare for him, on the first opportunity for doing so \Nith safety, and of thereby rendering him any service.* Having received this reply, King Edward made himself quite easy, believing that the Earl of Warwick would attempt nothing without the aid of his son-in- law ; but while he thus amused himself in fancied secu- rity, AVarwick was making very great preparations for a descent upon England. To forward this enterprise the King of France had supplied him with money and troops, and, as an old author expresses it, " Rene also " helped the same what he might." All the Lancastrian adlierents and fiiends were in- fomied of the Earl's project, and he could not doubt of being joined by a strong party when he should arrive upon the English coast.f His attempt was difficult. * Baker : Stow ; Rapin : Lingard : Philip de Comines ; Daniel ; Heniy; Hume. t PoL Ver-n ; Comines : Eapin ; Morstrelet ; Lingard. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 257 The fleet of the Duke of Burgundy lay at the mouth of the Seine, prepared to engage the French whenever they set sail. Louis had appointed the Bastard of Bourbon to convey the Earl of Warwick with some ships of war ; but as these could not encounter a much larger force, the Earl repaired to Havre de Grace to watch an opportunity for embarking. Shortly after a great storm dispersed the Flemish ships, and compelled them to seek for shelter in their harbours. AVarwick and Clarence then set sail, and safely arrived at Dart- mouth in Devonshire; from which place they had departed for France, four or five months before. Be- sides these two chiefs, there were of this party, the Earl of Oxford, Fauconbridge, Jasper Earl of Pem- broke, and others, some of wliom landed at Plymouth. ^Tien the Earl of Warwick reached England he immediately dismissed a body of his partisans two miles up the country to seize an English baron, who was peaceably asleep in his bed, and quite unsuspect- ing the new invasion. He was brought into the pre- .sence of Warwick, who commanded that he should be instantly decapitated. Such was the summary ven- geance of these times.* King Edward, far from being alarmed at the arrival of his enemies, evinced much satisfaction, not dreaming of the EarFs success. He fancied that he had now come to put himself into his power; and under this impression requested the Duke of Burgundy to guard the seas, that he might not again escape to France. Warwick, however, had no sooner landed than he beheld hunself at the head of an army of 60,000 men. From Dartmouth he advanced to Bristol, where he met with a favourable reception, for it was at this place * stow ; Baker : Howel : Lond. Chion. ; Hall : Holinshed : Paston Letters ; Bot Pari. ; Eymer ; Fabran ; PoL Vergil ; Monfauoon ; Monstrelet ; Comines* Jean de Troye ; Cliastellain ; Buchan ; Hume; Heniy ; Lingard, VOL. u. J I no. 258 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. that he had left his baggage and artillery when he fled into Normandy. As the Earl proceeded, he caused Henry VI. to be proclaimed, and in his name gave orders for all his subjects from sixteen to sixty to arm themselves, to expel the usurper Edward. Numbers were ready to obey the summons, and the claims of King Henry seemed again about to be recognised. One Dr. Goddard, a chaplain, had ventured, on the Sunday after Michaelmas day, to preach at St. Paul's Cross in favour of the Earl of Warwick, and to assert, that King Henry VI. was the lawftil monarch of England, which moved many of his auditors to favour the Lancastrians. King Edward was, at length, aroused from his dream of enjoyment by this very unexpected turn of affairs ; and he gave orders for his troops to be assembled,' appointing their rendezvous at Nottingham. Soon afterwards, news was brought to him that the Marquis of Montague, who commanded for him in the north, had revolted to the Lancastrians, with 6,000 fol- lowers. He had advanced almost to Nottingham, and then, alleging King Edward's ingratitude to his friends, he withdrew and joined in the cry of " King Henry ! King Henry ! a Warwick ! a Warwick ! " This defection gave King Edward great uneasiness, as he feared that it would be followed by that of others ; and scarce knowing who were his real friends he sought to retire, and to avoid an engagement. He encamped near Lynn, in Lincolnshire, by the sea-shore, and lodged himself in the castle. He had with him the Duke of Gloucester, Lord Scales, and Lord Hastings, his Chamberlain, who had married the sister of the Earl of Warwick, yet adhered to King Edward. Warwick approached within three miles of the place I M.VEGAEET OF ANJOU. 259 where the King had encamped, making the air resound with shouts of " King Henry ! King Henry ! " which, being re-echoed by some means in Edward's camp, caused that monarch to close the gates of the castle, and to hold a council to determine how he should proceed ; but before he could resolve, the acclamations became louder and louder, and he perceived no alternative but to embark in haste, with only four or five Imndred * men, in three vessels, which had been em- ployed to bring his troops provisions. Lord Hastings guarded the rear while they embarked, in order to pro- vide against any attempt to arrest them in their flight. In this melancholy situation, King Edward gave orders to sail to Holland, thinking he could best obtain pro- tection from the House of Burgundy. King Edward and the few Lords who attended him, but seven or eight in number, amongst whom were Lords Hastings and Say, had all departed in such haste, that they were unprovided with provisions, and apparel, except what they had on ; and so little money had they, that the King could only reward the master of his vessel with one of his own garments, a gown lined with martins. While crossing the seas, the ships narrowly escaped being boarded by pirates, who were only restrained by the authority of Lord Gruthyse, Governor of Holland, who, by chance, being at Alcmar, waited upon the King, and defended him, also showing him all the respect due to his rank, he conducted him to the Hague. Such was Edward's precipitate flight, who, by his presumption and inactivity, lost his crown, with- out even hazarding a battle to preserve it.f When Edward's Queen, who had remained in the • Some say he had 800. t Baker ; Hall ; Stow ; Howel ; Pennant ; Sandford ; Cont. Croyland ; C„?L""H„r of Lancaster was totally excluded from iho to the throne. e-^ciuaecl trom the succession The restoration of Henrv VT K,.^„„i 4. ■ • upon Sir Thomas Cooke to fill his office. The estates of Cooke were at this time restored to him that whi ''^^ '" '^'' P'^'^^ ^f ^'^^ Lancastrians that while as conquerors they were amply providing tor themselves, they did not ^tnln +i.„- F'^^'umg- cester^ made Governor of Ireland by Ki„» Edmrrf and H,gh 0«aMe of England, and'^hos^ crnS bridge fore.,, Hu^ S-nVe a.,r„,*". '° '''"-, hm.self in a tree, havi.g abrond^ofl deZ™ of his master, King Edward aepaiture at Blackfriars. sTch whs th^ T "'17''^' ^""^*^ which the H,V1. p . V '^ P°^^'^' detestation in the High Constable was held that, it is added. M.VEGAEET OF ANJOU. 269 he laid one night in the Flete, lest the people should tear him in pieces. The Earl of Warwick was now occupied in the regulation of the affairs of the kingdom. He signed the treaty with Louis XL, and dismissed the Grand Prior of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem to France, on the 16th February, to fetch over Queen Margaret, the Prince, her son, and others, and to urge their speedy return to England. This messenger employed by the Earl was Sir John Longstrother, bailiff of the Eagle, and seneschal of the Reverend the High Master of Rhodes. He had been elected Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem in England, in the previous year, 1469, and had sworn fealty to King Edward on the 18th of November. Again he took this oath, to King Henry after his restoration, on the 20th of October, 1470, and was the same day made Treasurer of the Exchequer. He was a devoted Lancastrian, and when appointed to conduct the Queen and Prince from France into England, he had a grant from King Henry of 200 marks *' of his gifle " and " by way of rewarde for his " costs and expences in that behalve."* The Prior, however, although he was first and chief Baron of this land, was not able to procure the speedy re-appearance of King Henry's consort, to aid the potent Earl of Warwick, who, finding delay in the arrival of Margaret, became impatient, and rode to Dover to receive her ; but he tarried there a long time in vain, and then returned with vexation, at a circumstance which appeared so unaccountable. | * On the 28th of the same month he was, conjunctly with John Delves, Esq., appointed warden of the Mint. t Baker ; Stow ; London Chron. : Sharon Turner ; Lingard ; Holinshed ; Barante ; Paston Letters ; Monstrelet ; Jean de Troye ; Baudier ; Villaret ; Rapin ; Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan ; Rymer ; Patent Rolls ; Howers Med. Hist. Anglicanaj ; Phillips's Shrewsbury ; Blore's Rutland ; Maitland's London. li I*- 270 MAEGAEET OP ANJOIT. calfeT '' '^'t '^^^ .^^ «i^e of royalty in the league calkd du hen pubhc," for although he perceived in Loms XI. ari ambitious spirit, he also could discern nH. •■ / ^ ^^^'^ °^ ^'^'^ league were the Dukes It; -kt-d^l-?^^^^^^^ --, the Count rr ^^:^i;^j^arj.t^zs^ foveTelin'V '^T'^ -'--' faithful to^s i^overeign. His example was followed by the peonle of Angers, and thither, in 1464, did Loul XI Tepa' to encourage their loyalty. ^ The rendezvous of the league was at Etampes To f Borh ^'•''"'^.f S""-3-i.ad to pas S erivir ot closing up his passage, but Rene opposed thi<, would be effected by pacific means. Louis XI was account * °'""' '" ^"°^^^'" ^^*'™^*'<^'^ «" this John of Anjou perceived at length that the con federates sought only to o-rntiT,- +i • ?■ . views, ,„^ he'desj .'o" pCS'e 'r^r :?"r "Sabif , 1 f "™l»'^f^"»«- Peace was finally islabhshed, and Louis promised to remit to Joh„ „<■ Anjo. a considerable s.n,, with a large btl^of tr^pf Bouidigne ; Godard Faultrier + p ^- ,, aui trier. .}■ jj^^j^j . ^onstrelet. MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 271 to enable him to sustain the rights of his family to the crown of Naples. This Duke, however, despaired of any further good fortune in Italy, and prayed the King to grant him these supplies for another object, viz., to prosecute his claims to the throne of Arragon. The King of France from this time, instead of acceding to his request, vowed hatred to John of Anjou, and as he regarded it as a crime in all those who had embraced the cause called *' le bien public," he did not scruple to violate all his sacred promises to this Prince. To this conduct of Louis has been at- tributed the subsequent ill-success of the Duke of Calabria in his campaign in Catalonia. By the unanimous voice of the nation, the crown of this country had been offered, in 1468, to Rend of Anjou. Could he have accepted it, he would have had an opportunity, which he ardently desired, of avenging the affronts he had received in the kingdom of Naples from the Arragonese; and, besides, he had un- doubted claims to the succession, in right of his mother Yoland ; but Rene was now too aged to engage in so perilous an expedition, and he was obliged to refuse this mark of esteem, resigning his rights to his son John, Duke of Calabria, whom he dismissed to take possession of the principality of Catalonia. ^ This Prince set out with a formidable army, and in his first attack was very successful, but afterwards was less fortunate. Barcelona opened her gates to him with rejoicings, and the inhabitants were ardent in his cause. He next turned his arms against Lam- pourdon, which the King of Arragon, who was both old and blind, came to succour, but his troops were beaten in a tumultuous combat. This French army next marched to Gironne, where the people came out to oppose them, and on both sides they fought with 272 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 1470. Daniel ; Bodin. ardour but greater loss was sustained by the besiegers and when Prince Ferdinand arrived with fresh suc- cours, the siege was raised. Soon after, Ferdinand made a sally from the town and was utterly defeated near Villademare, and was forced to fly. The Duke of Calabria most of all de- sired to take Gironne, thinking that he should thereby facilitate the execution of all his projects. He there- tore passed into France to raise new troops, and to make preparations to prosecute the war with vicrour He soon returned with a new army of 15,000 °men from Roussillon and Sardinia, which, united to his old troops, made his forces superior to those of the Arra- gonese. He then renewed his attacks, and Gironne after being twice besieged, was at last taken This war was carried on during three years, by the Duke of Calabria, with alternate good and bad success. In 1470 he routed the army of John, King of Arragon, and besieged the town of Peralto, upon which he returned to Barcelona, intending to pass the winter here, when he was seized with a fever, which caused lus death on the 16th of December, 1470, at the age of forty-five This Prince was on the eve of obtaining possession of Arragon when his career was thus ter- mma ed. He was interred without pomp, as a private individual, m the cathedral of Barcelona _ This Duke of Calabria left two sons, who survived him but a short time. He was much regretted, bein- a virtuous and wise Prince. He was also distint guished for his bravery, and was so great a general that It has been said, "he wanted only fortune^ to be one of the most illustrious men of the times." Phihp de Commes says of him that he was " as -n-eat a commander as any one in the army, upon which account a mutual friendship arose between him and the Count of Charolois." M.VEGAEET OF ANJOU. 273 He also adds that " upon occasions of alarm that • ' Duke was the first to mount his horse and sally ^^ forth amongst the soldiers, to direct them or give his *' commands, which were as readily obeyed as those '' of the Count himself; and, to say the truth, he ^* deserved it." * The loss of their chief did not put an end to the civil discord amongst the Catalonians ; the rebels kept up their courage, and called to their aid Gaston, who would not, they knew, despise the prospect of their principality being added to Sardinia and Roussillon. They also prohibited any governor being placed in the towns and fortresses, which had none, until Ren6 of Anjou, or a son of John, the late Duke, should arrive. These young Princes had already assumed the titles of Prince of Arragon and Duke of Calabria ; yet they were but vain titles, adding nothing to their revenues. The age also of these Princes would not admit of either of them enduring the fatigues of war, and the Catalonians finally sought more efficient help from another quarter ; but in the end, they all submitted to the King of Arragon.f Rene of Anjou had been, during the military expe- ditions of his son John, inhabiting by turns the castles of Angers, Saumur, Pont de Ce, Beaufort, and Baugd, devoting himself entirely to the pursuits of private life. During the years 1468, 1469, and 1470 he employed himself in writing a collection of letters, 290 in num- ber, relative to the Roman Chancellorship. This Prince was versed in mathematics and theo- logy ; especially was he acquainted with the scriptures. His love of letters united him with the most remark- * Some writers say that he died on the 7th or 9th of July, and others date this event in 1471. t Godard Faultrier : Daniel ; Bodin ; Mariana ; Mezerai ; Monfaucon ; Moreri : Chastellaine : Dom Calmet ; Monstrelet. VOL. II. J L^ 274 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. able of the learned men of France and Italy ; amongst the latter was the Doge of Genoa, Thomas de Campo- fregosa, a man no less distinguished by his situation, than by his knowledge. Few monarchs have been gifted with so much genius as Rene; for instance, his fine illustrated book on the laws of chivalry, in the King's library, at Paris. Several of his works he dedicated to Louis XI. He wrote upon the functions of the Pour- suivantes d'armes.* He cultivated literature and the arts in general. Born with talents for war and politics, he only gave himself up with more ardour to peaceful occupations, forgetting, in the calm of a private life, those tumultuous cares which had for so long a time agitated his soul. He became, indeed, persuaded that " to be happy he ought to forget that he was a king." In his leisure hours he composed verses, as well as wrote in prose. He composed several moral treatises, rondos, and ballads, and formed devices, inscriptions, and tableaux. His poems place him in the rank of the troubadours of his age, and some very pleasing Provengal songs, which he composed, he also orna- mented with beautiful vignettes by his own hand.f King Rene was, according to some historians, one of the most excellent painters of his age. Brantome says this, and it was the general opinion of his times. The portrait of Rene, painted by himself, has been preserved, and is called by Monfaucon a masterpiece. This picture was painted by Rene when he was grey- headed. It was placed in the chapel of the Carme- lites at Aix4 Speaking of Rene as an artist, Bodin says, " this *' modest qualification was Rene's first title to glory,'' * Hist. General de Provence. t Bodin ; Moreri ; Hist. General de Provence. t Monfaucon ; Horace Walpole ; Bodin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 275 and, " the fine arts have woven him a crown." To these, indeed, he was a protector and a friend. His works contributed greatly to the progress of painting in France, and his painting in the cathedral of Aix has been considered, on account of the manner in which it was executed, as one of the most precious monuments of the arts in France. At this time the arts were but in their infancy in Italy, and it was the residence of the Popes at Avignon, which gave rise to their cultivation in Provence. Coloured miniatures were much in vogue, in which less taste than finish is exhibited. Rene was very successful in that line, and he also made several oil paintings in the style of the Flemish artists. The principal paintings which are known of Rene's are, the skeleton which decorated his tomb in the church of St. Maurice, at Angers, and the " Burning " Bush," which is in the cathedral of Aix. Rene ex- celled in painting figures on glass, and some of these figures are still to be seen.* Notwithstanding the magnificence of the court of the ^ Duke of Burgundy, who loved to gratify his vanity, by drawing a numerous concourse of knights to his fetes, the French barons preferred the less ostentatious court of the King of Sicily, where the simplicity of the manners of Rene, and his affable reception had more attractions for them. In his private, as well as in his public life. King Rene was admirable for good nature. To great benevolence he united a gay and lively disposition. He was very witty. Ever fertile in sallies, he one day exclaimed, " Truly you will see, that in the end, he will ask of me " my county of Provence," speaking of a gentleman, who did not think his services were sufficiently re- compensed, and became importunate in his demands, ♦ Bodin ; Moreri ; Hist. General de Provence. t2 276 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. and as he spoke, Rene cast a look at another person similarly situated. This Prince was very sober. We are assured that he drank no wine. One day, some Neapolitan lords, asked him his reason for this. *' It is," he replied, " in order to give the lie to Livy, who pretended " that, the Gauls only passed the Alps to drink the wmes. * Rene held his court alternately in Anjou and Pro- vence, and encouraged in both these provinces a taste for the belles lettres and the arts. This was doubtless the occasion of the remark of a modern author, that *' there exists a great similarity between the Angevins " and the Provencals in their customs, profane and " religious ; in their manners, both public and private ; " their patriotism, language, attachment to their sove- " reign, and their love of letters ; which all prove," says he, " that these two charming countries have " been governed by the same masters." By his rela- tions with Italy, as well as by his benevolent character, Rene softened the manners of the Angevins. Litera- ture, the arts, the theatre, all flourished under his reign. He loved his people sincerely, and thus became popular ; for although his talents were great and his judgment good, the kindness of his heart was still more observable than these. f The ambition of enlarging his domains did not in- fluence this monarch, who had long experienced the inconstancy, and perfidy of men, and conceived a sort of contempt for all that flatters the pride of kings. The reign of this Prince was daily marked by new * Moreri ; Bodin ; Hist. Gdndral de Provence ; Villeneuve Barge- mont. + Bodin ; Moreri ; Gcdard Faultrier ; Hist. General de Provence. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 277 benefits. His life was that of a philosopher and a good Christian, and his meditations and religious exercises made him forget the adversities and troubles of his stormy life. He had all the qualities of a great man. Rene's love of justice has been much boasted of, and indeed he had been sometimes seen returning from battle to listen to the complaints of individuals, or to sign despatches, before he had laid aside his armour. The letters which he signed with the greatest pleasure were letters of pardon, or those, by which he recompensed services. This occasioned him to say, that "the pen of princes ought never to be idle." He also said, when speaking of the attention with which prompt justice ought to be rendered, that long expeditions caused the loss of the good will, and affec- tion of the people ; and these opinions became the rule of his conduct. The misfortunes of his reign, and of those of his predecessors, had occasioned the loss of the custom of the Grand Seneschal's going throughout the province in order to watch over the administration of justice. Ren6, himself a skilful administrator, restored this im- portant function of their office with vigour, in the year 1443 ; and commanded them to punish severely those who would have oppressed the people by their injustice.' In 1448 he adjudged the criminal proceedings, prescrib- ing a more simple form of law-suit; regulated the salaries of attorneys, and sheltered the Ktigious from cunning and trickery. He also prevented by a wise law, the misdemeanors of guardians and trustees, and restrained impiety, blasphemy, and gambhng. He diminished taxation, and favoured the sessions of the states, at which he habitually presided. At Marseilles he reorganized the jurisdiction of the "prud' hommes pecheurs ; " and by the establishment of the ordinance companies, in concert with King 278 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. diaries VII. he contributed to substitute, in lieu of the feudal system, a regular standing army.* King Rene's institution for the honest fishermen of Marseilles, withstood all the storms of the Revolution. This tribunal may be traced back to the tenth century and It received, in 1471, from King Ren6 its definitive organization. The four judges who composed it, and their assistants, were elected annually on the day of Pentecost. At their sittings they wore judges' gowns, and were informed in all the points of contention relative to fishing ; each one pleaded his own cause, and gave for costs two sous. The jury decided always justly, and the president expressed it, by saying to him whose complaint was without foundation, " La loi " vous condamne." Against this sentence, returned by the peers, there was no appeal. Ren6 loved much the fishermen, doubtless from pious motives, for his simple faith tended to a regard for all that recalled to him the Apostles. He permitted the fishermen to carry to the Fete Dieu a large wax taper, or torch, preceded by three minstrels. This custom still exists, the same as the fete of the Charibande in imitation of the beacons of St. John. The Syndic of the fishery of Reculee was called "The King of the ^' Roach,'' and in this quality presided at th^'e Chari- bande. f ^^ King Rene has by some been called the " Merry "' Monarch," whilst others have regarded him with contempt, and doubtless there were instances of his pecuhar genius and taste, which led to such remarks, and perhaps the following may serve as an instance :— Some lords being at variance in a matter of interest Ren6 went from Anjou into Brittany to concihate them. He came to Carbai, a small parish in the * Bodin ; Moreri ; Godard Faultrier ; Hist. G^n^ral de Provence, t Moren ; Bodm ; Godard Faultrier. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 279 Canton of Pouance, which in time of war furnished a dozen men to the garrison of his castle of Angers, and paid annually twelve poulets and an hundred bushels of oats. The King was touched at perceiving the extreme poverty of the inhabitants of this village. He released them from the tribute of provision, but on the following condition : He commanded that each year, the day after Easter, the people should assemble and appoint by a majority of votes a king, whom they should choose from amongst his vassals, born in their parish, and unmarried ; that they should place •a crown on his head of the bark of the willow, surrounded by the ears of hares. This King, being naked, was to jump into the pond, near to the town of Carbai, and after this feat, the parish should obtain a quittance of this impost. The same day the King of Carbai, accom- ' panied by all the vassals of the parish, assisted at high mass, with the crown on his head and a white wand in his hand. After mass he made several declarations in his name. The prior, who was the lord temporal and spiritual of Carbai, gave to this King, during the day of his royalty, lodging, fire, and fifteen pounds of butter, and a frying-pan. The rector offered up prayers for him, and every householder gave two eggs, and in default of payment all their poulets were confiscated for his profit. Each individual married within the twelvemonths owed him a tribute of four farthings, and in default of payment he was taken to the pond.* King Ren6 has been reproached by some historians, who say he possessed all the qualities valuable to a private individual, but none of those required by kings, and which made him forget in the pursuit of studies and amusements his duties as a sovereign. Rend encouraged industry amongst his people as much as it was possible to do so, at a time when the ♦ Bodin. 28» MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. means of encouraging and extending it were not yet known. He made a treaty with the King of Bone, in Alnca, in order to estabhsh the safety of navigation between their respective subjects. He afterwards tound that hberty only could give activity to commerce and he granted freedom to all vessels that might enter the port of Marseilles, of whatever nation they might be, but, with the ignorance partaking of the spirit of that age, he restricted them to one year. KingRen^ contributed much to the establishment ot the first manufactory for glass ever known, at ^oult, about two leagues from the town of Apt in Provence. He declares by an edict that the gentle- men of Provence shall, without derogation, be able to employ themselves m this kind of industry. He also favoured the works in the mines, by grants ahnost gratuitous. Ren^ was the first to restrain the cupidity of gold- smiths which he effected by commanding that the ser- vices of gold and silver newly made, should be marked with the arms of the city of Aix, by persons appointed to examme if the title were not altered In agriculture Rend confined himself to the culture of flowers and trees, and the still imperfect art of embellishing gardens. The northern provinces of the kingdom were indebted to him for their carnations, roses of Provence, the musk rose, and muscadine grapes. He likewise favoured the plantations of mul- berry trees, which had become of importance since luxury had rendered the use of silk more general. Rene also bestowed his cai-e and affection on the most rare and various species of birds. In his manu- script life we read that he was the first who introduced into France white, black, and red peacocks. Also he brought into notice the large red partridge, and several species of rabbits. He forbade the hunting of hares MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 281 and partridges in the vineyards of Aries, Tarascon, and Marseilles, perhaps to reserve them for himself alone, for there appears no other reason that he could have had, for allowing the increase of these two kinds of game in Lower Provence. Rene was tall and well made. He was of an agree- able countenance, and very gallant. Some writers have even reproached him with too great love for the female sex, and say, that his regard for them amounted to a weakness, to which he became the slave in his old age. Traces of this passion are found in several of his acts and writings ; for instance, one of the articles of the statutes of the '' Order of the Crescent," which was founded by Rene, expressly prohibits the knights from slandering women, of whatever rank they might be. The Courts of Love in Provence, which had been so conducive to chivalric gallantry throughout Europe, no longer existed in the time of this Prince, who,, find- ing he could not re-estabHsh them, instituted a " Prince " of Love," to whom he gave annual officers, similar to those of the " Parliament of Love." These officers accompanied their '' Prince of Love " to the grand procession of the Fete Dieu, at Aix, and for them he established a right, vulgarly called "pelotte," which widows and widowers had to pay when they married again, as if to punish them for their inconstancy ; and this Avas also exacted from such persons as married foreigners. This singular law the Parliament of Aix confirmed by several decrees, and it w\as preserved until the year 1789.-* The Duke of Burgundy had formed his alliance with King Edward not from affection, but fi'om state policy. His mother was a princess of the Lancastrian line, and had been brought up in an habitual hatred of the *' House of York ; " but even this the Duke had sacri- * Hist. General de Provence ; Bodin. I 282 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. ficed to his interests in his marriage with Edward's sister. He now saw himself reduced to the alternative of abandonmg his brother-in-law, who had thrown himself on his protection, or of becoming involved in a wkr with the alhed powers of France and of England.* The Dukes of Exeter and Somerset who had been we I received at this court, and who had become more distinguished since the revolution in England, urged the Duke to abandon the fugitive prince The Earl of Warwick had dismissed a body of troops to Calais, to await his orders for an invasion of the Low Countries; and Vaucleir, the governor of Calais, took this opportunity of showing his fidelity to the Earl bv his reception of these forces, and by other means ' it wa^ of so much importance to the interests of the fw\ . r^"^^^ *' ^'''''''^' P^^^^ ^^^ith England, that he dared not to exasperate the Earl of Warwick • he therefore pretended, that it was with reluctance he' had received the unfortunate Edward into his dominions and that he was not at all disposed to give him an^ succours. He manoeuvred, however, to assure Edward pnvately, that he would give him all the assistance he required, when an opportunity should offer of doin- so without incurring hazard. King Edward was but ill pleased, desinng earnestly that the Duke would declare for him opeiily, hoping it would be a means of keeping his party alive m England. Finding the Duke wa"s resolved, and that the Duchess his sister failed to per- suade him Ed^rd sought to gain a private audience. He was adniitted, for the Duke knew not how to refuse liim, when Edward represented to him that while he delayed to dec are for him, the Earl of Warwick was strengthening his party in England, and that nothinc. but speedy succour could retrieve his fallen fortunes! * PlnHp de Comines ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Henry ; ViUaret ; Hume. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 283 He then informed him of the promise of Clarence, and urged the necessity of instant measures, lest he should again change his mind, or Warwick impede the execu- tion of his design, which should he discover he could prevent by removing him from public affairs. King Edward next reminded the Duke of their mutual oaths of friendship and assistance in adversity, and added, that by relieving him at this moment he would be pro- moting the good of his family, who might one day require a similar assistance, and he would besides enjoy the honour of restoring a king to his throne. Finally, he engaged to enter into a firm alliance with him, to assist him in his war with France as soon as he should have recovered his authority in England, and that thus there would be a greater chance of success. He con- cluded by saying, that the Duke's attempt to dissemble with the Earl and the King of France would be ineffec- tual, and would not prevent their uniting to effect his ruin.* These arguments had great weight with the Duke of Burgundy, especially that which related to his war with Louis XL, whom he could not expect to re- pulse without the help of England, and which could only be procured by the restoration of Edward. He was, however, unable to render this monarch much assistance in the present posture of affairs ; and should the^ attempt fail, it would inevitably draw upon him the indignation of Warwick, who only wanted an excuse to attack him. A thought now struck him, of a means by which to save his credit with both parties. He gave orders for four vessels to be fitted up at Vere, a port in Holland, under the names of some persons, to whom he remitted the necessary sums ; he also hired fourteen ships of the Easterlings to convey King Edward, and to guard the English coast for fifteen days, that in the event of his failure he might re-embark. * Philip de Comines ; Lingard ; Hume ; Heniy ; Rapin. 284 3k£AEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1471. Kapin ; Henry. 1471. Coniines ; lingard ; Hume ; Allen's York. The Duke of Burgundy next bestowed on the Englisli monarch a large sum of money, viz., 50,000 florins of gold, with which he left him in Holland, while he re- turned himself into Flanders. When tlie preparations were completed, King Ed- ward sailed ; upon which, notice of his disappearance was carried to the Duke, who instantly proclaimed that no one should, on pain of death, give him any aid. This manoeuvre would not have imposed upon the Earl of Warwick, had not Edward's project been crowned with success.* We are informed that the Duke of Somerset and other nobles, who had been banished the kingdom were already preparing to embark with Queen Margaret and her son, when another revolution, no less sudden and extraordinary than the last, took place in Enc^land In the month of January, 1471, the Earl of Wanvick received some intimations of the proceedings of the Yorkists; and in consequence issued orders for the Marquis of Montague to levy an armv in the north I he Duke of Clarence also, received a commission to assemble troops to oppose King Edward, should he attempt to land in England.f This enterprise was soon after undertaken by Ed- ward, who in March of this year, 1471, sailed from the port of \ ere, taking with him 2,000 men. When in sight of Cromer, in Norfolk, he sent on shore Sir Robert Chamberlaine, Sir Gilbert Debenhani and others to see how the country stood affected towards liira ; but, through the vigilance of the Earl of Oxford such great preparations had been made on the part oi' Henry to oppose him, that Edward found it would be un safe to stay there, and they steered northwards. They, at • Philip de Comines ; Monfaucon : Baker • Chastcll-iin . Po„- Lingard ; Henry ; ViUaret. ^-^asteUam ; Rapin ; Hume ; t Rapin; Henry. MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. 285 length, succeeded in landing at Ravenspur, in Yorkshire, and Edward expected to be received here with every demonstration of joy, but in this he was mistaken. Many of the inhabitants of these parts were well affected towards King Henry, while others feared to run the risk of espousing the cause of Edward. It is worthy of remark, that it was at Ravenspur that Henry IV. landed to dethrone Richard II. King Edward was induced to imitate that monarch in his dissimulation and perjury. He showed a safe conduct from the Earl of Northumberland, and pretended that he did not come to .claim the crown, but his father's inheritance. No opposition being offered, Edward proceeded cautiously, making it appear that he came only as Duke of York to recover his property w^hich had been confis- cated. His motive for this line of conduct was, that he believed the people were attached to him, although the magistrates were against him. This might have been owing to the foresight of the Earl of Warwick, who, upon the restoration of Henry VI., had filled up these offices with persons attached to his service, and to these he had just sent orders not to admit Edw^ard as Duke of York. By coming thus only to claim his inheritance, Edward gave the people an opportunity of declaring for him, while the magistrates had not so good a pretext for the exercise of their authority as they might have had if he had advanced his pretensions to the crown. To con- vince the people of his sincerity, he even took an oath to the effect, and received the sacrament upon it, that he came, not to disturb King Henry, but only to recover his inheritance. He wore the ostrich feather, the ensign of Prince Edward, and ordered his followers to cry *' King Henry ! " in every town and village through which they passed. Styling himself Duke of York, he 286 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1471. Hume ; Rapin ; Men's York. thus made his way to the city of York, much displeased, however,^ at the indifference shown him by the people.* Warwick and Clarence were levying forces with the ^eatest activity, from the time they were informed of King Edward's arrival. They issued orders for the magistrates of the different towns to close their gates agamst the Yorkists, and Montague, who had an army at Pontefract, was commanded to march against Ed- ward, and prevent his gaining admission into York ; but, for some reason which has never been explained' the Marquis remained where he was, and did not oppose the invader's progress. This conduct has been attri- buted to various causes : the most probable is, that Montague,^ thinking that Edward might be successful, adopted this course, in order to be afterwards reconciled to him, and believing he could make his peace with W arwick, should he gain the day. At the city of York, King Edward was met by two of the aldermen of that city, who, as representatives of the magistrates, entreated him to marcli anotlier wav as they could not possibly receive one, who came to wrest the crown from their lawful sovereign. Edward mildly replied that such was not his purpose • but smce the nation had again acknowledged Hen;y fo; then- King, he also had received him, and intended no harm towards him. He came but to require hirn to restore his estates, having but a few fo lowers with Hm ; he looked to Parliament to decide his cause Tnd th res^ t 7r ' ^"'^^^"' "^^^J^^^- Th^at, as for the rest, he ought not to be denied admittance into W, since not only his title, but his lands beino- in their county, made him especially a countryman of AUe!TYZt\ ^:^^ZL^rV '^"^ ^^ ^^^°- ' ^-^^ otters; Hume ; Henry ; fZlt ' "" ' ''^^^^^^" ' ^^^^^ ^ ^-^-^ I MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 287 theirs. In short, he reminded them of the favours they had received from his family. The magistrates were but ill pleased with this reply, yet they could not appease the clamours raised by the Duke's friends, who were numerous in that city. These represented that the Duke ought to be admitted, as he acknowledged the authority of King Henry, and was willing to submit to the decisions of Parliament; finally, that they should not refuse one, who came only to claim his own inheritance. At length some deputies were sent by the magis- trates to Edward to make terms with him, and prevent the plunder of the city. Their proposals were at once agreed to by Edward, who assured them that he had no intention of injuring the city, and that he was sin- cere in his obedience to King Henry. These declara- tions procured him a ready admission into the city, where he proceeded to the cathedral, and confirmed his engagements by a sacred oath. This obtained him the good will of the citizens, so that they lent him money to defray his expenses, and he was thus enabled to proceed to London. His army was much augmented while at York, and he had great expectations of still more increasing it on his route ; moreover, he relied on the promise of Clarence to come over to him. ^ At Nottingham, Edward was joined by Lord Stanley, Sir Thomas Parr, Sir James Harrington, Sir Thomas Montgomery, and several others, who brought him re- inforcements. Finding himself now at the head of an army of 4,000 men, or more, he threw off the mask, and, in violation of the oath he had just taken in the cathedral of York, he assumed the name of King.* During these transactions Warwick and Clarence had been employed in raising two separate armies, u^^' * Baker ; Stow ; Rapin ; Allen's York ; Henry ; Lingard, 1471 Rapin ; 288 MAEGAEET OP ANJOTJ. which they intended to unite, and to place the younff Prince Edward at their head, as chief commander, but this Fnnce liad not yet returned from France : when AVarwick, who had not doubted that Montague would have been powerful enough to repel King Edward Hearcl to his great amazement, that the Marquis had permitted him to pass on without opposition, and that H-dward s army was increasing continually in numbers as It advanced towards the metropolis. The Earl of Warwick was much puzzled to know the motives of Montague's conduct, yet he resolved to act .yith caution. He first despatched express orders for the Marqms to come and join him ; and at the same time, desiring the Duke of Clarence to advance ^vith haste, he came to the resolution of encamping- near Coventry At this place he intended to awai't the approach of King Edward, and seek to amuse him him t7 '"' ?""" °' *™°P^ ^'^°"^^ "^^ -We to jl him. These set out in obedience to the Earl's com mands, but, before they could reach him, iiZd approached very near the camp of War^'ick, who finding himself too weak to encounter him, sent everal despatches to hasten the assistance of Clarence • the latter excused his delay, when, just as the two amies were on the point of engaging, the Duke of Gloucester rode off to the camp of his brother, with a fe.y followers and Mathout having asked a safe conduct. He was affectionately received by Clarence, and, after a short conference. King Edward was proclaimed throuc^hou the amj, ,„ ,te officers being prepared for this etnt and having previously been persuaded to espouse his' It was thus that this monarch, but a short time before a fugitive and suppliant to a foreign pnC beheld himself once more, at the head of I pow r ui army, and acknowledged King by the chief n^bihty of MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 289 England, being the same day joined by Clarence and all his forces. Warwick, notwithstanding this very unexpected blow, would not listen to any accommodation, although the Duke of Clarence, who felt some compunction for his own conduct, sent to offer his mediation between his brother and the Earl. The latter replied with indignation, "Tell your *' master," said he, *' that Warwick, true to his word, " is a better man than the false and perjured Clarence. '^ The sword he had appealed to, was the only arbiter " he would admit between him and his enemies." The Earl of Warwick had hoped that the Londoners would refuse to admit Edward, should he appear be- fore the capital, and resolved, in this case, to follow him thither, as soon as he should be joined by the Marquis of Montague, and either compel him to retire, or fight him before the gates, at a gi'eat disadvantage.* The Earl, when rejoined by Montague and others, sent to his brother, the Archbishop of York, to endea- vour to keep possession of the capital. For this pur- pose the latter sought to arouse the loyalty of the citizens towards the Lancastrian King. He caused this monarch to ride from St. Paul's, through the Cheap, down Walbroke ; yet this expedient had but little effect, so many of the Londoners being favourable to King Edward. Finding his efforts so unsuccessful, the Archbishop secretly sent to obtain the pardon of Edward, which was granted him, upon his assurances of future fidelity. As it had been expected. King Edward marched directly to London. He had many friends there, and he flattered himself that, when they beheld him ap- proach with so powerful an army, they would use tlieir * Cont. Hist. Croy. ; Speed ; Stow ; Baker ; Comines ; Lingard ; Howel ; Paston Letters ; Monfaucon ; Rapin ; Hume ; Henry. VOL. II. X7 290 MAEGAEET OF ANJOIT. influence with the people to procure him admission. Nothing could be more advantageous to him than to gam over this city to his interests ; and the army of Warwick being at a distance favoured his design. Many of the citizens also owed him large sums of money, of which he stood in need ; and he could not calculate upon entire success in his restoration, unless he had command of the capital. It was also of great consequence to him that he should obtain possession of Kmg Henry's person. He had tlierefore resolted to run all hazards, which he knew would be great, should the citizens refuse to receive him. In London great consternation had prevailed when the news arrived of the Duke of Clarence having joined his brother's standard. Despair of Warwick's success spread universally, and inspired a kind of terror mto the minds of the people, which Edward's iriends artfully sought to augment, by reminding them ot_ the danger to which they were exposed from this King s resentment, should they not adopt some speedy means of submission. All those who had taken refu<^e m the Sanctuaries, no less than 2,000 in number, came forward now to advance the interests of their Kino- whilst his enemies drew back in dismay, lest they should involve themselves in some new trouble In vain did the Duke of Somerset and the Archbishop of York seek to oppose the tide of popularity towards Ldward ; they were not listened to, and their assur- ances that, within three days, Warwick would be at their_ gates to relieve them, were equally unavailing • the sight of Edward's army made them disbelieve all they said. In short, the Lancastrians were compelled to withdraw from the city, while the people hailed King Edwards return, and went out in crowds to meet him sending forth the loudest acclamations of joy Amidst these contending interests, no one so much as MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 291 thought of aiding the escape of the unfortunate King Henry. In a triumphal manner King Edward entered the , '''"• City 01 London on the 11th of April, 1471. He rode T?piis; first to St. Paul's, and thence to the Bishop's Palace, itTp^ ' where the Archbishop of York presented himself, lead- ing King Henry by the hand, whom he delivered up to Edward. The Lancastrian monarch was, after a reign of only six months, since his release, again com- mitted to the Tower. King Edward then proceeded to Westminster, and there returned thanks to God for his safe return. He also expressed, in lively terms, his gratitude to the people, for their demonstration of attachment to him, promising to bear it in remembrance ; and he per- formed several acts of clemency, which served to heighten his popularity. He then immediately re- assumed the government of the kingdom.* * Sandford ; Stow ; Bater ; Howel ; Hume ; Daniel ; Monfaucon ; Lingard ; Kapiu ; Henrj' j Johu Boua ; TopUs ; Paston Letters. V 2 CHAPTER VII. ( Warivick. ) *' My blood, my want of strength, my sick heart shows, *' That I must yield my body to the earth, ** And by my fall, the conquest to my foe." Shakespeare. (Kinff ffenry.) ** Ah! kill me with thy weapon, not with words ! ** My breast can better brook thy dagger's point, ** Than can my ears that tragic history. *' But wherefore dost thou come ? is't for my life ?" Shakespeare. The Earl of Warwick resolves to fight— Battle of Bamet— King Edward enters London in triumph— Queen Margaret lands at Weymouth— She goes to BeauHeu— Her alarm for her son's safety— She goes to Bath— The lords assemble the Lancastrian forces— King Edward collects his army— The battle of Tewkesbury— Queen Margaret taken prisoner— The Duke of Somerset and the Grand Prior of St. John's taken, and executed-PrinceEdwardmurdered— Sir;john Fortescue taken prisoner, and liberated by King Edward— Queen Margaret led in triumph to London, and imprisoned in the Tower— Henry VI. murdered-^-His character, See, The Earl of Warwick advanced with great speed towards London. He had entertained hopes that the citizens would detain King Edward at least a few days, in the expectation of his succours ; but, finding himself disappointed, he had no resource left but to give his enemies battle, however uncertain he might feel of the result. Of his success in this engagement he could not but be doubtful, his army being less numerous than that of the King, and the uncertain conduct of his brother, the Marquis of Montague, having given him great cause for mistrust. The Marquis had joined in his plot with evident MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 293 reluctance, and he had since twice neglected to assist him, under circumstances which ought to have called forth the greatest exertions. He could not dismiss him, without discouragement to his army ; still, after beholding: the conduct of Clarence, he feared much that his own brother might have been corrupted. At length Warwick resolved to risk his fortunes on the event of a battle, and, should he lose it, to perish. He arranged it so, however, that his brother Mon- tague should be placed in as much peril as himself, since his conduct, upon this occasion, would alone prove his fidelity. ^ The army of Warwick was encamped in a large plain called Gladsmore Heath, near Barnet, ten miles north of London, and here these forces were met by King Edward. A terrible engagement followed, which decided the quarrel of the two parties. It was fought on the 14th of April, being Easter Day, in the year 1471.* The unfortunate Henry the Sixth was brought to the field by his rival, King Edward, who did not think it safe to trust any one with the care of him. Happily for that monarch, amidst the various changes of fortune to which he was subject, his natural weakness of mind caused him to view with less anxiety, the difficulties and dangers which another of more energy and spirit would, doubtless, have regarded with the utmost alarm.f The Earl of Warwick, upon this eventful day, wore an ostrich feather, to show his sincerity, as his cog- nizance — the badge of the young Prince Edward. He appointed to the command of the right wing of his army, which consisted of horse, the Marquis of Mon- * An obelisk was erected to commemorate this battle by Sir Jeremy Sambroke, of Gobion, in the year 1740, near Bamet. t Sandford; Stow; Speed; Toplis; Pennant; Rapin; Henry; Lingardj Cont. Hist. Croyland ; PhUip de Comines. 1471. Stow ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Pennant ; Rapin ; Henry ; Hume ; Lingard. 294 MAEGAEET OP ANJOU. tague, and the Earl of Oxford, and the left, consistin-^ also of horse, he led on himself, with the Duke ol^ Exeter, while the main body, consisting of bills and bows, was conducted by the Duke of Somerset. On the King's side the Duke of Gloucester led the vanguard, King Edward the mam body, and Lord Hastmgs brought up the rear. The fight commenced at an early hour in the morning, some say four o'clock and continued until noon.* Both sides fought with' great obstinacy and various success. Never, perhaps was more undaunted courage displayed, than upon this' occasion. As no one could expect any favour from his adversary, each exerted himself to the utmost fightmg with deadly hatred, knowing that certain destruction followed, if defeated. The Earl of War wick's followers especially strove with desperation, and at hrst had reason to expect the victory ; indeed It appeared to them so certain, that a few from the squadrons of the Earl, rode off with the news to London of the defeat of the Yorkists. King Edward, however, bringing up a body of reserve, fell upon the flank of the Earl of War Jck's army, and put it into great confusion. The Earl's forces were too small to admit of his making a detach- ment to prevent this accident, and a movement of the Earl of Oxford assisted in turning the fortunes of the day against the Earl of Warwick. Oxford had been successfu agamst King Edward, but, thinking that he had left his hue too much exposed, he wheeled back agam. Lnfortunately his badge, a starf with streams, too much resemblmg the King's, which was a sun, it * others say the fight was OTer at ten o'clock. oJthe';:l^fan"^^"^r°^--- ^^^J^ ^V^ " -b.ider^i rose, with the ravs of fh.^ ^ '"^ ' ^""^ '* ^^ ^ ^^^^ "^^^ Be^aldry. ^" "^ '^' '^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^ound about it. -Z.,.W* MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 295 was mistaken, and a fine mist arising, tlie Lancastrians were unable to distinguish between them. Thus, when Oxford returned to his post, his squadrons were taken for those of the enemy, and this Earl's prudent precaution eventually became his ruin, for his followers were routed before he could convince them of their error. Great disorder then prevailed ; some thinking that they were betrayed, being attacked by their own forces, cried "Treason! treason!" and went over to the enemy ; while others, seeing them fly, believed that they were attacked in the rear, and were dread- fully alarmed, and at a loss how to act. Finally, King Edward, taking advantage of the mistake, despatched all who fled towards him, and Warwick's efforts were quite ineffectual towards restoring order. He exerted himself to the utmost, striving by his own example to encourage his army. He rushed on foot into the thickest of the fight, and ere long met his death, being covered with wounds. His brother Montague, seeking to rescue him, shared the same fate. The Lancastrian army was entirely routed. No less than 10,000 were slain ; for King Edward, who had on former occasions, commanded that the soldiers should be spared, but no quarter given to the generals, had, upon this day, issued orders for an indiscriminate slaughter. Twenty- three knights were slain on the side of the Lancastrians, amongst whom was Sir William Tyrell. The Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Oxford fled into Wales to the Earl of Pembroke, who was at this time levying troops there for the Earl of Warwick. The Duke of Exeter had fought with much bravery in this battle, and was left for dead on the field ; but he recovered, and, crawling to the nearest house, prevailed upon some firiends to convey him to the Sanctuary of Westminster. On the side of King Edward were slain Humphrey 296 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. I Bouchier, Lord Cromwell, Lord Barnes, and Sir John Lisle, Lords Say, Mountjoy, and others. Most of those who were killed in this battle were buried upon the plain where they had fought, and a chapel was afterwards built there by King Edward, who appointed a priest to say mass for the souls of the departed.* Such was the termination of this bloody engage- ment, and the tragic end of Warwick, the most power- ful and conspicuous subject England ever beheld, havmg obtained such great influence that he was able to raise to the throne, or to remove from it, kings at his own will; thence was he styled " the king-maker." The death of this Earl was more important to King Edward than any victory could have been; for the contmued success of this nobleman had so gained on the superstitious minds of the people, as to cause the belief that the party he supported must eventually triumph t The bodies of the Earl of Warwick and his brother Montague were exposed to view for three or four days m St. Paul's, that all might know of their death, and no more pretend the contrary, and cause sedition, and then they were interred in the monastery at Bisham, in Berkshire, which had been founded by the Montacutes, their maternal ancestors. The remains of Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, who had been beheaded at York, in 1460, for his adherence to the Lancastrian cause, had been also buried there t Some writers affirm that Montague deserted to tA^" ^?^ ^^*°°' '"^° ^™^''* ^ *^^ ^'■^^ for the Lancastrians wrote- Howd,lC " "'"' ''^ "''*""' Hall. 10,000 atLlea^; Z t Stow ; Sandford ; Howel : TodHs • Rafepr • tToII t? v MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 297 Edward, and thus caused the defeat of Warwick, and that when the Earl of Warwick's followers discovered that he had changed his livery, they slew him imme- diately. Also that Warwick, seeing his brother slain, Oxford fled, and the fortune of the day turned against him, leaped upon a horse, in hopes of escaping, but, coming to an impassable wood, was there killed.* It is possible that the Earl of Warwick might have been more fortunate had he awaited the arrival of Queen Margaret, whose presence, at least, would have drawn to his standard, all the most zealous friends of the House of Lancaster ; but the pride of the Earl would not permit this delay, as he did not choose to share the honours of his triumph with his Queen > desiring that they should be exclusively his own. No doubt his hatred to Queen Margaret had some influ- ence, and also his fear of the Duke of Somerset, whose father and brother he had put to death.f Warwick, also, might have relied much on his own popularity, which speedily drew a numerous party around his standard, everyone being proud of bearing his cognizance, "the bear and ragged staff," in his cap ; some of gold enamelled, others of silver, and those who could not afford the precious metals, cut them out of white silk or cloth. No one was better fitted to obtain partizans than this noble Earl, for besides his wealth, valour, and warlike skill, his manners were authoritative and persuasive, and he well knew how to inspire affection in those whom he would unite in his cause.;}: Once again king, Edward entered London tri- umphantly (bringing his prisoner, King Henry the Sixth with him), and having, to all appearance, by this ♦ Pennant ; Monstrelet ; Baker. + Barante ; Philip de Comines ; Hume ; Baudier. X Barante ; Pol. VergiL 298 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. victory, secured his crown. He was welcomed anew with joy by the citizens, who had feared Warwick's return, even if successful. After returning thanks to God in St. Paul's, King i^dward remanded the unfortunate Henry to his former pnson m the Tower. A pardon was also issued by the Kmg for the Archbishop of York, whom, through mistrust, he had before committed to prison ; probably not wishing to offend the clergy, and also desirous of showing his gratitude to the Archbishop for havino- whether purposely, or inadvertently, permitted his escape from Middleham Castle.* There were others who sought for King Edward's favour, but were less fortunate. Henry Holland, Duke ot Lxeter, from the Sanctuary of Westminster, where ^e had taken refuge, addressed his prayer to the Kmg to spare his life, and he had hopes that, through the intercession of his wife, the sister of Edward he should obtain his pardon. This lady, however, 'far trom commiserating the unhappy position to which the adverse fortunes of her husband had brought him not only neglected him, but in the following year sued for and obtained a divorce (November 12th 1472), and then married Sir Thomas St. Le-er ^ The Duke of Exeter, meanwhile, had been ^ cast mto prison where he received only the weeklv allow- ance of half a mark. He afterwards escaped and went abroad, where he lived in great distress and poverty. Fma lly, m 1474, his dead body was found on the sea-shore on the coast of Kent ; but we have no accoun of the means of his escape from prison, or of the authors of his death.f I.Ll'^rii^^Tapi^^^^^^ ^"-'^ ^-^^ -oplis; Paston MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 299 1471. Another of the Lancastrians, John de Vere, Earl Oxford, became a fugitive after the unfortunate issue of the battle of Barnet. Some authors write that he fled to Scotland, where, discovering a plot to betray him, he escaped into Wales, to join the Earl of Pem- broke. Others say, that after the encounter at Barnet p^^^ he went into Wales and France ; but all agree that he Letters. preferred a life of activity, and collected a few troops,* and, with his squadron of twelve sail, he swept the seas, carrying oif rich prizes, and making inroads in the maritime counties. He surprised the strong for- 1472. tress of St. Michael, in Cornwall. Coming to Mont itinTra^. St. Michael, with his followers disguised as pilgrims, to pay their devotions, as customary, at the church, they were admitted to the castle. They soon overpowered the small garrison, and re- pulsed the assaults of Sir John Arundell, who was sent to recover this castle, and who lost his life in the attempt. From this strong position Lord Oxford made depredations in the neighbouring counties, when he was assisted by the friends of the House of Lan- caster, in his endeavours to wTeak his vengeance on the Yorkists. Sir Henry Brodrugan, Esq., next besieged the Mount, but, his fidelity being suspected, he was superseded by Sir John Fortescue. This commander had been received into the favour of King Edward ; we are not told, if he reluctantly entered on this office, but he exhibited his^skill and judgment, in using per- suasions and promises rather than arms. He was at first unsuccessful, but, after a long siege, the Earl of Oxford, becommg fearful of the treachery of his fol- pJtt?* lowers, surrendered, conditionally that their lives, as well as his own, should be spared.f The mercy of King Edward, however, only extended to the life of * Some writers say he had 400 men. t A free pardon was granted to the accomplices of the Earl in this rebellion. Letters. 300 MAEGAHET OF AXJOU. 34/1 this nobleman, who was imprisoned for eleven years m the castle of Ardennes, in Picardy. After the sur- render of the Earl of Oxford at St. Michael's Mount his estates were confiscated. His countess was left destitute, and during the period of her husband's im- pnsonment, supported herself by needlework~a stran-e reverse of fortune for one who was the daughter of the great Earl of Salisbury, and the sister of the potent kmg-maker " ! Yet such vicissitudes often mark the times of civil rebellion.* Nor was the Countess of Oxford the only distin- guished female who suffered in these perilous times. After the death of the Earl of Warwick, his lady Anne, was also deprived of her possessions, by the authority of Parliament, which were settled on her two daughters, Isabella and Anne. The former had been married to the Duke of Clarence ; the latter to the young Prmce Edward, son of Henry VI By this arrangement it was made to appear- as though their mother was naturally dead. This Comitess of Warwick took sanctuaiy at Beau- Iieu, in Hampshire, where she continued a lon<. time in a mean condition. She afterwards, privateh° went into he north, where she also experienced giJt' diffi- culties Some years later, after the death of her daughters when Henry VH. desired himself to possess Barnard Castle (which belonged to her inheriLce During this succession of events Queen Mar-aret had been detained at Hai-fleur. She had arrive°d o the coast with the Prince, her son, in the month of ♦ Pastcn Letters ; MiUes's Catalogue ; Stow • Rot P«r7 t Bnt ; Lu.ga«i ; Inland Collection ; W^s^ri J ' ""^^"^ ''^"• «tt!::ZTl>ZT '"' "'' "'** '^'^'^'^^ — -^ •>- 1-ds.- MAEGAEET OF ANJOU, 301 November, and had remained there all the winter. ^ i47i. Stow • When at last she embarked, on the 4th of March, she MagnL was tossed about by winds and waves, which, as if in nlpin ""^ * forgetfulness of their natural inconstancy, had been ^l^^' uniformly adverse to her voyage during five entire months, thus preventing her landing in England in time to prevent the misfortunes which had just befallen her party. This unfortunate heroine was, at last, destined to land at Weymouth,* after being detained three weeks in the channel, in total ignorance of all that had happened. It was the 14th of April, 1471,1 on the evening of the very day upon which the battle of Barnet, so fatal to her hopes, had taken place. J Having at length attained the shore, after so many vicissitudes, with a few French troops, she might well, in tlie impulse of feeling, have exclaimed — " I weep for joy *' To stand upon my country once again. ** Dear earth, I do salute thee ! " Fortune had often been the cruel enemy, and again befriended Queen Margaret. Upon this occasion she seemed to have driven her to the brink of despair at a time when she had been allowed to indulge the most brilUant hopes of prosperity and of happiness. It was but a short time since the Earl of Warwick, his brother, and the Duke of Clarence had all united their interests with hers. Clarence had now proved traitor. War- wick, who had months before impatiently awaited on the shore a long time for her arrival, but in vain, — alas ! he was no more. Montague had also fallen, and all the * Lingard says she landed at Plymouth ; Monstrelet, in Devonshire. + Some tell us the Queen landed the week before Easter. ^ Sandford ; Stow ; Baker ; Baudier ; Fabyan ; Shakespeare ; London Chron. ; Paston Letters ; Hume ; Biographie Universelle ; Daniel ; Ellis's Hist, of Weymouth ; Henry ; Mag. Britannia ; Lingard ; Leland's Itin. 302 MxiEGAEET OF ANJOU. noble army of the Lancastrians was now entirely dis- persed. The beloved husband and pacific King Henry had been again consigned to a prison. What chances were these? Queen Margaret could but look upon herself as destitute and helpless, and again thrown upon her own resources ; and all these changes had happened at a moment when she had fondly imagined that nothing but the contrary winds had impeded her restoration to authority, to honour, to her husband, and to her throne. Nay, her imagination, ever lively, might have even pictured her triumphal entrance into the capital, amidst the acclamations of the people ; — but what a reverse w^as here ! The transition from joy to sorrow, from the most buoyant hopes to the most heartfelt despondency, was too much — too much even for the heroic mind of Margaret of Anjou. She no sooner understood the extent of her losses and misfortunes than she sank dovm senseless on the floor, and could with great diflBculty be recovered to life, and never, we are told, again was restored to the renewal of that hope which had animated her to her gi-eatest exertions. She no longer perceived the possibility of her restoration to the throne, and all her wishes, all her thoughts, became concentrated in the protection of her son. That admir- able firmness of mind which had so long distinguished her, now entirely forsook her, and, perceiving no remedy in her misfortunes, she abandoned herself to grief. She fled with her son for refuge, first to an abbey called Cearne, close by, and thence to the monastery of Beaulieu, in Hampshire.* * At this period aU churches and churchyards were sanctuaries, which afforded protection to traitors and delinquents of every kind for forty days. The most eminent of these sanctuaries in England were St. John's of Be-' yerly, St. Martin 's-le-Grand in London, Ripon in Yorkshire, St. Barsen's in Cornwall, and Westminster.— Pas/^w Letters. Baker; Henry; Baudier ; TdUret ; Itajpin; Lingard; Hardyng's Citron • Pol.\ergil;Uuvie; WraxaWs Tour ; Hay's Biog. ; Warner's Ham^sldre.' ^ MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 303 The Queen had with her the Grand Prior of St. John's, then called the Treasurer of England, who had been dismissed from England to fetch her. Lord Wenlock, and several knights and esquires. The intention of Margaret was to remain with these, her friends, in the Abbey of Beaulieu until she could safely return with them to France.* While Queen Margaret continued in this state of despondency, she was re- joined by Edmond, Duke of Somerset, and his brother, John Beaufort, the Earls of Pembroke and Devonshire, and some others. | These noblemen sought to console the despairing Queen by representing to her that she still had reason for hope ; for although King Edward had been victorious in the last battle, he might yet be vanquished ; that the friends of her husband were still numerous in the kingdom, and that it would not be so difficult as she imagined to raise a new army to arrest the usurper's progress ; that, as one battle gained had restored to him the crown, so there was a chance that another lost might hurl him from it. They reminded her of the various changes which had occurred since the commencement of the quarrel between the two Houses, and thence bade her infer that there was still reasonable hope of success, provided she did not, by yielding herself up to unwarrantable fears, resign the interests of her family. That when she had herself acted as general, her armies had frequently been successful, and that it was still probable, that she might be victorious. Finally, that as her son, the Prince of Wales, was regarded as the true heir to the crown, his appearance at the head of her troops might be pro- ductive of a change in her favour. All these argu- ments, however, although set forth in the most per- suasive manner, could not restore Queen Margaret to * Baker ; Rapin ; Villaret : Henry ; Blore's Rutland ; Fleetwood's MS. I Lingard ; Hardyng's Chron. ; Rapin ; Henry ; Villaret. 1471. 304 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. her wonted energy. She either despaired of success after so many accumulated disasters, which had befallen her in such rapid succession, or else the hasty glance and anticipation of the future which great minds are ever disposed to take, and of which the past experience she had had enabled her to judge, prevailed to convince Margaret that her husband's restoration to the throne for so brief a period, was but as the flash of expiring light, previous to the extinction of the Lancastrian dynasty. When again she beheld her son, she longed to restore him to his rights, but was restrained by her maternal anxiety. She was evidently reluctant to expose herself once more to the changes of fortune ; but it was not that she feared for her personal safety, it was her affection for her son that made her appre- hensive of the unhappy consequences of an unsuccess- ful enterprise. She perceived, that she could not attempt the recovery of the crown,'without the imminent hazard of her son's life, and this reflection had so much weight with her, that it prevented her taking any decided step. She even proposed sending the young Prince back to France to await the event of their present undertaking ; but in this she was opposed by the Duke of Somerset, who relied upon the presence of Prince Edward, to attract many to his standard, and to inspire his followers with an ardent desire to fight in his cause. At last, when the Queen perceived that the lords were earnest to have her son present in battle, she violently opposed it, urging his youth, inexperience, and the great risk he would run, and adding that if he perished, every hope would be extinguished. She urged, that by sending him to France he would be in safety, and he might in the event of the failure of this enterprise remain in that country, and when advanced in years and strength would be able to return and assert his rights. Maternal feelings, however, at last MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 305 yielded, but it was only after a severe conflict between the dread of losing her son, and the desire of placing him on the throne, which was his lawful right, that this unfortunate Queen adopted the advice of her friends. She had risked much ; she now resolved to hazard all in one last, desperate effort, to defend her fortunes.* This resolution being once taken. Queen Margaret no longer displayed the same despondency, but con- sidered the measures most politic in her present desperate circumstances. It was proposed that the Queen should retire with the Prince and Princess of Wales to Bath, and thither they hastened with a few attendants, while the Duke of Somerset and the noble- men and others, separated, to collect their adherents. These were to be united to the remains of the Earl of Warwick's army. Many, in a short time joined them at Exeter from Cornwall and Devonshire, through the influence of Sir Hugh Courtney, and Sir John Arundel. The Earl of Pembroke set oflf to levy troops, in Wales, where his interest was greatest, having requested of the Duke of Somerset, who was Commander-in- chief under Prince Edward, not to engage in any con- test, until he should rejoin him with his followers. With almost incredible speed this new army was assembled. On the 27th of April, thirteen days after the battle of Barnet, these forces of the Lancastrians i^yj were drawn together, amounting to 40,000 men. With Hume ; this army it was the intention of the commanders to Car^; march into Wales, and there join the Earl of Pembroke, and from thence to proceed into Cheshire, where they expected to strengthen their army with a body of archers, which would have made them very formid- * Habinffton ; Baker ; Lingard ; Rapin ; Villaret ; Henry ; Huire. YOL. II. ^ 306 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. able* At Bath the Dukes of Somerset and Devon- shire had many friends, and the name of Prince Ed- ward attracted multitudes to their party. The Queen, however, did not yet feel sufficient confidence in her forces to risk a battle. Therefore she awaited the rein- forcements which the Earl of Pembroke was expected to bring from Wales. King Edward, meanwhile, receiving news of the Queen's intentions, reassembled his troops lately dis- banded after the battle of Barnet, and with great expe- dition marched forwards, in order to prevent the union of Queen Margaret's forces with those of the Earl of Pembroke. He issued a proclamation declaring his right to the crown was unquestionable, being founded on justice and equity, confirmed by several parliaments, and established by his repeated victories. That, not- withstanding all this, many persons had risen up against him, and he now thought proper to add a list of the disaffected whom he proscribed. These were, Margaret, calling herself Queen of England, Edward her son, the Duke of Somerset, and his brother, John Beaufort, the Duke of Exeter, John, Earl of Oxford, John Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, William, Viscount de Beaumont, Hugh Courtney, and eleven others.'!' The Queen was anxious to avoid an engagement in which she would labour under some disadvantages, and determined to retire into Wales, a country the situa- tion of which was very favourable to her object, of putting off" any fighting until the forces of Pembroke should join her army, and enable her to give battle to her enemies.^ King Edward encamped at Marlborough, fifteen • Biondi ; Habington ; Baker ; Magna Britannia ; Carew's Cornwall ; Henry ; Lingard ; Daniel ; Rapin ; Leland's Itinerary, t Habington ; Rapin. X Biondi ; Baker ; Rapin. •» MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 307 miles from Bath ; and by the interposition of his army, prevented any succours reaching the Queen. Upon this near approach, Queen Margaret was alarmed, and, thinking herself unsafe, left Bath : she withdrew to Bristol. Her next object was to pass the Severn at Gloucester ; but she was refused the passage of the river at that place by Lord Beauchamp, the governor of that city and castle. The Queen was much provoked at this, but, in her present circumstances, she dared not revenge herself; and, passing by Gloucester, she proceeded to Berkley, in her way to Tewkesbury. The Queen also lost some of her artillery by the enemy, owing to the negligence of her own soldiers. Now did King Edward hasten on, at the head of his troops, intent on charging the Lancastrians before they could obtain assistance from Wales. He had the ad- vantage both in arms and ammunition, and succeeded in pursumg the Queen's forces so closely that he arrived in sight of them, before they could reach Tewkesbury. Again the Queen became alarmed, so much so, that in a fit of desperation she began to consider the means of escape. Once again, the Duke of Somerset over- came her fears, and she gave up her intention of con- sulting her safety by flying into Wales, where a large army raised by the Earl of Pembroke was prepared to defend her, and resolved to remain where she was and run all hazards.* A council was called by her generals to deliberate on the propriety of passing the river, w^ith the risk of beholding their rear-guard put to the route, or whether they should entrench themselves in the park adjoining the town, until they could procure assistance from Pembroke. Being quite engrossed by the con- sideration of her son's safety, Margaret advised the * Baker ; Habington ; Biondi ; Rapin ; Holinshed ; Fosbroke ; Leland's Itinerary. X 2 308 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. passage of the river, and many, from complacence to their Queen, supported this opinion. Somerset, how- ever, opposed it, alleging that before the army could have time to pass, the enemy would be near enough to attack them; and that all those who should be so unfortunate as to be left behind would be cut to pieces ; that this disaster, which would be unavoidable, would nevertheless be fatal to their cause, since it would be the means of discouraging those who were faithful to their interests. In short, he judged, that the deficiences in their numbers might be made up by entrenching in the park, and by drawing lines which could counterbalance the enemy's superior numbers. This opinion was adopted, after some deliberation. The Duke of Somer- set has been charged by historians with imprudence and rashness ; but perhaps they were ignorant of the difficulty of passing such a river as the Severn with the enemy in their rear. It had been well had this general committed no other faults, the Queen's affairs might then have been more prosperous ; but his advice obliged the Queen to fight the enemy upon unequal terms.* The Lancastrians having taken the resolution to wait the approach of King Edward without moving, laboured all night in forming entrenchments around the park, which they accomplished before daybreak, so anxious were they to be prepared against a sudden attack. ^ When the forces of the King approached within sight of this encampment, it was resolved by him to begin the attack immediately, without allowing them time to establish themselves more firmly. King Edward di'ew up his army in two lines, giving the command of the first to the Duke of Gloucester^ and conducting the second himself, ^nth the Duke of Clarence. * Stow ; Biondi ; Habiagton ; Eapin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 309 The Queen's army was divided into three bodies. The first, commanded by Somerset, was prepared to sustain the first attack, the second was led on by Prince Edward, who was regarded as Commander-in-Chief, having Lord Wenlock and the Lord Prior of St. John's under him, and the third was conducted by the Earl of Devonshire. From the opinion which King Edward had formed of the valour and self-conceit of the Duke of Somerset, he had made his own arrangements, hoping to entrap him. It was the belief of the King, that the Duke expected to repel the first attack, and that he intended to sally forth and improve the opportunity, should any disorder arise amongst the Yorkists; con- sequently, it was ordered that Gloucester, who was to commence the fight, should fall back suddenly if vigo- rously resisted, and that, when the enemy should pursue him, he should turn round, and attack them w^ith renewed energy, and he was promised that the rest of the army should support him. When Queen Margaret perceived the hour of battle could no longer be delayed, and that nothing but the utmost valour and intrepidity could compensate for the deficiency of her numbers, she resolved to harangue her troops, and endeavour to animate their courage. Taking the Prince her son with her, she rode through their ranks, her countenance exhibiting the utmost firmness and resolution, while her words inspired con- fidence of success. As the old writer hath it, " so " skilfully did she conceal the wound which despair *' had given her, that it only bled inwardly. " The Queen reminded them, that upon their valour '' that day depended the restoration of their imprisoned "monarch to his throne, and to the enjoyment of his *' freedom ; while for themselves would be secured, not *' only safety, but honour and recompense. *' That the wealth of the cities of their enemies would f 1471. SandforJ : Toplis ; Pas ton Lettei-s ; Howel ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Kapia ; Heniy ; Hume. 310 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. '' be theii' spoil, the kingdom tlieir inheritance, which " would be divided amongst them, and the titles, in *' which their enemies now gloried, would become their " reward. If alarmed at the inequality of numbers, she " assured them that the disparity was not so gi'cat, but " that by their courage, animated by the justice of their *' cause, it might be overcome. She then bade them " behold their Prince, whose presence, she thought (for " as a fond mother she spoke) would make them ena- " moured of danger, and who, she said, would fight " amongst them, share their danger, and when possessed " of his throne would remember those to whom he was "indebted for it."* Then commenced the famed battle of Tewkesbury, which was fought on the 4th of Mav, 1471. The attack upon the entrenchments was vigorouslv begun by the Duke of Gloucester. The Lancastrians bore the assault with great intrepidity, and, behig pre- pared for the attack, they maintained their ground, whereupon the Duke of Gloucester retreated so hastily towards the second line, that Somerset believed that they were totally dismayed, and, yielding to the impetu- osity of his disposition, and thinking to improve the dis- advantage of the moment, he sallied from his entrench- ments to attack the enemy, whom he expected to find in confusion ; he also despatched orders to Wenlock to come immediately to his assistance. The Duke of Gloucester, who had by this time, . according to the orders he had previously received, drawn up his men at a distance from the entrenchments, perceiving the advance of Somerset, came forth to meet him with gi-eat fury. This unexpected and vigorous attack, so much astonished the Lancastrians, that, perceiving no relief, they betook themselves, m confusion, to their camp. The Duke of Somerset was much enraged at * Habington. *, MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 311 not being seconded by Wenlock, upon whose assistance he had depended in this attack upon Gloucester, and he now beheld him idle within the entrenchments. He had already doubted his fidelity, and being at this moment unable to restrain his fury, he rushed upon him, and with his battle-axe clove his head in pieces.* The young Prince, deprived, by this summary act of vengeance, of the assistance of Wenlock, knew not what to do, and Somerset was too much transported with passion either to issue proper orders or to enforce obedience. The Duke of Gloucester, meanwhile, invading their camp caused an immense slaughter, and created the utmost confusion throughout the army. King Edward followed, and his presence threw the Lancastrians into such disorder, that they thought no longer of resist- ance, but all endeavoured to save themselves by flight. Thus was the army of the Queen entirely routed. The loss on her side has been estimated at 3,000f men, the two last lines having run away without fighting. The Earl of Devonshire and Sir John Beaufort, the brother of the Duke of Somerset, were slain, also Sir John Delves, Sir Edward Hampden, Sir Robert Whittingham, Sir John Leukner, and 300 others. The Prince of Wales was taken prisoner. The Duke of Somerset and about twenty other persons of distinction took refuge in the Abbey. Thither King Edward repaired immediately after his victory, in order to return thanks to God for his success, and finding there a great many Lancastrians, he gave them all a fi'ee pardon. Some add that this * Lord Wenlock had shown great fickleness in these civil wars. He fonght bravely for the Lancastrians in the first battle of St. Alban's, but afterwards deserted to Edward (in 1459), who conferred many favours on him, and created him a baron. t Some write that only 300 were slain. J I 312 I I MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. favour was obtained through the intercessions of a priest. These promises, however, on the part of the conqueror, were as insincere, and as little to be relied on, as the former oaths of this Yorkist King. These sacred engagements and the rights of the sanctuary were inviolate only so long as his political position re- quired it. The Lancastrians, on the contrary, had ever respected the sanctuary, to which even King Edward had, but just before been mdebted, for the safety of his Queen and her children. On this occasion all was forgotten ; and upon the third day after the battle a band of armed men rushed into the sanctuary, and, in violation of the King's promises and of the sanctity of the spot, they dragged out their unhappy victims and brought them into the presence of the Duke of Gloucester, sitting that day as Constable, and the Duke of Norfolk, as Marshal. Before these were arraigned and condemned to die, the Duke of Somerset, John Longstrother, Prior of St. John's, Sir Thomas Tresham, Sir Gervase Clifton, and several others, knights and esquires. Upon May 7th they were beheaded, along with twelve other knights, upon a scaffold set up in the middle of the town ; but they were not dismembered, and the victors afterwards permitted their interment.* This engagement! took place eighteen days after the battle of Barnet. It was the twelfth battle since the beginning of the quarrel of the Roses. The Earl of Warwick had subdued England in eleven days, and in twenty days King Edward re- * Baker ; Howel ; Stow ; Biondi ; MiUes's Catalogue ; Henry ; Blore's Rutland; Habington ; Paston Letters; Holinshed ; TopUs ; Pennant; Leland's CoUect. ; Sandford ; Lond. Chron. ; Rapin ; Daniel ; Barante ;' Hume ; Lingard : Collinson's Somersetsh. ; BiograpMe Universelle ; Fabyan • Monstrelet ; Philip de Comines. ' t The scene of this battle, which destroyed the hopes of the Lancastrians has received the name of " Bloody Meadow. "— Warner's Tour. , ' MAEGAEET OF AKJOU. 313 covered it, but not until he had fought two desperate battles to eifect his object.* Most extraordinary it appears that, in England, within the short period of half a year, there was held one Parliament in which King Edward was proclaimed an usurper, and King Henry a lawful monarch ; and another proclaiming King Edward a lawful monarch, and King Henry an usurper, to show us, adds the chronicler, that in human affairs there is nothing certain but uncertainty, nothing stable but instability.! The Queen was discovered in a chariot half dead with grief, upon beholding this unfortunate turn in her affairs, and still being ignorant of the fate of her son. She was conducted to King Edward. Another account informs us, that it was not until two days after the battle, that she was found in a nunnery, where she had sought refuge, and was brought into the presence of the triumphant monarch, then at Worcester. J When Prince Edward appeared in the presence of the King he preserved an undaunted air, and would not be persuaded to make any submission derogatory to his birth. The King, surprised at his fearless countenance, inquired " how he dared to appear in "arms against him;" to which the Prince replied, " that he had come to recover his own inheritance, "which had been unjustly taken from him." His boldness excited the King's indignation, and, striking him on the mouth with his gauntlet, he turned away from him. This was the signal for the death of this unfortunate Prince, for, no sooner had the King with- drawn, than the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the Earl of Dorset, and Lord Hastings, faUing upon him, * Baker ; Rapin ; Philip de Comines ; Henry. t Baker. X Holinshed ; Sandford ; Toplis ; Stow ; Paston Letters ; Howel : Daniel ; Baker ; Femmes Celebrea ; Rapin ; Lingard ; Hume ; Henry ; Fabyan ; Bayley's History of the Tower. .1 314 M-IEGAEET OP AKJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 315 despatched Inm with their daggers. It has been sup- posed that Kmg Edward had previously given orders for this cruel execution. There is some difference of opinion as to the death of this Prince, yet there is little doubt that, if he did not receive it from these noble- men, the act was done in their presence. Some historians tell us that Prince Edward, havino- escaped from the battle, a reward of £500 sterling was offered by the King for his apprehension, dead or alive engaging that should he be alive, he would not put him to death. Upon this promise Sir Richard Crofts brought him to King Edward, who, however, did not find this monarch disposed to keep his word. Prince Edward was but eighteen years of age when he was thus cnielly put to death.* He was buried without solemnity, witli some persons of mean condition, in the church of Blackfriars, in Tewkesbury. In the same cliurch were also interred those Lancastrians who had been beheaded after the late engagement.! Some of the monuments erected to their memory may still be seen. An altar tomb in the north wall of the nave has been ascribed to Lord Wenlock,^ and a similar one at the upper end of the south aisle near the choir under an arch, is that of the Duke of Somerset In the middle, under the great tower, at the entrance of the chou-, a large grey marble slab, with brass plates aihxed (but which have been since removed) marked the spot where the remains of Prince Edward were thought to have been deposited. § This Prince J "^""S^*" preserved the memory of the spot where Prince Edwaid w^ murdered in a house on the north side of the Tolsey.- narner's Tour ^J^""^"*.'- ^"P"' • ^'^^ ' ^"^'^^ • J*^« ■' Holinshed ; Lingard • o;. C^i^rl'^' Milles-s Catalogue; Paston Letters : Londof Ch™„ • Caradoc oi Lhancarvan : Daniel ; Barante ; PhUip de Comines : Monstrelet fZ^^'^Z^'^''^'"'''' ^''^■- ^'-'-' ^''^^ ^-<>e4:: J ^1'*!^ IJf't ^""""'^ ^ ^ proportion is lying thereon. S Some state that Pnnce Edward's remains were thrown into one com mon grave with others who had faUen in this battle ^ deserved a better fate ; he had excellent qualities of mind and heart, which caused him to be much re- setted. It has been remarked that every one who had participated in this murder came to an untimely end. To the monastery and convent of Tewkesbury Henry VII. afterwards granted the parochial churcli of Towton, to pray for the souls of this Duke of Somerset, his brother John, and others, who lost their lives in the quarrel of the Roses. It may be well to remark that, in these turbulent times, the remains of the dead seldom found their resting-place in the vaults of their ancestors, and often those who in life were nearest allied, were by death widely separated. Thus was it with Sir John Wen- lock, who, in 1461, when he was created Baron Wenlock, had erected a chapel in the parish church of Luton, in Bedfordshire, where there was an in- scription and a portrait of Sir John, with the arms of the family. In this place it is probable that Lady Wenlock was buried, and that Lord Wenlock intended it for his own place of sepulture.* The renowned Chancellor, Sir John Fortescue, was taken prisoner in the battle of Tewkesbury. He had accompanied Queen Margaret and her son throughout their last unfortunate expedition. The life of this venerable sage was spared by King Edward, who afterwards restored him to freedom. He also granted him his estates, and admitted him to his favour. While in Scotland with King Henry, during the time of his exile, he had written a treatise in proof of the claims of the House of Lancaster. With the same ability he now composed for the rival monarch, a second treatise in support of the title of the House ♦ Willis's Abbeys : Sandford ; Toplis ; Fox's Monks and Monast. ; Eocles. Hist. ; Ma^a Britannia ; Pennant. M. 316 MARGARET OF AXJOU. of York, and this, we are assured, was the price of his pardon.* King Edward entered London on the 21st of May, and, in order to make his triumph resemble those of the Romans, he brought with him his chief captive, the afflicted Queen Margaret. She had lost every hope of re-ascending the throne, and by the death of her son was deprived of her greatest consolation. A new cause for grief awaited her when she reached the Tower, whither she was conducted, she was not permitted to see King Henry ; and there she remained a prisoner several years. Thus left to her own reflections, it had been well for Margaret could she have been able, like her noble sire, to seek the consolations of religion, of literature, and of the arts ; but her life had been a scene of activity, even from her childhood, and her tastes were rather those inspired by busy life. With her son she had now lost the spring for action, and even her mind became captive to her situation. She sunk into despondency, f King Edward had been indebted to the Archbishop of York for many services, yet he was not at ease on his throne while Neville enjoyed his liberty. This pre- late had hunted at Windsor with the King, who had promised him, in return, to hunt with him at the Moor, m Hertfordshire. Preparations were made on a grand scale for the royal visitor. All the plate which the Archbishop had concealed since the time of his brother's death, had been collected for this occasion, and all the chief nobility of the neighbourhood had been invited to partake of the banquet. The King, however, com- manded this prelate to come to Windsor, and he was * Rot. Pari. ; Henry ; Lingard. t Habington ; Holinshed ; Baudier ; Female Worthies ; Hume • Rapin • Henry ; Baker : Daniel j Fabyan ; ViUaret ; Bayley's History of the Tower of London. ' MARGARET OF ANJOU. 31' then arrested on a charge of having lent money to the Earl of Oxford. The revenue of his bishopric was seized, and his valuable plate confiscated : his mitre was converted into a crown, and his jewels appropriated by the King and the Prince of Wales. The Arch- bishop lingered for three years in prison, partly in England, and partly at Guisnes. He recovered his freedom only a few weeks before his death, in 1476. This is a marked instance of ingratitude in the cha- racter of Edward IV.* Thomas Neville, called the Bastard of Falconbridge,t who was a faithful adherent of the House of Lancaster, had been Vice-Admiral of the Channel during the time of King Henry's restoration, but lost this office on the change of the dynasty. He then turned pirate ; but having lands, and some uifluence in the county of Kent, he collected a considerable army and attempted to surprise London, with a view to rescue King Henry from the Tower. He was repulsed, and withdrew with his troops into Kent. Lord Scales, with the assistance of Nicholas Faunte, Mayor of Canterbury, contrived means with fair words only, to prevail on Falconbridge to return to Blackheath. From them, however, he stole away in the night with 600 horsemen to Rochester, and after to Sandwich, where he awaited the King's coming. He submitted to King Edward, and was not only pardoned, but also knighted, and again appointed Vice-Admiral, in this year, 1471. From this time his career was short, for between the 13th and 29th of the following September he was beheaded, but for what offence is unknown. His head, and the heads of nhie others, placed on spears, were exhibited on London ♦ Leland Collect. : Stow ; Rymer : Bayley's Tower of London ; Lingard. t He was a natural son of William, Lord Falconbridge. One account of his death is, that he was beheaded by the Duke of Gloucester in Yorkshire. 1471. ^ im. 318 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. bridge, exposed to the birds and elements, until the bones only were left. It is probable that those who shared his fate were some of his own men from Kent, thirty of whom we are told, joined him in his enter- prise.* The King granted to AVilliam Wa^mfleet, Bishop of Winchester, who had been a staunch friend of the Lancastrians, a complete pardon. He did not exhibit the same generosity towards his rival, Henry the Sixth. After having twice spared the life of this monarch, doubtless on account of his innocence and simplicity of character, Kmg Edward began to fear that he should not enjoy any confirmed peace whilst Henry was ahve. He would perhaps have suffered him to die a natural death, had not the repeated attempts to re-enthrone him pointed out to him his own insecurity. He there- fore resolved to despatch him, and Queen Margaret's last attempt to recover the crown, hastened the ca- tastrophe. There is little doubt that, had Queen Margaret won the last battle, and taken King Edward prisoner, she would have put him to death ; but the good fortune of this monarch, caused the same fate to fall upon her husband and her son, and she was herself only indebted to her sex, for her preservation. It was on the night of the 21st of May, 1471, of that same day upon which the King had entered Lon- don triumphantly, and his royal captive, the Lancas- trian Queen, had been consigned to the Tower, but a few days after the battle of Tewkesbury, that the good and meek King Henry the Sixth, while engaged m his devotions, in his prison in the Tower, was put to death. It was generally believed that he was stabbed with a dagger, by the hand of the Duke of Gloucester, a/ f"^^""^^^^ •' Lingard ; Bentley's Excerpta. Hist. ; Miss Lawrence- Mackay s Thames. ^ ' MAEGAEET OF ANJOXJ. 319 who has been almost unanimously called a cruel, and a bloodthirsty prince.* The great hall in the Wakefield tower has . been said, by tradition, to have been the scene of Henry's murder. To appease the pubhc, it was reported that King Henry had died of grief. His body was brought to St. Paul's a few days after, with guards and torches, in an open coffin, barefaced, where it rested a day uncovered, and here the body bled afresh; it was thence conveyed to the church of Blackfi'iars, where it again bled ; it was then taken in a boat to Chertsey Abbey, t and without ceremony, " there being neither " priest nor clerk, torch nor taper, saying or singing, ** he was there interred," within the cloisters. King Henry's corpse was afterwards removed by Kino: Edward's order to Windsor, and buried in St. George's Chapel, in the south aisle, between the choir and the altar, under the arch on the south side, but no monument placed over it. The remains of King Edward were afterwards in- terred in the same chapel, which he had himself rebuilt. Thus did the rival monarchs at last repose in death under the same roof:): This circumstance was sug- gestive of the following lines from the poet's pen : — " Let softest strains ill-fated Henry mourn, ** And palms eternal flourish round his urn. " Here, o'er the martyr King, the marble weeps, " And fast beside him once fear'd Edward sleeps ; * This character of Gloucester has been given by his enemies, historians who favoured the House of Lancaster. f Chertsey Abbey was founded for Benedictine monks, in 666, and was dissolved by Henry VIII. in 1538. :;: Sandford ; Stow ; Howel; Toplis ; Baker ; Grafton ; MiUes's Catalogue ; Fabyan ; Rapin ; Hume ; Pennant's London ; Henry ; Lingard : Monfau- con : Londiniana : Philip de Comines ; Rous of Warwick ; Mag. Britannia Ashmole's Berkshire. 320 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. *' Whom not th' extended Albion could contain, " From old Belerium to the northern main. " The grave unites ; where e'en the great find rest, *' And blended lie th' oppressor and th' opprest !"* The reputed sanctity of Henry VI., and the desire of Henry VH. to estabHsh his right to the crown upon the Lancastrian descent, caused this monarch to apply to the Papal See for his canonization. It was his intention to found a chapel at Windsor to the memory of Henry VL, and to place in it a stately monument over, his remains (which were said to have wrought miracles) ; but the abbot and convent of Westminster at this time sent a petition to the King, claiming to have King Henry's body removed to their church, that being the place chosen by this monarch himself during his lifetime. The aged workmen of the abbey well remembered the visits of King Henry for the purpose of fixing the place for his sepulture. It was during that unhappy period, betw^een the battles of St. Alban's and that of Wakefield, that the King frequented the abbey at all hours of day or night to decide on the spot where he should be interred. He came at one time between seven and eight o'clock in the evening from his palace, accompanied by his Confessor, Thomas Manning, who was afterwards Dean of Windsor. He was received by the abbot by torchlight at the posteni, and they went together round the Confessor's Chapel. It was proposed to move the tomb of Eleanor, when the King replied "that he could in no wise do it," and when this was pressed upon him, he fell into one of liis fits of silence, and gave no reply. He then pro- ceeded to the Lady Chapel, where he beheld his mother's coffin in its neglected state. It was proposed that it should be " more honourably apparelled," and * Pope. MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 321 that he should be laid between it and the altar in the same chapel, but Henry gave no answer. The remains of Queen Catherine had been placed in a rude coffin in " this chapel, in a ' badly apparelled " * state, the body open to view ; and there she remained *' ' many years.' When this chapel was destroyed by *' her grandson, it was placed on the right side of her ^' husband, and so it continued to be seen, the bones ^' being firmly united, and thinly clothed with flesh-like " scrapings of fine leather. This strange neglect w^as *' probably the result of the disfavour into which her " memory had fallen from her ill-assorted marriage, *' but the legends of the abbey tell us, that it was by ^* her own appointment in regard of her disobedience ** to her husband, for being delivered of her son, '' Henry VI., at Windsor, the place which he for- "bade."'-' On another day, he visited the Confessor's Chapel, with Flete, the prior of the abbey. Henry inquired of him the names of the kings whose tombs were around him, till he came to the grave of his father, where he prayed. He then entered the chantry, and surveyed the whole chapel for one hour. He was asked if the tomb of Henry V. should be pushed a little on one side, and his own placed beside it ; when, with more than his customary regal spirit, he exclaimed, " Nay, let him *' alone ; he heth like a noble prince — I would not " trouble him." The abbot proposed at last that the great reliquary should be moved fi'om its position at that time, close beside the shrine, so as thus, to leave a vacant space for another tomb. The King anxiously inquired, whether any other spot could be found where the relics might be deposited, and being informed that they might be placed at the back side of the altar, he then marked with his foot ♦ Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey. VOL. II. Y 322 MAEGAHET OF ANJOU. seven feet, and turning to tlie nobles who were with him, *' Lend me your stafif," he said to Lord Cromwell ; "is it not fitting I should have a place here, where my " father and my ancestors lie, near St. Edward ? '* Then, pointing with the staif to the spot, he said, *' Here methinketh is a convenient place ; " and again more emphatically, and with the peculiar asseveration, which, in his pious lips, took the place of the savage oaths of the Plantagenets, " Forsooth, forsooth, here *^ will we lie ! Here is a good place for us." The master mason of the abbey, named Thu'sk, then traced with an iron instrument the circuit of the grave. The relics were removed three days after, and the tomb was ordered. The "marbler" (or statuar}^) and the coppersmith were paid forty groats for their instalment, and one gi'oat was given to the workmen, who long remembered their master's conversation by this token. The rehgious establishments of Chert sey and of Wind- sor disputed the claim of Westminster, and an exami- nation of the parties took place in the King's presence in council. A decision was given on the third hearing unanimously, in favour of Westminster, and not long after, the license was obtained from Pope Juhus H. for the removal of King Henry's remains to the abbey ; but the intention of canonisation was given up, the King being unwilling to yield to the exorbitant de- mands of the Court of Rome.'" In the will of Henr}' VHL there was mention made of his design to repair the tombs of his predecessors, Henry YI, and Edward IV. The former being still in St. George's Chapel, we may affirm that this monarch's remains were never taken away from Windsor. During the civil wars, the tomb of King Henry VI., as well as that of his rival, Edward IV., were despoiled of their ornaments, and nothing now remains to mark ♦ Londiniana ; Baker ; Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey. ' MAEGAEET OF AKJOU. 323 the place of sepulture of the meek monarch than the royal arms beneath an arch.* No monument, indeed, was needed for this pious king, although by some regarded with contempt, beholding in him but a weak and imbecile sovereign. Yet did he become distin- guished by good acts and patient endurance, as a Christian and a saint. To the memor}^ of this holy king no monument was ever raised ; and in allusion to this, Walpole has \mtten the following lines : — " But say, what shrine ? My eyes in vain require ** Th' engraven brass, and monumental spire ; ** Henry knows none of these. Above, around I ** Behold where'er this pensile quarry 's found, " Or swelling into vaulted roofs its weight, ** Or shooting columns into Grothic state, — ** Where'er this fane extends its lofty frame, " Behold the monument to Henry's name ! " The noble w^orks of art of his day were themselves monuments of lasting praise, if such were needed, to the memory of this good king.f Henry VI. died in the fiftieth year of his age, having reigned thirty-eight years before he was de- throned, and seven months after his restoration. He was twice crowned, and twice buried.^ This monarch was revered as a martyr, and it was w^hispered that miracles were wrought at his tomb. In St. Leonard's church, Norwich, was an image of Henry VI., which was visited by pilgrims from all parts, who, being afflicted with various diseases, re- paired thither in the hope of their cure. Thus this image became famous, and the church in which it was placed. § The virtues of King Henry, and the endowments of his mind, were indeed enough to make him a saint. He was so devout as to think nothing adversity which * Londiniana. f Walpole. § Parkin's Norwich. Toplis ; Eapin. Y 2 324 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. was not a hindrance to devotion. His confessor said of him that, " in ten years' confession he never found " that he had done, or said amthing for which he *' might justly be enjoined penance ; '' and on this account Henr}- VII. would have had him canonized for a saint.* Upon one occasion King Henry is said to have foretold the exaltation of the Earl of Richmond, who being brought to him by Jasper, Earl of Pembroke when scarcely ten years of age, this monarch, after regarding him for some time, said to the lords about liim, '' Lo ! this is he to whom both we and our ad- " versaries, having the possession of all things, shall " hereafter give place " — a prophecy so many years after ftilfilled, that it was the more remarkable. Henry has been described as tall, slight, and hand- some in person, and of a beautiful countenance. His hair was of a moderate length ; he had no beard, or whiskers, and wore broad shoes. He usually had on a cap, or hood of red velvet, which was preserved a long time afterwards upon his tomb, and it was by the superstitious thought to cure the headache of all those who put it on.f This meek and gentle monarch of a turbulent and rebellious people, whom during a long life he was unable to rule, was vet of so virtuous and estimable a character that he deserved the universal admiration of posterity. He has been described as " a man of pure simplicity of mind ; truthfiil almost " to a fault. He never made a promise he did not " keep, and never knowingly did an injury to any- " one. Rectitude and justice ruled his conduct in all '' public affairs. Devout hmiself, he sought to cherish a " love for religion in others. He would exhort his ♦ Baker. t Milles*3 Catalogue : Stow : Baker : Stratt : Peck's Desiderata Curiosa. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 325 visitors, particularly the young, to pursue virtue and eschew evil. He considered sports and pleasures of the world as frivolous, and devoted his leisure to reading the Scriptures and the old chronicles. " Most decorous himself when attending public worship, he obUged his courtiers to enter the sacred edifice without swords, or spears, and to refrain from interrupting the devotion of others by conversing within its precincts. He exhorted his clergy in frequent letters, and charged them to consider their trust as emanating from the authority of the Most High. *' He delighted in female society, and blamed the immodest dress which left exposed the maternal parts of the neck." When he observed this on one occasion, at a masque proposed for his entertainment, he exclaimed, " Fie, fie ! forsooth you are much to blame ; " and he hastened from the apartment. " Fond of encouraging youth in the path of virtue, he would frequently converse familiarly with the scholars from his college of Eton, when they visited his servants at Windsor Castle. He generally concluded with this touching address, adding a present of money : * Be good lads, meek and docile, and attend to your ' religion.' " He was liberal to the poor, and lived among his dependents as a father among his children. He readily forgave those who had offended him. When one of his servants had been robbed, he sent him a present of twenty nobles, desiring him to be more careful of his property in future, and requestmg him to forgive the thief. Passing one day from St. Alban's to Cripplegate, he saw a quarter of a man impaled there for treason. Greatly shocked, he exclaimed, 'Take it away, take it away. I will ' have no man so cruelly treated on my account.' 32G MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 327 " Hearing that four men of noble birth were about " to suffer for treason to him, he sent them his par- " don with all expedition to the place of execution. " In his dress he was plain, and would not wear " the shoes with the upturned points, then so much " in fashion and considered the distinguishing mark " of a man of quality. " He was careful to select proper persons in the " distribution of church preferment, and, anxious to '' promote the real happiness of his two half-brothers, " the Earls of Richmond and Pembroke, he had them " carefully brought up under the most upright and " virtuous ecclesiastics. " Such a King in more peaceable times would have " been a blessing to his country ; but in those tur- " bulent days, when personal prowess was considered " the first of virtues, it is not to be wondered, that he " should have been looked upon almost in the light "of an idiot."* No monarch could be less fitted to wield a sceptre than Henry VI. ; for, being made King at nine months old, his knowledge and skill in affairs of state did not " grow with his growth," neither did he in maturer years evince the least capacity for the regu- lation of a people, who, being attached to him as their lawful sovereign, yet had become discontented, and rebellious. His mind was so weak that all counsels appeared to him equally good, being unable to perceive the conse- quences of any advice given to him.f This natural weakness totally unfitting him to govern, Henr}" yielded himself up to the guidance of others, some- * This extract is from one who had well studied the King's cha- racter from personal observation. — J. Blackman ; Hearne ; Otterhmirne ; Wetharmtede. ^ t Habington ; Rapin ; Hume. times to that of Queen Margaret, at other times, to that of the most ambitious of his subjects, without making any resistance, or the least effort to assert his own power.* The great deficiencies in King Henry for the exercise of regal sway were, however, supplied by all the virtues of the man. He was chaste, temperate, meek, and holy, and so good and amiable, that he was beloved by his people, and even by his enemies. His disposition was so forgiving, and benevolent, and such was his love of peace, that he sought on all occasions to conciliate the contending parties ; and would always try pacific measures before he consented to engage in warfare. It is even said of him that he did himself a violence when he had recourse to arms. When the weakness of his understanding made him at times appear contemptible in the eyes of those who ought to have reverenced his authority, the purity and innocence of his life preserved their affection to him. Thus, the victorious Yorkists, when wreaking their vengeance on their most deadly enemies, were seen to fall on their knees before their humbled and unfortunate monarch, who was their prisoner, and the greatest object of then- pity ; then did they conduct him respectfully, and with all the dignity due to his rank, to the metropolis. They even preserved, at a time when they grasped at absolute power, that show of decorum and propriety due to majesty, which nothing but their sympathy in his mis- fortunes, and affection for his person could have extorted. His integrity, modesty, and patience were wonderful, taking and suffering all losses, chances, dis- pleasures, and such worldly torments in good part, and with a patient manner, as though they had chanced by his own fault, or negligent oversight. King Henry abhorred cruelty and injustice, and he desired neither riches, nor honour. He studied only * Malcolm's Manners and Customs ; Hume ; Lingard ; Rapin. •'I ^1 328 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 329 for the health of his soul, the saving whereof he esteemed the greatest wisdom, and the loss thereof the greatest folly that could be. He might have been called unhappy, had he not been endued with such piety as raised him above his fortune, and united him to his God. By some he was regarded as a saint, and his virtues were extolled in order to render more odious the King who had robbed him of his crown and life. His manners were simple and inoffensive, and it was a peculiarity in his character that he did not swear in common conversation, and reproved the practice in all those who approached his person. The conduct of King Henry when deprived of his crown was exemplary, and when reduced to the level of his subjects, he bore his" misfortunes with such meek- ness and patience, as totally disarmed his successor of any desire to take away his life. The indignity with which this monarch was treated by the Earl of Warwick, and others, reflects but little credit on the manners and feelings of the age. Many great offences Henry willingly forgave ; and one day, having received a blow from a wicked person, who sought to take his life, he only said, " Forsooth, ye do *' wTong yourself, more than me, so to smite the Lord's ** anointed." He had many injuries offered him, yet he never sought to revenge himself, but gave thanks to God, that he did send them to punish his sins in this life, that he might escape punishment in the life to come. King Henry had a singular devotion to Saint Ed- mond, and we are told, that, " he nowhere enjoyed so " much comfort, peace, and joy, as in his retreats in the "monastery of St. Edmondsbury." This monarch is universally described as amiable, and although of a weak understanding, as possessing uncommon goodness of heart. As a private individual he might have shone conspicuous, but as a king his virtues were lost sight of, in the evident deficiency of the sterner requisites for regal power.* * Biondi ; Habingtx)n ; Hall ; Baker ; Milles's Catalogue ; Howel ; Lin- gard ; Henry ; Hume ; Rapin ; Malcolm ; Camden's Remains ; Butler's Lives ; Gent.'s Magazine. II I IkLlEGAEET OF ANJOU. 331 CHAPTEE VIII. " To be a queeu in bondage is more vile " Than is a slave in base servility ; " For princes should be free. "—Shakespeare. " Now Margaret " Must strike her sail, and learn awhile to serve " Where kings command. I was, I must confess, *' Great Albion's queen in former golden days ; *' But now mischance hath trod my title down, '* And with dishonour laid me on the ground ; " Where I must take like seat unto my fortune, " And to my humble seat conform myself." Shakespeare. Queen Margaret imprisoned in the Tower, also at Windsor and at Walling- ford-Rene— ffis age and misfortunes-The death of Charles of Anjou, also that of Ferri de Vaudemont, and of Nicolas of Anjou- Loms XI. seizes on Anjou-Rene retires to Provence-Reng's pursuits tastes, and disposition-Rent's letter to Queen Margaret- Louis Xl' meets Rene at Lyons-He appoints Charles of Maine his heir- Manoeuvre of Louis-The cession of the rights of Rene-His condi- tions-Louis enters into a treaty with Edward IV.-Queen Margaret IS ransomed-ShedepartsfromEngland-H^ving renounced hercLms on Englajid, she yields to Louis her rights in Anjou and Provence- Queen Margaret's melancholy-Rene at Gardane-He instructs his gr^ddaughter-The defeat and death of Charles the Bold by the Duke of Lorraine-Rene's last illness and death-The will of Rene-The Proven^a^ oppose the removal of his corpse-His body is carried to Angers-His monument and epitaph, statues, coat of arms-The in- stitutions of Rene-His character-Charles of Anjou Ms successor- The death of Charles of Anjou— Louis XI. his heir. The vanquished Queen Margaret, consigned to the solitude of a prison, was overcome by melancholy, and during five years endured a comfortless captivity. Her heroic spirit, which had braved every danger, and sus- tained such great trials, no longer bore up under the pressure of misfortune. She had not even a ray of hope to cheer the future, being now deprived of her husband, her son, her friends, and of her kingdom, and no' other prospect before her than of an endless im- prisonment. At first she was confined in the Tower of London, where she was treated with the utmost harsh- ness, until by the kind intercession of Elizabeth Wood- ville, who probably retained a lively recollection of the benefits which her royal mistress had bestowed upon her, while in attendance on her formerly at court, she obtained through her compassion some mitigation of her cruel treatment. The widowed Queen was next imprisoned at Windsor, in 1472, and afterwards re- moved to Wallingford Castle, where she was placed under the charge of Ahce Chaucer, Duchess Dowager of Suffolk, one of her early fi'iends, whose residence was at EweUn, in Oxfordshire, not far from Walling- ford. Doubtless it must have been consoling to the unhappy Queen to receive the sympathy of her former companion and friend, who in the joyous hours of her maidenhood had, with her ill-fated husband, conducted her to the shores of England, and whose bereavement Margaret had so deeply felt.* Five marks weekly was all the allowance granted to her fi'om King Edward for her support, and that of her servants. This seems an inconsiderable sum compared to that allowed to the Duke of Orleans, which was 400 marks annually for his maintenance. This shows that she was no longer treated as a Queen. Thus this unfortunate heroine passed the time of her widowhood, a season always sorrowfiil and desolate, but to her it must have been truly unhappy, having not the slightest hope of regaining her freedom, f^ The " good King Ren6," her father, was now stricken * Paston Letters ; Ridpath ; Lingard ; Toplis. t Toplis J Lingard ; Ridpath ; Paston Letters. i| It \:n 1472. Y 1472. Godard Faultrier. 1473. Bodin ; Paston Letters ; Monstrelet. 332 ALVEGARET OF ANJOU. m years, and worn out with a series of misfortunes, yet, he was tenderly attached to his daughter Margaret, and much distressed at her imprisonment. He found himself, however, unable to effect her liberation, or to assist her as he anxiously desired. He was not in a condition to pay such a ransom, as would probably be demanded for her liberty. He had throughout his life been very necessitous, and was now in gi-eater distress than ever ; for, although he had been of great service to the French in the conquest of Nor- mandy, and in their endeavours to expel the English from France, Louis XI. had treated him with great ingratitude. Ren^ had mourned the death of his son John, Duke of Calabria. This loss had occurred at the same epoch as the disasters of Queen Margaret, and the sensible heart of Rene was greatly afflicted. Soon after this, his brother, Charles of Anjou, followed to the grave ; and next Ferri de Vaudemont, Duke of Lorraine. Nicholas, son of John of Anjou, also died ; his death happened on the 24th of May,* 1473 ; he was but twenty-five years of age.f He had been for some time before, in treaty with the Duke of Burgundy, for the hand of his daughter Mary, his only child, and the pre- sumptive heir to his dommions. It appears, that Louis XI. had offered his eldest daughter in marriage to Duke Nicholas, who had broken his faith, preferring the daughter of Burgundy, the King s vassal. Thus the marriage became obnoxious to Louis, and the young man's sudden death, just at the time when there seemed no longer any obstacle to this union, gave occasion to the report, that he died by poison, administered by the same hand that had taken off the Duke of Berri. Monstrelet tells us, however, that this Duke Nicholas * Monstrelet says he died in July. + Bodin; Monstrelet; Habington; Female Worthies ; Paston Letters. MARGAEET OF ANJOU. 333 died of the plague, in his duchy of Lorraine, and adds that, by his death the male line of Rend of Anjou became extinct; and the inheritance of Lorraine passed to Yoland, the eldest daughter of Rend, whose husband had lately died. Ren6 II., Count of Vaudemont, became Duke of Lorraine ; but some write, that this crown was offered to Rend, who rejected it in favour of his grandson. The Duke of Burgundy, probably disappointed at the failure of his project, for uniting the duchies of Bur- gundy and Lorraine by the marriage of his daughter, very unjustly imprisoned Rene II., but was soon obliged to liberate him.* - King Rend at this time of sorrow and regret with- drew to his castle of Baugd, where he sought the most perfect quiet, and the sweetest recollections. Here he thought he might mourn in peace. He wandered by its river, then traversed the rooms of his castle, then repaired to seek peace in its chapel, alternately he prayed, and wept, and then silently meditating, appeared to seek " another and a better country." His features seemed to be changed by grief; but, alas ! the good King Rent's time for sorrowing was not yet over. He had still renewed troubles, and even his cherished soli- tude was about to be ravished from him, and while this aged monarch was seeking strength to sustain his afflictions, his nephew, Louis XL, meditated the seizure of Anjou, under the most unjust pretexts. This artful king, abusing the kindness of his relative, had de- nounced Rend to the parliament of Paris as a conspi- rator, ordaining that he should be criminally sued, and expecting that he might thus obtain a pretext for con- fiscating his estates to his own advantage. The par- liament, however, being acquainted with the prudence * Paston Letters ; Godard Faultrier : Bodin ; Monstrelet ; Jean de Troye ; Hist. General de Provence. hi i il ill !F i* I I i. :l, Bodin ; Godard Faiiltrier, •334 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. and good conduct of the Duke of Anjou, would not follow up this unjust accusation. The King of France then, without any form of pro- cedure, seized upon Anjou, and established a strong garrison in the castle of Angers, giving the command of it to Wilham of Cerazai, who became first mayor of Angers. Louis was at this time, marching at the head of 50,000 men against Francis II., Duke of Brittany, and he made it his pretext, that King Rene was in alliance with the Bretons. He even feigned great rage at this. Ren6, meanwhile, although only seven leagues distant, at his castle of Baug^, was so far from suspect- ing it, that hearing the King was at Angers, he ordered his horse, intending to go there to congi'atulate him. His servants, knowing his love for his country of Anjou, dared not at first to tell him the truth ; but, finchng he determined on going to Angers, one of his familiar friends declared to him the facts. This good prince, accustomed to control his afiections, which of late had been much tried by his misfortunes, bore this shock with fortitude, and he even finished the painting upon which he was engaged at the time. Afterwards his aflBiction overcame him for a brief space, and he was shocked at this new, and unexpected instance of his relative's unkindness. His piety, however, made him seek the strength he needed. " The will of God be " done," said he, '' who hath given me all, and can '' take all away from me at his pleasure. The King *' shall have no war with me, for my age is no longer *' suitable to arms. I have determined to live the rest " of my time in this world in peace and repose of spirit, *'and shall do so if possible."* Eene has been reproached by several historians be- cause when the news of his loss of Anjou was brought to him, being engaged in painting a bartarelle, a kind * Baudier ; Eabington ; Anquetil ; Bodin. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 335 of partridge of which he was very fond, he did not discontinue his work, and showed no other regret, than that, of being obliged to leave for ever a country to which he was sincerely attached. These writers say, that in the pursuit of the pleasing arts this prince had forgotten the duties of the sovereign, whose first care should be the preservation of his state. Again they say, that Rene possessed all the quali- ties valuable to a private individual, but scarcely any of those which are indispensable to kings. The in- justice of these opinions will be apparent, when we come to speak of the great talents of King Rene, and espe- cially of the numerous, and essential benefits he conferred on the states over which he ruled, and of the love his subjects bore him. He showed, indeed, great com- mand of his passions and resignation of soul on many occasions. WTien so abruptly driven from the cradle of his fore- fathers, Rene wisely resolved to sustain this outrage with stoical firmness, and not long after, he retired to Aix, in Provence, carrying with him the regrets and benedictions of all ranks of the Angevins, by whom he was cherished as the best of princes, or rather as a father. The affectionate reception he had so frequently ex- perienced from the Provengaux, determined Rene upon fixing his abode amongst them. He devoted himself to a country life, and, as in the days of Saturn and Rhea, he was sometimes seen, crook in hand, guarding his sheep, along with his Queen, Jeanne de Laval. He likewise amused himself in the cultivation of poetry, painting, and gardening, and in this manner the good King passed beneath the clear sky of Provence the remaining years of his life. The treatment of Louis was, however, more deeply felt by him, as it was altogether unexpected from one, 336 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 337 whom he believed to be his friend ; but, perceiving no remedy, Rend resolved to submit with patience.* The tastes of Rend, which had been formed in the school of adversity, differed much from those which usually characterise princes. In his country house at Gardane, where he passed the summer, he lived without pomp, everything around him w^earing such an air of antiquity that, upon glanc- ing over the inventory of the furniture of his dwelling, one cannot help thinking of Fabricius or Socrates. The same simphcity distinguished him at Marseilles, where he sometimes withdrew during the winter season. He was often seen walking quite alone on the port, or conversing familiarly with any one he might chance to meet, and this, at the time, when the sun, so fine in that climate, shed that gentle heat, which in the Basse Provence reanimates nature, even when dormant else- where. Thus, arose the saying amongst his subjects, of " se chauffer a la cheminee du roi Rene," to warm oneself by King Rene's chimney, when any one sought the warmth of the sun's rays.f His palace neither exhibited splendour nor magnificence. His annual ex- penditure only amounted to 15,000 florins, or 144,000 livres, and the strictest accounts were rendered.^ In his travels, Rene would not always lodge at the house of a lord, or a bishop ; he sometimes preferred the humble roof of a private individual whom he loved ; and when he wished to enhance the favour, he would do so by sketching his portrait as an honourable monument on the door, or the wall of the chamber, with this verse under it — *' SiceJidum Regis effigies est ista Renati." *' This is the portrait of Rene, King of Sicily." * Bodin ; Villenenre Bargemont : Baudier. t ** Or when seeking shelter from the sun in King Rene's walk." t Hist. General de Provence ; Bodin. Rene took great pleasure in being in the country, not for the enjoyment of sporting, but for the sake of promoting agriculture, and of comforting his people, by the advancement of works of utility.* Amidst his various occupations nothing disturbed the peace of mind of Rene, but the recollection of the miserable situation of his daughter Margaret, whom he was unable to release from her prison, and with whose sorrow he could so w^ell sympathise, having himself suffered a severe captivity. It was at the time that Rene inhabited his modest castle of Gardane, in Provence, that he addressed the following letter to his unfortunate daughter, Queen Margaret, and which would seem to have been dic- tated by the most profound melancholy. *'My daughter! may God assist you in your *' counsels ; for we should rarely expect the help of '' man under the reverses of fortune ! When you " desire to alleviate your misfortunes, think of mine. ''They are great, my child, and yet I offer you con- isolation."! Rene could not expect, after the treatment he had received from the French King, to obtain from him anything on the score of friendship or generosity. He therefore endeavoured to purchase the favour of Louis by giving up the succession of Provence, upon the death of his nephew, as the price of his daughter's freedom. The conditions on which he made this cession were, that Louis should pay to the Queen of p^^^^ Sicily, Rene's second wife, in case she should surv^ive J^tten*; him, "a reasonable and sufiBcient dower;" that he should procure the liberation of his daughter Mar^^aret, Queen of England ; and that he should assign to her an annual pension in France, to enable her to live in a manner suitable to her rank and dignity. 1475. Baudin : Henry. i: i I Bodin ; Hist General de ProTcnce. VOL. n. t Villenenve Bargemont. z 338 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1475. IJiondi ; Toplis ; Henry ; Alonstrelet. im. 147o. Carte ; Diuiiel. According to this arrangement, Louis entered into a treaty with King Edward IV., at Amiens, for the ransom of Queen Margaret, which was finally con- cluded on the 13th of November, in the same year, 1475. It was then stipulated that the King of France should pay the sum of 50,000 crowns of gold to Edward, and that Queen Margaret of Anjou should renounce all claim to any portion, jewels, or other things to which she might have, or pretend to have a right, through her marriage with King Henry the Sixth. King Edward resigned all power over his captive, and Louis bound himself never to make any demand in her favour.* Thus this unfortunate Queen was released from her imprisonment, and on the 29th of January, 1476, was dehvered up by King Edward's ambassador,' Sir Thomas de Montgomery, to John d'Hangest sieur de Jenlis, and John Eaguenet, Receiver-General of Nor- mandy, who was appointed by the King of France to receive her at Rouen. Queen Margaret readily made the renunciation re- quired of her, giving up all her claims upon England. She also ceded to Louis XL, at this time, viz., on the 1st of March after her liberation in 147G, all her rights to the property and pretensions of her father. Full of gratitude to her deliverer for having advanced so much money for her ransom, as well as in consideration of the essential services he had before rendered to her and her son, by the loan of both money and ships in her last expedition to recover her crown, Queen Mar- garet by this act yielded up to the French King all the rights she then held, or might hold, in the * Biondi ; Toplis ; Baker ; Howel ; Jean de Troye ; Anquetil ; Paston Letters; Carte; Habington ; Ridpath ; Rapin ; Baudier; Monstrelet ; Bodin ; Hume ; Lingard ; Female Worthies ; Henry ; Rnssi's Contcs de Pro- vence ; Toplis ; Bayley's Tower of London. )\ MARGARET OP ANJOU. 339 duchies of Anjou, Lorraine, and Bar, and in the county of Provence.* The ambitious and once powerful Queen Margaret thus became divested of all her worldly grandeur, and deprived of every hope of regaining her former pos- sessions. She beheld herself at once despoiled of all accorded by established law to her in England, and of every privilege she could have enjoyed from her birth, and from the succession of the House of Anjou, of which she was the sole heiress. Her life had been a scene of constant change and vicissitude, and she had not only lost her crown, but had endured the severest afflictions. From this period either her spirit was entirely broken, or she considered it useless to endeavour to raise herself above her misfortunes. Overcome with grief and melancholy she withdrew to the town of Aix, where she sought retirement and tranquillity for the remainder of her existence, which had hitherto been so much disturbed by calamity. It may be well imagined that while in this state of dejection, Queen Margaret could be but little disposed to share in and sympathise with the rural delights of her aged father; yet she continued at Aix, where Rene was residing, and so long as he lived she dwelt there, *' in absolute seclusion from every kind of " business." One historian tells us that the regret of this Queen was not occasioned by the loss of her kingdom, or even of her husband, but by the death of her son, of that beloved son, the recollection of whom accompanied her to the grave. The last six or seven years of her life were the most tranquil since her marriage. Her adversities had made her feel the sweetness of repose, which, otherwise, was not agree- * Carte ; Hume : Baudier ; Daniel ; Habington ; Toplis ; Paston Letters ; Jean de Troye ; ^lonfaucon ; Bodin : Henry ; Biondi. Z 2 i ifl ■^ 340 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. able to the disposition of Margaret, who was ever after melancholy and unhappy.* She might have exclaimed with the poet — " Xo, no ; our joys awav like shadows slide, ** But sorrows firm in memory abide." The similarity in the fortunes of Rene and his daughter, and the joy of again beholding his beloved child released from prison, must have awakened in him all the tenderness of parental affection ; and who could better sympathise with the fallen Queen, than one who had himself so often been, as it were, the plaything of fickle fortune, tossed fi-om the heights of prosperity and joy to the depths of misfortune and despair ? VHio better than such a parent could point out the greatest consolation under calamity, or solace the grief of the desponding Margaret ? but,' alas ! how are we struck at the contrast in the character of this Princess with that of her venerable sire ! The his- torian is silent, and the philosopher would descant on the ^ weakness of her sex ; but it is for all true Christians to witness and lament in this admirable woman the want of ^'that peace which the worid " cannot give." Only peace of heart can ensure tranquillity in life, and when its close approaches that countenance only is cheerfiil, which is lighted by the blessed hope of another, and a better worid. That ray of heavenly hope which had sustained Queen Mariraret in her troubles, it would seem had been lost amidst the strife and tumults of party animosities, and in the struggle for woridly power and an earthly coronet, awful indeed was the peril in which she stood of losing her heavenly crown. ^ Had Queen Margaret possessed that inward peace which her aged father so evidently enjoyed, she might * Hahington; BftB£a>; Baka; Biamt; Bodin : Danid; M M-VBGAEET OF AXJOU. 341 like him have found a solace in each object presented in nature for her observation and reflection. Even the daisy, chosen by this Queen as her device in her joyfiil maidenhood, might have brought to her mmd a lesson of content, and conveyed the sentiments, if not the language of the poet, who exclaims — (( (( €t H li n (( Bright flower, whose home is everywhere ! A pUgrim bold in nature's care ! And oft, the long jear through, the heir ** Of joy or sorrow. Methinks that there abides in thee Some ocmoord with humanity, Girea to no other flower, I see, *' The forest through. And wherefore ] Man is soon dejjrest : A thou^tleas thing ! who, (mce emblet^t. Does little on his memory rest^ ** Or, on his reaactfi. But tiioa irooldst teach him how to find A shdteer under evoy wind ; A hope for times that are onkind, ** And every " ♦ During the tranquil hours which Rene enjoyed at his residence at Aix, one of his most agreeable relax- ations was the occupation of giving instruction to his grand-daughter, Margaret of Lorraine, the daughter of Yoland of Anjou and of Ferri of Vaudemont. This Princess afterwards espoused Rene of Valois, Duke of Alen^on. Thus did King Rene, who had outlived his dearest relatives, make his happiness consist in paternal cares, and his sweetest enjo}Tnent, in witnessing the graces and amiabihty of his beloved pupil. His greatest satisfaction was in having his grand- daughter in his chamber, where he taught her himself to pray to Grod ; and nothing delighted him so much as to see the gradual development of the mind of this little creature, who was then but twelve or thirteen w« n sri ^M^VEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1477. Moreri : Vraxall. years of age. Nor were these pious instructions for- gotten by this Princess, as her subsequent life gave proof.* The Duke of Burgiuidv conquered Lomiinein 1475. He then attacked the Swiss, and took the town of Granson, and a body of troops coming to the relief of this place, the Duke went out to meet them as they were hastening down the narrow passes of the moun- tains, but his army was seized with a panic, and fled, leaving his baggage to the enemy. He renewed his attack, but was finally routed. Rene H., Duke of Lorraine, had been solicited by the King of France and the Emperor to make wi upon Charles of Burgundy. In this warfare he had lost his duchy, but subsequently, ha^'iug received con- siderable succours, he again assailed his enemy, who was then besieging Xanci. He obtained a complete victory over him, and Charles, called " the Bold," was dismounted, and shiin. This happened on the 3rd of Januarv, 1477. The death of this Prince was looked upon by all the politicians of that day, as an event of great importance to all Europe. Charles, Duke of Burgundy, was very ambitious, and fond of state and magnificence. He was but forty-five years of age when he was killed. The Duke of Lorraine caused the body of Charles the Bold to be transported to Xanci, and laid on a bed of state, in an apartment hung with black velvet. He afterwards paid him all the customary funeral honours, which were of a very peculiar kind. We are told that Rene IL adorned himself with a great beard of threads of gold, reaching to his middle, after the manner of the ancient brave knights, and assisted at the fimeral. Previous to his sprinkling holy water on ♦ YiIlenaiTe Baigemost. t Bj some this Dvke'i death is dated Januair 5, U7(C MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 343 the corpse, he advanced up to the deceased Prince, and taking his hand, thus addressed him, " God rest " thy soul, thou hast given us much ti'ouble and '' grief! " Thus did the aged Rene of Anjou behold before he died, the fulfilment of the prediction made at the coronation of King Charles VL ; when Philippe " le " Hardi," Duke of Burgundy, so presumptuously placed himself at table above the Duke of Anjou, and it was foretold by an astrologer present that " the race " of Anjou should exterminate that of Burgimdy before " a century should elapse."* Rene obtained from his subjects the title of "the " Good," which he truly deserved. He suffered the loss of all his dominions, yet he was one of the very few princes who did not merit to lose them. Good- ness formed the essence of his character, of which much might be said that was truly admirable. In his actions, private as well as public, he evinced a simplicity amounting to true greatness, when accompanied, as it was in Rene, by intrepid courage, a Hvely beneficence, and uncommon talents for war and politics. This Prince, if he had not sufficient genius and moral power, as events seemed to show, to maintain himself on a con- tested throne, and to become a great King, had, how- ever, all those qualifications necessary for a good King and an honest man. He was generous, compas- sionate, and the protector of the oppressed, and rendered justice, with impartiality, to all his subjects. To these virtues he owed his honourable surname, and the glory of being called to wear the crown of Arragon.f "Ren^ united to inexhaustible charity, active piety, *' and exquisite sensibility, lively and original wit, and * Ftakon Letten; Monfancon ; Moreri; Bodin : Roujonx's Docs de Bietagne ; Wraxall's France. t HisL General de Provence ; Walpok. 344 IkLOlGAHET OF AXJOU. 147J. " a mild philosophy, which neither the injustice nor *' the misfortunes he suffered could alter. His kind- " ness would indeed sometimes degenerate into weak- ly ness, and his generosity into prodigality ; but he had " the glory of having encouraged, and^ caused to be "appreciated, the sciences, letters, and arts, all of " which he cultivated himself in a remarkable manner. *' These tastes, which surround as with a charm the " memory of the princes who have encouraged them, " would stamp Rene as the precursor of Leo X. and "Francis I."* By the will which Rene made at Marseilles, 22nd of July, 1473, he left to his two daughters, Yoland, Duchess of Lorraine, and Margaret, Queen of England, each the sum of a thousand golden crowns, or 13,060 livres.t Besides this sum, bequeathed to his second daughter for her right of institution, Rene also gave, for her use as long as she should remam a widow, 2,000 livres de rentes, on the revenues of Bar4 The next year Rene declared Charles of Maine, son of Charles of Anjou, his heir, and he hoped that hence- forth nothing would trouble his repose, but Louis XL being informed that the good old King, justly incensed at his conduct in the seizure of Angers, proposed to make the Duke of Burgundy his heir, speedily altered his behaviour towards him. He went to Lyons and mvited Rene to come to him there from Aix, where he was then residing : he reluctantly accepted the invitation, although well aware that he had eversihing to fear from his perfidious nephew. When they met, the deceitful King used all sorts of means to make his uncle forget the injuries he had Hist. Gcn&ral de Provence, t Paston Letters ; ViUeneuve Baigemont ; Hist G^eral de Provence. + ViUeneuve Bargemont. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 34J done him, and at this conjuncture did not fail to receive him with all the honours due to his rank. Jean Cossa, Seneschal of Provence, on this occasion, accompanied his master, and at the first conference between the two Kings took upon himself to address the French monarch in these terms, " Sire, be not sur- ** prised if the King, my master, your uncle, has offered " his succession to the Duke of Burgundy. He has *' followed in that the advice of his council, that of his '' most faithful servants, and of mine in particular. " That which has determined us to advise thus has " been the ill-treatment which he has received from " you, and above all the seizure you have made of the "• castle of Bar, and of the city of Angers. Our inten- " tion, in fact, was, that this treaty should never be " accomplished, and we have had no other view but " that of obliging you thereby, to give a reason to the " King, our master, for the wrongs you have done him, '* and to remind you that he is your uncle." This freedom from Cossa was received by Louis very well, and he even praised the wisdom of the Seneschal. The differences were quickly accommodated, and the treaty which had been commenced in favour of the Duke of Burorundv, was entirelv broken off, under the most provoking circumstances for him. The good Rene was, at this time, enfeebled by age and misfortunes, yet his soul was still noble and disin- terested. He was persuaded to make his will, and, by an irrevocable act, to declare the King of France his heir ; and we are told that he suffered himself to be gained over by the numerous presents which Louis conferred upon him, all of which were artftilly made conformable to his tastes. They consisted of books, paintings, medals, and antique morceaux ; and for these, they say, the aged King resigned his beautiful countj^ of Provence, of which he made a cession to ^' 346 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 1479. /> 1479 Bantnte. Louis XL* Een6, it is said, "Ecrivit de son joug " I'mstrument authentique." In fact, he traced on vellum, in letters of gold, to which he added vignettes, and flower-work of the most beautiful colours, this act,' which appeared to be extorted from him by trickery and persecution. It was at the Cordelliers at Lyons that this cession was made in favour of Charles, Count of Maine, the nephew of King Rene ; yet the artful monarch of France, who worded it, well knew that he could contrive to substitute himself for the Count. In this agreement Rene included all his rights to the county of Provence, the duchy of Anjou, and even of Lorraine ; but, Philip de Comines, who was present at this con- ference, declares that Louis was not instituted the heir of Rene, but that this monarch only engaged not to conclude the treaty with Burgundy, and even ad- hered to the will Rene had made a year before, in favour of Charles of Anjou. It is, however, certain, that it was at this time that Rene transmitted to Louis all his rights to the kingdom of Naples ; and thus originated the wars in Italy, under the reign of Charles VIII., which were as sharply contested, as bloody, and as fruitless as any of the preceding contests. Nowhere in history can we find a better example of the truth of that saying, that " the faults of the fathers never serve as '' lessons to their children."! In the year 1479, the King of France made a treaty of alliance with Rene II., Duke of Lorraine, which probably he never intended to execute, since he ceded to him the duchy of Luxembourg and the earldom of Bourgoyne, being most reluctant to give up his right * One author adds, that Louis conducted his uncle to the fair held at Lyons, where all the beautiful ladies of that place were assembled. t Bodin; Monfaucon; Daniel; Jean de Troye ; Godard Faultrier : Hallam; Barante. HARGAEET OF ANJOU. 34T to them when he entertained suspicions that this Duke would become heir to his grandfather. King Rene. This was, indeed, the ambition of the Duke of Lor- raine, who had consented to a lease for the duchy of Bar, and had entered upon the government of it. He afterwards went to Provence, hoping to change the will which had been made in favour of Charles of Anjou. Louis XI. had strong friends in Provence, and he had one especially in Palamede de Fourbin, who directed everything in that country ; and we are told, that advantage was taken of the old King, whose mind was enfeebled, to advise him to require that Duke Rene should give up the arms of his duchy and his House, " and take the escutcheon of Anjou, which " this Prince refused, saying that he would only "• quarter his arms." This answer, it is reported, incensed King Rene against his grandson. * Not long after, the King of France sent the Lord of Blanchefort, Mayor of Bourdeaux, and Maitre Fran- cois Genas, general of the finances, to watch over his interests. They made rich presents to King Rene, and also to his advisers ; upon which the Duke of Lon-aine took the alarm, and hastily embarked ; but, not being willing to incur the peril of traversing the kingdom, he disembarked at Venice. Louis XL about this time being elated by the dona- tion of Queen Margaret of Anjou, sent to reclaim the duchy of Bar. Duke Ren6 had not returned, and his mother, Yoland, who was a proud and courageous princess, gave for answer that " the King might act '' as he thought proper, but that she would never " abandon the duchy of Bar." On being advised she requested to wait her son's return. The French King, meanwhile, obtained from King Ren6, a lease of six * Barante. < • ». I 1479. 348 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. years, which granted him the government of the duchy of Bar. This lease which Rene agreed to was never acknowledged as valid, either by the Duchess Yoland or her son. They referred to an act made in 1476, m which the King protested beforehand against any disposition he might thereafter make to the prejudice of his daughter Yoland or her son Rene, who alone ought, as they argued, to possess the duchy of Bar, assigned to them by King Rene's will. This diiference did not terminate even on the death of King Rene. Charles, Count of Maine, inherited Provence, and the King of France re-united Anjou to the crown. The town of Bar, with some others, were held in the name of the King, and the rest of the duchy of Bar was given up to Duke Rene, who maintained he had a right to the whole of it.* ^ It would appear, indeed, that in the latter years of his life the good King Rene could no longer act from his own free will. Another account has been given of this disposition respecting the duchy of Bar, by which we learn that King Rene, on the 1st of October, 1479, received at Aix, the deputies of the city of Aries, who came to do him homage in the name of this city. Soon after- wards, the Duke of Anjou ceded the revenues of the duchy of Bar to Louis XL for 6000 livres,t condition- ally that he should preserve the sovereignty of it, and that everything should be executed in his name. This disposition Rene' in a manner revoked in the following December, stipulating that at his death, the duchy of Bar should return to Yoland of Anjou, his daughter, and after her to her son Rene XL, on condition that they should put an end to the troubles which desolated this unfortunate country, and in addition to pay 40,000 cro^v-ns of gold which were still due to ]ilar- • Barante. -j- Tomois de pension. MAEGARET OF ANJOU. 349 garet of Savoy, the widow of Louis IIL and Countess of Wurtemberg. This alteration undoubtedly took place contrary to the will of Louis XL, who had, for a long time, persecuted his uncle, in order to obtain possession of his states. The followmg phrase, found in a letter written by this monarch, and addressed to one of his agents, shows his purpose — " Si vous ne pouvez seduire, ou *' intimider les commissaires du Roi Ren6, tachez de " faire inserer quelque bon mot, dont je puisse me *' servir dans la suite." Louis did not obtain his object, and his intrigues failed. Justice triumphed, and it was decided that the Duchy of Bar should remain in the House of Lorraine. This was the last sovereign act of Ren^ of Anjou. His health had been considerably impaired since his misfortunes, and he seemed to get weaker and weaker in the course of this year, 1479.* Having a presentiment that his end was approach- ing, this Prince desired to have near him his grandson, Rene 11. , and the Count of Maine, the only remaining princes of his once numerous family. Charles of Anjou did not leave him any more, although Bourdign^ relates that he returned to Mans, after a journey of some time in the principal towns of Provence, where his grandfather had conducted him, in order that he mi«:ht become more attached to those, whom he would have to govern. This was apparently the last time that Ren6 left his palace at Aix. The decline of his strength, his exhaustion and melancholy, were visibly augmented by the frightful ravages of the plague, which had reappeared in Provence. In the endeavour to stay the ravages of this distemper, the aged Prince seemed to forget himself; and in the exercise of an inexhaustible charity, he was fearless of danger, so * Villeneuve Bargemont ; Mariana ; Barante. 1479. if i » t i^ii tip U 350 MAEGAEET OF AXJOTT. that he could but protect his people. His benefits even preceded the attacks of this destructive disease and they were received by the indigent in the most obscure and remote dwellmgs. It was in vain, however, riiat this kind monarcli dis- pensed his riches on these unfortunate objects ; equally vam was his endeavour to awaken benevolence, and that he unceasmgly employed workmen, in erecting various bmldmgs necessary to the salubritv or the em- bellishment of the city of Aix. The heartrendiuo- picture of the effects of this contagion, the cruel images which met his eyes, the despair of so manv lamihes, the sad aspect of his depopulated capital, all seemed to unite to break his heart and to over- whelm him. At this period he evinced, as he had done throughout his life, great courage and resignation as regarded his own misfortunes, although he M-as unable to support with fortitude, those, of which his subjects became the victims. Such a livelv sensibilitv necessarily increased the infirmities with which Kin^ Rene had been attacked for some months, and he was not slow to perceive the dangerous alteration in his health, and to foresee that deatli was approachincr * He was prepared for that hour bv the exercise of a fervent piety, as well as by strength of soul ; and the remembrance of the cruel plague had detached him beforehand, from a perishable and deceitful world louring the first months of the vear 1480 his malady wa^ not aggravated, and being alternatelv sufferino- and convalescent, his court again indulged the hoi^ that this good prince would be vet a long while pre- served to them. Towards the end of June, Rene, perhaps in order to keep m mind his oto situation, demanded a renewal of h!< dispositions in favour of Charles of ,.AIaine, ap * Viileneuve Bargemont. ?V MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. Sol pointing after him, in case he left no male offspring, Louis XL his successor, to whom he sent his mil, at this time, recommending to his especial care. Queen Jeanne de Laval, and his daughter, ilargaret of Anjou.* Thus the last act of authority of this Prmce, viz., his will, was consecrated to the interests of his subjects ; and having ended this important duty, w^hicli he seemed to foresee he must hasten, his strength, more impaired by adversity than age, appeared to abandon him, and the alteration in his countenance no longer left a doubt with the Lords admitted to his intimacy, that his life was in imminent danger. No sooner had this news spread through the city than a profound sentiment of grief was felt by the people of Aix. Their affection for their sovereign banished everv other idea, and they hastened to their churches to implore for his life, of Him who held in his hand the lives of men and of kings. Notwithstanding her grief, the Queen of Sicily set the example of this religious faith, and the people were inspired with attachment to her, as they perceived her hastening from her palace, with a long veil thrown over her head, to enter the metropolis, and prostrate herself before the unage of the holy Virgin. She was also known to pass in her orator}^ some portion of her time daily in prayer. The divers bodies of state, by turns, repaired to the churches ; there, indeed, every age, rank, or sex was confounded, all being alike occupied in expressing the same vows, feeling the same anxiety, and mingling together their prayerf?, sighs, and tears. Without the sacred vaults, scenes no less touching, warmly attested the public grief. Seated beneath the Linden trees, which lined the avenues of the palace, or crowding into the court.s, were to be seen men, women, and children, askin * Carte ; YiUeneuve Bargemont. - 352 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. with sobs the news of their common father. Every passer-by thus arrested, they mutually communicated their hopes and fears. At sunrise the multitude were before the royal mansion in tears ; the approach of night did not disperse them. A picture of no less interest was presented on the roads which led to the capital. Messengers from the principal to\^^ls, and even from the most simple hamlets, were passing along continually, for all desired to know if there was no amelioration in the condition of their King, and the return of these messengers was watched for 'with im- patience and alarm. It appeared as though the entire county of Provence were but one gi-eat family, alarmed for the life of its head, and as if upon this good Prince alone depended also, the fate of each individual, of each city, nay even of the state itself. These demonstrations of sincere affection reached the dying monarch, and they served to reanimate him Deeply affected by the love of his people, tears of gratitude escaped from his eyes, about to close for ever, and once again he looked with kindness upon those who were respectfully pressing his feeble hands and encircling his humble bed. Then he mustered the little strength remaining to him, as if in an effort to measure the depth of that eternity opening before him, yet not a word was he heard to utter concerning his bodily health, and indeed he ceased not to repeat to those who addressed their prayers to God for his recover^', " It is for the soul, yes ! it is for the soul '' only, that I conjure you to offer up your petitions." ^ Finding that his strength was faUing him, Ren6 sent for Charles of Maine, Elizar Gamier, his confessor, the prior of the royal convent of St. Maximin, John of Matheron, the venerable Fouquet D'Agoult, the grand seneschal, Pierre de la Juille, and Palemade de * Villeneave Baigemont. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 353 Forbin; at the same time arrived, escorted by the Queen, Jeanne de Laval, the Countess of Maine, and her sister, Margaret of LoiTaine. King Eene then addressing himself to Charles of Anjou, and making an effort to raise his voice, said, My son, it seems there is something lacking in the love I have shown you. It is not enough that I have testified it in giving you my states, I must still teach you how you will enjoy them happily. To this end, the sole maxim you have to practise is, to love your people as I have loved them, and you will then find the Proven^aux faithful and zealous. Consider what they have done for me, by these means, in my wars of Naples, Catalonia, and even in Normandy, when I assisted the late King Charles VII. You know what has been said of them, that there never was a better people under a good King, and that there never was a worse under a bad one. Test again this proof in your own person. Preserve amongst this people the same affection that you find there, and remember that God wills, that kings should resemble Him more by their goodness than their power." Full of an admirable presence of mind, Rene gave to his successor yet other counsels upon the duties of a sovereign towards his people. Like St. Louis, dying on the banks of Carthage, he could leave him the example of his life. Rene then presented with his feeble hand Charles of Maine to all his attendants, who were ranged round his death-bed, and he recommended liim to his ministers, and to the principal lords who had served under him, and who were listening to his paternal exhortations. These faithful servants, seek- ing to stifle their sobs and restrain their tears, were unable to answer him, and Ptene then, with his eyes almost closed, and his lips half fixed, bade them fare- TOL. IL .\ X 1480. Villencuve RiTge- mont ; Moreri ; Baudier ; Barante ; Bodin ; Godard Paultrier. 354 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. well in terms of affection. His countenance preserved tlie serenity of a pure conscience, and his dying looks, turned towards heaven, still expressed benevolence. The little group of mourners respectfully withdrew. When alone, as he desired to be, with his confessor, Een^ seemed no longer to belong to this earth, but appeared to linger here yet a few instants, as if to abandon himself entirely to the thoughts which ought to terminate the life of a good christian and a wise man. He recalled passages of his hfe, as though in the presence of his great Judge. He confessed himself anew, meditated, and then received the Sacrament, with a fervour, which edified the priest himself He then Avished for the last time to hear the holy Scriptures, and to have the Psalms read to him by Elezar Gamier, who afterwards related that up to the moment of his death Rene preserved his memory, and the use of his other intellectual faculties, and that while he read to him he was absorbed in pious, profound, and touching reflec- tions, upon divers passages which struck his attention. Thus he breathed his last, mthout grief or pain. He expired on Monday, the 10th of July, 1480, at the hour of vespers. Rene was seventy-two years of age when ^ he died, and it was the forty-seventh year of his reign.* The lamentations without the Palace speedily an- nounced to the people the loss they had sustained, and each individual suspended his labours, or forgot at the moment his matters of domestic interest, and coming forth, they accosted one another, and with tears in their eyes, repeated their praises of their venerable monarch, each one adding some touching details of his own reminiscence. Their manufactories and shops were shut, and funereal hangings were at every door ; as * Moreri ; Carte ; Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; MonTaucou ; Baudier; Barante ; Mariana ; Eccles. Hist. ; Godari Faultrier. MARGARET OF ANJOU. 3oj the news reached the cottages on the outskirts, the labourers, deserting their fields, entered the town in a body, crying, " The father of our country, the father of the poor, is no more ! " The people of Aix and of the country, united by their common affliction, gained permission to visit the chamber of their Prince, where they pressed around his bed, kissed his hands and feet, and gazed for the last time on the features of their beloved benefactor, and a concert of praises, the last sad homage rendered by them to the virtues of their good King, re-echoed during several hours about the inanimate remains of this friend and father of the poor and needy. The corpse of Rene, having been embalmed, was placed in a leaden coffin, and laid in state, during three days and nights preceding the burial. And now, as the moment approached when this " father of his ** people " was about to disappear for ever from all eyes, tears flowed afresh, and new praises were lavished upon his beneficence and piety. The obsequies of this best of Princes were cele- brated on the 14th of July, in the presence of all the communities of Provence, those deputies of the town who were able to arrive in time, the sovereign courts of justice, the clergy and inhabitants of Aix, without distinction, bearing torches in their hands. The officers of the Palace and the numerous servants of Rene were likewise there, and weeping. The streets were hung with black, and it might have been thought that death had visited each house with an especial blow. A mournful silence prevailed everywhere, interrupted only by the tolling of the bells or the chaunts of the priests, whose voices were often drowned by dolorous sobs.- Fouquet d'Agoult, who for many years had been honoured with his sovereign's confidence, presided at this sad ceremonv, which lasted until the evenino: A A 2 i i imi oob MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. The funeral procession, passing though the populace who were all weeping, arrived at the Church of St. Saviour's, where the service was performed for the dead amidst cries and tears ; all were alike inconsol- able, for indeed the house and table of Eene had been the refuge of the poor. The coffin was laid in one of the chapels until a tomb, more worthy of this lamented Prince, could be made, and as yet no one thought that the remains of King Rene, could be buried elsewhere than in Provence. This monarch had, however, commanded in his will, that his remains should be conveyed to Angers, and be placed by the side of his first Queen, Isabe/la of Lorraine, " his very dear wife, in the Cathedral of St. "Maurice," where he had prepared for himself a magnificent tomb. In this church he had been bap- tised, and there reposed the ashes of almost all his ancestors.* Rene had taken great pleasure in enriching the Church of St. Maurice. He had presented to it a very beautiful urn of porphyry,! which was brought from Jerusalem by his orders, and the pious believed that this vase was the same used by our Lord at the feast of Cana, when he changed the water into wine. In remembrance of this miracle the vase was filled with wine every year, on the second Sunday after Epiphany, and it was distributed to the people after the blessing. This was established as a perpetual custom by King Rene. To this church also Rene bequeathed his rich woollen tapestry, comprising the visions and figures of * ^^^'^ ^^^ ^^^^*^^ °ii&^t be seen eight statues of Dukes of Anjou.— VilleTmive Bargemont ; Bodin ; Godard FauUrier. t Rene also gave to this church a vase, of oblong form, of green antique m^ble, from Marseilles. This piece of antiquity is more precious for the ranty of its material than for its workmanship. It is a baignure-of verd antique. 4 feet 8 inches long (French), and 21 inches high, and serves stiU as a baptismal font at this church. The sword of St. Maurice was also to be seen m this antique building supported on lions. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 357 the Apocalypse, an infinite number of chappes and draperies, gold and velvet ornaments, bearing his coat of arms, and other things for the ceremonies of the worship of God.* Both his Queens were represented on the painted windows of St. Maurice.* The will of this Prince was sworn to by Jeanne de Laval, who, believing herself bound to fulfill strictly the last wishes of her husband, announced her purpose of transporting his remains to Angers. This deter- mination was no sooner made public, than it was fol- lowed by a general insurrection in the town of Aix ; all classes expressed their dissatisfaction. J^.nd for the first time murmurs were heard against the "good "King." "He gave himself to us long before his "death," they exclaimed everywhere. "No people " have loved him so well as the Provencaux, and none " can, or ought to dispute their right to his precious " remains." In this fervour they even persuaded themselves that the honour of tlieir country was interested in preserv- ing in their capital a monarch whom they had delighted in so much, and they came to the decision that they would oppose with open force, if necessary, the removal of the corpse of Rene to Angers. This resolution, which they considered as patriotic, they adhered to, and universally protested against the transfer of their old master's remains, demanding that a mausoleum should be erected to his memory at the expense of the faithful Provencaux. Charles of Anjou, Olivier de Penant, Archbishop of Aix, and other emiaent persons of the court, who be- held this excitement, yielded to the general feeling which had been so energetically manifested, and which in its source was too touching to be any longer disregarded. ♦ Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Baudier ; Mon- faucon ; Moreri, 008 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1 450. They also considered themselves the less wanting to the memory of King Rene, since the monks of St. Maximm offered to affirm upon oath that the attach- ment of the people of Aix, had so deeply affected that Prmce, as to cause him upon his death bed, to revoke verbally the clause in his will, expressive of his desire to be buried in the Church of St. Maurice, at Angers. This concession, authorised by the Queen, and in a manner extorted from her, was no sooner made known, than it produced in its turn a strong sentiment of joy ; and when the public peace was re-estabhshed, the umversal subject of their thoughts was the construction of a monument worthy of their beloved sovereign, which should attest to posterity the gratitude alid affection of the Provengaux. A plan was speedily pro- jected by the most skilful artists, and submitted for the approval of the Count of Provence, and the foundation was laid without delay. Amongst the bas relievos in white marble were some intended to retrace the memorable combats in which this Prince had signahzed his valour, others to remind them of the virtues which had made him so beloved. Some symbolical figures in marble were also destined to represent history, mathe- matics, poetry, painting, sculpture, and music, all weep- ing for a Prince, who had alike protected and cultivated them. They omitted nothing, in short, which could recall to mind their excellent sovereign.* Whilst the people of Aix were exerting every means for the prompt erection of their national monu- ment, having no longer any doubts, that the precious remains of their sovereign would continue amongst them, Jeanne de Laval quitted Provence on her return to Anjou, where she had determined to reside for the future, in the castle of Beaufort. * Godard Faultrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 359 This chateau, formerly laved by the waters of the Loire, was built on a rock, overlooking the whole valley, and from its battlements might be seen the two fine towns of Angers and Saumur. King Rene had purchased this residence, in 14G9, for 30,000 golden crowns, and had assigned it for dowry to Jeanne de Laval, who passed in it the last eighteen years of her life. This Princess, in departing from the place where the corpse of King Rene reposed, perhaps repenting of her condescension, or touched by the grief of the Angevins, resolved yet to accomplish the will of her husband. It appears that before her departure, she secretly persuaded a monk of the chapter of St. Saviour, to undertake the execution of her project. This monk was obliged to delay for some time, the performance of the Queen's orders ; but he concerted his measures well; the coffin was removed from the cathedral during the night, placed in a cask, then carried on a cart to the banks of the Rhone, where being embarked, they conveyed it by water to the Pont de C6. This enterprise was conducted with such secresy, that the result was unknown at Aix until such time as precautions could be taken to pre- vent another commotion. All that remained in Provence of this Prince were his entrails, deposited at the foot of the altar of the great Carmelites, under a large plate of copper, sur- rounded by an iron railing and again covered with wood, on which was inscribed — ** Hie sunt viscera serenissimi Siciliae " Hierosoljrmis regis Renati Andegavia, ac ** Ban ducis et Provinciae comitis." While on the one hand the inhabitants of Aix were plunged into sullen grief on finding their confidence 360 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 1481. Villeneuve liargemont. betrayed, and that they were compelled thus to abandon their project of erecting a mausoleum, to attest thereby to futurity their respect for King Rene, the Angevins, with transports of joy and gratitude,' received the royal coffin. Upon the arrival of this precious^ deposit on the confines of Anjou, a sweet satisfaction united to a religious melancholy was ex- hibited on all sides. At last it was brought by night to St. Laud, near Angers, in the month of August, 1481, more than a year after the death of King Rene.* The citizens could not at first give entire credence to a circumstance which appeared so little probable, and, influenced by the popular reports on this matter,' the dean and canon of St. Maurice, even doubted if it was really the body of their monarch, which had been restored to them. They required that the leaden coffin should be opened in their presence, and before other witnesses. This request being granted, they found King Rene as entire and perfect and \mde- composed as if he had only died a few days before.f After this the body was placed in a double coffin of lead, and the heart was laid in a silver box. The sacred remains of this Prince rested secretly at St. Laud from the month of August till the 9th of October, about seven weeks. Then the heart was taken to the Cordeliers, in the chapel of St. Bernardin and the body to the cathedral of St. Maurice. This solemn transfer was effected with the greatest pomp, and the most extraordinary expense. Six doctors in law, canon and civil, held the pall ; twentv licentiate scholars, all gentlemen, carried the coft^n, and at the head walked the rector of the University. This homage to the talents of Rene shows, at the same time, the supreme rank which the members of * Godard Fanltrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont ; Bodin. i Moreri ; Godard Fanltrier ; Villeneuve Bargemont M.VEGAEET OF ANJOU. 361 the university occupied amongst the dignitaries of Angers. This ceremony ended, Rene was placed at the left side of the great altar of St. Maurice, near to Isabella of Lorraine, who had been intended there in 1453. A rich mausoleum was soon raised by the pious care of Jeanne de Laval, over the tomb of her hus- band ; and she caused to be executed upon it, the designs which Rene had himself traced for it. This funeral monument was eight feet in length and six in width, and it was entirely covered with black marble, and decorated on the three sides with elegant pilasters, between which were placed the escutcheon of Anjou and Lorraine, sculptured with the utmost delicacy and refinement. The statues of the King and Queen were lying down, and formed of white marble of Carrara ; they were placed on a pedestal of porphyry. That of King Rene was resting on a cushion, his fore- head encircled by a diadem, leaving visible a kind of cap, which covered the top of his head, and under his long tunic with large sleeves, was to be seen his coat of arms. A lion, symbol of his rare strength and courage, reposed at his feet, and at the feet of the Queen were placed two dogs, emblems of fidelity.* This mausoleum was placed under an arch, the bottom of which was filled by a large tableau on wood, which it is pretended that King Rene painted himself, or, at least, that he commenced it, because, in his will, he gave orders " that the picture on his tomb " be finished." This painting represented death in the figure of a skeleton, covered with a cloak of gold cloth, edged witl^ ermine. The figure is leaning on the arms of a throne, on which he is seated, and bears a crown, which appears to be falling from his head. * Villeneuve Bargemont ; Godard Fanltrier ; Bodin ; Monf aucon. f 362 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. ^ Above this tableau were engraved the follow- ing Latin verses; they were the composition of xveiiu * " Regia scepter luis, rutilis fulgentia tronis, I* Dum quondam recolis pressa et nunc pulvere cernis II Marcescunt floras, mundi laudes et honores, I* Gloria, fama levis, pomparum fastus inanis. II Una parit reges et vulgus terra potentes, II Quod dedit haec repetit, mortalia cuncta recludit II Mors, dominis servos, et turpibus sequat honestos Unus erunt tumulus, rex, pastor, inersque peritns." Once regal sceptres shining from bright thrones, Adorned thy hands, and beamed their precious 'stones. Now pressed in dust, earth's flowers fade away : Fame, glory, honour, praise alike decay. One earth is mother both of prince and slave ; She asketh back, and hides, whate'er she gave. Death levels master, servant, bound and free ; Kings, shepherds, high and low, one heap shaU be.* ^^ The blazon of the second " House of Anjou and bicily was composed, at the death of Ren^ of the arms of Hungary, Naples, Jerusalem, France, bar, Lorrame, and Arragon.f Towards the close of his hfe Rene assumed the title ot Kmg of Arragon, Sicily, and Jerusalem ; but these were only unaginary and useless titles to him, since he had no longer any hope of recovering what he had lost.t Although he was styled King of Sicily, Naples, Hungary, and Jerusalem, Arragon, Valencia, Sardinia Majorca, and Corsica, Duke of Anjou, Lorraine, and 13ar, Count of Provence and Forcalquier, all these pompous titles served only to enrich his coat of arms while no other monarch of his age had so little power' or money, as Rene of Anjou. Often was he obliged to have recourse tP the purse of his subjects, and proof of this may be found in the * Bodin ; Villeneuve Bargemont. t Godard Faultrier. t Mariana. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 363 \l registers of the Cathedral of Angers. The chapter lent him, on pledges, in 1465, five hundred crowns, and asrain twelve thousand crowns. The taxes, how- ever, which had been extremely heavy in former reigns, were very moderate in his ; and he was not forced, like his ancestor, Louis I. of Anjou, to make an ordinance at the time of his death, to alleviate the remorse of his conscience, for the distribution to the poor shop-keepers and peasants of Anjou, and Tour- raine, of 20,000 livres (145,000 francs) to remunerate them for the unjust taxes he had levied upon them.* With Rene, the last hero of the old chivalry, ended the " House of Anjou," and their illustrious pretensions to numerous crowns. | One author, in his history of Provence says, that " this Prince needed only to complete his glory, his- "torians worthy of him;" and adds, that "if pains " were taken to collect, in the diflferent provinces " which he ofovemed, the anecdotes and actions re- " lating to him, it might be found, that his character " would be a worthy parallel to that of the renowned " Henry IV."^ " The faults of Rene partook of the spirit of the age " in which he lived ; his virtues were his own. No " one better fulfilled the external duties of religion, *^ but his piety, was but the piety of his age. He " loaded the churches with his favours, at a time when " he was not able to pay his debts." He had made a vow to pay a visit to the Holy Sepulchre, and it was then the heroism of devotion, but the events of his life did not permit him to undertake this pilgrimage, and * Bodin. t As a testimony how much the merits and virtues of King Rene have been appreciated by posterity, it may be added, that, as late as May, 1823, a marble statue was erected to the memory of the " Grood King Rene " in one of the finest places in the city of Aix. X Godard Faultrier ; Bodin ; Hist. General de Provence. >l 364 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. t- he consequently bequeathed three thousand ducats, to enable his heirs to send his substitute. " During the last years of his life, Eene retained 1^' nothing of royalty, but the habit of thinking and *| feeling as a king, in all that related to religion and ''government; in everything else he was the philo- " sopher."* At Saumur there was fomierly to be seen on the ^eat altar of St. Peter s Church, the statues of the King and Queen of Sicily, in stone. They were kneel- ing, and between them was an angel covered with a cope, and holding a great cross. On the left of the angel was Jesus Christ showing his side uncovered, and pierced, and also his hands. On the right was St. Peter, in an attitude expressive of surprise, which he is said to have felt, when, as| he left the city of Eome, to^ avoid death, our Saviour met him, and showed him his hands and side, which caused the Apostle to say, " AVhere are you going. Lord ? '' This meeting retains the name ''Quo vadis?" and has since afforded, both to the sculptor, and painter, a subject for the decoration of our churches. Amongst the treasures of this parish of St. Peter, there was formerly preserved Rene's letter to the clergy of this church, which he wrote when he sent these statues, and below it is related, as by St. Ber- nard in his memoirs, " I send you the ' Quo vadis ' With the figures of us, and of our companions." All these figures have been destroyed. That of Rene must be regretted ; for he was looked upon, says our author, as one of the best sovereigns that ever reigned in Anjou.f After the death of Rene, the pretensions of the House of Anjou to the crown of Naples legallv de- scended to his grandson, Rene' II. : but, bis m^other * Hist. General de Provence. f Bodin. M.VEGAEET OF .VXJOU. 365 1481. Yoland, having married into the House of Lon^aine, had thus given such displeasure to her father, that he bequeathed his Neapolitan title, along with his real patrimony, the county of Provence, to his nephew, the Count of Maine. Charles of Anjou obtained possession of Provence, but he did not long survive his aged relative. He died at Marseilles, on the 10th of December, 1481, leaving no children.* Louis XI. was by this prince instituted ^^l! his heir. He recommended to this monarch the care of Provence, her customs and privileges. Thus was this pro^-ince reunited to the crown. We learn that Charles of Anjou was influenced in making his will by Palamede de Fourbin, Seigneur de Lollier, who prevailed upon him to give the succession to the King, to the prejudice of Rene, Duke of Lorraine ; who, in vain asserted his pretensions to it. The King of France, in gratitude to Palamede de Fourbin, made him lieutenant-general in Provence, ^^ith extensive authoritv. Louis XL took possession of Provence, but gave himself no trouble about the kingdom of Naples.f King Rene had invested his grandson, Rene II., with the duchies of Lorraine and of Bar. This he appears to have been constrained to do, but the rest of his inheritance he bestowed on the Count of Maine ; to the great displeasure of Duke Ren^, who, upon the death of his grandfather, earnestly endeavoured to form a party in Provence, in order to secure this prince's dominions, but his efforts were vain, and he was obliged to fly precipitately. These attempts served only to incense the King of France against Duke Rene; the former seeking to * Some write tliat he died on the 11th of December, f Monfancon : Mezerai : Barante ; Eccles Hist. ; Daniel; Hallam's Mid. Ages J WraxaU : Gibbon's MisceL ff ^l- 366 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. depnve him of the duchy of Bar, and asserting I,is own nght to It, according to the lease granted to him by King Rend, and the cession of Queen Margaret of Jlingland. Louis XL, having seized and fortified Bar, and other cities, refused to submit this difference to any arbi- tration but that of the Pope.* Eventually Louis triumphed; and in the reign of his successor, Ren^ II was still demanding the restoration of his duchy of Bar kept from him by Louis XI, and also the county ot Provence. Bar was restored to him for a sum of money, which the King insisted upon ; and the Duke ot Lorraine bemg in great favour at court, and havin- many friends, was permitted to lead a company of a hundred lances m an expedition against Naples ; which he claimed, in right of his mother, Yoland of Anion. A pension of 36,000 francs was granted him also for four years ; in which time, his title to Provence was to be _ examined into. Before the expiration of that penod, however, objections were raised to Duke Rent's mheritmg this country, and he finally left the French court in disgust. This prince also lost, by his delay all chance of success in Naples ; where the Lords had rebelled agamst Ferdinand, and had, with the Pope united their solicitations to Duke Rene to assume the crown. In taking possession of Provence, Louis XL, and after h.m Charles VIII., did so because, it was a male- hef, and the male line was extinct, on which account Rene II. could have no claim to it. There was no bahc law-^ m the kingdom of Naples ; therefore although Duke Ren^ was allowed to proceed thither with his company of a hundred lances, it was after- wards discovered, from ancient testaments of Charles I and others of the Aiigevine princes, that the kingdom * Daniel ; Barante. MAEGABET OF ANJOU. 367 of Naples, and the county of Provence, were irrevocably united. Thus Charles VIII. drew this conclusion, that being Count of Provence by the will of Charles of Maine, he was also lawful heir to the crown of Naples ; and the rights of the Duke of Lorraine, who had no power to enforce them, were from this time forgotten. In right of his mother Yoland, Rene II. assumed the title and arms, of the King of Sicily and Arragon. Duke Rene II. died on the 10th of December, 1508.* * Pfiilip de Comines ; Gibbon ; Sismondi ; Moreri ; Barante. M MARGARET OF ANJOU. 3C9 fl| CHAPTER IX. " Strong is the arm of fate ! we fall to rise no more ! " Miss Holford. Queen Margaret's second cession to Louis XI.— Her pension— Her sister s cession— The Queen's residence at Dampierre— Her last days-Her death-Burial and wiU-The Cathedral of St. Maurice-Queen Mar- garet's character-Her advice to the Earl of Richmond- Sketches of some of her relatives and distinguished persons of her times — Of Jeanne de Laval- Yoland of Anjou-Margaret of Lorraine-Cecily Ducheas of York-Elizabeth Woodville and others, in conclusion. Queen Margaret had been residing in the city of Aix, under the protection of her father ; and upon his death she went into Anjou, and there made a second cession to Louis XL of the provinces of Lorraine, Bar, and Provence. This act was signed by her in the hall of the mansion of Recul^e, built by Ren^, near Angersj, on the 19th of October, 1480.* It was also signed by her sister, the Duchess of Lorraine, and one ^mter tells us, that this cession was made in November, of 1480. The French monarch then granted to the unfor- tunate Queen an annual pension for her maintenance, consisting of the sum of 10,500 livres,t chargeable' on the revenues of the duchy of Bar, to be plid to her during the remainder of her life. This brief period of her existence was passed by Queen Margaret in the Chateau de Dampierre, near rZ ^"Z^'^^- ' ^^''^'^'' ' ^'^''' ' Monstrelet ; Hist. General de Provence • Godard Faultner ; Female Worthies. t This was 2000 livres tounwU, Saumur, where she found an asylum in the house of a private individual, Francis de Vignolles,* Seigneur de Moraens, who had formerly been an officer of the household of King Rene, whom he had served during forty years, and from whom he had received some benefits. It is interesting to consider this Queen in the entire seclusion of this Chateau of Dampierre,| when she had lost her wealth, rank, and possessions, and above all, had been deprived of the most beloved , objects of her affections. Her decline was hastened by melan- choly and regret ; it was not the gradual decay of a noble edifice by the hand of time, but in far more striking characters exhibited the most abrupt anni- hilation of the human fabric. This once high-minded and courageous Princess, whose beauty I and talents were the admiration of all Europe, passed the two last years of her eventful life in this tranquil retreat, mourning over her misfor- tunes, and those of her family. The situation of her habitation must have peculiarly favoured the indulgence of her dejected spirits. From many spots on the hill on which the Chateau de Dam- pierre stood, Queen Margaret could behold the Castle * His brother, John de la Vignolles, was dean of the church at Angers. + This old turreted house has still considerable beauty, besides its peculiar interest as the last habitation of this Angevine Princess. Nothing now remains but a small narrow tower, with a winding staircase much dilapidated, and also a part of a massive wall, richly ornamented with carved stone work. Monsieur de la Riviere, a cauon, possessed the chateau at the time of the French revolution ; after which, all ecclesiastical pro- perty being sold, Dampierre was purchased by M. Richeaudieu, and it now belongs to his son-in-law, M. Fontenailles, Very near to Dampierre there were also a few rooms and a chapel, for the most part excavated from the rock, which is said to have formed an occasional summer residence for Queen Margaret ; but it is many years since they were wholly removed. The spot on which they were built was the property of M. de Tigney in 1845. Of this last edifice there remains only a small narrow tower with a winding staircase in a dilapidated condition, and part of a massive wall, richly ornamented with carved stone-work. VOL. II. B B . 370 MARGAEET OF AXJOU. of Saumur, which she had often inhabited in her youthful days, when crowds of gay and brilHant knights and ladies, joined the court of Anjou, to share in the various gratifications of the tournament. The unhappy Princess could see towards the south, the Chateau of Breze, which must have recalled to her recollection the Grand Seneschal of Normandy, Pierre de Breze, her valiant champion, who in her greatest perils had come to her aid, having been dismissed by the perfidious Louis XL, rather with the intent to get rid of him, than with a view to succour the Queen. It was to reward this knight for his valour and fidelity in her cause, that she bestowed upon him the Channel Islands — a recompense which afterwards involved him in much peril and disgrace. Queen Margaret fell a victim to disappointment and grief. While brooding over her unhappy fate, one might imagine the bitter words which would escape her lips — " Who sues, who kneels, who says * God save the Queen ? * *' Where be the bending peers that flatter'd thee ? •* Where be the thronging troops that foUow'd thee ? ** Decline all this and see what now thou art : " For happy wife, a most distressed widow ; " For joyful mother, one that wails the name ; " For Queen, a very caitiff, —croMTi'd with care."* The decline of Queen Margaret has been well pour- trayed by the graphic pen of one old author, who says, *' Her blood, corrupted by so many sombre emotions, "became like a poison, which infected all the parts " that it should nourish ; her skin dried up, until it " crumbled away in dust ; her stomach contracted, and " her eyes, as hollow and sunken as if they had been " driven into her head, lost all the fire, which had, for " so long a time, served to interpret the lofty senti- • Shakespeare. .1 MABGAEET OF ANJOU. 371 ^'ments of her soul."* What a picture of the once beautiful Queen Margaret ! This unfortunate heroine died of grief, at the Chateau 1482 de Dampierre, near Saumur, at the age of fifty-three, ^^|^ ; on the 25th of August, 1482.f Godard The mortal remains of this Princess were transported Hum^f to the magnificent tomb of the " good King Ren6," ^"^"' her father, in the Church of St. Maurice, at Angers ; but there was no epitaph, or inscription to her memory. The deficiency in this respect was, however, in some measure compensated by an annual ceremony per- formed there. Every year, at the feast of All Saints, the Chapter of St. Maurice, after vespers for the dead, perform a semicircular procession around the tomb, singing a subvenite for the unhappy Queen.;}: Twenty-three days before her decease. Queen Mar- garet confirmed by her will, dated August the 2nd, 1482, the conveyance of all her rights to her fathers territories, to the King of France, Louis XI.§ We are told that in the year 1783, when the deco- ration of the choir of the Church of St. Maurice was begun, the tomb containing the last remains of the " good King Rene," and of his daughter. Queen Margaret of Anjou, was transferred beneath an arch of the nave of this Church, where it remained until the year 1793, the period of its destruction during the Revohition. The same author says, that the coffin of Ren^ was never removed from the vault, but still re- mains, along with two others, presumed to be those of his wife Isabella and his daughter Margaret. Another * Bodin. t Moreri ; Bodin ; Dom Calmet ; Baudier ; Baker ; Toplis ; Habington ; Lingard ; Hume ; Godard Faultrier ; Encyclopaedia Britannica ; Female Worthies ; Bodin. t Bodin ; Toplis ; Baudier ; Godard Faultrier ; Female Worthies ; En- cyclopaedia Britannica. § Carte. B B 2 372 MAEGAEJET OF ANJOU. writer informs us that the tomb of Rene was conveyed to the place where the altar memoriale mortis is situated.* No Queen of England has ever enjoyed so great a meed of praise and admiration, and deservedly so, as Margaret of Anjou, for no other Queen has equalled her in character. She has been extolled by all the writers of her times for her virtues, her beauty, her conjugal fidelity, and for her maternal love ; for her patience under adver- sity, her courage and martial conduct ; also, for her sympathy with the unfortunate, and earnestness in the advancement of those who needed her assistance ; and above all for her persevering activity during her hus- band's misfortunes. In early life her pride or ambition, we are told, made her aspire to one of the highest thrones in Europe ; but, when so exalted, how soon did she exhibit her natural good sense and feeling, by her concealment of the weaknesses and failings of her husband, when he betrayed his inability to rule. Surely her readiness to assist the unfortunate Henry ought rather to call forth praise than blame, since it would naturally appear to her as the path of duty, especially being conscious of her own abilities for the position of command. When estabhshed on the throne. Queen Margaret began by exerting great power over all who surrounded her, uniting to the regal sway her female influence, her personal charms not a little contributing to further her purposes. The extreme youth of Margaret should be admitted in palliation of the faults which she committed in the * " The architecture of St. Maurice is exquisite, and at this day, the fine " painted glass and tapestry of the fifteenth century have happily remained " uninjured from the civil wars." It has been projected to re-establish the mausoleum of King Rend. Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 373 commencement of her reign, and Henry's inability to govern caused her to be placed at the helm while she was yet unable to direct it. Her first step unfor- tunately, was to adopt a peculiar party in the king- dom ; but this eventually became the ruin of herself and of all her house. When surrounded at her early age by trials and difficulties, her talents and energy enabled her to over- come them. She seized the reins of government with all the confidence of youth, not having gained the experience requisite for her position. While, however, she was assisted by the wise Cardinal of Winchester the public affairs were prosperous. But the death of Gloucester, followed by that of the Cardinal, left her alone to guide the helm. The mysterious close of Gloucester's life (which remains an enigma in English history) first caused her unpopularity with the people. Nothing has been proved against the Queen in this affair ; although it may be admitted that she yielded to her prejudices against him, and sought to remove him fi'om the King and his Council. In this it was her object to rule her- self for King Henry. In allusion to this, one author writes that, " had she adopted the nobler part of suc- " couring the oppressed party, her character would " have shone with greater lustre to posterity ; " and in conclusion he infers that " she could not be guiltless, *' for she might have saved the life of Gloucester." Truly she could have been more perfect, but it is hard to judge another by what they might have done. She was besides influenced by the Cardinal and his party, who were the enemies of Gloucester. This Duke was, nevertheless, by contemporary writers said, to have died a natural death. The epithets of arbitrary and tyrannical, so often applied to this Queen's early rule, doubtless by her 374 MAEGARET OF ANJOU enemies, do not seem applicable to the daughter of the '' good King Rene '* and his noble consort, the former so distinoruished by his refinements and clemency. The talents and courage, born and nursed, so to speak, in the very age and country of chivalry, would surely revolt from harshness and cruelty. It does not appear that any historian has dwelt on the peculiar difficulties of the situation of this Queen, united to a monarch who, far from assisting her by his advice in affairs of difficulty, required to be governed liimself Margaret was compelled, in addition to the responsibility and uncertainty of ruling a turbulent and rebellious people, to bear the weight of every unpopular measure herself, without the advice of ministers of worth, who, having the Lancastrian interest at hearty juight have alleviated her anxiety. Queen Margaret was more illustrious by her un- daunted spirit in adversity, than by her moderation in prosperity. She was not subject to the weaknesses of her sex ; yet it is just to observe, that she has been charged with being "mutable and changeable." When in prosperous circumstances she assumed haughtiness, or imperiousness, on finding a reverse she could lay these aside, and employ all her personal charms, insinuation, persuasion, and address to gain over the people to her interests. The nobility were envious of Suffolk and Somerset, who engrossed all her favour. Having lost these favourites, her preference was shown to everybody who could render her service, or whose merits deserved her good opinion. In spite of her eminent beauty, we are told, that her look mspired terror in all those who displeased her. Queen Margaret's surprising talents for war, her conduct as a general, her martial spirit, and her presence of mind in her adverse fortunes, all can)e with the troubles of her times, which, like the thorns around the MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 37, "Rose," she patiently endured to preserve her crown. This she deserved to wear, but it was wrested from her. She had shown feminine weakness in the insur- rection of Cade, but the utmost firmness in the conflicts which ensued. Her courage and intrepidity might have reflected honour on the most renowned generals of her age. Some authors assure us that, her martial spirit was not seen until she found it was needful to protect her son. This, if it be the case, manifests her sincere maternal love. It is needless to refer to the mysterious accounts of this Queen's iUicit intercourse with the Earl of Suffolk, which could only be the product of the malice of her enemies, and positively contradictory to all the tenour of her life. Also her genuine piety has never been disputed, any more than her moral fortitude. Her destiny was to launch her little bark on the noontide of prosperity, and after tossing on the waves of a troubled ocean, to become at last a solitary wreck, lost to the world, and to herself, and like a bright meteor, to perish in oblivion. No monument was erected to her memory, and none was needed. As long as much worth, greatness of soul, filial duty, con- jugal fidelity, and maternal tenderness have admirers amongst mankind, the name of Margaret of Anjou cannot be forgotten. After the unsuccessful termination of the affairs of the Lancastrians, the young Earl of Richmond (after- wards Henry VII.) escaped from Wales in 1470, with his uncle, the Earl of Pembroke. They bent their course towards Normandy, but a tempest cast them ou the coast of Brittany. Duke Frangois 11. , hearing of their disaster, sent them an honourable escort, and caused them to be conducted to Vannes, where he received them with every demonstration of friendship. 376 MAEGAEET OF ANJOII. King Edward required that these two noblemen should be delivered up to him ; but Duke Frangois only pro- mised that they should cause the Kinor of Endand no disquietude. Having promised protection to these suppliants, he would not betray them, but they were kept in a kind of honourable confinement during the lifetime of King Edward IV. By this policy they were preserved; and, in the reign of his successor, they reappeared in England, to inflict vengeance on the House of York.* It was during Queen Margaret's residence at Dampierre that she was visited by Henry, Earl of Richmond ; and it was by the advice and instigation of the Lancastrian Queen that, this young nobleman was determined in his resolution to attempt the overthrow of the House of York ; in which purpose he was ulti- mately successful ; but Margaret did not live to witness his triumph. John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, when he escaped, in 1485, from the castle of Hammes, after his long im- prisonment, joined the Earl of Richmond, and subse- quently fought in the battle of Bosworth, where he was captain of the archers. This Earl became a per- son of gi-eat importance in the state in the reign of Henry VII. He died in 1512, in the fourth year of Henry Vlll.t This nobleman experienced many missitudes in these stormy times, sometimes cast into the shade, at others enjoj-ing a gleam of sunshine. His father had been deprived of his inheritance ; but his son, John de Vere, was restored to them, then attainted, and again after their being forfeited, again restored. Finally he died in possession of them. He is described as valiant, ivise, magnificent, and learned, and also a religious * stow ; Philip de Comines : Ronjoux's Brittany ; Lingard. t Paston Letters. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 3Y7 man. His prudence and bravery contributed much to the success of the Lancastrian cause. When he escaped from the castle of Hammes, he persuaded the governor of this fortress to declare for the Earl of Richmond, and carried him to Paris, to vouch for his fidelity. When Richard III. afterwards besieged the castle of Hammes, the Earl of Oxford gathered together a few troops in France, and proceeded to its relief; he had the gratification to carry the garrison, which sur- rendered to the Earl of Richmond.* Jeanne de Laval, generally distinguished by the name of the Queen of Sicily, after the death of her husband, whom she survived many years, lived at her Chateau de Beaufort during eighteen years, employing herself in so many good works, that her memory has ever been cherished by the Angevines ; who, even at the present day, still delight in attributing to her name (which has remained proverbial) ever}^thing great that was done in Anjou in the Middle Ages. They speak of her with affection in these days ; and such was the interest she excited, that many buildings and acts have been attributed, to her, in which she never parti- cipated. Amongst these we have the following in- stance. WiUiam de Haraucourt, Bishop of Verdun, invented a cage of wood, in 1469, some of which were used at the Bastille, two at the Chateau de Loches, and one at Angers. At this city the people, ever fond of the marvellous, were accustomed to call it the " cage of the Queen of Sicily," because they pretended that she had been imprisoned therein ; and they some- times persisted that her sabots,! beautifully sculptured and transparent, might be seen there in the daytime. But this Queen of Sicily was no other than Jeanne * Rymer ; Caister Castle. t These sabots are now preserved in the Museum. 378 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. de Laval, who, however, had never been nn- prisoned.* Jeanne de Laval had no children. She died at the Chateau de Beaufort, in 1498, and was interred by the side of Rene, in the church of St. Maurice at Angers ; also her statue was placed by his upon the tomb. At the feet of Rene had been carved a lion, the symbol of strength and courage; and at the feet of Queen Jeanne de Laval, his second wife, were placed two dogs, emblematical of fidelity. The heart of Jeanne, " so full of love," says one author, "and so tenderly beloved," was deposited with the Cordeliers of Angers, in the chapel of St. Bernardin. Jeanne de Laval is represented on the painted glass windows of the Cordeliers at Angers. In her escutcheon were seen, the arms of all her husband's states, and those of Laval.f Jeanne de Laval, at her death, instituted as her heir, Guy, 15th Count of Laval, her brother, and after him Nicolas de Laval, Seigneur de la Roche.:}: With this Princess ended the second House of Anjou and Sicily. § In the choir of St. Maurice at Angers reposed the ashes of Louis I. of Anjou, his wife Mary of Blois, and his second son Charles ; Louis II. of Anjou, and his wife Yoland of Arragon ; Louis III. of Anjou ; Rene, his two wives, Isabella of Lorraine and Jeanne de Laval, and also his noble-minded son John, Duke of Calabria ; lastly, were deposited there also, the remains of Margaret of Anjou, Queen of England. Of these * Godard Faultrier. + Montfaucon ; Moreri ; Bodin ; Godard Faultrier. x t Hist, de Montmorency et de Laval, par Andre du Chesne. § Beaufort was afterwards reunited to the crown. CHURCH OF ST. MAURICE, ANGERS. (To face page 378, vol. ii.' MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 37» eleven individuals, all so distinguished in their day, scarcely a vestige remains.* From this period Anjou returned to the crown, and ceased to be an independent government. '*The " nationality of Anjou, gave place to the nationality of ** France." Some of the younger sons of France after- wards assumed the title of ** Duke of Anjou," but only as apanagistes, viz., having only a useful enjoyment, with certain rights and revenues which were limited. Of these princes of the House of France, who bore the name of Anjou with the most eclat^ were Edward, who became Henry HI., and Frangois, Duke of Alengon, his brother ; Phihp, grandson of Louis XIV., made King of Spain in 1700; Louis XV.; and Louis Stanislaus Xavier, Count of Provence, afterwards Louis XVIII., who was the last apanagiste.f Yoland of Anjou, the eldest daughter of Rene, and the wife of Ferri, Count de Vaudemont, the sister of Queen Margaret, became Duchess of Lorraine and Bar, which estates she inherited upon the death of her nephew, Nicolas of Anjou, in 1473. When her cousin Charles of Anjou died, this princess took the title of Queen of Jerusalem and Sicily, and the escutcheon which belonged to John, Duke of Calabria, her brother. The Duchess of Lorraine did not long survive her father and sister ; she died on the 21st February, 1483, at Nanci, at the age of fifty-seven,J and was interred in St. Laurent de Joinville.§ Margaret of Lon-aine, the daughter of Yoland, and the grandchild of Rene, who had taken such pleasure in giving her instruction, employed herself in the education of her son and daughters, in a manner * Godard Faultrier ; Bodin. t Godard Faultrier. X Dom Calmet says her age was 55, but this must be an error, as we cannot doubt the historians who speak of her birth in 1426. § Dom Cahmet ; Moreri ; Montfaucon. 'I 380 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. suitably to their birth, and with high sentiments of rehgion. After the death of her husband, she solaced herself in her retirement by the exercise of piety and the care of the poor ; and having founded a charitable institution at Argenton, she daily conversed with the holy sisters, and with her own hands, distributed her gifts to the indigent ; she even condescended to serve them at table, and bathe their wounds, without showing any sjmptoms of disgust. Finally, she retired to the convent of St. Clair, putting on the habit of the order of that establishment, in the presence of her son, the Duke of Alen^on, and the Bishop of S6es, but declaring that, in taking this habit, she did not pretend to greater poverty than formerly : for which she assigned three reasons, 1st, that she would preserve the power of still recompensing her servants as they deserved ; 2ndly, that she might be able to pay the debts of her hus- band ; and 3rdly, to finish the building, &c., of the monastery where she desired to live and die. This declaration she made only that she might per- form more perfectly the three solemn vows she had taken. This pious Duchess of Lorraine died on All-Saints' Day, in 1521, leaving a great example of virtue, charity, contempt of the world, and of perfect devotion.* Cicely, Duchess of York, the daughter of Ralph Nevill, Earl of Westmoreland, survived her husband, Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, many years. Her life, an eventful one, extended beyond that of her son, King Edward IV. ; and if her ambition was to behold her family enjoy the regal dignity, the measure of her days afforded ample opportunity for the contemplation of the " ills which flesh is heir to." She first witnessed the vain struggle for power which her husband origi- nated, and which brought his defeat and death ; then * Dom Calmet. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 3«1 her own son's contentions, usurpations, cruelties, and untimely death. These succeeded one by one, and sorrowful indeed must have been the heart of the widow and mother of that house which brought such cruel strife amongst her kindred and through every portion of her native land. Cicely, of Raby, died in May, 1495, at an advanced age, at her castle of Berk- hamsted, and was buried near her husband, in the choir of the collegiate church of Fotheringay, in Northamptonshire. * The romantic fortunes of Elizabeth Woodville may, by some, have been thought to have been great happiness ; but let those who too highly estimate ex- alted rank, contemplate her subsequent reverses — how, at first she drew upon herself the envy of the nobility, which was ultimately the cause of King Edward's flight, and in whose absence she gladly took refuge in the sanctuary of Westminster, and there gave birth to a son, the heir to the throne. She survived her husband, and afterwards had the misfortune to witness the cruel murder of her two infant sons ; and finally, she was herself confined in the Monastery of Bermondsey, in Southwark, and her effects confiscated by her o\vn son-in-law. f John de la Pole, the son of the Duke of Suffolk, married Elizabeth Plantagenet, sister of Edward IV. His son became Earl of Lincoln, and afterwards joined in the rebellion of Lambert Simnel, and was killed in battle in 1487. His brother Edmund, the last who bore the title of Earl of Suffolk, having excited the suspicions of Henry VII., was imprisoned by this monarch during seven years in the Tower of London, and was finally put to death by Henry VIII. With this nobleman expired the honours of that family ; which arose, in the time of Edward III., from a mer- * Paston Letters. t Baker. 382 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. cantile station, and flourished during a period of 120 years. The handsome palace in Hull, called Suffolk Palace, and all the family possessions were confiscated to the crown. The town of Hull was much indebted for its prosperity to this family.* John de la Pole died in 1491.t There were other partizans of the House of Lan- caster, the chief of whom, when they had lost all hope of maintaining this cause, after the death of King Henry VI. and his son, and the capture of Queen Margaret, condescended to implore the mercy of King Edward. No longer having a rival to fear, this monarch listened to their petitions, reversed their attainders in the next Parliament, and sought to render some of them useful to him. Of these were Dr. Morton, parson of Bokesworth, and Sir John Fortescue, the Lord Chief Justice. They had both been present in the battle of Towton, and had been attainted in the following Parliament. Their petitions to the King were very similar, and were thus expressed : — " They are as sorrowful and " repentant as any creature may be, for whatever " they have done to the displeasure of the King's "" highness ; and protest they are, and ever will be, " true liegemen and obeissant subjects to him, their *' sovereign lord." King Edward had already granted to Morton his pardon, and, knowing his talents, he made him Keeper of the Polls, and afterwards preferred him to the bishopric of Ely. The attachment of Morton to the sons of Edward, his benefactor, drew on him the dis- pleasure of Richard HL, and at a subsequent period his counsels led to the deposition of the usurper, and the termination of civil discord by the mar- riage of Henry VH. to the daughter of Edward IV., • Allen's York ; Biographia Britannica. t Paston Letter?. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU 383 and thus were united the Houses of York and Lan- caster.* Henry, Lord Percy, the son and heir of Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, who lost his life in the battle of Towton, continued to be styled Lord Percy, although his father had been attainted. He was fully restored to his title and honours in 1472, and his father's attainder made void. In the year 1488 this nobleman was murdered by a tumultuous mob, in Yorkshire.f Charles VIII., in 1492, was inspired with the desire of making the conquest of the kingdom of Naples ; and after meditating on this enterprise during two years, and several times abandoning it, he set out for Italy in 1494. The claims of this monarch were founded thus : — Rene of Anjou, heir to Joanna II., Queen of Naples, had left to Charles, Count of Maine, Provence and all his rights to the kingdom of Naples and Sicily ; and this Count had made Louis XI. his successor. The princes of Italy all united in this war, each one according to his private interest. King Charles marched to Rome, and entered that city in triumph ; he made an easy conquest of the kingdom of Naples, with which the Pope invested him, although he was the enemy of the French. He also crowned him Emperor of Constantinople. But all these rapid conquests, which occupied this King but six months, were again lost to him in as short a space of time. J • Lingard ; Rot. Pari. f Pastx)n Letters. X Eccles. Hist.: Montfaucon ; Hallam ; Universal Hist. CHAPTER X. Review of the Fifteenth Century— Causes of the Wars of the Roses- Religion— Politics— Literature— Arts and Sciences— Manners and Customs. In the concluding pages of this vohime it may not be uninteresting to the general reader to take a sum- mary review of England during the fifteenth century, the period in which King Henry VI. and Queen Margaret reigned in this country. Many were the peculiarities of that age, and singular the contrast afforded to the present century of modern refinement ; its rehgion being then guided by the Papal power, and its forms Roman Catholic, though becoming modified by the exercise of private judgment, through the light of the Reformers. Then came the interference of religion with politics and with monarchical rule, and, what was still more astonishing, the part it took in the wars of the times. The three divisions of Western Europe at this time most prominent were France and Spain, Germany divided into monarchical states, and Italy into small principahties and republics. The fifteenth century was a remarkable epoch, especially interesting as preceding the times of the Reformation, in which, from the midst of darkness, infatuation, and superstition, the light of Christianity shone forth. In the ages preceding, the Holy Scrip- tures had not been universally read. The clergy, king, and men of high rank, whose minds were, however, enlightened by Holy Writ, had greater power to rule MARGARET OF AXJOU. 385 by its precepts, and thus gained an especial influence over the multitude, who seemed grovelling in dark- ness and superstition. One of the greatest blessings resulting from the Reformation, was the " free circu- "lation of the Word of God." Also it effected a "diminution of cruel punishments," and, lastly, it " raised the tone of morals ; " while the blessing of God, which He gave to the nations zealous in this cause, was manifested in the enjoyment of civil liberty. In the preceding century, the Roman Catholic religion had prevailed throughout Christendom. The Pope had exerted his power to subject all the kingdoms to his rule, some of which yielded to his domination, whilst others resisted it. In England the papal doctrines prevailed, although the new opinions of Wicklifle and other Reformers had begun to pave the way for the Reformation. England could, how- ever, scarcely be charged at this time Avith entire subserviency to Rome, when we remember the stream of legislation continuously poured forth against the papal usurpations, the influence of AVickliffe, and also that Lollardism had not yet been effectually suppressed.* There was, at various times in England, a strong resistance to the papal influence, and especially to the Pope's exactions from the clerg}^, which occasioned much subterfuge, and even led to open disobedience on their part, as they sought to fortify themselves with laws against the court of Rome. Of this we have an instance, in the early part of the reign of Henry VI., when " the Bishop of Win- " Chester did presumptuously, as Legate of the Pope, " enter this land contrary to the law, and it was pub- " licly made known by the King's Procurator, Richard * The Debate. VOT. XI, c c 386 MAEGARET OF ANJOU. " Caudroy, that this was not by the King's consent, " or by the advice of his Council. Neither would " they assent to the exercise of his authority Legatme, *' or to any future acts contrary to the laws and *' liberties of the realm." The same document states also, that, " the King, and his predecessors on the '* throne, had ever preserved the special privilege and " custom observed in the realm, that no Legate from " the Apostolic See should enter this land except by " the request and desire of the King ; thus, had the " Cardinal of St. Eusebius (Henry, Bishop of Win- *' Chester), as the Pope's Legate, presumptuously done, ** without being called, or sent for by the King, who " had no intent to approve of his thus coming in ** derogation of the laws, nor would he assent to the " exercise of his authority Legatine, or to any attempts, " or acts contrary to the laws and liberties of this " realm." * The Bishop of Winchester had, notwithstanding, great control over his sovereign, and much of the violent ecclesiastical transactions of this epoch were attributable to the undue influence gained by the clergy over their monarch, in this, and the two pre- ceding reigns. The strength and wealth of the country for a time remained wholly in the hands of the clerical autho- rities. It was necessarily an ecclesiastical government, and each successive King, who courted its influence, only augmented its abuses, and increased the oppres- sion of every other class in the state. It was in vain that the Barons, in the incursion into AVales, in 1403, proposed to the King, who was in difiiculties, to seize upon a portion of the riches of those members of the clergy who accompanied them, and employ it for the common good ; they were overruled by the pri- * Fox's Martyrs, or Eccles. Hist. MARGxVEET OF ANJOU. 387 mate Arundel, who menaced with awful retribution any who should dare to touch the eff*ects of the Church. It was also in vain, that in a Parliament held at Coventry, in 1404, the Commons represented to Henry IV. in the House of Lords the excessive riches of the clergy, and prayed that the wealthy prelates might be taxed, for the demands of the state. In this instance, Arundel is reported to have fallen on his knees before the King, and besought him to remember his coronation oath of protection to the Church; and finally the Commons were obliged *' to beg pardon for " their presumption ! " * Again the Commons exem- plified the same presumption and weakness, in the Parliament at Westminster, in 1409, in which his Majesty was informed, that the superfluous estates of the bishops, abbots, and clergy would support fifteen earls, 1,500 knights, 6,200 esquires, and one hundred hospitals. We are told that the Peers presented a counter-petition, while that of the Commons was rejected. At last, however, the attention of Henry V. was drawn to the subject in the year 1415, when he commanded the University of Oxford to make out a catalogue of abuses, to be presented to the Council of Constance. It contained forty-six articles for reforma- tion, and represented particularly the avarice and pro- fligacy of the clerical body. But if the father of Henry VI. was disposed to listen to the voice of his distressed people in this matter, the case was far different with his immediate successor, Edward IV., who, to gain the support of the affluent clergy, actually made a charter, which placed everyone in Holy Orders without the pale of the law, and enabled them to commit all manner of crimes with impunity. The consequence was, the most gross violation of every decorum of society, by a class of " vile reprobates and * Henry's Hist, of Great Britain. c c 2 388 MARGAEET OF ANJOU. " ignorant vagabonds," for such were tlie epithets used by the Primate in his description of tliem. This was Archbishop Bouchier, who was himself able to effect some degree of reformation, though only tempo- rary. Superstition and profaneness were often united in the religious belief of the Middle Ages.* England was at this time divided, ecclesiastically, into two provinces, and the Archbishop of York, as well as of Canterbury, had each the power of making canons for his own province, which were not always conformable to those of the other See. Some very singular laws were constituted in 1466, by Neville, Archbishop of York, which show the various religious tenets of this period. Neville details thirty-seven sins which could be pardoned only by the Pope, or a bishop, of which the first, and greatest, was heresy. Pope Martin V., in 1427, had published several Bulls against the support of the law premunire by the Parliament of England.f The object of this law was to prevent the Pope from disposing of all the benefices in the kingdom, which he seemed to consider as part of his prerogative. The usurpation of undue authority at this period, in both Church and State, seems to have been the main root of evil, from which sprung the hatred and revenge that soon desolated the land. Indeed it is with kings and potentates as with individuals of inferior rank, the greater their power and influence, the gi'eater their responsibility ; and proportionate is the reward, or chastisement, of the good or bad exercise of their authority. Many writers have been led to suggest as the true source, whence arose the cruel and lengthened contest * Dean Stanley's Westminster Abbey. t In these Bulls it appears that he treated Chicheley, and even Henry the Sixth himself, as his menial. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 3S9 between the Houses of York and Lancaster, the usurpation of Henry IV. ; and, if correct, this crime was indeed severely visited on his descendant. The meek and holy King Henry VI., inheriting the natural imbecility of his maternal grandfather, Charles VI., was incapable of maintaining his regal dignity, and his crown, and incurred the penalty of the ambition and usurpation of his headstrong predecessor.* Again, this dreadful era of war and confusion, some authors have traced back, only to the times of Henry V., to which period they have looked for the causes of the quarrels of the " Roses." In the first vear of this monarch's reign, he had issued his commands for the seizure of the effects, and confiscation of the property, of Henry, Lord Scrope, of Masliam, whose head was placed on the top of Mickle- gate Bar, York. When this nobleman was beheaded, the same fate befell Sir Thomas Gray, and the Earl of Cambridge, for high treason, at Southampton. This Earl of Cambridge had married the heiress of the House of York. Hence came the claims of Richard, Duke of York, which availed him in his contests with the reigning monarch, and against Avhich, the latter was unable to remove the original defect in his own descent.f The long minority of Henry VI. and his feeble character, added to his exclusion from affairs of state, left ample room for the dissensions of his uncles, and for the indulgence of the pride and grasping ambition of the ancient nobles of the land.J The peculiar quality of a " wise man," namely contentment, is sel- dom found with the wealthy; envy and discord too often arise with the means for self-indulgence, and chase it away to the modest retreats of mediocrity, or * Allen's York ; Leigh's Kings. f Allen's York ; Lingard. % Lingard. 390 MAEGAEET OP AXJOU. to the bumble dwelliug of tbe peasant. From tlie evil passions of tbe human heart have always origi- nated tbe contentions of factions, or parties, which, bringing in civil dissensions, have been more injurious to a country, than even foreign war, famine, or pestilence.* It was a^ distinguishing characteristic of this age, that the divmes took an active part in the rehgious wars ; and strange indeed appeared the conjunction of tbe two professions, the rehgious and military. It was not enough, that with pretended zeal for their holy callings, they should burn human beings ahve, but they must rush with pater nosters on their lips, to strike down their fellow-man in the field of carnage. There seems less excuse for this, because the members of the military profession, were all " sworn to defend God's " law against infidels, as their primary and standing '' duty." Writers on the Middle Ages have compared the knightly, to the priestly character, in an elaborate parallel, and the investiture of the one, was supposed to be analogous to the ordination of the other. The quarrels of families were a fertile source of the evils which prevailed at this period of anarchy. The feuds of some of the high-bom famiUes of England, had great influence in general society. Their personal quarrels were not settled, as in after days, by an appccd to the laws, or even decided by arbitration, but often the sword was drawn, and hundreds of the retainers of these powerful families were involved in these feuds, and many even became victims of the result of indulgence of their passions or follies. Such outrages were frequent in the early part of the reign of Henrv VI. One of them has been especially narrated by the old chroniclers. It was a violent quarrel between two ♦ PoL Venril. M.UIGAEET OF AXJOU. 391 branches of the Neville family, supported by three members on each side, two of them being earls, one a countess, and the fourth a baron, nearly connected with the richest and most influential families in the kingdom.* Their feud assumed " the appearance of a ** civil war ; they proceeded against each other by *' manner of war and insurrection, and assembled in *' great routs and companies in the field, committing " horrible ofiences, both in the slaughter and destruc- "tion of the King's subjects as otherwise." The King's commands were issued to suppress this alarm- ing riot ; but all the chroniclers and biographers are silent as to its conclusion, as well as to its origin. The most probable cause would seem to have been, a claim upon some lands, the parties being all descen- dants of the Earl of Westmoreland ; those on the one side, from his first wife ; and those on the other, being the two sons of his widow. This family feud appears to have occurred between the years 1432 and 14-iO, the date of the death of Joan, Countess of West- moreland.f " The strong attachments also, which, at this period, ^* men of the same relationship bore towards each "other, and the vindictive spirit which prevailed ^* amongst those of opposite interests, to indulge which " they regarded as a point of honour, caused the high " families to be implacable, and widened every breach ^' between them." \ Civil war is never the product of the t}Tannical commands of one, or more of the reigning despots of the age ; and thus the anarchy which prevailed during the reign of Henry VI. was not the ebullition of a * See " Appendix." The genealogy of Ralph Neville, first Earl of West- moreland. t Bentley^s Exoerpta Historica. * Hume. 392 MALGABET OF AXJOU. moment, excited by tlie call of one or more influential persons, but the result of a long succession of party annnosities and family resentments, which, amidst the misgovernment of bad ministers, like a pent-up vapour, suddenly burst into a flame, and the high-born chiefs,' who had been ever ready to retaliate their petty injuries and insults, when once drawn out into the beld, fought with desperation, forgetful of the ties of kindred and of human nature. In proof of this may be adduced the conduct of bomerset, and many others, who vacillated between the two parties. This Duke was attached to the Lancastrian interests, on account of his personal hatred to the House of York ; but he was seen to change sides, although he was himself the representative of the House of Lancaster, should King Henry's issue fail. ^^ "JIargaret of Anjou's favouritism, and spirit of II pohtical intrigue, hastened the crisis which the dis- ||putes and jealousies of the feudal aristocracy of " England were already preparing ; " but it is an erroneous idea, entertained by some, that the Wars of '' the Eoses " resulted from the mismanagement of the rems of government by this energetic Queen. Intes- tme war is like a consuming flame, ever indiscriminate m its objects, but its appearance is always preceded by a long train of evils, discontent, miseries, hatred variance, not of a few, but many individuals ; until the kmdlmg spark is given by some unforeseen, perhaps trivial incident ; thus arose the contests of York and Lancaster. The great wealth and power of the clergy, even superior to that of the King, or the aristocracy, caused them to be so firmly established, that they could not be shaken except by a convulsion in the country. The system they pursued was to prevent the union of MARGARET OF AXJOU. 393 the crown and the nobility, which they considered and felt dangerous to themselves, and induced them to join the House of Lancaster, which had deposed Richard H. By this means they followed up, under the reigns of Henry IV., V., and VI., a course of persecution, imprisonment, and burning, which, by supplying continual fuel to the discontents of the nation, contributed greatly to the intestine wars of the Yorkists and Lancastrians.* One modern writer, after alluding to the political changes which succeeded the feudal times, goes on to say, that " from the peculiar and extraordinary systems " of those times, resulted, almost as naturally, as cause *' and effect, the state of this, and the ensuing period." It has been aptly expressed, " que c'est du frotte- " ment des idees, que sort lalumi^re!" Thus from the agitation of European kingdoms was elicited stability and order. The wars of families brought about changes in governments, and the increase of kingly power in France, in England, and in Spain; the monarchs, with their ambitious relatives, leading on the warfare. First the wars of the English in France, then the French war called, " du bien public," and then the wars, of " the Roses," in England. When these wars were terminated, the laws and institutions of society were established on a more permanent basis, family rivalries were annihilated, and the unity of the state conferred tranquillity. Thus terminated the fifteenth century; but if during this period the in- fluence of religion had been great, it became still more powerful in the following era.f In the early ages of Christianity the heavenly doc- trines of Our Lord, arose upon the heathen world, like the mild light of the rising sun, gradually extending * Sharon Turner's Middle Ages. Van Praet's Essay on Political History. 394 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. Its beams over the broad expanse. The purest of moral creeds sent forth from Our Saviour, was, tlirough his Apostles, instilled into the minds and hearts of all true disciples, who manifested their faith, by love and good works. Man felt for his fellow-man, and his brother's affliction became his o™ ; thus, a new and spiritual lite cast a benign aspect over the existence of man- land. But human degradation prevailed, and paganism and tyranny raised persecutions and terror amon-st the early Christians, and the Apostles, followino- in the way of their Master, one by one, suffered. Their brio-],t examples no longer led the way to true devotion Ll self-sacrifice, and a cloud of oppression rapidly di.s- pelled the transcendent light which had been diffused at Our Lord's first advent. Numerous bishops then ruled the church, seeking, but vainly, to supply apostles rule ; then sects arose, and much division one calling himself of Paul, another of Apollos, and all forgetful of the unity of the One Body of Christ boon came division amongst the shepherds of the flock with the grasping of earthly power, and the minglin- ot secular honours with their clerical office,— St Peter's chair filled unworthily, and his position disputed, until two, and even three, arrogated this high authority. No wonder that a gloomy obscurity overspread the Chris- tian hemisphere in succeeding centuries, since divine trutJi became hidden by the grossest superstition, and ignorance, and spiritual darkness, universally prevailed buch was the condition of the Christian world in the nlteenth century ! This era commenced with the persecutions of the Waldenses, many of whom were murdered, and others starved to death.* Then succeeded the persecutions of the "Lollards," the followers of one of the early re- tormers, Wickliffe. His doctrines met with great oppo- * Milner's Church History. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 395 sitlon in England; but, protected by the Duke of Lancaster, he had escaped the severities directed against him by Courtney, Bishop of London, whose vengeance, however, fell upon the unfortunate Lol- lards. None of them had yet suifered death, although these persecutions had been sanctioned by Richard the Second ; but in his reign the power of his consort, Anne of Bohemia, and of the Duke of Lancaster, had prevented these cruelties, the former being a patroness of the Wick- liffites, and styled the link between Wickliffe and Huss.* The Lollards, by exposing the disorders of the clergy, occasioned much discord. These abuses were not re- formed ; but an apprehension arose, that Henry IV. would abridge the privileges of the clergy. A revolt followed, headed by the Archbishop of York, who was punished with death, f Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, who had crowned Henry IV., commenced, with the support of his sove- reign, a powerful persecution of the Lollards. The first victims for their opposition to popery, were Sir William Sawtree, J who was burnt to death in 1400 ; and another, named Thomas Badley, in 1409. After this Arundel continued to pursue his plans, for the extirpation of the Lollards, being sanctioned by the new King, Henry V. ; and Lord Cobham fell a sacrifice to their vengeance. Henry V. was, however, naturally averse to cruelty, and had in private listened to the opinions of Lord Cobham, who had frequently appeared before the heads of the clergy concerning his faith. He boldly spoke of his belief in the gospel of Christ uncorrupted by human institutions. He ventured to expose the follies, and to smile at the threatenings of the Church, which he con- sidered repugnant to the truth. By this conduct he * Milner's Church History. + Eccles. Hist. % He was rector of St. Oswyth, London. 396 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. raised the resentment of Archbishop Chicheley who committed liim to prison. A Parliament was called to prosecute the Lollards, and while the King was fol- lowing his wars with France, Chicheley was domineer- ing over the Church at home. This continued from 1414 to 1443. Chicheley was even supported in his measures for a time by the King's brother, the Duke oi Bedford. In order the more effectually to check the progress of Wickhffe's doctrines, the clergy attacked the principal promulgator, Sir John Oldcastle, Baron ot Cobham, and sought to persuade King Henry, that the Lollards were conspiring against the throne' and state. There was indeed a meeting in St. Giles's fields of 20,000 men, headed by Sir John Oldcastle, and the King, at length, was prevailed on to think he was taking a treasonable part.* At this time in Germany, as well as in England, the cupidity of the government was called forth by' the wealth of the clergy; while in Italy the taxes were paid by the priests, in common with the other citizens, and often in a gi-eater proportion; thus, "no one thought *' of despoihng them, and no jealousy seconded the "projects of the Reformers." This country was the first, however, to assert re- hgious mdependence; and while indifferent to the reform of the Church, feared not the menaces of the Popes at this period, when their threats and excom- munications made all other powers in Europe to tremble. I France suffered for some years the papal exactions, but, at length, the decrees of the Council of Basle, caused her to assert her independence ; and the famous Pragmatic Sanction was enacted by Charles VII. By this law a general council was declared superior to the Pope ; bishops were freely elected, grants in exj^ect- * Fox's Hist, of Christian Martrrdom. t Sismondi. M^VnGAEET OF ANJOU. 397 ancy, and reservation of benefices were taken away, and first-fruits abolished. Pius II. (^neas Sylvius) used every means to get this ordinance repealed, and finally prevailed with Louis XI. ; who, partly out of hatred to his father's memory, and partly fi:om a delusive hope that the Pope would support the Angevine cause in Naples, repealed the Pragmatic Sanction.* This law has been deemed a sort of Magna Charta of the Gallican church ; for, although it was so speedily abrogated, its prin- ciple has remained fixed, as the basis of ecclesiastical liberty, f The Angevines were deeply interested in the deci- sions of the Council of Basle, which occurred about the time of Rene of Anjou's accession. This assembly of distinguished persons, during twelve years, held forty-five sessions. Its object was not only the union of the Greek and Roman churches, but also, the uni- versal reformation of the church, both in its head and in its members.^ In England there were but fourteen bishops, and two archbishops, if we omit the Welsh bishoprics, and that of Sodor and Man ; the former of these was the last to assert independence, and the latter was bestowed on the Stanley family by King Henry IV. In the public councils of this kingdom, especially in Parliament, the clergy had great influence ; and as their numbers ex- ceeded that of the laity, they could carry their own views without opposition. The bishops were expected to attend at all the meetings of Parliament. The power they obtained was not so much effected by their superior knowledge and holiness, which they did not much affect, but was the result of their constant residence in this country, and of their attendance at these councils. Hallam's Mid. Ages. t Hallam. X Godard Fanltrier. 398 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. while tlie nobility and great men were absent, being engaged in the wars with France, or Scotland. Twenty- five abbots and their priors were summoned to each Parliament, and even more, which doubled the number of the lords spiritual over those temporal. Thus did the clergy obtain sanguinary laws, punish heretics, and preserve their immense possessions.* Yielding to their cruel dispositions, the clergy passed sentence of death on Lord Cobham, both as a traitor and a heretic. He was led from the Tower, on the day of his execution, with his arms tied behind him, and drawn on a hurdle into St. Giles's fields. Re- signed and cheerful, he prayed for God's forgiveness of his enemies, and then addressed the people, and conjured them to observe the laws of God, as delivered in the Scriptures ; then with Christian resignation he gave himself up to his fate. He was hanged in chains, on a new gallows, under which a fire was lighted, to torment him by a lingering death, while impious monks, and priests, sent forth curses and imprecations at the time their noble victim was expiring by the flames. Such was the treatment of Lord Cobham from his enemies, who pretended to be ministers of the gospel of peace ! | The rapacity of the Popes, and the profligacy of the Court of Rome, were excessive. The following account has been given by two well-known historians : — De- nina assures us, that, "the licentiousness of the clergy " became excessive, and universal from the time that " the scandals of Avignon had removed all restraint "and shame;" and Sismondi also declares that, "that " people, and that court, made themselves manners, out " of the vices of all other nations." These historians do not exceed the testimony of contemporary autho- rities. ♦ The Debate ; Henry's Hist. Great Britain. t Tlirosby's Leicester. ALiEGAEET OF ANJOU. 399 The city of Avignon, at one time, became the seat of papal power.* It had been purchased of Queen Joanna of Naples (who was also Countess of Pro- vence), in the time of her poverty, for 80,000 golden florins, by Clement VI., who thus obtained this valu- able possession, and there completed the splendid palace commenced by Benedict XII. At this period the cardinals began to imitate the luxury of the popes.f Then came the grand schism of the Roman Catholic church, and divided the church for about forty years ; this only terminated in 1429, and hastened the decline of the papal power. Catholic despotism led to a threat of appeal to a general council. " That there was a power superior " to the Pope, within the cliurch^' was a principle which had many advocates, even in the ecclesiastical body. Attempts were made at reformation, and the means of education were multiplied ; then arose divisions and here- sies. The flagrant conduct of the clergy, and especially of the popes, and cardinals, aroused many reflective minds to a sense of their unworthiness. Intellectual men, who looked to the examples of the early Chris- tians, and who walked in the fear of God, sought, with earnest zeal, to ameliorate the spiritual condition of mankind. They had no longer the rule of Apostles, nor the prophetic light to guide them ; but they yielded to the benevolence of their characters, and looking, in the simplicity of faith, to their Lord, they raised a kind of reflected light over the ignorance, superstition, and darkness which surrounded them. Mosheim,:}: who has diligently and profoundly studied the subject of the early reformers, tells us, that the Lollards were a society of pious laymen at Antwerp, * The Holy See, transferred to Avignon, lasted there for seventy years, t Denina ; Sismondi ; Waddington's Ch. Hist. X Eccles. Hist. 400 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. whose object was to visit tlie sick, and bury the dead, during a time of pestilence, when the clergy neglected to fulfil their duties, because they were attended with danger. The good motives, and religious actions of this new sect, obtained throughout Flanders and Ger- many, not only the respect of the magistrates, but the love of the inhabitants. '^ The clergy were excited to "jealousy, especially the mendicants, who found their " own profits diminished by this charity ; and clamours " w^ere raised against them. They were denounced at " the pontifical throne, and their names passed to de- " signate, sanctified hypocrites. They were afterwards " persecuted in Austria."* One unfortunate Lollard, named John Claydon, a furrier of London, suffered death. He was tried and burnt at Smithfield, on the 19th of August, 1415. Heretical books were produced on the evidence, and one in particular, called "The Lantern of Light," was declared to contain fifteen heresies. After this followed a general prosecution of the Lollards. Immense num- bers were imprisoned and cruelly tormented ; but from this time they appear to have cherished their opinions in secret, or, if exposed, they recanted, as was the case with Reginald Peacock, Bishop of Chichester, in the reign of Henry YL, already detailed in this history. The persecutions to which this highly talented man was subjected, reflect little credit on the primacy of Archbishop Bouchier, or the character of the con- temporary clergy. Bouchier would seem to have been favourable to the Roman Pontiff', and his conduct to the unfortunate Bishop was dictated by political as well as religious motives. The following account has been given by one of our old chroniclers of the doctrines of Reginald Peacock, which awakened such general enmity against him : — * Mcsheim. iLiEGAEET OF aVNJOU. 401 " Some say he held that spiritual persons by God's " law ought to have no temporal possessions, nor that "personal titles, by God's law, were due; nor that " Christian men were to believe in the Catholic church, " nor in the communion of saints ; but, to believe that " a Catholic church, and a communion of saints there " is," and that he held, " how the universal church " might err in matters of faith, and that it is not of " necessity, to believe all that is ordained by general " councils ; nor, all that which they call the universal " church ought to be allowed and holden of all Chris- " tian people. Moreover, that it was meet to every " man, to understand the Scriptures in the true and *' plain sense."* Reginald Peacock, however, after much persecution, and to save his Hfe, recanted his opinions, and at length sided with the Pope, who, at this time, had succeeded in silencing the Councils. The bad conduct of the Roman Pontiffs, of whom two, and even three, appeared at one time, in the antagonistic character, gave rise to the forming of Councils, for the direction of the Church. First, in A.D. 1409, was the Council of Pisa, when Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. were deposed, and Alexander elected. Secondly, the Council of Constance, in 1414, when Martin Y. was elected Pope.| Thirdly, the Council of Basle, in 1431. These grand Councils had declared that the Pone was the servant of the Church, and answer- able to her, for his conduct in a general Council. He might even be deposed by the bishops representing the different Churches. When the Pope subsequently triumphed over the Councils, and silenced them, he asserted the opposite * Holinslied. t At this time John Huss and Jerome of Prague were condemned to be burnt. VOL. II. •D D 402 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. principle, viz., that the Pope was the source of all power. The last struggle between the Pope and the Councils was in the reign of Henry the Sixth ; and the real offence of Peacock (whose history has been related) was this, that in order to make the Pope the sole bishop in the Church, he laboured to depress the authority of the general Councils. After this, Martin and his successors maintained the supremacy of the Pope, and the Coun- cils having been defeated, the Western Church gradually yielded to the Pope ; but this had not been completely accomplished in either the Gallican or the Anglican Church by the papal party before the period of the Reformation.* Our astonishment and indignation in these davs of humanity, if we may so style them, will be naturally great, while reading of the fanatical excesses of the holy fathers of that period, and more particularly of that wicked and cruel act of bigotr}', the practice of burning human beings alive for heresies in faith. Even if it were not coupled with the ignorance of the Middle Ages, even if there were indisputable proof, that the Church of Rome was the only true Church, we could not contemplate this act, as other than brutal, bar- barous, and disgusting in the utmost degree. These acts seem to have belonged, almost always, to the fanaticism of the Roman Catholics. Such cruel deeds cannot be too much held up to the general odium of mankind; and thev must have been, at least, an agrsTra- vation to the wars of the fifteenth centurv, in which the bummg of the heroic Maid of Orleans, at its com- mencement, would almost lead to the decision that this was a barbarous age. ** The ravages of Attila were less fatal to the Church of *' France, than those of England in the fifteenth centurv. * Hook's ArrfihL«hops. MAEG.iEET OF AXJOU. 403 " Christianity found no solid tie amongst a people, who II professed and gloried in warfare, and dreadful were the " evils brought upon France, by the long and cruel wars i! ^f Henry V. This monarch's sole motive had been *' ambition, and the invasion of France caused much II disorder and confusion in the Church. The English II nation was next visited by the judgments of God. II By the death of Henry V. England became the seat II of mtestine divisions, while the French gained time "to respire, and found means to recover their "territories."* When Church and State fail to preserve their rela- tive position to each other, many evils arise. In the countries where the papal dominion has been disre- garded, the Church has been controlled and oppressed by the State ; while the contrary- has resulted in the dominions of the Pope, in which its oppressive govern- ment has absorbed the powers and ofiices of state. Ignorance of their relative duties was the occasion in the fifteenth century of much interference on the part of the clergy with affairs of state, and in England, • especially, involved both in the party strife of that period. Churchmen often failed to show the example of obedience to authority, and to set forth a life of hoKness; thus they were unable to inculcate in others religious and moral principles, for while the Church should instruct men, the State should uphold and aid the Church, to carry out her high and holy vocation. It is worthy of remark how seldom Christians in those unhappy times, respected the sacred ties which attached them io their sovereigns. When a people are unfaithfiil to Gt)d, there is truly great reason to fear they will become so, also to their King.f There can be little doubt that the agitations and t Ibid. * EocIes-HiaL D D 2 404 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. contentions on religious subjects throughout England, greatly augmented in those " troublous times " the disrespect shown to King Henry the Sixth, whose excellent qualities and meek disposition rendered him worthy of a better fate. This monarch at last preserved but the bare title of King, yet " as the dignity of a *' Prince consisteth in his sovereignty," so Henry being unable to rule, his prerogative was taken from him by his nobility, as it were by stealth, each turbulent and ambitious spirit rising up to gratify its individual passions at the expense of the country, some, effecting this by sundry indirect practices, others, by open force.* We cannot be surprised at the frequent and strong resistance to the authority of the Pope in this country, when w^e consider the dreadful anathemas so often issued from the papal throne against those who trans- gressed. Also the mortifying atonements to which persons, even of exalted rank, were subjected, and which showed the force in those times of ecclesiastical censures. These severe decrees of the Roman Catholic Church might be called the stepping-stones which, in the Middle Ages led on, from darkness and ignorance to the light of the Reformation. The delegates of the Pope in England had also, the power to pronounce anathemas on such as were ofienders. An instance of this is given in the life of Chicheley. The Archbishop having held a Synod in 1417, at the dismissal, gave a mandate to the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul's to denounce a solemn anathema against certain persons unknown who had murdered three priests within the sanctuary of that cathedral. The revenging of personal wTongs was carried to such an extreme in the Middle Ages, as to afford many instances of the forgetfulness in men's minds of Our * 3Ialcolm. MAEG.iEET OF ANJOU. 405 Lord's doctrine of forgiveness of sins. Thus we read of frequent outrages in churches, and affrays, too violent to be appeased. One of these occurred in 1459 in the Cathedral of St. Peter's, at Exeter, between some young gentlemen, and many of them being grievously wounded, this church was closed, being generally considered to be unhallowed, and polluted by blood- shed ; and the services wxre suspended, by orders of the Dean and Chapter, until the building was con- secrated anew\ In the absence of the Diocesan, they procured one Thomas, w^ho was then suffragan to the Bishop of Bath, to restore it as before.* Life for life was the law of the Middle Ages, and the wadow, or relations of a murdered person had the right, which society converted into an imperative duty, to avenge his death. This right was established in Europe, although differently regulated, according to municipal law,! and in England modified by Magna Charta, and other ancient statutes. Its power was so great, as even to set aside the royal prerogative of mercy ; for when a criminal was condemned under this law, the king could not extend his forgiveness to the culprit. In the religion of the Middle Ages, the obscurity of men's minds caused them to exhibit an entire forget- fulness of the Advent of Our Lord ; but there was often a greater observance of the Old Law and Jewish ceremonies. Customs and privileges were adopted which were even estabhshed, and confirmed for centuries, through the superstition and ignorance of those times. One of the most remarkable of these in Europe, w^as a custom which prevailed at Rouen, in Normandy, from a very early period until the French Revolution. It may be * Life of Chicheley ; Izaak's Exeter. f This right was not abolished in this country until the present century. 406 M^VEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 407 traced by authentic documents more than six hundred years.* This custom was called the privilege of St. Remain, or '^La Fierte/' according to which "in every *' year, on the day of Ascension, a prisoner was selected '' by the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral of Notre " Dame, and delivered up to them by the magistrates ; " and after many solemn ceremonies and a procession, " in which figured an immense dragon called la gar- '' gonille, the prisoner received a full pardon."! This privilege was confirmed by many distinguished monarchs, amongst whom were Henry the Fourth, of France, and Henry the Fifth and Sixth, of England, also by members of noble families in Normandy, besides several Enghshmen.^ ^ The early history of Scotland shows, that the ordina- tion of Scotch bishops took place in their own country, but afterwards, the Bishops of St. Andrew's were con- secrated by the Archbishop of York ; and successively, until Pope Calixtus IV. made the Bishop of St. Andrew's Primate of all Scotland, appointing twelve bishops under him. This took place in the primacy of George Neville, and during the reign of Edward IV.§ ^ Before the Reformation the Church of Scotland was, like England, subject to the Pope, but it had its own Church also. The people were subject to the despotic rule of their kings and a debasing superstition. In January, 1450, a Bull was issued by Pope Nicholas the Fifth for the erection of a university in Glasgow. The papal Bull was solemnly read at the market cross, and a plenary indulgence was promised * See Appendix (p. 43G). t This may remind our readers of the Jewish custom of releasing a prisoner at the Passover. : By letters patent of 1512, Louis XII. confirmed this custom, under the name of « La Fierte," and it continued in use, tiU the year 1789, when the National Assembly abolished all the pecuHar privileges of cities and provinces. § Allen's Antiquities of York. to all who should visit the Cathedral during the current year. This university, although obscure at first, in time shone with a degree of splendour. In 1453, it had the royal protection from James the Second, w^ho was an energetic monarch, and framed good laws.* The Pope sent as his legate, Patrick Grahame, who met with the opposition of the ruling party, the Boyds, to his election to the See of St. Andrew's, and he went to Rome, to establish his claim through the papal influence, which aSbrded an opportunity to the Arch- bishop of York (Neville) to attempt to recover the spiritual supremacy of Scotland. In this attempt the Archbishop failed, and the result was that Sixtus IV. granted a Bull creating Grahame Archbishop of St. Andrew's and Primate of Scotland. The Pope also appointed him his legate, to add grace to the first Archbishop of Scotland, and he gave him full power to reform all abuses in the Church, and correct the ■dissoluteness of the clergy. From this time the spiritual independence of Scotland was secured. Grahame expected to be received on his return with triumph, but his enemies still prevailed, and they appealed to the Pope, offering to prove the invalidity of his documents, and finally the King ordered him to retire to his bishopric, and refrain from wearing the archiepiscopal pall till the cause was determined. The two kings, James I. and James II., prohibited the clergy from purchasing benefices of the court of Rome, but it w^as reserved for James III. to divert the stream of wealth which had hitherto flowed into the Pope's treasury, that it might be poured into his own. Amongst the privileges conferred by papal power on certain of the monasteries, was that of the Sanctuary^ which had often a pernicious tendency, for although the unfortunate obtained protection within their walls, * Cunningham's Hist, of Scotland. -( *■«»« 4^'-'" -«j-'-' -^^^T'^i-.-^: "■-■ "^'=* 408 ItLlEGAEET OF ANJOU. many delinquents fled thither, after the commission of crimes, to seek conceahnent in the precincts of those abbeys. Here they found personal shelter from the Church, and were enabled, during forty days, to defy the laws. The arm of justice could not reacli them, since the magistrates dared not drag a culprit from his place of refuge, without incurring the resentment of the Church, and the severest penalties of the law.* In the absence of the light of truth and Divine guidance, many were the superstitions of the Middle Ages. Amid the darkness that prevailed, how great was the need of a faithful guide in spiritual, as well as in temporal affairs. Popes had, by despotic rule and cruel bigotry, given mortal offence in this, and other lands, while many of the clergy, by their unworthy deeds, had dishonoured their high and holy calling. In the State the usurpa- tion of undue authority by those of noble birth, failed to secure the ready obedience which springs only from respect and love, and thus, disorder and anarchy ensued throughout the land. Yet even at this dark epoch an earnest desire arose from many hearts that a ruler, wise and o:ood, micrht be found to quell the party spirit of contention, and to restore harmony and peace. Not, however, in the reign of the meek Henry was this to occur, but at a later period, when the precepts of Holy Writ had become disseminated through the land, was the bless- ing of peace again bestowed. How marvellously is the welfare of nations ordered by Him, who has His witnesses in every age, and who is bringing them by the rays of His righteousness to ♦ The dissolution of monasteries, as at the Reformation, had a precedent in the times of Henry the Sixth, when many of the religious houses were suppressed, and others converted to the foundations of colleges, by Arch- bishop Chicheley and others. MAEGARET OF ANJOIT. 409 the light of that Perfect Day, when His will shall be " done on earth, as it is in heaven," and His Kingdom shall be made manifest. To return to the stirring events of the fifteenth century, when the social, as well as religious aspect was so stormy and disturbed. The political changes in England, and other countries throughout Europe, may be said to have commenced when the feudal system terminated. Kings and rulers had, in those preceding times, been much constrained in action and authority, by the petty sovereigns of principalities and fiefs, who only nominally deferred to the crown ; while as kings and independent rulers, they warred with each other for their own rights and terri- tories. One might say, that feudality was absorbed by monarchy, for it became the wisdom of kings, to bring about the unity of states, upon which to estab- lish political order, and social arrangements. This was ultimately effected, but not until the close of the fifteenth century. " To speak of the politics of a kingdom, means its " e very-day life, its institutions, laws of general in- ** terest, and relation of one country to others, and the *' relations of the people to their government, and their *' government to foreign states ; these being explained, "constitute its political history."* These subjects were enveloped in darkness and ignorance compared with later times ; but, it is remarkable, that it was at this epoch, the fifteenth century, that the politics, as well as the literature and religion of this country, were undergoing a decided and beneficial change. It is besides worthy of especial observation, that then, as now, we surpassed generally as a nation all the other states of Europe in our constitution, government, and * Van Praet's Essay on Political History. 410 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. If. » til laws. Sir John Fortescue and Philip de Comines have equally borne testimony to this fact.* We can gather from history but little concerning the^ constitutional prerogative of our kings at this period, yet we have contemporary authorities to show that, while France and other states were under the absolute dominion of one individual, England was pos- sessed of a limited monarchy. It IS certain that the King was so far prescribed, that without the consenting voice of Parliament he could neither make, nor alter, any of the laws of the land. Next to the King, the Lords and Commons each possessed a certain degree of influence in the affairs of the nation, but the powers enjoyed by each separately were ill defined. Thus, if the modified prerogative vested in the kings of this age formed not, in connec- tion with the other parts of the constitution, so just a balance of power as in later times, we must bear in mind the persons by whom it was wielded, the circum- stances in which the nation was placed, the absence of a public press, and of all those controlling media of civi- lisation which were then only beginning to dawn upon the w^orld. It is asserted, that the King on several occasions, violated the constitution by assuming a power of dispensing, as it is termed, with the laws, and granting permission to individuals and bodies of men to break them with impunity. It was thus, that to secure the clergy in his interest, we find King Edward IV., in 1462, by a most extravagant use of this dispensing power, granted them permission to violate every law of the land, sacerdotal and judicial. The violent factions and cruel wars were the great obstacles to impartial justice. The people of England were often placed under a kind of military government, * Sir John Fortescue, Philip de Comines. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 411 the High Constable having the power to put to death even the highest in the land, without the forms of law, provided he was himself convinced of their guilt ; nay more, there was not even an inquiry after evidence. When the Constable required a show of proof, and could not procure it by other means, he had recourse to the rack.^ The death of the Earl of Oxford in the first year of the reign of the triumphant Edward IV., is an instance sufficiently striking of the exercise of this power. Party animosity had no doubt sealed the fate of this aged veteran, although the charge against him was his correspondence with Queen Margaret ; for in these times it was perilous to use great boldness of speech, and the force of the Earl's arguments in Parliament, on the disputed question of the precedency of the Barons Temporal and Spiritual, had obtained the judgment in favour of the former. During the Lancastrian dynasty the authority of Parliament was more confirmed, and the privileges of the people more attended to, than during former times. On the death of Henry V. the prospect of a long minority, encouraged both the Lords and Commons to extend their power ; and, disregarding the injunctions of the late monarch, they made a new arrangement for the administration, putting aside the name of Regent, and adopting that of Protector, for the Duke of Bedford, and for Gloucester in the absence of his elder brother. The regal power thus divided, was further restrained by a Council, whose advice was required on every measure of importance.! The large amount of debt contracted during the wars of Henry V. in France, was left to his successor to discharge, and the ministers found themselves obliged * Henry. f Hume ; Eymer ; The Citizens and their Rulers, by B. B. Orridge. 412 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 141 i^ ! to recur to old abuses, and amongst these to tlie arbi- trary practice of purveyance, and by these means the affections of the people were greatly estranged from their sovereign.* In 1433, the amount of debt was announced to be £35,000 annually; and as it in- creased, it involved the State in more embarrassment and caused more popular dissatisfaction. During the short but brilliant reign of Henry V. the Parliament was remarkably quiet ; not a breath was raised by them against the dispositions of his house- hold affairs, although his expenses were ruinous. We are told that *' there was less injustice committed by " the governments of Henry V. and Henry VI. than ^^at any former period." The extravagant expendi- ture of his father, however, and the wastefulness with which the Regency is justly charged, had entailed an enormous amount of debt upon his son Henry VL, which was one great cause of disaffection throughout his reign. Henry IV., in his address to his son upon his death-bed, said to him, " Of Enghshmen, so long "as they have wealth and riches, so long shalt thou " have obeysance ; but when they be poor, they are " always ready to make insurrection at every motion." f Thus it was, that during the reign of Margaret of Anjou the most trivial causes gave rise to the most serious disaffection and mutiny. After the losses in France, the misappropriation of public moneys and gifts gave occasion for much complaint. There was indeed a great predisposition throughout the kingdom for the discord and anarchy which pre- vailed during the reign of Henry VI., which was evidenced, not only by the dispositions of the nobility, in many circumstances of the times, but even may be * The Citizens and their Rnlers, by Orridge. t Leigh's Choice Observations of the Kings of England; Hallam's Tiliddle Ages. MAEGARET OP AXJOU. 413 deduced from the statutes then enacted. It was in 1429 that the state of the country called for the forty- shilling franchise, which w^as then first constituted, exactly as it at present exists. The first statute which fixed the value of the free- hold franchise was in the eighth year of the reign of Henry VL, and the preamble runs thus : — '' Whereas the elections of knights of the shire to " come to Parliament in many counties of the realm '' have now been of late years made by very gi'eat " outrages, and excessive numbers of people, dwelling '' within the same counties of the realm of England, of ''which most part was of people of small substance " and of no value, whereof every one of them pretended '' a voice, equivalent as to such elections to be made " with the most worthy knights and esquires dwelling " within the same counties, whereby manslaughter, " riots, robberies, and divisions among the gentlemen "and other people of the same counties, shall very '' likely arise and be, unless convenient and due remedy '' be provided in this behalf." * The limitations of government were strenuously enforced by Sir John Fortescue in his instructions to his pupil, the King's son ; he speaks " of the limited " nature of the monarch's authority, and the inalien- " able rights of the subjects, while he calls on Prince " Edward to reverence the free institutions of his native '' land. Nowhere else did the people possess by law " and upon the whole, in effect, so much security for their " personal freedom and property. The middling ranks " flourished remarkably, not only in commercial towns, " but among the cultivators of the soil. There is scarce " a small village, says Sir John Fortescue, in which " you may not find a knight, an esquire, or some sub- * Hume ; Speech of Mr. Peel, March Gth, 1829. 414 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. " stantial liouseliokler, commonly called a f^ankla^^l * " possessed of considerable estate, besides othei*s called " freeholders, and many yeomen of estates, sufficient *' to make a substantial jury." f Cases of arbitrary imprisonment frequently occurred in these times, and were remonstrated agamst by the Commons. Xo priyilege of the Commons can be so fimdamental as the liberty of speech. A complaint was made in the thirty-third year of the reign of Henry VI. by Thomas Young, member for Bristol, of his imprison- ment in the Tower of London, six years preyiously, in consequence of a motion which he made, to the effect that the King, then haying no issue, the Duke of York might be declared heir apparent to the crown. In the session when Yoimg claimed remimeration the Puke was Protector, and likely to regard his com- plaint.J The ministers of the King were expected to main- tain themselyes, but if they required remuneration, it was obtained through the appointments of the church, which were at the King's disposal. King Henry had the appointment of sheriffs, but they often failed to execute the duties of their office, unless guaranteed against loss. Besides these, there were bannerets, who ranked below barons, and sat with the peers. The barons were styled Le Sieur de, while bannerets merely had Monsieur prefixed to their names. Peers were created by the King, but with the consent of Parliament. We haye now to speak of the Priyy Council and the * By a franklarn we are to mMipTsaTid iduit we call a ooontzy aqinie, Kte tlie-ficanklcyii 'of Chaooet Tbe liends of ^milieB were esquires, diiddrbeazeB to the kxii^ts, and tlie yoonger onea vere aljled gentlemen botii weze mmta27 digxiiti€s.aiid tlie lowest titles bccne in ^igian^ t Hallam : Lower's Heialdij. ♦ Hallam's If id. Ages ; W. of Wocoester. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 415 courts of law and police. The three great tribunals of common law were, the King's Bench, the Court of Common Pleas, and the Exchequer. The number of judges who sat in the Courts of Westminster, were in the time of Henry VI. from fiye to eight. Their salaries were small, yiz., the chief justice of the King's Bench £1,600 per annum of our money, the chief justice of the Common Pleas £1,300, and each of the others £1,000. Besides these salaries, they receiyed their robes and dresses from the royal wardrobe, or £85 in money, as an equiyalent. They also acted as justices of assize, and receiyed £200 extra for that office. The whole income which the Attorney-General receiyed from the State was under £120. From Fortescue we learn, that the entire fees, in the year 1421, of the Treasurer of England, keeper of the Priyy Seal, judges of both benches, barons of the Exchequer, and other officers of the courts was not more than £30,000. The small income and precarious position of the judges, was, indeed, one of seyeral causes of the yenal and irregular application of justice at this period. Another cause was the banding together of hordes of men for right, or wrong, eyer ready for mutiny. Again, the shelter which the sanctuaries gaye to crime, and the difficulty of rendering the members of the clergy amenable to the lay courts. These courts were fast asserting, their supremacy oyer the ecclesiastical courts, for the administration of common law ; but the struggle continued during the whole of this epoch. In tracing the political eyents of one nation, we find that like the sister arts, or sciences, the subject cannot well be pursued alone ; being so intimately connected with others, that the mind is insensibly led away from the more circumscribed yiew ; and, like the philosopher, who is tempted on from one science to another, the historian, whose peculiar study is mankind, cannot 416 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. fail, in tlie midst of his survey of party strife and war- fare in England, to be led to the contemplation of the condition of the surrounding nations during this event- ful period, the fifteenth century. A striking similarity immediately appears, between the history of the French nation and of our own. First, let us instance the death-bed, and dying injunctions, of Charles V. of France, and then, on lookins: to the conclusion of the brilliant career of our monarch, Henry V., the same scene occurs. Both these sovereigns were distinguished for their wisdom and skill; and their foresight alike directed them, to provide for the future welfare of their sons, while in their minority, and exposed to the domineering and violent character of their powerful relatives. These princes of turbulent memory soon aroused, in their respective countries, the spirit of discontent and rebeUion, and each one seeking to be greatest, quickly forgot his allegiance, his duty, and his promises to his King. How soon were the Dukes of Burgundy and Orleans in arms against each other, and alternately disturbing the peace of France with anarchy and bloodshed, until thev both came to an untimely end ! The murders of these two princes were committed openly, and one of them w^as even publicly justified ; similar transactions folllowed in England, but here these crimes were planned, and executed in secret. The results, however, were not less disastrous ; one crime brought on another, and the death of Gloucester was succeeded by the hurried execution of Suffolk ; even the mock trial employed upon this occasion, was soon after dispensed with, and the summary vengeance of party hurried its victims, without preparation or trial, into another world. Then came battle after battle in either land, and fiercely strove brother against brother, and kinsfolk against kinsfolk. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 417 ^ Such were the events produced by these two mino- rities ! and if we review the third, and sister king dom, we shall not find the people were more fortunate. In France, Charles VI. ascended the throne when he had only attained his ninth year; in England, Henry VI. was but an infant of nine months old at his accession; and in Scotland, in 1460, James III. assumed the crown at eight years of age. His prede- cessor was, with the other monarchs, alike distinguished for wisdom and foresight ; and Pinkerton says, that '' such laws as those passed by James II. shine like a ** coruscation amid the night of barbarism." The rebellion of York in England fostered that of Douglas in Scotland, and we see the boy-monarch vainly striving, with the aid of France, to maintain the interests of the Lancastrians ; until, the intestine divi- sions and turmoils of his own kingdom engrossed his whole care and attention. There is much room for reflection on the histories of these several countries, which seem at this period to illustrate one another, or afford a lively contrast. Chicheley, the Archbishop, early followed the example of William of Wykeham in "diverting a portion of the '' conventual revenues to the establishment of schools "and colleges, under the direction of the secular "clergy.'^ Previously, schools had been attached to monasteries, and these becoming in time less useful, the greater ones absorbed the smaller, by the purchase of their property. Thus it was that William of Wykeham and Chich- eley found themselves able to endow their schools with lands which they purchased. Henry VI., in his foundation, of Eton, and of King's College, closely fol- lowed the system of education said to have been invented by the genius of William of Wykeham, who has been styled one of the master-spirits of his times. VOL. II. E E 1 i> LL\RGAEET OF AXJOU. Thus commenced the system of public schools, TN'hich, for so many years, has been instrumental in the formation of the character of the English gentleman. At an early period the attention of government was directed towards education. It was considered to be, as much a branch of the prerogative, to prevent persons who were ill qualified, from exercising the profession of schoohnaster, as it was to put down a conspiracy. The reformation of the grammar-schools in London arose, it is said, from many ignorant persons having presumed to teach gi'ammar, " to the injury both of *' their scholars and their friends ;" and the number of the schools was limited to five, that being deemed fully suflBcient for the metropolis. This arrangement originated with John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Robert Gilbert, Bishop of London ; and doubtless they had worthy motives, when we consider the piety, and love of learning, of their sovereign. King Henry directed the estabUsh- ment of gi^ammar-schools ; for at this period the grossest ignorance prevailed, so that the ancient schools were quite neglected, and left " to decay ; ** wherefore for the restoration of learning, four clergy- " men, viz. Maistre William Lyechefeld, parson of " the parish Chirche of All Hallowen the More, in " London, Maistre Gilbert, parson of Saint Andrewe, *' Holboume, in the suburbs of the said Citee ; Maistre " John Cotes, parson of Saint Petre, in Cornhull, of *' London ; and John Neel, maistre of the Hous, or " Hospital of Saint Thomas of Acres and parson of " Colchirche, in London. '^ By these four clergymen the Parliament was *' petitioned, in the 25th year of the reign of Henry VL ** that thev and their successors might be allowed to *' set up schools in their respective churches and ap- '' point masters in them ; which petition was granted." MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 419 King Henry not only appointed these four grammar- schools, viz., St. Andrew's, Holbom ; Allhallows the Great, in Thames Street ; St. Peter's, Cornhill ; and in the Hospital, St. Thomas of Aeons, in West Cheap ; but schools were estabhshed likewise as follows: St. Paul's, at St. Martin's-le-Grand ; St. Mary-le-Bow, in Cheap ; St. Dunstan in the West, and St. Anthony ; also Sion College, over against London Wall, near Cripplegate, and adjoining to St. Alphage church.* In the eighth year of Henry VI. this monarch granted a hcense for rebuildmg the chapel, or college, as it was then called ; and in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, he empowered the parish clerks of London to liave a guild dedicated to St. Nicholas, with two chaplains to the chapel. There were ten Inns of Chancer}^ in the time of Henry the Sixth : j —Clifford's Inn, Clement's Inn, New Inn, Streined, or Chester Inn, George's Inn, Thavies Inn, Furnival's Inn, Staple Inn, Barnard's Inn, Sergeants' and Scrope's Inn. J Of historians in the reign of Henry VI. : amongst these was John Skewish, a native of Cornwall, who compiled an abridgment of the chronicles and of the wars of Troy.§ Harding, another historian of those times, was like- wise the first poet-laureate. He held this appointment to Edward IV. Amongst the poets of this period we may especially mention James I., King of Scotland ; Lydgate, a monk of Bury, whose pieces amounted to 251 in number ; also Hugh Campden and Thomas Chester. At the latter end of King Henry the Sixth's reign they began to pamt in oil. Four curious specimens * Bentley's Exerpta ; Stow's Survey : Mackay's London, t Londiniana, J Ibid. § Lyson's Magna Britannia. £ £ 2 420 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. 421 were painted on panels which composed a door of some cabinet, or shrine, belonging to the Abbey of St. Albans ; thereon are represented the portraits of Cardinal Beaufort and Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester. These valuable curiosities are in the possession of John Ives, Esq., of Great Yarmouth, in Norfolk. Engravings in wood and copper first appeared about the year 1460. These mav be seen in the remaining old prints of Andrew Muntague, Martin Schoon, and Albert Durer. The woodcuts were chiefly designed, and made as ornaments to the old printed books. The art of printing was first invented in the city of Metz, in Germany.* Another account is, that printing was found out at Mayence, in Germany, by a knight called John Guttenbergen, and brought into England by William Caxton, of London, mercer, who first prac- tised the same, in the Abbey at Westminster, in the year, 1471.t The Nuremherg Chronicle^ printed at Nuremberg in 1493, is enriched with a variety of excellent woodcuts, every page almost in that work representing the cos- tumes then used in Germany.^ Heraldry was taught orally, in the earliest ages, to novitiate heralds; but, when the rules of chivalry were gathered into a code, they were committed to writing. The first author of any note on this subject was Doctor Nicholas Upton, a native of Devonshire, who was patronised by the " good Duke Humphrey, '' of Gloucester," during the reign of Henry IV., through whose favour he became Canon of Sarum, Wells, and St. Paul's. He had previously served in the French wars under the Earl of Salisbury; and * Holinshed ; Strutt's Manners and Customs. X Strutt's Manners and Customs. t Baker. during these campaigns he composed a Latin treatise, called " De Studio Militari." * It was a systematic grammar of heraldry, in very classical diction for that period.f One of the earliest productions of the printing- press in England, was the celebrated " Boke of St. " Albans." It was printed in 1486, within the pre- cincts of that monastery, from which it took its name. This rare work contains tracts on hawking, hunting, and " coot-armuris," the last being the main subject of the volume. This work was attributed, for the first three centuries after it appeared, to Dame Julyan Berners, a woman of singular personal as well as mental endowments. She was a great promoter of English literature; and, although doubts have been thrown on the authorship of this noble work, the "" Boke of St. Albans " may fairly be attributed to this lady's pen.J: In the troublous* times of the Wars of the Roses much treasure was hidden and buried underground. A discovery of this kind was made, in April, 1861, by an inhabitant of the High Street, at Hounslow, when enlarging a cellar : embedded in the loam just below the old foundation on which his house stands, an earthen vase, or cup, was found, containing 800 silver and a few copper coins ; silver groats of Henry VI., struck at Norwich, York, Bristol, and London; also others of Edward IV., Richard HI., and Burgundian pieces of silver, of Charles *' the Bold," the brother- in-law of Edward IV. The dates of these coins ranged from 1406 to 1485. It is possible that the owner of the treasure might have fallen at Bos- worth. * This work is still to be seen in manuscript in the College of Arms and elsewhere, f Lower's Curiosities of Heraldry. X Ibid. 422 MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. IkLiEGAEET OF ANJOU. 423 Tlie franc, a very ancient coin in France, was struck by King Henry VL, as king of that country.* (Salute d'or.) The salute was a gold coin of Henry VL, current in France for £1 5s. English.f There is an instance in the armorial bearings of Margaret of Anjou, of what is called vicious or false heraldry. It is a fundamental rule in heraldry that metal shall not be put upon metal, nor colour upon colour ; but in the third quartering of her arms, which contains those of Jerusalem (lier father Rene being titular king of Jerusalem), the golden crosses are on a silver ground. The old heralds being too scientific to have overlooked so gi'eat a departure from an important rule, it has been ascertained, that, holding Jerusalem in the highest estimation, as the very queen of cities, they judged it unworthy to submit her to those rules, to which the kings and princes of the earth were subject. They therefore created, as it were, the special excep- tion in her favour, t<5 distinguish her heraldrically from all the cities of the world. A coin of Edward IV., called a noble, made of silver and gold, value 10^., and 8d. of allay weighing, was stamped with a 7'ose.'\: At the time of the marriage of King Edward IV. a proclamation was made at Reading, and throughout England, that the noble of Henry VI. should value 85. 46?., and a new coinage was made at the Tower of London, to the great loss of the lords. In 1462 the gold coins were further reduced, 45 nobles being made to the pound, and passing at IO5., and angels at 6s. 8cl. The new nobles were tenned royals — a new name given by the French to their gold coins, impressed with the figure of the sovereign in his royal robes. * Letters of Queen Margaret of Anjou. X stow. f Paston Letters. It has been supposed by some antiquarians that, during the civil wars of York and Lancaster, there were no fixed places of mintage, and that the dies were conveyed from one place to another, according as ne- cessity required. This idea arose from some of the coins of Edward IV. being found with initial letters on the breast of the bust. Thus a groat of the mint of Co- ventry has a B on the breast, which has been sup- posed to signify that the piece was struck at Bristol. The beautiful ornamented churches were by Wickliff, in his earnest enthusiasm, condemned, as savouring of hypocrisy, and therefore injurious. This aimed at the very origin and foundation of the lodges, and caused much persecution to arise against the societies of masons. It appears that Henry VI. was their great patron, and protected them ; he even joined their society, and in his will bequeathed to his college in Cambridge, the sum annually of £117 65. 10c?. for wages, of the officers of the works then in operation. This was no small sum in those days According to Bede, masons and workers in stone were brought into England by Bennet, Abbot of Wirral. The Free Masons' Company had their arms granted to them by WiUiam Huckeslow, Clarencieux King-at- Arms ; and a company of under-masons were established in London two years before, in the thirteenth year of Edward IV. " The antiquary, John Leland, has pre- " served in his collections in the Bodleian Library " certayne questyons with answeres to the same, con- " cernynge the mystery of masonrye, written by the " hand of Kynge Henrye the Sixthe."'" Henry VI. is said to have endeavoured to recruit his empty coffers by alchemy. The record which * Archaeologia, ■11 424 MAEGARET OF AXJOU. contains this remarkable proposition, sets forth in *' a '' grave and solemn manner, the feasibility and virtues " of the philosopher's stone, encouraging its search, " and dispensing with all the statutes and prohibitions " to the contrary." When this patent was published, many promised to answer the expectations of the King so effectually, that the following year he published another patent, wherein he informs his subjects that the " happy hour " was drawing nigh, and by means of the stone, which he should soon be master of, he would pay all the debts of the nation in real gold and silver. The persons chosen for his operators in this new jnu-suit were appointed by King Henry on the 9th of March, in the year 1455 (or the thirty-fifth of his reign). These were Henry Sharp, doctor of laws, who, with three other persons, were to pursue the study of alchemy for the emolument of their royal master. There were others who laboured to the same purpose, viz., Thomas Harvey, an Austin friar; Robert Glapeley, a preaching friar ; and William Atclyife, the Queen's physician.* Private duelling was at the period (14G1) unknown. It became necessary, before a combat, to obtain the King's license; this being granted, the combat pro- ceeded in public, and, in afiairs of treason, the con- quered party was instantly executed, f Several of these deeds of arms are related by the chroniclers. One John Asteley, squire, a noted warrior, held a combat with Piers de Masse, a French- man, in Paris, before King Charies, in 1438. Again, John Asteley was challenged by Philip Boyle, knight, an Aragonese. This combat took place on the 30th of January, 1442, in the presence of the King, Henry VI., within Smithfield. * Wilson's Hist, of St. Lawrence Poulteney ; Curiosities of Literature. t Paston Letters. M^VEGAEET OF AXJOU. 425 In 144G two other combats were appointed. The first was by the prior of Kilmanin and the Earl of Ormond, the former having impeached the earl of high treason; but the quan-el was decided by the King, who prevented the fighting. The second impeachment was by John David, an armourer, against his master, William Catur, for treason ; but the latter, being intoxicated, was unhappily slain previous to the combat, without just proof of his guilt, and the servant was hanged at the next assize for felony.'-' Artillery was seldom made use of in the civil wars in England, and in the field partially only ; it had but little, or no effect on the issue of the battle, excepting only at the engagement at Tewkesbury, in 1471. " The cavalry and infantry were arranged in the *' old system. The lance was the weapon of those of " gentle birth, while the bow and the bill were used " by people of inferior state. The archers formed the '' main strength of the battle."| The method adopted for raising an army was by sending letters under the Privy Seal, sometimes signed by the King himself, commanding the attendance of such persons as were named, the time and place of resorting being mentioned, and that they should bring with them men, &c., according to their rank. Thus, in the month of April, in 1459, these Privy Seals were issued at the time when the King was at Coventry, raising an army to oppose the Duke of York and the Earl of Salisbury. :|: * Brown's Abstract of Hist, of Eng. X Paston Letters. t Philip de Comines. H APPENDIX TO THE SECOND VOLUME. A MANUSCRIPT, preserved in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, has also a few interesting political songs, commencing with the date of the public reconciliation previously described. The earliest, written in the year 1458, is the work of a Lancastrian. " Henry VI. is represented under the form of a ship, with the young Prince Edward for a mast. The ship's light was a blazing cresset, representing the Duke of Exeter; and its strong stem was the Duke of Somerset. The sail-yard was the Earl of Pembroke, the stay the Duke of Buckingham, and the shrouds consisted of the Lords Devonshire, Grey, Beauchamp of Powik, and Scales. The Earl of Northumberland, with Ros, Clifford, and Egre- mont, formed the sail ; the Earl of Shrewsbury was the topmast ; and the ship had three good anchors, the Lords Beaumont, Welles, and Rivers. St. George is appealed to for protection for this stately ship."* Stere welle the good shype, God be oner guide. Ouer shyp is launched from the grounde, Blessed be God, both faire and sounde, Ouer maryners hau the shypmen founde, By here taklynge wille abyde. This noble shyp made of good tree, Ouer souerayne lord Kynge Henry ; God gyde hym from adversji-e, Wherever he go or ryde. ** The shyp was charged wt a mast, " Crased it was, it myght not last ; ^ *' Now hathe he one bt wol not brest, *' The old is leyde on syde, " Thys fayre mast, this myghty yeard, *• Of whom fals shrewes be afered, ** Hys name of ryght is Prince Edward, ^ *' Long myght he wt us abyde ! 1 Wright's Political Songs. 2 This may refer to the administration under Suffolk, which was dissolved in 1450. 3 Edward, only son of Henry VI. 1^ 428 MAEGAEET OF AXJOU. MAEGAEET OF ANJOU. 429 " The shyp hathe cJoseJ hyni a lyght, " To kepe her course in way of ryght, " A fyre cressant,^ it bemethe bryght, ** Nt fawte was neuer spyetl, *' Thys good lyght, it is so clere, " Calle y the Duke of Exceter, ** Whose name yn trouve shyned clere, *' Hys worshyp spryngethe wyde. ** Thys shyp hathe a sterne fulle good " Hem to gyde in ebbe and floo 0,0 »5 o »-3 li- es C . o3 > SB b .J IF— I O at) .a H o I I "2 • y «0 3 O i .0 OQ 5 ^ U •J -1.) H 2 » I. fi ^^ So t>T3 Ih to c s R o •1 >f- I as •-4 02 .a o ^»: o *.« t 11 I -8 I §^ •J o s do §30 o . CO*© I o 02 a •J ■< CONTEMPORAKY SOVEREIGNS. Date. Axjor. France. Enolakd. Papal States. 768 778 795 Milon Thierri. Charlemagne. LeoIIL 800 Egbert the Great. 1 1 814 Louis I., "leD6boTinaire." 816 Stephen V. Paschal I. Eugene II. Valentine. Gregory IV. 817 824 827 )f 886 Ethelwolf. 840 Charles the Bald, "leChauve." 844 Upper. Lower. Sergius II. Leo IV. Benedict III. 845 847 Robert. Erispoe. 851 855 857 Ethelbald Ethelbert. Ethelred I. 858 •■••••••• Nicholas I. 860 866 867 Eudes. Adrian II. 871 Alfred ye Great. 873 Torquat John VIII. 877 Louis II., the Staunmerer. Louis III. and Carloman. 879 882 Ingelger Martin II. Adrian III. Stephen VI. 884 Charles the Fat... j 885 887 Eudes. 888 i 891 Foulques " le Ronx." Formosus. Boniface VI. Stephen VII. Romanus. Theodore 11. John IX. Benedict IV. Leo. V. Christopher. Sergiua III. 89G ff 897 898 Charles the Simple n 900 Edward y« Elder 903 99 904 444 CONTEMPOEAEY SOVEEEIGXS. Datz. Axjou. Fkance. 911 913 914 922 923 924 928 929 931 936 938 939 940 942 946 954 955 956 958 959 964 965 972 973 974 975 978 983 985 >» 986 987 996 999 1003 Foulques " le Bon." Robert I. Ralph. Louis IV. Geoffrey " Grise GoneUe." Lothaire. Foulques"Xerra' 1009 1 1012 1016 1017 1024 1031 1033 1036 1040 Geoffrey "Martel" 1042 1044 1046 1048 »> 1055 1057 1058 1060 1061 1066 Henry I. Foulques IV., " le Rechin ' England. Papal States. Athelstan. Louis V, Hugh Capet. Robert y Pious... Edmund. Edred ..'.'.' Edwy. Edgar. Edward ye Martyr. Ethelred II. Edmund Ironside. Canute y* Great. Harold Barefoot. Hardicanute. Edward y* Con- fsssor. Anastasius. Lando, John X. Leo. VI. Stephen VIII. John XI. LeoVIL Stephen IX. Martin II. Agapet II. John XII. Benedict V. John XIII. Benedict VI. Domnus II. Benedict VII. John XIV. John XV. John XVI. Gregory V. Sylvester II. John XVII. John XVIII. Sergius IV. Benedict VIII. John XIX. Benedict IX. PMlip I. Harold II. Gregory VI. Clement II. Damascus II. Leo IX. Victor II. Stephen X. Nicholas II. Alexander II. CONTEMPORARY SOVEREIGNS. 44o Date. Axjou. France. Ekgland. Papal Statks. 1066 William I. 1073 Gregory VII. Victor m. 1086 1087 WiUiam II. 1088 Urban II. 1099 Pascal II. 1100 Louis' Vi. Henry I. 1108 1109 1118 Foulques V. Gelasius II. 1119 Calixtus II. 1124 Honorius II. 1130 Innocent II. 1131 1135 Geoffrey Planta- genet Louisvii. Stephen. • 1137 1143 Celestine II. 1144 Lucius n. 1145 Eugene III. Anastasius IV. 1153 1154 1159 Henry II Henry II Adrian IV. Alexander III. 1180 .. Philip IL, Augustus. 1181 Lucius III. 1185 Urbau III. 1187 Gregory VHI. Clement III. » ••• ... •• llS9 Richard I Richard I., "Coeur de Lion." .......... ... ..... . 1191 Celestine III. 1199 John Crown of France. ,, , .,, John. Henry III 1203 1216 Louis' Vlii.' Louis IX., Saint. Honorius ILL 1223 1226 1227 Gregory IX. Celestine IV. • 1241 1243 Innocent IV. 1246 1254 Charles I. Alexander IV. 1261 Urban IV. 1265 Clement IV. 1270 1271 Philip III.,y* Bold. Edward I. Gregory X. 1272 1276 Innocent V. Adrian V. » John XX. 1277 Nicholas III. 1281 Martin IV. 1285 Charles II Philip IV., ye Fair Honorius IV. 1288 Nicholas IV. 1290 1294 Charles III., of Valois. Celastine V. Boniface VIIL 1303 ■ Benedict XI. 446 COXTEMPOE.iIlT SOVEEEIGNS. Datb. 1305 1307 1314 1316 1322 1325 1327 1328 1332 1334 1342 1350 1352 1356 1363 1364 1371 1377 1378 Anjo0. France. Philip VI., of Valois. John II., ye Good. *••••••••• Louis I. Louis II. 1380 3384 1390 1394 1399 1404 1406 1409 1410 1413 1417 I Louis III * 1422 1431 Rene 1434 1447 1455 1458 1461 1464 1471 I ... 1480 Charles of Maine! 1481 J Louis XI. Louis X. John I. Philip v., y« Tall Charles IV., y Fair. Philip VI., of Valois. John IL, ye Qqq^' EnOLAifX). Papal States. Clement V. Edward II. Edward III. ■ •••••••« Charles V. Richard II. Charles VI. Henry iv!' Charles VII. Henry V. Henry VI. Louis XI. Edward IV. THE END. John XXI. Benedict XII. Clement VI. Innocent VI. Urban V. Gregory XI. Urban VI.— Cle- ment VIL Boniface IX. Benedict XIII. Innocent VII. Greg-ory XII. Alexander V. John XII. Martin V. Eugene IV. Nicholas V. CalLstus III. Pius II. Paul II. Sixtua IV. I HISTORY OF FRANCE UNDER THF TiOTTTiRnMc THE REGENCY OF ANNE OF ATISTRTa nTnrr.xr OFFRANCR, MOTHEROFIOTTIS YIV p d,,-, . ' QUEEN Sources. With Portrait By SUl^- /,X 8vo!'t' '"'' ^"I'""'-^''"' THE MARRIED LIFE OF ANNE OF ATT^jtrta QUEEN OF FRANCE MOTHER OP I niTi«Yiv AUhlRIA^ Don- Sp,bast.an, Kino'op Port™./ Hi^toried sVl.r" ^ir" "''™"^ "^ Unpubliahed Sources. By Maktha WALKnf Fkee ''" 2 ^l/sv" 32""""'" MFJMOIRS OF THE LIFE & REIGN OF GFORrp ttt With Ori«i„nl Letters of the King and other lfnm,blished MS'T B. r jF. ^"• ^^^ r!i?.^-. v^T C^i^TAix R. F. Burton, Author of "A Mission to Gel^le, txploral.ons of the Highlands of the Brazil " "Abcot,,;, " " M Wanderings in West Africa," &c. - "= miiii, ADCokuta, "My THE TWO SIEGES. By Henkv Vizftpi i v \„th^. f-.n^. Story of the Diamond NeeUace.- .c. "rn'^™^:;.^^;^.':!;':"!^ ';T1^ ^^^mS ^F SIR GEORGE SINCLAIR, BART OF ^.'e,!ULtTt,fe'¥i- ^tr'- i^^^ THE LIFE OF DAVID GARRICK. From Ori^In«l Fo. i Papers, and numerous Published and Unpublhhed SourceV ^ p .'^^ GKRALD, M.A. 2 vols. 8vo, with Portraits. iJ6.. ^^ ^''''^^^ *^^^- THE LIFE OF EDMUND KEAN. From vminnc p i.r i . and Ori.it.al Sources. By F. W. Hawkins! In 2 voL sTo,To!. ^"^^^^^^^^ THREE HUNDRED YEARS OF A NORMAN HOUSF With Genealogical Miscellanies. By James Hanvav a ^ r' Course of English Literature," -Satire arfd Satirists^^&c 12^ '^'' '^ "^ BRITISH SENATORS ; or Political Sketchp^ P. Present. By J. Ewing Ritchie. Post Svo, io.. gj^^^^^^^' ^^ST AND BRADBruy, EVAK3. AND CO.. VRISTZKB, WHITZFRIARS. TmSLEY BROTHERS, 18, CATHERINE STREET, STRAXD. /! I ^mm^^^H^m^^mm^^t' f cc ,. Ul Zl SCsJ o; r \\\N^ ♦ r?r-i5^i»5^ ,.»«,.,