MASTER NEGA TIVE NO. 91-80401 MICROFILMED 1991 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project" Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT St?^V O '4S 'i» 'SIniwcvsttg iu tlte ©its of S^«w '^ork 1901 ©ttiett anongtttouslg '■ >'» I *| Heroes of the Nations A Series of Biographical Studies presenting the lives and work of certain representative histori- cal characters, about whom have gathered the traditions of the nations to which they belong, and who have, in the majority of instances, been accepted as types of the several national ideals. 12% Illustrated, cloth, each . . $1.50 Half Leather, gilt top, each . . $1.75 Nos. 33 and following Nos. . . net $1.35 Each . . . (By mail, $1.50) Half Leather, gilt top . . . net $1.60 (By mail, $1.75) FOR FULL LIST SEE END OF THIS VOLUME • fceroeg of the nations EDITED BY fivelvn Bbbott, /».B. FELLOW OF BALUOL COLLEGE, OXFORD rACTA OUCIS VIVeHT, OPEROSAOUC GLORIA RERUM. — OVIO, IN LIVIAM ttl. THE HERO'S OEEOa AND MAR3-WON rAMt SHALL LIVE. HENRY V. HENRY V. THE TYPICAL MEDIy€VAL HERO BY CHARLES LETHBRIDGE KINGSFORD, M.A. ST. John's college, oxford G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK 27 WHST TWENTY-THIRD STREET LONDON 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND S^e $nxchriboth(i |)rr&f iQCI « « Copyright, 1901 BY G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS • • • » • • • ••• •• • • » » • * • • • • .• • • • • • • • PREFACE THIS volume had its original in an article con- tributed to the Dictio7tary of National Bio- graphy, but is founded on a fresh study of the chief authorities. If I cannot claim to have ex- hausted all sources of information, I have neverthe- less sought throughout to base my narrative on chronicles and documents of contemporary, or nearly contemporary date. For few periods of our mediaeval history is there more abundant material. At least three lives of Henry V. were written within twenty years of his death. Of these the most valuable, so far as it ex- tends, is the Gesta Regis Henrici Quinti, which was the work of a chaplain in the royal service. Mr. Williams, in his edition of the Gesta, suggested that the author was one Jean Bordin, a native of Aqui- taine, who is known to have been present as one of Henry's chaplains in the campaign of Agincourt. This ascription is, however, purely conjectural, and Dr. Lenz has argued that in the Gesta we possess the genuine prose Life of Henry V. composed by Thomas Elmham, prior of Lenton. But we have no evidence that Elmham was ever in Henry's own serv- ice. Nor can any safe conclusion be drawn from points of similarity between the Gesta and the Lider V 321875 • • ' • • •• •• •*••••« VI Preface Metricus (Elmham's undoubted work); since the Gesta appears to be the original (down to 14 16) of the principal narratives composed in England. A better claim might perhaps be made for Thomas Rudborn, afterwards bishop of St. David's, who was one of Henry's chaplains and is credited with a his- tory of his master's reign. Whilst the authorship of the Gesta is uncertain, of its value there can be no question. It is the vivid narrative of an eye-witness who had access to official records,* and is our best authority for the first four years of Henry's reign. Next in importance to the Gesta comes the prose Vita Henrici Quinti, which passes under the name of Thomas Elmham. This ascription is due to Hearne as editor of the only printed edition ; it is, however, almost certainly erroneous. Elmham him- self says expressly that his prose Life was written before the Liber Metricus, whilst the latter work appears to have been composed during Henry's life- time.f But the Vita published by Hearne, was probably not written till fifteen years later. From internal evidence it would appear that the author of the Vita had been in the service of the Earl of War- wick, whom he accompanied to Provins in March, 1419; that he wrote his narrative after the breach with Philip of Burgundy in 1435 ; and that he was a supporter in politics of Humphrey of Gloucester.^ *Gesta, pp. 10, 47, 51. f Liber Metricus, pp. 79, 80. X Vita, pp. 215, 281, 283 ; if. pp. 282, 312, 319 below. Note also the prominence given to Warwick and Duke Humphrey, and the long account of the latter's siege of Cherbourg. I have, however, for convenience quoted this Life as " Elmham, Vita^ mmmm Preface Vll From the last chapter of the Vita we learn that the author was an intimate friend of John Somerset, a court physician under Henry VI., and an adherent of Duke Humphrey. The Vita is marred by its grandiloquent and turgid style ; but after the Gesta fails us it becomes the leading authority on the Eng- lish side. In its earlier portion it borrows much from the Gesta; afterwards the author had his own and his patrons' recollections to depend upon ; he may also have been acquainted with an early edition of Monstrelet. Very similar to "Elmham's" Vita in substance, though shorter and simpler in style, is the Z(/> com- piled by Titus Livius de Frulovisiis, an Italian in the service of Humphrey of Gloucester. Titus Livius based his Life either on " Elmham," or on the same authorities as those made use of by that writer, but with occasional additions. An abbreviation — as it would seem — of ** Elm- ham " was printed by Mr. Williams as a continuation of the Gesta. This last narrative is free from the faults of style, which disfigure the longer Vita, and curiously in one or two places contains certain small details which are given by Livius but not by '* Elm- ham."* The exact relationship of these three narra- tives to one another and to the Gesta could perhaps be determined only by a minute comparison of the numerous manuscripts. Of altogether minor importance are Elmham's authentic Liber Metricus, and the Versus RJiythmici (of uncertain authorship) two brief rhyming Latin *Cf. Gesta, p. 131, note. Vlll Preface chronicles contained in Cole's Memorials of Henry V, The Life by Robert Redmayne, which is printed in this same collection, belongs to a different cate- gory ; the writer lived in the reign of Henry VIII., and as an authority this Life must be classed with the histories of Hall and Holinshed. Of general Latin chronicles, other than set bio- graphies, the chief on the English side are the His- toria Anglicana of Thomas Walsingham, and the Chronicle of Thomas Otterbourne, which though brief are occasionally useful. Of greater value and interest are the English Chronicles. For the first time in English history a narrative written in English speech for popular use takes rank as a leading contemporary authority. The English Chronicles of the reign of Henry V. fall into two classes. The first class comprises more or less varying versions of the Brut, or history of Britain, which in one form became as Caxt07is Chronicle, the earliest of English printed histories. The wide- spread popularity of this chronicle is shown by the great number of manuscripts which still exist. In one group of manuscripts the narrative ends with the capture of Rouen in January, 1419; and down to this point there seems to be no great variety in the different versions. This date no doubt marks the appearance of the original edition, to which con- tinuations were afterwards added by various hands. The Brut or English Chronicle is strictly contempo- rary ; much of the earlier narrative is derived from the Gesta, but the official account is supplemented by legends and stories adapted to the popular taste. Preface IX Agam and again the prose chronicle paraphrases thmly some current ballad of the day, such as that which tells how King Henry played at tennis with his hard gunstones. It is by the happiest accident of all that some manuscripts have preserved at length John Page's tale in verse of how he lay at Rouen siege with the King; with Page's rude but graphic account no more pretentious narrative can compete * The second class of English Chronicles are those composed by or for London citizens, which give under each mayoralty a brief notice of the chief events of the year. The best-known of these are the Chronicle of London, edited by Sir N Harris Nicolas in 1827, and the so-called Gregorys Chronicle published by Mr. James Gairdner in his Collections of a London Citizen. These two chronicles, with a good deal in common, present considerable varia- tions. To this same class belongs the Chronicle in Cotton. MS., Cleopatra, C. iv., which, however, for the two years 1415 and 1416 is of altogether excep- tional importance. To it we owe the Ballad of Agincourt printed in Wright's Political Poems and ^ongs, 11., 123-127, and our most detailed account of the naval warfare and negotiations of the following year.t The early portion seems to be the work of a contemporary, but with Henry's second expedition the handwriting of the manuscript changes, and the latter pa rt is of inferior interest. ♦ Down to 1419 I have used principally the Cotton. MS.. Claudius A vni and afterwards also Harley MS. 2256. The English tht:;::^: '''^' '^ ""'- '• ^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^'^ ca.den kiety. J:Co tSee especially the curious passage quoted on page 171 below. Preface To the class of London Chronicles belongs also the later work of Fabyan {d. 141 3), who, like Hall, Holinshed and other writers of the sixteenth century, may have preserved some legends and other material of which the originals have now perished. Amongst English writers of contemporary date re- ference must also be made to John Hardyng,the north- country champion of the Percies and Umfravilles. Foremost amongst the authorities on the French side is the great group of Burgundian chroniclers, Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Jean Le F^vre de St. Rdmy and Jehan Waurin, who wrote in a kind of collaboration, borrowing freely from one another. However, down to 1422 Monstrelet is entitled to be regarded as the original and principal of the three. St. Remy, writing after Monstrelet's death, supple- mented the material which he had furnished to his predecessor from his own recollections ; he had been present at Agincourt on the English side, and his narrative of the campaign of 141 5 ranks as the best account after that in the Gesta. Waurin's Chrofticle has for our period no independent value. The Chronicle of Georges Chastelain, another Burgund- ian, is in its matter closely akin to that of Monstrelet ; but the writer's personality and political insight give it a peculiar importance. Of other French authorities, the Chroniqiie du Re- ligieiix de St. Denys presents the official view of the Court. Jean Juvenal des Ursins is interesting as one who was originally Burgundian but turned Ar- magnac after the Treaty of Troyes. Of more occa- sional value are the Gestes des Nobles of Guillaume Preface XI Cousinot (who was a confidential servant of the Or- leanist princes), the Chronique Normande of Pierre Cochon (apparently a resident at Rouen during the English occupation), the Memoires of Pierre de Fenin (who was chamberlain to Charles VI.), the Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris and the anonymous Chron- ique de Normandie printed with the Gesta, No complete Calendars of the Patent Rolls of Henry V. have yet appeared. But the large number of state papers belonging to the reign, which are contained in Rymer's Fcedera* go far to supply the deficiency. The Roll of Normandy for 1417 is printed at length in Hardy's Rotuli NormannicB, Calendars of the Norman Rolls and of the French Rolls are given in the Reports of the Deputy-Keeper of Public Records (Nos. 41, 42 and 44). The Rolls of Parliament and Nicolas' Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council complete the list of official records. Documents of a less formal character are to be found in Sir Henry Ellis' three series of OrigU nal Letters Illustrative of English History, and in Delpit's Documents Franqais en Angleterre. Letters written in native English instead of French or Latin now for a first time take a place amongst historical authorities and are of peculiar interest. The writers include not only Henry himself and other great per- sonages, but humble individuals, like Johan Ofort, who sent private news of the war to their friends in England.f * The whole of volume ix. and volume x., 1-257. tCf. Fa:dera, ix, 779, 911. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser., i, 77. See pages 281, 287 and 309 below. ; i Xll Preface In addition to original authorities I have used freely the works of modern writers. Mr. Wylie*s History of England under Henry IV., and Sir James Ramsay's Lancaster and York have been of constant service. To Dr. Stubbs I owe, as I needs must, much more than my sub-title. Thomas Goodwin's History of the Reign of Henry the Fifth will always preserve its value as a storehouse of information. My obligations of a less general kind are all, I hope, acknowledged in their proper place. C^. L«. iv. May, 1901. t CONTENTS PREFACE DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES . CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION CHAPTER n henry's BOYHOOD, 1387-1399. CHAPTER HI TROUBLES OF THE NEW REIGN, 1399-1402 CHAPTER IV THE PERCIES AND OWEN GLENDOWKR, 1403-1408 CHAPTER V THE PRINCE AND THE COUNCIL, I406-I413 . CHAPTER VI HENRY OF MONMOUTH AND POPULAR TRADITION PAGE V . XVII . xxix 12 21 35 59 80 CHAPTER Vn THE RESTORATION OF DOMESTIC PEACE, I413-I414. 94 ..i.l XIV Contents • • CHAPTER VIII THREATENINGS OF WAR, 1413-1415 CHAPTER IX THE FIRST INVASION OF FRANCE, I41S . CHAPTER X AGINCOURT, 25TH OCT., 1415 . CHAPTER XI HENRY V. AND SIGISMUND, 1415-1416 . CHAPTER XII THE COMMAND OF THE SEA, 1416-I417 . CHAPTER XIII MILITARY PREPARATIONS, 1417 CHAPTER XIV THE CONQUEST OF LOWER NORMANDY, 1417-1418 CHAPTER XV THE SIEGE OF ROUEN, 141 8-I419 . CHAPTER XVI THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH, 1414-1418. CHAPTER XVII THE BRIDGE OF MONTEREAU, 1419 . CHAPTER XVIII THE TREATY OF TROYES, 1419-1420 CHAPTER XIX THE HEIR OF FRANCE, 142O-I421 . PAGB . 109 126 . 144 . 161 179 194 212 234 258 278 295 309 •» Contents CHAPTER XX THE STATE OF ENGLAND CHAPTER XXI HENRY IN ENGLAND, 142I • • CHAPTER XXII THE LAST CAMPAIGN, I421-I422 . CHAPTER XXIII PLANS FOR THE FUTURE CHAPTER XXIV BOIS DE VINCENNES, I422 • • XV PAGB 323 343 352 • Z^Z ' 377 CHAPTER XXV CONCLUSION INDEX 389 403 DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGB 1. HENRY V Frontispiece This portrait is after one in the royal collection at Wind- sor Castle, which appears to have belonged to the Crown as far back as the reign of Henry VIII. There are very similar portraits in the National Portrait Gallery, at Eton, and at Queen's College, Oxford. In essentials they agree well with the description on page 8i. 2. HENRY OF MONMOUTH KNIGHTED BY KING RICHARD This is from a miniature in Harley MS., 1319, in the British Museum, which contains the account by Jean Creton of the last year of the reign of Richard II. Cre- ton was an eye-witness of the events which he describes ; his narrative was written in 1401, and the miniatures which illustrate the British Museum manuscript are per- haps of not much later date. Creton's description of the knighting of Henry of Monmouth is given in the text. 3. THE PARLIAMENT OF I399 .... This illustration comes from the same source as the pre- ceding one. The throne, covered with cloth of gold, is left unoccupied as described in the text. On the right hand are seated the spiritual lords ; on the left are the temporal lords, nearest of whom to the throne is Henry of Lancaster (wearing a tall fur cap). xvii 16 18 xviii Descriptive List of Illustrations PAGE 44 52 4. OWEN GLENDOWER, FROM HIS SEAL 5. THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY .... " Here shewes how at the batell of Shrewesbury, between kyng Henry the Fourth and Sir Henry Percy, erle Rich- ard there beyng on the kynges party ful notably and manly behaved hymself to his great laude and worship." * 6. A BATTLE WITH THE WELSH *' Here shewes howe at theis daies appeared a blasyng sterre called Stella Comata, which after the seiyng of Clerkys, signyfied great deth and blodeshede ; and sone upon beganne the warre of Wales, by Owen of Glendour their chief capteyn ; whom amongs other erle Richard so sore sewed, that he had nere hande taken hym, and put hym to flyght, and toke his baner, and moche of his peple and his banerer." The comet is the one which appeared in the spring of 1402. 7. HENRY IV. From his tomb in the Chapel of St. Thomas Becket at Canterbury Cathedral. 8. CHIEF JUSTICE GASCOIGNE From an altar tomb in Harwood Church, Yorkshire' His second wife Joan, daughter of Sir William Pickering* is there figured by his side. 9. CORONATION OF HENRY V. From a bas-relief on the north side of the Chantry in Westminster Abbey. 10. HENRY V. AND HIS COUNCIL •• Here sheweth howe this victorious and noble kyng ___Henry the Fifth opened this matier [the Lollard insur- * This description and those for plates 6, 10. 14, 15. 16, 17 18 iq 20 22 23, 24 are quoted from the life of the Eari of Warwick by John Rous or Ross in Cotton. MS.. Julius E., iv.. from the drawings in which these illustrations are copied. Rous was chaplain of the chantry at Guy's Cliff near Warwick from 1445 to 1491 60 90 94 104 Descriptive List of Illustrations XIX PAGB 120 130 rection] to the lordes of his counseil, erle Richard being present, which for the accomplyshment of the kyng's entent and pleasir therin, dressed hymself into his har- neys, and ful coragiously, with good circumspeccion and forsight, avaunced hymself to the subdewyng of the said tray tours and heretiks." II. HENRY v., FROM A CONTEMPORARY MINIATURE This represents Jean de Galopes, dean of St. Lo in Nor- mandy, presenting his translation of St. Bonaventure's Life of Christ to the King. Henry wears a scarlet gown lined with ermine, and is seated under a blue canopy powdered with golden SS. (perhaps these stand for Sever ayne, as on the tomb of Henry IV. at Canterbury). The volume is now at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge ; at the end in a hand of the sixteenth century is the note : *' This wass sumtyme Kinge Henri the Fifcth his booke." 12. MICHAEL, EARL OF SUFFOLK .... This is Michael de la Pole, second Eari of Suffolk, who died before Harfleur on i8th September, 1415, and was buried at Wingfield. Suffolk. His eldest son Michael, the third Eari, was killed at Agincourt. William, his second son and the fourth Earl, who was Admiral of Normandy, was the noble Duke of Suffolk, who was so foully murdered in 1450. 13. MEN-AT-ARMS FIGHTING From a miniature in a Hystoire des Roys de France, con- tained in Royal MS., 20 C, vii. in the British Museum, which was executed in the early part of the fifteenth cenl tury. 14. HALLAM AND THE EARL OF WARWICK SENT AMBASSADORS TO CONSTANCE . . .166 '♦Here shewes howe kyng Henry the Fifth made erle Richard and Robert Halam, bishop of Salisbury, with other worshipful persones, his ambassiatours to th« gen- eral counseil of Constance. " 152 XX Descriptive List of Illustrations 15. THE EARL OF WARWICK AND SIGISMUND " Howe the emperour for a special love made the erle to bear his swerde, and proferred to gave hym Seynte George hys Hert, Englishmennes avowry, to bryng into Englond; but Erie Richard heryng the emperour sey that he in his owne persone would come into Englond : he by endenture restored hit to hym agayne, saying the deliveryng of hit by his owne persone shulde be more acceptable, and nourisshyng of more love, and so he did ; for in shorte space after he come into Englond, and was made knyghte of the garter, and offered up the holy Hert hymself, which is worshipfully yet kept at Wyndesore ; and in his comyng and going at Caleys, erle Richard then beyng capteyn, he honourably resceived hym, and the emperour saide to the kyng that no prince cristen for wisdom, nor- ture and manhode, hadde such another knyght as he had of therle Warrewyk ; addyng thereto that if al curtesye were lost, yet myght hit be founde ageyn in hym ; and so ever after by the emperour's auctorite he was called the Fadre of Curteisy." 16. A FIGHT AT SEA •• Howe erle Richard in his comyng into Englond, wanne two greete carykes in the sea." Nothing is known about this incident. The illustration shows the Beauchamp arms on the sail, and the Earl's badge (the Bear and the Ragged Staff) with the St George's cross on the pennant. The English ship has archers with longbows, the Genoese (or French) has crossbowmen. In the Heraldi Debate, p. 57, the naval success of the French at a later period of the war is thus explained : "You have solely archers on board, and an archer can only kill at sea when he is on the upper deck of the ship and IS m great danger to himself ; and so he cannot take good aim, in consequence both of his fear and of the motion of the vessel. This is different with the French for they make use of the crt,ssbow, and a crossbowmaii can shoot under cover from the forecastle or sterncastle PAGB 168 \ 184 Descriptive List of Illustrations without danger or peril ; and even in his doublet and through a small hole he can kill or wound his enemy since however great may be his fear or the motion of the vessel, the crossbow will give force to his arrow Hence It IS seen that a French ship at sea always defeats an English ship of the same size." The last sentence does not hold good for the reign of Henry V. But in the illustration the crossbowmen do appear to be better protected ; in naval engagements at close-quarters the superior range of the longbow was of no advantage. 17. A SHIP OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY •• Here showes how good provision made of English clothe and other thynges necessary and licence had of the Kynge, erie Richard sailed towards the Holy Lond • and specially to the holy city of Jerusalem where our Lord Jhesus Criste wilfully suffered his bitter passion for the redemption of all mankynde." The illustration shows the high poop well, and also though less clearly, the forecastle. Four guns can be seen in the waist of the ship. The sail and pennant are decorated with the Warwick arms and badge as in the previous illustration. It was in 1408 that Eari Richard went to Palestine, travelling through France and Lorn- bardy to Venice, where he took ship. On his way home he visited Lithuania and Germany, and reached England in 14 10. 18. THE SIEGE OF DOMFRONT "How erie Richard in the warres of France toke Den- front, and entred first into Cane ; but inasmoche as he was there with and under lorde Thomas duke of Clarance. the kyng's next brother, he sette on the wallys the kyng's armys and the duke's, and made a crye, 'a Clarance ! a Clarance ! ' And then entred the duke, and gave the erie many greet thankes. After the erie beseged Caubek on the water of Sayn. and they appoynted to stande undre the Fourme of Reone." The ship in the left-hand comer suggests that this illus- XXI PAGB 190 224 r xxii Descriptive List of Illustrations 19 trates the siege of Caudebec, as well as that of Domfront. The '• trunk " on which the great gun is mounted (see p. 204) is well shown ; so also are the "pavises" used by the crossbowmen. THE SIEGE OF ROUEN • • • • • " Howe erle Richard was atte the sege of Reon, there set first between the kyng's tent and Seynt Katheryns, and when Seynt Katheryns was wonne he was sette to kepe Port Marten vyle." The earl figures twice in this illustration. On the right hand he is leaving his tent ; on the left he is kneeling before Henry. Both earl and king wear surcoats, and both carry battle-axes. The cannon are shewn on their trunks in the fortified lines. The palisade drawn by the artist may be supposed to represent Sir Robert Bab- thorp's earthworks topped with a thorn hedge and row of stakes (see page 243). 20. THE EARL OF WARWICK AND ROBERT HALLAM RECEIVED BY POPE JOHN XXIII. " Howe the pope and the clergy, the emperour Sygis- monde, and the temporalte honourably and honestly did receive them." The pope is seated under a canopy, with three cardinals on his right hand ; Sigismund stands on his left, wearing the triple crown of Hungary, as in Plate 15. 21. ARCHBISHOP CHICHELE . • • • From his tomb in the choir at Canterbury Cathedral. OF WARWICK FIGHTS WITH THE 22. THE EARL FRENCH . • • . •• Howe the dolphyn of Fraunce leide in the way 6000 men of armes, with the erles of Vandom and Lymosyn • and both the French erles were slayn, and 2000 of his men taken and slayn ; all the other put to flight ; and erle Richard slewe oon the said erles with his owne handes " Neither Elmham {Vita, pp. 214, 215) nor Monstrelet (p. 451) make any reference to the two French earls— the Counts of Vendome and Limoges. PAGB 246 ( 260 274 282 Descriptive List of Illustrations XXlll OF WARWICK AT THE FRENCH PAG8 302 308 ZZ^ 348 23. THE EARL COURT •• Howe erle Richard did his message to the kyng of Fraunce, and brought answers ageyn to kyng Harries greet pleasir." 24. THE MARRIAGE OF HENRY V. . •• Here shewes howe kyng Henry the V'h was solempnely maried to dame Katheryn the kyng's daughter of Fraunce." 25. LONDON IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY This comes from a copy of the poems of Charles of Orleans in the British Museum (Royal MS., 16 F. ii. f. 73). It is the oldest extant picture which shows London Bridge. Charies is looking out from the window of his prison in the Tower, within he is also seen writing at a table. 26. THOMAS, DUKE OF CLARENCE .... From his monument in St. Michael's Chapel at Canter- bury Cathedral. The tomb is of grey Sussex marble, with recumbent figures in alabaster of Margaret Holland, Duchess of Clarence, and her two husbands (i) John Beaufort, Eari of Somerset, and (2) Thomas. Duke of Clarence. 27. THOMAS DE MONTACUTE, EARL OF SALISBURY 352 This represents John Lydgate presenting a copy of his book, The Pilgrim, to the Eari. Lydgate is dressed as a Benedictine monk and accompanied by a pilgrim em- blematical of the book. The Pilgrim is a translation of the PHerinage de VAme of Guillaume de Deguilleville and is contained in Hariey MS. 4826 at the British Museum, from which the illustration is copied. The Pilgrim was translated, and the miniature executed in 1426. Alice, Countess of Salisbury, who was Lydgate's patroness, was a daughter of Thomas Chaucer, and in all likelihood grand-daughter of the poet ; after Salisbury's death she married William, Earl of Suffolk, by whom she was ancestress of the later Poles. xxiv Descriptive List of Illtistrations 28. THE MONUMENT OF THE EARL OF WARWICK . This monument in the collegiate church of St. Mary at Warwick is one of the most magnificent examples of fif- teenth-century art in England. The tomb is of grey marble ; the effigy and the protecting hearse of hoops are of brass gilt. Round the base of the tomb are niches with figures of copper gilt, representing nobles and ladies of Earl Richard's family ; the arms of each are enamelled on a plate below. The chapel and monument cost ;^248i 3j-. ^d., and took twenty-one years to complete. The metal work was supplied by William Austen, citizen and founder of London, and Bartholomew Lambespring, Dutchman and goldsmith of London. 29. CHANTRY OF HENRY V This plate gives an architectural representation of the Chantry in Westminster Abbey, detached from the sur- rounding building and monuments. 30. BADGES, SHIELD, HELMET, AND SADDLE OF HENRY V (i) The Badges. From a cornice in Henry's Chantry in Westminster Abbey. In the centre a beacon or cresset ; on the left an antelope, one of the royal supporters ; on the right a swan, the badge of the Earls of Hereford, in reference to Henry's mother, Mary de Bohun. (2) The Shield, showing the inside, lined with damask sem^e de fleur-de-lis. (3) The Helmet or Basnet. Not the helmet worn at Agincourt, but the funeral appurtenance for which Thomas Daunt was paid £x 13J. 4^. in 1422 {Fc^dera X., 257). (4) The Saddle, anciently covered with blue velvet semie de fleur-de-lis. It is 27 inches long, 15 high before, and 13 behind. The Shield, Helmet, and Saddle are still fixed to a bar above the Chantry, where they were placed nearly five hundred years ago. PAGB 360 Descriptive List of Illustrations xxv s 384 z^(^ 31. JOHN OF BEDFORD This, which is the only extant portrait of John of Bed- ford, comes from a missal presented by his duchess, Anne of Burgundy, to the young King Henry VI., on Christmas Day, 1430. It is probably the work of a French or Flemish artist. John is kneeling before St. George, who is habited in the Order of the Garter. The motto, A vous entier, which appears again and again in the de- corations, was justly adopted by the loyal guardian and Regent. Of the above illustrations numbers 5, 6, 10, 14-20, 22- 24, are reproduced from Strutt's Manners and Customs ; numbers II and 27 from Strutt's Regal Antiquities ; num- bers 7-9, 21, 26, and 28-31 from Gough's Sepulchral Monuments, vol. ii. ; number 12 from Stothard's Monu- mental Efligies ; number 13 from Hewitt's Ancient Armour ; and numbers I and 4 from Tyler's Memorials of Henry V, MAPS AND PLANS. 1. NORTHERN FRANCE . 2. WALES AND THE MARCHES 3. THE MARCH TO AGINCOURT 4. BATTLE OF AGINCOURT 5. THE CAMPAIGNS OF 1418-I42O . 6. ROUEN IN 1418 . . . • PAGB 396 I 36 138 146 242 3 B X Q. JB i- Q B V G x u ct U «) l1 o ct , h — ^ kl Ui S M f EO -O 3 -Si n B 3 c« _o o B JB O rt>-i E O •^ 3 — o 3 u. PQ B ^ 3>. a *• E-O "O 3 B pa" V B- o V u a U n w a u B O 3-N J« I- n a -o. 'Ja > - u B V a: k< u B » V o Og T3 C - 3 s > s T3 H o u 3 Q ' M Li_ ct o Pi ct M 2 "2 "^ H •B rt V U 2 B 'T I* B « T3 <; « o »« g^ 8 ** X . p "g 5 B ;3 o — ^ 1 ►J «' » >»< B C o -C « ,U 3 •o ^ -^ B 41 «. 3 2 jtf e J= y w 5-g re ^„ z ^ JO « ti f -^ § " ** a :§ •* G 2 o ^ "" o g *> B ^ « r ^ s^ (J "• B S t> « r*? S s^-g •r .t: « pq S _ XXVII Ii PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES t Beaucourt, G. du Fresne de. Histoire de Charles VII., vol. i. (Paris, 1885.) Bourgeois de Paris, yournal d^ un (ap. Michaud et Poujoulat, Memoires pour servir h r His- toire de France, xii.). Caro, J., Das Bundniss von Canterbury (Gotha, 1880). Aus der Kanzlei Sigmunds. (A collection of documents re- lating to Sigismund's negotia- tions with Henry ; Vienna, 1879). Chastelain, Georges (1405-1475), Chroniques (ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, Brussels, 1863). Chronicles, see English Chron- icles ; London, Chronicle of. Cochon, Pierre, {Jl. 1420) Chron- ique Normande (ed. Vallet de Viriville with following). Cousinot, Guillaume {d. 1442), Gestes des Nobles (ed. Vallet de Viriville with Chronique de la Pucelle, Paris, 1892). Creighton, M., History of the Papacy (London, 1899). Davies, S., English Chronicle, 1377-1461. (Camden Soc). Delpit, Collection des documents Fran^ais en Angle ter re (ap. Documents inMits sur l' His- toire de France"), Devon, F., Issues of the Ex- chequer (1837). Ellis, Sir H. , Original Letters Il- lustrative of English History. (Three Series, 1825-1846). Elmham, Thomas {fl. 1416- 1426) Vita et Gesta Henrici Quinti (ed. Hearne, 1727). Liber Metricus de Henrico Quinto (ap. Memorials of Henry V. Rolls Series 11). English Chronicle, or Brut, ap. Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., and Harley MS., 2256. See also Davies, Chronicle, and London, Chronicles of. Fenin, Pierre de {d. 1433), Me- moires (ap. Michaud et Pou- joulat Memoires, etc., vol. xii.). XXIX XXX Authorities Fcedera, Conventiones et LittercBy vols, viii.-x. (original edition, 1709). Fortescue, Sir John (1394-1476), Governance of England (ed. Plummer, Oxford, 1885). Gesta Henrici Quinti (ed. Will- iams, for English Historical Society, 1850). Goodwin, Thomas, History of the Reign of Henry the Fifths (London, 1704). Gregory's Chronicle, ap. Collec- tions of a London Citizen, (Camden Soc). Hall, E. (y?. 1542), Chronicle, etc. (ed. Ellis, London, 1809). Hardyng, John (1378-1465), Chronicle (ed. Ellis, London, I8l2). Heralds' Debate, The, ed. H. Pyne, s. v., England and France in tJie Fifteenth Cen- tury. Holinshed, R. {d. 1580), Chron- icles, etc. (ed. Ellis, London, 1807). Le Fevre de St. Remy, see St. Re'my. Lenz, M., Konig Sigismund iind Heinrich der Funfte (Berlin, 1874)- Libel of English Policy ap. Po- litical Poems and Songs q. v. Livius de Frulovisiis, Titus {/. 1440), Vita Henrici Quinti (ed. Heame, 1716). London, Chronicle of (ed. Nico- las, London, 1827). ap. Cotton. MS., Cleopatra, C. iv. See also Gregory's Chronicle. Luders, A., Character of Henry the Fifth when Prince of Wales (London, 18 13.) Memorials of Henry V.,i. Rob- ert Redmayne (/. 1540), His- toria Henrici Quinti. 2. Verses Rhythmici in Lau- dem Regis Henrici Quinti. 3. Liber Metricus de Henrico Quinto (Rolls Series, No. 11). Monstrelet, Enguerrand de {d. 1453), Chroniques {td. Buchon, Pantheon Litteraire, 1836). Nicolas, Sir N. Harris, Proceed- ings and Ordinances of the Privy Council. History of the Battle of Agincourt (London, 1827). Norman Rolls, 1417. (ed. Hardy, 1835). Calendar of, 1417-1422 (ap. 4rst, 42nd, and 44th Re- ports of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records). Normandie, Chronique de (ed. Williams with the Gesta, q. v.) Otterbourne, Thomas (yf. 1400), Chronicle {td. Heame, 1734). Page, John (/. 14 19), Siege of Rouen (ap. Collections of a London Citizen, Camden Soo.). Political Poems and Songs (ed. Wright, Rolls Series, 14). Puiseux, L., r Emigration Nor- mande (Rouen, 1866). Si/ge et prise de Caen (Caen, 1865). A uthorities XXXI Puiseux, L., Siege et prise de Rouen (Rouen, 1867). Ramsay, Sir J. H.. Lancaster and York (Oxford. 1892). Redmayne, Robert, see Metno- rials of Henry V. Rolls of Parliament, vols. iii. and iv, Rymer, T.,see Fcedera. St. Denys, Chronique du Rclig. ieux de (Documents inedits, etc., Paris, 1839). St. Remy, Jean le Fevre de (1395-1463) Chronique (Soc. de I'Hist. de France, 1876). Stubbs, W., Constitutional His- tory of England, vol. iii. (3rd edition, 1884). Tyler, J. Endell, Memoirs of Henry the Fifth (London, 1S38). Ursins, Jean Juvenal des(i3S8- ^473). Chronique de Charles VI. (Michaud et Poujoulat Memoires, etc., vol. xii.). Versus Rhythmici, see Memori- als of Henry V. W^alsingham, Thomas {fl. 1422), Historia Anglicana (Rolls Series, 28). Wylie, J. H., History of Eng- land under Henry IV. (Lon- don, 1 884- 1 898). t 1 a ■f NORTHERN FRANCE. SCALE OF MILES Stanrbn£a Auy^ iiau^f HENRY V. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION THE fourteenth century was an age of outward splendour. But the pomp and show of its chiv- alry could hardly cover the decay that was fast overtaking the most cherished objects of the Middle Ages. Old faiths had lost their inspiration, old forms of government were breaking down, the very fabric of society seemed to be on the point of dissol- ution. It is, however, part of the irony of history that a great ideal too often attains its finest expres- sion only when the period of decline has already commenced. So now amidst the wreckage of the Empire, when the Church was rent with schism, and Europe the prey of warring nationalities, the noblest leaders of thought and politics were filled as they had never been before with a persistent longing for unity. Mankind is more prone to look backwards than forwards, and thus the remedy for present evils was sought rather in the restoration of an old ideal than in the creation of a new order. To bring back I Henry V, the Golden Past must be the work of a hero, who could revive in his own person the virtues of the chosen champions of the Middle Ages. Such an one must be like Arthur a national and a conquering king, like Charlemagne the defender and head of Church and State, like Godfrey the captain of Christ- endom in the Holy War. In theory at all events it had been the essence of Mediaevalism that one divinely ordered Church and one divinely ordered State should exist side by side in harmonious co-operation. In practice no doubt it had been far otherwise, though at the close of the fourteenth century Western Christendom still looked to Pope and Emperor as its necessary and natural heads. There was, however, little prospect that a saviour of society could be found in either quarter. The Empire, it is true, preserved its nominal dig- nity, and thanks to its union with the German King- dom, did not lack power. But the Emperor, Wenzel of Luxemburg, was a shiftless drunkard, who pos- sessed neither the talents nor the character that his position required. The Papacy was in an even worse plight ; it had shattered the Empire, but its victory had proved rumous to its own authority. By aspiring to a secu- lar supremacy, the Popes had been forced to adopt methods that were fatal to their spiritual influence. Their power reached its zenith under Boniface VIII. (1294- 1 304), who asserted his authority with uncom^ promising boldness. But his pretensions provoked the national spirit both of France and England ; and the humiliation which Boniface suffered at the hands Introduction of Philip the Fair marks the decline of the Mediae- val Papacy. After a brief interval there commenced the Seventy Years Captivity, during which the Popes at Avignon sank to be the tools of French policy. Such a position was disastrous to the influence of the Roman Church in other lands. The mischief was too obvious to be disregarded ; and in spite of their French birth, Urban V. and Gregory XI. realised that the interests of their office required the restora- tion of the Roman tradition. The death of Gregory at Rome in 1378 was fol- lowed by the election of an Italian Pope. The French cardinals, who had acquiesced only through fear of the Roman populace, soon found their oppor- tunity ; and the headstrong violence of Urban VI. seemed to justify the choice of an anti-pope in the per- son of Clement VII. The Great Schism, which was thus due to national feeling, was fed by national jealousy. The French Government, true to its tra- ditional policy of a French Papacy, gave its support to Clement against his Italian rival. That was suffi- cient to secure Urban's recognition in England and Flanders; whilst Scotland and the Spanish King- doms followed the lead of their French ally. For a full generation Western Christendom was divided into two camps in accordance with the needs of na- tional policy. When at last the situation became intolerable, the settlement was dictated rather by reasons of international diplomacy than from any motives of religious expediency. Though neither of the rival Popes would abate any- thing of their pretensions, they could not maintain Henry V, e.ther the.r sp,ntual influence or their temporal power. In Italy Urban and his successors lost credit by shanng „i the schemes and intrigues of rival Pope had to be content with bare recognition, whilst h.s practical authority was less and Ls regarded i^rcost. h"'""' '°t.'°"'^°' ^^^ ^^P->'- ''"'f-nd •t a costly honour. During the Captivity, and still more dunng the Schism, the French Popes wkh d n3:^ F^rrT -^^i ^"-^--^^^ with'incr;^';- exacted w^ '"' ''"^''^ ^""^ ^""^-'d-s werf exacted with growmg persistence, whilst the en croachments of the Roman Curia on the rights o FrenlwtotT-^rr'^ '"""■P"^^- Th"s the ^rench, who had .n the first instance fostered the bein re.! ■ ""'^^''f ^ °f P^^is, which had long been recognised as the fountain of orthodox onin .ons, and had not feared to withstand even Popes' hemselves, had accepted reluctantly the chofce o! the.r government ; but as the abused of the S hism Pierre d'Ailly the DocrsTfVari^dl^oM The theory of a power that was above the Pone Th head of the Church, argued d'Ailly i Chritf ^ 'n un,ty with Him and not with th^ Pope hat H -■ty of the Church consists ; from Ch U h Church derived anflmr.'f,, ^ '-nrist the cuvea authority to summon Council f^r po^rr™:; s,: ?r -"'■ -" •"' ^'•> from their office. ' '^'" ''""'"^^ 'hem hitroduction It was chiefly through the influence of the Univer- sity of Paris that a General Council at last met at Pisa in 1409. But neither Benedict XIII. (the suc- cessor of Clement) nor his Italian rival Gregory XII. would attend. In their absence they were both solemnly deposed, and Alexander V., a man of good repute but little weight, elected in their place. Since, however, the supporters of Benedict and Gregory would not accept the decrees of the Council, the only result was to substitute three Popes for two! Matters changed for the worse when after a year Alexander was succeeded by John XXI I L, who had the vices and qualities of an Italian condottiere, but was without the character to command the respect and obedience of Christendom. For England the great and obvious fact of the fourteenth century was the war with France. In its ostensible pretext the war was purely dynastic ; and the brilliant pages of Froissart have made it pre-em- U^ inently the conflict of nobles and chivalry. But even in its origin and still more in its ultimate conse- quences the first period of the Hundred Years War had a very different significance. Commercial inter- ests made the war popular, and gave it a better justification than the King's shadowy claim to the French crown. The sense of naj ion al unity was con- solidated by the victories of Crecy and Poitiers, which bound King and nobles and people together through pride in their common achievement. The influence of the war extended also to domestic poli- tics. The King's increasing need for money com- pelled him to summon frequent Parliaments. Nobles Henry V. and knights and burgesses were thus trained to act together, and parh'amentary institutions gained strength at the expense of the Crown. Most import- ant of all was the association of the country gentry and the citizens of the towns in the House of Com . mens where they learnt to value a wider patriotism more highly than local or class interests. The peo pie, grown conscious of their national unity, would not tolerate foreign interference. The old standing hostility to Roman pretensions gathered fresh strength from the natural dislike to a Papacy con- trolled by France. As a direct consequence there came the enactment of the famous Statutes of Pro- vsors and Praemunire, the first step in the long struggle which delivered England from the yoke of Rome. If, however, the French war was stimulat- .ng, It was also exhausting. The effort proved too fnH ..*•*, ""'^^^^l°P^d resources of the nation, 1 ^ ,,/ ! ^""^ *"™''' inevitably against Eng- land. With defeat came disorganLtlon. The finances were embarrassed ; the war was badly man- furnished domestic factions with a convenient excuse. The social and political disorder was not due en- tirely to the war. The ravages of the Black Deat J which swept away half the population, involved a xvcvuit oi i3J$i failed miserably the nlH order was doomed. The grievances of the llbounng - glasses were in England supported by a spirit of Tn dependence and a love of freedom'^unkn'own I, "" Introduction where ; from this point dates the gradual decay of villenage and the emancipation of the country folk from feudal tyranny. For the moment, however, the failure of the Peasants' Revolt led to a reaction. For nearly twenty years the political history of Eng- land is concerned with the factious strife of an oligarchical nobility. When at last King Richard freed himself from the control of his ambitious kins- men and their partisans, he endeavoured to rule more absolutely than his predecessors had ever claimed to do. Richard failed, because his theory of govern- ment ran counter to national sentiment : "The realm was in point to be undone for default of government, and undoing of the good laws." The Revolution of 1399, which placed Henry of Lancaster on the throne, was in truth a popular movement, and for the first time gave to the royal power a parliament- ary title. On the other hand, Henry's success was made possible by the support of the great House of Percy, so that the immediate result of the revolu- tion was to threaten the restoration of oligarchical tyranny. To combat this danger was the first task of the new dynasty, and Henry IV. achieved his purpose by the frank acceptance of his position as a constitutional ruler. His policy was continued by his son, the strength of whose position consisted in the fact that he was a national King and the chosen representative of his people's will. In its outward form the Revolution of 1399 resem- bled closely that of 1688. Both owed their success to the existence of a genuine national feeling ; both were actually the work of an oligarchical party. u v^ 8 Henry V, The earlier movement, was, however, premature; for though the idea of popular government was widely spread, there was no one to give it practical and permanent force. Wycliffe it is true was at once the spokesman of national policy and the pro- phet of a new order. The first position he held consciously; but into the importance of his other role he had not himself full insight. He had made his entry on a public career as the defender of na- tional rights against papal aggression. When the possession of power becomes a matter for dispute, it is inevitable that men should question also the principles on which that power depends. So by a natural process the great Reformer was led to at- tack, first the abuses of the ecclesiastical polity, and eventually the doctrinal basis on which that polity rested. The Church in England had grown wealthy and corrupt and had lost its ancient hold on the national affections. It was, however, an essential part of the political and social organisation of the time, so that an attack on the Church could not remain simply a question of rehgion. Though Wycliffe's own teaching was in the first place relig- ious, it lent itself to dangerous social developments, with which he had little personal sympathy. This was at once the weakness and the strength of the Lol- lard party. If the movement had remained purely religious it might have hastened an ecclesiastical reformation ; but doctrinal Lollardy was never really strong in England, and lost more than it gained from the support of its worldly allies. Political Lol- lardy on the other hand furnished the centre for hitroduction all the forces of social discontent ; but from lack of leadership the movement tended to be merely anarchic, and ceased to be dangerous as soon as the central Government showed itself worthy of its trust. Notwithstanding the troubles at home there had been no solution of the quarrel with France. It is easy to argue that a policy of non-interference in European affairs would have been the wise course for English rulers to adopt. But ancient tradition and present opportunity alike pointed in an opposite direction. At the commencement of the fifteenth century the world's horizon was still limited, and it was impossible for England to remain outside contin- ental politics in splendid isolation. In the French war there were involved both national interests and national pride. The skilful policy of Charles V. and the generalship of Du Guesclin had enabled France to recover much that she had lost by the Treaty of Bretigny in 1360. After the death of Charles V. in 1380 the war continued in a desultory fashion without any great advantage to either side, and in spite of frequent truces there had been no settled peace. Richard II. during the short period of his absolute power sought to restore friendly relations, and took for his second wife Isabella, the little daughter of Charles VI. The new policy was rudely interrupted by Richard's untimely end ; the French Court sympathised naturally with the fallen King, whilst the disposal of the child-Queen and of her dower added another awkward question for the con- sideration of the two Governments. The state of lO \/ Henry V, A. t affairs in France did not make a definite settlement easier; the war and the plague had disorganised society not less than in England ; whilst the long minority of Charles VI., like that of Richard II. in England, opened the door to oligarchical and dynastic feuds. Matters did not mend when Charles VI. grew to manhood and developed a mental weak- ness which ended in actual insanity. The royal power was in abeyance ; whilst the disputes of the King's brother, Louis of Orleans, and his cousin, John of Burgundy, rendered orderly government impossible. Orleans was hostile to England, and though there was no open war, his influence led to a series of petty annoyances, to piracy in the Chan- nt:l, and secret assistance to Welsh rebels. Thus there was a running sore of enmity between the two nations, and the English Government was furnished with abundant and tangible grievances. Under such circumstances, there could be little prospect of lastmg peace. The renewal of the war was inevitable as soon as affairs at home permitted the English King to take advantage of French discord. This was the threefold task of the House of Lan- caster: to recover prestige abroad, to restore peace at home, to re-establish order in the Church For Henry of Bolingbroke the crown was to prove a thankless burden ; but his labours were not in vain and his son suceeded to the throne under happier auspices. Henry of Monmouth, deriving his inspir- ation from the past, was the champion of unity against the forces of disintegration. His aims were to govern England on the principles of the old .^ Introduction II constitutional monarchy as the chosen representative of his people's will ; to maintain his country's place as a part in the whole society of the Western world • and for himself, as became a Christian King, to be the head and leader of a united Christendom. CHAPTER II HENRY'S BOYHOOD '387-1399 WHEN John of Gaunt espoused his son as a boy of thirteen to the little Mary de Bohun, younger daughter and co-heiress of the last of the old Earls of Hereford, he added yet another to the many ancient titles that found their representa- tion .n the House of Lancaster.* But otherwise the match was of little public interest; there was no great hkehhood that Henry of Bolingbroke would ever ascend the throne, and none could foretell the splendid destiny that awaited the offspring of his marnage. It is not, therefore, remarkable that the b.rth of Henry of Monmouth passed unnoticed in uncJT f /'' "'■""• '^''^ '^'y "^'^ '^ '"deed uncertam A late writer and a foreigner is the first togive^the exact day, 9th August, , 387. The date * The marriage was granted to John of Gaunt in part satisfaction J^Am 1., 537.) The little Mary was then only ten years oM • K . u had a son in Aprii, .38. though the chiid - "obihty of his character and the splendid greatness of his achievements will rnum.ne the whole world with the rays of his g ;; ' Whether from a spirit of unconscious prescience or from some peculiar liking that he had'for the boy ^K^-^ O < X o OB O Z >• 00 Q lU I g z CO > ae z MX X 1399] Henry s Boyhood 17 the King would add : *' And verily do I believe that this young Henry here will be he." * On 29th May, 1399, Richard went over to Ireland to quell the insurrection of a chief called MacMur- rogh. He took with him his cousins Henry of Monmouth and Humphrey of Gloucester. Hum- phrey's father was the ill-fated Thomas of Wood- stock, his mother was the elder sister of Mary de Bohun. The expedition landed at Waterford on 31st May, and on the morning of St. John's eve marched out against MacMurrogh. The Irish re- treated into the woods without fighting, whereupon Richard ordeied their villages to be fired. Whilst this was being done he had a space cleared on all sides and his standard erected. "Then out of pure and entire affection he called to him the son of the Duke of Lancaster, who was a fair young bachelor and handsome. And so he dubbed him knight saying: *My fair cousin, be henceforth gallant and brave, for little bravery wilt thou have unless thou dost conquer.' And the more to honour and encourage him by adding to his happiness and pleasure, and to the end that he might remember it the better, he made yet other knights, eight or ten ; but indeed I know not their names." f The warfare with MacMurrogh was attended with little suc cess, and after a while Richard went on to ♦Elmham, Vita, p. 5. tCreton, ap. Archaologia, xx., 31; Creton was a French knight in Richard's service who wrote a metrical chronicle of the events of the year. i8 Henry V. (1387- Dublin. He could hardly have reached that city when early in July the news came that Henry of Lancaster had landed at Ravenspur to claim his in- heritance. Richard at once sent the Earl of Salis- bury back to England, but unhappily for his fortunes delayed his own departure nearly three weeks Be fore he left Dublin he called young Henry to his presence and said : " Henry, my boy, see what thy father hath done to me ! He hath invaded my land and put my subjects to death without mercy Certes, am I sorry for thee, since through these un- happy doings thou wilt perchance lose thine inherit- ance. Henry, though but a boy, replied in a manner beyond his years. " In truth, my gracious lord and King, I am greatly grieved at these rumours. But I believe your lordship understands that I am innocent of my father's deed." " Yes," answered Richard, " I know that thou hast no part in thy father s crime, and therefore I hold thee excused of On Richard's departure Henry and his cousin Humphrey were sent for safe custody to the castle l/™p'"i fu^- ^'"'*™^ '^^ King's late com- ng to England had "robbed him of his friends, his fortune and his state." On 19th August Richard made his submission to his rival at Flint, and ac- companied him as a prisoner first to Chester and then to London. A Pariiament was at once sum- r",l'". r'f ' "'"'^ '"^ ^^-' '' Westminster "itt'ee of H:" • °" ''^ P^^^'°"^ '^y ^ -- rtutte^ol Henrys supporters obtained from the ♦Otterbourne, p. 205. 01 CO z UJ < _l cc < Q. Ill I i /' 1399] Henry s Boyhood 19 King his formal renunciation of the crown, and when the Lords and Commons assembled the throne was left vacant. After Richard had been solemnly de- clared unfit to govern, the Duke of Lancaster claimed the crown as descended in the right Hne from Henry IIL The Estates gave their assent to his election, and Archbishop Arundel, taking him by the right hand, seated him on the throne. Before the Duke of Lancaster left Chester he had sent one Henry Dryhurst to bring his son over from Ireland. The young Prince probably joined his father in London before the end of September. At all events he was present on 6th October, when the ParHament that had been summoned in Rich- ard's name met for the second time as the Parlia- ment of the new King. On Sunday, 12th October, in preparation for his coronation on the following day, the King made forty-five new knights. At the head of the list were Henry of Monmouth — in apparent disregard of his previous knighting by Richard — and his three brothers. In the afternoon the King went in procession from the Tower to Westminster. Before him rode the new-made knights clad in cloaks of green cut after a priestly fashion. On the Monday Henry was solemnly crowned in the Abbey, his son, as representative of the House of Lancaster, bearing the pointless sword Curtana, emblematical of Justice and Mercy.* After the ceremonies of the coronation were over, Parliament reassembled, and on 15th October, Henry of Monmouth was with the assent of the Commons created Prince of Wales, Duke ♦ Adam of Usk, p. 33 ; Fccdera, viii., 90. 20 Henry V. [1387-13991 of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester."^ His father, seated on the throne, granted him investiture by placing a gold coronet adorned with pearls on his head, and a ring on his finger, and by delivering into his hand a golden rod. Then, after the King had kissed and blessed him, the Duke of York as chief prince of the blood conducted him to his place in Parliament, and the Commons swore to observe the same faith and loyalty, aid, assistance, and fealty towards him as to his father. In the same Parliament, on 23rd October, the young Prince was declared Duke of Aquitaine. On loth November he was further made Duke of Lancaster, the vast revenues of which duchy were thus attached to the throne ; though as a special privilege the duchy was to remain independent of the Crown. A week previously the Commons had begged that they might be entered on the record at the election of the Prince, and petitioned that since " the Prince is of tender age he may not pass forth from the realm." f With this formal recognition of his position as heir to the throne, Henry of Monmouth entered on his public career, and young as he was in years the period of his boyhood came to an end. * Fcedera, viii., 91-94, 148. \ Rolls of Parliament, iii., 426-434. CHAPTER HI TROUBLES OF THE NEW REIGN I 399-1402 THE circumstances of the time are sufficient to explain the early age at which the young Henry of Monmouth began to take his part in public affairs. His father's reign was from the first troubled and broken. At home there was constant sedition and discord ; abroad wars or rumours of wars. The movements of Henry of Bolingbroke during the three months that elapsed between his arrival at Ravenspur as a landless adventurer and his crown- ing at Westminster as the acknowledged King of England, were attended by a startling rapidity and good fortune which obscured the imperfection of his achievement. Though Richard had fallen, he was not friendless, and his name long furnished a rallying-cry for the enemies of Lancaster. Even when Richard had died in prison and been buried at Langley, there were many who believed that he had escaped and was living in Scotland.* Henry's own * The pseudo-Richard, " the mammet of Scotland," had a pension from the Scottish Government and lived at Stirling till 1419. 21 22 Henry V, [1399- position was on the other hand not free from quest- ion, since his hereditary claim to the throne was in- ferior to that of his cousin Edmund Mortimer, the young Earl of March. The superior validity of a parliamentary title was not yet fully recognised ; and though the new King might rule " not so much by right of blood as by popular election," * it was some time before he could feel secure or dispense with the support of the Percies. Whilst the Parliament that had inaugurated the new dynasty was still sitting there were threatenings of trouble with Scotland and France. But domestic affairs were apparently settled and the King, it may be through over self-confidence, treated his oppon- ents leniently. Richard's chief supporters, his kins- men the Hollands (Earls of Kent and Huntingdon), and his cousin Edward, Earl of Rutland, son of the Duke of York, escaped with the loss of their recent advancement in rank and title ; his most faithful ad- herent, the Earl of Salisbury, suffered no loss at all. Such treatment did not disarm their hostility to the new order. The Parliament had scarcely been dis- solved before they began to scheme for a counter- revolution. During the month of December King Henry and his children suffered from illness, which rumour as- cribed to the effects of poison. The King had not fully recovered his health when he withdrew from London to spend Christmas at Windsor. There the conspirators purposed to surprise and kill Henry and his sons. But at the last moment Rutland's heart ♦ Capgrave, De Illustnbus Henricis, p. 98. 14021 Troubles of the New Reign n failed him, and he revealed the plot through his father to the King. It was late in the afternoon of Sunday, 4th January, 1400, that the news reached Windsor. There was no time to be lost. Henry took horse at once, and rode that same night with his sons and two attendants to London, escaping his enemies by only a few hours. The faithful London- ers kept the young princes safe from harm, whilst the King marched out to deal with his foes. The insur- rection was, however, crushed without Henry's act- ual interference. If the conspirators had counted on a reaction in Richard's favour they had moved too soon. The people rose in arms against them. Kent and Salisbury were beheaded by the mob at Cirencester on 7th January, and Huntingdon met a like fate a week later in Essex. It was scarcely a mere coincidence that the hapless Richard ended his life within a few weeks of the ill-advised rising of his supporters. Fortune had once more favoured Lancaster, and the domestic position of the new King was for the time strengthened. Foreign affairs were more threatening; for the suspicion that attached to Richard's death tended to increase the enmity of the French Court towards Henry. The disposal of Isabella of France, the child-wife of the late King, had been from the first somewhat of an embarrassment. In November, 1399, Henry had sought a solution by proposing marriages between his own children and the children of the French King. After Richard's death this idea took a more definite shape ; might not Isabella remain in England as the wife of the young Prince 24 Henry V, [1399- of Wales? To this the French Court was not at all disposed. But the time was not ripe for war on either side ; and though the matter was complicated by the question of Isabella's dower, the little Queen was after some negotiation restored to her native country in the summer of 1401. Whilst the negotiations with France still dragged their course, Henry was able to turn his attention to the settlement of affairs with Scotland. In October, 1399, the Scots had invaded Northumber- land and captured Wark Castle. When the news reached London Henry at once declared his inten- tion to march against them in person ; but other matters detained him in the South till the following o summer. Though at last he crossed the border on 14th August, 1400, he could extort nothing better than fine promises; with these for the time he had to be content, and his own energies were soon ab- sorbed by a more pressing danger. During Henry's absence an event which was to prove the beginning of serious trouble had occurred in Wales. Though Welsh independence had been brought to an end more than a century previously, the country was still only half subdued. Richard II. had paid some attention to the needs of the principality, and so earned for himself no little good- will. The prevalent sympathy for his cause, and the hatred of the native Welsh for the great English lords, who held the land like a garrison, together afforded the existing Government sufficient ground for anxiety. But a private quarrel was to be the immediate cause of the outbreak. 1402] Troubles of the New Reign 25 One of the greatest lords of the Welsh Marches was Reginald Grey of Ruthin, who had for a near neighbour a Welshman of good family, Owen, Lord of Glyndyvrdwy. In the spring of 1400 a dispute between Owen and Grey as to the ownership of certain lands had led to a kind of petty warfare. The King and his Council were anxious to con- ciliate the Welsh gentry of the border. Grey, in- tent on his private interests, failed to carry out their policy, and by a piece of ill-timed harshness set the whole country ablaze. Amongst the followers of Owen was one Griffith ap David, who, trusting to the King's proclamations, came to Oswestry in the belief that he would obtain a charter of protection. When he found himself rather in danger of prison for his share in the late disturbances, Griffith fled to the mountains and openly defied Grey, telling him that : " As many men as you slay, and as many houses as you burn for my sake, as many will I slay and burn for your sake; and doubt not I will have bread and ale of the best that is in your lordship.'* Grey replied in wrath with a promise of " a rope, a ladder and a ring, high on gallows for to hang"; and wrote off to the Prince, who was nominally regent during his father's absence in Scotland, urging severe measures and the summary arrest of GriflBth as the "strengest thiefe of Wales."* These events took place in June with the result that Henry on his way back from Scotland learnt that North Wales was in open rebellion. After summoning the Prince to join him, the King entered ♦Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Ser., i., 3-7. 26 Henry V. [1399- Wales at the end of September. The Welsh re- treated to the mountains, whither the Engh'sh, through the inclement season and lack of supplies, were unable to follow them. Nothing effectual could be done, and by mid-October the King was back at Shrewsbury. Before leaving the Welsh border he made such provision as was possible for the intended suppression of the revolt next year. The young fjenry oi JVIonraouth was left behind at_Oiest£r, and in name the government of North Wales and of the Marches was to be administered by him. In reality, of course, authority \y3.s not piyt i ll theJ iaads>of a boy of thirteen, but in those of his Council. Chief of that Council was Henry Percy, the famous Hotspur, who had been appointed Just- iciar of North Wales nearly a year previously. Shakespeare, with perhaps less regard for historic fa_ctthan usual, has made the association of "■ Harry Percy and the Prince of Wales " the occasion for a striking contrast between the King's dissolute heir, and the strenuous son of the man to whom the House of Lancaster chiefly owed the throne. It is important to realise more accurately the re- lationship that existed between the young Prince and the head of his Council. Ikfire was between Jhem nothing of the rivalry of youth ; for Hotspur, ^t^^^S^ still in the flower of his manhood, was " no Mars in swathing clothes, no infant warrior"; he was far deeper in debt to years than the Prince, and was indeed somewhat older than the King himself. But whilst Henry IV. was praeternaturally old in mind and body, Hotspur preserved to the last, both 14021 Troubles of the New Reign 27 in thought and deed, the headstrong and reckless vigour of youth. If he was not by character well fitted to be the governor of a young prince, his long experience of border warfare gave him some special qualifications for the Welsh command. Still, the choice of Hotspur for such a position must have been due rather to the necessity of conciliating the powerful family to which he belonged, than to his own personal qualities. Hotspur can have given Henry of Monmouth no instruction in the mys- teries of statecraft, or generalship ; nevertheless, he was a doughty soldier, under whose leadership a high-spirited youth was likely to gain a practical acquaintance with the rough-and-tumble side of warfare. In the autumn of 1400 it was scarcely possible for the King or Council to realise fully the serious character of the Welsh afTair. On 30th November, proclamation had been made offering free pardon to all who came to the Prince at Chester before the meeting of Parliament next year. About the same time Glendower's estates were confiscated and be- stowed on the King's half-brother, John Beaufort. Owen replied by assuming the style of Prince of Wales ; at all events his so-called " reign ** dated from now. The movement which had originated in local dis-\ order and discontent was beginning to take the form \ of a national uprising. There had been no active effort for independence in Wales for nearly a century, but the tradition was not dead. Only a generation previously a Welsh soldier of fortune in the service of 28 Henry V. [1399- France had claimed to be the heir of Llywelyn ; the pretensions of this Owen of Wales to be the rightful prince of his native land, when supported by the French King, were formidable enough to cause Edward III. serious anxiety. Glendower professed that he was the right heir by consanguinity of this former Owen, and on this score appealed for French aid. * Glendower's claim to princely ancestry was not altogether groundless, and whatever its merits may have been, it found substantial support in the patriotism of the Bards. Strange tales floated about of portents that had heralded Glendower's birth. The Bards wandering from village to village stirred up the national sentiment by predictions that the prophecies of old were now to find their destined ful- filment, f The whole people were in a ferment ; Welsh scholars gave up their studies at Oxford, and Welsh labourers left their profitable employment in England to hurry home and join the standard of the new leader. J Many castles and towns in Wales fell into the hands of the rebels, and even places like Shrewsbury were not secure from danger. By the spring of 1401 it was clear that the English Govern- ment had to deal with no local disturbance. When Parliament met in February the Commons addressed an urgent representation to the King, with the result that elaborate ordinances were issued for the better *Chron. St. Denys, iii., 164. \ Rolls of Parliament, iii., 508. X fd-. iii., 457 ; Ellis, Original Letters, i., 8. gives a list of Oxford students. 1402] Troubles of the New Reign 29 goverment of Wales and the more effectual securing of English authority. * Before the policy of the royal Government could have any effect the Welsh rebels under William ap Tudor and Howel Vaughan captured Conway Castle through the treason of some of the garrison. Hot- spur, accompanied by the young Prince Henry, marched promptly into Wales, and laid siege to the Welsh in the castle. When Conway at last surrend- ered on 28th May, the conditions which Percy thought it wise to concede did not altogether com- mend themselves to the King or his Council. " My dread Lord the Prince " appears as the figurehead in all Percy's proceedings. Bu t the yea j::s.andin experi- ence, ^f.^e young Henry forbid our supposing thai he had any practical voice in tlie . affairs that wjere- conducted in. his_name. Whatever success was achieved could redound only to Percy's credit and to the increase of his power. The King may well have felt uneasy at the possible growth in a new quarter of the influence of that one too powerful family to which he owed his throne. Hotspur on his part was not without good reasons for complaint ; since through the poverty of the English Government, which left him ill-furnished with supplies, he had been forced to conduct the war at his own cost. Of such a position Percy soon wearied, and at the end of August he finally resigned his appointment. The immediate and ultimate consequences of Hot- spur's connection with Wales were alike unhappy. In dudgeon at the inadequate support afforded him he ^ Fader a, viii., 184. f 30 Henry V. [1399- 1402] Troubles of the New Reign 31 had done nothing since May, and on his departure the rebellion broke out with fresh violence. The King and his son invaded Wales in October with very similar results to those of the previous year. The Welsh again retreated to their mountains, and again the English through bad weather could not pursue them. The harrying of Welsh territory was of no effect for the suppression of the rebellion, and after a raid of less than a fortnight the King returned baffled to Shrewsbury. Glendower had the trophies if not also the substance of victory, since by a stroke of good fortune he captured the horses and baggage of the Prince of Wales himself. As in the previous year, the campaign was followed by a rearrangement of the administration. The Earl of Rutland was made Lieutenant of North Wales, whilst South Wales was entrusted to Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester. The Prince was still the nominal head of the government, and in November the Coun- cil advised that to provide for his great expenses in Wales he should receive the Isle of Anglesey, together with ^1000 from the estates of the Earl of March. Anglesey had been in the possession of Hot- spur, who was to be compensated out of the lands of the Mortimers. The Percy interest was further conciliated by the choice of the Earl of Worcester to be tutor to the young Prince. It was about this time also that Henry of Mon- mouth was first brought into association with a man who was to play no small part in his history, and an even larger one in the legends that have amplified Ihe story. of his youth. In the autumn of 1401 the famous Sir John Oldcastle makes his first appearance in history as Warden of Builth Castle and the valley of the Wye. Later legend, working on the ill-re- pute of his heresy, and his notorious friendship with the Prince, found in him the prototype of Henry's boon companion, "my old lad of the Castle," "the villainous, abominable misleader of youth, Falstaff, that old white-bearded Satan." In point of fact, Oldcastle was at thi^.time a .Herefordshire knight of SQrae . local coasideration, to whom no taint of, Loilardy had yet attached. With the jovial, royster- ing, but cowardly Falstaff he has nothing in com- mon save his friendship for the young Prince. Through their association in the Welsh war, Henry learned to appreciate the knightly prowess and manly uprightness of Oldcastle at their true value. Old- castle owed his advancement to the Prince's favour; but it was in vain that he tried to convert his master to his own views. Probably enough their friendship was a^scandal to the orthodox ; certainly it roused false_hopes_ in the hearts of . Jhe ref oxmeis. To Henrx's awiL iife_it contribuXejia dark shade of ^^^^^dX:- ^'"^ " "VVith the actual government of Wales the young Prince himself had still little to do. Probably he was not even present on the Welsh border at this season, for during the following spring he was in London, where on May 8, 1402, he gave his assent to a proposed marriage with Catherine, sister of the young King Eric of Denmark. A week later at Berkhampstead he witnessed a like instrument providing for the marriage of his little sister Philippa I. 32 Henry V, [1399- f < y \ to Eric. At the end of the month he had gone on to Tutbury in Staffordshire, apparently on his way to the Welsh border. Meantime affairs in Wales had gone from bad to worse. Owen had been intriguing not only with the Irish and Scots, but even with the more distant though hereditary ally of Welsh pretenders in France. Perhaps also he had begun to work for his threefold alliance with Percy and Mortimer ; for Jenkin Tyby had brought him letters out of the North Country, as it was deemed from Henry Percy.* In January, 1402, the Welsh made a raid against Ruthin, and Owen had the good fortune to take prisoner his old enemy Lord Grey. It was a sinister circumstance that in this raid the lands of Mortimer were left unharmed. But the time for more open action had not yet arrived, and in the summer Sir Edci n n d Mo rt imer, t he_uncle .0 Llll^ . y o un g Earl of March, was actually in chief command on the border. On 17th June the Welsh surprised Morti- mer at Brynglas near Knighton, and defeated him with heavy loss. Mortimer liimself, whose tenants had joined openly with the Welsn, was takeiX--ftris- oner. Owen received him with honour and even with kindness, and it was soon alleged that the de- feat of the English had been due to the treason of their commander. For the third summer in succession the crisis in Wales demanded the King's personal attention. On this occasion the war was to be conducted on a large scale. T hree armies were ordered to be in readiness * Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Ser., i., 9. i 14021 Troubles of the New Reign 33 I by the end of August. The first was to advance from Hereford under the Earls of Arundel, Stafford, and Warwick, and the second under the King from Shrewsbury ; whilst theUiird, which was to start (lornXhester, was entrusted "lo the youiig~.£dllce Henry. The total force is alleged to have numbered over 100,000 men — doubtless a gross exaggeration — and it was September before the armies could take the field. Once more the elements fought against the English ; the King himself had a narrow escape, his tent was overthrown by a storm in the night, and many of his followers perished from the cold. The Welsh vanished into their impenetrable mountains ; and when supplies failed, the English returned home with an insignificant booty. Glen- dower had good reason to boast : " Three times hath Henry Bolingbroke made head Against my power ; thrice from the banks of Wye, And sandy-bottomed Severn, have I sent him Bootless home, and weather-beaten back." The King's ill-success was sufificiently disappoint- ing in itself. It was rendered more so by contrast with the good fortune which attended the English arms in another quarter and under other auspices. At the same moment when the King and Prince were raiding haplessly in Wales, the Percies, father and son, had met and routed the Scottish invaders at Homildon JH ^M The very completeness of their victory was an embarrassment to the King. Jhe, new service whjch_liis-Jiio^t_formidable subjectsjhad thus rei]Lder£d.±im__could neither be" rewarded nor \ V. 34 Henry V. [1399-1402] passed over without danger. Immediately on the receipt o^f the news Henry ordered the Percies not to ransom any of their prisoners, but to send them forthwith to London. H^tseurxe fu sed to surrender Jiis^wn. sBgciaLprisonejvJthe Earl of Douglas, un- less the King would ransom Sir Edmund Mortimer, whose sister was Henry Percy's wife. But the King would do nothing to further Mortimer's release, and his suspicions were justified presently by the mar- riage of Mortimer to Owen's daughter. From this time the plot began to thicken. Jf^- however^ tlie .King, had any inkling, he found it ^rudiiaLJijdissemblej and even to reward the Per- cies with substantial grants of conquered lands in Scotland. Still the circle of those who could be trusted grew manifestly narrower, and deliberate policy must have dictated the concentration of im- portant posts in the hands of the King's own family. It was as 2ait_j3f_such a scheme that the young JPrmce. Henry was in the early spdng ofjL^o^jiomin- ated_as the Kjn g's Lieutenant in Wales. CHAPTER IV THE PERCIES AND OWEN GLENDOWER I 403- I 408 ON 7th March, 1403, by the recommendation of the Council, Henry of Monmouth was ap- pointed to be his father's Lieutenant on the Marches of Wales. On the same day the Earl of Wor- cester resigned his command as Lieutenant of South Wales, whilst retaining his position as the Prince's governor. It is not, however, clear that Worcester accompanied the Prince to Wales, and we are justi- fied m assuming that the Welsh command was henceforth Henry's in fact as well as in name. Henry was to enter on his duties from the 1st of April. His orders were to prosecute the war with vigour; and he had authority both to punish those who abetted the rebellion and to pardon those who made their submission.* On reaching his headquar- ters at Shrewsbury the Prince at once prepared to take the field. Owen was rumoured to be mustering hisforces for a raid, and the English garrisons at * F(zcUra, viii., 291. 35 36 Henry V. [1403- Harlech and Aberystwith were known to be hard pressed. About the end of April Henry left Shrewsbury, and marching through Denbighshire and the valley of the Dee, returned to his headquarters by way of Montgomery on 15th May, when he reported his progress to the Council. The letter which he wrote on this occasion may fairly be regarded as the first document of importance for which Henry was personally responsible. To the Council : — " From the Prince. Very dear and entirely well- beloved, we greet you well and from the bottom of our heart, thanking you very dearly for the good considera- tion that you have for the needs that touch us in our absence ; and we pray you effectually for your good and long continuance as our trust is in you. And in the matter of news from these parts, if you would know it, amongst other things we were lately informed that Oweyn de Glyndourdy had assembled his power with other rebels of his adherents in great number, purposing to raid and eke to fight, if the English folk should resist his pur- pose ; for so he boasted himself amongst his own people. Whereupon we took our men and marched to a well- built place of the said Oweyn called Sycharth, that was late his chief mansion, where we thought to have found him if he wished to fight in such manner as he said. But on our coming thither we found not a soul, so we burnt all the place, and several other dwellings of his tenants thereabout. And next we marched straight to his other place of Glyndourdy for to seek him ; and there we burnt a fair lodge in his park and all the country WALES & THK MARCH RS 1408] The Perezes and Owen Glendower 37 roundabout. And we ourselves lodged therein all that night, and certain of our men went out thence into the country, and took prisoner a great gentleman of the country, that was late one of the chieftains of the said Oweyn. This gentleman offered ^500 for his ransom to have his life, and swore to pay the said sum within two weeks. Howbeit this was not accepted, but he had the death, as did divers others of his companions that were taken on the same day. And after that we marched on to the cymmwd of Edeyrnion * in [the county] f of Merioneth, and there we wasted a fair land and one well-inhabited. And thence we marched on into Povvys and [by reason of the scarcity] f of fodder for horses in Wales we made our people carry oats with them. Our hosting lasted [ . . ] t days. And to in- form you more fully of this march and of all other news from this quarter we are sending to you our trusty squire, John de Waterton, in whom you may put firm faith and credence in all that he shall report on our be- half touching the news aforesaid. And may Our Lord have you always in His holy keeping. "Given under our signet at Shrewsbury the 15th day of May."t The expedition had been so far successful that it had checked the threatened counter-raid of Owen. But the castles of Harlech and Aberystwith (or Llampadarn) were still hard pressed. § Moreover, if the rebellion was to be crushed, it was useless for * This is the upper part of the valley of the Dee, f The manuscript is mutilated at this part. \ Nicolas, Proceedings and Ordinances of the Privy Council^ ii., 61-62. The original is in French. § They were revictualled in June. Wylie, iv., i^y-i^^. 38 Henry K [1403 the English to confine their efforts to one or two iso- lated raids in the course of each summer as had been the case so far. If their warfare was to be successful, it must be continuous and systematic. Henry recog- nised to the full the requirements of the situation; but he was hampered by lack of means, and such al- lowances as had been made to him were in arrear. Without money he could make no head against the rebellion, and his private resources were quite inade- quate to supplement the deficiency of public funds. Thus he was compelled to remain inactive at Shrews- bury, whence on 30th May he wrote again to the Council representing in strong terms the dangers of his position.* "Very dear and entirely well-beloved, we greet you well. Forasmuch as our soldiers desire to know of us whether they will be paid for the third month of the present quarter, and tell us that they will not wait here without they be paid shortly their wages according to their agreement, we pray you very effectually that you will ordain our payment for the said month, or otherwise furnish us and make ordinance in time for the safe- keeping of these Marches. For the rebels hear each day whether we shall be paid, and they know well that without payment we cannot abide. They are labouring to raise all the power of North Wales and of South Wales to raid and destroy the March and the adjoining counties. There will be no resisting them here, if only they can accomplish their maHce. And when our men be withdrawn from us, we must ourselves withdraw into England , or else be put to shame for ever ; since any * Proceedings Privy Council, ii., 62-63. 1408] The Perezes aftd Owen Glendower 39 man hath wit enough to know that without power of men we could do no more than could another man of less estate. And at present we have great charges, and have made all the provision for them that we can from our small jewels. For our castles of Harlech and Llampadarn have been besieged this long time, and we must relieve and revictual them within ten days; besides which we have to guard this March about us with a third of our power against the rebels. Nevertheless if the war could but be continued, the rebels were never so like to be destroyed as they are at this present. And now that we have shown you fully the state of these parts, may you ordain in such manner as seemeth you best for the safe-keeping of the same, and of this part of the King- dom, which God preserve, and grant you grace to ordain as is best for the time. Our Lord have you in His keep- ing. Given under our signet at Shrewsbury this 30th day of May. "And be you well-advised that we have shown you fully the peril that may befall *hese parts hereafter, if no remedy be taken in time." The Council reported the difficulty to the King, who on loth July wrote from Higham Ferrers direct- ing that payment of £\ox> should be made to his son : *' So that he may continue the work he has so well begun, the which he cannot do if he have not the wherewithal." Meantime the danger had been growing more acute. After the English success in North Wales Owen had turned south. At the end of June, Brecon was in jeopardy and a victory won by the men of Hereford on Sunday, ist July, gave only 40 Henry V, [1403- temporary relief. On the following day the Welsh of Carmarthenshire rose in force. Llandovery was surprised on the Tuesday by Owen, who that same day marched on to Llandeilo-fawr, intending as it was supposed to attack Brecon and raid the English March. But instead he turned west to Dryslwyn, and on the 5th July appeared before Carmarthen. Next day the town was taken and burnt, and this success was followed by the surrender of the castles of Llanstephan and Emlyn. Many of the chief men of the district joined the rebellion, and Owen felt certain that he would take all the castles and towns in Kidwelly, Gower, and Glamorgan.* For the moment the Welsh swept all before them and the English officials on the Marches were in consternation. The news of the fall of Car- marthen reached Hereford on the following Sunday. Richard Kyngeston, one of the royal chaplains, who was archdeacon there, wrote that same night to his master bidding him to come in haste. Kyngeston had finished his letter in French, when, as it would seem, fresh news arrived and he added an English postcript of graphic but informal brevity : " For God's love, my liege Lord, think on yourself, and your estate, or by my troth all is lost else ; but and ye come yourself with haste, all other will follow after. On Friday last Carmarthen town is taken and burnt, and the castle y olden by Ro. Wygmor and the castle Em- lyn is yolden, and slain of the town of Carmarthen more than fifty persons. Written in right great haste on * Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Ser., i., 19-20. 1408] The Perezes and Owen Glendower 41 Sunday ; and I cry you mercy and put me in your high grace that I write so shortly ; for by my troth that I owe to you, it is needful."* Before these evil tidings could reach the King the imminence of the danger was past. Owen had thought to conquer Pembroke, but on entering that county found himself withstood by Thomas ** the worthy baron of Carew." Owen's muster was ** eight thousand and twelve score spears such as they were." Still he dared not meet a strong force of English in the open field. After three days of vain negotiation he sent out seven hundred men to seek a way for es- cape. But the Baron's men fell upon them and slew them every one (Thursday, I2th July).t The Eng- lish thought this victory had alone prevented Owen from an invasion of the Marches. If this was Owen's intention, Henry of Monmouth's successful raid in the North and Carew's happy victory in the South had indeed averted a serious disaster. At the very moment of Owen's defeat Hotspur was on his way to join him, and had the allies united their forces before Shrewsbury the King and Prince could hardly have escaped destruction. The n£gotiatjons_UTLaLi£dJ:Q-the alliaftee- qI - the Peixk^w i th jO weii -^^ We can surmise only that Mortimer had supplied the connecting link. To the King himself the de- fection of Northumberland and his son and brother came as a surprise. Henry had left London on the ♦Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Ser., i., 7. f /*u have given me a judge, who feareth not to mmister Justice, and also a son who can suffer serablably and obey Justice.' " The story thus published at once obtained popu- larity, and Robert Redmayne,* in his Life of Henry F, written a few years later, makes reference to it alleging that the Prince struck the judge, and con- necting the incident with Henry's dismissal from the Council. Hall in 1542 and Holinshed, some thirty years later, give a like account with like additions Contemporaneous with Holinshed's chronicle was The Famous Victories of Henry F., in which play a scene is devoted to the incident of the Prince and the Chief Justice. Shakespeare, without introduc- ing the story in his own plays, makes reference to it and adds some final embellishments. The Chief Justice is the nobleman who ** committed the Prince for striking him^about Bardolph," and is filled with apprehensions at the accession of the new King- he .o;.f'.>;' A—A THS OAPh^»£R£ THE r/i£A/CH APPEARED ON THE 24^" OE OCTOB£/t B-- ^ THE POSI T/OA/ tVHERE THE ENGLfSH HAL TCO on rt*£ MORNING or 25 K'ofr OCT -X. X AT THESE POINTS THERE ARE NOW fNCLOSuRES, tVH/CH APPARENTLY OiO NOT EXIST IN THE riKTEENTH CEIVTCI/iK C=D ENGLISH MEN-AT-ARMS /^ FNCLISH H£RS£S Or ARCHERS] • ' SCALE /i ENGLISH MILE PLAN OF AQINCOURT. 25TH OCTOBER, 1415. 1415] The First Invasion of France 139 lois, desired with all his heart to fight the English, and many years afterwards regretted that he had not the good fortune to have been at Agincourt, whether for life or death.* After his disappointment at Blanche-Taque, Henry of necessity marched southwards along the left bank of the Somme. The same evening he reached Abbeville, but only to learn from his scouts that the bridges were all broken down and the French in force on the other side. " So we turned our steps along the river, thinking we had no choice but to march to its source full sixty miles into the heart of France ; and thus, when our eight days* store of food was spent, and the countryside laid waste before us, our little band grown weak and weary with long marches and short rations would be overwhelmed by the great host of the enemy." f On the 14th October, the English marched past Font St. R^my to Hangest, and on the Tuesday by another long march reached Boves, leaving Amiens a league on their left. Ever>'- where the bridges and causeways were broken down, and the right bank guarded by the French. The tactics of d'Albret and Boucicault were being justi- fied, and the hearts of many in the English host were sorrowful with thoughts of coming disaster. The English had now made eight long marches, and on Wednesday, the i6th, they rested at Boves. There they obtained a welcome supply of bread ; there was also abundance of wine, to which the soldiers helped themselves too liberally. Henry was very wro th ; and when some pleaded excuses, replied ♦ St. Rcmy, i. , 239-240. f Gesta, pp. 39-40. 140 Henry V. [1415 %/• that he would not have minded their filling their bot- tles had not most of them made bottles of their bellies. On Thursday the army marched as far as Corbie ; the enemy held the town on the far side of the river in force, and there was a very smart skirmish, in the course of which the French captured the standard of Guienne. Whereupon John Bromley, a groom of the King's chamber, " ran eagerly upon the French, and with his soldiers did so fiercely set upon them that they were beaten back." Bromley himself "cutting through the thickest, strake down the champion that bore the standard and so gloriously recovered it again." * It was whilst the English lay before Corbie that a plunderer was by Henry's orders hanged for stealing the pyx from a church, a piece of sacrilege which Shakespeare has put to the credit of his drunken Bardolph. From some prisoners who were taken at Corbie, Henry learned that the French commanders pur- posed to give him battle and ride down the English archers by the weight of their cavalry. So he ordered the archers to provide themselves with stakes, six feet in length and sharp at both ends, which when pitched in the ground before them would form an effective palisade. On Friday, 1 8th October, a long march brought the English to the neighbourhood of Nesle. There they learned that two practicable fords had been found near Bethen- court. But the approaches passed for nearly a mile through marshy ground over narrow causeways which the French had broken down. Though the * Holinshed, iii., 75. 14151 The First Invasion 0/ France 141 horsemen could scarcely pick their way in single file, Cornwall and Umfraville hastily crossed over; and with a small company of men-at-arms and archers seized a position from which they could cover the passage. The French, who were sup- posed to be on guard, were taken by surprise, and finding themselves outnumbered, beat a retreat. Meantime, Henry had the causeways repaired with brushwood and timber taken from the neighbouring houses, and by nightfall on the 19th October the whole army had safely crossed the Somme. This success roused the spirits of the English, who now hoped they might march north to Calais unopposed. Before halting for the night, Henry went on through the darkness some five miles to Athies and Mouchy La Cache. On the follow- ing morning there arrived three heralds from the Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, who announced that the French princes would offer battle on the road to Calais. " Let it be as the Lord wills," re- plied Henry. And when they asked him by what road he would go, he answered: "Our path lies straight to Calais; and if our adversaries think to bar us of our way, let them see to it at their peril. We shall not seek them out, nor shall we for fear of them either hasten or delay." On the Monday Henry resumed his march in full order for battle, the Duke of York at his own request taking command of the van. As they marched past Peronne, the state of the roads gave the English warning of the mighty host that had gone before them, but they reached Encre, or Albert, 142 Henry V. [1415 unmolested. Two long marches on the Tuesday and Wednesday brought the King by way of Force- ville to Bonni^res, the Duke of York resting on the second night at Prevent, about a league ahead. During these two days the English had been ex- posed to a flank attack from the enemy at Bapaume. But the French feared to take the offensive, and pushed on by a parallel route to find some strong position where they might have the advantage. On the Thursday, as the English army was descend- ing across the valley of the Ternoise near Blangy, the enemy at last appeared in force on the right. In serried lines battalion after battalion of French troops came down and halted in a broad space about half a mile distant. Henry, expecting an immediate engagement, promptly wheeled round his column into line. As he rode before his troops to mark the foe, his chaplain heard Sir Walter Hunger- ford say to the King that he would they had with them 10,000 stout archers from England.* '* You speak as a fool " : answered the King. ** By the God of heaven, I would not, if I could, have a man more than I have. For this people which I have is God's people, whom He hath thought it meet for me to have at this present. Wot you not that the Almighty with these humble few can overcome yonder proud Frenchmen, who so boast themselves of their numbers and strength ? " However, after a little the French army moved off, and passing behind some thick woods, presently * Shakespeare puts this speech in the mouth of the Earl of West- moreland, who was, of course, on the Scottish border. 1415] The First Invasion of France 143 took up a position right across the road to Calais near the village of Agincourt. Henry followed the French movements till it was certain there would be no fighting that day, and when it was dark turned aside to Maisoncelles. CHAPTER X AGINCOURT OCT. 25, 141 5 IN the darkness of the short autumn day the English stumbled almost unawares into Maison- celles. Though the village was small, its houses and enclosures afforded them better lodging than they had enjoyed for some time previously. Disci- pline in Henry's camp was strict ; and no sound was heard save the low whispers of the men as they went about their business, or of the priests as they passed up and down hearing confessions. All were employed soberly in preparation for battle ; the men-at-arms testing their mail, the archers looking ^ to their bows and fitting new strings for use on the morrow. Perfect order reigned ; and so marked was the silence that the French thought Henry must have slipped away under cover of night. The two armies lay so close together that the English could plainly see the great fires burning, and hear the revelry and disorderly shouting in their enemies' camp. In the French army there was no one who exer- 144 1415] Agincourt 145 cised supreme authority ; and the vast host that had been so hastily assembled was without proper organisation or equipment. Each company biv- ouacked, just where they chanced to be, in the cold open fields ; whilst the captains sent their pages and varlets to scour the country in search of forage and food. Everywhere there was turmoil and the con- stant din of men and horses tramping to and fro. The nobles gathered round the watch-fires, and whiled away the night carousing and gambling at dice for the prisoners they made sure to take on the morrow. Even amongst the commanders there was the same boastful confidence and the same lack of order. When they met in council, there was no one who could assert authority, and much of their time was occupied with absurd wrangling for precedence. D'Albret and Boucicault, with others of proved experience, would even now have held their hand ; the French had only to remain on the defensive, and within a few days the English would be starved into surrender. But the fiery young princes would listen to no arguments. They were persuaded that the very sight of such a host would fill the enemy with panic, and that one resolute charge would decide the day. The only question which they would discuss seriously was, who should have the honour of fighting in the front line ; over this they quarrelled without thought of expediency. The night before the battle was cold and stormy, and for hours the rain poured down in torrents ; but toward morning the moon came out and enabled the English to reconnoitre the field of battle. At day- 146 Henry V, [1415 break Henry was astir, and except for his helmet was already clad in full armour with his surcoat of the lions and lilies. After hearing mass, he put on his helmet with its richly jewelled coronet * ; and mounting a small grey horse, saw to the ordering of his host in person. The little army was drawn up in line four deep. The vanguard, under York, took the right, the King himself held the centre, and Lord Camoys was on the left. Each division had its battalion of men-at-arms, with archers on either wing in the wedge-shaped formation known as en herse. f Thus there would be six wedges of arch- ers in all, though some authorities seem to imply that the whole of the archers were placed in two masses on the extreme right and left of the line. The wedges were formed with the apex in front ; and the archers, being somewhat in advance of the men-at-arms, could use their weapon to the best effect. All the men-at-arms and even the nobles, not excepting the King himself, were to fight on foot. Few of the archers had any armour ; most wore their doublets with their long hose tucked up and their feet bare so that they might stand more firmly on the soft ground. Some of them wore leather hoods, and others wicker basnets with a crosspiece of iron ; all had some weapon in their belt, whether sword or axe or mace. The baggage * Amongst Henry's jewels we find *' The Crown of Gold for the Basnet," garnished with rubies, sapphires and pearls, ai.'d valued at ^^679.5.0. — Rolls of Parliament^ iv., 215. f The "herse" of archers was perhaps so called from the resem- blance of the formation to the triangular French harrow ; see further below, pp. 199, 200. 14151 Agincourt \\ H7 with the horses was parked in the rear of the army, and a small guard told off for its protection.* When the marshalling of the host was completed, Henry turned to those about him and asked what hour it was. They told him : " Prime. " " Now is * good time," he said, " for all England prayeth for us ; let us therefore be of good cheer and go to our journey. " f *' And whilst all this was being done, and so long as the battle lasted," says Henry's chaplain, "I who write these words sat upon my horse amid the baggage in the rear, and with the other priests humbled my soul before God, saying in my heart : Be mindful of us, O Lord ! For our enemies are gathered together and boast themselves in their strength. Break down their power, and scatter them, that they may know there is none other that fighteth for us but only Thou OGod."t The French, who at the lowest estimate were three times as numerous as the English and possibly numbered not less than 50,000 men,§ were drawn up on some rising ground about a mile away. Their position was in itself a fairly strong one, and gave ♦ Some accounts ( as Des Ursins, p. 520) allege that Henry placed archers in ambuscade in the woods. But St. Remy (i., 251 ) states expressly that he had satisfied himself there was no truth in the story. Probably the idea was due to the archers on the extreme flanks wheel- ing round through the woods to come into action. f English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., f. 3 vo. X Gesta, p. 51. \ These estimates are given by St. Remy ; the lower is the more likely. The ordinary English accounts give 100,000 to 150,000; the Gesta more moderately 60,000. Perhaps 20,000 would be a fair figure. 148 Henry V, [1415 them more room than they could have had lower down, where the woods of Agincourt and Trame- court come close together. But on the other hand, unless they remained on the defensive, the narrow space in front put them at a disadvantage. The choice of position, like many other things, shows how the French suffered from divided or ill-con- sidered counsels. Even as it was the place was too narrow for them, and they were compelled to form up in three dense masses one behind the other. The front division was commanded by d'Albret and Boucicault with the Dukes of Orleans and Bourbon, the Count of Eu and Arthur de Richemont. The second division was under the Dukes of Bar and Alengon and the Counts of Nevers and Vaudemont; the third under the Counts of Marie, Dammartin, and Fauquemberg. In the first division, and per- haps in the second also, the men-at-arms were dis- mounted and fought on foot. The first division included a good number of crossbowmen, who should on all sound principles have held the foremost place ; but the men-at-arms would not give way to them, saying that they did not need their help, so that they were stationed a little in the rear, where they could be of no use whatever. The men-at-arms themselves were crowded so close together that they could not handle their pikes without shortening them; and their long coats of mail, plate-armour, and greaves were so heavy that they could not march without difficulty. On either wing there was posted a force of cavalry, intended to attack the English in flank. On one wing also there were some small field guns, 1415] Agincourt 149 but these, like the archers, were placed so badly that they were of little service. After the English army was marshalled, Henry rode down the lines and addressed his men. He had come into France to recover his right heritage, for the which to do he had good and just cause and quarrel. Let them remember that they were born of the kingdom of England, where they had left their fathers and mothers, their wives and little ones. It was theirs that day to guard his person and the honour of the crown of England. For himself, as he was a true king and knight, England should never pay ransom for him, since he would rather be dead that day on the field than taken of his enemies. So with a meek heart and a good spirit he besought God of His help and succour; and bade them all be of good cheer, for they should have a fair day and a gracious victory.* And when the Englishmen heard his words they answered with a shout : ♦' Sire ! we pray God grant you a good life and victory over our enemies." Then Henry led his men forward till they were a little more than half a mile from the enemy, the baggage train following close behind. There he halted in a favourable position, whilst his soldiers refreshed themselves. Marking how strong the French were, he still hesitated to attack. So he sent messengers to propose terms for a free passage to Calais. If this was granted, he would be ready to surrende r Harfleur and all his.prisoners. The French * English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius. A. viii., f. 3V0 ; St. Remy, i., 245-246, 251. ISO Henry V, [1415 princes demanded that he should further renounce all title to the crown of France and content himself with those territories which the English held already in Guienne and Picardy * So far as this Henry would not go, and he determined at all hazards to force on an engagement. Delay would favour the French and was discouraging to the high-strung spirits of his own men. It was nearly ten o'clock when Henry with a loud voice gave the command : " In the name of Almighty God and of Saint George, Avaunt Banner in the best time of the year, and Saint George this day be thine help." Old Sir Thomas Erpingham, Steward of the King's Household, threw his warder into the air as the signal to advance. Every man stooped to kiss the earth in token of his reconciliation to God. With a ringing cheer they rose, and the whole army marched steadily forward in good order. When they came within bowshot of the enemy, where the woods on either side gave them most protection, Henry bade his men halt. The archers planted their stakes in front, the clarions sounded, and the English cheered again so lustily, " Hurrah! hurrah! Saint George and Merry England!" that the Frenchmen marvelled.f When the French cavalry on the wings saw the English archers were making ready, they came prick- ing down to override them. But the space was so nar- row that they could not charge with any effect. Only a few reached the English lines, where they stumbled ♦St. Remy, i., 251-252; Chron. St. Denys, v., 554. f St. Remy, i., 253; Des Ursins, p. 520. 1415] Agincourt 151 among the stakes and were slain. The greater part of them turned before the deadly hail of arrows, and falling back in confusion, spread disorder among their friend.s. Meantime the French main line whether galled by the English volleys or from lack of discipline, had, contrary to the intention of d'Albret, begun to advance. They had to cross a newly ploughed field, which was sodden with the rain and churned into a quagmire by the constant trampling of the previous night. The heavy men- at-arms sank ankle-deep in the soft earth, and could scarcely drag one foot after another, as they toiled painfully down the hill. When they approached the English line, they broke into three columns, so as to charge Henry's little battalions with greater force. The power of men in armour thirty deep should have been irresistible, but at Agincourt the forma- tion exposed each column to a pitiless storm of arrows on either flank. The English archers poured m volley after volley, and never an arrow went amiss ; for they shot that day as though for a wager. Still the French pressed on, and by the mere weight of their impact forced our men-at-arms back as it were a spear-length. But the columns were now packed so tight that even in the front rank the men could scarcely wield their weapons. The very numbers of the French turned to their own destruction. For those in front fell fast beneath the English arrows, whilst those behind, pushing helplessly on- wards, stumbled over them until living and wounded and dead were piled up in great heaps as high as a man could reach. Then our archers slung their 152 Henry V. [1415 bows behind them, drew their swords and axes, or the still more deadly mace, and leapt out from behind their paHsade. With Henry at their head, the whole English army fell so fiercely on the French, and laid about them right and left so stoutly that they pierced right through to the second battle. It was in vain that the French nobles endeavoured to rally their men. The Duke of Brabant, Burgundy's brother, who had just reached the field, with his head thrust through a pennon for want of a coat-of-arms, charged the English with reckless valour. The Duke of Alen^on with a few followers by a furious onslaught broke the English centre and struck down Humphrey of Gloucester with his own hand. Henry, thoughtless of himself, rushed forward to protect his brother, and received such a blow on his helmet as brought him to his knees. But the English rallied round their King, and Alengon was slain before Henry could interfere to save him.* When the French rear-guard saw how badly the two front divisions were faring, the greater part of them took to flight without striking a blow. The English were too busy for any thought of pursuit, and could scarcely deal with the disorderly crowd which they had already vanquished. Many French- men yielded themselves prisoners that day ten times over ; but none had leisure to take them, so great was the stress.f Whilst Henry and his men were thus occupied with the few who still resisted. * Monstrelet, p. 379 f Gesta^ p. 55. Elmham, Vita, p. 67. MEN-AT-ARMS FIGHTING. FROM A FIFTEENTH-CENTURY MANUSCRIPT. \ 1415] Agincourt 153 and the many who sought safety in surrender, there came news that the French camp-followers were plundering the English baggage, and that a por- tion of the rearguard was preparing to renew the battle. The first thing was a small matter, though the royal jewel-chest * was pillaged and the King's seal carried off. But the other danger was serious ; and Henry, fearing that his men might be over- come whilst intent on plunder, ordered all prisoners to be slain. The butchery had actually com- menced, when the French, being warned by a herald of the consequences of their action, withdrew with- out further fighting. Thus after a battle which, for all its fierceness, had not lasted more than two or three hours, the English won a victory of amazing completeness. They had utterly routed an army many times more numerous than their own, had slain of the enemy, f at the lowest estimates, not less than four thousand, and taken prisoner sixteen hundred besides. Pro- digious as these numbers seem, they are still more inconceivable when contrasted with the trifling losses of the English. The only men of note who fell on our side were the Duke of York, the young Earl of Suffolk, Sir Richard Kyghley, and David Gam, the King's Welsh squire, who was slain when defending his master. Of the others there fell a bout a hundred, of whom not more than nine or * The value of the jewels and plate that were stolen was over ;^86. — Foedera^ ix., 357. f There were 3 Dukes, 5 Counts, 90 Barons or bannerets, and 1500 knights.— C^jte, 57-58. Several authorities put the total French loss at over io,cxx> ; about double the whole number of Englishmen! 154 Henry V, 11415 ten were men-at-arms.^ Amongst the slain on the French side were d'Albret the Constable, Dam- pierre the Admiral, the Dukes of Brabant, Alengon, and Bar, and the Counts of Nevers, Marie, Vaude- mont, Blamont, Grandpre, Roussy, and Fauquem- berg. The chief prisoners were the Duke of Orleans (who was dragged out from a heap of slain), the Duke of Bourbon, the Marshal Boucicault, the Counts of Eu and Vendome, and Arthur de Richemont. When the battle was over, Henry called to him the French herald Mountjoye, and asked him the name of the castle, which overlooked the field. Learning that it was Agincourt, he said : *' Forasmuch as all battles should bear the name of the nearest fortress, this battle shall now and forever be called : •THE BATTLE OF AGINCOURT.'" f And since this victory was vouchsafed him on the feast of Saints Crispin and Crispinian, he ordered that they should be commemorated daily at one of the masses in his chapel. X " This story shall the good man teach his son ; And Crispin Crispian shall ne'er go by, From this day to the ending of the world, But we in it shall be remembered." Towards evening the rain came on again, and Henry went back to lodge at Maisoncelles, where his French captives waited on him at supper. The » Gesta, p. 58 ; Elmham. Vita, p. 69. St. Remy, i., 25S, says the total English loss was 1600, but this is a palpable exaggeration ; see p. 260, where he says the English loss was not great, t St. Remy, i., 259. X Elmham, Vita, p. 68, 14151 Agincourt 155 archers, who had been busy spoiling the dead, brought back such a quantity of armour to the camp that the King forbade any man to take more than he could use ; for they were not yet quit of their dan- ger. Out of the rest of the spoil there was made a funeral pyre for the English who had fallen in the battle. Only the bodies of York and Suffolk were pre- served and taken home for burial. On the day after the battle the English renewed their march, and three days later, on 29th October, reached Calais. The English army was in great straits for food, and many had to sell their booty and prisoners. When Henry heard of their necessity he ordered ships to be col- lected, and sent all the men-at-arms and archers with their captives to England. The chief prisoners he kept with him at Calais, where he desired to await de Gaucourt and his companions who had been re- leased on parole at Harfleur. Immediately after the battle, Henry had sent a messenger to England. The news came to London early on the morning of 29th October, whilst men were yet in their beds. All the churches in the city set their bells a-ringing, and the priests and lettered men sang a ''Te Deum " for the victory. At nine o'clock, it was Lord Mayor's Day, the Mayor and his Aldermen with the craftsmen went in procession from St. Paul's to Westminster. And when the Mayor had taken his charge, every man came riding home from Westminster on horseback ; and they were joyful and glad for the good tidings they had of their King. * * Chron, London^ pp. 101-102. 156 Henry V. [1415 On Saturday, i6th November, after de Gaucourt and his companions had surrendered, Henry set sail from Calais. The crossing was so rough and stormy that the French nobles found it not at all to their liking, and they wondered greatly at the cheerful and untroubled bearing of the English King. The fleet reached Dover the same evening. When the King's ship touched the strand, the townsmen in their joyous excitement dashed through the waves and bore Henry on their shoulders to the shore.* Af- ter resting for Sunday at Dover, Henry rode on to Canterbury, where he made his offering at the shrine of St. Thomas. On the Friday he came to Eltham, and next day entered London in triumph. On Saturday morning at ten o'clock the Mayor and Aldermen in their scarlet robes, and the lesser citizens in red cloaks and red and white hoods, " went forth to fetch their conquering Caesar in." After they had made their congratulations, they turned about and rode before Henry in procession from Blackheath to London. For days past the citizens had been busy decorating the streets and preparing pageants in honour of their victorious sovereign. On the Surrey side of London Bridge, where the City was entered, was an arch bearing the figures of two giants t as warders of the city, and the inscription " CIVITAS REGIS jUSTlCliE." At the other end of the bridge, on either side of the roadway, stood * Elmham, Vita, pp. 70-71. f One was a figure of a man with the keys, the other a female. No doubt they are the mediaeval ancestors of the modern Gog and Magog. 1415J Agincourt 157 two columns decorated with white and green, and crowned with the lion and antelope, the supporters of the royal arms. Across the road was another arch with a figure of St. George triumphant, under a pavilion, and displaying on a scroll the inscription : SOLI DEO HONOR ET GLORIA. All around were grouped boys in white and gold, who represented the hierarchy of angels and sang in English to wel- come their King.* At the conduit in Cornhill was another tower, and a canopy of red cloth adorned with the banners of St. George, St. Edward, St. Ed- mund and England, and the inscription : *' Because the King putteth his trust in the Lord and in the mercy of the Most Highest he shall not miscarry." Under the canopy stood a company of prophets in purple and gold. As Henry approached, the prophets let loose many httle birds which fluttered round the King and perched on his shoulders. Then bowing before him, they thundered out the psalm: '' O sing unto the Lord a new song ; for He hath done marvellous things. With His own right hand, and with His holy arm hath He gotten Himself the victory." At the entry into Cheapside was a tower and * One of the songs supposed to have been composed for this oc- casion is preserved, beginning: " Deo gratias Anglia redde pro Victoria ! Owre kynge went forth to Normandy, With grace and myght of chivalry; The God for hym wrought marvelously, Wherefore Englonde may calle and cry — Deo gratias, etc. For the full words and music see Nicolas, Agincourt, Appendix pp. 67, 68. ^^ 158 Henry V, 11415 pageant of green decked with the arms of the city. Underneath there stood twelve old men to repre- sent the Apostles, and twelve to represent the Kings, Martyrs, and Confessors of England, who scattered silver comfits before the King, whilst the pipes of the conduit ran with wine ; and this was in remembrance of how Melchisedec met Abraham on his return from victory. Farther on Chepe Cross was com- pletely hidden under a splendid castle, and the roadway on either side was spanned by arches all decked in red and white and green. From the castle there came out a company of maidens, who with their timbrels danced before the new David, singing in English : ** Welcome, Henry the Fifte, Kynge of Englond and of Fraunce." On stages all up both castle and arches were bands of boys with white apparel and shining wings to represent the heavenly host ; as Henry passed below they scattered wreaths of laurel and besants of gold, and sang with sweet accord the angels' hymn, " Te Deum." From Cheapside the procession passed on to St. Paul's be- neath a glorious canopy of blue, where virgins stand- ing on either hand sent a shower of golden tinsel over the King, and greeted him with cries of *' Noel ! Noel !" And on this last tower as the conclusion of praise, were the words, "■ DEO GRATIAS." * All along the way by which the procession passed were crowds of people in the streets, and the windows and balconies were thronged with citizens * Gesta^ pp. 60-67 \ Lydgate's poem, ap. Nicolas, Battle 0/ A gin- court, pp. 327-329; English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., f. 4^0. 1415] Agincotirt 159 and lords and ladies in gay attire. Many houses were wreathed with laurel, or with titles of praise Others were hung with rich tapestry depicting the stories of conquerors of old, and of former Kings of England. Never had there been seen so great a gathermg or so splendid a spectacle in London Yet amidst all this magnificence Henry was distinguished by his grave and modest bearing. Clad in a purple gown, he rode soberly with a small retinue of his per- sonal friends; whilst the princes who were his prison- ers came behind in state with a guard of soldiers He would not permit any songs to be made in his own praise. Nor would he suffer - his bruised helmet and his bended sword," which he had worn at Agincourt, to be borne before him, as the nobles wished ; lest at the sight of them his people should forget the glory which was due to God alone. At St. Paul's he dismounted, and fourteen bishops all *' revessed * and mitred " met him and sang a " Te Deum " for his victory. After the King had made his offering, the pro- cession re-formed, and the Mayor and Aldermen escorted him out of the City. And so Henry came to Westminster, where he gave thanks again at the shrine of St. Edward in the Abbey, and that night held a feast in the Hall.f The rapture of the people was not for their * /. e. in their festal vestments. t Elmham, Vita, ^. t,-^ Liber Metricus, pp. 125-129; Gesta, p. 68 ; Chron. Lond., p. 103 : - On the morwe the maire and alle the aldermen, with too hundred of the best comoners of London wente to Westminster to the Kyng and present him with a thousand pound in two basins of gold worth five hundred pound. " \ 1 60 Henry V, [1415 glorious victory alone, but was a sign of how the nation's heart had gone out to its King. There was no memory of any Prince, who had ruled his people in war with more personal labour, kindliness, or courage, or who had borne himself more manfully in the field. Neither was there record in the Chronicles and Annals of old that any King of England had gone forth and performed so much in so short a time, and returned again to his own with so great and so glorious a triumph.* * Gesta, p. 60. CHAPTER XI HENRY V. AND SIGISMITND I415-I416 IF Henry's triumph had given him a firm hold on the affections of his subjects, it had also made him in a sense the arbiter of Western Europe. After so striking a victory it might seem at first sight as though he had no more to do than forthwith to prosecute the war to a successful conclusion. But the patience with which Henry now devoted himself to eighteen months of diploma^^yand preparation ena- bles us to realise both the far-reaching aims of his pol- icy and his own constructive genius. The campaign of the previous summer had been necessary to estab- lish his position at home and abroad. It had, however, taxed severely the resources of the kingdom ; and a further period of preparation was required before such a war of conquest, as Henry intended, could be re- newed with a fair prospect of success. No doubt also Henry understood that the first step to the conquest of France was to establish the naval supremacy of England in the Channel ; for this reason alone he must in any case have deferred his second invasion over the 161 l62 Henry V, [1415- coming year.* But it was still more important so far as possible to isolate the French Government, and to secure his own position by a network of alliances. At home Henry's personal popularity made the task of government easy, and he was able to carry still further his policy of reconciliation. The young Earls of March and Huntingdon were rewarded for their services in the war by their final restitution to their honours and estates. The heir of Hotspur, who had long been a prisoner in Scotland, regained his free- dom in December, 141 5, by an exchange for Murdach, son of the Regent Albany, and was soon afterwards restored to his grandfather's earldom and the King's favour. Henry would gladly have extended his agreement with Albany to cover the restoration of the young King James, and so secure a friendly neighbour on the Northern Marches ; but his motions for that purpose, though steadily pursued, were for the time of no effect. On the Welsh border affairs were now so peaceable that Gilbert Talbot was once more commissioned to offer terms to Glendower and his last adherents. Oldcastle, on the other hand, was still in hiding, and intriguing, when opportunity offered, with the enemies of the King's peace. But no serious danger was now to be apprehended from that quarter. The feeling of the nation as represented in Parliament was on the King's side, and no note of discord broke the general harmony. When the * Cf. English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., f. 5 vo, zxA Libel of English Policy, ap. Pol. Songs, ii., 200. "Of see kepynge, entendynge victorie. No better was prince of strenuite." 1416] Henry V. and Sigismmid 163 Chancellor Beaufort opened the Parliament of Novem- ber, 141 5, he took for his text, *' As he hath done unto us so also let us do unto him," and dwelling on the Kings continual labours for the preservation of law and justice and the peace of the land, appealed for a generous support of his master's foreign policy.* The Commons responded by voting supplies with reason- able liberality, and granted the King the Customs for life. The speech of the Chancellor in the subsequent Parliament of March, 1416, was pitched in the same warlike strain and seems to have met with full approval. There was little mention of domestic legis- lation in either assembly ; a firm and orderly govern- ment at home and a spirited foreign policy satisfied the interests and ambitions of the nation. In France Burgundy hoped to turn the disaster of Agincourt to his own advantage. The death of his two brothers had stirred him for the moment to wrath against the English King. On the other hand he thought, through the heavier losses of the rival faction, to secure for himself undisputed authority. But his plans were defeated by the energy of Ber- nard, Count of Armagnac, who brought up his Gas- con followers from the South and obtained from the King the baton of Constable. Louis the Dauphin died in December, 141 5, and was succeeded by his brother John, who had been educated at Bur- gundy's Court and was betrothed to the Duke's niece Jacqueline, daughter of William of Holland. Nevertheless the Armagnacs retained control of the government in the King's name, though with some- ♦ Rolls of Parliament, iv., 62. 164 Henry V. [1415 what divided counsels. The more moderate party led by the Duke of Berri might have been inclined to seek peace; but they were dependent on the sup- port of Count Bernard, who advocated with consist- ent vigour a policy of revenge. The domestic quarrels of the French were, how- ever, for the time of less importance. The most interesting figure in the history of the next twelve- month was Sigismund, the Emperor-elect. Sigis- mund of Luxemburg, the second son of the Emperor Charles IV., at his father's death in 1378 be- came Margrave of Brandenburg, and in 1387 through his marriage to Mary of Anjou secured the crown of Hungary. In 141 1 he replaced his brother Wenzel as King of the Romans, and from that date endeav- oured to pursue such a truly international policy as became the civil head and guardian of Christendom. In spite of many weaknesses, he was capable of lofty ideals, and laboured with sincere devotion to end the Great Schism, and secure such a reformation of the Church in its head and members as the opinion of moderate men required. The ecclesiastical policy which he thus set before him was, however, compli- cated by the network of secular interests in which the Papacy was entangled. France, England, Ger- many, the Italian princes and the Kings of the Span- ish peninsula had separate interests which Sigismund must appease or reconcile before he could achieve his object. On the other hand, fortune favoured him in many things. Pope John XXIII., through fear of the King of Naples, was forced to throw himself into the Emperor's arms. The traditional 14161 Henry V. aftd Sigismund 165 9 alliance between the imperial line of Luxemburg and the royal House of France, and the aspirations of Gallican churchmen for some moderate measure of reform helped him at Paris. Henry of England had not only a sincere sympathy for Sigismund's plans, but was, for political reasons, also anxious to secure his friendship. Still, with all these advant- ages it was no small triumph for Sigismund when he assembled the representatives of Christendom at Constance in November, 1414. The diversity of in- terests that were there brought together, and the necessity of maintaining at least the show of har- mony, explain, if they do not justify, the tortuous diplomacy which the Emperor pursued. The primary object of the Council of Constance was to restore unity to the Church by ending the Great Schism. The first step in this direction was the deposition of Pope John in the early summer of 141 5. At the beginning of July Gregory XII., one of the two schismatical Popes, resigned his office. A little later Sigismund left Constance for Perpignan to obtain, if possible, the submission of the remain- ing pretender, Benedict XIII. This journey was undertaken at the very time of Henry's invasion of France; but before its purpose was in some degree accomplished the victory of Agincourt had imposed a fresh task of mediation on the imperial diplomatist. We must now turn back to trace the course of negotiations between Sigism.nnd and Henry of England. On 26th February, 141 1, at the time when Henry as Prince of Wales ruled England in his father's name, he had sent Dr. John Stokes and 1 66 Henry V. [1415- Sir Hartank van Clux to treat with Sigismund for a regular alliance.* Viewed in the light of subse- quent events, it is tempting to regard this embassy as a deliberate step in the foreign policy of the Prince and his advisers. If so, it was a return to the policy of Edward III., and an attempt to detach Sigismund from the traditional alliance of his family with France. At the time the embassy bore little fruit ; but Hartank remained as a sort of Eng- lish agent at the Court of Sigismund, and it was through his advice that in July, 1414, a second embassy was sent to the Emperor under Sir Walter Hungerford.f What actually passed on this occasion we can only guess, but it is probable that Hunger- ford's mission paved the way for the more impor- tant negotiations which were entrusted to the English envoys who went to the Council of Con- stance in the following October.^ At the head of this latter mission were the Earl of Warwick and the three Bishops of Bath, Salisbury, and St. David's, who were directed to treat with Sigismund for a league and alliance. The English ambassadors made a splendid show, both when Sigismund was crowned at Aachen, and when the Council met at Constance. But whatever progress may have been made in private, no public result was achieved, and Sigis- mund h imself was at this very time renewing his old * Foedera^ viii., 674. Stokes was afterwards an English repre- sentative at the Council of Constance, Hartank van Clux was a Silesian knight who had been in the English service since 1400. f Feeder a, ix., 155-6. Xid.y ix., 167-8. The bishops were Nicholas Bubwith, Robert Hallam, and John Catrik. ROBERT HALLAM AND THE EARL OF WARWICK. SENT A8 AMBASSADORS TO CONSTANCE. 14161 Henry V. and Sigismund 167 alliance with France. It is impossible to acquit the Emperor of a certain duplicity in his diplomacy. For the moment the pressure of ecclesiastical politics was overpowering, and hence, on 25th June, 14 14, he had been forced to make an alliance with his Orleanist cousins who held power at Paris. On the other hand, imperial policy and perhaps his own inclinations urged him to keep the door open for an agreement with England; but what he did with this intention was of necessity secret. The progress that was made at Constance in the summer of 141 5 and Henry's victory at Agincourt produced a ma- terial change in the situation. In January, 1416, when Sigismund was at Lyons on his way back from Perpignan, he received an in- vitation to visit Paris. The French princes probably relied on their old friendship to secure his assistance in obtaining favourable terms from England. Sigis- mund on his part was, in the interests of the Coun- cil, anxious for peace,* and, as it would appear, accepted the role of mediator in all sincerity. There is no ground for supposing that he foresaw the position into which the events of the next few months would lead him. It was on 1st March that Sigismund entered Paris. He was received with the greatest honour by the Duke of Berri and the other princes. But he must have recognised soon that his efforts in the French capital were not likely to be attended with much success. The Count of Armagnac somewhat ♦ Even before Agincourt he had advocated a peaceful agreement. Caro, Aus der KanzUi, p. iii. i68 Henry V. [1415- ostentatiously left Paris and renewed his warfare with the English before Harfleur. Armagnac's atti- tude and the divisions of the French princes were probably the starting-point for a change in Sigis- mund's policy. At all events, they determined him to visit England, which was not apparently part of his original intentions. * Sigismund's decision to transfer the negotiations to London was arrived at about the end of March, On 8th April he left Paris, accompanied by a French embassy under the Archbishop of Rheims. Three weeks later he reached Calais, where the Earl of Warwick received him with such magnificence as to earn for himself the name of the " Father of Courtesy." On Thursday, 30th April, Sigismund, who was accompanied by a retinue of over a thou- sand persons, crossed over to Dover.f Henry had prepared to receive his imperial guest with the utmost distinction. But, if we could trust a late legend, Sig- ismund was not permitted to land till Humphrey of Gloucester had ridden into the water with drawn sword, and received from him a promise that he had not come as Emperor and made no pretence to exercise imperial authority in England. :J: On the following *Cf. Foedera, ix., 333. Safe-conduct for Scots envoys to go to Sigismund at Paris, dated 26th March. f Wendeckeap. Lenz., p, 89. The whole retinue did not cross till 3rd May. The English Chronicle^ (Cotton. MS., Cleop., C. iv., f. 28*°) says Sigismund was at Calais till 4th May. X The story first appears in Redmayne and Hall, but only takes its final shape in Holinshed. It is possibly a sixteenth-century inven- tion, though the historians of that time seem to have used some traditional information which has not survived elsewhere. The THE EARL OF WARWICK AND THE EMPEROR SIQISMUNa 1416] Hc7iry V. and Sigisniti7td 169 Tuesday Sigismund was met by Bedford at Roches- ter, and on tlte Wednesday by Clarence at Dartford. On Thursday, the 7th May, he made his entry into London. By Henry's orders the Mayor and citizens went out to greet him at Blackheath, the King himself, with his great lords, awaiting him at St. Thomas Wateryng. When the two monarchs had kissed and embraced each other, Henry took the Emperor by the hand, and so they came riding through the City of London to St. Paul's, where they made their offering. Then they took horse again and rode to Westminster, where the Emperor was lodged in the royal palace, whilst the King him- self lay at Lambeth.* Sigismund, for all his fitful earnestness, was fond of state and pleasure, so that the royal magnificence of his reception was much to his liking. The Parliament, which had been adjourned before Easter that it might still be in session at the time of the Emperor's visit, reassembled on nth May. If, as seems likely, Sigismund witnessed the opening cere- mony, he enjoys the distinction of being the only Emperor who was ever present on such an occasion. notion that the King of England was " Emperor of his own " was not unfamiliar in the reign of Henry V. See Page, Siege of Rouen, p. 24: *' He ys Kyng excellent And unto none othyr obedyent, That levythe here in erthe be ryghte, But only unto God almyght, With-yn hys owne Emperoure And also Kyng and conqueroure." "* English Chronicles, Cotton. MSS., Claudius, A. viii, f. 4»«>, and Cleopatra, C. iv., f. 29*0. % 170 Henry V. [1415- It soon became evident that the course of negotia- tions would be protracted, and Parliament accord- ingly dispersed, whilst the King devoted his attention to the entertainment of his pleasure-loving guest. The Feast of S. George, which had been pur- posely postponed, was celebrated with unusual state at Windsor on 24th May, Henry yielding the chief place at the table and in the chapel to the Emperor. Sigismund was then invested with the Garter, an honour which he so much esteemed that he ever thereafter wore the collar of that order in all assemblies. On 28th May, at Sigismund's request William of Holland came to England to assist in the negotia- tions, which were now begun in good earnest. As a basis for peace it was proposed that Harfleur should be put in the hands of Duke William and the Emperor, to hold for a term of three years pending a final conclusion. For this arrangement the assent of the French princes, then prisoners in England, was sought, but was not forthcoming ; probably they were offered their liberty at the price of recognising Henry's claims to the French throne.* Their re- fusal and their false machinations were the reasons which Henry alleged in public for the failure of his negotiations, f But, apart from this, the scheme did not commend itself to popular opinion, and the mere rumour of what was afoot caused much mur- * Feeder a y ix., 427-30 ; Cousinot, Gestes des Nobles, pp. 135-6. Sig- ismund says expressly that the French princes took part in the negoti- ations. Cf. Alls der KanzUi^ p. 113. \Faderay ix., 362. 1416] Henry V, and Sigismund 171 muring.* Still more serious for the cause of peace was the conduct of the French ; not only was Ar- magnac besieging Harfleur, but his Genoese allies were actually threatening the English shores. Henry at once determined to take the sea in person ; whilst William of Holland, finding his position un- tenable, went back somewhat abruptly to his own country. To Sigismund it was clear that his efforts for peace must fail, unless he could obtain a definite assurance from the French Government. With this purpose he sent an embassy to Paris on the 2ist June, to propose a basis for .further negotiation on his own and Henry's behalf; William of Holland was still in name associated in their proposals. With the imperial ambassadors went the Sire de Gaucourt, who had on a previous occasion acted as a go-between for Henry in French affairs ; at the same time the Archbishop of Rheims and his colleagues also returned to Paris. The proposals, which the imperial ambassadors were commissioned to make, consisted in the first place of a general truce with a view to a meeting between the Kings of France and England. If this was accepted, * English ChronicUy Cotton. MS., Cleopatra, C, iv., f. 29*°. " In y« firste weke of Joyn next suying y* kyng hade suche covnceile y* he schulde have gove y* kepynge of the tovne of harflew to y* Emperower and to the duke of holonde as hit was sayde for a certayn tyme ; fifor y* whiche covnceils and graunte y^ commones were ful sore and draddyn of strong treson y* myzt fall to y* reme, and gro- chedede w* hole herte, wherof owre kyng had wityng. And yan oure Kynge examenyd better this mater of y'^ ffrensshmen y* were prisoners here, and yan was it wel knowen to owre Kyng and Em- perowre and to the duke of holonde yt hit was hyz falsnesse and treson unto owre lond y* y« ffrensshmen ment." 172 Henry V, [1415- the Archbishop of Rheims and the Sire de Gaucourt were to notify Sigismund within three weeks of their departure from London, and the place for the inter- view was to be fixed within a further period of ten days. These proposals were discussed at length by the French princes. The moderate party, whose weight the recent death of the Duke of Berri had weakened, would have accepted them without demur. But Armagnac met them with a warlike and eloquent harangue: Henry and his allies were not to be trusted ; they sought peace only that they might pre- pare fresh war; it was French policy to pursue the advantages they had lately gained before Harfleur. Eventually a compromise was arranged. De Gau- court "* was to take back such an answer as would prolong the negotiations for peace, whilst Armagnac and his Genoese allies were to be at liberty to continue the war. A temporising message was sent accordingly, and arrangements made for a conference with English representatives at Beauvais towards the middle of July, f So short-sighted and hypocritical a policy was worthless against an adversary so wary and energetic as Henry. At the end of June Henry had gone to South- ampton to prepare for his intended expedition, whilst Sigismund found a pleasant resting-place at Leeds in Kent. On the receipt of de Gaucourt's illusory report Henry hastily rejoined the Emperor. * Chron. St. Denys, vi., 18-22 ; Aus der Kanzlei Sigismund, pp. 99-100. \id., p. loi, date 7th July ; Chron. St. Denys, vi., 22-6. 1416] Henry V. and Sigismund 173 The news that a Genoese fleet was threatening the Isle of Wight followed quickly ; a few days later came a report that the English envoys had been received with very scant courtesy at Beauvais, and that the French had found a pretext not to conclude the truce as agreed upon.* Such a revelation of French policy brought matters to a crisis. Henry ordered his intended expedition to be pushed on with renewed vigour, though he resigned the com- mand to his brother Bedford. Sigismund on his part abandoned the task of mediation and threw him- self fully into Henry's plans. On 15th August a formal treaty of alliance between the Emperor and English King was concluded at Canterbury. In the preamble Sigismund declared that during six months he had laboured sincerely for peace and the unity of the Church, but had met with nothing but snares and delusions. His imperial rights and Henry's just demands had been alike disregarded. Therefore he now made an offensive and defensive alliance with the English King, in which the two parties pledged themselves to mutual support for the recovery of their claims against France, f This treaty shows that Henry and Sigismund no longer entertained any hopes of a peaceful settlement. But they did not draw back from the conference which had in the meantime been arranged to take place at Calais, and at which it was expected that the Duke of Burgundy would b e present. * Alls der Kanzlei^ pp. 103, 107. \F(xdera, ix., 377-81 ; cf. Aus der JCanzki, pp. I05-7, and 109- 23, a letter to Charles VI., giving the Emperor's account of the negotiations of the last six months. 174 Henry V. [1415- 14161 Henry V. and Sigismund 175 On 24th August Sigismund crossed over to Calais, where ten days later Henry rejoined him. On 7th September the Archbishop of Rheims arrived, as had been arranged at Beauvais. But there was hardly any pretence at treating for a genuine peace. The French envoys made a proposal almost humorous in its audacity ; let Sigismund purchase peace from Henry by a donation out of the ancient lands of the Empire, and the gratitude of their master would know no bounds. What this meant was that Henry should obtain compensation at the expense of Bur- gundy ; an arrangement which, however gratifying to the Armagnac Government at Paris, can scarcely have been seriously intended. But neither side desired immediate hostilities, and the negotiations ended naturally in a general truce to last from 9th October till 2nd February, 141 7.* The French ambassadors left Calais on 3rd October, and three days later Burgundy arrived. The negotiations with Burgundy were in reality the chief purpose of the conference at Calais. With that double-dealing prince Henry had found it exped- ient to maintain continued relations. John the Fearless deserved no trust, and Henry cannot have trusted him. But his aid could be purchased, and this no doubt was Henry's intention. Burgundian envoys had been present in England almost the whole of the year. The truce with Flanders had been prolonged for a twelvemonth in June, and in August Bishop Catrik, when on his way back to Con- stance, w as instructed to visit the Burgundian Court *Fadera, ix., 387, 397-401. and arrange for the conference at Calais.* John was himself too treacherous by nature to put any con- fidence in others. He would not appear at Calais until Humphrey of Gloucester became a hostage for his safety. The princes met at the ford of the Aaat Gravelines and passed each other in midstream. At Calais Burgundy spent a whole week, and had many long and secret interviews with the Emperor and English King. Henry was apparently so confident of his power to secure the support of John, that he had documents ready drafted for signature, in which the Duke was to pledge himself to further the Eng- lish cause in France.f What passed at the inter- views did not transpire, but probably the popular opinion which ascribed their failure to Burgundy's manifest duplicity was not far wrong. The Duke left Calais on 13th October and at once busied himself with a new intrigue for his own aggrandisement. On I2th November he met the Dauphin and his father-in- law, William of Holland, at Valenciennes, where they concluded a league against the Armagnacs. But the death of the Dauphin early in the following year put an end to this scheme, and Burgundy fell back on his old plan for an agreement with England. The conference at Calais broke up immediately after Burgundy's departure. Sigismund went back to Germany by way of Dordrecht, mightily pleased with his new alliance. Henry's kingdom, as he told the English envoys at Constance, was Paradise in comparison to any place he had ever visited ; " from the highest unto the lowest he commended your ^Fadcra, ix., 328, 352-4, 374. f »V., ix., 394-6. 176 Henry V. [1415- glorious and gracious person, your realm and your good governance." * Henry himself crossed over to England on i6th October, just in time for the meeting of a new Parlia- ment. The Treaty of Canterbury was laid before the Commons and solemnly ratified and confirmed, f Such a proceeding was no doubt only a formality; still, it has its significance both as showing how Henry took his people into his confidence and how fully he had identified them with his policy. The policy was entirely his own ; his was the energy that had frustrated the duplicity of the French princes ; his was the skill and magnetic influence that had won over Sigismund from the traditional alliance of his family. How completely Henry was his own foreign minister appears also from a document, wherein he records for the Emperor's information the secret negotiations which he had personally conducted with the French princes in England. % The Treaty of Canterbury was in itself a diplo- matic vi ctory of the first importance. Yet it was only * Feeder a, ix., 435. f Rolls of Parliament, iv., 96. X Foedera, ix., 427-30. As this document is avowedly Henry's own composition, it is worth quoting the opening and ending words • •• Tiptoft. I charge yow, by the Feith that ye owe to me, that ye kepe this Matere. her after Writen, from al Men secre save from my Brother Th' Emperor owne Persone ; that never Creature have Wittyng thereof, withowt myn especial Commandement, of myn owne Mouthe. or els Writen with myn owne Hand, and Seelyd with "^y ^^Snet : And, for the secreness of this Matere I have writen this Instruction wyth myn owne Hande, And seled hit with my Signet of th' Egle, the 25 Day of Januar. that is the Day of Conversion of St. Paule." 1416] Henry V, and Sigismund 177 the pivot on which a wider scheme revolved. The minor negotiations of the year were of necessity left to agents; but Henry's was the far-seeing genius which contrived them all as parts of a general plan. A treaty of alliance was concluded with the Arch- bishop of Cologne, whose support was secured by the promise of an annual pension. Negotiations were opened with the Hanse and the chief princes of Ger- many. The friendship of Venice was confirmed by the concession of commercial privileges. Steady efforts were made to withdraw the Genoese from their alliance with the French Government, and Sigismund's influence was especially enlisted on this behalf. More than one embassy was despatched to the princes of the Spanish peninsula ; a treaty was made with the King of Aragon ; ambassadors were directed if possible to conclude an alliance with Castile, or at all events to obtain a truce between that kingdom and Portugal, the ancient ally of Eng- land, and if it might be to detach Castile from its friendship for France. All these seemingly separate negotiations had one end in view ; so to isolate the French Government that the English King might be free to prosecute his schemes of conquest without fear of complication. Henry's diplomacy was not entirely successful. Neither the Republic of Genoa, nor the King of Castile would consent to abandon their old tra- ditions. Burgundy could not be induced to commit himself to support the English cause in France. But the general results were sufficiently striking. The French Government at Paris had been 13 178 Henry V, [1415-1416] unmasked, and the duplicity with which it devised war whilst it talked of peace exposed. Henry could, with some show of justice, claim to be the injured party who had laboured in all sincerity for peace. He stood next toSigismund as a champion of ortho- doxy, and as a political power even Sigismund him- self had to yield him the first place. His diplomatic victory was not less important than the triumph at Agincourt, of which it was indeed the first fruit and the complement. CHAPTER XII THE COMMAND OF THE SEA I416-1417 IN the last chapter, reference has been made inci- dentally to the warfare which from time to time frustrated the endeavours of Sigismund to ar- range terms of peace. With the personal history of Henry V. that warfare has no direct concern, yet some account of it is necessary, as well to illustrate the negotiations of 1416 as the naval policy of the King. Though there were skirmishes between the French and English in the neighbourhood both of Bordeaux and Calais, the main interest centres round Harfleur. The English garrison under Dorset held nothing but the town; their military operations were therefore of subsidiary importance. The real struggle was for the command of the Channel, and the events of the year afford an interesting illustra- tion of the importance of sea-power in war. Dorset had, as captain of Harfleur, a force of three hundred men-at-arms and nine hundred archers. Soon after his return to England, in November, 141 5, Henry had sent over store of provisions and J 79 i8o Henry V. [1416- money. But the maintenance of an isolated garrison in a hostile country was no easy matter, and Dorset found himself hard pressed for supph'es. He was thus compelled to make constant raids into the country, during one of which, so early as i8th November, 141 5, he advanced to within a few miles of Rouen. On that occasion, and again a few days before Christmas, the English forays were highly successful * But early in the spring the Constable Armagnac came to Normandy with the intention to press the war vigorously, and if possible to achieve some result that should frustrate the peace-seeking policy of his political rivals at Paris. During the second week in March, Dorset, who was still in sore need of victuals, made a foraging raid beyond Fecamp as far as Cany towards Dieppe. His expe- dition had been successful, and he was on his way back to Harfleur when Armagnac suddenly came upon him near Valmont. Dorset had not much over a thousand men, whilst the French were more than three times as numerous. However, he prepared for battle in the traditional English way, with his baggage in the rear, his men- at-arms on foot in the centre, and the archers en herse on either wing. Hardly was his line formed when Armagnac's heavy cavalry came charging down. The English archers were powerless to check their onslaught. The French swept victoriously through the little company of men-at-arms in the centre, and fell to plundering the baggage train and massacr ing the valets who were holding their mas- * English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Cleopatra C, iv., fT. 27-28. 1417] The Command of the Sea 181 ters' horses in the rear. Dorset, though badly wounded, rallied his men and drew them off to the shelter of an orchard hard by. To the herald who was sent to offer terms he answered haughtily : ** Go tell your master, that Englishmen never sur- render." His position was nevertheless precarious ; he had few horses and the enemy held the direct road to Harfleur. There was nothing for it but to march home by the longer way round the coast. Under cover of night the English contrived to steal off unobserved, though Armagnac had ordered the Mar^chal de Longny to watch their movements. At daybreak they had reached the Chef de Caux, and thought to get back to Harfleur without further fighting. But Longny had followed them and now once more barred the road. Thus brought to bay, the English, though hungry and weary, charged desperately up the hill on which the French were posted. Longny's detachment was overwhelmed before Armagnac could come to the rescue, and so Dorset, in spite of heavy losses, returned to Har- fleur. Both sides claimed the victory, but whilst the English had the best of it in the actual fighting, the practical results rested with the French. Armagnac held the country up to the very walls of Harfleur, and Dorset had to send an urgent message for rein- forcements to England.* This fighting took place on Wednesday and Thursday, the nth and I2th March, whilst Sigismund was at Paris ; and it was * Chron. St. Denys, v., 750-760 ; Gesta, pp. 69-72 ; Chron. Norm.^ pp. 173-174; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii., 314-315; English Chron,, Cotton. MS., Cleop. C, iv., f. 28. l82 Henry V, [1416- probably the news of Armagnac's success that deter- mined the Emperor to transfer his negotiations to England. The French Government reah'sed that their surest means of defence was to hold the command by sea.* They had negotiated accordingly with the Genoese who were the most skilful mariners of the day, and obtained a fleet of nine great carracks, three hun- dred transports and galleys, and a large number of smaller vessels. Five thousand crossbowmen were also hired in Spain and embarked on board the fleet which reached the Seine about the end of April! Harfleur was now closely besieged by land and sea and the French hoped to starve the garrison into surrender. Henry was, however, fully alive to the danger, and early in May ordered an ample supply of arms and provisions to be despatched.! By a simple stratagem the ship that carried this relief managed to get into Harfleur. She sailed through the block- ading lines flying the white cross of France at her prow, and when the zone of danger was passed ran up the red cross in its place and safely entered the harbour. \ During May, the stringency of the siege was some- what relaxed, for Armagnac was called away to Paris and therefore concluded an armistice for one month! The truce was, however, confined to Harfleur, so ^hatUie main part of the Genoese fleet was free to *Des Ursins, p. 333. t The anns included icxw bows, 2000 trusses of arrows. 100 gross of bowstrings. Cf. Add. MS. 4601, f. 49. X Chron. St. Denys, vi., 12-14. 14171 The Command of the Sea 183 harry the English coast and commerce in the Chan- nel. To meet the danger thus threatened, the Earl of Huntingdon was on 12th May ordered to equip a fleet, and after relieving Harfleur to keep the sea and not put into port except under stress of weather. Commissions of array were also ordered for the pro- tection of the Isle of Wight and the western coun- ties, and beacons were to be provided to give timely warning of the enemy's approach.* But before Huntingdon was able to take the sea, the Genoese fleet appeared off the English coast and laid waste the Isle of Portland. At other points the enemy were repulsed with severe loss, and an attempt to fire th^ fleet in Southampton Water was also unsuc- cessful. These events happened early in June, at a critical moment for the peace negotiations then pro- ceeding in London, to the failure of which they con- tributed materially. Henry was now more than ever determined on vigorous action. Not only must the blockade of Harfleur be raised, but the Channel must also be cleared of the hostile fleet that preyed on English commerce and threatened to make any further in- vasion of France impossible. With this view, the King went down to Southampton on 30th June, to superintend the preparations in person. He had been there ten days, when the Sire de Gaucourt arrived in England with a message which seemed to show that the French were inclined towards peace. Henry, thinking that there was no further danger of war, at once joined Sigismund at Leeds. But *Fadera, ix., 344-345, 350. 1 84 Henry V, [1416- within two days there followed the news that the ene- my's fleet was blockading Portsmouth and plundering the Isle of Wight. By Sigismund's advice Henry consented to leave the command of the fleet to Bedford, since the diplomatic situation more urgently required his personal attention. The fleet was ready to sail early in August. Part of it lay in Southampton Water and part of it in the Camber off Rye. Contrary winds for some days delayed their departure. But at last the two squad- rons met together off Beachy Head, and with a fa- vourable breeze stood across the Channel. On the evening of 14th August, the English fleet entered the Seine. As soon as his ship had dropped anchor, Bedford showed a light at the masthead for the guidance of the other vessels. Under cover of night he then sent some small rowing boats to reconnoitre the hostile fleet, and when he had discovered its position gave orders for a general attack on the mor- row. At dawn the two fleets lay face to face in the Seine, and without more manoeuvring met in mid- stream. The great Italian carracks, with their tall sea-castles at poop and fore, towered spear-high above the decks of the English. But our sailors, nothing daunted, laid their ships alongside, and grappled them fast to those of the enemy. Hand to hand they fought with lance and sword from the decks, or rained down arrows and other missiles from the fighting-tops. For five hours the battle was stub- bornly contested. In the end some of the enemy's ships were boarded, whilst the others sought safety in the shoals near Honfleur. Three great carracks A FIQHT AT SEA. 1417] The Command of the Sea 185 and many smaller vessels were taken, and one car- rack, the Mountnegrie, which had been badly crippled in the fight, ran upon a sand-bank and foundered. The battle over, Bedford sailed tri- umphantly into Harfleur, and when he had victualled the town returned with his prizes to England. Bedford's victory was so far complete that the siege of Harfleur was raised, and the remnant of the French and Genoese fleet withdrew to Brest. But the Channel was not yet secure. Whilst the negotiations were proceeding at Calais in September, a great carrack was sighted in the offing under full sail to Sluys. The Earl of Warwick, Sir Gilbert Umfraville, and other knights hastily manned six balingers and pinnaces and put out to sea. On the following morning they came up with the enemy. All day the little English vessels fought with their great opponent till, when night drew on and their ammunition was spent, they were compelled to abandon the unequal contest. But about the same time the men of Dartmouth were more fortunate; for a great carrack of Genoa was driven on shore by the weather, and captured with all her rich cargo of merchandise. In the summer of 141 7 the Genoese and French fleets were still in sufficient force to be a serious dan- ger to the intended expedition. So in June the Earl of Huntingdon was put in command of a fleet to cruise in the Channel. On the 29th, he fell in with the enemy off La Hogue. The whole long summer day the two fleets fought together, charging with such violence that some ships had their tall castles i86 Henry V. [1416- carried away by the force of the collision. At last the English had the victory. Four great carracks were captured, and the Bastard of Bourbon, who com- manded the French fleet, was taken prisoner. The remainder of the Genoese ships fled to the harbours of Brittany, and did not venture any more to take the sea. However, when the expedition of 14 17 had landed in Normandy, Henry still thought it prudent to order the Earl of March, after escorting the trans- ports home, to "skim "* the sea lest any enemies should " defoule his navy, enter his land, or distrouble his voyage."t But the only danger that March encoun- tered was a storm, in which he lost two carracks and two balingers with all their crews and merchan- dise, whilst another carrack - drove before South- ampton and threw her mast over the town walls.** We do not hear any more of serious fighting in the Channel during the reign of Henry V. The Geno- ese fleet had been driven out of the narrow seas, and the Republic was before long glad to treat with the English King for peace. In 14 19 some danger was feared from an intended Spanish Armada, and dur- ing that same year the western counties had orders to equip vessels to prevent the Scots from sending help to France. t But these incidents were of minor importance. The command of the sea had been fully secured and was carefully maintained. Henry could henceforth pursue his warfare by land without fear of d anger to his communications by sea. -ro^er."'^'"' ^^^ '^^" ""^^"^ ^° ""^^^^^ ^ "scummer" was a \^ng^ish Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., flf. cro 5.0 |/^a?» ♦Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, pp. 338, 339. ^ Id., pp. 349, 351. A payment of ;^ 500 was made towards the cost on the 14th March, 141 7. X Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Ser., i., 69-72. In 1411 Henry IV. was treating for a Spanish ship at San Sebastian. Cf, Wylie, iii., 286. § These were the Peter, the Paul, the Christopher, and the An- drew. They are the first four in the list of August, 141 7. Cf. Gesta, p. 87, note. Ellis, Original Letters, 3rd Ser., i., 72, 73. 190 Henry V. [1416- Zi '2T^'tF^°^'°"' ''"^hen and had two masts. These were the only ones which could at ail compete with the Spanish and Genoese vessels n po.nt o s.ze. The lesser ships, " barges '•and bahngers." ,„ the royal service were usuf lly hZ ca"lleH°" ° '""'"' '°"^ ''"^''>-- O'l'- ^hip^s wer" called "cogs," a term which is applied less frequenlly to warships m the fifteenth than in the previous cenf ury,and "crayers," which were seldom over "xt tons burthen. When merchant vessels were Tm pressed for the royal service, all above tweny tons' ZlTf'^- ""'^ "^^^ '" '4.5 is said to have numbe ed ,500 vessels, and that of ,417 J! probably even more numerous. A list gti„g ^ll of the vessels employed on the latter occasion has been preserved ; one hundred and seventeen of these were h'red from Holland, ninety-four beings og the other hundred and twenty-one were EngliS' and were smaller vessels, including fifty.four craye s * The crew of a great ship like the Trinity might be eighty men, that of a barge or balingef ToSld be from twenty to forty, f In addition, of course each ThrmaTc ' """'" °' '^^'^*'"S --• When st Thomas Carew equipped a squadron of eleven ships IrchetT H-'7' '^ '^' ''' rn....t..rms and 655 E£hfI!iJ H,s largest ship had 75 men-at-arms and ♦Hardy. Il,i„li Normannia, pp. 320-329. Tin May, 1418, a fleet of 3 carracks 5 or.., i,- 6 balingers, had crews numberingTn all ofrln '!i t "'"' '"'^ pay forsix months was ^f 704 j, \ n " ', ^^ ^^'- ^^"^'^ p. 555. '"A794. 13. i.-Devon, Issuis of tlu Exchejutr, X He was assigned 616 men-at-arms and 1232 archers ■ h,„ often happened, the full number did not assemble ' ' ** A SHIP OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. f 1417] The Command of the Sea 191 148 archers; a small barge had only four lances and eight archers. Ships of war had their high castles at poop and forward, and also carried fighting- tops for archers and crossbowmen. In most of the naval battles the hostile fleets grappled at close quarters, and the victory was decided by a hand-to- hand conflict of boarders. But guns were also used on shipboard, as they had been to some extent for nearly seventy years past. The Trinity de la Tour, in 1401, carried two large and one small cannon ; and cannon were used in Bedford's fight at Harfleur, when the Mountnegrie was " rent and bored in the sides." * Ships of war were as a rule splendidly decorated. They were often painted red and ornamented with the royal devices or arms. The Holy Ghost bore figures of the swan and antelope, both royal badges, and the Cog John had a crowned lion at the mast- head. The sails also were generally emblazoned with various devices ; that of the Katherine of the Towre showed an ** antelope climbing up a bea- con," f and the vessel which was the " King's Hall," % in 141 7, had her sails worked with golden stars and painted with ostrich feathers. With the development of the naval force under Henry V. there came also more elaborate provisions for its good governance. If it is not certain that the * Wylie, iv., 232 ; Elmham, Vita^ p. 81 ; Chron. Davies, p. 43. f A beacon or cresset was one of the badges of Henry V. See plate, 30. I /. /., the ship which carried the royal household. Elmham, Vita, p. 96 ; Livius, p. 33. 1 192 Henry V, [1416- 1417] The Command of the Sea 193 ordinances for the office and duties of Admirals con- tained in the " Black Book of the Admiralty " were drawn up in their present form during Henry's reign, * yet we cannot doubt that his military legis- lation had its naval counterpart. The ordinances in the Black Book are certainly those which were ob- served at the beginning of the fifteenth century. The Admiral was to bear a lanthorn at his masthead, as did Bedford at Harfleur, for the guidance of the fleet. The " banner of council " was to be the signal for the assembly of the captains on the Admiral's vessel, and the hoisting of the sail-yard half-mast high gave a fleet the order to prepare for departure.f The treatment of neutral vessels, the adjudgment of prizes taken from the enemy, whether by the King's ships or by privateers, the conduct and government of a fleet when at sea or off a hostile coast were all carefully provided for in detail. The stringent pro- hibitions against sacrilege and the molestation of women illustrate two points on which Henry laid special stress in his warfare. Similar clauses hold the first place in the military ordinances made in 1419 at Mantes, and both the military and naval ordinances have corresponding clauses to restrain unlicensed fighting and plundering. When the fleet was before a fortress or city none were to make an assault without the ordinance of the Admiral ; when fo raging parties were landed good order was * In part at least they are older. But the most important MS. (Cotton. Vesp., B. xxii.) was written in the reign of Henry V., prob- ably for the use of Thomas Beaufort. f See above, pp. 126, 127, 184. to be preserved, none were to cause any damage if not by the commandment of the Admiral, and all masters of ships were held responsible for the good behaviour of mariners whom they allowed to go ashore. The emphasis which, in these Ordinances for the Fleet, is laid upon good order and discipline is emin- ently characteristic of Henry's administration in war. From the very circumstances of the case we cannot follow the workings of that administration so closely in naval as in military affairs. But Henry's success at sea, no less than on land, was due to his practical grasp of what was needed and to the skill with which he adapted his forces to the end that he had in view. His naval victories will not bear com- parison with the two great battles of Sluys and Les Espagnols-sur-Mer, which rivalled the fame of Crecy and Poitiers. He was, however, fully alive to the importance of the command of the sea. So it was with just pride that a later generation looked back to the naval as well as to the military prowess of Henry V., and to the "great intent" with which ** He caste to be Lorde rounde aboute enviroun of the see." * ♦ Libel of English Policy, ap. Pol. Songs, ii., 199. »3 r» i CHAPTER XIII MILITARY PREPARATIONS I417 HENRY returned from the Conference of Calais with the knowledge that a renewal of the war was inevitable in the following spring. The intervening months would be occupied fully with the necessary work of preparation. The experience of the campaign of Agincourt had proved that the new enterprise would tax the resources of England to the utmost. There was, however, good reason to hope that effectual support would be received from other quarters. Sir John Tiptoft, who accompanied the Emperor to Germany, had obtained from Sigis- mund a definite promise to take the field in May.* Henry himself had renewed his negotiations with his French prisoners, and believed that he would be able still to turn the dissensions of his opponents to his own advantage. The Duke of Orleans, who first answered in the name of them all, declared that they neither might nor could know the King of England as their sovereign lord. But Bourbon, speaking for * Aus der Kanzlei Sigismunds, p. 128. 194 1417] Milt i a ry Prepa ra lions 195 himself, was more complaisant : and, on learning that Henry would " for the good of Peace renounce the right that he had now in the Crown of France " in return for certain lands and lordships, agreed, if he might have leave to go homewards, to use his in- fluence in the English cause.* This plan was re- vealed in strict secrecy to Sigismund on 25th January, 14 1 7, but does not seem to have led to any practical result. Probably its success depended on the hos- tility of the Armagnacs to the Dauphin John, who was allied by marriage to Burgundy. But the death of the young prince on 5th April, 141 7, changed the position of French parties, and Burgundy reverted to his old policy of an English intrigue. Henry was quite ready to make terms with either faction, and in the interests of English commerce had always been the more inclined to treat with the overlord of Flanders. The negotiations, which were thus re- opened, resulted in an extension of the existing Truce for Merchants, Fishers, and Pilgrims.f Bur- gundy was concerned only to secure immunity for his own dominions, whilst Henry was content with the knowledge that he need not fear any active hostility from the Duke. To Sigismund Henry had declared that he would assent to nothing that was intended ** but for delay of his voyage." Since the time of his return from Calais the task of preparing for a new campaign had occupied his attention. In January, 1417, letters ♦ Fadera, ix., 427-430. f Id., ix., 449-479. The first instructions to the English envoys were dated 24th April. 196 Henry V, [1417 of privy seal were issued calling for a return of men- at-arms and archers ready to serve in the war, and in February the sheriffs of the several counties had orders to complete the necessary indentures * All were summoned to be present at Southampton by Whitsuntide, at the beginning of June. On St. Mark's Day— 25th April— the King rode in state from Westminster to make his offering at St. Paul's, and take his formal leave of the Mayor and citizens.f Immediately afterwards he went down to Southamp- ton in order to superintend in person the assembly and equipment of his host. The intended departure of the expedition was delayed by the necessity of dispersing the Genoese fleet with which the French held the Channel, and July was well advanced before the actual embarkation commenced. The army which accompanied Henry on his second expedition to France was in numbers somewhat greater than that with which he had besieged Har- fleur two years previously, and in its purpose it was much more ambitious. It was perhaps the largest and certainly the most elaborately equipped army that any English King had yet assembled. Con- temporary historians put the number of those who sailed from Southampton in 1417 at 16,400 fighting men. Livius gives a list which, in conjunction with the Muster-Rolls preserved in the Record Office, en- ables us to fix the men-at-arms and archers at about 2300and 7400 respectively. % The King's own re- * Id., ix., 433. \ English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., f. 5. X Livius, p. 31, gives 2256 lances, and 6810 archers. The 1417] Military Preparations 197 tinue of a thousand persons included miners and gunners; and many of the pages and serving-men were available as light cavalry for scouting and forag- ing. But with all allowances we can hardly believe that the effective force reached nearly 16,000 men, though that estimate may not be excessive as repre- senting the whole number of those who landed in France. If to this we add the seamen who were required to man the huge fleet of fighting ships and transports, the total will have required an extraor- dinary effort on the part of a population of under three millions. The army was no hastily assembled militia, but a carefully organised force with a commissariat and other services adapted to the needs of the time. The great nobles and simple knights each contracted in their degree to find so many lances and so many archers for the war. Equipment and pay were both in the first instance provided by the commander, who was to be recouped on a fixed scale from the royal treasury. Though claims were often left to run unpaid for years, the terms were so liberal that prudent men like Sir John Fastolf were able to amass large fortunes by their trade in war. The King Muster-Rolls give about 1800 lances and 6000 archers ; the num- bers are differently computed by Williams (ap. Gesta, p. 265) and Ramsay, i. 251. Neither list is complete ; Livius omits the contin- gents of the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland ; the Mus- ter-Rolls those of the Duke of Clarence and the Lords Talbot and Ferrers of Chartley. Others like Sir Robert Babthorp do not appear in either list. However, in any case it is not probable that the totals much exceeded the numbers given in the text, which are those sug- gested by Sir. J. Ramsay from a comparison of the two lists. 198 Henry V, [1417 bargained to provide shipping for men and horses without charge. * In theory there was one man-at- arms for every three archers, and this rule was usu- ally observed in the indentures for service. But in practice the proportion was generally exceeded ; in the Welsh campaigns f we find four or five bows to every spear, and at Agincourt there may have been as many. The practice of arms was so common that the nobles and knights would have had little difficulty in raising their contingents. Moreover, though there can have been few survivors of the earlier French wars amongst those who fought at Agincourt, there must have been many who had served a long ap- prenticeship in Wales and on the Scottish March. Thus if Henry's army was not drilled in the modern sense, it was accustomed to strict discipline, and could march and manoeuvre steadily in the face of the enemy. On the eve of Agincourt the long column wheeled into line and formed up in order of battle, when the French appeared on their right flank. In the same manner they marched out next day from Maisoncelles and drew up in the field; * The daily wage was for a Duke 13J. 4^., for an Earl 6j. 8^«.v*- 3IO Fienry V, [1417 foot-archcr or page. The Ordinances also dealt with the making of false returns at musters, the withdraw- ing of soldiers or servants from other masters, the wasting of victuals, making raids or assaults without licence, or fortifying any place without leave of the King. All the articles were to be cried in the host, and the King " willed that a copy be given to every lord and governor of men in the host, so that they may have plain knowledge and inform their men of the ordinances and articles." The Ordinances made by the Earl of Salisbury in Maine besides re- gulations against plundering and "for foragers in places dangerous," include some articles which ap- parently had reference only to the particular occasion ; every captain was to see that his yeomen got each a substantial stake ; every man was to make him a good faggot for use in bulwarks, and each captain was to see that his company had its proper number of fag- gots ; every seven gentlemen or men-at-arms were to make them a good ladder and strong of fifteen rungs, and every two yeomen a pavys of boards, " that one may hold it whilst the other doth shoot." * The assembly and ordering of his host may well have absorbed Henry's energies during the spring and summer of 1417. Even after Huntingdon's victory at sea had made the passage of the Channel safe, the departure of the expedition was still de- layed by the work of final preparation. But at last all was ready, and the navy was gathered and " well-stuffed with all manner of victuals for such a royal peo ple as well for horse as for man, as longed for ♦Nicolas, Agincourt, Appendix, pp. 30-43. 14171 Military Preparations 211 such a warrior : that is for to say Armore, Gonnes, Trip- getes, Sowes, Bastiles, Brigges of lether, Scalyng-lad- ders, Malles, Spades, Shovelles, Pykeys, Pavys, Bowes and Arowes, Bowe-stringes, Tonnes, Chestes and Pipes full of arowes as needed for suche a worthy werrior, that nothing was to seke whanne tyrae come. And whan this was redy and his retinue come, the Kyng and his lordes with all his ryall host went to shippe and took the see and sailed in to Normandie." * * English ChronicU, Cotton. MS., Claud.. A. viii., f, 5 ▼<>. For "Tripgetes," "Sowes," and "Bastiles" see page 205. "Brigges of lether" were pontoons of hide stretched on wicker frames, see page 236. " Malles " = mallets, " Pykeys " = picks. For " Pavys " see pages 206 and 210 and Plate 18. CHAPTER XIV THE CONQUEST OF LOWER NORMANDY 1417-1418 THOUGH Henry went on board his ship in Southampton Water, on 23rd July, the fleet probably did not sail till a day or two after- wards ; for it was 1st August when the King landed for the second time in Normandy, at Touques, a small fortified place not far from the modern Trouville. At first sight it may seem strange that Henry did not on this expedition make use of the base which he had secured and preserved at such great cost in Harfleur. The preference given to a position on the south bank of the Seine was, however, dictated by sound considerations of statecraft and strategy. It is true that Harfleur was the key of Normandy as commanding the mouth of the Seine. But an army advancing from Harfleur would have Rouen on its flank, and the siege of that great and strong city could not be attempted without adequate pre- paration. It was, moreover, important that the be- siegers should have the command of both banks of 213 1417-18] Conqjiest of Lower Normandy 2 1 3 the river. On these grounds alone Henry's choice of a landing-place was well advised. There were further good reasons in its favour. When the left bank of the Seine was secured, the conquest of low£r Normandy could be undertaken piecemeal. When lower Normandy was in English hands, the French position at Rouen could be turned and its communications with Paris severed. On political grounds also the campaign was wisely conceived ; for it opened a way to command the neutrality of Brittany and to threaten the possessions of the Or- leanist princes in Anjou. Henry's plan is thus significant of his far-reaching intentions, and reveals an essential difference between his warfare and that >f his great-grandfather. Henry celebrated his landing at Touques by dub- bing forty-eight new knights. As soon as the army had disembarked the main fleet returned home under command of the Earl of March, whilst the ships that carried the siege train and warlike stores re- mained for a time in the Seine. There was in the Castle of Touques a small French garrison, which, after a brief siege, surrendered to the English on 9th August. A Council was then held to decide on the best commencement for the forthcoming campaign. Some apparently were in favour of an attack on Honfleur.* But that town was strongly garrisoned ; and a reconnaissance had shown that its reduction * A French historian {Chron. St. Denys, \'i., 102) declares that Honfleur was actually besieged for many days and repulsed the Eng- lish; this is clearly false, for Henry and his main force marched from Touques within a fortnight of landing. Cf. Elmham, VitUy p. 98. 214 H^nry V, [1417- i^ would cost more time and trouble than the ad- vantages that would accrue from its early possession were worth. Henry therefore resolved to advance first on Caen, a city which was not only important in itself, but from its position and fertile neighbour- hood promised to afford convenient winter quarters. Henry left Touques on 13th August and, making a wide detour to the south, only reached Caen five days later.* His chief purpose was to avoid the numerous streams which made the more direct route unsuitable for a large army.f At the same time he was able to clear the neighbouring districts of the enemy, and to cut off the city from its communi- cations with Rouen and Paris. Meanwhile Clar- ence, who had been made Constable of the host and commanded the van, marched in light order by the shorter road along the coast. By his rapid advance he surprised the French garrison at Caen, drove in their outposts from the suburbs and captured St. Stephen's Abbey, the majestic house which owed its foundation to William the Conqueror. St. Stephen's, which was strongly fortified, stood on a hill just out- side the walls of the city, and for military reasons the French commanders had determined to destroy it. Their intention was frustrated by one of the monks who, anxious to save his abbey, came secretly to Clarence and betrayed to him the weakest part of the walls where they might be easily scaled. * His route was by Dives, Grentheville (where he spent the Sun- day) Fontenes, Estouteville, Caen. Cf. Walsingham, Hist. Angl,, ii., 322, and Puiseux, SUge de Caen, p. 34. f Livius, p. 35. 1418] Conquest of Lower Normandy 2 1 5 Thus St. Stephen's was captured on 17th August, and when Henry arrived next day he took up his quarters in the abbey, from the towers of which he could spy out all that went on in the city. Whilst the King held the siege on the south- western side, Clarence moved round to the north- east, where he posted himself in the sister foundation of Queen Matilda at the abbey of the Holy Trinity. Between the King and Clarence on the north lay the Earl Marshal and Sir Gilbert Umfraville ; on the south were the Earls of Warwick, Huntingdon, and Salisbury, and Humphrey of Gloucester at Vancelles. The English fleet soon arrived from Touques with the siege train on board ; the artillery was landed and the bombardment at once commenced. The fortifications of Caen were strong ; but they were commanded by the English positions, and the garri- son within was weak and ill-provided. Quickly the great guns ** beat down both walls and towers and slew much people in their houses and eke in the streets." * When the bombardment had made suflfi- cient progress, and the weakness of the defence be- came manifest, Henry determined to assault the town. At daybreak on 4th September he attacked in force on the south ; apparently to attract the attention of the garrison, whilst the real assault was delivered by Clarence on the north, where the ap- proaches were easier, f In that quarter the walls * English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claud., A. viii., f. 6. The concussion of the guns was so great that it shattered the windows of St Stephen's Abbey. Cf. Elmham, Vita, p. 105. f It was here that Edward III., had carried the town seventy-one years before. 2l6 Henry V, [1417- had been previously undermined and propped with timber. On the appointed day the timbers were fired ; and when the walls, already weakened by the bombardment, collapsed, Clarence and his men scaled the northern suburb. By the bridge across the Odon the English fought their way right into -the heart of the city, "sparing neither man nor child, and ever they cried ' A Clarence ! A Clarence ! "* * Then the garrison who were defending the southern walls were taken in the rear, and the gates opened to the King. Henry suffered his men to plunder at their pleasure, save only that they were to leave the churches untouched and offer no violence to priests or women. "Thus," wrote the King to the Mayor of London, "on St. Cuthbert's Day, the Translation, God of His high grace sent into our hands our town of Caen, by assault and with right little death of our people. Whereof we thank our Saviour as lowly as we can or may, praying that ye do the same as devoutly as ye can, certifying you also that we and our host be in good prosperity and health, thanked be God of His mercy, Who have you in His keeping." f The only Englishman of rank amongst those slain was Sir Edmund Springge, who scaled the walls on the King's side and performed prodigies of valour until he was hurled into the moat. As he lay there, helpless in his armour, the French threw down burn- "^ English Chronicle, Cotton, MS., Claud., A. viii., f. 6*°. f Del pit, Documents Francois en Angleterre, p. 220. I have modernised the spelling. 14181 Conquest of Lower Normandy 217 ing straw from the walls, and so roasted him alive. After the town was taken Henry had Sir Edmund buried honourably in St. Stephen's Abbey, near the tomb of the Conqueror. Though the city was taken the castle still held out. But the commander soon made a composition to surrender, if no rescue came within ten days,* and on 20th September, Henry was master both of castle and town. The intervening period was not wasted. Gloucester was sent at once to Bayeux, which with fourteen other towns and villages made terms to surrender if no help came to the Castle of Caen within the appointed time. Henry himself remained for a while at Caen, busy with the task of laying the foundations for the gov- ernment of his new conquests. The garrison of the castle was allowed to march out with the honours of war. At the same time also many of the citizens de- parted, the King ordering that no man should be so hardy as to defoul any woman or to take any manner of goods from them on pain of death, f But the greater number accepted the terms which were offered to them, and swore obedience to their new sovereign. Henry had no desire to pose as a con- queror. It was a part of his own rightful heritage that he had now by God's help recovered. A country that was given over to military rule, and had neither husbandmen nor burgesses must speedily be ruined and worthless. So he ordered proclamation to be made, that whosoever in his duchy of Normandy * Id. ib.\Fadera, ix., 490-491. \ English Chronicle^ Cotton. MS., Claud., A. viii., £. 6'®. 2l8 Htnry V, [1417- would take oath to live as his liege subjects should enjoy his peace and protection. To all persons of religion his favour was specially extended, and his soldiers were strictly forbidden to offer them any violence. The news of such clemency had great effect, and with the advance of the English arms many hastened to avail themselves of the proffered terms. - If the King of England be the stronger," argued the Norman peasantry, " let him be our lord, so be that we may live in peace and the quiet enjoy- ment of our own." * Peace and security of property were blessings with which civil discord and excessive taxation had made the common folk unfamiliar. The strict order which Henry enforced, and his judi- cious remission of oppressive imposts gave his con- quest a strange if transient popularity. There was, however, another side to the picture. For if Henry received those who made their submission with gentleness, he showed merciless severity to all who resisted him. So great was the terror of his name that when the English came to Lisieux they found there only one old man and a woman ; all the rest had fled. On 1st October, Henry set out from Caen and, marching by way of Coursy, appeared before Argen' tan. The very day after his arrival, on 8th October, the French garrison, without striking a blow, made terms for surrender, and the people from all the countryside around came flocking in to tender their obedience to the royal commissioners. From Argen- tan Hen ry went on to Seez, where there was ** a fair *Chron, Si. Denys, vi., 162. 1418] Conquest of Lower Normandy 219 minster that yielded anon unto the King." With the main division of his army he next advanced against Alengon, whilst the left wing, operating to the east under the command of Sir John Tiptoft, captured in succession Exmes, L'Aigle, Rugles, and Verneuil. * Alen^on was a strong town with a fine castle, and was at first stoutly defended. But when the garrison saw how easily the English were sub- duing all the villages and castles round about they opened negotiations with the King, and made the usual agreement to surrender if no help came within the appointed time. Henry entered Alengon on 24th October, and stayed there over a month, whilst he consolidated the conquests which he had made with such startling rapidity. His captains meantime carried the warfare into the heart of Maine, and re- ceived the submission of the whole country up to the very walls of Le Mans. The ease with which Henry advanced so far was due to the discord of the French princes. The death of the Dauphin John, in April, 1417, had been a serious blow to Burgundy. Charles, the last of the old King's sons, who thus became heir to the throne, was a mere boy, but already married to Marie of Anjou, daughter of Louis, titular King of Sicily. The young prince was entirely under the influence of Armagnac, who, to make his own po- sition more secure, expelled Queen Isabel, his most dangerous rival, from her husband's Court to a prison at Tours. Burgundy, the old intriguer, who, ♦Hardy, Rotuli Normannice ; Exmes loth October, L'Aigle 12th October, Rugles i8th October. 220 Henry V, [1417- whilst the Dauphin John still lived, had looked to the Court, veered round once more. Now he posed as the champion of the oppressed ; in the early sum- mer his agents were fomenting a revolt in Nor- mandy, and at the very time when the English King was marching on Caen, Burgundy was pre- paring to besiege his Armagnac rivals at Paris. The civil strife lasted through the autumn. At the be- ginning of November, Burgundy surprised Tours and released Queen Isabel, who proclaimed herself regent for her husband, and became the bitterest enemy of her only surviving son. The two parties had but one thing in common ; they were equally ready to make terms with the foreign invader, if thus they could gain some sufficient advantage over their domestic enemies. Even in Normandy itself the civil war continued ; and whilst Henry was be- sieging the castle of Falaise, the Burgundians under Alain Blanchard were expelling the Armagnacs from Rouen. Under such circumstances the task of an invader must needs have been simple. Henry made use of his opportunities with consummate skill, and quickly began to reap the fruits of his well-planned cam- paign. He had not been long at Alengon before John of Brittany, alarmed for the safety of his duchy, came to seek terms from the conqueror. On i6th November, a treaty was concluded by the Breton Duke, under which he secured a truce till the follow- ing Michaelmas. At the same time, as agent for Queen Yolande of Sicily, and with the assent of the French Court, he obtained like terms for the posses- 14181 Conquest of Lmver Nor^nandy 221 sionsof her son Louis* in Maine and Anjou. Bur- gundy's selfishness had long since secured immun- ity for his own territories in Artois and Flanders. Finally, the Dauphin's government offered to treat, and at the end of November his envoys met the English representatives near Touques ; but these last negotiations led to no results, for the French found Henry's demands exorbitant, and the Eng- lish King was not disposed to yield. Henry was indeed ready to accept whatever he could obtain freely from any quarter, but he recognised that the time was not yet ripe for a general agreement. His rapid advance to Alen^on had accomplished its im- mediate purpose. The concessions which it en- abled him to extort secured him from the danger of attack. Further progress in that direction was, however, for the time imprudent, if not impossible. So at the end of November he turned back to com- plete his conquests in lower Normandy. On 1st December, Henry with his main army ar- rived before Falaise. That town could not be re- duced without a set siege, and the English had therefore been compelled to pass it by when ad- vancing on Alengon. The fortifications were so strong as to put its capture by assault out of the question. Although it was already nearly midwinter the English commanders resolved to reduce the town by blockade. Henry, like a true general, ever mindful of his men, made provision for their com- fort his first care. By his orders wooden huts were * Louis, who was brother-in-law of the Dauphin, was married to Brittany's daughter. 222 Henry V, [1417- built for their shelter, in such numbers that the English camp presented the appearance of a new town. To protect his lines against the enemy the King had deep trenches dug all round, and a strong palisade with a projecting chevaux-de-frise construc- ted. The commissariat was provided for with equal care, and the market in the English camp was soon so well served as to excite the reverse of consolation in the minds of the besieged.* Whilst an abundance of food and comfortable quarters enabled the Eng- lish to defy the hardships of winter, the strictness of the blockade did its work fast amid the towns- folk. Within less than three weeks the citizens of Falaise, thinking that a quick surrender was prefer- able to the certain dangers and doubtful issue of a long siege, made agreement f to yield the town if no help came within fourteen days. But the Sire Oliver de Mauny, the commandant, believing that the castle was impregnable, would consent to no terms. So, though the citizens opened their gates on 2nd January, 1418, the soldiery held out in the castle even more stubbornly than before. The Eng- lish on their part brought into action all the military skill of the time. On the one side, where the castle, perched on a rocky eminence, defied any direct attack, they kept up an incessant bombard- ment with their artillery. On the other side, to- wards the town, after long labour, they filled the moat with fascines until they could begin to under- mine the very walls. Bit by bit the sappers gouged * Elmham, FtVa, pp. 129-30. f On 20th December, 141 7 ; Hardy, Rotuli Normannice^ p. 312. 1418] Conquest of Lower Normandy 223 out the great stones from the foundations for a space of forty yards. The defenders tried in vain to drive them from their purpose by pouring mohen pitch from the walls, and filling the moat with bundles of burning straw. Amidst all the toils of his men Henry was ever present directing and encouraging their efforts and deeming no matter too trivial for his personal attention. As the besieged found all their exertions fruitless their hopes gradually faded, until, on 2nd February, they made terms to surren- der the castle after fourteen days. The garrison were allowed to depart under a safe-conduct, but without their arms or any other property. Oliver de Mauny alone, as a punishment for his stubborn rebellion, was excepted from these mild conditions, and kept in strict custody till he had defrayed at his own cost the expense of restoring the shattered castle which he had held so long. Shortly after the surrender of the castle Henry left Falaise for Caen. During the next few months he devoted his own energies to the organisation of a government for his reconquered duchy. The great enterprise of the coming year must be the siege of Rouen. But before that could be at- tempted much else must be accomplished and many minor strongholds reduced. There was, however, nothing that called for the full force of the English army or required the King's personal direction. Central Normandy was now reduced ; but the French still held out in the Cotentin, in the south- west towards the borders of Brittany, and to the east in the neighbourhood of Rouen. Three divisions 224 Henry V, [1417- were therefore formed, under the Earl of War- wick, Humphrey of Gloucester, and Thomas of Clarence. Warwick was sent against the strong castle of Domfront, Gloucester was entrusted with the command in the Cotentin, and to Clarence was given the most difficult and important task of pre- paring the way for an advance on Rouen. These dispositions must have been made before Henry left Falaise, and his captains lost no time in taking up their respective commands. Sir John Cornwall, as lieutenant for Clarence, captured Chambrois, La Riviere de Tibouville and Harcourt early in March. In the west, Humphrey of Gloucester and his sub- ordinates rapidly overran the greater part of the Cotentin. Sir John Robsart took Vire on 2 1st February, and Carentan and St. Sauveur-le-Vicomte in the latter part of March. St. Lo surrendered to Sir Walter Hungerford on I2th March, and Cou- tances to the Earl of Huntingdon four days later. By the ist April Gloucester had appeared before Cherbourg ; but that town defied his efforts nearly six months. Warwick met with a similarly stubborn resistance at Domfront, which only yielded after a three months' siege on 22nd July. Henry himself, after spending ten days at Caen, removed to Bayeux, where he remained till the middle of April. The operations in the Cotentin were for the moment of the greater importance, and it is not unlikely that Henry desired to be near at hand until the success of Humphrey of Gloucester was assured. The direction of affairs farther east could be left more safely to the skill and energy of THE SIEGE OF DOMFRONT. 1418] Conquest of Lower Normandy 225 Clarence. When all chance of danger was past the King returned to Caen, where he held the feast of St. George, on 23rd April, with great splendour, and admitted Sir John Robsart, Hugh Stafford (Lord Bourchier), Sir William Phillip, and Sir John Grey to be Knights of the Garter.* At Caen he remained for six weeks until the preparations for an advance on Rouen were complete. The three months which Henry thus spent at Bayeux and Caen were devoted chiefly to the task of civil administration. Captains or Seneschals had been appointed to the command of each fort- ress or town on its surrender. But the military government thus established was only a temporary expedient. Henry, starting from the principle that he came to Normandy not as a conqueror but to recover his rightful heritage, endeavoured to dis- turb existing machinery as little as possible. In his proclamations he appealed to the ancient customs and laws of the Duchy. He claimed at once to be the heir of the old Dukes of the line of the Con- queror, and the true representative of St. Louis. He would restore their good laws, and the evil cus- toms which sprang from the Valois usurpation he would sweep away. His anxiety to find a legal basis for his government produced in some aspects a curious and possibly a conscious analogy to the policy of his ancestor the Conqueror in England. The formula by which Henry confirmed those fran- chises and liberties that existed " before the time of ♦At the same time he knighted fifteen gentlemen of his household, including Sir Lewis Robsart, son of Sir John. 226 Henry V, [1417- Philip of Valois, adversary of the ancestors of the King," has its parallel in the Domesday formula which, disregarding Harold's usurpation, referred to " the day that King Edward was alive and was dead." A similar parallel comes out in the grant of Norman titles* and estates to English nobles. Like the Conqueror, Henry also took advantage of the feudal right of the sovereign to dispose of widows and heiresses in marriage. So again his grants were not based on any arbitrary confiscation, and covered only such property as came into the King's hands through the emigration or technical rebellion of the ancient owners. But as a rule they had this pecul- iarity, that they were for life only.f From one point of view this was a fatal defect, since the Eng- lish lords had no sufficient motive to cherish their new possessions. The consequent neglect increased the impoverishment by war, which even in 1419 made Gilbert Umfraville complain that his Norman estates were a burden and no advantage. Such a system put any permanent settlement out of the * Henry created six Norman earldoms, viz. : Harcourt for Thomas Beaufort, Tanken-ille for Sir John Grey, Perche for the Earl of Sal- isbury, Eu for Sir William Bourchier, Longue>-ille for Gaston de Foix, and Ivry for Arthur de Richemont. Warwick's Earldom of Aumale was perhaps a seventh. Tanker\nlle alone is still represented in the English peerage ; the title ha\-ing been revived for the descend- ants of Grey's brother Thomas. Amongst lesser titles may be in- stanced the Viscounties of Auge, Orbec. and Pontaudemer held by Clarence, and the lordships of Hambye and Briquebec held by Suf- folk. The occasional grant of French titles was continued under Henry VI. f After the fatal day of Bauge, one of Henry's first acts was to take into his hands all the lordships in Xormandy, which had belonged to English nobles who fell in the battle. 1418] Conquesi 0/ Lower Normandy 227 question. Henry cannot have been blind to the probable consequences of his policy ; it is fair to as- sume that he intended deliberately to abstain from Anglicising his conquests, and desired to rule as lawfully in France as in England. Henry could not, however, carry out in perfection the ideal which he thus set before himself. Hardly any Normans of rank or importance accepted his authority. The chief posts were therefore of neces- sity given to English officials, by whom the ad- ministration was conducted through native sub- ordinates. Immediately after his second landing Henry restored the yearly Roiiilus NormannuBy or record of the official acts of the Duchy as it had been kept in the days of King John. The formal constitution of a government with Exchequer and Chancery on the old model came later. By 1st November, when Henry was at Alengon, the work of conquest was so far advanced that the appoint- ment of a Treasurer-General for the Duchy seemed desirable. For this post an official of proved exper- ience was found in Sir John Tiptoft, who had powers to organise the Exchequer, and to appoint and re- move Bailiffs, Viscounts, Verderers, Farmers, and other officers.* The Chancery was not established till nearly six months later, when on 8th April, 141 8, Philip Morgan was entrusted with the great seal of the Duchy .f The office of Seneschal of Normandy, as * FatUra, ix., 507. A copy of the Ordinances observed in the Kings Exchequer was sent from England to Caen, in November, 1418. Devon, Issues of Exchequer, p. 357. \ Fadera^ Lc, 571. The record is in the regular English form. iJ i.| ) '■ 228 He7iry V. [1417- it existed under the Plantagenet Dukes, was also re- vived in favour of Hugh Luttrell. At the head of the military government was the " Lieutenant and Warden of the Lands and Marches of Normandy," a post which was held successively by the Earls of March and Salisbury.* The safe custody of the sea-coasts was provided for by the appointment of the young Earl of Suffolk to be Admiral of Nor- mandy, on 19th May, 1419.! Henry's care for the government of Normandy did not end with the formal constitution of an offi- cial hierarchy. We have already noticed the meas- ures which he adopted to reconcile the inhabitants of Normandy to his rule. The mass of the people, the peasantry and the lesser burgesses, had no choice but to bow to the storm. In the first in- stance, at all events, the majority of these classes did so with no great reluctance. So far as they were concerned, the weakness and oppression of the French Government had killed any sentiment of patriotism. A change of masters could not be for the worse; it might be for the better. With the lower orders went their natural leaders, the paro- chial clergy.:]: The abbeys and great ecclesiastical corporations had too much at stake not to adopt the * Feeder a, ix., 592, 739; March was Lieutenant from 2nd June, 1418, to 26th April, 1419. \ Feeder a, ix., 753. ^On 17th September, 141 7, ninety-one minor clergy of the dis- trict had letters of protection at Caen {Fader a, ix., 488-489). On 22nd January, 14 19, after the fall of Rouen, 132 parish priests with their parishioners made their submission {id., ix., 672.) 1418] Conquest of Lower Normandy 229 same course. Moreover, Henry was very strict in enforcing respect for all *' religious " and their pro- perty. Any disobedience to his orders was sternly punished, and the sincerity of his intentions was so manifest that many laymen took advantage to shave their heads and assume a clerical garb. Still good order was not maintained without difficulty, and an English soldier, writing home, complains naively that '* he could get no pay, and was not allowed to forage." * Some disorder was no doubt un- avoidable. The evil was increased by the conduct of the Normans, who would not submit and, being unable to flee, took refuge in the woods and carried on a guerilla warfare. These " brigands " were caus- ing Henry anxiety so early as the spring of 1418, when strong measures were enforced to hunt them down, and all peaceable citizens were ordered to be in their houses by nine o'clock. f It is to the credit of Henry's government that the brigandage, though never entirely suppressed, did not during his life- time attain such serious proportions as prevailed twenty years later. Whilst the lower classes were reconciled more or less to English rule, Henry's overtures met with little response in the higher ranks of society. Even the more notable burgesses of the towns preferred exile to submission, and so late as 1423 some of the chief * Collins, Peerage, viii., 107. Pillagers were tried by court-martial and if found guilty were sentenced to death ; see Feeder a, ix., 551, for the case of two English squires, who were pardoned by the Kings' mercy (7th March, 1418). f Hardy, Rotuli Normannia, pp. 242, 284. 230 Henry V. [1417- citizens of Harfleur were still prisoners in England. Two thousand persons are said to have left Harfleur in 141 5 ; and when Caen fell, two years afterwards, a thousand of the citizens took refuge at Falaise. The leaders, both in Church and State, held aloof. Of the episcopal cities of Normandy, Seez was the only one where the bishop was resident in 1418. Henry's close relations with the Papacy made severe measures impossible, and by a polite fiction the other bishops were supposed to be ** on business in foreign parts." * Of the nobles and principal gentry in Normandy hardly any made terms with the con- queror, f Henry himself, writing to his Council in England in the autumn of 1418, complains that : " In substance there is no man of estate come in to the King's obeisance ; the which is a thing that causeth the people to be full unstable, and is no wonder." J Wholesale confiscation of the estates of absentees had little effect ; and though a few exiles came in to make their peace, more who had sub- mitted in the first instance afterwards deserted. Henry in vain endeavoured to check emigration by the proffer, on 12th April, 14 18, of favourable terms to all who tendered their submission by the 1st June next, with exceptions for those who were actually in * " Episcopo in remotis agente " is the phrase. The Bishops of Bayeux, Coutances, and Evreux, were murdered at Paris as Armag- nacs in 141 8. Henry haa these sees filled up soon afterwards. Cf. Fadfra, ix., 620, 622. f On 28th March, 1419, confirmations of prop)erty were granted to forty Norman gentry ; but out of these only seven were knights or widows of knights. Foedera^ ix., 714. I Nicolas, Proc. Privy Council, ii., 350. 14181 Conquest of Lower Normandy 231 arms against him or who, having submitted, had broken their oaths. * As a further inducement to peace, an honest endeavour was made to redress grievances. In a proclamation, dated 4th May, 14 18, after relating " how our adversaries in times past have oppressed our subjects with grievous taxes made worse by tyrannous magistrates, whereat is God our Creator wroth, as also should be any good and loyal Christian man," Henry remitted such taxes from ist June, and reduced the duty on salt to half its former amount ; further, since in times past the royal oflficers had often taken more than was due, such excess was strictly prohibited and the ancient usages and cus- toms ordered to be observed. f The policy which this proclamation illustrates was enlightened. No ruler was ever more alive than was Henry to the im- portance of good order and justice for securing the good will of the governed. It was in the same spirit that measures were taken for the encourage- ment of commerce, for the repression of piracy, for the security of merchants travelling on land, and for the prevention of fraud by the better regulation of weights and measures. % To rule his new conquests lawfully and justly was the whole essence of Henry's domestic policy in France. Only at one point did he depart from this general principle. English influence must be secured in the chief ports of entry. This purpose was shown in the treatment of Harfleur § in 141 5, and the same * F^dtra, ix., 573. \ Id., ix., 583-585. X Puiseux, L* Emigration Xormande, pp. 77-78 ; Fotd^ra, ix., 691. %Cf. p. 133, above. « 232 Henry V. [1417 policy was afterwards extended to Caen, Honfleur and Cherbourg. In these four ports municipalities, which followed avowedly English customs, were es- tablished on the model of Calais. But Henry's attempts at colonisation met with only very moderate success. In 1419 special inducements were still being offered to those English who would take up their residence at Harfleur, and the grants which till then had been for life only, were henceforward made in perpetuity. In spite of all the efforts of the home government, the English colonies never flourished, and severe penalties had to be imposed to prevent the re-migration of the discontented settlers. Even at Harfleur there were but four hundred English resid- ents in 1435, and the condition of the other colo- nies was no better. For the time an outward show of permanence was fostered by the needs of the army of occupation, which drew its supplies from England. A few streets and places received English names, * and a few buildings, like the fine church at Caudebec, were erected. But except for the University of Caen the English occupation left no lasting traces of its existence. Still with all its lack of permanence, Henry's rule in Normandy redounds to his credit. The enlight- ened policy which directed it owed its inspiration to him, and was perhaps too advanced for the time. Normandy was the one French conquest in which English authority was organised under Henry's per- sonal direction. The comparative stability of the ♦As "Humphrey Street" at Cherbourg, and the "Boulingrin" at Rouen. I 1418] Conquest of Lower Normandy 233 system which he there established bears strong testi- mony to his political capacity. It is a faint indica- tion of what he might have accomplished under more favourable conditions had his life been prolonged. CHAPTER XV THE SIEGE OF ROUEN I418-I419 HENRY'S concern with political affairs had not prevented him from giving watchful care to the needs of the coming campaign. The losses of the war, and the garrisons required for so many castles and towns had been a serious drain on the forces which accompanied the King to France in August, 1417. The Earl of March and Thomas Beaufort, now Duke of Exeter, had been busy all the winter in England raising fresh troops for the royal service. In the spring of 1418 they both crossed over to France. March landed at La Hogue St. Vaast in April and, meeting with little opposition, joined the King at Caen. He and his men had been like to be drowned in a great water, but an Anthony pig * that had followed the host all the way, or more probably a countryman whom they took captive, brought them out safe. From Caen March was sent to assist Gloucester at the siege * English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., f. 7 ro An Anthony pig was the smallest or favourite of the litter, so tame that it would follow people in the hope of food. 234 [1418-19] The Siege of Rouen 235 of Cherbourg. Shortly afterwards, in May. Exeter arrived with 1500 men and, by the King's orders, went out to besiege Evreux. Meantime Clarence and his lieutenants were male- ing good progress. Lisieux and Nully L'Evesque were taken in April ; the abbey of Bee Hellouin offered a longer resistance, but yielded to the Duke on 4th May. A fortnight later Evreux surrendered to Exeter. These were all steps on the way to Rouen. The plan of the campaign was to advance down the valley of the Iton and so strike the Seine at Pont de I'Arche some twenty miles * above the city, where the river might be crossed and the com- munications of Rouen with Paris severed. At the end of May, Henry left Caen and joined Clarence at Bernay. Thence after a few days he advanced to Louviers. That town held out for a fortnight, but on 23rd June yielded to the King. Without delay the English marched on to Pont de I'Arche and began their siege on 27th June. The chief part of the town lay on the far side of the river, but the end of the bridge on the left bank was protected by a strong tower, which could not be attacked with any prospect of success whilst the town was unassailed. Nevertheless, Sir John Corn- wall was sent with a formal demand for its surren- der, which the French Captain, the Sire de Graville, naturally refused. Whereupon Cornwall made him a chivalrous wager ; " Graville, I pledge you on my honour that to-morrow in spite of you and your men, I w ill cross the water of Seine. If I cross it, * About half that distance by road. 236 Henry V, [1418- you shall give me the best charger that you have ; and if I cross it not, I will give you my helm of steel which I value at 500 nobles." * To cross the Seine in the face of a powerful enemy was no easy task. The river could not be forded, and the few boats that could be found were water- logged and useless. Still, such as they were, these boats were hastily patched up, and pontoons con- structed of hides stretched on wicker frames.f The attempt was to be made at night, simultaneously in two different quarters ; the one under the direction of the King, the other under Clarence. For their further assistance in this dangerous enterprise a number of good swimmers were told off to go to a place three miles distant. These last were not to cross over, but plunging into the river were to splash about and make all the noise they could to distract the attention of the enemy. The French, who knew that an attack was intended, were spread out all along the north bank of the river. Cornwall with sixty companions crossed in eight little boats to an island in midstream, whence with some small cannon he opened fire on the enemy. Under cover of Cornwall's artillery one party after another passed over unharmed. The French, distracted by the darkness and the confusion of so many attacks, offered no good resistance, and without more ado their horse took to flight before our infantry. % * Monstrelet, p. 438. t These had apparently been prepared beforehand for use in such an emergency. ^Elmham, FiVa, pp. 170-174; Monstrelet, p. 438. 14191 The Siege of Rouen m Thus upon Monday, the 4th day of the month of July," wrote Henry to the Mayor of London, " we got upon our enemies the passage over the river ; and God of His mercy showed so for us and for our right that it was without the death of any man's person of ours albeit that our enemy with great power assembled nigh the same river for to have let and defended us the same passage." * When the English had secured their position on the right bank, a pontoon bridge was made, by means of which the remainder of the army crossed over. The French in Pont de I'Arche held out tamely for a while, and on 23rd July surrendered the town. Cornwall told the Sire de Graville that he had acquitted himself ill. - Had I been in your place with my sixty English I would have kept the passage against the power of the kings of France and England." He had won his wager. We are not told whether it was paid.f The road to Rouen now lay open. Still Henry tarried a while at Pont de I'Arche. The siege would tax his power to the utmost and he wished so far as possible to concentrate all his forces. Av- ranches had yielded to Huntingdon on 14th July, and Domfront was under agreement to surrender to Warwick. Within a few days the two Earls might be expected to join the King. Nor was there any reason for haste. The French at Rouen had long expected an attack and were fully prepared. More ♦ Delpit, p. 222. + Monstrelet. u. s., expressly says the crossing was on the night after the challenge. 238 Henry V, [1418- 1419] The Siege of Rouen 239 than a year previously Armagnac had ordered the city to be put in a state of thorough defence. Since that time Rouen under the leadership of Alain Blanchard had turned Burgundian. But though the democratic faction favoured the Duke's domestic policy, it had no sympathy with his tortuous diplo- macy. Under her new governors Rouen remained resolutely patriotic. The fortifications of the city had been recently repaired. During the spring of 14 1 8 the walls were raised, and strengthened on the inner side by an embankment of earth so broad that a cart might be driven along it. Outside, the foss had been deepened and the approaches protected by masked pitfalls and chevaux-de-frise. The rich suburbs, which spread beyond the walls on every side, were utterly destroyed ; their gardens were laid waste and the trees and hedges burnt until the country all about was " as bare as your hand. " * Along the walls and at every gate there was a plenti- ful array of artillery large and small. The garrison had been lately reinforced. Burgundy had sent 4000 men-at-arms, and the Parisians 600 of their own troops ; with the city militia there was an ample force to hold the walls. The Governor was Guy le Bouteiller, a Norman gentleman whose birth made him acceptable to the people. Under him were several well-tried soldiers, though none of great dis- tinction. The real heroes of the siege were Alain Blanchard, the democratic leader, who was captain of the crossbowmen, and Robert de Livet, Canon of Rouen and vicar-general for the absent Archbishop. ♦ Page, Sifge of Kotun, p. 4. Nor must we forget Jean Jourdain, the commander of the artillery, and *' Graunt Jakys," * a Lombard condoitierey''Q2i^\tdiynQ of all men of warree, and governor outward both of horseback and of foote," who took the command in every sortie, f If Rouen was better prepared for defence than Caen and other cities of Normandy, she owed it chiefly to the energy of her own citizens. Neither of the two contending parties in the State gave her much thought in the hour of her need. Never even in France did civil strife rage more fiercely than during the early summer of 1418. At the beginning of the year Armagnac and the Dauphin held Paris in the name of the King. But the democracy of the capital had never loved Count Bernard, and the violence of his Gascon mercenaries kindled their hatred anew. On the night of 29th May a traitor opened the gates to the Sire de 1 'Isle Adam, who was captain for Duke John at Pontoise. The townsmen rose in arms to greet him, and the streets re-echoed with the shout, ''Vive Bourgogne I '" The Arma- gnacs were taken completely by surprise. Tanneguy du Chatel, the provost, hurried the Dauphin to safety in the Bastille. Count Bernard escaped for the moment into hiding, but his chief supporters were taken prisoners and thrown into the Conciergerie. After a vain attempt to recover the city Tanneguy withdrew with his young charge to Melun. Dis- order reigned supreme and day by day the terror grew worse. At last on 12th June the Paris mob * '* Grand Jacques." \ English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claud., A. viii., f. 9«>. 240 Henry V, 11418- 14191 The Siege of Rouen 241 burst forth in one of its wildest fits of passion. They broke open the Conciergerie, and slew all the prisoners, including five bishops. The hated Arma- gnacs and their hired soldiery were massacred without mercy. Count Bernard was found in his hiding- place, murdered, and his dead body, scored with the red cross of Burgundy, dragged naked through the streets. A month later the Duke and Queen Isabel entered Paris in triumph. John made a show of authority by hanging a few of the worst rioters ; as a sort of compensation he beheaded several Arma- gnacs. The fruits of the revolution he accepted without compunction. Henry at Pont de 1 'Arche was doubtful whether he would now find in Burgundy a friend or foe. He sent a pursuivant to inquire; in reply he learnt that the Duke " casted to give him battle, and so we hold him our full enemy."* Then the King de- termined to take advantage of French disunion, and to begin the siege of Rouen before the new harvest could be gathered in. As a preliminary to his own advance Henry de- spatched the Duke of Exeter to reconnoitre the city. Exeter displayed his banner before the gates and sent a herald to demand surrender. The men of the city made scornful gestures, and " gave no answer but their guns." Presently there sallied out a strong force of horse and foot, whom our men *' met with and overthrew an heap of them, and the remnant fled again into the town." f When he had completed * Delpit, p. 2^2. \ English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claud., A. viii., f. 7. his reconnaissance Exeter rode quietly back to Pont de 1 'Arche, and reported to Henry how the ground lay. On the Friday before Lammas Day (29th July) the English army set out from Pont de 1 'Arche, and arrived before Rouen that same evening. There was a little skirmishing with the garrison ; but the forethought with which Henry had secured accurate intelligence enabled his troops to take up their posi- tions without serious disturbance. The fortifications of Rouen formed an irregular quadrangle, the lines of which are still marked by the modern boulevards. The southern wall ran along the Seine, and the bridge which connected the city with the left bank of the river was protected at the far end by a strong fortress called La Barbacane. On the landward sides there were five principal gates— the Porte Martinville, the Porte St. Hilaire, the Porte Beauvoisine, the Porte de Bouvreuil, and the Porte Cauchoise. Each of these gates was strongly defended, and the intervening spaces of the walls were guarded by more than sixty towers. In the north-west corner above the Porte Bouvreuil towered th« Castle or Citadel. To the south-east, on a precipitous hill at a little distance from the walls, was the fortified Abbey of St. Catherine, on the river side of which lay the small fort of St. Michel. Henry established his own headquarters at the Charterhouse of Notre-Dame-de-la-Rose. This was in a secure position a little north of St. Catherine s and about a mile distant from the walls. Clarence 16 242 Henry V, [1418- lay on the far side of the city, in the waste abbey of St. Gervais, before the Porte Cauchoise. The Earl Marshal had his ward before the Castle, and Exeter kept watch at the Porte Beauvoisine, whilst Sir William Porter had guard of the Porte St. Hilaire. On the King's left lay his cousin, Edmund Beaufort, between St. Catherine's and the city. The siege of St. Catherine's was entrusted to the Earl of Salis- bury, under whom Sir John Grey held watch before St. Michel. On the river side of the abbey Sir Philip Leche, the King's Treasurer, " kept the ward under the hill." Next to him were Sir Thomas Carew, " that baron bolde," and Janico d'Artas the Squire,* "and these two kept manly the water of Seine, and fought with their enemy ofttimes." The Earl of Huntingdon had charge of the south side of the river before La Barbacane and the bridge ; with him for his chief lieutenants were Sir Gilbert Umfraville and ** Master Neville, the Earl's son of Westmoreland." The fortifications of Rouen were so strong that Henry abstained wisely from any attempt at assault. He could not post his great guns to advantage, as he had done at Harfleur and Caen, nor indeed bring them near enough to the walls to make an effective bombardment possible. From the first, therefore, it was intended to starve the city into surrender. That, however, was impossible whilst the French held command of the Seine. All the boats on the river had been collected and brought to Rouen where there was a numerous flotilla in the " Clos aux * A Gascon gentleman who had been in the service of Richard II, 14191 The Siege of Rouen 243 GaUes;' or fortified harbour of the city. On the other hand, the English fleet could not come up the Seine whilst the French held the town of Caudebec, between Rouen and the sea. As soon, therefore, as Warwick arrived from Domfront, he was sent to lay siege to Caudebec. Above Rouen, in order to secure his communica- tions with the Earl of Huntingdon and with lower Normandy, Henry built a bridge about three miles from the city.* This was not a hastily made pon- toon bridge, like that at Pont de I'Arche, but a stout wooden structure, supported on great piles driven into the bed of the river, by which men and horses and "all other carriage" might readily pass. In spite of constant attacks by the French flotilla, this Bridge of St. George was successfully completed. For its protection, and to block the passage of the French vessels, three great iron chains were stretched across the river just beyond cannon-shot from the walls ; the lowest chain was a foot and a half below the surface of the water, and the highest two feet above. On the landward side, Henry made his camp secure from attack by regularly fortified lines. Deep trenches were dug and the earth thrown up from them formed into an embankment, which was topped with a thorn hedge. In front of the trenches, towards the city, were set rows of sharp stakes as a protection against the French cavalry. The engin- eer, who designed all these works and, presumably, the Bridge of St. George also, was Sir Robert Bab^ thorp, t he King's Controller. ♦ Between Lescure and Sotteville.— Cochon, Chron. Norm., p. 381. 244 Henry V, [1418- 1419] The Siege of Rouen 245 Henry's engineers did not accomplish their task without difficulty. There was scarcely a day or hour when the garrison did not make a sortie. The defenders of Rouen included ** many a manful man of his body and hands. And so they proved them when they issued out of the city, both on horseback and on foot. For they came never at one gate out alone, but at three or four gates, and at every gate two or three thousand of good men's bodies armed. And they manfully countered with our Englishmen, and much people were slain divers times with guns, quarrells and other ordnance." * Henry, always careful of his resources, contented himself with repelling the attacks of the enemy, and with taking such precautions as should make them as futile as possible. Against St. Catherine's alone did he assume the offensive. In the early days of the siege communications were still maintained be- tween the abbey and the city. After a little, the English, under cover of a dark night, contrived to occupy the open space immediately before the Porte Martinville. The attack on St. Catherine's was then prosecuted vigorously under the direction of the Earl of Salisbury. Towards the end of August a night as- sault was attempted, but some chance sound alarmed the garrison, who repulsed the English with heavy loss. However, the defenders were themselves at their wits* end, and a few days later, on 2nd Sep- tember, were forced to surrender. Meantime Warwick had held his siege with vigour before Caudebec. To capture the town whilst the * English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., f. 9'°. French still had the mastery on the Seine was no easy matter. But after a month's siege, the garrison offered terms, and on 9th September a composition was made. Caudebec was to abide by the fate of its mother-city of Rouen, and in the meantime the English ships were to have free passage up the Seine. The English navy, which was blockading the mouth of the river, had been reinforced by a fleet which Henry's kinsman, King John of Portugal, had sent to his assistance under John Velasquez d'Almada. At the beginning of September the joint squadrons had reduced Quilleboeuf. Now that Caudebec made terms they sailed right up the Seine as far as Deville, but they could not pass the bridge at Rouen. No' thing daunted Henry; by some means his vessels must gain access to the upper Seine. The course of the river is very winding, and at a little distance from Rouen between Moulineaux and Orival the upper and lower waters are less than three miles apart. Across this isthmus the English hauled a number of their vessels, and launched them again on the river above Rouen. Then the besiegers gained the mastery on the Seine and drove the French ships to take re- fuge in the arsenal, where the captains of Rouen had them burnt, lest they might fall into the enemy's hands. Now that the fleet held the Seine provisions came freely to the besiegers' camp from England. On the 10th August Henry had written to the mayor and aldermen of London praying them effectually " that in all the haste that ye may ye will do arm as many small vessels as ye may, goodly with victuals and = fi 246 Henry V, [1418- namely with drink." What " in getting and enarming vessels, doing brew both ale and beer, purveying wine and other victuals," with the best diligence and care no little time was spent. So it was 8th Septem- ber before the Londoners despatched their convoy with a prayer that the King would accept it " not having regard to the littlehood or small value of the gift itself, which is simple, but to the good will that the poor givers thereof have to the good speed and welfare of your most sovereign and excellent per- son. ♦» * Welcome reinforcements also began to arrive. After the composition of Caudebec Warwick re- joined the main army and took his post before the Porte Martinville. About the end of September Cherbourg at last surrendered,and Gloucester brought his troops to Rouen, where he was given the chief command at the Porte St. Hilaire. From Ireland Sir Thomas Butler, the Prior of Kilmainham, came over with a large force of his countrymen.f There were several hundred of them, scantily clad and armed after the manner of their nation with targes, javelins, and great knives of a strange fashion. Most of them went on foot ; others rode bareback on their little mountain ponies with panniers like a country corn- chandler. These Irish were not much use for fight- *Delpit, pp. 224-225. The Londoners sent 30 butts of sweet wine (10 of Tyre, 10 of Romeney, and 10 of Malvesey) and 1000 pipes of ale and beer with 25(X) cups, f Monstrelet, p. 441, says 8000 ; and Page, Siege of Rouen, p. 12, says 1500. But we find that the Prior shipped from Waterford in Bristol vessels with 200 horse and 300 foot (Devon, Issues of Ex' chequer, p. 351). See also Cochon, p. 377. THE SIEQE OF ROUEN. \\ 1419] The Siege of Rouen 247 ing, but were famous foragers, who ravaged the country far and wide, and rode away on the captured cattle with their other booty slung before them. They did so much mischief that Henry had at last to mterfere, and issue strict orders for their better governance. * Within the city provisions grew scarce. Ceres and Bacchus, says the grandiloquent chronicler, fled in terror to the English camp, whilst pale Famine entered m to take their place. Yet for all the "sor- row and hunger strong," the gallant garrison still held so stout a show on the walls that the English had no knowledge of their straits.f About the end of October an old priest contrived to pass through the English lines and bear a message from Rouen'to the government at Paris, J There he hired a famous Norman doctor of the university, Eustace de Pavilly, to plead his cause. The orator delivered a fine speech to Burgundy and the Court on the text, " Lord, what shall we do?" When Eustace had made an end. the old priest spoke in more homely fashion : " My lord the King, I am bidden by the people of Rouen, to make before you, and before you my lord of Bur* gundy, their great cry for the oppression which they suffer at the hands of the English. And they would have you know by my mouth, that if for default of succour it should happen that they become the sub- jects of the King of England, you shall not find in *RotuU Normannia, ap. Gesta, p. 125, n. f Page, Sifgg of Rouen, pp. 19-20. X The old priest was at Paris 27th Oct. Cf. Chron. St. Dtnys vi 300. '' ' ** I, 248 Henry V. [1418- 1419] The Siege of Rouen all the world worse enemies than them, and they will destroy you and your generation." For all his blunt speech the Duke heard him graciously, and promised in reply that he would make provision very shortly to relieve the beleaguered city.* With these tidings the old priest returned to Rouen, where the bells that had been so long silent rang out in a shrill peal of joy at the news. Henry also learnt of what was intended, and at once took measures to meet it. Entrenchments were thrown up to protect his camp on the outside, the guns were put in position all ready bent, and the Prior of Kil- mainham with his wild Irishmen was lodged in the Forest of Lyons, by which quarter the relieving force was most likely to come. Such precautions were no more than prudence required. But Henry must have known full well what little likelihood there was that the French would take the field. France was paralysed by the discord of her would-be rulers. The Dauphin with his Court was at Poitiers. His new advisers, chief of whom were Tanneguy du Chatel and Louvet, a law- yer, had only one thought, vengeance on Burgundy. His followers, instead of turning their arms against the foreign enemy, pillaged and plundered their own country up to the very walls of Paris. That sum- mer the merchants dared not travel without a guard of soldiers, and the peasants left their harvest to rot ungathered in the fields. Burgundy lay inactive at the capital, where his habitual indecision was rein- forced by lack of men and money. It was in vain 249 ♦Monstrelet, pp. 444-445. that the Duke of Brittany endeavoured to negotiate an agreement between the two parties. Neither faction would give way. Each was ready to bargain with the English for help against their domestic enemies. However, the appeal from Rouen moved Burgundy to some show of activity. On loth No- vember he took down the " Oriflamme " from St. Denis and marched out with his troops to Pontoise. There he remained five weeks, till the whole neigh- bourhood was impoverished by the needs of his army. Then he withdrew to Beauvais, pretending that he could not face the English without the Dau- phin's assistance. To Rouen instead of an army he sent an embassy. Henry had been somewhat disturbed by Brittany's project for reunion. He met it with an astute di- plomacy, which kept the French divided whilst Rouen perished. He accepted the overtures of Burgundy, though he had already opened negotia- tions with the Dauphin. Probably the King ex- pected no more than to play off his antagonists one against the other, and thus to widen the breach be- tween them. Nevertheless he would have made terms with either party if they would agree to what he desired. In an able document addressed to his Council in England Henry set forth the considerations which inclined him to treat with the Dauphin. It seemed doubtful whether Burgundy in his present position would agree to a peace. The King began to feel uneasy at the prospect of having to '* continue forth his war to the whole conquest of the realm of 250 Henry V. [1418- 1419] Tke Siege of Rouen 251 France." Yet even that were not more expensive than to keep what he had in Normandy by force of arms. His soldiers must be paid, lest by living at free quarters they should make the people of the province, who were already overcharged, his enemies. The renunciation of the King's rights was not to be thought of, but it was possible that the Dauphin might agree to a truce, as the price for Henry's aid against Burgundy. The news of such a truce might bring the Duke to offer terms in his turn, and how would matters then stand ? If Burgundy offered him homage (as King of France) could he refuse him ? If it came to war how would this affect the existing truce with Flanders for merchants, clerks, pilgrims, and fishers ? It was to be considered also what power the Dauphin had to treat, since he was not King, and his acts might be reputed invalid.* The instructions which Henry gave to his repre- sentatives were framed accordingly. The proposals from the Dauphin's advisers had been received early in October,! and on the 26th of that month Henry named his ambassadors, chief of whom were the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earls of War- wick and Salisbury. They were to drive the other party, by all motives and reasons they could, to show their hand. If so be the Dauphin's represent- atives offered anything that " the King hath now in his hands, be it said to them, that the proffer is void." If the other party could not be driven to a reasonable proffer, then might they ask in their * Nicolas, Proc. Privy Council, ii., 350-358. f Fadera, ix., 624. master's behalf for Anjou, Maine, Touraine, and Flanders, in full sovereignty, over and above what he held already.* The practical gist of the in- structions was that the ambassadors should press the Dauphin in all ways possible, and perpetually lure him on by the prospect of an alliance against Burgundy. The conference assembled at Alengon on loth November. The French would not be driven so far as the English desired. The negotia- tions were spun out for fifteen days and ended pretty much as Henry expected. The English ambassa- dors concluded with a solemn protestation of their master's good intent and a plain hint that they doubted the other party's competency to treat.f The announcement that the Dauphin was in treaty had, as Henry anticipated, brought an offer from Burgundy. A conference was arranged for early in November,^ but Burgundy's envoys only reached Pont de I'Arche on ist December. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earl of Warwick were again Henry's chief representatives. The French ambas- sadors were accompanied by the Cardinal Orsini, who had been some months in France endeavouring by Pope Martin's wish to arrange peace. They had special powers to treat for a marriage with Catherine of France, and had brought her portrait for Henry's inspection. The conference ran much the same * Fader a, ix., 628-631. t Id., ix., 632-645, Acts of the Conference ; see also 646-652. Xld., ix., 631-632; the faithless Burgundy was already in treaty with Henry on 26th October, the day before his promise to Rouen. W V. 252 Henry V, [1418- m. course as that at Alengon. The English demands were thought exorbitant, and, after a fortnight's dis- cussion, negotiations were broken off. Henry's re- presentatives made a protestation as before, declaring that Charles VI. was not in a fit state to treat, and that Burgundy had not the right.* Theoretically the negotiations at Alengon and Pont de TArche were fruitless. Yet the six weeks that had been spent on them were not, from the English point of view, wasted. Henry had gained what he most desired. The two French factions watched one another with increasing suspicion. Long-drawn delay and hope deferred drove the defenders of Rouen to despair. A four-months' siege had brought the citizens wellnigh to the end of their resources. They had only bran for bread, and no meat but horseflesh. The starving people were fain to eat dogs and cats, rats, mice, and the very grass that grew by the roadside. The rulers of the city in their extremity expelled from the gates twelve thousand useless mouths, old men, women, and children. f It was a stern necessity, but Henry could not let the poor wretches pass through his lines; by his orders they were driven back beneath the walls, where they lay and perished of hunger and cold in the ditch. Still, for pity's sake, he suffered his men to give them of * Fcedera, ix., 654-659 ; cf. 788. The French insisted that all business should be in their own language, of which the English were ignorant. Monstrelet, p. 445. f Not, we may fairly conjecture, their own townsfolk, but refugees from other places ; among them the " Cannys," who thrice in twelve months, at Caen, Falaise, and Rouen, endured the horrors of a siege. 1419] The Siege of Rouen 253 their own bread, and when Christmas came he sent his heralds to ask a truce; upon that day at all events the poor folk should eat and drink at his cost. And they thanked Heaven for the tender hearts of the English, who had more compassion upon them than had those of their own nation. When the governors of Rouen perceived that in spite of Burgundy's promises no help came to them, they contrived once again to send to Beauvais mes- sengers, who addressed the King and his Court in these terms: **The good people of Rouen have already several times informed you of the great necessity and distress that they suffer for your sake; yet have you provided nothing of what you did promise. Now for this last time have they sent us to say that if help comes not within a few days, they will render themselves unto the King of England. If you fail them, they renounce the faith, loyalty and obedience which they owe to you. " Burgundy dared not refuse their appeal. He made answer for the King, that though he had the good will, he had not yet the power to raise the siege ; still by God's grace he would without fail succour them by the fourth day after Christmas. The appointed day came and went without any sign of rescue. Then the garrison abandoned hope, and determined to treat. Late on New Year's Eve some French knights came out of La Barbacane and asked for a parley. Gilbert Umfraville, who was in command of the outposts, made answer. When the French learnt his name they thanked God, since the old blood of Normandy would help them to a good % 254 Henry V, [1418- end. ** We have been," they said, ** to every gate of the city, where the princes lodge before, and have called after speech of them but could have no answer." Now they desired Umfraville to obtain for them from the King a safe-conduct for twelve envoys. In the morning Umfraville reported the matter to Henry, who, as it was then Sunday, fixed the interview for the morrow. On the following day, Umfraville met the envoys at the Porte St. Hilaire; four knights, four clerks, and four burgesses, whom he escorted to the Chart- erhouse. When they arrived the King was hearing mass, and the envoys waited in the hall. Presently Henry came out from his closet with his lords and councillors. His serene and stately bearing gave the anxious messengers no sign of what they might hope or fear. Humbly the French knelt before him and presented a bill or memorial, which Henry with a whispered direction handed to the Duke of Exeter. Then the King bade them speak. They began with an appeal to his pity for the poor folk in the ditch. Henry stood still for a few moments in solemn silence, then said severely: " Fellows! who put them there ? It was not I as ye know well. As for yourselves it is my own city and heritage that you hold against me." The envoys made answer with deference that they were the sworn lieges of King Charles, and had a charge from the Duke of Burgundy ; might some of them go to seek release from their pledge ? Henry's reply was plain and to the point : Their French liege and the Duke knew well that he held his siege before Rouen, and there 1419] The Siege of Rouen 255 had ofttimes been messengers between them; to send a fresh message now " were to them' no novelty, to us but superfluity." Rouen must be surrendered without subterfuge, but for the rever- ence of God and the Virgin he would grant them space to treat as to terms. Therewith the envoys withdrew ; and returned to the city, much impressed, as they told Umfraville by the way, with the pass' ing princehood of the King. Early next morning two tents were pitched be- fore the Porte St. Hilaire, one for the English, the other for the French representatives. Henry's com- missioners were the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury, the Lord FitzHugh, Sir Walter Hungerford, .Sir Gilbert Umfraville, Sir John Robsart, and Dom John Velasquez d'Almada. It was a brave spect- acle; the gay pavilions, the throng of anxious citi- zens on the walls, the dense mass of English soldiery on the plain below, the knights and nobles, the her- aids and pursuivants, who in their gorgeous coats went constantly backwards and forwards.* A pit- eous contrast was that other sight in the ditch hard by, where the poor folk with scarce a rag to cover them lay perishing on the damp ground; there might you see women with their dead babes in their arms, and little children begging by the side of their dead parents. Upon two such sights, as far apart as heaven and hell, that one of weal and that other of woe, no man could look with heart unmoved. * " The Englysche beste, the Fraynysche floure, Of Portynggale castelle and toure." Page, Siege of Rouen, p. 34. ^'^1 i* 256 Henry V, [1418- The conference lasted three days, but the two parties could come to no agreement. " We asked much and they proffered small." Henry's terms were absolute; the garrison must yield themselves to his will. To this the French would not consent, and at the end of the third day their envoys re- turned sorrowful to the city. Accounts differ as to the mood in which the news that the treaty was broken was received in Rouen. If we might believe the French writers, the whole population united in a heroic resolve ; they would throw down their walls for a great space, fire their city behind them, and sally forth through the breach in a body. The English authorities, on the other hand, declare that the lower people rose against their governors, and in- sisted that by surrender an end should be put to their sufferings. Both accounts agree that negotia- tions were resumed through the intervention of Archbishop Chichele, who mediated with the Nor- man clergy. The second conference lasted four days, from the loth to the 13th of January, when terms were at last agreed upon. The garrison was to be allowed to depart under a safe-conduct, but without their arms. The city was to pay a ransom of three hundred thousand crowns, but was guaran- teed her ancient privileges. Nine persons * were, however, excepted by name ; and all Normans who * Chief of these were Alain Blanchard, who had hung English prisoners from the walls, and Robert de I.ivet, who had excom- municated the King, Blanchard was at once executed, and de Livet was kept for five jears in an English prison. The other seven were allowed to purchase their freedom. Puiseux, SUge de Rouen, pp. 119, 202-205. 1419] The Siege of Rouen 257 would not become Henry's lieges were to remain prisoners. The capitulation was to take effect on 19th January if no rescue came in the meantime. The six days of grace were but a formal courtesy. On the appointed day Guy le Bouteiller with a com- pany of the citizens brought the keys to the King. Henry named as governor of Rouen the Duke of Exeter, who at once took possession of the city. On the following morning Henry himself made his entry by the Porte Beauvoisine, in solemn proces- sion, but without military display. Before him went a great company of priests and monks with three bishops at their head. The King himself rode a black horse, and wore a long gown of black damask, which was fastened across his breast with a golden clasp.* Behind him came a page bearing a fox's brush t at his spearhead. The bells of the city rang out in welcome, and the townsfolk greeted him with shouts of " Noel! " Henry went first to the Cathedral, where his chaplains met him chant- ing, " Quis EST MAGNUS DOMINUS." Thence, after he had heard mass and made his offering, he rode aw ay to take up his lodging in the Castle. J ♦ ** A paytrelle of golde fulle bryght, Aboute hys breste hyt was pyght. The pendauntys dyd by hym downe hange On eyther syde of hys hors stronge." Page. Siege of Rouen, p. 45. There were several jewelled peitrels in Henry's wardrobe. A simple one of gold with two pendant chains was valued at ;^ioo 6j. od. A gown of black damask was valued at £\.— Rolls of Parliament IV., 215, 235. t This was one of Henry's cognisances, as his father's before him. X Page, pp. 44-45 ; Monstrelet, p. 449. *7 CHAPTER XVI THE UNITY OF THE CHURCH I414-1418 WHILST Henry's arms pursued their triumph- ant course in Normandy, a success of a different kind had been achieved in another quarter. The Council of Constance had brought its long labours to a conclusion. If it had not fulfilled all that was expected of it, it had at least restored the semblance of unity to the Church. To this result Henry's influence had in no small degree contributed. The election of a Pope who could command the obedience of all Christendom was indeed a not less cardinal part of Henry's policy than the assertion of his own title to the Crown of France.* The promoters of the Council avowed a threefold purpose; the restoration of unity in Christendom, the reformation of the Church in its head and mem- bers, and the extirpation of heresy. The evils of the Schism had extended much further than the * I must acknowledge my indebtedness in regard to this chapter to Creighton's History of the Papacy, Lenz's Kdnig Sigismund und Heinrich der Funfte, and Caro's Das Bundniss von Canterbury. 258 [1414 18] The Unity of the Church 259 division in the Papacy. As a consequence of the defect of spiritual authority both the system and doctrines of the Church had been called in question. The abuses of the ecclesiastical hierarchy had grown so flagrant that even moderate churchmen desired a thorough reform of the Roman Curia. The teaching of Wycliffe and his Bohemian disciple Hus, originating in hatred for Papal aggression, had resulted in a movement that threatened the very basis of the ancient faith. Reformers and orthodox churchmen alike looked to a General Council as the only instrument which could remedy the abuses and disorders of Latin Christianity. The questions presented to the Council were in their form of religious import only; but the as- sembly at Constance was more than an Ecclesiastical Council ; it was an International Congress. The re- ligious and political discords of the day were so en- tangled that neither churchmen nor statesmen could act independently. Nowhere was the ecclesiastical question of more pressing political importance than in England. It was during the stress of the Great War, and through the mischief of a French Papacy, that the English Parliament had been driven to its anti-papal legislation. It was the support which the French King gave to Clement and Benedict that determined the adhesion of England to Urban VI. and his Italian successors. It was the religious con- troversy, started by Papal pretensions and the Schism, which produced in England a social propa- ganda that threatened her with political disruption. If a radical cure was to be found for domestic 26o Hefiry V, [1414- troubles, if the renewal of the war was to achieve its purpose, the unity of the Church must be restored under a Pope who could command the obedience of Christendom and would be above national differ- ences. Not less essential was it to the realisation of Henry's greater dream of a new Crusade. So to the English King the Council of Constance was no mere incident of ecclesiastical policy ; on its success de- pended the accomplishment of all his hopes. In the Council itself there met currents and cross- currents. Theoretically all were agreed as to the threefold end ; but as to the means, and the order in which the different subjects were to be taken there was much division. The Pope and his Curia had accepted the Council with reluctance, and would have been glad to confine its deliberations within the narrowest limits. Their aim was to prevent all interference with their own acquired privileges. But the reformation of papal abuses was the one question on which all other parties were most united. The Italians had the numerical superiority, and thought to carry their point by individual vot- ing. This was met by a proposal of Robert Hallam, the chief English representative, in accordance with which the Council was organised in four Nations, Italian, French, German, and English. The Na- tions were to deliberate separately, and the ultimate decision was to rest with deputies chosen equally from them all. Driven from their first position, the Italians resorted to intrigue. The English and German Nations were in close alliance. But the political hostility of France and England found its HALLAM AND THE EARL OF WARWICK RECEfVED BY POPE JOHN XXIIL \^ 1418] The Unity of the Church 261 inevitable reflection in the Council. Even during the early sessions the Pope and his supporters en- deavoured to turn this political hostility to their own advantage. So far as Pope John himself was concerned, the scheme had no success. When, however, political animosities became more acute, the French drew nearer to the Italians. Ultimately the two Latin Nations were ranged on the one side, and the Teutonic on the other. Thus the main grouping of the Council followed the national poli- tics of the time ; it foreshadowed also the greater and more permanent division of the Reformation. The first six months of the Council were occupied with the vain endeavours of John XXIII. to avert his fate. Events culminated in the Pope's ignoble flight to Schaffhausen, his imprisonment, and his deposition (29th May, 141 5). Simultaneously the Council had deliberated and decided on the case of Hus. The Pope had sought to divert attention from his own misdeeds by making the heresies of Wycliffe and Hus the first subject of discussion. The Bohemian reformer had come to the Council under a safe-conduct from the Emperor. But for the success of Sigismund's plans it was necessary to secure at whatever cost the support of the ortho- dox party against John. So the Emperor delivered Hus to his enemies, and preserved the harmony of the Council by the sacrifice of his own honour. On 6th July, a month after the deposition of the Pope, Hus was condemned and burnt as a heretic. The leader of the Council in both these questions was Pierre d'Ailly, the Parisian doctor and Cardinal of ! I 262 Henry V, [1414- Cambrai. The French Nation, whose spokesman d'Ailly was, had perhaps the most concern of all in procuring John's deposition. The abuses of the Papal Curia were felt keenly in France. But the official reforms which the University of Paris de- sired involved no sympathy with the doctrinal teaching of Hus, whom Gerson denounced as a sub- versor of all political order and ecclesiastical author- ity. Neither in the deposition of John XXIII. nor in the condemnation of Hus was there room for serious division. On both questions the earnest and orthodox churchmen of all nations were united. Thus the early sessions of the Council, if exciting, were on the whole harmonious; and when Sigis- mund started on his mission to Perpignan there was every prospect of a successful settlement.* During the Emperor's long absence (August, 1415-January, 1417) the main business of the Coun- cil was necessarily at a standstill. John was de- posed and Gregory had abdicated; but till it was known how Sigismund fared at Perpignan no steps could be taken towards a new election. Benedict proved immovable in his obstinate pride. Sigis- mund was, however, successful in securing the with- drawal of Aragon from the anti-Pope and the adhesion of Spain to the Council. Still affairs at Constance must await the Emperor's return. So it was somewhat of a disappointment when the news came of a fresh mission to Paris and London. How Sigismund was treated by the French, and how he was led on to a close alliance with England, has * See above, pp. 165-167. 1418] The Unity of the Church 263 been described elsewhere. That alliance was to prove of more moment for the Council than any- thing that took place in Constance itself. The chief subject upon which progress might have been made in Sigismund's absence was the reform of the Church in its head and members. Upon the necessity of some change all were in theory agreed, and a Commission was appointed to report on the question in July, 141 5. When it came to a discus- sion of details the divergent interests of the several Nations prevented unanimity; whilst the Cardinals used their influence to defeat any project that might curtail Papal prestige and Papal revenues. The French were especially anxious to secure the abo- lition of annates; the English, thanks to King and Parliament, and the Germans and Italians for other reasons, were less interested. The Italians, under the influence of the Cardinalate, rejected the French proposals altogether; whilst the Germans and Eng- lish, acting in concord, thought their discussion inadvisable. In face of these divisions nothing practical was done, and Sigismund himself wrote from Paris urging the Council to suspend all import- ant business till his return. Other matters also tended to disunion. The teaching of Jean Petit, a Parisian doctor who ex- cused the murder of Louis of Orleans in 1407 under a general defence of tyrannicide, had been censured somewhat mildly by the Council. When after Agincourt the Armagnacs got the upper hand at Paris, Gerson reopened the question; prolonged and fierce debates ensued, with little result save to 264 Henry V, [1414- diminish the authority of the French Nation, and to create a breach within its ranks. The disappoint- ments and disunion of the French made them still more bitter in their animosity to the English; and so the triangular conflict of England, Armagnac, and Burgundy spread from the battle-fields of France to Constance. The French representatives sought daily for any means whereby to damage their English rivals. An opportunity occurred when the envoys of Aragon arrived in September, 1416, and were admitted to the Council as representing a fifth Nation — the Spanish. The Aragonese, abetted by the French, first claimed precedence over the English, and then questioned the right of the latter to form a Nation at all. The discord was so serious that it threatened to wreck the Council altogether, and it was still un- appeased when Sigismund returned to Constance in January, 1417. The Emperor had shown no haste to return to the Council. Though he left Henry at Calais in mid-October, it was over three months before he reached Constance. Always extravagant and always needy, he had to pawn the presents which he received in England in order to pay the expenses of his journey. At last, on the 27th January, 1417, Sigismund re-entered Constance wearing the Collar of the Garter about his neck, which was ** a glad sight to all Englishmen to see." He was met by a procession of the Cardinals and all the Nations; foremost among them, wrote John Forester to Henry V., were ** your Lords in their best array ■\ 1418] The Unity of the Church 265 with all your Nation; and he received your Lords graciously with right good cheer, and of all the wor- shipful men of your Nation he touched their hands only in the great press." Robert Hallam contrived skilfully to get possession of the pulpit at the place of Council and to deliver the address of welcome; thus frustrating the intention of Pierre d'Ailly, whom Forester describes as " the Cardinal Camer- acense, chief of the Nation of France and your special enemy." On the following day, and again on 29th January, the English Nation, under Bishop Catrik of Lichfield, their President, had audience of the Emperor, who " received them every man by his hand," and thanked them specially that they had been " so loving, true, and trusty to his Nation in his absence."* Sigismund was ostentatious in his display of friendship for the Nation of his new ally. The French on their part were not slow to recognise the change in their position which resulted from so open a declaration of the Anglo-German alliance. Pierre d'Ailly had begun his career in the Council as the most ardent champion of Reform; but French patriotism overpowered ecclesiastical preju- dices, and he now devoted all his energies to thwart and annoy the English representatives in the Coun- cil. When the Castilian envoys arrived early in March, he at once reopened the question of the Spanish Nation. The French protested that there were only four recognised Nations, the Italian, * Fadera, ix., 434-435 ; see also the letter from R. Appleton on the Nation question, id., ix., 439. 266 Henry V, [1414- French, German, and Spanish; the English were neither politically nor ecclesiastically equal to the others, and should be absorbed in the German. The English, styling themselves " ambassadors of the King of England and France," retorted to the representatives of " our adversary of France " with a wealth of not very accurate statistics. There were eight kingdoms subject to the English Crown,* not counting the Orkneys and other islands. The English realm had no dioceses and 52,000 parish churches; the French had only 60 and 6000 respectively. England and Germany together com- prised nearly half Christendom, and it was absurd to count them only a single Nation. D'Ailly can- not have expected to carry his point. But he contrived to delay progress and to vex both the English and Germans. D'Ailly had more justification when he led the Council into a long wrangle whether priority should be given to the election of a new Pope or to the cause of Reform. Two years previously, when the cause of unity had meant the deposition of Pope John, d'Ailly had been foremost in claiming for it priority over the cause of faith. So now there was a certain plausibility when he urged that the first duty of the Council was to restore unity. True, d'Ailly had been the leading advocate of Reform ; but he was a Cardinal as well as a Parisian doctor, and in both capacities experience had taught him that Reform, if not carefully guarded, might go further than he wished. He had another and ♦ England, Scotland, Wales, the Sea, and four in Ireland. 1418] The Unity of the Church 267 deeper motive— French patriotism. The champion of Reform was Sigismund ; and Sigismund, both in secular and Conciliar politics, was now the close ally of England. If with the help of the English Na- tion the Emperor prevailed in the Council, he would probably requite their services by supporting Henry in the field. If, moreover, the English and Germans were to mould ecclesiastical affairs to their liking, they would be able to secure the Papacy for a candidate of their own choice. Such an event meant a restoration of Imperial supremacy in Christ- endom, and the diminution — to the advantage of England — of the influence which France had so long exercised over papal policy. So the proceedings of the Council became more and more subservient to considerations of international politics. The Span- ish Nation in the Council, as did the Kingdoms of Castile and Aragon in secular matters, accepted the leadership of France. In their hostility to England and opposition to Sigismund, the French and Span- ish, under the guidance of d'Ailly, drew nearer to the Italians and curial party. Thus was the group- ing of the Council determined by the rivalry of France and England. The wearisome debates on procedure went on throughout the spring and early summer. At last, on nth July, a compromise was arranged. The de- position of Benedict was to come first; then the reformation of the Church in its head and in the Curia — reserving the more general question ; thirdly the election of the new Pope. A fortnight later (26th July) Benedict was solemnly removed from 268 Henry V. [1414- his office. The way then seemed clear for Reform ; a fresh commission was appointed to report, and Sigismund, relying on the firm assistance of Robert Hallam, was sanguine of success. Still little pro- gress was made ; for the Cardinals discovered fresh reasons why the Council should proceed forthwith to a new election. All this time Henry in England had watched the proceedings at Constance anxiously and closely. He desired, not less than did Sigismund, a stable settle- ment. But the solution of the ecclesiastical pro- blem was only a step, if an essential step, towards his wider plans. The motives which inspired the Em- peror and the English King in concluding the Treaty of Canterbury were somewhat different. Sigismund was intent on the situation at Constance; Henry looked first to the value of German assist- ance for a new campaign in France. It was under- stood that the Emperor was to be ready to take the field in the summer of 1417. Sigismund's plans and promises proved commonly to be in excess of his powers when the time came for fulfilment. On this occasion he had a genuine excuse, in that he could not control entirely either the princes of Ger- many or the proceedings of the Council. Henry on his part probably appreciated the weakness and difficulties of his ally. English interests in the Council were safe in the hands of Hallam, and for ordinary matters Sir Hartank van Clux was a trust- worthy agent at the German Court. There must have been special reasons of State that prompted the successive missions of Tiptoft and of Philip 14181 The Unity of the Church 269 Morgan to Constance. The letters of subordinates like Forester and Appleton prove also how careful Henry was to keep himself informed about all that went on.* We need not suppose that when Sigismund parted from Henry at Calais in October, 1416, he had any intention to fail in his undertaking. Henry himself, though recognising the difficulties of the sit- uation, clearly looked for a successful issue from his diplomacy. The result was, however, disappointing. In spite of the loyal support rendered by his brother- in-law, Louis of Bavaria, the King's interests made little progress. It was true that on 22nd March Sigis- mund declared war on France. But it was not till 24th May that the Treaty of Canterbury was form- ally ratified. Even then nothing was done to make it effective ; and when orders were at last issued for a general armament Louis alone obeyed the sum- mons and mustered his contingent. As the sum- mer wore away it became clear that Sigismund would fail to keep his word, and would plead in ex- cuse the delays of the Council. Henry had counted on the armed assistance of Germany ; for he recog- nised the tax which the French war would impose on his unaided resources. The time was opportune for action in France, and on political grounds alone the English King must have desired to see such a settlement of affairs at Constance as would leave his ally free to take the field. There were other reasons which prompted Henry to a change of policy. The continued abeyance of * P«dera, ix., 385, 412, 427, 434, 439. 270 Henry V. [1414- the Papacy was proving mischievous to English in- terests. The defect of spiritual authority made the repression of political Lollardy less easy. There were troubles also in the administration of Church affairs. In April, 1416, with the consent of Parlia- ment, Henry ordered that ** during the vacancy of the Apostolic See through the damnable Schism " persons elected to bishoprics should be confirmed by the Metropolitans without delay.* Had the King so desired, such circumstances might have led to the complete independence of the English Church. But Henry had no wish to break with established traditions. His aim was to restore old ideals, not to create a new order. As for the need of curial reform, the legislation of the past century had provided a check on papal abuses. King and Parliament were well able to maintain all the privi- leges of the English Church. Ecclesiastical an- archy was a more real danger ; and there was the further possibility that a prolonged contest might result after all in the restoration of French influence at the Papal Court. If, on the other hand, a com- promise was effected by English mediation, Henry would enjoy the credit of restoring unity to Christ- endom, and might reasonably expect a return of gratitude from the new Pope. Such were the con- siderations of policy which probably inspired the order given by Henry on i8th July, 1417, that all his subjects at the Council should render strict obe- dience to the authorised English repre^ntatives.f ♦ Fcedera, ix., 337. Cf. Rolls of Parliament, iv., 71. \ Feeder a, ix., 466. 1418] The Unity of the Church 271 It can hardly have been a mere coincidence that Henry Beaufort now resigned the Chancellorship, and, under the pretence of a pilgrimage to Jerusa- lem, journeyed to the neighbourhood of Constance. Sigismund seems to have felt that his own con- duct required defence. Henry may perhaps have addressed to him some remonstrance with which we are not acquainted. At all events, on 4th August, and again twelve days later, the Emperor wrote, re- gretting that the long delays in the Council had prevented him from joining Henry on the French frontier as arranged with Tiptoft. The deposition of Peter de Luna (Benedict XIII.) had been at last accomplished, but the Reformation was still un- finished. He was confident that an ecclesiastical settlement touched Henry no less nearly than him- self. An early conclusion might now be expected, and nothing save death should keep him from com- ing to the assistance of his ally in the following May.* As usual, Sigismund was sanguine; but he could not have foreseen the misfortune which would be- fall him through the death of Robert Hallam, on 4th September. Hallam, by his straightforward ability and skilful diplomacy, had secured a posi- tion of authority in the Council. He had pursued consistently the policy of an Anglo-German alliance, and enjoyed the confidence both of Henry and Sig- ismund. Probably his last instructions had given him a discretionary power, and would have been used by him to arrange a compromise with the — * Aus der Kanzlei Sigismunds, pp. 128-130, 132. 11 272 Henry V. [1414- Emperor's concurrence. At his death the leadership of the English Nation fell into feeble and less skilful hands. In a general congregation on 9th September, the Cardinals presented a protest pressing for an im- mediate election. The protest was renewed in stronger terms four days later, when to Sigismund's indignant surprise the English without warning ap- pointed deputies to confer with the Cardinals as to the necessary procedure. Bishop Catrik of Lich- field made a lame apology. He could not venture to avow the secret instructions which he had used so clumsily *; he had not the strength nor the skill of Hallam ; and had perhaps turned too ready an ear to the Cardinals.f Sigismund, deprived of English support, had to give his consent to the election of a Pope subject to a guaranty for eventual reform (2nd October). Still the opposing parties could not agree as to the terms of the guaranty, nor as to the procedure at the Conclave. This conjuncture afforded an oppor- tunity for the mediation of Beaufort, who, at the suggestion of the English, was invited to come from Ulm to Constance. It is possible that the Bishop was the bearer of letters from the King.J At all events Beaufort was too familiar with his nephew's policy to have acted against it. Under his guid- * Cardinal Filastre says of the English : " Ad mandatum regis Anglie dimiserunt regem Romanorum." — Creighton, ii., 95, f It is suspicious that Cardinal Orsini, on 5th September, recom- mended Catrik to Henry on the ground of his labours " ad perfectam ecclesioe unionem." — Fcedera, ix., 487. X As Caro {Bundniss von Canterbury, p. 95) suggests. 14181 * The Unity of the Church 273 ance the English Nation assumed the position of arbitrators between the extreme parties, the Ger- mans and the Cardinals. An arrangement was at last concluded which provided for certain reforms in the Curia to be made after the election of a Pope, and for the formation of a Conclave consist- ing of the twenty-three Cardinals and six deputies from each Nation. The Conclave assembled on 9th November, but no progress was made till the nth. At the first scrutiny it was found that the English had voted unanimously for the Cardinal Oddo Colonna. Col- onna was not favoured by his colleagues or the French. But the solid front presented by the Eng- lish prevailed, and at a fresh scrutiny he obtained the requisite majority. The new Pope, who took the name of Martin V., was a man of irreproachable character and noble birth; in the Council he had shown himself to be moderate and sensible, had taken no extreme side, and had made no enemies. Henry had every reason to congratulate himself on the result of the Conclave. His timely change of policy had brought him the credit of having done most to end the Schism. The action of his repre- sentatives had secured the choice of a Pope, who was personally acceptable to the Emperor, and not likely to be amenable to French influence. Martin's election promised to foster the Anglo-German alli- ance, and to enable Henry to accomplish his greater plans without risk of ecclesiastical complications. The satisfaction with which Henry and Sigismund regarded the election proved somewhat premature. 2 74 Henry V, [1414- In the subsequent sessions at Constance Martin contrived to assert his authority so dexterously that the Council dissolved without any definite conclu- sion on the dangerous subject of Reform. Such questions as were decided were embodied in separ- ate Concordats with the different nations. The English Concordat stood alone for its brevity and trivial character; the will of Parliament and a strong ruler were a sufficient protection for the English Church. ' Throughout his pontificate Martin showed the same address, and by his prudent conduct became the creator of the modern Papacy. His personal relations with Henry were friendly; but he would gladly have assumed the r61e of arbitrator between France and England, and was watchful for any op- portunity to reassert his authority in English affairs. Henry received the Cardinals whom Martin sent to France in 1418 courteously; but he did not allow their negotiations to disturb his own plans. In ecclesiastical matters also the Pope found that Henry's orthodoxy involved no weakness. One of Martin's earliest acts as Pope was to name Henry Beaufort Cardinal. No doubt his first motive was gratitude for the English Bishop's share in his election. An ulterior purpose is re- vealed in the proposal that Beaufort should become legatus a latere of the Holy See in England. It is certain that Martin was anxious to reduce the Eng- lish Church to its old subservience, and apparently he hoped to find his instrument in Beaufort. Arch- bishop Chichele at once protested against the pro- ARCHBISHOP CHICHELE. FROM HIS TOMB. k t4t8i Th e Unity of the Church 2 75 posal as an invasion of his own rights and of the privileges of the Engh'sh Church. Henry peremp- tonly required his uncle to forego the proffered dig- nity, saying that " he had as lief sette his couronne besyde him, as to see hym were a Cardinal's hatte." * The hint was not enough for Martin, who tried in defiance of the national laws, to force his nominees into English benefices. This conduct and the di- plomatic assistance which the Pope's envoys were rendering to the French drove Henry to remon- strate. On 25th September, 141 8, the King by his own hand sent instructions to Catrik, who was now the English representative at the Papal Court.f Catrik was to point out to Martin in private how the French had fostered the Schism, and infected Spain and Scotland with their poison. The war had been prosecuted for the interest and security of the Pope and the Christian Faith, and entitled Henry to Martin's consideration and assistance. He wa3 to remind the Pope also of the form of Concord which had been established between Ed- ward HI. and Gregory XL, which Martin had, perhaps inadvertently, disregarded. The King therefore desired that the Pope would ratify anew that Concord, or not resent it if he used the same right and power in all things respecting the Regalia as he ha d ever done before. % * Stevenson, Le/fers Illustrative of the Wars in France, ii. 441 f Catrik had accompanied Martin from Constance and spent the rest of his life at the Papal Court. He died at Florence on 28th December. 1419. and was buried in Santa Croce, where his tomb still exists. X Goodwin, pp. 209-211, ex. Cotton. MS., Cleopatra, E. ii. 276 Henry V, [1414- Catrik reported the result of his conference with the Pope in a letter dated 5th February, 1419. Martin was effusive in his declarations of friendship; *' raising his eyes to heaven, he said: * We know now what we believed before, that our son loves us ; verily, verily all the theologians in the world have not so moved us as doth our son's eloquence.' "* The Pope was careful to avoid any explicit assur- ance, and after a few months reopened the whole question as though nothing had happened. In October, 1419, Henry Greenfield, an English oflficial of the Curia, came to Mantes on Papal busi- ness. On Martin's behalf he exhorted the English King to peace, and begged that he would abrogate the laws which were so hurtful to Papal authority. The King made answer through Philip Morgan. He was now, as always, anxious for peace; should a favourable opportunity occur, he would take care to inform the Pope accordingly. The pressure of the war did not leave him such leisure for other business as he could desire. But the statutes to which the Pope referred were no new ones, and Henry was so bound by his coronation oath that he could not, if he would, without the consent of Par- liament, interpret, abrogate, or modify them, f Martin had to accept this rebuff with the best grace he might. With patient persistence he bided his time. After Henry's death he made Beaufort Cardinal and legate, and though he could not obtain the repeal of the obnoxious statutes, contrived to * Fader a^ ix., 680. f /9«*»«-'^S?J6®^(HsUw-' CHAPTER XVII THE BRIDGE OF MONTEREAU I419 AFTER the surrender of Rouen Henry resided in the Castle until the town '* was set in rule and governance."* His first care was to make provision for the starving townsfolk; but famine had gained such a hold that it was more than a fortnight before the mortality could be checked. As on previous occasions, a brief respite from war meant only leisure for civil government. The organ- isation of the exchequer was perfected, commercial regulations issued, and money struck bearing the legend, ** Henricus Rex Francie^ But in the ancient capital of his Norman ancestors Henry felt himself to be the heir of William the Conqueror, more than of St. Louis. On Candlemas Day a great feast was held, at which the King appeared in his robes as Duke of Normandy. Under the terms of the capit- ulation the citizens had to provide a site for a ducal palace, and by Henry's orders the erection of the New Palace at Rouen was commenced in the early * English ChronicU, 278 1419] The Bridge of Montereau 279 summer of 1419-* In the course of February the Estates of Normandy were assembled to meet their new Duke. Though the greater nobles had gone into exile, a considerable number of the lesser gentry seem to have bowed to the inevitable and made their submission. The chief of Henry's Norman adherents was Guy le Bouteiller, the sometime Bur- gundian governor of Rouen. French writers natur- ally denounced him as a traitor, but Guy had, as a Norman and a captive, to choose between submis- sion or prison. Henry made him lieutenant for the Duke of Exeter at Rouen, and in this post Guy showed his fidelity by revealing a French plot for the capture of the city. Whilst the King was occupied with civil affairs, his captains were completing the conquest of Nor- mandy. Exeter had the command in the north-east ; Caudebec and Montivilliers yielded immediately after Rouen, and the surrender of Lillebonne, Fecamp, Dieppe, Gournay, and Eu followed in quick succession during the early days of February. The Earl of Salisbury met with more resistance at Honfleur, which did not open its gates till i6th March. Clarence directed the advance up the Seine; Vernon yielded without striking a blow on 3rd February, and the citizens of Mantes sent the keys of their town to the Duke without even await- ing his arrival. When Henry left Rouen on 25th March only five places still held out for the French in Normandy, * Later on it became " Le Vieux Palais." James II. of England stayed there in 1692. It was destroyed during the Revolution. \ 28o Henry V, [1419 1419] The Bridge of Montereau 281 I and of these La Roche Guyon was captured in April and Ivry in May.* So demoralised were the French by their own feuds and the English victories, that their garrisons seldom offered any resistance, but marched out of one gate as the English entered at the other. The tide of conquest overflowed the boundaries of Normandy on every side, and still the soldiers of the Dauphin and of Burgundy skulked like foxes in their fortresses, as though no foreign enemy was before their gates.f The fall of Rouen, the second city of the king- dom, was a shock that made itself felt through the whole length and breadth of France. Yet it did not inspire either the Dauphin or Burgundy with any better policy than their old diplomatic intrigues. Henry met the wishes of both parties, with equal readiness. But his own diplomacy was of a wider range. A scheme was afoot for the adoption of Bedford by Queen Joanna of Naples. Proposals were made to marry Bedford to a German princess, and Gloucester to a daughter of Charles III. of Navarre. Negotiations were also proceeding with the Republic of Genoa, the mercantile cities of Flanders, and the Archbishops of Treves and May- ence4 These varied schemes were, it is true, in a measure tentative ; still, they show that the horizon of Henry's diplomacy was not bounded by the im- mediate crisis in French affairs. * The other three were Gisors, Chateau Gaillard, and Mont St. Michel. The last was never taken, f Chron. St. Denys, vi., 323-325, 363- X Fcedera, ix., 700, 701, 705, 7o6, 710, 711. 715. 7i6. Only two days after the fall of Rouen, on 21st January, Henry reopened his negotiations with the Dauphin. Three weeks later an agreement was made for a conference to be held between Evreux and Dreux on 26th March.* In the meantime the Duke of Brittany, somewhat anxious for his own position and despairing of French politics, visited Henry at Rouen and concluded a truce to the great advantage of his duchy. On 25th March Henry left Rouen for Evreux. The Dauphin, unmindful of the solemn oath which he had taken, failed to put in an appearance. ** He hath broke his surety, and made the King a beau nient,'' wrote one of Henry's followers. " So there may none hope be had as yet of peace. God put hand thereto when His will is. Certes all the ambassadors that we deal with be incongrue, that is to say in old manner of speech in English, ' they be double and false.' Pray for us that we may come soon out of this unlusty soldier's life into the life of England." f Probably the bad faith of the Dauphin did not take Henry by surprise. Negotiations had for some time been in progress with Burgundy. The Earl of Warwick, accompanied by Sir John Grey and Sir Gilbert Umfraville, visited the French Court at Provins, and arranged for an interview to take place on 15th May. In the meantime there was to be a truce between the English and Burgundians with an ♦ Foedera, ix., 670, 676, 686. f Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, i., 77 ; " beau nient " is the Italian " bello niente;' *' a fine fool." 282 Henry V, ri4l9 exception for Normandy, where Henry's troops still held their siege before Gisors and Ivry. It was a strange period of confusion in which the three parties fought and treated one with another. The Dauphin's men had treacherously captured Soissons from the Burgundians, and, in spite of a truce, Tanneguy du Chatel had attacked Warwick when on his way to Provins.* Yet when a report got about that Henry and Burgundy were like to make terms, the Dauphin reopened negotiations with them both. The English King rejected his overtures; even Burgundy was more trustworthy than the adventurers who controlled the Dauphin's policy. Burgundy would not, perhaps dared not, take a similar course. He was enough of a states- man to perceive the need for a reconciliation, and may well have grown alarmed and weary at the web of intrigue which he had spun about him. The moderate men in both French parties were sincerely anxious for peace ; and even the extremists feared lest by too open concession to the English they might increase the authority of the rival faction. Nevertheless, their negotiations led to nothing more substantial than a three-months' truce. Henry spent Easter (i6th April) at Vernon, where he remained till the time for the Conference. The French found the proposed date inconvenient, and a postponement was agreed upon to 30th May. * One of the few facts that we know about the writer of the " Life of Henry V.," which passes under the name of Elmham, is that he was present on this occasion. — Elmham, Vita, p. 215. THE EARL OF WARWICK FIGHTS WITH THE FRENCH. 14191 The Bridge of Montereaii 283 Meantime representatives on both sides were busy with arrangements for the Conference, which was to be held at some place between Mantes and Pontoise. After a prolonged search they fixed on a meadow by the Seine near Meulan called " La Pr^ du Chat." The river enclosed it on one side and a pond or backwater on the other. So it was easy to arrange for the Conference to be held without intrusion. The field was listed and fenced all round, with an entrance at either end. The French, whose sad experience of such conferences in their own affairs rendered them mistrustful, made a strong ditch and palisade; but the English were content with a simple barrier. In the midst of the field were three pavilions, one, distinguished by a large eagle of gilt, for the Conference, and the other two for the use of the great personages of each nation.* Outside the lists there were such crowds of gaily coloured tents for the guards and suites that there seemed to be a city under canvas. The number of the escorts was carefully fixed, and only sixty knights and squires and sixteen councillors were to be admitted within the lists on either side. Henry came to Mantes on Sunday, 28th May, and on the same day Burgundy, accompanied by King Charles, Queen Isabel, and the Princess Catherine, arrived at Pontoise. • On the Monday Archbishop Chichele, the Duke of Exeter, and the Earl of Warwick paid a ceremonial visit to the French Court, and made the final arrangements for English Chronicle, Harley MS. 2256, f. 194 vo 284 Henry V, [1419 the Conference. On the following day,* about three o'clock in the afternoon, the two parties entered the enclosure simultaneously, and advanced in state to a low barrier at the centre. The scene was splendid with knights in shining armour and lords and ladies in cloth of gold or silver. Henry bowed low before Isabel and Catherine and kissed them courteously. To Burgundy, who slightly bent his knee, he gave his hand.f Then he con- ducted the Queen to the Conference Tent, where two chairs draped in cloth of gold had been placed side by side. As soon as the King and Queen were seated, the Earl of Warwick knelt before them and made Isabel a formal address in French. There was much ceremony but little business, and after the two parties had mutually agreed not to break off the Conference without eight days' notice, the meeting concluded. The second and third meetings were held on the 1st and 5th of June. Henry's demands were for the hand of Catherine in marriage, with all the territory ceded by the Peace of Bretigny and the addition of Normandy ; the whole to be held in full sovereignty. In reply the French required : first, that the English King should renounce all title to the Crown of France; this was agreed to with a saving for the * The statements in"Elmham, Vi/a, p. 217 (the writer seems to have been present), and Des Ursins, p. 549, are conclusive for 30th May, which was the appointed day. Cf. Faedera, ix., 746, and Douet d'Arcq, Pikes Inedites, i., 402. But the document in Fadera, ix., 759, gives 29th May. f The French King was not fit to attend and had been left at Pontoise. 14191 The Bi'idge of Montereau 285 ceded lands. Secondly, would Henry abandon all claims to Anjou, Maine, Touraine, Brittany, and Flanders ? This he refused. Next, would Henry promise for himself and his successors never to ac- cept from any person the cession of any title to the French Crown ? To this, which was intended to preclude a subsequent treaty with the Dauphin, he agreed, provided the other party would give a like guaranty ; such a qualified acceptance was in effect a refusal, and Henry himself afterwards styled the proposal an unreasonable limitation of his liberty. In the fourth place, would Henry have the treaty solemnly ratified by the Three Estates of his Realm? This he rejected absolutely as an insult to his kingly dignity. There followed some minor questions dealing with Ponthieu and Catherine's dowry, to which the King gave a modified approval. In Henry's demands and the French counter- proposals there was enough matter for controversy, even if they were made with good intent. But probably the two parties suspected each other's loyalty from the first ; and at the fourth meeting, on 13th June, Henry kept his escort under arms outside the lists, though no one knew why. However, at the fifth meeting, three days later, relations were so friendly that the English King made a great feast for the soldiers of both nations. The final confer- ences were held on the 26th and 30th of June. By that time it had become notorious that Burgundy was once more in treaty with the Dauphin. Under such circumstances the conferences at Meulan were not likely to bear fruit. On the last day the King im ill 286 Henry V. [1419 and Burgundy met in private. High words passed between them, and finally Henry told the Duke: " Fair cousin, we would have you to wit that we will have your King's daughter and all we have de- manded, or else we will drive him and you out of his kingdom." Nevertheless there was no open rupture, and a further conference was fixed for 3rd July. The French failed to put in an appearance. Henry perhaps felt a little chagrin at the failure of his diplomacy. At all events, he was determined to throw the responsibility for a breach on the other party. Chichele and Warwick were again commis- sioned to treat with Burgundy, and the issue was supposed to be still uncertain.* However, on Saturday (8th July) in this same week. Burgundy and the Dauphin met, with many precautions, at Pouilly-le-Fort near Melun. At first they could come to no terms; ** You might as well talk to a deaf ass as to the Duke," said the Dauphin's representatives. In the end, through the intervention of the Dame de Giac, an old lady who had been Burgundy's mistress and knew the Dauphin in his cradle, a treaty was concluded on nth July. The two princes agreed to share the government between them, and to make no terms with the English save by common consent, f The news was received with great rejoicing at Paris, but events soon proved the hollowness of the peace. *For the Conference at Meulan see Elmham, Vita, pp. 216-225 ; Des Ursins, pp. 549-551 I Monstrelet, pp. 453. 454; 9,n& Facdera, ix., 753, 759-764, and 789, 790. f Chron. St, Denys, vi., 328-332. 14191 The Bridge of Montereau 287 Henry learnt of the treaty between Burgundy and the Dauphin without delay. Still he professed to think the result of his own negotiations doubtful, and left it to the other side to notify the termina- tion of the truce. An English soldier wrote home from Mantes on 14th July: " For this accord it is supposed in the King's host rather war than peace, though at this time it is not known which we shall have." In the same letter we get what was no doubt the popular explanation of the failure of the Meulan Conference: " When it was brought to the point for the Treaty to have been engrossed and fully to have been made an end of, the French party hath come with divers demands and quest- ions in letting and tarrying of that matter."* Henry in his official account of the Conference declares that he used every effort to secure success, but the French would do nothing to meet him, in- sisting on the acceptance of their conditions without modification; the responsibility for the rupture rested with the party who refused to renew the negotiations. The technical point upon which the Conference had been broken of! was the objection of the French to furnish an authentic statement in writing of the articles agreed upon.f On the French side Juvenal des Ursins J re- lates that there was a long debate in the council of Burgundy and Isabel as to the best course to pursue; finally it was determined to treat with the Dauphin rather than the English. The true ♦ Feeder a, ix., 779. f Id., ix., 789, 790. t P. 55^ 11 288 Henry V, [1419 position seems to be revealed in a letter which Queen Isabel addressed to Henry two months later. The negotiations at Meulan were, says Isabel, defeated by the crooked intrigues of her son but for whom a general peace might have been established between France and England, as well as between the natives of this kingdom. With- out the Dauphin's assent nothing could be done, ** for our councillors declared that if we and our cousin of Burgundy had accepted your terms, all the barons, knights, cities, and good towns of our lord the King would have abandoned us for our son." Isabel and Burgundy did all they could to induce the Dauphin to come to his father's Court, as he had promised at Pouilly, but he would not. Hence the failure of the peace, and all the evils that en- sued.^ In spite of their pretended agreement the mutual jealousy and suspicion of her princes con- tinued to be the bane of France. Henry observed the truce with strictness,but made his preparations to strike a vigorous blow the mo- ment that it expired. Pontoise, which is scarcely twenty miles from Mantes, commanded the passage of the Oise and the road to Paris from the north. During the late negotiations the town had been visited by many English knights, who had formed a just opinion of the order of its defences and garri- son. The information thus obtained and the im- portance of the position determined Henry to attempt a surprise at the first opportunity. The * Letter from Queen Isabel, ap. Du Fresne de Beaucourt, Hisioire de Charles VII., i., i86, 187. 14191 The Bridge of Montereau 289 truce came to an end on 29th July, and on the following day the resumption of hostilities was pro- claimed. That same afternoon an English force set out from Mantes in two divisions. Gaston de Foix, a Gascon noble whom Henry had made Count of Longueville in Normandy, led the van; the sup- ports were under the Earl of Huntingdon. The march was so timed that the van should reach Pon- toise at daybreak, when the guard was changed. Gaston and his men for greater security left their horses at a little distance, and completing their march on foot, lay hid in the vineyards near the town till dawn. There were hardly any sentinels on watch; the scaling party set their ladders to the walls unobserved, clambered up, and broke open a gate to admit their comrades. In they rushed in a body and roused the French from their beds with the cry: " St. George! St. George! The town is taken! " The Sire de L'Isle Adam, who was cap- tain of Pontoise, mounted his horse half-armed and endeavoured to muster his men. Though all was in confusion the French in scattered bands made here and there a good resistance. Huntingdon, who had lost his way, did not appear, and at first it seemed as though the attack might fail. But at the critical moment came a welcome trumpet-call, and the English cavalry, dusty with their long night march, charged into the town. There was no more thought of resistance. L'Isle Adam was the first to raise the cry, * ' Tout est perdu : sauve qui peut ! ' * Soldiers and citizens alike hastily caught up any valuables they could, and poured pell-mell out X9 290 Henry V, [1419 through the far gates along the road to Paris. Hunt- ingdon's horsemen swept through the streets like a storm, cutting down those who resisted, and driving the others in a hopeless rout before them. The fugitives were the first to bring the news to the French Court at St. Denis. Without waiting even for dinner. Burgundy and the King and Queen took flight in haste for Troyes. At Paris itself all was alarm and confusion for fear of the enemy. The English, however, were well satisfied with their achievement, and remained to pillage Pontoise. The booty was enormous; it was said that there were enough stores to have lasted the garrison two years. Henry wrote home that in all his wars abroad he had accomplished nothing more service- able. So swift, and dramatic a stroke showed not less statecraft than generalship. The moral effect of the fall of Pontoise was immense. The French were in consternation; such a disaster, it was said, must be due to treachery; Burgundy had sold the town to the EngHsh; L'Isle Adam had been more concerned to save his ill-gotten treasure, acquired during the Armagnac massacres, than to keep his charge. For fear of the English, the country folk from the villages took refuge in Paris. The governors of the capital themselves expected an attack, and mustered men- at-arms and crossbowmen under a Gascon captain, Ponce de ChatiUon. Ponce tried to enforce good ♦Walsingham, Hist. Angl. ii., 330 : Elmham, Vita, pp. 227-230 ; Chron. St. Denys, vi., 352-354; Monstrelet, pp. 458, 459; Des Ursins, p. 552 ; Douet d"Arcq, Pikes In/dites, i., 404. 14191 The Bridge of Montereau 291 order as became those who served under the colours ; so his men deposed him and chose another in his stead. These brave mercenaries were good plun- derers on their own account ; but they kept no watch and let the English under Clarence reconnoitre un- disturbed right up to the walls of Paris. " Our business," they said, *' is to hold the city, and not to make sorties." However, Henry did not think it expedient to attack the capital. He spent a fort- night at Pontoise, and after arranging for its garrison, went away on i8th August to besiege Vauconvilliers. He could well occupy himself with consolidating his conquests, whilst his adversaries developed their politics. The loss of Pontoise was a severe blow to the reputation of Burgundy, and as a consequence en- couraged the pretensions of his extreme opponents. The compact of Pouilly was still unfulfilled. Tan- neguy du Chatel and the President Louvet, who directed the Dauphin's policy, had accepted its terms with reluctance. They foresaw that their own authority would be at an end on the day that their master surrendered his separate government and returned to his father's Court. Of statesman- ship they knew nothing; and now a more congenial path seemed to open before them. The moderate party at Paris and the Court at Troyes were press- ing for the performance of the agreement. Their anxiety was their opponents' opportunity. In reply to Burgundy's overtures Tanneguy and his associates proposed another interview. For the furtherance of their scheme they came to Troyes 292 Henry V. [1419 with a letter from the Dauphin couched in the most affectionate terms, and asking the Duke to meet him at Montereau-faut-Yonne. It was then Bur- gundy's turn to be suspicious: why should not the prince come to Troyes as had been intended ? Tanneguy was artful, and made a pretence of seek- ing fresh instructions. He returned with the Bishop of Valence, whose brother was one of Burgundy's principal councillors. The Duke declared that he had been warned of a plot to compass his murder. It was all a baseless lie, replied Tanneguy; his mas- ter had no desire but peace, and as evidence of his good faith would cede the castle to the Duke and lodge himself in the town. The Bishop of Valence, who knew of no plot, added his assurances with manifest sincerity. Burgundy was at last convinced and promised that he would come as the Dauphin wished. The meeting was fixed for 26th August, and Bur- gundy left Troyes in due course. But when he came to Bray his fears revived. Fresh warnings reached him ; his own memories of treason, and his habitual indecision, prompted delay. He would go no farther, but could not resolve to go back. Then Tanneguy came again from Montereau with fresh assurances and solicitations; he was supported by the moderate party, who wished for peace, and by the influence of the Dame de Giac. Once more Burgundy yielded, and set out for Montereau, on loth September, in the company of Tanneguy and a number of nobles of his own party. On their arrival the Duke went to rest in the castle, whilst 14191 The Bridge of Mo7itereau 293 Tanneguy departed to report the success of his mission to the Dauphin. The castle of Montereau was on the east side of the river opposite the town. The interview was to take place on the bridge between. The ends of the bridge were strongly barricaded, and it was agreed that the princes should each bring only ten follow- ers. Early in the afternoon the Dauphin sent a message that he was ready and waiting for the Duke. About three o'clock Burgundy left the castle. Some of his friends were still uneasy, but John was now resolved and put aside their fears, declaring, ** We must risk something in the cause of peace, " At the barrier Tanneguy met him, and Burgundy with a friendly greeting said: " See, here is one to whom I trust myself." As soon as Burgundy and his companions had entered the enclosure, the Dauphin's men shut the gate and locked it on the inner side. The prince was at the far end leaning against the barrier. John crossed the bridge and courteously knelt before his cousin. Some words passed between them, but what was their tenor is disputed. The conspirators sought a pretext for their intended violence.* Bur- gundy's long sword had got entangled as he knelt on the ground; he put out his hand to replace it. ** What! would you touch your sword in my lord's presence ? " cried Robert de Lair^. *' It is time," said Tanneguy, and struck the Duke a blow with * According to one account they wilfully insulted the Duke, and when he made a show of resentment, attacked him. In the narra- tive above I have tried to harmonise the conflicting stories. ft Henry V, [1419 29 4 his axe. Burgundy stumbled, and before he could recover himself the other conspirators despatched him as he lay on the ground, whilst Tanneguy lifted the terrified Dauphin over the barrier. The Burgundians were taken by surprise, and their com- panions outside the locked gate could do nothing to help them. The Sire de Noailles was killed in a vain attempt to save his master, the others were forced to yield themselves prisoners. The Duke's body was left where he fell till the morning, when it was buried without reverence in the church at Mon- tereau. Thus perished John of Burgundy. The author of so many intrigues and treasons deserved little pity. But though the policy of his life had been ruinous to France, there was nothing in it so fatal as the manner and moment of his death. CHAPTER XVIII THE TREATY OF TROYES I419-I42O DURING the last months of his life, the author- ity and reputation of John of Burgundy had been on the wane. His indecision and his ill-success inclined many of his own party to favour an agreement with the Dauphin. Even in Paris he had lost his old popularity : for since the Armagnac massacres he had treated the citizens with marked coldness. The murder at Montereau restored the strength of the Burgundian party; all were now united in a common wish for revenge. Philip the new Duke at Ghent, Queen Isabel and the Court at .Troyes, the Parliament and the citizens at Paris, regarded with equal favour the prospect of an Eng- lish alliance. Henry must have realised at once what an oppor- tunity Fortune had given him. Wisely he took no steps to hasten the course of events, but left French politics to their necessary and natural development. Meantime he showed no lack of energy in strength- ening his own position. After leaving Pontoise he 295 li 296 Henry V. [1419- paid a brief visit to Rouen, and early in September went to direct the siege of Gisors. The town, which had been besieged six months, at last surrendered on 17th September, and the castle yielded a week later. The garrison of Gisors was Burgundian ; but they had held themselves not less stoutly than did the Dauphin's men at the same time in Les Ande- lys, or Chateau Gaillard. That famous fortress, the ** Saucy Castle " of Richard Cceur-de-Lion, perched on a rocky height three hundred feet above the river, commanded the passage of the Seine and was of essential importance. Its isolation, was, how- ever, complete, and its fall was only a question of time. Henry therefore left the siege to Exeter and himself went on to Mantes. Overtures had already been received from Philip of Burgundy, and from the governors of Paris. Henry did not for that reason relax his efforts, in- tending to be ready for any result. At Mantes he could conveniently watch the negotiations, and at the same time prepare the way for an advance on Paris. The first step was to capture Meulan, which was but a little town, but was well garrisoned and protected by the winding Seine. The French had thick set the river with stakes to prevent an attack by water. The English collected all the boats they could find and built floating castles on rafts, under cover of which they contrived to clear the river and approach the town. Finding their resistance hope- less, the garrison at last made terms* and on 6th * Chronique de Normandie, p. 196 ; Elmham. Vita, p. 240, says 29th October, which was probably the date of the - appointment. 14201 The Treaty of Troyes 297 November surrendered the town. When Meulan and its bridge were in English hands, further pro- gress was easy. Early in November Humphrey of Gloucester took Poissy and St. Germain with the neighbouring castle of Montjoye. At the end of the month Henry left Mantes for Rouen, where within a few days he received the welcome news of the fall of Chateau Gaillard. In the Norman capital Henry spent the next four months. Thence he could direct the course of his negotiations with the French princes, whilst at the same time he was near at hand to his advisers in England. But what most required his personal at- tention was the organisation of his new conquests. It was perhaps to assist in the work of civil admin- istration that in January, 1420, Bedford resigned the Regency of England to Humphrey of Gloucester and came over to join the King at Rouen. Henry still pursued in Normandy his policy of conciliation, and the measures which he adopted began to bear fruit. Commerce revived; Breton and Flemish traders revisited once more the Norman ports, and even merchants from Paris were allowed to come and go freely under cover of truce. The natives of Normandy were offered every inducement to accept the English rule; numbers of the lesser gentry and burgesses made their submission, and were con- firmed in the property which they had held before August, 1417. The work of reorganising the gov- ernment went on apace ; almost every day we find recorded the appointments of sergeants, verderers, receivers of taxes, or assisers of salt. Such minor ti 298 Henry V, [1419- 14201 posts were held generally by native Normans. The more important officers, the Treasurer, the Chancel- lor, and the Bailiffs, were still English.* So much progress had been made that it was possible to im- pose fresh taxes, and thus meet in part the great expenses of the war. English interests were also considered, and a renewed attempt was made to strengthen the colonies in the ports of entry. Dur- ing Henry's stay at Rouen over a hundred grants of houses were made to settlers at Harfleur, Caen, and Cherbourg; though some of these were bestowed on courtiers, the majority appear to have been given to traders and craftsmen. Nothing could illustrate better how much the work of government owed to Henry's personal direction than the record of his stay at Rouen contained in the Norman Roll for this year.f Whilst the King of England was thus busy with his warfare and civil government, what had the Dauphin's party attempted ? The murder at Mon- tereau dismayed his more moderate supporters, who were not privy to the plot ; the authors of the villainy had never stopped to consider consequences. Hence Charles remained inactive for ten days at Montereau. However, the affair had to be made the best of ; and in a series of letters addressed to the chief cities of France, it was endeavoured to put the blame upon * William Alyngton was Treasurer ; Morgan was still Chancellor. John Assheton, Roger Ferrys, John Popham, Gilbert Halsale, and Walter de Beauchamp were Bailiffs respectively of the Cotentin, Caux, Caen, Evreux, and Rouen. f Calendar of Norman Rolls, ap. Forty-second Report of Deputy- Keeper^ pp. 332-371 ; Fadera, ix., 852-888. The Treaty of Troyes 299 Burgundy, who it was said had fallen in a fair fight caused by his own folly. Such a version found little favour in northern France, where the old hatred for the Armagnacs revived in full force. The Dauphin's advisers seem to have recognised the hopelessness of their cause in the North; they " were not men of the Kingdom," * and their own sympathies and asso- ciations were chiefly with the South. They showed their sense of the situation, when, after spending the autumn at Poitiers, they took the prince for a pro- gress through southern France. In January', 1420, Charles came to Lyons, and after confirming his authority in Dauphin^, passed on to Toulouse. The support of the Count of Foix f secured him the adhesion of Languedoc, and almost all the South accepted his government. Equally well planned was a scheme for obtaining foreign assistance. So early as the spring of 1419 the Dauphin had been in treaty with the Kiiig of Castile and the Regent of Scotland. It was proposed to bring soldiers from Scotland in ships supplied from Spain. Henry had warning of their intention too late. The Scots evaded the English fleet in the Channel, and in Oc- tober six thousand men landed at La Rochelle under the command of John Stewart, Earl of Buchan and son of the Regent Albany. Three months later the combined French and Spanish fleet fell in with the English off La Rochelle and won a considerable * Tanneguy du Chatel was a Breton, Lou vet a Proven9al, Bar- bazan and the Vicomte de Narbonne Gascons. f Brother of Gaston who took Pontoise for Henry, and of the Sire de Noailles who was slain at Montereau. i f 30O Henry V, [1419 14201 The Treaty of Troyes 301 victory. These honourable achievements were, however, marred by a foolish plot in another quarter. Duke John of Brittany, when his efforts for peace failed, had determined to observe a strict neutrality. Tanneguy thereupon formed a scheme to displace him by his rival the Count of Penthi^vre, who by treachery took the Duke prisoner and car- ried him off to Poitou. The faithful Bretons at once rose in arms, and, after a struggle, forced Penthi^vre to release their rightful sovereign. Henry was prompt to take advantage ; he gave the Duchess Jeanne * his active sympathy, and allowed the Duke's brother Arthur de Richemont to return from England. So for the second time Tanneguy's clumsy zeal did his master harm, and rendered the English King unexpected assistance. Let us now turn to trace the course of the negotiations which, taking their start from the tragedy at Montereau, ended in the marriage at Troyes. Philip, Count of Charolois, was twenty- three years of age when he became Duke of Bur- gundy. Young, impulsive, and energetic, his one thought was to take vengeance for his father's murder; with that purpose, he resolved, after a brief delay, to seek an alliance with England. Both the Court at Troyes under the influence of Queen Isabel, and the government at Paris, of which Philip's cousin the Count of St. Pol was the nom- inal head, made overtures to Henry without waiting for the Duke's decision. On 24th September, Eng- lish commissioners were appointed to treat with ♦ She was the Dauphin's sister. Paris and the French King.* Philip opened nego- tiations with Henry a few days later, though his policy was not formally determined till a conference which met at Arras on i8th October. During the next six weeks messengers were pass- ing constantly between Mantes and Arras and Paris. At last, on 2nd December, Philip of Burgundy gave his assent to the proposals made to him by the Earl of Warwick on Henry's behalf. Henry agreed to marry Catherine of France and leave the royal dig- nity in possession of Charles and Isabel, on the conditions that he should succeed to the crown at the death of Charles, and during the King's lifetime should be Regent; the Estates of France were to swear obedience to him in a prescribed form. Philip, on his part, pledged himself to use all his efforts to secure the acceptance of the proposed terms by the French Court.f The agreement was reported to Henry at Rouen a few days later. A partial truce had been con- cluded with the Burgundian governors of Paris after the capture of Poissy and St. Germain, and had since been extended from time to time. A more general truce was the natural sequel to the agreement at Arras, and the preliminary to a more formal treaty. On Christmas Eve Philip Morgan, John Kempe, the Lord FitzHugh, Sir Walter Hungerford, and Sir John Tiptoft, as Henry's representatives, concluded a truce to last till ist March. It was in effect an offensive and defensive alliance between England * Fa'dt-ra, ix., 796, 797 ; Du Fresne de Beaucourt, i,, 185-189. f Fcedera, ix., 816-818. 11 ^ 302 Henry V, [1419- and Burgundy; for not only were the Dauphin and his supporters expressly excluded, but the troops of either of the two parties were to have access through lands in occupation by the other for the purpose of waging war on their common enemy. On Christmas Day Henry formally ratified the agreement of Arras; he would treat Philip as his own brother so long as they both should live; he would spare no efforts to secure the condign punishment of the Dauphin and his accomplices, and if they fell into his hands would not ransom them without the Duke's assent. The truce was proclaimed at Paris on 3 ist December, and the treaty ratified by Philip at Arras on 5th January, 1420.* Between Henry and the French Court there was as yet no formal treaty, and some months were to elapse before the terms were finally settled. But between the English and Burgundians the accord was already complete, and during the spring of 1420 they waged war on the Dauphin in concert. Even in December, 1419, the Earl of Huntingdon and Sir John Cornwall, who then held command on the borders of Vermandois, had joined forces with John of Luxembourg, the Burgundian commander, against the Dauphin's garrison at Compi^gne. In January, 1420, they captured Fontaine Lavaganne in the Beauvoisis and overran the whole county of Clermont.f About the same time another force of English, with help from Paris, took Tremblay and Dammartin, and expelled the Dauphin's garrisons ♦ Foedera, ix., 81&-820, 825-827, 840-842. f Chastelain, i., 98, I03. 106. |!'f THE EARL OF WARWICK AT THE FRENCH COURT. 1420] The Treaty of Troyes 303 from Valois. The Earl of Salisbury, who had been sent by Henry to prosecute the war in Maine, in March laid siege to Fresnay-le-Vicomte. The French and Scots under the Marechal de Rieux marched to its relief; Huntingdon and Cornwall came up in haste to Salisbury's assistance; they encountered de Rieux near Le Mans, defeated him with great slaughter and captured the banner of William Douglas, the Scottish leader.* So whilst the French were divided ** did the King of England win daily of them castles and towns and fortresses, t" Meanwhile the truce had been again and again renewed to give time for the negotiations. In Feb- ruary the Earl of Warwick, accompanied by Sir Gilbert Umfraville, John, Lord Roos of Hamlake, and Sir Louis Robsart, came to Philip of Burgundy at St. Quentin. Warwick was commissioned to go with Philip to the French Court and negotiate the proposed treaty. In Vermandois there were still many fortresses held by the Dauphin's garrisons, and it was at the head of quite an army that War- wick and Burgundy set out for Troyes. Together they took Cr^py and other places in the Laonnais, and marching by way of Rheims and Chalons, reached Troyes on 21st March. There they were received with great rejoicing by the French Court. Charles, the unhappy King, was quite incapable and content to agree to whatever was proposed; * Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii., 331, where the date i6th May is probably an error for i6th March ; cf. Foedera, ix., 885. t English Chron., Cotton. MS,, Claud., A. viii., f. 9. !i'i \ 304 Henry V. [1419- ** whether it was to his own hurt or not, it was all one to him." Queen Isabel, whose influence was thus supreme, was more than ever hostile to her son and well pleased to see him ousted for the benefit of her favourite daughter Catherine. Under such auspices the negotiations were easy, and on 9th April Charles was made to put his seal to the pre- liminaries of the treaty which was to deprive himself of his authority and his son of his inheritance. The terms did not differ materially from those arranged at Arras in December. Provisions were, however, added on numerous points of detail. Henry undertook to govern as Regent by the advice of a Council chosen from the nobles of Charles VI. 's obedience. He would endeavour to subdue all places that adhered to the so-called Dauphin's or Armagnac party, and especially such as were north of the Loire. At his succession to the throne Nor- mandy and all his other conquests should be re- united to the French Crown. On becoming Regent he would take the oath usual to the kings of France at their coronation, and during Charles's life would cease to use the title of King of France, styling him- self only ** Henry, King of England and Heir of France." Other minor points were also provided for, and arrangements made for the intended coming of Henry to Troyes. Either Lagny-sur-Marne or Charenton and the towns of Provins and Nogent were to be put in English hands. Each King might be attended by fifteen hundred armed men. Both parties swore to assist one another against any in- sult or injury during the Conference, and pledged 14201 The Treaty of Troyes 305 themselves not to attempt any treachery under cover of the interview.* It IS not to be supposed that such an agreement passed without criticism. At Paris in the previous autumn the citizens had accepted the idea of an English alliance only as the less of two evils, to which they were driven by fear of Armagnac tyranny and vengeance. When the terms became known there were many who found the recognition of the King of England as Regent of France and the put- ting aside of the Dauphin and the male line of St. Louis highly distasteful.* Some even of the Bur- gundian party would not acquiesce in such a treaty with the ancient enemy of the Crown and Kingdom of France, thinking it " very marvellous and shame- ful." On the English side there had been some criticism from another point of view: the recogni- tion of the title of Charles VI. as King of France and the acceptance by Henry of the style of Regent were argued to be an undue concession, which gave away the English right and claim, and made the whole war appear unjust.f Such objections were, however, merely formal; Henry himself was too much of a statesman to make any confusion between the shadow and the substance. For England the treaty was an extraordinary triumph. For France it was, indeed, as Des Ursins called it, marvellous and shameful. Yet its authors were not without excuse for their policy. The advisers of the Dauphin did not understand, and apparently did not wish to * Fadera, ix., 877-882. ^^^*^' f Chron. St. Denys, vi., 377, 383, 437. % Goodwin, p. 260. 20 .-,- It 3o6 Henry V, [1419- understand, the interests and necessities of the northern and traditional centre of the French mon- archy. Their own ideas were derived from the South, which in the opening years of the fifteenth century was almost as foreign to Paris as England itself. This was at once the source of the Dauphin's weakness and the secret of his eventual strength. The sentiment of French patriotism found its refuge at Bourges; and when Charles VII. at last returned to be King at Paris, it was as the head of a nation that had rid itself in great measure of the old feudal and racial divisions. Immediately after the conclusion of the prelim- inaries Warwick and his colleagues left Troyes to report the success of their mission to the English King. About the middle of April Henry set out from Rouen. First he stopped at Mantes, and then went on to Pontoise, where he rested some days whilst his retinue assembled, and Warwick concluded the final arrangements for the meeting at Troyes. On 8th May Henry left Pontoise accompanied by the Dukes of Clarence and Bedford, the Earls of Warwick and Huntingdon, and a force of fifteen hundred men. He marched through St. Denis, and on the following day passed close under the walls of Paris, whence the people gazed in wonder at his splendid escort. At Charenton, where he crossed the Marne, a deputation of the citizens met him with a present of wine. From Provins, on 14th May, he sent a message to the French King to an- nounce his coming. Six days later, as he approached Troyes, he was met by Philip of Burgundy, who 1420] The Treaty of Troyes 307 conducted him courteously to the city, one half of which had been set apart for his reception. On the morrow, Tuesday, 21st May, 1420, the famous Treaty of Troyes was solemnly ratified in the Cathedral Church of St. Peter. Henry was at- tended by his two brothers, forty nobles, knights and squires, and by the Duchess of Clarence with a train of English ladies. On the French side Queen Isabel and Duke Philip appeared as commissaries for Charles VI., accompanied by the Princess Catherine and an equal retinue. Henry and Isabel met in the middle of the church, and walked side by side up to the High Altar. Then the articles of the treaty were recited, sealed and sworn to by Isabel and Philip in the name of King Charles, and by Henry on his own behalf. Next Henry and Catherine were solemnly betrothed. Finally Philip made his oath in public that he would be obedient to Henry as Regent of France during the lifetime of Charles, and when Charles was dead would become his liege subject. As soon as the ceremony in the Cathedral was over, the Peace was proclaimed and the articles of the Treaty published in either tongue throughout the whole city and in the English host. In its main terms the Treaty as finally ratified fol- lowed the preliminaries arranged in April. Some additions were, however, made. Henry promised to seek from the Estates of France and England a provision to the following effect : * From the time that we or any of our heirs come to the same, both realms shall be governed not severally, but under one and the same person ; keeping none the less, 3o8 Henry V. [1419-20] in all manner other things, to either of the same realms their Rights, or Customs, Usages and Laws. Also that henceforward perpetually shall be still, rest, and shall cease all manner of Dissensions, Hates, Rancours, En- mities and Wars ; and there shall be for ever more and shall follow Peace, Tranquillity, Good Accord and Com- mon Affection, and Stable Friendship and Stedfast between the same Realms." All three parties to the Treaty bound themselves not to ** begin or make with Charles bearing himself for the Dauphin of Vienna, any Treaty of Peace or Ac- cord but of the assent of all and each of us three." * The new ** Great Peace " was proclaimed at Paris with much rejoicing on 30th May, and at London on 14th June, after a solemn procession and sermon at Paul's Cross. The marriage of Henry and Catherine was cele- brated in St. John's Church at Troyes on Trinity Sunday, 2nd of June, about midday, with all solemnity according to the custom of France. The ceremony was performed by Henry de Savoisy, Arch- bishop of Sens, to whom the King gave thirteen nobles instead of thirteen pence, which were the ordinary dues. The King gave also to the Church two hundred nobles, and everyone of the company gave as his offering three nobles at the altar. And afterwards there was the sup with wine in the accustomed manner, and the blessing of the nuptial couch. t * Fadera, ix., 895-904 (the treaty in French and Latin), and x., 916-920 (the official English version). f Des Ursins, p. 557 ; see also Chastelain, i., I34« THE MARRIAGE OF HENRY V. CHAPTER XIX THE HEIR OF FRANCE I 420- I 42 I HENRY had at last attained his goal. He had won the bride whom he had sought so long, and as Regent and Heir of France he had apparently secured the position which was the osten- sible purpose of his war. Yet he was under no mis- apprehension as to the magnitude of the task which still lay before him. To the young knights of his company, who wished to celebrate the marriage with jousts and a tourney, he answered that on the mor- row they should all start for the city of Sens, where each might have jousts and tourneys to his liking. On Tuesday, 4th June, the English and Burgundians set out from Troyes, marching by way of St. Flor- entin and Villeneuve-le-Roi. The two queens, Isabel and Catherine, accompanied the army. " So there lay at this Siege many worthy Ladies and Gentlewomen, both French and English*; of the which many of them began the Feats of Arms long ♦ Fcedera, ix., gii, friend in England. A private letter from one Johan Ofort to a 309 3IO Henry V, [1420- ago, but of lying at Sieges now they begin first.'* The townsfolk of Sens had no love for their Arma- gnac garrison, and after a brief resistance asked for terms. Sir John Cornwall, who was sent to parley with them, was met by a French gentleman with an unkempt beard; but he would not parley till the other had his beard trimmed, " for such was not the manner and custom of England." As Henry en- tered Sens on nth June, he paid the Archbishop a neat compliment : " You have given me a wife, now I restore you your own — your Church." From Sens Henry and Philip went on to besiege Montereau, leaving Charles VI. and the two queens to rest at Bray. Montereau was held by a strong garrison of French and Scots under the Sire de Guitry. Shortly after the siege commenced, Henry was reinforced by fresh troops, whom his brother, John of Bedford, brought up from Normandy. On Midsummer Day a party of English and Burgun- dians without any orders stormed the town. The garrison fled in such confusion to the castle that many were drowned in the attempt to cross the river; some sixteen persons of distinction were taken prisoners. As soon as the allies had occupied Montereau, and Duke Philip had made provision for his father's honourable re-interment, Henry turned his arms against the castle. When the Sire de Guitry refused to surrender, the King had his pris- oners all hanged before the gates. Such severity was novel to Henry's warfare; but in his excuse it might be pleaded that the French were now rebels against the lawful Regent. After all de Guitry 1421] The Heir of Prague 311 surrendered on ist July, a tame conclusion for which he was much blamed by both parties. Melun, the Dauphin's stronghold whence his mer- cenaries had so long threatened Paris, was the next place to be attacked. With its towers that kissed the sky, its deep and wide fosse, its well-built walls and formidable outworks, it was the fortress, if any, to defy Henry with success.* The garrison was strong, and in the Sire de Barbazan it had a brave and skilful commander. So the siege was one of the worst of the war, and lasted through eighteen weeks of fierce and continued fighting. No less than twenty thousand men were mustered before Melun. The young King James of Scotland was brought over from England, in the hope that his presence would influence his countrymen; but the Scots would not recognise the authority of their captive sovereign, nor, in spite of his friendship for Henry, would James attempt to assert it. A more powerful ally who came to Henry's assistance from Germany was his brother-in-law, Louis, the Red Duke of Bavaria. The siege of Melun began on 13th July. Henry, with his brothers Clarence and Bedford, pitched their tents on the western side. Philip of Bur- gundy, with the Earls of Warwick and Huntingdon, had their camp on the east. To keep the besieging forces in touch, a bridge was built across the Seine, boats were collected, and the river patrolled. Within a few days Burgundy's men captured a strong outwork after a sharp fight, in the course of which * Elmham, Vita, p. 276. 312 Henry V. [1420- Sir Philip Leche was slain. Still Henry, with sound judgment, recognised that the siege would be a long one, and made his preparations accordingly. His lines were fortified with trenches and palisades, and his numerous guns set in regular embrasures, whence they kept up a fierce bombardment. The position of the allies was so strong that the Dau- phin, who had assembled an army at Chateau Renard, did not venture to take the field, though his garrisons in neighbouring fortresses harassed the English with frequent skirmishes.* At the beginning of the siege Henry had taken the two queens and the French King to Corbeil, be- tween Melun and Paris. Since the Treaty of Troyes the English had gone freely to Paris " as oft as they would, without safe-conducts or any letting." t Henry himself seems to have paid several visits to the capital during the early part of the siege, dividing his time between Paris and Cor- beil and Melun. Later on, when the blockade was well established, the French Court removed from Corbeil to the camp before Melun. It was hoped that the presence of their King in the besieging host might make the French more ready to seek terms. The unhappy Charles was, however, little regarded and had no such state as became his rank. Henry, on the other hand, had never been so nobly accom- * Elmham {Vita, p. 281) alleges that Burgundy, in constant panic, kept asking for help, which was as often sent, though never needed. His account seems to have been written nearly twenty years later, after Philip had abandoned the English alliance. f Fader a^ ix., 911. 1421} The Heir of France 313 panied and kept his Court with great pomp ; outside the royal quarters a band of English clarions and other instruments played every day for an hour both at sunrise and sunset. Meantime the siege was prosecuted with unabated vigour. Louis of Bavaria, who arrived some time in August, took up his quarters with Philip of Bur- gundy. Finding how much progress had been made with the bombardment, he urged that the time was ripe for an assault. Philip replied that he had sev- eral times suggested it, but the King of England was not of that opinion. Louis then went to Henry, who heard him patiently, but showed how the thing was very perilous and not free from hazard. Still, since Louis was bent on the attempt, he gave his assent, and advised that they should prepare scaling ladders and fascines to fill the fosse; as for himself, he would not fail in his duty when the time came. The result justified the King. For Barbazan, perceiving what was intended, made pro- vision beforehand, so that the Germans and Bur- gundians on advancing to the assault met with unexpected resistance. A picked body of cross- bowmen manned the walls, whilst the townsfolk poured down boiling fat and showers of stones. As soon as the assailants had entered the fosse and were preparing to scale the walls, Barbazan with a chosen company sallied from a false postern and took them in the rear. Between two fires the besiegers had to beat a retreat with heavy loss. Some called it a mad undertaking; but Henry answered that it was nobly attempted, such feats of war were 314 Henry V, [1420- praiseworthy, though they could not always be successful.* Henry on his own side showed that he could be not less valiant than prudent. The English, who had grown skilful in sieges, made mines to sap the walls. Barbazan, not to be outdone, made counter- mines, and after a while was successful in burning the English works. Henry, whom no failure daunted, encouraged his men to fresh efforts. In spite of every obstacle, constant fighting, and bad weather, the English made fresh mines, though they had to work knee deep in water. The French responded with equal vigour; and, as soon as the miners came to close quarters, Barbazan had barriers prepared and pushed forward to prevent the English advancing through the countermine into the city. So after a time the besieged and besiegers met and had many fierce encounters underground. It was a weird warfare, in which the combatants on either side fought in the narrow mines and exchanged blows by torchlight across the barriers breast-high between them. Foremost among the French was young Louis Juvenal des Ursins. Shortly after the countermine was first pierced Barbazan met his youthful lieutenant fully armed and asked him : *' Louis, where are you going ? " When Barbazan learnt his purpose he continued: " Brother, you do not yet know what fighting in mines means ; give me your axe." Louis did as he was told, and Bar- bazan cu t the handle short ; *' for mines are sloping, * We owe this story to Des Ursins (p. 559), whose brother, Louis Juvenal des Ursins, was serving under Barbazan. 14211 The Heir of Frajice 315 tortuous, and narrow, wherefore short handles are very needful. " Many young soldiers on either side were anxious to win renown in these meetings, and even the commanders on occasion took part in them. " It fortuned on a day that there arose a contention betwixt two lords of the King's host, who should have the honour to go first into the mine ; so the King (to avoid the strife) entered the mine himself first of all other, and by chance came to fight hand to hand with the lord Barbazan, who was likewise entered the mine before all other of them within the town." After they had fought a good season together, each of them admiring the valour of the other, they made a pause, and Henry asked his opponent's name. Then said the French lord: *' I am Barbazan." " And you," answered Henry, " have fought with the King of England." Whereupon Barbazan, per- ceiving with whom he had fought, caused the bar- riers forthwith to be closed, and withdrew into the city; and the King returned back to his camp.* Neither by escalade nor by mines could the Eng- lish take the city. But not even the valour of Bar- bazan could hold out against famine. By the end of October the besieged had spent all their bread, and had nought to eat save horseflesh, ** which is a thing that hath little or no nourishment, for men who must be fighting every day." Still Barbazan held out, hoping always for succour, or for some happy chance or quarrel that might compel the * Holinshed, iii., 122 ; Goodwin, pp. 278, 279 ; Chastelain, i., 157. 3i6 Henry V, [1420- English and Burgundians to raise the siege. Bar- bazan's hopes were vain. The Dauphin had lost his most vah'ant captain by the death in August of Phih'p, Count of Vertus and brother of the Duke of Orleans; Charles himself was not of the stuff for the field, and preferred his luxurious dalliance at Bourges. So when a last appeal from Melun came in November, the Dauphin answered that he had not the power to raise the siege and Barbazan must make the best terms he could. On 17th November Melun surrendered at discretion. It was, however, under- stood that all save those who were concerned in the murder of Duke John should be free to depart, on condition that they did not again bear arms against the two kings. A further exception was made for the Scots and any English deserters, who were to be at Henry's mercy. The deserters and some twenty of the chief Scots got but a short shrift. A few Frenchmen were also executed. The principal nobles and captains to the number of six or seven hundred were sent prisoners to Paris till they had given security for the future. Barbazan himself was for a time in danger. He had been present at Montereau on the fatal loth of Sep- tember, though he had no knowledge of the plot and denounced it as a felon act that robbed his mas- ter of his honour. Nevertheless, he seems to have owed his life less to his innocence than to the chiv- alry of the English King, who would not sanction the death of one with whom he had honourably crossed swords. Henry's treatment of his prisoners both at Mon- 1421) The Heir of France ^^1 tereau and Melun seems repellent to our notions. Yet he was not wantonly cruel, as were too often his French opponents*; he acted only as he be- lieved that strict justice warranted him to do. In protecting Barbazan he risked a quarrel with Philip of Burgundy, rather than trespass against his own honour and conscience. If, moreover, Henry was severe, he was sternly impartial. There was in his household a Gascon gentleman, Bertrand de Chau- mont, who had turned English at Agincourt, and since that time by his valiant conduct won the warm esteem of his master. After the fall of Melun this Bertrand for lucre helped two French squires, who had been parties to the murder of Montereau, to escape. The thing came to the knowledge of Duke Philip, who reported it to the King. Henry, in spite of appeals from his brother Clarence, and from Philip himself, ordered Bertrand to be in- stantly executed. He would have no traitors in his host; yet though justice must be done for an ex- ample to others, he would rather have lost fifty thousand nobles than that Bertrand should have shown him such disloyalty. By the capture of Melun the Dauphin's supporters were driven from their most dangerous proximity to Paris. The citizens of the capital had long suf- fered at the hands of the Armagnac soldiery ; so his achievement enabled Henry to come more as a de- liverer than a conqueror. The Great Peace had ♦ Like the Bastard of Alen9on, who after the sea fight off La Rochelle massacred all his English prisoners in cold blood, as a revenge for his brother who fell at Agincourt. — Des Ursins, p. 556. I 3i8 Henry V, [1420- indeed been welcomed by the townsfolk of northern France, with " joy and mirth, every holiday in danc- ing and carolling." * Still, the opposite party had their adherents, and some even of the Burgundians had little liking for the Treaty. It was probably by reason of rumoured disaffec- tion at Paris that Henry during the siege of Melun had the Bastille, the Maison de Nesle, the Louvre, and Bois de Vincennes put in his hands. One writer states openly that the King did not trust the fidelity of the Burgundian garrisons, and therefore obtained possession of the Bastille by a not very creditable trick. According to this story an English knight was sent with a small company to Paris. Leaving most of his men in hiding, he approached the Bastille and asked for an interview with the Captain. The portcullis was raised and the draw- bridge lowered. When the pretended business was concluded the English knight began with much courtesy to take his leave, protesting, after the man- ner of a high-born noble, that he must do the other the honour to withdraw last. The Frenchman re- plied with equal ceremony, and whilst they thus bandied compliments the knight contrived to edge his way forward. Meantime the other English had come up unobserved, and as soon as they saw their opportunity rushed across the bridge and through the gate. The knight snatched the keys from the French captain, who, finding himself outwitted and not venturing to use violence, made a virtue of necessity. ♦ Faedera, ix., 911. 14211 The Heir of France 319 This story, coming from an English writer, who wished to discredit Burgundian loyalty, lacks au- thenticity.* Nevertheless, there was probably some friction between the English and their allies, if not between Philip and Henry himself. The Prince of Orange had left the host before Melun rather than swear fealty to the King of England. Even John of Luxembourg, who was Burgundy's cousin, at first refused to accept the Treaty, and only gave way at Philip's urgent request. Another captain of the party who fell out with the English was the Sire de risle Adam, then Marshal of France. L'Isle Adam during the siege of Melun attended the King one day on some business touching his office, dressed in a grey riding-suit. *' What! L'Isle Adam," said Henry in jest, ** is this the costume of the Marshal of France?*' L'Isle Adam, who was nothing of a courtier, looked him in the face and answered: " Sire, I put it on to come by boat across the Seine." There was probably some studied insolence in his manner, for Henry asked him angrily: " How dare you thus look a prince in the face when you speak to him ? " ** *Tis the French custom," retorted L'Isle Adam, ** not to address any man, whatever his estate, with a down- cast countenance." "It is not ours," replied Henry and turned away. The King may well have ♦ Elmham, Vita, pp. 282-284. The narrative was no doubt written after Philip had abandoned the English alliance. The English were in possession of the Bastille before 7th September. Cf. Norman Rolls, ap. Forty-second Report Deputy-Keeper, p. 307. See also Chas- telain, i., 161, etc. 1 320 Henry V. t1420- felt little liking for the man who had made a fortune by the Armagnac massacres, and for the sake of it failed in his duty at Pontoise. Whatever the reason, L'Isle Adam incurred Henry's displeasure, and lost his office of Marshal, and before long his liberty also. L'Isle Adam's case was not peculiar, for one by one as occasion offered other officers whose loyalty was doubtful were removed from their posts.* On the 1st December Henry made his state entry into Paris. The streets were hung with rich draperies, and at every crossing the citizens wel- comed him with shouts of " Noel! " Henry rode at the head of the procession with the King of France on his right and the Duke of Burgundy on his left. At intervals they were met by monks and priests bearing sacred relics from the churches. Charles signed to Henry that he should be the first to kiss the relics. Henry doffed his hat and with a low reveience gave place to the French King. And so they did all the way till they came to Notre Dame, where they made their offering before the High Altar. Then the two Kings remounted and rode away, Charles to the Hotel de St. Pol, and Henry with his brothers to the Louvre. Next day the two Queens entered with like cere- mony amid great rejoicing ; and all that day and the following night the fountains at the crossroads ran with wine. So the two Courts kept Christmas at Paris, but in very diff erent fashion. For Charles was humbly * Chastelain, i., 162, 179 ; Monstrelet, p. 491. 14211 The Heir of France 321 lodged, and few came to do him reverence save some old servants and men of low estate. But no one could describe sufficiently the pomp and pageantry in which Henry and Catherine held fest- ival at the Louvre. Their Court was of regal mag- nificence, and in all things Henry acted as though he were really sovereign, removing and appointing officers at his pleasure. Early in December the Estates of France had been assembled for the cere- monial ratification of the Peace, the two Kings presiding in equal state. Afterwards there had been a grand " Bed of Justice," when Burgundy, supported by the Dukes of Clarence and Bedford, appeared before Charles and Henry, and through his orator charged the so-called Dauphin of Vienne and his chief supporters with having wickedly and falsely slain his father. After a formal trial the ac- cused were declared guilty of treason, and by royal letters patent adjudged incapable of succeeding to any property or exercising any rights, dignities, or prerogatives. After the Christmas feast was over the princes dispersed. Henry had been absent from England more than three years; and now in response to an urgent appeal from the Parliament, he proposed to revisit his ancestral kingdom and take his Queen to be crowned at Westminster. On 27th December, accompanied by Catherine and his brothers, he left Paris and four days later entered Rouen. In the Norman capital Henry spent nearly three weeks, and with his Queen kept open feast on Twelfth Night. Immediately afterwards there was a great ax % 322 Henry V, [1420-211 Parliament of the Estates of Normandy, wherein a subsidy was voted and ordinances passed for the promotion of better government. At this Parlia- ment Arthur de Richemont did homage to Henry for the Earldom of Ivry ; he had been present under a species of parole at Melun, and now his liberty was further enlarged in the hope that he would bring over Brittany to the English side. There came also at this time from Gascony representatives of Charles d'Albret and the Count of Foix, who had quarrelled with the Dauphin ; but though they promised fealty to Henry, they proved no more faithful to him than they had been to their French lord. On 19th January Henry left Rouen and two days later entered Amiens,* whence he proceeded to Calais, by way of Doullens, St. Pol, and Terouanne, close by the field of Agincourt. Before he left Rouen Henry appointed his brother Thomas of Clarence to be his Lieutenant in France and Nor- mandy. The Duke of Exeter had been made Gov- ernor of Paris, and Sir Gilbert Umfraville Marshal of France. John of Bedford, with the young King of Scots, the Bishop of Winchester, and the Earls of March and Warwick, returned with the King to England. At Calais Henry was royally re- ceived by the merchants and townsfolk, who were proud to be the first of his native subjects to wel- come their Queen. On 1st February he crossed the Channel, having been in France exactly three years and six months. * Monstrelet, p. 496. CHAPTER XX THE STATE OF ENGLAND DURING the King's long absence England under the rule of Bedford was quietly and peaceably governed. A firm administration at home and a successful foreign policy had so ap- peased the various elements of discontent that the Regent found himself confronted by few questions of serious difficulty. The Lollard movement was passing out of its political phase and resuming grad- ually its more purely religious aspect. Henry's strong hand in the State, and the temperate and national policy with which Chichele under the King's direction governed the Church, were of sure and steady effect. Oldcastle's intrigues served for a time to keep the embers alive, and as long as he remained at large the attitude of the royal govern- ment was one of watchful anxiety. The circumstances which had driven the Lollard leader into a course of political treason made any retreat impossible. After the abortive attempt at St. Giles's Fields Oldcastle was formally outlawed, and a price of one thousand marks was put upon his head. He seems to have found a hiding-place in 323 324 Henry V, his native county, and for nearly four years evaded successfully all attempts to capture him. In Here- fordshire Lollardy was strong; there were many ad- herents of the claims of Mortimer, and perhaps not a few secret sympathisers with the rebel Welsh.* In his adversity the once loyal servant of the House of Lancaster made friends with all who resisted the established dynasty. That he intrigued with the Scots and the pseudo-king Richard there seems to be little doubt; it is therefore the more probable that he was somehow privy to the Scrope and Cam- bridge plot of July, 141 5. With the collapse of that treason Oldcastle disappared as mysteriously as be- fore. But neither he nor his more extreme ad- herents abandoned their intrigues; and there was certainly some fresh scheme afoot a year later. In September, 1416, one Benedict Wolman, a" grete Lollard," was executed at London as a traitor for having sent to Sigismund a paper in favour of the pseudo-Richard. t At Christmas there was dis- covered a plot to have taken the King's life at Kenilworth. Fresh proclamations followed for the capture of Oldcastle, the * ' Lollard of Lollards' ' ; and Thomas Payne, who was his clerk and counsellor, was arrested on the charge of having attempted to carry off King James of Scotland from Windsor.^ *John Kent, the Welsh bard and "magician," was connected traditionally not only with Glendower, but also with Oldcastle. Chastelain (i., 338) seems to imply that the Welsh rebellion and Lollard movement were popularly supposed to have some connection. f Riley, Memorials of London, p. 638 ; Chron. London, p. 104. X Ramsay, i., 254, 255 ; Palgrave, Antient Calendars and Inven- tories, ii., 102. The State of England 325 It was now also that the famous English Hussite, Peter Payne, fled to Bohemia, whether to escape martyrdom, or, as his enemies alleged, through a charge of treason.* Oldcastle himself is alleged to have instigated the " Foul Raid " of the Scots, who in October, 1417, invaded England, but were igno- miniously repulsed by the Duke of Exeter, who was then in Yorkshire, raising troops for the French war. It was not long after the " Foul Raid " that the Lord Powys' men got news of Oldcastle's hiding- place in Montgomeryshire. But Oldcastle was only captured after a desperate struggle, for he ** stood at great defence long time and was sore wounded ere he would be taken." His injuries were so serious that he had to be carried to London in a ** whirlicote," or horse-litter, f By Bedford's orders he was, on 14th December, brought before the Parliament which was then in session. The records of his outlawry and conviction for heresy were formally produced, and upon these he was without further trial condemned. The same day he was taken back to the Tower and drawn through the city on a hurdle to St. Giles's Fields, where he was hung and afterwards burnt, gallows and all. J Oldcastle was an enthusiast of fine quality, whom * See LHct. National Biography, xliv., 114. Peter played a great part in the Hussite movement for nearly forty years. At Basle in 1433 he was accused of having misled Oldcastle. He had been prin- cipal of St. Edmund Hail at Oxford till 1414. f English Chronicle, Cotton. MS., Claudius, A. viii., f. 7. \ Rolls of Parliament^ iv., 108 ; the official record does not imply that he was burnt alive. \ 326 Henry V, an unhappy destiny converted into a traitor. He died a martyr, but it is impossible not to recognise that his political conduct in his last days had made leniency impossible. Four years previously the King would have saved him if he could ; we may conjecture that Henry was not sorry to avoid through his absence in France any direct concern in the fate of his old comrade in arms. After Oldcastle's death we hear no more of do- mestic sedition. The other political troubles of the Government were due to the complications of the war. The presence of French princes as prisoners in England was a cause of no little anxiety. Orleans especially found opportunity to intrigue with the Scots and with his friends in France. In the autumn of 1417 Henry wrote home that he had secret information of a threatened plot : " There hath been a man of the Duke of Orleans in Scotland and accorded with the Duke of Albany that he shall bring the mammet of Scotland to stir what he may. ... Wherefore I will that the Duke be kept still within the castle of Pomfret ; for it is better he lack his disport than we be deceived."* Two years later, after the murder at Montereau, when the escape of the princes " might never have been so harmful nor prejudicial to us as it might be now if any of them escaped, and namely the said Duke of Orleans," Henry wrote to Langley, the Chancellor, that as good heed should be taken unto * Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd Series, i., i. The State of England 327 the sure keeping of the Duke's person as possible.* After the Treaty of Troyes Arthur de Richemont and the Duke of Bourbon were released upon con- ditions, but Orleans was kept a prisoner in England nearly twenty years longer. Probably the danger of intrigue with the King's enemies in France furnishes also the explanation of a mysterious affair which befell in 1419. The Queen Dowager Joanna, mother of John of Brittany and of Arthur de Richemont, was accused on the confes- sion of one Friar Randolph, her chaplain, of having ** compassed and imagined the King's death in the most horrible manner that could be devised, "f In the popular Chronicles the charge is one of ** sor- cerye and nigramancye," practised by Randolph at the Queen's exciting. Randolph fled oversea, but was captured in Guernsey and brought to Henry at Mantes; thence he was sent to the Tower of Lon- don, where some years later he was killed by the parson of the Tower in a quarrel. Poor Joanna lost her estates, and for three years was under arrest at Pevensey; but shortly before his death, on 13th July, 1422, Henry ordered her release. J A little light is thrown on the matter by a statement that Henry V. had ** banished the strangers about Queen Joanna, who gave information to the enemy and * Fader a, ix., 8oi. f Rolls of Parliament, iv., Ii8. \ Chron. London^ p. 107 ; Walsingham, Hist. Angl., ii., 331 ; English ChronicU Harley MS., 2256, flf. 193, 194. The date of the "plot "would seem to be May, 1419, for Randolph was captured at Whitsuntide. I, 328 Henry V, carried much treasure out of the country." * It is possible that Joanna or her attendants may have corresponded too freely with the Breton Duke, whose attitude in French politics was always a source of anxiety to Henry V. On turning to review the social state of England we are struck at once by the meagre references in contemporary chronicles. Perhaps it is fair to as- sume that this silence is the best proof that the country was on the whole contented and prosper- ous. During Henry's second absence three Parlia- ments were held in his name; the first two by Bedford in November-December, 1417, and Octo- ber, 14 19; the third by Gloucester in December, 1420. In the first two there was no legislation of constitutional importance, and in the third such matters as were decided had reference to the King's new position as ruler of France. A Parliament summoned by the Lieutenant in the King's absence was not to be dissolved by his return ; if the King was out of England petitions were not to be en- grossed until they had been sent oversea for the royal assent; the statute for securing English liber- ties, which had been passed at the time when Ed- ward III. assumed the title of King of France, was solemnly re-enacted. But in this, as in other Parlia- ments of the reign, the chief concern of the Com- mons was for the regulation of commerce, the promotion of internal navigation, the safeguarding of the seas, the improvement of the coinage. All this bea rs witness to the growth of industry and to ♦ Rolls of Parliament, iv., 306. The State of England 329 the recognition by the Government of the increasing importance of commercial questions. The burgesses of the towns ** were in fact the guardians of English wealth, and the arbiters of English politics." ^ On the other hand, there is little legislation that touches agriculture. In the first Parliament of 1414 we have an enactment for re-enforcing the Statute of Labourers. Otherwise the only petitions inspired directly by the county members are one, in 1417, against the evil-disposed persons, " probably Lol- lards, traitors, and rebels," who did much mischief by the frequent breaking of parks, forests, and chaces ; and another two years later on the annoyance caused by Sunday poaching during the time of divine serv- ice, f Of lawless violence, whether in town or coun- try, which a generation later was only too common, we hear little. :j: Proceedings in Parliament do but reflect the great change that was taking place in English life. In the time of Edward III. England was still chiefly an agricultural and producing country, and the cus- toms on the export of wool were the mainstay of English finance. At the beginning of the fifteenth century England was becoming a manufacturing country. Corn lands were turned into sheep pastures, but the wool trade steadily declined ; on the other hand, cloth was manufactured in such quantities ♦ Green, Town Life in the Fifteenth Century, i., 12. f Rolls of Parliament, iv., 20. 114, 122. X An almost solitary instance is the complaint in 1416 that Rich- ard Oldcastle (a cousin of Sir John) had seized Robert Whittington (Sir Richard's brother) near Hereford, and held him to ransom, — Rolls of Parliament, iv., 99. 330 Henry V, that it became in its turn one of the principal English exports. The chief cloth-works were in the eastern counties and in London ; but there were others in the West, in Devon, Dorset, Somerset, and Gloucester. With the development of industry wealth grew apace, and there came into existence a class of na- tive capitalists who gathered into their own hands more and more of the business of the country. A hundred years before even internal trade had been to a great extent in the hands of aliens; at the beginning of the fifteenth century native merchants were competing with foreigners for a share of the caryring trade by sea. This meant the develop- ment of English shipping, and the growth not only of places like Hull and Bristol and London, but of every little town along the south and east coasts from Fowey and Dartmouth to Lynn and Boston.* In the reign of Richard IL English shipmen " Knew wel alle the havenes, as thai were, From Gootland to the cape of Fynystere, And every cryke in Bretayne and in Spayne."t In 1392, three hundred English vessels cleared from Danzig, and eight years later thirty-eight English ships sailed from Bristol for Ireland, Gascony, and Brittany. J ^JThejeas, however, were ill-kept, and there was * Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce i 373. 3rd ed. ' " f Chaucer, Prologue, 407-409. X Wylie, i., 56, ii., 74. The State of England 331 no clear line between piracy and peaceful trade. So it is difficult to know whether men like John Haule of Dartmouth and Harry Pay of Poole were more corsairs or merchants. Piracy brought no ill-repute, and John Longe of Rye, when he was not plunder- ing on the high seas, represented his native town in Parliament. However, the English were no worse than other nations, — Spaniards, Bretons, French, Flemings, and Scots. Such a condition of affairs was obviously ruinous to trade, and the evil did not escape the English Government. The chief aim of English commercial policy during the reign of Henry IV. was to establish better relations with foreign powers, and especially with the Hanse, the Flemings, and Brittany. A vigorous and on the whole not unsuccessful endeavour was made to put down English piracy, and there was not a Parlia- ment in the reign of Henry V. in which stress was not laid on the need for safe keeping of the seas. In 1414, it was ordained that an oath should be taken of the captain of every vessel before sailing, that he would attempt nothing against those who were subject to the King's truces and safe-con- ducts.* This general law was followed by repeated orders for the repression of acts of piracy committed by English, Bretons, Flemings, and others. Sir Thomas Carew, when he was captain at sea in Feb- ruary, 141 5, had special orders to stop plundering, whether by Englishmen or foreigners. For the protection of English merchants it was the duty of the Admiral to see that the ships going to Gascony * Rolls of Parliament, iv. , 22, 23. x/" I 33^ Henry V, V did not sail singly, but in company.* Still it was impossible to suppress piracy altogether. In 1416 the Christopher of Hull was chosen admiral of the fleet returning from Bordeaux; but on the way home the fleet was attacked by certain carracks of the enemy, and the Christopher being deserted by her fellows was captured. The English did not always get the worst of it; in the first year of the reign eight ships of Dartmouth and London, when brmging home Clarence's troops from Gascony were assailed by two " hulks of Pruce," but they cap- tured their aggressors and brought them prizes to Southampton.! It would be going too far to ascribe a purely com- mercial basis to Henry's war. Yet a French con- temporary some years later alleged that the wars of the English were in reality waged against the mer- chants of France, Spain, Denmark, and Scotland J Moreover, commercial considerations did in a marked degree affect Henry V.'s diplomatic and military combinations. He was careful to conciliate the Hanse, and to secure the neutrality of Brittany • even when Burgundy was counted his full enemy the truce between Flanders and England for fishers, pilgrims, and merchants still subsisted. If it was the pressure of the French war that made maritime su- premacy an object of English policy, the importance of good order on the high seas was not lost sight of If the building of " the great dromons " was in the * Fcedera, ix., 47, 115, 116, 202. t Rolls of Parliament, iv., 12, 85. X Heralds Debate, p. 49. The State of England 333 first place intended to make the English navy a match for the Spaniards and Genoese, it served also to encourage the improvement of English shipping. As a result the English boasted that they were more richly and amply provided at sea with fine and powerful ships than any other nation of Christen- dom, and called themselves kings of the sea.* Besides cloth and wool the chief English exports were leather, hides, fish, lead from Derbyshire, and tin from Cornwall ; coal was extensively worked and considerable quantities were shipped abroad ; there were also some iron mines, but the English iron was considered inferior to that from Biscay. In return the merchants of Hull and the east-coast ports brought furs and timber (especially yew for bow-staves) from the Baltic. The merchants of Bristol and the southern ports traded with their cloths to Brittany, Gascony, and Spain, and brought back salt and wine and iron. Others went farther afield ; and in spite of Danish opposition the men of Scarborough sent a fleet every year to fish off Iceland. In December, 1414, the Katrine Benet, of Dartmouth, when on her way home from Algarve in Portugal, with wax, oil, wine, and fruit, was seized by the Bretons. As yet but few English traders had reached the Mediterranean, but every ♦ Heralds' Debate, p. 17. If, as seems probable, The Heralds' De- bate was written by Charles of Orleans, the description of England which it contains would belong to the period of his captivity, 14 15- 1440. The actual date of composition was 1458, by which time the condition of England and English commerce had changed for the worse. The English at Constance in 1416 claimed the kingdom of the sea. See p. 266 above. \ v 334 Hefiry V. year Italian fleets came to England. Their goods were for the most part articles of luxury : " The grate galees of Venees and Florence Be wel ladene wyth thynges of complacence, Alle spicerye, and of grocers ware, Wyth swete wynes, alle manere of chaffare, Apes and japes and marmosettes taylede, Trifles, trifles that litelle have availede. • Thus these galeise for this lykynge ware, And etynge ware, here hens our best chaffare, Clothe, wolle, and tynne."* The exchange seemed to the writer to be a bad one. But the balance of trade nevertheless went in favour of England, and accomplished what unaided legislation would not have done ; for it secured a sufficient circulation of coined money, which, in the dearth of precious metals, was a difficult matter with medieval statesmen. So, said " the English Herald," there was not considering the size of England so rich a country in Christendom. f Perhaps what most impressed the foreign observer in the fifteenth century, as it does the zealous investigator in our own time, was the freedom and independence of English town life. Each borough was in fact a free, self-governing com- munity; and within its own narrow borders was teaching its citizens those lessons of organisation * Libeile of English Policye, ap. Political Songs, ii., 173. t Heralds' Debate, p. 65. We may compare the opinion of Sigis- mund, see p. 175 above. The State of England 335 and self-help which were to prove the foundation of English greatness.* The middle class, which has been for centuries so distinctive of England, had already come into existence; " it is wonderful," says the Herald, " what a fine and abundant popu- lation there is in England consisting of churchmen, nobles, and craftsmen, as well as common people, "f Sir John Fortescue, in the middle of the fifteenth century, contrasts the poorly fed, ill-clothed folk in France, who " go crooked and be feeble, not able to fight nor to defend the realm," with his pros-^ perous fellow-countrymen. " Blessed be God this land is ruled under a better law ; and therefore the people thereof be not in such penury, nor thereby hurt in their persons, but they be wealthy and have , all things necessary to the sustenance of nature." J So also wrote Philip de Comines: " In my opinion, of all the countries in Europe where I was ever acquainted, the government is nowhere so well managed, the people nowhere less exposed to violence and oppression than in England. "§ This was the strength of England, that her people under- stood the art of self-government, and that her rulers had the wisdom to value rightly the friend- ship of the commercial class. In the Parliaments of Henry V. the burgesses of the towns were the foremost representatives of national feeling, and King and Commons worked together in mutual * Green, Town Life, ch. i. t Heralds' Debate, p. 61. X Governance of England, pp. 114, 115, § Memoirs, v., c. 18. 336 Henry V, self-confidence. It was to the Mayor and Alder- men of London that Henry reported the continued successes of his arms in France. Between the King and the citizens of his capital there was such an exchange of favour and good-will as it would be difficult to match abroad. In the beginning of the fifteenth century London was the wealthiest city of Western Europe.* If the King was in need of money the citizens of the capital advanced him more than all the other towns of England put together. f To the poll tax of 1379 the Mayor of London was assessed at £^ like an earl or bishop. With wealth there came power, and the great merchants of the capital were of little less consequence than the nobles with whom they con- sorted on almost equal terms. In the reign of Rich- ard II. the son of a Hull and London merchant had become Earl of Suffolk and Chancellor of England. In the reign of Henry V. we have Sir Thomas Knolles, ancestor of the Earls of Banbury, and Sir Robert Chichele, who was brother to the Archbishop of Canterbury; Knolles and Chichele had both sprung from the prosperous class of country yeo- men. Others, like Sir William Sevenoke, who was Mayor in 1418, were men of the humblest origin; ♦ The population was perhaps 50, 000. We can hardly credit the statement that 30,000 people died of the plague in London in 1406. Cf. Wylie, iii., in, 413. t In 1397, in 1412, and in 1415 the London merchants lent 10,000 marks. In the complete list for 1397 the other towns contributed together 7522^ marks. See Cunningham, English Industry and Commerce, i., 385. The contributions of the smaller towns vary ; in 1397, Bristol was second with 1200 marks. LONDON IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. t \ The State of England 337 ! others again, like the famous Richard Whittington, were men of gentle birth. Whittington himself, as the most celebrated Eng- lish merchant of the Middle Ages, deserves more than a passing mention. His father, Sir William Whittington of Pauntley, in Gloucestershire, died in 1360, and Richard, being a younger son, was sent to seek his fortune in London. There, if we may trust the legend, he became an apprentice of Sir John (or Ivo) Fitzwarren, a friend and perhaps a kinsman of his mother's family. When Richard grew to manhood he married his master's daughter, and succeeded him in his business as a Mercer and Merchant Adventurer.* He was still young, but already wealthy, when, in 1 393, he was chosen Alder- man and served as Sheriff. Five years later he be- came Mayor, and thus held office at the time of the revolution of 1 399. Throughout his life he continued a loyal supporter of the House of Lancaster, and was the trusted financial agent both of Henry IV. and Henry V. Time after time he advanced large sums of money for the King's service.f According to the popular story he entertained Henry and Catherine with princely luxury, and after the feast produced bonds for money lent to the King, which he had taken up and discharged, to the amount of ;£'6o,ooo sterling; all these out of splendid patriotism he * However, as an historical person, Sir Ivo Fitzwaryn appears only as a wealthy landowner in Devon and Dorset. fin 1406, ;^462i; in 1407, ;^iooo ; in 1408. ;^2833 ; in 1413, ^looo; in 1415. 700 marks, and so on. Wylie, ii., 416, iii., 65, 255! iv.,103; Po:dera,'\x,^'^\o, aa fl 338 Henry V, burnt as a compliment to his royal guests. Whit- tington was Mayor for the third time in 1419; and when he died, in 1423, left the whole of his vast for- tune to charitable purposes. It is not surprising that he should have been styled "the sunne of mar- chaundy, that lode-starre and chief chosen flower." No prince of commerce has ever become the hero of so many myths and legends : " That pen and paper may not me suffice Him to describe, so high he was of price."* The commercial prosperity of the country was by no means confined to London. Bristol and Nor- wich came next, as they still did three centuries later. Most of the flourishing towns were seaports like Dartmouth and Lynn, or places easily reached from the sea like Exeter and York. But there were some inland towns of wealth and importance like Coventry, and many ** such great and populous villages that if only they were enclosed within walls they might be called great towns. " f In spite, too, of the agricultural disturbance caused by the change from wheat growing to sheep grazing there was an abundance of wealth in the rural districts, and many a franklin lived in such plenty. * Political Songs, ii., 178. The story of the cat is a myth common to the folk-lore of many countries ; it attached itself to Whittington during the sixteenth century. The legend of Bow Bells is about as old and as baseless. t Heralds' Debate, p. 61. The French Herald retorted that in France there were more than a dozen walled towns for one in Eng- land. An unintended witness to the more peaceful lot of England. The State of England 339 it Hit snewede in his hous of mete and drynke. " * Even a generation later Sir John Fortescue f de- scribed how almost every small village had its knight or squire or franklin ; and the general prosperity was not less, before the long war had drained the re- sources of the country. The French Herald might boast of the numerous fine castles, the great open chaces and forests of his own country; but we shall find the English repre- sentative better justified by his many simple manor houses, the wide expanse of cultivated lands, which left little room for forests, the enclosed parks and pleasure grounds, the abundant stock of oxen, cows, swine, and horses, and the flocks of sheep " which produced the finest and choicest wool that can be found anywhere." J At one point France had the advantage : there was little fruit grown in England, except in Kent, and that was ill-flavoured; there was, says the French Herald, sarcastically, a fine garden at Cheap Cross in London, but all the fruit in it came from Flanders or Normandy.§ No doubt there was another side to this picture, and in spite of good government and commercial de- velopment there were in the England of Henry V. many elements of distress. Such elements are in- evitable in any period of social and industrial change; but our own age affords sufficient evidence ♦ Chaucer, Prologue, 345. f De Laudibus Legum Anglia, c. 29. X Heralds' Debate, pp. 6, 10, 61, 75. § Id., 279. The Fruit Market was in Cheapside. 340 Henry V, that agricultural depression, and trade disturbances pressing hardly in some particular direction, are not inconsistent with great general prosperity.* The ^ reign of Henry V. forms a happy break between two periods of social disorder. The evil effects of the Black Death and the first French wars were passing away, and the renewed warfare had not as yet over- taxed the resources of the nation. The troubles of the reign of Richard II. may be put down to an ill- managed foreign war, the factious strife of an oligar- chical nobility, and the corruption of a denationalised Church. The heart of the nation was, however, sound, and Henry's government had gone far to correct the evils of the past. His successful conduct of the war, and his skilful diplomacy, by restoring •^ English prestige and maritime supremacy, fostered commerce. His personality commanded the obedi- ence of the nobles, whilst his great schemes furn- ished a sufficient scope for their ambitions. His ecclesiastical policy, at once orthodox and patriotic, restored to the Church for the time somewhat of her national position. The first effects of a victorious war are generally stimulating, and probably Henry's soldiers brought home as much wealth as did their grandsires, in whose time there was no household of position which could not display a share of the plun- der of Normandy.f But the drain of money and men was already beginning to tell. The financial * Mr. Denton, in his England in the Fifteenth Century, takes a gloomy view. I question whether it is not altogether too gloomy, but in any case it is applicable rather to the England of Edward IV. than to that of Henry V. f Walsingham, Hist. Angl., i. 272. The Stale of England 341 difficulty might be met for the time by various ex- pedients: by loans from English capitalists,* by the taxation of the conquered provinces, and perhaps most commonly of all by leaving claims to run un- paid, f Nothing could supply the lack of men; England could not make good the waste of war and disease, let alone supply the reinforcements which " the constantly extending sphere of operations made necessary. The strain was felt as early as March, 14 19, when, in consequence of an appeal from the King, the Council in England issued letters of privy seal to the various counties for the enlistment of fresh troops. The commissioners in Norfolk replied that they had communed with many persons accord- ing to their instructions. " Truly, what for poverty and certain infirmities of many of them, we cannot get one that will with his good will go ; for a reason- able cause is that those persons of this shire that ^ most be able are over in service of our sovereign lord." X Henry himself was keenly alive to the * See above, pp. 1 18, 336. The loans from London merchants were generally for short periods. But the Bishop of Winchester, who in 1416 advanced /"i4,ooo, had to wait years. f Like those of the Earl of Huntingdon, who was owed ;^8ooo for the campaign of Agincourt, but could not raise money for his ransom after Bauge. X Nicolas, Proc. Privy Council, ii., 246; Goodwin, p. 214. See also a letter of Robert Waterton in 1420, ap. Fcedera, ix., 883, and the statement of the Cardinal of St. Mark in December, 1419, that the English were hard pressed for men and money, ap. Du Fresne de Beaucourt, i., 329. At a moderate estimate there must have been in all 20,000 English abroad. And this does not allow for the troops on the Welsh and Scottish Marches, and in garrison at Calais. The population of the country was only about two and a half millions. 342 Henry V, dangers of his position ; and it was for this reason that he was so anxious to find effective allies on the Continent. Still, in spite of the growing burdens of war, the last years of the reign of Henry V. were probably the happiest for England during the whole of the fifteenth century. It was no servile flattery with which the citizens of London addressed the King in September, 1419, and what was true of the capital was true no doubt of the whole country. " Thank God lowly that ever He sent us so gracious and so virtuous a sovereign lord to reign and have lord- ship over us. If it like your sovereign highness to hear of the estate of your city of London, please it your kingly majesty to conceive that in more quiet nor peace- able rest, as far forth as absence of you that are our most gracious and sovereign lord may suffer, never was earthly city nor place ; blessed be God ! " * * Delpit, p. 228. CHAPTER XXI HENRY IN ENGLAND I421 IT was out of pure affection, rather than from any political necessity, that the Commons made one of their first petitions in the Parliament of De- cember, 1420, a prayer that the King " with the gracious Lady his Companion would shortly return and visit this realm." Henry assented to their re- quest in a like spirit, and the few short months that he spent in his native kingdom were devoted more to pageants and progresses than to affairs of state. Henry and Catherine reached Dover on Candle- mas Day in the morning. When the royal ship neared the shore the worthy Barons of the Cinque Ports, carried away by their enthusiasm and forget- ful of their fine holiday attire, waded through the breakers in eager rivalry for the honour of carrying their sovereign and his bride on their shoulders to the land. Great numbers of people of all classes had assembled at Dover to welcome the King, and the knights and gentry of Kent were there in good array to form a royal escort. So they brought the King and Queen to Canterbury, where they were 343 344 Henry V. [1421 worthily received by much people, and did not leave them till they had reached the royal manor of Elt- ham on the very border of the county. Henry desired that Catherine should not enter London until all things were ready for her reception in state. He made his own entry beforehand, on St. Valentine's Day. It was just a week later that Catherine came from Eltham, and was met on Black- heath by a great company of the citizens in white cloaks with red hoods and capes. The men of every craft were distinguished " by a diversity on their garments"; they all rode on horseback, and they had brought with them ** clarions and all other loud minstrelsies in honour and comfort of the King and his Queen and the glorious and royal sight of strang- ers that came with them from over-sea."* The pageants and decorations in the streets rivalled those of five years previous; triumphal arches and castles, bands of singing boys and maidens, foun- tains running with wine, giants of a huge stature ingeniously constructed to bow at the right mo- ment, lions which could roll their eyes and make other appropriate gestures, were all prepared for the welcome of Catherine to the capital of her husband's kingdom. t Catherine, as was fitting, spent her first night in London at the Tower. Next morning, being the eve of the day appointed for the Queen's coronation, the Mayor, Aldermen, and craftsmen, in their best clothing, with all their melodies and minstrelsies, * English Chronicle, Harley MS., 2256, f. 195. f Elmham, Vita, pp. 297, 298. 1421] Henry in Engla^td 345 went on foot to bring Catherine through the city. " And they showed to her all the royalty of sights that might be done to her comfort and pleasure, and every street richly hung with cloth of gold and silks and vel- vets and cloth of Arras the best that might be got. So they brought her through the city to the King's palace at Westminster."* On Sunday, 23rd February, Catherine was crowned in the Abbey, and afterwards held her solemn feast as Queen in the Hall. It was the season of Lent, so the banquet consisted entirely of fish except that a collar of brawn was served in the first course. Etiquette did not permit the King to be present at the Queen's coronation feast. Catherine sat by her- self ; on her right were the Archbishop of Canter- bury and Bishop of Winchester, and on her left was King James of Scotland. The great officers of state performed their accustomed services; Humphrey of Gloucester, as Overseer, stood before the Queen bareheaded, and the Earl of Worcester, acting as Marshal, rode up and down the Hall to keep order. The Barons of the Cinque Ports, the Vouchers of the Chancery, the Mayor and Aldermen of London, the Bishops, and lords and ladies of the Court were all ranged in their proper order of precedence.f * English Chronicle, Harley MS., 2256, f. 195. f The full programme of the dinner, with its three courses and "subtilties," has been preserved. Perhaps it is enough to quote " the servyce at the first Course " : " Brawne with mustarde. Dedel in Borneux. Furmente with baleyne. Pike. Lamprey powdred. Great Elis poudred. Trought. 346 Henry V. [1421 After the festivities of the Queen's coronation were over, Henry left London for a progress through the provinces. First by himself he visited the counties of the Welsh border. On 4th March he was at Shrewsbury ; on the 7th at Weobly, and on the 15th at Coventry. On the 19th he reached Leicester, where Catherine met him, and the King and Queen kept Easter in the old palace of the Earls of Lancaster. From Leicester they went on to York, where they were received with great honour by the citizens and clergy of the northern capital. Whilst Catherine visited her cousin, Charles of Or- leans, at Pontefract, the King went on a sort of pil- grimage to the shrines of St. John of Bridlington, the pretended prophet of Lancastrian prosperity, and of St. John of Beverley, on the feast of whose Translation the victory of Agincourt was won. Henry was thus engaged when there came the news of the greatest disaster that had yet befallen the English in France. Before he left Normandy the King had arranged that his brother Thomas of Clarence should take the field early in the spring to reopen the war in Maine and Anjou. Clarence's first operations were Codlyng. Plaies and merlyne fried. Crabbes great. Lech lum- barde florisshid with colars of esses and brome coddes of Gold in a Target with the armes of the Kyng and the Quene departid. Jarves. A Sotelte, callid a pellican on hire nest with briddis and an ymage of Seint Katerine with a whele in hire hande disputyng with the Hethen clerks, having this Reason in hir hande Madame la RoiGNE ; the Pellican answeryng Cest enseigne ; the briddes an- sweryng Est du roy pur tenir joie. A tout gent il met SENTENT."— C^ww. London, p. 164. 14211 Henry in England 347 entirely successful, and by Good Friday (21st March) he was at Beaufort-en-Vallde near the Loire with a strong body of troops. On that same day the French and Scots, under the Earl of Buchan, reached Baug^, which was a little in the rear of the English position. Next day Clarence learned from his scouts how close the enemy were, and though it was already late in the afternoon, determined on an immediate attack. In spite of the remonstrances of Huntingdon, who urged him at least to wait till his full force was assembled, Clarence started in haste with a small troop of cavalry. When he was near Baug^, Sir Gilbert Umfraville came up with only five horsemen, and in his turn begged the Duke to be prudent; it was better to " keep the Church and God's service," and after the Easter feast to seek the enemy on more favourable terms. Clarence, in childish impatience, taunted Umfraville with having got so much worship that he grudged others their fame: ** If thou art afraid, go home, and keep the Church." ** Nay, my Lord," answered Umfraville, " you have no company to fight; see, my cousin Grey and I have but ten men with us and no more ; yet you shall never say that we thus left you." So they rode on together, chiding by the way, till they came to Baug^, crossed the bridge, and drove in the Scottish outposts. Off went the main body of the English in hot pursuit, leaving the Duke with only a few personal attendants. Sud- denly the enemy appeared in force from behind some rising ground ; down they charged on Clar- ence and his little company, and cut them to pieces 348 Henry V. [1421 before help could arrive. The Duke himself was slain ; so also were Umfraville, Sir John Grey of Tankerville, Lord Roos of Hamlake, and half a score of knights. Huntingdon, the Earl of Somer- set and his brother Edmund, the Lord FitzWalter, and many others were taken prisoners. The skirm- ish, for it was no more, was hardly over when the Earl of Salisbury came up with the English archers, drove off the Scots and French, and rescued the bodies of the dead. It was a pitiful blunder, due entirely to the rashness of Clarence and his over- anxiety to perform some feat of arms that might compare with Agincourt.* Yet he was a brave and gallant soldier and had no equal in knightly prowess. The news of this disaster reached Henry on leav- ing Beverley. f With the extraordinary composure which he seems to have always shown in adversity, he made no mention of the news to his companions till the following morning. Nor did he change, nor apparently hasten, the arrangements which had already been made for his early return to France. He kept an appointment to be present for the con- secration of Richard Fleming at Lincoln, on 15th April, rejoined Catherine at York three days later, and then came quietly south to be present at the meeting of Parliament early in May. The session was opened by Bishop Langley, the * Hardyng, pp. 284, 285 ; English Chronicle^ Cotton. MS., Claud., A. viii., f. 10; Gesta, p. 149; Elmham, Vita^ pp. 301-304; Mons- trelet, pp. 501, 502; Chastelain, i., 223-227 ; Du Fresne de Beau- court, i., 220. f Probably on nth April, on which day he was at Howden, pre- sumably on his way to Lincoln, — Elmham, Vita^ pp. 304-307. THOMAS, DUKE OF CLARENCE. FROM HIS TOMB. 1421] Henry in England 349 Chancellor, with a speech in which he compared Henry's modesty in success to that of the " valiant Emperor Julius Caesar," and his patience in advers- ity to that of Job. The Commons took for their Speaker, Thomas Chaucer, the son of the poet. For the most part, the legislation of the session was not of an important character. The Treaty of Troyes was solemnly approved and ratified. An ordinance was made for the reformation of the gold currency, which would be recoined free of charge up to Christ- mas, but after that date only taken by weight.* Other matters of political interest were the settle- ment of the long-standing disputes with the Gen- oese, who now abandoned the French alliance ; and the conclusion of a preliminary agreement for the return of King James to Scotland. In spite of his political preoccupations Henry found time to attend a Chapter of the Benedictine monks that was being held at Westminster, and to give the weight of his authority in support of cer- tain desirable reforms. f He was indeed never so busy that he could not devote to the affairs of the Church some portion of his wonderful mastery of detail. During the stress of his diplomacy, in 141 6, he had set afoot a scheme for the establishment of two great religious foundations in the neighbour- hood of London. The property held by Alien Prio- ries in England, after long threatening, had at last been taken into the King's hands on the eve of the French war in 1414. The motive for confiscation ♦ Rolls of Parliament^ iv., 129 seq. f Walsingham, Hist. AngL, ii., 537, 538. 350 Henry V, [1421 was purely political, and there was no intention to divert the endowments of the Church to secular uses. Henry devoted a large portion of the funds thus placed at his disposal to new foundations, the one a house of the order of St. Bridget at Sion, near Brentford, the other a Charter-house at Sheen, on the opposite side of the Thames. In these two houses he was to be prayed for perpetually ; " when they of Sion rest, they of the Charter-house do their service, and in like-wise when they of the Charter- house rest the others go to, and by the ringing of the bells of either place each knoweth when they have ended their service." * At Sion there was provision for the daily distribu- tion of alms, and at the Charter-house a number of children were always to be kept at school. Though the charters of foundation were granted in 1416 and confirmed by Pope Martin in 141 8, we may fairly conjecture that a portion of Henry's time during his last visit to England was occupied with the con- clusion of so congenial an undertaking. Another of Henry's designs was the foundation of a great college at Oxford; though this last scheme never reached maturity it may have helped to suggest to Archbishop Chichele the endowment of his College of All Souls in memory of his royal master and those who fell at Agincourt. It was in part realised when Henry's son enriched his colleges at Eton and Cambridge out of the revenues of the suppressed Alien Priories. * English ChronicU, Cotton MS., Claud., A. viii., f. 12. See the foundation Charters in Dugdale's Motiasticon Anglicanum, vi., 31. \ 14211 Henry in England 351 However, domestic affairs and schemes of phil- anthropy had alike to give way to the imperative demands of the French war. The brief session of Parliament was scarcely over when Henry left Eng- land for the last time. His personal influence had been of more avail in obtaining fresh troops than the loyal endeavours of his councillors. It was at the head of a substantial force of over a thousand men-at-arms and archers that the King set sail from Dover on loth June, 142 1. Queen Catherine was expecting her confinement and remained at home under the care of Bedford, now for the third time Regent of England. CHAPTER XXII THE LAST CAMPAIGN I42I-I422 AFTER the death of Clarence at Baug^, the English, under the skilful guidance of the Earl of Salisbury, fell back without further disaster to Normandy. In the face of adverse for- tune Salisbury showed himself a true general. He gathered a fresh force from the English garrisons, and after a brief interval took the field once more. Meantime the enemy had advanced through Maine, and now lay before Alen^on. Salisbury at his first attempt failed to raise the siege; but the French found themselves too weak to maintain their posi- tion, and in their turn retreated to Dreux. The English commander followed up his advantage with vigour, and harried Maine and Anjou with such suc- cess that his " runners ran before Angers," and brought home from their raid " the fairest and greatest prey of beasts that ever men saw." On Henry's arrival in Normandy Salisbury was able to report that ** your liege people never dread less your enemy than they do at this day, and this part of 352 THE EARL OF SALISBURY AND JOHN LYDQATE. FROM A CONTEMPOP^Ry MINIATURE. 1421-1422] The Last Campaign 353 your land stood in good plight never so well as now."* Though Salisbury had thus saved the situation on the Norman border, the moral effect of Baug^ was in other quarters not inconsiderable. At Paris it re- quired all Exeter's address to hold his own against the changeful moods of the commune. In Picardy, the Dauphin's supporters, under Jacques de Har- court and the Gascon La Hire, began to make head against the Burgundians. The English position was therefore sufficiently critical when Henry landed in France for the last time at Calais, on the after- noon of the day that he sailed from Dover. A part of the English troops were sent forward in haste to Paris, but the King himself remained for a few days in Picardy in order to arrange a plan of campaign with the Duke of Burgundy. Philip joined Henry at Montreuil, and accompanied him as far as Abbe- ville, where the allies parted company ; it was agreed that the Duke should return to direct operations against Jacques de Harcourt, whilst the English were to take the field against the Dauphin, who had lately won some places in the neighbourhood of Chartres. From Abbeville Henry marched by way of Beauvais and Gisors to Mantes, where he left his army under the command of Gloucester and made a hurried visit to Paris. In the capital he spent but four days, and having informed himself of the state of affairs both military and political, rejoined his army on 9th July and at once took the field. The news of Henry's coming had acted like a ♦ Fadera, x., 131, under date 21st June. 354 Henry V, [1421- charm. The English recovered their ancient con- fidence, and the Dauphin retreated in haste beyond the Loire. Henry determined first to reduce Dreux, the garrison of which had long threatened the peace of Normandy. The town of Dreux was strongly fortified, and its castle, perched on a rocky eminence, seemed to defy attack. The weak point was a walled vineyard on one side of the castle, on which the English concen- trated their efforts. After a three weeks' siege the outer defences were carried, and on 8th August the garrison made an agreement of the usual kind to surrender if no rescue came within twelve days. The fall of Dreux was followed by the surrender of many minor fortresses between that town and Char- tres. His communications with Normandy and Paris being thus secured, Henry resolved to carry his warfare boldly into the enemy's country. Towards the end of August the English set out from Dreux, hoping to bring the Dauphin's forces to a decisive action. The French, however, fell back as Henry advanced, and allowed Beaugency on the Loire to be occupied without resistance. At Beaugency the King halted for a few days, whilst his light troops, under the Earl of Suffolk, raided the country beyond the river. But the French, who had learned prudence from experience, clung to their Fabian tactics, till dearth and sickness com- pelled the English to retire. From Beaugency Henry marched slowly up the right bank of the Loire. He captured the suburbs of Orleans by as- sault, but did not venture to attack the city itself. 14221 The Last Campaign 355 On 1 8th September he reached Nemours, and four days later was at Villeneuve-le-Roi on the Yonne. The latter town, which was one of the Dauphin's recent acquisitions, was recovered after a brief siege. By the close of September, Henry was back in the neighbourhood of Paris, at Lagny-sur-Marne. Since the French would not face him in the field, Henry had no alternative but to resume the piece- meal conquest of northern France, fortress by for- tress. He determined to employ the winter months in the reduction of Meaux, which, since the fall of Melun, had been the chief Armagnac stronghold in the neighbourhood of Paris. The Duke of Exeter, in command of the English van, appeared before the town on 6th October. Henry himself remained till ten days later at Lagny, mustering his forces and preparing his train of siege artillery. On his arrival before Meaux, the King took up his quarters at the Abbey of St. Faro-les-Meaux to the north; Exeter had command on the west, the Earl of March on the east, and the Earl of Warwick on the south. The city of Meaux had, in the hands of its Ar- magnac garrison, become a fortress of exceptional strength. The river Marne divided it into two parts, " the Town " on the north, and "the Market" on the south. The Town was well defended with walls and foss, but was not nearly so strong as the Market; for the latter was almost entirely sur- rounded by the broad and rapid Marne. The nomi- nal captain of Meaux was Messire Louis Gast ; but the real leader of the garrison was the Bastard of Vaurus, a Gascon soldier of fortune whose name, 356 Henry V, [1421- even in that time of rapine and disorder, had be- come a byword for ferocious cruelty. Vaurus and his Armagnac mercenaries were the terror of Brie ; for they plundered the country far and wide, held the inhabitants to ransom, and, if their hapless victims could not find the wherewithal to purchase their lives, hung them wantonly on a tree before the city. Meaux was indeed a nest of robbers, who gathered to themselves the scum of the soldiery of all nations, French, Scots, and English, desperate men who were certain to resist to the bitter end. The siege of Meaux thus promised to be even worse than that of Melun. Henry commenced oper- ations in his usual methodical and careful way: a bridge of boats was built across the Marne; the English lines were protected by entrenchments; and the artillery posted in well chosen positions. But fortune was from the first adverse. The Marne rose in flood and laid the whole country under water, so that the four divisions of the besieging host were completely isolated. Nearly all the available boats were in the hands of the garrison, whose flotillas harassed the English on every side. Communica- tions were so difficult that Henry was compelled, for want of forage, to send all his horses away. Then the river fell as suddenly as it had risen, and the French cavalry wore out the English with per- petual alarms and excursions. Supplies could be obtained only by dint of constant fighting, whilst on the top of all other disasters sickness made its appearance in the camp. Still Henry pursued his purpose with dogged persistence; his artillery kept 1422] The Last Campaign 357 up a merciless bombardment, mines were driven daily nearer to the walls, and under cover of the ** sows " a constant endeavour was made to fill the foss. The garrison replied with equal vigour; their sorties were incessant, and whatever damage was done to walls or foss was made good before the be- siegers could reap any advantage. Then, as though there were not troubles enough at Meaux, came news that the French had captured Avranches, and Henry had to drain his overtaxed host to send rein- forcements to the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk on the Norman border. For the first time in the war the English began to lose heart, and some, on one pretext or another, made excuse to go home. Even the gallant Sir John Cornwall, stricken with sickness and by the loss of his only son, who was slain before his eyes, took a vow to fight no longer against Christians, and, abandoning the war, returned to England. For five months the Town of Meaux held Henry at bay. In the spring of 1422 the garrison were looking hopefully to be relieved by Guy de Nesle, the Sire d'Offemont. On the 9th March Guy, with a chosen band, stole through the English lines by night. Most of his men had safely crossed the foss, and were already ascending the wall by the aid of those within when, as ill luck would have it, Guy slipped on a plank and fell into the foss. Those in front went back to help their captain; but the noise had alarmed the English guard, who, turn- ing out in force, took Guy and his little company prisoners. The failure of this attempt at relief so 358 Henry V, [1421- disheartened the garrison of Meaux that on the following morning they abandoned the Town and withdrew across the bridge to the Market. Henry now occupied the Town and brought up his artillery to batter the bridge, which was still held by the enemy. To help in the assault, a great structure of wood was built and pushed forward through the streets on wheels until its forepart pro- jected into the river and towered high above the bridge. Under cover of this novel fortress and by the aid of their artillery, the English, after much fighting, got the victory, and the greater part of the bridge was captured. Underneath the north wall of the Market by the river were a number of flour- mills, the successors of which still form a prominent feature in the modern town. After their victory on the bridge the English made the capture of these mills their chief concern. A portion of the artillery were lodged on a little island in mid-stream, and under cover of a heavy bombardment the mills were assaulted. Richard Beauchamp, the Earl of Worcester, who led the English attack, was killed by a cannon-ball; but his men captured the mills and so secured a position from which the walls of the Market might be approached without needless exposure. Meanwhile, the siege was being pressed with equal vigour in other quarters. On the south side, where the Market was most open to attack, the Earl of Warwick's division, under cover of a *' sow," succeeded in capturing an important outwork. On the west, the Marne and its branches had long pre- 14221 The Last Campaign 359 vented the English from making any direct attack on the walls. But at last, after many sharp en- counters. Sir Walter Hungerford's company got a footing on the far bank of the river, where, in the face of repeated sorties by the enemy, they con- structed shelters for their artillery and set their miners to work. Though the walls were soon breached and crumbling, the garrison refused every summons to surrender, and with stubborn per- sistence again and again repelled the assaults of the English. On the eastern side, the Marne flowed with so wide and swift a stream as to make any at- tack seem hopeless. In that quarter little progress had been made when the Easter feast brought to both armies a brief respite. But at the end of the truce, which his respect for religion had dictated, Henry concentrated his efforts on this portion of the siege. Two large barges were lashed together, and on the platform thus obtained a huge tower was built, to match the height of the walls above the river. Henry's design was to float his monstrous structure down the stream and grapple it to the wall by a drawbridge provided in the upper story of the tower. Before, however, any trial could be made of this novel engine,* the remnant of the gar- rison at last sought for terms. On 1st May an agreement was concluded, under which the Market of Meaux was to surrender abso- lutely if no rescue came within ten days. All ♦ Henry was so interested in his device that, after the surrender of the Market, an experiment was made which proved completely successful. 36o Henry V. [1421- English, Irish, or Scots were to be at the King's mercy, as likewise were any who had shared in the murder of Montereau, or had at any time made oath of the final peace. A round dozen of the chief leaders were also excepted by name; of these four, namely Sir Louis Gast, the Bastard of Vaurus, Denis de Vaurus, and John Roumes, were to have doom and justice done and ministered to them; the others were to be kept prisoners until all towns and fort- resses over which they had authority were yielded to the King. The Bastard of Vaurus and his kins- man were hanged on their tree at Meaux, a fate which they richly deserved. We may feel more pity for the gallant Louis Gast, for John Roumes, and an unlucky trumpeter, whose crime was that he had blown a horn during the siege; these three were sent to Paris and there executed.* Some other of the principal prisoners were long kept in captivity at Paris or in England. But the great majority were suffered to go free, though all the stores and treasure in Meaux became the booty of the con- querors, f Meaux was but a second-rate town, and the im- portance of its capture depended rather on its strength and the audacity of its defenders. In itself ♦ Fader a, x., 212-214. The horn-blower was perhaps one of those who insulted Henry by beating an ass till he brayed, when they shouted, •• Ane rit," and asked the English if they heard their King calling for help (Fenin, p. 612). f The chief authority for the siege of Meaux is Elmham, Vita, pp. 315-328 ; but see also Monstrelet, pp. 513, 516, 517, 520 ; Chron. St. Denys, vi., 449-451 ; Fenin, pp. 612, 613 ; Des Ursins, pp. 562, 563; Chastelain, i., 283, 294-306. if < o -I IT < u I t- O f- z u Z o UJ I I- 14221 The Last Campaign 361 It was not worth the price which its reduction cost; for the English had suffered terrible losses by sick- ness and the sword. Yet the fall of Meaux was of considerable moral effect, and marks a definite stage in the course of the English conquests. In accord- ance with the terms of surrender the French cap- tains, who were taken prisoners, yielded possession of any neighbouring castles or fortresses over which they had authority. Other places of importance, like Compi^gne, also abandoned the hope of further re- sistance. In the course of May and June nearly all the remaining Armagnac garrisons in Valois and the Beauvoisis surrendered to the Earl of Warwick, so that the position of the English and Burgundian forces to the north-east of Paris seemed now secure. In other quarters success had not been wanting. After a series of skirmishes, Philip of Burgundy and John of Luxembourg had brought Jacques de Har- court to a decisive action at Mons-en-Vimeu on 30th August, 142 1, and by their victory driven the Dau- phin's supporters out of Picardy. On the Norman border Salisbury had recovered Avranches, whilst Suffolk had defeated Sire Oliver de Mauny, the sometime Captain of Falaise, who, though under an oath not to bear arms against the English, had stirred a formidable revolt in the Cotentin. Oliver de Mauny was taken prisoner and sent by Suffolk to Meaux. On his arrival Henry upbraided him for his conduct: ** You are," said the King, " an ancient knight, and ought to have observed your faith and honour, and by the law of arms deserve to die ; but we give you your 362 Henry V, [1421 1422] life and will only send you into England, where you may learn the language and better maxims of Honour." * The combined result of these successes had been to consolidate the English position. Henry was now master of all Normandy, Picardy, and the Isle of France, together with northern Champagne and a considerable part of Maine and the Orleannais.f In the two latter provinces many places were still held for the Dauphin ; and even farther north his supporters maintained themselves with heroic per- sistence in a small territory round Boulogne and at Mont St. Michel. Charles had, however, no real authority north of the Loire, and with the approach of summer an early extension of the English con- quests appeared to be imminent. But Henry's re- sources had been overstrained by the hardships of the long winter siege. His troops, worn out with fighting and sickness, needed rest before they could again take the field. The capture of Meaux was destined to be his last achievement. * Hall, Chronicle, pp. 108, 109. t At Henry's death the English conquests had nearly reached their limit. Afterwards the Earls of Salisbury and Suffolk completed the reduction of Champagne and won some further territory in the west. CHAPTER XXIII PLANS FOR THE FUTURE IN the midst of his busy warfare Henry had never lost sight of the necessities of the diplomatic situation. In his foreign policy he had kept steadily in view two chief objects : the first to iso- late his French opponents; the second to secure armed assistance for himself. Though during the past year the English cause had made good pro- gress, the prospect for the future was still fraught with dangers and difficulties. The Dauphin's party had been taught by adversity to husband and con- centrate their strength, and were seeking fresh sup- port from their allies in Spain and Scotland. On the other hand, the long siege before Meaux had shown how nearly the resources of England were exhausted. Henry had recognised from the first that he could not accomplish his purpose by war alone. But his diplomacy had not so far achieved the results which he hoped for. Unless he was to modify his plans he must procure from his own allies more direct assistance, and also deprive the Dauphin of the support which he received from friends abroad. To this task Henry devoted 363 3^4 Henry V, himself with unabated resolution, in spite of the distractions of the siege of Meaux. It was natural that Henry should have made an intimate alliance with Sigismund the first aim of his diplomacy. The prestige of the Imperial name and the real power of the German kingdom pointed alike in this direction. The weak point, as the result proved, was the personal character of the Emperor himself. Sigismund, in spite of his great ideals, lacked the stability of purpose that would have made him a trustworthy ally ; he pursued his most import- ant ends fitfully, and his attention was diverted easily to the passing interests of the moment. He was not wilfully disloyal to his English ally, whilst for the reform of the Church and for the Crusade he had a genuine enthusiasm. But when the crisis of Constance was past he was soon absorbed in the affairs of his German kingdom, of Hungary, Bo- hemia, and Poland. Sigismund's political aim in the Treaty of Canterbury was avowedly the re- covery of the lands of the Empire. With that pur- pose he was to have joined Henry on the French frontier in the summer of 1417. In excuse for his failure, he had pleaded the delays of the Council, but was confident that he would keep his engage- ment in the following year. Even in April, 1418, he was much annoyed that Pope Martin should have overlooked his concern in the Anglo-French war.* When, however, Louis of Bavaria, who was the warmest advocate in Germany of the English alliance , quarrelled with some of the other princes, * Feeder a, ix., 569. Plans for the Future 365 Sigismund took part against him and alleged that this dispute had made the passage to France impos- sible. Louis complained bitterly to Henry of the Emperor's conduct; and in the end proved his own loyalty by coming to the help of the English at Melun.* Sigismund himself, whilst still professing that he would fulfil his compact, declared that he must first settle the affairs of Germany, and suppress the Hus- site movement in Bohemia. When this was done, he would collect an army and come to Henry's assist- ance.f As usual he talked of great schemes, but in action was shiftless and dilatory. He wasted all the autumn of 1418 in a vain endeavour to arrange terms with the Bohemians, and then found himself in- volved in a further quarrel with the Poles and Teu- tonic Knights. Henry, whilst recognising that ** the matter touching the Feith against the Here- tiks and Lollardes of Boeme" was God's cause, was anxious to see it set in such a way that the Em- peror might be free to render the promised assist- ance.J With this intention, in May, 1419, he sent his confessor, Thomas Netter of Walden, on a mis- sion to induce Wladislaw of Poland and Michael, the Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights, to withdraw their support from the Bohemians. § The choice of such an envoy perhaps indicates Henry's concern for a settlement that would be favourable to the Catholic Church. However, in spite of the King's ♦ Fcedera ix., 605-612. f Id., ix., 604. % Id., x., 613. § 44th Report Deputy Keeper, p. 611; cf . Diet. National Bio- graphy, xl., 232. 366 Henry V. efforts, Sigismund's political and religious troubles continued, to the detriment of the Anglo-German alliance. On 28th April, 1420, Sir Hartank van Clux, who had remained as an English agent at the Imperial Court, wrote to his master from Schweid- nitz: " The Emperor said to me plainly, that I should not go from him unto time I should wit whether he might come to you this summer or not. And now I know well that he may not come, for this cause that many of the great lords of Bohemia have required him for to let them hold the same belief they be in. . . . Therefore the Emperor gathers all the power he may for to go into Bohemia upon them . . . and has charged me abide and see an end." * This report must have made it clear to Henry that there was no hope of help from Sigismund. But the Treaty of Troyes was on the point of conclusion, and the King may have believed that after all he would finish the work, which he had so well begun, without foreign assistance. The Emperor, when informed of the Treaty, gave his assent to its terms, and certified anew his alliance with England ; but his friendship did not go beyond a formal expression of satisfaction. t The disaster at Baug^ and the pressure of the siege of Meaux compelled Henry to make a fresh attempt to obtain active assistance. In December, 142 1, Richard Fleming, Bishop of Lincoln, and two colleagues, were commissioned to ♦ Feeder a, x., 208 ; cf. Lenz, p. 205, as to correct date, f Fcedera, x. , 14. Plans for the Future 367 go on an embassy to Sigismund and the other princes of Germany. They were to represent how they had been sent by the King ** for to have Suc- cours of men, the which might never be more be- hoveful unto him, considered that he is now in the point and conclusion of his Labour, and through God's grace and help of his Allies and Friends shall soon have an end of his war." There were, however, certain persons, ** as he that clepeth him Dauphin and his adherents," who still opposed the Treaty of Troyes; therefore Henry, " think- ing that he had never more necessity," prayed his friends and allies to do him service at his wages such as he gave to his own subjects. Surely they would not fail him ' * no more than strangers men do to his adversary," whose wage to his mercenaries from Castile and Scotland was paid in money ** so feeble that it passeth not a good English noble a month." The greatness of Henry's need is revealed in the urgency that was impressed on the ambassa- dors, and in the liberal terms which they were em- powered to offer for five hundred lances to serve six months from the beginning of May. Fleming and his colleagues were to go first to the princes of the Rhine, and then to Sigismund himself, whom they were to pray to ** come and do the King Succurse after his many Promises and often times writ- ing."* We do not know how this embassy fared in Ger- many. But though it did not produce any palpable ^Fcedera^ x., 161-163. They did not leave England till February, 1422. 368 Henry V, result, there is reason to believe that Henry still en- deavoured through his agents to effect a reconcili- ation between Sigismund and his rebellious subjects, and thus achieve the purpose with which he had concluded the Treaty of Canterbury.* In his anxiety to reap some practical advantage from the Anglo-German alliance Henry had not lost sight of the possibilities of success in other direc- tions. After long negotiation a treaty had been concluded with Genoa on 29th May, 142 1, under which the Italian Republic promised to render no further assistance to the Dauphin, Castile, or Scot- land. f The definite withdrawal of the Genoese fleet from the French service seemed likely to be of real advantage; but again the actual results were disappointing, for before the end of the year the Republic succumbed to the power of Filippo Maria Visconti, the Duke of Milan. Ultimately, no doubt, Henry would have endeavoured to displace French influence in the Italian peninsula, and the abortive proposal for the adoption of John of Bedford by Joanna of Naples may have formed part of such a scheme, t For the time, however, his efforts were concentrated where they promised to be of more immediate advantage. In beginning his warfare by the invasion and con- quest of Normandy, Henry had shown that he re- cognised the importance to England of securing undisputed command of the narrow seas. But he was not blind to the use that might be made of the *Lenz, pp. 213, 214. \Fadera, x., 117-122. J/f/., ix., 706. Plans for the Future 369 English possessions in Aquitaine, and as time went on gave affairs in that region increasing attention. The territory which the English held in southern France had been much curtailed since the reign of Edward III., and was confined to a comparatively narrow district round Bordeaux and Bayonne. Commercial ties bound the people of these cities to England, and their loyalty was strengthened by hostility to their Spanish rivals in trade. But amongst the nobles of the country districts the long wars had fostered a spirit of independence, so that they rendered little obedience to either King. One of the chief Gascon lords at this time was John, Count of Foix, whose brother Gaston had taken Pontoise for King Henry and been made Count of Longueville, whilst a third brother, Archambault, Sire de Noailles, had died by the side of John of Burgundy. After the Treaty of Troyes Henry sent Gaston to Aquitaine, with the manifest intention of winning over to the English side the Count of Foix, who in the previous January had accepted the governorship of Languedoc from the Dauphin. At the same time Sir John Tiptoft returned to his old post as Seneschal at Bordeaux. By their conciliatory policy, Tiptoft and Longueville succeeded in ar- ranging terms with a number of the Gascon lords, and thus induced Charles d'Albret and the Count of Foix to tender their homage to Henry at Rouen in January, 142 1. The Count sent a fresh embassy to Meaux in October, promising to rule Languedoc and Bigorre in Henry's name and to supply forces 24 370 Henry V. for the war with the Dauphin. He was rewarded in March, 1422, by a formal commission as governor of Languedoc and Bigorre.* It was no doubt as a part of his scheme for extending English influence in southern France that Henry had, in July, 142 1, directed John Stokes and Sir Walter de la Pole to treat with Sigismund for a grant of the Imperial rights in Dauphin^ and Languedoc. f A more substantial advantage had been secured previously by the adhesion of the Duke of Savoy to the Anglo- Burgundian alliance in April, 1420.:!: In the North John of Brittany still pursued his temporising policy. After Baug^ he went so far as to make a treaty of alliance with the Dauphin, but soon reverted to his old neutrality and renewed the truce with England. § In this he was perhaps influ- enced by his brother Arthur de Richemont, who, during Henry's lifetime, observed faithfully the terms upon which he had received his release from captivity. If Henry was anxious to obtain fresh allies, he de- sired not less to deprive his opponents of all foreign assistance. During the earlier stages of the war the French had been helped by the Castilian fleet ; and in 1420 the Dauphin still hoped that his Spanish friends would make a diversion in his favour by at- tacking the English possessions in Aquitaine. But that same year the Infants of Aragon quarrelled *Foe(Ura, ix., 914, 915 ; x., 41, 45, 46, 129, 177-196. t Id., X., 143, 144. \ Id., ix., 890. §/nr^--wjl1 o f those whom he ruled . He knew that a nation al king must do more than merely personate th e national feeling; he sought to govern not only for Conclusion 401 t he good of his people, but with their ready a jd_and sympathy. The constitutional monarchy of the House of Lancaster was a great experiment. It came nearest to success during the reign of Henry the Fifth, whose genius enabled him both to use and control his Parliaments. The attempt was, however, pre- mature, since the Commons were not yet fit to exer- cise the independence which they had in theory acquired. When the strong hand vanished, the system collapsed. Once more the strain of war ex- hausted the national resources and disorganised the civil government. The old elements of disunion reasserted themselves; feudal anarchy revived ; the Church relapsed into luxurious sloth and subser- vience; the people, conscious of their own weak- ness, accepted gladly a new monarchy, until the season was ripe to revive the unforgotten tradition of national freedom. Henry had a fine conception of his duty as King, f but we cannot regret that his dream of a united Christendom and a new Crusade should have failed. The modern order was not to spring from any re- storation of ancient ideals. The time was at hand for fresh faiths and fresh principles of govern- ment, for society to be remodelled on a new basis. Europe, however unconscious, stood at the parting of the ways and must enter upon her inheritance of progress by a rough and novel road. Henry, for all his genius, was not fitted by temperament to be her leader. He was the p erfect pattern of the med iaeval Jiero, born, as it were, out of due time, and instinct^ 402 Henry V, with all the traditions of the past. His ideals w ere those of authority in Church and Stat e, of a Ki^ who ruled a willing people as a trust from HnH , of_^ y s ociety based, not on equality, but o n the mutual i nterchange of rights and obligations. It is a noble theory, the mediaeval vision of a Golden Future that is yet far distant. Still, if Henry was the champion of a lost cause, nothing can rob him of the fame due to those who have spent their lives in the quest of a great ideal. A special charm and pathos must always attach to the memory of that princely hero who, through the splendour of his achievements, illumined with the rays of his glory the decline of the mediaeval world. SOLI DEO HONOR ET GLORIA INDEX Abbeville, 138, 139, 353, 384 Aberystwith, 36, 37, 39, 46. 50, 56, 57. 64 Acton, Sir Roger, 83, 105 Admiralty, 187, 192 Agincourt, 127. 136, 137, 139, 143-154. 165, 167, 178, 188, 194, 198, 200, 202, 203, 263, 322, 341, 346, 348, 350, 373, 385, 389. 393. 396 Ailly, Pierre d'. Cardinal and Bishop of Cambrai, 4, 261, 262, 265-267 Albany, Dukes of. See Stewart Albret, Charles (I.) d', 137-139, 145, 148, 151, 154 Albret, Charles (11.) d', 322, 369 Alen9on, 219-221, 227, 251-252, 352 Alen9on, Bastard of, 317 Alen9on, Jean, Duke of, 138, 148. 152, 154, 317 Alexander V., Pope, 5 Alien Priories, 349, 350 Almada, Dom John Velasquez d\ 245, 255 Alyngton, William, 298 Amiens, 139, 322 Angers, 352 Anglesey, 30 Anjou, 213, 221, 251, 285, 346, 352 Appleton, R., 265, 269 Aquitame. 20, 75, 76, 96, 115, "7, 369, 370, 373 Aquitaine, Duke of. See Henry Aragon, 177, 262, 264, 267, 370 Archers, 44, 50, 56, 119, 126, 127, 135, 146, 150-152, 180, 191, 196-203, 348 ; herse of, 136 note, 146. 180, 199, 200; on ships, XX, 191 Argentan, 218 Armagnac, Bernard, Count of, 71, 163, 164. 167, 171, 172, 180-182, 200, 219, 220,238-240 Armagnacs, 71, 72, 75, 76, iii- 115, 138, 163, 174, 175, 195, 220, 230, 239, 240, 263. 299, 304. 305, 310. 317. 355. 394 Army, organisation of, 197-210; numbers of, 126, 127, 135,' note, 196, 311, 341 note ; ordi- nances for, 136, 209, 210 ; pay, 197, 198 note. See also Arch- ers, Guns, Hoblers, Men-at- arms, Sieges Arques, 136 Arras, in, 114, 301, 302, 304, 345 Artas, Janico d', 242 Arthur King, 2, 384 Arthur de Richemont. See Riche- mont Artois, 138, 221 Arundel, Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, 19, 61-63, 65- 403 404 Index Arundel — Continued 67, 70, 74, 77, 82, 83, 95, 98, 101-103, no, 393 Arundel, Earl of. See Fitzalan, Thomas Athies, 141 Avranches, 237, 357, 361 B Babthorp, Sir Robert, 135, 197, 207, 243 Badby. John, 67, 68, 84, 393 Bangor, 54, 189 Bapaume, 138, 142 Bar, Edouard, Duke of, 138, 148, 154 Barbazan, Sire de, 299, 311, 313- 317 Barcelona, 189 " Bardolph," 83, go, 140 Bardolph, Thomas, Lord, 53-55 Bauge, 226, 347, 348, 352, 353, 366, 370 Bayeux, 217, 224, 230 Bayonne, 189, 369 Beachy Head, 184 Beauchamp, Richard, Earl of Warwick, 33, 47, 56, 97, 112, 127, 166, 168, 185, 215, 224, 226, 237, 243-246, 250, 251, 255, 281-284, 286, 301, 303, 306, 311, 322, 355, 358, 361, 378, 380, 381 Beauchamp, Richard, Earl of Worcester, 345, 358 Beaufort, 117 Beaufort, Edmund, 242, 348 Beaufort, Henry, Earl of Somer- set, 98, 127 Beaufort, Henry, Bishop of Win- chester, afterwards Cardinal, 15, 61, 63-65, 69, 73-77, 95, 97, 98, 102, 106, 115, 116, 120- 122, 163, 271-276, 322, 341 *^t^. 345. 380, 381 note Beaufort, Jane, Queen of Scot- land, 372 Beaufort, Joan, Countess of Westmoreland, 82, 97 Beaufort, John (I.), Earl of Somerset, 27, 74, 372 Beaufort, John (II.), Earl of Somerset, 348 Beaufort, Thomas, Earl of Dorset and Duke of Exeter, 61, 64- 66, 74, 75, 97, 116, 133, 135, 179-181, 192, 226, 234, 235, 240-242, 254, 257, 279, 283, 296, 322, 325, 353, 355, 380 Beaufort-en- Vallee, 347 Beaugency, 354 Beauvais, 172-174, 249, 253, 353 Beauvoisis, 302, 361 Bee Hellouin, 235 Bedford, Duke of. See John Benedict XIII., Pope, 5, 165, 259,262, 267, 271 Berkeley, Thomas, Lord, 56 Berkhampstead, 31, 65, 69 Bernay, 235 Berri, Jean, Duke of, 71, 114, 115, 164, 167, 172 Berwick, 43 Bethencourt, 140 Beverley, 346, 348 Bigorre, 369, 370 Blackheath, 156, 169, 344, 385 Blanchard, Alain, 220, 238, 256, 394 Blanche, daughter of Henry IV., 96 Blanche-Taque, 137, 139 Blangy, 142 Bohemia, 259, 325, 364-366 Bohun, Mary de, 12, 14, 17 Bois de Vincennes, 318, 377, 380, 384, 388 Boniface VIII., Pope, 2 Bonni^res, 142 Bordeaux, 179, 332, 369 Boucicault, Jean, 137-139, I45, 148, 154 Boulogne, 362, 384 Bourbon, Bastard of, 186 Bourbon, Jean, Duke of, 71, 138, 141, 148, 154, 194, 195, 327 Bourchier, Sir William, 226 Index 405 Bourges, 306, 316 Bourges, Archbishop of, 112, 120, 121 Bouteiller, Sir Guy le, 238, 257 279 Boves, 139 Brabant. Antony, Duke of, 152 154 Bradwardyn, William, 208 Bramham Moor, 59 Bray. 292, 310 Brayllesford, Raulyn, 49 Brecon, 40 Brest, 185 Bretigny, Treaty of, 9, 116, 284, 373 Brie, 356 Bristol. 50, 56, 118, 246, 330. 333. 336, 338 Bnttany, 55, 186. 213, 223, 285, 300. 322, 330-333 Brittany, Jeanne, Duchess of. 300 Brittany, John (IV.), Duke of, 14, 96 Brittany, John (V.), Duke of, 71, 138, 220, 249, 281, 300, 327, 370 Bromley, John, 140 Brynglas, 32 Bubwith, Nicholas. Bishop of Bath and Wells, 166 Buchan, Earl of. See Stewart John ' Builth, 31 Burgundy, 71, 302 Burgundy. John the Fearless, Duke of, 10, 60, 71-72, III, 114, 115. 134, 138. 163, 173- 175. 177, 195, 204, 219-221, 238-240, 247-254, 280-295, 299. 300, 316, 332, 399 Burgundy, Philip the Good. Duke of, 138, 295, 296, 300- 303, 306-308, 310-313. 317- 321. 353, 361. 372, 373, 375. ^ 376. 378, 38r, 397 Burton, 42 Butler, Sir Thomas, Prior of Kilmainham, 246, 248 Caboche, in Caen, 204. 214-218. 220. 223- 225. 227, 230, 232, 234, 235, 239, 242. 252, 298 Caerleon, 50 Caerphilly, 50 Calais, 69, 76, 99, 112, 119, 127 I^rVJ' '**'' '^3. 149, 155,' 168, 173-175, 179. 185, 194, 195. 232 264, 269, 322, 353 Camber, The, 184 Cambrai, Bishop of. See Aillv Pierre d' ■^' Cambridge, Earl of. See Richard Camoys, Thomas, Lord, 63, 98, 146 Canterbury, 156, 343, 385 Canterbury, Archbishops of. See Arundel, Thomas, and Chich- ele, Henry Canterbury, Treaty of, 173. 176- 178, 268. 269, 364, 368 Cany, 180 Cardiff, 50 Cardigan, 57 Carentan, 224 Carew, Sir Thomas, the "Baron of Carew," 41. 45, 56, n^ 190. 242, 331, 371 Carmarthen, 40. 46, 50, 57 Carpenter, John, 83 Castile, 177, 267, 299, 368, 370. 371 Catherine of Burgundy, 72, 114 Catherine of Denmark, 31 ' Catherine of Valois, Queen of England, 65, 112, 113, 251, 283-285, 301, 304, 307-310, 312, 320-322, 337. 343-346, 348, 351, 377. 378, 384, 387 Catrik, John, successively Bishop of St. David's, Lichfield and Coventry, and Exeter, 65, 72, 166, 174, 265, 272, 275-276 Caudebec, 232, 243-246, 279 Caux, Chef de, 127, 181 Chalons, 303 Chambrois, 224 4o6 Index Champagne, 362 Chancellors of England. See Arundel, Thomas ; Beaufort, Henry and Thomas ; Langley, Thomas Charenton, 304, 306, 379 Charlemagne, 2 Charles V., King of France, 9 Charles VI., King of France, 9, 10, 46, 65, 71, III, 112, 114, 122, 138, 163, 173, 219, 247, 252, 254, 283, 284, 291, 301, 303-307, 310, 312, 320, 321. 378, 384 Charles the Dauphin (afterwards Charles VII.), 219-221, 239, 248-251, 280-282, 285-288, 291-296, 298-300, 302-306, 308, 311, 312, 316, 317, 321, 322, 353, 354. 367, 368, 370, 371, 378 Charles of Orleans. See Orleans Charolois, Philip, Count of. See Burgundy, Philip, Duke of Chartres, 353, 354 Chateau Gaillard, or Les Andelys, 280, 296, 297 Chateau Renard, 312 Chatel, Tanneguy du, 239, 248, 282, 291-294, 299, 300 Chatillon, Ponce de, 290 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 82, 83, 330, 339. 349 Chaucer, Thomas, 349 Chaumont, Bertrand de, 317 Cherbourg, 224, 232, 235, 246, 298 Cheshire, 44, 45 Chester, 18, 19, 26, 27, 33, 42, 53 Chichele, Henry, Archbishop of Canterbury, 63, 82, 98, 109, no, 112, 250, 251, 256, 274, 277, 283, 286, 323, 336, 345, 350, 393 Chichele, Sir Robert, 336 Church of England, 8, 99, 270, 274-277, 323, 340, 349. 350, 400 Cinque Ports, The, 65, 69, 343, 345 Clarence, Duchess of. See Hol- land, Margaret Clarence, Duke of. See Thomas Clay don, John, 393 note Clement VII., Pope, 3, 5, 259 Clermont, 302 Clifford, Richard, Bishop of Lon- don, 102 Clifford, William, Lord Clifford, 47 Clux, Sir Hartank van, 166, 268, 366 Clyff, John, 208 Cobham, Lord. See Oldcastle, Sir John Colnet, Nicholas, 208 Cologne, Archbishop of, 177 Colonna, Oddo. See Martin V. Commerce, 183, 187, 195, 231, 297, 329-334 Compiegne, 302, 361, 378 Constable of England, 208, 214 Constables of France. See Albret, Charles (I.) d', Armagnac, Bernard, Count of Constance, 99, 165, 175, 264, 269, 272 Constance, Council of, 165-167, 258-274, 364, 396 Constantinople, 375, 376, 398 Conway, 29 Corbeil, 312, 379 Corbie, 138, 140 Cornwall, Sir John, 98, 136, 141, 203, 224, 235-237, 302, 303, 310, 357 Cosne-sur-Loire, 379, 380 Cotentin, 75, 224, 361 Council, The Privy, 25, 27, 29, 30, 35, 36, 38, 39. 42, 49. 50. 62, 66, 68-70, 73-75, 119, 249, 341 Councils. See Constance, Pisa Courtenay, Edward, Earl of Devon, 97, 127 Courtenay, Richard, Bishop of Norwich, 56, 65, 70, 83, 84, 114, 116, 120, 131 Courtfield, 13 Coutances, 224, 230 Index 407 Coventry, 16, 61, 338, 346 Coyty, 54 Crecy, 5, 137, 193, 199 Crepy, 303 Creton, Jean, 17 Crusade, The, 77, m, 260, 364, 375-376, 396. 398, 399, 401 Dammartin, 302 Dammartin, Count of, 148 Dartford, 169, 385 Dartmouth, 185, 330-333, 338 Dauphm. See Charles, John, Louis Dauphine, 299, 370 Dee, river, 36 Denbigh, 36 Denmark, 31, 332, 333 Deville, 245 Devonshire, Earl of. See Court- enay Dieppe, no, 136, 180, 279 Domfront, 224, 237, 243 Dorset, Earl of. See Beaufort, Thomas Douglas, Archibald, Earl of, 34, 42, 45 Douglas, William, 303 Dover, 65, 120, 156, 168, 343, 351, 353, 385 Dreux, 281, 352, 354 Dryhurst, Henry, 19 Dryslwyn. 40 Dublin, 18 Durham, Bishop of. See Langley, Thomas Edeymion, 37 Edmund, Duke of York, 20, 23 Edward the Confessor, 159, 226, 385 Edward I., 390 Edward III., 5, 28, 107, 134, 137. 166, 215, 275, 328, 329, 369 Edward the Black Prince, 69 Edward, Duke of York, 22, 23, 30, 46, 49, 56. 64, 75, 84, 97,' 112, 120, 124, 136, 141, 142, f46, 153, 155. 199 Elizabeth of Lancaster, 98 Elmham, Thomas, 86, 282 Eltham, 78, 104, 156, 344 Elyot, Sir Thomas, 88 Emlyn, 40 Emperor, The. 5^-^ Sigismund, Wenzel Encre, 141 England, effect of Hundred Years' War, 5, 340, 401 ; grow- ing sense of national unity, 6 ; political development and free- dom, 6-8, 62, 68, 99, 107, 176, 201, 335 ; prosperity, 201, 334, 336, 337, 339. 342 ; commerce, 330-334; growth of manu- factures, 329 ; vigorous town life, 334 ; population. 197, 336, 341 ; warlike spirit, no, 116, 163; strainof war on resources, i6r, 194, 249, 269, 340-342, 363, 367. See also Church of England England, Kings of. See Edward, Henry, John, Richard, William England, Queens of. See Cath- erine, Joanna, Isabella English Channel, The, 10, 60, 96, no, 179, 183, 185, 196 Eric, King of Denmark, 31, 32 96 Erpingham, Sir Thomas, 63, 150 Ku, 137, 279 Eu, Count of, 148, 154 Evreux, 230, 235, 281 Exeter, 338 Exeter, Bishops of. See Catrik, John, Lacy, Edmund Exeter, Duke of. See Beaufort, Thomas Exmes, 219 Falaise, 220-224, 230, 252 •• Falstaff, Sir John," 31, 91, 92 4o8 Index Fastolf, Sir John, 92, 197 Fauquemberg, Count of, 148, 154 Fecamp, 136, 180, 279 Ferrers of Chartley, Edmund, Lord, 197 Fitzalan, Thomas, Earl of Arun- del, 33, 61, 72, 76, 77, 95, 97, 98 FitzHugh, Henry, Lord, 98, 255, 301 FitzWalter, Walter, Lord, 348 Flanders, 3, 71, 110-112, 174, 195, 221, 250, 280, 285, 331, 332, 339 Fleming, Richard, Bishop of Lincoln, 348, 366, 367 Fhnt, 18 Florence, 275, 334 Foix, Archambault de, Sire de Noailles, 294, 299, 369 Foix, Gaston de, Count of Longueville, 226, 289, 299, 369 Foix, John, Count of, 299, 322 369. 370 Fontaine Lavaganne, 302 Forceville, 142 Forester, John, 264, 265, 269 Fortescue, Sir John, 201, 335, 339 France, effect of Hundred Years' War, 9, 10 ; political disorgan- isation, 10, 60, 128, 217, 218, 228, 231, 306 ; rival factions, 10 60, 71, 111-114, 137, 163, 168, 172, 174, 194, 195^ 219- 221, 239, 240, 248-252, 264, 280-282, 288, 291, 295 : civil wars, 71, 75, III, 220, 239, 240, 249, 282, 303 ; relations with Papacy, 3-5, 164, 259, 262-264, 267, 273, 275, in- trigues with Welsh, 32, 46, 54, 60; alliance with Scots, 186' 299. "367. 371, 372; alliance with Spanish Kingdoms, 177 182, 201, 267, 299,367,370'; alliance with Genoese. 177 182, 368 "' France, Kings of. Set Charles, John, Louis, Philip France, Queen of. See Isabel Fresnay-le-Vicomte, 303 Frevent, 142 G Gam, David, 153 Gascoigne, Sir William, 87-91 Gascons, 137, 239, 289, 290, 353. 355, 369 Gascony, no, 330-333 Gast, Sire Louis, 355, 360 Gaucourt, Raoul, Sire de, 129 132, 133, 155, 171. 172, 183 Genoa, Republic of, 177, 186 188, 280, 349, 368 Genoese, 171, 172, 182-186, 190, 196, 333. 349 Germans, 263, 268, 313 Germany, 4, 70, 164, 175, 177, 194, 205, 311, 364-368, 375 Gerson, Jean, 4, 262, 263 Giac, Dame de, 286, 292 Gisors, 280, 296, 353 Glamorgan, 40, 50, 51 Glendower, Owen, 25, 27, 28 30, 32, 34-37, 40-42, 46,' 51- 58, 60, 123, 162, 324 Gloucester, 55, 57, 64, 84 Gloucester, Dukes of. See Hum- phrey, Thomas of Woodstock Godfrey of Bouillon, 2, 82, 375 Goodrich, 13 Gournay, 279 Gower, 40 Gravelines, 175 Graville, Jean, Sire de, 235-237 Greenfield, Henry, 276 Gregory XL, Pope, 3, 275 Gregory XH., Pope. 5, 165, 262 Greindor, Sir John, 51, 56, 83, 206 Grey, Sir John, Earl of Tanker- ville, 225, 226, 242, 281, 347, 348 Grey, Reginald, Lord Grey of Ruthin, 25, 32 Grey, Richard, Lord Grey of Codnor, 98, 114, n6 Index 409 Grey, Sir Thomas, of Heton, 123, 124, 226 Griffith ap David, 25 Griffith, son of Owen Glen- dower, 52 Grosmont, 51, 52, 56 Guienne, 60, 99, 140, 150 Guitry, Pierre, Sire de, 310 Gunpowder, 56, 117, 130, 203. 206 Guns, 56, 117, 130, 137, 148, 191. 203-206, 215, 236, 242, ^, 248, 312, 356-359; the King's guns, 118, 130; names of, 130, 204 H Hall, Edward, 90, 109, 168 Hallam, Robert. Bishop of Salis- l^ury, 98. i66, 260, 265, 268, 271, 272 Hangest, 139 Hanse, The. 177, 331, 332 Harcourt, 224 Harcourt, Jacques de, 353, 361 Hardyng, John, 74 Harfleur, 118, 127-136, 149, 155, 168, 171, 172, 179-185, 187, 191, 192, 196, 203, 204, 207, 209, 212. 230-232, 242, 298, 394 Harlech, 36, 37. 39, 46, 50, 58 Hartank van Clux. See CIux Haule, or Hawley. John, 331 Haverford West, 50 Henry IV., 7, ro, 12-14, 16-30, 32-34, 39-49, 52-68, 70-79, 84, 85, 88, 91, 188, 202, 331, 337, 375, 381 ; constitutional King, 7, 22, 60, 68 ; his diffi- culties, 21-22, 34. 59-61, 79; his suggested abdication, 63, 73 Henry V. : Historical Sequence of Career: Birth, 12 ; early years, 14 ; education, 15, 82, 83 ; at Oxford, 15, 70, 83 ; friend- ship with Richard 11. , 16, 100; in Ireland, 17-19; knighted, 17; created Prince of Wales, 19 ; proposals for marriage, 14, 23, 31, 63, 72 ; government of Wales, 26, 29. 30, 35-58. 64; at bat- tle of Shrewsbury, 43-44 ; in Scotland, 54; political rivalry with Archbishop Arundel, 61, 62, 65, 66, 74 ; political opposition to his father, 6r, 63, 72-78, 84, 85; governs England as minister, 66-74. Succeeds to the Throne, 94 ; coronation, 95 ; supl presses Lollard insurrection, 104-106 ; receives F'rench Embassy at Winchester, 120-122; first invasion of France, 126; takes Har- fleur, 132 ; resolves to march to Calais, 134 ; at Agincourt, 146-154 ; enters London in triumph, 158, 159; receives Sigismund in England, 169-173; attends Conference at Calais, 174- 176 ; lands for the second time in Normandy, 212; besieges Caen, 214-217; marches on Alen9on, 219; takes Falaise. 221 ; organ^ ises government of Nor- mandy, 217. 218, 224-233, 278, 297 ; opens campaign of 1418, 235 ; takes Pont de I'Arche, 236; besieges Rouen, 241 ; receives sur- render of Rouen, 254-257 ; meets Burgundy in Confer- ence at Meulan, 283-286 ; captures Gisors and Meulan.' 296 ; goes to Rouen, 297 ; concludes agreement with Philip of Burgundy, 302 ; ratifies Treaty of Troyes' 307; marries Catherine of Valois, 308; Regent and Heir of France, 309; takes 4IO Index Index Henry N .—Continued Sens and Montereau, 310 ; besieges Melun, 311-316; figlits with Barbazan in sin- gle combat, 315 ; quarrels with L'Isle Adam, 319 ; enters Paris in triumph, 320 ; holds Norman Parliament at Rouen, 322 ; returns to Eng- land, 343 ; progress through England, 346 ; leaves Eng- land for the last time, 351 ; takes Dreux, 354; invades Orleannais, 354 ; besieges Meaux, 355 ; diplomatic schemes, 363-372 ; contem- plates a new Crusade, 374 ; with Catherine at Paris, 378 ; goes to relief of Cosne, 379 ; returns ill to Bois de Vincennes, 379 ; last days, 380; death, 382; funeral procession. 384, 385 ; burial at Westminster, 385 ; his tomb, 386; epitaph, 387, 388 Public Qualities : Anxiety for good government, 107, 108, 163, 218, 231, 323, 391 ; administrative zeal, 69, 83, 298, 395 ; attention to details, 160, 223, 395 ; aims and ideals, 10, 270, 375, 398-402 Domestic policy, 69, 95, 100, 107, 162, 335, 400; a na- tional and constitutional King, 7, 107, 176, 401 ; skill in handling Parliament, 99, 107, 401 ; commercial policy, 177, 188, 195, 250, 332 Ecclesiastical policy, 260, 268- 270, 274-277, 340, 393; orthodoxy, 68, 83, 84, 87, 92, 270, 274 ; relations with Lollardy, 62, 66-68, 92, I0I-I06, 270, 393; rela- tions with Oldcastle, 31, 91, 92, 101-103, 326: religious foundations, 349, 350 Foreign policy, 72, 75, iio- 114, i6r, 166, 176-178, 280, 340, 363-372; skill in diplomacy, 115, 176-178, 221, 249, 372. Policy in France, claim to French Crown, 109-111, 115, 285, 373 ; contemplates perma- nent conquest, 134, i6r, 373. 374 ; seeks to rule law- fully, 217, 224-226 Generalship, 131, 134, 160, 212, 213, 219-221, 235, 241, 243, 290, 313, 356; strict discipline, 136, 139, 140, 144, 218, 395 Military administration, 118, 202, 205-210 Naval administration, 187-193 Personal Characteristics : Appearance, 81 ; dress, 14, 19, 146, 159, 257; badges and cognisances, 191, 257 ; helmet and sword, 132, 146, 159. 386; taste for litera- ture, 82, 83, 399 ; his books, xix, 82 ; love of music, 14, 82, 86, 313, 399; love of sport, 81, 82 Popularity, 85, 162, 340, 383, 389, 391 ; attracts friend- ship, 84, 340, 372, 394; loyalty to friends, 84, 390 ; consideration for others, 390 Confidence in himself and his rights, 94, no, 125, 142, 382, 393 ; justice, 84, 108, 124, 229, 317, 390 ; severity, 218, 310, 317, 360, 390, 393; mercy, 84, 106, 253, 391 ; courage, 104, 152, 160, 314, 315 ; steadfastness in adversity, 348, 392 ; mod- esty, 84, 158, 349; prud- ence, 104, 390; piety, 92, 128, 133, 142, 146, 159, 196, 229, 257, 382, 383, 392 Popular traditions and leg- ends relating to, 78, 80, 81, 411 Henry V .—Continued 85-93 ; story of Judge Gas- coigne. 87-91 ; of Falstaff, 31, 91. 92 Letters and despatches, 36, 38, 47-49. 51, 132, 176, 216. 230, 237, 240, 245, 250, 275, 326, 367 Sayings and speeches, 18, 44, 78. 113, 133. 134, 140-142. 149. 150, 254. 275, 286, 310, 313, 317, 319, 361^ 381 382, 383, 392, 393 Henry VI., 377, 380, 387 Henry Vn., 387 Hereford, 33, 40, 46, 47, 51, 52, 57 Hereford, Duke of. See Henry IV. ^ Hereford, Earls of, 12 Herefordshire, 45, 48, 50, 58, 324 Hertford, 14 Hesdin, 384 Higham Ferrers, 39, 42 Hoblers, 119, 203 Hoccleve, Thomas, 68, 69, 82, 83, 131, 204, 375 note Holmshed, Raphael, 90, 168 Holland, 118, 190 Holland, Duke of. See William Holland, John (I.), Earl of Huntingdon, 22, 23, 98 Holland. John (II.), Earl of Huntingdon, 98, 128, 136, 162, 183, 185, 186, 189, 210, 215, 224, 237, 242, 243, 289, 290. 302, 303, 306, 311, 341, 347, 348 Holland, Margaret, Countess of Somerset, and Duchess of Clarence, 74, 307 Holland, Thomas, Earl of Kent. 22, 23 Homildon Hill, 33 Honfleur, 184, 213, 232, 279 Hotspur. See Percy, Sir Henry Hull, 207, 330, 332. 333. 336 Humphrey of Gloucester (d. 1400), 17, 18 Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, 96, 104, 112, 120, 136, 152, 168. 175, 215, 217, 224, 234, 246. 280, 297, 328, 345, 353, 377. 380, 381, 397 Hungary, 164, 364, 375 Hungerford, Sir Walter, 142, 166, 224, 255, 301, 359 Huntingdon, Earls of. See Holland Hus, John, 259, 261, 262 Hussites, 365 Ireland, 17, 19, 64, 96, 99, 246, 330 Irish, 32, 246-248, 360 Isabel of Bavaria, Queen of France, 219, 220, 240, 283, 284, 287, 288, 290, 295, 300, 301, 304, 307-310, 312, 320 Isabella of Valois, Queen of Eng- land, 9, 23, 24 Italians, 118, 260, 263, 334 Italy, 4,164, 368 Iton, river, 235 Ivry, 280, 282, 322 Jacqueline of Bavaria, 163, 397 James I., King of Scotland, 60, 119, 162, 311, 322, 324, 345, 349, 371, 372, 384 Jerusalem, 271, 375, 376, 382 Joanna of Naples, 280, 368 Joanna of Navarre, Queen of England, 96. 327, 328, 381 John, Duke of Bedford, 70, 87, 104, 112, 120, 169, 184, 185,* 192, 207, 280, 297, 306, 310, 311, 320-323, 325, 328, 368, 377, 380. 381, 384, 396, 397; Regent of England, 119, 295, 323. 351 ; character, 96, 397 John the Dauphin, 163, 175, 195, 219, 220 John the Fearless, Duke of Bur- gundy. See Burgundy 412 Index John, King of England, 227 John II., King of France, 117 John of Gaunt, Duke of Lan- caster, 12, 14, 16 John XXIII., Pope, 5, 164, 165, 260-262, 266 John, King of Portugal, 245, 371 Jourdain, Jean de, 239 Kempe, John, 301 Kenilworth, 14, 57, 64, 113, 324, Kennington, 69 Kent, 172, 207, 339, 343 Kent, Earl of. See Holland, Thomas Kidwelly, 40, 50 Kilmainham, Prior of. See But- ler, Sir Thomas Kingston, 95 Knighton, 32 Knolles, Sir Robert, 134 Knolles, or Knowles, Sir Tho- mas, 336 Kyghley, Sir Richard, 153 Kyme, Earl of. See Umfraville, Sir Gilbert Kyngeston, Richard, 40, 47 Lacy, Edmund, Bishop of Exe- ter, 208 Ladislas, King of Naples, 164 Lagny-sur-Marne, 304, 355 La Hire, Etienne de Vignolles, 353 La Hogue, 185, 234 L'Aigle, 219 Laire, Robert de, 293 Lambeth, 169 Lancaster, Duchy of, 20 Lancaster, Dukes of. See Henry IV., Henry V., John of Gaunt Lancaster, House of, 10, 12, 16, 19. 324, 397, 401 ^ Langley, 2i, 100 Langley, Thomas. Bishop of Durham, 63, 98, 112, 114, 116, 120, 326, 348 Languedoc, 299, 369, 370 Lannoi, Sir Gilbert de, 376 Laonnais, 303 La Roche Guyon, 280 La Rochelle, 299, 317 Leche, Sir Philip, 242, 312 Leeds, 172, 183 Leicester, 14, 106, 109, 114, 346 Le Mans, 199, 219, 303 Les Andelys. See Chateau Gail- lard Lezarde, river, 129, 130 Lichfield, 42, 49 Lichfield, Bishop of. See Catrik, John Liege, 206 Lillebonne, 279 Limousin, 121 Lincoln, 348 Lincoln, Bishop of. See Flem- ing, Richard Lisieux, 218, 235 LTsle Adam, Jean de Villiers, Sire de, 239, 289, 290, 319, 320 Livet, Robert de, 238, 256 Livius de Frulovisiis, Titus, 196 Llampadarn. See Aberystwith Llandeilo-fawr, 40 Llandovery, 40 Llanstephan, 40, 50 Loire, river, 304, 347, 354, 362 Lollards, 60, 62, 65-68, 92, loo- 106, 124, 323-326, 393 Lollardy, 8, 9, 31, 70, 270, 324 London, 14, 18, 19, 22-24. 34, 41, 46, 54, 64, 65, 69, 75, 76, 87,94, 104, 105, H2-114. 118, 120, 122, 155-159, 168, 169, 183, 196, 262, 308, 324, 325, 330, 332, 336-339, 341. 342, 344-346, 349, 385 ; bishop of, see Clifford, Richard ; citizens of, 23, 46, 120, 156, 169, 207, 246, 336, 385 ; mayor of, 120, 155, 156, 159, 169, 196, 216, 237, 245. 336, 345, 385 Longe, John, 331 Index 413 Longny, Marechal de, 181 Longueville, Count or Earl of. See Foix, Gaston de Louis IX., King of France, 225 305 Louis of Anjou, King of Sicily, 138, 219, 221 Louis of Bavaria, Count Pala- tine of the Rhine, 96, 269 ^ 311, 313, 3O4, 365 Louis the Dauphin, iii, 113- 116. 128, 135, 138. 163 Louis of Orleans. See Orleans, Louis, Duke of Louthe, John, 206 Louvet, Jean, President of Pro- vence, 248, 291, 299 Louviers, 235 Luttrell, Sir Hugh, 228 Luxembourg, Jean de, 302, 319 361 Lydgate, John, 83 Lynn, ii8, 330, 338 Lyons, 167, 299 M MacMorrogh, 17 Maine, 210, 219, 221, 251, 285, 303, 346, 352, 362 Maisoncelles, 143, 144, 154, i^g Malbon, William, 57 Mantes, 192, 209, 276, 279, 283, 287-289, 296, 297, 301, 306, 327 March, Earl of. See Mortimer, Edmund March (in Scotland), George Dunbar, Earl of, 44 Marches of Scotland, 70, 96, 99, 119, 127, 341 note Marches of Wales, 25, 26, 35, 38-41, 45, 49, 50, 54, 55, gg] 341 note Marie of Anjou, 219 Marne, river 306, 355, 356, 359 Marshal, Earl. See Mowbray Marshal, The Earl, his office, 208, 209 Marshals of France. See Bouci- cault, LTsle Adam, Longny Rieux, Umfraville Martin v.. Pope, 251, 273-277, 350, 364, 371 Mauduyt, Nicholas, 118 Mauny, Oliver. Sire de, 222, 223 361 Mayence, 280 Meaux, 203, 205, 355-364, 366, 369, 377 Melun, 286, 311-319. 322, 355, 356, 365. 375 Men-at-arms, 50, 56, 119, 126, 127, 135, 146, 148, 151, 190, 196-197, 200, 202, 351 Merbury, Nicholas, 117, 206 Merioneth, 37 Meulan 283-288, 296, 297, 373 Milan, Duke of, 368 Monmouth, 13, 51, 54, 377 Mons-en-Vimeu, 361 Montacute, John de. Earl of Salisbury, 18, 22, 23, 98 Montacute, Thomas de. Earl of Salisbury, 98, 114, 119, 210, 215, 226, 228, 242, 244, 250, 255, 279, 303, 348, 352, 353, 357, 361, 397 Montereau, 292-294, 298-300, 310, 316, 317, 326, 360 Montgomery, 36, 325 Montivilliers, 130, 136, 279 Montreuil, 353 Mont St. Michel, 280, 362 Morgan, Philip, Bishop of Wor- cester, 227, 269 276, 298, 301 Morgannoc, 50, 51 Morstede, Thomas, 208 Mortimer, Anne, 97 Mortimer, Edmund, Earl of March, 22, 30, 32, 97, 100. loi, 104, 122-124, 162, 186, 213, 228, 234, 322, 355 Mortimer, Sir Edmund, 32, 34, Mortimer, Hugh, 63, 72, 114 Mouchy la Cache, 141 Moulineaux, 245 Mowbray, John (I.) de, Duke of Norfolk, 16 414 Index Mowbray, John (II.) de, Earl Marshal and Earl of Notting- ham, 97, loo, 133, 215, 242 Mowbray, Thomas de, Earl Mar- shal and Earl of Nottingham, 48, 53, 100 Murdach, Duke of Albany. See Stewart N Naples, Kings and Queens of. See Ladislas, Joanna. Navy, The Royal, 187-193 ; or- dinances for, 191, 192. See also Admiralty, Ships Nemours, 355 Nesle, 140 Nesle, Guy de. Sire d'Offemont, 357 Nether Went, 50, 51 Netter of Walden, Thomas, 83, 92, 103, 365, 382 Nevers, Count of, 138, 148, 154 Neville, John, 242 Neville, Ralph, Earl of West- moreland, 97, 98, 127, 142, 197, 242 Newport, 50 Newport, William, 51 Nicopolis, 399 Noailles, Sire de. See Foix, Ar- chambault de Nogent, 117, 304 Norfolk, 341 Norfolk, Duke of. See Mow- bray, John (I.) de Normandy, 75, 129, 134, 180, 209, 212, 213, 218, 223, 250, 278, 280, 284, 304, 310, 321, 322, 339, 340. 352-354, 361, 362, 373, 380, 381 ; English government of, 218, 225-233, 278-279, 297, 298, 322; bailiffs, 227, 298 ; chancellor, 228, 298; exchequer, 227, 278 ; treasurer, 227, 298 ; English earldoms in, 226, 322 ; English colonies in, 232, 298 Northumberland, 24 Northumberland, Earls of. See Percy Norwich, 118, 338 Nottingham, Earls of. See Mow- bray Nully I'Evesque, 235 O Offemont, Sire d'. See Nesle, Guy de Ofort, John, 309 Oise, river, 288 Oldcastle, Sir John, 31, 56, 66, 72, 83, 84, 91. 92, 98, 101-106, 124, 162, 323-326, 329, 393 Orange, Louis de Chalons, Prince of, 319 Orival, 245 Orleannais, 354, 362 Orleans, 354, 397 Orleans, Charles, Duke of, 71, 72, 76. 138, 141, 148, 154, 194, 316, 326, 327, 333 note, 346, 381 Orleans, Louis, Duke of, 10, 60, 71, 263 Orsini, Cardinal, 251, 272 Ospringe, 385 Oswestry, 25 Over Went, 50, 51 Owen Glendower. See Glendower Owen of Wales, 28 Oxford, 15, 10 1 Oxford, Earl of. See Vere, Rich- ard de Oxford, University of, 15, 28, 56, 65. 70, 83, 84, loi, 350 Papacy, The, 2-5, 165, 230, 259- 261, 267, 270 Paris, 46, 71, 72, 110-114, 120, 122, 167, 168, 171, 174, 177, 181, 213, 214, 220, 230, 235, 239. 240, 247, 248, 262, 286, 288, 290, 291, 295-297, 301, 302, 305, 306, 308, 312, 316- 321, 353-355, 360, 377-380, 383, 384, 3S8 Index 415 Paris, University of, 4, 247, 262 Parliament, 5, 68, 69, 76, 94, 99, 107, i88, 270, 274, 276. 331, 335, 401 : of 1399, 18-20, 22 ; of 1400, 28; of Coventry, 1404, 61 ; of 1406, 55, 61-63 ; of Gloucester, 1407, 64 ; of 14 10, 66-68; of 1411, 73; of 1413, 99 ; of Leicester, 1414, 106- lio, 114, 329; of November, 1414. "5, 116 ; of 1415, 163 ; of March, 1416, 163, 169 ; of October, 14 16, 176; of De- cember, 1417, 325, 328, 329 ; of October, 1419, 328 ; of De- cember, 1420, 328, 343; of May, 1421, 348-351. Patrington, Stephen, successively Bishop of St. David's and Chi- chester, 83 Pavilly, Eustace de, 247 Pay, Harry, 188, 331 Payne, Peter, 325 Payne, Thomas, 324 Pelham, Sir John, 75, 95 Pembroke, 41 Penthievre. Oliver de Blois, Count of, 300 Percy, House of, 7, 32, 61, 123 Percy, Sir Henry (Hotspur), 26, 27. 29, 30, 32-34, 41-45, 61, 98, 100, 162 Percy, Henry, ist Earl of Nor- thumberland, 33, 41, 42, 45, 47. 53-55, 59. 61 Percy, Henry, 2nd Earl of Nor- thumberland, 98, 100, 123, 162, 197 Percy, Thomas, Earl of Worces- ter, 30, 35, 41-43. 45 Peronne, 138, 141 Perpignan, 165, 167, 262 Pershore, 64, 67 Petit, Jean, 263 Philip the Good. See Burgundy Philip, Duke of Philip IV. of France, 3 Philip VI. of France, 226 Philippa, daughter of Henry IV., 31, 96 Phillip, Sir William, 225 Picardy, 71, 112, 138, 150, 353, 361 Piracy, 110, 188, 231, 331, 332 Pisa, Council of, 5, 60, 70, 98 "Poins,"83 Poissy, 297, 301 Poitiers, 5, 13S, 193, 200, 248, 299 Poitou, 300 Poland, 364, 365 Pole, Michael de la, 2nd Earl of Suffolk, 97, 131 Pole, Michael de la, 3rd Earl of Suffolk, 153, 155 Pole, Sir Walter de la, 370 Pole, William de la, 4th Earl of Suffolk, 226, 228, 354, 357. 361 Pont de I'Arche, 203, 235-237, 240, 241, 243, 251, 252 Pontefract, 47, 56, 326, 346 Pontoise, 72, 239, 249, 283, 284. 288-291, 295, 306, 384 Poole, 188, 331 Popes. See Alexander, Benedict, Boniface, Clement, Gregory, John, Martin, Urban Porchester, 126 Porter, .Sir William, 242 Portland, Isle of, 183 Portsmouth, 184 Portugal, 177, 333, 371 Portugal, King of. See John Pouilly-le-Fort, 286, 288, 291 Powys, 37, 325 Provins, 116, 117, 281, 282, 304 " Quickly," Dame, 87 Quillebceuf, 245 R Ravenspur, 18, 21 Redmayne, Robert, 90, 109 Reformation, The, 259-261, 271 Rheims, 303 Rheims, Archbishop of , 168, 171 172, 174 4i6 Index Rhys ap GruflFyd, 56 Richard II., King of England, 7, 9. 10. 16-19. 21-24, 98, 100, loi, 104, 107, 202, 330, 330. 340; the pseudo-Richard ^"^^ "mammet of Scotland" p-^i*^i' 'S4. 123. 324,326 ' Richard, Earl of Cambridge ^.48,97, 123, 142.324 Kichemont, Arthur de, 138, 148 154. 226, 300, 322, 327, 370,' Rieux, Pierre, Marechal de 303 Robsart, Sir John, 224. 225, 255 Robsart, Sir Lewis, 225, 303 Rochester, 169. 385 Roos of Hamlake, John, Lord. 303, 348 Rouen. 132, 137, 138, 180, 204, 207, 212-214, 220, 223-225 228, 232, 235, 237-257, 278- 281, 296-298, 3pf, 306, 321 ^ 322, 369, 384. 395 • Roumes, John, 360 Rudborne, Thomas, 83 Rugles, 219 Rutland, Earl of. See Edward. Duke of York %e, 184, 331 St. Catherine's (Rouen), 241 242 244 ^ ' St. Cloud, 72 St. David's, Bishops of. See Cat- " J i""^" ' Chichele. Henry, and Patnngton Stephen bt. Denis, 249, 290, 306, 384 bt. rlorentin, 309 St. Germain, 297, 301 ot. Lo, 224 ^'*4.'385 ^^°^^""^' '59. 169. St. Pol, Philip, Count of, 300 ot. Quentin, 303 St. Sauveur-Ie-Vicomte, 224 Salisbuo^, Bishop of. S^e Hal- lam, Robert Salisbury, Earls of. See Monta- cute Sandwich. 118 Savage. Sir Arnold, 65 Savoisy, Henry, Archbishop of Sens, 308, 310 Savoy, Duke of, 370 Scarborough, 333 Schaffhausen, 261 ^'I'-^f ' 7^^ ^'^^*' 3, 4, 60, 70, 164, 165, 259, 270, 275 Scotland. 3, 21, 22, 24, 25, 34 47, 54. 60, 98, 99, loi, 123' 162. 275, 299, 326. 332, 363; ^ 367, 368, 371. 372 ^' Scotland, King of. See James Scotland, Regents of. ^"^^ Stewart SCO s. 24 32. 33. 42. 60, 104. 119. 186. 324-326. 331. 371^ m France, i86, 201,299,311 ^ 316. 347, 356. 360 ^ ' Scrope, Henry, Lord le, 74 qS 114. 123 124. 324. 381 ^ ' Scrope Richard le. Archbishop of York. 53. 54, 61, 91, loo Seez, 218, 230 Seine, river. 127, 129, 182, 184 207, 212, 213, 235, 236, 241- 319,' 37^9 ' '^^' '^^' '^^' ^"* Sellowe. Robert, iiS Senlis, 378 Sens, 309, 310 Sens, Archbishop of. See Sav- oisy, Henry Sevenoke, Sir William, 336 Shakespeare, 18, 26, 31, 3a .n 44, 67, 79. 82. 83, 87. 9<;-92 109, 140, 142, ,54. 156, 389" ' Sheen, 350 ^ Ships, 118, 126, 182-191, 213 215, 245, 290. 331-333 : crews of, 190 ; names of, 126. 185, Qi,- ?' '9,'.' 332. 333 ohipton Moor, 53 Shrewsbury, 26, 28, 30. 33 ,c_ 37, 41-46. 97. 346 ' ^^' ^5 Shropshire, 45, 46 Index 417 Sicily. Queen of. See Yolande Sieges : Aberystwith, 56, 57 ; Caen, 214-217; Dreux, 354; Falaise. 221-223; Harfleur, 127-136 ; Meaux, 355-360 ; Melun, 311-316 ; Montereau, 310: Rouen, 234-257; siege operations, 204-206 Sigismund, Emperor, 164-179, 181-184, 194, 195, 261-264,' 324, 364-368, 370. 372. 375, 398; in England, 168-173, 184 ; at Council of Constance] 164, 264-273 Sluys. 185. 193 Soissons. 282. 394 Somer. Henry, 83 Somerset, Earls of. Se Beaufort, Henry, John Somme, river, 137-139, 141, 203 Southampton, 118, 119, 122, 124 126, 172, 183, 186, 188, 189, 196 Southampton Water. 126, 183 184. 212 Spain, 3, 164, 177, 182, 186, 264, 267, 275, 330-334, 363, 370, 371 Springge, Sir Edmund, 216, 217 Stafford, Edmund, Earl of, 33 43, 45 Stafford, Sir Hugh. 225 Stafford, Humphrey, Earl of 98, 127 Stewart. John, Earl of Buchan 299. 347 Stewart. Murdach, Duke of Al- bany, Regent of Scotland, 162, 372 Stewart, Robert, Duke of Al- bany, Regent of Scotland, 162, 299. 326, 371, 372 Stokes, John, 165, 370 Sudbury, 118 Suffolk, Earls of. See Pole Talbot, Sir Gilbert, 58, 162, 197 Talbot, John, 51, 58 27 Tankerville, Earl of. See Grev Sir John ^' Tanneguy du Chatel. See Chatel Taylor, William, 393 Tenby, 50 Ternoise, river, 142 Teutonic Knights, The, 365 Thomas, Duke of Clarence, 13, 64, 74-76. 87, 92, 95, 96. 104,' 112, 119, 120, 124, 129, 130, 135, 169. 187, 197, 208, 214- 216 224, 235, 236, 241, 279 291. 306. 311, 317, 321, 322, 332. 347. 348. 352 Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, 17, 134 Tibouville, La Riviere de, 224 Timour, 399 Tiptoft, Sir John, 84, 85, 176, 194, 219, 227, 268, 271, 301, 369 Toulouse, 299 Touques, 212-214, 221 Touraine, 251, 285 Tours, 220 Tower of London, 19, 95, 103, ,325,327,344 Tramecourt, 148 Treaties. See Bretigny, Canter- bury, Troyes Tremblay, 302 Treves, 280 Trim, 18 Troyes, 290-292, 295, 300, 303, 304, 306-309 Troyes, Treaty of, 307, 308. 327, 349, 366, 367. 369 Tudor Kings, 387, 400 Tudor, Sir Owen, 387 note Tudor, William ap. 29 Turks, 375, 398, 399 Tutbury, 14, 32, 55 Ty^y, Jenkin, 32 Tyne, river. 118 U Ulm, 272 UmfraviUe, Sir Gilbert, titular Earl of Kyme, 72, 128, 132, 4x8 Inde: ex UmfravilIe-6l7«//««^^ 136, 141, 185. 215. 226 2^2 ^^53-255. 28x. 30I' 322; ^t Umfraville. Sir Robert, 72 Urban V.. Pope, 3 ^ Urban VI.. PoV.\ ,, ,5^ Ursms. Mn Juvenal des' 2S7. Valence. Bishop of. 292 Valenciennes. 175 Valmont. 180. 199. 200 Valois. 303, 361 Vaughan. Howel. 20 Vamrxis. Bastard of. 355. 356. 360. Vaurus. Denis de, 360 Venice. 177, 33^ Vere Richard de. Earl of Ox- ford. 98, 136 vermandois. 303 Verneuil, 219 Vernon. 279, 282 V,lIeneuve-le.Roi. 309, 355 w ^^i^^^;^^-^^^^^^i^roi. See ,7?' 76,99. 119, 123 ^' w! ^'' ^'""^ ^^- '^^'' Henry V ^V alsmgham. Thomas. 86 ^ \\ aring, Johanna. 14 ^^^r^'^^^. Earl of. See Beau ,^ champ, Richard Waterford, 17, 246 ^aterton. John de. 37, 208 Waterton, Robert, 34/ Welsh. 10, 24. 28, 46-48 CO 104, 324 ^ ' 50. Wenzel, Emperor. 2. ,64 1: 9^ts; ;^ -^^V^7. W:^iJ^r^{;b-V|3 1 Westmoreland. Cou'n't^ss'o'f . "^^ Beaufort, Joan ^^Jf^^l^.'-eland, Earl of SV^ J^eville. Ralph '^^ ^Vhittington, Sir Richard uS 329.337.338.386 • "^• ^^;|;;^ Isle of. .27. ,73. 183. Wniiain the Conqueror o,, 217,225.226 ^ ' -'-*' Holland. 163. 170. I7X. ,75. Winchelsea, 118 Winchester, 120 '"ttn^I^nrf^^^^^--^-^^^-- Wjndsor,^^.3. 22, 23, 52, ,02, Wolman. Benedict, 324 Worcester. 46-49, 52, ^7 ^^°,^^^^^^'-. Earls of. Ue Beau champ, Richard, and Percy i nomas •'' Wycliffe, John, S. 65, 259. 26, Volande, Queen of Sicily 220 \onge. Griffith. 53 '' "° V"l' F'.338. 346, 34S Yorkshire, 45, 325 Heroes of the Nations. EDITED BY EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College. Oxford. A Series of biographical studies of the lives and work of a number of representative historical characters about whom have gathered the great traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have been accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National ideals. With the life of each typical character will be presented a picture of the National conditions surrounding him during his career. The narratives are the work of writers who are recog- nized authorities on their several subjects, and, while thoroughly trustworthy as history, will present picturesque and dramatic **stories" of the Men and of the events con- nected with them. To the Life of each " Hero" will be given one dou- decimo volume, handsomely printed in large type, pro- vided with maps and adequately illustrated according to the special requirements of the several subjects. The volumes will be sold separately as follows: / HEROES OF THE NATIONS. / A series of biographical studies of the lives and work of certain representative historical characters, about whom have gathered the great traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have been accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National ideals. The volumes will be sold separately as follows : cloth extra, 1.50 ; half leather, uncut edges, gilt top, $1.75. The following are now ready : NELSON. By W. Clark Russell. GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. By C. R. L. Fletcher. PERICLES. By Evelyn Abbott. THEODORIC THE GOTH. By Thomas Hodgkin. SIR PHILIP SIDNEY. By H. R. Fox-Bourne. JULIUS CASAR. By W. Warde Fowler, WYCLIP. By Lewis Sergeant. NAPOLEON. By W. O'Connor Mor- ris. HENRY OF NAVARRE. By P. F. Willert. CICERO. By J. L. Strachan-David- 8on. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. By Noah Brooks. PRINCE HENRY (OF PORTUGAL) THE NAVIGATOR. By C. R. Beazley. JULIAN THE PHILOSOPHER. By Alice Gardner. LOUIS XIV. By Arthur Hassall. CHARLES XII. By R. Nisbet Bain. LORENZO DE' MEDICI. By Ed- ward Armstrong. JEANNE D'ARC. By Mrs. Oliphant. CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. By Washington Irving. ROBERT THE BRUCE. By Sir Herbert Maxwell. HANNIBAL. By W. O'Connor Mor- ris. ULYSSES S. GRANT. By William Conant Church. ROBERT E. LEE. By Henry Alex- ander White. THE CID CAMPEADOR. By H. Butler Clarke. SALADIN. By Stanley Lane-Poole. BISMARCK. ByJ. W. Headlam. ALEXANDER THE GREAT. By Benjamin I. Wheeler. CHARLEMAGNE. By H. W. C. Davis. OLIVER CROMWELL. By Charles Firth. RICHELIEU. By James B. Perkins. DANIEL O'CONNELL. By Robert Dunlop. SAINT LOUIS (Louis IX. of France). By Frederick Perry. LORD CHATHAM. By Walford Davis Green. **OWEN GLYNDWR. By Arthur G. Bradley. $1.35 net. ** HENRY V. By Charles L. Kings- ford. $1.35 net. ♦* EDWARD I. By Edward Jenks. $1.35 net. Other volumes in preparation are : MOLTKE. By Spencer Wilkinson. JUDAS MACCAB/EUS. By Israel Abrahams. SOBIESKI. By F. A. Pollard. ALFRED THE TRUTHTELLER. By Frederick Perry. FREDERICK II. By A. L. Smith. By C. W. C. MARLBOROUGH. Oman. RICHARD THE LION-HEARTED. By T. A. Archer. WILLIAM THE SILENT. By Ruth Putnam. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, Publishers New York and London The Story of the Nations. Messrs. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS take pleasure in announcing that they have in course of puWication in co-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, of London a series of historical studies, intended to present in a graphic manner the stories of the different nations that have attained prominence in history. In the story form the current of each national life is distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other as well as to universal history. It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as they actually lived, labored, and struggled- as they studied and wrote, and as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with which the history of all lands begins, will not be over- looked, though these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted historical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions The subjects of the different volumes have been planned to cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in the great Story of the Nations; but it is, of course not always practicable to issue the several volumes in their chronological order. THE STORY OF THE NATIONS. 12** Cloth, each . Leather, each The following are now ready GREECE. Prof. Jaa. A. Harrison. ROME. Arthur Gilman. THE JEWS. Prof. James K. Hosmer. CHALDEA. Z. A. Ragozin. GERMANY. S. Baring-Gould. NORWAY. Hjalmar H. Boyesen. SPAIN. Rev. E. E. and Susan Hale. HUNGARY. Prof. A. VAmb^ry. CARTHAGE. Prof. Alfred J. Church. THE SARACENS. Arthur Gilman. THE MOORS IN SPAIN. Stanley Lane-Poole. THE NORMANS. Sarah Orne Jewett. PERSIA. S. G. W. Benjamin. ANCIENT EGYPT. Prof. Geo. Raw- linson. ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. Prof. J. P. Mahaffy. ASSYRIA. Z. A. Ragozin. THE GOTHS. Henry Bradley. IRELAND. Hon. Emily Lawless. TURKEY. Stanley Lane-Poole. MEDIA, BABYLON, AND PERSIA. Z. A. Ragozin. MEDI-ffiVAL FRANCE. Prof. Gh»- tave Masson. HOLLAND. Prof. J. Thorold Rogers. MEXICO. Susan Hale. PHCENICIA. Geo. Rawlinson. THE HANSA TOWNS. Helen Zim- mern. EARLY BRITAIN. Prof. Alfred J. Church. THE BARBARY CORSAIRS. Stan- ley Lane-Poole. RUSSIA. W. R. Morfill. THE JEWS UNDER ROME. W. D. Morrison. SCOTLAND. John Mackintosh. SWITZERLAND. R. Stead and Mrs. A. Hug. PORTUGAL. H. Morse-Stephens. THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C. W. C. Oman. SICILY. E. A. Freeman. THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. Bella Duffy. POLAND. W. R. Morfill. PARTHIS Geo. RawlinsoD $1.50 I.7S JAPAN. David Murray. THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OP SPAIN. H.E. Watts. AUSTRALASIA. Greville Tregar- then SOUTHERN AFRICA. Gso. M. THEAL. VENICE. Alethea Wlel. THE CRUSADES. T. 3. Archer and C. L. Kingsford. VEDIC INDIA. Z. A. Ragozin. BOHEMIA. C. E. Maurice. CANADA. J. G. Bourinot. THE BALKAN STATES. William Miller. BRITISH RULE IN INDIA. R. W. Frazer. MODERN FRANCE. Andrd Le Bon. THE BUILDING OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE. Alfred T. Story. Two vols. THE FRANKS. Lewis Sargeant THE WEST INDIES. Amos K. Fiske. THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND IN THE 19TH CENTURY. Justin McCarthy, M. P. Two vols. AUSTRIA, THE HOME OF THE HAPSBURG DYNASTY, FROM 128a TO THE PRESENT DAY. Sidney Whitman. CHINA. Robt. K. Douglass. MODERN SPAIN. Major Martin A. S. Hume. MODERN ITALY. Pietro Orsi. THE THIRTEEN COLONIES. Helen A. Smith. Two vols. ** WALES AND CORNWALL. Owen M. Edwards. Net $1.35. Other volumes in preparation are : THE UNITED STATES, 1775-1897. Prof. E. E. Sparks. Two vols. BUDDHIST INDIA. Prof. T. W. Rhys-Davids. MOHAMMEDAN INDIA. Stanley Lane-Poole. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES • • • t- ♦• . ' ' . JOHN, DUKE OF BEDFORD. FROM A CONTEMPORARY MINIATURE. I. it \ . «54-^.04-2 '2J-UMB" UNIVEBSITV LIBRARIES '" III 0021063885 K61 ^ ^3 >0 O in o ^ WAR9 1988 •*>•' itfsif (^ ^ o JAN : 1958 ^^fr/. i^t*"* 'S