X'viVern'aut^ thoroughly revised edition of “TKe Church and a Warless World” '7 r. WORKING TOWARD A WARLESS WORLD NEXT STEPS 1 . A Sweeping Reduction of Armies and Navies by all nations. 2 . A Christian Solution of Far Eastern Problems. 3 . General Commitments to submit every International Difficulty for Pacific Settlement. 4 . International Law, Courts of Justice and Boards of Arbitration. CLASS or S^VICE DESIRED Telegram Day Letter Might MesMQO Night Letter Patrons should mark sn X oppo- site the class of service desired: OTHERWISE THE MESSAGE WILL BE TRANSMITTED AS A FULL-RATE TELEGRAM NEWCOMB CARLTO^^. UNION AM GEORGC W. E, AT>|>ed Ibntiage to be Retained Response of the Nations to the American Proposal David Lloyd George : “Nothing could augur better for the ultimate success of the Conference.” Arthur J. Balfour: “We look to it as being the basis of the greatest reform in the matter of arma- ment and preparation for war that has ever been conceived or carried out by the courage and pati’iotism of statesmen.” Admiral Barox Kato : “Gladly accepting, therefore, the proposal in principle, Japan is ready to proceed with determination to a sweeping reduction in her naval armament.” 7 What Has Created the Big Armaments of a Warring World? The causes direct and indirect are many and intricate. The^^ have also been quite natural. An over simple analysis does not tall}^ with the facts. To establish a warless world we must face the facts and all the facts. It is not enough to sa}" to the nations — “be good.” We must find out what it is to be good in this modern world and we must establish suitable international agencies, so that we can be good. We must do mucli hard-headed, cool- hearted, clear-minded and creative thinking. First of all we must not indulge in indis- criminate condemnation. We must indeed con- demn the whole war-system as eternally wrong, but we cannot condemn ever}’" man or even evei'v nation tliat has fought. Many noble heroes have fallen in warfare. Nations have been forced to fight for the overthrow of vast international crimes. The principal direct and indirect causes of big armaments are the following: 1. Science, steam and electi’ic power and standardized production by machinery, have given the advanced nations extraordinary powers of expansion and aggression. 2. Creation of wealth and massing of capital, control of disease and increase of population, with demand for more food and for abundant , raw material, have caused the progressive nations to reach out long arms into all the world. 3. The existence of many absolutely inde- pendent sovereign governments, each responsible only to its own people for their welfare, has led to conscious and scheming rivalry and the adop- tion by several governments of the policy of economic imperialism. By diplomacy, intimida- tion and intrigue they have souglit for expan- sion of commerce and for the political control of those backward geographical areas on which they were, or expected to be, dependent for food and raw material. 4. Suspicion and fear of neighbors have led each government to build up its own defensive system. Tins practice antedates, indeed, human history. But it has reached modern proportions because the discoveries of science have been effectively utilized. 5. The massing and mobilizing for war of the entire power of each nation has become pos- sible by popular education, growing nation- alism, increasing political centralization, and growing inter-relation and co-operation of commerce, industry and politics. 6. Acts of one people or Govei'nment with no thought or intention of ill-will, have often brought hai’in to neighbor nations, arousing feelings and acts of retaliation growing into settled mutual hostility. 7. The modern S 3 'stem of finance has enabled Governments through loans and credits not only to utilize to the full, existing wealth, but to discount and mortgage their futures and thus to create big armaments otherwise impossible. 8. The modern system of treaties, open and secret, have produced groups of “powers” com- mitted to assist each other under certain con- tingencies, thus increasing fears and suspicions and making swollen war budgets inevitable in every land. 9. Vast private manufacturing enterprises, producing munitions and other materials need- ed b}^ armies and navies have deliberately culti- vated international suspicions and fears for purposes of private gains. 10. A materialistic, unchristian philosophy, justifying the right of strong peoples to take and to dominate the earth, has stimulated selfish nationalistic ambitions and rivalries. The doctrines that mere might gives right ; that moral laws do not bind nations ; that the weak must go to the wall ; that victors may ignore the needs of the vanquished and may exploit them and their resources — these in- human doctrines of materialism have led to vast national crimes, and to deep-seated hatreds and plans for revenge. 11. The will to avert the fate of the vanquish- ed, if not positively to win the prize of the victor, has been a mighty modern cause of super-armaments. 12. The people of ever}^ land and age hate war. If so, why have wars come? Because they have usually been misinformed by the rul- ing cliques. The real and full facts in the case are seldom told them. The issues are more or less falsified in order to arouse the power of en- thusiastic patriotism. Even where they partly know the facts they ha’\ e no adequate machinery for the control of ambitious or scheming poli- tical leaders. And they are today ominously exposed to the schemes of a sensational press. 8 Problems Before the Conference on Limitation of Armaments If we are to have a warless world the nations must adopt policies that will produce world- wide feelings of mutual confidence, of national security, and of certainty of receiving just international treatment. So long as nations are suspicious and afraid, so long as they really feel that neighbors are potential bullies and possible robbers and that their only hope of maintaining safety, of receiving due considera- tion and respect, and of securing justice, lies in their own right arms, there is little chance for a sweeping reduction of armaments. On the contrary, increasing armaments, increasing in deadly power and in ruinous cost, will be in- evitable. So long as international security, consideration and justice depend on national brute force, so long will armaments exist and grow. What then are the major problems to be' solved.? 1. Problems of Justice What is justice.? How can it be judged.? Is any nation really competent to know w'hat justice requires in any case in which its own interests are involved.? Is a plaintiff competent to act as both jury and judge.? As between France and Germany, for in- stance, each of which has suffered so much from the other during the past two centuries, is either country able to judge or appreciate what justice requires.? Or as between Japan and America, is either one really competent by itself alone to know what justice requires.? Do not special inter- ests and partial knowledge make impartial judg- ment practically impossible.? The problem to be solved here is the creating of suitable, disinterested, unprejudiced and universally trusted agencies to study the facts, to make them known to all the world, to render decisions in the light of universally accepted principles, and to ensure their acceptance. 2. Problems of Security Whenever a proposal for curtailment of armament is made, the question of national security at once arises — naturally and inevita- bly so — and it is a question that it would be sheer folly to ignore. However much our imagi- nations may respond to the dream of beating all our swords into plowshares, we have to face the stern realities of the actual world in which we live. Whatever we are to do, we must pro- vide for the safety of our country. This much of fundamental truth there is in the argument of those w'ho insist on a program of so-called “preparedness.” But is it true that military preparations really afford this security.? The answer is an unequivocal “no,” for as soon as one nation makes a large outlay of arms and battleships, other nations immedi- ately do likewise. No one nation, consequent!}", is in a stronger position I'elative to the others than it Avas before. Not only do armaments not afford security, but they actually create insecurity, for the com- petition in armaments creates an atmosphere of suspicion, distrust and rival scheming, Avhich is the most subtle foe to peace and safety. The possession of poAverful and increasing military and naval forces unquestionably stimulates the development, both by their possessors and by their rivals, of policies they would not otherAV'lse entertain. For national security AA"e need more than anything else the good-Avill and mutual confidence Avhich have long been undermined by rival armaments. More than this, it is not too much to say that the expenditure of vast sums upon army and navy actually AV"eakens the defensive poAver of a nation, for, as Mr. Frank Cobb has so convincingly pointed out in the August issue of “The Atlantic Monthly,” in a day AV’hen Avars are Avaged not by armies but by whole peoples the defensive powder of the nation lies in its eco- nomic resources. The real strength of the na- tion is being drained, not added to, by an ex- penditure upon armament AA'hich has constantly to be replaced. “The stronger a nation is eco- nomically, the better prepared it is to defend itself ; the Aveaker it is economically, the less prepared it is to defend itself, even if ever}" man, woman and child is carrying a gun.” It Avould appear, therefore, that AA"hen the question of security is really scrutinized, a gen- eral reduction of armaments on the part of the nations AAmuld lessen the safety of none and add to the vital resources of all. For the mainte- nance of internal order, small armies will be necessary, but no good purpose is serA^ed by the competitive armaments of the present day. 3. Special Problems in the Pacific The secondary problems are many and in- tricate. Their solution, however, is by no means 9 impossible if the primary problem has been s'olved/' The following may be mentioned : 1. China’s Problems (a) The Shantung Question. (b) Special “rights” and “concessions” to many nations. (c) “Territorial integrity” and “the open door. ’ ’ (d) Stable and orderly government. (e) Financial obligations to many nations. 2. Japan’s Problems (a) Growing economic dependence on the Asiatic mainland for food and raw material. (b) Need for a stable and orderly government in China that can maintain uninterrupted trade ndth Japan. Important The success of the Conference for the Limita- tion of Armament vitally depends on the adop- tion by the Conference of certain fundamental principles. A. The Principle of Open Agreements. The age when a few diplomats or statesmen conferring in private can wisely make great and fateful decisions for entire nations has passed. The peoples must know what the deci- sions of tlieir statesmen are and the reasons for those decisions. This principle does not of course prevent statesmen an'd diplomats from meeting privately and considering together their great and difficult tasks. They should by all means establish those personal relations that are so needful for full mutual understanding. But the principle does preclude secret bargain- ing and the making of personal agreements that are not made public, much less the reasons for them. B. The Principle of the Open Door. This means equality of opportunity granted to all by all for trade and for every kind of economic enterprise. It forbids special dis- criminatory privileges for special nationalities, established by military force, by intrigue or by diplomacy. This principle is not of course to be confused with free trade nor with freedom for mass immigration. These are domestic ques- tions which each country must regulate accord- ing to its own needs, problems and judgments. C. The Principle of Equality of Race Treatment. This means that every civilized nation grants to all aliens who come under its jurisdiction. (c) Growing pojjulatioii. (d) Emigration. (e) Demands of lionor for the abolition in the West of race discriminatory legislation against Japanese and for the universal adoption of the principle of the equality of race treat- ment. 3. America’s Problems (a) Protection from Asiatic mass immigration, especially of Asiatic laborers. (b) Security for Pacitic Island possessions, par- ticularly the Philippines and Hawaii. (c) Equality of trade opportunities in the Far East. (For a careful discussion of these important questions the student is referred to “Problems of the Pacific and Far East,” issued by the Federal Council of Churches.) Prin ci pi es equality of legal status and treatment without regard to race, color or creed. This does not carry with it the necessary granting of privi- leges of citizenship to all vuthout regard to personal qualifications. Each nation must decide for itself the standards of qualification which aliens must have to receive the privileges of citizenship ; but whatever those standards may be, they are to be applied to all aliens without regard to race. Equality of race treat- ment has nothing whatever to do with the ques- tion of the restriction of immigration or of the intermarriage of races. D. The Principle of the Pacific Settlement of every International Dispute. This means that the nations voluntarily agree to submit for settlement b}^ the Inter- national Courts of Justice or by general Arbi- tration or Conciliation Boards every difficulty which they cannot solve by their own diplo- matic agents. E. The Principle of Mutual Reduction of Armaments. This means that the nations have the “will to peace,” honestly plan to settle their ^lisputes by law, reason and good-will and positively reject all purposes to use force to invade, in- jure or intimidate their neighbors. In the Washington Conference it wall doubt- less be found that wholesome discussion and agreement on Far Eastern Problems and poli- cies will be more easily secured after effective agreements have been made to disarm rather than before. 10 A Christian Solution of Far Eastern Problems No phase of the movement for reduction of armaments is fraught wdth more significance to the Christian Church than the prob- lems of the Far East. In a right solu- tion of these perplexing and complicated ques- tions is involved, in a degree far greater than the churches realize, the whole future of Chris- tian missions in Japan, and on the future of Christianity in Japan may liang the destiny of the other nations of the Orient who will probably follow in the path that Japan marks out. Unless some way is now found for removing causes of suspicion and distrust, so all competent observers agree, we face the ominous possibility of war with Ja- pan. But this would mean, as the heads of our churches state in the utterance print- ed on page three of this pamphlet, “not only all the unspeakable evils of every war, but also the death knell of the great en- terprise of Christian mis- sions, which through years of patient and un- selfish service have been breaking down barriers between race and race, and ministering to in- ternational brotherhood.” A clear cut policy must be formulated which will both protect Cliina from exploitation at the hands of the great powers and reach a, friendly understanding with Japan. This can only be done by a policy of disinterestedness and real friendship on the part of America for both these great peoples of the East. 1. Let America and Japan uromptly ratify such international agreements as may be reached by the Conference, and then take great care through the successive years that their respective naval programs are so distinctly be- low the limits allowed by the agreements as to render absurd any charges of excess. 2. Let them declare to each other and to the world that they have no plans whatever for war. This single step carried out would remove at once mutual suspicions and fears, and break the vicious circle and make possible fruitful negotiations about every other thorny question. 3. Let America and Japan promptly negoti- ate and ratify a treaty to submit to arbitra- tion every question whatsoever which they can- not promptly solve by their common diplomatic procedures. This would go still further in re- moving fears and rumors of war and in promoting mutu- al confidence and good-will. 4. Let America look to Japanese liberalism to over- throw her entrenched mili- tarism. If militarism in Ja- pan can be shown to have no real grounds for ex- istence, if the people of Ja- pan learn that they have no cause whatever for fear of attack or humiliation by the nations of Europe and America, Japanese milita- rism cannot long continue. 5. Let America take im- mediate steps to secure agreements with England, France, Japan and other interested countries for a common policy of friendship and good-will in dealing with China. It is a proposal that China shall no longer be regarded by any countrv as a happy hunting ground for special economic and territorial rights, that China’s birthrights shall no longer be sold to any foreign government, banking corporation or special interests. 6. China must, of course, be left to develop, with our unselfish cooperation, her own govern- mental system and establish her own institu- tions. When she has done this she wdll be able herself to resist outside encroachments. 7. The nations might well also make interna- tional agreements that mass emigration from one country into another will not be asked or permitted, except in the case of those coun- tries that specifically desire and arrange for it. But the nations should also mutually agree to grant economic and political equahty of race treatment for all residing under their respective jurisdictions. “President Harding has been inspired by God to call this Conference and it be- hooves mankind * * * to accomplish things for the high and lasting benefit of humanity. * * If the Conference fails I believe it means that mankind must further suffer.” — Premier Hara, shortly before his assassination. 11 Factors Essential to Success 1. Imagination and Faith Members of the Conference need to think out and think through, new methods for relating the nations so that they may live together in intimate; mutuall}^ helpful cooperation. This will need a high order of creative imagination. Faith also is needed the faith of delegates and of nations in each other, in an Eternal Purpose of righteousness at the heart of the universe, and hence, in the practicability of ideals. Faith begets faith even as suspicion begets suspicion. 2. Frankness and Sincerity The representatives of each Government should state clearly and fully and publicly what the international policies and programs are of their respective Governments. 3. International Good-will The representatives of each Government need to convince those of the other Governments that they and their Government have no selfish am- bition or private purpose that endangers the existence, the honor, the rights or the- prosperity of other nations, and that the privileges and rights which they seek for their own people are compatible with the interests and rights and welfare of all. 4. Agreements and Commitments Each Government, through its delegates, should be prepared to enter upon effective agree- ments to cooperate in maintaining each other’s security and in promoting the impartial ad- ministration of international justice. Govern- ments have and should accept their international obligations as faithfully as they seek their in- ternational rights and privileges. 5. Effective International Agencies The concrete expression of the principles stated above is the creation of a permanent Society of Nations, a World Court of Justice, and Boards of Arbitration and Conciliation. In this modern world these agencies seem ab- solutely necessary for the development of inter- national law, for the administration of inter- national justice, for the rational and pacific settlement of disputes that do not clearly come under treaties or explicit laws, and for the effective maintenance of peace. 6. Moral Vision Above all things else, this Conference calls — let us deure to say it — for vision, for moral and spiritual idealism. It needs to be led by what Christians call the Spirit of God, to have what the followers of Jesus term the mind of Christ. Whatever be the forms of faith of its members. It calls for spirituad devotion to those ideals of humanity which all nations at their best, share with each other. For our own repre- sentatives, let us pray without ceasing, that God may guide them with His own hand. Dangers to Be Guarded Against 1. Excessive Expectations. We must not ex- pect too much of the Washington Conference. It will not and it cannot bring in the millen- nium nor establish the Golden Age at a single step. All that we have a right reasonably to expect this Conference to do is to make a real and substantial beginning in stopping the sys- tem of competitive armaments. 2. A Cynical Attitude. Some are inclined to expect nothing. They take a critical or cynical or even hostile attitude. 3. Insufficient Expectations. The Confer- ence can go no further in making international agreements than the people as a whole will sup- port and even enthusiastically demand. The American delegates might conceivably desire to make commitments for the American people which might be intrinsically wise, but which would be manifestly impracticable unless the people were earnestly supporting them. “Ask and it shall be given you,” applies to peoples no less than to individuals. In brief, we must not expect too much, nor yet too little. We must not demand the im- possible, but we must clearly demand all that is possible. We must understand that real re- duction of armament requires national appre- ciation of the problems and needs of other na- tions. It will also require a new spirit in Con- gress in regard to all laws that affect other nations, such as those dealing Avlth tariffs, with immigration, with foreign debts, with naval bases in the Pacific, with the Panama Canal toll question, with observance of treaty obligations. We cannot as a nation ignore or quibble about treaties and pass laws that injure or humiliate foreign nations, and at the same time expect reduction of armaments. 12 The Distinctive Contribution of the Church in Establishing a Warless World Is there indeed any distinctive contribution which the Church can and should make to' the success of the Conference? Has the Church any essential part in establishing a warless world? Chemists and physicists declare that future wars will be ever more dreadful and costh^ more tragic and destructive. Economists de- clare that bankruptcy lies ahead of the nation and of the world if the present war-system is continued. Sociologists declare that unemplo}'- ment will increase, that misery will grow, that civilization itself will decay and finally collapse if the mad race for armaments between great nations is indefinitely continued. Biologists declare that the human breed will degenerate in proportion as Ave send our best and fittest young life to the shambles for Avholesale slaughter. These positive and important declarations by unquestionable authorities convince us that ways must be found for preventing future wars. Each group of scientists makes his distinctive contribution. That contribution, hoAvever, we should note is negative — Thou shalt not. They do not go far in pointing the Avay nor in making it a reality. Jurists, statesmen and legislators, hoAvever, come forward. They also make their distinctive contributions. They insist that world peace can come betAveen the nations, only as it has measurably come betAveen individuals, by the organized action of those aa^Iao are peace-loving and laAv-abiding. For AA’orld-peace, nations must unite to establish international law, courts of justice and boards of arbitration; and these must be supported by the moral sanctions and enforced by the united poAA-er of the co-operat- ing nations. These authoritative spokesmen have already devised the social and political machinery. They are saying to the nations : “This is the Ava}', walk ye in it.” Does the Church have a distinctive contribu- tion to make? Has it any word as Important and as authoritative as that of the groups just mentioned? Most assuredly it has. It declares on the highest authority that men of every nation and race are brothers, children of the HeaA^enly Father ; that above all nations is humanity ; that men and peoples of every land and race liaA’e inalienable rights; that justice, fair treat- ment and good-Avill betAveen peoples and races are inescapable obligations. Immutable moral laws ordained of God ; that their Auolation is sin and brings terrible disaster and if persisted in, final destruction. In the Message of the Church, it is not man’s voice that speaks but God’s. “Ye have heard that it was said Thou shalt love they neighbor and hate thine eneni}'. But I say unto you. Love your enemies and pray for them that persecute you.” “Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil Avlth good.” “What doth Jehovah require of thee but to do justly, and to loA'e kindness, and to walk humbly Avith thy God?” Such are God’s commands. But the Church has more than a Message ; more even than God’s commands. In addition to the Avord of authority addressed to the mind, the Church brings its OAvn unique gift of the spirit to change the hearts and the wills of men. It not onl}’ gives the command — Thou shalt, but it adds the Avord — Thou canst. It trans- mits the Spirit of Christ — a miracle occurs ; — hate, fear, suspicion, greed, selfishness vanish, and the spirit of brotherhood, justice, good- AA'ill, service, take their place in the hearts of those AA'ho become Christian — aaLo become true folloAA'ers and disciples of Jesus. It has become clear that no merely intel- lectual message hoAA’ever cogent, no appeal to the “enlightened self-interest of mankind” can establish a Avarless AA’orld. Men’s hearts must be changed. There must come into the life of millions of men the spirit of good-will, of fair 13 play, of justice. Deeds of good-will and service can alone disarm suspicion and fear. Spiritual disarmament must precede physical disarma- ment. Not until nations stop hating and fear- ing and suspecting each other, not until they develop confidence in each other’s good inten- tions can we expect any very sweeping reduc- tion of armaments. “A sound and wide view of national interests,” says Lord Bryce ; “teach- ing peoples that they would gain more by co- operation of communities than by conflict, may do much to better those relations. But in the last resort the question is one of moral progress of the individual men who compose the com- munities.” The unique message and work of the Church then is to insist that our people shall possess the right spirit; that we shall have a spirit free from greed, prejudice and arrogance; that ours may be a spirit of brotherliness and good-will and ^sincerity, a spirit of unselfish service and comradeship in the great venture of interna- tional and inter-racial life. Mankind has come to another crossroads in its fateful histor}^ To the left, controlled by the spirit of pride, arrogance, selfishness, greed and ambition lies the road to conflicts, to arma- ments, to wars, to destruction. To the right, controlled by the spirit of good-will, of justice, of truthfulness, of co- operation, lies the road to harmony, to dis- armament, to social welfare, to peace. The Church holds in its hands the keys of life and death. Its work is to create in men and in nations 2uid races that spirit of justice, of brotherliness, of unselfish service, of co-opera- tion. This is the way of life for men 2md for nations, and the only way. This spirit must dominate our nation if the Conference is to reach any large degree of success. To secure this is the distinctive contribution of the Church. Some Searching Questions In our efforts for a warless world, it is not enough, as we have now seen, to call attention merely to the economic damage of war, to the staggering burdens of debt and taxation, to race degeneration or even to the ominous moral disaster evident in renewed animosities, bitter rivalries and burning desires for revenge. Behind and below all these lies the fact of sin ; terrible, national sin. The nations and the peoples have long been transgressing God’s im- mutable, moral laws. The question before the nations is not merely one of more or less arma- ments. It is at bottom a question of obedience or disobedience to the eternal laws that men should love one another and should bear one another’s burdens. There has been sin, deep, black and revolt- ing. There must also be repentance and re- generation, deep, genuine and permanent. Un- less the nations gather at the Conference with repentant hearts and changed wills, that Con- ference will make shipwreck on the rocks and reefs of national selfishness and its accompany- ing diplomacy. Nations, like individuals, are prone to see the motes in the eyes of others and to ignore the beams in their own eyes. This is a temptation to which America especially is exposed. Yet we have the Lord’s word for calling such an attitude hypocrisy. As Americans we need j)rimarily to inquire about our own spirit, our own conduct. Have we loved our enemies.'’ Have we been really friendly to our neighbors, to Mexico on the south, and to Ja])an, that rising Oriental power across the Pacific.? Or have we had our eyes fixed chiefly on their misdeeds and our con- sequent losses.? How much heed have we paid to our deeds and their losses.? And how about our spirit in dealing with them.? Our patri- otism, moreover, is it narrowly nationalistic.? Does our sense of human brotherhood demand for men of other nations and races the same rights and privileges which we desire for our- selves.? These are serious and sobering questions. They are questions that our pastors should press home on the consciences of our people. Should not our churches announce in clarion tones the call to repentance from, our own sins and forgiveness of those who have sinned against us.? And is it not true that we have sinned not merely as a nation, but also as a Church. Has the Church not left undone things that it ought to have done — in the teaching of brotherliness, good-will and helpfulness.? Have we steadily cultivated the spirit of Christ in our thought 14 of Germans and Russians and Japanese — during recent years? Are the Churches of America even now doing all that they should be doing for abolishing war and in combatting and destroying those teachings and that spirit that create armament and induce war? Does the Church of today, like the apostolic Church, through the power of the Spirit, rise above barriers of race and nation? Can the modern church really fulfill its function in the world and make its true and distinctive and absolutely essential contribution to the estab- lishment of a warless world, unless and until it does beget among its millions of members the mind and the heart of Christ in their relations with other peoples and otlier races? The Practical Conclusion '"Be ye doers of the word and not hearers only, deluding your own selves. ” "Faith apart’ from works is dead. ” "Be not overcome of evil but overcome evil with good. ” "Not everyone that saith unto me. Lord, Lord, shall enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, but He that Doeth the Will of my Father who is in Heaven." HELPFUL LITERATURE Working Toward a Warless World. Single copies, 15 cents; 10 or over, 7 cents; 100 or over, 5 cents. Problems of the Pacific and Far East. Single copies, 25 cents; 10 or over, 15 cents. Study Course Outlines. Single copies, 5 cents each; 10 or over, 2 cents each. SPECIAL PACKAGE OF PAMPHLETS (25 CENTS) Working Toward a Warless World. The Next War, by Will Irwin — 4-page leaflet. Shall We End War? by Harry Emerson Fosdick — 16 pp. The Staggering Burden of Armament, by Edward Cummings. On the Trail of the Truth About Japan, by William Axling. Order from the Federal Council, 105 East 22nd Street, New York City. L On the Necessity for Reducing Armaments The Next War, by Will Irwin, 161 pages, special price, if ordered by pastors from the Federal Council, $0.85, including postage. Now It Can he Told, by Philip Gibbs, 400 pp., $3.50, Houghton Mifflin Co., N. Y. The Fruits of Victory, by Norman Angel, 335 pp., $3.00, The Century Co., N. Y. The Folly of Nations, by Frederick Palmer, 405 pp., $2.00, Dodd, Mead & Co., N. Y. The A B Cs of Bisannament, by Arthur Bullard, 122 pp., $1.25, Macmillan Co., N. Y. II. On the Pacific eind Far Eastern Problems A. By Japanese. Japan and AVorld Peace, by K. K. Kawa- kami, 196 pp., $1.75. Macmillan Co., New York, N. Y. What Japan Thinks, by K. K. Kawakami, 237 pp., $2.00, Macmillan Co., N. Y. AVhat Japan AA'ants, by Y. S. Kuno, 154 pp., $1.00, Tbos. Y. Crowell Co., N. Y. City. Japan and the California Question, by T. lyenaga, 250 pp., $2.50. Putnam’s Sons, New York, N. Y. California and the Japanese, by K. Kanzaki, 99 pp., $0.50, Japanese Association, 444 Bush Street, San Francisco. B. By Americans. China, Captive cr Free, by Gilbert Reid, 310 pp., $3.00, Dodd, Mead & Co., N. Y. AA'hat Shall I Think of Japan, by George Gleason, 285 pp., $2.25. Macmillan Co., New York, N. Y. Japan and the Far East Conference, by Henry W. Taft, 95 pp., $1.00, Macmillan Co., N. Y. Must AA’e Fight Japan? by W. B. Pitkin, 536 pp., $2.50, Century Co., N. Y. America’s Stake in the Far East, by Chas. H. Fabs, 165 pp., $1.35 (cloth), $0.95 (paper). Association Press, N. Y. The New Map of Asia, by H, A. Gibbons, 525 pp., $3.00, Century Co., N. Y. City. American Japanese Relations, by Sidney L. Gulick, 30 pp., $0.25, Federal Council. III. Lcmtern Slides and Exhibit Cards Information about a series of lantern slides that may be used in illustrating discussions on the reduction of armaments may be secured from J. A. Rawson, 18 East 3 7th Street, New York. Twenty-two Color Exhibit Cards (9" x 12"), illustrating “Facts on Disarmament” may be ordered from Disarmament Education Com., 629 G St., N. W., Washington, D. C. Price, $1.00, including postage. 15 What Can YOU Do to He^ in the Reduction of Armaments ? 1. Accef)t your personal res;()onsihihty in helping your church and your community to believe m the practica- bility of a warless world. 2 . Help circulate “Working toward a Warless World,” and other relevant literature. 3 . Master and remember the facts, figures and policies given in this pamphlet under “Startling Statistics,” “Problems before the Conference,” “Important Principles,” and “The Far Eastern Problem.” 4 . Write individual letters to your two Senators and to your Representative m the House. These are the men who will make the decisions of the Conference effective in America. Remember that resolutions passed in mass meetings or signed by hundreds or even thousands of names, though valuable, do not begin to have the influ- ence with legislators that individual letters have which show intelligent knowledge, deep interest and personal conviction. 5. Take the initiative in starting a study group in your church, using the outlines of courses based on “Working toward a Warless World,” and “Problems of the Pacific and the Far East.” 6 . Talk in your home and with friends about the Conference, being equipped for such conversation by the information given in this and other pamphlets dealing with the neces- sity for an immediate reduction of armaments and a new world-order whose purpose is peace. 7 . Write short letters of not more than 300-400 words to your local newspapers. Editors as a rule are glad to know what their readers are interested in. 8. Let Church groups, women’s clubs, or other organizations ash the managers of local motion picture houses to pre- pare and use each afternoon and evening, five or six slides presenting statistics and brief quotations on the question of the reduction of armaments. 9 . Throughout the period of the Conference maintain con- tinued attention to its proceedings and continued study of international problems and policies. Price, 15 Cents per Single Copy. 100 Copies, $5.00. 1.000 Copies, $30.00. SELECT I’RINTINC COMPANY, NEW YOEK