MASTER NEGATIVE NO. 91-80025 MICROFILMED 1991 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK 44 as part of the Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITffiS Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code ~ concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: GOODWIN, Wl WATSON I TITLE: SYNTAX OF THE MOODS AND TENSES OF THE... 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(>CJ ' 06^^xZ<^ Cdumbia (Hnittewiitp tntl)fCttpoflrtDlark THE LIBRARIES ^-.. t- 'A' 1 >. \ I SYNTAX OF THE MOODS AND TENSES OF THE GREEK VERB SYNTAX OF THE MOODS AND TENSES OP THE GREEK VERB BY AVILLIA^r AVATSOX (JOODWIX, LL.I). BLIOT PROFESSOR OF GREEK LITERATURE IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY REWRITTEN AND ENLARGED 4 ( PLBLIMiEl): i3Y'G1!^X •& 'COMPANY. til * t } and M ou in Cautious Assertions.— Ottco? and oVco. m; with the Independent Future Indicative or Subjunctive XV PAGE 80 80, 81 81. 82 82, 83 83, 84 84, 85 85 86 250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255-258. 259, 260. 261, 262. 263. 264. 265-268. 269. 270. 271-282. 283. Imperative in Commands etc ''A7e, 0^pe, etc. with Imperative .....' Has with second person of Imj^erative OlffO' 6 etc. with Imperative ....** Imperative in Assumptions ....** First person of Subjunctive as Imperative . . * Present Imperative or Aorist Subjunctive with fi^ iii Prohibitions Independent Subjunctive with fi-/, (Homeric) expressing object of Fear to be averted Mr) ov with the Subjunctive ....'.* Independent fx-// and fij} ov after Homer . , . , MtJ and M^ 0.5 with Subjunctive in cautious assertions and ne^^ations (chiefly in Plato) Mt^ and fxi] ov with Indicative (as above) Mt; ov in dependent clauses .... "Ottwj and 5tw5 /xtJ generally with Future* Indicative (independent) Subjunctive rarely used with Sirus fi-^ , [ [ ', 86 86, 87 87 87 87 87-89 89 90, 91 91 91 92, 93 93 93 94-96 96, 97 SECTION III. Subjunctive, like Future Indicative, in Independent Sentences m Homer.— Interrogative Subjunctive. 284-286. Indei)endent Subjunctive in Homer ... 97 93 287-290. Interrogative Subjunctive (with or without ^ovXec or ^^^"^) 98-100 XVI CONTENTS SECTION PAGE 291. Negative /iij of Interrogative Subjunctive . . . 100 292. Future Indicative and Potential Optative with fi^ in sense of Interrogative Subjunctive .... 100, 101 293. MiJ with Subjunctive in Affirmative Questions . . 101 SECTION IV. Ov fi^ with Subjunctive and Future Indicative. 294. Double negative oj) /xiJ in Denials and Prohibitions . 295. Ov fi-^i with Subjunctive or Future Indicative in Denials 296. Same construction in dependent sentences 297. Oi> fiii with Future Indicative (sometimes with Sub junctive) in Prohibitions 298. Oj> tJiij followed by ^1175^, by dWd or 5^, or by Kid 299. Ov and ^mJ in separate questions .... 300. Interrogative theory of Elmsley .... 301. Subjunctive in Prohibitions with 01)^17). 101, 102 102, 103 103 103, 104 104 104 105 105 SECTION V. Final and Object Clauses after iva, ws, o^ws, o/3a, and ft>}. 302. The Final Particles 105 303, 304. Classification 106, 107 305, 306. Negative a^^ and /iij 01) 107 DEVELOPMENT OP CLAUSES WITH Tvct, (OS, OTTWS, 0/. 307-310. History of Final Constructions 107-109 311-314. Use of tvo, w J, dirwj, and 60/)a 109-112 315. Negative Final Clauses 112 316. Attic final use of Past Tenses of Indicative . . . 112 A. Pure Final Clauses. 317. Subjunctive and Optative after IVa, ws, ^irws, 64>pa, and /iti/ .*•••.• 318-321. Subjunctive after Secondary Tenses 322, 323. Optative after Primary Tenses 324. Future Indicative in Final Clauses 325-328. "Av or Ki in Final Clauses with Subjunctive 329, 330. "kv or Ki in Final Clauses '.Tith Optative 331, 332. "Ii'a rl /—Omission of leading Verb 333-337. Secondary Tenses of Indicative with Xva etc 338. Other expressions of Purpose . B. Object Clauses with ottws after Verbs of Striving etc 339, 340. Future Indicative etc after 6tw$ and Sirws ti^ . . 122-124 113, 114 114, 115 115 116, 116 116, 117 117-119 120 , 120-122 122 CONTENTS 341-347. 348. 349, 350. 351. 352, 353. 354. 355-360. 361. 362. 363. 364. Homeric construction after 77 without a Verb.— IIXt/i' ef 176,177 478. El 8^ /XT), othertcise 177 Substitution and Ellipsis in A}H)dosiA. 479-481. Apodosis contained in Infinitive, Participle, Noun, etc. 482. Apodosis omitted for etlect 483, 484. Apodosis represented by dy 485. 'fts €1 and ibairtp el in Similes 177-179 179 179 179, 180 Apodosu contained in Protasis. 180 486. General statement of Principle 487. Er K€ or ijv with Subjunctive in Homer, expressing Hope or Desire 180-182 488. El (or et k() with Optative in Homer, in same sense . 182 489, 490. Similar constructions in Attic Greek and Herodotus . 182-184 i CONTENTS xix SECTION 491. Subjunctive and Optative with et k€, d, etc. after olda, ^^^°''' ^tc 185, 186 492. Comparison of the Protases of § 491 with Clauses with '^'^(366) igg 493. Relation of the Protases of § 491 to Indirect Questions . 186 494-497. Ei after expressions of fro?i6?cr etc. . . jge 187 Mixed Constructions. 498. Protasis and Apodosis differing in Form 188 I. Optative in Protasis, ivith Future or Present Indicative etc. in Apodosis. 499. Optative in Protasis with Future Indicative etc. in Apodosis (chiefly in Homer) jgg 500, 501. Optative in Protasis with Present Indicative in Apodosis 188, 189 502. Optative in Protasis depending on Present like del or ^"^ 189, 190 II. Indicative or Subjunctim in Protasis, with Potential Optative or Indicative in Apodosis, 503, 504. Present or Past Indicative with Potential Optative or r.r o ,^"^^^"^*^^'« 190, 191 ^05. Subjunctive or Future Indicative with Potential Opta- *^^*^' 191, 192 III. Potential Optative or Indicative (with av) in Protasis. 506, 507. Potential Optative or Indicative with dv in present or past Conditions with ei 192 IV. Irregular Combinatiom.— Present or Past with Future Conditions in one Protasis. 508. Cases of Anacoluthon 609. Protases of different times combined in one . V. Several Protases in one Sentence, 510. Several Protases (not co-ordinate) with one Apodosis 511. Relation of leading and subordinate Conditions Ac, ttA.A(Ji, AND avTap IN APODOSIS. 512. Apodosis introduced by word meaning but 513. 'A\X4 vvv or dWd (ellii»tical) . 192, 193 193 . 193, 194 . 194, 195 195 195 SECTION VII. Relative and Temporal Sentences. 514. Relative and Temporal Words 195, 196 XX CONTENTS 8ECTIOV 515-517. Definite and Indefinite Antecedent 518. Negative rarticles in Kelative Sentences PACE 196 196 A. Relative with Definite Antecedent. 519. Indicative and other constructions after Relative with Definite Antecedent jg^j jq^ B. Relative with Indefinite Antecedent. 520. Conditional Relative explained 197 193 521. Conditional Relative Clauses and forms of l^otasia com* pared 198 199 522. 'Av or k^ with Conditional Relatives and Subjunctive ! ' 199 523. Classification (same as in Conditional Sentences) . . 199 I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL RELATIVE CLAUSES. 524. Two forms of Present and Fast, and two of Future, Conditions ... (a) Present and Past Conditions. 525, 526. With Simple Indicative (like Protasis of § 402) 527. With Future Indicative to express Present Intention 528. With Secondary Tenses of Indicative (like § 410) 199 199, 200 200 200-202 Q>) Future Conditions. 529, 530. With Subjunctive (like § 444) 531. With Optative (like § 455) . :02, 203 203, 204 532, 533. 534-537. 538-541. 642. 5J3 549. 550, 551. 552. 553. 554. 555. II. GENERAL CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES (PRESENT AND PAST). Subjunctive and Optative in general Conditions Indicative in general Conditions ..... Homei'ic and other Poetic Peculiarities. Subjunctive without k4 or &v Relative with k€ or dv and the Optative . . . ! Homeric Similes with wy etc. . • • • • • "O Tt firi and oaov /at) without a Verb (Homeric) Special Forms of Antecedent Claute, Infinitive, Participle, Noun, etc. in Antecedent Clause . •07r(5Tc after past Verbs of Expecting (Homeric) Mixed Conditional Constructions, Optative depending on Present or Future . . . 212 Optative depending on 5d, xpV, etc. . . . .' 212, 213 204-206 206, 207 207-209 209 209-211 211 212 212 CONTENTS SECTION 556. Indicative or Subjunctive depending on Potential Op- tative 557. Potential Optative or Indicative in Conditional Relative Clause ... ...... Assimilation in Conditional Relative Clauaes. 558. Assimilation by Subjunctive or Optative 559. Assimilation by Secondary Tenses of Indicative 560-562. Principles of Assimilation 563. Assimilation after General Conditions (variable) . Ac in the Antecedent Clause. 564. Antecedent Clause introduced by 5^ Final Relative Clauses expressing Purpose. 565, 566. Future Indicative in Attic Greek . 567. Past Purpose expressed by Imperfect of ^t^XXw 568-571. Subjunctive and Optative in Homer 572. Subjunctive not used in Attic Greek 573. Optative rare in Attic Greek .... 574. Future Optative occasionally used . XXI PAGK 213 213, 214 214 214 214, 215 215 215, 216 216 216 216, 217 217 217, 218 218 Consecutive Relative Clauses expressing Result. 575. Indicative (with negative ov) . 576, 577. Future Indicative (with ix-q) . 578. "Ottok as Relative thus used . 579. Occasional use of the Optative 218 218, 219 219 219 CAUSAL RELATIVE CLAUSES. 580. Causal Relative with Indicative 581. Causal and Conditional Forces united (with /x^) 220 220 CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH w(7T€ OR w? AND ec/)' (J OR €' $r€. 582, 583. General Distinction of Infinitive and Indicative with . 220, 221 . 221, 222 223 223 S)ressing a Condition or Limitation 3. Expressing a Piiri>ose (like Final Clause) 588. After Verbs of Wishing, Commanding, etc. 589. Two examples only in Homer , , 590. Tenses of Infinitive after w* 10T€. 610. With Infinitive and Future Indicative .... 233 Temporal Particles signifying: Until and Before. A. "Ew?, 0ioetry ..... 616. Ets 6 K€ in Homer ; es 5 and is oO in Herodotus 617. 'Ed-re (after Homer) 618. "Axpi and /xixp*- (chiefly in Prose) . 619. "Axpi oD and /^XP* o5 . . . 620. Omission of &v with ?ws etc. and Subjunctive B. UpLV, BEFORE, UNTIL. 621,622. Meaning and general use of it/kV 240,241 623-625. Development of constructions with t/hV . . . . 241-243 234, 235 235-237 237, 238 238 238 238, 239 239 239 239, 240 ITpiV WITH Infinitive. 626. nptV used regularly with Infinitive in Homer . 627. Later than Homer : chiffly after Artirmatives 628-630. Infinitive with vpiv after Negatives 631. "H -Kpiv with Infinitive 243 243, 244 244, 245 245 CONTENTS Hpiv WITH Indicative. SECTION 632. llpiv with Indicative in early Poets 633. In Attic Poets 634. In Prose : chiefly after Negatives . 636. In Prose : exceptional use after Affirmatives 636. UpLv y 6t€ with Indicative in Homer 637. Indicative with rpiif in unreal Conditions Upiv WITH Subjunctive anb Optative. 638. Upiv with Subjunctive only after Negatives . 639, 640, Without dv or k4 in Homer and Hesiod . 641. llpiv 7' 6t dv with Subjunctive in Odyssey 642. Upiv dv with Subjunctive after Homer and Hesiod . 643. llpiv with Optative only after Negatives 644. Optative with irpiv in Indirect Discourse 645, 646. Upiv with Subjunctive in General Conditions . 647. Apparent Affirmatives followed by irpiv and Subjunc tive 648. Upiv without dv followed by Subjunctive 649. Doubtful cases of wplv dv with Optative 650. Upiv with Subjunctive depending on Optative with dv XXlll Upiv {jj irporepov >y, AND Trdpoe\ov ([)oetic) .... * 738. Simple el not used with &e\ou or Indicative in Wishes 739. Present Optative in Present Wishes in Homer XXV PAGE 283 283, 284 284, 285 285 285, 286 286 286, 287 287 287 288 288 288 288 .289 289 289, 290 290, 291 291 291 291 291 291 291, 292 292, 293 293 293, 294 294 294 294, 295 295 295 XXVI CONTENTS SKCTION PAOB 740. Greek and Latin expressions of Wish compared. — Opta- tive and Indicative in Wishes distinguished by Time 295, 296 CHAPTER V. THE INFINITIVE. 741. Infinitive as a Verbal Noun .... 742-744. Origin of Infinitive and development of its use 297 297-299 A. INFINITIVE WITHOUT THK ARTICLE. 745. Infinitive as Subject, Predicate or Appositive Infinitive as Object. 746. Two classes of Object Infinitive . . . . Object Infinitive not in Indirect Discourse. 747. Ordinary Object Infinitive after Verbs . 748. Peculiar Object Infinitives in Homer 749. Infinitive after Nouns with Verbs (as Object) 750. Infinitive in Laws, Treaties, etc .... . 299, 300 300 . 300, 301 301 . 301, 302 302 Infinitive in Indirect Discourse. 751. Infinitive after Verbs of Saying^ Thinking, etc. . . 302, 303 752. Infinitive after Verbs of Hoping, Promising^ etc. (See 136) 303 753. Constructions after (fyriixl, tlvov, and \^7a; . . . 303 754. Personal and Imi)ersonal Constructions with \^7CTai etc 303 755, 756. Infinitive with Relatives etc. (by Assimilation) . . 303, 304 757. Infinitive in Narration (like Indicative). . . . 304,305 Infinitive after Adjectives, Adverbs, and Noun^ 758. Infinitive with Adjectives denoting Ability, Fitness, etc 305 759, 760. Infinitive with tmovtos cIo^ etc., and (in Homer) with rotos etc 305, 306 306 306 306, 307 307 307, 308 308 761. Infinitive with ivSvra, irpcxrqKovTa, etc. used jwrsonally 762. Infinitive with 5t*.a(o? etc. used |>ersonally 763. Adjectives with limiting Infinitive . . . 764. Infinitive with Comparative and ii . 765-768. Similar use with Adverbs, Verbs, and Nouns . 769. Infinitive with i/xotos in Homer .... CONTENTS XX VU Infinitive of Purpose. SECTION 770. Chiefly used with Verbs of Choosing, Giving, or Taking 771. Infinitive Active or Middle (rather than Passive) 772. In poetry with Verbs of Motion, and with dfd etc. . 773, 774. Wvai denoting Purpose (chiefly Ionic) . 775. Infinitive expressing Result (in Homer). Absolute Infinitive. 776. Infinitive expressing Limitation (parenthetical) 777. 'Oj ^TTos clirclv, (is eixeiv, or eiireiv, etc. . 778. 'fis 5oK€iv, u>s eUdaai, ws Ideiv, oLKovaai, etc. 779. 'OXiyov Seiv, fxtKpou deiv, or dXiyov, piKpoO 780, 781. Absolute elvai (as in ckCju dvai) 782. Absolute Infinitive in Herodotus . 783. Absolute Iirfinitive as Accusative of Limitation PAGE 308, 309 309 309' 309, 310 310 310 310, 311 311 311, 312 312 312, 313 313 Infinitive in Coninuiiuis, Prohibitions, Wishes, and Exclamations. 784. Infinitive in sense of Imperative . . . . 785. Infinitive like Optative in Wishes . 786. Infinitive with at ydp in Wishes (twice in Odyssey) 787. Infinitive Subject Accusative in Exclamations 313 313, 314 314 314 B. INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 788. General use of Articular Infinitive . Articular Infinitive as Subject or Object. 789. Article makes the Infinitive more distinctly a Noun 790. Infinitive with t6 as Subject 791, 792. Infinitive with r6 as Object .....' 793. Infinitive with toO as Object 794. Infinitive with t6 in Indirect Discourse (rare) Infinitive with to after Adjectives and Kouns. 795-797. Infinitive as Accusative after Adjectives and Nouns. Infinitive ivith to v. tw, and to in varioits Constructions. 798. Constructions of Infinitive as Genitive with tov 799. Constructions of Infinitive as Dative with ro3. 800-803. Infinitive with tov, t(^, and t6 with Prepositions 804. Articular Infinitive as Appositive . 805. Infinitive with r6 in Exclamations. 806. Infinitive with dependent Clauses with t6 as Noun 314, 315 316 316 316, 317 317 317 318 319 319, 320 320, 321 321 321 321, 322 xxviu CONTENTS Simple Infinitive and Infinitive loith tov after Verbs of Hindrance etc. PAOB SECTION 807-810. Four expressions after Verbs implying Hindrance : [a) T <^*tc. .* ; 862. Are, ola or ciov * • • 863. "Qare in Herodotus, like fire . oli^'ltt' «"'' ''^''" *^'°"-^^^ of leading subject is expressed .* 06/, 868. Oairep and wairep el 869-874. Remarks on winrep and ws with Participle Omission of dv. 875. Cases of omission of (av : — 1. After (Sre, oTa, ws, or Kaiirep .... 2. Rarely without these Particles (jwetic) 3. Witli e^cwj/ and 6.kwv . 4. When another Participle precedes Combinations of Circumstantial Participles. 340 340, 341 341, 342 342 342 342, 343 343, 344 344-346 346 346 346 . 346, 347 876. Participles belonging to main construction combined with those in Genitive or Accusative Absolute in one «^"^^"^^ 347 C. SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE. 877. Nature of Supplementary Participle .... 347343 878. Two uses, corresponding to those of the Object Infinitive <§'^«) 348 XXX SECTION 879, 880. flSl, 882. CONTENTS I. Not in Indirect Discourse. I. With Verbs signifying to begin, endure, cease, stop, permit, etc. II. With Verbs denoting states of feeling {to repent etc.) . 883. III. With 884-886. IV. With 887-894. V. With 895. VI. With 896. VII. With 897. With 898. VIII. With 899. IX. With 900. X. Dativ after cljxl 901. XL Dativ sioDS {it Verbs denoting to find, detect, represent Verbs oi Perception {hearing, seeing, etc.) Xavddvu), Tvyxdvu), yxdvu}, and ddvu) II. Participle in Indirect Discourse. 904. Participle with Verbs of seeing, hearing, knmning, show- ing, etc., and with dyyiWu, like Infinitive of Indirect Discourse 905. Participle agreeing with Accusative of Reflexivw 906. Participle of Impersonals in Accusative . 907. Participle with 5^\os and (pavepos ei/xt 908. With avvoiSa and ffvYyiyvibaKu and Dative of Reflexive 909. With Infinitive depending on Verb with Dative 910. Occasionally with Verbs like vofii^u) 911. 'Qv sometimes omitted in Indirect Discourse . PAOE 348, 349 349 350 350-352 352-354 354 354 354, 355 355 355 355, 356 356 356 357 357 357 357, 358 358 358 358 358, 359 359, 360 360 360 360 361 361 361 361 CONTENTS SECTION 912. Clause with 8ti or ws for Participle . . . 913. M^fivrifxai 6t€ for Participial Construction Infinitive loith the Verbs of § 904. 914. Infinitive of Indirect Discourse with some of the Verbs of §904:— 1. With dKovu), irvv0dpo/xai, and aladduofxai 2. With opw 3. With dryAXw 4. With ofioXoy^u) 5. With a'<^€i, he is nritwg ; typa,v, he wan uriting ; ^ypaxLev, he wrote ; ypaif^ei, he will write. Vpci^^eL ; u he writing ? lypd^are ; did you write / ypai/y€T€; xoill you write! rl ^ypax^^v ; what did he write? 3. The indicative may also express {a) A dependent statement (or quotation) of such an absolute assertion or question. E.g. , ^^ct OTL^ ypdcjjei, he says that lie is writing (he says ypdcfyiA ; MyetoTL ypaip^L, he says that he xoill write (he says yp) ; ipiora rt eypa^a/xci', he asks what we wrote ; ipojTi^ ct eypaila, he asks whether I wrote. ^ B GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS u (6) A distinct statement of an object aimed at or feared. E.g, ETTiyucActTat oTTtus lovTo -yevr/o-crat, he takes care that this shall he done (339) ; (fio/SovfieOa jxrj djxoT€p(s)v Tj/za/n-ryKa/xei', we fear that we have missed both (369, 2}. (c) A distinct supposition of an absolute statement, that is, a supposition that such a statement is, was, or will be true. £.(/. "El y/)a€t, if he is vrriting ; el cypa^cv, if he wrote; ct ytypa€^ if he has uritfen ; ci ypdij/ii^ if he shall write or if he is to write. What is supposed in each case could be expressed by ypd(fi€Ly cy/ja^ev, yey/oa^e, or y/ju^ct. 4. The past tenses of the indicative may, further, express a supposition that some statement either had been or icere now true, while it is implied that really it teas not or is iwt true. E.(j. Et eypaxpa, if I had loritten ; ct €ypa Totoi'S t^v dvepa^ ovSk T^w/iai, for never did I see such men nor shall I ever see them^ II. i. 262 ; xat ;roTc ti; whither shall I go ? Od. xv. 509. But the future indicative can be used m the same sense ; as tI Srjra ^pdpev ; prjrip y) ov€vo-o- pev; what are we to do? shall we slay our mother? EuR. El. 967 (See 68.) 8. (a) In exhortations and in prohibitions with firj {250- 259) the subjunctive has an imperative force, and is always future ; as in tcouev, let us go ; pL^ OavpLao-rjre, do not wonder. The future indicative occasionally occurs in prohibitions with prj (b) The subjunctive with pirj, especially in Homer, may express a future object of fear with a desire to avert it; as m fMTj vi}a<: eXoxrc, mag they not seize the ships {as I fear tluy will). (See 261.) From such expressions combined with verbs of fearing arose the dependent use of p^'^ with the subjunctive expressing a future object of fear ; as t^o^ov- liai 117) aTToXrjTat, I fear that he may perish. 9. In the constructions with ov p^rj (294) the subjunctive and the future indicative are used, without apparent distinc- tion, in a future sense; as oi) /x^ ryev^TaL and ov p.^ yevij- aerai, it will not happen, 10. The subjunctive may express a future purpose or a future object of care or exertion. E.g, , "^^X^^^^o'Tw^ toGto rSr;, he comes that he may see this (317) ^ €mp€\€LTaL Srrm toGto y€^r;Tat (or yev^aeTat), he takes care tTmt this shall be done (339). In clauses of purpose the future indicative is sometimes used (324), and in the construction of 339 it became the regular Attic form. 11. In conditional clauses the subjunctive expresses either a future supposition (444), or a general supposition which is indefinite (never strictly present) in its time (462). ^ (a) In the former it supposes such a future case as the Homeric sub- junctive (6) states ; as Idv tls ctVy, if one shall say (the thing supposed being cittt; tis, one will say) ; here the future indicative may be used GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS [12 in essentially the same sense (447). In the general condition it supposes an event to occur at any time, as we say if any one ever goes or whoever goes, with an apodosis expressing repetition or a general truth ; as idv ns xXci/'r; (or os av kA€i/'7j), KoAdfcrat, if any one steaU (or whoever steals), he is always punished. (6) The subjunctive in general suppositions is the only subjunctive which does not refer to future time, and here the future indicative can never be used. In most other languages (as in English and generally in Latin), and sometimes in Greek, such a condition is expressed by the present indicative, like an ordinary present supposition ; but the Greek, in its desire to avoid a form denoting present time, generally fell into one which it uses elsewhere only for future time. The con- struction, however, aj)pears in Homer imperfectly established, except in relative clauses (468) : tliis indicates that it does not belong to the primitive uses of the subjunctive. (See 17.) For the Homeric subjunctive with kc or av in independent sentences, which does not differ perceptibly in meaning from the future with Kc or av, see 201, 1. III. Optative. 12. The optative is commonly a less distinct and direct form of expression than the snhjunctive, imperative, or indicative, in constrnctions of the same general character as those in which these moods are nsed. 13. This is seen especially in independent sentences, where the optative either expresses a wish or exhortation, or is used (regularly with dv or k€) in a potential sense. Thus ioifi€i', may we go, corresponds as a weaker form to uofi€v, let ns go. Corresponding to l^iXBMV ns iSctw, lei some mie go out and see, we have i^eXOiov rts iSoi, may some one go out and si'e, Od. xxiv. 491. VAoLTo av, he would tale or he might tale, corresponds to the Homeric €A)/Tat or c Ararat k€, he will take or he may take (201, 1). We find in Homer a few o])tatives expressing concession or per- mission, which have a neutral sense and can hardly be classed as either potential or wishing. See H. iv. 17, ci 8* av ttw? to^c ttJcti lX0V Kal l)Sv TTCAOITO, Tj TOi fl€V oUtOLTO TTcJAlS UpLdflOlO dmKTO?, avTis 8' 'Apy€[i]v"EX€vi]v McrcAao? dyoiTo, where we may translate the apodosis either let the city still be a habitation and let M. carry away Helen, or the city may still be a halntation and M. may carnj away Helen. In iii. 72 we have yvvaiK(i tc oiKaS* dytarOio, and in iii. 255 Tw si K€ viKyaavTL yvvi) Kal KTij^iaO' cVotTo, where dyja-Oio and cTroiTo K€ refer to essentially the same thing with ayoiTo in iv. 19. Following II. iii. 255 (above) we have ol 5' aAAoi i'atoi/x€v Tpoirjv, Tol 8€ vlovrai, i.e. the rest of ns may remain dwellers in Troy, while 16] OPTATIVE they xoill return to Greece. From such neutral future expressions were probably developed the two distinct uses of the optative. In its hortatory sense as a form of wishing, the optative was distinguished by the use of /xr; as a negative ; while in its potential sense it had ov as its negative (as in ov fi^jv ydp n KaKiorepov aAAo TrdOoLfjci, for really I can suffer nothing worse, II. xix. 321), and it was soon further marked by the addition of k€ or dv. (See Appendix I.) 14. In dependent clauses expressing purpose or the object of exertion or of fear, the optative is never an original form ; but it always represents a dependent subjunctive or future indicative (8, 2;; 10) in the clianged relation in which either of tliem is placed when its leading verb is changed from present or future to past time. We represent this change in English by a change from may to might, or from shall or will to should or would; as cpxerat i'va lBt], he conu's^ that^ Jie may^ see, ijXO^v iva lSol, he came tluit he might see] iTTLfieXilraL ottw? touto yervyo-erat, he takes care that this shall be done, iircpiXelTo oVw? tovto y€vi](Tono, he took care that this should be done; ifyoftelTaL fiy tovto TrdBrj, he fears that he may suffer this ; iifiopYjOrf pi) Todro rrdOoi, he feared that he might suffer this. Here the original subjunctive or future indicative (especially the latter) is very often used in place of the optative. 16. In all forms of indirect discourse the same principle (14) holds, that the optative after past tenses represents (in a changed relation) an indicative or a subjunctive of the direct form, which original mood is always used after present and future tenses, and may be retained after past tenses (GG7, 1). Here again we see what the change is, for we represent it by our change from is to was, have to had, shall and will to should and would, etc.; us Xjyei oti dXyO^'^ iirriv, he sa^js that it is true; eXe^ev or I dXijOc^ €17/ (or ia-Tiv), he said that it was true; Acyct ort ypdipet, he says that he will writhe; cAc^ci/ ort ypdifot (or ypdi/yei), lie said that he ivouldwrite^ So oiV olU tl ctVu), I know not what T shall say; ovk yjSeiv TL €L7roLp.L (or ciVcu), / knew not what I should say. 16. In future conditions the optative expresses the sup- position in a weakened future form, as compared with the stronger future of the sul)junctive and the future indicative. Compare idv cA(9w, if T (shall) go (444), with ct eXOoip^i, if I should go (455). Often the form of the leading sentence (the apodosis) decides whether a given supposition shall be expressed by a subjunctive or by an optative ; thus in Dkm. iv. II we have dv ovtos tl irdOy, if any- « GENERAL VIEW OF THE MOODS [17 4 thing happens (shall happen) to him (Philip), depending on iroir/o-crc ; and in the next sentence, referring to precisely the same contingency, we have €i n irddoi, depending on two optatives with av, 17. The only remaining form of dependent optative is that found in past general suppositions, as eX Tt<; KXeyfrecep (or 09 Kkiyjrecev), i/coXd^ero, if ever any one stole (or tvhoever stole), he was {always) punished (462 ; 531). Here the optative after a past tense represents an original subjunc- tive after a present tense (11), differing in this from the optative in future conditions (16), which is in an original constmction. The late development of this optative appears from its almost total absence in protasis with ci in Homer (468), where the corresponding subjunctive in protasis is also infrequent. It may therefore be disregarded in con- sidering the primitive uses of the optative. (See 11, h) For a more full discussion of the relations of the optative to the other moods, see Appendix I. IV. Imperative. 18. The imperative expresses a command, exhortation, entreaty, or prohibition (250 and 259). E.g. ci)y€, begone ! 'EA.^€tw, let him come. Aos jxol topto, give me this. Mrj ttoUl aSiKa, do not do what is unjust. CHArTER II. THE TENSES. 19. There are seven Tenses, — the present, imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, aorist, future, and future perfect. The imperfect and pluperfect occur only in the indicative ; the futures are wanting in the subjunctive and imperative. 20. These tenses may express two relations. They may designate the time of an action as present, past, or future ; and also its character as going on, finished, or simply taking '2)lace. The latter relation is expressed by the tenses in all the moods and in the infinitive and the participle ; the former is always expressed in the indicative, and to a certain extent (to be explained below) in the dependent moods and the participle. 21. The tenses are divided into fvimary tenses, wliich denote present or future time, and sccondo/nj or historical tenses, which denote past time. This distinction applies properly only to the tenses of the indicative ; but it may be extended to any forms of the dependent moods which have the same distinction of time as the tenses of the indicative. The primary tenses of the indicative are the present (in its ordinary uses), perfect, future, and future perfect. The secondary tenses are the imperfect, pluperfect, and aorist (in its ordinary uses). This distinction will be more fully explained at the end of this chapter (165-191). It must be noted that the historic present (33) is a secondary tense, and the gnomic aorist (154) is a primary tense. 22. In speaking of the time denoted by any verb, we must distinguish between time which is present, past, or future with 8 THE TENSES [28 reference to the time of speaking or writing (that is, time absolutely present, etc.), and time which is present, past, or future with reference to the time of some verb with which the verbal form in question is connected (that is, time rfilatkely present, etc.) Thus, when we say rovro dXijSes ccmi', this is true^ la-TLv is present with reference to the time of speaking ; but when we say €<^rj tovto aA^/^e? ilvai or (.ariv on rovro dXijOeq la-TLv (or ctr/), he said that this icas tnie^ (i.e. he said **this is true"), the present tense which we use denotes time present to the time of the leading verb, i.e. time absolutely past and only relatively present. The same distinction is seen bav€v as subject of tcrea-Oai means that tvhich will hereafter have appeared. So 8ia7rpa^dfjL€vo<; in 406 E. (See 143.) It is a special distinction between the Greek an«l the English idioms, that the Greek uses its verbal forms much more freely to denote merely relative time. Thus, we translate the Greek presents co'at and cVti after ((fuj or ehrev (above) by our was ; the futures yevTjo-eo-Oat and yevya-eraL by would happen; and the aorists yevecrdaL and eyevero by fuid happened. This distinction appears especially in the indicative, optative, and infinitive of indirect discourse ; in future forms after past tenses in final and object clauses with liva, ottws, etc. ; and usually in the participle ; but not in protasis. I. TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE. Present. 23. The present indicative represents an action as going on at the time of speaking or writing ; as ypd(o, I icrrite, or / am writing. An important exception occurs when the present indicative in in- direct discourse denotes time which is present relativtly to the leading verb. See above, 22 ; 669, 2 ; 674, 1. 271 PRESENT INDICATIVE 24. As the limits of such an action on either side of the present moment are not defined, the present may express a customary or repeated action or a general truth. E.g. 'H Trpvfii'a rov irXoiov o els AvJAov/ 'AOrjvatoc TrefiTTOvcnv, the stei-n of the ship which the Athenians send to Iklos {every year). Plat. Phaed. 58 A. TtKTct TOt Kopos v/Spiv, orav /ca/cr3 6Xf3os €7r7^Tat, satiety begets insolence, whenever proq)erity follows the wicked. Theog. 153. 'Ev XpovM dTTOifidiveL ro rdp/Sos dvOpu)7ronriVy in time timidity dies out in men. Aesch. Ag. 857. 25. The present denotes merely the continuance or progress of an action, without reference to its completion. It may, bow- ever, be implied by the context that tlie action is not to be completed, so that the present denotes an attempted or intended action. Especially SlSiopi, in the sense of offer, and ttci^w, try to persuade, are thus used. E.g. ^vv 8* dpa r avrUa ttoAXol SlSol, he offers many things. II. ix. 519. Ilct^ovo-t vpds evavrla Kal rois vopois Kal ro> SLKaup j/^>;(/)tVa- 0-6(11, they are trying to persuade you to vote contrary both to the laics and to justice. IsAE. i. 26. This conative signification is much more common in the imperfect. See 36 and the examples. 26. The present is often used with expressions denoting past time, especially ndXaL, in the sense of a perfect and a present combined. E.g. Kcu'ov L)(^v€V(a TrdXai, I have been tracking him a long time (and still continue it). Sorn. Aj. 20. Ov irdXai o-ol Acyw ore ravrov r]p.(. ctVat; i.e. have I not long ago told you {and do 1 not still repeat) that I call it the same thing 1 Plat. Gorg. 489 C. Geok atVw . . . tA*, eyio fi€v aTTCt/xt, (rm? Kal Kitva / 7rap€cr6p€0a a-iHrTpaTevcrdfiivoi, €K€lvol l "^fids LOLiv, i.e. that they would come against us. Xen. Hell. v. 2, 13. See also v. 1, 34, where ct /x>) uTrtoicv corresponds to ci pi] cKTrc/x^oifi/. As loipi in this use is equivalent to a future optative, it is naturally rare (128). 'Arrto'tti evo/xi^cv orav /^oi'Aryrat, he believed he could depart (ttTTCt/xt) whenever he pleased. Thug. v. 7. So ovk i(f>a(rav (c(/)r;) Ikvat, Xen. An. i. 3, 1 and 8 ; i. 4, 12 : cf. ii. 1, 3, ii. 6, 10. Kat to irvp ye av TT/aoo-iovTo? tou ipv^pov tturw rj vTre^iivai i} aTroAeio-^at. Plat. Phaed. 103 D. (II/joo-io i'to? is an ordinary present participle : Bee 31.) Ol' yap fjSeiv €^LU)v,for he did not know that he was to go. Ar. Pac. 1182. *0 5* cis Ilc/xra? Imv irapijv arvvea-KeiHKrpevo'i. Xen. Cyr. iv. 5, 26. TavT (Ittiov di'ia-Tdpyjv ws axriwi'. Plat. Prot. 335 C (this might come under 31). So dveo-WjKrj w? €^ituv, ib. 335 D. Hapca-Kivd^fTo w? aTTiovo-a. Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 13. So Thcc. vi. 63. 31. In the optative and infinitive not in indirect discourse, and I 85] IMPERFECT 11 often in the participle, the same forms of ct/xt are used as ordinary presents. E.g. OvSev dv Sidifyopov ttolol, aAA' cVt ravrov tote v. Plat. Rep. 360 C. El TToAc/xios Tot. Ib. 415 E. See tot in Rep. 490 B, in a peculiar indirect quotation. "Otc tot. Id. Tim. 78 C. In Xen. An. i. 3, 1, after uvai as future (30), we have i/Bid^ero Ikvai and ijp^aro it poikv at. E^ov ain-(o clo-LOVTL ck rds ot*ctas (rvyyiyvea-Oat oro) /Joi'AoiTO. Plat. Rep. 360 C. *A7rorp€7r6p€vo^ 6 drjp Kal Bid tov crco/xaTos l^w lioK Id. Tim. 79 C. So Ant. v. 78, vi. 45. In the subjunctive and imperative there can of course be no special future sense in these verbs. 32. In animated language the present often refers to the future, to express UkeWwod, intention, or danger. E.g. Et avrrj i) TroAts XrjfftOip-CTat, I^CTat rj irdcra StKcAta, if this city shall he captured, all Sicily is (at once) in their possession. Thdc. vi. 91. Mevopev ctos dv €Ka(TTOL KaTa ttoAci? \r]6Mp.€V ; shall we wait until we are each captured, city by city? Id. vi. 77. Et 8e rj(TLv ovtos, SeL^dru) Kal irapaa-xkcrdio^ Kdyio KaTa^aiVw, and I will take my seat. Dem. xix. 32. So aTroAAvynai, I am to perish, Lys. xii. 14. For a similar use of the perfect, see 51. (See also 61.) 33. {Historic Present.) The present is often used in narration for the aorist, sometimes for the imperfect, to give a more animated statement of past events. This is called the historic present. E.g. Boi'A>;v CTTiTc^ VttTat oroj? /x>) dXia-QeUv * AOi^vatoi, he contrives a plan to prevent the Athenians from assembling. Hdt. i. 63. KcAct'ct TTipxpat. avhpa/yy€tAa. Ibid. IloTepov ravra irdvra ttolmv i)^lk€l Kal TrapeaTroi'Set Kal ekvc TtjV €ipi]vy^v rj ov; in doing all these things was he acting unjustly and breaking the peace, etc.? Id. xviii. 71 ; see also ib. 69. (Compare ryv dpyjvrjv €Xv(T€ Ta TrXola Xa/3(ov, of the event, ib. 73.) IlapiXO^v ^'^l P^!^'"'*^! Bi'fai'Ttois yj^Lov o-r/XTToAe/xcu'. Ib, 87. 'Y/xct"? yap ravT €7rpaTTCTe, Kal ravra iraa-iv vplv ypeorKiv (of a course of action). Id. xix. 1 89. 'KireL^i) yap itXiu \)Xvi'Oov *tAi7rros\ 'OAiWia €7rotci, et? 0€ rijv uvcnav Trarra? Tor? r€\viras fTvi'i]yay€v. Ib. 192. Kn-a TOT ovK cAeycs Trapaxpi}p.a ravra oi'5* iSiSairKe^ yfia^ ; did you then not tell this at mice on the spot, or instruct iis ? Ib. 25. The same action (as in the last two exam})les) could easily have been mentioned, without reference to its continuance, as a mere event. For the relations of the imperfect to the aorist, see 56. 36. The imperfect, like the present (25), sometimes denotes (Attempted action, being here strictly an imperfect tense. So especi- ally eSiSovu and tTrnOov. E,g. {^iXnnros) "^AXovvr^a-ov iSlSov, Philip offered Halonnesus (lit. tried to give it). Ab:schin. iii. 83. "EKao-To? eireiOiv avriv iVoo-Tr'Jmi t>> dpXy'jv, each one tried to persuade him to undertake the c&inmnnd. Xen. An. vi. 1,19. Kr/xtt icrrar dctpo/xcroi', Kara 8' yp€€ ITr/Acaom, and was about to ovcrpou-er the son of Peleus. II. xxi. 327. 'Eyxio-^o?To Trap ovk U^L^ovro^ ri)v avXijv, he tried to hire the yard of one who refused to let it. Hdt. i. 68. likpxpavre^ is ^dpSis xpi^ov wi'coi'to, they sent to Sardis^aTid wanted to buy gold. Hdt. i. 69. 'E7r€6^r/x>/o-€ ri^js xAai'/So?, Kal avrtjv TrpocriXOiov wi'ceTo, he took a fancy (aor.) to the cloak, and tried to buy it. Hdt. iii. 139. "A €7rpda-(r€ro ovk iyevcro, what was attempted did not happen. Thuc. vi. 74. So Trpou-criOii, she icanted to add, Ar. Nub. 63. 37. When the present has the force of the perfect (27), the imperfect has regularly the force of a plui)erfect E.g. O o^Aos Kara Okav iJk€v^ the crowd had came to look on. Thuc. vi. 31. K-n-el iox€o vr)l Ilt-Aor^e, after thou wast gone by ship to Pylos, Od. xvi. 24. 38. The imperfect sometimes denotes likeliJmd, intention, or danger in past time (see 32). E.g. 'EttciSi; t(o xfevSio-Oac dirtoXXvro, when he ivas on the point of ruin through his deceit. Ant. v. 37. Kai rap! eOvyo-Kc rUv, diroiXXvpy^v 8' lyu), and my children were about to die, and'l icas about to perish. EuB. H. F. 538. 'EKaLv6p,r]v ^l(J)€Lj I was to be slain, Id. I. T. 27. 39. The imperfect >> (generally with apa) may express a fact which is just recognised as such by the speaker or writer, having pre^viously been denied, overlooked, or not understood. E.g. *12 yoTTot, OVK dpa Trdvra vo/jpoves ovSe SiKaLoi ycrav ^anjKoyv rjyy^- ropesySk piSovres, i.e. they are not, as I once imagined. Od. xiii. 209. Ovk dpa povvov hjv ipiSiov yevos, dXX* inl yalav dcrl 5rw, there is not after all merely^ one race of discords, but there are tiro on earth. Hes. Op. 1 1. "06' 7; V dpa. 6 ^^vXXa^MV p€, thi.<> is then the one icho seized me. Soph. Ph. 978. Ov ah /xoVo? dp yaO' €7ro^; are you not then the only epops{as I thought)? Ar. Av. 280. ^Ap or To5e i)v to ^^v^pov, €Jy€? ypds ; is not this then the tree to which you ivere brinfiinq us ? Plat. Phaedr. 230 A. Other imperfects are rare ; as ymcrrw, Xen. Hell, iii 4, 9. 40. In like manner the imperfect may express something which is the result of a previous discussion, with reference to which the past form is used. This is sometimes called the philosophic imperfect. E.g. ''H V y poi^iKy dyria-rpocfios rys yvpvaa-riKrjS, el pepvyo-at, music then {as ice proved) corresponds, if you remember, to gymnastics. Plat. Kep. 522 A. Kal SiKaiov 8y ijiycropev dvSpa elvai tw avro) rpoiro), bmep Kal ttoXls yv SiKaia, and now we shall say that \ man is just in the same way in which also a state was (shown to be) just. Ib. 441 D. Ai- atfiOcpovpev Ik^vo, o no p\v SiKaio) /SeXriov kylyvero, ro) Sc dSUo) dirioXXvro, we shall destroy that which (as we proved) becomes better by justice and is ruined by injustice. Plat. Crit. 47 D. 41. The Greek sometimes uses an idiom like the English he was the one who did it {ov he is the one who did it; as yv 6 ryv yva>pyv ravryv eliTiov Ucla-av^pos, Thuc. viii. 68; Tts yv 6 PoyOya-as rols Bv^avriois Kal a-waas avrovs ; Dem. xviii. 88. Pekfect and Pluperfect. 42. The perfect represents an action as already finished at the 2wcscnt time ; as r^e^pa(f>a, I have tvritteii (that is, mij writing is noiv finished). 43. The pluperfect represents an action as already finished at a given past time ; as iyeypdcfyeiv, I had written (that is, 7)} J/ ivriting was finished at some specified past time). 44. The perfect, although it implies the performance of the action 14 THE TENSES [45 52j PERFECT AND PLUPERFECT INDICATIVE 15 W r » in past time, yet states only that it stands completed at the jyresent time. This explains why the perfect is classed with the present as a primary tense, that is, as a tense oi present time. 45. The perfect and the pluperfect may be expressed by the perfect participle with the present and imperfect of €t>i. Here, however, each part of the compound generally retains its own signification, so that this form expresses more fully the con- tinuance of the result of the action of the perfect to the present time, and of that of the pluperfect to the past time referred to E.g. ncTToiT^KaJs l(TTLV (oF i)v\ he u (oF wos) in the condition of having done,— he has done^ (or had^ done). 'E/xou oi vofjLOL ov fiovov dweyvio- k6t€S elo-i firj aStKftV, aAAa Kal kckc AcvKOTf s ravrrjv r^v SUrjv \afif3di^€iv, it is the laws which not only have acquitted me of injustice, but have^ cominanded me to inflict this punishment. Lys. i. 34. 'ErdA/xa \€y€iv 0)9 cyw to Trpdyfi clp.1 toCto ScSpaKws, he dared to say that I was the one who had done this deed. Dem. xxi. 104. In Dem. xviii. 23, oih-c yap y)v Tr^fcr^cm irpos ovSeva aTrco-ra A/xcVi; t6t€ twi/ *EA- \rjv(ov means for tfiere icas wo embassy then out on a mission to any of the Greeks; whereas aTrctrraAro would have given the meaning no embassy had ever been sent out (see 831). This of course does not apply to cases where the compound form IS the only one in use, as in the third person jdural of the perfect and pluperfect passive and middle of mute and liquid verbs. 46. On the other hand, although the simple form very often implies the continuance of the result of the action down to the present time or to a specified past time, it does so less distinctly than the com- pound form^and not necessarily (see the last two examples below), i'.^. 'Etti/xcAws ot Oeol &v oi dvOpuiiroL ^kovTaL kotco-kc v a/cao-ii', the Gods have carefully provided what men need. Xen. Mem. iv. 3, 3 Twi/ iroirjTQ>VTLv^S inroSr'jKas (1,9 XRV Cv^ KaraUXoUa^LV, soiiuof the poeU have left us suggestions how to live. Isoc. ii. 3. 'AKyjKoa p.h rorn'ofia fivrj/xov€vu> S' ov, I have heard the name, but I do not remember it Plat Theaet. 144 B. "A o-ot Tvxrj Kc'xpr^Kc, raur' d€i\€To, Fortune ha's taken back what she has lent you. Men. Fr. 598. 47. "Exto with the aorist and sometimes the perfect participle may form a periphrastic perfect (831). In tragedy and in Herodotus this is often fully equivalent to our ]>eifect with have; elsewhere, esjjecially m Attic prose, the participle and €xa> ai-e more or less distinct in their force. Still, this is the beginning of the modern jK^rfect E.g. UoLi^ (Tvv c>y(o TOUT dw^LXyu-a'i €X€l^; have you made this threat? Soph. O. C. 817. Tbv pXv irpoTia-a^, rov 8* art/zao-as ("x^ * ; Id. ff^* u h^^^^ ^^ ^^' -^T^V ''P^y''^ da-KOTTov €X€i TT^pdva^. Id. Aj! 21. avbaTo yap rai-r, ovSc ttco Xi)^avr c'xct, i.e. tfie story has not yet ceased to be told Id. O. T. 731; see Tr. 37, TapfiijiraiT €X€ vvv dTLfMda-a^ i^x^'- EuR. Med. 33; see ib. 90. "A/kws T€ fwtpav fi€Ta\aPu)v €xct nvd. Id. Bacch. 302. 2oG Oavfidcras I vcu ToSe. Soph. Ph. 1362 ; so Plat. Phaedr. 267 C (in poetic language). Ota fioL /3€tdov\€VKio's cx«'- Soph. O. T. 701 (after o-rvyo-as ^xct? in 699). "Oo-Ti? y €X€t fxov '^apirda-a^ to TraiSlov, whoever has S7iatched away (though here cxet may mean keeps). Ar. Th. 706 EyKAyVao-' €X€L rd inria. Id. Eccl. 355. 'Yirlp rCyv *EAA>}i/ot€/>u>i/ /.c rovn^v diroKXr^Uas €xcts. Id. 1. 37; so i. 41. 'AXa^ovt cVtrpeVai^re? i}yoteas ai^rok €Xo^€v, we have entrusted ourselves, etc. Id. vi. 12. IIoAAa XPW^ra €xop.€v avrjpiraKOT s. Xex. An. i. 3, 14 (here exo/xei/ expresses possession). See Thuc. i. 68 ; Dem. ix. 12, xxvii. 17. The beginning of this usage appears in Hes. Op. 42 : Kpv\favT€S ydp exova-t Oeol /3iov dvepuiirota-t. 48. Y.ixov or l^xov with the participle may form a periphrastic pluperfect in tlie same way (47). E.g. "Ov y ci\oi/ i)8i^ xf^^^o^ cK^e^A^KOTCS. SoPH. Ph. 600 See Hdt. i. 28, 73, and 75 ; Xen. An. iv. 7, 1. 49. {(i) The perfect of many verbs has the signification of a present, which may usually be explained by the peculiar meaning of the verbs. Thus duyo-Kciv, to die, r^Ovi^Kkvai, to he dead ; KaX- ctV, /o call, KeKXifa-OaL, to be called or m7ned ; yiyv^ndai, to become, y€yov€vai, to be; p^ipvya-Kciv, to remind, fiep^vyo-Oai, to remember]- €l8^vai, to hlOW ; ^ liTTdvai, to J)lace, ka-rdvat, to stand. So f^ef^rjKevat, to stand; lyv^K^vai, to hiow ; 7)/>t '^aTo, 8* 6(f)6a\fj.iov Ke^vr* (ixAis. II. V. 696. "AAAot 8c i^yc/xdi/as €Xovt€S (o/a/xcaro cTTt TO Ipovy i.e. they were on their way (at once). Hdt. viii. 35 ; see ix. 61. For the gnomic perfect, see 154 and 155. AORIST. 53. The aorist indicative expresses the simple occurrence of an action in past time ; as eypayjra, I mrote. 54. This fundamental idea of simple occurrence remains the essential characteristic of the aorist through all the dependent moods, however indetinite they may he in regard to time. The aorist tikes its name (tto/9tcrTos, unlimited, unqualified) from its thus denoting merely tlie occurrence of an action, without any of the limitations (opoi) as to completion, continuance, repetition, etc., which belong to other tenses. It corresponds to the ordinary preterite (e.g. did, went, said) in English, whereas the Greek imperfect corresponds generally to the forms / was doing, etc. Tlius, kirotei rovro is he was doing this or he did this habitually; 7r€7rotr/KC tovto is he has already done this; €7rc7rotiyK€i Tofro is he had alreadij {at some past time) done this; but errooytrc TovTo is simply he did this, without qualification of any kind. 55. The aorist of verbs which denote a state or condition generally expresses the entrance into that state or condition. IJ.g, JiacriXevM, I am king, c^acrtAciva, I became king; ci/)Xw, I hold office, yp^a, I took office; ttXovtm, iirXovryrra, I became rich. Ty dXijOeii^ (rVVMK€t Kal OuScTTW KUt Tl]fl€pOV ttTToAcAoiTTCl'* (xAAtt TTtt^tt ^MVTO's TipLoKpuTov^s €K€LV(^ (TV vy (76, shc was his wife in good faith, and has not yet even to this day been divorced; but she went to live with him from Timocrates while T. \cas still living. Dem. xxx. 33. 56. The aorist is distinguished from the imperfect by ex- pressing only the occurrence of an action or the entrance into a state or condition, while the imperfect properly represents an action or state as going on or as repeated. See the examples of the imperfect and aorist in 35, and compare o-wmkcl and (ri'i'MKijo-c in Dem. xxx. 33 (in 56). The aorist is therefore more common in rapid narration, the imperfect in detailed description. It must be remembered that the same event may be looked upon from different points of view by the same person ; thus in Dem. xviii. 71 and 73 (quoted in 35) eXve ryv elpyvyv and Tnjv elpyvyv cAitrc refer to the same thing, once as an act in progress, and once as a fact accomplished. No amount of duration in an act, therefore, 57] AORIST INDICATIVE 17 can make the aorist an improper form to express it, provided it IS stated as a smgle past event viewed as a whole. Thus kBacri- Aci^e 8^Ka try (see Hdt. ii. 157) means he had a reign often years, (winch IS viewed as a single past event), while ipaalXev. 8Ua hy might refer to the same reign in the sense he was reigning during ten years. The aorist may refer even to a series of repetitions but It takes them collectively as a whole, while the imperfect would take them separately as individuals. See Dem. xviii bO /.era ravra 8', rohs d7rcxrT6Xovs ^ravra? direaretXa, and afterwards I sent out all the naval armaments; and xviii 60 d ah Trph rod noXcreve^Oat Kal 8y^yyop,lv Ip^l rrpoiXap, Kal /ca'r.Vve X<,ey. If the orator had wished to dwell on the number of the advantages or failures, or on their duration he could have used the imperfect. See the last example under 35. 57. Since the same event may thus be stated by the aorist or the imperfect according to the writer's point of view, it is natural that It should occasionally be a matter of indifference which form IS used, especially when the action is of such a nature that It IS not important to distinguish its duration from its occurrence l^or example, this distinction can seldom be important in such expressions as lie said, he commanded; and we find tXeyov and ^K,X,vov in the historians where no idea of duration can have been m mmd. See o^ 8' lKkX.v6v re .V.e.a., Kal napeX06.res ot A^7,mtot eXeyov Totd8e, Thuc. i. 72, followed, at the end of the speech m 79, by rca^a 5^ ol 'AOyvacoc ,t^ov and 'Apxi8apLo, € A€f € rocaSc. In such cases as the following (cited with others by Kruger) it was not imj)ortant to the namtive whether the idea of duration Avas included in the expression or not : ^a'AAcro and pdXero, II. ii. 43 and 45 ; OyKev and rlOu, xxiii. 653 and 6o6 ; 8ioK€ and 8l8ov, vii. 303 and 305 ; eXiTrev and AetTrc, ii. 106 and 107; compare also fxi^rvXXov with eVct^av, c^^irrycrav, and eptHTayro, i. 465 and 466. In all these cases the fundamental distinction of the tenses, which was inherent in the form remained ; only it hapi)ened that either of the two distinct forms expressed the meaning which was here needed equally well. It must not be thought, from these occasional examples, that the Greeks of any period were not fully alive to the distinction of the two tenses and could not use it with skill and nicety. But the Greeks, like other workmen, did not care to use their finest tools on every occasion ; and it is often necessary to remember this if we would avoid hair-splitting. C 18 THE TENSES [58 58. The aorist, expressing simply a past occurrence, is sometimes used where we should expect a perfect or pluperfect, the action being merely referred to the past without the more exact specification which these tenses would give. E.g. Tdv oIk€tiov ovSiva KarcAtTTCV, dAA' aTravra 7r€7r/)aK€i', he {has) left none of the servants, but has sold everything. Aeschin. i. 99. 'ETpdirovTo €S Toi' ndvopfioVf oOivirep dvqydyovTo, they turned towards Panormus, whence they {had) set sail. Thuc. ii. 92. Kipov Sk fi€TaTr€fjLTr€TaL aTTo Tv}? dpx^]"* >?? auToi' (TaTpdTnjv €7roiri(T€V, from the dominion of which he {had once) made him satrap. Xen. An. i. 1, 2. 59. The aorist is generally used with eVct or cVciS?/, after that, the aorist with the j>article being eiiuivalent to our ijluperfect. So after €(os and irpiv, until. E.g. 'EttciSt) cTeAcrT>/o-€ Aa/Dcios Kut Karea-Tif *A/iTa^cp^7;?, after Darius {had) died and Artaxerxes had become established. Xen. An. i. 1, 3. Ov TTpoa-Oev l^eveyKelv iToXfiijaav Trpos ijfids ttoAc/xov' rrplv Tor-j (rrpa- Trjyois y)iJLU)v (rvviXapov, they did not dare to bring war upon us until they {had) seized our generals. lb. iii. 2, 29. But the pluperfect may still be used after cVci or cVciS?), to give additional emphasis to the doubly past action; as in Dem. xviii. 42, cVciSt) i^ijirdTija-Oe p,€v I'/xeis, €^r]Trdri]VTO ^ ol *i*u)K€LS kuI dvypijVTO al ttoAcis, Tt cycvcTO ; So in Latin we have generally postquam venit, but occasionally postquam venerat. 60. Tlie aorist is sometimes used colloquially by the poets (especially the dramatists), when a sudden action, which is just taking place, is spoken of as if it had already happened. E.g. 'Eirrjvca-* tpyov Kal Trpovoiav ijv Wov, I must approve your act, etc. Soph. Aj. 536. "Ho-Oijv direiXals, lykXaaa ^oAoKo/x7rtat§, / am amused by your threats, I cannot help laughing, etc. Ar. Eq. G96. 61. Tlie aorist sometimes refers vividly to the future, like the present (32) or jx^rfect (51); as a7rtuAo/x7;v ci /xc Xu\p€t. 1.J52. So in tlie common imprecation.! „V-. A av€pov ttoiiJo-ctc, KUL firjSejxLav aiVois aSctav 8wcr€TC. Lys. xxix. 13. Sevov dSiKif- o-eis fir]8eTroT€ Kciipov \a/3iov. Men. Mon. 397. So probably or o-iya; fiijSev Ti7)v8' €p€LS Kara tttoXlVj silence! say nothing of all this in the city. Aesch. Sept. 250. 71. The future sometimes denotes a present intention, ex- pectation, or necessity that something shall l)e done, in which sense the periphrastic form with /xcAAw (73) is more common. Kg. Tt 8ta<^c/30i'o-t Tiov c^ dvdyKijS KaKOTraOovvTUii'y cf yc Tr€LVij(TOV(TL Kal Sixf/ya-ovarL Kal piyi]a-ova-L kol dypvTrvi](Tov(Ti; if they are to endure humjer and thirst, etc. Xen. Mem. ii. 1, 17. (Here ci /xcAAovo-t TTfti'TJi/ Kal 8i\f7]v, etc., would be more common, as in the last example uu.ler 73.) Atp€ TrAfyKTpoi', €l /xaxct, raise your spur, if you are yoiug to fight. Ar. Av. 759. The distinction between this and the ordinary future (63) i.s important in conditional sentences (see 407). 72. A still more emphatic reference to a present intention is found in the question ti Ac^ets; what do you mtan to say? often found in tra^'edv; as o)/xoi, Tt Ae^tis; tJ yap iyyvs €(ttl ttov ; EuR. Hec. 1124. So Hei. 511, 712 ; Hipp. 353 ; Ion. 1113; Soph. Ph. 1233. For the future in protasis, see 447 and 407 ; in relative clauses expressing a purpose, 565 ; with ar, 196 ; with ov fir), 294-301. 73. (MeXXw with the Infinitive.) A periphrastic future is formed by fxiXXco and the present or future (seldom the aorist) intiiiitive. This form sometimes denotes mere futurity, and sometimes intention, expectation, or necessity. E.f/. McAAct Torro -rrpaTTeiv (or Trpa^civ), he is about to do this, or he intends to do this. So in Latin, facturtis est for facid. Mc A Aw vjiCi's 8i6af c i v COtv fioL i) 8ia/?oA7; yeyove. Plat. Ap. 21 B. OrKoPv Soicr^i to? ToiovToi' Tii'os del iTTia-raTov, ci /acAAci i) TroAiTcta (roSfco-^at ; if the constitution is to be preserved. Plat. Rep. 412 A. (See 71.) 74. Although the present and the future infinitive were preferred with /xeAAw (73), the aorist was still used by some writers, as by Euripides. See Aesch. Prom. 625 (/xc'AAw TraOilv) ; Eiii. Ion. 80 {pkXXoi Ti-xftv), 760 {davilv /x€AAo>\ El. 17 (yxeAAorra Oavelv), Phoen. 300 (yxcAActs ^lyctv) ; — where the metre allows no change. 75. The future infinitive with /xcAAco forms the only regular exception to the general principle which restricts the use of the future infinitive to indirect discourse (see ^Q ; 112)- 76. The imperfect (seldom the aorist) of /i«AA(o with the infinitive expresses past intention, exj^ectation, or necessity. E.g. 821 FUTURE PERFECT 21 KtVAc^, ovK dp* c>cAA.5 a.a'A..So, d.Spis haipov, l6>.a. eV i^r tfrirsr^r^f^''^'^ f '^ "> ^^- (^^- ^^^ od.i.. \ \^ ^- ^^/^^XXov a- dpa KLini(T€kv cvw / thounht T should start you off. AR^Nub. 1301. ^ELrdr.]. Xaplu^ I Sil avTio KaXio T€ Kdyad^ TTooyo-etJ/. Plat Ad 20 A 4^ A i Future Perfect. 77. The future perfect denotes that an action will be already finished at some future time. It is thus a perfect translerred to the future. IJ.(^. ei'Wery. ^ap .;xoi duay^ypdr^ec, you niU have ben enrolled C^l KeKAaro-erat, crv S .y^av^v reOin^et,, I shall then have had nn, ^chippingsfor nothing, a^ai you will have died grinning. Ar. Nub 1435 .cZl' J^X^''^'''^ ^'"'^"'^ ^^^'" ^""^^'^ ^^^ continuance of an action, or the permanence of its results, in future time £ q Svvaficv, .), i, diScou roi, eV.y.y.o/xeVo., ^.>J;x>; KaraXeXec- Truc"'ii'"67' fr ""'^^V^ f''' ""'' '' ''^' '' ourUrity /t . ;•. IHUC. 11. 64. (Compare 105.) 1,..?;.'^^ ^"""■'. '""■^'''^' sometimes denote.s certainty or like'i- hoo,l that an actio,, ,vill immedia/el,, take j.lace, wliioli i, La . still more vividly expressed by the perfect (51). Kg ^^\v,r„a,, „n the present fear will be at ome distilled. Dkm Z' -^ r,.A,w tli / '^"^' "u, '^^'^/'"^^"t' ^K< ««'< it shall %, „: sooner ^nd than done An. Plut. 1027. E.W, 'Apcalo, dd,„rrnf,, 80. The future perfect can he expressed by the perfect participle and .Vo/..„. In the active voice this is the only form m use, except in a few cases (chiefly ^.r-Jfo. and r.O,.',^,.,). ^ Kg. 81. A .similar oircumlorution with the aorist participle an.l .Voua. IS sometnnes fou.i.I, es,«ciallv in the p.«t8 Kg '^ c. s'ltTT^r:? at" L^lT"- ^- ''• ^^^•'- ^-"^''^- -"• ««-■ 0- 82. ■n-hen the perfect is used in the sense of a present (49), the 22 THE TENSES [83 future perfect is its regular future ; as K€KX-q(rofiai, /i€/iv//o-o/xat, de- (TTYi^io, I shall he named, I shall remember , I shall withdraw, etc. 83. In many other verbs, the future perfect differs very slightly, if at all, from an ordinary future. Thus 7rc7r/jacro/xat is the regular future passive of TrnrpdcTKio. Still, where there is another future, the future perfect is generally more emphatic. 84 It must be remembered that, in most cases in which the Latin or the English would use a future perfect in a dependent clause the Greek uses an aorist or even a perfect subjunctive. (See 90 and 103, with the examples.) II. TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 85. The distinctions of time which mark the various tenses in the indicative are retained when the optative and infinitive represent the indicative in indirect discourse, and usually m the participle. But in other constructions these distinctions of time disappear in the dependent moods, and the tenses here differ only in their other character of denoting the conhnmnce, the completion, or simply the occwrence of an action (20). ^he in- finitive with av is not included in this statement (see Chap, ill.) The tenses in these two uses must, therefore, be discussed separately. A. NOT IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 86. In the subjunctive and imperative, and also in the optative and infinitive not in indirect discourse (6G6 ; 684), the tenses chicly used are the present and the aorist. The perfect is used here only when the completion of the action is to be emphasized (see 102-110). For the occasional future, see 111-113; 130-132. Present and Aorist. 87. The present and aorist here differ only in this, that the present expresses an action in its duration, that is, as going on or repeated, while the aorist expresses simply its occurrence, the time of both tenses being otherwise pre- cisely the same. Kg. 'E^v 7roi>5 toCto, if he shall be doing this, or if he shall do this^ (habitiuilly) ; ^ €av TrotZ/crr; toiVo, (simply) if he sfudl do^^^^'^' TToeot'i, TovTo, if he should be doing this, or if he shoidd do this {hahtu- h. 89] PRESENT AND AORIST SUBJUNCTIVE AND IMPERATIVE 23 r/^^2-; '1,^^*^^^^^^ TOVTO, if }^ shoukl do this; ttoUl rodro, do this {habitually)'^ TroLrjcrov rovro, do this. Oi^no VLK,]^aLfj.[r' iyio Kal vofiL(oifi,Y '^'''^^^' '''' ^^"^ cowrfi^io7i may I gain the victory (aor.) and becomid^red (pres.) u^e. Ar. Nub. 520. BoAcra. rovro noJv he u>uhes to do this (habitually) ; PovXercu rovro ^otij^ac, (simply)' /t. unsh^s to do this. For otlier examples see below. This is a distinction entirely unknown to the Latin, wliich has (for example) only one form, si faciat, corresponding to d iroiol,, and d rrotyo-ecev, and only/«cere to correspond to both Trocetv and ;ro.^(rat (as used above). ' 88. It is sometimes difficult here, as in the corresponding case of the imperfect and the aorist indicative (56 ; 57), to see any decisive reason for preferring one tense to the other ; and it can hardly be doubted that the Greeks occasionally failed to make use of this as well as of other fine distinctions, when either form would express the required sense equally well, although they always had the distinction ready for use when it was needed. Compare the present and the aorist subjunctive and optative in the following examples :— ^ Kav ydp ri ;6c. acvyat KaKov TreTronjK^, f.yjS', fSovXr^OeU, ov Kal a-v of.o\oyya.c, f^ySev inr* e/xoG dScKd^Oac ; if I shall appear (aor.) to have done you any wrong, and if I shall appear (pres.) to have done you no wrong. Xen. Cyr v. 5, 13. E.' i^lv fap rrpocrS^^a^ro Ja. L\r]V h TrarpiSa yatai', let us all be persuaded; let us fly ^ etc. II. ii. 139. Tt w; ri Spu) ; what shall I say ? ivhat shall I do? Ilws ovv irepl tovtvjv 7roto>- fi€v ; how then shall we act about this 1 Plat. Phil. 63 A. *KvaXoyL(T 0)^.^6 a ra iofio\oyijp€va r)fiiVf let us enumerate the paints which have been coriceded by us. Plat. Prot. 332 D. MijBtv ol3r]6rjs,fear not. But pyScv s av cV aAAov €xu)fi€v (TTpaTtviO-Oai^ (rod T€ Kal Twi' o-wv d€^6p.€da, and if there shall be war, so long as we shall be able, etc. Xen. Hell. iv. 1, 38. 'AAA' 7; av yLyv^a-Kio^PeXTiara €/3(o, but I will speak as I shall think best. Thuc. vi. 9. OCs av (SovXy ironjo-aaOat €pij^ it seems good to me to burn the wagons, that our beasts of burden may not be our generals, and that ice may go on whithersoever it may be best for the army. Xen. An. iii. 2, 27. Kat yap /Sao-iAcis alpeirai, oi'x n'a lavrov KttAtus eTTi/xeATJTai, dAA' iva Kal ol ekopivoi Si avTov €v irpdrTitxri, Xen. Mem. iii. 2, 3. AcSoiKa fiy eTTLXaOiofiiOa tt)? oiKaFie oSor, I fear lest we may forget the road home. Xen. An. iii. 2, 25. Atai'ociTat ai*T))i' AiVat, (US fiy Sta^>JT€ dAA' d7ro\y€ry€, begone; x<*'/^oi'T(ui', let them rejoice; py voiii^ere, do not believe. EtVt /xot, tell me ; S6t€ poi tovto, give me this. ^€v86viiv Tis fiot 8oT(o, let some one give me a sling. Ar. Av. 1187. 90] PRESENT AND AORIST SUBJUNCTIVE 25 90. When the aorist subjunctive depends on iircLSdv (or i-Trdv, cV^/i'), after that, it is referred by this meaning of the particle to time preceding the action of the leading verb, so that eTreiSdv tovto iSu), 7/^(0 means after I (shall) have seen this, I will come ; and cVctStti/ TOVTO iSo), aTrepxofjiaij after I have seen this, I (always) depart. In such cases it may be translated by our future perfect when the leading verb is future, and by our perfect when the leading verb denotes a general truth and is translated by the present. As the subjunctive here can never depend upon a verb of simply present time, it can never refer to time absolutely past ; and we use the perfect indicative in translating such an aorist after a verb expressing a general truth, merely because we use the present in translating the leading verb, although this is properly not present but general in its time. In like manner, after eV, irplv, and other particles signifying uiUil, before that, and even after the relative pronoun or Idv, the aorist subjunctive may be translated by our future perfect or perfect, when the context shows that it refers to time preceding that of the leading verb. E.g. Xpi) Se^ orav fiev riOycrOi tois I'o/xoi's, oiroioi nvk elcn o-KOirelv^ €Tr€tSdv 0€ Oijo-Oi, (PvXdTT€Lv Kal \p?nrOai, while you are enacting laws, you must look to see of what kind they are; but after you have enacted them, you must guard and use tJiem. Dem. xxi. 34. (Here the present TLOijo-Oe witli orav^ while, refei-s to an action continuing througli the time of the leading verb ; but OijirOe witli eVei^di', afdr that, refers to time past relatively to the leading verb.) TaiTa, e-rreLSdv irepl rov ykvov^i ctTTw, TOTC, dv PovXijcrOc ttKorcii/, €^w, wlien I shall hare spoken about my birth, then, if you desire to hear, I will speak of these things. Dem. Ivii. 16. (Here the aorist ciVw, though absolutely future, denotes tjme^s^ with reference to epo.) 'Kir^i^dv SiaTrpd^oifxai a 6eo/xat, 7/^0), when I shall have accomplished what I desire, I will come. Xen. An. ii. 3, 29. *E7r€i8av Sc Kpv^iDirt yy, dvyp ypi]pkvo/Tat to o-Katjio^, totc xp) TrpoOvpov^ eivuL' eTreiSdv Se y OdXarra virepcrxy, fJ-draLos y (TirovSy, as long as the vessel remains in safety (present) ; hit the moment that ' the sea has overwhelmed it (aorist). Dem. ix. 69. "Eoj? dv iKfidOy^, €X tATTiSa, until you have learnt fulhj, have hope. Soph. 0. T. 834. Mta Sc Kkivy K€in] €peTai tC)V d(f)avi7)v, ol dv fxy ivpeOojo-LV h dvaip€a-iv, and one bier is always carried empty, in honour of the missing, whose bodies are not (have not been) found. Thuc. ii. 34. AiavociTat, a av dAAoi ry dpery KaraTTpd^imrt, Tovrmv Icropoipdv ; i.e. lie thinks of haling an equal share in those things ichich otliers by their valour have acquired? Xen. Cyr. ii. 3, 5. UdvO* 6V dv Ik iroXejiov ytyvofievyi €ipyvy^ TrpoeOyj, ravra T0Letween the perfect and aorist 8ul>junctive : — '^Oi' fi€v av iSrj dyvMTa (6 kvmv)^ ^aAcTratVef ov 8* av yvtopifiov (tSy), acTTTa^cTai, kolv prjSkv Trturrore itt airrov ayaOov Tmrovdriy whomsoever he sees irhom he knows, he fawnA upon, even if he has hitherto received no kindness from him. Plat. Rep. 376 A. Compare this with kav dyaSov Tt TrdOy vtto tivos, ao-TrafcTai, if he ever hajypens to receive any fdndness from any one, he always fawns upon him; and iireiSav dyaOov Tt irdOy, do-Trafcrai, after he has received any kindnesSy he always fawns upon him. 92. The present subjunctive with pi] or ottw? py after verbs of fearing^ though it generally refers to a future ol)ject of fear, may also denote what may hereafter prove to be an object of fear. IJ.g. AeSotKa pi] dXtfOe'i 7)7 ^ fi^^ i^ may prove true. Dem. ix. 1. Acirw? d9vp.C), /x>) pXiTTiov 6 /xai'Tis tJ, lest the prophet may prove to have his sight (cf. the following Seii^eL^ Se fidXXov). Soph. 0. T. 747 ; so Ant 1114. "Opa pi] Trepl rot? c/hAtutois Ki'^crys, beware lest it may prove that you are staking tchat is dearest. Plat. Prot. 314 A. "Opa OTTO)? py] Trapd 86^av opoXoyys. Id. Crit 49 C. In all these cases the present indicative would be required if the object of fear were really present (369, 1). Compare the examples of the perfect subjunctive in 103. 93. In a few passages of Homer the aorist subjunctive with py seems to express a similar fear that something may prove to have already happened ; as 5ct'6oiKa pij o-e Tra/jciVy, I fear it mxiy prove that she persuaded you, II. i. 555. So II. x. 98, pi] ko i/a >Jo- to i/t at drap XdOiovraiy and x. 538, Sci^oiKa pi] tl 7ra6^u>o-i, I fear lest it may prove that they have 7net some harm. The reference to the past here cannot come from any past force of the aorist subjunctive itself. but is probably an inference drawn from the context. As the later language w^ould use a perfect subjunctive in such cases, these aorists seem to be instances of an earlier laxity of usage, like the use of diroXoiTo K€ for both would have perished and would perish (440). In II. X. 537 there is a similar case of the aorist optative in a wish: at yap 81] u)S* dap Ik T/owwv kXaa-alaro pd)vv\a^ i7nrovopi]To) iwLa-TaLTOy ravTa (TO(f)o€p€LVy but if we neglected to bring anything, he always exhorted us to bring it. EuR. Ale. 755. Ovk aTrcActVcro crt avrov, ct py] tl dvayKaiov €ir]y he never left hiniy unless tliere was some necessity for it. Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 40. El cA^ot, Trdvr dv TSot, if he should go, Jw would see all. Et iXOoLy^ irdvO" kiapa, if ever {whenever) he went, he {alway.jAos ^]v iindvfiiov dpx€iv, ottcu? ttAciw XapiPdvoi, kinOvpCiV ^l TLp^dcrOaLy i'va irXitu) KC/aSatVof tAos T€ ifiovXeTo elvai tois /xcyio-ra SwajievoL^ iva dSiKiov /xr) SlSoiij Siki)V. Xen. An. ii. 6, 21. (Here the aorist optative would liave referred to single acts of receiving, getting gain, and suffering punishment, while tlie present refers to a succession of cases, and to a whole course of conduct.) '^Hv 6 4»iAi7r7ro? €v ^o/?a) jirj CK^vyot rd TrpdyfiaT auToi', Philip was in fear lest the control of affairs might escape him. Dem. xviii. 33. 95. The aorist optative with cttciS^ or €7rct, after that, is referred by the meaning of the particle to time preceding that of the leading verb, like the aorist subjunctive in 90 ; so that cVctS)) l^ol ainjiL means after he had seen he (always) went away. This gives the aorist in translation the force of a pluperfect. So after words meaning until, and in the other cases mentioned in 90. E.g. Ovs p-ev iSoL ciTctKTw? loi'Ttts, TU'cs T€ cUv ijpMTa, Kal cVei irv6oi.ro €Tryv€L, he asked any whom he saiv marching in good order, who they were; and after he had ascei'tained, he praised them. Xen. Cyr. v. 3, 55. llepLCfievofxcv ckcio-totc cws dvot\0€Lrj to Sio-fJuoTi^pLov cttciS^ 0€ dvoL\Oeiy]., ela-ijiifiev irapd tov ^(OKpdrr]., we waited each morning until the prison was opened (or had heen opened); and after it was opened, we went in to Socrates. Plat. Phaed. 59 D. In Plat. Kep. 331 C, ci rts XdfioL irapd ;^'os cu; (the equivalent of deposuerit) would have been more exact than Au/?ot in Greek (see 91). For a peculiar aorist optative in II. x. 537, see above (93, end). Infinitive. 96. A present or aorist infinitive (without av) not in in- direct discourse is still a verbal noun so far that it expresses no time except such as is implied in the context. Thus, when it depends on a verb of ^visJiiny or commanding or any other verb whose natural object is a future action, or when it expresses purpose, it is future without regard to its tense; as, in ^oyXofxat vlkclv (or viKijaai), I icish to he victorioits (or to gain victory), the infinitive expresses time only so far as the noun vIktjv would in ^ovKopLai vlktjv. Likewise, 96] PRESENT AND AORIST INFINITIVE 29 when the present or aorist infinitive (without ^v) has the article, except in the rare cases in which it stands in indirect discourse (794), it has no reference to time in itself; as in TO r^vi^ivai iiTLCTTriMv \aj3etv Icttlv, to learn is to ohtain knowledge, where yvcopac expresses time only as the noun yvcoac^i would in its place. Rg. "K^ea-rc phetv, it is possihle to remain, '^earai tovto iroulv, it will he possible to^do thu. ^Aeo^at Ve done u the duty of an adciser. Dem. i. 16. CETTLriadu d^o- fatiecreaL, and Trpdrrecv belong here ; but eTvat in both cases' is in indirect discourse, 1 17.) Oi5 TrAeo.c^m? ^veKev ratV ^Trpa^ev, dXXd Tj dcKatoT^pa Tov, e>//i(uor9 y vfms d^tovv, he did this not from lore of gain, hut hcause of the Thehans making juster demands than you Id '''■ ^^'^J'''''X'<^^'I ^^ 'AraAuVrv vnicro,, roG /x^) Xy a/crx/x^?, ovtu> Ll Tiov TToX^i^v rat? i'7r€^)exora-«t? Xv0,tpopevoy^, aAAa tov^ t€ cf^^vyovras $vvaXXd^ac cr^fn^c Kal t^v ' T^ov ISapjiapiov TToAc/xor KaraAiVat, asking thrm not to allow them to be destroyed, hut to bring their exiles to terms with them, and to put an end to the barbarisms' war. Thuc. i. 24. T^ ydp yvC>vai i7ncTr/,prju ttov Xafi^tv iiTTLv, to learn is to ohtain knowlrdr/e. Plat. Theaet. 209 E na»'T€9 Tci KaraAtTrcti' aiV(i Trdyrojy pdXtcTTa evyop^v, we all try nwst of all to avoid leaving them behind. Xex. Mem. ii. 2 3 Ou ydn Topy Xapeiv TdyaOd oi5to> yc x^iXeTriv [(TauTO€ l3oii6€LV, if before the destruction of the Fhocians you should vote to go to their assistance. Id. xviii. 33. Tas aiTia? irpovypaxpa, tou /i>/ Tti'tt fr/TT/o-ai ttotc e^ otou too-oGtos ttoAc/xos Kar€o-T7/, ^/i«< ?io 0716 wia?/ ei«r as^- ^Ae reason why, etc. Thuc. i. 23. l^ov xmlp toC /x>) yevio-OaL ravT dytjvuy tJie conted to prevent these from being done. Dem. xviii. 201. No account is here taken of the infinitive with av (204). 97. The distinction between the present and aorist infinitive is well illustrated by Aristotle, when he says of pleasure, Eth. x. 3, 4, rjcrSrivai pkv yap la-ri Ta^€(i)s OHnrep opyKTdijvai^ 7j6€(r6aL 8' oi', ovSe 7r/)os €T€pov ' f3aSi^€Lv Se kul av^eaOuL kul Trai'Ta to. roiavTa. pieTapdXXeiv p€V ovv ct's Tyv i)8ovijv Ta;(€a)S Kal /?/>u8co>s €0-tu', €V€py€iv Sk KttT avTijv ovK ecTTL Ta;^€(o-?, Acyw 8' {jSea-Oai. Jl'emay BECOME pleased (yja-dTJvaL) quickly, as we may get angry quickly ; but ue cannot be pleased {I'jSea-dai) quickly, even as com})ared with another person, althou'jh we can thus walk and grow and do such things. We may then change into a state of pleasure quickly or slowly, but we cannot actually enjoy the pleasure, I mean be pleased {I'jSea-OaL), quickly. So in Plat. Theaet. 155 C, Socrates says, dv€v tov yiyvea-Oai yevea-dat dSvvaTov (sc. c/ic cAuttw), i.e. without going through the process of f)ecoming {yLyvmOai) smaller, it is impossible for me to get {yevewOaL) smaller, 98. Xpdii), dvaip^u), ^ctTTTifw, and other verbs signifying to give an oracular response, generally take the present or the aorist infinitive, expressing the command or warning of the oracle, where we might expect the future in indirect discourse (135). These verbs here take the ordinary construction of verbs of commanding^ advising, and warning. E.g. Acycrai h\ ^AXKpaLuyvt tov 'AttoAAw ravnjv Ti;r yijv \pi)(Tai olK€iVy it is said that Apollo gave a response to Alcmaeon that he should inhabit this land (warned him to inhabit it). Thuc. ii. 102. Xpu)p€vq} Si Tw KrAwi't dvelXev 6 ^co? ev rrj toG A109 tt; piyifTTi] ^oprrj KaraXafScLv ryv ^AO^p'auoi' aKpoTroAir, that he should seize. Id. i. 126. *EK€')(^pijTo yap roia-i 2l7rapTi>yT7/crt, 1) AaKeSaipova avaa-ra- Tov y€V€cr6aL i) toi' ^atrtAca a-€ii)i' dTToXearOaL. Hdt. vii. 220. E'^co-TTio-c Ko/xiVat Kal cio-iScii'. Eur. I. T. 1014. *12s \pijtot pyjTpl pkv 6av€iv p.6vg piTaLTtos. Id. Tr. 1233. 1*EKFECT. 102. As the perfect indicative represents an act as finished at the present time, so the perfect of any of the dependent moods properly represents an act as Jinished at 32 THE TENSES [103 107] PERFECT IMPERATIVE 33 I the time (present, past, or future) at which the present of that mood would represent it as going on. 103. The perfect subjunctive and optative are very often expressed in the active, and ahnost always in the passive and middle, by the perfect participle with ^ and ei^v ; and this combination of a present and a perfect makes the tune denoted especially clear. Where the present would denote future time, the perfect denotes future-perfect time. Kg.^ To YDOVov 7eycn>(9at ttoXvv ScSoiKa p) TLva X,)ei]V vfi.lv 7rc7roi7)Kr;, I fear lest the lapse of a lon.j time that has occuned may {iclien you coim to decide the case) prove to have caused in you same forgetful ness (see 91). Dem xix 3 (Mr) TTou; would mean lest it may cause, the time being the Jame as before.) Xpi) avr^ [a rek,vWiei\ofieva we must hear what awaits each of them after death, that {when wehavejimshed) each may have fully received his deserts. Plat. Rep. 614 A. ^ lovs /x€v ctAAov?, Kuv 8€Su>KOT€S &iT LV €i'<9.W9, Trjv actAoyiur opio Trporeu'o- uevois, I see that other men, even if they have already rendered their accounts -i.e. if they are (i/i the state of) persons icho have rendered their accounts,— always offer a perpetual reckoning. Dem. xix. 2. Av6p€iov ye TTdvv vo^i(of^ey, S, av 7r€7rA/;7>/ Trar^pa, ice ahcays com^^^r on^ very ma,dy who has {may '^'">') beaten his father. ^ Ar.Av. \3oO. ^6uov ew€iv u.rfievl ron' 'KAA/y.'(oi' iV^^ poyjO^LV os av ^ Trporepo^ pepor^Kcos vixlv fj. to enact a law that you shall assist no one of th,^ Greeks who shall not previously have assisted you. Dem. xix. 16. {V^ Siv nh TTpoTcpos PoijOij woiiia mean who shall m>t jneviousl^ assist you.) ^KSeurav M A.Wa yp.LV €>7r€7rT(oKot, they feared lest madness might move to have falhn upon us. Xen. An. v. 7, 26. (M>/ ;[/^'ri7rTot would mean lest it might fall upon u,.) 'KSa,Oi,v nov SiKaariov p/Scv TotoGrov TrpaAxt, IV ^yco p^jSeva WO^jvaLiov arcKTOi'tos coyr that I might not be in the position of having put an Athenianjo death. Dem. liii. 18. ^Hv yap €vp€Og Acywi' (Tol raiV, cywy av ckttc^c vyoo; v -rrdhos, I should {in that ca.'ie) have escaped harm. Soph. O. T. 839. ntVa>i'T(u; how shall I not have suffered, i^ic.) El 6rLovv Tre^ovOios cKarepos ypon' cTr;, ou Kal d/xc/,oT€pot av^ Toi-ro 'jre7r6veoLp€v; if each of us should have suffered anything whatsoever, would not both of us have suffered it? Plat. Hipp. M. 301 A Ovk av Sea toGtJ y eUv ovk €vOxs ScScokotc?, this, at least, cannot be the reason why they did not pay it at once : lit. they would not {on inquiry) prove to have not paid it at once on this account. Dem. xxx. 10. 104. The perfect subjunctive in protasis corresponds exactly to the f Latin future jXTfect indicative ; but the Greek seldom uses this cumbrous perfeet, preferring the less precise aorist (91). The Irfe optative m both protasis and apodosis, corresponds to the Latin ^rfect subj,mct.ve ; but it is seldom use.l, for a sin.ilar reason (95) The perfect optative can hardly be accurately expressed n English For when we use the English forms nvuld have suffered and shoM h,n-e suffered to translate the perfect optative, these afe merX viu2 expressions for ^>« an.l sIuM h„re suffered. (See the exan.ples aW ) I should have suffered is coum.only past in English, being ejuivalerto Zt:.iZ' t[ '"' '' " '"'"7'""^ ^^ theref;re liable'to temi^ understood. There is no more reference to past time, however in the ^r ect optative with a„, than there is in the future perfect inl ci (7 I .such expressions as /.aV>;. ki^ol K..XaU„a\, I shall have hid 105. The perfect imperative is most common i.i the third person singular of the passive, wliere it exj^resses a command tliat something just done or about to be done shall be di'eisive and fi»a!. It is thus equivalent to the perfect participle with ea-roy. E.g. Tavra ixiv^ Si, ravry c ^po„p,',,r6o., la this have been said (once for alt) hy ,my of tntre^h^t^n. Isoc. iv. 14. Ta.'ra ^.^ai^Oo, r\ ui 11 icro>, ^Kavios .x_", hi this be the end of the play, etc. Plat. Euthv.l. 278 D t'J'^^ft '""' r™ V'"'/"'^'"'' ° ^o"»'Tos d.,}p, let sueh a man ri, / ,^'''\Py''f,'' fv VH-'" a«r,, r) ™A.r«a, let thi^nowbea sufficient descrtptwn of this form of .jovcrnmeut. lb. 553 A. M.'vpt To,"Se beT-d^THVc. 1 ff ^''"''' "' ""' P"^'" ''' "^ '*'""•« "/ J/""- dmi^hness The third i>erson plural in the same sense couM be expressed bv the perfect participle with i,TTo>v, as in Plat. Rep. 502 A, o«ro. rmn... ro.To ,rc:r€«r/...oe eVr<«., grant then that these liave been persuaded of this. m On this principle the perfect imperative is used in matliema. tiail language, to imply that sometliing is to be considered as ],roved or assumed once for all, or that lines drawn or points fixed are to remain as data for a following demonstration Eg Ea>i<^^^a, eVi T>;. AB T.XO. cr>;/.er«. r'o A, Kal di>yp.jaOco d^b T7;9 Al T7/ AA to->; y Ah let any point A he assumed as taken in the line A13, and AE equal to AA as cut off from AT. Eucl. i. Pr. 9. 107. The perfect imperative of the second person is rare ; when it is used, It seems to be a little more emphatic than the present or aorist. E.g. 34 THE TENSES [108 'He (TV t6v8€ ScSc^o. II. V. 228. Mrj 7rc ft € f3 XyiT 6 u t^ Sro T€ TTCpl fiUv ^vinjpTya-Oai^ it often hefell them to have made an attack on one side and {at the same time) to have heen attacked themselves on the other, etc. Thug. vii. 70. 'AvdyK,} yap ra pev pkyiar ax^dv i/Sv; Kara- Kcxpp^wt piKpa Be Tiva 7ra/:>a Ac A€^^tt^ for it must he that the 7nost important subjects have heen nsed vp, and that only unimportant ones have heen left. Isoc. iv. 74. Oi'k ilO€Xov ipfSaLieiv Sia to Karairi- TrAvJx^txt Ty V^^lh ^''^^ ^^'^''^ wnuilling to emhark on account of having heen terrified hy the defeat. Thug. vii. 72. To ya^ ttoAAu (jttoAwAc- K€vaL Kara tov ttoAc/xoi' ttJs ijp€T€pa<^ a/xeAcms ai' Ti5 Oeii] SiKauoSy TO Si py]T€ irdXai tovto TTiTrOi'divat 7rc(/j>/rci'ttt T€ Tiia ly/xti/ o-vppaxiav rovTMV dvTippoTrov^ ry'i Trap iKiiviov cin'oias €i'cpy€T»//x av cywye Oeiip', for our having lost many things during the war one might justly charge upon our neglect ; hut our never having suffered this hefore, and the fact that an alliance has mm appeared to us to make np fir these losses, I should consider a henefaction, etc. Dem. i. 10. (Comi>are yeyeinia-dai in the first example under 103.) "KijjOaaai^ TrapoiKoSopy}- 0-ai'T€«, W(rT€ pijKiTL p^'jTi aVTol KliiXvea-Oai VTT UI'TOJI', €K€11'0VS T€ Kut TravTaTracnv dr€(rTc/3>/K €i'ai . . . crc.o5 dyS.. k„J 5.k«- .> 5„ rdua.rca ep.ol Kal ro^To.s UEU. MX. 223. e^ofo-as Trpos ;n1Aa« ;r€XT«.Ke./a«, eager to fall before the gates. Aesch Sept. 462. 'HAa,,«. i^l ro«5 Mi~ Lr' ««vovs ' (5t£ ; and sometimes when the infinitive with the article refers to future time. This use of the future is a partial • adoption of the form of indirect discourse in other constructions. It was a particularly fiivourite usage with Thucydides. E.g. they asked the Mefjareans also to escort them with ships.^ Thug. i. 27. 'E)«orAorTO TrpoTLfJLiop'.'j(T€irOaL. Id. vi. 57. So €T7ix^ipiit€/i€vot plv -nj? 7raiTo{5 c>€iv auTos'. Tlat. Ap. Toi'S o/i^/poi'9 TrapcSoo-ai' T(3 'ApyeUov 8///xo) 8(a raiVa Suixpyi^- o-(9ai, f/t(r# f/i^'y wii//i^ j)H« tiiem to death. Thug. vi. 61. So 7r€ro-€a-6^ai, Id. iii. 26. 'E' (Jt£ j8o>/6^//o-€iv. Aeschin. iii. 114 (see 610). •ATToSeiAo ai-rov T7;y TrpoiKa ou ScSoKora oiVo) /uyaAots' TtKMpun^ t^T€ vuih arai'Ta? curcrr^at. Dem. xxx. 5: so xxix. 5. KATrtrti TO d4>avk rov Karopd^creiv kTTirpkx^avT^^, having ammitted to hope whn was uncertain in the ^rrospect of success. Thuc. ii.-42. (Here KaTopOiM-eiv is more explicit than the present Karopdovv would be : TO do/^7/o-ct»/ i5/x59 aKiv5i5vu>s 7;yo{^i'T«i, they feel more confidence in the prosj^ect of fnghtening ns without rUk thauAn meeting us in hattk. Id. iv. 126. lo fikv ovv c^cAcy^eiv aiVoi' OappCo kul raw tticttcvw, I have courage and great confidence as to my convicting him. Dem. xix. 3. (Here most of the ordinary Mss. read c^cAc'yxc"'.) ^ See also Thug. iv. 115 and 121, v. 35, vii. 11, vni. 55 and ^4 ; and Kriiger's note on i. 27, where these pass;iges are cited. In several of these there is some Ms. authority for the aorist infinitive. 116] PRESENT OPTATIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 37 discoul'^mrW^^^ ^r-"' ^1^"'^"' ^^"^^^ ^^^^ ^- ^-^irect ot:7™ "^ "^'^ "'"^ ''''''' ^^^ ^^- -"- B. OPTATIVE AXD INFINITIVE OF INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 115. Wlieu tlie optative and iufmitive are in indirect I iscourse eacli tense represents the corresponding tense of lanTtl ""r^ the present including also the in.pe - feet, and tlie perfect also tlie pluperfect in^Iieative or su^X^;? r^!-!:.:^''^ "^^ Z d" in ''T7 ^^'' •"' ^'^ ^^^^^^^--^ herJ; f^rUie tl Present Oi'tativk. 116. The present o]itative in indirect discourse nnv represent the ibllowin.^- forn.s of direct discourse :_ ^ 1. The present indicative of a leading verb. 2'« bounced that ArchUlamu, nns hU frLd (ie l.e . i^ /' '' " ' "'!" ft;' J," V''";. " "'■;" ™»tt. r. 'r;S" x» verk '^]I"/"'''""^ '"'^'"•'^'"''^ °' subjunctive of a dependent « ,„!;rVi '"" «''V« "7". S. .,Xe„e Uo,, he said that he vas hrhmm ^ 3. The present subjunctive in a question of appeal (287). K\kap^o^iliov\c{„o, a- ^i^^otiv nva., ,] :r«Vr« t'o^^ Clear AbN. An. I. 10, 5. (The ,j„c-stiou was, re/xr<„/.e'. „m$ ,} r€LV,he says that he is writing ; €€iv, he said that he ivas writing; -'F€i ypcUeiv, he will say that he is (then) ityriting. (In all three cases he says 7pao>.) Appiocrj^Lv npo- d>ao-[i€TaL, he pretends that he is sick ; c^w/xoo-ei' appuyo-reiVTovTovL, he took his oath that this man icas dck. Dem. xix. 124. Ovk €7; auros d\X Ueh'ov o-T/)aTr/7€i>, he said that not he himself, but AW, was general; ie. he said ovk iyu) aiVos (iAX' eKclvos (rTparqyel Thdc. iv. 28. See other examples under 683. 118 Verbs of hojnng and swmring may thus take the present infinitive in indirect discourse. This must be distinguished from the more common use of the present and aorist infinitive (not m indirect discourse) after these verbs, referring to the future (100; 136). E.g. . 7 ^ *EX7ri>v €?vat av(9/)(U7r(ov oXi/?toTaTo?, T(wVa eVei/^wTa, he asked this, tniHtiug that he was the most happy of men. Hdt. i. 30. So i. 22, IX'TTltiov o-iTo8ctr;F T€ dvai l^xvp^y ^^^^ Toi^ \eiov rerpvat^ai. Svva 6' ekTriCio Acyciv, and 1 hope I speak frr the common good. Aesch. Sept. 76. 'Opvvyre^ pXU€LV rlv ovkct* iivra (iovr AxiA- Xca TrdAtv, i.e. mcearing that they saw Achillea alive again. boPH. Fh. 357 Compare the first two examples with fXir/f" Si'totos uvai, he hopei to he able, Plat. Rep. 573 C; ami the kst with of.« apxV <">"")>■' '^"''™« ^ 'V'" "ToSoi'i'at T./r X'^P"". «» *"''«"'■ thai the dmiiimou diall l>e covimmi, and that all diall surrender the land, Dem. xxiii. 170. (See 136 and the examples.) 119. (As Imjierfect) Tlie present infinitive may also represent an imperfect indicative of the direct discourse, thus supplying the want of an imperfect infinitive. E.g. 120] PRESENT INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 39 T.msou„c„xa5 ..;roXa/./?aVcr* e^x^o-^a. ro^ ^€ofs ro,. *a.r- w OT ^(vS^v ; nhat prayers timi do you sujipose Philip nuide to the hods n-hen he «•«« poumig his libatiom? Dem. xix. 130 (Here the temporal clause or i^-^^vS^v shows that (tx^^Oac is past.) n<;W oucr^c rA.or km. xix. 148. (Here the .lirect aiscourse would W eKpuro.. and «^aT«.) n.3s- yhp oU^O, Sr^a^^pro, dKov.cu «T^ A.6>./.o..^r« „,.r„« „./„„; . . . ,lpa Trpo^&oKav a.'rov, roiuPra r«s W to hear it, if any one said anything aguLt Ihihpin those times when he was ceding Anthem m to tliem, etc » Do T ":."''' 'I'f'J "■^'■'i '""iY'"'^ *" •"#'• *«'* things? Do you think th«t th> Ihessalmns when he was expelling the despots, were e.rpecting, etc ? Dem. V,. 20 an.l 22. (The direct questions were ^^. ,;kovo. Aiyol ■ and,r/,«r.&,Ko,.;) Ka. y,\p roi; eVi ro>v Tpoy6„co, ■,)^,2u Xiyolra, aKO,.a, TO,.™ Tu. ,eu x/>V'r^a., / hear that they n J to follow thu c^om Dem.:„.21 'la ^^., ./,i "JUA,,., „,>•« c?.a. ,} LvA./a^ ai.T., (..c. 6oK£<), m the times before HcUen thu name does not appear to h^ve even e,uted Th.c. i. 3. Af-ain, in (he .s.m.e .sentence of Thucy- dules, ,rap«xeo-ftu /„ have furnislied. UySiv otov aXXo MXa>'SiAT. Rep. 430 A. ro.o... Aya#a>,.a r«AAaK« k,X.,Ucv ,..ru^y4a,reac riu lo^.p^ir,,, . & 01.K .,... I'LAT. Syn.p. 1-5 C. (He .sai,l, iS^^vovpa; i SI £ o.v' «,r,,«- o ov. A «.Ac,.£v iyio « o.V .Hm:) i\..r,.x«V y,) nac&,,na /iaScC^cv,f,r he said that he had met (aor.) Atrestidas comim from lluhp, and that there were walking with him (impf.), etc. l},,yu xix. 305. lovT eyo. ,^v/^. 5.e„ ,^^ /„) Aa^e.V, / «,y ^/,„( ,/„•, „ ,,j „„( (« 7mr. f.™;«., nnj notu:e. Dem. xviii. 1 90. (The direct form was toCt* (6(1 (fie py XaOdt; 415.) Tlie imperfect infinitive is foun,I even in Homer ; as Kal o-J, y^po^ ru ^pc /«,- uKo,.o/x«. oA/i<„„ «,, t« .rr/.-Jrcyxa «,«'v«r(7«, he saul that the army wa. fighting. This has sometimes been called an imperfect infinitive ; but here ,«ax«^^<" refers to Vny,^ present relatively to«^,; whereas, ,f it had been used as an imperfect, it wouhl have referred to time y«.< relatively to 1./.,/, as in e^,; to o-rWrcvaa r,7 irpoT(po.u^ paxorOat, lie said that the army had beeu fighting on tlie day 40 THE TENSES [121 hefiyre. In the former case the direct discourse was /xax^Tai, in the latter it was c/xax^To. Such an imj>erfect infinitive differs from the aorist in the same construction only by expressing the duration or repetition of an action (as in the indicative) ; it gives, in fact, the only means of representing in the infinitive what is usually expressed by Acyct oTi kiroUi, he says that he was doing, as opposed to Acyct on €7rot770-cv, he says that he did. (For the similar use of the present optative to represent the imperfect, see 116, 4.) This construction is never used unless the context makes it certiiin that the infinitive re- presents an imperfect and not a present, so that no ambiguity can arise. See the examples. So sometimes in Latin : Q. Scaevolam memoria teneo bello JNlar- sico, cnm esset summa senectute, cotidie facere omnibus convenieiidi potestatem sui. Cic. Phil. viii. 31. So Q. Maximum accepimus facile celare, tacere, dissimulare, insidiari, praeripere hostium consilia. ClC de Oti'. i. 108. Perfect Optative. 121. The perfect optative in indirect discourse may represent — 1. Tlie perfect indicative of a leading verb. U.(j. "EAcyc oo-a aya^a Ki>o? Ilc/oo-as 7r€7roi//Koi, Ae told how many services Cyrus had done the Persians. Hot. iii. 75. (ITcTroiv/Kot here repre^^ents ttcttoivkc.) 0?Tot ^Acyov ws TrcvTUKoo-tot aiVor? cir^crav Ik toP U€ipaiC>^ S€S€KairfM€voi, Lys. xxix. 12. (Here the direct discourse was TrevxttKocrioi ciViv 8c8€KttO-/x€Vot.) 2. The perfect indicative or subjunctive of a dependent verb. IJ.(j. EiVcv oTt A€^L7nrov ovK cTTttH'oo; et rarra 7r€7roir/Kws €lij (he said ovK liraivCo el radra 7r€7roLi]K€, I do nut approve him if he has done this). Xen. An. vi. 6, 25. ^ ,«,-.,/ 'EAeyo/AO' oTi €i'a iKua-TOV €v SeoL cViTr/Sccn', eipat? €Vm;(S€ioTaT>; Tr€4>vKvla €u/ (we said cKatrrov cV Sel eViT»/8c.'€a', €i^ 5 ^v 7r€(/>rK(k ]], each one is to practise one thitHjJor which his nature is best fitted; though this might be ttc^i-kc, like TmroujKe in the first example). Plat. Rep. 433 A. Pekfect Infinitive. 122. The perfect infinitive in indirect discourse generally represents a perfect indicative of the direct form. K;/. 4>>;o-J TOUTO Tre-pax^^'^i /" ^^''!/-^ '''"« ^^ ^''^ ^'^"« ''"'^ > **'*'/ T'''^'''' TrcTrpavo'ai, he said that he had done (his; v)o-ei TOiVo 7r€7rpax€ vai, he icill say that he has d.ne this (the direct form in each case being 121] AORIST OPTATIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 41 ^«rpaxa). E<^V y^^p^aO eavr^ ro^9 By^Paiov^ iTrcKeKrjpvx^vat, h^ said that the Ihebam had offered a reward for his seizure. Dem. xix 21 in Ar. Mib. 1277, 7rpoo-K€K^o-0al fjLot SoKeis (according i;o Mss. Kav. and Yen.), yoii seem to me to be sure to be summoned to court (to be as good as already summoned), the infinitive represents a perfect indica- tive referring to the future (51). Tliere is probably a regard to the perfect of the preceding verse, o-ea-ec^TOat p.oL SoKets. So Thuc. ii. 8 • €u rovTio re KeKoyXvadaL i86KeL c/caVra, ra Trpdyp^ara i ns aiV^? irapearaL, and each man thought that things were the same as stopped in th^ matter m^ which he ivas not himself to take part. After a verb of .r..am^; a>;xrvc /.fh elpyKevac nepl a{.rod c/,a?Ao., Dem. xxi. 119. After cA7rtfa>; eATr.fcov^ riv \e^v rerpv^dai, Hdt. i. 22 (see 118, above). ^ 123. Tlie perfect infinitive rarely represents a pluperfect of tlie direct form. E.g. Acycrat av^pa iKTreTT^x^^i ttoA.V nva xpovov eVJ t<5 /ca'AAe. Tou r^vpov, it IS said tJuit a man had been struck with amazement for some time at tlie beauty of Cyrus (i.e. i^e^enK.jKro). Xkn. Cvr. i. 4, 27. Aj^rcAeyoi', Xeyovres p.ij iTryjyyeXOat ttco ra^ cTTrovSa^ iV eVcrcui/^ai/ Tois oTTAtra?, saying that the truce had not yet been proclaimed (iTri'iyyekro). Aorist Optative. 124. The aorist optative in indirect discourse mav reiDre- sent — ^ 1. The aorist indicative of a leading verb. E.g. "EXe^avJ^TL 7r€fMif.eL€ o-(/>a5 6 ftaa-cXevs, tliey said timt the king had sent them (i.e. tliey said cVc/x^ei^ yfMa, 6 /SacrtXev,). Xen. Cyr. ii 4 7. lore eyvuxrOy on vl fSdpftapoL r'ov auOptoTrov {^TroTreatLacevl then It became known that the barbarians had sent tlie man. Xen An ii 4, 22. 'EroApt Aeyeir (i? roAAa rCyv Ip^C^v Xapoiev, he 'dared to Sixy that they had taken {eXaftov) much of my property. Dem xxvii 49 npioTiov al^rhv el avaTXev^reiev €\a>r dpy/pcov, I asked him wLtJ^ heluid set sail with money {i.e. I asked him the question, areVAero-as •)' Dem l 55. (This form is rare; see 125.) 'K7r€,p<^Ta riva Uot, he asked whom he had seen (i.e. rtVa cfScs, whom did you see?). Hdt i 31 So i. lie : eLpero K60ev Xd/Soi, 2. The aorist subjunctive of a dependent verb. E.g. Ev^avTO o-wrypia Ova-eiv evOa irpCnov eh c^iXiav yyv dLKOLVTo tliey vowed that they would make thank offerings for their deliverance wher- ever they should first eider a friendly land (i.e. evOa av . . , daeOa, divofiei). Xen. An. v. 1, 1 (see iii. 2, 9). An aorist indicative in a dependent clause of a ouotation is rtHrularlv retained (Gb9, 3). i o j' 42 THE TENSES [125 3. The aorist subjunctive in a question of appeal (287). E.g, 01 'ETTt^ajLtvtoi Tov diov l-m'jpovTo el irapaSoUv KopLvOioL<; tijv TToXtv, th^y asked whether they should deliver up their city to the Corinthians (i.e. they asked the quedion, 7ra/)tt8w/xcv ri]v inWiv ; shall we deliver up our city?). Thuc. i. 25. 'Eo-kottovi' o7ra>s kuAAwtt IvkyKaip.*^ ayrov^ I looked to see how I could best endure him (i.e. / asked, ttws €i'€yKa> avTov; how can I endure him?). Eur. Hipp. 393. Au(rt(o7rf/«rc dKoTrdv o Tt diroKpivaiTo^ he continued ^ilenty thinking what he should answer (i.e. thinkiwj ri diroKpn'Ujfxai;). Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 10. (See 677.) 125. The context must decide whether an aorist optative in an indirect question represents the aorist subjunctive (as in 3) or tl»e aorist indicative (as in the last examples under 1). Thus the first example under 3 mi^ht mean they asked whether they hud yiven up their city, irapiSofiev tv> ttoXli'; But in most cases the aorist subjunctive is the direct form implied, and an aorist indicative use«l in a direct question is generally retained ; ci dvaTrXiva-eiev in 1 is, therefore, ex- ceptional. AoKisT Infinitive. 126. The aorist infinitive in indirect disccjurse represents an aorist indicative of the direct form. Fj/. «I>rpa' Torro TOLijcrai., he says that he did this (i.e. he says tovto €7roir;o-a) ; €^ to Pro TTotiJo-ai, he said that he had done this (i.e. he said TOVTO cVou/o-a) ; c/)/Jo-€i tovto 7roi>j(rtti, he will say that he did this (i.e. he will say toiVo cVou/o-a). *0 Kvpo^ Acycrat yevea-Oai Kafi/Svcreu), Cyrus w said to have been the son of Camhyses. Xen. Cyr. i. 2, 1. IlaAaioraToi Acyorrai h fiepei Tivl rf/s' xiopa^ Ki-kAwttcs' oiK'TJo-tti, the Cyclops are said to have settled most anciently in a part of the country. Thuc. vi. 2. '^Ho-ai' vttotttol aiVois p) TrpoOrpu)^ or4>i(TL TT €11x1/ at a cTTc/ii/'ai', they were suspected by them of not having sent to them loith alacrity what they did send. Thuc. vi. 75. 127. Although the usage of the language is ycry strict, by which the aorist infinitive after verbs oi saying, thinking, etc. is past, as repre- senting an aorist indicative, still several i)a.ssages are found, even in the best authors, in which an aorist infinitive after such verbs as vopi^io, oLofiaL, and even ;/it refers to future tinu-. Many critici^, especially Madvig,^ deny the existence of this anomaly, and emend the offending aorists to the future or insert av. If they are allowed (and most of the passiiges still stand uncorrected in many editions), they must be treated as strictly exceptional ; and no i>rinciple, and no con- sistent exception to the general principle, can be baseil on them. E.g. f^aTo yap TLcraa-Oai dXiiTai, for he said that he should punish the 1 See Madvig's Bnnerkungeu iihtr einige Puncte der gricchischen Wurtjii- gurujshhre, pp. 34-44 : Griech. JSyntax, § l'72 a, Aiun. 128] FUTURE omTlVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 43 e£T^^'^- ''> ''V ^^:i I^- ^-' 28, we have in most Mss. and wTt/T ^"^ ^^^^^^«^ dXelTrj., in precisely the same sense bu^ Bekker has T..a.Oa.) So ii.d,.,^. rl.loa. in II. iii. "Tg. Zi a^y ov (^e/x^acr^a. A.plrj. (sc. d.^.p^.^ro)' .ape.re.Oac yap .a aoriVn) in iZ\ ci ^ ""^''^ ^\^ '^'""-^ transition fnmi the aonst (?) to the two futures.) ^r,rrlv ot'-6^ rr)u Aco, "Ep.v ,rc6o> *;,' ' ^"''; ^ '^''"^' "-^ imploring. Eur. I. A. 462 (Hermann reads c.cro.e.. by conj..ture.) 'K.6fu.a. eV.^e>c.o. />a8 J ;;rrT Vy^^JJ^s ye.oy.ac, arOpo^rros TTTyvi, yevi^Oau Xen. Cyr. iv 3 5 Vernut thi. to happen Lys. xm. 15 ; same in xiii. 47. To^-ro 6^ oUTai Pro 316? ^" r:{ '' '''''' ^T ^---^Vrcith you. P.at. cratt ^f' '^^^ •' '?"?r"l>' ^"^ted in this list, as having 6.k«. m Cod. Par. 2.12 (Brunck's A) and by correction in 2820, so that this emendation Tas it is commonly thought to be) is confirmed It may be thought that the aorist is less suspicious in the llomeric Flturk Optative. 128. Tlie future optative is used cliieflv in indirect discourse after past tenses, to represent a future indicative of the direct form. Even here the future indicative is generally retained (670, h). E.g. a^parlat. IHLC i 90. (Here :r^a^oc repie^^eiit,. Trpdfu, of the direct .hscourse, for wl.,ch we n,it,ht have :.,.i^« i„ the in-lirect fornt See n the satne chapter c;ro.v><,..>,.„. o"r. :r.>v^o.,r.., /i«W«, J'€^cir. Xen. Ag. ii. 8. ^hy^ci/ otou aAAo /x7/xai'ao-^tti, i] ottw? ly/xti' on KaXXurTa Tor? vo/xoi's Se^oLVTo wo-Tre/) /Sailit'jv. Plat. Hep. 430 A. See Tim. 18 C, liy^X'^vbiiikvov^ OTTU)^ firjSeU yvwcrotTo, vo/xtorcrt Sk Travre? (where yvuxroLTo represents yi'wcrcTai, while the next word ro/xiorcrt is retained in the indicative). 'Eo-kottci 6 Mci'€kA>Js' ottw^j /ii) €o-oito aTrat^, dXX €0-0 iTO avTio (jiTTL^ f(oi'Ttt T€ yi] poT poifyi'jiro L Kttt reXevTi'jirai'Ta OdxpOL avTov, Kal €is rov tTTCtTtt xpovov rd \ofiL(ofi€ya avno 7rotv/(rot, Menecles took thought that he might not be childless, bat might have some one to support his old age while he lived and to bury him when he died, etc. LsAE. ii. 10 (see 134). Other examples are Xen. Cyr. viii. 1, 10; Hell. vii. 5, 3 ; Oec. vii. 5 ; Plat. Ap. 36 C ; Isoc. xxi. 13 ; Isae. vi. 35; Dem. xxvii. 40 (ottws^ /awt^wo-oito, in the Mss.) In Xen. Hell, ii. 1, 22 we have w? with the future optative: Tr/^ociTrcv tos' pijSiU KLvij(Toiro €K ttJs rd^€ios /X>/8€ dvd^OLTO. In all such cases the future indicative is generally retained (340). 131. The future optative is found in four passages after verbs of fearing, three times with /ii), and once with ottw^ /x>; : — Kare'/iaAc to 'II/hikAcwtwi' riixo'i, ov Torro c/io/Jor/zcvo?, /x>/ Tti'c? TTopcviroLVTo €771 T7/1' €K€LVov SvvapLv, uot faring this, lest any should inarch into his dominions. Xen. Hell. vi. 4, 27. So Xen. ^lem. i. 2, 7. *AAAa Kal To«s Oeois dv cSciya? TrapaKi\'8vi'€V€Ly., fiij ovk dpOio'i avTo TToi/'/o-ots. Plat. Euthyphr. 15 H. Oi^ pdiov -mpX tiij jiaa-d- vov Koi T?i<; SiK);« €8c(SotK€i, uAAcc Kal Trepl Tov ypapfiaT€ioi\ ottw^j /xt; vTTo TOO Meie^ei'ov or A A>/(/>6^ i/croiTo. Isoc. xvii. 22. (Here the fear was expressed originally by oTrtus' py a-i'AA>/^>io-cTat, 370.) As /x/y with the future indicative is rare after verbs of fearing (367), it is still rarer with the future optative after such verbs. 132. No ease is (pioted of the future optative in a pure final 136] FUTUKE INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 45 clause except a peculiar one with /.,) in Plat. Rep. 393 E • 'Aya«^ JJekkei.) If (TapK,a-oc is retained as it is by most editors) it can be e-xplained only by assuming tl.at Plato ha; theSurfopti.r^ '''" ""^ '"'""^ '"'^'<^"-' "* -" -- have 134. A future optative rarely occurs in a relative clause of purpose after a pa.st tense ; as alp.0i,r., l^' oVc n9, pronminq, sumrinn, and a few «niui take the infinitive in in.lirect di-scourse (with the time of It. tense preserved) and those which do not.^ When the e refer o a future o1,ject they regularly take the future infinttve mnuhrect discourse; but they also allow the aori.st and even the present infinitive (not iu indirect discourse), like verbs o l'?\f '• ^-^-"""'''"^ ^'' «"'''° °f Jiff"-e"t verbs of this class with both constructions :— 'AvlX"ifxf?iu 'Ta"^"' i'-.y-- ;yioi/ riXirL^ov fK^iStios x^ipiiia-aa-OaL^ thty hoped to subdue Khegium. Thuc. iv. 24. Ou3* av iXirU ^^v airra jScArtw y^vkaOai^ there would not be even a hope of their becoming better. Dem. iv. 2. Besides these con- structions, ikirt^u) (or cAtti?) has the infinitive with av in Thuc. vii. 61 ; ws with the future indicative in Eur. El. 919, with the future optative in Thuc. vi. 30 (see 128), with the aorist optative and av in Thuc. v. 9 ; ottws with the future indicative in Soph. El. 963, Eur. Her. 1051. l^ov o-Tparrjyov irpoa-BoKio ravTa Trpd^€LV. Xen. An. iii. 1,14. Mci'cAecui' TTpoaSoKa /xoAcii', exj}ect M. to come. Aesch. Ag. 675. Upoo-SoKCjv fx^iSiMS vp.d^ i^aTraTrjcrai. ISxVE. xi. 22. iravcracrdaL irplv avrovs Karaydyoi oiKaSc, having promiaed not to stop until he had restored them to their homes. Xen. An. i. 2, 2. 'YttcVxcto fioL f3ov\€vcra(rOai. lb. ii. 3, 20. ^ilpoXoyrjcra els n'jfi€pov tt a p€(r€(rO at. Plat. Symp. 174 A. *Opokoy7](TavT€ TOLt'](r€LV TO KeXevofxevov, Id. Phaedr. 254 B. So Ant. vi. 23 ; And, i. 62. Compare ap.\v toPtoi' (o/xoAoyjyKci'at TaC'Ta TroLi](T€LV witli ioAoy>yo-at Trot^J- o-aa-dai. Dem. xlii. 12. 'HyyvaTo firjSev arrot'S KaKov T7€L(T€.a-6aL, he jtltdijed himself that they should suffer no harm. Xen. An. vii. 4, 13. Upoaayayiov ly- yvyjTOLS tJ fiijv Trope i'ccr6'at, haviruj given securities as a pledge that he would (JO. Id. Cyr. vi. 2, 39. Kat 8vy /xoi yepaa ipii(r€(TOaL aTTCtActs*. II. i. 161. So XV. 179; Od. xi. 313; Hdt. vi. 37; Eur. Med. 287. 'Httc/Av/o-ci/ vyjas dXaS' cAkc/xcv. II. ix. 682. 'liTreiXija-av diroKTiLvai aTrav- Ttts TO us €v ry oIki<^. Xen. Hell. v. 4, 7. Tavtt ovSiva cikos crvv ai'Tw fSovXt'icrecrdaL cii'ai, it is likely that soon nobodii will want to be with him. Xen. Cyr. v. 3, 30. 'Kk fiev tov KaKMS Trpdrreiv tus ttoAcis p.€TafSoXijs tv\€lv cVt to fSiXTiov ciko? icTTiVj €K Sk TOV TTavrdTTacTL yivkirOai dvdnTarov kul tojv koivu)V IXttiSmv (TTcpijOrivai. LvcURci. 60. "O/xocryoi' ij fjLi'jv fioi dpi'j^€LV. II. i. 76 ; so x. 321. *0/xo(r«s dird- ^€Lv oiKaS\ c> TpoUv fi dyct, Soi>H. Ph. 941 ; cf. Pli. 594, 623. 'O/xoo-ai'Tcs Tavrai^ c/x/xci'€ii'. Xf.n. Hell. v. 3, 26. 'AruyKa^ei TOV KepiTo^XiTTT^jV ofiuiraL tTvai p.€y Tip' w/^X^V f^5tws c/cao-Toi T7V eaiT/iii/ .;-nA.' Trporepa, /cat a- ix TO. ix 48 THE TENSES [141 ^trav, KOi CKao-TOfc Ty)V cavrwi' aTreXeLirov. Thuc. i. 2. ^*^«^ "^"^ ^(oKpaT-qv SeLKVvvra toU ^vvov(riv Uvrov KaXov Kayadlv ovra' oI8a 8k KOLKeivo} povovvT€ €o-tc ^loKpara o-vvvJo-tv/k Xen, Mem. i. 2, 18. (The direct discourse was iSnKw and ia-uxfypovei-njv.) ^ In Thuc. iv. 3, y UvXos io-rlv h rrj Mco-o-r/viV T^ork ovo-yj yrj, Pylos is in the country which ivas once Messenia, oiVt^ is imperfect, and denotes time absolutely past, as is shown by ttotc, without which it would be the country ichich is {noic) Messenia. 141. An attributive present participle (824) occasionally refers to time absolutely present, even wlien the leading verb is not present Tliis is always denoted by vvv or some other word in the context. E.g. T^v vvv BoLiDTcav KaXovfiivyjv ojKr/crai', they settled in thejonntry now called Boeotia. Thuc. i. 12. *0 tolvvv t'Ai7r7ro? €^ apx^js, oiVw AtoTTCi^oi'S (TTparrjyovvTos, ovSk twv ovtwi' cV Xeppovyiro) vvv ttTTCo-raA/xeVcov, ^€pp€Lov kul AopuTKov eXdfJLpave, Philip then in tJie he(jinnin(jj when Dicrpeithes icas not ytd general^ and ichm tlie soldiers who ARE NOW in the Cliersonese had not yet hen sent out^ seized upon Serrium and Doriscus. Dem. ix. 15. (Here a-Tf)aTijyodvTo€p^v d7r€(TT€pijp€V0Sy he took it hard that he had been deprived of Aeolis. Xen. Hell. iii. 2, 13. AORIST PARTICirLK. 143. The aorist participle generally represents an action as past with reference to the time of its leading verb. E.g. TaiTtt 7roi>/o-avT€9 drreXOiLv povXovrai, having done this, they(nou^ nnsh to go away. TaPra cittovtcs utttJA^^oi', having said this, they went away. Ov ttoXXoI ifiaLVovrai ^rvcA^ovrc?, not many apiyear to have joined in the expedition. Thuc. i. 10. HoituTol e^ 'Apvr]^ dvao-TttV'Tc? Ti]v BonoTiav ojK7/(rav, Boeotians icho had been driven 144] AORIST PARTICIPLE 49 from Arne settMBoeotm Thuc. i. 12. "Y^ap.v oiVc l^icrT.]p^y.v o^r. ayvotav e^ atrr^i .creaOac, dXXd rh pera^h ad cf^avkv dyvoia, Kal €7nxrTyprjs, i.e. we said that it would be the province of neither hmvledge nor ignorance, but of that which should h^ve appeared (cf>avev) in due course between these Plat. Rep. 478 D. (Here 4>avkv is past to '.ae^rOau though absolutely future ; see 22.) 'A<^.Wo 8,vpo rh ttXolov, yvoV- Tiov Tw KeaXX,jvm', dvTLTrpdrrovro^ rovrov, h'TavOa Kara^Xecv avTo tlw, vessel arrived here, the Cephallenium having determined that it should return to this poH, although this man opposed it. Dem. xxxii 14 (Here yvovrcov denotes time past relatively to dcfyUero, and dvn-jrpdT- TovTos time present relatively to yvovrtov, which is its leading verb.) 144. When the aorist participle is used with any form of Xavddvio, to escape tlie notice of, rvyxdvio, to happen, and cf^Odvui, to anticipate, except the present and imperfect, it does not denote time past with reference to the verb, but coincides with it in time. Thus ^^XaOov dTTiXdovr^s means they went away secretly ( = dTrriXSov XdOpa) ; ovK ^Oi^a-av aTrcA^oi'Te?, no sooner were tJiey gone ( = ov 7rp6r€pov din^XOov) ; ^rv^^v eia-eXOovT^^, tliey came in by chance or they happejied to come in ( = ilu-ijXeov rvxy). E.g. Tovs 8' tXaO' ilo-eXOiov Tlpiapo<;, and Priam entered unnoticed by tfiem. II. xxiv 477; so xvii. 2 and 89. "EAa^^i^ (aMjv) dcf^Oevra irdvra Kat KaTad,f^TovraL a^^rh Spdcravres, they ivill do it first themselves. I LAT. Rep. 375 C Oi. ydp ^6^ poc crvpftd^ra r} drvxca, Kal .idh, €7r(x^tpya-av, k.t.X., for no sooner did this misfortune come upon me than they undertook etc. Dem. Ivii. 65. ^rparcd oi noXXy ervxe UxP^ Urt^p,ov Trap^Xdovora, an army of no great size liad by chance marched as far^ as the Isthmus. Thuc. vi. 61. "Ervxe 8'e Kard rodro rod Kaipov ^XHioy, and he happened to come just at that moment. Id )/"■ ?;. 1 \'''^'^ ''^'^'^ ""^ ^XXovra rvxdv rrpd^avre's (sc. yyovvTat), they think that it was their fortune to aecomplish only a little in comparison mth their expectations. Id. i. 70. So rovr' ^rvxov Aa/?oir, I happened to take thu, Ar. Eccl. 375. 'OTTTTore^o's K£ 4,ey(TLV 6p€^dp€vos x/>oa KaAoV, whichever shall first hit, etc. Ih xxiii. 805. BovXaipyv au XaOuv avruv direXOuiv, I should like to get away without his knowing it. Xen. An. i. 3, 17'. Tor? dvOpioTTov^ Xyo-opev c7ri7rco-di/TC9. lb. vii. 3, 43. EvXa/SeLOaL 7rapaKeXevir€(T0e dXX/jXoi^, iVw? pi) irkpa rov Scovtos (roii^T€poL yev6. fxevoL A7;o-€T€ 8ia alyiov 7r€/)tAct^ci' €Ti'y;^ai'€ y€»'os, if ang race of goats happened to hare been left. Plat. Leg. 677 E. ^ApLcrrayopri 8e OTveTriTrTC rov avrov \p6vov irdvTa a-vviXSovra, andit was the fortune of A. that all these came to him at the same time. Hdt. V. 36. (Here it is difficult to distinguish the doubly past time ; but the analogy of the other examples, and the difficulty of conceiving an imperfect and aorist as coincident in time, seem decisive.) 'OpOujs o-6T€s n rvyxdmj rrjv ttoXiv, if it ever happens that one has wronged the city Dem. xviii. 123. So Thuc. i. 103 (see 887). 2. The present participle with these verbs is regular, representing an action as going on at the time of the verb. See Plat. Crit. 49 B and the four following examples (with others), in 887. 148. In many constructions in which the aorist participle follows a verb in the sense of the ordinary object infinitive (not m indirect discourse), it does not refer to past time, but differs from the present participle only as the aorist infinitive in such a construction would differ from the present (96). This applies especially to the participle with TreptopC; and €>o/5(S (TreptetSov, €7r€L8ov), m the sense of a/hvr, not interfere with, and opC^ (dSov) permit and see (cf. 88 1 :ind 885). E,g, ^ Upoo-Sexopevos rov^ 'AOipatov^ KaTOKi'i)(T€tv TrcpuSelv avryjp [ti)v yip'] rp.i]e€l(Tav, dvdx^v, expecting that they ivould be umvilling to see their land ravaged, etc. Thuc. ii. 18. But in ii. 20 we find the aorist infinitive, ^yATrifci/ ti)v y?^v ovk av TrepuSelv t/x >; (9 >> a t, icould not let th4'ir land be ravaged, referring to precisely the siime event from another point of view (see 903, 6). Mi Trepd^re I'^p.kas ^ta^yOapevra^, do not look on and see us destroyed. Hdt. iv. 118. Ov p,) a' iy^j Trc/jtoVo- p,aL aTTiXdoi'Ta, I will by no means let you go. Ar. Kan. 509. "ErXy aav eVtSctV ip.'^pr^v plv ri)v ttoXlv y^vopkvy^v t^^v 81 X'^P^^ iropOov- P'ivrp', aTrai'Ta 8c Tor iroXepov Trepl rr^v TrarptSa ti)v avrdv ytyi/o- p.€vov. Isoc, iv. 96. (Here the aorist participle denotes the laying waste of the city (as a single act), while tJie presents denote the con- tinuous ravaging of the country and the gradual coming on of a state of war. This is precisely the difference between the present and aorist infinitive in similar constructions.) 'Eird^ov ti)v cuvtwi/ TrarptSa avaa-TaToi' yeropevijv. Ant. v. 79. El KciVoV ye iSoipL KareXOovr' "AtSo? ctVa;, if I should see him go doum and enter Hades. II. vi. 284. M)} // t6eiV 0av6v6' iw' ao-Twi/ not to^ see me killed by the citizens. Eur. Or. 746. Am to povdv ru) TTioTTOT ctSts 7y5>; dyaOov tl y€v6p.€vov ; Ar. Nub. 1061. "Orav aiToj' rSy €^ai;9 TrraicravTa irpis rrj TroXet /cat eKX^avra rd T€avTov Kal €atn-uv, ... 7} aTroOavovra 1) iK7r€cr6vra y drtp^o}- Uivta Kal Ti]v oiktIuv diraa-av utt ofS a Xovra. Plat. Rep. 553 A. See Soph. Ant. 476. So after aKoi'to; as ai k' iOeXya-' ciVoi/tos dKov€p.ev, in case he will hear me speak, II. vi. 281. Too-aiVa (/xoi/vJo-ai^To? dcryKov^rapev so muchwe heard him say. Soph. O.C. 1645. So also TrpaOevra TA^i/at e7dured to be sold, Aesch. Ag. 1041; o-ireipas hXa, Sept 754 ! 52 THE TENSES [149 155] for rXdu) with the regular infinitive, see Isoc. iv. 96, quoted above. So fi€V€Lv voa-Tiija-avTa amxTa, to await the king's return^ II. xiii. 38. 149. The aorist participle loses its reference to past time also in the peculiar construction in which the participle with its noun lias the force of the infinitive with its subject ; as /xcra ^vpaKova-a^ oLKLo-Oei- o-as, after the founding of Sijracuse ( = fi€Ta to Sv/ja/coiVas oiKL(rOijvai\ Thuc. vl 3. See examples in 829 (6). 150. An aorist participle denoting that in which the action of a verb of past time consists (845) may express time coinci- dent with that of the verb, when the actions of the verb and the participle are practically one.^ £.g. Never' iirl oT KaXio-as^ he called him to him by a nod. Od. xvii. 330. Br; ai^acra. II. ii. 1G7. E? y eVoa/o-as ara/iiojo-a? ^c, you did well in reminding nu. Plat. Pliaed. 60 C. MvJ ti t^afidpTtjTe €fiov Kara- ipy] (l> to- a fj,€ VOL, lest yon make any mistake in condemning me. Id. Ap. 30 D. IlttrSa KaraKavoiv ^vi'jXij Traru^as, having killed a child by the stroke of a dagger. Xex. An. iv. 8, 25. "llSij ttwttotc ovv ij SaKova-a kukov ri (TOL €8ct)K€v rj XaKTta-aa-a ; did your mother ever do you any hurm by biting or kicking youl Id. Mem. ii. 2, 7. Ile/xTrci w? toi^ 'A(ttvoxov Kpvcfta c^rio-retAa? otl 'AAKi/?ta8>y9 aiVtoi' to. Trpdyfiara ijiOeipeiy i.e. he sends a private message, etc. Thug. viii. 50. After a perfect : oo-* ry/zas dyaOa SeSpuKa^ eipt'jvrjv Troirjo-as, what blessings you have done us in making a peace! Ait. Pac. 1199. The following examples among many in the New Testament illus- trate the usage : — AiroKpiOel^i eiTTiv cv irapaPoXaU arroh, Aeywi', he ansu'ered and spake to them in parabUs, and said. Matth. xxii. 1. (Aeyiov is tlie ordinary present, less^ closely connected with ciVor than diroKpiOii^.) Ilpo(T€v^dp,€voL etTTtti', thdj prayed and said. Act. Ajiost. i. 24. KaA(os eTToujo-as 7rapay€i'6p€vos, thou hast well done that thou art come. lb. x. 33. 151. In such passages as iopoXdyi)(Tai> Toh 'A^>/i'aiots riixt) re TTc/itcAoi'Tcs Kal i'a?9 7rapa8oi'T€<; (fyopov re Ta^a/xci'ot, Thuc. i. 108, the aorist i)articiple is past with reference to the time of the beginnimi of the peace to which Mp^oXoytfa-av refers, and the meaning is, they obtained terms of peace, on condition that tfiey should first {btfure the peace began) tear down their walls, etc. Such passages are Thuc. i. 101, 108, 115, 117. See Kriiger's note on i. 108, and Madvig's Bemer- kungen, p. 46. Madvig quotes, to confirm this view, Lys. xii. 68: VTr€(T\€To ilpipn^v ironp-^iv pi^jn opiipa hov.xo/.cvo. M.yaVa.^o.' rlv BafivX&yo, i.^,pov TO.;'r<... «1 '""'"'V'"'"' "• "'^y '""' «* '*«'> l^'^ Megapanus, who after thvs was made governor of Babylon. Hdt. vii. 62. (Here the aor st roL, AT ' '^"/'^X"''^'""-) S» in vii. 106: .ar^.^e Si Lspa Tocovbe AIa.^Ka/.,,r y,vo,,„.ov, and he left M. (in authorUy), who (after- ward.) proved hunselfsuch a man (the evidence of his later n^ritrfolt;!. m a relative sentence). iuuo«3 For the corresi,on,ling use of the present participle see 141 47 am 48. For the rare use of the aorist participle with Wa for Future Participle. 153 The future participle represents an action as future with reference to tlie time of its leading verb. Ky. ToPto ,ro.,Jo-wp l^x^ae, he is coming to do thi«; tovto 7roc,'„ro>v to say th,.. ().6a aiTo,. rouro ,rot, croi-ra, / h,ow that he will do this ■ o.6a ro.,ro .o..,.^, I kno,o that I shall do this; jj^a. airo. roCr<: iroiya-o .■Ta, / hmv that lie would do this Chapto Vr'""""' ""' "^ "" ^'"'"" ''''^"'='1''''' """l ^=^^"'P'^% ^- GNOMIC AND ITEUATIVK TENSES. Gxo.\nc AoRLST and Perfect. 154. The aorist and sometimes the perfect indicative are used in animated language to express ffeneral truths These are called tlie ffnomic aorut and the gmmic perfect, and are usually to be translated by our present. 155 These tenses give a more vivid statement of general the p.i..t to represent (as it were) all possible cases, and implying siiS; Jr Tr ' "'"^ '^ °^^"'- -^ ""'''' '^"'"- «Ak.^<,. ..Spa 4.oli.t «„i i^.iX„o .U,„ who terrifies evenaZuZ m 54 THE TENSES [156 man and snatches his victory away, II. xvii. 177 (see 157, below). Bta kui lx€yaX€v iv XR^^^' PiND. Py. viii. 15. 2o^ot 8k fiiX- Aovra rpLTOLov ave/iov efiaOov, ovS* vtto K^pSei pXdp€V. Id. Nem. vii. 17. Kat 8>) (f>LXov tls iKrav* dyvoias vtto, and now one may kill a friend through ignorance. Aesch. Supp. 499. 'AAAo, ra rotavra cw jU€V ttTra^ Kat fSpa^yv \p6vov avrk^^L., Kat (r68pa yc yvOija-ev €7rt rats cATTtcriv, av TV)(rj^ rco X/^t^^'^i^ ^^ ^(o/aarai Kai Trc/at aiVa KaTappei Dem. ii. 10 (see 157 and 171). "^Hv a/aa crcfiaXCkrLVy avTcATriVai'Tcs aAAa CTrAry/xoo-av tt)^ ^pc'av, ^/t^;»/ su}>2)ly the deficiency (as often as one occurs). Thuc. i. 70. "Hv Se rts tovto)V tl 7rapaf3aivr)^ (ijp,iav tti'Tois cTTc^co-av, i.e. <^?/ impose a penalty upon every one tcho trans- gresses. Xen. Cyr. i. 2, 2. Actvwi' t d>y/Lta Tri/ci'^dTOii' €KoipL(Te (rrkvovra ttovtov. Soph. Aj. 674. Mi* ijfiipa rbv fi€v KaOilXiv vxpoOiVy Tov 8' *)p avu}. Eur. Fr. 424. "Orav 6 "Epo? iyKpaTarrepo^; ycviyrat, 8La0€tp€L tc ttoAAci Kai 't)8LK7](r€v. Plat. Syiiip. 188 A. Orav Tis hicnrep ovtos Lo-\v(Tyj^ i) Trpiorij irpoifiawL^ Kai /iLKpov Trratcr/ia aTravra dvex"'''''*o'€ '^"^ SicAvo-cr. Dem. ii. 9. HiTTCtoai/ Tt? Trap €/xou fiaC7>y, ear /xci' poi'AryTai, aTTOocotoKCi' o €yu> TT/aciTTo/xat apyvpiov eav 8^ ^ut), cA^^wi' ci<» ic/^oi^ d/Aocras, cxrov di' <^y d^ta ci v'at ra paOi]p.aTa^ roaovTov KarkOi^Kev. Plat. Prot. 328 Ii. (Here the perfect and aorist, aecordinf^ to the Mss., are used in nearly the same sense, lie pays. But Sauj)]>e reads aTrcSwKci/ for aTro8i8ii)K€.v.) lloAAot 8id 8d^av Kat TroXirLKijV 8vi'afiLV ficydXa KaKo. ireTrovdacTLV, i.e. nuuiy always have suffered^ and many do siifftr. Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 35. To 6c /x>) €/x7ro8a>i' dvavrayiovidTio ciVot^ TCTi/XT/Tai. Thic. ii. 45. The gnomic pfrfct is not found in Homer. 156. The sense as well as the origin of the gnomic aorist is often made clearer by the addition of such words as TroAAaKi?, tJS?; or ovTTw. Such examples as these form a simple transition from the common to the gnomic use of the aorist : — IToAAtt crTpaToTrcSa 7}6)/ cttcctcv vtt kXaa-aovixiv^ i.e. many cases have already arisen, implying it often happens. Thuc. ii. 89. McAAwv y larpos, rf] vocno 8i8ov^ \povoi'y Ida-ar^ i'j8i] fiaXXov ij Tifiiov xp<'*ay the slow physician, by giving the disease time, may work mare cures than he who cuts too deep. Euit. Fr. 1057. IfoAAaKts €\iov ns orSc xdrayKaia vvv avpiov c;rAo rrrycr', wotc xuTepois Tp€(f)€LV, i.e. cases hive often occuired in which such a man has become rich the next day, etc. Phil. Fr. 120. AOvpovi'T€'i di'8p€'i oiVw rpoTraiov €(rTi)(rav. Plat. Criti. 108 C. Oi'Scts i7rXovTijresent (as usual) implies duration. 160] GNOMIC AORIST AND PERFECT 55 Thus in Dem. ii. 10, above, the aorist rjvdr^a-ev implies a sudden blossoming oit< with^hopes, as opposed to the continuance or repetition expressed by avrex^L, hold out, t^coyodrat, are detected, and Karappd, fall m ruin. 158. An aorist somewhat resembling the gnomic is very common in Homeric simUes, where it is usually to be translated by the present. E.g. "UptTre 8' ws oTc Tts 8pv^ i)pnr€v, and he fell, as when an oak falls, (literally, as wlien an oak once fell). II. xiii. 389. This can better be seen in the longer and more complicated examples which are quoted under 547 and 548. 159. The gnomic aorist is found in indirect discourse in the infinitive and participle, and even in the optative. E.g. (a) "071-01; 8' v/3pL(€Lu 8pav 6' d /JouAerat irapy, ravTijv v6fit(€ ryjv ttoXlv XP^^^!^ '^ot€ €^ ovpiixiv 8papov(Tav h /3v6uv ;r€0-civ but where man is permitted to insult and to work his own loill, believe that that state, thoiujh it may run before fair breezes, must in time sink to the depths. Soph. Aj. 1082. (Here Treo-etV represents eVeo-ci/ of the direct form, which can be only gnomic.) Et' o-ot 8eo? TraparrijK^v rJyo.yx.Vo XaX^TTou €LvaL «T€pots KaTao-T>>at t>)i/ avp^j^opdv, if you fear, thinking tlmt it IS hard for frundship to abid^', and that wJien a ciuairel occurs the calamity that arises is common to both (the direct form would be xaAcTroV eWtr Kat Koti'>) KarkiTTii i) a-vp.^opci/ avry xopov KaK^v aKoXovOyo-at now ivlmi truth leads, we never could say that a chorus of evils accompany her (iiKoXovOi)(r€i'). Plat. Rep. 490 C. {b) :^fiLKpio xaAii'w 8' ol8a Toi'S Ovp^ovpkvovs tinTov^ Karaprv- ^fi/Tas, and I know that high-spirited horses are tamed by a small bit. Soph. Ant. 478. 0T8a tov^ tolovtovs kv fxlv no Kar avroh Buo Xi'Tnjpois^ ovras, twi/ 6c cVctra dvOpcoTrm' TrpoinroiilijLv ^vyyeveia's real Kai /X7; oiVai/ Kara AtTrdi/ras, / know that siu^h men, althoiujh in tfieir aim lifetwu's tliey are offensive, yet often leave to some who come after them a desire to claim connexion wUh them, even where there is vo ground for it Thuc. vi. 16. (c) A clear case of the gnonn'c aorist in the optative is seen in Plat. Rep. 490 B, in the peculiar oratio obliqua introduced by tt7roAoy7/fjo>€6>a oTt (m A), which implies a jdiilosophic imperfect (40) and thus takes the optative. We have 7r€c/,uK(W ct^;, Ipfuvoi, tot, etc., representing 7rec/>uKe, c/x/xei'ct, cto-t, etc. ; and afterwards yvolr^ re Ka^ dXi^Om to'nj Kai Tp€c/>otTo (representing lyvio t€ Kai dXyOm ffi Kai Tpe^^raC), i.e. A€ attains knoicledge (aor.), and tlien truly lives and \s nourished (pres.), where the gnomic force of the aorist is plain. 160. The gnomic perfect is found in the infinitive of indirect dis- course in Dem. ii. 18 : ct 8k rt? iro^po^v y) 8[krja'Lv\ such a man (he says) is always thrust aside and is of no account. 161. The imperfect was probably never used In a gnomic sense, except where the form is aoristic in other respects, as IkXvov in II. i. 218, ix. 509; cf. xiv. 133. Iterative Imperfect and Aorist with "Az;. — Ionic Iterative Forms in -(tkov and -o-KOfi-qv, 162. Tlie imperfect and aorist are sometimes used with the adverb av to denote a customary action, being equivalent to our narrative phrase he would often do this or he used to do it. E.g. ALrjpi!,TU)v dv avTovs Tt Acyotei', I used to ask them (I would ask them) what they said. Plat. Ap. 22 B. Et tlv€^ lSoUv Try rols ir€T€- povs k-n-LKpaTovvTaSf dveOdpo-ija-av di', whenever any saiv tlieir fiiends in any way victorious^ they would he encourayed (i.e. they were encouraged in all such cases). Thug. vii. 71. IIoAAcikis yKovo-afiev dv tl kukcj^ {'/xtt9 PovXevo-dfievovs peya irpdypa, we used very often to hear you^ etc. Ar. Lys. 511. Et ti^ aiVo) irfpi tov di'TiXtyoi py^Stv e^atv o-ah Aeycti/, i-TTL Tijv \m68t(TLV iTravijyev av ttuvtu toi' \6yov^ lie almiys hrouyht the whole discussion back to the main pmnt. Xen. Mem. iv. 6, 13. OtTOTC 7rp0O-f3X€lf€L€ TLVaotT€Ovo-a KAai€o-K€ av Kttt oSv/oeo-KCTo. iii. 119. 'Es toi'toi's OKtOS iXdoLO ^KvXljS, TrjV fl€V CTTpaTll^V K UTa A € I r €0-K€ €1' TiO TTpoa- (rT€i, avTos 8k Ckoj^ ^XOol e« to relxos, Au^cctkc ai' T.k\ijvi8a €(r6iJTa. iv. 78. So XdfSiWKov dv, iv, 130. See Kruger, II. g 53, 10, 5. dependence of moods and tenses DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES. 57 165 In dependent sentences, where the construction aUows both the subjunctive and the optative, the subjunctive IS used If the leadmg verb is primary, and the optative if it is secondary. (See 21.) B.^. Updrror^cv a 5;- /3ov'Xa,^Ta«, tliey do wJmtever they please; I,ut (Trparroy a /iovXoLVTo, they did whatever tkey pleased. 166. In like manner, wliere the construction allows both the indicative and the optative, the indicative follow s primary, and the optative follows secondary tenses. E.g. Alyova-cv 5rc toCto /JcUcrat, (% say that they nish for this ■ ^\€^'ro 7..o,To fe feared lest it should happen (i.e. /,. "wuyld, ilMliov/xai n^j yevyrai). (See 318.) 168. An only apparent exception occurs wlien either a potential optative or mdicative with «.-, or an optative expressing a wish, stan^ m a dependent sentence. In both these cases the original form is expSoL"' iV,."'° '" ""''' """"" ''""'^" "■' "'^'"^' "'''"'■« °f the 'Kyi, ovK oTS' ^ffws iv Tts- ^"X'> ^^-^ A few other unimportant exceptions will be noticed as they occur. 169. It is therefore important to ascertain which tenses (in all the moods are foUo«..d, in dependent sentences, as prin.ary ton e! by the Stivr ""■ ^"'^J""'^*'^''-'' ''"'1 ^^^■'^'^ "^ «^condary inses by"^ the Indicative. 170. In the indicative the general rule holds, that the present. 58 THE TENSES [171 perfect, future, and future perfect are primary, and the imper- fect, pluperfect, and aorist are secondary tenses. 171. But the historical present is a secondary tense, as it refers to the past ; and the gnomic aorist is a primary tense, as it refers to the present. See Hdt. i. 63 (under 33), where the optative follows an historical present ; and Dem. ii. 10, Thug. i. 70, Xen. Cyr. i 2, 2 (under 155), where the subjunctive follows gnomic aorists. 172. The imperfect indicative in the protasis or apodosi i of an unfulfilled condition (410) and in its potential use (243), v hen it refers to present time, is a primary tense. E.g. ''Eypa(f>ov av rjXUa i'/>ia5 €v TroLi](T(o, €t €V jj^ctv, I would tell you in my letter how great services I would retider you, if I knew, etc. Dem. xix. 40. Udvv av €/ or uxrt Xoyiov. Plat. Symp. 193 E. *Ecf>ol3oviJLr]v av (r, k.t.A.., I should be very much afraid to speak, lest I should seem, etc. Plat. Theaet. 143 E. TauT av rfSyj Acyciv kTT^X'^ipovv, iv €lSyJT€. Dem. xxiii. 7 (for the construction here see 336). See Xen. An. v. 1, 10; Dem. xvi. 12. 173. On the other hand, the aorist indicative in the same constructions (172), and also the imperfect when it refers to the past, are secondary tenses. E.g. 'AAAa Kttt Tois d€ovs av cScicras TrapaKLv8vv€V€LV, fii) ovk o/a^ws avTo TToii](Toi^. Plat. Euthyph. 15 D. 'AAA' orSc /xcra ttoAAwi' fiapTvpdjv dTroSiSois €LKy Ti? ai^ €TrL(rT€iHr€V, iv* ci Tis yiy»'oiTo Siatfiopa, Ko/xio-aa-Oai ^tt8t(o5 irap vp.lv Sx'vijTau Dem. xxx. 20. (Here the subjunctive SiVr/rai is properly used after a past tense (318), but the optative shows that the leading' verb is secondary.) See iva yiyvoLVTo, after an imperfect with dv, Plat. Men. 89 B. ^ Xpyjv €Tr€Lp€(T6aL KoTc/)a Tt)v €U)i*Tov V) Ti)v Kvpov Acyot dpxyv, he ought to have asked ichether the orckcle meant his own or Cyrus's empire. Hdt. i. 91. SURJUNCTIVE AND iMrEUATIVE. 174. All the tenses of the suhjunctivo and imperative are primary, as they refer to future or to present time (89). E.g. "EiTea-O' oiry dv rt? -> j y yr a i, follow whithersoever any one kads the way. Thuc. ii. 11. wkottw/xcv ci Trpkim r) ov. Plat. Rep. 451 D. 175. But when a subjunctive depends upon a pjist tense, as often happens in final clauses (318), it may be followed by an (.ptative ; as in Xen. Hell. vi. 5, 21, i]y€ tijv raxio-ryv ek ryv EiVaiai', /:^o»'Ao/x€i'0? d-n-ayayeiv tovs oTrAiVa'* Trplv kol to. irvpd t(o»' TroAc/itwi' iSeiv^ i'va firj Ti? €Liry (o§ €i7wv dTraydyoi.,he led on, irisliing to lead off hU soldi£r8 before they even saw the enemies' fires, that no one might say tJmt he had led them off in flvjht (187). With the other reading, Iva p) tis ciVot, the example would illustrate 176-4 (below). 177] DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES 59 Optative. 176. As the optative refers sometimes to the future and tens! ^ '' ^'''"^ ''''"''=)' '* ^^^ the force of a secondary its te^lSh -' "fT- *° ^''f ^"*'"'^' "^^ ■■" ^"t"° conditions, in pLarv Inl'n '" ''5!'"''' '* '^ P'^P^^'^ ^^ ^ considered KveT O^ H ^ "'''''; ^""T"'' '^ '•'^"'^''^ construction is here allowed On the principle of assimilation the Greeks preferred IlontSrt^ r ^"';J""'=t--n certain clauses de^eSngol an optative tlie dependent verb referring to the future like tZ SbWden^f r- 'f ''•''•'''" - -hi-tiv7;L such*': position A dependent indicative is, however verv seldom assimilated to a leading optative. Such assimi^'ation V i d^ luiuro time , (2) sehlom m final and ol)iect clauses -iftor " -J>., M. etc. ; (3) rer, rarely in the cas'e of thT ndkatTve TrJ mdirect quotations or questions, but (i) more freely h the ca^^ of the subjunctive in indirect questions. ^ These four classes of seiiterifoa «>>;,.i, j i referrin.' to th,. futZ ^''^'^"'^^'f '''"^h 'Jq'cnd on an optative rtieriint, w the future arc treated separately below (I.-IV.) A.}7'{' ^' ^"^ ^" I'l^otasis and conditional relative sentence, i^uturLiStioi:! tr " "' '' ""' '° '^^'^"^^ ' "oie, xj you should be prosperous. Aesch. Pioiii. 979. 'ApSpl Si v' „,V N , /x^ • ^^^^^' ■"^»-ni. IV. G, 7. AeoLTo dv avrou ii^veir, i.^^^ M-^r. r.^. l^i^'>.,uayiau,x.hennskall)nolon,.rZ:MtkZ 60 THE TENSES [178 w^^ 185] DEPENDENCE OF MOODS AND TENSES 61 MiMN. Fr. i. 2. (Here orav fi-qKhc ixeXy might be used without change of meaning. See the second example under b.) 178. (b) On the other hand, the dependent verb is sometimes in the subjunctive or future indicative, on the ground that it follows a tense of future time, especially when the leading verb is an optative with av used in its sense approaching that of the future indicative (235). E.g. *Hv ovv fiaOy? Xuttoito would be the common form.) "Q.cnrip av v/xwi' €Kao-Tos atVxi'v^co; ti/v tol^lv Xnrdv ^]v av rax^y €v no TToAc/xoj, as each one of you would be ashamed to leave the j)os< at which he maij be (might be) placed in war. Aeschin. ^iii.^ 7. (Here yv raxOiU] would be the more common expression.) Twi' aroTTiarariov av €11], ct radra SvvijOeU fii) Trpa^ct, it would be one of the strangest things if, when he gets the power, he fails {shall fail) to do this. Dem. i. 26. 179. It will be understood that no assimilation to the optative can take ])lace when the protasis is present or past, as a change to the optative here would involve a change of time. See 561. 180. II. ('0 In filial and object clauses with u/a, ws, ottw?, 64>pa, and pj, the subjunctive (or future indicative) is generally used after a potential optative with av or after an optative in protasis referring to the future. E.g. *H fjo. K€ vvv a/x' rjfitv otKaS* cTroto, o<^pa iS)/, k.t.A. Od. xv. 431. So Od. vi. 57, xvi. 87 ; II. xxiv. 264. , At' wtos ai' Travpa o-r/x^c/)€poi, u)? 6pov(rrj. Soph. El. 1439. Tis avrov av KaAccrcicr, los JSrj /xc; Eur. Bacch. 1258. 'Okvolijv av tk ra -rrXoia ipftalveiv, p.j) Kaja- 8vi/;6' aKMV avrf] TrepLTrea-y; Dem. xxv. 33. Oiofiai av v/xas fxeya ovrjo-ai to (TTpdT€v^ia^ ct cVi/xc Av/^coyrc ottw? dvrl novaTTo- AwAoTwi' w§ Ta\io-Ta crrpaTyyoi Kal Ao\ayot dvTLKaTaiTTaOiocTLV. Xen. An. iii. 1, 38. El 8c Kal ottws elpijvy corai <^urc/>oi €n)T€ €7rt/xeAor/x€V'oi. Id. V^ect. v. 10 (see 180, b). (b) The only examples of the optative here are one in Aristophanes, one in Plato, and six in Xenophou ^ : — Am TOiT* ciKOTO)"? fSovkoLVT* dv ly/xtt? c^oAtoAcrat, iva ras TcAeras \d/3oL€V. Ar. Pac. 411. Ovk dv ttw irdvv ye /xeya Tt €iy, ii f^ovKoKovi . . . TTpoa-Oeifxev, tva ol y€topyol €7rl to dpovv Ixoici/ ^ See Weber, Absichfssafzc, pp. 220, 221 ; 245-247. I have assumed that Weber's collection of examples is complete. Povs. Plat. Rep. 370 D. li^tpiop^yv (av) /xr) tt/^oVw vp^dv cTvai, iva, €1 TTov Kaipos €Ly, i7riv\aKy] yeXoia Tt9 dv iftaLVOiTo, ct fjirj cn'yc €7rt/xeAoto ottw? e^coOev Tt €l(rij>€poLTo. Xen. Oecon. vii. 39. El Se Kal ottw? to er AeAs dvniXXd^airOai ^ovXoip^eO' avTiTrdXovs AaKcSaijioviovs dvrl Oij/Sulmv. There are no otlier 62 THE TENSES [18G readinc^s and we must call it an exceptional case of assimilation {we ':Sriotsa, iUis, tkai .e wisM.i.) unless -^n^ndxt either by readin- BovXoueOa (as proposed by Madvig, Bemerk. p. 21) or by [nsert^u/a.. In Plat. Rep. 515 D, we find in the best Mss re av 8^ cJp^orepa iSxl.oc; ^.W do you think he u.ul. say^ ./ any cie should tell him that all that time he had been seeing fM plmntams, but that ,1010 hs saw more cmredbj ? (Some Mss. read ^AcTrct.) ^ In II V. 85, IvSeiSy^v ouk av yvo^V TroTcpotcrt /xerctr,, the opUitne represents ^erorr.r in the direct question ; but ovk a. 7.oo;s here refers to the past, meaning you would not have known (442). 186 IV In indirect questions depending on an optative, the optative may rci)resent an interrogative su}>junctivo (287) of the direct question. E.g. you would not knou^ what to do with yourself Vlat. Cnt 45 B.^ Ok Iv hoes or. xPV^-^- --^^^' ^^^ ^^^77".-/^ «" '^"^ X"o^/^'i>« «^^ l' .^5 r. ccVo.s. Id. Gorg. 486 B. The 7/7; ttoo^o-civ 5 Ti BovXoicrOe, he mid he would do whatever you mighty wish. mvor^LV /?o.Ao/.€Vot ct'Semc ri cVrt. "Vf^vov /JorAo/xerot uSevac rt cfr,. McvoLO-tv cIk>;ko(5tc« Tt cVrtv. K/xcrov aK>,KOOTC5 rt^ etr,, Tt CO-TIV. "E/XCVOV aKOl'O-O/XCVOt Tl €17/. , ., • • BorAcrat yvciivat Tt' ToiVo cVTtv, he wishes to learn what thu u. >Ei8orAcTO yvCovae rl ro^ro ct.;, he wi^ed to learn what thswas ^ Oi'-Scvl 7rai;roT€ toiVcuv' ScSc^Karc t./v' 8;»; ovS av 8ot7,T€, ratKVto.5.8.V7/TatTporov. DEM.xxi.170. Oi'^ x^/xtv oi^e 0r;/^at- ois oiVc AaKcaat/xovtots oi'-ScTrciTTOTC crvvexoyp^Oij Tor6^ i^o tcov *EAArWa,v, TTotctv 5 Tt /3orAoto-^€, Tier^ «'a5 f/t^' granted you, etc >;o-t yap o/xoAoy^'Jcrttt fi€ rov KXy^pov no TratSt to i)iiiKXi]piov fi€ra8iocr€iv €t i/tK7y(rat/xt rovs cxoi^Ta? avrov {he says I promised, fieraSoxTio €av viKyirio). IsAE. xi. 24. QaX^v Qparrd ri^ OepaTraivU aTToa-KViiPat Xeyerai, oj? ra p,€v iv ovpav^ TrpoSvpioiro elSevat, ra 8 (fiirpoa-Ocv ain-ov XavOdvoi avrov. Plat. Theaet. 174 A. ''Apd ctol 8oK(S ov jiavriKiZs d vdv Sy ^Xeyov ctTrctr, oVt 'AydSiov Oavfiaa-ru^^ €pol cyw 8* dTTopi'jO'oifiL; Id. Symp. 198 A. In all these cases the optative depends on the aorist infinitive as a past tense. 190. The aorist participle properly refers to time past relatively to the leading verb. It is therefore secondary when the leading verb is past or present, so that the participle refers to time absolutely past ; but it may be primary when the leading verb is future, if the participle refers to time absolutely future. E.g. "la-re -^jfxas lX66vra^ iva rovro iSoLfxev, you know that we came that we might see this. "^ycfyiov 8c 5cto-as jut) SerjOeirj ttotc IV c^ot 8iKd(€LV, alyiaXov €v8ov rpecfyet^ and once he took fright lest he might sometime lack pebbles (for votes) to enable him to be a judge, and so he keeps a beach on the premises. An. Vesp. 109. II^^s o^77y»' iK€p€i, iicOela-d /xot Xkyciv d XPViotln, you rush into a passion, after you gave me leave to say what I wished (ie « ^^ XPVCv's)- Soph. El. 628. ^ YTreiTTwi/ TaAAa ort avrb<; raKei irpd^oL, ajx^ro. Thuc. i. 90. Tt; jida-rLyirxnrrko-eui TrXrjya^ viri KypvKo^ iv rrj ayopa, Krjpv^avro'S &v €V€Ka fiiXXei rv7rr€(T0at, i.e. let the crier flog him, after proclaiming (having proclaimed) /or what lie is to be flogged. Plat. Leg. 917 E. 191. The tenses of the infinitive and participle with dv are followed, in dependent clauses, by those constructions that would follow the finite moods which they represent, if these stood in the same position. See Chapter III. ! h{ CHAPTER III. THE PARTICLE "AN. 192. The adverb Av (with the epic /ce, Doric ko) has two uses, which must be distiiij^uished. 1. In one use, it denotes that the action of the verb to which it is joined is dependent upon some condition, ex- pressed or implied. This is its force with the secondary tenses of the indicative, and with the optative, infinitive, and participle : with these it belongs strictly to the verb, to which it gives a potential force, like our would. 2. In its other use, it is joined regularly to et, if, to relative and temporal words, and sometimes to the final particles J>9, 07ra>9, and ocj^pa, wlien any of these are followed by the subjunctive. Here, although as an adverb it (lualihes the verl), it is so closely connected with the relative ^or particle, that it often coalesces with it, forming idv, ^v, dp, orav, SttStuv, iirei^dv. iirdu or iirnv (Ionic iiredp). Tliese statements indu.le only the constructions which are m Kood use in Attic Greek. For the epic nse of kc or av with the subjunctive in a potential sense (as with the optative) see 201, 1 ; for kc or a. with the future indicative see 196. 193 There is no word or expression in English which can be used separately to translate av. In its tirst use (192, 1) we ^/^P^'^^;^ ^/ the fonn of the verb which we use ; as cX^oc ar, he would go -.jXdev 5v, he would h^ve qone. In its second use, with the subjunctive, it generallv has no force that can be made perceptible in translation The \ieculiar use of av can be understood only by a study of the various constructions in which it occurs. These are enumerated below with references (when it is necessary) to the more full explanation of each in Chapter IV. 196] THE PARTICLE dv 65 194. No theory of the origin of either ^v or /cl has yet helped to explain their meaning, however valuable the discussion of the question may have been to comparative philology. It seems to be clear that kc is the older particle; it occurs 621 times in Homer while «. occurs 155 times; in Pindar the two are nearly balanced ; au has a preference for negative sentences, bein^ very often attached to the negative ; dv is more emphatic, as appears indeed from its fixed accent, while k^ is enclitic; k6 is much more frequent than av in relative clauses in Homer ^ But practically, it is still safe to assume that the two particles are used m substantially the same sense in all epic and lyric poetry In Herodotus and Attic Greek only av is used. ' Indicative with "'Av, 195. The present and perfect indicative are never used with dv. When this seems to occur, there is generally a mixture of construc- tions; as an Plat. Leg 712 E iy^ 8^ o.Vco rdv i^alcf^vy, ^. ^^,,,,6^,^, o.r(u9 oTTcp ec7rov,ovK^,x^ ^^^^^V, where av was used with a view to a tollowing ovK av e.ro^/xt or some such construction, for which o^k 'T/T" jT f"^^^^^"^^^- The meaning is, if I should suddenly be asked,! could not say, etc. In Plato, and more frequently in Aristotle, Kav €L ( = K«t av, €L) may be used like Kal d, without reaard to the mood of the verb which is to follow, to which k -''^'' ^""""v "•^/y^^^^'^-^oVo/.a*. ol 81 TTcOk^rOcov. II. ix. 167. nap ep.ot yc Kat aAAot, ol k€ /.e rt/xr^o-oi-crt, others, who will honour in Am")ormn^[''J'^^^^^^ ^'\' ^^'-"^\ !"^ ^"^^^^^' ''' Gilder^leeve m Am jour. rfiU. lu. pp. 446-455, where may be found a coniDlete enumera- tion of the passages in.Pindar containing either d. (30 cases) o/./(33^^^^^^^^^ F 66 THE PARTICLE av [197 it^Vcra.- K. which may be aorist subjunctive (201, 1) :s used neariy in the sense of the optative, corresponding to the optatives m the ^"^KFi's much more common -with the future than or. 197. The use of iv with the future indicative in Attic Greek is absolutely denied by many critics, and the n.ore careful revision of the texts has ewatly diminished the number of examples c.tcd m Support of t ^ Still! in several passages, even of the Wst prose we Xteither emend the text against the Mss., or admit the construe- tioii as a rare exception. E.g. , „-\\^„ Av KoXaa.aO. rf;. vvv aw c/xol ovcr>;. Xen An n 5 13. M^l said that Z one who was asked replied, «/f. htsnH corne^andhe wont ccmethiswayr Plat. Eep. 615U (The (,nly other reading is .;^ot The colloquial style here makes av less objectionahle ; see Soph. Ant. 390, i^v y hi 6viov oi^o/xat af/xa (so the Mss.). EuR El. 484 See 208 and 216, on the future infinitive and participle with av. 198 The most common use of Av with the indicative is ^vith the secondary tenses, generally the imperfect and aorist, in the apodosis of an unfulfilled condition (410) or in a potential sense (243). 199 The imperfect and aorist indicative are sometimes used with ^v in an iterative sense (162), xvhich construction must not be confounded with that just mentioned (198). Subjunctive and Optative with *'Ai/. 200 In Attic Greek Av is regularly used with the sub- iunctive in protasis and in conditional relative sentences, and sometimes in final clauses with a>, and otto,., bemg always closely joined with the particle or the relative; but never in independent sentences. See 325, 381, and t)22. 201 1. In epic poetry, when the independent subjunc- tive has nearlv the sense of the future indicative (284), it sometimes takes /.e or Av. This forms a future potential expression, nearly equivalent to the future indicative with Ki or Av, and sometimes approaching the optative with Ke or av. E.g. 205] THE PARTICLE av 67 Et hk K€ fii) Sioya-LV, iyio Sc k€v avros ektofiai, and if he does not give her up, I mil take her myself. II. i. 324 ; see also i. 137. See 285 and 452. For tlie variety of nearly equivalent future potential forms which the Homeric language ' presents, reduced to one in Attic Greek, see 235. 2. The epic language has Ke or Av with the subjunctive in the constructions of 192, 2 ; but its use of Ke or Av in conditions is less strict, and that with final particles is more free, tlian the Attic use of Av, See 325-328; 450-454; 468-471; 538-541. 202. Tlie optative with Av forms the apodosis of the less vivid future condition (like tlie English form with would or should), or lias a potential sense. E.g. Et Tovro TToo)(T€uv, aOXio^ av etrj, if he should do this, he would he uretched. *H5cws av ipoifMrjv avrov, I should like to ask him. (See 233 and 455.) For con.sti iiction of av or k€ with el or the final particles and the optative, see 4G0 ; and 329, 330, 349, 350, 351. 203. As the future optative came into common use after the future indicative with av (19C) was nearly extinct, it was never used with av. Infinitive with "Av. 204. The infinitive can be used with Av in all cases in which a finite verb would have Av if it stood in its place. This is found chiefly in indirect discourse, in which each tense of the infinitive witli av represents the corresponding tenses of the indicative or optative \vith av in the direct form. The context must decide whether the indicative or optative is repre- sented in each case. 205. (Ptrse)if.) The present infinitive, which represents also the imperfect (119), when used with av, may be equivalent either to the imperfect indicative with av or to the present optative with av. It can represent no other form, as no other form of these tenses has av joined with the verb in a finite mood. E.g. ^rjv\6.T- T€LV Kal n)v Tip,yv Xa^ipdveiv rdv ^vXiov ; do you think he would not have taken care and have received the pay for the timher? Dem. xlix. 35. (Here the direct discourse would be l^vXajTev av Kal eAa/t^avcv.) 68 THE PARTICLE dv [206 y^Ko^voh €V>)€o-av, ^vcTrpareUiv, they used us as an argument, that people who had an equal vote with themselves (like us) would not he serving with them against their will, urdess those whom they attached were guilty of smmurrong. THUC.iii.ll. Or/xat ya^ a. o ^v PapfSdpioi' av caAcKCvat (sc rW-€i€v av tw), if those at Marathon and Salamis had not exhibited those deeds of valour in their hehalf any one ^could say that allOiese would have heen captured hy the harhanans. 1>hM;^ix. 312. ^ (Here ^aXa>K€vat av represents UXu>Keaav av.) AAA ovk^ av .;yor/xat a{rrohs ^iKrjv d^mv 8e8u)K€vat, ct aK/Joacra/xevot aiTo^v KaTaxPjifi- o-aio-6l€, hut I do not helieve they would {the7i) have suffered sufficimt punishment, if you after hearing them should condemn theni. Lys. xxvii. 9 (Here the protasis in the optative shows that ScStoKevai av repre- sents SeSi^KiWes av eUv (103); but if the i>rota5is were €l KaT€i^iicfnaa- A€vat, dXXa 8U^jv ScScoKevai, representing perfect optatives with av. 'Av8pa7ro8a>S€LS av ScKaluiS k€K Afycr^ai {yiyj^ro). XeX. Mem. 1. 1, 10. (Here KCKAno-^at av represents k€k\i)P€Vol av euv.) These constructions are of course rare, as are the forms of the finite mooils here re])reseiited. 207 (Aori.^f.) The aorist infinitive with dv may be equivalent either to the aorist indicative with dv or to the aorist opUitive with dv. E.g. Ovk av i)y€lae' aiVcV Kctv €7ri6^a/i€t v; do you not helieve that (if this had hen so) he would even have run thither ^ J.i^. oi'k av cttc- Laucv; 1)EM. xxvii. 56. "Aver 8c k ttv ^r/z/if,vat representing orK av £vv€Bif), but unless there had hen an earthquake, it doe^ not seem to me that such a thing could hy any chance have happened. T live. in. 89. Tok 'AOijvalov^ >/A7rtf€V tVcus av Ue^^XOelv Kai T>yv y>/v ovk av 7rcptiS€?v rp/^f/vat (i.e. To-cos dv cVc^'cA^^ouv Kat ^ovk^ av 7r€pu6ouv). Id. ii. 20. Or6' av KpaTi^jirai avToh tP/^ yf/s^ i/yov/iai (i.e. KpaT7/- creiav av). Id. vi. 37. 208. (Future.) The future infinitive with dv can bo fiiuivalent only to the Homeric construction of the future indicative with dv But as dv is not found in Homer with the future infinitive, this construction rests chiefiy on the authority of ]>a.ssages in Attic writers, and is subject to the same doubts and suspicions 211] THE PAKTICLE ap 69 as the future indicative with dv in those writers. (See 197) Unless we exterminate the latter, there can be no objection to this as its representative. In tlie following passages it is still retained on the best Ms. authority. No/x.'fovTe5, d TatVr;v Tr^xir^p Aa'/3o.ev, f,<^Slco, civ ctcJ^Io-l rdAAa :r/,oo-xo>/.>y(rcty. Thuc. ii. 80. (Here the direct discourse would regularly have had either the future indicative without dv, or the aorist opt^uive with dv.) The snnie may be said of Thuc v 82 vo/xtfcov P^yicTTov av crc/>6 A vycraO. See also Thuc. vi. QQ -, viii. 25 and 71 • and I LAT. Grit. 53 D ; Crat. 391 A. ->A.; ^oO' ,]^c.v Sc^ dv^^Ay.'- Xovv cyo>, I declared that I should he very slow to come hither again. feoPH. Ant. 390. (Here the collcxpiial style may account for ijiecv civ, as for ,yje. av in Plat. Rep. 615 D, unless we take dv with i(Uyovv See 19..) In Pixn. 01. i. 108, we have d 8'e yxv) rax^ XiJroc, hi yXvKVT€pav K€v cATTo/xat 0-uv clp/iari Oa^ /v Aei^ctv. As the future optative is never used with dv (203), this can never be represented ])y the future infinitive with dv. 209. The infinitive with dv is rare in the early poets, occur- nng but once in Homer, 11. ix. G84 (quoted under 683), and three times in Pindar, Pyth. vii. 20 (present), Pyth. iii. 110 (aorist), and 01. i. 108 (future, quoted in 208). 210. Tlie infiuitive with dv sometimes represents an iterative imperfect or aorist indicative with dv (162). This must be carefully clistinguished from the potential use. E.g. /AKoro) AaKe8aif,ov[cns rorc IpftaX/n'ra, dv Kal KaKoWavra? t>V Xyi^ avaxo,^e.v .^ oikov ^clXiv, I hear that the Lacedaemonians at that time, after invading and ravaging the country, used to return home again. Dem. ix. 48. (Here clvaxo>peiv ^v represents dvcxo^ouv av in Its Iterative sense, J% ,,.../ to return.) ^Pa^l ,dv y^p a{,rL ipe^rrS- T«i;9 5 avriPoX.iv av opoio,,, they say that, when hs was feeding on men ofumlth, he never would get away from the meal-tub ; and they all ff^-emed to implore him (ovk dv i^yXOev, ol 8k yvTiB6Xovv dv). Ar Jiq. 1295. ' / • 211. The infinitive with dv, in the cases already mentioned stands in nidn-ect discourse after a verb of ,oj/ing or thiuking. bon.etimes, however, it is found in other constructions, where the present or aorist infinitive (without dv) would be expected In sucii cases there is an apiiroach to the usage of indirect dis- course, so far at least that the infi.n'tive with dv has the force of the corresponding tense of the indicative or optative. E.g. ^ Td 5^ c'vr.^9 orTo>, iKaUro, Cocrr^ ,)8iCTra dv h v8o>p x^vxphv cTa^ avTov^ ptTrrerv, so that they would most gladly have thrown themselves t1 • r J^'^^^'''. "' ^^''" ^^^"^' equivalent to '.ppinrov dv). Thuc. ii. 49. Mca. r/,cct ^ph, vvkt'o,, unrre ^rjr' e/.^ p,jr' dAAov 70 THE PARTICLE av [212 So-Tt? <^/3s ^p^, fSXdxl^ai TTor' S.V, so tJmt ymt could harm^ (fiXaxf^^La^ av) neither me nor any other who beholds the light. Soph. O.T. 3 / 4.^ bo^ Ir. 669 "EchOaa-av rrapeXOovTes Ty)v rCv 'AByjvaiiov oiKo8o/xmv,^ uxrTC uriK€Tt aiWe avrol Ka>At^€0-6>at hr' avrC^v, Ik€lvois re Kal iravraTraxTiv a7r€0-T€pryK€vat, d Ka\ KparoUv, /.r; &v en o-as dTroTCtx^o-at, so as to be no longer themselves obstructed by them, and so as to have deprived them absolutely of the power of ever mfain walling them in, even if they should be victm-ious. Thuc. vii. 6. "Yo-o/xev ryv vvKra TTttcrav oxtt tarn PovX^creraL k^v h Aly^no rvx^lv ^v fiaXXov if K^tmt KaKcuj, we will rain all night long, so that perhaps he mil wish to have tlie luck to be (that he might by chance find himself) in Egypt rather than to judge unfairly. Ar. Nub. 1130. (Here rvx^lv av follows /Joi-Ao/iat like the future infinitive in Thuc. vi. 57 : see 113.) We have eX^jC^ followed by the infinitive and av in Thuc. vii. 61, tc> Tr> tvxv^ Kav fied -qfiiov iXma-avres anjvaL, hoping that fortune may take sides mth^ us (crTaii; 5,v) See also Soph. El. 1482, dXXd fim 7ra>? kAv o-/xtKpov ^^ttciv, but pei-mit me at Uast to say a little {that I might say even a little, eiTTOllll dv). See the corresponding use of the future infinitive in similar expres- sions, where there is the same approach to indirect discourse (113). 212 Even the infinitive with the article occasionally takes av, as in Ant. v.*8, to?to v/xd? 6i6a^co, ov rC^ cf^evyetv dv to 7rAr;6^os' to {^fihepov, this I will teach you, not because I would avoid your people. In boPH. Ant 236, T7K^ ^XttlSo^ rh p; TraOeLV dv dXXo, the hope that I could not 'suffer anything else, the construction is practically that of indirect discourse (794). Participle with *'Ai/. 213. When the participle is used with ap, each tense represents the corresponding tenses of the indicative or optative with dv. The participle with dv is not, like the infinitive with av, found chiefly in indirect discourse ; hut dv is more frequently added to an attrilmtive or a circumstantial participle (822) to give it a potential force equivalent to that of the indicative or optative with av. The participle with av is not found in Homer or Tindar. 214 (Present.) The present participle (like the present infinitive) with av represents the imperfect indicative or the present optative with av. E.g. 0I8a a^rols iX€vO€poi>s dv 5vTa9, el toGto eV^a^av, I hiow they would (iioxc) be free, if they had done this. OlSa ai^Tois eXevOepov, av 6vra,, el toGto Ttpd^etav, I hmv they would (hereafter) be free, if they should do this. (In the former ovTa? dv represents >;^av av, in the latter eiWav av.) TcSv Xappav6vriov 8tK>;v ovtc? av 8tKata>s (i.e. ^IM€V dv), whei-eas we should justly be among those who mfiict punishment 218] THE PARTICLE av 71 Dem. Ivii. 3. "Ottc/) ccr^c p) Kara ttoAci? avTov eTmrXeovra rrjv neA-OTTovvT^a-ov iropOelv, d^vvdruiv dv ovtwv (I'/xwv) iirL/Sorideiv, when you would have been unable to bring aid (dSuvaTot av ijre]. Thuc. i. 73. UoXX' dv Ixwv erep ctVetv Trepl arT>}§ TrapaXeLTTU), although I might be able to say many other things about it, I omit them. Dem. xviii. 258. Atto TravTos av s Ta;^' av irvp/Savriov, Dem. xxiii. 58 (see 918). 216. (Future.) A few cases of the future participle with av, representing the future indicative with av, are found in Attic writers. These rest on the same authority as those of the future indicative and the future infinitive with av (197 and 208). E.g. *AiCT€ t) /iif difiiere, ws epov ovk dv ttoliIctovtos dXXa, ovS* el peXXu) TToAAaKt? reOvdvat (i.e. ovk dv ttooJo-co aAAa) : so all Mss. Plat. Ap. 30 B. Toi's oTtoPv dv eKeivia TroiycrovTa^ dvijprjKore'; Ik t>J? ttoAcw? e(re(r6e. Dem. xix. 342. (Here most Mss., including ^, have TTouJo-ovTas^ but A has Trotvyo-avTa?.) IlaAai Tt§ ySew^ dv tcrws eptorrjcriov KaOijTaL, many a one has long been sitting here who perhaps would be very glad to ask (so all Una.). Dem. ix. 70. 217. The participle with dv can never represent a ])rotasis, because there is no form of protasis in the finite moods in which dv is separ- able from the conditional particle. (See 224.) Position of ^'Av, 218. 1. AVhen dv is used with the subjunctive, if it does not coalesce with the relative or particle into one word (as in Idv, orav, etc.), it is generally separated from it only by such mono- syllables as pev, Se, re, yap, Kat, vv, irep, etc., rarely Tts. See examples under 444 and 529. 72 THE PARTICLE av [219 224] THE PARTICLE av 73 2. In Homer cand Hesiod two such words may precede kc ; as ct -mp ydp K€v, d yap vv K€, €t ycip rts k€, 69 /x€v ya/^ kc. This is rare with av in prose ; see Dem. iv. 45, oTrot plv yap av. Exceptional are ottoi Tis av, ot>at, Trpoa-Orj, Dem. ii. 14 ; o Tt aXXo av SoKy vp.lv, Xen. Cyr. iv. 5, 52. The strange Ka6' &v py]vvr) av rt?, Ant. v. 38, ja now corrected to av pr^vvy, but still stranger is ottoctov r; dpvy^ av ypMV )^avBdv7j (?) Ar. Ran. 259. 219. When av is used with the optative or indicative, it may either stand near the verb, or be attached to some other emphatic word. Particularly, it is very often placed directly after inter- rogatives, negatives, adverbs of time, place, etc., and other words which especially affect the sense of the sentence. E.g. 'AXAa Tis Sy) OeC^v OepaTTcia clt) av 1) ocrtoTr;?^; Plat. Euthyph. 13 D. 'AAA' o/xois TO K€<^aAatov aiVwv /S^6ia>s av €iTroLS. Id. 14 A. OvK av 8rj TOvS' dvSpa /xax>;? epviraLO /xcrcA^wv, Tv6€i6r;v, o« v?v ye av Kal Aa Trarpl pdxoiro ; 11. v. 456. IIws av tov alpvXwTaTov, €xOpov aAry/xa, tovs T£ SLcradpxas oAco-o-as /3ao-iA>';?, tcAo? OdvoLpt Kairros. Soph. Aj. 389. IIoAAa Kav aKwv eSpwv. Id. 0. T. 591. TaXtO-T av T€ TToAlV Ot TOLOVTOL €T€pQV^ XClVuVTCS (iTToAcO-CiaV. ThUC. ii. 63. 220. 1. By a peculiar usage, av is often separated from its verb by such verbs as oiopaiy SokCj, /8€a>9 av poi Sokw KOtvwvTjo-at, and now I thinJc I should gladly take part {av belonging to Koivwvv'jo-ai). Xen. Cyr. viii. 7, 25. So Aeschin. iii. 2 (end). OvS* av vpek oiS* on iirava-aa-Oe ttoAc- /xovvTcs, 7ior uwild you {I am sure) have ceased fajhtiiuj. \yv.ii. vi. 29^. Tl6repa yap av otecr^c pi^ov dvai; Dem. xlix. 45. 'EKAc^avra a pi)T€ TrpoySet /tr/Sct? p/T av loijOrjTypepov pyfOi^^vai, select imj what nobody knew beforehand and nobody thought would be mentioned to-day. Dem. xviii. 225. (Here prjOrp'aL av^pijOelrj av. If av were taken with W7)^7;, the meaning would be, what nobody would have thought had been r^ntioned.) Ti oi^-v a v, €>/v, ctr; 6 "Epm ; Plat. Symp.^ 202 D. 2. Especially irregular are such expressions as ovk oUa av €i, or OVK av otStt €t, followed by an optative or indicative to which the av belongs. E.g. Ovk olS" av el TrciVat/Ai, I do not know whether I could persuade^ him. Edr. Med. 941. (The more regular form would be ovk oUa d TTctVat/it av.) So Ale. 48. Ovk av oW ii Svvaipi]v. Plat. Tim. 26 B. Ovk oIS* av el CKT>/(ra/x7;v TralSa toiovtov. Xen. Cyr. v. 4, 12. So OVK av olS' 6 Ti aAAo eixov i/^T/(/>i(ra(r6^at, / do not know ichat other vote I could have given (jl aAAo elx'^^ ^^ ^i]^L(Ta(TdaL ;), Dem. xlv. 7. 221. (Tax' av.) Among the words to which av is very frequently joined is raxa, perhaps (i.e. qidckli/, soon\ the two forming rax* av, which expression is sometimes supposed to mean perhaps. But rax' av cannot be used unless the av belongs in its ordinary sense to the verb of the sentence. Thus rax' ^v yevoiTO means it might perhajis hapjien, and rax' a^ iyevcTo means it might perlmps have happened; but the latter can never mean perhaps it Imppened, like tirm lykvero. Ta'xa alone often means perhaps, as in Xen. An. v. 2, 17. Aristotle writes raxa and av separately in the same sense as rax' dv ; as ra'xa 5e Kat paWov dv Taimp' vTToXdjSoLj Eth. Nic. i. 5, 6. 222. "Av never begins a sentence, or a clause before which a comma could stand. But it may directly follow a parenthetic clause, provided some part of its own clause precedes. E.g. AAA' w pek* dv pot a-LTLiov SlttXojv eSet, Ar. Pac. 137. So to /xcAAov, eVct yevoLT, dv kAi-oi? (or without the commas), the future you can limr when it conies, Aesch. Ag. 250. UlTETITIOX OF ''Xv. 223. "Av is sometimes used twice, or even three times, with the sauie verb. This may be done in a long sentence, to make the conditional force felt through the whole, especially when the connexion is broken by intermediate clauses. It may also be done in order to emphasise particular ^vords with which av is joined, and to make them prominent as being affected by the contingency. E.g. "Qa-T dv, el Q-Oevo^ XaPoipt, SrjXo'o-aipi' dv oV avroh (fipovo). Soph. El. 333. Ot" rav eAovrc? av^is av^aAotev av. Aesch. Ao/)ov tov hipov ttolol, uAA' iirl ravTov iOL€v ap4>6T€poi. Plat. Rep. 360 C. Ovkovvko-v, ei 7r/>os arro to Cii^ avayKii^oL avTov l3X€7r€LV, dXyciv re av ra ofipara Kal €vy€iv dTToo-rpeipopevov (oul); lb. 51 5 E. {Kdv belon-^'s to the infinitives ; 223.) See also Xen. An. ii. 5, 14. llavra ypei o ^tAty7ros% -roAAa Ac'yoi'To* c/ioG Kal dpvXovvTo^ del, to pev irpdrov m av ek koivov yviopijv utto^ <^aivo/i€i'oi', /x€T(x ravra S' u>« dyvoovvra's SiSda-KovTos, tcAci'Twvtos' Se ws^ av 7r/3o5 7r€7r/3aKOTa? avTois Kal dvocruoTdTovs dvOpioTTov^ ovSev vTToa-TeXkopevov. Dkm. xix. 156. The clauses with ws represent (1) tl>? eXeyov av el e(fiaiv6pijv, as I should have spoken if I lutd been merely informing my colleagues; (2) a>? cAcyoi' (av) el ayi'oori'Ttt^ eSiSaa-Kov, as I should have spoken if I had been instructing ignorant men; (3) w? XeyoLpi av, as I should speak to men who had sold themselves, etc. In the second clause, the construction remainin«,' the same, av is omitted ; but in the third, where an optatiMJ is implied, av nappears. In Plat. Rep. 398 A, we find av used with two co-ordinate optatives, understood with a third, and repeated a«;ain with a fourth to avoid confusion with a dependent optative in a relative clause. "Av may be understood with an optative even in a separate sentence, if the con- struction is continued from a sentence in which dv is^used with the optative; as in Plat. Rep. 352 E: "Ea-O* otw dv aAAw t8ot« t} 66aXpoh; Ov Sf/ra. Tt Se; uKovcrat? uAAw i) uhtlv; So with TTpdrroi after yap, ib. 439 B. Elliptical Uses of^Az/. 227. "Kv is sometimes used elliptically without a verb, -when one can be supplied from the context. E.g. Oi oiKerat peyKovcnv dXX ovk dv Trpo tov (sc. eppeyKov), the slaves aire snoring; but they woiddn^t have been doing so at this hour in old times. Ar. Nub. 5. 12? ovt dv da-Toyv rm'8' dv e^eiiroipi to), ovt dv TeK.voL(Ti Tots c/xots (sc. e^eiTToifjn), (TTepyiov o/xw9. SoPH. 0. C. 1528. Tt av SoKei /j(oi' /lev ovk dv pdXXov, cuti;^>)s 8' tcrcos (sc. ouo^a). Eur. Ale. 182 : cf. Ar. Eq. 1252. (See 483.) So TTws ya^ dv (sc. euj); how could it? ttws ovk dv; and similar phrases ; especially loa-Trep dv el (also written as one word, iMnrepavei), in which the dv belongs to the verb that was originally understood after et; as }9 vai'ayia? alruoro, what are we to do? (JFe are to do) just what a shipowner would do (ttolol dv) if any one slwuld blame him for the u^eck of his ship, etc. See ^fiija-eLev dv, which ex- plains the omitted verb, just afterwards. 228. Kai' in both its meanings (as Kat with the adverb dv, and as kul with uv - edv) may stand without a verb. E.g. AAA dvSpa "x^pi] SoKeLV irecreLV dv Kdv utto o-fiLKpov KaKov. SoPH. Aj. 1077. (Here Kdv, for Kal dv, which we may ex]»ress by even or though it be, belongs to rrea-elv understood.) ^iKavcos ovv tovto e\^opev, Kdv el TrAcoi'tt^^y (rKOTroLpev ; are we then satisfied of this (and should we be so) even if we were to look at it in various tvays? Plat. Rep. All X. (We must supply iKai'w? eyoLpev with Kav.) See different cases of Kav el in 195, in which a verb follows to which dv cannot belong. Ktti oTTOt Tis tti', ot/xtti, TTpoirOij Kuv pLKpdv 8vvap.LV, irdvT (ji(^eXeL, and, I think, wherever ice add even (though it l>e) a little power, it all helps. Dem. ii. 14. (Here Kdv = Kal dv rts Trpou-Og, even though we add.) ^\eTpij(rov eLprjVjjs Tt /jlol, Kdv irevr ery, measure me out some peace^ even if it be only for five years (kul dv iieTpijecial verb like dova/nai, 5et, or XPV- Especially, the idea of obligation is generally expressed by Set or xPV with the infinitive ; as rovde xPV xXvetv, him we must obey. Soph. Ant. 666. I f 78 THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE [235 238] POTENTIAL OPTATIVE 79 and rSoifiL av differ from the more absolute future indicative and the old subjunctive forms iXOio and iSw, / sIkiU go and / shall see, by expressing a future act as dependent on some future cir- cumstances or conditions, which may be more or less distinctly implied. The freedom of the earlier language extended the use of the potential optative to present and sometimes even to past time. See 438 and 440. 235. In most cases the limiting condition involved in the potential optative is not present to the mind in any definite form, and can be expressed in English only by such words as perchance, possihlj/, or probahhj, or by the auxiliaries cmild, would, should, might, etc. with the vague conditions which these imply (like if he should tnj, if he pleased, if he could, if what is vatural should happen, etc.) Sometimes a more general condition is implied, like in a rnj possible case; as ovk av 8cxot/x7;v tovto, I tvould not accept this (on any terms); here the expression becomes nearly absolute, and may often be translated by our future, as oi'k- iv fieOeiiJLyjv rod Opovov, I will not give vp the throne (Ar. Ran. 830), or (in positive sentences) by must, as ttui'tc? ^ai'/xafoicv av TOVTO, all must admire this. The optative thus used with no conscious feeling of any definite condition, but still implying that the statement is con- ditioned and not absolute, is the simplest and most primitive potential optative. It is equivalent to the Latin i)otential subjunctive, as credos, dicas, cernas, putes, etc., you may helicve, say, perceive, think, etc. The Homeric language has six forms, all expressing futurity with different degrees of absoluteness and distinctness ; as o^o/xai, oxj/opai K€, t^w/iat, t8<.)/mi kc, i^iuinjv, ISolfiiiv K€ (or ar), containing every step from / shall see to / should see. Of these only the first and the last (with a tradition of the second) survived the Homeric period, and the others (especially the fifth) were already disappearing during that period (240), being found unnecessary as the language became settled, and as the optative with k€ or av became more fixed as a future i)otential form. 236. In the following examples of the potential optative no definite form of condition is present to the mind : — 'E/iol 8€ TOT av TToXv K€pSiov €n], hit it would at that time {he likely to) profit me far more. II. xxii. 108. ^evyMpev €tl yap k€V dXv^ai- fji€v KaKov 7)fJiap, Id m flee; for perchance we may .s//// escape the evil day. Od. x. 269. HAr/o-iov dA.A>)Aw»' • kul k€V Sioio-Tevo-eias, the rocks are close together: you, might 2^rhaps shoot an arrow across the sjHice. Od. xii. 102. So Od. xxiii. 125. Ovkovv iropois av t^/i'Sc 8iop€av c/xot; would you then grant me this favour? Aesch. Prom. 616. So vav yap av ttvOolo pov, for you can learn anything (you please) from me. lb. 617. Tt tovS* av (lttols aWo ; wJmt else could you say of this man? Soph. Ant. 646. So Ant. 552 and 652. HoAAa? av €vpoLS prjxavds, you can find many devices. EuR. And. 85. "Expopai tol Kal OVK av Xeiifydenjv, I will follow you and in no case will I he left behind. Hot. iv. 97. Ot pev (so. AcyovTcs) w? ovSivl av Tpoiru) €\OoL€v ot *A6rp'aL0L. Thuc. vi. 35. "Ev^a ttoAAt/i^ plv (riocfypoa-vvrjv KaTapdOoL av Tis. Xex. An. i. 9, 3. So Mem. i. .3, 5, iii. 5, 1 and 7. Ats cs Toi' ai'Tov TTOTapov OVK av epPairjs, you cannot step twice into the same river (siiying of Heraclitus). Plat. Crat. 402 A. Ov prjv ((TTL KaWiMV 68os ov8* oiv ycvotTo, there is none and there could he none. Id. Phil. 1 6 B ; so 64 B. ' Akot'oi? av, you can hear. Id. Rep. 487 E. Aci^uTw (1)9 ot GeTTaAot vvv ovk av iXevOepoi yevoivTO do-ptvoi, let him shoir that they would not now gladly become free. Dem. ii. 8. *H8€ws 8* av cytoy ipoipyv AeTTTivip', but I would gladly ask Leptines. Id. xx. 129. Et iiyvorjcre TaiVa, ycvotTo yap av Kal tovto, if he did not knorv this, — and it might easily so happen. lb. 14.3. OiV av ovToia) avXrj Tt? ai' clij, for it may turn out that my wisdom is of a mean kind. Plat. Symp. 175 E. ^KXXyviov Tivds (jmcrt dpirda-ai KvpioTTi^v €Lrj(rav 8' dv ovtol KprjTes, and these would prove to be Cretans (or to have been Cretans), Hdt. i. 2. ArTat 81 ovk dv iroXXal €Lrj(rav, and these (the islands) woidd not prove to he many. Thuc. i. 9. This has nothing to do with the Homeric use of the optative with K€ or dv in a present or a past sense (438 ; 440). See the similar use of the subjunctive with py] after verbs of fearing (92). 80 THE rOTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE [239 243] POTENTIAL INDICATIVE 81 239. The potential optative may express every griide of potentiality from the almost pure future ovk av fieOcLjxrjv, I will iwt give uj.) {under any circumstances), to ovk av SiKaiw? k KaKov irecrot/xt Tt, / could not justly fall into any trouble, Soph. Ant. 240, where StKaiw? points to the substance of a limiting condition, if justice should he done. From this the step is but slight to such cases as ovt€ lirBLova-i TrAetw i) ^t'l'ttrrat if^ipeiv ' Otap/iayeici/ yap av, they do not eat more than they can carry; for {if they should) they icould burst, Xen. Cyr. viii. 2, 21, where €t . . . Itrdiouv is necessary to complete the sense and is clearly understood from the preceding words. A final step in the same direction is taken when the condition is actually stated as part of the sentence. As IXOoi av means he ivould M vo(rTy(raifi€v. 1\. x. 246. Pcta Ocos y lOkXiDV dfiiivova^ 6(t>/)>y(ja tTO. IL X. 556: see Od. iii. 231. Xepiiddiov Xd/^c, o ov Svo y dv6p€ <}>€poL€V. II. v. 302 : so XX. 285. « li Ov Ti? TTctVcic y.-va^Ka. Od. xiv. 122. So also II. vii. 48 xiv 190 XV. 45, 107. ' ' See, further, Hes. Theog. 723 and 725 ; Find. 01. x. 21, Py. iv. 118. ^ 241. Some cases of the optative without av occur with the indefinite ecrrtv o? in Homer, and with cVtiv oirrt^, lirriv oVto?, ^^riv ottol, in the Attic^poets. These form a class by themselves. E.g. Ovk ^irO' 5s o-r> ye Krva? K€aXy^ diraXaXKoi' 11. xxii. 348. Ov yap eyvosi rts o-cJhv iirl o-rcxa'^ y)yi)a-aiTo. II. ii. 687. Ovk €iTd oTTws^ Xe^atiiL Ttt xpev^ KaXd. Aesch. Ag. 620. Ovk ea-d' o'rw p.€t(ova fwipav vet>at/x' 7) a-oi. Id. Prom. 292. Ovk cVrtv ^a-ri^ TrAvyv €Vo9 K€t>atTo vtv. Id. Cho.l72. "Eor' oiV ^ttcos "AA/cryo-ris ej yiipa^ poXot ; EuR. Ale. 52. "EcrO' 6Vot rt? a-recXa^ TrapaXvcrai fvxo.v; Ibid. 113. 242. On the other hand, a few other cases in the Attic poets are mere anomalies, even if we admit that the text is sound. E.g. Tcttv, 7.ev, Svvaa-LV rU dvSptZv vTrepfSao-ta Kardcrxot; what trnmgresswn of man can clieck thy pow^r ? Soph. Ant. 605. *AAA' VTrepToX/iov dv^po^ cf,povrjfia rts Xeyoi; Aesch. Clio. 594. Um oZv Ta6 , ixi'i enroi rt?, i^ii/idpraves ; i.e. as one might say. (?) EuR. Andr 929. Oao-o-ov y Xkyot ns Trtaou? cVr>yVa/x€V. Id. Hipp 1186. lla-Trep eiiroL tls tottos, ci^s one would say t ottos. (?) Ar. A v. 180. The cases cited from Attic prose are now generally admitted to be corrupt. See Kruger, ii. 54, 3, Anm. 8. II. Potential Indicative. 243. As the potential optative represents a future act as dependent on future circumstances (234), so the potential in- dicative originally represents a past act as dependent on past circumstances. Therefore, while i)XOev means he went, r}A(9ev av means he would have gone {under some past circumstances). It is proljable that no definite limiting circumstances were present to the mind when this form first came into use, so that i^XOev dv naturally signified merely that it was likely, possible, or probable that he tvent or (as we exi)ress it) that he might have gone or - would hare been likely to go, sometimes that he must have gone. In this sense it appears as a past form of the potential optative, e.g. of eXOoi dv in the sense he might jjercJmice go or he would be likely to go (in the future). The same relation appears in Latin, where credos, putes, cernas, dims, you would be likely to believe, think, etc., are transferred to* past time as crederes, putares, cerneres diceres, you would have believed, thought, etc.i Here putet and I We are probably justified in assuming tliat the past meaning which here appears in crederes, etc. is the original meaning of the Latin iiimerfect sub- junctive ni tins use, as it certainly is that of the Greek imperfect indicative Witii Oiv. bee 43o. G 82 TIIK rOTKNTIAL OPTATIVK AND INDICATIVK [244 putaret are precisely equivalent to oroero «., he wmild he likely to think, and o.cto av, he would hatr been likely to thud'. 244 We find the potential indicative in its simplest use (last mentioned)— with no reference to any 8co. .rAcr,/..»r minhi have seized even a imn of stout heart II. iv. 421. Siv otluT Hoinoiic examples l.elc.w 'AXX il\e. ah' cS;, To.Vo Tori'CtSos rax' «»' ^Wl l^'^'^f''' r^/"" ;, yvom^l J>/>e.o)i', hut this reproach man ^.r/m;.. have come from ^^lence y Z e c. Soi>H. O. T. U (Here r^x -' f^^ -F-^ f^^ Isili i V, with no reference to any detinite condit.oii, uufultiUed or WAX, for rrehane] it Ly have Um thus rhasnaj toG.h.rho of od Ire ^L Lth ayainst onr raee. Id. O. C. 9G4 (Accord m, to he common punctuation t«x' «- ^v^^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^" ''''^' '^^'^'"'T/'' =^ "^ p?,^ Jil.Jar.';^ B, below ; \Ji the analog of a T. 523 i^-- ^-;^^- interpretation.) H/kk ttou,. <1. ron. erha,s ^^^^J^^^'/^ (possible) circumstanees). Thuc. vi. 2. Krc^pccr^r, ^ "^^ :^;^^'^ " « Lr, and an, one wouhl have been eneourayed who saw that. Xen Ik 1 iii ; 18. BuTTov y CO. T.. «. cocTo, sooner than one would hare thon^. Id. An. i. 5, 8. T.-^u 8.; lyre a. r. o.o. "f-' ->/ - c^^Aer^^a. apxovra, f/^m' «h.7 o«^^>-!//'^ have learned, etc.^ Id. C^r. >1K cV.'VcvcraTC, f./A.:'/ /o ^H at that aye at whuh you jrould have h.n Z^Ukl, to have rnt truM in them. Pl..T. Ap. 18 C. hr.. p.' aX^r K^rrrVvov ;r,L..a.'4c. ^IV-a, while perhaps we were e^^yw 9 r^m tru^h awLih pereLee we wa, have been led a^de xnto seme ln:^Up^f^^'^^ iv = .a,c+cp<'>/.c^a «r), we eelebrated Eros ^n a Zythical hmn. Id. Phaear. 205 B. T.' yu/. ku /ioeAo^roc /xctcttc/x- 3 a. «^o^. e. roer. xi9 €ylyv€To, J collected the cfutrus in tlie way which ivas likely to be most agreeable ami convenient to both. Ant. vL 11. Two Honieric examples are peculiar in their reference to time :— AAAa rdxicTTa TTilpa Jttws K€v Si) 0-7)1' 7raT/)68a yaiav iKrjat' 1) yap fiiv (ioov y€Ktxyov avTilioXi]iTai^, hut strive with all speed to come to your father- land; for either you vnll find him (Ae-istlnis) alij^e (and so can kill him youisell), or else Orestes may have already killed him hfore you come, and th'n you can go to hu funeral. Od. iv. 544. (Here y) k€v Kretvev, by a change in the i)oint of view, expresses what will be a past possibility at the time of tlie arrival of Menelaus, to which time the following optative is future.) Kal y^p Tpo>ds a///, coidd, tvoidd, should, etc., but are seldom expressed by us in words. Compare ovSev au KaKov Trocqo-etav, they could do no harm (i.e. if they should try), with ovSev av KaK^v iTrolijirav, they could hare done no harm (i.e. if they had tried). E.g. Ov yap K€V hvvafi^a-Oa Ovpdiov {ifykdojv aTroWo-^at XlOov, for we could jwt have moved the stone from tlie high doorway. Od. ix. 304. MevoifM dv yOekov S' av cVro? iov tvx€iv, I uill remain; but I should have preferred to take my chance outside. Soph. Aj. 88. Tol'tov rt? dv a-oL rdvSpo^ apeivm' evpeOrj; who could have been found, etc.? lb. 119. 'Ek'Ai'oi' av €ya> ov8' av yXTTio-" avSdv, I heard a voice which I could never even have hoped to hear. Id. El. 1281. Av' e^eAc^a?, oTv iyd, iJKLo-T dv tjOiXya-* 6\(o\6tolv k\v€lv. Id. Ph. 426. KAvcti/ av ov8* d-ra^ i/3ov\6jj,r]v, I should have ivished not to hear it even once. lb. 1239. OiK io-O" oTTws €TeK€V dv y Albs Sdpxip A-qru) TO(ravTr]V 84 THE POTENTIAL OPTATIVE AND INDICATIVE ['246 daaOiav, under no circnvu^ances would Leto have been the motJwr of so great ignorance. EuR. I. T. 385. 0;Ke?a xpay/xar -^r^^ /^^^^ ^ Iv €^>; Aey vo/x>/v, hy which I might have been exposed. Ar. lUn 9o9^ ^6r%i .>f -Vra. Upa. ovk a. Ka^cci,.v, U u.s thendark^a.^ theu wonid not have seen the show of hands (m voting). Xkn. Hell. i. / 7. UL. 8' a. c7>yco. ;/ .0.0.. .) K..Svno. a.^crr.jra.; from what cu:ts etc irou/./fL;/ luive shrunk hack (i.e. i/ they had Uen rcjnired of UvXd^avr^ av tVco., rovro.s .'^'<..aTa. alp^l^Oa.. th.^' who could have done him no harm, hat who nught p^f^'sluu. guarded themselves against s.^ring any. Dhm. ix. 13. Tore 8 a^r^o - -^-^^^^X Zero ^/ahrov, hut the ca.^ would then have been decided on Ms oun merits. Id. xviii. 224: so 101. 1I<^.^ a. oh^JiipurriK.orepov ayOpo^.o. Vr. c^p/^aro; LI. xix. 85. 0? fulCor o/-8c. av Kara.Trc. oyu^os. d^e' <&; a.c8o.ro a^.ro;. AoycV^ar aXAu ra.ra ,uv y ^ T^^ rU en ours all the same ^n any ca.<^\ while the others would have hen added (or would now he added) to them had it not been for these men. LI. xix. Ul. (Here v^>//>xe. a. unci 7> av refer to an actual fact, the possession of certain places; the apodosis TToocrr,. a. refers to something which was prevented from becoming a tact. This pa.ssage^ shows the natural steps from the potential form to the apotlosis. See 24<.) 246 When no definite condition is understood with the potential indicative, the imperfect with a. regularly refers to past time, according to the older usage (43."^), like the aorist ; as in the examples above. , . , . The imperfect referring to present time, which is common in apodosis after Homer (410), appears in these potential exi»res- sions chieflv iu a few simple phrases, especially m c/iot.Ao/x,;r a., vellem, / kould wi.^h, I should like (also / should have liked). Even in Homer the construction with <5c^.\or and t^;^/;**^^^;^^ (424), which includes a form of potential indicative (415 ; 4 lb), sometimes refers to present time. E.g. 'E7(^ 8' liSovXofirjv Clv «iWs aX^lOg Acycti'; /xcrfyy y^ip av kuI ToAcv a^^ror. JaPra x^c, and I should like U rf they n^ke the truth; for {were that so) no small jmrt of this advantage would i mim: but thi^ is not true of them, etc. Lys. xii. 22. Met8mv, ov c/?ovAo/xr;v av ttoXXC^v cVckcv ^>', Midias, whom f,r many reasons I 248] POTENTIAL INDICATIVE 85 should like to have alive. Aeschin. iii. 115. See Lycurg. 3. (For i/SovXofigv av as past, see Soph. Ph. 1239, quoted in 245.) See also Ar. Nub. 680, iKctvo 8' yv dv KapSoir-g, KXeiovvfirj, and this would be KapSoTrrj, etc. Fur w etc., with the infinitive, see 415. 86 IMPERATIVE AND SUBJUNCTIVE [249 For the Homeric use of the present optative with k€ ot av as a present potential form (like the later imperfect with a^, see 438. For the rare Homeric optative with k€ in the sense of the past tenses of the indicative with k€ or av, see 440. 249 From the primitive use of the past tenses of the indicative to express what was likely to occur uiuiei' past circumstances we may explain the iterative use of these tenses with av (162) which is generally thou-ht to have no connection with the potential indicative with av Thus >U^ev ^v, meaning originally he would have gone {under some past circuJtancesl might e.isily come to liave a frequent.tti^'e sense, he would have gone {under all circumstances or whenever occasion offerciV)^ and hence to mean he used to go. See Soph. Ph. 443, o. ovk av etAcr ctcraTraf ctVetv, oTTov /o;8cU^ hoy^, (Tliersites) who used never to he content to speak but once when all forbade him (lit. when nobody permittai him) (>i^r.'r* II. i. 322. ZcP, e^inpo^ T(ov8€ Trpiy/taTwv yivov. Aesch. Llio. 24t). For prohibitions, i.e. negative coniniaiuls, see 259 and 260. 251. The imperative is often emphasised by aye or aycrc, ^p€, tU, 8€i>o or ^eiVc, come, lix^k here; or l)y ci 8* dye (474). Aye, <^pc, and Wl may be singular when the imperative is plural, and in the second person when the imperative is in the third. E.g. 255] FIKST PERSON OF SUBJUNCTIVE AS IMPERATIVE 87 Eur aye fxoL Kal rovSe, (jiiXov T€Koe, 6oa^ cVt v?]a^ *Axaiwi/. II. ii. 8. "Aye ^ aKova-are. Xen. Ap. 14. "AycTC Sctri/vyo-aTc. Xex. Hell. v. 1, 18. ^ep elirl h] fioi.^ Soph. Ant. 534. ^ ^epe Stj fioi ro^^ ciVe. Plat. Crat. 385 B. "IOl^ Srj Xe^ov YjfMLv irpdrov tovto. Xen. Mem. iii. 3, 3. "16 l vvv Trapiu-raa-dov^ All. Ran. 1378.^ "1(9 1 vvv Xi/Saviorov Sevpo ri? Kal irvp 5ora>. lb. 871. Kai fxot Scvpo, w McAt/tc, etVe. Plat. Aj). 24 C. AcuTc, AetVeTc cTTcytt?. EuR. Med. 894. 262. The poets sometimes use the second person of the im- perative with 7rd? in hasty commands. E.g. ^ "AKove Tras, hear, every one! Ar. Tlies. 372. Xoypei Sedpo Tra? VTTrjphi)^' Topve, irau' (rcl>€vS6vi]v t/s fiot 86t(o. Id. Av. 1186. "Aye 8i) a-LioTTa 7ra5 dvyp. Id. Ran. 1125. ^^^; T^^ imperative is sometimes used by the dramatists after ourO' o and similar interrogative expressions, the imperative being really the verb of the relative clause.^ The difficulty of translating such expressions is similar to that of translating relatives and interrogatives with participles. E.g. *AAA' oTu-O* o Spaa-ov; no o-KeXei Oevt ri}v irerpav, hut do yon know ichat you must do] — strike the rock with your leg! Ar. A v. 54. Ola-O" o /xot a-vjiirpa^ov; do you know what you must do for me? Eur. Her. 451, OurOd vvv a fioL ycvarOoi; Sca-fid tol^ ^€voio-l irpodOc^, do you knoto what^ must be done for me?— put boiuls on the strangers. Id. I. T. 1203. OTa-0* w? TTOLrja-ov ; do you know how you must act? Soph. O. T. 543. (Compare Eur. Cyc. 13i, oTu-0' oT^v 5 8pd(r€Ls; do you know what you are to do?) The En, and leave him. II. ii. 236. 'AXX' aye p,k«t. Tax>a A.yo.,x.^a, 6«« come irf u, no lonyer talk thm. II. xiii. 292 ; so ii. 4.35 AXX _ "7' S^^"' riAV .o.T« nirpoKW KAa/co^.v. 11. xxiii. 7. A.U « 8ok«, ^Xi^Hiv, ipud^Ou, Tavw. Soph. Ph. 526. K^.; / 8«, r«pex<"F«/ « rruTu,. ,.>,8a. /xSAA.;. xore ^'xV cixoAA«ro.sible; Ut me pass the .jates of Hades. Il.xxiii.71. 'AAA' Syc .vy eVO^e.-or, «P'!'«J'"'X*"f;';- Jl vi 340. i crc iKo,;r;o ...xo/x.vov. II. xx.. 47o. ■AAAcI p' « y. r,>8. y>>- ^ope,u>^ov d.5 Tax.«-™, A<>;8 "^'to^- <'«''<»• Soph. Tr. 801. ''il ^«i>•o^ pv S^V aStKijOi'>. W. U. U 1/4. 258 In the first pers..u (255-257) both present an.l aorist sub- junclive are «se.l with p), the distinction of 259 applying only to the second and third persons. In affirmative exhortations third persons of tlie siibjuuctive are not regularly used, being the only recognised form. Jiut in Sorn. Ph. 300, vuv Kal TO tt}? v/jo-ov fidOyjni^a dvuTeO^ in ([uoted in Ai)pendix I. p. 385. the second and the imperative fp€pj (1) T€KVOV, positive fidOijs fjLd$yjo). II. i. 3G3. 'ATp€i^^ /r) \//€v8e* eTTLa-Tdixd'oi o-a<^a CLTrelv. II. iv. 404. 'Afyyetoi^ fiy ttoj tl fieOUrc OovpLSo/5' c7rtK-€vo-y9. Od. xv. 2G:?. "H^i; vvv (rtt ttulSI cttos' / TTit) KaTa8v(r€o pCiXov "Apyo^i. II. xviii. 134. My ipcvo-ov, w ZcP, piy p e'Av/? dv€v 8op7 vf;as €"X(ucri Kal ovkcti <1>€vkt^ 7r€\iovTai, may they not (as I fear they may) seize the ships and make it no longer possible to escape, 11 xvi 128. Mr/ 8/) /xot reXeawcTL 6>€oi KaKa Kijd^a 6vp.io, may tlu Gods not bring to pass {as I fear they may) bitter woes for my soul. 11. xviii. 8. M.) Tt xoAoxra^cos pe^y KaKiv xna, Axauo., may herwt (as I fear he may) in his math do anything to harm the sons of the Achaeans. 11. ii. 195. "12 /xot cyco, /x>; rU poL vaLVva-Lv 6oAo. a?T€ dOaudnov. Od. v. 356. Mv; ttc^s p eKpan'ovra fSa\y XcdaKL TTDorl 7r€Tp>; Ki>a pey' dpTra^av, /xcAo; 8c poL cmrcrat oppyj^Ifear that some great icave may dash me against a solid rock, and my effoH will (then) be in vain (the expression of feiir being merged m an assertion). Od. V. 415. See also II. xxi. 563 ; Od. v. 467, xyii. 24, xxii. 213. Tc5v c? K€V 7rai'T(ov dvT.]v 8* ac^iK(o/x€6>a yaiai^, may they not (as I fear) do us some harm and drive us out, and may m not come to some land of others. Od. xvi. 381. Mij ptv eyio pev cKco/xat t';(r€i, I fear I may approach him as I come, while lie ^dll not pity me. II. xxii. 122 (see Od. v. 415 above). Mv; rot Kara TTdvra c/>ayo>(riv KTvy/xaTU haiTudp^voi, tru Sc T»/ra-i>/v o6oy cAt^j/?. Od. XV. 12. / i' 1 The present subjunctive occurs in Od. xv. 19, /x>y ti «/>€/)VTai, and in xvi. 87, pi) piv KepTopeoMTiv. See also TrcAwi'Tut in 11. xvi. 128, above. (See 258.) . ,. -, .- .i 111 these examples sometimes the fear itself, and sometimes the desire to avert its object, is more prominent 262 (it) r>y prefixing Sci'aco or 4>oPo?paL to any of the sub- iunctives with p) in 261, we get the full construction witli verbs of fearing ; as 6u6io p; vn^i, ^Xiocrc, I fear they man seize tite ships, in which prj cAuxrt represents an original construction which at first followed SeiSio paratactically— //mr .• may the;/ not seize the ships— &nd afterwards became welded with it as a dependent clause. So if SiiSio were removed from a sentence like 8€e8o> pi] ri TTdOijiTLv, II. xi. 470, we should have an independent clause like those' quoted above. See p^ Sa/xao-tn; and S€iSio p/ yeVw/xai, Od. V. 467 and 473. , . v. r (/>) In like manner, by prefixing other verbs than those of fearing to such clauses, the original negative final clause with pi) is developed ; as paxovp^Oa. pij V7'ias' € Atoo-t, tve mil fight thai they may not seize the ships. Again, if the leading clause were removed from a sentence like avrod pipv kirl irvpyco, p^ ^ralS' 6pavLKhv ^VV^ XVPl^ T€ yvi/aiKa, remain Jiere on the tower, lest you make your child an orpluin and your wife a widow, II. vi. 431, there would remain pi) . . . Oijr)^, do tiot make, or may you not make, in the originally independent form, like the clauses with an in 261. (See 307.) 263. (Ah) ov with the Subjunctive.) The clause Avith pi) ex- pressing desire to avert an object of fear, in its original simple form as well as in the developed final construction, may refer to a negative object, and express fear that something may not happen. Here pi] ov is used with the subjunctive, like ne non in Latin. Thus pi) lo'ja? cAoKTi being may they not seize tJie ships, prj ov vv'yas eXuxTL would be may tJiey iwt fail to seize the ships, implying fear that they may not seize them. Homer has one case of pi) ov after a verb of fearing : SciSo) pi) ov tls tol vTrocrxyraL roSe €pyov, II. x. 39. He has several cases of /xr) ou in final clauses and one in an object clause (354). 11. i. 28, pi) vv tol ov xpaio-pij o-Ki^irTpov Kal areppa Oeolo, is often cited as a case of independent pi) ov, meaning beivare lest the staff and fdlet of the God shall prove of no avail to you. So Delbriick ^}'V'}}^'^' T^^ nevertheless quotes 11. i. 565, aAA' aKiovcra KdOiicro e/xo) 8' c7rt;rciUo pvOoi, pi] vv rot ov xpoLto-pu)o-iv ocrot Oeol eiV iv OXvpTTio, as containing a dependent final clause. In the two other cases of pi) ov witli the subjunctive in Homer, II. xv. 164 (an object clause, see 354), and xxiv. 569 (final), the dependence of the clause with /xt) od is even more obvious ; and in II. xxiv. 584 we have in pi) ovK €piHTaLTo the decisive proof that this clause is felt to be dependent in the change from the subjunctive to the optative after a past tense. It is therefore more than doubtful whether pi) ov XP^'^^tHl J" H- i- 28 is not dependent on pi) ac klxclu) in vs. 26. Plato in paraphrasing this passiige (Rep. 393 E) takes the clause as final and dependent (see 132). But, whether we have a case of independent pi] ov with the subjunctive in Homer or not, there can be no doubt that this is the original form from which came the dependent final clause with prj ov. 264. After Homer we find no examples of the independent clause ' with either pi) or pi) ov until Kuripides, who has independent pi) in Ale. 315 (/xv) o-ok SiaipOelpij ya/xois), Orest. 776 Qjli) Xdf^oxrt cr aarp€voL), H. F. 1399 (alpa pi) (roh i^opop^iopat TreVAots), and pi) ov in Tro. 982 (pi) ov Treiaij^ a-oov^), besides'Rhes. 115 (pi) ov poXij^). Aristophanes, Eccl. 795, has a doubtful pi) ov Aa^r;? (Heindorf and Meineke, for Mss. Xdpois). Besides these six cases,\ve have in Plato three of pi^ with the sul»junctive implying ai»prehension in the Homeric sense (261) : Euthyd. 272 C (pi) ovy ti? oi^iiSla-y), Symp. 193 B (jii) pot l-n-oXdfSy), Leg. 861 E (pr) tis oLyTai). Euripides and Herodotus are the first after Homer to use prj ov in dependent clau^s of fear (306). 92 SUBJUNCTIVE AND INDICATIVE WITH /it; AND fxrj ov [265 SUBJUNCTIVE WITH /i^J AND fx^ ov IN CAUTIOUS ASSERTIONS. 265. In Herodotus v. 79 we have dkXa fiaXkov /j,^ ov to^to y TO fiavTijLov, but I suspect rather that this may jyrove not to be tlie meaning of the (yrade. This is the first example of a construction, very common in Plato, used also by Aristotle, and found once in Demosthenes, in which p) with the subjunctive expresses a suspicion that something may be (or may prove to be) true, and fin) ov with the su}>junctive a suspicion that something may not be true ; the former amounting to a cautious assertion, the latter to a cautious negation. Exami)les from Plato are : — Mr; dypoLK6T€pov y to dA>;^€s' eiVcu', / am afraid the truth way he too rude a thing to telL Gorg. 4(52 E. Ui) io^ dhjO^'i ravra iTK^iifiuTa yj Twi' /SaSuo? dTTOKTivvvyTioi', I susi^ct the.se may jirove to be comulera- tions for' those, etc. (Jrit. 48 C. Mr) ifuidXav y kul^ ov kuO' oSoy, / think it will he had and not in the riyht way (i.e. ^ly ov y). Cnit. 425 B. •AAAa fiy ot'x oi'Tw? €Xlh ''•^^^ dvayKiuov y elSiWa rldaTdai (i.e. fxy >]). Crat. 43() B. 'AAAcll /uy ov rovr y x^iXeTuy, Odvarov U^vy€iv, hut I sus}mt this maif not }>€ the hard thimf, to escajMi death. Ap. 39 A. 'Huiv fJiy ovSev dkXo irKCTrrkov y, I am inclined to think we hare nothimj else to consider. Crit. 48 C. My o.) 8ky v7roAoyi'f«(r6l«t, 7 think there will he no need of taking into account, etc. Crit. 48 D. My ovk y 6i- SaKTov dp€Ty, it will jm^Mdif turn out that virtue is not a thing to he taught. ]\Ien. 94 E. 'AAAa fiy oi'-x oiVot yfi€U ^luv, hut I think we shall not prove to he of this kind. Syinp. 194 C.^ ^ See also Aristotle, Etli. x. 2, 4, fiy ovSev Xeyoxriv (v. 1. Acyoi-o-iv), tfiere can hardhf h anything in what they say. (See^2G9.) In Dem. i. 2C we have /i>; Atav' TriK/j^i' ctVcrr y, I am afraul it may be too harsh a thing to say. The present subjunctive here, as in dependent clauses of fear (92), may refer to what may prove true. 266. In these cautious assertions and negations, althou«;h no desire of the speaker to avert an (»l»ject of fear is iniplie.l, there is always a tacit allusion to such a desire on tlie part of some person who is a.ldivssed or referred to, or else an ironical pretence of such a desire of the speaker himself. 267. The subjunctive with [ly in this sense is sometimes found in dependent clauses. £.g. "Opa py dXXo Tt TO ycvmtor kul to dyaOov y to? o-tofcii' Kat (7(t'f€o-(9ttt, see to it lest {it jyiove true that) these may he different things, etc. Plat. Gorg. 512 D. The common translation, see whether they may 1 Other examples in Plato arc Phaed. 67 \\ 69 A ; Theaet. ^88 D; Crat. 429 C, 432 A, 432 H, 435 C, 438 C, 440 C ; Men. 89 C 94 P. ; Lys 209 A 219 1) '>^0 A • Svmp. 214 C ; Paim. 130 D, 132 B, 134 E. 13b D ; Leg. 635 E ; Thea"^ 122 B; Amat. 137 B. See Weber (pp. 191, 192), who Lnves these examples in Plato, with Hot. v. 79 and Dkm. i. 26, as the only cases of iuUepeudent ju^ or p.T] ov iu this peculiar sense before Aristotle. 270] SUBJUNCTIVE AND INDICATIVE WITH ^i^ AND /^t) ov 93 w)t he different, gives the general sense, but not the construction, which is simply that of p.y dXXo re Tj (265) transferred to a dependent clause. 268. In a few cases Plato has fiy with the subjunctive in a cautious (piest'oii with a negative answer implied. As py dXXo ri y tovto means thU may possibly he something the, so the question py dXXo Tt 7] TouTo ; means can this possibly he something else ? The four examples given by AVeber are : — Uy Ti^ dXXo y irapa radra; can there he any otlwr besides these? Rep. 60.3 C. Apa p.y dXXo ti r] ddvaro^ y touto / is it jiossible that death canjiroveto he anything but this? Phaed. 64 C. So py tl dXXo y r;, K.T.A.; Pann. 163 D. *AAAa py ipy Trepupyia y Kal to ipoiryo-a.} arc Trepi tovtov ; hut can it be that even asking yon about this is inquisi- tiveness on my part? Sisyph. 387 C (this can be understood positively it may be that it is, etc.). In Xkn. Meiih iv. 2, 12, the same interrogative construction occurs with /X7; ov: py oiV ov Svvojpai eyw ra ry^ StKatoa-vvys epya €^gyi'lu py Trdn-xet (or eTraOei') means I fear that Jw is sufferiny (or svffered), so py Trdn-xet or py ^TraOev may mean / susped he is safferiny or / susped he svffcred, and p.y ov Wurx€L or py OVK liraOev may mean / susped he does not (or did nal) suffer. (Cf. 265.) L\y. ^ Mr; ya/3 tovto^ p.\v, to ^yv ottoctovSi) x/>oi'ov, rdv ye o>9 dXyOo)<; ai'Spa larkov iirri Kal ov ilaXoxl^vxyrkov (i.e. Kal py ov (j>iX.), for I am of the opinion that this, merely living for a certain time, is what one who is truly a man should disregard, and that he should not be fond of life. Plat. Gorg. 512 I).^ (This passage is often strangely emended and explained.) 'AAA' dpa py ov roLavryv vTroXap/Sdveis o-ov ryv fidOyjaiv io-ea-Oai, I suspect that you do not think your learning will be like this. Id. Prot. 312 A. 'AAAa py tovto ov KaAw? MpioXoyyo-apcv, but perhaps we did not do well in assenting to thk. Id. Men. 89 C. (This may be interrogative (268) : can it be that we did not do well, etc. ?) So Aristotle, Eth. x. I, 3, p.y ttotc 6c ov kuAoOs XkyeTail hut it may Im that this is not well said : compare x. 2, 4, fpioted in 265. 270. Apart from independent sentences with fiy ov (263-269), this double negative occurs chiefly in ordinary clauses after verbs of fearing where the object of fear is negative (305 ; 365). 94 "Otto)? and oirm m ^^^^th future indicative, etc. [271 280] 'Ottw? and OTTO)? fjLT) WITH FUTUKE INDICATIVE, ETC. 95 f/ il 07ra,9 AND Sttco^ M ^^'^TH THE INDEPENDENT Future Indicative, etc. 271. The Athenians developed a colloquial use of ottws or ^TTcus p} with the future indicative to express either a positive exhortation or command or a prohibition. Thus ottos toGto €>€w, see thit you scu/ thL% is a familiar way of saying ctV^ roi^o. bo cIttcos m -ror^-o €p€k is equivalent to fii) toito €r7r>/s% This expres- sion was probably suggested and certainly encouraged by tiie common Attic construction of ottco? and the future alter verbs of striving, taking care, etc. (339); so that it is common to ^explain this form by an ellipsis of o-KOTret in o-kottci o-mos touto cpcis, see^ to it that you say this. But we may doubt whether any definite leading verb was ever in mind when these familiar exhortations were used (see 273). 272. The earliest example is Aesch. Prom. 68, ottco? firj a-avrov otKTte ts TTore, beware lest at same time you may have yourself to pity, which conveys a warning, like m > cVct, hut see that you are a man, Cycl 595; so also Cvcl. 630, H. F. 504, 1. T. 321, Or. IfO (with doubtful constructionV. one conveys a warning, Bacch. 367, IIcv^c.s 8 ottcus ^ ^evOos el)«« vc57ro>9 d/>€i\ T.>' ^Liorapav. IK 377. See also hi^ 453, 495 Eccl 952, Ach. 955. Svv ovv ottw^ croWci? p€, so vow save me. Nub 1177. "OTTtos^ Tra/jco-ci pa Kal s v(f)apTrdcr€L. Nub. 489. 274. (Examples from Prose.) Orws ovv io-eaOidvSpfs a^iot^Ti'}? (\€v6€pla^, prove yourselves men worthy of freedom. Xen. An. i. 7, 3. 1 See Weber, pp. 85, 95, 113, 124, for the history of this usage. \Vel»er cites 41 examples from Aristophanes, besides Ach. 343; 13 from Plato uhosej^xtra- ordinary use of the independent sentence with fiv has been noticed ; / from Xenophon, 9 from Demosthenes, 2 from Lysias, and one from Isaeus. Ottw? /xo», (0 dvOp(i)7r€, prj epeU otl icm ra SatSeKa 8l;rat, rovrovs Irraiveo-^o-de Kal Tiprfcr^re /cat (rT€€/)€ (251) sometimes introduce this construction. See examples above (273 and 274). 277. In a few cases the prohibition with ottcd? pi] takes the form of a warning. Besides Aesch. Prom. 68 and Eur. Bacch. 367, quoted above, see Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 18, ottws ovv prj aTroXet pao-Tiyovpevo's, look out that you are not flogged to death. So Flat. Prot. 3 1 3 C, quoted in 283. 278. "Ottojs fxy witli the future indicative or the subjunctive sometimes occurs in independent sentences implying a desire to avert something that is not desired, like p/ with the subjunctive in Homer and sometimes in Attic Greek (261 ; 264). E.g. "Ottw? /xt) ai(rxpOL pev ^jiavovpeda dwdevcLS S^ itropeOa., let us not a'p2)€ar base ami be weak (as I fear we may). Xen. Cyr. iv. 2, 39. Ottws p; dvayKao-uypev (so most Mss.) avroi^ kolv prj /SovXiovTai, dyaOovs yevecrOai, there is danger of our compelling them to become brave, even against their will. lb. iv. 1, 16. Kat oVw? ye pifil to x^p^ov rfSeios opioa-Lv €v6a Kar^Kavov i)pm' Tov/o-w, but I am afraid thd I shall not have the power, but that in my ::eal I shall make myself ridiculous. Plat. ' Pep. 506 D. So Men. 77 A. 279. These aises (278) are analorrous to those of oVw? pr/ with the future indicative or the subjunctive after verbs of fearing, in place of the simple py) (370). They are also a connecting link between the subjunctive with py in prohibitions and the rare future indicative with py'i in the same sense ; as ravryv i'Aa^€T€ ryv TrtcrTLv, Kal py PovXi](T€a-6€ etSfi'at, hold fast to this security, and do not wish to know, etc., Dem. xxiii. 117 (see other examples in 70). 280. In a few cases oVoj? pi] with the subjunctive expresses a cautious assertion, where the simple pi] is generally used (265). E.g. 96 "0^0,9 /VM. Stto,. M-) will. FUTIUE INDICATIVE, ETC. [2«1 n 204) ,.u.tes HPT. vi. 85 for this kouso : .".k.,.s .| ^■s.,i„, ft sns,,i.iou an.l a,.,..-..h..„si.m concerning ft ,>n.Hen .;.,r.' This be.r^" the san.e relation to the co.nn.on o>r.«s- p, w tb the fit; (I " UuU V/ioe,..u ,n; .a^xo".-., / /.w (J-.t ;-,•,, ,,r. ,„«;, .,„/,r (365) ; an.Uhc san.e that M To.ro sitive inaepenaent sentences with fc.o, all have the fu ..re wSivc. the .v,n Jfonn in aepc.aent <''0-',f--;/'f * :;.",^*: : Ci-iQ) An.oi... the 33 ii,aeiH>nacnt clauses with o;r..,s M wl'.cl. ,ue S'(exV ah^g A„. Acb. 343^ te,. have the sul,.iunct,ve, a„a four others ha e more or less M.. support for the sn bjunct.ve. « t the ten The two q.totea in :;S0, a..a the three fro... Xcopbon -.not.. ■. sTa 're either in cautions assertions or i.. s..ntences .n.pl,vm(j fea._ or fb ';wrti.:l of aanger, whe.. the subjunctive is the ..gular lor.n. The ntlier five express warning, aiul are iiuoted here :-- ().:; « VoPro M 8'«"t'y^- M^^'"^ '•;".''* »7 "V" r; '7^';': ,•„,;;= middonotlil the sophist chat «.*. Pi-at. l'rot..5U *^- AAA omas /7n «n< rfo ir/i(i* ft'.s often hnrmed i/ok. I>km. iv. :'•>■ , i i Foxi"of hese s.O.iunctives ar« of the .- clas.s eas.ly confonn, ed vith he u ure inaic.tive, and the j-.d^nent of scholars o,i these has de Lded to a^reat extent npon their opinion about the adn.iss.b.l.ty Te :J :.:ctive with o. Ja,.d o... ^ i- -M- Jnt o^jee elapses ^339 This (o.estion will be discu-ssed in 364. Lut it may laiiiy be cl'a".''j inJependently of the main question, that these cases of to^ « with the subjunctive in prohibitions are supported by the ^XC of ui with the subjunctive i.. the same sense. Thus m 8'8«- 285] HOMKKIC SUBJUNCTIVE 97 natural Uian the i>ositivc o7ro>s SiSfi^rf^ woiihl be, for which there is no such analo-y and little or no Ms. authority. On this ground the examples are given above as they stand in the Mss. SECTION III. Subjunctive, like the Future Indicative, in Independent Sentences. — Interrogative Subj uncti ve. Homeric Subjunctive. 284. In (1,0 Homeric language the subjunctive is some- times used in independent sentences, with the force of a future indicative. The negative is ov. E/f. Ovydp ;ro. T0.0J.9 i^v di^epa, or^'e ,^8o>/.a,, for I never yet mw nor Ml I ever^ see such men. 11. i. 202. 'Y/x.V .V Trd.recrcrc rrepcKXvra 6oY> oyo,i,,ua,ivio, I vill ch^rend to Hades and shim amomj the dead («iid by the Sun). Od. xii. 383. (Here the future 8,.ropu and the su},junctive ./>«c.Vo> do not differ in force.) nv,,/xa. 'A,roAAo.vos Udroco, ^Hll remember and ^M not forrA tyjar-shooting Apollo. Hymn. Ap. 1. A.'ro.. o^ Odvarov firjrccrof.ac, oy^c vr, to. yc y.o^rol re yvunai r. 7r^y>o, AeA« vo>or. tiavuvra, i.e. th^y shall not give hu dead body the honour of a funeral 2;yre. 11 XV. 349. he S^ k, r^OvqCno^ dKovfroj, o-^fid re ol x^vio Kal €7rt Kxepca Krepy^o., I rnll raise a mound for him, and pay him fu^ural honours. Od. ii. 222. 0,5 ydp rf., ^e ftfrj yc e^UdLura no/rat. 11. vn. 197. Kat Trore tl^ €L7ry/Ae/xaxa> trw vut xetpa^ cVotVei. Od. xvi. 437. Ov6€ atu dv- crr»j.w evil besides. XL xxiv 551 (the only example of the second person). 285. Tbis Homeric subjunctive, like the future indicative is sometimes jomed with k6 or dv in a potential sense. Tbis en- abled tbe earlier language to express an apodosis with a sense hetween that of the optative with dv and that of the simple future mdicative, which the Attic was unable to do. (See -^Ol and 452.) E.g, Et 5c Kc p.y^ Sioy(Tiv, cyoi 3c k€v aiVo9 iXojfxat, but if he does not give her up, I will take h,r myself II. i. 324. (Here e\^p.al k,v has a Bhade of nieamng between kkoipir^v accv, / would take, and alpja-ofMat, I H 98 INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE [286 288] INTERROGATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE 99 i will faA., which neither Attic Greek nor English can exp S^^^ hut I shall take Briseis. II. i. 184. Nv^. 8' av TroAAa ^a^ycrt J>tAov (i;r^ Trarpos d/xaprwi', tjfi now U must suffer much, etc. 11. xxii. 5U5. ^Ht5 hrlpoTrXujac rax av ttot^^i'/x^v oXco-ctt;, hy hu oum insolence he may perchance lose his life. 11. i. 205. 286. In the following cases the subjunctive and the optative with K€ or av are contrasted : — -AUov K €X^at>|;o-c pporcZv, aWov kc 4>i\oi,^, on^ mortal he (a kin-) xcill hate, and another he may love. Od. iv 692 bt rts (T€ ?8otTO, avT.V a. e^.i^oL 'Aya/x6/x.o.t, Kat' kc. a.a^Ar;ort. Aimo. vcKpoto yc.ryrat, if anyone should see you, he would straightway tell Anamemnon, and there might {may) he a postponement,^ etc. IL xxiv. b56. El ulv Bi) dvrlpLOV ahv Tcrxctri 7rctp>?(9€t7;9, ovk av tol Xf>atcr/xjo-i Bihs Kal rapcf^Us lot. II. xi. 386. Compare ijv x y/xt. cro^a cittco L TrpoT.oo. 7€ :rt.^ot>>p', (« message) which I will (uvuUr) tell you plainly so soon as I shall {shouUl) hear it, Od. ii. 43 with y x r?/"*' crac/>a ctVot ore Trpdrepos yc Trr^otro, ii. 31,-both referring to the same thing. Interrogative Subjunctive. 287. The first person of the subjunctive is used in questions of appeal, where the speaker asks himself or another what he is to do. The negative is /i^. In Attic Greek this subjunctive is often introduced by ^ovXei or ^ovXecrOe, sometimes in poetry l)y ^eXet? or Oekere. E.ij. ETTTto Torrro; shall I say this? or jSovAct ctVu) toPto; do you wish that I should sai, this ? M>/ toPto TrouZfi.v (or Troo'yo-ovxcr) ; shall m not do this? Tt'crrcu; or re /iorAccr^e cittco; what shall I say? or wJutt do you want me to say ? ^ . , ,„ . r ^n^ Iir, T ap c7o\ c/>iA€ TCKi'ov, iio; rev Ao*/xa/9 tKa>/xai; ij tf^is o-^/s M.irpi. r; c/.ur^a. & /x. ^.7x09 amv€t. Od. xxi. 11)4. 'il Ze?, W Ae^-o,; Trot , ^a /icii; ^« <^7<'>; ';':^^;;^^'';;: ^"^; Hec. 1056. Hot TpdTTcopat; ttoI iropevOio; lb. 1099. ^^^'-^^J'' run' dioOorm', (5 S^Wora; ./m// / make one of the regular fh^ ? J^^' Kan. 1. Taa y^V/. pdprvpa ,ui(io 7ra,)cto-xco/xat ; i.e. A;>,. shalUhnng forward a greater witness? Dkm. xix. 240. M>,8 , ^cai' ri covcu/xui, ^pa>uat 6;;oo-oi. Tro^A^r; may I not ash, etc. ? Mr/8 aTroKpti'co/xat o?is ar Tt. /x€ €>r« vco., €«v' ciSfo ; and may I not answer, etc^ ? Xen% Mem i "> 3G ^b) aTroKpiviopai, JAY 6T€/>oi' cittw; 1 LAT. Kep. 6,U B. So /x>; c/xa/xo' ; lb. 554 B. M caOcoipvKa, >; avT05 ; lb. 580 B. mOvovra avSpa Travv o-c/>o8pa Sc^co-^^c o-v/x- TTorrns i] d^rliopev; will ifou receive him, or shall we go away. Id. Symp 212 E. ^Apa pyj aiVxi'V^wftcv tov ne^a.v /iao-iAea /xi/xv/- a-aa-Oai ; shall we then he ashamed to imitate the king of the Persians ? — w« shall not he ashamed; shall we ? Xen. Oec. iv. 4. IIoC 81] l3ov\€L KaOi^opLivoi dvayviop€v ; where wilt thou that we sit down and read? Plat, Pliaedr. 228 E. (So ib. 263 E.) BovXn ovv €7ri(rK0 7ru)fi€V ottov i)8g to Swarov 1M[i€V Kal /at) (ijTiojJiev ; Aeschin. i. 73. So with K€Acu£T€ : 'AAAot ttw?; cittw KcAci'CTc Kat OVK dpyidcrOe; do you command me to speak, and will you not he angry ? Dem. ix. 46. In Plat. Rep. 372 E, we find d S' aS /SovXeo-Oe Kal (/>A€y/xa6- vovrobably the interrogative form corresponding to the subjunctive in exhortations (256) ; cA^w/xcf, let us go, becoming (XOiopev ; shall ice go ? (See Kiilmer, § 394, 5.) AVhen /iorAct and /ioi'Aeo-^c were first intrtMluced in api)eals to others, the two questions were doubtless felt to be distinct ; as PovXeaOe ; ciVoj ; do you wish ? shall I speak ? which were gradually welded into one, do you wish that I speal ? Compare in Latin cavefaciaa, — visne hoc videamus ? etc. No conjunction could be introduced to connect ftovXec or OeXcts to the subjunctive in classic Greek, as these verbs could have only the infinitive ; but in later Greek, where Ti'tt could l)e used after OeXio, the construction was develoi>ed into ^t'AcTc iva ciVw; do you wish me to speak? See irdvra ocra dv OcXijre iva ttouThtiv v/jllv ot dvOpioTTOL, whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, N. T. Matth. vii. 12. So SeXu) I'va 5ws /jlol Tr]V KCijiaX^jV Taxxi'i'oi' toG /SaTTTLO-Tov. Marc. vi. 25. These forms appear in the New Testament side by side witli the old construction without t'va ; as ri (tol ^cAet? Trotiyo-w; what wilt thou that I should do nnto thee ? with the answer, I'va dvafSXeij/o), that I may receive my sight, Luc. xviii. 41. So /SovXea-Oe vfJLiv a7roAra-a> rov [iacnXka rdv *IorSaitui'; loH. xviii. 39. From ^€Act€ tva d-n-iD ; comes the modern Greek OeXerc vd eLiro) ; will you that I speak ? and probably also the common future Od dirm, J slmll speak (if 6d represents OkXin vd). 100 INDEPENDENT SUBJUNCTIVE [289 \i ! 289 Tlie third person of the subjunctive is sometimes iised in these questions of appeal, but less frequently than the first, and chiefly when a speaker refers to himself by t.s. i.?. n6T.p6v v ya 1.^' l«^^o^5 ,; SoPH.O. C. 1 ,0. ^ Ho. Tts oZv vyy ; Id- Aj. 403. no6'u' oi?^ t.s rarrT,? ap^r/ra. /xax>;s ; Plat. Phil. 15 D. . -c. rr i? iii7 Um ot'v (V f.Vys oTt ; rt 8c ,n); Tt Sk urWouat; or/xot. SoPH. Tr. 073. To /xaXov, ct XRV^'^^'^^H-^'' TL 7ap 7ra6>a>; / .s7u»// sjijfer what is to come, if it mud he; for v^hat harni can it do me ? Eur. Ph. 895. (The ditlerencc between n irfio ; and TTtio-YO) in its ordinary use is here seen.) iliioXoyi^Ka- tl yap TrdSio; Plat, Euthyd. 302 D. So in the phiral, n yap Trad^to/xcv p) jSovXopeviov vfieiov Ti/xwpcetr; Hdt. iv. .118. 291. (Xegafire fu).) Tlie negative /x// of the interrogative sub- junctive is V'xphiined by the origin of the construction (288) If a6^(uu€v; shall we go? is the interrogative of .XOiopev, M ns go, then ill) eXOioaev; shall we not go? is the interrogative of ^ eXUiopev, let J not r,o, and implies (addressed to others) do ifoa wixh not to have us qo'i This is still more evident when PovXeaOi is prehxed to the sub- junctive (288). Similar to this interrogative form of tlie subjunaive of exhortation is the rare interrogative imperative (also negatived by ar}); as av6 fiera rcxvrys ypa^/u? d^nKi,Tai, pi] t^^iTTio 5>/ ercpa Jrpoa-TarTctv; i.e. is he not to he alhurd to give other orders. I lat Polit. 295 E, where py c^-cVru,; is the interrogative of M^$J XkyoL Trepl OeCov ; how can one Mp being excited when he speaks of Gods? Plat. Leg. 887 C. Sometimes such an optative with py is in a second clause, preceded by a positive question, so that the harshne.ss of pi) a./ with the optative is avoided; as Tt tti/ Aeyorre? c/kcw 7) aiWol aTroKvoipev 1) tt^o? rois eKet ^vp- paxovs a-Ki]TTTopevoL pi] f^oyOoLpcv; i.Q. what good (jrownd can we give for holding buck ourselves, or what decent excuse can ice make to our allies there for withholding our aid from them? Thuc. vi. 18. So riVa av rp^TTov iyoj pkya 8vvaip,i]v Kal /X7;5cts p€ d8iK0L; in what way can I have great power and prevent any one from doing me wrong? Plat. Gorg. 510 D.^ See also Lsoc. v. 8, xv. 6. In Dem. xxi. 35, TroVcpa /x>/ 6o> 5ta rovTo 8iKi]v 1) p^lui 80 li] 8iKatioOopdv 8e^eT(xt,/(>r hardly can anything else escape from admittim) destruction if the immortal, which is eternal, is to admit it. This diflVrsfrom the pre- ceding interi-.>gative examples merely in the substitution of o-xoAt;, hardly, fur ru>9 or tivu Tpdirov. 293. Asou cann(»t be used with the interrogative subjunctive, /X7y liere sometimes introduces a que.4i.)n which expects an aHirmative answer. See Xen. Mem. i. 2, 36, and Plat. liep. 337 B, 554 B, quoted in 287 ; and comj.are Xen. Oec. iv. 4 (ibid.), where a negative answer is expected. In Plat. Rep. 552 E, we must read pi) ol^peOa (not olopeOa, Herm.), shall we not think? as the answer must be affirma- tive (see Stidlbaum's note). SECTION IV. Ov /X7/ with the Subjunctive and the Future Indicative. 294. The subjunctive and the future indicative are used with the double negative ov /x/; in independent sentences, sometimes expressing a denial, like the future indicative 102 Ov fiTf WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE [295 with ov, and sometimes a prohibition, like the imperative or subjunctive with fiij. The compounds of both ov and /x^ can be used here as well as the simple forms. For a discussion of the origin of this construction, and of the rela- tion of the sentences of denial to those of prohibition, see Appendix 11. 295. (Denial) The subjunctive (usually the aorist), and sometimes the future indicative, with o^ m may have the force of an emphatic future with ov. Thus ov m -^^^^ r>fiv7)rai, sometimes ov m tovto yevnaerac, means this surely will not happen. E.g. (Aor Suhj.) Kal T(ov5* aKoiW? ov n fxi) A>;^cu 3<;A(o, / shall not be cawjht by any trick Aescii. Sept. 38. So Sept. 199, Supp. 228. Ou ai) 7r\'^>/Tat, he v'ill not obey. SoPH. Ph. 103.^ Ov yap crc p/ yvdcTi. Id. El. 42. Kal ov Tt M Aaxcoo-t yo^-Oc o-i./xp^xo^'. Id. O C 450. OvroL a 'Ax^uCyv, oI6a, fii] Tts vlSpciTij. Id. Aj. 5G0. U 8'* oi -rrap.anv, ov^l M /xo A>, ttot^, but he is not here and he n.rer rnll come. Eur. H. F. 718. Ko.^- m -^* " V^*. ^^^ ^^> ^'"'^ /"' '^" Kpar/yo-co/xcr, oi', M re, ^h' aAAo. crrparu. a.r^-ry Korc avOpio^^v. HDT.vii.53. So i. 199. Ou p) TTOTC cV^uAcocrt.. Thuc.iv.95; cf V 69. Ou M o-£ Kpi^w 7^/>^? »»"r^»'« PovXoiiai a«A-€0-e/tti. AEN. Cyr. vii. 3, 13. '12. ot 'A^/xa'cot ou /x>) S^^'^ovrat rots TroAc/xtms. lb iii. 2, 8 (see 296, b). ^Av KaSiofieOa otKoi, ou^^cttot ovUv w^v ov M y^v^yrat Tc3r 8corTa>v. Dem. iv 44 ; so ix. 75. Oi^e yap y[yyeLovre yeyorc. or-^c o?. /x.) yc^./rat aAAoto. .y^o. Trpo. Lcr/yr, for there is not, nor ha.s there been, nor will there ever be e c. Plat. Rep. 492 E. (Here ou^e p^ yerryTui seems merely more emphatic than the ordinary oi'^c ycioyo-cTat.) ^ , {Aor. Suhj. 2d Pers.) Ov yap tl' paXXov /x.y vyy5 to popcTtpov,^ for you shall none the more escape your fate. Aesch. Sept 281. AAA ov L/c,e epod yc py xa^>y. to8.. Soph. El. 1029 Ou yx.y xor .. T.yv iKvpov U^Xevay, h^v. Id. Ph. 381 'AAA ou re py uy>yTC Aai^>yp3 TToSt'. Eur. Hec. 1039. Kovxt /x>y :rauo->ya-6^€, i/ojt iciU never ctase. Ar. Lys. 704. ^ , ^ t^^ * ' (Pres. Subj.) ^Hv yap arag 8ro 7} rpuov ypepiov oSor uTTocrxjo/xc^, ovK€TL /x>? 8uv7yTat ISaiTiXels ^Js^ KaraXapeiy. \kN. An. 11. 2, 1^. Soo^/xiy Suvcvrai, Id. Hier. xi. 15. Eyjos raPra KaK'ory,yet Kat o^uko- d>JvT€C €r Tc Srvacraf dAA' ov pi) 0I6, r 7>, 5ue you wdlnot be able. Plat. Rep. 341 B. Ov y^y. ph Sr.aro. c5. Id. Phil. 48 D. In the much-discussed passage, Soph. O. C. 1023, aAAot yay> oc crTreySo.rc., ors ov py TTOTC x-/>a^^ ^^7«^'^^^ ^V^^ cTrcvxco.rat ^cot., /or <;«.r. are others in eayer pursuit; and they (the captors) will never {he in a condition to) be thankful to the Gods for escapiny tlwse and getting out of this land, the chief iovce is in c/.ryov'T€5, as if it were ov py c/>uyaxrt Too-TC €V€ux€0-^at 6>cors, the present subjunctive expressing a state ot thankfulness. ri 297] Ov firj WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE 103 {Fut. Ind.) Ov y7roT€ o"' CK TMV iSpdi'on', (5 yepov, aKovrd rts d^et. Id. O. C. 176; so ovK ovi' py o8oi7roy3ry(r€i§, O. C. 848. Ma tov 'AttoAAo) ov py 0-' iyu) TrepLoxj/ofidiriXOovT' (i.e. Trepioxpopiat aTreXOovra). Ar. Ran. 608. Tovs 7rov7]povT>y ovSev py kukioi' olklcl- rai avTov dTToOavouTos. In EuR. IMioen. 1590, we have the future infinitive of indirect discourse with ov p,]: eiTre 'Wipeata, ov p.i] ttotc, (Tov T>yi'(Sc y>yi' oikoPi'tos, cv TTpd^civ ttoXlv, representing ov p.y cv TTpa^CL TToAlS. (6) In causal sentences with ws^; as Ar. Av. 4G1 : Aeye Oapp,)(Ta<;, a>« Tas cr;r(>i'8as' ov py TTpiWcpov Trapaftiofjier, for ire will not break tlie truce before you have spoken. So Xen. Cyr. iii. 2, 8 (see 295). (c) In consecutive sentences with ohttc; as Plat. Pliaedr. 227 D: ovTws cTTLTcOvpijKa uKoPcTai, ojo-t', idv TTOiij Toi/ TTcpiTTaTov MtyayjuSc, ov p.y (TOV dTToXcLffjOoi. In Aesch. A<;. 1G40, tov 8c py TTciOdvopa (cv^io Papciai/s ovTt py crcipaifiopov KpiOioi'Ta ttiZXov, and I ivUl yoke him who is not obedient under a heavy yoke, (and I will let him run) by no means cts a wanton colt in traces, ovtl p.y l)elon<,'s grannnatically to (cv^m, tlioui^^li its position makes it alfect the foHowin*,' words in sense: cf. Kal pyv to8' CLTTC p.y TTapd yvioprju cp.01, A<^. 931, wljere tlie force of p/y fulls on the words that follow it. See Paley's note on Ag. 1640 (1G18). 297. {Prohihition.) In the dramatic poets, the second, person singular of the future indicative (occasionally of the subjunctive) with ov fxi] may express a strong p)'*^ohihitio7i. Thus ov fxy Xa\7](T€L^ means ^oic shall not 2?ra^^, or do not prate, being nearly equivalent to p.y \dXet or piy AaXryV?;?. Q. TTtti, Tt Opoch; ov py Trap o\Xo) Ta8c yypxxrci, do not {I beg you) speak out in this way before the people. Eur. Hipp. 213. '"12 ^^vya- T€y3, ov p) ixvOov cttI ttoXXoxs cpci<;. Id. Supp. 1006. Ov fxy yv- vaLKiov SclXov cl(roi(TCL^ Aoyoi', do not adojd the cowardly language of women. Id. And. 757, Ou py c^cycpcl^ tov vTTvui KdTo\ov KdK- 104 Ov firi WITH SUBJUNCTIVE AND FUTURE INDICATIVE [298 KLV7)07i'« frt/fc nonsetise; there isn't any Zeus. Id. Nub. 367. (Here all Mss. have Ar;/o//(r>;?. See Nub. 296, quoted in 298 ; and section 301 below.) 298. A prohibition thus begun by ov p; with the future or subjunctive may be continued by /X7;8€ with another future form. An affirmative command may be added to the prohibition by a future or an imperative with d\Xd or SL E.g. Ov fii] KaXeh fi, S)vdp(x)cf)\ iK€T€va), fitjSe Karcpits rovvofia, do not call to me, I implore you, nor speak my name. Ar. Ran. 298. Ov fir] Trpoo-oto-eis X^^P^ M^' "'A^^ ttcitAwv, do not briny your hand near me nor touch my yarments. EuR. Hipp. 606. Ov fii) TrpoiToia-nj Xcr/)a, j8aKXcZ'0-€ts 8* iwv, p/8' c^o/xop^ct fnapiav ri]V (T1]V tp.01., do not bring your hand near me; but go ami rage, and do not v'i})€ off your folly on mtn Id. Bacch. 343. (Here fi^fii continues the original prohibition as if there had been no interruption.) Ov fi7] XaXi'jiret^, dXX" dKoXov6i](T€is c/xoi, do^ not jirate, but follow me. Ar. Nub. 505. Ov p) 8iaTpi\l^€i^, dXXa ycvtrct ti> 6vpa<;, do 7iot delay, but taste of the door. Id. Ran. 462. Ov fii) Xv- a/3rJo-€ts €Xijp.€i, do not scoff, 7ior do what these ivretches do; but keep silence! Ar. Nub. 296. (Here the imperative is used precisely like the futiire with aAAa or Se in the preceding examples.) The clause with pySc is here a continuation of that with ov p.7], ov belonging to both. The future in the clause with aAAa or Sc is like that in Trdvno'i tovto 8pao-€i§, by all 7neans do thi% Ar. Nub. 1352 (see 69). A single ov /x/; may intro/. E.g, Ov (Tiy dvk^ii, p7fi€ SiiXiav dpet^ ; nnll you 7iotkeep silence, a7id not become a coward? Soph. Aj. 75. (Here firj SctAtai' dpeU ; is an independent question, tcill you be a coward ? = do not be a coward.) Ov Odijcrov otVci?, /i7/5' uTTio-Tvio-et? €jlioi; 7cill you ?/ to /zr;8€i' uAyos €ts pe-y otVcTc; Id. O. T. 637. 302] FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES. — CLASSIFICATION 105 300. All the examples under 297 and 298 are usually printed as interrogative, in accordance with Elmsley's doctrine, stated in his note to Eur. Med. 1120 (1151) and in the Quarterly Review for June 1812. He explains ov pi] XaXi'ja-cts ; as meaning ^cill you 7iot stop prating? (lit. will you 710 1 not yrate?) ; and when a second clause in the future with /xiySc or dAAa follows, he extends the interrogative force of ov also to this. But this explanation requires an entirely different theory to account for ov p.i'j in clauses of denial (295), where no question is possible. Moreover, the five exanqjles of the second person of the sul)junctive quoted under 295, taken in connection with those in 297 and 298, are sufficient to show the impossibility of separating the two constructions in explanation. One of the exanqdes in 298 (Ar. Nub. 296), where the imperative ci'^ij/xet follows in the clause with dAAa, seems decisive against the interrogative theory. The exanq)les under 299 are really interrogative ; but they consist practically of an exhortation followed by a prohibition (both being interrogative), and contain no construction with ov pi] at all. 301. In most modern editions of the classics the subjunctive is not found in the construction of 297 ; and in many cases the first aorist subjunctive in -cry? has been emended to the future, against the authority of the Mss., in conformity to Dawes's rule. (See 364.) Thus, in Ar. Nub. 29G and 367 the Mss. have the subjunctive; and in 296, 01' pi] cTKiiixj/ys could not be changed to ov pi] crKwi/'et?, as the future of o-KWTTTw is o-KcoxpofiaL. Elmsley's emendation o-Kioipei, which is ado]>ted by most editors, requires a greater change tlian should be made merely to sustain an arbitrary rule, which rests on no apparent principle. If both constructions (295 and 297) are explained on the same principle, there is no longer any reason for objecting to the subjunctive with 01' prj in prohil)itions ; and it seems most probable that both future indicative and subjunctive were allowed in both con- structions, but that the subjunctive was more connnon in clauses of denial, and the future in clauses of prohibition. SECTION V. Final and Object Clauses after ''Im, '0?, ''Ottw?, "'0<\>pa, and Ml]. CLASSIFICATION. NEGATIVES. 302. The final particles are 'iva, 009, ottw?, and (in epic and lyric poetry) 6; after verbs of striving, etc. ; as aKOTTei oiro)^ yevya-eTai, see that it happens; aKoirec o-rrm M r^evi)(TeTaL, see that it does not ha^rpcn. These clauses express the direct object of the verb of striving, etc., so that they may stand in apposition to an object accusative like TOVTO ; as aKoirei tovto, oirm M (re o^^reTai, see to this, viz., that he does not see yon. They also imply the end or purpose of the action of the leading verb, and to this extent they partake of the nature of final clauses. C. Clauses with /A/; after verbs of /m?'iw/7, etc.; as o07)0v fir) TOVTO yevoLTo, he feared that this might hajipen. These clauses have in use become object clauses, though in their origin they are of a very different nature (2G2; 307). 304. Although the object clauses of class B partake slightly of the nature of final clauses, so that they sometimes allow the same construction (the subjunctive for the future indicative), still the distinction between classes A and B is very strongly marked. An object clause, as we have seen, can sUnd in apposition to a preceding Tor-ro; whereas a final clause would stand in apposition to TovTov 6V€Ktt, as Ipx^Tui TovTov o'CKtt, Ti/a i)filv Poi]0,)iry, he comes for this purpose, viz., that lie nuiy assist us. The two can be com- bined in one sentence; as o-TrouSJfct ottws 7rXouT>;(rct, u/a rovs aou5 €S TToty, he is eager to he rich, that he may benefit his friends. Care must be taken not to mistake the nature of an object clause with oTTws' when its subject is attracted by the leading verb ; as o-KOTret that the city is saved. So also when an object clause of the active construction becomes a subject clause in the equivalent passive form ; as €7r/)dTT€T0 oTTws (TVfJLpaxiav cu'tti \fi)ctiL€Loo-5€;>^otTo, Plat. Euthyd. 295 D. DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH I'va, ms, ottos^, oijipa, AND pi]. 307. The development of final clauses and of clauses with fn] after verbs of fearing from an original parataxis, or co-ordination of two independent sentences, is especially plain in dependent negative clauses with the simple /n]. Thus uTroa-rixe, pi] n voyo-y "Upy, withdraw, lest Hera notice anything (II. i. 522), presents the form of an original paratactic expression, which would mean withdraw: — may not (or let not) Hera notice anything, the latter clause being like p) Sy i'>jas € Aoj^rt, 7nay thry not take the ships (11. xvi. 128), and /xy 8y fioi rcAeo-wo-t Oeol KaKo, KySea (II. xviii. 8). (See 2G1.) Such sentences as these last imidy fear or anxiety lest the event may happen which p.y with the subjunctive ex- presses a desire to avert ; and in a primitive stage of the language they might naturally be preceded by a verb of fearing, to which the (still independent) subjunctive with pn] would stand in the relation of an explanatory clause defining the substance of the fear. Thus Sct'Sw' — fiy i^vja? cXuhtl would originally be two inde- pendent sentences, I fear : — may they not take the ships ; but would in time come to be felt as a single sentence, equivalent to our I fear tlud (Icsf) they may take the ships. After o/?oe/xat p,y tovto TrdOtjxTLv (for example) was domesticated in the sense / fear lest they may suffer this, the second clause followed the ordinary course, and began to be felt as a thoroughly dependent clause ; and when 108 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [303 the leading verb became past, the subjunctive became optative, as €oPi]07]v fi^ Todro Trddoiev, I feared lest they might suffer this. When this stage is reached, all feeling of the original independence may be said to have vanished and a dependent clause is fully established. As this decisive evidence of complete dependence is constantly found in the Homeric language, we cannot suppose that such an expression as SeiSoLKa pj rt TrdOitxTLv (II. x. 538) was still felt to be composed of two independent sentences, although the original paratactic form is precisely preserved. Indeed, we have no evidence that the step from parataxis to hypotaxis was taken after the Greek language had an independent existence.^ 308. It was a simple and natural step to extend the con- struction thus established to present and past objects of fear, although we cannot assume for the primitive language such independent indicatives with /x/; as we find later (see 2G9). In Homer we find 8€t8(o p) Oea viifieprU dir^v, I fear that the Goddess spoke tJie truth (Od. v. 300). This use was greatly extended in Attic Greek (see 369). 309. This simple construction of a dependent verb introduced by 1X1 j with no connecting conjunction remained the established form after verbs of fearing in all periods of the language ; and occasional exceptions, like p; o^o? ws' aTropvJo-cts, do not fear that you will be at a loss (371), ov (fjofSel ottws p} dvoa-iov irpdyfia xvyvaioy? irpdrTiov ; (370), and ov (jioPovfieOa c Aa(r(rwtr€(r^ai, Ice are not afraid that ice shall have the tcorst of it p7'2\ in place of the regular /x>/ diropi'iaij^, /x>) Tvyx^^'V"^^ M €Aao-oets (2G1 ; 264). But in Plato it suddenly appears as a common construction, expressing, however, not an object of fear but an object of suspicion or surmise (265), so that p; with the subjunctive is a cautious expression of a direct assertion ; as firj dypoLKOTipov rj to dh^Oh €LTr€Lv, I rather think the truth may he too rude to tell (Gorg. 462 E). 310. In like manner, the simple negative form of the pure final clause, as ttTroo-Ttx^, p; n vo,'j€i'^o/mt p) Tis p.€ i6i) and €(^1701' fi>'i ris /xc l8oi. But it is obvious that ^ See Brugmanii. Grirchischc Gmnwiatik, p. 122. 312] DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH tW, ETC. 109 only negative purpose could be expressed by this simple form, in which pj could serve as a connective. We find, it is true, a few positive sentences in which a purpose is implied by the mere sequence of two clauses ; as dW aye vvv Whs kU ^k(Tropopa. Its derivation is uncertain. It appears in Homer as a fully developed final conjunction, and occasionally also in the sense of ivhcre (Od. ix. 13G) and whither (Od. xix. 20). It is overshadowed in ejnc and lyric poetry by o<^/)a, and in tragedy by w? ; but Aristophanes uses it in three- fourths of his final sentences, and in Plato and the orators it has almost exterminated the other final particles. As iva is purely final, both in use and in feeling, it never takes du or kc, which are frequently found with the other final particles, espe- cially with the relative w?. 312. ('fis.) 1. 'n? is originally an adverb of manner, derived from the stem o- of the relative 09, like ovto)s from the stem of orros. As a relative it means originally in which way, as; as an indirect interrogative it means hou\ whence comes its use in indirect discourse (663, 2). Since purpose can be expressed by a relative pronoun, which in Homer regularly takes the subjunctive (568), as yyifiov €(r$Xov o7racr(roi', o§ Ke fi€ Ketcr' dydyy, send me a good guide, to lead me thither (Od. xv. 310), so can il be by the relative adverb of manner, as Kpti'' dvSpas Kara ; fjipyrpinfiLV dpyyy, (fjvXa Se i'Aot?, divide the m€ii in that way by which clan may help clan, etc., i.e. (so) divide them that clan may help clan, etc. (II. ii. 362). Here the original force of d)v» can be seen ; but in Od. xvii. 75, orpvvov c/xov irorl ^Cifui yvvaiKULS, w? rot SCyp uttottc/xi^w, in order t/uit I may send you the gifts, the final force is as strong as if we had I'va aTroTrc/xi/'oj. 2. *12s% however, always retained so much of its original relative nature that it could take k€ or dv in a final sentence with the subjunctive, like other final relatives, which in Homer hardly ever omit kc before a subjunctive (568). Compare 6s kc p k€1(t 110 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [313 dydyrj (above) with the equivalent w? k€ fie k€lo-' dydyy. The final clause thus receives a conditional form, with which it must have received originally more or less conditional force.^ Thus an expression like TretOeo ws dv kv8o<; dpi]ai probably meant originally ohei/ in whatever icay you may gain glory, or obey in some way in which you may gain glory, m dv dprjat being chiefly a con- ditional relative clause (529) ; but before the Homeric usage was established, the final element had so far obliterated the relative, that the conditional force of (I)§ dv must have been greatly weakened. The expression in Homer (II. xvi. 84) may have meant obey that {if so be) you may gain me glory. (See examples under 326.) The same is true of the less common use of Kk or dv with 6pa and ^Trto? in Homer (327; 328). ^How far the original conditional force survived in the Attic m av and oTrtos av with the subjunctive, especially in ojtok dv of Attic prose, is a question which at this distant day w(i have hardly the power to answer, and each sclujlar will l)e guided by his own feeling as he reads the expressions. (See 326 ; 328 ; 348.) It certainly can be seen in some of Xonophon's uses of ws' av with the subjunctive ; see Cyr. ii. 4, 28, and Eipies. i. 16, quoted in Appendix IV. 3. *12« and Ik k€ with the subjunctive are used in Homer also in object clauses after verbs oi' planning, considering, etc. (341), where orrtos with the future indicative is the regular Attic form. *12s (with 0)9 av) is by fiir the most common final particle in tragedy ; it seldom occurs in Aristophanes and Herodotus ; while in Attic prose it almost entirely disappears,- except in Xeiiophon, with whom it is again common, though less so than o;ru>s or iva, (See Weber's tables in Appendix HI.) 313. ("07^(os^) 1. "0;ro)s is related to (k as ottotc to ore, being the adverb of the relative stem o- and the indefinite stem tto- combined.^ Like ik, it is originally a relative adverb, ineaniiig as; and it can always be used in this sense, as in oiVos ottoj^ 1 See Gildersleeve in Am. Jour. Phil. iv. ]>. 422. 3 Weber (p. 174) quotes two pa.ss;i«;es of Demosthenes as examples of final (is with the t\iture indicative, a construction otherwise unknown in Attic prose : ws de (ra<^cDs yvuaeffde Bri dXvOTj UyoJ, iyu: vfxlv e>a', xxiv. 14(5 ; an«l ws 5^ KaTa. See also w? dKora iroiovufy Kal rly iL^aare (so. X.a elSijre), Xkn. Hell. ii. 3. 38. Ihis coinmon ellipsis shows that in Dkm. xliii. 42 we can easily supply a tinal clause like i.a jiSye before lis KaTa4>au^s iarai, that you may know how it is to be established, etc. In xxiv 146 there is no need even of an ellipsis, as we can translate how you are to know that I speak tlic truth, I will explain to you. 3 See Delbriick, Conj. u. Opt. p. 61. 314] r/ DEVELOPMENT OF CLAUSES WITH Cva, ETC. Ill Sui/avrat, thus as they can, Thuc. vii. 67. Then it is used in indirect questions, in the sense of oto) rpoTro), how, in wlmt way, and is followed by the future indicative; as o-KOTrelv ottms tj TToAt? (ru)6i)(r€TaL, to see how the city can be saved. So rois yeyevrj- fXeVOLS TTOVlJpOLS, OTTtOS fJLlf SlOCTOVO'L SlKTJV, 68oV SciKl/l'CTt, hc ShoWS those who have been rascals how they can avoid suffering punishment (= oTo) TpoTTO) p.rf Sioa-ovo-i), Dfm. xxiv. 106. Then, by a slight modification in sense, it may denote also the object to which the striving, etc., is directed ; so that aKoireLv (or o-Ko;r€ti^ tovto) oVws rj TToAts (Tiii6i](T€TaL uiay mean to see (to this, viz.) that the city shall be saved. Here, however, the subjunctive is sometimes allowed, as tlie interrogative force of ottoj? is lost sight of and its force as a final particle, in order tJuit, begins to appear. From this it becomes established as a final particle, and denotes the imrpose in ordinary final clauses. From the original force of ottw? as a relative, used in indirect questions in the sense of how, we must explain its occasional use in indirect questions in the sense of ws (706). The interrogative force of ottw? can be seen from passages in which other interrogative words take its place in the same sense ; as Dem. xvi. 19, crKoTrcu' €^ otoi» rpoirov pi] yev/jcovrat (^lAot), to see in what way they can be jtrevented from becoming friends ; and Thuc. i. 65, €7rpa(r(r€v ottij wtfieXia Tt§ y6i'iyo-€Tai, he negotiated, to have some help come (how some help should come). So Thuc. iv. 128, ^irpao-a-ev oto) TpOTTO) Ta^KTTa TOl§ Ke with the sulyunctive is found in a few places in Homer, and o7ro>? dv in a few in the Attic poets, while ottms av in these clauses in prose is found chiefly in Plato and Xenophon (348). 314. ("Otltpa.) The most common final particle in Homer * Sec Madvig's Syntax, § 123. 112 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [315 is oc^pa, which is originally a temporal particle, meaning while {so long as) and then until. From the last meaning the final force was naturally developed, as the idea of until, when it looks forward to the future, may involve that of aiming at an ohject to be attained, as in English we shall fight until we are^ free. Another temporal particle meaning both u'hile and until, cws, is used in a final sense in a few passages of the Odyssey (614, 2). Both of the temporal uses of 64>pa appear in full vigour in Homer ; but its final character must have been more distinctly marked at an earlier period than that of either ws- or ^rtos, so that it seldom took either Kk or av before the subjunctive. "O^ipa is found only in epic and lyric poetry. 315. {Negative Final Clauses.) The need of these final particles was first felt, as has been shown (310), in positive clauses of purpose, as a negative purpose could always be expressed by the simple pi, which thus became in use a conjunction. Still the final particles were as well suited to negative as to positive final clauses, and they could always be prefixed to p}, which thus was restored to its natural place as a negative adverb. Thus crfo/xat p) Tts /x€ %, / shall flee, that no one ynay see me. The history of the Greek language shows a gradual decrease of final p; and an increiise of the final particles with py in negative final clauses. 1 The tendency in this direction was so strong that Sttws /x>j sometimes took the place of p) even after verbs of fearing, to express the object of the fear (370), while it became the regular form after verbs of striving, etc., to express the object aimed at (339).^ The different origin of the negative final clause (with iva fxi], etc.) and of the clause with p.i'i explains- the fact that, while clauses intro- duced by the final particles are negatived by /x>/, those introduced by [MT], lest, are negatived by ov. (See 306.) 316. Finally, the Attic Greek took the last step in develop- ing the final clause, by using the past tenses of the indicative with im, m, and ottws to express a purpose which failed of attainment because of the failure of the action of the leading sentence ; as ti fi ovk cktcivu?, u>^^ /iZ/ttotc toiV cSf i^a ; tvhy did you not kill me, that I might never have shoicn this ? (See 333.) 1 In Homer, Hesiod, and the Ivric poets we find 131 cases of simple m and 50 of the final particles with m^ ; in tragedy the pro])ortion is 76 : 59 ; in Aristophanes it is 8 : 55 ; in Herodotus, 8 : 53. In Attic prose (except m Plato and Xenophon) the simple i^rj in final clauses almost vanishes. Thucy- dides has oidy 4 or 5 cases ; the ten orators only 4 (Demosthenes 2, Isocrates 1, Isaeus 1) ; 'Plato 24 ; and Xenophon 12. 3171 i I PURE FINAL CLAUSES A. Pure Final Clauses. 113 317. Pure final clauses regularly take the subjunctive if the leading verb is primary, and the optative if the lead- ing verb is secondary. Kg, Nw 8* €px(cr6' €7rt SeiTTvov, tVa ^vvdyoifiev Api^a. II. ii. 381. i!ot S* u>8c pvijO-Tiipe^ vTTOKpLVovTat^ iv €i8//<5 avro'i aw 6vp,io c/Swcrt 8k 7rdvT€iAo? (fiovX€TO €Lvat Tot^ p^eytcTTa SiTa/xevot?, tva dSiKixtv pi] StSotrj Slkijv. Xen. An. ii. 6, 21. To xj/i^^jyurpLa rovro ypdcfju) (hist. pres.)^t'v ovtu) yiyvoti'6* ol opKot, Ka\ pi] Kvpio'i T>ys OpdKi]? pi] StajSijre.^ dXX! iv pkcno d7roXi](f)0i]T€. Xen. An. ii. 4, 17. Tiiifn'c 8' KvpvTov, ws Avyeav Xdrpiov picrOov irpda-- (TotTO. Find. 01. x. (xi.) 31. Kat (t e^eTrepirov, to? povr] kAvoi?. Soph. Ant. 19. "KirepiJ/a w? TrvOotro. Id. O. T. 71. Touto ovTrep €i'€Ka (fytXiov o)€To SetcrOat, w? crvvipyov^ ^X^*" ^^^' An. i. 9, 21. Tov Se pi'i](rTijp€'s Ao^^OKTtv, oTTWs ttTTo cf>v\ov 6Xr]Tat e^ '10dKi])>? 81KIJS aKovcrys. Xen. Cyr. iii. 1, 8. TLapaKaXeLS taTpois, ottws pi] airoOdvy. Id. Mem. ii. 10, 2. Otpat 8€ ravTa yiyviO'Oat, ov\ ottoj? rov'i avrov^ )^opovs Kpt- raxrtv oi iroXlrat, oi'6' ottw? tois avroxs avAvyras iiro.tvMcrtv, ov8^ OTTO)? Toxs ai'Tov'5 TTotyra's atpiovTat^ ov8' tva rot? o.vtol's i]8o)VTai, aAA' u'tt Tot? vopLots TTC L 6 iovr at. Id. Mem. iv. 4, 16. 'Ei^ ye^tpecr- (Ttv €6i]K€V, o7ra>9 ert Trijpa aXy KttTai'CjVo/xat, ocjtpa Tr€7rotOy<;. II. i. 524. "Opo-eo 8i] vvi', ^cu'c, TToAu'S' i'/xei', oc^pa (Ti Trepif/o). Od. vi. 255. Avrdp ipiol yepa^s avTt)^ krotfuuTar, otfypa /xvy oto«» ApyeiMV dykpacrro^ cw. II. i. 118. Aopov *p€p(r€(f)6va<; kXOk, ocfip' t8oL(r vtuv ecTrys. PiND. 01. xiv. 20. '^Qs o pkv IvOa KarkiryeT €;rctyo/x€i^os trep 68oto, 6) Kat toGtov 7roA.€/xiov 7rpo(T0u)fi€ea, Xen. Cyr. ii. 4, 12. Aeyerai ciVciV on aTruvaL povXoiTo, fii) 6 TraTijp tl axOoiTO kul 7; TToAis fi€fJL4>0LT0. lb. 1. 4, 25. AoiVat KcAcT, a»s p) n/)m/xo9 i6ot viov, /^v 6 /X6V dxi'Vfiivy Kpahiy xoXov ovk kpvaaiTo. IL xxiv. 582. For the relative freciuency of the final particles, see Appendix III. 318. As final clauses after past tenses express some person's previous purpose or motive, they allow the double construction of indirect discourse (667, 1); so that, instead of the optative, they can have the mood and tense which the person himself would have used in conceiving the pur- pose. Thus we can say either rikOev ha iSoCy he came that he mir/ht see, or ^XOev Iva iBrj, because the person himself would have said epxo/^a^ ^'^^ ^'^'^> ^ ^^^^ ^^^^ "^ ^'^^2^ ^^' Hence the subjimctive in final clauses after past tenses is very common, in some writers even more common than the regular optative. E.g. 'EtTCkA-WO-UVTO 8' oXcOpOV aV^UTTOtS, IVa ya-l Kai ((T(TOfM€VOL(TLV doiBy). Od. viii. 579. *AxXvv 8* a?: toi dir o6^aA/xwi/ e'Aoi', t) irplv eV;i€V, 6cf>p €V yiyvioa-Kys y^uv Oeov ijSc Kai av^pa. II. v. 127. 'Apia-T€vs ^vv€pov\€V€V iKTrXcviiai, oirm cVt ttAcoi/ 6 (TlTosdvri(Txy- Thdc. i. 65. ''HA^oi' Trp€(Tl3€vo-6fi€vot, ottws fii] ? ^a/XjaXcWTC^l? OlVt TT pO (T € p Ui V- Tat Ktti o-c/>iViv CK ToG tVov ytyvwi'Tttt, aXA' 7/o-(roi'? J/Sio-ra Stajr;?. Plat. Grit. 43 B. nAom KarcKauo-cv iva fiij Kvpo<; SiaPfj.^ Xen. An. i 4 18. TttuVa^ Tm ku}Xvi]0' oi vo/>(ot ori'^/yttyoi' v/xS?, ovx tV« Ki'pU TOis- a8iK0iVi rotf/TC. DkM. xix. 1. Kai irepl roimov ifivri- o-^T/v, tVa fii) raiVa rc{(9vT£. Id. iii. 6. (Here the purpose was con- ceived in the form iva p) ravra ra^uxriv.) 319. This principle apphes also to clauses with o7ru>9 after verbs of stnvinfj (339) and with /17) after verbs oi fearimj, etc. (365). 320. Tliis is a favourite construction with certain authors, especially Thucydides, who also, on the siime principle, prefei-s the indicative and subjunctive to the optative in onlinary intlirect discoui-se after past tenses (670). The early poets, on the other hand, especially Homer, use it very sparingly.^ 1 Wchcr V 243, cnvca a comparison of the usage of various writers, show- in- that the' proportion of subjunctives to optatives after past tenses in pure tiinl clauses and after verb, of fearing is as follows :-iii Homer 35:156, Pnla^^ 2 10, Aeschylus 2 : 9. Sophocles^2 : 23 Euripides 31 : 65, Aristophanes 13 . 37 Herodotus ^i : 47, ThucmUdes 168 : 60, Lysias 22 : 19, Isocratrs 21 : 1/, Isaiu ' 8 • irX.o./;.r«.; 40:40, Aeschines 13:7, Plato 22:79, Xenophon 45 265 * In all writers brfore Aristotle 528 : 894. In the Attic wnters and Herodotus, excluding Xenophon, tire two are just equal, 441. ' 321. The subjunctive thus used for the optative makes the language more vivid, by introducing more nearly the original form of thought of the person whose purpose is stated. As the two forms are equally correct, we sometimes find both in the same sentence, just as we find the indicative and optative inter- changed in indirect discourse (670; see 677 and 690). E.g. *EAxKoo-iov? Aoya^a? l^eKpivav, ottios tmv T€ 'ETTtTroAon' enjcrav vX(iK€'s Kat, -Tyv e? aAAo Tt 6e>y, raxv ^i-reo-rwres irapay iyvinvTai, i.e. they selected them, that they mhjht he (jaardu of Kpipolae^ and that they might be on hand if they should he needed for anything else. Thug. vi. 96. Hapai'Lcrxov 8c <^/oi'KTovs, ottids ao-ac/)/; to. o-yjfieia rots ttoAc- fiLOLS y Kai fiy ISoyOoUv, they raised fire-siguals at the same time, in order that the enemy's signals might he nnintelligible to them, and that they {tJie enemy) might not bring aid. Id. iii. 22. A common interpretation of the latter and of similar passages, that "the subjunctive mood indicates the immediate, and the ojjtalive the remote consequence of the action contained in the principal verbs, the second being a consequence of the first " (Arnold), manifestly could not apply to the first example. 322. The use of the optative for the subjunctive in final clauses after primary tenses is, on the other hand, very rare, and is to be viewed as a mere irrej^ularity of construction. See a^w ryX 'lOuKySy Tva fioL pioTov TToAri' aA pax^oivro, II. i. 344 ; and vii. 340, xviii. 88. So Soph. El. 56, 0. C. 11 ; IIdt. ii. 93 (u'a /x>; dpdproL^v). Most of these are emended by various editors ; and no good reason for the anomaly appears in any of them. 323. Sometimes the optative is properly used after a leading verb which imi)lies a reference to the past as well as the i)resent. E.g. Toeroy ^X'^^ ^^^ T^)07rov o vo/xo§, iva ft>y5€ TreuTOyvai /lyS e^airary- Byvai ykvoiT cVt tcJ 81//XO). DeM. xxii. II. (Here e'xet implies also the past existence of the law ; the idea l»eing, the lavj was made as it is, so that it might not Ite pos.'^ihle, etc.) So Dkm. xxiv. 145, 147. In Dem. iii. 34 iVa Tov6* virdpxoi depends on a past verb of saying to be mentally supplied. In Ar. Ran. 23, tovtov 8' oxt">, tVa py raAat- TTUipoLTo fiyS' dx(^os (f>€poL, I am letting him ride, that he might not be di.^tressed, etc., the meaning of o)(w goes back to the time when Dionysus first let the slave mount the ass. 324. (Future IwUcative.) The future indicative occasionally takes the place of the sul)junctive in pure final clauses. It occurs chiefly with on-co9, very seldom with oiov 7rpoo-^(o^€(9a. Xen. Cyr. ii. 4, 12. Aeycra. eLlv Srt d^L^vac jSoAotro, p; o ^aryp tl ox^otro kcu .; -jToL ^e/.<^o.TO. lb. L 4, 25. AoPcrac kcAct, o>s p; Upcaf.0, tSot vl^i', /X7) 6 u€V dxvviM€vyj KpaBnj xoAoi^ oi,k .pvcraLTo. IL xxiv. 5tt^. For the relative freriuency of the final particles, see Appendix 111. 318. As final clauses after past tenses express some person's previous purpose or motive, they allow the double construction of indirect discourse (667, 1); so that, instead of the optative, they can have the mood and (ense which the person himself would have used in conceiving the pur- pose Thus we can say either ^XOev ha iBoi, he came that he miyht see, or ^Xdev ha %, because the person himself would have said epxof^at ha I'^o), / come that J may see. Hence the subjunctive in final clauses after past tenses is very common, in some writers even more common than the regular optative. E.(j. cio.8/;. Od. viii. 579. \^X^vv 8* a^ rot d^^ oeaXp.u.v .Xov, r^ rrp. cVmcv, 6cf>p €^ yLyviocTKy<; r)/ui' deov fe Kat av^pa. II. v. 127. 'ALreh, $vvel3o{^X€v€V iKTrXevaai, l^irco, ctti ttX.ov o atro, avncrxy- THDC i 65. ''HXOOV 7rp€(Tl3€V(T6fl€VOL, OTTOiS ^ (T^^LCTL TO AtTIKOV (vavriKhv) -poay,v6ix,yov €>7r(58toi' y^v.yrat. Id. i. 31. Y^xyovv U tQv olKiun', oVo)? M Kara c/x^? Oap^raXeiorepoi^ ov^l 7rpocr€piov- rat Kal a4>la-iv Ik toG l^ov yt'yvcuvrat aU ./o-croi'? a>o-t. Id. u. 3. Kal 6VtT»;869 o-€ ovK //yetpov, tm co5 ^/Sto-ra Stay^?. Plat. Grit 43 B. IIAom KarkKavn^v iva fiij Kvpos btafirj.^ AEN. An. i 4 18 Tavras tVa KioXvyjO' ot vo/iot orn/yayov v/xa?, oi^x ^vji Ki-p'm? TO?s^ aa^Koim TTOt^-jTC. DKM.xix. 1. Kal 7rc/3t roxmov €/xv7^- o-^7;r, Tva /x7; raiVi 7rc((97;T€. Id. iii. 6. (Here the purpose was con- ceived in the form iva p/ ravra Tra^oxriv.) 319. This principle applies also to clauses with ottw? after verbs of striving {^39) and with /x/y after verbs o( fearing, etc. (365). 320 Tlii'^ is a favourite construction with certain authors, especially Thucvdides, who also, on the same principle, prefers the indicative and ^uhjunctive to the optative in ordinary indirect discourse after past tenses (670). The early poets, on the other hand, especially Homer, use it very sparingly.^ 1 Weber n 243, chives a comparison of the usage of various writers, show- in- that the Fo^or ion of subjunctives to optatives after past tenses m pure thril etos and alter verb/of fearing is as follows :-m //.m^r 35 : 156. Ph l.^- ' 10 Aeschylus 2 : 9, Sophocles 2 : 23, Kuripidos 31 : 6d. Anstophanes fv 3^ Herodotus 86 : 47, ThucXles 168 : 60, Lysias 22 : 19, Isocrates 21 : 1/, itaensSlT^^^^^ 40:40, Aeschines 13:7, Plato 22:79, Xenophon 4? 265 ' In all writers before Aristotle 528 : 894. In the Attic wnters and Herodotus, excluding Xenophon, tire two are just ecpial, 441. ! 321. The subjunctive thus used for the optative makes the language more vivid, by introducing more nearly the original form of thought of the person whose purpose is stated. As the two forms are equally correct, we sometimes find both in the same sentence, just as w^e find the indicative and optative inter- changed in indirect discourse (G70 ; see G77 and 090). E.g. *E^aKoo-ioi'? Aoya^as l^kKpivav^ ottoj? tCov t€ ^YiirnroXm' eiijcrav (l>vXaK€) dfidpToiev). Most of these are emended by various editors ; and no good reason for the anomaly appears in any of them. 323. Sometimes the optative is properly used after a leading; verb which implies a refereuce to the past as well as the present. E.g. Toi'Toi' €xct Tov TpoTTov 6 vo/xos, tVtt pijhl TTeurOyuaL fiifi l^airari]- BrjvaL yevoLT cVt t(o Syfio). DkM. xxii. 11. (Here e'xet implies also the past existence of the law ; the idea being, the law vns made as it is, so that it might not he possible, etc.) So Dem. xxiv. 145, 147. In I) em. iii. 34 Lva tovO* vTrdpxot depends on a past verb of sayiug to be mentally supplied. In Ar. Ran. 23, tovtov 5' ox(">, t'»'a p) raAat- TTMpoLTo fMijS' (xx^os (f)€poi, I am letting him rixle, that he might not be digressed, etc., the meaning of ox^ goes back to the time when Dionysus first let the slave mount the ass. 324. (Future Indicative.) The future indicative occasionally takes the place of the subjunctive in pure final clauses. It occurs chiefly with OTTO?, very seldom with o(/>^ia, u>s, and //,/y, and never with Lva.'^ It has essentially the same force as the subjunctive. E.g, 1 Weber ''ites the following cases, in addition to those given above. For «7rw5: Aesch. Cho. 265, Supi.l. 449; Soi'H. Aj. 698(0; EuR. El. 835; An. Ve.ip. 528, Pac. 309, 431, Lys. 1093, Thesm. 431, 653, 285 (?), Eccl. 783, 997 ; Akdoc. i. 89; Xen. Hipp. i. 18, Mem. ii. 1, 1 (TraiSeueii' ottws ^arai ?). In Xev. Cyr. ii. 1, 4 and 21 the Mss. varv : in Cyr. iii. 3, 42 ottws is probably iudeiHJudeiit. For 6pa : 11. vui. 110 ; Ud. iv. 163, xvii. 6. For w$ : Euiu 116 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [325 Atci SI fiaXcLKOia-L Kal alfivXioia-i Xoyoto-t OiXyeu, ottw? 'I^aV*;? €7riAr;o-€Tat. Od. i. 56. Ui) tt/joo-Aci-o-o-c, ijfidv Sttws p) t^ rvXVV Sta<^6^cp€is. Soph. Ph. 1068. 'Atto/xvktcoi' 8c croi y, ottws Avji/'ci Tricr^ Eur. Cycl. 561. *Ap8w cr' ottw? cl/x/JAttcrTavcts. Au. Lj^s. 384. 'Ett' avTou? to us TrpoXoyois crov T/)€^o/xai, ottws to TrpwTor T7y9 T/3ay(o3ias /xepos 7rp.mo-Tov' Paa-avLM. Ar. Han. \l2iX Upouiai (Set) Vwi' TOTTwi' €v6i'fJLovfJL€yoi', OTTWS /xt) 6 1 tt/za /)T>J(r€Ta t. XEN. Cyneg. ix. 4. Xpi] dvapif^d^nv cVt toi^ rpoxoi' rors aray^ac^ci'Tas, oTTws /Ltr 7r/)OT€/)ov vi;^ eorat irplv TTvdkiTdaL tois ai'8pas aTrai^Tas. And. i. 43. ^ ^ ^ 6a/3O-i'V'0V 6€ ot 7/Top €i't p€(TiV, 6if>pa KUL Ekto>/> cttreTat^ II. xvi. 242. *12s Ti p€$ofi€i' ; that ive may do what ? Soph. O.U 1724. Wt' 61KOS V/x5s /X>) f3paSvV€lV eO-Tl, /X>; K-ai TIS Ol/'CTttl X^}/*<^»' «^*^« KaT€LTnj. Ar. Eccl. 495. So /xi) KCXoAwo-crai, IL xx. 301. *'Ai/ or /c€ i^^ f'i/ia/ Clauses ivith Subjunctive, 325. The final particles whicli have a relative origin, w?, Stto)?, and 6pa, sometimes have av or kc in final clauses with the suhjunctive. They did this originally in their capacity as conditional relatives; and it is probable that at first k€ or ay with the relative gave the clause a combined final and conditional force, in which the conditional element gradually grew weaker as the relative particles came to be felt chiefiy or only as final particles (312, 2). "Ii'a and /x// never take av or kc in this way.^ 326. (n^.) 1. "fis^ K€ and piov vToOyiTopai, ws k€ pdX' dirKi^Oiis i> TrarpiSa yatav tKi^rai. Od. V. 143. HiuVaTC, ws x* » ^ct»'0? eina-irj) oi(Tl [Xoi(TLV. Od. viii. 251. 'AAA' Wi, pi] p c>«^^C^» o-awrc/^os ws kc i'o;ai, that thou mayest go the more safely. II. i. 32. II/)oo-8c('./xc6^(t . . . avpTrkp^ai ■hplv, 0)5 av piv l^kXiop^v c'k T7> x^/^^/«- "^T. i. 36. Tors c/to.-s Aoyois Svpio l3ciX\ cos av reppar CK/xa^>/S 68oP.^ Aesch. Prcmi. 705. 'AAA'' cao-w/icv, i'Aoi, CK/yAov aiTov, a>S av cis iVvov 7rc(jy. Bacch. 784. For /xt^ : Od. xxiv. 544 ; TiiEOG. 1307 ; Ar. Eccl. 488. Only four undoubted examples occur in prose. ,^^. , , . . , ^ 1 In the single case of kc with ii'a, Od. xii. 156, aX\ ip^u fieu tyijiy, iva ei86Te^ fi Ke ddvufiev, ij k€V dXevdufvoi ddvaTov Kai Kr)pa (pi'yojufv, tva kc is not used like ws kc, etc., above, but tva is followed by a ])otential subjunctive with Ki (285). The repetition of k4 removes the case from the class under consideration. "Iva in its sense of where may have Av (see St. ph. O. C. 405). M^, lest, may have du with the optative after verbs of fearing (368). t i 329] 'Av OR K€ IX PURE FINAL CLAUSES 117 Soph. Ph. 825. KaOeip^ar aiVov, w§ av o-kotiov elpop^ KV€as. Eur. Baccli. 510. Tovrl Aa/?tov pov to o-Kia6ciov virepex^ avw^cv, a)S av pi] // opiocriv ot ^eot. Ar. Av. 1508. 2. In Attic prose ws av with the subjunctive is found only in Xenophon and in one passage of Thucydides. The last is Thuc. vi. 91 : (ttc/xi/^ctc) dvSpa ^TrapTLaTrjv dpxovra^ w? av Tous T€ 7rapo\'Tapa.) "Offipa K€ and opa k€ ddcrcrov eyeipopev d^vv "Apya. II. ii. 440. Tov ^ctvov ay c? ttoAiv, 6(fip* av iKeWi Satra TTTwxcrry. Od. xvii. 10. For ocjipa K€ and oaLvr]TaL w« KdXXurros Kal dpuTTo^. Plat. Symp. 199 A. "Avye Ttva? iVoTTTcrv/ eXevOepa ijipovi^para cxovra? pi] eTTLTpexpeiv avTM dp\€LV, (TToAc/ior? K'tvct) oTTw? dv TovToi'S /xcxd Trpo(f)da-€U)S d-rroX- Xvijy that he may destroy them. Id. Rep. 5G7 A. Eva-ef^oyfiev Kal ti)v SLKaLoa-vvi]V dcrKoG/zcv, oi'x ^^'^* ^^i' dAAon' cAarrov c'xw/xcv, aAA' OTTW? dv OK /icrd TrAetVrwv dya6^(ov rov pLov Stdyuypev. Isoc. iii. 2 (u'a and ottws dv may lu-re be c()nii)ared in sense: see 312, 2). T>/v TToAtv (Ti'vcxciv, oTToj'* dv fiiav yvo>/x>/v cxojo-tv dravTCS^ Kttt /xr/ Tois €\6i)oU i]Sovi]V Trotwcrtr. Dem. xix. 298 : so xiv. 23. "Ai/ or K€ in Final Clauses ivith Optative. 329. 1. (*12? ««^/ opa in Ilvmer and ws and okoj? m Herodo- tus.) In Homer w? kc and co? av sometimes have the optative in final 118 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [329 clauses after both primary and secondary tenses. "Oifypa k€ and 6cbp av occur each once in Homer with the optative after past tenses. Herodotus has ik av and okw? av with the optative after past tenses, and okco? av once after a present tense. This optative with K€ or av after primary tenses is certainly potential as well as final ; and this analogy makes it difficult or impossible to take it in any other sense after secondary tenses, though here the potential force is less obvious. (a) After primary tenses six cases occur in the Odyssey and one in Herodotus : — 'ATTcpotyao-t vcccr6>ai ws k aiV^? €€8vi!>(raiTo Ovyarpa, they dread to go to him that he iiwij settle (if lie will) the bridal^ gifts of hu daughter, lit. that he woM settle, etc. Od. ii. 53. Kvufcocroi Sc rot 6(r(T€, J)S av deiKeXtos ^avetr?9, I nill dim your eyes, to the eiid that youmiriht appear unseemly. Od. xiii. 401. Am 8oi> KakXiTreetv w^ Iv €7rt'6>ro-avT€9 IXolp^Oa. Od. xvi. 297. Tt? k€ rax" 7»'«**;^ ^^'^«- Ti]ra re iroXXd re ^wpa e^ efied, (os' av tU (re crvvavrSpevo^ paKapi(oi, so that one would call you blessed. Od. xvii. 1G4 (= xv. 537, xix. 310). 'Hy£to-^a> dpx^OpoLo, (0? Kev ns a['q ydpov eppevai cktos ukoiw, Ut him lead off the dance, so that any one who should hear without would say there was a marriage. Ol. xxiii. 134. ^I(rx€(r6>€ tttoAc/xois o>« k€V dvaifiMri ye BiaKpivOeire rd\nTra. Od. xxiv. 531. KeXeveL crc to ttulSIov delvai, oko>5 av rdx^^rra 8ttt(/>6'ttpct>;, he bids you so ej-pose the child that he would he likely to perish most speedily. Hdt. i. 110. (/>) After past tenses the following cases occur ^ :— ^ ^c 8' dpa Zeis (Tvvexh, opa k€ Odmrov dAiVAoa rcixea Oeiij. II xii. 25. 'EtoATTca' (re ^6u)vSe veeir6ai, u)? av pot rov TraiSa ^Kvpodev e^aydyoL^, i.e. I ho^nd for your coming, that you might per- chance hrimi my son away from Scyro^. II. xix. 330. Kat piv paKpo- repov Kul Wuraova OyKev ISeirOat, ois Kev atri Kco-o-t tAo9 Travre^TiTL yevoiro. Ol. viii. 20. Irpliov x^'V^^S ^^^ "'^ rijXe^fyaxy^ eK TTOvroif^iv dv^pdiTLV cr,/. Oa. xxiv. 83. Tv Se pe Trpoict?, o^p av iXoLuiiv Siopa (Bekk»T dveXoipijv). Ih. 333. Aeyerai Suopvxa opvinreiv, ok(o« av to (rrparoire^iw i^pvpevov Kara vi^^rov XdfioL, i.e. he is said to hare dwj (111)) a channel, in order that the river might flow Mdnd the army. Hdt. i. 75. Tai-ra 6c irept 1 It must be confessed that there are some aifficult «iuestions coneerning these oi.tutives with k4 or &v in tinal clauses after past tenses. It may perhaps l,e thought that the suhjun.tive after ^s .e. S.cs A*'.^;;*^, has been chanc'ed to the optative aft»r a past tense retaining Ki or ay without elect on the ^^rb. Compare eu,s &u with the ..ptative (613, 4 ; 702).^ A\ ouK 6.0,. dv in Hi)r i. 22 (quoted in 328) have changed its nature if ayyciXr; liad been chanc^ed to dyyeiXeu ? On the other hand, can we separate the optatives in Hdt i 75 and 99 (in b) from the optative in i. 110 (in a)l Tlie i^o ential view' seems, on the wIioUn mucli the more natural ; but the potential forc«c can be expressed in English only with great ditUculty, owing to the ambiguity of our auxiliaries might, would, should, etc. 330] 'Ai; OR K€ IN PURE FINAL CLAUSES 119 IwvTov ecrepvve twi'Sc e^veKev, okw? av p) opeovres ol opJAiKcs XvTreoLaro Ka\ eTTLfSovXevoLev, dXX erepot6s (Tcf>L SoKeot elvai prj opCkrL, in order that his companions might not be offended by seeing him and plot against him, but that he might appear to them to be^of another nature when they did not see him. Id. i. 99. Uopif^vpeov eipa ■7repLpaX6pevo«^P^^^''^/ ^ x^V^S f^'^?/ ^^* in the water, in ordei' that the country might he gullied. Id. vii. 176. UepuTrepTrov e^o>Oev ^KidOov, w? av p) 6cf,0eiij(Tav^ TrepnrXeovcrai Ev/SoLav. Id. viii. 7. "HAai-i'ov toi\ tWois, ios av rov v€k/jov ave- AoiaTO. Id. ix. 22. UeraKiveea-OaL eSoKee r6re, ws av p) ISoiaro ol HefHTai €^o/)/x€o/x€Voi'S. lb. 51. 2. *fi« dv with the optative in Attic prose is found chiefly in Xenophon. It is never strictly final ; but w^ is relative or in- terrogative, and the optative with av is potential. E.g. "ESo^cv avno rovro Tron/o-at, J>5 on yKiara dv €7rt5 o-Travios TC Kttfc o-c/zvos ^avetij, he decided to do this in such a way that he might appear, etc. (i.e. in the way by whicJi). Xen. Cyr. vii. 5, 37. (Here the separation of av from w? makes the potential character plainer.) ^^? 8* dv Kal ol TToSc? elev t<^ ltttto) Kpdrarroi, el pev rts 4'xet pd^ do-Kija-Lv, K.r.X., as to means by which the horse's feet could he kept strongest. Id. Hipp. i. 16. See other examples in Appendix IV. This is the siime relative use of m with the potential optative which we tiiid in Dem. vi. 3, m fiev dv eiTzoire SLKacois Xoyov^ a/x€tvov ^PlXlttttov Trapea-Kevaa-Oe' cos Se KOiXvaair dv eKelvov irpdrreiv radra, TravreXm dpym ex^re, as to means by which you could make just speeches, you are better equipped than Philip; hut as to steps by which you could prevent him from doing what he does, you are wholly Jnactire.^ See also Dkm. vi. 37, ws 8' dv e^eraa-Oeii) pdXarr dKpil^v)^, p; yevoiTo, as to any means by which the truth could he tested most thoroughly,— may thi^ never come ! 330. "Otto)? av with the potential optative in a final sense is found once in Thucydides and four times in Xenophon : — Td9 7r/>(o/)as Kare/Svpiroxrav, otto)? dv utto Ato-^a vo t y X«^P ^'^t" PaXXopevij, they covered the proivs with hules, that the {iron) hand when thrown on might be likely to slip off. Thuc. vii. 65. "EScoKe XPiP'-.'^" *AvraXKL^i, oTTitx; dv, TrXiipioOevros vavrtKov viro AaKeSacpovaov, ot 'AOijvaloi'fidXXov T7> elpip'Yf^ irpooSeoLvro. Xen. Hell. iv. 8, 16. (Here TrXripoiOevro^ vavriKov, if a navy should he 'irianned, stands as protasis to Trpoo-ScotvTo dv.) "Ottws 8* dv w? eppvipevea-rarov ro arpd- revpa Trotvyo-atTO, e^ dXXoiV ttoAcojv i)pyvpoXdyei. lb. iv. 8, 30. Ildo-iv €8i5oi' iSois re, ottos dv Oviravre^ karuovro, /cat eKTroj/xara. Id. Cyr. viii. 3, 33 (one Ms. omits dv). T7/V Actav dTre-epxj/e ^ 8ta- riOeaOai 'HpaKXelSrjv, ottw? dv piaOi^ yevotro rots (rrparn^rais. Id. An. vii. 4, 2 (most Mss. have oVws yevyrai). In these cases the final force is equally strong with the potential. 120 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [331 Elliptical Constructions. 331. In colloquial Greek we often find iva tl ; that ivhat ? — where ri takes the place of a final clause, which generally appears in the answer to the question. E.g. BA. Lva TL ; IIP. SijXov TovToyi- i'va . . . e^^^''^' ^^' Eccl. 719. So Nub. 1192, Pac. 409. So Dem. xix. 257 : iva ri ; tV tus u€Ta TrX^Lirrri's (rvyyvu>/JLij<; irap v/xtuv KaTijyopo). Just before this we have Sta tl ; I'va jJ^yre iXeov /^r/rc crvyyviojjLrjs Tv\y. So Plat. Ap. 26 C. 332. A final clause may stand without a leading verb expressed, when the omission can easily be supplied ; as otl ^jp^c-^ p) dzroS?;- jxi'icru) ; iVtt ye /xi] TvpoXaftiov ^i]p.aTa tvJs TuX^hi'i t) irpd^f.L'i SpaafnZ XPWJh ^^^^*«*^^ I held an office^ may I not leave the country / No : that you may not take to fliyht^ etc. Aeschin. iii. 21. SECONDARY TENSES OF INDICATIVE IN FINAL CLAUSES. 333. In Attic Greek the secondary tenses of the indica- tive are used in final clauses with Xva, sometimes with otto)? or 0)9, to denote that the i)urpose is dependent upon some unaccomplished action or unfulfilled condition, and there- fore is not or was not attained. The tenses of the indicative differ here as in conditional sentences, the imperfect (the most frequent tense) referring to present time or to continued or repeated action in past time, the aorist and pluperfect to past time (-110). Thus 'iva tovto iwpaTTiv means in order that he might he doiiuj this (hut he is not doing it), or that he might have heen doing this {hut -he was not) ; iva tovto t-rpa^iv means that he might have done this (hut he did not) ; iva Torro €7re7rpdx€L means that he might hare done this (hut he hus not). E.g. OvK av €(T\opip'^ iv ?) Ti'eP, €?, to pij ra irpdypaT dvOpi>WoL<; Ix^lv s mentioned above. Both constructions may occur in the same sentence. E.g. Ors {T(tiv V€U)v Tov§ e^ov ottw? xP^^^C^^ ^^ fJL€V€i ftovXcvreoVf we must take counsel that wJuit is well shall continue to be well. Aesch. Ag. 846. AtSovs 5€ TovSc <^/3af' ottcu? pi^SiU PpoTiov K€Lvov irdpoiSev a/x(/)i5iVcTat xpot. Soph. Tr. 604. ^o\ 81) fxeXcLv xpy raAA' oVws €^ct KaAw?. Eur. I. T. 1051. ¥,tp^pnj 8* oVtos ea-Tat TrpoTipCkr ov8kv, but that there shall be peace they care not. Ar. Ach. 26. 2ot /xtAcTw o/cw? fit) (r€ oxperai. Hdt. i. 9. "Opa okw? /xt) diroo-T-ijo-ov- Ttti. Id. iii. 36. X/j?) opdv Tov/or€o-6^oi', av 81 iyyivijcrOoVy ottws ort Td^io-ra k kt eT pii]cr ^a 6 ov. Id. Rep. 564 C. (Sul)j.) ^pi] (jyvXaa-creiv Kal TrpoKaTaXa/if^dvetv oVw? fJL7]8* €§ Ittlvouiv tovtov iwcrt. Thug. iii. 46. (na/3ao-Kei'af€0-6'at) ottws (tvv Oew aywi'tf) SetrTTOTip' €vpijT€. Dem. vi. 25. "AAAoi> tov ctti- ll€Xl'l(T€L Ij OTTW? OTt l^kXTlXTTOL OL TToXlTai U)fl€V; PlAT. Gorg. 515 13. "Opa OTTO)? /xt) 7ra/ja 86^av o/xoAoy?/?. Id. Crit. 49 0. (Fut. Opt.) "K^ij VTTo 7roXXyet reads ipon^.) 'I^Tre/xeAetTo oVws /xt) ao-trot ttotc €(ron'To. Id. Cyr. viii. 1, 43. See the examples under 130. (Fut. Indie, after past tenses.) "Y.Trpaaa-ov oVw? tl<; ftoyOeia >;^€t. Thuc. iii. 4. YlpoOvfJUjOevTO's cro? eKda-Tov ottoj? i) vav'^ irpo- €^ci. Id. vi. 31. Ei'Aa/Jcro-^at TrapeKeXevecrOe dAA/yAot?, ottoj? /xt) Avyo-CTC 6s errl rots ixOpol^ ccrrat 7rap€(TK€ia(T€v. Dem. xix. 250 ; so xix. 316. (Pres. or Aor. Opt.) 'Erc/xeAcro avriov, ottw? act dv8pd7ro8a Sia- TcAotci^. Xen. Cyr. viii. 1, 44. * Air^KpivaTo^ ort ai'rw /xeAot 6Vo>s KaXm ^X^'^' b^' -^^*- i- ^> 13- 'E/xc/xcAv/Kct (5e a^jroi? ottw*; o itt- TTtty/jcTT/s ctSciT/ CIS 5eot Tre/xTTcii/. Id. Hell. iii. 3, 9. (Subj. after 2>ast tenses.) ^povpya-ovor (y^a) ottw? Kiyi(T6os diroo'TYjO'ioarLV ^AOifvatiov rrjv ttoXlv. Id. iii. 70. *ilv€tTaL Trap avrCjv ottw? /xt) aTTiw/xev (v.l. aTrtp-ev) €k MaKcSoi'ia?, he bribed them to effect that we should twt leave Macedonia (after historic present). Dem. xviii. 32. 340. It will thus be seen that the future indicative is the most conmiou form in these sentences, after both primary and secondary tenses ; the future optative, wliich is theoretically the regular form after secondary tenses, being rarely used. (See 128.) Homeric and other early Usages. 341. In Homer, verbs signifying to j^hm, to consider, and to tn/y chiefly pd(ofiaiy /ioi-Acuw, p,€p/ujpL(M, and irupC}, have o7ro>? or (1)5 with the suljjunctive after primary tenses, and the optative (never future) and sometimes the subjunctive (318) after secondary tenses. Kk is almost always used here with w^ and the subjunctive, less frequently with oino<; (313, 3). 342. The original relative and interrogative force of o^w? and (t)s is more apparent here than in the Attic construction of oTTws with tlie future indicative, especially after verbs of con- sidering ; though after Trct/aw the dependent clause comes nearer the later meaning. E.g. KvToi Se / Tot K€ii'Ois *08i'o-€is uTroTicrcTai eXOiov ; 0«1. v. 23. BorAcvoi' ottws o^ apiirra yivoiTo. Od. ix. 420. '^HA6^oi', ct Tiva /3ovX.ip' €ltol ottws WaKi^v €S 7rai7ra\o€(r(rav iKOLpip: Od. xi. 479. M€ppiipi^€V ottcus airo- AoiaTO irdcraL vije's. Od. ix. 554. ^[epp/jpi^e KaTa (jipeva io/8€ Ti p€.iT(n]yvs yc KaKov Kal Trvy/xa TrdOipnv. Od. vii. 192. In Hymn. Ap. Pyth. 148 we have T€\i'i'j(ropaL uts kc yci'>/Tai. Il€i/)a ottws K€V 8i] cny^• iraTpiSa yaiav tKi/at, i.e. try to find means by which you may go, etc. Od. iv. 545. IIci/ki w§ k€ T^wes vT€ppa^€v oTTws p.vij(rTijp(TLV dvaiSein )(^eipa<; iifiinrets-, consider how you will lay hands on the shameless suitors. See II. ix. 251 ; Od. xx. 38. In Od. XX. 28 the future indicative is retained after a past tense, there being as yet no future o])tative (128); €vOa Kal tvOa iXtaa-eTo p.ep- p.ijpL^u)v oTTTTw? 6») pvy](rTijpu-LV ai'at8eo-6 \eipas €(fiy(T€L. "Ottms may take the future (like other tenses) as a sim]>le relative ; as in II. i. 136, OTTWS avrd^Lov terra l, as shall be an equivalent. 345. "Ocfypa has the subjunctive in an ol)joct clause in 11. vi. 361, rjSij ydp pot Ovpos cTTccro-i'Tai, d(f)p kirapvvo) TpioitnrL, and the optative in Od. iv. 463, tls (Tvpffipdaa'aTo fSovXds dy(rcTat diftpa rcAeo-trw, d(fipa may mean until. 346. The single object clause of this class in Pindar is Pyth. i. 72, veviroi' ap€pov o(f)pa Kar oikov 6 ^oivl^ 6 Tvp(raviov r dXdXaros ^X}h i/^'""^ ^hat the Phoenician^ with the Etruscan war-cry, may keep quiet at home. (See 359.) 347. As relics of the Homeric u?age we find w? with the subjunctive in sentences of this class in Eur. Med. 461, I. T. 467, Plat. Rep. 349 C ; and with the optative in Aesch. Prom. 203 (see 353, below). Ileroilotus has ws with the future indicative in iii. 84, 159, vii. 161 (in the last ws o-rptr/yyv/frcf"* yAtYcat). Herod(jtus has w? dv with the subjunctive in iii. 85, pi]\a\'(o ws dv cr^oipev tovto to yepas, which is cited as the solitary case of ws dv in these object clauses after Homer, except in Xenophon (351). See also Soph. Ant. 215 (in 281," above). ''Otto)? av ill Attic Grcch and Herodotus. 'n? and 0)9 av in Xenoiilioii. 348. The Attic writers sometimes use otto)? dv with the sub- junctive in these object clauses. This occurs chiefly in Aris- tophanes, Xenophon, and Plato. E.g. Skottci 077(0? dv d7ro6dvu)pL€v avSpLKiorara, see that we die most man- fully. Ar. E(p 80. .\Lap.ij)^av/i(ropai ottcos dv lcttlov craTrpuv Act^ys, 126 FINAL AND OIUKCT CLAUSES [349 / will coutriir that {s^omrhow ■) you ijd a rotten mnM. lb. 917. So Ar. Nub. 739, Eccl. (>23, Ach. lOGO, Eci. 92G. MaAAoi' t) irpoaOev ctVjyct ttlVoPS oVtOS O-V Kill (\Ol'T€/€i.) Ti' a/\A(ov' iTrifuXeiraL ottcix? av Orjf)o>irii'. LI. Cyr. i. 2, 10. 'EkcAcivc tov *I*c/)(irA(ti' 'iTTifieXijOiji'dL oV(»>>» ai* outw y€infTaL avpioi' ■>) i^eXairi'i. lb. viii. 3, 6 : so v. 5, 48. See also Xkn. Cyuej^. vi. 23 ; Et[ues. iv. 3. H aAAor €if)i€fi€i'oL ^iKairoifrii' iy tovtoi', ottw'* ai* €Koo"TOt fu'jT €^onrL TaAAoT/)ia /x>/T€ T(oi' ai'Td)!' (rT€/)i'Tai ; Plat. Rep. 433 E. ILu-Tii TrojoPi'Ta^ oTrtos' cu' o-ffu'irL to TnjSdXiov €TriTf}€\f]j. lb. 488 0. 'Eiu' S* iXOy^ fuj\ainjT€ov oVto«f di' 8Lavyy Kal fnj (S(o SiKijv 6 i\Opo^. LI. Ooi<.j. 481 A. Besides the exaiu}>le9 cited above, Weber «^ives fifteen «)f Plato, and the following: Soph. Tr. 6 1^; El it. I. A. 539 ; Isak. vii. 30 ; Dem. xvi. 17, xix. 2[id. lie adds Hot. i. 20, where okws' av is certainly final. 349. The only case of ottw^ av with the optative in an object clause in Attic Greek, excej^t in Xenophon (351), is Plat. Lys. 207 E, TrpoOi'iiovi'TaL oirio'i dv €i'(5ai/ioi'OMys% wliicli is j)otential and on the Xenopluuitic model (see 351, 2). In Dkm. xxxv. 29, eKeXivofiiv TOi'tOIS iTTl/JicXiUTOdL OTTM's aV M^) and once with the future o]>tative. 1. '9.^ or (0^ ai' with the subjunctive, os with the future indicative, and to>- with the optative, are used by Xenophon like oTTuy; in the construction of 339. Ejj. 'ETTi/xcAoriTttt o)s c\7; ovTio^. Occ. XX. 8. (Here the rejijular Attic usage requires d-nos €^€t.) 'KTrifxeXiivrdaL a»s dv T^p^X^V^ ^^ take care that they shall be done. Hipp. ix. 2. 'Erc/xcAoiTo u>s /x>/ KwAvotvTo. Cyr. vi. 3, 2. *!}'» 8c KaXo)^ e^ci rd f/xcrc/ia, €/iot fi€Xi'i(T€L. lb. iii. 2, 13. Tlpo€L77€v ioi yuvyOei'i' K LvyiToiTo /xi^Sc dv- d^oLTo. Hell. ii. 1, 22 (see 355). For Xenophon's regular use of o—to'? in all these constructions, see examples under 339. For his regular use of ottws dv with the sub- junctive, see 348. 354] NEGATIVE OBJECT CLAUSES 127 2. When the optative follows a>? av or oVois av, it is always IX)tential, and the original relative and interrogative force of ws and OTTO)? plainly appears. £!.(/, 'ETTi/tcAovTttt a>? dv fikXTuTToi €i€v ot TToAtTat, they taJce care that tlie citizens may be Iteat (to see hon) they miyht be best). Cyr. i. 2, 5. *12? dv da-ijiaXkcrrard y clSetrjv iiroiovv, 1 took steps that (by which) I miifht know most accurately. lb. vi. 3, 18. 2K07r(7> ottoj? dv o)<» fxurra SidyoL€Vj lam consideriny hoiv they miyht live tlie easiest lives, Syiup. vii. 2. (Cf. Plat. Lys. 207 E, quoted in 349.) For a full enumeration of all the irregular passages of this class in Xenophon, see Appendix IV. Negative Object Clauses. 352. None of the object clauses with ottws or cos in Homer (341) are negative, except that Od. vii. 192 combines w? k€ iKijTat with pijSe Tt 7rd6rj(TLv. Negative object clauses are expressed in Homer, like most negative final clauses (315), by the sinqde py with the subjunctive or optative, as in II. v. 411, (fypa^ioSo) prj tis oi dpeiviov (r€lo fidx^fTaLj and II. xv. 164, xxii. 358 ; Od. xvii. 595, all with f^pd^opai pi] and the subjunctive. So pepf^Xero ret^^o? p,rj Aavaol Trcpcrcitti', 11. xxi. 517. These examples show a common origin with clauses after verbs of fearing, but the optative in the last example indi- cates that the original parataxis is no longer felt. 353. Tlie earliest example of a negative object clause with a final particle and pn] is Aesch. Prom. 203, (nrevSovres (past) ws Zcts pyiroT dp^euv Oidv. In all the Attic writers and in Heroy and the future keeps pace with that of the negative final clause with iva py^ etc. 354. (M7J for OTTO) 9 pLYj in Object Clauses.) Verbs of this class (339) w^hicli imply caution , especially opd and a-KoirCyj may have the simple p-q with the subjunctive (rarely with the future indicative), even in Attic prose, like ordinary verbs of fear and caution (365), as w^ell as ottws p; with the future. Such verbs belong equally to the two classes B and C (303). E.g. ISkottci pn] croL Trpovot y tov Ocov (fivXaKTea. Soru. 0. C. 1180. Ar. Vesp. 1386. "Opa pyj pdrijv ko/xttos 6 Aoyo? ovros €lp'ijp€vo ijpiov x'^LpCtv 5€7)(r€t. Xen. Cyr. iv. 1, 18. Skottci 8t; py] toi'tois avrov l^aiTycn^TaL Kal KarayeXday. Dem. xxi. 151. "Opa ovv py Tt koi vvv IpyddyraL. Plat. Symp. 213 D. So II. XV. 164 (see 342). See the corresponding use of ottw? py for fiy after verbs of fearing (370). I 128 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES "Otto)? after Verhs of Askinrj, Commanding^ etc. [355 364] SIGMATIC SUBJUNCTIVE WITH OTTW? 129 i 355. Verbs of asHng, entreating^ exhorting^ commanding, and forbidding, which regularly take an object infinitive, sometimes have an object clause with ottws or ottws /a?) in nearly or quite the same sense. U.g. AiSovs Se Toi'Se <^pa^ oVws />t>y8et5 fSpoTiov k€lvov TrdpoiOev dfi(f>L- 8v(r€TaL xpotj i.e. tell him that no one shall put on the robe before himself. Soph. Tr. 604 : so Aj. 567. AaK€8aifioviu)v iSeovro to ^;J/Aots, anew commandment I give wito you, that ye love mie another, loH. Evang. xiii. 34. So IBiifii^v iva iK/SdXXoxrLv, Luc. ix. 40. Compare the Latin, royat id liceat. 358. In Od. xvii. 362 we liud loTpvv tus (tv irvpva Kara pivrja-nj- pas dyetpoi, she exhorted him that he shoutd collect bread among the suitors. (See 329, 1.) ^ 359. The singular case of (05 with the subjunctive in II. i. 558, tt; 0-' o/(u KaTaviva-aiJ-n'jTvpor, (os 'AxiA)^ TiftVjo-ys, dX€}(r€ts and (jAtcrcis. 360. A singular use of oVtos and the future indicative with Set ere in place of the regular infinitive occurs in Soph. Aj. 556, del ere ottcos 8€i^€is, for Set (T€ Sctjat, and Ph. 54, Trjv ^iXoKTyrov crc Set \j/v\y)v OTTUJS Xoyoariv €KKX€\f/€i§ or ottco? p,ij in any construction, the second aorist was pre- ferred to a first aorist in -o-a> or -o-(u/w.at, if both forms w^ere in use. This preference arose from the great similarity in form between these sigmatic aorists and the future indicative (as between fSovXevary and PovX€ixr€L, PovXeAryTai and /?oi'AciVcTai). This made it natural also for a writer to avoid those forms of the subjunctive which were nearly identical with the future indicative where the latter could be used as well. This of course does not «'ipply to the first aorist subjunctive passive, which has no resemblance to the future ; and there is no reason for applying it to liquid aorists like petvu) and cnjiyXu). 364. The general rule laid down by Dawes more than a century ago {Misc. Crit. pp. 222 and 228), the so-called Canon Davesianus, 130 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [364 which declared the first aorist subjunctive active and middle a solecism after ottws p; and ov fij], was extended by others so as to include ottcos (without pj), and the Greek authors were thorou«,'hly emended to conform to it. As this rule has no other foundation than the accidental circumstance just mentioned (363), it naturally fails in many cases, in some of which even emendation is impossible. In tlie first place, there is no reason for applying the rule to pure final clauses, in which the future indicative is exceptional (324) ; and here it is now generally abandoned in theory, though not always in practice. There is, therefore, no objection whatever to such sentences as these : u)v cVcK-a iTTLTaOyvai, oTTtos d;ro Aauo-a>/i.€V Kal ottids yeviofieda^ XKN.Cyr.vii. 5, 82 ; ckkA-t;- rohibitions with oVtus fiij^ although the future is the regular form, there is less objection to the subjunctive (even the first aorist) than in positive commands with simple ottws, since the analogy of tlie common py iroLi)(Tip to?to, do not do this^ supports OTTws fir) 7rotvJo-7]s toGto in the same sense (283). There is no such analogy, however, to justify such a positive command as ottwj Tronjo-rfi TovTo, do this, and this form has much less manuscript authority to rest on. Thirdly, in the case of ov p.i], if both constructions (denials and prohil)itions) are explained on the same princijjle, no reiison exists for excluding the subjunctive from either ; and it cannot be denied that both the first and the second aorist subjunctive are amply sui)ported by the manuscripts. (See 301.) Fourthly, in ol)ject clauses with orws there is so great a preponderance of futures over subjunctives, that the i)resum]>tion in all doubtful cases is here in favour of the future, as it is in favour of the subjunctive in pure final clauses. A much stronger case, therefore, is made- out by those who (like Weber and most modern editors) change all sigmatic aorist subjunctives in this construction to futures. Some cases, however, resist emendation ; as Xen. An. v. 6, 21, KcAcroro-i 7r/jotrTaT€rtai. In Dem. i. 2, all Mss. except one read TrapacrKivd- cracrOai ti]V Ta^taTi^v o;rws €\'0€v8€ /3oi]0yo-y]T€ Kal prj 7rdOi)T€ Ttti'Toi', and it seems very arbitrary to change l^oijOyinjTi to /?o>/^7yo-€T€ and leave TrdOi]Te. But a few ca^es like these weigh little against the established usage of the language, antl we must j)erhaps leave the venerable Canon Davisianus undisturl)ed in the single department of object clauses with orws^ although we may admit an occasional excep- tion even there. See IVansadions of the American rhiloloyical Association for 1869- 70, pp. 46-55, where this c^uestion is discussed more fully. ] / 1 k 365] Mr] AFTER VERBS OF FEARING 131 C. Clauses with fjnj after Verbs of Fearing, etc. 365. Verbs and phrases which express or imply fear, caution^ or danger take /li?;, lest or that, with the subjunctive if the leading verb is primary, and with the optative if the leading verb is secondary. The subjunctive can also follow secondary tenses to retain the mood in which the object of the fear originally occurred to the mind. Mrj (like Latin ne) denotes fear that something may hajyjyen which is Twt desired ; fir) ov {ut = ne non) denotes fear that something inay not liaiiycn which is desired. E.g. ^opovfiai pi) ykvy)rat (vereor ne accidat), I fear that it may happen: (ftopovpLaL pi) ov ykv-qrai (vereor ut accidat), / fear that it may not happen. Aci6a> pi) d/jpicrcrLV eXiop Kal Kvppa ycvw/xat. Od. v. 473. Aci'Soj pi) ov Tt? TOL VTT 6a- \i)T a I To6£ (.pyov. 11. x. 39. (This is the only case of p.i) ov in these sentences in Homer. The next that are found are Euii. And. Qilij, El. 568, Plioen. 263. See 264, above.) Ov ol3i) pi) (T "Apyos aTToKTeivaL OkXij. EuR. Or. 770. Tloiov Wvos ov 8oK€L v7r€pi)Ti'jO'€LV (fio/3ovp€vov pi') TL TrdOi); Xen. Cyr. i. 6, 10. 4?povTL^u} pi) KpdrixTTOv 1) pot criydv. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 39. ^vXar- Topei'o^ pi) 86^7) pav'OdviLV Tt. lb. iv. 2, 3. AkSoiKa pi) ov8* oo-iov T) dirayopeveLV. Plat. Rep. 368 B. Ta irepl rijs ^^XV'^ 7roAA?)i/ a7n(TTiav Trapc^ct Tois ai'SpiDTTOLS, pi) eTrctSai/ aTrakXayi) rov o"w/i,aTOS ovSapov €TL 7)y aAXa 8La(f)6€ipi)Tai tc Kat a7roXXvi)TaL. Id. Phaed. 70 A. OvKovv vvv KOI Tovro KivSvvoSy pi) Xd/SuycTi Trpoo-Tdras avTwv TLvas TovTiov, there is danger of this^ that they may take, etc. Xen. An. vii. 7, 31. KtVSiWs ecrrt, pi) per a f^dXMvr at Kal yk- vwvrat pvrd r^v TroXepLOjv. Isoc. xiv. 38. Okvio pi) poi 6 Avo^ia? TaTTCii'os iftavij. Plat. Phaedr. 257 C. FtvXafSou Se pij (jiavys KaKos ytyios. Soph. Tr. 1129. OvSev Scivol ((rovrai pi) f3oi)6k(x)(rL ravry. Hdt. vii. 235. *Y7ro7rTcro/xci/ Kat vpds pi) ov kolvoI aTroftiJTC. Thuc. iii. 53. A/o-;(i'i'o/xei'o§ pi) (l)opTiKU)<; a-Koirdpev. Plat. Theaet. 183 E. Ot pvdoL iTrpk(^ov(Tiv avrov Ti)v \l/vyi)v, pi) dXyOeis StcTL^ torment his soul with fear lest they may prove true (92). Id. Rej^. 330 D. ActVa? pi) TTw? ol kpvcraiaro V€Kpuv A;(atot'. II. v. 298. "A^ero yap pi) XvKTi Ooy diroOvfiLa epSoi. II. xiv, 261. 'Eya> yap 'tj/jir)v €K7r€7r Xijypkvi) oiS(i), pi) fiot to KaAAos dXyos i^evpot irork. SoPH. Tr. 24. E^c/o^ai' Ol EAAvyrcs fii) Trpocrayotev irpos to K€pa Trop€iK)fjL€V(x)v ck tov oTTLcrOev iirl- o-TToiTO. lb. iv. 1, 6. Ot ^(OKai€€S ras v>j(rot'S ovk ifSovXovro ttwAcciv, Sci/xatVovrts firj kinropiov ytviavTai. Hdt. i. 165. Tw yap ScSicvai /x>) Adyois tJct- (Tovs wo-i, ToXfirjpo)of3€LTo firj ol 6 irdmro^ aTToOavQ. Id. Cyr. i 4, 2. For the present subjunctive in these sentences denoting what may hereafter prove to be an object of fear, see 92. 366. The manner in which this complex sentence expressing fear was developed from an independent sentence like pij n/as cAoxrt, may they not seize the shijis^ and a preceding verb of fearing like SciSw, the two gradually becoming one sentence, has already been explained (307). As the fear and the desire to avert the cause of fear are both implied in /A>/ with the subjunctive, it is not strange that this expression can follow verbs like opto and oTSa which do not imply fear in themselves; as €^€XOi!>v Tis rSoi, pi] Sr] (T^eSov okrt kioi'tc?, let some one go out and see that they do not approach near (cf. videat ne accedant) ; originally, let some one go out and look to it: may they not approach^ Od. xxiv. 491. So ovSi Tt iBp€i\ py] TTws Kal 8itt vvKTa pevoLVijcruxri p,d\€a'6aLy nor do we know any w^Aov Trai'Ti, p-q TToAAtt (Hiipara KaTarpixf^acra 7/ 4'^^XV '''^ TcAciTaioi' aiTi) aTroWvrj- rai, i.e. 7io one k7ioivs any seciwity against the soul itself finally perishing, etc. The indirect question sometimes used in translating such a clause with prjy as whether they may not approach or whether they may not he impelled, is merely an attempt to express the hesitation which the apprehension involves, as there can be, of course, no real indirect question. See especially the cases of pi] with the present indicative (369, 1), which are often called interrogative. See the corresponding construction in 492. 367. {Future Indicative.) Sometimes, though seldom, pij has the future indicative after verbs of fearing. The examples are : — 4>p)v dpvcrariTai <^/?(o, py TToAe? irvOijTai . . . Kal to Kicrcritjv TToXicrp dvTiSox^ov ^ttrcTat, /^i-crcriVots 5 ci' TrcTrAoi? TTiorrf AaKis. Aesch. Pers. 115. Tarr ovv (f>ol3ovpai, pi] ttoo-is pkv 'H/oukAt}? ipo<^ KaAciTttt (fut.), TT/s vctuTf/aas 8' dyyp. SoPH. Tr. 550. AeSoiKa pij aAAou TLVos ptOt^u). Xen. Cyr. ii. 3, 6. ^ofSovpaL 8k p.i] riva^ 7}8oi'as i)8oyaio/3€pov Kal (r(f>aX€pui') pi] o-pov KrO^i-qv, lest {in that case) I should he very soon brought to my senses. Xen. An. vi. 1, 28. Ac5toT€S /xt) KaraXvOeLij dv 6 6ry/LW)§. Lys. xiii. 51. 369. (Present and Past Tenses of Indicative with p-q.) Verbs of fearing may refer to present or past objects. (See 308.) Mr; can therefore be nsed with the present and past tenses of the indicative after these verbs. 1. Mr; with the present indicative expresses a fear that some- thing is now going on. E.g. AeSoLKa pi] 7r\i]yi7)v Sect, I am afraid that you need blows. Ar. Nub. 493. Opdpev pi] ^ikuis otCTat tl Xeyeiv^ let us he cautious lest Nicias is thinking that lie says something. Plat. Lach. 196 C. (Here oLqrai would have meant lest Nicias may think, in the future.) "Opa pi] Ik€ivov ku)Xv€l. Id. Charm. 163 A. ^o/Sela-Oe pi] SuctkoAw- npov Tt vvv SidKetpaL rj cV tu TrpoirOev (Slo)^ you are afraid that I am now in a more peevish state of mind than I used to be in (where the subjunctive would have been future, lest I may hereafter be). Id. Phaed. 84 E. ETTwr^^e?, w? dv irpov^epevvip-ii) crrifiov, pi] ti? TroAtTwv Iv rpifSit) avTd^€Tat means lest any one is now to be seen; and pr] IXBtj, lest any report may come hereafter.) *AAA' cla-opLea-Oa pij TL Kai KaTa(T)(^eTov Kpv(f>jj KaXv7rT€L KapSia Ovpovpevij^ SopLov^ 7rapa(rT€ixoyT€^. SoPH. Ant. 1253. (The idea is, ive shall learn the result of our anxiety lest she is concealing, etc.^) KdpavTijs Trepi OeXu) TTvuicruaL, pi] Vt Tots TTttAat KaKoi's TrpocTKiipevov tl TTijpa cri]v 8a k vet tf>p€va, and I wish to inquire about myself, (in fear) lest, etc. Eur. Her. 481. Ava^, ipoL tol, pi] tl Kal Oei]XaTov Tovpyov t68\ -q ^vvvoLa f3ovX€V€L TTuAttt. SoPH. Aut. 278. (The idea is, my mind has long been deliberating in anxiety lest this is the woi'k of the God'i, Icttlv being understood after /xr;.^) "Opa, ffivXaanrov, pi] tis Iv (TTilSci} fipo- Tdv (sc. IdTLv). Eur. I. T. 67. ^ In this passage and the following, if anywhere, it would seem necessary to admit the interrogative force often ascribed to /t^. But here, as elsewliere, it is plain that the dependent clause with ixrj expresses the object of an appre- hension. To establish ixij as an interrogative, meaning whetJier, jx-q should not only follow a verb like olSa, but also be followed by a clause expressing no object o[ ajjpreliension, like ela-o/xeada /xr) ol tpiXoi ^uxrip, we shall learn wJiether our friends are now living ; but no such example can be found in classic Greek. The use of e^, whether^ after verbs of fearing (376) shows how the Greeks expressed an indirect (juestion in such cases. ^ That this is the correct explanation, and that we need not emend the 134 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [370 373] PECULIAR USES AFTER VERBS OF FEARING 135 2. Mrj with the perfect indicative expresses a fear that some- thing has already happened. The difference between this and the perfect subjunctive is often very slight, the latter expressing rather a fear that something may hereafter prove to have happened (103). E.g. Nvv Se (fiofiovfJieOa fiij ajK^orkpiav a/xa rjfiapTTjKancVj hut nmv we fear that we have missed both at once. Thuc. iii. 53. (The perfect subjunctive here would mean lest it may hereafter prove that tee have missed.) AcSotK-a /xt) XeXyOafiev {tiju apqin^v) IttX ttoAAw ayoi'TC?, / fear that we have been unconsciously enjoying peace borrowed at high interest. Dem. xix. 99. 4>o/?o f/xa t /x>) Aoyois rio-i \p€vhk(n.v ivr^rv^i]- KaiJL€v. Plat. Lys. 218 D. 3. M>; can be used with the imperfect or the aorist indicative, to express fear that something hapjiened in past time. AciSoi /irj Sy iravra Sea vr^piprka cittci', / ftar that all that the Goddess said ivas true. Od. v. 300. 'AAA' opa prj Trai^iov eXeyev^ hut he careful lest he was speaking in jest. Plat. Tlieaet. 145 B. 370. ("Ottw? m for pi] with Verbs of Fearing.) Verbs denot- ing fear and caution are sometimes followed by an object clause with oTTw? pi) and the future indicative, the subjunctive, or the optative, like verbs of striving, etc. (339). It will be noticed that oTTM^ prj here is exactly e(|uivalent to p; in the ordinary con- struction, so that /?of/i,at oVoj? pij ycnyo-CTai (or ya'T/rai) means I fear that it will hap>pen (not I fear that it will not happen). E.g. AeSoLK oVw? pi] \ TijofieL ottws pi] dvocriov irpaypa ri'y- ^av7;§ TTpaTTiDV ; Plat. Eutliyph. 4 E. *Pv\(iTTov ottw? pi] €h Toi'i'tti'Tiov (XOy^. Xen. Mem. iii. 6, IG. 'HSc'ow av {Opixj/aipi rov dvSpa)., €1 pr] ifiof3oLpi]i' ottms pi] €7r arrov p€ TpdiroiTo. lb. ii. 9, 3. Tot? 7rp€(Tf3vT€poi's di'TiTrapaKeXevopaL pi] KaTaKT^^vvOijvai ottw? pi] S6^€L pa\aKv, which belong eipially to both classes, B and C. (See 354.) 371. (Indirect Discourse with m^ ar ottw?.) In curious contrast passage so as tD rea*l rovpyov toS' J), ^vvvoLa ^ovKei'fi irdXai, is suggested by the scholion : i] avvvoia /xo. (iovXfvcTat Kai oieTui fir) Koi dcqXaTOv iffT*. t6 rrpdyfia. So perhaps we sliould read i^o^dadai fi-q tl baifibviov to. irpdy^iaTa e'Xai'i'et (vulg. (\avvrj) ill Dkm. ix. 54 (with (.'od. A). But the subjunctive in both passages might be explained on the juinciple of 92. with the preceding construction with oVw? p-q for pi) (370) is that by which verbs of fearing sometimes take the construction of ordinary indirect discourse. Here ws and even oVw?, that, may introduce the object of the fear, thus taking the place of p,i) in the common construction. This apparently occurs only when the leading verb is negatived. E.g. Mr] Seio-ys ttoO' u>? yeAwrt Tovpuv cf>ai8pov oxpcrat Kapa, do not fear that she will ever see my face joyful { = pi] tSy). Soph. El. 1309: so 1426. *Av8poof3ovp€0a € Aao-o-wo-€o-^at, we are not afraid that we shall have the worst of it. Tiirc. v. 105. (Here pi) with the subjunctive wouhl be the regular form.) 373. The present or aorist infinitive {without pi)), not in indirect discourse, may follow verbs of fearing, to denote the direct object (»f the fear; as in English, I fear to go. This infinitive may have the article. Eg. 4»o/?of/jiat ori^ 5icX€y;(Cii' rrc, pi] vTroXd/Sy^, k.t.X.^ I am afraid to refute you, hst you may suspect, etc. Plat. Gorg. 457 E. *Pof3i)(r€TaL dSiKtlv., he will be afraid to do wrong. Xkn. Cyr. viii. 7, 15. (But a(TK6i'Tiov K€pKvpaLO)V ^X^iv avTou. Thuc. i. 136. Oi' KareSeurav ecikOili'. Id. iv. 110. UeifipiKa ^Kpivvv rcAco-at Ta§ Kardpa^, I shudder at the idea of the Fury fulfdling the curses. Aesch. Sept. 720. (But in vs. 790, Tp€ii) p,i] r^Xka-yj means / tremble lest she may fidfll \ 1 136 FINAL AND OBJECT CLAUSES [374 them.) See also Xen. An. i. 3, 17. To aTrodvya-KCLV ovScis K^ioPtl- rai, TO §€ aSiKciv / having the same meaning as a clause with /i>} and the subjunctive or optative. E.g. Iluis ovK a^Lov aiToi' yc (f>vkd^acrdaL tolovtov y€V€cr6ai ; why oiujht lie not to ijuard against heconiing such a man himself? Xen. Mem. 1. 5, 3. (Here ycvio-Oai is equivalent to p/ ycn/rai.) ^vkarTOfievo^: TO Xvirrja-al TLva^ taking care to offend no one. Dem. xviii. 258. ^vXdaa-€Lv firjSeva TTcpaLovirOai, to guard against any one's crossing over. Thug. vii. 17. ^vXarToix^vov Kal 7rpoopii}^€Vov fii) KaTaio-xvvaL ravTijv. Dem. xxv. 11. (For firj in this construction see 815, 1.) In Thuc. vii. 77, we find the infinitive with oxttc after (t>v\da'cr(t). 375. KiV8uvos eo-Ti, the principal expression denoting rfari^/er, which takes fiij and a finite verb, is quite as regularly followed by the in- finitive. E.g. Ov crfJLiKpolAl7r7rOS ^>/, ttA.X* Cl TT/S TToA^W? T(6vqK€ TO T0V9 dSiKovvTa^i fiKreiv Kal Ti/Kopcicrdaiy I have no fear {on the question) whether Philip is alive; bat I have fear {about this)^ whether our city's habit of hating and ptinishing evil-doers is dead. Dem. xix. 289. ^6l3oo- jSoVVTUL OTTOL TTOTC TT pO f^ljiTiTa L l) TOV dvSpOol3i]6-iJT€^ aAAa :roAi» pdXXov Sea tovto $app€iT€., do not be afraid because they rule many, etc. Xen. Hell. iii. 5, 10. 'E\). 61, 62) (juotes Heyiie with approval, who says that no human being can tell why we have ai in one place and d in another. Bekker cites, to illustrate this, atd' ovruj^ x^^o" reX^a-ei' 'Ayafi^fxvojv^ II. iv. 178, and etd' a>s tol yovvaff ^ttolto, iv. 313 ; also at kc deos iKTjTai, II. v. 129, followed immediately by drdp et k€ 'Atppodi-n] IXdrja' is irUkefiov. Bekker in his last edition of Homer (1858) gives only d, eWe, and et yap, without regard to the Mss. ; and he is followed by Dolbriick. 138 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [383 390] CLASSIFICATION Of CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 139 av, if, was probably never used by the tragedians or by Thucydides, although the Mss. have it in a few cases. 383. The negative particle of the protasis is regularly firjy that of the apodosis is ov. 384. When ov is found in a protasis, it is genemlly closely connected with a particular word (especially the verb), with which it forms a single negative expression ; so that its negative force does not (like that of /m>;) affect the protasis as a ivhole, Hdvru)^ hi]iTov {ovTU)<; e\€i)^ edv T€ (tv /cai "Avi'tos ov )t€ idv t€ Hj^^ ^f y^^^ «^^«!/ i^ «^ 'if^^fl «« if you admit it. Plat. Apol. 25 B. Et Toi's davovra^ ovk cas ( = KioXveis) OaTrTeiv, if you forbid himjiiig the dead. Soph. Aj. 1131. ¥.1 fiev ov iroXXol ( = oAiyoi) rj^rai', KaO* €Kaa-Tov av ttc/oi tovtojv i]kov€T€, if tliere were only a few, etc. Lys. xiii. 62 : cf. 76. Tojv^c ^ikv ov^lv l(tov kfrrlv, cTye d<^' i^fiC^v ye tmv cV /X6(ru> oi'Sci? ov^kiroTf. dp^€Tai, there is no fairness iii this, if {it is the plan, that) no one is ever to begin with us. Xex. Cyr. ii. 2, 3. In all these cases fi/j could be used, even where ov seems especially proper; as in dv r cyw t/xo dv t€ /i>/ i>) {)s. Tlie use of fii} or ov was determined by the feeling of the speaker at the moment as to the scope of his negation. The following example makes the difference Ix^tween ov and fiy particularly clear, ov affect- ing merely the verb, and fm) affecting the whole clause (including the oi'): et fiy Ilf)o^€mv ov^ vTrtSi^avro, icnoOycrav dv, if it had not been that they did not receive Proxenus, they would have been saved, Dem. xix. 74. 385. El ov with the indicative is sometimes found in Homer where the Attic Greek would have ci fiy; as in ct 6c /xoi ovk cVcecro-* eViTTct- o-cTtti d\X uAoyvyo-ci, II. xv. 162. See also 11. xx. 129; Oil ii. 274 xii. 382. ' 386. After verbs expressing wonder, delight, and similar emotions (494), wliere a i)rotasis seems to take the place of a causal sentence, ci ov can be used, on the la-inciple of 384, though here fiy is more common. See examples of d fxy) under 494 ; and for el ov see Isoc. i. 44, fiij Oav/ida-ys ct ttoAAu tljv elfmiikviov ov TrpeTrei a-ou See also 387. 387. When two clauses introduced hy /zcV and 8^ depend upon a single el which precedes them both,^ ov is used even more frequently than /n'l ; us such clauses have their own constnic- tion independently of the el, which merely introduces each of them as a whole, not affecting the construction of particular words. E.g. Aetv'C)v dv eirj, el oi fiev Ueivi^v ^r/x/^xoi eirX SovXeU r{j avnZv if>epovre^ ovk aTrepoiHTtv, ypel^ S' eVi no aiVoi (roifccr^ai ovk dpa * Sairavrjcropev, it would be a hard thing, if {it is a fact that) their allies will not refiise, etc. while we will not contribute. Thug. i. 121. EtV OVK auT^pov, el ro pev * Kpyetoiv 7r\rjOoof3'q6r] ri]v AaKeSaL- p.ovLii)V dp\Yiv vpeLo f^i]G'eo'6e ; is it not then disgraceful, if {it is true that), while the Argive people did not fear, you are going to be afraid, etc. Dem. xv. 23. See also Plat. Phaed. 97 A; Lys. xxx. 32; IsAE. vi. 2; Dem. xxxviii. 18; Aeschin. iii. 242. Classification of Conditional Sentences. 388. The most obvious natural distinction is that of (a) present and past conditions and (b) future conditions. Present and past conditions (a) are divided into two classes by distinguishing (1) those which imply nothing as to the fulfilment of the con- dition from (2) those which imply that the condition is not or was not fulfilled. Future conditions (h) have two classes (1, 2), distinguished by the manner in which the supposition is stated. Class 1 of present and past conditions is further distinguished on the ground of the particular or general character of the sup- position, as explained below in II. (394). 389. Excluding from the class (a) 1 the present and past general suppositions which have a peculiar construction (395, a and b), we have — I. Four Fo7ins of Ordinary Conditions, (a) Present and Past Conditions. 390. In present or past conditions, the question of fulfilment has already Ijeen decided, but we may or may not wish to imply by our form of statement how this has been decided. In Greek (as in English or Latin) we may, therefore, state such a condition in either of two ways : — 1. We may simply state a present or past condition, implying nothing as to its fulfilment ; as if lie is {now) doing this, el tovto TTpdiTirei, — if he was doing it, el eTrpaaae, — if he did it, el eirpa^e, — if he has (already) done it, el Treirpax^, — if he Juid (already) done it (at some past time), el eTreirpdxn. The apodosis here ex- presses simply what is (teas or will be) the result of the fulfil- ment of the condition. Thus we may say : — El Trpdcra-ei tovto, KaAws ^X^*^' "*/ ^e is doing this, it is well; et TTpdo-Q-eL TOVTO, yjfidpT^jKev, if he is doing this, he has erred; el TTpdo-a-et TOVTO, KaAoi? €^€i, if he is doing this, it icill be well. Et eiTpa^e (or eTrpacrcre) tovto, KaAw? c^et (^^X^^'j ^<^X^^> ^^ ^?^0) if he did this, it is {was or will be) well. Ei TreTrpa^e tovto, KaXw? e^ei, if 140 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [391 he has done thisy it will he ivell. So with the other tenses of the in- dicative in the apodosis. (See 402.) So in Latin : Si hoc facity bene est ; Si hoc fecit, bene erit ; etc. 2. On the other hand, we may state a present or past con- dition so as to imply that it is not or was not fulfilled ; as if he were {now) doing this, ct tovto tirpaa-o-i] — if he had done this, ci rovTo €7rpa^€ (both implying the opposite). The apodosis here expresses what ^vould be (or would have been) the result if the condition were (or had been) fulfilled. The adverb av in the apodosis distinguishes these fonns from otherwise similar forms under {a) 1. Thus we may say : — Et t7rpa(T(T€ TouTo, KaAws dv €2\€Vy if he were {now) doing this, it would he well ; or if he had been doiiuj this, it woidd have been well. Et €7rpa^€ TOVTO, KttAtos dv €(rx€V (or dv €LX€v), if he had done this, it would have been well (or it would now be loell). On the other hand, €t €7r/)a^€ TouTo, KuAws €(r\€v (without dv) would mean if he did thiSy it was well. (See 410.) In Latin : Si hoc faceret, bene esset (present) ; Si hoc fecisset, bene fuisset (past). 391. The Greek has no form implying that a condition is or im» fulfilled, and it is hardly conceivable that any language should find such a form necessary or useful. (b) Future Conditions. 392. The question as to the fulfilment of a future condition is still undecided. We may stiite such a condition in Greek (as in English and Latin) in either of two ways : — 1. We may say if he shall do (his, idv Trpda-o-rj (or Trpd^y) ToiTo (or, still more vividly, ct Trpd^eu rorro), making a distinct supposition of a future case. The apoilosis expresses what will he the result if the condition shall be fulfilled. Thus we may say: — 'Eav 7rpd(T(rij (or Trpd^y) tovto, KaXiZ^ e^ei, if he shall do this (or if he does this), it will be well (sometimes also ci irpd^n tovto). (See 444 and 447.) lu Latin: Si hoc faciei (or si hoc fecerit), bene erit, 2. We may also say if he should do this, €t irpda-o-oL (or TTpd^eie) TovTOy still supposing a case in the future, but less distinctly and vividly than before. The apodosis corresponds to this in form (with the addition of dv), and expresses what would be the result if the condition should be fulfilled. Thus we may say : — El Trpda-o-OL (or Tr/aa^ctc) toi'Vo, KaAws dv c^ot, if he should do this, it ivould U well, (See 455.) In Latin : Si hoc facial , bene sit. 395] CLASSIFICATION OF CONDITIONAL SENTENCES 141 \393. The Latin commonly employs the future indicative, si hoc fariet (corresponding strictly to ct tovto irpd^ei., if he shall do this), or the future perfect, si hoc fecerit, to express the form of protasis which the Greek expresses by idv and the subjunctive {edv tovto irpda-cTQ or TTpd^lj) ; and it uses the form si hoc faciat to represent the Greek ct TOVTO irpdcrcToiy if he should do this. II. Present and Past General Suppositions. 394. The supposition contained in a protasis may be either particular or general. A particular supposition refers to a definite act or to several definite acts, supposed to occur at some definite time (or times); as if he, {now) luis this, he will give it; if he had it, lie gave it; if he had liad the power, he would have helped me; if lie shall receive it (or if he receives it), he uill give it; if he should receive if, he woidd give it. So if he always acts justly (or if he never commits ijtjustice), I honour him; if he acted justly on all these occasions, he will be rewarded. A general supposition refers indefinitely to any act or acts of a given class which may be supposed to occur or to have occurred at any time ; as if ever he receives anything, he {always) gives it; if ever he received anything, he {always) gave it; if he had \on any occasion) had the power, he would {always) have helped me; if ever any one shall (or should) wish to go, he will (or would) always be permitted. So if he ever acts justly, I {always) honour him; if he ever acted justly, he was {always) rewarded. 395. Although this distinction is seen in all classes of con- ditions, present, past, and future (as the examples show), it is only in present and past conditions which do not imply non- fulfilment {i.e. in those of 390, 1) that the Greek distinguishes general from particular suppositions in construction. Here, how- ever, we have two classes of conditions which contain only general suppositions. (a) When the apodosis has a verb of present time express- ing a customary or repeated action, the protasis may refer (in a general way) to any act or acts of a given class which may be supposed to occur at any time within the period represented in English as present. Thus we may say : — 'Eav Tt9 kActttt/, KoAafcTttt, if (ever) any one steals, he is {in all such cases) punished ; cav Tts irpdcra-r) (or T^pd^rj) toiovtov Tt, ^^aAc- 'Traivop.ev avTw, if {ever) any one does s^ich a thing, we are {always) aiujry with him ; Idv Tts tgi'tou iruj, dirodvya-KeL, if any one {ever) drinks of this, he dies. (See 462.) 142 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [396 400] ORIGIN OF GREEK CONDITIONAL SENTENCE 143 (b) When the apodosis has a verb of past time expressing a customary or repeated action, the protasis may refer (in a general way) to any act or acts of a given class which may be supposed to have occurred at any time in the past. Thus we may say : — Et Tis KAcrrot, eKoAafero, if (ever) any one stole^ he was (in all such cases) punished; cT tis Trpda-croL (or irpa^iit) tolovtov Tt, €;^aAe- iraivofiiv avTM, if (ever) any one did such a thing, ice were (always) angry with him ; d ns tovtov ttioi, air id vija-Kiv^ if any one (ever) drank of thisy he died. (See 462.) 396. Although the Latin sometimes agrees with the Greek in dis- tinguishing general conditions from ordinary present and past con- ditions, using si faciat and si faceret in a general sense, like lav Trpda-crrf and €1 7rpd(T(roL above, it yet commonly agrees with the English in not recognising the distinction, and uses the indicative alike in both classes. Even the (ireek sometimes (especially in poetry) neglects the distinc- tion, and uses the indicative in these general conditions (4G7). 397. In external form the general present condition coincides with the more vivid future condition, 392, 1, as both are expressed by tdu and the subjunctive, the form of the apodosis alone distinguishing them. But in sense there is a nuich closer connexion l>etween the general present condition and the ordinary i)resent condition expressed by €1 and the present indicative, 390, 1, with which in niost languages (and sometimes even in Greek) it coincides also in form (see 396). On the other hand, idv with the subjunctive in a future condition agrees substantially in sense with et and the future indicative (447), and is never interchangeable with €i and the present indicative. Origin of the Greek Conditional Sentence. — Early Combinations of et with k€ or dv. 398. It is impossible to discuss intelligently the origin of the conditional sentence until the etymology and original meaning of the particles ce, at, ai', and kc are determined. On these questions we have as yet little or no real knowledge. The theory of «' or ai which identifies it with the pronominal stem sva (o-f e), Oscan svai, and Latin si, is i)erhaps the most conmion. By this the original meaning of ci, or rather of one of its remote ancestors in some primitive language, would be at a certain time (or place), in a certain way} But, even on this theory, we can hardly imagine any form of ei as existing in the Greek language until the word had passed at least into the relative stage, with the force of at which time (or place), in which uwj, under which circumstances. It cannot be denied that the strong analogy ^ See Delbriick, Conj. u. Opt., pp. 70, 71, who terms this a " wahrschein- liche positive Vermuthung." between conditional and relative sentences and the identity of most of their forms give great support to any theory by which the conditional sentence is explained as an outgrowth of the relative, so that the conditional relative sentence is made the original conditional construction. Thus ct yjkdev might at some time have meant in the case in which he went, and €6 iXOrj, in the case in which he shall go (or in case he shall go), etc. But here we are on purely theoretical ground ; and we must content ourselves practically with the fact, that in the earliest Greek known to us €t was fully established in its conditional sense, like our if and Latin si. 399. The regular types of the conditional sentence, which are given above (390-31)5) as they appear in Attic prose, have been mainly sifted fiom a rich variety of forms which are found in earlier (ireek. In Homer we have all tenses of the indicative used as in Attic Greek, except that the imperfect has not yet come to express an unreal present condition, but is still confined to the past. The future indicative sometimes has kc in protasis, and the future with kc or dv can stand in a])odosis. The sub- junctive in i)rotasis can have ct k€ (even il dv), r)v, or ct alone ; and it can stand in a future apodosis either alone or with dv or K€ (like the optative). The optative sometimes has ct^ Ke in protasis, and occasionally stands in apodosis without dv or kL Once we find ct kc with the aorist indicative (II. xxiii. 526). Thus, while we have in Attic prose two stereotyped forms of future conditional sentences, idv {y]v, av) So, kkovpat and ct 8oir], kXoifnf)v dv, we have in Homer 7)1/ 80, cT Ke 8a, ct Sw, and ct 801?/, ct Kc Sou), in protasis ; and kXovpat, iXovfjuii k€, cAco/xat, cAw/xat k€, and kXoLfir^v KC (or av), rarely eAoi/x7;v alone, in apodosis ; with every variety of combination of these. (For the details and examples, see 450-454 and 460.) 400. There is a tendency in Homer to restrict the subjunctive with sinii>le ct (without Kk or dv) to general conditions (468), and a similar but less decided tendency to restrict the sulyunctive with conditional relatives without Kk or dv to the generic relative construction (538). But the general condition with ct aj^pears in Homer in a primitive stage, compared with the corresponding relative construction, which is fully developed. Both subjunctive and optative are freely used in general relative conditions in Homer, as in Attic Greek ; while in general conditions with ct the subjunctive occurs only nineteen times and the optative only once (468). On the supposition that the clause with et is derived from the relative clause, this would appear as the ordinary process of development. 144 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [401 403] PRESENT AND PAST SIMPLE SUPPOSITIONS 145 401. It is perhaps the most natural view of the various conditional expressions, ely ci kc, ct av, etc. to suppose that at some early stage the Greek had two perfectly analogous forms in future conditions, one with two subjunctives, and one with two optatives, e.g. €i Sio tovto, cAcD/xai and €i Soli] tovto, €\oifirjv. The particle k€ would then begin to be allowed in both of these conditions and conclusions, giving to each more distinctly its force as a protasis or an apodosis.^ It would thus be allowed to say €L K€ 8(.0 TOVTO, cAtU/Aat K€ aud CL K€ Sou] TOVTOy eXoi/lTjV K€y both of which forms actually occur in Homer. Gradually the tendencies of the language restricted the use of k€ more and more to the subjunctive in protasis and the optative in apodosis, although for a time the usage was not strict. This state of transition appears in Homer, who preserves even a case of an otherwise extinct use of et k€ with the aorist indicative. Shortly before this stage, however, a new tendency was making itself felt, to distinguish the present general condition from the particular in form, the way being already marked out by the conditional relative sentence. As this new expression was to be distinguished from both the really present condition €i ^ovAcrat and the future ct kc PovXi]T(u, the half-Avay form ct /SovXrp-at (which had nearly given place to ei k€ ^ouAr/rat in future con- ditions) came into use in the sense if he ever wishes.^ This would soon develop a corresponding form for use after past tenses, ci /SovXoLTOy if he ever wished^ of which we see only the first step in Homer, II. xxiv. 768. (See 468.) It would hardly be possible to keep the two uses of ct with the subjunctive distinct in form, and in time the form with kc (or av) was established in both (381). But we see this process too in transition in Homer, where ct kc or some form of ct av is nsed in all future conditions except nine, and has intruded itself into five of the nineteen general conditions. We must suppose a corresponding process in regard to k€ or ai' in conditional relative clauses to have gone on before the Homeric period, with more complete results.^ In Attic Greek, except in a few poetic i)assages, the usage is firmly ^ As I do not profess to have any distinct theory of the origin or the original meaning of either Ki or &v, \ liave not attempted to define their force, except so far as they empliasise what we see by usage may be implied by the sentence without their aid. 2 Monro {Horn. Or. p. '2t)3) tliinlcs " the primary nse of &v or Kiv is to show that the speaker is thinking of particnlnr instances or occasions." If this is so, we shouKl expect these particles to be first used in future conditions, while the later general conditions would first take the simple ci, as is here supposed. * See Avu Jour. Phil. iii. pp. 441, 442, where Gildersleeve refers to the use of «'. Src, etc. with the optative in oratio obliqua, representing idv, drav, etc. with the subjunctive in the direct form, as evidence of an old use of ei, 6t€, etc. with the subjunctive. established by which the subjunctive in protasis requires av in both particular and general conditions. I. FOUR FORMS OF ORDINARY CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. (a) Present and Past Conditions. 1. Simple Siip2)ositio7is (chiefly Particular). 402. When the protasis simply states a present or past particular supposition, implying nothing as to the fulfilment of the condition, it takes a present or past tense of the indicative with el Any form of the verb may stand in the apodosis to express the result if the condition is or was fulfilled. E.g. Et €/3p6vTr](T€, Kttfc ij(rTpa\//€v, if it thundered, it also lightened. (This implies no opinion of the speaker as to the reality of the thunder.) Et 8* oirrw tovt co-tiv, c/iot /AcAAct i\ov etvai. II. i. 564. Et TOT€ Kor/oo? la, vvv avrk fi€ yijpas OTrafct. II. iv. 321. Et fiaXa KapT€p6^ c(to-i, ^€os irov (rol to y €8u)K€v. II. i. 178. Et 81 xpr] Kttt Trap (roITIONAL SENTENCES [404 d\i]Oy) fiov vvv KaT)jyop€t, /^laWov av eiKorto? y Tor8' €cSi(ok«1', if he is now hrin(jin() true chanif,^ mfiiinst wic, he would have yrostruied Jlypereides with mucJi more reason than he does this man. Dem. xviii. 223. (See 471), 2; 503.) 404. Tliis form of condition may he used even wlum ilie Biipposi- tion is notoriously contrary to fact, if the siH'aker does not wish to imply this by the construction; as in Dem. xviii. 12, rm' /zc'i'toi Ka- Tiyyo/o/wi', . . . €LTr€p yirav dXijOih^ ovk €Vi Tij iro\(L Slkijv d^tav XafSeti'., but if the chanjcs were true { = emnt, not esscnt\ the Mate can- not oht<(in adequate satL^farfion. So in English, we can say if three times six are twody as well as if three times six were twenty^ or // all men are liars as well as if all men xcere lUirSy — from different points of view. 405. A present or past general supposition is sometimes expressed by the indicative: see examples in 4G7. Here the Greek neglects the distinction which it regnlarly makes between general and particular snppositions of this class. 406. Pindar uses these simple conditions with ct and the indicative more than all other forms. ^ But among his forty -eight ca.ses are many general conditions (4G7), which most writers would have expressed by the subjunctive. 407. (Future Indieafire in Present Suppositions.) P>en the futiu'c indicative with ci may be used in a present condition, if it expresses mendy a j[>ms<'«/ intention or necessity that some- thing shall be done hereafter ; as when ci toPto 7ron/(rci means if he is (now) ahvut to do this, and not (as it does in an ordinary future condition) if he shall do this (hereafter). E.g. ATpc ttA/Jkt/x)!', €t pLa\€i, raise your spur^ if you are going to fight. Ar. Av. 759. (Ki p(i\€L in protiisis connuonly means if you nhall Jignt, like €av pa\ij.) 11 vvv eyu) jjhv ovk avijpy avTi] o tivijpy €i tuvt arart tj/^c k cure rat Kpdri], i.e. if this is fo j)a,s'.s' unpunished. SoPH. Ant. 484. Ti Sunfyepoim Tiov €^ dvdyKi]^ KaKOTraOovvTiov^ €l yc ttci- VlJ(TOV(TL Kttt Sixf i'l(TOVlTl Kul piytO(TOV(TL Kul dy pVTTVyCr OVy^7yo'o/Aat, if I am to be slandered^ EuB. Hec. 863. In II. v. 715, i} p dXiov rov pvOov VTrea-rijpev MeveAatp, . . . ci oi'rw paLvecrOai edtropev ovXov 'A/3>}a, vain is the word we phdged, if we are to jtermit, etc., the verb of the apodosis is past, showing that the condition is not future. 408. It is important to notice that a future indicative of this kind could not be changed to a suljunctive with idv without an entire change of sense and time. It nnist therefore be distinguished from the future in future conditions, where it is generally interchangeable with * See Am. Jour. Phil. iii. p. 438. 410] I»KESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS 147 the subjunctive (447). Here it is nearly equivalent to the periphrastic future expressed by /xfAAw and the infinitive (73), in which the tense of /jicAAw (as in et /xcAAoifrt rorro Trotcti^ = el tovto iroL'/jo-o-vo-Lv) shows that the condition is really present and not future. So with the Latin periphrastic future, si hoc facturus est. 409. A present condition may be expressed by a potential optative in the prot-asis, and a present or past condition by a i)otential indicative ; as iiTTip dXXoi T(o dvOpuiTTOiV TreiOoiprfV dv, Kal (toI Trei'Oo/iai, if (it is true that) I would trust any one of mankind , I trust you, Plat. Prot. 320 B; €t toGto i(rxvpuv yv dv tovtoj tck///;J/>ioi/, Kupol yevarOu) T€Kfr/jf>LOV, oTi, K.T.A., if (it u true that) this would, hare been a strong proof for him (if he had used it), so let it Ijc a proof for me, that, etc., Dem. xlix. 58. (See 458, and other examples in 506.) 2. IVifh S}ippodtion contrary to Fact. 410. When the protasis states a present or past sup- position, implying tliat the condition is not or was not ful- filled, and the apodosis expresses what would be (or ivould have been) the result if that condition were (or had been) fulfilled, the past tenses of the indicative are used in both protasis and apodosis, and the ajKxlosis contains the adverb dv. The imperfect here, in either p)rotasis or apodosis, refers to present time or to an act as going on or repeated in past time, the aorist to a simple occurrence in past time, and the (rare) pluperfect to an act compjleted in past or present time. U.[/. El TOVTO €7r/jacrrr€, KaAw? dv €i\€v, if he rcere (now) doing this, it would be icell (implying that he is not doing it). This may also mean if he had been doing this, it icould have hen icell (implying that he was not doing it). The context must decide, in each case, to which time the imperfect refers. Ei TorTO Izr^a^c, KaAw? dv €(t\€v, if he had done this, it would have been well (implying that he did not do it). Et TouTo €7r€7r^a^€t, KaAa>9 dv ei^ev, if he had finished doing this (notv or at any past time), it would be well (implying either he has not or he had not finished it). (Impf. of Present Time.) Et Se p S>8* act Aoyois ^^^)PX^'^'> ^^''^ ^^ ycrOa XvTrrjpd K'Avctr, if you always began your talk to me in this way, you icould not be offensire to listen to (as you are). Soph. El. .5.56. So El. 992, 1331, O. T. 1511 ; and Aesch. Sept. 662, A^. 1395. Kat vvv €1 fjio/Sepov TL €i'wpw/t>t€V, TTav dv croi 7rpo€(f)pd^op€V, if tee saw ajiy cause of alarm, we should tell it all to you. Hdt. i. 120. TavTa ovk dv eSvvavTO ttouiv, €i pi] Kal SiaiTij perpia €\pwvTo., they icotdd not be able to do this, if they did not lead an abstemious life. Xen. Cyr. i. 2, 148 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [410 16. Eu i(tO* on e^ ti Ifxov €Krj8ov, ovSci'os av oimo fi€ aTTOfrrcpeiv €v\dTTov ? d^Lut^aTo'S Kai ti/xtJs, if you cared for me at ally you would take precaution^ etc. lb. v. 5, 34. IIoAu dv OavfiaxTTo- repov r]v, el krifxCiVTo^ it would be much more wonderful, if tliey were honoured. Plat. Rep. 489 B. Akyovai iravra y ^xcf Kalroi ct ^t) krvy\(xvev ai'rots €7na'Wjfii] crovtra, ovk dv oiot t ycrav tovto 7roui(r€iv, they tell everything as it is: and yet if knowledge did not chance to be in them, they could not do this. Id. Pliaed. 73 A. Ov\ ovTii) 6' dv TrpoOrfKDS IttI tov iroXefiov vfids irapeKaXovv, ci /x>^ tijv €ipi]vi]v kuypoiv ald^pdv iiTo/xevifv, I should not exhort you, did I not see {as I do), etc. Isoc. vi. 87. {Impf of Past Time.) Kat ravr dv ovk €Trpay)s, ovk dv ttotc TaGra cTrao-^oi', if they had been good men, as you say, they would never have suffered these things (referring to several cases). Plat. Gorg. 516 E. {Aorist of Past Time.) Ei p.ij o/l»koi5 ypeOrjv, ovk dv ttot e;Ta epepaOyKtj, if you had given this answer^ I should have alreadg learned, etc. Plat. Eutliypli. 14 C. Aoittoi/ 5* dv yv ypiv en irepl tt/s TroAews Bia\e\6rjvaL tiJ? i)peT€pa)»' elpyvijv TTporepa TreTroujTai.) Isoc, v. 56. Et yap ck tov TrapeXij- XvBoTO'i \povov Ta SeovTa ovtol (rvveftovXevirav, ovSev dv r/xa? I'ri' e6eL povXeveo-OaL, if they had given the necessanj advice in time past, there would now be no need of your delUterating. Dem. iv. 1. IQiv dSiKij- pdrisiv dv epepvijTo Toir aiVoi', €1 ti ttc/oi epov y eypa<^ev. Id. xviii. 79. These examples show the fully developed construction, as it appears in the Attic writers and in Herodotus. For the more primitive Homeric usage, see 435 and 438. 412] PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS 149 411. This construction is equivalent to that of the Latin im- perfect and pluperfect subjunctive in protasis and apodosis. With regard to the tenses, the Latin imperfect subjunctive represents the Greek imperfect indicative referring to present time, and rarely that referring to past time; while the Latin pluperfect subjunctive repre- sents the Greek aorist and pluperfect indicative, and also most cases of the Greek imperfect referring to past time. 412. 1. It will be seen that, when this construction is used, it is usually implied not merely that the condition of the protasis is not (or was not) fulfilled but also that the action of the apodosis does not (or did not) take place ; thus ct touto ehrov, eTreiaBri dv, if I had said this, he would have been persuaded, generally implies not merely that I did not say this but also that he was not persuaded. But this denial of the ajxxlosis is not an essential character of the construction, as we can see if we change the apodosis to ovk dv e-n-elddi], he would not have been persuaded, when it is not implied that he really was persuaded. AN'^e have seen that there is nothing in the nature of the potential indicative which makes a denial of its action necessary (244); and when this form is made the apodosis of an unreal condition, it simply states that something would happen (or would have happened) in a case which did not arise. Denial of the apodosis can follow as a logical inference from denial of the protasis only in the rare cases in which the unreal con- dition is the only one under which the action of the apodosis could have taken place, as when we say if the moon had entered the eartlCs shadow, she would have been eclijjsed, where the denial of either clause carries with it by necessity the denial of the other. But if we say if it had rained, the ground would be wet, the denial of the protasis cuts oif only one of many conditions under which the ground might be wet. Such sentences as this are, however, very common, though they are not used to prove the oi)posite of the apodosis (that the ground is not wet) ; but they are arguments in which the apodosis is assumed to be false (on the ground of observation or experience), and from this it is argued that the assumption of the protasis is ftilse ; that is, since the ground is not wet (as we Ciin see), it cannot have rained, which is a good argument. This is the case in Thuc. i. 9, and Plat. Gorg. 516 E (([uoted in 410, above) ; where it is argued that Agamemnon had a navy because this was a necessary condition of his ruling islands, and that certain persons were not good men because they suffered what they did, the facts of ruling islands and of suffering being assumed in the argument as estiiblished on independent evidence. In other cases, where it is stated that the apodosis would follow as a consequence from the fulfilment of the condition, as in Soph. Aj. 45, Kdv e^eirpd^ar el KaTtjpeXria-* cyw, he would even have accomplished it, if I had been careless, whatever negation of the apodosis is implied (here ovk e^iTrpd^aro) comes from a feeling that when the only condition under which it is stated that an action would have taken place fails, there is no reason for believing it to have taken place at all. We may doubt w^hether any 150 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [412 415] PRESENT AND PAST UNREAL CONDITIONS 151 negation of the apodosis is implied in the form of expression in such cases. Certainly, in many cases in which the apodosis states a con- sequence which would follow from the action of an unreal protasis, this negation is assumed as already known apart from the construc- tion ; thus in Soph. El. 556 (quoted in 410) the apodosis means you ivould not then be offensive to listen to, and the only ground on which we mentally .add as you now are is our knowledge of Clytaemnestra's feeling towards Electra. If the sentence were if all men began their speeches politely, they ivould not be offensive, we should not think of supplying as they now are without some knowledge of the facts. 2. When the sentence merely affirms or denies that one act, if it had occurred, would be accompanied by another act, and there is no necessary relation between the two acts as cause and effect, and there is no argument drawn from tlie admitted unreality of the conclusion to prove the opposite of the condition, no denial of the apodosis is implied in the expression, althougli we may know from the context or in some other way that the action of the apodosis does not (or did not) occur. Thus in Plat. Ap. 17 D, el no ov'tl ^cros €Tvy\avov wr, ^vveyiyvio- o-KCT€ Sijirov av /xoi ct ev ck€U'>; ry (ur>/ 4'Aeyoi', etc., if I were really a foreigner, you would surely pardon me if I spoke in my own dialect, etc., it is not im})lied that now you do not pardon me. We shouKl ratlier say tliat nothing at all is implied l>eyond the stiitement you would pardon me in that case. If the apodosis were you would not be angry with me, the impossibility of understaiuling but note you are angry would make this plainer. Again, in Xen. An. vi. 1, 32, oi'8' av cywyc la-Taa-Lu^ov el aKkov eiXea-Oe, neither should I (any more than Xenophon) be fpiarrelsome if you had chosen another man, nothing like (TTacria^w is imi)lied ; on the other hand, any such imi)licati(m as oi* (rra(Tid^i» must come from the circumstances of the case, not from the form of expression. In Soph. 0. T. 220, ov yap av paKpav l\v€vov ai'ros, if the protasis is ct i\v€vov ai'ro^, if I were nndertaking the search by myself {idone), tlie apodosis / should not be very far on the track does not imply puKpav i;^i'€i'(o, or anything more than the sentence states. (See 511.) Again, in Soph. Tr. 890, ct Trapova-a 7rA>/odosis does not (or did not) occur. Thus in Plat. Ap. 17 1), ct tm ovtl ^€i'o^ irvyxavov wi', ^weyiyvio- (TK€T€ Sijirov tu' fioL €L €V iKeivij Tij (fnoi'ij tAcyoi', ctc, if I were really a foreigner, you would surely 2)ardnn me if I spoke in wy own dialect, etc., it is not implied that now you do not pardon me. We should rather say that nothing at all is implied l)eyon«l the statement you would pardon me in that case. If the apodosis were you would not be angry with me, the impossibility of undersUuuling but now you are angry would make this plainer. Again, in Xex. An. vi. 1, 32, oi'8' av cywyc k(TTaa-La(ov ci aAAoi' ci'Accr^e, neithr should I (any more than Xenoplu»n) be quarrelsome if you had chosen another tnan, nothing like (rrarriafw is implied ; on the (jther hand, any such implication as ov o-Tatrtafo> must come from the circumstiinces of the case, not from the form of expression. In Soph. 0. T. 220, ov yap av iiuKfrnv i^vevov avrtk, if the protasis is ci ixi'^vov arros', if I were undertaking the search by myself (alone), the apodosis / should not be very far on the track does not imply HUKpav ixi'€ro>, or anything more than the sentence states. (See 511.) Again, in Soph. Tr. 890, ct Ttapovira TrXijO-ia cAcrtro-c? oV tSpawi, Kilpr av oiKTuraSf the statement does not imply ovk loKTorai, although this may be true. 3. Further, in concessive sentences introduced by kuI ci or ce, even if or although, or oi'^* ci, not even if, where it is stated that something would be true even in a su])p(tsed case (which does not arise), we have what amounts to a statement that the thing in question would be true in any case. Here, therefore, the action of the apodosis is distinctly atfirmed ; as in Isoc. xxi. 11, SiKia^ /ih', ct kul tov dAAoi' ^/joi^oi' ixOicTTo (rvKO/5€ TTtoTTOTc SuvoijOij dSiKiiv, TOT dv iTTi'ipOi], i.e. iV. wouUl thcu havc stopped, while E. would have been urged on, in any case. So Dem. xxx. 14, and xl. 23. See Plat. Rep. 020 D, tu arra av cTrpa^c kuI irpioTrj XaxoiHTa { = Kal cl 7rpt!mf ^^^X^^')* *^ would have done the same even if it had drawn the fwst choice. 413. In the unreal conditional sentence, therefore, the unreality of the supposition is always implied, and that of the apodosis is generally either assumed or implied. The implied opposite of an imperfect is always a present or imperfect, that of an aorist is an aorist, and that of a pluperfect is usually a perfect or pluperfect. Thus ct (ETrpamre, when it means if he were doing, implies aAA.* ov Trpao-o-ci, hut reallf/ he is not doing ; Avhen it means if lie Imd been doing, it implies a\X ovk cTrpao-cjc, but really he tvas not doing : ct py €7rpa^€v, if h^. Imd not done, im[)lies dAA' e-n-pa^ev, but reallf/ he did do : el cVcTrotvyKct toPto, if he had already done this, implies either (iAA,* oi' TrcTroty/Kcv, bnt really he has not done it, or dAA' OVK cTTCTTotvyKct, but really he had not done it, according to the context. The aorist, however, is very often used here, as else- where, where the pluperfect would express the time intended more exactly ; as in the sentence quoted in 410 from Dem. iv. 5, ovSev av &V vvvl TrerroiyfKev eTrpa^ev, where the perfect TrcTrotr/Kci/ shows that the pluperfect nnght have been used for lirpa^ev (see 58). 414. Sometimes an aorist not referring to past time is found in the apodosis, after a protasis in the inii>erfect referring to the present. This occurs chiefly in Plato, and generally with eiTrov av, air€.Kpivap'i]v av, or a similar verb, meaning / should at once reply. The aorist excludes the idea of duration which the imperfect would express, and for the same reiuson it cannot l)e strictly present ; in effect it does not differ much from an aorist oi>tiitive with di/, the apodosis really being the result (in the case supposed) would be (vji/ av) that 1 should reply (ctTrot^t av), etc. E.g. El p\v ovv crv /xc >ypwTa? Tt Ti^tv vvv Srj, elirov av, k.t.X., if then you were asking me any one of the questions Ixfore ns, I .should (at once) say, etc. Plat. Euthyph. 12 D. "ilairepav ct eriyxavev mv viroSypd- Twv SryiLOvpyo^., drnKpLvaTo dv 8ij ttov ctol otl (tki'toto/xo?, as, if he chanced to be a maker of shoes, he would annwer that he was a cobbler. Id. Gorg. 447 D. See also Plat. Symp. 199 D, Men. 72 B, Theag. 123 B ; Ant. Tetr. A. /?. 13. In Plat. Prot. 311 B, C, we have ct ti? a-e ijpeTo, Tt dv aTreKpivo) ; with the answer eiTTov dv ws, k.t.A., twice, refei-ring to ])resent time ; but in D, ct ovv ti? r//xds^ c/jotro (future), followed by Tt dv avTO) dTroKpivaip^Oa ; An example of this is found in Soph. Ant. 755 : e/ /xt) Tro-Typ ya-6\ eiTTov dv ^'''^^^ ^v, or TTpoa-iJKev. This expression refers to past or present time, and generally implies a denial of the action of the infinitive. Thus cSct TovTov d7ro6av€iv in this idiomatic use means he ought to have perished {but did not) ; c6ct ly/xas rovro iroulv means ive ought to be doing this {but ice are not) or we ought to have done this {but we did not do it). This combination contains in other words what might have been expressed substantially by a past indicative with av of the verb of the infinitive, qualified by an adverb or other expression denoting obligation, propriety, or possibility : thus cSct tovtov oLTroOavelv is (as a construction) equivalent to ovros SiKaLio*; (or a^tw?) av dirWavev, he would justly hive perished, and cikos i^v a-e TovTo iraOelv is equivalent to rovro cikotw? av c7rtt^c«», you V'ould properly have suffered this (implying ovk iiradis)- Strictly, the ex- pression involves also an unreal protasis, as (in the last case) €t TO ctKos c7ra^€5, which with the apudosis tovto (EiraOes dv appears substantially in ciko? yv crc tovto iraOeiv. (See 511.) When the present infinitive is used, the expression is present or past ; with the aorist infinitive it is always past. 416. The following imperfects may take the infinitive in this sense : eSet, XP^I^ ^^ ^XPV^* ciko? yv, irpotryKiVy kvyVy e'^vyi', ^iv (or vTri)pxdvLKaTe, i^ t/s yv eiSivat irepl wavTiov ryv ttA^J^ctav, you liave concealed the will, from which we {now) might know tfie truth about the whole matter. Dem. xxviii. 10. TtJs ypiripwi €xOpa* yp.(t}v avrwi/ StKaiov t/v tov e^€Ta(rjMov TroLeiirOai, i.e. we should justly settle up our (piairel by ourselves. Id. xviii. 16 : cf. 13, 154 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [420 where SiVaiov rjv is understood with xPW^^h ^* i^'ouW jiistly have used them. Updrriov ttoXv pkXriov 17 (re irpocriJKov ^v (sc. irpar- T€iv), fceiw^r miic^ 6<;<} KaraKoviiv, "AXXio €7r/)€7r€v Acyeiv ci Aey€t5, another would have becomingly said what you say (aAAo? av cAcyc tt/octtoi'tcds). Plat. Rep. 474 D. To 8vcr)(€p€(TTaTov T(ov oi'o/xaTwi', o TOJV y? TTttiScixrcws, //x€a*» fiovvovs l(TTpari]Xar€€. o HefxryjS^ XP^I^ ai'Toi' iravrtov rail' dAAtoi' dire^opivov i€vaL ovru) ctti ti)V i)p.€T€pip" Kai dv iSijXov Trd(TL MS €7rt ^Kj'^as eAari'ci, if the Persi^m were tnaking his expedition against us alone^ he should leave all others and be marching directly into our country ; then he would show everybody that he was marching against Scythians. Hdt. iv. 118. Aciv ( = €8ci) 6€, ciVc/o yv (^i-rttToi', dv€v twv ttAAwv ttiVo Aeyccr^uf vvv Si dSvvarov. Plat. Theaet. 202 A. ^prjv cr\ €Lir€p ijcrOa /x>) kuko?, mia-avrd p.€ ya/xciv ydfiov rovS , dAAd fiyj o-ty>; tAcoi', i.e. if you were not basey you should make this nutrriage with my consenty and not {as you do) in secret from your friends. Eur. Med. 586. Et rtra (TrpoiKa) ISlSov, ctKos yv kul tt/i' SoOeicrav vTTo 7(01' 7rapay€V€(T0aL (jiawKovriov pLapTvpelaOaLy i.e. if he had given any dowry, it tvould naturally have been attested by witnesses. Isae. iii. 28. See Id. iv. 18. E/ic ct pLiv ev dAAai? tlctIv 7)p.€pais ijSiKi](re TL TOITWV tSlWT);^' Ol'TO, l^t^ KUl BlKljV 7rpO5c ffiav€pMr€pav €^yjv a i' rots ryv dperi]v SetKruvat, i.e. in that case they might all the more plainly manifest tlieir virtue {which th£y do not do). Thuc. i. 37. Et (/Sovkero SiKaLos cu'ai, i^rjv avTM /j,Lcrdu}(rai rbv olkov, ij y?jv TrpLajjcevos ck tcov Trpocrtovroiv tois TraiSas Tp€(f)€iv, i.e. he might have let the house, or have bougJU land and, sup- ported tlie children from tJie income. Lys. xxxii. 23. 'Ev avry rrj Slkij €^^]V (Tot (fyvyys Ti/x7;(racr^at, €t ifSovXov. Plat. Crit. 52 C. (See Isoc. xvii. 29.) IIoAAots' 80^(0, to? oio? t mv ere (tm^clv €l ijOeXov dvaXurKciv \pii}iaTa, dfieXijo-ai, many will think that, whereas I might have saved you if I had been willing to spend money, I neglected it. lb. 44 B. 422. 1. In the following examples the idea of the infinitive is so modified by that of the leading verb, that the real apodosis (the opposite of which is implied) includes both ideas ; but the chief force still remains in the infinitive, so that no dv is added. Et yap VTTO 0801'TOS TOt CITTC TiXcVTyCTCLV fie, XPV^ ^V ^^ 7rOL€€LV TO. TToiccis* vvv 8c VTTO al\iA7Js, fov if tlic dream had said that I was to be killed by a tooth, tlien you would properly do wlud you now do ; but it really said I was to be killed by a spear. Hdt. i. 39. (Here the real apodosis is not in ttolUlv alone, which is afiirmed in rd ttolUls, but in the combined idea you would do with propriety ; and it is the opjjosite of this which is implied. Xp'Ji' dv, which might have been used, would throw the main force on the XPV^'f ^^'i^h the meaning it would be your duty to do.) Et /lev ovv diravTes MfxaXoyov/xev ^lXlttttov ry TToAci TToAc/xcu', oi'6cv ctAAo cStt ToV TTapuH'Ta XeycLV Kai o-v/JL- /3ovX€V€LV 1) OTTO)? dtraAc(rTaTtt avTov dpvvovp,eda, i.e. if then we were all agreed that Philip is at war with us, the speaker ought to say nothing else and to give no other advice than this, etc. (but it is added that, as there is a diilerence of opinion, it is necessary, dvdyKij ecrriv, to speak on another subject also). Dem. ix. 6. (This implies not lie does sj)eak, etc., but he is bound to speak, etc. "KSet dv would merely have thrown the balance of force u])on the necessity, whereas now it falls on the speaking and advising.) Et yap irap epol ereOy] to ypap,- fxaT€Lov, €VijV atTtacracr^at 'ATrarovpUo o)S eyw ycjidviKa rds crvv- Oi'jKas, for if the account-book had been given me to keep, A. might possibly liave charged me with ])ut(in/j the contract out qf the way (imply- ing that, as it was, he could, not charge me with this). Id. xxxiii. 37. Et pt.ev nopa peTuficXov Ttj TroAct tC)V TTeTvpayixevinv, ovk a^tov rjv 6avpd^€LV avTov, if lie had seen that the state repented of her acts, we should have no good reason for being surprised at him (implying we now liave good reason for surprise, d^iiDs davpa^o/iev). Isoc. xviii. 21. The preceding examples confirm the reading of the best Mss. in f 156 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [423 425] 'EBei av ETC. — APODOSIS WITHOUT av 157 Eur. Med. 490, ct yap '^a-O' aTrais cti, (rvyyv(D(rTov ^v ^^^ ^^» ^^V^ ^^» ^^^ ol^lov dv "^jv would make in the preceding examples. 2. In concessive sentences introduced by Kal €t, even if, ovS* ct, 710/ even if, or el, although, containing unreal conditions, where the action of the apodosis is not denied but affirmed (see 412, 3), the real apodosis may be represented by an infinitive and a leading verb like eSii, €^?jv, etc. combined. E.g. OvK i^yjv avTw SiKa^eirOaL irepl rtoi^ tot€ y€y€Vi]fi€Vb)V, ov8* €i iravra ravr ijv ireTToiy^Kus a a€rav^ ov8 ovtw TrpocrTjK€V avrois ErKTry/xovos ctvai, not even if they were genuine sons and were aftencards adopted into another family, would the>/ now properly belong to E.'s house (implying they do not properly belong tliere). IsAE. vi 44. See also Hdt. vii. 50 ; Dem. xviii. 199, xxiii. 107. Oi'6' ci yap rjv to Trpuy/ia pi] O^i^Xarov, aKaOapTOV I'^as eiKos yv oi'Tws' €av, for even if the duty were not urged upon you by a God, you ought not to leave the guilt unpurged as you do. Soph. O. T. 255. (Here the apodosis as a whole is affirmed, although the infinitive itself, not to leave, is denied. So in the two following examples.) K)r) PunjaiTdai ti]V fieTpioTijray if we hcul even been in the urong, they might fairly have yielded to our icrath, while we could not have done violence to their modeiation without dusgrace. Thuc. i. 38. A^iov iji', ct Kal fnjSkv arrai? Trporepov i'Tn}p\€V dyaOov, (rai'Ttt?) Tij^ /AcyicTTJ/'? Sioped's Trapa riZv *EAA>/i'(oi' tv\€lv, i.e. these cities, even if they had had no other merit to rely on, desen-ed to receive {ought to have received) the greatest reward from the Greeks (which, it is said, they did not receive). Isoc. xii. 71. 423. ("E^ct dv, etc.) The examples in 421, 1 and 2, show that the common rule for distinguishing c5ct etc. with the infinitive (without dv) from c8ci dv etc. with the infinitive, — that the former is used when the action of the infinitive is denied, the latter when the obligation, propriety, or possibility is denied, — often cannot be applied, though as a working rule it can be used in the great majority of cases. While there are many sentences in which either form would express the required sense, the essential distinction is, that the form without dv is used when the chief force of the apodosis falls on the infinitive, the leading verb being an auxiliary (see 420) ; but the leading verb takes ai' when the chief force falls on the necessity, propriety, or possiljility of the act, rather than on the act itself. The following examples will illustrate the form w^th dv : — Et pev yap eyio crt €v Swdfiei ijv rov paSiios rropevedOai tt/dos to acTi', ovScv dv (T€ c8ct 8€vpo ici'ttf aAA' ?y/[xct5 dv rrapd crl ypev vvv Sc (r€ xprj TrvKvorepov Sevpo icvai, i.e. in that case there would be no need {as there now is) of your coming hither. Plat. Rep. 328 C. Tw p€V Trarpl avT?}?, ct TraiSc? dppevcs py iyevovro, ovk dv €^yv dvev TavTTjs SiaOecrOaL, Jier fatJier, if he had had 7io male children, would not have been allowed to leave her out of his will (implying aAA* l^yv). Isae. X. 13. Et ovv TrapiKakovpev dAAiJAoi»§ cVi to, oiKoSopiKd, irorepov c8ct dv ypd^ (TKeil/acrOai yp,d), oive, debeo, and the aorist MfficXov or dif^ekov are some- times used with the infinitive in Homer like xpV^j ^^^^^ ^^^- i'^ the later construction (415). E.g. lUipyv 7rc/3 /iot dffyckXev 'OAr/x7rto? iyyvaki^au Zeis vif'if^pe- pkrys' vvv 8* ov8e /xc rvrOov ^tut^v, i.e. Zeus ought to have secured me honour; hut now he lias not honoured me even a little. II. i. 353. ^vv o(fi€k€v Kara Traira? dpio'Tya's 7rov€€(rOat knT(r6p€vo% nov) ought he to be labouring among all the nobles, beseeching them. II. x. 117. AAA' M€k€v dSavaToia-LV evx^^rOai, but he ought to have pi'ayed to the Gods. II. xxiii. 54G. For the reference to present time in II. x. 117, see 246 and 734. 2. From this comes the common use of this form in expres- sions of a wish, in Homer and in Attic Greek; as t5(/>cAc Kvpos (rjvy tvould tJiat Cyrus were living (lit. Cyrus ought to he living), Xen. An. ii. 1, 4. (See 734.) 425. Similar to this is the occasional use of Ipovkdpyv (with- i 158 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [426 432] APODOSIS WITHOUT dv 159 out av) and the infinitive, to express what some one wishes were now true (but which is not true). E.g. 'l^PovXofJLTJV fliV OVV Kot TrjV /?Ol'A.>)v KOL TCt? CKKAr^O'ttt? OpOlO€X€v elvaij icould that it were^ anil cSct ca'ai, it ought to be {but is not). Aeschin. iii. 2. ^EPovXofiifv fi€v ovk ipi^etv evOdSe, I icould that I icere not conteiuling here {as I a)ti\ or / would not be contending here. Ar. Ran. 866. 'E/iJovAo/xi/v T7)i' Sri'a/xti' tou Acyctv 6^ tcrov jjlol KadecTTdvai rrj crvp.<^opay I would that power of speech equal to niy misfortune icere granted me. Ant. v. i. *Fjl3ov\opijv Kayco TaXyjOyj tt/jos vpa<; cittcu' SvinjOyvai^ I would that I had found the poicer to tell you the truth. Isae. x. 1. ^E/3ov\6fjLyv ft*/5' {'' ci'o? dSiKilordai TMV ttoXltmv, I would I had not been wronged by a single one of the citizens. Id. Frag. 4 (Scheibe) : see Frag. 22. 426. 'E^oi'Ao/xryi' dv^ velleni, / should wish or / should have liked^ can always be used as a potential indicative, like c8ct dy etc. (423) : see Ar. Eccl. 151 ; Aeschin. iii. 115. (See 246.) 427. (a) The aorist of KivSwevM is used with the infinitive, as a periphrasis for the verb of the infinitive with du. E.g. *H TToAts €KLV^vv€V(T€ TTttCTa 8 laffidapyjva I €1 dvcpos cTrcyei'CTO, the city ran the risk of being utterly destroyed if a wind Juid, arisen. Thuc. iii. 74. Et py l^^^vyop^v €is Aekfjiovs €KLv8vv€V(Tapev dTTokkarOai^ we ran the )'isk of perishing had we not fled to Delphi^ i.e. we should very probably have perished if we had not fled. Aeschin. iiL 123. For cKivSiVci'o-tt dv see (/)) below. So with KU'Si'i'os ip' : as in And. ii. 12, ci totc rd cTrtTvJScm pi^ €l(rrj\07], ov TTcpl Tov (roxrat ras *A^>)ra? 6 KtrSn'os yv avToh pdX.\ov >/, K.T.A., i.e. they ran a risk, in case Ahe supplies had not then been brouijht in, nut so much about saving Athens^ as, etc. {b) When the chief foice of the apo6ia-€cr0aL kukov oitov l/xcAAoi', €t pi) . . . eciTTCs, i.e. / should have perished like A. (lit. / was to Juive perished), if thou hadst not spoken. Od. xiii. 383. McAAev' p€v ttotc oLKCi oS' drcio<> Kut dpvpiov eppevai' vvv 8* cT€/)to>» ifSoXovTO dioi, this house was to have been rich and gloi-ious ; but now the Gods have willed it otherwise. Od. i. 232. Ov (TivrpaTiivnv c/xcAAor, they were not going to join him, or they would not have joined him (in that case). Dem. xix. 159; see xviii. 172. '^Rttov to d8iKr]p.a ttoAAwi/ ov(tmv c/AcAAe 8rj\ov Icrco-^ai, the offence would have been less plain when there were many {olive trees). Lys. vii. 24. See Thuc. v. 38, /xeAAovres irpoTcpov, €1 ravra eiretxrav, Tretpda-eo-OaL. Compare the Latin: Hoc facturi erant, nisi venisset, they were to have done this {would have done this), had he not come.^ (6) A single case of dv with c/xcAAei/ occurs in And. i. 21 : ct Kat iraTTjp €/3ovk€To VTTopkveiv, To\s (jycXov^s dv oucrde . . . iTrtrpeTreLv ai*Ty, aAA' OVK dv TrapaiTda-Bai Kal Scto-^at dTTikvai ottov dv €/X€ AAei' a-ioO/jo-eo-Oai ; i.e. to depart to a place where he would have been likely to be safe. Most critics repudiate this dv; but it seems perfectly analogous to dv with 18€L, \piiv, etc. (423). 429. Similar is the use of t4>i)v in Od. iv. 171 : Kal piv ecjyyjv ekOovra ijiLkyorcpev i^oxov aAAwi', ct vmlv voo-tov cSw/cei' (Zei's), i.e. / intended to love him {and should have done so) had Zeus granted us a return. 430. An analogous case is Lys. xii. 60 : aTroAeo-at TrapecrKcv- afovTo T7)i/ ttoXlv €1 pi] 8l dvSpa^ dya^ors, they were preparing to destroy the city {and would have destroyed it) had it not been for good men. 431. A few expressions which have no dependent infinitive are practically equivalent to a potential indicative with dv, and so can stand as the apodosis of an unreal condition. E.g. Tovrio 8' el pi] otpoXoyovv a ovto]i') rij aTra- ytuyy, assuming that, if the ivords cV avTo<^w/30j had not been added, he might properly have been tried by aTrayuyyi]. Id. xiii. 85. Uia-T€vovro<; yap €p,ov ifiol ciScvat a Atyw, KaAw? etx^v r] 7rapa/xi'6>ta, i.e. /or if I trusted ( = €i iTrla-Tevov) to any knowledge of my own aboiit what I am saying, the consolation which you offer would encourage me (lit. your con- solation was good on that supposition). Plat. Rep. 450 D. (We might have had Kakovijv o-e Trapap^vOeia-Oat in the same sense.) El to kio- Aro-at TTjv Tiov "KWip'ojv Kotvoyviav cVcr^ciKctv kyu) ^lXlttttu), (tol to pi) a-Lyija-ai Xolttov yv, in that case it remained for you riot to keep silent {i.cjou should not have kept silent). Dem. xviii. 23. (The article with o-Lyya-uL only slightly distinguishes this from the examples under 421.) ^ 432. The same explanation applies to other cases in which a rhetorical omission of dv in apodosis is commonly assumed; as in ^ This use of ^fxeWov with the infinitive corresponds precisely to the Sanskrit use of the past future tense in the sense of the Greek aorist indicative with di/. Thus " if he had said (avaksyat) this, he would have slain (ahanisyat) Indra {gat. Brahm. i. 6, 3'"), where the two verbs are augmented past futures, meaning; literally he was going to say and he was going to slay. See \\ hitney's Sanskrit Grammar, § 950. 160 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [433 Eur. Hec. 1113, el Bl m ^P^T^'' ^^Vr^^^ Tr.rrovra, v6Bov ^ap^crxev o^ /x€ avTco, el oI^k kyevvi]e.) o Jv^^cutto. eK^t.o?, xthad been good for that man if he had not been born (for KaXl^v f avno p, yewpB^ivaC). n h\ a7roc/>cvfcrac, Kpelrru^v .> 6 ayco. p/ ycyeny/xo'os ( = ct M lyeykvnro), but if he is acquitted, it were better that the trial had never tlken ,L for ^P^rrov .> to. Jy^.a p) yeyern^rOa.) Aebchin. i. 192 This occasional substitution of a protasis does not indicate that the infinitive in Kpelrrov .]v aiVa IXOelv, he hut better have (/or.. wa8 felt as a protasis. We could substitute for this English xt wire better xf he had gone, but only by a change of construction. Homeric Peculiarities. 434 In ITomor the constmction of the unreal conditional sentence is not completely developed. It is not improbable that in the primitive langua-e the optative couhl express in a rou-h way both present and past unreal conditions, and m Homer the present unreal condition is still exi)ressed only by the present optative (438). 435 The aorist indicative in Homer, both in protasis and in apodosis Avith av or kc, is used as, in Attic Greek; but the im- iKjrfect is always past, never present.^ E.g. K(u' vv K€ Si) ^uf>Umr a.Voo-xcSov ovTafoi'TO, el fi^) Kr,/)VK€S lU^or, thy would have ivoundal each other, had not heralds came. 11. vii 273. "Ei'^a K€ XoLyo^ h)V Kal J/i/yxava ipya yevovro, et /!>/ ap 6rv vomre irar^p dvSp^ov re OeCw re, then there would have been, etc. U. viii 130. So viii. 36(). Kai' vv k€ 8i) irpcrepio er epiS yever ap.- 4.nrepoLCTLV, el pi) 'Axi^Xev, avros avinTaro kuc KarepvKev, 11. xxiii. 490. See IL xi. 504 ; Od. xvi. 221, xxiv. 51. 1 Mr. Monro [Horn. Or. p. 236) doubts this statement, ami refers to Od. iv. 178, Kai Ke ed^i: ivBd^' iovr^^ ifiLcrydfi 6', ovdi Ktv -nf^a^ aWb bUKpivtv, as a case in which "the imi»erfect imaydfieda takes in the jaesent time, u'g should (from that time till now) have been meeting. It seems to me that, aeuorclincr to the Homeric usage, we can find no more in ^a/xa ijiLffyb^uda k€ than we should have had frequent meetings, and the rest comes from the con- text In any case, this use is far removed from the Attic eTroptvbfxeda dv iirl fiacrtXea, we Ihould (notr) be on our way to the King (410). A nearer approach to the later use perhaps appears in II. xxiv. 220, d A^^ W r^^ /x AWos eKe- \€V€v, if any other {had ?) commanded me. But see U. n. bU. 440] HOMERIC UNREAL CONDITIONS 161 ^ Kai vv K en Trkeova^ AvkUov Krave 8loaioAos "EKrojp, i.e. Ulysses would have killed still more,^ had not Hector perceived him. II. v. 679. Kat' vv Kev 7/m iravra KareeLro Kal p.kve' dvSpC^v, el pi] tIs pie Oedv 6koch{^paTo Kai u! €(ra(t)(rev. Od. iv. 363. But ^e\ov with the present infinitive ma^ be present, even in Homer, both as a potential expression (424) and in wishes (734). 436. We find the imperfect referring to present time in Theocmis • see vs. 905, el plv yh.p Kanhelv fiiorov reXos i)v, el^os av r>.'' See PiND. Nem. iv. 13. ' 437. In II. xxiii. 526, ei Ke is found with the aorist indicative in protasis, KC ap])arently adding nothing to the sense :— Et 6c K en TTpoTepo) yevero Spopo^ dptfiorepoio-tv, T<1 Kev p.LV irapekaa-a-" ovS* dpi]puTTov eOrjKev. 438. {Optative in ptresent unreal Conditions.) In Homer a present unfulfilled condition is regularly expressed by the present optative with J, and its apodosis (if present) by the present optative with kc or av. The only instance of this form in both protasis and apodosis is II xxni. 274, el plv vvv eirl c[AAo> deOXevoLp^ev 'Axatol, 7] t' av iy^ ra TTpona Xa/3iov KXia-lrjvSe ifiepoifiijv, if we were now contending in honour of any other {tlmn Patroclm), I should take the first prize and bear tf to my tent. Twice we have the optative with av in apodosis with the rc-gular imperfect or aorist indicative (past) in the protasis : II. ii. 80, ct/xcV Ti? rov oveipov aXXos evio-Trev, ^cG3os Kev aip,ev Kal vo(r(f>L^oip€ea fiaXXov, if any other had told the dream, ive should call xt^ a lu and rather turn array from it ; and the same apodosis after ei ri^ p, aXXos CKcAci'ci', in II. xxiv. 222. In Od. ii. 184, ovk civ roacrd deoTTpoTreoiv dyopeve^, ovSe Ke TyXipaxov KexoXiopevov &S' dvteiijs, we have first the imperfect with av as a past apodosis, (in that case) you xcould not have made this speech with all its divination; and then the present optative with Ke as present, nor would you be urging Tclemachus on, as you now are; both referring to an unfulfilled past condition, if you had perished, suggested by KaTacfiOia-Oat wv Alveia^;, el pi) ap o^h vo-qa-e Ato? Ovydrrjp *Apo8lTr}, Aeneas would have j)erished, had not Aphrodite quickly perceived him. IL v. 311. Kat vv Kev evO' a7ro Aotro M I 162 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [441 444] SUBJUNCTIVE IN FUTURE CONDITIONS 163 "Apr/s 5tos TToXefioio, €l p) 'Hcpt^ota 'EpfMaj l^i]yy€i\€v. XL v. 388. Ov K€ OavQVTi Trep w8' aKaxot>7;v, ci /icra ofs krapoKri 8a/xr; l/)a>u>v €Vt Si//xw, / should not have felt so grieved if he had perished, Oavovri ( = €1 Waviv) being further explained by d . . . 8a^r;. Od. i. 236. "^vda K€ pda ot kAutgl Tcrx^a. ^^ P/ «* ayao-o-aro *I>or^o? 'AttoA- Awv/, he would easily have h(ynie away the famous armour^ had^ not Phoebus Apollo fjrudged him. II. xvii. 70. Here (xttwActo, uKaxoM^^ and €>€/)€ would be the regular forms even in Homer, corresponding to the regular protases. 441. In the transitional state o! the Homeric language we see that the past tenses of the indicative had fully esttiblished theniselves in the protasis of past unreal conditions, but not so thoroughly in the aiK)d()sis, where the optative occasionally occurs. In i)resent unreal conditions, the oi)tative alone is used in l)oth proUisis and apcnlosis. 442. Besides the full conditional sentences above quoted, we find in Homer many iM)tential optatives with kc or av which seem to belong to the borderland between past and future conclusions, and are not deiinitely fixed in the past (like the apoiloses in 440) by a ^last tense in the protasis. Such are especially ai>;? kc, as in II. iii. 220, xv. 697, and ov6€ K€ atV, i^s i" II- iv. 429, xvii. 366, Od. iii. 124, 11. iii. 392. In the first four cases it seems most natural to translate them as pa.st, ijoH would have said., nor would you have said; but in the last two Ciises it is more natural to trjinslate nor would yon say (future), and so with aiijv K€v, II. vi. 285. But in the fluid state of the language which allowed both d;rw/V€To kc and uTroAotTo k€ to mean he would luive pcrislmly and ^kpoi kc to mean both he would carry (fut.) and he ivould have carried, according to the protasis which was usetl with them, it is easy to \inderstand how (^ai>;§ k€ (without a protasis) might have a vague potential force, you might ptrehancc say, which could be felt as either past or future as the context demanded. We must, therefore, hold that the oi.tative with nk in such cases expresses merely what could happen, without any limitations of time except such as are imposed by the context ; and according to the limitations thus imposed we translate smh optatives (with more exactness than they really possess) either as past or as future. In one case the feeling of past time is seen in the dependent verb : II. v. 85, TvSetSijv 8' ovk av yi'ou]'^ TTorkpQLiJi /xctco;, you would not have known to what side he helongal. (This occurs in the same book of the Iliad with l>oth the examples of aTzokono kc for a;r(oAcTo Ki.) Other examples are the following : — Ovk av €ir(.LT 'O^viTip y ipia-aniv /?/)otos oiAAos, no othrr mortal could then vie with Ulysi<(S (after a past verb). II. iii. 223. "KvO' ovk av fipi(ovTa iSoi^ 'Aya/xc/xrora 6iov, II. iv. 223. "Ei'^' ov kcv p€a tTTTro'j €cr/3aly], ttc^oi 6c /xcrotrcov ci tcAcoi'o-u' (the connection with p€voiv€ov gives ta-paiij a past direction). 11. xii. 58. "EvOa k cTrctra Kttt dOdvaTos TTip cTTcA^cui' di]i](TaiTo i5u>y Ktti TaptjiOini ^p(.cn.v 1 Xia-iv. Od. v. 73. *fis ovk av IXiroio veMxepov avTido-avra^ i.e. as you would not ^expect (?) a younger person to do. Od. vii. 293. Ot-Sc kci/ ipi)^ KipKos op^apryu-etev. Od. xiii. 86. Further, compare Od. ix. 241 with l\. i. 271 and v. 303. Homeric Usages in Herodotus and in Attic Greek. 443 . (a) Herodotus has a few cases of the potential optative with the same vague reference to time which has been noticed in Homer (442), and we may sometimes translate these, like those in Homer, by past expressions. E.g. Ta^a 8c av Kal ol ttTToSo/xcrot Acyotcv diriKop^voi cs lirdpri^v ws diraipiOui^a-av viru iVx/xioji', and perha2)s those who sold it (the cup) might come to Sparta and tell that they had been robbed of it. Hdt. i. 70 (see Stein's note). All that the optative itself seems to express is that this would be a natural story for them to tell. In vii. 214, elSeir) p.€v yap dv Kal €U)v /x>) M7;Xtci\ ravrrjv ryv drpairov 'Ovyr-qs, ct rrj X^pij TToAAa 6pthiKii)s €iy, for Onetes, even if he was not a Malian, might know this path, supposing him to Juive had much acquaintance uith tfie country, the optative in protasis (expressing no condition contrary to fact) shovvs that d^iir^ dv is not felt to be past. See also vii. 180, rdxa 8* dv Tt iiravpoiTo ; viii. 136, ra^' dv irpoXiyoL, might perhaps warn him; ix. 71, ravra dv ctVotcj/, they might say this. For coyo-ttv 6* dv ovTOL K/jtJtc?, Hdt. i. 2, and similar expressions, see 238. (b) In Eur. Med. 568, ovS' dv arv (fmLrjs €l (re py kvl(oi Ac'xo?, the condition seems to be present and contrary to fact, like* ct /xt) €KVi^€v. See also Plat. Menex. 240 D, iv tovtm 8i) dv tls yevop^evo^ yvoiij oToL dpa cTi-yxai'oi/ oi/tc5, k.t.A. Such examples are extremely rare in Attic Creek. (h) Future Conditions. 1. SuhJLtncticc or Future Indicative in Protasis with a future AjJodosis, 444. When a supposed future case is stated distinctly and vividly (as if I shall (jo or if I go in English) the protasis generally takes the subjunctive with idv, rjv, or av («) (Epic d K€ or at K€). The apodosis takes the future indicative or some other form expressing future time, to denote what ivill he the result if the condition of the protasis is fulfilled. Kg, Edv Tt Aa^(o, 8(00-0) (TOL, if I (shall) receive anything, I will (jive it to you. *Etti' Tt Au/?y9, So'? pot, if you receive anything, (jive it to me. Et 8c KCK W? '^P^\)S Kttt TOt TTiidoiVTai 'A^aiOl, yVl!KTr) €7r€i6' OS 6* yyepAvmv kukos o? t€ vv Aawv, but if you shall do thus and tlie Achaeans 164 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [445 obey you, you idll then learn both which of the leaders and which of the soldiers is bad. II. ii. 364. A? k avrov yvwio vrjfieprm iravr' hkirovra,^ €(T(ro) fiiv x^a"'"*' T^ X*'^^'^*'" '^^^ iLH-ara Kukd. Od. xvii. 549. So at K€ SoxTL, II. i. 128. Et fJL€V K€V McvcAaov 'AAc^avS^o? KaraTTC^VT/, avTos elreLd' 'Ekemjv e'xerw kul KTyfiara Travra, yfiek 8' (v vrj€a-(TL V€W/ic6^a TTOVTOTTOpOUTLV €L Sc K ' Ake^avSpOV KT € IVIJ ^ai'OuS Mct'cAttOS, T/owas €7ret^' "EXevrjv Kal KTijfiara ttolvt aTToSovvau 11. iii. 281. Here cxctw, veiofieOa (subj. in exhortation), and diroSovvai (infin. for imperative) are in the apodosis. AiKa -npo'i iXy K€paov rpdyov, aiya TV \aij/fj, Theoc. i. 4. ^'AvSeTis dvdia-TiJTat, oPo-^at, if any one shall stand opposed to iu%with^ your help we will try to overcome him. Xen. An. vii. 3, 11. Kai/ pj) vvv eOkXuypev Ud iroXipdv aim5, Ivddb" lo-U)<; dvayKaa-Oija-opeda toGto TToielv, and if ice shall not now be wUliny to ftyht him there, we shall perhaps be forced to do so here. Dem. iv. 50. (Here vvv refers to time immediately following the present: if we are not^ now willing would be d pi) vdv (OiXopev.) *liv yap ravra KaXios opio'iop.eOa, dpeivov PovX€V(r6p€6a Kal irepl tmv uAAwi^ Isoc. viii. 18.^ ""Hi/ 8€ Ty]v ilpyjvrjv iroirja-MpeOa^ Kal ToiorTors rjpa^ avrovs Trapd^x^ /xcv, /i€Ta ttoAAtJs uo-(tAcia? rip' iroXiv oiKifO-opev. Id. viii. 20. 'EaJ ovv tys vdv, ttotc €(T€l oikol ; Xen. Cyr. v. 3, 27. Kai XP"^ avTOL^ eav'^Siij Ti, and use them, if there shall be any need. lb. v. 4, 30. "Hv plv TToXepov alpi^ja-Oe, pr^Ken 7]K€T€ Se^po avev oTrAtor, €t (ru)(f>pov€lT€' ijv 8€ elpyp'7}^ SokTjT€ Sela-Oai, dv€v ottXiov i]k€T€' U hi KaAco? €^€t Ta vperepa, iiv cf>iXoi yevijcrOi, €/xoi /xc Avjo-ct. lb. in. 2, 13. 'Eav ydp TL (T€ aLVU}paL KaKov 7rc7roi>/K(k fufSk fiovXijOik, ov Kal av av o/xoAoyv/o-cts pijdev xnr epov dhiKda-OaL ; lb. v. &» 13- /^^^® o/ioAoy(o, / am ready to confess, refers to the future.) 'Edv pi) rj ot iAoo-o(/)Oi f^ainXeva-oiO-LV r} ot ^acriAv'/s 7;o-a>o-iv, ovK €(TTL KaKiZv TTttPAtt TUi'? Tr6X€(rLV,unless either the philosophers shall become kinys or the kings philosophers, there is no escape from^ troubles for states. Plat. Eep. 473 1). AlShht (kmv KT€LV€iv caiTov, i)v raSc \f/€V(rOfi Xeym', he offers himself willingly to suffer death in case he shall be }wored false in this that he says. Soph. Ph. ^1342.^ Ui]xavijT€ov, Uv T€ XP^"^^^^ yjpiraKMS fj ttoXv, prj a7ro8(5 toGto, edv tc OavdTov d^ia i)Slklku)S J, OTW9 pi) 'dTToOavelTat, if he shall {prove to) have stolen much gold, we must contrive that he shall not restore it ; and if he shall have committed crimes deserving death, that he shall not die. Plat.^ Gorg. 481 A (for the jR^rfects see 103). "Hv (tc tov Xolttov ttot dpaL Xpoi'oi', kukio-t' dTroXoLpi]v, i.e. may I perish, if J ever take them away. Ar. Ran. 586. (See 181.) 445. It will be seen that the apodosis here (444) may consist of any future expression, — the future indicative, the imi)erative, the subjunctive in exhortaticms and prohibitions, the infinitive in any future sense, the potential optative with dv, or the optative in a wish. It may also contain a present indicative including a reference to the future, like XPV ^^ ^** ^^ ^^^ verbal in t€os, or the present 447] FUTURE INDICATIVE IN PROTASIS 165 used emphatically for the future, like 6/xoAoy(S above quoted (444) from Xen. Cyr. v. 5, 13, or TravAa eVrt in Plat. Rep. 473 D. 446. The English, especially the colloquial language, seldom ex- presses the distinction between this form of the future condition and the present condition (402). Thus modern custom allows us to use the inexact expression if he imshes, not merely for ei BovXerat, if he 7101V uy^liss, but also for Idv /SovXrjrai, if he shall wish. The sense, however, generally makes the distinction in time clear. It is worth noting that the Authorised Version of the Enrrlish New Testament never uses forms like if he does, if he is, in either'' future or present conditions, even when the Greek has the present indicative with et ; but It has either the subjunctive or the future indicative in future conditions, and the subjunctive in present conditions. The Revised Version, on the other hand, admits the present indicative (as ijh^ is)ni present conditions, but not consistently. See Luc. xxiii 35, ct ovTo, ea-rcv 6 Xptaro,, A. V. if Jw be Christ, R. V. if this is the CJirtst; but in Matth. vi. 23, d odv re, (/>(3s r^ h aol ctkotos icrrlv, both versions have if therefore the light that is in thee be darkness. See also Cor. li. v. 17. U7. (Future Ldimtive in Protasis.) The future indicative with €t IS often used in the protasis to express a future condi- tion, lliis is a still stronger form of expression than the sub- junctive, though It sometimes alternates with it in the same sentence. Both, however, correspond to the English if I shall do this, if I do (his, etc. The future, as an emphatic form, is especially common when the condition contains a strong appeal to the feelings or a threat or ivarning.i It is thus a favourite construction with the tragedians. E.g. El ydp'AxiXXds oTos iirl Tpc:>,advi^, but if jL ^"''"™i"^*o''ya"«l^n^onitory conditions": see Gildersleeve in Tran>^ of i^'cZ'Lf-"' -^H If'' ^••''- -^^'^ "••^^^•^^' ^«»^"^« -^ enumeration oVaJl te cases of ,a. witli the subjunctive in future conditions and of e^ witli the a 22 'iief or;;." "^^ ''""" 'V'^f^^' , 'I -PI--- tl,at in Aeschylus the e fiLLs am7^/J//r^ r ^"-^ -"b'.S.of the subjunctive; in Sophocles 67 lutures and 5o subjunctives; in Euripides 131 futures and 177 su biunetives whrr//"' ' '' ^"1"''^ ^^'^iV^' ""^ equivalent to m^XXc with an in in?t fe fo^ vhi eh tlie suhjunctive could not be suhstituted (see 407), we have ii Aeschv h^ 15 futures in fiiture conditions and 8 subjunctives ; in sSci 46 a fj 65 ; in Eunpides 98 and 1 77. In Attic „rose Thucydid^s and Ss have the 'S^^&^:L^^ '^' '^ I--' - ^^ Listophane^rth: Xn'c! 166 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [443 they do not pay me a proper requital for my cattle, I (the Sun) nnll descend to Hades and ^shine among the dead. Od. xii. 382. Ei 6c 7r/)o? royrouri €Tt T€X€VT->](r€L TOV ^lOV €V, OUTOS €K€lvO^ TOl' ';ov. Soph. Ant. 93. See Ant. 229, 324, 0. T. 843, 846, O. C. 628, Ph. 75, El. 465, 834, 1004. Ei tmS' dpK€ir€L^, KaKo? ^(Tyavov (nrdau). Id. Or. 1147. See Hec. 802, Or. 157, 272, 1212, Med. 346, 352, 381. El p; KuOj^eis yXCxr- a-av, coTttt (Toi kuko.. Eur. Aeg. Fr. 5. Ei' 8€ fiij tovt cTriSci^tt, 7rm Xpy] ravry ry 'rrpoKXyiT€L Trpoirix^iv i'/xa«j tov vovv. Dem. xxvii. 52. Et 8' vfJL€U aAAo Tt yi'wo-co-^e, o /x?/ ycvoiTo, riva ouaOi aiyrrjv \l/vxr]v c^eti'; hut if you shall give any other judgment, etc. Id. xxviii. 21. (Referring to the same thing, xxvii. 67, Demosthenes had said idv yap dTro(j>vyrj fie ovto% o fjLi) ycj'otTo, ti)V CTrw^cAtW o(fikijoP-,)(T6fi€0a Tois KLvSvvois, €15 TToAAus Ta^ttxas KaTacrT7/cro/x€i/ ;;/ia5 auTo.'?. Isoc. vi. 107. Here what is feared is expressed by the emphatic future as a warning, while the alternative that ^is preferred has the subjunctive. See also Dem. xviii. 176, where €i Trpoaipij- (Top.€0' t)fiei^, €t Ti SviTKoXov TTiTTpaKTai O)y^aioes Trpis i;/xas% tovtov fiepinjcrdaL, if we shall jyrefer to remember every unpleasant thing the Thebans have ever done to m, is vividly stated by the future, as tliis is the course which the orator specially fears and wishes to warn the people against; while he puts his own proposition into the milder subjunctive form, ijv /xorot ttckt^tJt' Ipol Kal Trpis rw (TKoTrelv aAAa p; ye K'Aai'o-o/xat. II. xxii. 86. Et^8* av Tt9 paiya-L Oeiov e'l'i otVoTrt ttovto), xAvyfro/mt eV a-r/j- Oetnriv exwv TaAa7rei'6^ea Ovfwv. Od. v. 221. So U. i. 341, v. 258, xii. 223, 245; Od. i. 204, i. 188, xii. 348. Only thepe nine cases occur, and the more common use of the sim])lo ct with the subjunctive in Homer is in general suppositions (see 468). 454. 1. This Homeric use of the simple ct with the subjunc- tive in future conditions was allowed by poetic license in a few })assages of the Attic drama, chiefly in tragedy, even in the dialogue. E.g. ^ Et yap Ojli'yy§. SoPH. Aj. 496. Ava-rdXaiva Tu// cyoi^ et o-ou urepyOCo. Id. O. C. 1442. Et fiy cr' U4>dyM Ik r^yrSe ry^ y^sN oi'^^cTrore /itc^ro/xat. Au. Eq. 698. So Aesch. I*ers. 791, Eum. 234; Eur. I. A. J 240, ct 7rcta-6'ys (Mss.); all in dialogue. In Sapj>lio 118, 1 we liave at rt? epijTai. 2. In Attic prose, this construction is extremely rare and always doubtfld. The Mss., however, have it in a few jjassnires, as Tnuc. vi. 21 : Ou vavTLK?j<; (rTpaTLd<; /xol'or 8ei, aAAa Kai ttc^oi' 7rx)kvv (r/iTrXeiv, aAA(t>s T€ Kal €1 ^vu-tQu-lv at roAet? (jjofSyOclaaL. (Here a few inferior Mss. read yv.) 168 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [455 2. Optative in Protasis and Apodosis. 455. When a supposed future case is stated less dis- tinctly and vividly than the subjunctive would state it (as if I shoidd go in English), the protasis takes the optative with el. The apodosis takes the optative with dp to denote what umdd he the result if the condition of the protasis should be fulfilled. K(j. El eXOoL^ TrdvT av lSol, if he should go^ he would see all. Et (r* oiVto? idkkoi (faXUiv KySoiTo t€ 6vfi<^j ry k€V tis k€iviov y€ kol eKXeXdOoLTo ya/xoto, if she should be unlliug thus to love yoUy etc., then some of them would cease even to think of marriarje. Od. iii. 223. *H K€V yiiOya-UL Upuifio^ UpidfioLo tc 7ra?8€S, dXXoi T€ T/xoc*; /x€ya K€V K€ va/joiaTO Ovfito, el cr^wii/ rdSi iravra irvOoiaro fxapvaiMivoiLV, II. i. 255. 'AAA.' ct /Jtot tl iriOoLOy to kcv ttoXv KipSiov €Ly. II. vii. 28. Vuujs op/Tos ovK avy ci irpdcro-oLS kuAw?, you would not he bearable if you should ever be in prosperity. Aesch. Prom. 979. OTkos 8* avTo?, el oT€^>oi'9 av ovii(rei€, Isoc. ii. 8. Ei tls TU)v trot a-vvovTiov eirapBeii] irotelv a (tv Tvy\dveL'i evXoyuyVj Trtus ovk av dOXuoTaTo^ enj ; Id. xi. 47. IIws ovv ovk av oUrpoTaTa irdvTiov eyo) TreirovOtos eirjv^ el epe \f/yj(f>L(Taivro eTvau ^evov ; how then should I not have suffered (lit. be hereafter in the condition of having suffered) the most intiahle of all things^ Xf they should vote me a foreigner! Dem. Ivii. 44. (See 103 for other examples of the perfect optative.) 456. This form of the comlitional sentence in its fully developed use, as it appears in Attic Greek, must be carefully distin^aiished from that of 410 ; tlie more so, as we often translate both eh) dv and *iv av by the same English expression, it would be ; although the latter im- ])lies that the supposition of the protiisis is a false one, while the former implies no opinion of the speaker as to the truth of the supposition. We have seen (438-440) that the more primitive Homeric language luid not yet fully separated these two construc- tioiw, and still used the ojttative in the apodosis of present, and some- times of past, unreal conditions. On the other hand, the distinction between this form and that of 444 is less marked, and it is sometimes of slight importance which of the two is used. As it is often nearly indifferent in English whether we say if we shall go (or if we go) it icill be well, oj if we should go it ^vould be tcelly so may it l>e in Greek whether we say edv eXOiop-ev 460] HOMERIC USAGES WITH THE OPTATIVE 169 KaAa>s e^et or el eXOoipev KaAws dv exoi. In writing Greek, this distinction can generally be made by first observing the form of the apodosis in English ; if that is expressed by should or would, it is to be translated by the Greek optative with dv ; if it is expressed by shall or u^ll, by the future indicative. Other forms of the apodosis, as the imperative, will present no difficultv. The form to be used m the protasis will then appear from the principles of the dependence of moods (170-178); the optative will require another optative with ei m the dependent protasis, while tlie future indicative or any other primary form wiU reciuire a subjunctive with edv or a future indicative with ct. 457. In indirect discourse after past tenses we often find an optative m protasis, which merely represents the same tense of the subjunctive or indicative in the direct discourse. See 667, 1 ; 689 ; 694. For the occasional omission of dv in an apodosis of this kind see 240-242. ' 458. The potential optative with dv may stand in the protasis with et ; as in ct eXOoLp,L dv, mpposiug that I would go, easily distin- guished from el eXOoLpi, supposing that I should go. Such an ex- pression does not belong here, but is really a present condition. (See 409; 506.) ^ 459. The future optative cannot be used in protasis or apodosis, except in indirect discourse to represent a future indicative of the direct discourse. (See 128 and 203.) Homeric Peculiarities. 460. Er K€ with the optative is sometimes found in Homer, and et Trep dv occurs once.i This is a mark of the unsettled usage of the earlier language, in which Ke or dv w^as not yet required with the subjunctive in protasis, and Avas still allowed with the optative or indicative (401). It is difficult to see any essential diiference between these protases with et Ke and those with the simple el and the optative. E.g. ^ El a€ Kev'Apyo^ tKolpeO' 'AxauKoV, oWap dpovpi)^, yapftpo^ Kev px)t eat, and if we should ever come to Achaean Argos, then he would (shall) he my ^son-in-law. H. ix. 141 ; cf. ix. 283, and Od. xii. 345, xix. 589. IIws dv eyio ere Seotp^t per dOavdrouTL OeolcTLv, et Kev "Apri^ otxotTo XP^oSKal Secrpov dXv^as. Od. viii. 352. TCiv Kev rot x^pi- o-aiTo Trarijp direpeiirt dirotva, et Kev epe (oiov ireiTveotT eVt vr^vntv kxatCw. II. vi. 49. The distinction between these cases and those of 458 is obvious. In IL i. 60, et Kev with the optative forms a subordinate j^rotasis, » See the examples in Lange, Partikel EI, pp. 18.5, 186. There are twenty-six cases of el Ke with the oi^tative in Homer, and one of d Trep &u (II 1** J^/,) 5 ^««^^^« II- V. 273 (= viii. 196) and Od. xvu. 223, meutioued in the text (4ol). 170 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [461 with a remoter and less emphatic supposition than the main protasis ct Safi^ (future) ; vvv a/z/xc TrdXiv Tr\ay)^0€VTas otw AxJ/ dTroyoa-Tijcreiv, €L K€V ddvarOV yC VyOLfJL€V^ €L 8i) OfMOV TToAe^o? T€ 8afM^ Kai XoifjLos *A)(^uiov kc Xd/SoipcVy IL v. 273 and viii. 196, the separation of ci from k€ might comi>el us to re- cognise a potential force, if we could (possibly) secure these; but the ditference between this and the Attic examples of et with the potential optative and dv (458 ; 506), and the difficulty of seeing any difference between this and €i toutco kaf^oifieVy if we should secure these^ induced Bekker to read u rovTin y€ kdjioiix^v here, and also tov y ct p.oi 8on])i' Se firj dSy., fi€TL€ia-L. ^T. i. 133. A«.aTcA€t /xanoi', ovk i)v Ti« Tt ui'toi' dSiKij^ dAA' idv Tiva vTroTTTi riTjj jiiXriova eaiToG €?i/at, he continues to hate^ not if any one wromjx hiniy but if he ever SHspects that any one is Utter than himself Xen. Cyr. v. 4, 35. "Attu^ Aoyos, dv d^nj to. TrpdyfrnTUy paTULov Tt aiV€Tat Kut K-ei'or, all speech^ if dads are wautinfjy a]t])ear8 mere emptiness and vanity. Dem. ii. 12. 'Eai' 8c So^y rd SiKata iyKaXeiv kul cA>y tov 8€SpaKoTa Tor Tpvv€v (f>€p€i\% but if we ever stopped bnnying him food, he always uryed tu to briny it. Eur. Ale. 755. Et Tt> avTciTTot, cr^i's tc^i'^Jkci, if any one objected, he was a dead man at ^once (52). Thuc. vhi. 66. Et Ttm Trvi'^avoiTo vfipi^ovTa, TovTov ISlkuUv. Hdt. i. 100. Et 8t' Tim^ Oopv/Sovphovs atV^ot- 467] PRESEXT AND PAST GENERAL CONDITIONS 171 TO, TO aiTLOV TOVTOV (TKOTTMU KaTa(T/3€VVVVaL TYjV TUpaX^V ilT^ipdTO, whenever lie saw any making^ a disturbance, he ahcays tried, etc. Xen. Cyr. V. 3, 55. Ovk aTrcAciTrcTO cTt avTov, ct /x?; Tt dvayKalov eh], h£ newr left him, unless there was some necessity for it. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 40. ^''Hi'Tot? pey difjdaXpoi^ iTriKovpypa t7]S x^oro?, ct Tt? peXav Tt cxwi/ Trpo Twi' dffiOaXpiZv iropevoiTo, twi' 8c ttoSwi/ cT ti§ KtvotTo. Id. An. iy. 5, 13. 'E7rct87; 81 dSov avT^v Taxto-Ta, cri-A- XaftovT€€T€pov^ c7riK'/)aToiTTa?, dviOdpa-y'a-av dv, whenever any saw tlieir friends in any way victorious, they wo\dd be encouraged (i.e. they were encouraged in all such cases). Thuc. vii. 71. See Xen. Mem. iv. 6, 13, quoted in 162. 467. (Indicative.) The indicative is sometimes found in the place of the subjunctive or optative in these general conditions, that is, these follow the construction of ordinary present and past suppositions, as in Latin and English. Here the speaker refers to one of the cases in which the event may occur, as if it were the only one,— that is, he states the general supposition as if it were particula?: E.g. MolpuL 8' dJs TOV TTcAttS, €t KaO* rjSoWfV Tt 5/3^, €\OVT€Sy 1.6. ?lOt {having a habit of) being angry icith our neighbour if he ever acts as he pleases. Thuc. ii. 37. (Here the indicative 8p^ is used as if some particular act of one neighbour, and not any act of any neighbour, were in mind.) Ei yap tls iv 8iiiJ.oKpaTt(^ T€Ti/x7//xa'09 toA/x^ fSorjOeiv Toh Trapdvopa ypanj>ov(TLVy kutuXvcl Tr]V TroXLTeiav vcf>' tJ? TCTt/xr/rat. Aeschin. iii. 196. Ei ti? ti CTny/awra, diriKpLVovTOj if any one asked anything^ they replied (to all such). Thuc. vii. 10. 'E/xiVct ovK €1 Tis KaKw-s 7rd(r)(^iov yfivvero^ aAA* €i ri^i €V€py€Tovfi€vo^ d^dpi,- o-Tos aivoLTo. Xen. Ag. xi. 3. Here, without any apparent reason, the writer changes from the indicative to the optative. (See 534.) Homeric and other Poetic Peculiarities. 468. In Homer the su))juiictive appears in protasis in general suppositions (462) only nineteen times, and the optative only once. Here the subjunctive generally (in fourteen cases) has the simple ct (without k-€ or dv). E.g. El TTc/j yap T€ ;^oAoi' y€ Kal avrijpap KaraTTc^y, aAAa yc Kal /iCToTTto-^ei' €\€L KOTov, offtpu T€\k(T(Ty^ for cveu if he swallows his wrath for the day^ still he keeps his anger hereafter, until he accomplishes its object. n. i. 81. '[\ov OV Tt p€TaTp€7rop ovS* dAcytftu, ci r cVt Si^i* toxri, €L T lir dpurrepd., I do not heed them nor care for them, whether they go to the right or to the left. II. xii. 238. So II. iv. 262, x. 225, xi. 116, xvi. 263, xxi. 576, xxii. 191 (the last four in similes)^ Od. i. 167, vii. 204, xii. 96, xiv. 373, xvi. 98 (= 116). Hi/ Tvore Saafio-i iKijraL^ trot to ycpxs ttoAu ficifoi', if ever a division rom^.s-, your prize is always much greater. II. i. 166. So Od. xi. 159, T/i/ pi] Tis exih Besides these two cases of ^)v, Homer has two of €L Ke, II. xi. 391, xii. 302 ; and one of €i Trep dv, II. iii. 25 (five iu all). The single case of €l with the optative in a past general condition in H(>yier is U. xxiv. 768: uAA' ci ti's /xc kul JAAos ivlirroi, aAAd iTv t6v yc KaT€/)j'K'cs% but if any other upbraided me, you (aluxiys) re- strained him. 469. Pindar has oidy eight cases of the subjunctive in protasis. These all have general suppositi(»ns and all have the simple €t ; ^ as TToAAoi 8€ pepvavrai., kuXov €l ti irovaOrj, but many remember it if a noble work is done, 01. vi. 1 1. 470. The other lyric and elegiac poets show no preference for the simple €t. The following cases may be cited • Call. i. 13 ci y (but I'jv ' J/y/. Jour. Phil. iii. p. 4i:i. Tlie examples are 01. vi. 11 ; Pyth. i 'itjrt, '27:^ (i.erhaps also 2(5.3) ; Xtin. vii. 11, ix. 46 ; Isth. iii. 58, iv. 12 ; Fra 1/1 (P>o(kh\ 5. The references to the other poets in 470 and 471 do n profess to be complete. V. Frag, not 472] SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN PROTASIS 173 m 17) ; Tyrt. xn. 35 ct vyy (but rjv xi. 16); Sol. iv. 30 d ^? (but r^'\' ^' ^;"- 2?); Theog. 121, 122 d Xe^Oy . . . c^^?/, and 321 et OTrao-crr; (but >;. 93, 186, 379, 697, 929, 932, 1355, 1356, 1385); la o^ %"! ''^'^ '"^ ^^''^''^^ conditions. See Sim. Amorg. vii. 15. d9, 97 {riv). * 471. In the Attic poets we find a few cases of the simple d in general conditions. E.g. ^ ^AXX' dv8pa, Kcr re, ,] a-oc/>^5, rb pavOdv^iv ttoAA' al^xpov o{,8kv K^ac TO p,rj r^iV€Lv ayav. Soph. Ant. 710. So Ant. 887; 0. T. 198, For the simple d in future conditions, see 453 • 454 For the probable relation of d to ct kc, i)v, Idv, etc., see 401. Peculiar Forms of Conditional Sentences. Substitution and Ellipsis in Protasis.— Protasis without a Verb. 472. Often the protasis is not expressed in its regular form with c. or ldv,hnt IS contained in a participle, or implied in an adverb like oltcos or 5ticat'o>9, in a preposition with its case or in some other form of expression. When a participle represents the protasis (841), its tense is always that in which the verb Itself would have stood in the indicative, subjunctive, or optative. Ihe present (as usual) includes the imperfect, and the i.erfect includes the pluperfect. E.g. fhiJit"" 'To^ovW. .^^pd^o^^,, (i.e. idv ^o.C^crtvlifthcy (shall) do this, th^y u^ll prosper. lovro 7rou}Z "'?' T"^ -rdxov^av d^rols (i.e. d ^p^r^v). Soph. Ant. 186. AOr^vaLi^v 5c to avr^ ro^rro Tra^ovTtur, 8LTrXa^iav dv 174 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [472 T-^v Svvafiiv €LKd^€(T6at (ot/xai), Init if the Athenians should ever suffer this {7ra66vTii}v = €l Tra^otcv), / think it would be infeired that their power woG twice as great. Thuc. i. 10. (Here only the context shows that iraOovTow does not represent ci liraOov^ if they had ever suffered.) Hpiv yeviirOai ijTrL rijs ypafjiijs ov8* dv cyw Aoyoi^ ovSiva €7roiovfjLiiv €T€pou (ct fi-t] KaTijyop^j(T€i'). Id. xviii. 34. To, auru dv iirpa^e Kut TTpioTij \a)^ov(ra (i.e. ci irpiorif €.\a\€.v), it {tlie soul) would have done the same, even if it had had (he first choice by the lot. Plat. Rep. 620 1). Mapfidv 8 dv airija-avTos rJKov ctol (fttpiov dv dprov, and if you ever asked for something to cat, I used to come bringing you bread. All. Nul>. 1383. (Here atV/Jfrai^Tos represents ci aiV'/ytrcitts in a general sii]H)osi- tion, 4G2. For i^kov dv see 162.) OiVc (.irSiova-i ttAciw t} hvvavrai (f)€p€iv, Siappayeiev yap dv ovr afi(j)L€Vvvvrai irXeiio t) SyvavTat ifi€piu\ dTTOTrriyciev yap dv, they do not eat more than they can bear, for {if they should) they would burst, etc. Xen. Cyr. viii. 2, 21. Avroi dv iiropevOija-av rj ot aAAor rd 8* VTTo^vyLa ovK yv dWy if ravrrj CK'/Jvyrai, they would have gone them- selves where the others iccnt ; but the animals could not go othervnse than as they did. Id. An. iv. 2, 10. So t) yap dv Aw^rjo-aio, II. i 232. Hpiv 8 €^ ttoAAt}? dv TTcpiova-ia^; veCn' /loAi? Toiyro v7njp-)(€ Ktti /xr; dvayKa(op.€vois, loo-jrep vvv, Trdcrais i*otusis is imidied in cveKu xfiiffmrpaTiov.) Ovrto yap oiV-cTt TO? Xonroi) 7rdir^oip.€v dv kukios, for in that case tvc should no longer suffer. Id. iv. 15. So ws ovtio Trepiyevopevos dv, Xen. An. i. 1, 10. Ov8* dv 8iKaiu) and the infinitive ;^ as in Dem. xxiv. 189, f.y) ^epl rotVcov ^(5. oIo-6vtov, rt Set ravra Xeyovra ivoxXelv /X6 vvvl; if you are not to give your vote about this, //f; olor6vriov representing el fx,) otiTere = d a^ fieWere €peLv. The present and aorist participles, when they repre- sent the present and aorist subjunctive, express future conditions, thus making the future participle unnecessary. The aorist participle in protasis can always represent an aorist subjunctive in the sense explained m 90. ^ 474. The verb of the protasis is suppressed in the Homeric €.5 aye come now! This is commonly explained by an ellipsis ^\ JiovXet, if yoit Will, come rmv / But it is prol>able that no definite verb was in the speaker's mind in such expressions even Avhen we find it necessary to supply one. E.g. Et 5' dye, roL K€il>a\7J Karavenrofxai, come now ! I ivill nod mv a^ent to thee. II. L 524. Ec 6' dye prjv, ^elpycrai, ha yvo^noai kuI ol'8e, well! come now, try it. II. i. 302. E.' p^kv 8ii ee6, iacrc Oeol6 re eKXvel avbifS et 6 aye pocKat Kelvov dtCvpiv KardXe^ov (the apodosis being mtroduced by ct 8 aye, come now, tell me). Od. iv. 831. XI. ^"^^'i ^'?'\^'-) ^^^^^^ ^^ ^ probably unconscious suppression of the verb of the protasis Avhen ^, el or ok et re is used in com- parisons (especially in Homer) with a noun or adjective or with a i)articiple. E.g. TQv vees JKelat J,s ct' nrep'ov yl v6yim, their ships are swift as (if) a wing or thought. Od. vii. 36. '12. /x' da{.l.rjXov ^pe^ev >Arpet8rj, i, £1 Tti. artfiyrov p^eravaaryv, for the son of Atreus insulted me like (i e. as ,f h^were insulting) some despised wanderer. II. ix. 648. 'KirX^oiiev iiopey avefioypyi8lios J)S et re Kara f>6ov, ice sailed on with the north- east wind easily, as if (ive were sailing) doivn stream. Od. xiv 253 In all tliese cases no definite verb was in mind after el, but the addition ot et to (09 shows tliat a conditional force was felt (at least originally) in addition to the comparison ; and this is the only difl-erence between these examples and those with the simple cLs or ois re, as k/Ku>»j, o airro^ dvrjp firj ^Layoi' oi'^eVa iTroiovpijV iTipov (d p^j KaTijydpinrev). Id. xviii. 34. Ta avrd dv lirpa^e kuI irpMTi] Xaxovira (i.e. et TrpioTij €Xax€v\ it (the soul) would have done the same, even if it had had (he first choice by the lot. Plat. Hep. G20 1). Mappdv 8' dv alTipravTo<% iJKov (tol (jAputv dv dprov, and if you ever asked for something to cot, I used to come bringing you bread. All. Nul». 1383. (Here alWuravro's represents ct amytrcia*; in a general supposi- tion, 4G2. For iJkov di' see 162.) OiVc arOiova-L ttAciw t) SvvavraL €p€tv, ^lappayeiev yap dv ovr dp(l>i€VvvvraL TrAeiw ij Svyavrat ifitpeiv^ aTroTTi'iycici' yap dv, they do not eat more than they can bear, for {if they should) they would burst, etc. Xen. Cyr. viii. 2, 21. Ai'rot dv iTTopevOiprav y oi dWor rd S VTTo^vyia ovK tJv dXXy i) raiWij eK/^vyrai, they would have gone them- selves where the others went; but the animals could not go othcrunse than as they did. Id. An. iv. 2, 10. So y yap dv Aw^^ycraio, III. 232. ^Hplv 8' c^ 7roA.Av/§ dv TTtpLOvoria^i vcwi' /loAi? topto vTnip\€ Kai /xr) dv ay Ka^o pivot's, uxrirep vvv, Tracrai? if)vXda-(T€iv, but we should hardly have this advantage if we had a great superiority in number of ships ( = ci TToXXip' Trepiowrtav euxopev) and if we were not compelled {el prj yvayKa^opeOa), as we are, to use our whole fleet in guarding. Thuc. vii. 13. To plv cV €K€ii'(i> TToAAaKis cii' Si€XvOij(Tav, if it had depended on him, they often would have been dishundtd. IsoC. iv. 142. Ata yc I'/xa? avTovs -TrdXai dv aroAtoActTe, if it had depended on yourselves, you would long ago hare been ruined. Dkm. xviii. 49. (So sometimes ku^ vpas.) UdXat yap dv evcKa y€ x^y^ilncrpdTMV iSeSioKei Sik^jv, for, if decrees were of any avail, he would long ago have suffered punishment. Id. iii. 14. (Uere tlie pi\)tasis is implied in €V€Ka ypiplnapdrinv.) Ovtw yap ovKiTi rov AoiTTou TTturYot/xci' a I' K(tK(os, for in that case loe should no longer suffer. Id. iv. 15. So ws ovtio Trepiycvopevos dv, Xen. An. i. 1, 10. Or6' dv SiKatws €•» KaKvv Trerotpi Ti. SoPH. Ant. 240. In such cases the form of the apodosis generally shows what form of protasis is implied. When the ajK^losis is itself expressed by an intinitive or participle (479), as in Thuc. i. 10 (above), the form of the protasis is shown only by the general sense of the passage. 475] SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN PROTASIS 175 473. The future participle is not used to represent the future indicative in future conditions (447) ; it may, however, represent the future in present conditions (407), where it is equivalent to /xcAAw and the infinitive; as in Dem. xxiv. 189, pi] irepl tovtiov vpdv ola-ovrajv Tr)v t/nj(t>ov, Ti Sel ravra Xkyovra kvoxXelv pe vvvl ; if you are not to give your vote about this, pij olo-ovtwv representing el py otcrere = el prj p^eXXere (ftepeuv. The present and aorist participles, when they repre- sent the present and aorist subjunctive, express future conditions, thus making the future participle unnecessary. The aorist participle in protasis can always represent an aorist subjunctive in the sense explained in 90. 474. The verb of the protasis is suppressed in the Homeric el 5' dye, come iww f This is commonly explained by an ellipsis of fiovXei, if you will, come now / But it is i)robal)le that no definite verb was in the speaker's nn'nd in such expressions, even when we find it necessary to supply one. E.g. iit 8 ay€, TOL Ke^)ression (if not an cllijysis) of a verb. wing 176 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [476 'OXocfiVpofievoL (*t)? €1 OavaTovSc Ktovra, heivailing him as if going to his death (in full as if they were hewailing him going), for which we say (changing the construction) as if he were going. II. xxiv. 328.^ See also II. xvi. 192, V. 374. *A/xs ct or a>9 et re is that of the optative with the apodosis suppressed (485). In all these cases there is also a suppression of the verb of the apodosis (see 485). For the participle in such expressions see 867-869. 476. (El fiij.) El fiYj is used without a verb in various expres- sions to introduce an exception. 1. With nouns and adjectives. E.g. Tis yap Toi 'Axattov aAAos o/xoios, ci fii] Il(iTpoKXo<; ; who is like to you, except (unless it he) Patroclus? II. xvii. 475. See II. xviii. 192, xxiii. 792 ; Od. xii. 325, xvii. 383. Such expressions are like the simple ct to y a/ica'ov, if this is better, II. L 116; ct ctcov ttc/), xiv. 125 ; €1 TTcp dvdyKi], xxiv. 667. 2. With participles. E.g, El /xr) Kp€fid(ra^ to vorjpa, i.e. I could never have done it, except by suspending thought. Ar. Nub. 229. So ovSev ttot €i /xi; ^vvdavovfi€viji\ Aesch. Ag. 1139 ; ci p/ KaTaSiWiTe?, Thuc. vii. 38 ; tav firj tt/s dSiias 8o^€io-r/?, Dem. xxiv. 46. 3. In the expression ci p) Sia TorTo (or TorTov). E.g. Kai CI p; 6ia tov irpvTaviv, €V€7r€(rev dv, and, had it not been for the Prytanis, he would have been throxcn in. Plat. Gorg. 516 E. (Compare 8td y€ v/xa?, Dem. xviii. 49, quoted in 472.) Oi' yap ws ct /xt) 8ia AaKcSai/xoi'iois, oi'S' ws ci pi] IIp)^ci'oi' oi'x v'TTcSc^ui'TO, oi'S* a>9 ct /x>; 8i'*Hy7/o-t7r7roi', orS* tos ci /xr) 8ia to koi To, co-tu^r;o-av di' oi 4>wKcrs, ovx oi'tcu totc dvi'iyyiiXiv, for he did not then report that if it had not been for the Lacedaemonians, or if theij had not refused to receive Proxenns^ or if it had not been for Hegesippus, or if it had not been for this and that, the Phocians icould have been saved. Dem. xix. 74. 4. In the rare expression ci prj ct, except if, except in case that E.g. 'O •x^py]pari(rTiKo ya^ Acyw, KaO* o ijSea cVtu', dpa Kara, tovto ovk aya^a, pij ct Tt utt ain-iov dTro/3yjo-€raL dXXo ; — for I auk this : so far as they are pleasant, are they not just so far good^ without taking into account any other result (i.e. otlier than their ])leasantness) ichich may come from them ? — pi] is not a mistake for ct pi), but it seems to imply a conditional participle like 479] SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN APODOSIS 177 vTroAoyifo/xci/o? (though no precise word can be supplied), very much as /X17 oTi and p,r) ottws imply a verb oi saying (101). The meaning clearly is. Are not things good just so far as tliey are pleasa7it, if we take no account of any other (i.e. unpleasant) element in them '? This sense would hardly be found in the emended reading ct pi) tl. In Thug. i. 17 the Cod. Vat. reads ct p,i) Tt, although ct /x^ u tl can be under- stood as in Plat. Rep. 581 D (above). 477. Eciuivalent to ct p) ct (476, 4) is ttXi^v d, except if or unless, in which ttAvJi' represents the apodosis. E.g. Ov8€ Ta ovo/xaTtt olov tc avnov ciSemt, ttXijv ei tls KiopioSiOTroios Tvyxdv€t a)v, it is not possible to know even their names, except in case me hip>j>ens to be a comedian. Plat. Ap. 18 C. 478. In alteiiiatives, d Se pi), otherwise, regularly introduces the latter clause, even when the former clause is negative. Et 5c prj is much more common here than idv Sc pi), even when idv /xcV with the subjunctive precedes. The formula ct Sk p,) was fixed in the sense of otherwise, in the other case, and no definite form of the verb was in mind. Ylpos TapTtt py) TVTTT' ct 8c pij, o-ai'Toi' TTOT aiTiacTci, therefore do not beat me; but^ if you do, you will have yourself to blame for it. Ar. Nub. 1433. Et pi) Oavovpai y • ct' Sc /xt), ov XetiPio ttgtc, if I do not die (/ tmll leave the place) ; otheruise {if I die) I shall never leave it. EuR. And. 254. See Soph. Tr. 587. lloXcpov ovk €lu)v TroLdv ct 5c py), Kal avToL dvayKaa(r(Xi' (fitXois TrouurOat ors ov /SovXovrai, tliey said thut otlierwise (ct 5c p,i)) they should he obliged, etc. Thuc. i. 28. EtVoi/ (llaiHravii^) tov Ki)pvKo ^Lirapr Lara's TrpoayopeviLV, they ordered him not to be left behind by the herald : and if Jie should be (ct 5c pi)), (they told him) that the Spartans declared war against him. Id. i. 131. Mr] ttolijo-ijs ravra'^ ct 5c pij, alriav c^ct?. Xex. An. vii. 1, 8. "Edv p,kv ti r/xii/ 5oKa) dXi]dh Acycti', ^vvopoXoyinTare' ct 5c pi], iravrl Aoyo> dvTi- T€U'€T€. Plat. Phaed. 91 C. So idv p,iv Trc/o-vyTc, . . . ct 5c p^i), K.T.X.^ Dem. ix. 71. El 5c alone is sometimes used for €i 5c pi) ; as in Plat. Symp. 212 C, €1 /xci' ^oj'Aci, . . . ct 5c. So ct 5' ovv (sc. p.!]), SoPH. Aut. 722, EuR. Hi])!). 508. The potential optative and indicative with av, so far as they are apodoses, might be classed here ; but these have higher claims to be treated as indejiendent sentences. See Chapter IV., Section I. Substihdion and Ellipsis in Apodosis. 479. The apodosis, in any of its forms, may be expressed by an infinitive or participle, if the structure of the sentence re- quires it. N 178 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [480 485] SUBSTITUTION AND ELLIPSIS IN APODOSIS 179 1. It may be expressed by the infinitive or participle in indirect discourse, each tense representing its own tenses of the indicative or optative, the present inchiding the imperfect, and the perfect the phiperfect. If the finite verb in the apodosis would have taken avy this particle is used with the infinitive or parti- ciple. E.g. ^UyovfxaL, CI tovto TroiciTe, iravra KaX(o<; €X€iv, I helieve that^ if you are doing this, all is well. 'Uyovfiat, €(W tovto ttoitJtc, irdvTa KuAws €$€LV', I helieve that, if you (shall) do this, all 'ivill be xmll. 'HyoG/xfU, €1 TOVTO TToiotTc, TTcu'Ttt KuAws av cx^iv, I^helicve that, if you should do this, all would Ite well. 'Ryov^ai, ci TorTo cVoo/craTC, Trdi'Tfi KaA(5s av ex^t^v, I believe that, if you had donejhis, all^ would noio be (or would have been) well Oida f/xa-?, (av tovto ttoit/tc, c5 Trpd^ovTaSy I know that, if yon do this, you will prosper. llojs yaf) ouo-Oe Sva-x^poiS dKov€iv *OX.vv6iois, €i Tiq Tt Xeyoi KuTa 4>tAi7r7rov kut €KCtVoi'S Toi'? XP^^^^"^ ' '^^^^ unwillingly do you think the 0. heard it, if any one said anything against Philip in those times ? Dem. vi. 20. (Here aKoveiv represents the imperfect i'jkovov, and ci Acyoi ie a general sui)position, 4 (J 2.) For examples of each tense of the infinitive and partici])le, see 689. For the use of each tense of the infinitive or participle with dv and examples, see 204-208 ; 2 13-210. 2. It may be expressed by the infinitive in any of its various constructions out of indirect discourse, especially by one depend- ing on a verb of wishing, commanding, advising, prejmring, etc., from which the infinitive receives a future meaning. Such an infinitive is a common form of future apodosis with a protasis in the subjunctive or indicative. E.g. Boi'AcTat IXdiiv lav tovto yevijTai, h^ wishes to go if this shall he done. Ilapaa-K^va^opiOa uTreA^ciy yv SvviofitOa, we are jyreparing to depart if we shall be able. KcAerct crc dTreXOiiv el ^oi'Act, he bids you depart if yon phase. (See 403 and 445.) 3. The aj)odosis may be expressed in an attributive or cir- cumstantial participle. E.g. 'P^t8l(t>S dv dffieOil'i Ct KOI fl€TpUt); dv), if he had done any of these things even in a moderate defjree, he chose to die. Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 4. ^\c/t/iaTa tmv fxiSiiD's airoKTivvvvTun' Kat ava- f^LiocTKoiievMV y dv, ci oXol tc iycrai', considerations ftr those who readily put men to dnith, and who would bring them to life again too if they could. Plat, Crit. 48 C {* JivaPLoxTKopeviov dv = dveftnoa-KovTo dv.) *i2"> ofos t iov €Ai^af — 6 ydp ttoXv ifikpTaTos ia-TLv. II. i. 580. (Here we nuist understand he can do it after the protasis. The following ydp refers to this suppressed apodosis.) Et p€V iyu) r//(t§ iKarw? Sioa'a-Kw ol'ovs Set Trpus aAA^/Aois eri/af — el 8e fii], Kat Trapd tmv Trpoyeyevij/ieviov pavOdveTe. Xex. Cyr. viii. 7, 24. SeivoL TTUT/Jwtot ci'xo/xc^' cu'ttt, ei irep t€ yepovT ctp/at lireXOuiV AaepTip', we boast that we are friends by inheritance, (as you may know) if you go and ask Laeiies. Od. i. 187. Upoa-i^yopevOys t) Atos Kkeivrf Sdpap /xeAAoi'o-' eaead', ct TMvSe Trpoa-a-aivet ere Tt. Aesch. Prom. 834. 483. Sometimes the adverb dv, without a verb expressed, re- presents an apodosis in the indicative or optative, when the verb can easily be supplied. E.g. 01 oUeTai peyKoxxTLV dXX ovk dv irpo tov (sc. oi'toj? eppeyKov), hut they would not have been snoriny at this late hour in old times. Ar. Nub. 5. (See 227.) So ttws ydp dv ; (sc. euj), how could it be ? 484. In ioa-Trep dv el with a noun, as (oa-jrep dv el 7rat§, Wee a child, there is originally a suppression of the verbs of both protasis and apodosis (227 ; 485) ; but in use the expression hardly differs ffbm MTTTep. (See 868-870.) 485. ( ft§ ct and Ma-rrep el.) There is an unconscious sup- pression of the verb of the apodosis when (J? ct, m et t€, and lUnrep el are used in similes and comparisons. E.g. Attoi e-TTovO', d)§ ei T€ peTa ktlXov ecnreTo pyXa, the hosts followed as if sheep followed a ram. II. xiii. 492. (No definite verb is under- stood here, either with J>9 in Greek or with as in English, but the origin of the expression is the same in lx)tli.) ^idXav w? ei tl<; Sojpr'j- crcTat. PiXD. 01. vii. 1. Kat pe (jiiXijcr w? et Te TraTijp ov TralSa (fnXytri]. II. ix. 481. Ot S* dp icrav w? et Te irvpl ;)(^o>i/ 7rd(ra ve/xotTo, i.e. their march teas as if the whole land should flame with fire (originally 180 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [486 as it icould be if, etc.) II. ii. 780. Brj 5* ifiev, Trai'Too-c x^¥ optytav (OS €i TTTWYos TTctAat €17], holding out his hand as if he had long been a beggar (438). Otl. xvii. 366. For other optatives with a»s €i, see II. xi. 467, xxii. 410; Od. ix. 314, x. 416. "Qa-Trep el 7ra/)€0-TaT€i5, as if you had dwelt near by. Aesch. Ag. 1201. "Ofiota wcnrep et Tis TroAAa €9 \'TroOilj(rop.€0\ at k€ TriOrjat, but ire will make you a unse suggestion, for you to obey it if you will. II. xxi. 293. (Here the protasis at kc 7ri6^);ai with its implieut his father's return, in hype that he may hear of it, and in order that glory may possess him. Od. i. 93. (Here the * The English translation of certain conditional clauses in the New Testament which have this pecMiliar construction preserves the sense of pur- pose or desire with the original form of protasis. Thus, that they should seek the Lord, if haply they might fed after him and find him. Acts xvii. 27 ; and he came (to the tig tree), if haply he might find anything thereon, Makk xi. 13. 487] APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS 181 added final clause shows the distinction between this and the protasis r^v TTOV iXKovcrr).) So Od. i. 281, ii. 216, 360, iii. 83. EtVc poL, at K€ ttoOl yviaoi toiovtov coVra, if haply I may recognise him. Od. xiv. 118. BdKX ovTO)?, at k€v ti pa Ati KpovlSy dpycrop.€e\ at k iXeyay, in order that we may pray to Zeus to pity us if he icill {if haply he shall pity us). II. ix. 171. So II. vi. 281, 309, xvii. 245, xxii. 419, xxiv. 116, 301, 357; Od. xiii. 182. See also et Kev iroj^i povXerai Xoiyov dpvvai, II. i. QQ. ^ liaTpoKXio ((fiCTTC KpaTcpiovvxa^i iTnrov^s, at kcv ttw? pnv cAy/5, Sioy 6e Toi^ c^xo? 'AttoAAwi'. II. xvi. 724. So II. xv. 297; Od. xxii. 76. Aevp iKOfieO", at k€ ttoOl Zeis e^oTrtcrw irep irava-y] dt(ros. Od. iv. 34. So Od. i. 379, ii. 144, xii. 215, xvii. 51, 60, xxii. 252. Ekto/5os opa-iofiev Kparepov /xcVo^, yv rivd irov Aamwi/ TrpoKaXea-- o-CTtti. II. vii.^ 39. *Y^oo-€ 8' avyy ytyvcrat atWoixra TrepLKTioveao-L iSeo-Oai, at Kev ttw? (tvv vrjixrlv dpij^ dXKTTJp€<; tKOivrat. II. xviii. 211. Et 8k K en TrpoTepo) Trapavy^opai, i)v irov e^evpoy »;tom?, 5et5w, k.t.A., but if I shall swim on still farther, to find a shore if haply I may, I fear, etc. Od. V. 417. (Here -ijv ttov ifftevpu) depends on an ordinary i)rotasis, which, however, is not its apodosis.) *AAA' ayer, at Kev ttoj? 6>a>/)r;- ^opev ma^s^kxatdv., i.e. kt lis arm them if we can. II. ii. 72 (so 83). ^Korreo vvv, at Ke tSi^at (coov er *AvtIXoxov, if haply you may see. II. xvii. 652. 2o) otKiji SiZpov rroTi^eyfjievo^, at Ke iroprjo-iv, expecting a gift, if haply he shall give one (i.e. in hope that he will qive one). Od ii 186. So Od. XV. .312. ^*AAA' ov ydp o-' eOeXio f3aXeetv rotovrov coi'Ta Aa^py o7rt7rcro-tt?,^uAA' dp(f)a8ov, et Ke rv^^pi, if haply I may hit you. II. vii. 242. ^vv avr eyxeiy Treipya-opaL, at Ke rvx^pi, I will try mth my spear, if haply I may hit you. II. v. 279. *fls ore rt? Tpoxov Kepafxevs Treipy]eo-a-iv tt/)r')^tti, i.e. clasp his knees in the hope tluit he ivill \iid the Trojans (that he may aid them in case he will). II. i. 407. So II. vii. 394, x. 55, xiii. 743, xviii. 457; Od. iii. 92, iv. 322. For these last examples! see 490, 2. For at K€ in the common text of Homer, here as elsewhere, Bekker and Delbnick write ct Ke (see footnote to 379). 2. In alternatives with two opposite suppositions, this con- stniction implies that the su])ject is ready for either result, though the former is hoped for or expected. K{/. 182 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [488 €v 6/itAo), i.e. he (a lion) rushes on, ready to slay or to perish. II. xx. 172. In Od. xxiv. 216, the common text has Trarpos ire ip/jo-o fiat, at kc (or €t Kc) /x' i7nyvi!>i] . . . y€ k€V dyi'oifj(TL, I icill try my father (ready for either result), in case he shall recognise me or shall not know me (where K€v alone in the second clause is very strange). But La Roche reads 7] K€ fi' cViyvwr;, as an indirect question, one Ms. having y) k€ : see also Od. xviii. 265. 'ETriyvw^/ is Hermann's conjecture for iTrtyvoiij or yvoLi]. 488. The optative with u (rarely ci kc) is sometimes used in Homer like the subjunctive after primary tenses in sentences of this class. It is also very common after past tenses, represent- ing a subjunctive of the original form, though occasionally the subjunctive is retained in indirect discourse (69G). E.g. 'AAA' CTt Toi' 6ro-T7;i'ov oto/xat, et ttoO^v IXOmv dvhpiov fiV7](TTi')p(ov o-KiSaa-LV KttTtt Siofiara Oiirj, but I am still expecting the poor man, if haply he should come and scatter the suitors. Od. xx. 224. ^So Od. ii. 351. *AAAa tis cu; *Ayapepvovi, €i TrAcioi'a? Tra/^a vai"iv ctt- oTpvv€L€ vUa-OaL, let some one go to A., in hope that he may exhort, etc. Od. xiv. 4 DC. See also 491, below. BorAci'oy OTTW? o;^' apuTTa yevoiTo, ct tlv* haLpoLCTLV Oavarov Xvanv ivpoLpijv, i.e. if haply I might find some escape. Od. ix. 420. AAA €yo) ov indofirp', 6ij>p avTOV tc i^oi/xt Ka\ ci poi ^ciVitt 6oi>;, hut I dis- obeyed them, in wrder that I might see him (the Cyclops) and in hope that he would show me hospitality. Od. ix. 228. (The final clause and the protasis are here attain clearly distinguished : see Od. i. 93 under 487, 1.) HoAAa 8€ T ayK€ cVP/A^c per dv€pos tx»''' ^p^^'^'^^^^i ^t* T^oOev l^€vpoL. II. xviii. 321. lUipifii] 6€ €U aiVoG kv crrco-i, ci ol lifiappoa-cnu kul ivrpexoL dyXaa yrt(t, i.e. he tried himself in his armour, eager for it to fit him and for his limbs to play freely in it {if haply it should fit him, etc.). II. xix. 384. (See the cases of the subjunctive after iriip^pai in 487, 1. Here there is no indirect ([uestion, for Achilles can have no real doubt about the fit.) '¥aV 8c ttiBol olvoio iO-Taaav, u ttot *OhiHT- o-cis oiVa^c io(rTiy(ret€, i.e. the casks of wine were waiting for the return of Ulysses. Od. ii. 340. ^H(rTo kutoj opoiov, ttot Sky pevo'i ci Tt piv ciTToi, i.e. he sat looking down, waiting for Penelope to speak. Od. xxiii. 91. ToS* >)i'('>yct c/ttcu' €7r(K, ct k kOeXijTe Traro-aaOaL TroXepov, he hide me say this word, if haply you might be willing to stop the war. 11. vii. 394. (This appears in vs. 387 as ct k€ yevoiTo, and the direct form of the command in vs. 375 is ct k lOkXuio-LV.) In II. xiv. 163- 165 we have ct ttw? Ipeipairo . . . t<3 6c X^''?/ •i^^^'' *^ V^^^ tense. N))xc ^«/^€^, €«^ T^ov €)iora?. Od. v. 439. (Compare vs. 417, ct Sc K€ Trapai'yj^opat, ijv ttov c(/)Ciy)w, under 487, 1.) See also 11. ii. 97, iii. 450, iv. 88, x. 19, xii. 122, 333, xiii. 807, XX. 464, xxiii. 40; Od. i. 115, iv. 317, ix. 267, 317, 418, x. 147, xi. 479, 628, xii. 334, xiv. 460, xxii. 91, 381. 489. This construction (487 ; 488) with both subjunctive and 490] APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS 183 I optative is found also in Attic Greek and in Herodotus, but with less variety of expression, and at the same time with some ex- tension of the usage. Especially to be noticed are the protases depending on verbs like PovXopai and OkXio in Herodotus. E.g. G>)/?as 7}/xa? TTc/xj/'or, kdv ttw? ^taKojAro-w/xci^ lovra 6vov tolo-lv op^aipoLs, send us to Thebes, to prevent, if haply ice may, etc. Soph. 0. C. 1769. T?}? c/xtJ? yi'iop,ijs aKoio-ov, ijv tl (tol Sokm Aeyctv, hear my judgment, in the hope that you may think there is something in what I say. Eur. H. F. 278. 'ESkovro tov 'ApurrayopeiD, ct kws ai'Tottrt Trapd(TXOL Svvap^iv Tiva Kal KareXOoiev e's tt/v cwiatoi', they besought A., if in any way he might supply them with an armed force and they might be restored to their own land {to do this). Hdt. v. 30. ^poinjo-ai^Te^i ct Kws if ykvoiTo to 'EAAvyi'iKOF, having it at heart that, if it were in any way possible, the Hellenic race should be made one. Id. vii. 145. Boi-Ao- p.€vijv €L KW9 dp,(t>6T€poL yei'oi.uTo /iao-tAcc§, i.e. wishing that both might be made kings, if in any way this could be done. Id. vi. 52. '\L[^ovXev^ro dkXiov ct Kcos TovTovs TTpioTovs cAoi. 1(1. IX. 14. TIpodvp^oL y(rav cVt- X^ipkeiv (sc. rrja-L vi]V(tI), ct kw? cAotci/ avrds. Id. viii. 6. Ile/xi/^ai'Tcs irap^ AOip'aiovs TrpeV/ici?, ct ttojs ttciVckii/ p) o-^nov irkpt vewrepi^eiv p^ySkv, to persuade them if they might, etc. Thug. i. 58. Hopci-o/xei/ot h Tijv 'Ka-iav tos /?aa-tAca, cf ttw? irda-^iav aiVor, followed by /?ot'Ao/xci'ot TTcto-at avTov, ct ^vvaivTo, o-T/jarciVai, in nearly the same sense. Id. ii. 67. Hi'i'^ai'o'/xci/ot tov^ KOy^vaioxs h rijv Kapapivav 7r/)ca-/?er- ccrdai, CL TTiDS TTpoo-aydyoLVTO avrovs, that they went on an embassy to C, to bring the town over if they could. Id. vi. 75. (Compare c? 'AKpd- yavra ^lkuvov aTrco-TCtAttv, oVw? ^TrayayotTo ri]v ttoXlv ct Svvairo, vii. 46. This mii^dit have been €l ttios viraydyoLro ti)v ttoXlv, and in VI. 75 we might have had oVw? Trpoa-aydyoivTo arrows ct ^vvaivro, with nearly the same force, but with diflerent constructions.) See v. 4, ct TTOJ? . . . 8tao-(.xrcttti'. 'iKcrat irpo^ cc ^evp dfjuypeOa, €l Tiva TToXiv (f>pd(T€Las y)ptv €V€pov, we hare come hither to you as su2)2}liants, in the hope thai you might tell us of some city soft as a fleece {to have you tell ^ui, if perchance you might do so). Ar. Av. 120. "Akov^ov Kat kpx>v, Idv (TOL Tavra Sokij, listen to me too, in the hope that you may thiyik the same {in case tJie same shall seem true to you). Plat. Rep. 358 B : 80 434 A. "Opa ovv kol irpoOvfiov Kari^uv, Idv 7rw5 irpoT^po^ ipou tSyjs Kal €/ioL ;»' tis l I'/xa? a;, i.e. you Tnade it (to iise) in case any of your enemies should come against you. Thuc. vi. 79. Il/ao? Ti]v TToAiv, €t €Tr I fSorjdoUvy cxwpoi'v, they marched towards the city, (to he ready) in case the citizens should rush out. Id. vi. 100. TaAAa, yjv en vavfiax^iv ot 'Adr^valoL ToA/xvJo-oxri, Trap€a-K€vd(ovTO, they made other preparations, (to he ready) in case the Athenians should venture on further sea-fights. Id. vii. 59. Kypvyfia TroiovvTai . . . rtov vrio-iiortov €t Tts Povkerai kir kXevOepiif. tos (r<^as airuvai, they make proclamation, in case any of the islanders uishes to come over to them with promise of freedom (for him to do so). Id. vii. 82. OvSepia /SkaPrj ruiv TTpos ra? TToAcis SLairopTTiov €« T€ KaTaa-KOTTijV Kal i)v Tt aAAo aivi)TaL c7riT>J5cioi/, there is no harm in the envoys whom we have sent to the various cities, partly for inquiry, and also in case any other advantage may appear (to secure this), i.e. to secure any other advantage that may appear. Id. vi. 41. So kul €l Tti'u irpus aAAov Scot, Id. v. 37. *A/3as TTOLovvTai, €L Tt? c7riKr;^i'K€r€Tai ric/xrai?, they invoke curses, if any one (i.e. to fall on any one who) sends heralds to the Persians. Isoc. iv. 157. ^LXoTipeia-OaL prjS* kvl €* aAAw 17 ctti xpi^parmv Kri]a-(.L Ka\ eav ri aAAo €ts rovTo ^p])y i.e. /or anything else that may lead to this. Plat. Kep. 553 D. See Aristot. Eth. x. 9, 2 : e^^f-v (t7]v dperyv) Kal XPV' a-Oai 7r€ipaT€ov, 1) €1 ;ra>s aAAtos dyaOol yivopeOa, we must try to possess and employ virtue, or if there is any other means of becoming virtuous (to use this). 2. Ill the Homeric examples in which the protasis consists of an iufinitive dei)eudin|^' on iOeXu) (487, 1, end), the apodosis is suj^'ested by the infinitive rather tlian by WiXu). This shows that at k WeXija-t in itself has no tinal force. See also Oil. xxii. 381, TraTTTijViv 8* *08v(T€lS KttT* €0V So'/XOl', Ct TlS €T dl'SpiOV ^lOOS VTTO K XoTT €0 ITO dXviTKMv K?ipa pfXaivav, he }nered through hu house, in case any ma7i might at ill In: alive (uid hiding himself (i.e. to find any surh man), where no desire or hope is implied, and the construction is like that of Thuc. vi. 100 (above). In Plat. Rep. 327 C, ovkovv cti cAAci'ttctui to ijv viLonopiv vpa^ OK XP^I ypa^ difjeivai ; the subject of cAAciVcrat is a protasis introduced by t<>, into which the apodosis has been wludly absorbed. The construction is, is there not still hft the supposition of our persuad- intj you that you must Id us go ? P>ut the meaning is, u it not left for us to persuade you that you must let us go, if ice can (i.e. Trcttrai 1)1' 7r€ iVw/icr) ? This is an important example for explaining this whole class of sentences (486-490). Tlie cases in 490 make it i»lain that the final force often ascribed to ct or yv comes from the suppression of an apodosis containing the idea of i)urpose or desire, since the same form of protasis which is sometimes called final has no final force when a slightly ditferent apodosis is implied (as in Thuc. vi. 79, 100, vii. 59). 491] APODOSIS CONTAINED IN THE PROTASIS 185 491. Sometimes a clause with ct kc or yv (rarely ct) and the subjunctive,^ or with eH k€ or ct' and the optative, in Homer is the object of otSa, eiSov, or a verb of saijing, expressing in a condi^ tional form a result which is hoped for or desired. These clauses have the appearance of indirect questions; but the analogy of the preceding examples (487-490) shows that all are base4 on the same idiom,— a protasis which involves its own apo ' s so that it would be useless to express the latter separ- ately. The examples are these : — T15 ot'S* €L K€ Kal auTos twi/ KoiXr];. Tat, wfio knows tli€ chances tlmt he too may perish, etc. ? or who k7mvs the chxinces of his perishing, etc., if haply he may '? Od. ii. 332. (We may translate colloquially : who knoxcs ? supposing he too shall perish ?) Tts ot^ €L K *AxiAcu9 Oi'iy Ip^i^ {^h Sovpl Ti-TTcis d^i Ovpi)v 6Xe(T(raL ; who knmvs the chances that Achilles may first be struck (the chances of his being first struck, if haply he sJmll be) ? 11. xvi. 860. (We should naturally express this by a different construction, whether he may not be first struck.) Tt's 0T8' ct" kcV o[ crhv 8a[povt Ovp'ov dplvio napetTri^v : who knows the chances of my rousing hu spirit by pcrsiiasion, if haply I shall do so?^ II. XV. 403. In II. xi. 792 we have Nestor's advice to Patroclus, Tts ol8' ct" kcV ot lijs dAc ycti'r/s Trpiorrj iTravprjat Kai crc 7rXijyrjvyoLpL Xdpvft8LV, ri)v 8^ k' dpvvaLp.,jv ore pot ^ivoiro y cTat/>ous, i.e. Ull me this without fault, tlie clmnce of my escaping Charyhdu if haply I should do this, and of my then keeping Scylla off %f I could (lit. tell me this, siipposing I should escape Charybdu and could th^n keep Scylla off). Od. xii. 112 (this translation supposes k' to be potential, affecting only dpvvatpip'). JH pevere T/xuas o-xc5oi. c'A%ci', oa t8y^T' at k' {^pptv ^7rc>(rv^ Xct^a KpovLuyv; are you waiting fcrr the Trojans to come near, that you may see the chances of tJie son of Cronos holding his hand over you .?— or that you may see him hold his hand over you, if haply he may do this ? II. IV. 247. (We miglit sjiy, is it that you may see it,— supposing tfie son of Cronos to hold his hand over you?) Twi/ c/ a^rts pvyaio, IV aTroA- A7;^>7S awardiov, 6p T^ys yv rot XP^^o-pij cfuXory^ re Kal evv/j, i.e. tfuityou may see the chances of your device availing you, or that you may see tt if perchance your d^jvice shall avail you. II. xv. 31. See also II. xx. 435, aAA* >] rot p^'^v ravra OetZv iv yo^vaa-i Kctrat 186 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [492 at K€ (r€ xft/>oT€/)o§ irep cwv dirb ^v/xov cAw/xai, i.e. f/iw re«<5 i(^i7/i f/i« Go(^5, /or m« #0 ^a^6 2/oitr Zi/e aimi/, weaker f/iojffif/i / rtTn, if perchance I may. The conditional constniction is more obvious here than in II. iv. 247 and xv. 31 ; but in all three we naturally fall into an indirect question when we attempt to express the thouglit in English. 492. A comparison of these peculiar conditional constructions (491) expressing hope or desire with clauses with /x/; expressing anxiety and desire to prevent a result, both depending on oiSa or €i6ov, is sug- gestive. With Od. ii. 332 and II. xvi. 8G0 (in 491) c(»mpare 11. x. 100, ov8e Ti r6/x€V, fi7/ 7rw9 kui 8101 vvKTa fiivoLO-yiriiHTL iiax^a-dai., nor do we know any way to prevetit their being impelledj etc., and Plat. Phaed. 91 D (quoted in 366); and with II. iv. 247 and xv. 31 (491) com- pare Od. xxiv. 491, 180L p) 8r; (rx^Sov uhtl Kun'Te^ (366). This com- parison shows that ilSivai (or IStiv) €i k€ tovto yivrjTaL means to know (or see) the chances of gaininr/ this (object of desire) ; while etSo'at (or ISeiv) fir} TOVTO yevr/rat means to know (or see) some way to prevent this (object of fear). The idea of desire or anxiety belongs to the dependent clause, and not at all to the leading verb. 493. These Homeric expressions (491), in which nearly all the force is in the protasis, so that the ajKnlosis is not only suppressed but hardly felt at all, helps to show how the particle ci came to be an indirect interrogative, in the sense of whether. But in Attic Greek, where the interrogative use is fully established, only the simple €t (never yv or cur) can mean whether, even when the verb is subjunc- tive (680). El AFTER Expressions of Wonder, Indignation, etc. 494. After many expressions of wonder, ddiyhty content- meut, indif/nafion, disfij>pointnu'nt, pittj, and similar emotions, a protasis with et may be used to express the object of the emotion. When the supposition of the protasis is present or past, a causal sentence would generally seem more natural. Such expressions are especially Oavfid^o), ala-^v- vofiai, dyaTTO), dyavaKTM, and Beivov iariv. E.»J. Bavp-d^M 6' €y«oy€ €t pii^iU vpCov pi'jT (\'6vfi€iTaL pyT of^yi^iTai, opuiv, K.T.A., / wonder that no one of you is either concerned or anyry, n-hen he sees, etc. (lit. if no one is either concerned or anyry, I wonder). Dem. iv. 43. 'AAA.' iKilvo Oavfid^io, ci AaKtSaipoiioi^ piv ttotc avr- ^i/xtre, vvvX 8' OKictTC Cqikvai kuX pk\\iT€ €t'tr; Sikijv ScScukcj', aAA ci pi] Ktti X/^^"*^*? a-Tt(l>dvM (TT€if>ai'{x)Oi'iiT€Tai uyaruKTct, he is not content if he has not been punished; but if he is not also to be crowned with a 4971 Et AFTER EXPRESSIONS OF WONDER ETC. 187 golden crmm, he is hidignant. Aeschin. iii. 147. Kat w? dXyOCj^ ayai/aKTw, €t ovruxrl a I'ow pi) ofos t upl eiTrdv, I am indignant that (or if) I am not able, etc. Plat. Lach. 194 A. Oi' 6r; Oavpaa-Tov iCTTLV, €1 0-T/)aT€VO/Z€»'0§ Kttt TTOl'lZv iKelvoS aVTOS VpMV peXXoVTUiV KUL ip7]ya VTre'/xeii'a, r/xers- 8e /x^/Se tois Aoyoi-? dx^eaSe. Dem. xviii. 160. Aeivov dv €Uj, €L 01 p\v €K€Li'0)V ^vppaxoL OVK ttTTepoiVti', i)p€L^ Se OVK dpa Sa7ravy(Top€i'. Thuc. i. 121. Tc'/jus Acyeis, ct . . . ovk ay SvvaivTo XaOdv. Pi.AT. Men. 91 D (see 506). ^elvhv ct 01 ai'roi pdprvpe^ TOlVotS plv dv papTVpoVVT€'s TTIXTTol l)(raV, iflOL 6e papTVpOVVT€eTo airn' kuI tol'§ crvv avTco, el ol dXXoi dKpd(eiv /xuA- Xov eavToiv eS^Kovv. Xen. Cyr. iv. 3, 3. But generally such sentences are affected by the princii)hi of indirect discourse, and' have either the optative or Uie form of the direct discourse : see Xex. Cyr. ii. 2, 3, ilX^eirOiiv ei Tt pelov SoKotev ex^iv (wliere 8okov(tl niiglit have been used), See ErR. Med. 1)31, elmjXOe /x' oIktos, el yei'/urerat, and Xen. An. 1. 4, /, (oKTeLpov C6 aAoxroii'To. ior such sentences see ()97. 496. These exi)ressions may also be followed by oVt and a causal sentence, as in Plat. Theaet. 142 A, eOavpaCov on oi'x 0105 r 1) evpeiv. The construction with el gives a milder or more i)olite form of expression, putting the object of the wonder etc. into the form of a 8Ui)position, instead of stating it as a fact as we should do in English. They may also be followed by protases expressing ordinary conditions, which have nothing j peculiar : see Isoc. xv. 17, ayaTrv/roV (.sc. io-riv) ifv eKXafSeiv Svi'iiOoktl to Sikuiov, they must be content if thetf are able (cf. xix. 20); and Plat. Prot. 315 E, Dem. ii. 23 (el'Trepnipev). 497. This construction must not be mistaken for that in which el is used in the sense of whether, to introduce an indirect (question ; as ijputToiV el i)XOei', I asked wJcether lie had come. 188 H CONDITIONAL SENTENCES Mixed Constructions. [498 602] MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS 189 498. The forms of protasis and apodosis which are contained in the classification above (388-397) inchide by far the greater number of the examples found in the classic authors. Many cases remain, however, in which the protasis and apodosis do not belong to the same form. Especially, the great wealth of conditional expressions which the Homeric language exhibits in both protasis and apodosis (399) allowed great variety of combination ; and the early poets used much greater freedom in these sentences than suited the more exact style of Attic prose. I. Optative in Protasis, with Future or Present Indieative or an equivalent form in Apodosis, 499. {a) In the earlier language a protasis with the optative is not infrequently followed by an apodosis with the future in- dicative or imperative or (in Homer) with the subjunctive. The subjunctive or future indicative in Homer may also take k€ or av (452). E.g. Er Tts fioi a\n]p afi cVotTO Kal aA.Ao?, fiaXXov OaXiriDp^] koI Oap(raX€i!)T€pov co-rai, if any other man should follow with me^ there will he jHOie comfort and greater courwje. 11. x. 222. (The want of symmetry in the Greek is here precisely what it is in the English ; and €o; av is no more required in the apodosis than woidd he is, though both are the conventional forms.) See II. ix. 388, and xxiii. 893, ir6p(i}fi€Vy €t e^eAots. Toi/ y ct tto)? (tv Svvato \oxi](rdfi€Vo;o-t 66oi', he unll tell you, etc. Od. iv. 388. See II. xi. 386, el 7rei/o>/^cn;s, ovk av tol xpaia-pya-L ^109; and II. ii. 488, XX. 100, Od. xvii. 539. Ei Be Saifjuov y€ve6X.Lo<; €/)7rot, At tovt 'EvvaXuo T €K8(o(ro/xcv TTpiuTo-eiv. PiND. 01. xiii. 105.^ So in an old curse, ct tk ra^e irapafiaivoL, kvuiyi]6vov av€L 8tKai(D<» opOov. 500. (b) A present indicative in the apodosis with an optative in the protasis is sometimes merely an emphatic future expres- sion. E.g. IlavT* €\€LS, €1 (re toi'twi' fwip e^iKoiro KaAwr, you have the whole, should a share of these (dories fall to your lot. PiXD. Isth, iv. (v.) 14. So Kaipov el / edeXoipev Kiv^vveveiv, TrepLytyveTat. "tjp-iv, k.t.A., ^ For the cases in Pindar here and in 500 and 501, see Am. Jour. Phil. iii. p. 444. and rww supposing that we should choose to meet dangers with a light heart rather than with lahorious training, we secure the advantage, etc. This sentence is loosely jointed, like the others which have this combina- tion; the condition is stated as a remotely supposed case, in the va^ue future form, but the apodosis, we at once gain this advantage, etc! is adapted to a present supposition. The optative is generallv emended to etieXofiev, although it is one of the best attested words \n Thucv- dides, being in the best Mss. and also being quoted by Dion. Hal as a faulty expression. The criticism of Dionysius (de Thuc. Idiom. 12, 1) IS instructive : evravOa ydp ro ,x^. eOeXoipe, /Sr>a rov peXXovr6^ €crrc xpovov SyXiorcKov, rb 8'e Trepcyfyverat rou :r«^o.ros- dKoXovOo, S a, ,jv eL ^rvveCev^e to. eOeXotf^ev rb ^eptecrrac, i.e. the future expression et eOeXoifiev should have a future form like TrepteVrat to correspond to it. ;n Dem. xviii. 21, a' ykp elval r. 6ok'o/>/ rd ,.dXurra Iv ro/.rots abcKrjfm, o^6ev ecrn ^.^ttov Trpbs ep^e, the apodosis refers to the real protasis if there is any apparent fault. 601. (c) In most cases, however, the present indicative in the apodosis precedes, cont^iining a general statement, and the optative adds a remote future condition where we should expect a c^eneral present supposition. E.g. Oi5 ^OL 6ip.i, eVr', oi56' el KaKCiov creSev ^Oot, Aelvov dnar}. a-at. It IS not right for nu—even supposing a more wretched man than you should^ come — to^ dishonour a stranger. Od. xiv. 56. OapcraXeos yapauypev7ra^Lvaf,elvo>v^pyot(Tiv reXeOec, el Kal TroOev dXXoOev eXOoL.^ Od. vii. 51. So V. 484, viii. 138 ; U. ix. 318. 0»V oiV dy- yeXnj en necOojiac, eUoOev eXOot, ovre eeoTrpoTrnjs ip7rdCoaa\, T ^T ^''""'^^ ^i^P^Vra I, neither do 1 any longer put trust in reports- should any one come— nor do I regard any divination which my mother may ask. Od. 1. 414. (Here the remoteness of the supposition in el "eXOot 18 contrasted with the greater vividness of that exju-essed in e^eperirat) ^'TZ' " 1 '^ ^^^^r ^"^^PP^^^ ^X^os delpas a^om KavKd^acs ra 6e opri a/xavpioOeni, it is hard, . . . supposing you should hreak your axle and your load should perish. Hes. Op. 692 KepSos 8e or€poL<; €Vi Sijrrov ^r7c/>tVao-^at, far if there should be two laws opposed to each other, you could not surely vote for hoth, Dem. xxiv. 35. This is analogous to the apodosis formed by .^5ct, x/»>S ^'^^>S ^^c, with the inhnitiye (415). There, for example, cVfp arry eXO.lv. he could have f/o. MS nearly eauivalent to rU^cv ur, and here cVccrriv ai^rco ^XO^iv, he could go, is nearly eciuivaleut to cA^oc av. This use of the optative is more common in the corresponding relative conditional sentences (o5o). II. Indicative or Snhjandive in Protasis, with Potential Optative or Lidirative in Apodosis. 503 (a) A present or past tense of the indicative in the protasis with a potential optative or indicative (with av) in the apodosis is a perfectly natuml combination, each clalise having its proper force. E.g. ^ ^ ^ El 8€ Tts^ ddavdnov yc kut' ovpavod €iA>)Aov^as, ovk av €yioy€ Oeolcrcv hrovpavio^. pa^olp.^v, hut if thou art one of the rmm^ortals cmnefrom heaveu, 1 would vot fnjht against the Gods of heaven. II. vi. 128. UoXXv 7'V <^^»' €^'^<*'/^'>»'^« «^'v ^'n' ^""^^ »'^«"^' '' 'l]r\ ^'71 «iVoJs8.a^€.>€.,o[ 6' (UAot o^aTo. rar^t xt-l aaola.v lKvelO\ ror Oave.v, tto. a. Sckuuo, rorr 6v€l8Uols €uol; if a divine decree came to wy father through oracleg that he was to die by his sons^ hands, how can youjustly repro;T€, ovk av r^KOTof. vPr ToG yc ci^^KCtV alriav c/> . /> o .'/^ >P' , ./ J/o,t irm persuaded to irmhe war hf thinldng, etc., / should not now JuMly be charged with injustice. Thuc ii 60 Kt yap oiVoi opOo>^ ci7r€(rT>;o-av, v/ict^ a»' ov XP^''*^ apYoiTC, /on/ f/^^8. /m<^" right to secede, it would follow that your dl>iwiniou is unjust. Id. iii. 40 : s^^e vi. 92,^and Dem. xxi. 37. Katrot T»T€ Toy 'YTrepei^yv, etVcp aA.;^f/ /ior vrv KaT>;yo^ci, fMaXXov av €tKOT(os f) Toi'8' €6itoKci', (rm? j/*f, 1/ he is now making true charges against me, he would thea have prosecuted Hupereides with much more^ reason than {he now has for prosecutiwi) this nwn. Dkm. xvin. 223.^ bt ykp yvvalK., .U Toh' ij^ovaiv Opaaov,, , . . ra/, ^'f'\^'^;''^'i\ L oAArrat 7roo-cis% for if women are to come to this height of a udacity (40 i ) it would be as nothing for them to slay their hushuah. EuR. Or. 566. ToiVo (I Kal raXXa TTiivTa aTrocrTcpoiVii', uTToSoi-i'ai irpo) An unreal condition in the indicative followed by a potential optative seldom occurs and is not a strictly logical combination. E.g. , , 505] MIXED CONSTRUCTIONS 191 . €TriTLpLrj(r€i€ {lOL, if I were undertaking to say this, {the result would be that) every one would censure nu with reason. Dem. xviii. 206. (Here many Mss. and Dion. Hal. p. 1054 read eVert/xr^o-e, the ordinary form in such an apodosis.) See [Lys.] xv. 8. 505. (c) When a subjunctive or a future indicative in protasis has a potential oj)tiitive in the apodosis, there is sometimes a distinct potential force in the apodosis (as in 503), and some- times the optative with av is merely a softened expression for the future indicative (235). E.g. El iikv K€V 7raT/Do? pioTov Ka\ voQ-TOV aKovcTbi, rj T av Tpvxo/JLevos Tr€p €TL rXaii^v cVtaiToi', if I hear of my father's life and return, wasted as I am, I can still endure it for a year. Od. ii. 218. (See the next verses, 220-223, el 8c kc reOveioTo^ aKova-io, witli future forms in the apodosis. See also the corre.si)oiiding verses, Od. i. 287-292.) 'AAA' crt fi€V K€ Kal w? KaKil TTcp 7rdcrxovT€r; 9 /xoi, . . . Ac^ai/x' dv opOiZs, i.e. I would fain speak. Soph. El. 564. So O. T. 216, Phil. 1259 ; Eur. Hel. 1085. Ov^e yap dv TroXXal yecfjvpat wcriv, €xoipL€V dv ottoi <^ryoi/T€9 rz/xets (rioO(Zfi€V, for not even if tJiere are {shall be) many bridges, could we (in the case supposed) find a place to fly to and he safe. Xen. An. ii. 4, 19. Et yap Tt Ac^ct? w ;(oA(o€tr; Trats o5' ovr oiKTov Ti'xot, for if you say anything by which the army shall be made angry, this child cannot be buried or find pity. Euii. Tro. 730; see Suppl. 603, Cycl. 474. ^povpiov ci Trotvyo-orrat, tt;? pckv -VTy? pXaiTTOiiV dv Tt fiepos., ov /levroi tKavdv ye €(7Tttt ko)Xv€iv rj/xds, K.T.X., if tlwy {shall) build a fort, they might jjerhaps injure some part of our land ; but it will twt be sufficient to jtrevent v.% etc. Thuc. i. 142. In the following exain])les the optative with dv seems to form a future apodosis to the future protasis ; though in some of them it may be thought to be potential : — Fit Se K€V ci^Xotrjv Sioy kAi'To? ctvoo-iyaio?, yfiaTi K€v TpiTaTO) ^Oirjv (pi/SioXov iKoifJLtjv, i.e. on the third day 1 .oL Kar eKeiviDV tiov dvSpiov toierate, hm can it he other than fitting to guard oneself agavnd Z,^i ? Xen. Mem. i. 5, 3. Kal iyi>, «V.p iXX-j, t.;. av^pa^ru.. tXK. 5., .al .ol ..iOo^.andl.ifJ^oMtn'st angju.^ lust von Plat. Prot. 329 B. Oiro. rravr.X..,, ov6 « p,^oc,,ip.o., K.T.X., »/ (A.-. (A.:« ^«>«''^ have hen a strong j^ooffornm (sc lad he had it), so let it be also a proof for me, etc. Dkm. xl.x. 58. t lairno^L. V ,«;i.-.^ <« --'/.- (captives), -«!'/ ^-^ «' -^ men even for very hufh pay. L>KM. xix. i ^ ^. ^n^i^ y^^ i Xh"Lap<>aoBis d;;oAo.>V refers is really the .hole express.on c. LJsevaa ^av d /x>) . . • (rt to 'sav^theJ:^ cV,eV/^o.a ^. in the protasis b.ing itself the ai-Ios. U> cc a^, . . . VrJcraO In 1^^'^. xviii. 101, k« t.s orK a. arr.KTCU'c /.c v"n^eve.>.;cr' cl .-if we retain the final a. (strongly supported by MSS.X w^ must translate ./ (i* is true that) I.vould{nnderany X,!»'/:i-) have nndertaken, etc., ami not simply 1/ / /i«ci .nci.,ta^-eH (ct €VcY€u)>/o-tt). (See 557.) 507 It is obvious that such forms (506) express smiple present or past conditions, the real protasis always being if it is (or ^v.vs) the case L Zethi.o :^ouUi noJle (or .ouUi have lee^^rf^ IS ^^-- th.t something would hereafter be under certain circumstances, (See 409.) IV. Irrajular Comlinat ions.— Present or Past with Future in one Protasis, 508. In a few irregular constructions, which are only cases of anacoluthon, the speaker adapts his apodosis to a form of protasis different from that which he has actually used. E.g. Eyw fi€V av, ct €;(Ot/xi, ws Ta)(io-ra OTrAa eTroiovfJL'qv Trao-t IIc/o- orais. Xen. Cyr. ii. 1, 9. (Here iirotovfirfv av is used as if ct €ixov^ if I were ahle^ had preceded. We should expect iroioifx-qv av, wliich is found in one Ms.) Ei ovv elSeUv ort ^carai avrovSy t'cvro av cTTt Tovs TTovovs . , , Kttt KUT € py d(o LVTo OLV avTv/v, if tkeii they knew that she (virtue) sees them, they would rush into labours and would secure fier. Xen. Cyn. xii. 22. Et fxlv yap cis yvvaiKa os /ic^ct/xev, 5uo-kAc7)s av ijv y- (TCTC, avTrep ovtio TTpoa-exrjTe tols Trpdy/iacn tov vovv, for if any- thing shall happen to this Philip, you will soon create another if this is your way of attending to the business. Dem. iv. 11. So xviii. 195, 217 (two cases in each). Et S* yfxev veot 619 Kat ycpovTC?, ct Tts c^>;- fjLapTav€, SittXov f^lov Aa^ovTc? i^tDpOovfxed* dv, if we were twice young and twice old, in case any one of u^ iras in fault we should secure a double life and set ourselves right. Eur. Supp. 1084. See Ar. Ran. 1449. El ^ci'os CTvy^tti'Dv wv, ^vv€.yLyvioa-KeTe h^irov dv /xot ct kv €K€LVQ ry (j)U)vy T€ Kal T<^ TpoTTO) eXiyov cV ola-irep iTidpapipr^v, i.e. O 194 CONDITIONAL SENTENCES [511 if I were a fwevjiw, you would pardon me if I spoke in my oxen dialect, etc. Plat. Ap. 17 D. E? rk (re dvepotro rot^o, rl 1>a Ti. Id. Men. 74 B. , , v Et fiev irepl Kaivod twos Trpdyparos TrpovTiS^ro Acyctr, CTrwrxwi'^ av €(05 01 TrAciVTot rC>v ciw^orwv/ yvwp/v a7rc(/»ii'tti'T0, ct /xci'^ ''^^T'i'^ Tiuot Twi' i^TTo toi'tcov p^jOiVTm', yiTvxiav dv /yyor, ct Sc /X7/, tot ai/ auTos iiretpiopyjv a ytyvaxTKio Xeyav, i.e. ij the snhjed of debate were jieic, I should have waited for others to speak; and then, if 1 liked any- thiiuj that was said, I should keq} quiet, and if not, I should try to say something myself Dem. iv. 1 ; see also xxxiii. 25. 511 It will be noticed that when the leading condition is unreal (as in Eur. Supp. 1084, Plat. Ap. 17 D, and Dem. iv. 1, above), this makes all subordinate past or present conditions also unreal, so lar as the supposed case is concerned, without regard to their own nature. Thus, in Dem. iv. 1 and xxxiii. 25 we have two directly opposite sup- positions both stated as contrary to fact, which could not be unless the leading supposition had made the whole state of things supposed in the sentence unreal like itself. It is obvious, therefore, that such a subordinate condition may refer to a case which is not in itself unreal, althou'^h it is part of a supposition which as a whole is unreal. This can be" seen more easily in English. AVe can say, if he had been an Athenian, he would have been laughed at if he had talked as he did; but we are for from implying that the latter supposition (the subordinate one) is contrarv to fact, although it would be expressed in Greek by €t eXeytv. Still it is part of a supposed unreal state of things. This explains an apparent inconsistency in respect to sentences like cikos i)v ire Todro TraOdv, you ouyht propeily to have suffered this, when the opposite of the intlnitive is implied (415), the expression Wing practi- cally ecpiivalent (as a conditional form) to toPto CTra^cs av €i to ctKos €Va^€s\ As toGto and to €tKo« are here identical, the apodosis is denied in the denial of the prota^^is. But if a new unreal protasis is ad.led, the opposite of the innnitive is not necessarily implied (see 422, 1) ; and if we aihl a concessive protasis and siiy kul ct /xv/Sci' ij6iKi)' (T€ TorTo Tra^^cii/, even if you had done nothing unju.st, yoa ought {still) to have suffered this, touto generally represents what actually took place (see 422, 2). Here a new chief protasis has come in and changed the whole relation of the apodosis to the sentence. This oilers a s;it?sfactory explanation of the apparent anomaly in Soph. O. T. 221, ov yiip dv fMiKpdv ixi'ci'ov a.Vos^ py ovk cx^»' ^t vrpPokov, where pi) OVK ex^ov is obviously etpiivalent to the condition ci pi) cix"*', ^vdiile there is yet no such opposite implied as but I have a clue. The chief condition lies in the emphatic avr6s, which is especially forcible after ^€ros^ /X61' and ^ei'os Se, and involves €i povos ixi'€vov. The meaning is, for I Ihould not be very far on the track, if I were attempting to trace it alone xcithout a clue. Tlius without a clue becomes pai-t of the unreal supi>osition without being itself contrary to fact, while /x>y in p; ovk 514] Ae, dXkd, AND avTcip IN APODOSIS 195 „. shows that €Xiov is conditional, and not merely descriptive (as if irwere ovk cxwi/). For pi) ov with the participle, see 818. ex^iiv Ae, dWd, AND avrdp IN ArODOSIS. 512. The apodosis is sometimes introduced by Sc, dXXd, or ai'Tao hut, as if the apodosis were co-ordinate with the protasis, and were not the leading sentence. This occurs when the apodosis is to be emphatically opposed to the protasis. It is especially common in Homer and Herodotus. E.g. Et 8c K€ pi) StooxTiv, ey^ Se Kev avTos eXoypac, but if they do not give it to me, {then) I will take one myself 11. i. 137. Etf Trep yap r dkXoL ye 7repiKT€iVo>p€0a Trdvre, vyvcrlv cV Apyeciov, am 8 ov 8eos cVt d7roA€o-6^at. 11. xii. 245. Kt irep . . . KaraTrexPy, aAAa t€ Kat peroTTLirOev €x^l k6tov. II. i. 81. Et Sc OavSvroiV irep KaraXifiovr eiv 'AlSao, avrdp iyio kuI KeWt ^>iXov pepvijirop krajpov. 11. xxu. 389. E^ vplv liTTi TovTo pi) Svvarov TToniaat, vpf.ls Se enKaLVvv eK rov pecrov i)plv eCeirOe. Hdt. viii. 22. 'AAA' €t' pifie touto /dovXei airo- Kplvaerdai, av Se rovvredOev Aeyc. Xen. Cyr. v. 5, 21. 613. This apodotic 86 cannot be expressed in English ; as our adverbs then, yet, still, etc., necessarily tail to give the force ot the Greek 6c, which is always a conjunction. ^ ^ The expression dkXd vvv, now at least, is elliptical for ct p; Trpo- repov dXXd vvv (with apodotic dAAa) ; as Idv to 8iKaiov aAAa vvv mXine Spdv, if even now {though not before) you mil do what is right, Ar. Av. 1598. See Dem. iii. 33. Sometimes JAAa alone ^Beems to imply el pi] n aAAo ; as in Ar. Nub. 13G4, ckcAcjkt avrov aAAa pvpplvnn' Aa/5m'Ta to>v AliTXvXov Xe^at re poi, I bade hwi at least Uf nothing more) take a myrtle branch and give me a bit of Aeschylus. So 13G9. In Plat. Hep. 509 C, el pi) ri aAAa . .^ Stc^aov, if for nothing {else), that yon mag^ at least describe, etc., aAAa introduces an anoilosis after el pi) ti (sc. aAAo). For 8c used in the same way to introduce the sentence upon which a relative clause depends, see 5G4. SECTION vn. Relative and Temporal Sentences. 514. Eelative sentences nmy be introduced by relative pronouns and pronominal adjectives, or by relative adverbs of time, place, or manner. They include therefore all temporal sentences. 196 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [515 Clauses introduced 1)y eo)?, irpiv, and other particles- meaning until have many peculiarities, and are treated separately (611-6G1). 515. Eelative sentences may be divided into two classes : — First, those in which the antecedent of the relative is definite; that is, in which the relative pronouns refer to definite persons or things, and the relative adverhs to definite points of time, place, etc. Secondly, those in which the antecedent is indefinite ; that is, in which no such definite persons, things, times, or places are referred to. 516. r>oth the definite and the indefinite antecedent may be either expressed or understood. E.g. (Definite.) Taura a €xw op(}^, you see these things which I hare ; or tt ex^o o/rns. "Ot€ c/^orAcTo y\0€v, (once) when he wished, he cnme. {Indefinite) Wavra a av /iorAwi'Tui cjoi-o-iv, they will have evcry- thiwj which they inay rcant ; or u dr poiXiovTUL €^oiKriv, they trill hare whatever they may want. "Orav cA^»/, tot€ tovto Trpd^io, when he shall come (or when he cmnes\ then I will do this. "Ore /iovAoiro, Tofrro €7r/itt(ro-cv, whenever he wished, he {alicays) did this. *12s av cittw, outws TToiMiitv, as I shall direct^ so let us act. 517. The rchitive may he used to express a purpose (565), or in a causal sense (580). The antecedent may then he either definite or indefinite. 518. When the antecedent is indefinite, the negative of the relative clause is fir] ; when it is definite, ov is used unless the general construction requires /a7; (as in prohibi- tions, wishes, final expressions, etc.). A. Relative with Definite Anteckdent. 519. A relative with a definite antecedent has no effect upon the mood of the following verb ; and it therefore may take the indicative (with ov for its negative) or any other construction that can occur in an independent sentence. E.g. Aeyoj (i or^a, I say what I Jcnoir. Acyw a {jKoxKra. Ac^w a aKi'jKoa. "EAc^di' a I'jKoi'O-av. IlaiTa Ac'yci a ycv)i v 'AAA' oT€ By fV CK TOto ai-wSeKcm; yevcr' i)m, Kat Tore 67/ irpos "OAi'/nTTov LO-av 6€0L ulkv eovT€?, hut when now the twelfth day from that cauie,Gtc. II. i. 493. Tis ecrO' o x^V«? ^''F\ ^^ *? [iepijKap^v. SuPH. O. C. 52. "Ews co-Tt Kat/)os, avTiXdf^edOe twv TrpayfMaTOiV, i.e. now, while there is an opportunity, etc. Dem. i. 20. (If the exhort- ation were future, he wouhl say €(o§ av y Kaipo^ so long^ as there jludl he an oppoiiunity.) *() Sc am/ia§, cws /x€v fSda-Lfia^ yv, cVt rov iinrov yyev cVct Bi dfiara yv, KaraAiTrwv tuv iinTov 'icnrevSe Treff/. Xen. An. iii. 4, 49. So IL i. 193, eto^ topfiaivc. OiTrcp^ Sk Kat twv aTro- PaLVOVTWv TO ttAcov T7> atVta? ^ofxev, ovtol kuI KaO" ijcrvxtav tl ttUTwi/ TrpoiSwpev, we who are to hear tli£ greater part of the blame, etc. Thug. i. 83. "OOev 6' ovv paura paOya-ea-Oe Trepl aiJTwv, ivrevBev vpas Kal cyw tt/xotov Treipdcropai 8iBdnrK€LV. Dem. xxvii. 3. (Here ivredOev refers to the point at which he intends to begin.) ^ '"H By Aotym €>y, ore p ix^oBoTrya-ai e T€ Zeis 6Xf3ov diryvpa. 0(h xyiii. 272. (The time is conceived as definite.) Typ'LKavra, ore oi'8' o rt XPy ttoicu' €^€T€, tJien, when you will not even he able to do what yoa ought. Dem. xix. 262. "Ap^ofiat 5' €VT€v6€V oOev Kal vp^iU p(arT dv p^aSoire Kayu> rdxtfTT' dv BiBd^aipi. Dem. xxix. 5. (Willi the potentijil optative compare the future indicative in Dem. xxvii. 3, aLove.) NGi/ Be tovto OVK €7roiya€V, kv to tov By/iov crt/xiyo-cv dv, but lie did not do this, in which he might have honoured the people. Id. xxi. 69. Ets KaXov vpiv "kvvTO'ioBe TrapcKa^efcro, w /xcraSw/xcv tv]? (//rv/freoj?. Plat. Men. 89 E (subjunctive in exhortation). Ovkovv d^tov toU tow Ko-ryyopuiv Aoyot9 7rarT€v(Tat pdWov y Tors epyois Kal tw XP'^"i^ ^^ V^^« a-aifAo-TaTov iXeyxov tov dXyOovs vopio-aTe. Lys. xix. 61. (Here the imperative I'o/xiVarc is used in a sort of exclamation after ov, where ordinarily 8c? Ko/uVat would he used. See 253.) "A v ydp d7roif>vyy p€ 0VT09, o fiy yivoLTo, t7/i/ lirtofUXiav oA*yo-oj. Dem. xxvii. 67 (optative in wish). So in pepvypat ore and similar expressions. E.g. Ov pepvy oT€ T Upkpio vxjyoOev ; do you not remember (the time) when you hung ahft? 11. xv. 18. Kl pepvyirai IW eyio trot drreKpt- vdpyv. Plat. Men. 79 D. Olnd' ot€ l<\^dvy. Euu. Hec. 112. (See 913.) R Relative with Indefinite Antecedent. — Conditional Kelative. 520. A relative \vitli an indefinite antecedent gives a 198 KELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [521 conditional force to the clause in which it stands, and is called a conditional relative. The conditional relative clause stands in the relation of a protasis to the antecedent clause, which is its apodosis (380). The negative particle is firj. Thus, when we say a vofitCei Ta{Va Acyet, he is saying what he {actually) thinks, or a kvoini^ ravra eXeyev, he was saying what he thought, the actions of vo/ztfct and o'o/xtfc are stated as actual facts, occurring at definite times ; but when we say a dv i'o/aiXw (Tafn-a) Aeyet, he (alivays) says whatever he thinh, or ci vo/xifot (rapTa) isXeyev, he (always) said whatever he hap2)ened to he thinking, vo/xifj; and voiiiCoL do not state any such definite facts, but rather what some one may think (or may have thought) on any occasion on which he may speak or may have spoken. So, when we say a vo/xif" ravra Xe^et, he will say what he (noiv) thinks, vo/xif" denotes a fact ; but when we say a iv vofilCij Xe^et, he ivill say whatever he happens to he (then) thinking, vofiiCy (h-notes a supposed future case. Again,— to take the case in' which the distinction is most liable to be overlooked, — when we say a ovk oiSa ovk oiofKu ciScvai, what I do not know, I do not think that I know, ovk or8) lyeveTO ovk av €LTrov, I should vot have told what had not happened. VJ tl ef^orXeTo, c^wKa av, if he had wished any- thing, I should have given it. Ei ri /x>) cycrcro, ovk av dirov, I should not hare told anythimj if it had not happened. (410.) "O TL av /?oi'A^;rai, Suxjw, I will give him vhatever he shall wish. 'Edv TL jSovXiiTaL, Sioa-u), if he shall irish anything, I will give it, (444.) "O TL fSovAOLTo ^oLijV av, I should give him whatever hi might vish. Et TL PovXoiTo, Soujv av, if he should y-ish anything, I should give it. (455.) ! 525] PRESENT AND PAST CONDITIONS 199 •0 TL av BovXy^TaL SlScofiL, I (always) give him whatever hyvishes. "O TL BovXoLTo iSiSovv, I always gave him whatever he wished I^ai' TL QovX.iTo.1. SlSiofu, if he ever wishes anything, I {always) give it E? TL (SohoLTo, kSiSovv, if he cvcv wished anything, I {always) gave it. (462.) 522 The particle av (F4UC k€) is regularly joined with all relative words when they are followed by the subjunctive. With ore, 67r(')r€, cttcA and cVctS/;, av forms orav, ^rrorav, eVav or cV>). (Ionic .Vear), an see^ and not to see anything whieh I ought not. Eur. Ino, Fr. 417.^^ ( A det is nearly equivalent to c? r.va Bet, and « m ^P'^'^ t'. e. TLva /xr; TTpcTTCt.) Tois nXeuTTOv, hOaTTep eTreaov UaaTov^ eOaxfuv ols be p; AoLaLv, K.voTLOV avTol, .VocSycra., i.e. they raised a eenotaphfov any of them whom they did not find (like et TLva^ juj evpuTKov). Xen. An. vi. 4, 9. Tt ydp ; I^ttl, BaTravripo, ;Tat). Id. ii. 61. Ilai'TCS la-piv XaPplav oirrc tiVtovtu ovO* dpTrd^ovra tov a-Tc) 7rpo(TiJK€v). Dem. xxi. 64. 11(0? ovv oi ttya^oi Toi? dya^ots (/>tAot ccrovrat, ot /xvJtc cittoi'TC? Tro^cu'ot aAA>iAoi« pyre TTtt/joi'Tcs xpdav auTwv cxovo-t; (i.e. ct /a>) cxoi-trt). Plat. Lys. 215 B. ^tKoyq 8' o Tt TTucriv vplv /xcAAct o-i'VoiVcii' (i.e. ct Tt /xcAAct), wrt?/ a?» c/ic to cAActTToi' co-rat, ie. if thei'e is to be any failure on your part to come up to my expectations, the loss will fall on me. This is the only form of conditional relative sentence that regularly takes the future indicative. (See 530.) 528. When a relative clause expresses a present ur past condition, implying that it i$ not or was not fultilled (like a protasis of the fomi 410), the verb is in a past tense of the indicative. 1 The antecedent clause generally has a past tense of the indicative with av ; but it may have a past tense of the indicative in an unreal condition, in an unaccomplished wish, or in a final clause. Ejj. ''A pi] c/?oi'AcTo hovvai, ovK dv €8u)K€V, he would not have given what he had not wished to give (i.e. ct riva pi] IfSovXero^ Bovvai, ovk dv €8(x)K€V). 'OTTOrepOV TOVTlx)V €770 L1](T€V, Ov8eVOati'^cTo T«rTa TrcTrotr;- KO)s% (o/AoAoyctT' dv i] Kuryyopla toU c/)y()t? avTov, and if he ever ap- peared to have done this, his form of accusation would agree with his acts. Dem. xviii. 14. Ki ^€i'o? €Tvyxavov mv, ^ri'cytyi'oxrKCTc 8i)Trov dv pot ct iv cKCti'r/ Tij (f)U)vf] T€ Kal To7ro) cAcyoi^ kv olairep €T€Opdppi]V^ if I happen fd to be a foreigner, you would surdy pardon me, if I were {now) addnxsmg you in both the language and the manner in which I had been brought up. Plat. Ap. 17 D. 'iU 81) cyoj y o(f)eXov paKapo^ vv T€v eppevat vlos dv€po^ own estate (i.e. if old age had found any such man, would that I had been his son). Od. i. 217. So II. vi. 348 and 351. So when the relative sentence depends on a past indicative in a final clause (333) ; as in Dem. xxiii. 48, radrd ye Si/ttou irpoa-yKe » 202 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [529 hrylpxe ^/Kam, he ought to have written it in this way, m order that anyone hj whom the deed had been done might have his rights according to the laivs. (This implies tluit the law was not so written, so that tlie case supposea in oro> k^paxBi) never arose.) So Dem. liii. 24, lv aKov- aavre/L rovnov kxf.ijliTacTOe hiromv rt viilv cSokci, that you might have voted whatever seemed good to yon. All examples of this form fall eciually well uniler the general rule for assimilation (559). (h) FcTUUE Conditions. 529. (Suhjunctive.) When the relative clause expresses a future condition of the more vivid form (like a protasis of the form 444), and the verb of the antecedent clause also refers to the future, the relative is joined with av (or K€) and takes the subjunctive. U.g. Tmov yp' K lOkkuifLi ii>iki]v 7ror//«ro/x' aKoiTiv (like ct Ke Tim IBj- Xo)lii\ whomsoever ofth.^e I may wish I'shall make iny wife. II. ix. 397. 'Ek yap\)p€(rTao Tt(ri5 eVcrcTtti *ATp€t8ao, ottttot ai^ yPyv. SoiMl. Ant. 91. TdPra, cVciSar Trepl rod yo'ois ciVoi, ToT€ €/)o>, T will speak of this, vhen I shall have spoken about my birth. I)km. Ivii. 1(». (See 90.) 'E7rct6ai' Sta7r^d^o>/tai a (Sco/xai, i)|w. Xrn. An. ii. 3, 29. Tu'a otV^€ uvt^v \fvxip' €^€iv, orav (fu iSy T(oi' TTUTpoHov a-rrorTepijiuvov ; what feelings do yon think she will han\, when (or if at any time) she shall see me, etc. ? Dem. xxviii. 21. Torrwi' 8e 'A^>/i'(tio»w '//At Sctv cnai Trci'TaKoirtois, €^ ijs "i' Tti'o? vpiv yXiKia^ Ka\o)'i ex^ti' SoKij^ from whatever age it shall seem good Jo you to take them (i.e. if from any particular age, etc.) Id. iv. 21. ^ Tmv Trfxiyp-aTiov TOJS fiovXeroph'ois {yydcrOai hel), iva a av €K€lvoi^ Sokij ravra irpaTTyra^ in order that whatever shall seem good to them shall be done, lb. 39. Ov poi cjioftov peXatfpov iXirU IpTrardv, €tu« av aWij irvp € r\» cedent were definite. Some cases of oo-os with the future, as oo-ot PovXya-ovTat, Tnuc. i. 22, are i)erhaps exceptions. (See 527.) 531. {Optative) When the relative clause expresses a future condition of the less vivid form (like a protasis of the form 455), and the antecedent clause contains an optative referring to the future, the relative takes the optative (with- out av). The optative in the antecedent clause may be in an apodosis with av, in a protasis, in an expression of a wish, or in a final clause. E.(j. MaAa K^v OpaavKapSiO^ eu], ik Tore yi]6y(r€L€V ISmv jrovov ovS aKaxoLTO (i.e. ct Tt? yyOy(rci€, pcdXa k€V OpaavKapSio^ euj), any one who should then rejoice would be very stout-hearted. II. xiii. 343. Bov- Xoipqv K kirdpovpo^ c(uv OyTevkp^v dXXo) . . . w py fSioTO^ ttoAl-s €Lii, I should wish to be a serf attached to the soil, serving another man who had not much to lire on. Od. xi. 489. Zijvo'i ovk dv da-a-ov iKoipyr, oT€ p.y avT(U y€ KeAevot, unless he should himself bid me. II. xiv. 247. So II. vi. 329 and 521 ; and otrTis KaXarete, All. Nuh.^1250.^ Ovk av ovv OpexfaL^ dvSpa, (Vrts^ kOeXot re Kal SvvatTO trov d7repvK€LV roh euLX^ipovvTas dSLK€LV(T€; would yon not supimrt any man who should be both willing and able, etc. I Xen. Mem. ii. 9, 2. lUivCn' cl>dyoL av OTTOTC PovXoLTo, whcu hc is hungry, he would cat whenever he might wish (like ct ttotc /ioj'AotTo). 11). ii. 1, 18.^ So i. 5, 4 ; i^ 7, 3; iv. 2, 20. 11(05 ovv dv clSeiips ttc/h tovtov tou Trpdyparo^ oTf TravraTraanv a7rci/)os civ/s; how then could yon know about that thing of which yon had no experience at all 1 Plat. Men. 92 C. ''Ap dv Vyyoio rarra nd dvai, d (Tot €^€ii] Kal dTToSda-Oat Kal SoPi-at Kal Ovmu oro) f3ovXo^o OeiZv ; Id. Eutliyd. 302 A. Ti dv TraOelv ((SrratTo), o py Kal iV/>' avrov Trddoi ; what could he suffer, unhss he should suffer it also from himself? (i.e. ct fii) TrdOoL). LI. Lvs. 214 E. "O Se /ly dyaTnoy, orS' dv tAot (i.e et Tt pi) dya7r(o>/, ovS' dv c/nAot rorro). Uj. 215 B.^ 'ISmv cKacrros dv KaTuiTKevip' Karaa-K€vd(oLTo, Tyrts (Kaarov d/JCCTKOt. Id. Rep. 557 B. "Oo-w 5c Trp€(rf]rT€po<; ytyvoLTo, [idXXov del daTrd^oLTO dv (XpiyiaTa), the older he should grow, the more he would always cling to it (i.e. ct Tt TT par f3vT€ pa's ytyi'otro, To(rovTO) fxdXXov dtnrd^oiTo av). Ih. 549 B. So 412 I). *I>//(r(>/ACi' /x);(Sc7roTC iiijSev dv /zctfor /oyr^c eXarrov y€V€a-OaL, c(os Lirov cTi/ a.Vu cai'T(o, so long as it should remain equal to t^st//. Id. Tlieaet. 155 A. E; 8c liovXoLo riZv c/>tAo)i' TLvd 7rpoTp€\paa-dai ^ttotc a7ro67;/xot7/9 cVi/xcAcra-6'at tiZv (rC>v, Tt dv TrototV; Xen. Menu ii. 3, 12. EtKOTw? dv Kal irapd OeiZv TrpaKTiKtorepwi ehj, ocrTt? pi) ottotc iv dTrdpoi^i cTv; TOTC KoAaKcrot, dAA' oVc tu dparTa TrpdrroL totc /xaAt^rTa twi/ O€iov ii€p.V(0To. Id. Cyr. i. 6, 3. 'fis^ aTroAotTo Kal aAAos, o Tt? Tota?T(t yc peCoL, that any other man might iikeuixe perish who should do the like (i.e. c? Tt? TotarTa /Wfot). Od. i. 47. Et ydp piv Oavdroto I 504 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [532 533] GENERAL CONDITIONS 205 Svo-rjx^os 58€ Svvaifirjv vocr<^tv aTroKpvipai, ore fiiv fiopos aiVo? UdvoL. IL xviii. 464. Awpa OeC^v ex^i, ottl SiSoUv, may he have gifts of the Gods, whatever they may give. Od. xviii. 142. 'Eytyi'axrKC Sciv Tovs v7r7jp€Ta<; tovto d(TK€tVj u)5 Travra vofii^oLcv irpiiriiv avroU TrpaTTeiv ocra o peiT\v, dXko 81 ci7r>;, /or that man (i.e. any man) is hated by me like the very gates of Hades, irho conceals one thing in his mind and speah another. 11. ix. 312. Nc/zcfro-w/xat yc pev ovSev K\aUiv o? k€ Odvya-i PpoToiv kcil iroTpov evicnry^ I am never at all indignant at weeping for any mortal who may die, etc. Oil. iv. 195. Ou'05, o? Tt Kai dAAors /3\dirT€i, 05 dv piv yj^iv^ov eXy /i>/5' aiVi/xa irivrj. Od. xxi. 293. Kai yap irvppaxdv tol'toi? WiXoinrLV draiTCj, ois dv opQicri 7rap€(rK€va(Tp€vois,for all men are (always) willing to be allies to those whom they see prepared. Dem. iv. 6. KaiVcp tiov dvOphiirdiv^ ev * oTrota dv avra^ tcfinoa-iv, dTreyovTat T€ mv dv aiVd^ uTrct/jyoKrt * Kai rot's KupTroU coxrt tov9 vopea'i xpyaOai oi'TO)"? ottws dv avTol ^ov Awi'Tttf dvOpunroL Se ctt or(S€ra9 pdXXov (Tvvia-TavnLL ij lirl Torrois ois dv aiarOiovTai ap\€iv uj'tcoi' €7nx€ipodvTa's. Xen. Cyr. i. 1, 2. No/^ifw irpoiTTaTov epyov eivaL ol'ov Set, 05 dv opiov tois y€^)/ Kui \€piTiv. Od. viii. 147. {"Oifipa k hjcnv, so Icnig as he lives.) (Oeois) TTapaTpioirCkr' dvOpinTToi Attro-o/xcroi, 5t€ kcV tis vTnpfiipj Kut dpdpTij. II. ix. 500. "H/XKTV yd/3 t dperij^ dToaivvrac (.vpvoira. Zeis di'€/)o«, €VT dv piv Kara 6oi'Atov ypap eXyiriv. Od. xvii. 322. *I*iAe€t Se Kio's TTpocrypaiveLV, cut dv pkXXy p.€ydXa KaKa ij ttoXl rj (Ove'L €(T€(r6aL. Hdt. vi. 27. 4>ci'yoiK7i yap rot xot Opaa-et^, orav TreAa? rjSi] rov "AiSrjv € la- op mo- l rod fSiov. SoPH. Ant. 580. 'Uvlk dv 8' OLKOi yiviovrai., Spuxriv ovk dvaa-x^rd. Ar. Pac. 1179. 'E7r€i8dv 8c •q lK(f)opd y, XdpvaKa^ dyoi^iv dpa^ai. Thuc. ii. 34. 'E7rei8di/ Sc Kpv^(i)(TL yrj, dvyp ypypkvo's iVo tt}? ttoAcw's, os di/ yi'(opy re 80 Ky pi) d^vvero<; eivat, Xeyei eir avroU eiraivov rov Trpeirovra. Ihid. Ew? dv (TM^yr ai to o-Kacfyo^s^ totc x/^') irpoOvpoxs ehai' eVctSdi' Sc 17 OdXarra vTrepcrxy, pdraios y (nrov8y. Dem. ix. G9. So ecr av SciVoxriv, Xex. Mem. iii. 5, 6. X>v 8* au 8yp.ov dv8pa l8ol (Boon'ra r €opeov, i.e. they carried it away every night. Id. ii. 150. Ot 8e (Kd/3cs), oKto? Mtvws 8co iTo, eirXypovv ot Ta? rnxs. Id. i. 171. 'K7reL8i) 8e dvoix^^^V* ^'f^o-yeipev irapd rov ^ojKpdry, i.e. each moni- ing, when the prison was oj)ened, etc. Plat. Phaed. 59 D. "Otc e^io rov 8eLVov yevoivro^ iroXXol avrov direXeLTrov, many used to leave him when they wxre out of danger. Xen. An. ii. 6, 12. (If eyevovro had heen used, the whole sentence would refer to a particular case.) 533. The gnomic aorist and the other gnomic and iterative tenses (154-164) can be used in the antecedent clause of these general propositions. The gnomic aorist, as usual, is a primary tense, and is followed by the subjunctive (171). E.g. "O9 Ke Oeok eTTLTreLOyrai, pdXa r IekXvov avrov, nhoever obeys the Gods, to him they are ready to listen (ckAvov is aoristic). II. i. 218. "OTav Tt? oMTTrep of'Tos ^o'X^'^lh V t^P^^T"<^ irpoij)acni 'Ai8ao TrvKycLV TiyveraL, os' Tr€i'iy €ilku)v aTruTiJAia /i(ifci. Od. xiv. 156. Compare this with II. ix. 312, the fii-st example under 532. 'E/xoi yaf) (Vti? TTUo-av evOvvuyv ttoXlv Mt; Tiov df)LirTMV aTTTcrat /^oi-Acr/xaTwi',^ 'AAA' €K tf>nf3ov Tov yXCxTO-av €yKAci(ras €X€t, KSkhTTOS €LVat VVU T€ KUL TTuAui 8oK€L' Kal [i€L^ov oo-Tis av'Ti rij^i avTOV 7rttT/)a? 4>tAov v'o/xifet, TovTov ov6a(iov Acyw. SoPH. Ant. 178. (Here we might have had os av , , . fiy aTTTyrai, dXX . . . cxj/, and Ik dv voiiiiy, without any essential ditVcrence in meaning.) ^ 8c /xaAwrra dvrexovo-LV, ovToi kui ttoAcwi- kui ISnorCiv k/xatiu-toi €io-iv. Thug. ii. 64. So in the same chapter, (Vtis^ XafiPdvei. ''^>*^Tts' 8* difnKVilTo t(:>v irapd ISacnXem Trpo^ avrlv, ttui'Tu^ ovtio SmTt^cis u7r€7r€/x7r€To, u-hocm' came to /ti»j, he ahnuis sent awaij, etc.^ Xen. An. i. 1, 5. "Ottov 8€ x^^"^^ (TTrai'ios Trdru ci^, arris 8* l^vvaro irya- jKivdiraaOat, 8ia7r€/x7rwi' UeXeve Tols cfnXovs lttttoi^ Ifil^aXXiiv TofToi'. lb. i. 9, 27. (In the last two examples there is some Ms. authority for the more regular dcf>LKVolTo and 8iVaiTo.) 535. This use of the indicative (534) is rare in temporal sentences. See, however, the following :— ^ ,^ « . x « Ile/u Tiov dXXiov TMV dSiKOvvTUiVy oT€ SiKafoi'Tat, 6€i irapa nov Karijydpiov TrvO^irOai. Lys. xxii. 22. Erxoi- /xax(U>io»', il cVc/hxttoi' S)v KpaT€lv Si'mii'To, Kal uTroTC/xroi'Tcs dv TtU K£0i]V r^et7/i'. See xviii. 45, 7r/ioi''A€70V Kal SiepapTvpdpijv Kal Trap vplv ad Kal ottol irep^Oiiyv ; and the following in 244, kv oU KparijOiUv ot 7r/)C(r/icts avTov no Xoyio, ravra rots' ottAois iTTiibv KaT€(rT/)€(/jcTo. Noticc the imperfects in the two affirmative examples, and the aorist in the preceding negative example. 537. 1. The indicative is generally used in^ Greek (as in Latin) in parenthetical relative clauses, like o n iror 1' vpoiv (Set K^x^iporovypkvov efrnt rox-rov, oo-Tis dv y, but this officer omjht always to be elected by you, who- ever he may be. Dem. iv. 27. See Tueog. 964. Homeric and other Poetic Fcculiarltics in Conditional Relative Sentences. Subjunctive without kc or dv. 538. In general conditions which take the subjunctive. Homer commonly uses the relatives without Ke or dv. This corresponds to his i)reference for the simple et in general conditions (468) ; but relative clauses of this class are much more frequent with him than the clauses with ct. E.g. 208 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [539 544] HOMERIC SIMILES 209 7^pa?, 67nroT 'Axatol TpoWv e^KTrcpcraxr €vvaLOfi€VOV irroXudpov Hi 163. So also n. i. 554, iii. 109,xiv. 81; 0<1. viii. 546, xviu 134. Here the meanincr is essentially the same as when k€ or av is added, as in the examples under 532. The ^^^reater development of the general relative condition in Homer, especially in the use of the optative, compared with the less developed general condition with ci, has already been noticed (17 ; 400 ; 468). 539. The rehitive (like ci) is sometimes found in Homer without K€ or av in future conditions. E.g. Timao-O' OS Tis apLCTO^ dv^)p Kal TrXeLirra Tropya-iv, {fell her) to mnrrii whoever may he the bed man ami may offer the most. Od. xx. 335.^ But in vs. 342, referring to the same thing, we have yrjiuKrU u>^ k WeXiK to marry whom she may please. Hei^co 6' ws . . . €V' /ic(rt eycuo. H xvi 83 • so Od. vi. 189. Ov p)r yap Trore (/»/o-t kukov Tr€L(r€a-fiat 3rtWu), 6d>p' dperijv 7r«/)€xa>a-t O^ol kuI yovvar' opi^pj], he says h^ shall mver suffer evil hereafter, so long as the Gods shall supply valour, etc. Od. xviii. 132. So II. xiii. 234. 540 "Av is sometimes omitted in general relative conditions with the subjunctive in lyric, elegiac, and dramatic poetry, as in Homer. A few examples occur in Herodotus ; and even in Attic prose exceptional cases are occasionally found in the manuscripts. (See 469-471.) E.g. mya Tot kXcos aUl, ojrivt a-iv y^pa^ cVttt^t' dyXaiU', great always is his gloni, whom thy illustnons honour (Olympia) Jidlows. Find. Ol. viii. 10. So 01. iii. 11, Nem. ix. 44. UdvTa^ €7raa'>//u Kat a€(u Ucov l^Ti, epSyj /x./S^v alaxpov. SiMON. V. 20 (but os u. p; KaKosy in the same ode). See Tyut. xii. 34 ; Sol. xiii. 9 and 55, xxvii. 3 ; Simon. Iviii. 5, Ixxxv. 7 (o#a . . . €X]h ^^^ ^''^^ V "^ l^' ^^} _,. Tepovra 8' o/>^o^^' c/>XaP/K)v, os V€os ttco-]/. Soph. O. C. 39o. iiov S€ Trrmovwi' /xciAtcrTa Xvmn'ir ai c/)av'(5o-* avOaipeTOt. Id. 0. T. 1231. SoAesch. Sept. 257, Eum. 211, 661, and probably 618 (o fiij kcAci^?;, for ^Iss. KcAciV€i, after €^^0^ denoting a habit). Toio-t yap fiyri clo-Tca p)t€ T€tx«« ?/ €'KTto-/x€m, . . . Kcos o^.K ai' ciVar oiVot aptxct; Hdt iv. 46. So i. 216, ii. 85, iv. 66. 'Ettlx^oplov ov yptv ov p.€v Bpax€h dpKiocTL py) TToXXoU xp^F^^h ^^ ^'''''0 ournat^onal hahtt not to use mauii words where few suffice. Thuc. iv. 17. (Here ov fi€V . . . TToXXoU make five feet of an iambic trimeter, and the words are prob- ablv quoted from some poet. See Classen's note. The sentence con- tinues, TrAc/oo-t Sk ev ], k.t.X.) See also Plat. Leg. 737 B, oU rj and otrot? /actt). 541 In the lyric and elegiac poets, as in Homer, the form with av or K€ was in good use in these sentences. See Find. Py. i. 100 (os ai^ *f €7K Vli), V. 65 {oU dv kOkXy) ; MiMN. ii. 9, iii. 1 {^^^^]V Trapa/^et^crat) ; Sol xiii 75 ; Theogn. 405, 406 (a p\v y KaKa, ... a 6 av y vprjo-t/xa). (For ordinary protasis see 469 and 470.) In the dramatists the relative with dv is completely established with the subjunctive as the regular form (like edv, etc.) in both general and particular conditions. (See 4*71.) Relative with k€ or dv and the Optative in Conditions. 542. In Homer the conditional relative (like el) sometimes takes K€ or dv with the optative, the particle apparently not affecting the sense. E.g. •H Be K liTura yiipatO' os k€V TrXeia-ra nopot Kal /^opo-i/xos e A^ot, and she then would marry whoever might give tlw most gifts, etc. Od. xxi 161 "fis K€ . . . 801T; (S K kBkXoi, that he might give her to^ whomsoever he pleased. Od. ii. 54. In these two cases os izopoi and a> €^£Aot would be the common expressions. In Od. iv. 600, however, hQ>pov 8' oTTi Kk p.oL 8otr/s, K€ipyXtov €VTa>, whatever gift you might choose to give me, etc., may be potential. Nw yap x ^ E/cTop cAots, cVcl dv pdXa rot crxcSov kXOoL. l\. ix. 304. Os to KaraPpo^ec^ev iTrnvKpyrrjpc /ityeo/, ov k€V k4>wkpL6s ye f3dXoL Kara SaKpv ^apacui^, whoever should drink this when it icas mingled in the howl, would H^ no tear fall down his cheeks on that day. Od. iv. 222. So eir-qv . . . ei-qv, H. xxiv. 227. . . 114- One case occurs of oVc k€ with the optative in a general relative sentence of past time: kTrevdSpeOa . . . ore Kev nv €7rtCac/>cAos XoXos Tkoi, H. ix. 525. Homeric Similes with *i2s etc. 543 In Homer similes and comparisons may be expressed by the subjunctive with J,s 5t£ (rarely J,s o7r6Te\ as when, sometimes by 0)9 or ws re, as. Except in a few cases of a>s oV av, neither av nor K€ is found in these expressions. 544 With (1)9 6Vc or ws ottotc the subjunctive clearly ex- presses 'a general condition, and the meaning is as happens when, etc E. Q. *12s 8' oT€ KLvridy Zet^vpo? PaOv Xyiov kXOuiV, Xdppos k-jraiytCiov, kirt r ypmu daTaxveatriv, ws tQv irda-* dyopy KivyOr], and as (happens) when the west urind comes and moves a deep gram Jield, and it bows loith its ears, so was their whole assembly moved. II. u. 147. *i2§ 8* OT oTrwpti'os Bopkys opkya-iv djcdvOa^; dp TTiStOV, TTVKLVal Sk TTpo? dXXyXyiTLV cxovxttt, kpov evSa Kal kvOa. Od. v. 328. See II. v. 597, vi. 506, viii. 338; Od. ix. 391, xix. 518; for U oTTore, Od. iv. 335, xvii. 126. 210 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [545 551] HOMERIC SIMILES 211 '12s 8* OT av da- T p air TY) ttoo-ls '^pr]S yvKOfioio, /s Trpoa-Oev ttoAios Aawv T£ Trccryo-iv, i.e. Ulysses wept as a ivifc weeps, etc. Od. viii. 523. *12s 8c Xeuiv €V fSoval Oopiov i^ avx^ifi d^y Trdprios >;€ ^oos, . . . ws Toi'S dfnf>oT€povs €^ iTTTTiDV Ti'ScGS vios ^^/o-c, (uid as a lion leaps among the cattle and breaks the neck of a heifer or an ox, so did the son of Tydeus dismount them both from their chariot. II. v. 161. So II. ix. 323, X. 183, 485; Od. v. 368. 546. In all the cases of ois tc the pronominal article ot or tois precedes, referring to the subject or object of the antecedent clause. E.g. Ot 8', ws T d/xr/TTJpcs evai'TLOL d\Xy\oi(TLV oyfiov iXavviao-iv, ws T/)t3€s Kcu 'Ax«iot cTT dXX^'jXoLo-L ^o/)ot'Tcs Sijovv, and they, — as reapers against each other drive their sheaths, — so did Trojans and Achaeans leap upon each other and destroy. II. xi. 67. So II. xii. 167, xv. 323 ; Od. xxii. 302. 547. When a simile has been introduced by the subjunctive with ws or ws ore, it may be continued by V3rbs in the present indicative, which seem to be independent of the original con- struction. Even the aorist indicative may be used to add vivid- ness to the description. E.g. *12s 8' oT€ Tts T eXitftavra yvvi] ou'iKt /xtiyvy M^/oifS ^/c Kdct/ja, Trap-tjiov c/x/xcrat itttti^' KCtrat 8' €V OaXdfioi, tto/Vccs tc /jllv ypi](TavTO iTTTTTJcs (fiopUiV /Sao-iXiji 8c KctTtti uyttA/xa * Toiot Tot, INIci'cAac, fxidi'diji' aifiari fiijpoL. II. iv. 141. *12s 8' OT d4> v\j/i)X{j<; Kopvffiijs 0/3C0S peydXoLO KLvyjO-y 7ri'KLi'i]i' i'€cA>;v o-TcpoTT^yye/ocTa Zci'S* CK T €(/)av'Cv Trdo-at crKonat kuI Trpworcs aKpoi Kal vaTTcxt, ovpavoOiv 8* v-mppdyi] dcnreTos aWi'jp' ws Aai'dot I'ljMV /x€i' dTraxrd/xcv'oi 87)101^ TTvp Ti'T^ov dvcTTicro-ai' iroXepov 8' ov yiyi'CT €p(i}rj. II. xvi. 296. 1 Delbriick, Conj. u. Opt. pp. 161, 162, cites 63 cases of this construction (49 in the Iliad, 14 in the Odyssey), of which 35 have ws 6rc, 10 ws 6t Av, 3 ws oTTorc, 8 ws, and 7 w$ tc. •I * *12s 8* OTC KaTTvos iwi^ CIS ovpavov €vpvv iK-qraL aoTCOS alBofikvoio, OeCyv 8c c /xtJi/is di'rjKCi', Trao-t 8' e0ijK€ irovov, ttoXXolo-l Se Krfie €<^>}k€1', ws 'AxtAcus l>wco-o-t TTovov Kal K7]8€ WrjKiV. II. xxi. 522. 548. Sometimes the first clause of the simile has the present or aorist indicative. E.g. *i2s 8' di'a/xat/xact f^ade" dyKca ^co-7ri8acs 7rP/3, ws o yc TrdvT?; ^Gi'c. II. XX. 490. *12s 8' OTTOTC ttAi/^wi/ TTOTa/xos 7rc8iov8€ KaTcto-ti/, TToAAas 8c 8pus €Vc/)CTat, ws cc/>c7rcv. II. xi. 492. "Uptire 8' a>s otc Tts 8/)fs ypnrev, and he fell as lohen an oak falls {once fell). Ih xiii. 389. *fis 8' OTC Tts TC SpaKovra i8a)v 7raXLVop(ros dirkdri]. II. iii. 33 : so ws TC Aca>v k\dpr^, iii. 23. 549. Another form of Homeric simile consists of ws with a noun, followed by a relative with the subjunctive, which may be followed by an indicative as in 547. E.g. *0 8 cV K-ovn/o-t x"^/^^^^ TTCo-cv, atyctpos ydo-(9at 6% ocrov M X«/^'^ KaU'iov, i.e. a7jr; to have done the deed too, except so far as you did not slay with your own hands. SoPH. O. T. 346. 551 Homer once has 5 Tt pr) or 5tc /xt} in the same sense : oi^ rk Tca> aTTkvhev l^TL p^ Atl TTaT^t, i.e. except to Zeus (o Tt prj Jet pi), II. xvi. 227. Here Lange (p. 161) reads oVc py. i 212 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES Special Forms of Antecedent Clause, [552 W 552. A conditional relative clause (like a protasis with ci) may depend on an infinitive or participle (with or without ar), on a final clause, on a protasis, or on a verbal noun representing the antecedent clause (or apodosis). E.g. See Dkm. xxi. 64 (quoted in 525); Plat. Ap. 17 D, Dem. xxiii. 48 (fpioted in 528) ; Aesch. Ag. 1434, Dem. iv. 21 and 39, xxviii. 21 (quoted in 529) ; Plat. Eutliyd. 302 A, Tlieaet 155 A, Xen. Mem. ii. 3, 12, Cyr. i. 6, 3, ii. 1, 31 (quoted in 531). "Ofm (rot rovnav SeTJcrov orav €7rL6vfj.ii(rr)^ (/jtAiav Trpos rivas 7roL€La-6aL. Xen. Mem. ii. 6, 29. Kat €/x€ Sel aTryjWdxOaL Kara Tas (rvvO/jKa^j cttciSi; to TTipl tov UfiioTayopov Xoyov tcAos (Txonj, i.e. / ought to be reUased according to what ice agreed to do when the discufision of tlie doctrine of Protagoras should come to an end. Plat. Theaet. 183 C. 553. After past verbs of icaiting or expecting in Homer ottotc with the optative sometimes has the meaning of untily like cW E.g. 01 8' car' . . . TTOTiScy/xcvoi ottttot' dp iXOoi 'I8aios, and theif sat waiting until {for the time when) Idaeus should came. II. vii. 414. So iv. 334, ix. 191, xviii. 524. (Sec 698.) Mixed Conditional Constructions. 554. The relative with the optative sometimes depends on a present or future tense. This occurs chiefly in Homer, and arises from the slight distinction between the subjunctive and optative in such sentences. E.g. AIttv oi i(r(T€iTiiL v?ja<; (rnrpTjcrai^ ore pi) ai*To§ yc KpovUov IpfiaXoi aWofUi'ov 8a/\oi' I'vyccro"*., it will he a hard task for him to fire the ships^ unless the son of Krunos should himself hurl a flaming brand upon the ships. II. xiii. 317. (Regularly ore k€ pt] IpPdXij., unless he shall hurl.) So Od. xix. 510. Kat 8' dWij ic/xco-w i'j Tts Totarru y€ pcfoi, and I am angry with any other woman who says {should say) the like. Od. vi. 286. (Tliis resembles the loosely jointed examples in 500.) TotovTO) Si coiKtts, €7rci XovcTaiTo <\>dyoi tc, cuSc/xcrat /xaAaKw?, and you seem like such a man as would sleep comfortably {like ojie likely to sleep comfortably) after he had washed and eaten. Od. xxi v. 254. (This resembles the examples in 555.) The optative regularly follows an optative in a wish (177). 555. In Attic Greek an optative in the relative clause some- times depends on a verb of obligation, propriety, possibility, etc., with an iufinitivc, the two forming an expression nearly equivalent 557] MIXED CONDITIONAL CONSTRUCTIONS 213 to an optative with av, which would be expected in their place. (See 502.) E.g. wham the state might appoint {if the state should appoint any one, xce ought to obey him). Soph. Ant. 666. (Xp) kX^uv is followed by^the optative from its nearness to StKat'a>9 dv kXvol ns.) 'AAAa tov pev arrov XeyeLV a p-n crac/xSs et'Sctr/ 4>ei8,aOaL Set, i.e. ive ought to abstain, etc. ; like €t8otTo dv Tt5. Xen. Cyr. i. 6, 19. Ovs Sk ^oifaaOai rt? BovXoLTO crvvepyois TrpoBvpoxs, TorTOis TravraTracrtv epoiye boKU dyaOoU Oiipareov c?mt {Oi^parkov €lvaL = Oijpdv Selv). lb. n. 4,10. 'Y7r€popdv OV 8i;mTov lpC>v dvSpl Ss ctSctS; Kvpcovs ovra^ o Tt ^iod>p6viov icrrl pifie el piKph. rd Stac/,epovTa €tr; iroXepov avacpei- aOat. lb. vi. 3, 5. So after ttoAu pa6v (cVrt), lb. vi. 5, 52. ^io4>po- Viov cVrtv, €t' pi) dSLKolvro, ^vxdCeiv, i.e. it is proper for prudent iiun, etc. Thuc. i. 120. 'ATroSoreoi/ ot'6* oin^Tiovv Tore, ottotc Tt? pi] (TU)<])p6vn)S uTTtttTot. Plat. Rep. 332 A. 556 An indicative or subjunctive in the relative clause may depeml' on a potential optative (with dv), sometimes when the potential force is felt in the apodosis, and sometmies when the optative with dv is treated as a primary tense from its nearness to the future indicative. E.g. OvKovv Kat TO vyuuveiv Kal to vo(T€iV, orav dyaOov Tti'os atVta 7t7V7,Tat, (lya^a dv d,], therefore, both health and disease, when they prove to be ths causes of any good, would naturally be good things. Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 32; so ii. 2, 3. "Orav Sk Tt? ^ca>r fiXa^rij, 8m'atT av oi56' dv tVvra>v c/,ryctv^, when one of the Gods does mischief, mt evci a strong man could escape. Sorn. El. 696. "12o-t' a7roc/>t7ot9 av iivtlv av B^Xii Slkiiv, so that you can {could) get off in any suit you please. Ar. Nub 1151. Omi'C? TOt? plv tVot? p) €?KOWt, TOt? 8€ K^CtO^O-OOrt KaXCo^ 7rpoa4>kpovrai, rrpo, 6e tois i>o-ois perpioL ctcrt, TrActo-T av ,)p6olvTO. Thuc. v. 111. '^O SI pifilv Ka^ov Trotct, ovS av Ttvo? €t); KaKod aiTLov; and what does no harm could not be the cause of any harm at all, could it? Plat. Rep. 379 B. 'Ey(^ Sk Ta{,Ti]vpev t./v etp/.r;is €u>9 dv €U 'AOifvatiov XelTTijTat, oi-Scttot dv nvpfSovXeveraipi Trot,/- o-afr(9at rn TToXet, I would never advise the city to make this peace, so long cw a single Athenian shall be left. Dem. xix. 14. (Here eW Ac^TrotTO, so long as one should be left, would be more regular.) Orav 8 acf^avuras Tt? TaKpipk X6yio i^a-n-ardv Treipdrat, ttw? av StKUtw? 7rto-T€DOtTO ; Id. xxxiii. 36. (See 178.) 557 A conditional relative clause may contain a potential optative or indicative (with dv), which has its proper meanuig. ' *W ^v «iv Tts eZ Xkyiov StapdXXot, Ik rovroiv avrols 7r€tWl9at a rd^tv KaT£(7T7)o-aT£, oCtos t(^v iVwv airtos yv av KaKMv oo-wvTrcp Kai ovro% any one soever ichom you mifjht have appointed to this post would have been the cause of as great calamities as this man has been, Dem. xix. 29. (Without av, ovriva. KaTarWiaare would be equivalent to et riva ^XXov Kar€a'n]aar€, if you had appointed any one else {which you did not do). With av, it is a potential indicative.) See 506, and for the optative with kc in conditional relative sentences in Homer (probably not potential), see 542. 9 Assimilation in Conditional Relative Clauses. 558. When a conditional relative clause refeiring to the future depends on a subjunctive or optative referring to the future, it regularly takes by assimilation the same mood with its leading verb. The leading verb may be in a protasis or apodosis, in another conditional relative clause, in an expression of a wish, or in a final clause. E.g. 'Eav Ttv€S ot av Sili/toi/rai tovto ttouoo-i, kqAws €^€i, if any who shall he able do this, it unit be well. E? tlvi^ oi BvvaivTo tovto TTOLoUv, KuXm av €Xo., if any who should be able should do thu, it would he well. EWi TTuFTcs oi SvvaivTo tovto ttoiouv, that all who may^ he able would do this. (Here the principle of assimilation makes ot SvvaivTo after an optative preferable to oi" av Sri'wi'Tai, which would express the same idea.) TeOvanjv ore /xot /xi/kcti Tadra jitXoi, may I die when these are no longer my delight. Mimn. i. 2. So in Latin : Si absurde canat is rpii se haberi velit musicum, turpior sit.— Sic injurias fortunae quas ferre neqneas defugiendo relinquas. For examples see 529 and 531. 559. When a conditional relative clause depends on a past tense of the indicative implying the non-fulfilment of a con- dition, it regularly takes a past tense of the indicative by assimilation. The leading verb may be in a protasis or apodosis, in another conditional relative clause, in an expression of a wish, or in a final clause. E.g. Et Tti'€? OL cSrvav'TO toPto CT^a^ai', KaXws ai' ^<^X^^'y if »»y ""''''^ had been able had dtme this, it would have 1)€en well. KWe ttcu-tcs oi eSvvavTO tovto €7rpa^av, that all who had l^een able had dime this. So in Latin : Nam si ^solos eos diceres miseros (^uibus moriendum esset, neminem tu quidom eorum qui viverent exciperes. For exam|)les see 528. 660. It will be seen that this principle of assimilation accounts for the unreal indicative and the optative in conditional relative sentences, which have been already explained by the analogy of the forms of protasis. (See 528 ami 531.) In fact, wherever this assimilation occurs, the relative clause stands as a protasis to its antecedent clause. I 564] ASSIMILATION 215 Occasionally this principle is disregarded, so that a subjunctive de- pends on an optative (178). i ^f o For the influence of assimilation in determining the mood ot a dependent sentence, see 176. 561 The indicative in the construction of 525, referring simply to the present or past, cannot be affected by assimilation, as this would change its time. E.g. ^ ^ ^ 'Yuek S' eXoiaO^ 5 Tt Kal rf/ rroAct Kal ^ira^L ctvvoict^iv viiiv akxLi, and may you choose what is Wccly to benefit the state and^ all of you. Dem. iii. 3G. Compare this with Dem ix. 76, o rt S vf^cv Soletc (so ^ originally), roiV, & TrdvT., Oeoc, ^vveveyKoc, ichatever vou may decide, may this be for our good. , ^ « 'sj» In Soph. Ant. 373, 5? t«S' IpSe. would belong here ; but 09 raS c>8ot (Laur. ), -cr rts rdS' Ip^ot, falls under 558. 662 The principle of 558 and 559 applies only to conditional relative clauses. If the relative refers to a definite antecedent, there can be no assimilation, and the indicative or any other construction re(iuired by the sense is used. E.g. . > ' „ ^Tc Et tCov tzoXltC^v oTctl vvv TTto-Tcuo^ev, TOi'TOt? a7rio-T7yo-at/x€V 019 S» ov vpcouc^a, TO.'roto-t xpr/o-at/xco-^', tW rr(o^£,/x€. av Ar. l^m 1446. Er^' .).ha SvvaTh, Spdv Ikrov .poOvi^o, el, OtIuU thou couUU do as m..h .s \hou art eager to do. EcR. Her 731. (With >^^a or . the meaning would be as much as thou wert (or mightest he) eager to do.) 563 Conditional relative clauses depending on a subjunctive or opUUive in a general supposition (462 ; 532) are generally assimilated to the subjunctive or optative ; but sometimes they take the indicative (534). E.g. Ov6\ cVctSa. &v av Tr/^^/rat ki^^o? ylvr/rat t.o 7r/)0^oT>7 a^^p- Po>X. ;cp T.OV A0..0I. cr. xp-ira. Dem. xviii. 47 See Plat. Rep. 508 C and D (reading &v 6 .'jA.o. KaraAa^re.) ; Charm 164 B «0 Sk Tore pdXiCTTa cxat^cv, ottotc rax^crra ri^xo^^a. o>. Seotvro aTroTrcuTrot. Xen. Ag. ix. 2. \ ' ^ ^,.^/ rlLok iMo? 8* iiy. D™. xxii. 22. (Here f>. k.yu and .or av «.,, TaAi;i/« /-. s./ ,, ^^ , > / ^ ; ,,,^(5 foot toiovtoI' are nearly e(iuivalent,) hKaA« 6£ Kat ^^ VI. 146. Ex« 216 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [565 573] FINAL RELATIVE CLAUSES 217 IP N T€ 6 TTOAC/AOS KaT€(rT7]^ 6 Si aiV€TaL KOL €V TOVTW TTpOyVOVJ T^V BvvafiLVf and when the ivar broke out, {then) he appears, etc. Thuc. ii. 65. Mcx/ot /Acv ovv 01 To^orai ilx'^v T€ to. /SiXrj avrok kol oIol T€ ^(rav Xprjo-OaL, ol Si avTiixov, so long as their archers both had their arrows and were able to icse them, they held out. Id. iii. 98. *Eir€tBr] 8€ dL- KOfiivoL fJ-dxV ^xpaTrjcrav . . . <^atvovTat 8c ovS* ivravOa irdiry TTJ 8vvdfJL€L XPW^f^^^^'" ^^' ^' ^1- "^OTTC/O Ot OTrXlTat, OVTlx) Si KUL 01 TrcAracTTat. Xen. Cyr. viii. 5, 12. Final Eelative Clauses expressing Purpose. 565. {Future Indicative.) In Attic Greek a relative with the future indicative often expresses a purpose, like a final clause. Its negative is firj. E/j, Ilp€(T/3€iav Si Tre/iTretv, ir/Tis rauT ipel icai Trapiarai rots irpdyfiao-LV, and to send an emhasay to say these things, and to be present at the transaction. Dem. i. 2. 4>7;/xi 8i) Seiv t)pd<; Trpus BcttuAois TTpicrfSeiav ireiJLTreLV^ r) tovs fJ-kv SiSu^ct Tttvra, rois Sk Trapo^vv€i. Id. ii. 11. "ESo^e T(3 8i]pix) TpidKOvra avSpa^ k\k(T6ai, oi Tot's Trarpi'ois V'o/xou? ^vyypd^ova-i, KaO* ovs tto AiTciVoi'O-i, th* people voted to choose thirty men, to compile the ancestral laics by which they were to govern. Xen. Hell. ii. 3, 2. EtVw 8c Trc/ii/'ttt (ckcAciktc) TLvd<;, oitlv€<; aiVw Tct €v8ov t86vT€<; dirayyiXovcTLv. Xen. Cyr. v. 2, 3.^ NavrtKoi/ 7rap€(rK€va^ov 6 tl Trkp.ypov(TLV c? t^]v Ako-fSov, kuI vaijapxov irpo- trcTtt^ai/ 'AXKiSau, os efiiWev cViTrAciVco-^ai. Thdc. iii. 16. See Dem. xxi. 109. Ov yap cori /xot XPW^'^^^ oirodiv cktiVw, for I have no money to pay the fine with. Plat. Ap. 37 C. *Pii/'oi' /xc yTjs CK T7Jo-8c, oTTov di'yjTMv (jiuvovfiaL /xT^Sci'o? Trpoo-- yyopo^. Soph. O. T. 1437; so 1412. McAAoi-tri ya^ cr'^ ci'raf^a ir€fi\l/€Lv, ii'Oa p.i] TToO' i)\lov €yyos 7rpo€ro^ct, fcTxra 8* r/ivijo-cis K-aKu, they are to send you where you shall never behold the sun's light {to some place, that there you may never behold, etc.). Id. El. 379. So Aj. 659 ; Tr. 800. 566. The antecedent of the relative in this construction may be either definite or indefinite ; but the negative is always py because of the final force. The future indicative is regularly retained after pivst tenses, as in object clauses with ottws (340) ; but see 573 and 574. 567. A past purpose may be expressed by the imperfect of /xcAAw. See 76 ; and Thuc. iii. 16, quoted in 565. 568. (Suhjunctive and Optative in Hmner) In Homer these final relative clauses have the subjunctive (generally with kc) after primary tenses, and the present or aorist optative (without Ki) after secondary tenses. E.g. Kat dp ijyipov iirOXov oiraaiTov, os kc /mc Kctor ayay>y, and also send a good guide, icho shall lead me thither {to lead 7ne thither). Od. xv. 310. I (I '•-« \ Avrhs vdv 5iV ^Vo. o -T' '<^ ^l""- '^^^^^^ ^^'^'^ ct>^Xio,find a nams to give the chilck Od. xix. 403. Te5v oiVo/xa ctV^, Tm rot 8a) ^civioi', (5 K€ crh X^^Py^- 0^^- i^- 3^^-*' ^^^''''^ ^'^"'''^ cAero-crat, os kjv tol ciTryo-tv 6Si>v': Od. x. 538. "EAko? 8' hiryp cVi/tao-o-crat, ijb ctti- ei'ta-€L dppax, a kcv 7rai;o-|;o-t /xcAaivawv o8i'vao)V.^ II. iv. 191. *AAA' dycTC, kAv/tois orpvvopev, ot k€ rdxio-ra eXOuicr c9 KAio-a;v nvA7;ta8c(o 'AxlA7';os^ H. ix. 165. ■'Ek8otc, Kal Tipi)va7roTivepevyv TLV €01K€V, 7/ T€ Kttt k(T(TOpkvOL(Tl /ACT ai'^/3(07rOtO-t TTcAl/Tat. IL HI. 459. The last verse (found also iii. 287) is the only case of the relative with the subjunctive without Kk in these sentences. "AyycAov i]Kav, os clyyctActc yi-mtKi, they sent a messenger to tell the woman. Od. xv. 458. TLdTTjyp'iv 8' dvd irvpyov 'Axaaov, ci riv iSoiTO rjyefiovuiv, os Tis ot dpi]v krdpoiiTiv dp,vvai. 11. xii. 333. This optative is rare. 569. The earlier Greek here agrees with the Latin in using the subjunctive and optative, while the Attic adopts a new construction with the future indicative. 570. The future indicative occurs in Od. xiv. 333, Mpoo-e vya KaTiipiddai Kat kiTaprkiL^ kppiv kraipov^, oT 8/y pcv TrkpiPova-i c/>t%/F c? 7raT/)t8a yarur. The potential optative with Kk may t^ike the place of a future form; as ov8c ot aAAot ctV, ot' Kev Kara 8f;/xoi/ aAaA- Kotcv KaKOT>/Ta, Od. iv. 166. So nZv k kutfUnp', II. v. 192 (cf. xxii. 348). In none of the Homeric examples of this construction is the relative clause negative. 571 A final force is seen in a few Homeric temporal clauses with ore (ot ttv, oTC K€) or oroTC with the subjunctive, which are chiefly exi)ressions of emphatic prediction : — , ^, , , v "Eo-o-CTat i)pap OT dv ttot JAuiAj; "lAto? Ipi), Zcr? Se ctcJhv avTos C7rtcr>ct7/a-ti' kp€pvi)v alylSa irdaiv, a day shall come when sacred Ilios shall fall (i.e. a day for the fall of Ilios) and when Zeus shall shake his terrible aegis hfore them all. 11. iv. 164 ; so vi. 448. See II. viii. 373, xxi. 111. See Monro, Horn. Gr. p. 209. 572 In Attic Greek the subjunctive is not used in final relative sentences as it is in Homer (568). The subjunctive in a few expressions like cYct o Tt €L7n], he has something to say, seems to be caused by the analogy of ovk cxct 5 Tt ctVy, he knows not wliat to say, which contains an indirect fpiestion (677). E.g. ^ ^ . ,, ^ ; \ Totoi'^TOi' c6>os irapkSodav, oWtc kKanpov^ cxciv cc/> 0.9 tAoTt- p.'neCiiTiv, that both may have things in which they may glory. Isoc. iv. 44 (Here there is really no indirect question, for the meaning is not thit they may know in what they are to glory.) OvSev hi 8toto-ct avno lav a6vov CXV ^^-^'^ 8taAcy7;Tat, if only he shall have some one to talk unth. Plat. Symp! 194 D. Tot5 /zcAAoimv c^ctv o Tt cta-c/>c/,o)o-ti/. Xen. Oec. vii. 20. Compare dTropeU 6 n Acyys and eirrropcc^ o n Acyr/? in the same sentence, Plat. Ion. 536 B. 573. On the other hand, the present or aorist optative rarely occurs F 218 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [574 in Attic Greek in a final sense after a past tense or after another optative. E.g. , ♦ ,^y ^ "AvSpa OvSiV hrOTTOV (6p(3v), Ol'X.OO-TtS a/)K€(T€t€V, ov5 oy/xiai', ottou ai»Ta) p/6€is iiiWoL BorjOyaeiv, if some Gal should place a man in a desei't, where there should be no one likely to help him (this may be purely conditional). Plat. Rep. 578 E. 574 The future optative also occasionally occurs, as the natural correlative of the regular future indicative, which is generally retained after past tenses (566). E.g. r ^ j . / ''E€vyov Ivda /xr)7roT oi^ot>r;v ov€t6r; rcXor/xcva, I fled to {some place) wliere I might never see the disgrace accomplished. Soph. O. T. 796. *E(rK07r£i oTTcos eiTOLTO aimooan^ C^yvra yi] par po4>y(TOL Kat tcAcv- Wjo-avra 6^01 avrov koX tu vo/xifo/xem aiVw Troii](TOL. ISAE. 11. 10. AlpeOevTi^ €(/>' (St€ ^vyypdxfuL vo/xois, kuO' o{xrTU'a? TrokLT€V(roLVTOy having been chosen with the condition that they should compile laws, by ivhich they were to govern. Xen. Hell. ii. 3, 1 1. (See lb. ii. 3, 2, quoted in 565, where kuO' ok TroAtTct'o-ouo-t is used in the same sense.) Consecutive Relative Clauses expressing Result. — Causal Relative. 575. {Tndieative, icith negative ov.) The relative with any tense of the indicative can be used to denote a result, in the sense of (So-T€ with the indicative (582). The negative here is ov. This occurs chierty after negative clauses, or interrogatives implying a negative. E.g. Tt5 oiVo /iaiv€Tat oo-Ti? ov ^orAcrai (toi iXos c'vat ; who is so mad that he does not ivish to be your friend? Xen. An. ii. 5, 12. jH^ire opi.ov ; Isoc. iv. 113. Tt? orrw^ paOvp.6<; Jcttiv, oo-ti? ov p€Ta(TX€iv /3ovXii(r€Tai TavTij<; rij-s crTpareia? ; Id. iv. 185. So also with the potential ()i)tative ; as oi'-Scis av yevoiTo ourw? dSapdvTLi'os, OS dv p.€lv€L€V €VTf) 6iK(uo(rvvnj, no one would ever beconie so adamantine that lie would remain fmn injustice. Plat. Rep. 360 B. 576. {Future LuUcatire, with negative pj.) The relative with the future indicative may denote a result which h aimed at, \n the same general sense as C^rt. with present or aorist infinitive (582), but with more exactness (577.) The negative is p}. E.g. \ 579] consecutive relative clauses 219 EvYCTO MrjScMt'av 01 crvvrvxt^v rotarrr^v yeveaSai, y^ fMiv iravaei KaraaTpkxPaaBai t^]v E^^p^irrjv, i.e. no such occurrence as to prevent him from mhjugating Europe. Hdt. vii. 54. (We might have ojcrrc pcv ia^ac. Compare el, rocrai^T.^v .]A^c perapoXi^v oyer 6 ^ aTracrr;? rys 'Ao-t'as yevea-OaL Sco-Trorr;?, Isoc. v. 66.) 'Avoy^rov e^i rotorroi-? Uva, SyvKparycra, ^ KaTa(rx>io-€t Tt9, it is absurd to attack men of such a kind that if we overcome them we sJvall not hold them. 1 hug. vi. 1 1 (Here Chtt€ m) Kara^x^lv, so as not to hold them, could express TtS OVK av 0€>aiTO TOiarri/s /c7To^ ^^'^"' 8o^€lSpiT€TOL'S flipOVfieVOV, Xvpaveu. Id. xi. 49. 577 The construction of wcttc after roioiVo? (584), which best corre- sponds to this relative expression, is not common, as o{;tcus is the natural antecedent of ioare, while toiovto? is naturally followed by oto? or os. The relative clause with the future is a much more definite expression, with its power of designating time, number, and person, than the infinitive. (See Thuc. vi. II, under 576.) lotoi^ros may also be followed by oios and the infinitive (759). 578. "Ottcos as a relative is sometimes used in this construction in a wav which illustrates its use as a final particle. (See 313.) E.g. UoUe 8^ o{'.T(o oK(u9 T(o. cru>v eVScZ/crct M^ev, and act so that there sJudl be nothing wanting on your part ; lit. act in that way by which, etc. Hdt vii 18 To ovrm cViVrao-^at dvOpc^iov aAAcov TrpocTTareveiv oTTco'? c^orcrt Travra ra eTTiT-qSeca, . . . roOro Oavpaarov e^acvero, i.e. in s^wh a way that they should have, etc. Xen. Cyr. 1. 0, 7. feo Cyr. ii. 4, 31. 579 (Optative.) The relative in this consecutive construction does not take the subjunctive. The optative occurs occasionally depending uix)n another optative. We find the future optative in iLAT.Rep. TToAiVa?, with which compare 415 i^ TOiavras otas x^V— r -\ y,,v KaX ekpov, iKavds ctVat. The aorist occurs m Dem. vi. 8, ry Lurkpa TToAet oiVS^v av o'Sc/^atro roo-oi^rov oi'Sc Trouyo-eicv, v^ ov HeJdre, rtra. 'EAAvJ^o^v eV.n.o TrpoelcrOc, i.e, notliing^ sojreat as to persua^h yon to sacrifice any of the Greeks to him { = u>' /xryrcpa (c/xaKaptfov), oiuiv T€KViOV €KVp7](r€ (Ukc OTL TOLiOV). Id. i. 31. EvSaifHOV C<^tV€TO, OJS dScow Kal yci/i'aiws cTcAcrra, i.e. because he died so fearlessly and nobly {ios hemavtV^7;o-av €r€/)ai Sc /xi) €ypdi)(Tav, irm opOw^ av Ifiol SiKiiioiTo, KiiO' oh fii) €X«' Trapaa-xeirOaL cTvveiiKa<; ; whereas the orifjinal agreement disappeared and the other was never wiitten, how can he justly go to law with me, whc7i (or if) he cannot bring forward any agreement against me ? Id. xxxiii. 30. So Soph. 0. T. 817, 1335, O. C. 1680, Ant. 696, Ph. 178, 255 ; Ak. Kan. 1459 ; Hdt. i. 71 (roio-t y€ /x/; iiTTL MSev); Thuc. iv. 126 {ot yc pijSk . , . i>€T€). The potential imperfect occurs in Ant. v. 66, (ii) roivvv €/xot i'ci'/x>/t€ to dTTopov rovro, h (J /xvyS' av avrol €V7rop€lr€, do not then bring upon me this perplexity, in which you yourselves icould not kyiow tchat to do (lialf causal, half conditional). 581. In the last examples with /oj, the causal and the conditional forces are united, but in En<^lish we can express only one of them. Thus (0 pi'iT€ 0€ol TrarpiocH ciVi, Upsides its causal force, implies a con- dition'; so that we mi-ht translate ecpially well if {as it appears) you have 710 anastral Gods, you are wretched. The same condnnation of cause and condition is seen in the Latin siquidem, CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ware OR w? AND WITH €(f>' (o Oil 6} cVrtv. But here the use of a finite verb compels the writer to make his expres- sion more definite than it was before ; for, whereas oxttc Trcw-at and oxTTc Uavy) €ivaL meant oidy (so) as to persuade and (50) as to he able, without limiting the expressions to past, present, or future time, he cannot use a tense of the indicative without fixing its time, that is, without making a definite statement. So long'^as the infinitive has no subject and can be translated by our'' simple infinitive (as above), we can generally express its force without putting into our translation more than we find in the Greek ; the formal distinction between so skilful as to persuade and so skilful that he persmules being apparent even when we mean substantially the same by both. When the clause with <5(rT€ is negative, a marked distinction appears in Greek to show the diff'erent point of view taken in the two expressions, and we have C^T^ p) ttciVcxi and oxttc o^ tt^IOu. This is of course lost in English with our single negative. But when the infinitive has a subject, it must be translated by a finite verb in some definite tense, number, and person, that is, by a statement and not by a mere expression of tendency, although the force of the infinitive in Greek is the same as before. Thus we generally translate o-xoAaCcis, (So-T€ eavfxd.C€Lv €>€ (Eur. Hec. 730), you delay, so that I am astonished, as if it were coo-tc Oavfid^ia lyto, simply because we cannot use our infinitive with a subject expressed. If, how- ever, we substitute an equivalent form which avoids this diffi- culty, like so as to astonish me, we see that there is really no such definite character in ^rre Oav^dCtiv l^ik as we impose upon it, and that it no more expresses a statement than wo-tc ere Treio-at (above) does. The same difficulty of translating the Greek infinitive Avith its subject has done much to obscure the force of the tenses of the articular infinitive and of the infinitive with av. (See also GO 3.) In many uses of the infinitive with (Vt€ it is not even inferred that the result tow\ards which the infinitive exj)resses a tendency is actually reached. Thus, in clauses with CuTTf. expressing a purpose or a condition, and where the infinitive is generally used without i^nTTt., we cannot substitute the indicative for the infinitive (see the examples under 587, 2 and 3, and 588).^ 1 Slullcto (in the Appendix to his eilition of Demosthenes dc Falsa Legafione) thus ilhistrates the ilistini'tion between ibare ovk ejiovXcTo and uxTre mj? ^ovXe- aOai. '* The difference seems simply to be this : oirrws A(ppu}v 7jv ware ovk €^ov\€To, he ^vas so foolish that he did vot wUh (expressive of the real result or consequence) ; oitws A(f>p(x}v ffv wo-re fxi] ^ovXcadai, he was so foolish as not to \cish (expressive of the natural conseiiuence). . . . Now it is obvious that an energetic speaker, wishing to express that the result (was not only of a 687] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH codTG 223 585. In Homer <5o-t€ (or rather ws tc) is found, with two exceptions (589), only in the sense of as, like ^ir^p. See its use in similes, as m re Xcco. lx<^pn, H- iii- 23. The re hexe is like that commonly added to relatives in Homer (as in os re) and to €7r€6 in Herodotus. The Attic poets are the first to use axrrc freely with the infinitive. In Sophocles we first find cl^rrc with the finite moods ; this seems to have arisen from a desire to express definitely the accomplishment of the result, which the infinitive expressed only by inference. 586. '12?, originally of the same meaning with w? t€, was seldom used in consecutive sentences except in certain authors. (See C08.) "^crre WITH THE INFINITIVE. 587. "Hcrre with the infinitive, with a demonstrative expressed or implied, means so as ; but when the infinitive has a subject which must be expressed in English, we are generally obliged to translate the particle with its antecedent by so that The expression properly means only that one action or state is of such a nature as to be followed by another as a consequence, but it is often implied also, apart from the words, that the second action or state actually does follow. 1. The consequence may be simply a result which a previous act tends to produce. E.g. 'AfjLibl 8€ kvkXovvto vCicrav in^aov, wctt' a/i7;x« vciv oTTOt rpaTTOivro, and they encircled the whole island, so that they (the Persians) knew not whither to turn (i.e. so as to perplex the Persians, etc.) Aesch. Pers. 457. Td(rov5€ LLLiT€iv &iTT€ T7>' SUijV TTaTctv, fo hatc SO violcjithj as to trample on jmti^e. Soph. Aj. 1335 ; so 1325. Tv 8k o-xoAaf^t?, oicrre Oav- IxdUiv €>€, hut you delay, so that I am astonished (see 584) LuR. Hec. 730 Hai^ra? ovTio SiaTtOeh aTrcTrc/xTTCTO wcrrc avno /xaAAov cfnXovs dvai, 1) T(5 /Sao-iAct. XeN. An. i. 1, 5. Ai'O-KoXia Kal /xav^a ttoAWs ci5 T^y Siavotav efiTTLTTTOviTii' oiVw? wo-TC Kid ras eVto-T'v/xa? eK'/^aA- Actv Id Mem. iii. 12, 6. ''Hi/ 7rc7rat8cv/i€i'os '^x^iv dpKovvra, he had been so educated as very easily to have enough, although he possessed very little. lb. 1. 2, 1.^ ^vvat 5€ 6 Ki>? Xcycrat c/>tAoT»/iOTaT09, wcttc Trdvra fxev irovov avarKi)- vai Trdvra Sk k[v8vvov vTrofi^lvat. Id. Cyr. i. 2, 1. Att^XPV 7«P Slv TOi? yvioadeicTLV epfiheiv, cScttc firfiefiUv rjfuv elvat irpos tovtov Tinture to follow, but) actually did follow, would employ the indicatvve: whereas in ordinary and uninipassioned language thi^ mfinitive would imply all that was uecessary, the natural consequence supposing the rcac. 224 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [588 Staiopav, for we should he content to abide hy the decision so as to have no cnrc o-au€Vovs crt-vcX^crv cs ra^rro.. IsOC. iv 43 So v. 42.^ ^c rV^ov, of such a nature as to flow. Plat. bymp. 1 s Oavecvjor sh^ll suffer nothinr, so terrible as to prevent me from dying gloriously. Soph. Ant. 96. (For ^ ov see 815, 2.) 2. The consequence may have the form of a stipulation, condition, or limitation. E.g. no.or..Tat <)f.oXoyUv7rpo, Uc^x^ra, Coare AO.^va.oc, ^^;^»'- f^^^^ XeLu .epl tL Mvra>;.a.'.., they make a treaty ^nthPaches^ to the eZ L^ the Athenians shall be pe^^itted, etc. Thuc ni. 28. Wt./ tl, a Voi\ cScTTC p; a8cK>>at, /tarinf, rmomi f/t.'r.i on condition of Znlh^noharnS\\n^. So i. 29, vii. 83. So Id. in. 11 4 ^^^a- tor, f,t «Wr i^mrer to rule the rest of the Greeks, on condition tUt they should themselves serve the King. Dem. vi. 11. 3. The consequence may be aimed at as a purj>ose, the con- secutive clause becoming also final. E.g. IIu.TTo.oiW, (ScTTC BUrivM 8 cSov a I, they do everything msuch a way as not to suffer punishment, i.e. that they may not suffer. Plat Gor/479 C. (Here cva ^ ^vith the subjunctive mi^ht be used, but ^:4m expresi only tl/jna^^ element.) Jf^^^y^^^^^ J;^;^ ^^cSu^HTaaOac, (Wrc elvac crc/>.Vt Kara^f^vyyv et 8e.;crcu, they wished fappropriat: Ekusis, so that they might hare a refuge if they shoMn.^ it XEN^^eU. ii. 4, 8. M>;x«val .oAAa. ^^V^lVvT aJ 39 i ^cl^arov, tlwe are many devices for escaping death ^ ^-\T. Ap. 3J A. (Here we nii^ht have 5ro.. hia^.v^elra n,.) ^hjx-^ay vP^rropp ir? c^T^ ^a^ crc rrorS' drraWa^ai ttovcov, tr« mil pid devices to free you, etc. ( = 0770)9 o-€ clTraXAa^V^i'). AesCH. Euni. 82. 588 The infinitive Avith c'^rc sometimes follows verbs of wisMng, commanding, etc., which regularly takes a sunple mfini ive of the object (746), less frequently verbs which take an infinitive of the subject (745) ; and sometimes adjectives and nouns which re-ularly take the simple infinitive (758). E.g. Kv^ni, yap i'lOeX (ocrrc ylyv.^Oai rdS., for the Cmman Goddess uM this I he done, i.e. had (such) a wish {as) that thu sho^dd he done. Eur Hipp 1327. AtKauov oicrr' Ipod kAvciv Xoyms, ashmj that he tvolxmcl^hould hear my words {to the effect thathe^ should hear). Soph. O C 1350 Tovs o-rpaTi^yohs nZv ttoAcwv c8i6ao-KCV oxttc 6orTa XpWra aMv xcZcrat, he instructed him to gije momy and persuade ZgeneraU. Thuc. viii. 45. T^ /xcv SiT-vacr^at, c5 <^ai6p., c^crrc 5891 CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH cjare 225 o.yiovi(rTyjv reXeov y€V€(r6aL, the ability to become a finished disjmter (i.e. having such power as to become). Plat. Phaedr. 269 D. 'EA^ovres TT^o? avTOVS TriiOoxxrw w(rT€ /mctoi aff)C)v'' Apyet €7r iXCiprfCraL. Thuc. iii. 102. (In the same chapter, ireiOit 'AKapvavas /SoyiOijO-ai Nav- TTaKTO).) "KTrenrav Toi'S 'AOtjyaioVi oicrTe i^ayay€LV €K IlfAov M€(r(Ti]ViOv/i5tws ya/i Ktv kul cV ly/xari epytur- (j-ato, ws TC (T€ Kck (=Kat eh) €viavTov €X€t»' f^ai depyov lovTa, i.e. so as to have enough for a year^ even ivithout working. 590. {Tenses.) The tenses of the infinitive most frequently used with oxttc are the present and aorist, with their usual distinction (87). See the examples above. The perfect is sometimes used to express completion or decisiveness of the action (109 ; 110). E.f/. XcojOtI (tTTU I'OO-Ol' Ppo-X^^ Tt A€Awj(r^ai, i.e. v:e have recovered a little, so as to have inrreasni. Thuc. vi. 12. Anyun' kul /i^orAer/iuToji' Kinvmov av at TTOLolvTO, oum fiifii fV o-e XtXijOii'aL mv jiocXofuda ci'^cmi, so that not a single one of the things ice wish to know should have tscajml yon. Xen. Cyr. vi. 1, 40. TotaPra TroXiTtr/iaTa eXitrOai (c/xoi vni^jp^ti) isi(TT€ 7roAAaKi9 €irT€irOai, kul /xjySc toj\ ixOpov^i tTTix^i-piiv Aeyetr, k.t.A., so as often to have been crowned (perfect), and so as not even to have my enemies undertake (present) to say, etc. Dem. xviii. 257. See Id. xxiii. 68 ; Lys. xxxii. 27 ; Isoc. iii. 32, iv. 45 ; Isae. x. I ; and the examples (pioted in 109 and 110. 591. 1. The future infinitive with (oo-tc is common only when it depends on an infinitive in indirect discourse and repri-st-nts a future indicative of the direct form ; so €t« tovt dvaiSeLWi arroi' i'j^iiv aKoi'o>, iiHTTC AaKeSmpoi'uov KaTijyopii] K(4tp;> rd Trpdypara vvVy . . . tuo-TC G)jf3aLOLv (Scttc vpdi dv dKoviravra^ iXeyirai, such as would maU^ you pitu me if you should hear them. Dem. l. 50. 'A7roA7^c/)6/€VTo?, tocrTc a^ dv SvvacrOaL tTraveXOelv o^KaSe, so that he would not be able to return. Id. viii. 35. See also the examples under 211, and the cases of indirect discourse with ^re dv under 594. (The translation of the infinitive here is necessarily inexact. See 584.) 593 Herodotus often writes ovno IIhtt^ together, oi'Vo) referring to the whole leading sentence, and not (as it generally does) to a single word or exi»ression. E.g. , ^ .v e . *A7r€(S,,>; .'s T€7€,/r, Ta? plv vvktu, iropevoptvo,, tu? Se lyupa, TaS.'.'cur cs vA>,.', oiVco coare rpirg c^povy yeveaOa. ev Uyey, KttTttC heescaiH^d to T,yea, tmvMi „;, b„ nujht ami hulm.j m the vm,hhj 'fay, (in mch wis,') as on the third night to arrive at Tcjea. Udt. ix. 37. bo iiL 105, viii. 27, ix. 01, 73. For the suuc usage before a finite veil), see 601 (en. O-c- xix. 152. KtVa. a troAAoJs aXKovi (hc. <>,), ow /3«uAc«-<^a. ko.vo,- V€lv rm- o-....Ta;ic.«5, £o-« ovrc x/"//'"™" ""^' p6vyj o>ar€ et fii^ yo- XaaBdvetv roh 'IvSois T7> 68oG cv' , - . - TykiKavTip' iiyelirOat 7T6\iv oUetv to peyeOo^, ioirre pijS av otlovv ,) 8€tvov TT^lireiTdai. Dem. ix. 67. "^ipiiv ourtos lpavijs ^ivat rots iXatovevop,^voi, TrokquZv, ^r, ^^kv dv ttotc ya'^o-^at Trto^ro. t; tot€ 7ro/)po> t>> lyAiKm? i^v (oo-r, €t Kai m. TOTC, ovK dv TToWio viTT€pov TC Ac vrf/o-a t Toi' fSiov, Id him reflect that he (Socrates) was then already so far advanced in life that^ he would have ended hU days not much later, Qic. (i.e. ovk av ttgAAo) virrepov heXevTiio-ev). Xen. Mem. iv. 8, 1. (Seume classes this with the cases in 597 2 because of ov TroAAto. But the infinitive depends directly on a clause with on in indirect discourse.) So in Aristot. Pol. ii. 9, 17: Xeyoixn J>s /xcTc8t6oo-av n)^ 7roAtT€ia«, wa-T ov ytvea-dai totc Tvv okiyavOptoTTiav. 2. Sometimes ov is found with ('.xttc and the infinitive when the negative belongs to a single word, as in oi- ttoAAqi for oAiyoi. See Isoc. viii. 107 : oi'Tw KaKM^ TrpoviTTiforav Tvn' Trpay/xaTwi/ ioird ly/xa? ov TToXkok €T€trLV viTT€pov TTttAii' €Vi7roAdcrat. So Isae. ix. 17. 698. In a few cases, however, (^tc or is found with the infinitive where none of the preceding explanations (594 ; 597) will apply. Such are the foUowing :— _ ,, , , , . ,. ,.^ ,^ x> . "fio-T OVTC VVKTO's iVl'Ol' Ol'T €^ >//XCpa? €/i€ TEMrODAT, SEXTENCES (602 K T X • «r« ./L m semdess thU you expect, etcJ Dem ... 26. (Here <-' Jh ^204 p.dXurTapu.at ; ,f one shoud court your mfe so as to mahe her more fond of himself than of yoic etc. Xen Cvr. v. 5, 30 (two Mss. have Troo/o-cti). So v. 3 4- (cto-oiro).^ ht CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH &(TT€ _ ^.^•iT^TT./^TTmTir-c nr A TTCT?CI WTTTT MfTTfi 231 u^i' T<^ )r t/'rx^V'. '^'•'^ «^ (y>^'Ar/iov cr^ ; LI. Oec. i. 13. KaraycAacrrore^o. d,.. ^el, .h rocrorro. fu. po^|.vxia, €A6>oiyx€i', <;ia-T€ ra Trpoo-Tay/mra roiVoii/ vro/xct vat/x€ v (so Loci. Urb. ; other Mss. iVo/xcu'at). Isoc. vi. 84. 605. A few cases occur of / \ \ ^ "^ ;;> 'KAo7.?o,.TO Si Kal TO liriTiKoi; is to /le./ aiTiTraAo.' ™A.j, to 6e £,TTC o.'K>/K,,«'TT'Kr.. o.V. /../8co. c?,, a.^cx^.u. Xen. Hell. .... 5, 23. SeealsoIsoc.xvii.il. 606. As the ros..lar nosative of the infi.iitive after &tt€ is p^ so that of the i.idicative a.id potential optative is ov. I.. Dem. x.x. Zlti wc have i/.to., .lo-TC ,./,Tt/ elac&i,v o-T^,.£" yvvalKu K.ivo, avTi crou • xAdll not do n-haterer he does, he too ref,ms to do anylhny {v.e.ov6u^ o."t.,w Jyv.'./t«..' *VtV &rTC o.' v AkL o-K^aTftxi Sic, 6«< / see things have come to ths, that u-e niusl iS^Tt h€l) consider how m way not ourselves suffer harm first. Id. m. 1 'EiTiSMio 'A6Spa pihil>ls so hates him, that he would much somier have ordered inhts v^ilitluU »«, one of his relatives should ever simk to Clem tlum h^ve mlopted his son as his oxen (ttoAJ. 5.' 6»«tto.' 8«^.to). T«'*''- «• 1«- Other examples are [Dem.] Erot. 3 ; Isoc. iv. 64 ; Plat. Kep. 519 A. (J) In two cases there is a like assiniilati.,n to a participle not in indirect discourse : — 232 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [608 ^Ilo.TO.. AND. iv. 20. 2vn^-/^')'' ^X"-- V' irpocA,,X..e«.s- «, ToGro Lr. i-o r5. .>at^o^ So^a-v .■./Jp.a^a,, ov 8wa^. Kara- o-veti', K.T.A. Dem. xlv. 83. , . The last examples seem to show that clauses with <«tt. can be assimilated to a preceding participle as «^ have 7" ^hem ^umlat^l to an optative (604). Compare with tins construcfon Isoc. iv 21 5? m^xovirav, S^ov r^tv ,>cTcp«. Iv TOK K..8t..o« Tot. .aTU ^uAttTTav 8La(f>€pov(Tav. 'nvy6vT€,' «I>? s OpaavveaeacfMaXkov. fSporuoy afua, Ks cTT^pyct. ./xc. Id. Ant 292. So Tr 1125. OvK k rovro ac/>^oo-.V>;s' arriKo/xeio? u>s Sofat ti/i' ^cuTou 8rm/xt. Trc/otcVccr^ac t.> /^ao-tAco. Hl>T. iii. 146. Y^,,Ao. S^oiVcuS.irt A.Vrat,"^^ <*^'^«^ «^'X «"* ^« c t vat ,8€cr(^«t, «n.i it {the mountain) is s^dd to l^ so high, that it u not pos^hle to see its summits. Id. iv. 184. 'O Trora/xos roaovro, to M^^^ ^\M^ ra Sopxra v^rep^x^LV roG ^a^ois. Xen. An. iii. 5, .. ^;> "• 3» 1^. 4>€poi'rat K(o6?coi'a, t!>s Jtt^ tov ttotu/xou apro-acr^ai. Id Cyr. l. ^, ». 'EvrtG dcrc/>aA€r ./S,; cVopu, is p/So' av in kukov ^ra^civ. lb. vi.l. 7 27' See iv. 2, 8. Ovtco yap SoKovpev Trapeo-KCi-ao-^ai w?, 7/v ftev u'L^i.'>,TC, [K-avol .Ivac {>pa, eZ iroulv .> 8^ c^arararc, orro, .oa'?oJ. €X€t. cJs ovx W^^ ^V ^V^'^ cVccr^^at, aAAa paWov vpa, d Lr. yev.io-co-^at. lb. iv. 2, 13. (lu the la.t clauses Me have .^s in in.lirect discourse, like uxrre in 594, the direct iorm Wiug oi'x W^'^^ eaopeOa, cIAAa pdWov Ipds ycrZ/o-ccr^c. Most Mss., however, have y€i€(TOaL.) ^ ^ ^ , (With Indie.) Upls tJ8' to 5 ^o.V(ov /i€V ao-rr rr^v K^vavSpiai' o-T€i'£t. Aesch. Pers. 730. Orrcus ^xct y v ^^^''^'^^ *^^ ^" ./^^^ ^';7"; €V'€(rTi, 7r€i>^ 8' ov 7rpoa-(o/xtA>/(rtt 7ra>, .w «fam?.' 7/«j/ cou^fidence, that belief i^ in it, while I have had nothing to do yet with testing tt. Soph. 610] CONSECUTIVE CLAUSES WITH ft)?, €<^' w, €/o-ct (OS Trctvi/o-as T(2v >y8i(rT(ov (Titliov rev^erat. lb. vii. 5, 81. So Hell. iv. 4, 16. 609. Besides the authors above mentioned, Euripides has one example of J>s with the infinitive like (oare, Cycl. 647 ; Thucydides one, vii. 34 ; and Plato one. Rep. 365 D. We have 10? with the indicative in Plat. Men. 71 A ; and with the participle in Xen. Cyr. vii. 5, 46, and Plat. Tim. 56 C ((I19 here having both the participle and the infinitive). For ws with the infinitive after the comparative and y, see 764. 'E to AND e' ^ and €' toTc, on condition that, for the 'purpose of, take the infinitive, like iadrc in some of its senses. E.g. EtVci/ oTt (nr€L(ra(TOa,. PovXoiTo, €>' (J /x/Jtc at-Tos^ Toi s^ "EAA^/ias^ dSiKilv p/]T€ Uelvois KaUiv T.U orK-ms, XapftaveLV tc raTnrifi^ni oaniv Skou'TO. Xen. An. iv. 4, 6. Hw? av ovtos kOkXoi rk dXXorpia dTToa-Tepelv €>* w KaK6So^os dvai ; Id. Ag. iv. 1. ' k^l^Upkv (re, cVl ToiVto pkvToi,k' (5t€ /x7;k£Ti (^ I Aoct o (/>€ u', on condition that you nnll no longer be a philosopher. Plat. Ap. 29 C. AlpeOivTis € ^T€ ^vyypd^ai vopois, KaO' oitrraa? 7roXiT€V(ToivToJor the purpose of compiling laws. Xen. Hell. ii. 3, 11. (For TroAfTcArou'ro^see 574.) AtiopoXoyiierj avTio dTroaraXiiaecTOaL 'A^v/mfe toG cVtai-Toi- €KiUTToy p,vds etVoo-i, £//tr€tv to?? 'A/xc/jtyo-ewti^. Aeschin. ni. 114. (For the future infinitive, see 113.) 2. Herodotus and Thucydides sometimes have ct/)' «o or €' tore, on condition that, with the future indicative. E.g. ^ ^ ^ 'Eirl toi'tco si v7r€^L(rrapat t^? dpx^]S, c>' o^re vir' oi'Sci'o? vpoov (Ip^opai, I withdraw npon this condition, that I shall he riikd by none of you. Hdt. iii. 83. TouTottrt 8* &v iriavvos kow KaTrJyayc, c v^tc 01 aTToyovoi avTOV Lpod.vTaL tmv 6h7>v ka-ovTai. Id. vii. 153. Kai Tvi' BottuTmi^ k^kXiTTov \WijvaloL Trao-av, (tttovS^s Troii^irap^voL €^ tu TOis avSpas Kopiovvrai, Thuc. i. 113. Svvkft'>](ravk4> <^r€ cji- atriv €K n€Ao7rovi'7/a-ou v7roo-7roi'8ot Kal pi^Skiror^ kTriPiprovrat tti'Tv'jv, f/t^y 7/H«?e a/t agreement with the condition that theij should ^ depart from Peloponnesus under truce, and never again set foot in it. Id. 1. 103. 234 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES t6U Temporal Particles si^ifying Until and Before. A. "Eo)?,' opa, ek o OR eiVo/ce, eo-re, axpi; M«XP*' UNTIL. 611 All of these wor.ls are used also in the sense of ^l•llil,■, so long 'as, and have the constnictions of ordinary relative clauses (514) In common «ilh (him, ihmn, and qiiwd m I.atni an.l wWe or wldkB in Elizabethan English,'^ they mean not only dnm,g the time when, but also vp to Hie time when. As relatives m the former sense they can have an antecedent like nun, so long, tun etc. meaning as ; in the latter sense they can have one like uiw -oirov, down to that time, hn etc. supplementing this by at which or tvhen. The idea of a clause with uM is that the action (or negation) of the leading clause continues to a time at which that of the dependent clause takes place. That the former action then ceases is an inference generally made, but not posi- tively implied in the language, and not necessary. Our word until thus includes what tlie Greek may express by p(XP<- t""™" eculiar character, with the construction of a relative clause with a definite antecedent (510). But when it refers to the future, it becomes a con- ditional relative clause, and ^«xo?/«' ?w a.- "> -n-.'-At.' a«., 1 shall (continue to) light to the. lime at which I shaU take the cit,j has the con.litional force which com<-s from the indehnite antecedent ; for even if ,uxi». rorro.. were inserted here, it would ( enote no definite period^ but only one limited or wnditioned by the future capture of the city. The actual apodosis to the condition is not JvoPa,.. alone, but rather the whole implied idea, I shall jo on fiahting to the future time, the limit of which is set by e...; av ',L It has Ix-en seen (48G ; 490) that ordinary conditional clauses may condition not their expressed leading clause, but one which the context implies ; as ^rppaxlav iroior/ur, .;•■ «« «/• ,',«a.- r.,, we are making an alliam-e, (to be ready) m case, umj one shall allark vs. Again, a conditional clause may refer to an object which is aimed at in the action of the leading verb ; as ILiTooKAor I./KX-. iVxo.s-, cr Kc'.. ,tt. aj,5, turn yourh.rses on 1 ., xf havh, you man ''"^'^ '"'". '-e- "'"' :'/"« '""V '"'•'' '"■'"' '/ '"'/'/' ,2""' "''7 (487, 1). In like manner a conditional relative clause with nntd is 1 In Homer, where the form Im would scUlom suit the verse, uuf or eht is commonly wiituii. , ,, , •-■ "He shall ooucoal it whilr, (= ,,„(,/) you are W|lhn^. it s ,.11 come o note.- Shakes^-are, Turl/lh Xi.jM, iv. 3. See Abl>ott . A/» r. 111. •', **. ^^ j 1 , j'\„^ ■",! . ' ' ,.. „ Tia vvv 2fi McVOl TOtJTOU tpiAOS ^muLiittro 4'w? TfiovSioKev'OXvveov. Dkm. xviii. 48. I^; the la..t two exampUs x,ot.,,o.. and pixi- --- «« antecedents of «ws, nntil, as rews- often corresponds to «us-, xelnle. 2 When a clause with eo)?, vnlil, refers to a result which was not attained in past time iu conse.iueiice of the ,,011-fuHiliiie.it of a condition, it takes a past tense of the indicative, like a c.uiditional relative clause in a similar case (528). /:..'/. , , •U5iun «.- to.'t'' 'A/W««"OY71. Su>Ka /»>.... ivrl T.>- To.l Z/iOov, I .should gladhj hue eontmued to talk uilh ill, nntil I had ,.,id hun lark Arn^^Ms speech^ ^H return fa, Zethu.'s. 1>.,AT. Gorg. 50C B. Ovk av .r.n.,^., o.n ;'-'J"^"J;'; T.ls- o-oJ,ms T«.Tv.rt. Id. Crat. 39C C. hirurx'o^ «>■, ..09 oc^ ^K.urroc ,;.„„/,/ k«^r nJed until mo.t of the nyular spa,ker. h.) 3 When a clause witli e«9 refers to the future, and depends on a verb of future time (not an optative) ?m has a'/ or Ki ami the subjunctive, like a con.litional relative clause (.^29). E.y. 236 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [613 Max'/o-o/xat avOi fieviov, ctV k€ tcXos TroAc/xoto k t x « t'*^ » / «^«'^ remain here and fight, until I (.s/ia//) find an end ojf the war. II. iii. 291. So xxiv. 183. "Ew? 8' av ovv Trpis tov TrapoiTo^ €Kfia6r)^, €X iXrriSa, until you learn the \chole from him who was 'present, continue to hope. Soph. 0. T. 834. So Ar. Nub. 1489. Mc'x^i yap toiVov vofil^io Xpr]vai Kaniyopdv, cw? av Bavdrov So^j; tCo €vyoiTi d^ia elpyaaOaL, for so far do I think I onyht to proceed in my accusation, until it shall appear that deeds deserving death have been done by the defendant. Ly8. xii. 37. Act p/ irepinkveiv €w« av iTrnTTMO-tv, %ce nnist not wait until they are iipon us. Isoc. iv. 165. Ovk dvap-kvofuv tm av >y i)p€T(pa Xw/oa KaKwrai, ice are not waiting until our land shall be ravaged (i.e. until the ravaging shall be going on). Xen. Cyr. iii. 3, 18. The j.resent subjunctive is rare ; but wlien it is neeclea, it is unobjectionable: see Thuc. i. 90 (quoted in 614, 1). 4. When a clause with ea)9 refers to the future and depends on an optative with civ, it generally has the optative (without av) by assimilation, like a conditional relative clause (531). U.y. El 8€ Trdvv (TTTorSafoi cf>ay€lv, ciVot/x' av on irapa rais yvmiJiV ia-nv, €V TrapaT€ivai^iL tovtov, hut if he should be very eager to eat, I should ttll him that his dinner is with the women, until I put him to torture. Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 11. Kat to fxlv av i^aX€ioi€v, to 8c Trdkiv lyypdiPoiev, ccoi oTt /xaAto-Ta dvOpioTriLa i)6ii OiOfjuX?! Troiyicrnav , and they would blot out one thing and again put in another, until they made human characters as pleasing as possible to God. Plat. Rej). 501 B. *12o-aiVo>s^ ai' 8t8oiV (^o7"»')> ^'^^^ ^'^^ '^^ Uaviv tXOoi^, Id. Phaed. 101 D. So after an infinitive depenpayap dv Kara aarv TroTLTTTva-a-oifuOa pvOio Xpi]paT uTraiTtfovTcs', cws k diro TraiTu 806(1^1. In Plat. Pliaed. 101 D, em dv aKixfaio ivprei^ents em dv aK€\fiopai of direct discourse (see 702). The optative with cW is most common after past tenses, in the construction of 614. 5. AVhen tlie clause introduced by ea>9, initll, depends upon a verb denoting a cnHfowan/ or repeated aetion or a general truth, and refers in a general way to any act or acts of a given class, it takes av and the subjunctive after primary tenses, and the simple optative after secondary tenses. (See 532.) E.ii. "A 8* av dcrvvraKTa y, dvdyKif ravra del irpdypara irapexeiv, €a>s dv xwpav Xdfhj, they must aln'ttus make trouble until they are put in order. Xen. Cyr.' iv. 5, 37. iUioZpev ravO" Uda-ToO*, ctos dv avrov iplSaXiopev l<; kukoi', we always treat him thus, until we cast him into 614] CLAUSES WITH e&)9, ETC., until 237 trouble. All. Nub. 1458. Uepupevopev ovv cKao-TOTC, ceo? dvoLxOelr^ TO S€(rpioT7fptov, we waited every day until the prison was opened. Plat. Phaed. 59 D. 614. (Final use of cw?.) 1. It will be seen by the examples under 613 (see the first under 3 and the first three under 4) that the clause with cws very often implies a purpose, the attain- ment of which is aimed at or expected. AYhen such a clause, implying a purpose which would originally be expressed by a sub- junctive, depends on a past tense, it generally takes the optative ; but the subjunctive also may be used, to retain the mood in which the purpose would be originally conceived, as in final clauses (318). E.g. Ov8' €tA>; 7rvXaKi]V koI purOov tol^ (f)povpoiaxrtv to the aorist dpoxnv, whicli with em would mean until they should get tlie wall high enough, the former l)eing les.s definite and exact in its time, and therefore more ai)propriate here.) For the intermediate form of em dv with the optative in such sentences, see Soph. Tr. 687, And. i. 81, Isoc. xvii. 15 (in 702). 2. In five i)assa«;es in the Odyssey em with the optative after a past tense has an unusually strong final force, so that it appears almost like a final particle. Il€/X7r€ 8€ piv Trpo^ 8(o/xaT 'OSinrmio^, euo^ IIr;v€Ao7r€iav obvpopevijv yooaxrav iravcreie KXavOpolo, she sent her to the house of Ulysses, {(0 the etid) that she might cause Penelope to cease her larnenting. iv. 799. 'ilpcre 8' €771 KpatTTviv Bo^o/v TTpo 8e KvpoT ea^ev, €0)S o ye ^^aujKeacri it>LXy)peTpoLaL piyeir), and she roused sxmft Boreas and broke the waves before him, that Ulysses might come to the oar-loving Phaeacians. v. 385. MoxXov i^o (nro8ov r}Xao-a ttoXX?^^, ct'cus OepiiaU'OiTO, I pushed the club under the deep ashes, that it might be heated {to remain until it should be heated), ix. 375. So 8o>Kev 4'Aatov, eiuis x^"^'^^"''^^^ ""''' "'^ ' ^^^ dp(i)pevopa,J,s,ana o..s became final particles (312-314), but did not complete the change. ^ 615. ("O^pa.) In epic poetry 6cf>pa, until, is used like €0>s. until he had lain trcelve. IL x. 488. 'Hpx' //^^^ /-^^ a.KorTO Kara arpaTov, y luv avioyei. 11. xiil. ^-J. "iti', v-/ r^ / Tk-i^To Od V. 57. (See 613, 1.) , , . ., ^ M«« IninJ you honey-s^eet ,™.. II. vi. 258. f"*'"' « '^ Jr^ TW.;. n. i. 50!». So U. XV. 232. (See 613 3.) ^ „?Tt5, / c7«n<, ^m^Mbj, until .he (Charyb.l.s) sAouid vomit /ortk "i' with the suhjunclive. E.g. L ae,, .;.# i^/VSr,,, ««,iu-e K-;« «.oor them Jar out hy .t^.es, uM ,Hnne ni^ht Lll come. II. xiv. 77. In II. xv 70 we have «, o k ■Axa'ol "lAioi' ,kov€v, depending on an oi>tative with av (613, 4 , Olro, 8c J.vko,Vtc€ tc Kal Xoyo. €?x€ ov8a'a, es « aa/i. T.^. S.'k>;., ?m« /te ^.W...v^.^ «n^ ;>«u? ^^o attrition to me, nntil hej^thu TO. Kara..co,.rt /JacrtX^a crc^.Vc ca-a. Id. i 98. ho i. If ' 20-; - 02 ; vi. 75. 'A.erxo. rf;, c^.^c^jo. o.6c. .Aa^.o. c. ov 8, A.;^^ avevp.. Id. i. 07. (Many editors chan-e .. oi- to c. o.) In n. U3 us «5 ci7^.8cAt. a7r<;//o,r). 617 CEo-Tc.) "Ecrrc, vnfil, is not found in Homer, but is used hkeem in tragccly, in Attic prose (especially in Xenophon), and in Herodotus. E.g. ^ V,Act!2Ao.K.l'Kur/x' c^aA.c. Soph. Ant.415: .oEl. 753 ; Aesch. they marched amnj mthout stoppinn, until they came to the tent.. Xen. Cvr. vii. 5, 6 ; so An. iii. 4, 49. . . , x i ' Ti> 7ra/>oiVa,' cirrAv^rco Ti'x>/»S ^'^-^ av Acus />o.,y/ia Aa>c/»,cr|; 620] CLAUSES WITH ea)9, ETC., tm^i/ 239 voAov. Aesch. Prom. 375; so 697. "HOoyyov etvat toi^ TraAa/xmiov roues cVr a. o-c^ayal KaOacf^d^oyac, it is «/.. iai. that the murderer shall h syecchless until streams of blood have been poured upon hiuLld. Emn. 448. Avrod rySe iiei^opevJcrT av Kal reXevTiicrwfiev. HDT. vii 141. ll€pui€V€T€ l(TT av cyto cA^w. Xen. An. v. 1, 4. ''ETTt/xca'at KcA€iW.TC5 cVt€ ^ovAcro-atvTo, c^rovro, 6.(f(?ti»^ to; trait until they had consulted, they made sacrifice. Id. An. v. 5, 2. ( i^irr av /iovAciVoivrat might have been retained from the direct form, as in the next example.) 'ATrcKpa'aro i-AaTT€a/ avra, ccrr ai. auros UOiov kaPi] TO. 8wpa, until he should come and take the yxfts. id. Hell, iii. 1, 15. So An. vii. 1, 33 ; Hdt. viii 4. ^ H)7roT€ topa €0; Jptarois avkii^v^v arrois €o-tc €p^>ayoL€V rt, u>9 /xi; povXifuwev, he always icaited until they Imd eaten sumethiny. Xen. Cyr. viii. I, 44. 618. ("AxP^ and /xc'xp^.) "Axp^ and p^xph ^fh are used like 4V, bnt chietty in inose and in later Greek. Ejj. Kal radra enoiovv /xc'xpt rAa^. KcAcrcc. rots k./P^ku. ,r.ptpc.c^. aXP^ "^ ^XoAacrj; /o .mti mihZ Ar should find leisure. lb. ii. 3, 2. Mcxpt Se rorro .8o>/.€., peveop.v Trap vU' avToiai, but until we see this, we shall remain by oicrselves. Hdt. iv. 119 (for the omission of av see 620). Herodotus prefers the form with of (619). , ti i- 'AXf». i-s nnich less common in this sense than /x€x/>«. l''c lorms axpis and j««'xP'S are not used hy the hest writers. 619. "AxP' of and iiixP^ "5 W" "'^'^*' I'H'' "''/" •''",'' /'^XC'- -^-S- T.3. « Tafra ,rK«'T-S «X^" "^ "«',« ^f 7°, '7,>ai and avpt ov TcAci'Tvio-v/, Id. i. 117. - • ^i i T,ff„i The only case in Homer of this omission of kc or av is the doubtful one, Ixet koto. opa reXcorory, II. i. 82, where o^pa may perhaps be final. (See 468.) . ^ . For TT/^tV without a^' with the subjunctive, even in Attic prose, see 648. B. HpiV, BEFORE, UNTIL} Meaning and General Use of irpiv. 621 UoLv was originally a comparative adverb ( - 7rp6r€pou and vripo.), formed from 7rp6 and meaning bejore. It api>ears in the usual adverbial relations ; as Trplv poc t^ccrxcro, he once promised me; irplv ^v, hiving been of old ; Iv tc;) irpiv xpo.o> i/t tue Lmer time ; and it once takes the genitive like a preposition in PiND. Py. iv. 43, ^ph ^pa,, befm its time With the mfinitiv;e it orioral participle may generally be substituted for rp. and the in- finitive. Thus, in vau SI U^iSacov Trph .XOuv xnas Ax«'^;;> ^^^ xiii 17-> tor Trph IXOelv, before they came, we could substitute otVu) lXeovr..v, etc. So ^p\v av with th* subjunctive is often interchangeable with .> p^'u and always implies it ; thus p; a^kXe., ^nlv dv (iKoro^,., do not depart until you hear, implies rjv u^ aKmV.;., zvithout hearing. One result of this negative character of irplv is its strong affinity for the aorist, the tense which denotes simple occurrence. (See Am.. Jour. Fhil. ii. pp. 466 fl.) 622 In Homeric Greek irpiv generally takes the primitive construction with the infinitive without regard to the nature of the leading verb. In lyric poetry, Herodotus, and Attic Greek, rpeV takes\he infinitive chiefiy when the leading clause is affirma- tive • otherwise, it takes one of the finite moods, like €(09, having the sense of until. But, while the indicative may sometimes follow TTpiV, meaning until, when the leading clause is affirmative, the 1 Geschichtlichr. Entwickrlung iler Construdiomn mil Wpiv, von Josef Sturm : Ilcft 3 of Schanz's Bcitrdge. r>24l CONSTRUCTIONS WITH Trptv 241 subjunctive and optative are never used unless the leading clause is negative or involves a negative idea. Development of tJie Constructions with irplv. 623. The Attic uses of -rrplv with the indicative, subjunctive, and optative, are seen in a primitive stage of development m Homer. The construction of irpiv itself with the indicative was yet unknown ; but four cases of irplv y ore with the indicative show a tendency in this direction. Six cases of Trpiv (without av or K€) with the subjunctive and one with the optative (in indirect discourse) mark the beginning of the later usage with these moods. On the other hand, 81 cases of Trplv with the infinitive show the prevailing Homeric construction. Here, as in all periods of the language, whcMi Trpiv takes the infinitive, we have simply a state- ment of fact, that one thing precedes another ; in vaU 8k UriSatov Trpiv kXe^iv vTas 'Axaiwr, and lie dwelt in Pedaeum befm^e the coming^ of the sons of the Greeks, irpXv kXOdv implies no more than Trpo a(/>t^€o)? or the later Trpo tov €Xe€lv. Any further idea that may be implied comes from the context, and is not found in the words. This use of irplv has little analogy in Greek syntax, its nearest parallel being the later use of cSottc or ws with the infinitive. The simplest theory, which best suits the Homeric usage, seems to be that ivpiv has a " quasi-prepositional " relation to the in- finitive, which is a verbal noun, a relation the same in effect as that of Trpo in Trpo tov kXOelv in the later Attic construction. (See Xen. Mem. ii. 6, 6, and Dem. xix. 73.) A similar use of Ji'Tt with the infinitive in a few cases in Herodotus (see 803) shows a tendency to go further in the same direction. 624. The Homeric language was generally contented with the simple irplv and the infinitive, even when it was implied that the clause with irpiv set a limit to the action (or negation) of the leading clause, i.e. when Trpiv could be expressed by until. So in II. xxi. 100, TTpXv IVarpoKXov iTrunrelv aunpov rjpap, T6(f>pa ti /xot 7rctS^o-(9at cjiiXrepov y)€v Tpc6(ov, i.e. until the death of Fatrodus I preferred to spare the Trojans (which he will no longer do); and xix. 312, ovSe TL BvpC) T€p7r€TO TTplv TToXkpov (TTopa 8vp€vaL, i.e. he felt no pleasure until he entered tlie battle; in both cases the Attic Greek might have used -rrpiv with the indicative. So also when the clause with irplv is future and conditional ; as in II. xix. 423, ov Xtj^io Trpiv Tp(Sa? aSr^v kXacrai TroAc/xoto, / will not stop until I have given the Trojans enough of war. It was in cases like the last, where the mere temporal Trpiv eXdo-at expresses the future con- dition very imperfectly, that the need of a more exact form was ■242 KKLATIVE ANU TKMrOKAL SKNTENOES [625 first felt The need existed only after negative sentences, as here only could such a future condition be expressed by y .. coTsistS with its original meaning before. I shall ml cec^ nMhTZuibefore) J see the end of the war contains a future SdtL - P;)which .piv can properly express ; but the enuirnt affirnraiive, / sMl go on fighting nntU I see the^of Twar could not be expressed by ^plv. as .ve cannot substitute irforS but it would require ?o.,, which is untr with no s£se ofVr The forms of Jarataxis suggested a simple and na uraV wtof meeting this want, through the adverb.a use o V In a sentence like oi&i /...' d^^\^^» c^ as a conjunction in Homer to take the indicative without the 627] CONSTKUCTIONS WITH TTpiV 243 intervention of ore, although .piv with the subjunctive had become a fixed construction. The history of the uses of .pi. after Homer will be found below. (See 627; 632-634; 637; 642; 643; 645.) Uplv WITH THE Infinitive. 626. (In Homer.) In Huiiier the infinitive regularly follows irplv after both affirmative and negative sentences, often where the Attic Greek ^yould have the finite moods. E.g. Nai€ §€ Hri^atoi' irpXv kXO^lv vfas 'Ax«t<^>»'. H- xiii. 172. Tov 8' €^r; op€^afi€Vo^ .plv ovrao-at, ov6' da/xapTei'. II. xvi. 322. ^il>Miv Sk Trpiv irep t^o/xos eXXafSe c^atSt/xa yx'la, irph' ttoAc/xoi' t lSUlv TToAc/xoto T€ fiepfupa epya, before they saw the war, etc. 11. vin. 452. (See G57.) ^ci'yet .piv .ep o/xtAov ao A Aur^iy/xcvat av3pMV. II. XV. 588. ''H K €TL TToAAot yalav 6Sa^ cfAov Trpiv "lAtov €to-a 8o/x€i/at KOVpifV. II. i. 97. • A • In the last three exaiuples the subjunctive would l)e regular in Attic, and even Homer uses it in a few such cases (639). In II. xx. 100 ttpIv SnjXOiv would have been the common Attic form. In the other examples, in which a mere temporal relation is expressed, the inlinitive would be re(pured in Attic Greek. Hesiod has one example (Scut. 40) and the Homeric Hymns one (Ven. 151) of TTpiv with the infinitive, both after negative sentences. 627. (J/ter Homer.) The lyric poets, Herodotus, and the Attic writers use the infinitive after irpiv chielly when tlie leading sentence is affirmative. But the infinitive is always required when irpiv means simply heforey not until. Ilf/. Uplv €KTcAeo-at Karef^ij Sofwv "AiSos. Theoo. 917. "lo-ra/xat afiTTveiov .piv Ti <^a/xci', I >^Uind tahhuj breath before I qwah V\^i>. Nem. viii. 19 ; so Pv. ix. 113. Uplv mv .apeivai Uuvov €? t>]v 'Attlk7]V, v/x€«s^ '^«'|>^>s^ f'^'-Tt .poPoiieiyTai €§ T7> BotoiTtai', before he comes into Attica, etc. Hut. viii. 144. Uplv vvv ra .X^iov lo-to- p€iv,€K T7>S' €Spa^ €^€X0\ heforc seeking further, etc. SoPH. 0. C. 36. ^ATTOTre/xTTOi-o-a' ovv avriv irplv aKova-aL. Thuc. ii. 12. So ii. 13, .ptv kdPaX^iv €U W/i' 'Attikv;.'. 'Ac/nWai/ ra /ieA// TroAi- .plv e^iKvei- a-dai. XEN.Cyr.iii. 3, 60. 'H/xci's roivvv Mccjo-r/vv/v el'Xoiuv .plv Uefxras RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [628 244 sUll have cdmM thu (109). f .«. ^^■^''^Lt^ary even after negatives. In the following cases the infinit ve is ^'^^'ffjjjj^^ ^^e vm not a ahsurd). DEM. xxx. 33. Ov& yap ^P^'^JYehrehe M L sJ (much less afterwards). Isae. v. 21. So AR- ^J- ««> > ^.^^^ See also Isoc. v. 70, Sra. 8»8.-t. p, -porcpo. r^ J . P^^^ ^^.^^ being the positive idea in ^iOy, : see Soph. Tr. 632. 628. An infinitive -^^^^<'^\-^^JT^:1:S^ clause, where a finite >-°V'"fto cUtermine ti.c onstruction. This relation is still so pronunent as o detern me » „.ay happen when the ^'-- -^^''^f;, ,0 ition. E.,. dence which unU «P^«f,^V;^ '^;" rV'Lea} a.avras, i.e. W niilhl ^onW com. (.^ (/..y M heard at Je d.e p>or). ^^- -^^^ ^..^'^j idea). UKM.V.15. IIp.8.r«.^a -Pj'J-J^^^iX'^f «, question /iar^ara ora^reUt - ^„ .p.^ ^^^^^ 8^ is the only important one) L^CUM 135 1048, Ag. 1067 ; Soph. Aj. 1419 ; Xen. Cjr. .n. 3, c ^^. ,..0 -»r«/i/ iftiT iie/Joi^€t) Trplv KaTa(T\€LV Tyv dpx'i)^. Isoc. viii. 126. This ellipsis occurs first in Xenophon. UpLv WITH THE Indicative. 632. {Early Poets.) Uplv with the indicative does not occur in the Iliad or Odyssey, except in Trplv y ore (see 636). The first case of simple TT/jiVwith the indicative is Hymn. Ap. Py. 178, o? rijy avnaa-CLe, oUo sent an arrow at the monster. Three cases occur in Pindar: 01. ix. 57, xiii. 65; Nem. iv. 28. The last is the first case of Trplv with the indicative after a negative sentence. Tlu!se are the only cases before the Attic writers. 633. (Attic Poets.) Aeschylus has one example, after a negative : OVK yv dXe^yjp! ovSev, dXXa appdKU)V Xf>^la KaT€(rK€kXovTo, Trplv y lyi't irtfiUTLV ISct J(i Kpd(r€is ijttImv dKarixdnov, until 1 showed them, etc., Prum. 479. So likewise Aristoi.hancs : TrpiWepov 8' ovk iji' ykvo^ dOavdriov, Trplv €>w? ^vvkiii^ev aTravTa, Av. TOO. Sophocles has one, after an aflirmative : lyyii/xT/r 8' dvijp da-TiZv pkyurro^, Trptv pot TvxV '^«^«^' «7^c«-T>/, nntil this fortune befell me, 0. T. 775. Euripides has seven examples, all (according to Sturm) after uUirmatives, as follows : — 'El/ €v8lV ^ TTW? €Vt>/, Trplv 8,] Tl§ C pwv i'€o? T ijv, Trplv €a-€l8ov OLOV ^jVj I was a tcUless youth, until I siiw, et«'. T. A. 489 (where there is a negative force in d) OdXufio^ ttvk e/iaAAcTO, i.e. until the Utttering began. II. ix. 587. So in the suspected verses, TTplv y oT€ . . . Odpavva^, Od. xiii. 322. For Od. iv. 178, see 637. Four cases of irpiv y ore ^ with the indicative are found in the II(»meric Hynms : Ap. Del. 49; Cer. 96, 195, 202 j after which this strange construction disiq)pears. 637. (Indicafire tvifli irpiv in vnfulfilled conditions.) When the clanse introduced by Trpa', until, refers to a result not attained in past time in consequence of the non-fulfilment of some condition, it takes a past tense of the indicative like the corresponding clause with €(o? (G13, 2). We find examples only of the aorist indicative after negative sentences : — *Kxp> Tois aAAots p) Tvporepov irepl run> opoXoyovjikvun' (TviifSov- \€V€tv,7rplv TTipl TMV diiil>L(r/3i]Tovfx€V(ov ijpd^ €5t8agav/, they ought not to have given advice about undisputed matters, until they had instructed us aboiU whit is in dispute. Isoc. iv. 19. Xpyv roivvv AcTrriVr/v p/ TTpoT^pov riOkvai tov eavrov vopov, irplv tovtov eXvere, before he Imd repealed this one. Dem. xx. 96. Ovk av iTrecTKexfdfuOa irpiWepov €iT€ ciiSaKTov ciTC ov SlSuktov 1) dp€Ti), Trplv o Tt eVrt 7rpo>Tov l(i]ripTapiV aiVo, we should not have imjuircd whether virtue was teachable or not, until we had first asked what it is in itself. Plat. Men. 86 D ; so 84 C, and Theaet. 165 D. . Besides these five cases in prose, we have the same construction with irpiv y oT€ 8/) in Od. iv. 178 : or8€ k€V r)fiea^ dAAo SieKptvev, irpiv y oTC 81) OavdroLo peXav i'€o? d/.a. taking tla p ac ,^_^^ ^ ,^,^^^^ ,^ yiviirat. The other ca.se is iv. 4 < o . o> "■(>"' /* H v- 642 After Homer and Hesiod .plv "a. is estahhshed «s the regular form with the s«l.junct,«= i|^ ^^^^ ^^^ (the earliest case of .pU'a.). O^ ^^^^V^'^^ \,, /.J. I Sa. Zf';: " / i rX-'WoI «.. e,.. SOPH. O. C. 909. Oe ,, CONSTRUCTIONS WITH irpiv 249 644] ^e -Sp^rpot^ .,- - Kal'.>C aKo/..,,r.^«.oAoyo,.^.o,. Ind T 7 Toi, «■ oi xp.;«po. xatVcra. ^pa. av «i-T«. oxx^.p Xb%„( j,rt _„„(a (/« heat of the Ja,j u p.d. Plat. Pliaedr. 242 A. Opt ATI VK. 643 When a clause with ^p.'r, wM, referring to the future de^tfis on a negative clause eontaining -^ X'^^^^l^^^^Z or%o "«" ^i- "•«"''' ««' ''""^ «f .^"',"l' TxrHdUi. 3, 48 (t«^ examples). _ O-V a. -[-«;-;''':; ;"^' out into the sunlight. Id. Rep. 515 E. ^ These are all the cases of this use of the optative ^vlth rrfuv citea bv sll^nn In many cases where the opUtive could have been used, the infinitive apiiears (see 629). 644 The optative with ,rp.V is more fre-iucnt in indirect disc'ote after' a negative verh of past Ume, -1--*"|^ subjunctive of the direct form, which is often rct.tmcd. (»ee the corresponding use of €ws-, 614.) L-'J- ,, ,«. OvK «UAo- '^•r»' V"' -'P'i— ' 'Ax'^vos-,'- "■onUl>.tJl, 250 RELATIVE AND TEMPORAL SENTENCES [645 „„,;( he should try AcMttes. 11. xxi. 580. (The ,l.rect form was j, . • ^«pi» have been ,.secl here See II xviU.' 190, in 639.) So Hyn.n. Cer 334 ; Hks. Scut. ^^-^H 551 In Aj. 742 we have ^plv r.',x» i" a sinnh.r s.nten.e.) L6.o^« X'.N. An. vii. 7, 57. (See d.ov p.jSaa r,o. M.v ^'-'-^/tal a. 5 ^pi^d.v ,)y'ira^, Cyr. ii. 2, 8.) A:r,,yo,«-€ P^f""' .7^'^" ' •ier.:; .;,Ws- y^'o.ro. Isoc. xvi. 5. So I'.AT. Al,. 36 (', Rep. 402 ^' For the'^iuHuitive, often preferre.1 to the optativ.- in s„ch sentences, see 629. IIpiV WITH Subjunctive in General Suppositions. 645 Wheu the clause introilucc.l l>y irplp, until, is ..eneric, and depends on n negative clauso of present tune expressing customary or repeated action or a general truth, we have -rrplv av with the subjunctive (G13, 5). £■!/. 'Opo«Tt Tors- xp«r/J..«po..s o,'. irp/xrO^v - "i- 235. ^' f';T'"<"T'"ror8T a. x..Va,cr;. ol\- .)8.'KV. Kom) Tt ^pu^etv iyaOov, ^plv av Tor. rpo«rT,..T«s- ...t,.... «'"^^ 6 • this: noMy Jt « .imj,M..» (fti«t« that the others .,11 ,0 «"#'"!/;' ammo,, „ntU their kaders are „„ite,l Uoc .v. 10. In Simon. Am. CONSTRUCTIONS WITH Trpiv 2n\ 6521 i. 12, ^plv i'K.,Tac cannot be correct, as ^p.V here does not mean mitil, but inevely before. 648 Upiv, like ?»., etc. (620), sometimes takes the sub- junctive without S.V, even in Attic Greek. Kg. ^, ^ . . _, . M;, .TT^va^ V'" /^"''y^- Soph. Ph. 917. So Ant. 619, Aj. 742, 965 Tr^08 946 O^V iLv &rT« -u-t^v- ^facp.i' i« ■•' "O'" 'leveloped form of ^21 fmmd wice in the Iliad with the inflnit.ye ; and very K. ntS in Herodotus with the ^^<^.^. f Vf tenses), the indicative, and the subjunctive (without a.). E.g. Z^rZ. ^T^-^ri.., .p. pi. ^^;Vapp.'„^. ) »rp.;«por a7r«i'«rT.i, Trpcv r, ,;\«, o Kpoto-o?. Id 1. .8. u y p ; 1 1 a,««.0o;«.'os S;V«r?«- -/^"^.''' i-^- 7; ''■ .^r^'r'-^ '^"^""'^' "''"' ;, ?Xa. T< Ka< rrpcoirw T, w th he indTcative is sometimes used like .,.V, but it -ore frequen y expresses a looser relation between two sentences which are in- dependent in their construction (0a4). L.g. ^ (Infiu , only after past tenses.) TaPra ^ayy.yd., Trpor.pov ^ rov ^avTn^i^l•». oo i. ui^. .rcases in Hero,l.Zau.l Thucyaiaes, a few uc-cur in the orators: see DEM. xxxi. 14, an,l Iv. 14 {^por.pov ,, mul .p.v togetl.e X - .ff -'/^r; rw'^l rri Tv.To6TeT;ror:f :;:r.: rf;ijX?;;:- " '^'l.>,.. Be.ae, nve e.^s^J;^Her<«lotu. we have only Thuc. vii. (!3, p, ,r,,oTc,.ov a^.o... «^oA,..,.) E; ;put).,OVK aV .V«,V«TO X^,TC,.0. ,, ::il ';:/.;,' r;:L,- .„;/.«,/ ).i or h,.d bee. ca^nred ;.,«.*// (iud.cat.ve lu imt'ultilled condition). Id. viii. 93. 654 In other cases of rpor.^or y with the finite moods or the infinitive, there is no meaning of until, and .; merely connects two verbs as when it follows ^mXXov. E.g. ^ , ^ than h wanted him (the direct fonu hoin, .;fa> .,,oTe^or .; /io^.A>;kc cV rr/ a[vov^ ToiV iK^pvxOy. Soph. 0. T. 736 See also Xen An. n. thJy atiswered, that they xooidd die before tJwj nmdd give up their anns. 655. Thucydides once uses iVrcpov^ i) with the infinitive, after the analogy of Trporcpo. .} : Trplv Sk ciracrr>>cu, eWtv h;- 1 ^Po Sturm i»P 239, 261-263, who calls attention to the decrease of the doubt 41 h;''tl'.rbayJscy. Of'43 cses of ...V f «■ ."-/if ;•,[-,,■" */ Ili.,,1 on have a iireeediiiK to >< or other ar]i'av, Trplv ei'o/xwrai', k.t.A. Xen. An. iii. 1, 16. Ov Toh'vv aTTOKpivovjiai TrpoTcpov, irplv dv TrvOiopat. Plat. Euthyd. 295 C. Kat oi' 7rp6(r0€v ecm^crav, irpiv (>}) Trpos tols Trc^ots TMv'Acrcrvpiiov iyevovro. Xen. Cyr. i. 4, 23. Acirai avrov fjLij irpo- (tOcv KaraXvoraL Trplv dv arrw a-vfJLfSovXevcryjTaL. Xen. All. i. 1, 10. The formula ov irporepov iravQ-ao-Qai irpiv with the indicative in the orators is familiar (see 634). 659. Other adverbs of time sometimes occur in the leading clause : thus TrdpoiOev . . . irpivj SoPH.'El. 1131; ovttu) . . . Trpiv, Thuc. vi. 71, viii. 9. JJpiv (used as in Homer) occurs twice in Euripides, and before irplv t) in Hdt. i. 165. Even tt/oo in composition may refer to a followinj^ tt/jiV, as tt povaipC)v ra? iKKkycriaf; Trplv e7rt8>/- p,yj{raf, tois Tr/jecr^et?, Aeschin. ii. 61. See Dem. iv. 41, ov6c Trpo tvjv TrpayfiaTiov TrpoopdT€ ovSkv, Trplv dv TrvOrjaOt. 660. ^Odvti) in the leading sentence may emphasise a follow- ing TrpLv. E.g. "Et^^r/v atVvJcra? Trpiv (tov Kara Trdvra 8a7)vat yOea. TheO(J. 969 (see 887). So II. xvi. 322, €cf)Oi) op€^dfi€vo]kcii', thfij arrived before the barbarians came. Hdt. vi. 116: so ix. 70. ^Oi]rrovTaL 7rAciVai'r€§ Trplv X/ots ala-OkirOai. Thuc. viii. 12. ^OrfvaL crvpfia- AojTc? Trplv kXOelv tous /SoijOn'jirovTas, to join battle before the aiwiliaries should come up. Isoc. iv. 87. 661. In Hdt. vi. 108 we find the infinitive dei>ending on (fyOdvu) ...>/, the verb implyin*; Trpor^pov or Trpi'v : yTe ai' TroAAaKis e^avSpaTroSicrOa'Tes "»/ riva TrvOkirOai i]pku)V, you would often be reduced to slavery before any of us heard of it. SECTION VIII. Indirect Discourse or Oratio Obliqua, including* Indirect Quotations and Questions. 662. The words or thoughts of any person may he quoted either directly or indirectly. A direct quotation is one wliich gives the exact words of tlie original speaker or writer. An indirect (juotation is one in whicli the original words conform to the construction of the sentence in which they are quoted. Thus tlie expression ravra ^ovXofiac may be quoted either dirtH>tly (in oratio rerfa), as \eyei Tio/ioi' SieXva-av T(7)V 'KXXyvMv (668), Plat. Menex. 241 B ; roPr' dStKiL, on d)^p€Lov ryv iTrutK^iav KaOurTiprtv, I)i:m. xx. 155. 2. The infinitive of in/, C6 . . . ciTc, whether . . . or. 'Eai' or 't]v never means icheiher (see 493). 2. In Homer single indirect questions (when they are not introduced by interrogatives) generally have ^] or €i, whether;^ and alternative questions have vj {i]€) . . . i) (>]«), sometimes ci T€ . . . €t T€, ivhether . . . or. Bekker never allows ct or €t t€ in indirect questions in Homer, always writing ^ or i) tc, without regard to the Mss. 3. Indirect questions follow the same principles as indirect quotations with on or ws, in regard to their moods and tenses. (For examples, see 669.) 666. The term indired discmirse or onitio ohliqna includes all clauses which express indirectly the words or thoughts of any person (including those of the speaker himself), after verbs which imply thought or the expression of thought (verba sentkndi et declarandl),\\\(\ after such expressions as t/xiiVcTai, it appears, BoK€L, it seems, SrjAoi' cVth', it is eiidenf, o-a(/>c? cVni', etc. The term may be further applied to any single dependent clause, in any sentence, which indirectly expresses the thought of any other person than the speaker (or past thoughts of the speaker himself), even when the preceding or following clauses are not in indirect discourse. (See 694 and 684.) General Principles ok Indirect Discourse. 667. The following are the general principles of indirect discourse, the particular applications of which are shown in 669- 710. 1. In indirect quotations after on or w? and iu indirect questions, (a) after primary tenses, each verb retains both the mood anil the tense of the direct disconrse, no change being made excei)t (when necessary) in the person of the verb ; (h) after secondary tenses, each i)rimary tense of the indicative and each subjunctive of the direct discourse may be either changed to the same tense of the optative or 668] principles of indirect discourse 257 retained in its original mood and tense. The imperfect and pluperfect, having no tenses in the optative, are generally retained in the indicative (but see 673). An aorist indicative belonging to a dependent clause of the direct discourse remains unchanged, but one belonging to the leading clause may be changed to the optative like a primary tense. 2. Secondary tenses of the indicative expressing an unreal condition, indicatives with 6,v, and all optatives (with or without av), are retained, with no change in either mood or tense, after both primary and secondary tenses. 3. WJien the quotation depends on a verb which takes the infinitive or participle, the leading verb of the quotation is changed to the corresponding tense of the infinitive or participle, after both primary and secondary tenses, civ being retained if it is in the direct form ; and the dependent verbs follow the preceding rules. 4. The adverb av is never joined with a verb in indirect discourse unless it stood also in the direct form. On the other hand, dv is never omitted in indirect discourse if it was used in the direct form; except that, when it is joined to a relative word or a particle before a subjunctive in direct discourse, it is regularly dropped when the sub- junctive is changed to the optative after a past tense in indirect disconrse. 5. The indirect discourse regularly retains the same negative particle which would be used in the direct form. But the infinitive and participle sometimes take firj in indirect discourse where ov would be used in the direct form, (See examples under 685 and 688.) In indirect questions introduced by et, whether, and in the second part of alternative indirect questions {Q^o), fxr) can be used as well as ov, 668. As an indirect quotation or question is generally the object or subject of its leading verb, it may stand in api)osition with a pronoun like rovTo which represents such an object or subject ; as rovro keyo- fiiv, on o-o6s ia-nv, this is ;;^rtm, that he is tvise ; tovto (TKexfofxeOa, ct aA>y^} Ae'ycis, we shall inquire into this, vjhether you tell the truth. S 258 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [669 SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. Indicative aiid Optative after Ui and 0)9, and in Indirect Questions. 669 When the direct form is an indicative (without av) in a simple sentence, we have (667, 1) the tbllowing rules for indirect quotations after on or co? and for indirect questions : — 1. After 2>rimari/ tenses the verb stands in the indicative, in the tense of the direct discourse. E.j. Ae'yct 6tl ypa<^€t, he says that he is wntimj ; Acyct 5x1 €ypa€i', he says that he was writing; Xcy.t ort ycy^ac^e., he says thcU he has written ; X^yec or. cy.y/>act, he says that he had written ; Xeyc. ore eypa^€V,he says that he wrote; Xcyci ort ypaxf^i, he says that he sJiall im-ite. , . , ^ /^ ^i a t /- E.V 6tl ol am elfiL Kal €K UvXov ,ik.i\ovea,saythat^Iamsafe and have come from Pylos. Od. xvi. 131. 'Orpwov 8 AxcA>;. ct^rct. Sttl pd ol TToAi. ct>lXTaro, cUe^' halpo,. urge him to tell Achilles that his dearest friend jmished. II. xvii. 654. (See 663, 1.) Tvu>rov 8c cos «8» Tpw€0-a-iv dXeOpov ire'tpar € (j)'?) tt t a l. II. vil. 401. A€7€t yap J>s or8iv eVrti' a6iK<5Tepov' <^.,p>/s. Af:schin. 1. I2o. Oi. y/p a/ roPro y ctVot., cp.t /,/x,, K«l crvKoa.Tta. lb. 145. AU .vvouv vp« ToPro /xe., yrva^x or. e^vpcv. SoPH. Ai.t. 61. Ka. ravO ^ m dXriOn Aeyco, Kal ort orrc .'80^.; ./ ^>>/>o. .r .Tracrt ttAc.o.s t cyc- vorro rJi. ,^.;to-ap€noi', papri-pas^ fpt> Tap^^ofiai, I shall bring rcit^ ^tesses to show that 1 speak the truth, etc. Dem. Ivii. 14 (Imlirect Questicms.) 'Epcura rt ^orAovrat, he asks what th^y want ; epiora ri Troii]iTovaLV, he asks what they will do. Tv 8^ pacrat c? p€ craoWcts (Bekker ./ pc), cind do you conmler v^hether yoawill s^n-e me. II. i. 83. -ac/>a 8^ ovk; orS et 0co. e^rrt.. II V 183 "(Hpa KarEKTo,p ctVcrai ;/ Kai cpor 8«pr paivcrai ci' :raAap>pa' (v. 1. u Kal). 11. viii III. "O.f.pa W^^ >/^ t^- KaAxa. pa.re.'crat >> Kal o.W. II ii. 291) ; so Od. n'. 48., ,12. 'Os crTTvc; Ttr(Wo. ^x<'>'^«^« *«^^«^ AttoAAco., ct T ap o y evvy ^ ). 11- i 64 • see ii 349. II.Wcis cpturon'rcs' €t Xijurai ^ariv, asking whether they are pirates. Thuc. i. 5. Kl ^/I'^^^'t^^;?,^'", ^7^^ yda.L cTKOTTct. Soph. Ant. 41. See Eur. Ale 784. hr^otts / orSo'. Id. Theaet. 163 D. :^K07rc;p€i^ ct i}pu' rpcTrct 7/ o^^ Id. Kep. 451 D. ToCr* avT(>, ci' x^^V^^**^ V M X«'P^^«' ^^'"V'^^' ^'' '''''' ^* ihi^ 669] SIMPLE SENTKNCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 259 ayi'ocri'. h\. Phil. 21 B. (For ov and firj in the last four examples, representing ov of the direct question, see 667, 6.) Oavfxd^oj norepa a>§ KpaTMv aire I to. oVAa 7) (us' 8m clnXiav Si7)pa. Xen. An. ii. 1, 10. ^/jfiaiv* €LT €)(^€i xiZpov TTpo's avTov Toi'Sc y €LT dXXy Kvp€i. Soph. Ph. 22. VJt€ Kara rpoTroi^ kcltul erre p7/, ovtio O^^acrOai. Plat. Crat 425 B (667, 5). See also Xen. Cyr. ii. I, 7 {d . . . ehe p^J) ; RUR. Ale. 139 (Cl . . . €LT€). Yicpl TrdvTOH' lOO)p.€V., ap' OVTiiXrl y l- yi'CTat TTui'Ta. Plat. Phaed. 70 D. (^Apa regularly introduces only • lirect questions.) It is to be noticed that indirect questions after primary tenses retain an indicative of the direct question in Greek, where the suhjunctive is used in Latin. Thus, nescio (piis sit, I knon^ not irho he is, in Greek is simply dyvoio ti<; €(ttli\ This does not apply to indirect questions which would re€t\ he said that he was writing ; i.e. he Sftid ypdifxo. "KXc^ev on ytypat/xo? cT); (or otl ycyp a<^ei/), he said that he had written; i.e. he said y€ypaa. "EXe^ev otl ypd- \j/OL (or OTt yptt^ci), he said thi(t he should iirite ; i.e. he said ypdipo). "HlAc^ci' OTL ypdxl^€L€u (or OTL £ypa\p€v), he said that he had written; i.e. he said iypaxj^a. (For the imperfect and ])luperfect, see 672.) (0])tative.) Ki'(;rA>// ijTT ijii€]'oi e/ci' I'TTo AaKeSatfxoi'itjv, i.e. Ac said that they had hen defeated (he s;iid's 6 'IvSiov f3a(rLX€v<^, /ceAevojr ipioTav €^ oTov 6 TToAepo*; ctSy, thry said that tlie king of the Indians had sent them, commanding them to ask on what account there iras war. lb. ii. 4, 7. (They said cVep^ci' '/pa's, and the question to be asked was ck Tii'o? itTTLV o TToAcpo? ;) "EAcyoi' on ov TTioTToO' ovros 6 TTorapo? SiafiaTO's ykvoLTo Ti'^^g cl pvy Tore, thnj said that this river had never been (i y e v € t o) fordable except then. Id. An. i. 4, 18. IlepiKA^J? Trpor/- yop€V€ tol^ A^>yi'a('ot?, on 'Apx<^^apo§ fX€v ol ^cVo^ €'">/, ov fuuTOL errl KaKit yc Tij'i TToAcws^ yivoLTo, fie announced that A. v'os his friend^ but that he had not been made his friend to the injury of the state. Thuc. ii. 260 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [firtP 13. (He said ^evo^ iioi ka-riv, oi^ /xcv'tol kykv^ro. See 116, 1 ; 124 1) "Eyvoxrav on k€Vos o <^/3os €it;. Xen. An. ii. 2, 21. npo't8ovT€9 on cVotro 6 ttoAc/xo^, e/^orAovro -ny. lUaratav tt^o- KaTaAa/?€t>. Thuc. ii. 2. 'E7r€iptofii)V avno SciKvrmt, on ototTO /i€i/ cfmi o-oos, €1%; 8' ov. Plat. Ap. 21 C. (Imlicative.) ''EXeyov tJ)5 eATrtfovo-o' o-€ Kai rijv 7ro\LV€^€iV fiot vc^pcv, //I.I/ mi.^ //m« they hoped, etc. Isoc. v. 23. (They buuI cATrtfo/xev, whicli might have been changed to kXTriCouv.) ^HKe 8 uyycAAo). ris ^5 Tors 7rpL.Tar€6S <:,9'EAdT€ta KarciAv/Trrat, .some one had conie ivith the report that Elatea had been taken. Dem. xviii. 169. (Here the perf. opt mi-ht have been used.) Aca'oJs Aoyois croApi irepi efiov Aeycti/, ^os'h^ rh ^P«7/^' ^^>^' ^«''^" 6€8paKai.. Id. xxi. 104. Atrtacra- ue.os yap /x€ a Kal Acyet. «v oki^v/o-cu rts, to. Tranpa tos aTrcKTo.a kt^, Tov euavTuv, k.t.A. Id. xxii. 2. ^avepio, dir^v ore .//.€.' ttoAis Jy- ,roa€v. Dem. XXX. 23. CE^'am'/o^ot/xc. might liaye been used.) 'ErVU/xa Acycu' cl>9 v^ep vfuov cx^poi'. €> catTov^ ctAKi-rre kul vvv €V Tok €0-YttTors €(TtI Kii'S.'i'ots. Id. xxii. 59. (Indirect Questions.) 'Hpomyrrcv aiV^i/ Ti ttololtj {or tl ttoici), ;ie o^W him what he was doing ; i.e. he asked tI ttoici?; "P'^^f^;; aiV^v W 7r€7rot./K(;>9 ^ty^ (or rt ttcttoo/k.v), ^. asked him what he had dime; i.e. he asked ri ^€7ron,Ka,; 'Hp(oT>/o-€V ai-ro^' Tt Troo/o-ot (or Tt TTooio-cO, /'^ «-V.-^^ '**"^ ^'-''"^ ^»^ ^''^'^^^^ '^^' ^t- ''' " '" I' TToi.'/o-cis; 'HpioTija^v avriv ri TroiycTeLev (or n C7roo;(r€v), /i6 rt^W /itwi what he had dmie ; i.e. he asked ri kiroiijcra^ ; "HtvcTo 7r€ixro/x€i'os^ /x€T(\ o-^i' kAcos, V TTov €T €t>,s, i.c /t^ ire«t ;Aors t crpovTO rk €u; Kal tto^c. eA^ot (i.e. tl, ecrrcv kul tto^c. V^^^^^J- Od xvii 368. "HpcTo, €1 Tt? €>oi5 tTr/ cro<^coTC/K)S, /le ««W l/'/ldAtT «HV ^H« ivas wiser than I. Plat. Ap. 21 A. (The direct question wa^ Urn Tts^ »' ''<"/*'/»'' ^" ^'•^•^•^'' ''*''"' ^ ''''''^"^ '?^"' V?T Od. xvii. 120. ^H;roporr Tt ttot. A^yo, / .a.. H.^r^rfam what he meant. Plat. Ap. 21 B. (Here Acyot might have Wen used.) E/^ov- Aei-'ov^* oiVot TtV auToG KaTa ActVovcrtr, they were comidfrino whom the^l should leave here. Dem. xix. 122. 'V.pionovron' Ttm. 8ta Tt arc 6ai'€V, TrapayycAAct. ckcAci-c., k.t.A. XeN. Hell. IL 1, 4. 671] SIMPLE SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 261 670. (a) After past tenses the indicative and optative are in equally good use ; the optative being used when the writer incorporates the quotation entirely into his own sentence, and the indicative when he quotes it in the original words as far as his own construction allows. The indicative here, like the sub- junctive in final clauses after past tenses (318), is merely a more vivid form of expression than the optative, with no difference in meaning. We even find both moods in the same sentence. E.g. Orrot eAcyov oVt Krpo§ p^v tc^io/kcj/, 'Aptalos Sc 7r€ (TTaOpij) €iij Kal Acyot, k.t.X. Xen. An. ii. 1, 3. (Here tWvijK€v contains the most important part of the message.) *Ek Se ToiTov €7rvv0dv€To 7y6>/ aiVo)!/ Kal oTTocDjv o^ov 8t7/Aa(rai', Kal €i oiKoiTO ij \iiipa. Id. Cyr. iv. 4, .4. 'EroA/xa Aeycti', w? XP^** '''^ 7rap.7roAAtt eKT^^riKev virlp kpov Kal los ttoWo. to)v kpiov Xdfioav. Dem. xxvii. 49. Opoioi ijcrav Bavpa^eiv ottol ttotc rpeipovrai ot "EAA7/1/C9 Kat Tt' €1' I'o") €xoi€i'. Xen. An. iii. 5, 13. (b) The perfect and future were less familiar than the other tenses of the optative, so that these tenses were sometimes retained in the indicative even when the present or the aorist was changed to tlie optative. See the last two examples under (a). In indirect questions the aorist indicative was generally retained (see 125). Some writers (as Thucydides) preferred the more direct forms in all indirect dis- course (320). 671. In Hoiuer this construction (669) is fully developed in indirect questions : see examples of both indicative and optative in 669, 1 and 2. But in iudirect (piotations, while the indicative is freely used after both presi'ut and past tenses, the change of the indicative to the oj>tative after j)ast tenses had not yet been introduced. In the single case of etVcii' o)<» with the optative, peppr/jpi^e . . €K-ao-ra ciTTcii', to§ IeXOol Kal iKOLT €? TTaTpiSu yalav, hc hesitattd about tclling him each event, how he had returned, etc., Od. xxiv. 237, ws^ ai)pears only on its way from its meaning how (663, 2) to its later use with the optative as that. We first find tlie optast tenses ; as in yi'w o ot oiVt yXOiv, II. xi. 439 ; so i. 537, xxii. 445. Likewise the future indicative is once retained, in Od. xiii. 340, ySe^ o votrTi]- iT€L,, I knew that you would r'turn ; but elsewhere the past future with If 262 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [672 iueXXov is used, as in II. xx. 466, ovSk r^ y6,, o ov Tu^j.crOac ./xcAA.., and Od. xix. 94, II. xi. 22. These examples show the need of the later future optative (129). In II. xxii. 10, ov6c vv ^- /^^ ^7^-^ -^; ^€05 ci/it, and XX. 265 the present expresses a present truth ratlier than a past fact. . „ i « . j„ It thus appears that the peculiar constructions with on and cos in oratio obliqua (667, 1, b\ which gave such grace and variety to the later language, were not yet developed in Homer ; but chiuses with clrc, <:,., etc., were still connected with tlie leading verb by the same looler construction which we use in English {^slknewthathev-as planning evil), the dependent verb expressing its own absolute time (see 22), as it did in the relative clauses in which these clauses origin- ated, or in the more primitive parataxis. Thus ytyiwKo. « kuku uy'Mo (above) meant originally 1 knew a. to vhat he was planning evil; and without 5, in a still earlier stage, / hmv : he was phmmwj evU (which we can say in English). Even after the more thorough incorpora- tion of the dependent clause was established, by which either pyb^rat or mSolto became the regular form, the more primitive impertect is occasionally foun.l, even in Attic prose (see 674, 2). The most common Homeric construction in indirect discourse is that of c/>T//xt with the infinitive, of which 130 examples occur.^ 672 An imperfect or pluperfect of the direct discourse is regularly retained in the indicative, after past tenses, for want of°an imperfect or ])luperfect optative. K(J. ^ ^ ^ 'Ako.Ws 8€ 3:€i'o(ov eX^yev on opOC., yruZyro kuI avro to 'epyov avroU paprvponi, he said that they had accused him ngldlj,, and that the fad itself hore witness to them ; i.e. he said opOio^ j,Ti«o-«^€ kui rb epyov Iplv ^.aprvpel. Xen. An. iii. 3 12. h^x^ yap A.ycu', Kat 2riu6.ot rioy'VAX:,viovPaaLXd o-vvc/xaxo vro c. UXarauu,, kul ^TL^^repoy or^.Vore ^rparevo/iui', ct" rti'cs 7rap',,^a v or aTT.Xapliav.v . I asked each of these men whether there were any witnesses hejore whom they had paid the dowry; and Aphobus, whether there had been any prese^d when he received it. Dem.^xxx. 19. (The two ciuestions were ctcrt pdpTvpes TLve^ ; and Trapya-dv rivfi ;) iSee Schinitt, Ur.'^rung des Substanthsatzes, v- '^- , J^^Vonlenlls statistics are based on Schmitt's colhHtiou ot Hoiueric examples. Ho nei has ^'1S :S"of 6r, 6xr.,or6>vith the ii.li.^iv. after verbs ot^^u^^ A.ar.., perceiving, or remembering {'2'd ot 6, 1/ ot 6rt or orn) ; and 4 aftci >cibs ol sauina (3 of Sri, 1 of 6). ^ y e • 18 of ws after verbs of knowing, etc. ; 8 after verbs of 6«^/»i7. ^'o;;i; 3:?S:2:s of these particles after verbs of .«,.,. are mthe^lh^d; while of the 65 eases after verbs oU-nowing, etc., A'l are in the Iliad (29 NUth 6n, etc., 9 with u?s, 3 with 6 t\ 1 with ovv^Ka). 674] SIMPLK SENTENCES IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 263 673. (Lnperfed Optative.) In a few cases, the present optative is used after past tenses to represent the imperfect indicative. The present optative thus supplies the want of an imperfect, like the present infinitive and participle (119 and 140). This can be done only when the context makes it perfectly clear that the optative represents an imperfect, and not a present. U.g. Tbv TipLuyopav aTTCKTeu'ai', Karijyopoii'TO's tov Aeoi/ro? w? ovt€ av/rrai', kvkXm 8c aiVots^ ttoAcis^ TroAc/xtat rja-av, dyopdv 8k ovBeU In Tzapk^nv epeXXev, (xttcixoi^ 8k rr/s *EAAa8os ov /ACtov ij pvpia o-Ta8ia, 7r/3oi;8€8wK€o-ai' 8c avroxs KaX ol pdpPapOL, /xoi/oi 8k K-araAcAct/x/xcv'oi yaav ov8k linrka ov8kva aippaxov 264 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [675 677] IXTERROGATIYE SUBJUNCTIVE 265 I I, [i €YovT€s, the Greeks thought: IVe are at the king's gates; hostile cities mrround as ; no one ivill supply us a market ; ice are not less than ten thousand stades front Greece; the barbarians have betrayed ns, ami we Jiave been left alrnie. Xen. An. iii. 1, 2. (The direct forms would-be the present and perfect indicative.) Am rhv x^^f'^^^^ ai'^pwTroi', os ryia^ 8l€Sv€t\ c^aTraTwv Kut keyiov m iAa6^.;mtos i-> kul rav :^afia> TTfHoTo^ KaT€i7roi,i.e. saying c/jtAa^^yi'aios €i>i kuI rav ^apo Trpioro^ kutci- TTov. Ar. Vesp. 283. (Here elfit is changed to >>, not to co/ or co-ti: KaTelirov could be changed only to KaTciVot.) 3. In such cases the more thorough incorporation of the dependent clause which is ret^uired to make the oratio obliqua complete is wanting, and tlie clause stands in the loose relation in which, for example, causal sentences usually stand to their leading verb (see 715). tor the sauie incomplete oratio obliciua in dependent clauses of a quotation, see 691 and 701. 675. 1. An indirect quotation with on or w? and the oi)tative is sometimes'followed by an independent opUitive, generally intrcMluced by yap, which continues the (luotation as if it were itself dei)endent on the oTi or m. E.g. , ^ ^ , % v . ^ * "Hkovov 8' cywyc tlvmv m ovSe to»s Ai/xcms kul tus ayopa?^ €Ti Saxrotev avrto KapTro^HrOai' ra yap Koiva ra OcTTaAoii' utto toi'twi' Scot 8lolk€Ii',' for {as they saiit) they must administer, i^ic. Dem. i.^ii2. 'AireKpU'avTo avno on dSvvaTa a-ijiliriv eiif Troielv a TrpoKak€lTaL ai'cc 'Aeijvaiioy TTurScs yap (To>v kui yvvalK€'s Trap eVeiVois^ £o/o-ai'. Thuc. ii. 72. "VAeyov on iravros a^^ Acyot ^ivOij^- x"/iwi' yap €Lijy K.T.A. Xen. An. vii. 3, 13. 2. Such independent optatives are sometimes found even when no optative precedes ; but the context always contains s..mc allusion to another's thought or expression. E.g. *Y7r€/Aoxr€ii' ayiov oiolto p€V U,dXL(Te' €K0{HTi0V kafS^V, €t' p/ ^cAot 8\ UKOl'T.*, i.e. h thought {iUi he mid), etc. Soph. Ph. 617. 'AAAa yV ovSev n pakkov i)y deaiarov, ilkka Kal avTo to ek dvOpioirov (TiZ/ia cA^etV dpxy >>' avrg okiOfyov, ioa-Trep vo/a-o/xc(9a, ort r/)os^Tooi/ ^€rK(.w €17/ dpikkCurOai, Kul oi'K Uip€\'oL, . . . dkk' Toi Kal oik dpISkv- voLTo orS' uTToAvyyot Tor €><.iTos', K.T.A., i.e. shall we not defend him very properly Inf stating {what w^ once said) that it is {was) his nature to yress mi towards pure Being, etc. (the optatives representing indicatives^ Plat. Uep. 490 A. Subjunctive or Optative rejyreseritiw/ the Interrogative Suhjunctive. ^11, In indirect questions, after a primary tense, an interrogative suhjunetire (287) retains its mood and tense; after a secondary tense, it may be either changed to the same tense of the optative or retained in the subjunctive. E.g. , / knoic not what I shall say. Dem. ix. 54. So in Latin, -non habeo quid (or quod) dicam. Ovk €xw G-oifiurp.* ono uTruAAayw, / have no device (i.e. / knoiv not) how I fiJuill escape. Aesch. Prom. 470. Oi' yap 87) 8l direLplav ye ov y ; II. iii. 316. K\piio-TiipLd^€n) el inf^dkoL tov ''A8py(rTov. Hot. v. G7. K7ryf)ovTO ct 7rapa8oi€V Kopn'Otovs ryv ttoAii', titey asked whether Dug should give up their city, i\w cpiestion being 7rapa8i7)p€v ryv TroAti'; Thuc. i. 25. E/i^orAcroi'To ct to, (rK€vo(f)opa IvTavOa dyoivro y dirloiev irrl to o-t/xxtottcSoi'. Xen. An. i. 10, 17: so i. 10, 5. 'HTro^jct o n \pya-aiTo to> Trpdypan, he was at a loss how to act in the matter ^ i.e. Ti xpya-ojpai ; Id. Hell. vii. 4, 39. Ov yap ^lyppev ottw? 8p(ovT€/xtV(uvTat, €S npcuT>,v n^^' »'^/o-o^' cTrAci'O-av. Id. iv. 13. ..-if 678. The context n.ust decide whether the optative "^ "^'''^' question represents a suV.junctive (as here) or an .ndica ive 669 The dlltinction is esi^cially in.portant with the aonst optafve (see 12.). 679. AVhen the leading verb is an optative referring to the « "re the optative can be used, by assimilation, to represent the subjunctne in these indirect (iiiestioiis. E.g. /i / .•/ / sLu not have anyu-l.re to put these do,rn (b.o.r vhne to put the,u). Ar. Eccl. 794. (See other examples under 186.) 680. E;, whether, can introduce the subjunctive here as well as the ■ indi "tive or optative : see Xen. Cyr. viii. 4, 16, and Aesch.n. uK Sotquoted in' 677. 'K.i. cannot n>ean M,er, and wherever th.s introduces a subjunctive the expression is conditional. (Sec 493.) Indintlive or Oiytutive with av. 681 An in.liaitive or oi.tative with av retains its mood and teuse (with av) unchanged i.i indirect discourse with S„ or »9 and in indirect questions, after both pr.uuiry and secondary tenses. E.ij. a;X o" T«?TO av lyiv.TO, he s.,i.l that this nvuld ha.e happened A%"(or c-AcyuO 5« oios- S.kc.W av Oavo., he ...js (or «.«/) that thismanirouldjusllijhepiittodeuth, , , v 't " ., ,'.,.«,m^To< .•vl^cTrCv /Kea.«, 'Afty..,u-os, he replied that he Md uU hare Ueo^ne been an Athenian. Pi.at. Rep. 330 A. 'Ln'ocm, or. ,,ttov. av crruc^.. r?>, a.is- «,.X".T"s- >, :ruXX.o... XKN-. An. vi. i 29. AxcKj,u.aTo, or. ™L(^.. a\h.oe6.vo..v n ra o.A« ^«^a8oo, TLS ai' 7€Vot>av. Aesch. Prom. 905 ; so 90.. Hpcuro^i €1 8oL€v av Toimov tu TTto-Tu. Xen. An. iv. 8, 7. 682. The same principle applies when a secondary tense of the in- dicative without av in the construction of 4 1 5 is (pioted. h.y. 6831 INFINITIVE IN INDIHECT DISCOURSE 2G7 ( EAcyci/) oTi KpeiTTov t/v arrw tot€ (xTToOav.tVy he said that he had better have died at once. Lys. x. 25. (The direct discourse was KpeiTTov 7jv jJLOL diruOavetv.) Injinitive in Lidinct Discourse. 683. AVlieii tlie infinitive stands in indirect discourse, its teuse represents the corresponding tense of the finite verb in tlie direct form, the present and perfect including the imperfect and pluperfect. If ai/ was used in the direct form, it must be retained in the quotation, each tense with av representing the corresponding tenses of either indicative or optative with av, E.(j. 4>7yrrt yfHi(f)€iVj he says that he w writing ; €(f)yj ypd(f)€n\ he said that he UHis vv'iting ; vyrr€t ypa>yo-i (€>y(rt («/) ypdtji€LV dv, ct SvvaiTOj he says (or said) that he should write, if he should, {evm) be able. (He says Yp^^^^^f*-^ ^^') 4>)/a-t ypdxpai, he says that he urate ; cc/)»y ypdypai, he said that he had written; ify/fira ypdifat, he will say that he wrote. (He says typaipa.) 4*);o"i (€/) ypd^uL dv, u iSw/fOij, he says (or said) that he should hace written, if he had hern able. (He says ey paipa dv.) ^^ijcrl {((fi'ii) ypdxf at dv, €1 SwijOeuf, he s<(ys (or said) that he should write, if he should (ever) be able. (He says ypdxpatfit dv.) 4>//a-t (if)i'iij y€yp(t(fia'aL, lie s»y(rt (c/)>y(rct,) ypd\f/€iv, h^' says (or icill say) that he will write ; €\s, e/xc 6 k^o)^a TrdvTiov dOavdriov Kc^oAtoo"6?at, tell him that the Oods are angry with him and that I am enraged icith hint beyond all the inunortals. II. xxiv. 113. 'Appo)(rT€LV 7rpo(fia(rL^€Tai., he j^ntends th((t he is sick: k^iopoaev dppiowreiv rovrovi, he took his oath that //tw mail was sick. Dkm. xix. 124. Oj'k e(/»/ arTo<» aAA' €K€lvov iTTpaTijy€LV, i.e. (■leim said tliat not lie himself, but Nidus, was general ; i.e. lie said, ock iyo) avTO'i dAA iKclvo^ (tt parity €.1. Thuc. iv. 28. 'Yiva^ovv €i'^a/t'^CTo : see 119.) Ot/xat yap dv ovk d\apL(Triiia;xcv dv. Dkm. x.xvn 5b (See 223^ A sin^ae iufinitive Avith a. occurs in Hoiuer : kul 6 av to.. aAAouru e4>n ^af>aavOy8. 4>,;s .#r.;/ « rewanlfor him. Dkm. xix. 21. A-^Acyo. ^ 6cKauos ^resentinK the plui^erfectinairative ana the perfect optative, sec 206) ^ Future.) -K(>4 Ka uo. eccTTC. M.,./x.,8ono. r^. ap-^^^' Ae/^cuy/x.o. ,eA.o.o, A. ^>/./ ... ^ aparro, . . . A.^V-' I^' '^viii. 0. K;u 6,, /a>. y.,>a. arro. a;(rct. , he promises to do v^hat is ri.lht. Dkm. xix. 48 Kc/>>, cro. .;/xcp... ^ei.^ ^A«f 'n>;'« f.v«f/, ./.... he mndd either hrin^ them ahce^or Ml^^ ,ch.re th.„ urre. Thuc. iv. 28. (Cleon saul ., a^cu .; -^-^^Ynt TaPra (c/»yorl) 7rc;r/,a^r three daifs ,130- Dem. xix. 74. (For the rare future infinitive with av, see 208.) 685] INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 269 684. The infinitive is saia to stand in indirect discourse ana its tenses corresi)ona to tliose of the inaicative or optative, when it aepeiuls on a verb ini[)lying thought or the expression of thought (one of the class of verba sentiendi et declarandi), ana when also the thought, as originally conceivea, wouhl have been expressed by some tense of the indicative (with or without av) or optative (with av\ so that it can be transferrea without cliange of tense to the iniinitive. Thus in /^orAcrai kXOilv, he wishes to go, kkS^lv represents no form of either aorist inaicative or aorist optative, ana is therefore said to l>e not in iiKlirect aiscourse. But in >/o-a' 1X0 €iv, he says that he went, eA^eti' represents tJA^oi' of the airect aiscourse. The aistinction in the time of the in- finitive (especially of the aorist infinitive) in these two uses is obvious. It may be asked why the infinitive after certain other verbs should not be said to stan, than where it is drawn above. It is impossible to say where a Greek would have drawn the line, or to be sure that he would have drawn any line at all ; for our own use, the usual definition of the infinitive in oratio obli(|ua (as given above) is certiiinly the most convenient. 685. (SVi] with fnfmitire.) The negative particle of the infinitive in indirect discourse is regularly or, which is retained from the direct form (667, 5). But, after certain verbs which belong to the inter- mediate chtss between those which take the infinitive in inairect ais- course ami those which ao not (see 136), the infinitive regularly takes fiij for its negative. Such are verbs of hopimj, ]rromisiny, dud swear- iiuj ; with those signifying to ayree or consent (ofioXoyo)), to trust (TTwrrcvw), to he jtersiuided (TreTrcKr/xat), to testify QiapTvpio).^ The infinitive occasionally has fit) even after the verljs which most regularly take the infinitive with ov in indirect discourse, as ^»//xt, Acyoj, vofxi^io, ijyovfiaL^ etc. E.y. • Xf)ijv ofKHruL fjiij cK-orra eXOeiv, he had to swear that he did not come intnitiomdly. IIdt. ii. 179 ; so i. 165. "OfiviHTiv fii] ttoWot ap^ivov €7ry iiijSev uKoiVat, lie .swears that nobody ever heard better verses. All. Vesp. 1047. "ilfivve [itjSev ^IpijKevai,. Dem. xxi. 119. "Orai/ cAtti- (Tiixriv oiroi fiij aAA(i>«j tov v€ov KaOe^etv. Plat. Re]). 572 E. OvSe- filav vfxkuiv €\0) eXTTi^i fii] or ^ukt€lv r/xeas Slkijv. Hdt. vi. 11. (For fii] ov see 815, 2.) Matador i-to? rTToo-xo/xci/os KaT€V€\w€ fiy ttot aTTOKXixj/iiV cxT 'VjKyjfioXos cKrearto-rat. Hymn. Merc. 521 ; so firf TLva €(T€(rdai. Il)id. 525. 1 See Lidilell and Scott, ed. 7, under /at), B. 5, C ; also Gildersleeve in Am. Jour. Phil. i. p. 51. 270 INDIRECT DISCOUKSE [686 'ft//oAoy>/o-a/xcv' fi/jTroT (W avT7>' cVarrm ^^cii'. PlaT. Phaed. 04 C. M€iJ.apTvp;]Ka(TLV oi TTp6r^pov lpyai6p€Voi fii) cu'at (tt^kov Iv to> x^pey. Lys. vii. 11. So Dem. xlv. 15. ^oiKpari) y€ cyw (yy.xo/xai /x>/ ctti- Ar/o-co-^ac. Plat. Prot. 336 D. nio-rct'o, /xi; i^eiVcii' /x€ ravxtts ras aya(9as cATrtSa?. Xkn. Cvr. i. 5, 13. WkTr^KipaL lyio /xr^Stm a8iK€iv avOp^TTOiv. Plat. Ap. 37 A : so 37 B. ^ ^ x 4>air/i' 5' av cytoyc /x^/Sci't pi]^plav ilvai irai^x^iv irapa tov /xi/ dpecTKovTo^. Xen. Mem. i. 2, 39. So Plat. Theaet. 155 A. UdxT^s epodo-i TO Aotroi' /x>y8€i' eaat KcpSaAcoWcfioi' a/J€Tf/s\ Xen. Cyr. vii. 1, 18. 'Ei'o/xto-c Sc p) av yiVio-Oat ttotc ttio-toi' ai'^p(07rov. lb. vii. 5, 59. Kal apTL €k€yov p/^o'a WiXeiv cKovra u/JX^^^i'. Pl-AT. Rep. 34(> E. Tis av OeiZv fuv TzalSa^ yyolro etvai, ^€ois ^ /xvj ; Id. Ap. 27 D. ri/^otUcyov /xi) av ylyi'arOai TroAt/tov (i.e. ovk av yt'yvoiTo TToAe/xos). Thuc. i. 139. See also Thuc. v. 49, vi. 102, (pioted in 683. The examples in the last paragraph are <)pi>osed to the regular \isa"e of the language, which would demand ov in all of them. We must suppose that the use of pi) with the infinitive was so fixed, before the infinitive began to be used in indirect discourse, that pi] always seemed natural, even after o.' had become the regular form after verbs o^mymj, thinkiwj, etc. We sometimes find strange uses of py. In Thuc. i. 118, ovtcs /x€v Kal Trpo to^ pi] Tax^is' i€vai cs tois ttoAc- poxs, haring eveji Itefore this Imn not dow to go into wars, it may be difiicult to find a better explanation of the anomakms pi] than the perhaps heretical one, that to? pi) Tax^K t€va/. had a moi-e natural sound than nw ov rax^U tc'vat, although neither rov nor the negative has anything to do with the infinitive. So some people say between you and /, merely because yon and me sounds vulgar. 686. With pij and the infinitive in indirect discourse we may compare the rare on pi) with the indicative, which ocairs jn Theog. 659, or8' o/xmrat XP/ 'ro^'^\ ^^^ p/jTrore Trpijypa to8* cVja/, and Ant. V. 21, TupTa o-KOTrcrTc, oti pi) 7r/x)votV /xdAAov lylyvtro y tvx*;- see also Soph. Ant. 685, o7r(os' ere pi) Ac'ycis 6pOo>^ Ta^c. "Otl pi) with the indicative became a regular construction in later Greek (as in Lucian). 'O/xcWt oti pi) orrai in Theognis suggests the still more i)U//ling cases of pi) alone with the indicative after oaths in Homer and Aristophanes: iVtw ZcJs, pi) p€r mh tinrouTii' ainfp €iroiX')ir€Tat dAAo^^ 11. x. 329 ; icrno vrv to^€ ya.'a . . . pi) ^t^ Ipip' lOTiiTu rioo-ciSn'ojv amrix^MV Ti^paiva Tpoa?, 11. xv. 36 ; pn. Tov 'AttoAAw /x-,; VP* KopxfiWtpov i)KOV(Ta TTio, Av. 194. I have no explanation, even to suggest, of the strange use of pi) in these last examples. ra/iuijflr ill ImJirect l)ixi'our&e. 687. When the participle stands in indirect discourse, 687] rARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOUKSE 271 it follows the rules already given for the infinitive (683), in regard to its tense and the use of av. E.g. AyyeAAct tovtoi's lpxop^kvov% he announces that they are coming; ^yyyciAc tovtois ipxopevovSj he announced that they were comimj. (The announcement is ovTot (pxovTai.) 'AyyeAAet toi'toi'? eA^ov- Ta?, he announces that tJiey came; lyyyetAe tovtoi'? eA^ovTas, he announced that they had come. (He says i)XOov.) 'AyyeAAet toiStois c A>;Ai'^oTas, he announces that they have come; i'jyyetXe tovtois fAi/Ai'^oTtt?, he announced that they had come. (He says €\i)XvOa- (Tiv.) AyyeAAci (vyyyctAc) tovto ycv7yo-o/xc vo v, he announces (or announced) that this is (or ims) about to happen. (He says toijto ycv?yo-€Tat.) ()r8 apa irio tl ij8i) HaTpoKkov TC^vryoTa Sios 'AxtAAc?'?, nor yet did Achilles hair any knowledge that Pa trod us was dead. II. xvii. 402. Viyi'oHrKe Oeov yorov i)vv covTa. II. vi. 191. T^yAe'/iaxo? 6' apa ptv TraAat ijSeev €v8ov €OVTa. Od. xxiii. 29 : so xvii. 549, 556. Tots T€ yap €TrLXiip>)pa(TLi' eiopiov ov KaTop6ovvTeyo-a/x€V SiKaioi'; ovclv; do we abide by what we acknowledged to he just (i.e. SiKaid ecrTtv) ? Plat. Crit. 50 A. Ilav^' €vcKa cai'Tov Trotwv c^eAvyAcyKTat, it has been proved that he is doing evejijthing for his own interest. Dem. ii. 8. Autw Kvpiiv Itt LCTTpaTivovra Trpwro*^ yyyetXa, I first announced to him that Cyrus was on his march against him. Xkn. An. ii. 3, 19. See Soph. 0. T. 395. H (ra(f)a ot8c vocTvyo-a VTa (r€ ^erpo, whetlie.r she is perfectly certain that you hare returned hither. Od. xxiv. 404. 'ETrwrTa/xcvot Kal tov fidpfSapov aiVov irepl aiVw Ta TrAetw y/xcK Trepty^yivypeOa). Thuc. i. 69. So in the same chapter, tov M/y^ov ai'Tot Lcrpev €K Treipdron' yij's cVt Ti)i' 1 IcAotto vvryrrov €A6'ovTa, i.e. o Mvy^o-s >yA0€V. E7rct8>y eyvoxrav ov p€T * AOijvaiujv irpa- xOilaav ri)V tmv A^ouorCn' ^lyx/xax^av, aAA' cs 8La€ vttKto-a v^' vpd'i, I have shown that he has reported lUfthing that is true, and that he deceived you (aTrvJyyc Akc v and c^c- vaKio-cv). Dem. xix. 177. Et €v ijS€iv Kal Ti)v (Ti'/xyxaxtav yxot ye vrycroyxe v>y v, if I were sure that I should obtain an alliance also {i.e. (Tvppax^a pot ycvv/crcTat). Ibid. 40. So Xen. Hell. iv. 7, 3. O 8' dvroi^iiXwv dpfSXvTepos.^ elSios OVK €s xdpLV aAA* cs 6pois yefo/x^'ovs (i.e. ovk a^' cyo'ccr^^c). Thuc. i.76.^ ^Lkottov- uci'os o.V €vpiiTKOV or8a/i(us dv' aAAcus to?to 8ia7rpa|a/x€»'os, / /ouwr/ ^/m< / could accomplish this {ScaTrpa^aifiiiv dv) in no otJier way. ISOC. XV. 7. , ^, n - - ' * /J. "Ottws 8€ y€ Tois TToXc/xiors 8Tm«r^€ KUKws TToicii', OVK ot(r«/a uav^ai'oi'Tas f/ia« TroAAa? KaKorpyms ; r/o i/om not know th^tt yoa learned, etc. i Xen. Cyr. i. 6, 28. (Here Si'^'aurOe and the whole con- text show that ^avOdi'oi'Ta^ represents efiavOavtre.) MefiviiiiaL 6c eywyc Kal irak ^v K^nriV t<33€ ^i-i'ov'Ttt er ^W yoa were with (fi-i'f/o-^a) //u'*' Cntias. Plat. Charm. 156 A. (See 140 and the examples.) See other examples in 904. 688. {Xeqative iii].) The participle of indirect discourse, like the infinitive, regularlv retains the ne<,'ative or from the direct form. But, as in the 'case of the infinitive (685), we find many e.xceptions^.^ Coin- pare Isoc. V. 133 and Thuc. i. 76, which have p) after oi6a, with Thuc. ii. 40 and Isoc. xv. 7, which have oiSa ov (all (juoted in 687). See also Soph. O. C 656, 797 (o??;a /x/y), Ph. 79 (i^oiSa iirf\ O. C. 1121 (eVtVra/xat py) ; EuR. Tro. 970 (^ct'^o) py) ; Thuc. ii. 17 {TrpoijSiL py). Here also the irregularity may be explained l>y the fixed' earlier use of /x>y in other constructions aft'ecting the later con- struction of indirect discourse f'685). INDIRECT QUOTATION OF C^OMPLEX SENTENCES. 689. When a cuniplex sentence is indirectly quoted, its leadin*; verb follows the principles already stated for simple sentences (G60-G88). 1. If the quotation depends on a primary tense, all tlie dependent verbs of the ori«,nnal sentence retain the mood and tense of the direct discourse. 2. After a secondary tense, all dei)endent verbs of the orijiinal sentence which there stood in the present, perfect, or future indicative, or in any tense of the subjunctive, may either be changed to the same tense of the optative or retain 689] INDIRECT QUOT.VTION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES 273 both the mood and tense of the direct discourse, the optative being the more common form. When the subjunctive is changed to the optative, dv is dropped, eai/, orav, etc., becoming et, ore, etc. 3. But dependent secondary tenses of the indicative and all dependent optatives remain unchanged after all tenses (see, however, 693). F.r/. 1. (After primary tenses.) *Av 8* i'/x€ts keyijTe^ 7rot/yo-€ii/ (^yo"t) o fxijT* aL(r\vvifV p.i]T dSo^iav ai'ru (jjepei. Dem. xix. 41 (i.e. •7rot7yo"(t>, o pL'i'jT* . . . ip^OL (fj€p€L). No/xt^oj y/x€r, on diravd* ocra ttmitot ?y ATrtcra/jtev tlvo. 7rpd^€LV viref) ijpotv KaO* i)p.o)V €vpi]TaL, Kav pij vvv c^eAw/xev cK€t TToXcpelv auT(o, IvOdS' t(ro>§ di/ay Kttcr(9>yo"o/x€^a touto ttoulVj k.t.X, Id. iv. 50. IlyjoAcyw on, ottotc// dv dTTOKplvajTai, i^eXeyx^jfTiTat. Plat. Euthvd. 275 E. See Dem. xxi. 66, where two such conditional sentences depend on ei 7r/3o5>yAoi' ykvoiTo, and II. xiii. 741 (see 178 and 184, above). *0/3{u (Toi TovTCDi' Sc'/ycTGi/, oTtti' CTTi ^I'/xvyo-^ys ^ikaiv TTpOS TLVayo-tAa(K cAcycy on, ct fSkaPepd 7r€ Tr^a x <»>? « ">;, 8tKato§ €iif l^ipioiKrOaL, i.e. he said ci fSXafSepd irkTrpax^, Slkulo^ kcrri. (y)pLov(T6aL. Xen. Hell. v. 2, 32. So An. iii. 5, 15 and vi. 6, 25. El 8e Tiva y^o/xat, Xpi](ropaL.) Tv6vT€^ 8€ on, €t 8(uo-oi€i' cu^rm?, klv8vv€vo-ol€v diroXicrOaL, TrkpiroiKTiv Kal SiSdorKOva-tv TOVsOy]fSaLOVyo-ot, U tovto)V avno Trapaa-Tdra^ XijTrreov coy. Id. Cyr. viii. I, 10. (The direct discourse was €t n 5cryo-ct, Xijttt^ov (CTTlv.) *EXoyi^ovTo M'sy €L p.1] pdxoiVTO, dTTOO-rrjO-OLVTO at TrepLoiKiSes TToAeis. Id. Hell. vi. 4, 6. ('Eai/ /xv/ pax(op^Oa, d7ro(Tri)(Tovrai.) Xp^paO' i'7rtcr;(i'ctT0 8io(r€LV, €t tov -rrpdyp.aro'i aiTnovTo €/x€. Dem. xxi. 104. (Aoxrw, idv aLTida-Oe.) *Hy€tro ydp dirav Trotrjo-eLV ttVToi', €L TVs dpyvpLOV 8t5ot7/. Lys. xii. 14. Ev^avTO (rojTrjpta Ova-iLV, IvOa TrpoJTOv ci's tAtai' yrjv dLKio)i€ea.) To?To €TrpayfiaT€V€To vo/xt'fwv, 5(ra rf;? ttoAccus T^poXdpoL, ndvra raiVa /Sc^atV €^€tv (/- o-ctav Tov fSiov, Ta4ii)(T€(TeaL (eVciSai/ rcAciTvyo-w/xci', Tavcro/x€^a). Lys. xiii. 45. Kovwi' cSi'Sao-KCV w§ ovtw fih TOLodi'TL TrdtruL avno ai TTOACIS iXiaL cVotVTO, €t' Sc SovkoiHrOaL f3ov\ofl€VO^^€X€ii', Kat KtVSm'os €1%; firi kuI ol "KXhji'e^, €l ravra ar(r(9ot i-TO, o-vcTTartv. Xen. Hell. iv. 8, 2. EtVe tc on Trao-a uvayKiy ctr; Tor-Tor (kXayifiov 7€i'60-(9at, eiVcf) c?? 7}AiKtav cA6>ot (ttvayK>/ eVrh', tav lA^). PlaT. Theaet. 142 D. 'Eio/xio-c /«) ai^ yevio-Oat ttotc Trto-rui' avOpioTrov o'o-Ti? aAAov' /mAAor c/iiAvicrot to? t^'Js^ c/>i'AaKfys 8€Ofi€Vov, he Mured that no rmm could ever he made faithful who was to love (see 527) any one more than the mie needing his fjuardianship (ovk av yci'oiro ci <^iAYr€t). Xen.Cvt. vii. 5, 59. "ft/xotrci' 'A7€(riAao), ci o-TrctVatTo C(u5 iXdoitv CIS Tr€fixf€i€ 7r/>os fSaaiXea dyyeXois, Stair pii^€(rOaL, k.t.A. Id. Aj,'. i 10 (The oath was lav (nrum) €m dv iXOioirti' ayycAoi ois av 7r€/ii/o>, 86a7r/)«$«/xttt.) Even in Homer, 11. ii. 507, we find ayvro yap ervo/xci'os VLKinrefitv, €t 7r€p av a.Val Moicrai tt€tdoi€i', far he provw7/8o/xcyoi'S 8' ct rts (r»7xc/>o/)a Trpoair iirroi, they said they knew that they (the Mantineans) were envious if any yoinl came to them, but pleased if any calamity hfell them. Xen. Hell v. 2, 2. (^Oov€LT€ fxlv idv Ti ijfilv dyaOov yiyviirai, £(/>,;8€a-^€ 6 €av Tis trP/xc^ooa 7r|.oo-7ri7rT);.) Ti)v alrlav. y irpdSijkos fjv cV €K€lvois ij^ovira ct Tt TrdOoL XaptSijfW's (>/^€t, cav Tt TraOy Xaptbijfioc). Dem. xxiii. 12. (Sul)junctive and Indicative reUiined after secondary tenses.) 'EAcyoi' oTi nKpa tc c'frTU' €v8ov Kal oi TroAc/xiot ttoAAoi, ol Tratoi'o-u' To.s evSov dvOpioTTovs, they said that thre was a heiyht, etc Xen. An. v. 2, 17. (Here cui' and Trai'oici' mi};ht have been used.) *E8(^KCt /xot Td.'TV TretpdaeaL moOipai, ci'^^r/xor/xci'w 5ti, idv pXv Xddio, (TioOiproiuil, k.t.A. Lys. xii. 15. (Here ci' Aa^m/xi, o-w<9v- croi/x>/i' mi^^ht have been used.) ^dtrKiov tc, !>' (noOy oiVa^c, KaTa ycTo ttVToi SvvuTov 8iaAAa^cti''A^>/i'aiois Kai A«Kc5ai/xoi'iois uttc- ttAci^cv'. Xen. Hell. i. 6, 7. (He said i)v inoOiZ, which mi^co/.) 'TaTO' f/xas cVcKrc Tr/xt^ai, c? ciOt^^ oTr, ct' p; Trao-t^i' Tiov cATraStui' a7roo-TC/»;6^>i(rco-^c, Taxcmi' Tra/) ai'TOi. T>;y Tipiopiav KopLi€Urt)€. Lys. xii. 70. *V7rc(rxoi'TO arTors% >>' ^'^^^ ^0^- 8a(rav icva/, car fii'i Tt« avTOis X/^ piTa 818(0- o 8' iVco-xcTo ai'8^i cKacrTO) 8(o(TCM' ttci'TC /xms, cVav cts nafSuXCova ijKioa-t, kuI tov' /xio-^oi' cv'TcA;/, yxcx/Ji <1f KttTao-Tvjo-y •»!.■' 689] INDlliKCT QUOTATION OF COMl'LKX SENTENCES 275 (1 I Toi's "EAAryi'tts CIS *Ioji'iai' TTttAtr. Xen. An. i. 4, 12 and 13. E(/»/ ■^pijvaL^ OL dv cAcyx^wo-i Sta/SdkXovres twv 'EAA^yrwr, ws TrpoBoras ovTas Tip,u)pi]OijvaL. lb. ii. 5, 27. See Aeschin. iii. 145. El 8c fiif, Kal avTol c(/>a(Tai' avrQv Tois dv8pa<; aTTOKTevetv ovs €)(ov(rL fwi'Ta?, othertnse, they said, they should themselves kill tlieir men whom they had in their hands alive {ex^oLev might have been used). Thuc. ii. 5. KaTao-xto-ctv' rds Tn'Aa? cc/)ttcrai', ct firj ckov'Tc? di'oi^oi'o-ii^. Xen. An. vii. 1, 16. (Et /ixt) dvol^oiev might have been used.) So Thuc. i. 137. Ai'toi'J Toiavry] 86^a Trapeio-TyKei, w?, ct pkv irpdrepov ctt* uAA>/i' TroAti^ I'aorti', CKCtVots Kal AOip'aioL^ tto- Ac/x/ycroro^ii'* ci 8' IvOdSe irpCyrov d€Ao9 €/ riov x^^"* ^'f^'l' /x€i'o>i' cTi'at Aoycoi', ct ravO' ol ^lXittttov pij av fnre LG-Oi]cro vt at irperr/ieis. Aeschin. iii. 71. "O TrpoSijXov yv co-o/xei'ov, ct /xt) lyxets KwAi'o-cTc, it icas manifest that this would he so unless you should prevent it (i.e. c(rTa(, ct /xi) kwAiVctc). Id. iii. 90. (KwAiVotTC might be used ; and ct /X7y KwAj'o-(tJTc representing c'ai' /xt) kwAiVv/tc is in one Ms.) 3. (Past tenses of Indicative retained after secondary tenses.) 'Etti- ffTctAat 8e (Tcliariv ai'Tot;, ols /xctcttc/x i^ay, (XTrai^TvJo-co-^at, they hoped that the Sikds whom they had sent for would nuet them here. Thuc. vii. 80. Acyoifrt Si nve^ Kal cKotVtoi/ (IxippaKoi dTrodaveiv auToi', dSvvarov voparavra eivat crriTcAco-at fiacnXel d T7re(rxeTO, and some say even that he (Themisto(des) died a voluntary death by poison^ helieviny that it was impossible to perform for the Kiwj what he had j)romised (a8i'i'ttToi' ctrTtv cVtTcAcfrat a vTreayi^ixip'). Id. i. 138. Avtc- Acyoi', Acyoi'Tc? /xt) iTnjyyeXOat. ttw tus (nroySd^ or IcreTrep^xpav Toi'S oTrXlra's. Id. v. 49. "EAcyoi' m^ ^ci'oc/xoj/ ot'xotTo oj'? ^^evO^jv oLKncriov Kal d v7r€(r\€TO avT(o aTroXiixJ/ofuvos. Xen. An. vii. 7, 55. "EKaCTTOl' ypdllip', €t TlVeS €t€V fldpTVp€/ a evpot SuKr€iv means he said that he would yire ivhatever he miyht find {d dv c'vpio 8oxrw) ; but if a evpot could also represent d evpov, it might also mean he s((id that he would yire what he hail found. In the leading clause the ambiguity is confined to indirect questions, in which the aorist indicative is generally retained for the same reason (see 125). (Past tenses of the Indicative in unreal conditions retained.) 'E8okci, ct p) €(f>Oa(Tav ^I'AAa/ioi'TC? toIs dv8paf^a(rav were optative, it would represent an optative of direct discourse.) Otco-^c toi' irarepa, ct pi] TL/ioOeov rjv rd A'Aa KOI iSiijOif ovtos avTov irapaa-y^^lv ro rrxcAor, eaerat dv TroTif 276 INDIRECT DISCOURSE 1690 K.T.X., aXA' o^K av v\dTT€iU Kal T^v Tifir^v Xafipavetv c^s cKo/xt- o-aro ra cavrou; Dem. xlix. 35. ToiVwv ci' ti ^/i' aA7;6/cs, oico-t^^ ovK av ai'r^v XafSeiv ; Id. xxvii. 56. *H8€a>9 5.V vfiC^v 7rv6>otpyv tiv'^ Av/ 7roT€ yyuS/xryv/ 7r€/oi €/xov €tx«^« «' P^ €7r€TpLrjpapx^lipovs Aa^Sot (he said €^A(9oi/xt civ' €i ^/xZ/pois Aa^oi/xt). Xen. Hell, iii 1 20. ''Httov tti' 8ta touto Tvyx^i't"' {8ok€i /xoi), ci Tt 8€oio-6/€ Trap avTwi'. Id. An. vi. 1, 26. "EAcyev ore ovk av ttotc Trpoorro, cVcl c[7raj ct>[Xo^ avTol^ kykv^ro, or6' ct cVt ^ilv pdov/cr(o lav toi-to yci'r/rat, 1 shall rejoice if this shall happen. (See 456.) 690. The dependent verbs of a quotation may be changed to the optative in indirect discourse, even when the leading verb retains the indicative; and sometimes (thongh rarely) a dependent verb retains the subjunctive or indicative, when the leadmg verb is changed to the optative. This may give rise to a great variety of constructions in the same sentence. E.(J. AijXuHTas on 'iroipoi ciVt p^ax^aBai ^t Tis* €^€pxotTO. Xen. Cyr. iv. 1, 1. ("ETo/./iot d^tv lav n^ €^€px>;Tat.) Aimnhpo? ctTrc 74. ( l^^x^' '^"■^ ^^'*^ ^"^^"' '"^ ^' "7'/"'/- -^; : ,V'^. \-\ no need of the emendations 7roi>;o-€T and kcAci-ci.) h6oK€t dvyAoi/ €?mt oTt aipi]iTovrai avrov ct rts €7rti/^7///xoTat Kal 7/ i^f/(/>os^ SiKatcus 8o^C67,, oySapov yevyio-ovrai oi /x€Ta rovrov (ri'i'co-T7/KOTcs. Dem. Ivn. 16. (Ei aTTO- 8o6>>io-CTai Kal €av Trapayo'covrat Kal ify4>o^ 8o6>7;, oi*8apoi. yciopov-rai.) 'Ay7,(rtAao9 yv'ors on, €t' pei^ p,,^enpio LXos co-otTo, k.t.A. AEX. A«;. u. ol. ^ ^ ^ "EAcyoi' on etV^ra ^okoTci' Aeyctr fiaaiXel Kai 7/koici' 7yy7;poms CXOVTCS, o? avTOVs, €av (nro»'6al yo'tovrat, a^\>i(Tir €V6>c»' ^^orcri ra €7rm)8€ia. Id. An. ii. 3, 6. 'E7r7;p.oTa, rora cu, nov opecoi' 07ro6j€i' ot XaASatoi Karadlovns Xyiiovrai. Id. Cyr. iii. 2, 1. ^ EA€|a9 on p.lyiijTov €hi paOilv uTTcos ScT €^cpyaf€0-6^at CKacrTa' ci 6c p7;, ovdc : ! f ^ 693] INDIRECT QUOTATION OF COMPLEX SENTENCES 277 TTJq cVi/jtcAcias €deLpev ovre x^^pa? avraipo/xcvois ovTe TroXepioxs {ov KaAws eXev- BepoU, el Sia(t>OelpeLs). Thuc. iii. 32. Ovre yap Tots^ Oeols e^i KaAws €X^n', €t rat? pcyaAai? Ovaiais paXXov y Tak pLKpai^ exa.ipov {el xatpoi-o-tv). Xen. Mem. i. 3, 3. Kal eeL ttJs iroXeios diroSiotieiv {ijyovpijv), I thought that he would give back what he had taken from the city ; i.e. a eLXrjv 8tK7^v pe X'i]\pe(T6ai trap av- Twv, cVctSttv Tdxt;a(ri) to? a^'oo-twraTov fi€U €i>; clnyaiTixkvo^ ot€ toG a5€AaA;/r, (ro<^(oTaro»' 6€ oTt Tois c/>..AJkoi'S KaTa/x€^iVas Kara A.i'o-€t€ tol ti3€X(/>€o.' K^c/xa- Mci'oi' Til' v€Ki.i'. Hot. ii. 121. Here on Kurak^KT^u represents on KarkXviTa, hecam*' I took down; oT€ dTronlfioL (so tlie Mss.) nii-ht also be understood in a causal sense, dure he had cat off, althou-h in the sense of ithen he cut off it could not be anil)i«?uoiis here. Madvig however, reads on in b.>th clauses. See Xen. Mem. i. 4, 19 (c^uoted in 714). (See also 700, and the examples.) SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES LN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 69^-.. 1. The principles which govern dependent clauses of indirect discourse (G89) apply also to all dependent clauses in sentences of every kind (even when what precedes is not in indirect discourse), if such clauses express indirectly the past thought of any person, even that of the speaker himself. This atfects the construction only when the leading verb is past ; then the dependent clause may either take the optative, in the tarn in which the thought was originally conceived, or retain both the mood and the tense of the direct discourse. AViien a subjunctive is changed to an optative, av is ilropped. 2. Secondary tenses of the indicative here (as in G89, 3) regularly reniaiu unchanged. Hut an aorist indicative sometimes becomes optative when no amluguity can result from the change (see G93) : this may occur in causal sentences (G91) and 714) and in the relative sentences of 700. The principle of G94 applies to the following constructions :— 695. I. Clauses de})ending on the infinitive which follows verbs of icishimj, comwnnd'nuj, adrisiuff, and others which imply thought but do not take the infinitive in indirect discourse (684). 'EISovXovTo iXOelv €1 toPto y ci'oiTo, they inched to go if this should Jiapren. (Here the original expression of the thought wouhl be fiovXo- yut€6/a iXdelv €av Todro ykvy^Tai, and therefore lav ycvoyrai might be 696] SINGLE DEPENDENT CLAUSES 279 retained.) ra^(iTai' 8€ k«i TuiPpvav eKeXevcrev o n Si'vat vto A.a/3oi'- ras /i€Ta8iojK€ii'- Kal oori? cfx^ tois €7ro/x€i'a§ ayeAa?, etire Toyno Kal dfm Trpo^ara ttoAAu IXavveLV ottij av avrov Tri'i'^av'^/rat ovra, tos eVto-c/>ay(n/. Xen. Cvr. vii. 3, 7. (Here o n SvvatvTo represents o n dv 8ri'>/o-6^€, while oTry dr Tri'i'^ai'/yrat r('i»resents ott^; dv ^rri'^ai/?/.) 'EftorXovTo ydp (rl(rlr, ct ro'a XdfSoiev, vTrapx^w dvrl twv evSov, t)v dpa Ti'x">o-t' Tti'es €iioypijpkvoL,for they wished that, if they should capture any one, he. mvjht be a hostage for their frierids ivithin the city, in case any should chance to hare been taken prisoners (tT/i' XafSiofiev, and TT/r Ti'YaxrO. Thuc. ii. 5. 01 8' dXXot SylSaloi, ois (Set irapay^veaOai €t Tip) Trpox^poiy ToU ea-eXiiXvOoa-iv, lirejSoifiovv, who u'ere to come up if anything shntdd go wrong with those who had entered the city {yv n uij T^po^Mpij). Ibid. ^ , , V / Upoilirov arrow p; vavfiax^h' KopnOioi^, yv fii] cVl KepKvpav rrXeioa-L Kal fikXXioa-LV dTTojiaiv^iv. Id. i. 45. Kat Trap/yyetAai/ €7r€i87/ ^€nTvipT€Lav avv€(rK€va(rfX€Vois Trai'Tas ai'a;raiW6^at, Kat €Tr€(rOaL r/riV dv ti§ TrapayykXXij. Xen. An. iii. 5, 18.^ ('ETraSai' SciTn'vjo-v/TC, and i)vlk dv rts irapayykXXij.) \\ep\ avnov Kpva TrepTrei, KcAcrwi' p) dijielvai irplv dv avrol TrdXiV KOfiKrOiZa-LV, he sent bidding the Athenians not to let them go until they should tJiemselves have returned^. Thcc. i. 91. {U plv KOfiLcrOeUv mv^ht be used.) Kat TroAXaKi? tois *AOrivaloLS Trapyvei, ijv dpa ttotc Kara yTjv fhaorOoxri, KarafSavTa^ €? aiVov Ttti^j I'ai-o-t 7r/)os aKavras dvO'uTraaOai. Id. J. 93. ^ (E/ pta- dSiUv mij^ht be used.) 'H^toi'i' avTo\s i)y€fi6va'i (t4>o)v yevkaOai, Kal IlttPO-ai't.^r pi) iTTLTpkireu' yv ttov fStd^iirai. Id. i. 95. (Et irov Pid^oiTo\n'v^\\i be used.) * AfjiLKVovvTai oj? 2tTaAK7/i', jiovXopevo^ Trda-ai avrov, el Svvaivro, (TTpaT€?miL cVt rijv Ilor/^atai'. Id. ii-^^'. "¥jrotfxo<; yv aTToTlveiv, ct Karay i/o Tei^ avTof'. Isoc. xvii. 10. EiVoi' fiijSkva nZv dTTurOev KivilaOai Trplv dv o Trp6(r6€V y yy) rat, I comvumded tluit no one at the. rear should move until the one before him should lead. Xen. Cvr. ii. 2, 8. , ^^ - ' '? /^ llapiiyykXXtTo yap nvTO?s SiKa fikv ois Siipapevii's aTredet^c X€Lf>oToi"?ittV€i7/ Ogpim', and (to be ready) in case any wild beast should appear; his 280 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [697 thought being cav ti avyj. Id. Cyr. i. 4, 7. Upo^ ti> iroXiv, ci Itt 1^01)0 oUv^ kx'^povv, they marched towanh the city, in case they (the citizens) should rush out {i.e. so as to meet them, if they should rush out), the thought being 7> iirt (So,] 6 Cjo-lv (490, 1). Thuc. vi. 100.^ Oi'8* 7)v Tov TToXefiov TTcpas ovS* dTraXXayi] ^lAtWo), €i fii) OrjfSalovs Kal 0€TTaXovs €xOpov^ 'iroLi)(T€L€ ttJ TToAet, i.e. Philip saw that he could mither end nor escape tlie ivar unless he should make the Thehans and Thessalians hostile to tJie city (the original apodosis, / cannot end or escape the war, to which lav fiij iroup-ia was the protasis, is implied in oi'8' rjv . . . ^tAiTTTrw). Dem. xviii. 145. ^'Hv 5e Tis ciTTv; r) i7rL\l/i]i(ry KtvciV tu xpi/^ara ravra es aAAo Tt, OdvaTov C>]fiLav iireOivro, they set death as the penalty (i.e. voted that death should he the penalty) if any one sliould move, or put to vote a motion, to divert this money to any other purpose. Thuc. ii. 24. ^ {El eLTTOL i) €TrL\fnj(l>[iTeuv might be used.) TaAAa, yv hi vavpax€tv ol *kOi]valoL TO A /x lytr wo- 1, Tra^co-Kci-afoi'To, i.e. they made their other pre- parations, (to be ready) in case the Athenians should still dare to liska sea fight (their thought being we will he ready in case they shall dare, ijv ToA/x/yo-oxri). Id. vii. 59. So >> two- if, Id. i v. 42. Ov to Xolttov (fiiX- kov €^€LV tl /x») vavKf)aTi'i(rov(TLV, they were not likely to have them (provisions) /or the future (as they thought) unless they should hold the sea. Id. vii. 60. ''Hv ov^lv fidXXov fiey' ai'Tw KaO' vfiiZv ovS* outw TT/oa^at, ci fi7] Tois *f>wK€as aTToAct, he ivas none the more ahle even then to do you any great harm (he thought) unless he should destroy the Phocians (ci p) aTToAw). Dem. xix. 317. See II. v. 301. Kai cyw Tor Evip'ov €fiaKdpi(Ta, el w? dXijOo)^ Ix^t rai^ijv tijv rexvijv kui oiVws^ c/x/xcAws 8t8ao-K€t, / congratulated him {told him he was happy), if he really had this art. Plat. Ap. 20 B. (Here €X^l and Si8d(TKoi might be used.) 697. III. Clauses containing a protasis depending on a past verb of emotion, like Oarpd^io, alarxvvopai, etc. (494). E.g. *EOavpa(€ S* ct Tts dperiji' lirayyeXXofuvos dpyvpiov TpdrroLTo, he wondered that any demaiuled money, etc. Xen. Mem. i. 2, 7. (But in i. 1, 13, we find e^ar/x'^f^ ^* *' M «»'«/>"»' ai'Tois' Iu-tlv, he iixmdered that it teas not plain.) "Vuxaipov dyairuyv ct tw Idiroi, I rejoiced, heing content if any one would let it pass. Plat. Rep. 450 A. OvK >)o-xi'i'^>/ €1 Toiovro K'ttKoi' cTTuyct TO), he was not asliamed if {or that) he was hringing such a calamity on any one. Dem. xxi. 105. To* 5c pLijSiV carra (rvveiSoTi ^cti'or €L(rij€L, €i Trovijpioi' ipyiav So^ct koi- viov'€LV T

At/^rr/K Hdt. iv. 157. {' AiriKOiVTo might be used.) 01 ^e KopivOioi ov TrpoeOvpyOyiTav ^vpTrXelv Trplv rd "hrOpia, a rore yv, SteopTdiTioiriv, until they had {should have) finished celebrating the Isthmian games^ which were thm going on. Thuc. viii. 9. 699. V. Past causal sentences in which the cause is stated as one assigned by another, so far as these allow the optative (714). E.g. 'EKdKiCov oTL (TTpaTijyo^ iov OVK eTTe^dyot, they abused him because (as tliey said) he dkl not lead tJiem out. Thuc. ii. 21. See other examples under 714. Though the oi)tative is allowed here, on the principle of indirect discourse'^ the indicative of the direct form {e.g. eTze^dyet in the above example) seems not t.> have been allowed (see 715). (Vaus€oi' TMV AlyLvrireMV rd TreTronjKOLev irpo- ^dvre^ Tip' 'EAAd8a, i.e. they accused th^m for what (as they ^aid) they had done. Hdt. vi. 49. ^o Td TreTrovOm en,, I 44. KaAe? t^^' Aatov, pvi'ipip' ttuAukSi' iTTeppdTiov 6x01-0-', {'' 5yv Odvoi fiev arros, T^iv be 282 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [701 TLKTOvo-av XtVoi, by which (as she saiJ) he had perished himself , and hid left her the mother, etc. Soph. 0. T. 1245. If the relative clause contained merely the idea of the speaker, lOav^ and cAt^c would be used Here no ambiguity can arise from the use of the aorist optative (see 693). To roil k/dcittoi'o? ^vii€pov leXiyev o yjyolro o KpeiTTiov avTio A'M€n£tv, he meant the siqm'ior's advantage which the supenar believed to be his own advantage. Plat. Rep. 340 B. This construction is rare in Attic Greek, but is not uncommon in Herodotus. 701 Tlie imperfect and pluperfect occasionally represent the present and perfect indicative in this construction. Such clauses are simply not included in the indirect discourse. (See 674 ; 691.) E.g. 'ETolfws i)v, el fi€v rovTiov rt dpyauro, SUijv 8o?vat, ci 5 utto- XvOeiii, apx^LV, he was ready, if he had done any of these things to be punished; but if he should be acquitted, to hold his co^nmand. Thuc. vi. 29. (Et eipyadTo represents el dpyaiTp.ai, while €i aTzokxtfeii) represents ko.v a7roAi'6^oj.) 702 "kv is occasionally retained with relatives and temporal particles in sentences of this kind, even when the subjunctive to which they belonged has been changed to the optative. (See 692.)^ E.g. ^ Toi'? 8€ XapfUvovra^ -n^^i 6/xtAtas p^^rOov tti'8pa7ro6urTa? ^axniov jTTCKttAci, 8m TO dvayKalov avroU elvat SmAcyccr^at Trap iov av Xiipotev Thv p.ur66v, Im-ause they were obliged (as he said) to converse with those from whom they received the pay. Xen. Mem. h 2, 6. ^ (Here &v av \(il3ot€V represents ^ov av Aa/Juxrii'.) Ka/ fiOL rad i;i' TrpoppifTu, TO ^app^aKov Tovro (noCav €>€ €io^ ay dprixRi^roy dpp.6iTaipi TTor. Soph Tr 687 (see Schneidewin's note). 'H^iovv ai'Tors^ pxurTiyow riv USoOevTa '4m av TaA7y6^>'i S6^€Lev ai^ols Acyen'. Isor. xvii. 15. XaipeiV eioif^ av Ka\ ovk dTTOKplvaio €io^ av ra Jtt ckcuo/s' opM^evra o-Kcilato' you would not answer (you would say) until you should have examined, etc. {e.o, dv aKkx^^paC). Plat. Phaed. 101 D. Here we must place oTav' UiTioioiaro, Aesch. Pers. 450, if the text is sound. ^ Uap-^ $77€tAev avroU pv ^H^repov €ViTi^€a-(9at Trptv av nov act^erepwv iy ^cG-ot Tts^ ;/ rpioOeiij. Xen. Hell. ii. 4, 18; so Trptv dv perexoiev, ii 3 48. See eV av ol vo/xot reOeUv. And. i. 81. Many scholars repudiate this use of av and emend the passag.^s : see Dindorf on Soph. Tr. 687. , . , , It is doubtful whether edv was ever thus used with the optative. 703 Upon this principle (694) final and object clauses with eVa, J,s^ o7rpa, and /x/y, after past tenses, admit the double construction of indirect discourse, and allow the subjunctive or the future indicative instead of the optative, to retain the form in which the purpose would be originally conceived. (See 318 and 339.) 704. Tlie principles of indirect discourse (689, 2) apply to future conditional and conditional relative clauses which depend upon final and object clauses after past tenses. E.g. 707] OI8' OTL WITHOUT A VERB 283 'EX06vT€S k AaKiSaCpova {tirpacra-ov) ottw? kroipdaaivTO Ti/xtu- plav 7> Soy. THUC.i. 58. (Here €i 8€ot might have been used.) 'Eoi3€rTO yap pi) ol AaK^8aip6viOL o-c/>a9, (^ttc^tc o-ac^o)? aKorcrctav, oZert do>iTLV. Id. i. 91. (Here Sworav uKOi^o-coo-t v is changed to o7roT€ dKoi'M(TLV is retained.) 025' oTt without a Verb. 705. Oi6 OTt sometimes means I am sure, when the context readily suggests a verb for oti. E.g. lldpeipL 5' dKiov ovx ^'^«^'''«-"'» «^'^' «^^' «^'^^ here I am against my wilL and against your will, I am sure. Soph. Ant. 276. Ma rov Ai ovKovv Tco ye cno. ^rd^' t^rO' oti, i.e. be assured. Ar. PI. 889. Uavnov oW ot/ c/»yv oU' lin rols ttoXXov^ {-TTO/xioycrai, i.e. I ^Hsh to remind you, though I am sure most of you remember it. Id. xix. 9 In such cases it would be useless or impossible to add the implied verb. "Otto)^, 6 , ovv€Ka, and SOovveKa in hulirect Quotations. 706. "Ottw? is sometimes (especially in poetry) used in indirect quotations in the sense of a>s. E.g. ToGt ai'To p.,] /xot ^pdi\ oTTOiS OVK u KaK09, this very thing tell me not, tJuit you are mt base. Soph. 0. T. 548. "Amf, epw pev oi'X ^TTws Tuxois (Wo Sinnrvois Udvio, I will not say exactly that I come breathless with haste. Id. Ant. 223. M^y ydp eATrtViy? ottw? ep, iKl3a\€k,for do not hope tJuit you will expel m^.^ EuR. Her. 1051. ^bo Soph El. 963. 'Avdireto-ov okoj? pot dp.dvu) earl ravra oi»tw TTouop^va. IlDT. i. 37. Ov pev ov^l ^cn^ ok(09 My^^noL irap 'EAA/yvoii' ehiPov Tovro. Id. ii. 49. So iii. 115, 116. See also .'Ittcos' ov Trdvra cVto-Ta/xat, Plat. Euthyd. 296 E. In most of these, the original modal force of ottw?, how, can be seen. ^ In Soph. Ant. 685, we have ottw? (tv /X7y Acyeis opdm rade, where py is a standing puzzle. It probably must be classed with the very rare oTt py with the indicative, and with the irregular /x>y with the infinitive after verbs of saying and thinking (for all these see 685 and 686, above). 707. (Oi''x o7r(o?, oi*.x OTt, etc.) Ovx oTTios or (rarely) py ^TTco?, and oi'-x OTt or pn) on, by the ellipsis of a verb of saying, often mean / do not speak of or not to speak of. 'AAAa, JAAa Kai, JAA' oi'8^, or JAAa pyS^ usually follows in a clause which expresses a strong antithesis. After oi'x the imidied verb of saying would l>e an indicative, after pi) it w^ould >)e an imperative or sub- junctive ; but, like most elliptical idioms, this is often used where the ellipsis cannot be precisely supplied. What is men- 284 INDIRECT DISCOURSE [708 tioned in the former clause as not to he spoken of may be under- stood to be either affirmed or negatived by the expression, according to the context ; so that the force of oi'x oirm may sometimes be conveniently given by not only, sometimes by so far from (not only not). E.g. Ovx OTTU)? Ta (TKivi) (xTTeSocrOe, dXXa kol at Bvpai d(t>i]p7rd(T0r](rav, not to speak of your selling the furniture (i.e. not mihj did you sell the furniture, but), even the doors were carried off. Lys. xix. 31. (Witli Acyw supplied with oi'x ottw? Ave have / do not speak of your selling the furniture; but this would be awkward, and probably no^precise verb was thought of.) Et KaTUtpOuidiV €K€h'OS, OVX OTL TlOV Ol'TWl' UV u7re(JT€/3>i/x>/i', dAA.' oi'S' dv €(i]v, if he had succeeded, not to speak of being deprived of my property, {not only should I have been deprived of my property, but) I should not even be alive. Dem. xxiv. 7. Ovk 1(ttiv d^ui pyj on SvoLU TaXdvTow 7rf}oir68ov, JAA' ov8' €iko(tl pvMV, it is 7iot sufficient to represent an income even of twenty minas, not to speak of tuv talents. Id. xxxvi. 39. T(oi'8€ oi'x "^^^^ KwAiTat ycnjcrco-^c, aAAu kuI (itto T»J5 vfjL€T€pa^ dpx^l^ S»Va/ui' TrpoirXafidv TZipLoxfurSc, not to simik of {so far from) your becomimj a hindrance to them, you will even })erinit them to add to their pouter from your own dominions. Thuc. i. 35. Mi) ottws opx^L- dSai Iv pvOpo), dAA' ov8' opOova-Oai ISvyatrOe, not to sjmtk of daiwing in time, you could not even stand erect Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 10. Tors B)/^atois ijyeiro €n(T€i.v oTTuh /iorAcrat rrpaTTiLV laiToi^, kol oi'x o7ro>s drrt- 7rpd^€ii' Kul 6iaKa>AiVcir,uAAa Kal crv(TTpaT€\^€a', he thought the Thebans would let him do as he pleased, and— not to s}wak of op^)osiny and hindering him— would even join forces with him. Dem. vi. 9. (Here no definite verb can be supplied.) 'E^iSao-Kor tov Sijpov m<; oi'x ^'^^'^ Ti/xwp/- o-au'To, dAAa Kal Imuvkirauv rov l>o8/)tai', that, so far from having punisfied S., they had even praised him (oi'x ottcos with an optative after u>s in indirect discourse). Xen. Hell. v. 4, 34. 708. Occasionally one of these expressions stands in the ^second clause ; as 8ta tov xcifiw»'a ovSe ttAcu', pi} otl diaipilirOat Tovi di'8pa<;, Si-mrov y)v, on account of the storm it iras not j^ossible even to sail, much less to pick up the men {not to speak of picking up the men). Xen. Hell, ii. 3, 35. So TTtTTavpeO' ijpel^, oi'x ottws (re Trava-opev, we have been stopped ourselves; there is no talk of our stoppiny j/ojt, SoPH. El. 796. Compare Dem. xix. 137 : lirxdiro avrhv oi'^c tov (ip' ovra Kvpiov avTui jS^ISaiuHTui, /av/ti y' a eKeirw iVcVxcTo irpd^ac, i.e. not at all {much less) to do what he had promised him. 709. 1. In Homer o, the neuter of os, is used like on, that. E.g. rtyi'(o(7K(i>v o ol ui'tos vrreipex^ x^'^P^'^ 'AttoAAcuv, knowiiig that Apollo himself Md over him his hands. 11. v. 433. Kv vv Kal r}p€i^ rS/x€i' o Tot a-Oivo^ OVK cVictKToi'. II. viii. 32. Ae.Werc y^p to yt TTtii'Tcs, o poL y€pa^ €p\€Tat dAA)/, that my prize yots elsewhere. IL l 120. So Od. xii. 295. (See 6G3, 1, and 671.) 711] "Otl before direct quotations 285 2 In the following cases 5 t' for o t€ (neuter of o§ tc) is used m Homer like 5 and otl :— rtyvoWKO)V' 6 r' dvaXKi<; h^v Oeos, knowimj that the Goddess was iveak. U. v. 331 : so xvii. 623, Od viii. 299. ih aoi'O' o T dp Ik Aio9 .yAi'^ci' opi'ts. II. viii. 251. ^m' 8 iiSr^ To8e SrjXov, o t' ovk€Tl voa-Tipo^ ecTTLV. Od. xx. 333. Since on does not allow elision, it is now customary to write this form o T (as above). But Schmitt (after Capelle) writes or' in all the.se cases, assuming the form to be an elided ore (709, 3). 3. In a few cases ore, when, is used in Homer in a sense which iipproaches very near that of on, that. E.g. Oi'.8' €\aO' Araira Zas, ore 8i) T^tianrt 8[8w vcKyp', i.e. nor was Ajax unaware thai Zeus was giving victory to the Tnjans (lit. when Zeus was giving). 11. xvii. 626. Compare II. xxiv. 563, ov8e /xe Xy^f^ets, oTTJ^diuvTi'i (T I'yyc. See Schmitt, pp. 40-50. This occasional use of on seems hardly to justify the assumption that o T in all the cases in 709, 2 stands for ore. 710. 1. Ovv€Ka in Homer, and oOovveKa and oiVcku in the tragedians, are sometimes used like on or ws, that E.g.^ U€v6€To ydp Kv7rpov8€ piya kAcos, ovv€K 'Axatoi k Tponjv v.ictro-ti' dvairkevirecrOui c/xcAAoi', for in Cyprus lie heard a ravjhty rumour, that the Achaeans were about to sail for Troy in ships. II. xi. 21. So Od. V. 216, xiii. 309. "AyycAAe oOovieKa TeOvniK O/^ccrn/s, report that Orestes t. dead. Soi>H. El. 47 ; see El. 1478 |^^;/«^'^«' ovv€Ka "VAkip'k €a-/x€i', know this, that we are Greeks. Id. 1 h. 232. 'EK8t8ax^€i? ovv€Ka dKOura qy^euv ni8c. Id. Tr. 934. 2. Aton is sometimes used in the sense of on, that, by Aristotle, and occasionallv by Herodotus and even by Isocrates. E.g. AtOTl p\v TOtX'VV oi'x V <*'''^) (^^- ^'^^'^'')' ^>'*»'^/^^^ '" TOVTOiV, I.e. that it is not the same, is plain from this. Auistot. Pol. iii. 4, 7. So Metaph. X 5 3 Atort Ik noi/ fSapfSdpiov yKet, irvvOavopevo's orrw €1'^(0-k(.> c'^/Hdt. ii. 50: see ii. 43 (with Stein's note). See Isoc. iv. 48: avv^i8vla 076 toGto . . . cr/x€r cxorns, Kal 8iotl . . . avTcuv 8iy]vkyKapiv. 'Otl before Vireet Quotations. 711. Even direct quotations are sometimes introduced by 5ti, rarely by U, without further change in the construction. On or m here cannot be expres.sed in English. E.g. *0 8\ d7T€KpivaT0 OTL Ov8' el yevolpyjV, & K?pe, crol y' av TrorefT,, SoAuut. Xen. An.i. 6, 8. 'AireKplvaTo or^^ll 8ea7roTa, ov f?/. Id. Cyr. vii" 3 3 EiV€ 6' oTi Ek KaLpiv y'lKU^. ^'h ^>^'''^ -"'l^ ^'^'^ aKoro-ys. lb ill 1 8 **H Ipovpev TT/Jos avTovs, otl 'HStKet ydp yjpas >/ ttoAi?, Kal OVK dpk, n> 8iKyiv eK/ni'c,-TavTa ;/ rt ipodpev; Pl;AT. Cnt. 50 B; BO Phaed. 60 A. ^Ai' Acy?; ns TdkyjOrj, otl Ayipecre, o> avbp,^ A^r;- valoL. Dem. viii. 31 : so xviii. 40, 174 ; xix. 22, 40, 253. See also 286 CAUSAL SENTENCES 1712 Hdt. ii. 1 15 (the earliest example) ; Thuc. i. 137, iv. 38 ; And. i. 49 ; Lis. i. 26 ; Aeschin. iii. 22, 120 ; Din. i. 12, 102 (both with mV SECTION IX. Causal Sentences. 712. Causal sentences express the cause of something stated in the leading sentence. They may be introduced hy 6tl, BlStc or BcS-Trep, ft>9, ovveKa or oOovvefca. because; by €7ret, eVetSi ore, oTrore, elre, and sometimes ottov, since, seeing that; and in Homer by o or 6 re (o t ), hecau^. 713. (Indicative.) Causal sentences regularly take the indicative, after both primary and secondary tenses; past causes being expressed by the past tenses of the indicative. The negative particle is ou. E.g. K-t'fi^To yap Aai'a.oi', on />a Oinja-Kovra^ oparo, for she pitied the Danaans, because, she saw them dijimj. 11. i. 56. X(u<^/xc^'os, o t' api^rov ^Avatwi' ov^v €Tto-a§, amjry, because you did in no way hmiour the M of the Achaeans. II. i. 244. Ar;/xo^io/)09 ^ao-.Atis, crct ovTiSavoLinv dvdaaeis. II. i. 231. Mr) 8' ovrm kActttc rmo, cVcl ov Tra^c Acro-cat oi'8c /x€ TTCtVct?. II. i. 132. XoiVov/ ai-a crTpxToi' tV« """^y^ "'^V KOi'TO 8€ Aaol, ovv€Ka Tov Xprinji' r/Tt/xacrcv dp^irnpa 'Ar^€t6»/s. II. 1. 11. T>,Ac/xaxor ^a//xaCor, S (^a^raAcc... dyop^ycv^hrause he spoke^ boldly. Od. i. 382. Kal rpc'^y^i^ S^ rot ,) o-€0-ay/x6i'>; ay6,miTiov ^m Tt aAo choB€p6v icTTL :, on T«x^ TrAct/ 8ta Tt 6€ aAAo uA.yot aAA.y- Aot9€iVt.oI €'/x7rA€ovTC9 ;y Store Iv ra^e. Ka^v/rra.; Xkn. Oec. vui. 8. Ot €/xol <^iAot o{'t(os' €Xovr€s^ TTcp limv Smr^AoiVus oi- Sm to c/uAci/ cV€ aAAa StoTTcp Kal aiVot (li^ oToi'Tcxi l^kXrarroi yiyiccr^^ai. Id. Mem. iv 8 7 Ot WOip'aloi €Vo/xifoi' iiiradirOat on ov ttoAu ci^tKwv, ^/*e ^f/i€7iiaH.s- f/m*/r//t« ^/t^v ^('^r£; ^^/m^^'(i />.on(^ they were not siunally victcyrious. Thlc. vii. 34. MaAAm' rt iS€LVokoy€lTo on piv aTrcKretyc T^i/ aiVos c/nn'ou cK(t^>/f)€. Hdt. i. 44. n/>os^ ravra k/j.-tttc pfev,u>^ 6 Trav'^' omoi' Kai ttcu't' aKoviov Trarr' draTTT rtrcrci XP>':o"*% l-e. f «<•« time develops all thinys. Soph. Fr. 280. IMcya 8c^ to op>L. T/>atots TT^^os^Tt? c> 7 1'y V6 Ta t Tcol' , tK€Ti9 1 See Snieker in ^m. Jovr. rhil.y. pp. 221-227. who has traced the history of this coustructiou and collected examples, especially those m the Orators. 7171 CAUSAL SENTENCES 287 Acucu'. Dem. i. 1. For cStc, since, see Soph. Aj. 715, O. C. 84 ; for oTTov (oKov) see Hdt. i. 68. 714. {Optative) When, however, the speaker implies that a cause was assigned by some other person, the principle of indirect discourse (694), after past tenses, allows the verb to stand in the optative, in the tense originally used by the person who assigned the cause (699). E.g, T6v IIcptKAca €KaKtfov, oTt o-T/^aTryyo? Siv ovk €7r€^ayot, th^y abused Pericles, because being general he did not lead tliem out. Thuc.ii. 21 (This states the reason of the Athenians for reproaching Pericles (oTt i)pd^ OVK Ue^dyet) ; if Thucydides had wished to assign the . cause merely on his own authority, lie would have used oti ovk €7re|//- y^v Cf Thuc. vii. 34 in 713.) Tois (rvv6vTas cSoKCt iroLeu' aTr^x^iidai TiZvdvocri^v, lirdir^p i)yi)(TaLvro prfikv dv irore S>v irpdrrouv Oeovs SiaXaOdu (see 693). Xen. Mem. i. 4, 19. O^V^^a cTraii'co-avTa avrov ("O/xvpoi') rhv 'Ayapepvova, (o? /^acriAeis €Uf dya^os, because {as he satd) he was a good king. Id. Symp. iv. 6. 'EK-aAec . . . to. pev e^canov (Am) SL6n oyia toG ttui^o^ UdvOave (694, 2) ^oo-kwi', toi^ 6€ hacpipov, ^S » ' Aco/xat oiV o-ov irapapdyat -iiplx" (os €yco ovS av evo<; yStov aKov- crat/xt r^ aov, I beg you then to remain idth us ; as there is not one whom I should yar more gladly thau you. Plat. Prot. 335 1). >.'. Sc, .Trc.Sr; oi'-K Wkkei, Kal ipoLTc, J^rxoAm earl Kal ovk a. o^o. t eu,v croc ^apapavat d-^ordvovn paKpovs Xoyov, eXOecv W> J^«W^^ ^^'^ ^^/^^ cVcUal TarT dv tVcus^ ovk d.frZ^ o-ov ^^kovov^ (tor ^ycc see^7l9, 2). lb. 335 0. "Oti twv dStKiipdnov dv ipefivyro nov avrov, u ri nepi epov y typakp ilirl, TToZ (TV iMivTL^ €L (rai)^ ; for— come tell me— where do you ever show yourself a prophet ? Soph. O. T. 390. *E7r€t hi^a^ov, rj pad' €$ €>?, Ti pot Kc/)8o? yevoLT av. Id. El. 352 : so^O. C. 969. See Plat. Gorg. 474 B: lirel i\oa(Tt rmv avOpioTTioVy I should be ashamed for iny part to admit this, and yd many men do say so (in full, / speak for myself alone, since many say this). Plat. Prot. 333 C. See ibid. 335 C ((pi<.ted in 717), where cVcl av yKovov refers to the implied idea / am sorry after all to go. In Od. i. 236, cTTct ov kc . . . aKaxotp/i', and yet I should 7iot be thus afflicted by his death, refers to what aurrov suggests, / am especially grieved by his death in obscurity (cf. vss. 241, 242). SECTION X. Expression of a Wish. 720. Wishes may be divided into two chisses : (a) those re- ferring to a future object, and (h) those referring to a present or past ol)ject which (it is implied) is not or was not attained. To the former class belong such wishes as that he may come ! or that this mafi happen! — Utinam veniat, Utinam fiat; and to the latter, such as that this had happened/ or thit this were ti'ue ! — Utinam hoc factum esset, Utinam hoc verum esset. 7231 FUTURE WISHES 289 From its use in wishes the optative mood (cyKAto-ts €VKTtK>}) received its name. WISHES REFERRING TO THE FUTURE. 721. A wish referring to the future may be expressed in Greek in two ways : — I. by the optative alone; as in yivoLTo tovto, 7nay this happen, fit) yevoLTO tovto, may this not hajrpen ; II. by the optative with eWe or el yap (Homeric also aWe or at yap), sometimes by the simple el, negatively eWe pL7), el yap firj, etc. ; as in eWe yevoiTo tovto, that this mail happen, el yap prj yevoiTo, that it may not happen. 722. T. The pure optative in a wish (with no intro- ductory particle) is an independent verb. E.g. 'Yfiiv pev Seol Solev 'OkvpTrLa Soj/xar cxoi'Tcs iKTvepo-ai Uptdpoio TToKiV tv 5' oiKaS" LKeadat, may the Gods grant you to destroy Priam's city etc. II. i. 18. Mi] pav dcnrovSl ye Kal dK)v€uos aTV oka Lpy]v, may I not perish, etc. II. xxii. 304. iMr/KtV cttcit' 'OSi-cr^t Kaprf (xtpoariv cVeiT/, /xr/8' cTt TryAe/utaxoto 7raTi)p kck A.r//x€V'os €tr/v', then may the head of Ulysses no longer stand on his shoulders, and no longer may I be called the fath^'.r of Telemachus. II. ii. 259. TeOvaiy^v ore pot pr]K€Tt ravra /xcAot, 7nay I die when these are no longer my care. Mimn. i. 2. To p^v vvv ravra 7rpy(r(TOLo§, on this cmidition may I gain the prize {in this contest) and be (always) considered vise. Ar. Nub. 520. Brjo-oj TT/JiTavci', >i /o^KCTt f o> >/ 1' cyoj, or may I no longer live. lb. 1255. Svi'ci'cyKOi ph ravra ws^ ^ovXopeS a, may this prosper as we desire. Thuc. vi. 20. 'AAAa /?orA>;^€i7/9, but may you only be unlling ! Plat. Euthyd. 296 D. IIAoZ-o-toi' 8c vopi(oipi rov (ro(f)6v. Id. Phaedr. 279 C. Nikw>/ 8' o tl Traxrtv vplv /xcAAcc oLV vovs yivoLTo (TitxfipoviLV. Id. Aj. 1264. EW€ Trai? c>os €ij6i]pos iLij. Eur. Bacch. 1252. Et yap yct'oi/xr/i', T€kvov, ai/rt o-ou v€Kp6s. Id. Hipp. 1410. Ei^*, w AokrTc, (tv toiovtos wv 06yyo^ cV ftpa- Xioa-iv. Eur. Hec. 836. The future optative was not used in wishes. Tlie i>erfect was probably not used, except in the signification of the present (see 48) ; as in II. ii. 259, quoted in 722. 724. In Homer, as the examples show, both present and aorist optative are freely used in future wishes, as in the cor- responding future conditions (455). But the present optative ^ On this passage we have the note Aristarchus in the Scholia : ij 5irr\ri, «n (^ujOcv Trpo(Tvira°Kov/i', how gladly should 1 perish, EuR. Supp. 796, it does not bel(»n<; here, as oAot/n;r dv and oAotp/v are, in use, wholly different constructions. If el ydp Kev /xi/xvot«, Od. xv. 545, is a wish, et Kev may be used Jis it often is in i)rotasis in Homer (460) in the same sense as ci, or the optative may be potential in the sense if you could remain. In II. vi. 281, m Ke ol avOi yaia x^^^ot, if kc is correct, must mean U that the. earth could gape for him at mice (i)otential). But the exceptional character of these expressions makes both suspicious. Hernuinu and Bekker read ct ydp Kai in Od. xv. 545 ; and Bekker reads w'j Se in II. vi. 281. 729. The infinitive occurs twice in Homer in wishes with at ydp : see 786, and 739 (end). For the infinitive used like the simple optative in wishes, esiKfcially in poetry, see 785. 730. There are many passages in Homer in which it is open to doubt whether the poet intended to express a wish with some 292 EXPRESSION OF A WISH [731 form of €t, followed by a potential optative in a new sentence, or to form a complete conditional sentence. Such are El yap €7r* dprj(rLvr€\o<;yfxtT€pi]/Ta T€ TToAAtt TC Sw/Kl cl €>€v. Od. XV. 536. If we keep tbe colon after ycvoiro in the former passage, we may translate, U that faltihnetit may be granted our prayers: not one of these nmild (then) see the fair-thrmied Daitm. With a comma after yei'oiTO we mav translate, if fulfilme^it should be ijranted our prayers, not one of these umdd see the fair-thrmied Danm. So in the second passage we may translate, according to the punctuation, that this nmd way beaccmi- plish^d: then would you quickly be. made aware of hnAmss and many nifts from me ;— or if this ivord should be accomplished, you would then nuickly be mmh aware, etc. These are probably rightly punctuated above; especiallv the secoml ; and the wish is on the verge ot inde- pendent existence, being almost ready to dispense with the apodosis The half-independent half -dependent nature of such clauses is best seen in a case like the following, where cc kOkXoL is first stated as an independent wish, and is afterwards repeated as the protasis ot a regular apodosis : — ^ - » » ^ ' El yap (T ik ideXoL ifuXUiv yXavKurrrL^ Af^ijvii (0? TOT 'OSiVo-r/os^ rrepiKySiTo KvSaXlpoto Sijpio hi Tpo(oi', o^i 7rao-xo/x€i' aAy€* *Ax'"oi^- . . . €10-' orTWS lOkXoi iXUiv KrjSoiTO T€ Ovpou T(? K€V TIS K€lVa>l' y€ Kttt € K XiXdOo LTD ydpOLO. Od. iil. 217. The meaning is, if mibf Athena would lore you as she then loved Vlysses ; if (/ say) she should thus lore you, then would many a mie (of the *suitoi-s) cease to think of marriac,e. Here, instead of leaving a simple apodosis like the KaAe mentally supplied or to he felt without being actually supplied, the protasis is repeated (as if by afterthought) and a more precise form of conclusion is then actually expressed. , , , • i Such examples as the first two are sometimes ad yd yd, €lO" €>' €6e^(o, Earth, Earth, would tJmt thou hadst received me. Aesch. Ag. 1537. Ei yap fi iVo yrjv i)k€v, if he had^ sent me beneath the earth. Id. Prom. 152. Et^e ere uSe pkvaeXXov, of o(\>ei\(o (Epic o<\>eXXa)), owe, debeo, may be used with the infinitive to express a present or past unattained wish. The present infinitive is used when the wish refers to the present or to continued or repeated past action, and the aorist (rarely the perfect) when it refers to the past. ''ne\oi/ or (a(^e\Xov may be preceded by the particles of wishing, eXOe and et yap, and in negative wishes by /atJ (not ov). E.g. ''i2(^€A.c TovTo TTOLiLV, v'ould that he were (/to?/;) doing this (lit. he uuyht to be doing it), or u-ouhl that he hid {habit uall if dt,in' this I'lit. Jte 294 EXPRESSION OF A WISH [735 ought to have done f/m). ■'ftc/>cAc roC^o rrotPyrrar, would that U Imd done this. , « / '^ ' ^J ;j' *nv 6ci>€Xov rptrdryjv Trep cV^ «^ ^'^/^"^^ Z'^'/'^!' ratciv, ot 6 third part, etc., ami thit those men were s^ife who then peruhed. p<\. iv. 97 So II. i. 415. 'Av8/^9 Ittcit cSc^cAAov u/xcaoros ctvat uKoms', a better Ln, who knew, etc. II. vi. 350. y oc/>eA c. v>;cacT' u.tI %. €Xt .>y.^c ^.^aaOac, would that ye all had been dain instead of Hedor. II. xxiv 253. M>yS o<^cAc5 AtVo-co-^a. a/x.Vom n>;Ac?a>v'a, .tw/./ /A.(^ ijou had not hesouyhttheson of Peleus. II. ix. G98. (See 736, below.) So xviii. 86 ; Od. vm. 312. Mr,K€T' Itz.lt c5c^6tAov(?) cyio TT^/iTTTOiO-t /x€T€ivat ai'6pa(rti', uAA f, JrpcJo-^e ^a.c?. ^ ^"^"^'* ycr^cr^at, would that I .vere no lon^ iviny]rith this , fifth race of men, but had either died before ^^ or be.n horj. after it Hes. Op. 174. 'OXk^rda. <^e\ov ry6 .;/.w» (> that I had perished on that day. Soph. O. T. 1157. M., jot -<^^^"^^f ^'[^y; rhv ^Kdpov, that I nevn had left ^,^os. Id. Ph 969. ^ Se^e El. 1021. E^' co€A' 'ApyoTs M SLaTrTdcrdat crKaos KoAx€Aov o.ot tc €U'at ot TroAAot Ta/xcyl^Ta Ka.k e^.pyaCeaOac, O that the mMewere able etc Plat. Crit. 44 D. E.' yap o>^Xov (sc. Karc6uy). Id. Uq>. 432 C UadovTiov a M ttot' cSc^cAof (sc. Tra^clr), ir/t.H ^/.^i/ x«,//.m/ what muld they had never suffered. Dem. xviii. 288; .o 320. So cys' p/ttotc w^Xov or (5<^AAov is the only expression known to Homer for past wishes, the secondary tenses of the indicative being not yet used in this construction, although they were already in good use in past (though not in present) con- ditions (435). In present wishes. Homer has the present optative (739) as well as the construction with (o(/)€Aoi'. (See 438.) 736 For an explanation of the origin of the use of C>€Xov m wishes see 424. It is there seen to be analogous to cStt and xp,jv with tiie infinitive, implying that what ourjht to be or to hare b^en does not or did not hapi>en. Only after its original meaning was obscured by familiar use could eW^ or el ydp have been prefixed to it. ^b/ t5(/>€Aoi' may be explained in the same way ; or we may suppose that py originally belonged to the infinitive, and afterwards came to negative the whole expression. See the examples in 734. 737. '125, used as in 726, often precedes wc/>€Aoi' etc. in Homer, and rarelv in the Attic poets. E.g. "YiXvk^ U TToXefiov : J>s' t5c/>€A€9 mVo^ oXeaOai, would you had perished there. II. iil 428. '12s Si) p) oc/>€Aoi' vlkuv toio>5 or dWXi^j that I had not been victorious in such a contest. Od. xi. o48. 740] PRESENT OR PAST WISHES 295 «12s ^cheXX* 'EAei'^ys cItt^ (/>PAoi' oX^a-Oat. Od. xiv. 68. So II. iii. 173, xxii. 481. '12s Trph 3t8ajat y (;i(/>€A€S /A«ros Sta/j/xiyv/vai, would that you had split in t^vo before you ever taught it. Ar. Kan. 955. 738 Neither the secondarv tenses of the indicjitive nor the form with (5^€Aoi in wishes can (like the optative) be preceded by the simple €1 (without -Be or yap). 739. (Present Irishes in Homer.) In Homer a present un- attained wish may be expressed by the present optative, like a present unfulfilled condition (438). Here eWe or d yap generally introduces the wish. E.g. El yap eyiov ovTot ye Au>s Trats atyioxo^o erqv ypara irdvTa, tckoi 8€ /x€ 7roTi'ia"Hp/, Tioip,r}\' 5' (OS tict' 'AOijvau] Kat 'AttoAAoji', J>s vPv i)p€pi) ySe KftKoi' ifyepei "Xpyeiouriv, thit I \vere the son of Zeus, and that Hera were my motlier, crndtlmt I u^re honoured as Athena and Apollo are honoured, etc. II. xin. 825. (Here T€mh is nearly eipiivalent to p/jryp enj : cf. tS reKonra, O mother, (quoted under 732.) Almost the same wish occurs in II. viii. 538. '^12 yepov, eW a>s ^<'p>s €i't (TTi'fiemn cfuXoLO-LV ^ 7re8os di] ' dXXd 0-€ yPy/HlS T€Lp€L opOLWV WS (K/icAci' TtS ^ dvSpiZi' uAAos €XC"', (rv 8e KovpoTepoiai. n€T€?vai, would that, even as thy spirit is in thy breast, so thy knees obeyed and thy strength UYre firm. II. iv. 3 1 3. At the end we have the more common form of a present wish, o^^eXkv tis aAAos Ix^iv, would that some other man had it {y'i^ipa's). ^ ^ ^ KW" ws iiftiooipL, fin] ^€ poi e/x7r€6os eii] ' T(o K€ Tax* dvri]iTeie pdxy^ Koy>t'^aioAos"EKTw/), that I were again so young, and my strennth were firm, etc. 11. vii. 157. The same wish', in preciselv the same words, occurs also in II. xi. 670, xxiii 629 and Od. xiv. 468; als(» in II. vii. 132 in the form at yay,, Ze^^'re^d^ep, . . . vy/io>// c'os ot' . . . yxaxo.'To ^- ,0«|; xiv. 503, uis vvv vBioouu, repeating the idea of vs. 468. In Od. xvin. . 9 we have vdv aevMT €r>ys, f^ovydce, p/,re yc.oio, better that thou wert not now thou braggart, and hadst never been born, where yei'oto looks like a past wish ; but not having l^een Imrn may be included in the present wish ot coys: compare t^koi in II. xiii. 826 (above). For at yay, ^Aao-acaTo, II. X. 536, see 93 (end). . , • i • ij .. For the infinitive with ar vay> in a past unattained wish in Homer, see 786. 740. It has been seen that the use of the moods and tenses in both classes of wishes with d ydp and dOe is Precisely the same as in the corresponding forms of protasis (4o5 ; 410). The analogy with the Latin is also the same as in protasis :— 296 EXPRESSION OF A WISH t740 .1 yap ToCro x co.', (or xoe/ya.u.), si hoc fac.a^ hat heviay do this ■ « yap toCto i^oUc, O si hoc faceret, that Jiew^e dmny 1 «• yi Uo W,.. The final step, taken when the use of the definite article >viis established, was to allow the half-noun and half-verb to have the article and so be declined like a noun in four cases, while it still retained its character as a verb. This last step was taken aftcT Homer ; but the earlier stages were already passed, more or less decidedly, before the Homeric period, so that they cannot be traceav£iv', it u 745] INFINITIVE AS SUBJECT, PREDICATE, ETC 299 gl^n^wus to die, may imply a subject in any number or person according to the context, while d^oOyyaKec, or dTreOav. is restricted to thou or he as its subject. Still, in the former case, a^ro^ava. must have an implied subject in the accusative ; and if this is not pointed out by the context, we can supply nvd or ru'as^ as sometimes appears when a predicate word agrees with the omitted subject, as in ^j^MvOfrnTrov dvat Set (sc. Tivd), one mmt he humane, Isoc. ii. 15, and ^pC>vTa^ ^"fiiov Oavelv (sc. rtva.), U is sweeter to die actinq EuR. Hel. 814. The infinitive of indirect discourse, which seemJ to have been developed originally by the Greek language, must always refer to a definite subject, as it represents a finite verb in a definite mood, tense, number, and person. Other infinitives, both with and without the article, may have a subject whenever the sense demands it, although sometimes the meaning of the leading verb makes it impossible to express an independent subject, as in ^af^drat fxavOdvetv, he tries to learn. In general, when the subject of the infinitive is the same as the subject or object of the leading verb, or when it has been clearly expressed elsewhere in the sentence, it is not repeated with the infinitive.^ A. INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. Infniitire as Sahjeef, rredicafe, or Ajfjmifive, 745. The infinitive may be the subject noininative of a finite verb, or the subject accusative of another infinitive. It is especiallv coininon as subject of an impersonal verb or of eVrt. It niav also be a predicate nominative or accusa- tive, and it may stand in apposition to a noun in the nominative or accusative, i/.//. i'r.'€/^7/ a.W) €' Al^cii', it happruriJ io him U, ij». Oi'k^ eVecrrt rovro Trotna-ai, it in mt j>o.^dhle to do this. 'JiOvvarov eVri rorro 7roiv/o-at. 'VAnv arno ucreM', hr wiqht hnr rnnaimd (i.e. to remain was posHifjIe for him). Ac? iLkv€iV. Ov p/r ya/i rt kukov fSaaikevefievJor it I A few exoei.tioual oases arc .,uotev\dTT€LV 17 KTrjcracrdaL Travra Tr€i €\€lv; Id. xix. 221. Aokci oIko- vojxov ayadov €TvaL eu oIk€lv toi' cairrou oikov. Xen. Oec. i. 2. ^jcrl 6c tv TovTo TTOLijcraL, he says that it is necessary to do this. (Here TroLTJcraL as accusative is subject of Seiv.) To yvutvai iTrurrijprjv ttov Aa^ctv €(TTLv, to learn is to acquire knowledge (pred. nom.). Plat. Theaet. 209 E. Swef^ij Tois ^AOijvaLovi Oopv/StjOyvaLy it chanced that the Athenians fell into confusion. Thuc. v. 10. Ou d(rKO)V dvtKTov eivai. ^vy K€i(rOai Kparilv fSacriXea riov ttoAcwi'. Id. viii. 52. (Here Kpa- r€LV /^utrtAca tu)v TrdAetoi' is subject of ^vyKilcrdaiy M'hich is subject of iivaij the wliole beiii*^ object of ifionTKuv.) Ef? otwvos d/oicrTo«>, dp.vv€cr6aL ttc/di TraTpifSj 07ie omen is best^ to Ji^jht for our country. XL xii. 243. For the subject iutinitive in indirect discourse, see 751. Infinitive an Object. 746. The infinitive may be the object of a verb, generally appearing as the accusative of the direct object, sometimes as the accusative of kindred meaning. Here belong (1) the infinitive after verbs of wishing, commandlnij, and the like {not in indirect discourse), and (2) the infinitive in indirect discourse as the object of verbs of saying and thinking. For the infinitive in indirect discourse, see 751. Ohjeet Infinitive not in Indirect Disconrse, 747. Tlie verbs which take the ordinary object infinitive are in f'eneral the same in Greek as in Ent'lish. Any verb whose action directly implies another action or state as its object, if this object is to be ex})ressed by a verb and not by a noun, may take the infinitive. Such are verbs signifying to wi.'0apYJvai, the city is in danger of being destroyed. Avvarai aTreXOeiv. Tots ^^p- pd^oL*: €(f>pa^ov livai €? rbv 'laOpov, they told the allies to go to the Isthmus. Thuc. iii. 15. Aeopat vpiov crvyyvioprjv pot e^eti'. EfTrc (TTparriyovs kXkfrOai, he proposed to choose generals. * ATrayopevovcnv avTotvK€ Sov- Xeveiv, he vt not born to be a slave. * Ava^dXXeTai tovto TroLeiv, he postpones doing this. Aaor's 5* 'Ar^ciSvy*? dir o X v pa iv ea 6 a l dvioyei'^ and, the son of Atreus ordered the hosts to purify themselves. II. i. 313. Bo7'Ao/x' cyw Aaoi^ trooi' kppevai rj utto Aco-^at, / wish that the people may he safe, rather than that they perish. 11. i. 117. "KireiOev avToi' TropiVicrdai. Xen. An. vi. 2, 13. ESo^c TrXeiv tuv 'AXKipidSip', it was decided that Alcibiades should sail. Thuc. vi. 29. ^rAaKT/r ef^e pjr' ckttAciv prjSkva pi]T co-ttAcii', }u> hpt guard against any one's sailing out or in (815, 1). Id. ii. 60. Tt Svjra /xcAActs prj ov yeyiovicTKeiv to irdv ; why do you hesitate to speak out the whole? Aesch. Prom. 627. This use of the infinitive is too familiar to need more illustration. The tenses commonly used are the present and aorist (87), for examples of which see 96 ; for the perfect see 109 and 110; for the exceptional future see 113 ; and for the infinitive with dv (seldom used in this construction) see 211. For pi] and p-i] ov with the infinitive (as used above) see 815-817. 748. The poets, especially Homer, allow an infinitive after many verbs which commonly do not take this construction. The meaning of the verb, however, makes the sense clear. E.g. *08vpovTai oIkov^^. i'€€(rOnt, they mourn (i.e. long) to go home. II. ii. 290. *K7r€vcf)i'jpy(rai' *A\a(.ol al8€i(r6at, Upija, tJie Acha^ans shouted uith applause, {commanding) thit they should reverence the priest. II. i. 22, "Ocfipa Ti^ ippiyyo-i kciko. pk^ai, that on£ may shudder (dread) to do evil. II. iii. 353. "Ekto/xji peivac polpa 7rk8y](rev, Fate bound (fettered) Hector to remain. II. xxii. 5. For the infinitive of direct object after verbs of fearing and caution, see 373. For the infinitive (not in indirect discourse) after XP^^ ^^^ other verbs meaning to give an oracle, see 98. 749. When a noun and a verb (especially cVrt) form an expression which is equivalent to any of the verbs above men- tioned (7 47), they may take the infinitive. Some other expres- sions with a similar force may have the infinitive. E.g. *Ai'dyKrj io-TL TrdvTas diriXOelv. Kiv8vvojavrj y vwvat, / am not enough of a prophet to decide, etc. Eur. Hipp. 346. (Here ability is implied in pdvTis ^ipi) "Apa^a ev 302 THE INFINITIVE [750 avrak yVy KioXvfia ova-a (ra? Tri-Aas) rrpoa-OtLvai^ a warjon^ which jrrevented them from shutting the gates. Thuc. iv. 67. So cVc-ycycTo 8c aAAois T€ aWodL K(oXv/iaTa /irj av^t)Oi]vai^ obstacles to their increase. Id. i. 16. (See 815, 1.) Tots o-rpaTuoTaL^ ^Pl'-h €^'€^ if}6v'ov Kal Tpa/'/iaTo«s Ik irfiovoia^, k.t.X. See Ar. A v. 1661. "Et*; 8c €ivai TGLS (r7roi'8d ottXltu^ wvpivl dviXopivovs diHrrrX* aTTLevai. TrdXiv OLKuSi. Ak. Av. 448. Itijlnltlrc iji Indirect Discourse. 751. Thi' infinitive in indirect discourse is generallv the object of a verb of soijing or thinking or some equivalent exj)res- sion. It may also be the subject of a passive verb of this class /ooj INFINITIVE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE 303 (as Ac'ycTat), or of such a verb as ajo'Lv\ they say that, when those present heard it, there wa^ a tumult. Dem. xix. 195. 'E7r€i8r) 8k y ivka- 6 ai cVl ry oikl(j. Tjj 'Aya^wfO's, (€aiv€a6at,^ as it appeared^ 359 D. Atycrat 'AA/c/Atttwi't, OTC 6>) aAao-6^a(. avToi', Tov 'AttoAAw rairn/i' tt)^ y^i/ XprjoraL oIk€lv. Thuc. ii. 102. Kai tKra av /xct' cKCtVwv /SovkiVi- crOaL, oi'Scvos iWc/ioi' yvi.op.ij avrji'aL {€a5^o«, (0 Ktti (no(f>po(rvviiv cVco-^at. Plat. Rep. 490 C. Et ya/9 67) Sell' TrdvTios TTipiOelvaL (xAAo> rew Wyi' fBao-iXipi^v^ {^^'^) SiKaiorepov €Li'(tL MvySwr tcw irepi/Sakeiv Tofro, /or 1/ /i« iww hound ( = €t cSct) tAoi', 1/ ^/its irere (= €i *jv) not pleasing to God. Id. ii. 64. So iii. 108 (ct pi) yivia-Oat = ct pi) lyiviTo, had there not occun-ed) ; vii. 229 (ci ttTrovoo-rvjo-at, if he had returned) ; ii. 172 (ci emti, 7/ /i<; ?m«) i;^ iii. 105 (ci /xr) irpoXapfidviLV = €i /x>) TTpoXapPdvoLpiv). Tipdv Be '^apioxs c^r/, 81 on Ta>Jvai oi tov TraTTTTov' Sajpoatij iVo ^a/iitov. Id. iii. 55. 756. In some cases, particularly when the provisions of a /air are (quoted, a relative is used with the intinitive, even when no infinitive precedes. E.g. ¥jOy]K€v € oU €^€11' a I ttTTOKTivvrvai, he enacted on what conditions it is allowed to kill. Dem. xx. 158. Kai 8ta Tafra, dv tls d7roKT€ivy Ta'tt, r-ip' f^ovXyp' 8iKd(€Li' eypaxpx, kul ov\ amp., dv uAw, ctvai, and he did not enact what slwuld he done if he should he convicted. Id. xxiii. 26. (Here elvai., the readiuj^' of Cod. 2^, is ami)ly defended hy the pre- ceding example, in which all allow i^etvai.) AeKa yap dvBpas tt po(T€i\ovro avTM ^vpl3ovkoi% dv€v Q)v pif KvpLov €ivaL dTrdytiv CTTpaTidv €K t>/s TToAcws. Thuc. v. 63. 757. In narration, the infinitive often appears to stiind for the indicative. It depends, however, on some word like Acycrat, it is saul^ expressed (or at least implied) in something that precedes. 'A7rtKo/i€Voi'9 8c Tors ^oiVLKa^ €9 Bij Ta'Apyo^; toito, BiaTtSicrBat TOV dvaL tov 'Ao-Tvayi/v, " OVK av^o/xevot TaiVa TTipnrXaviopedn.'^ "'AAAtt Kai /v c7r€/>€0-^ai, " Kai Tivt 8^ a-v T€Kpaipop€vo<; Aeycis;" ""Oti crc," <^avai, "6/3(o," k.t.A. IIpos TaiVa 8c TOV 'AcrTi'ay»;v ciVciv, k.t.A. Kai tov Kvpov ciVctv, k.t.A. Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 5 and 6. (Here all these infinitives, and twelve 759] INFINITIVE AFTER ADJECTIVES ETC. 305 others which follow, depend on AcycTat in § 4.) Kai tov KcAcro-at Soijvai, and he commanded him to give it. Id. i. 3, 9. So in Hdt. i. 24 the story of Arion and the dolphin is told in this construction, the infinitives all depending on Acyowi at the beginning. Injiiiitive after Adjectives, Adrerhs, and Nouns. 758. The infinitive may depend on adjectives denoting ability, fitmss, desert, qualification, sufficiency, readiness, and their opposites ; and, in general, those expressing the same relations as the verbs which govern the infinitive (747). The omitted subject of the infinitive is the same as the substantive to which the adjective belongs. E.g. AvvaTos TToiciv, ahle to do. Aeivos Acyctv, skilled in speaking. "A^ios co-Ti TapTa Aa^eiv, he deserves to receive this. "A^ios rtpdo-dai, worthy to be honoured. Oi'x ©ros t€ ijv tovto i8ctv, he icas not able to see this. Up(Wvp,o^ Aeyciv, eager to speak. "Etoi/xos KiV8t'vov vwo- ptveiv, ready to endure danger. Gc/iio-TOKActt, iKavwTaTov ciTTciv Kai yvwvat Kai Trpd^ai. Lys. ii. 42. Ai yap ^virpa^iai Sfivai (TvyKpviPai rd Toia{)Ta dvetST/. Dem. ii. 20. Ki'piav cVoo/o-av cVt/xcAcio-^ai t?/? ct'Ta^ia?, they gave it (the Areopagus) power to superintend good order. Isoc. vii. 39. Bii^v 8c a8iVaToi r)€p€iv. Hdt. iii. 138. MaAaKoi Kaprepeiv, too effeminate^ ) 8tavota €yKapT€p€tv d €yv(uT€, your minds are too dejected to persevere, etc. Thuc. ii. 6 1. (In the last two examples, /xaAaKoi and TaTrctvr} govern the infinitive hy the idea of inability imjaied in them.) XpypaTa Tropi(€iv €VTrop(o- rarov yvvip Ar. Eccl. 236. ILoc/xotc/joi 87; avp^iopds Ta? twv TrcAa? TravTts- StaOpelv r; tvx^is Ta? olko6€V. Eur. Vv. 103. 'Ettio-ttJ/xwv Ac'yeu' T€ KalcTLydv. Plat. Phaedr. 276 A. TaAAa cr/njo-cis virovp- ycTv ovTa? r)/ia? ov KaKOVs. Ar. Pac. 430. For examples of nouns followed by the infinitive in a similar sense, see 749. (See also 766.) 759. The infinitive, after tolovto^ oTos and too-oGto? oVos, depends on the idea of ability, fitness, or sufficiency wliich is expressed in these combinations. The antecedent may be omitted, leaving olo^ with the infinitive in the sense of able, fit, likely, and oo-os in that of sufficient. E.g. ToLovroL oioL TTOvrjpov Tivo^ €pyov €(fiU(rOat, capable of aiming at any vicix)us act. Xen. Cyr. i. 2, 3. ToiaiVa? oi'as x^^i^'^^^o? tc o-Tcyctv Kai Oepoij iKava? cTvai. Plat. Rep. 415 E. *'Epa oTa TO TTiSiov apSc/i', /or it u'as not the proper season to irrigate the land. Id. An. ii. 3, 13. ^efjiopivoi ra avriov iKacTToi ocrov diro^rjv^ each cultivating their avn land enough (to an extent sufficient) to live upon it. Thuc. i. 2. 'EAeiTTcro rijs wktos ocror cTKOTaiovs SiekOeii' to TreSiov^ there was left enough of the night for crossing the plain in tlie dark. Xen. An. iv. 1, 5. This construction suggests at once the analogous use of orTws io(tt€ or oicTTc alone, in the sense of so as, witli the intinitive (see 593). Here, as with uxjtc, the subject of the intinitive is not restricted as it is in 758. 760. In Homer, the pronominal adjectives toios, Totoo-6€, Totoi^o';^ TO(7os, Tv/AtK'os% and ttoTos, without a relative, soinutiiiies take an intinitive in the same way (759) ; as 7}/x€t? 6* ov vv tl to tot apwipiv., hut we are not ahle to keep it off^ Od. ii. 60 ; Troiot k ctV 'OSwro-r/t dpvv€p€v; Od. xxi. 195. See also II. vi. 463; Od. iii. 205, vii. 309, xvii. 20. 761. Certain impersonal verbs (like li'co-Tt, 7r/)C7rci, Trpo(Ti]Kti\ which regularly take an infinitive as their subject (745), are used in the ])articiple in a personal sense with the infinitive, the participle having the force of one of the a/Koi'Ta is used like adjectives meaning fit, jn-oper.) 4>/)af*, cVci irpiiriov €(f>v/8€tos', eTTi^o^o'i, may be used j)ersonally with the infinitive ; as Sikuio^ cVtti toPto rotcu', // is right for him to do this (equivalent to SiKauU' itmy avrov toPto Trotcu'). }J.g. 4*>;/At TToAAo) pn.^ovioi' Itl rovTMV 8(u/i€we 8tK'atos cu'at Tuy- \dviLV^ 1 s(ni that I have a right to receive even far greater rewards th^in these. Dkm. xviii. 53. 'K^oKori' c7riT>y6ctot cu'ai v7rt^aLp€0ij- I'ftt, they seemed to he convenient pcrsi^ns to he dispo.^d of Thuc. viii. 70. i)€paTr€i'€(rOai lir LKaipioi^ important persons to be taken care of. Xen. Cyr. viii. 2, 25. 'WiSe toi i^ aiVwi' cVi'^o^a yci'ecr^at, it is to he expected that thui will 7'esulf froyn it. Hdt. i. 89. IIoAAoi cTrtSo^oi Ttui'To toTto 7r€icr€(TdaL ciVt, it is to be expected that many will suffer this same thing. Id. vi. 12 ,for the future intinitive see 113). 763. xVny adjective may take au infinitive to limit its 765] INFINITIVE AFTER ADJECTIVES ETC. 307 meaning to a particular action ; as alaxpov opav, disgraceful to look upon. The infinitive is here regularly active or middle, even when the passive would seem more natural. The omitted subject of the infinitive (except when it is passive) is distinct from that of the adjective. E.g. Aicrxpbv yap toSc y la-ri Ka\ icra-opivoio-i TrvOkcrOai^ for this is disgraceful even for future men to hear. 11. ii. 119. So II. i. 107 and 589. Tors yap iVcp TorTwi/ Aoyoi-s epol pkv dvayKaiOTarovs TrpocL- TTcii' 7yyoi'/zat, vpiv 6c xprjarLfJUDTdToi"^ ttKoro-ai, i.e. most necessary for me to speakj and most useful for you to hear. Desi. xxi. 24. ^o/Sipoi/ Trpoa-TTo Xepgaaty a terrible man to fght against. Id. ii. 22. (OiKia) i)8i(rTg evSiaLTaa-OuL, a house most pleasant to live in. Xen. Mem. iii. 8, 8. XaAcTTo^TttTa cvpciF, hardest to find: p^ara lvTvy\dv€iv^ easiest to obtain. lb. i. 6, 9. (IIoAtTcta) ^^aAcTr?) (rv^'?]v., a form of government Juird to live under : dvopo'i Se (povap^ia) yjcLXtiri) Ka\ /?a/ov- TaT>/ ^vvoLKija-ai. Plat. Polit. 302 B and E. Aoyos Swaros Kara- vorjcrai., a speech capable of being understood (ichich it is possible to under- stand). Id. Phaed. 90 D. *0 XP^^'os /Spax^s d^iws SLtjyya-acrdaL., the time is too short for narrating it properly. Id. Meiiex. 239 B. 'H 68os €7riT7y6cia iropivopivois Kal Acycti^ kol dKoi'cii/, convenient both for speaking and for hearing. Id. Symp. 173 B. liorepov 8e Aot'crao-^at \l/v\p6r€pov ; which of the two (uxiters) is colder for bathing ? Xen. Mem. iii. 13, 3. (Passive.) (KiVcs) al(r\pai opdcr 6 at (instead of opdv). Id. Cyn. iii. 3. "EtTTt 6' 6 Aoyos opos. Lsoc. XV. 115. The intinitive with adjectives (here and in 758) shows distinct traces of its origin as a dative, though this origin was already forgotten. See 742 (end) and 767. 764. ((() The intinitive after the comi)ai'ative with 7; depends on the idea of ability or inability implies is sometimes expressed before this infinitive ; as in Xen. Hell. iv. 8, 23, ija-dovro avrov eAaTTw c'xoi'Ta Svvaptv rj mcttc rovs (fiiXovs €X€lv, and Cyr. vi. 4, 17, rds ao-7rt6as p^L^ovs exova-iv 1) (OS TTOicii' Tt Kal opdv. (See 588.) 765. The infinitive may be used after adverbs which correspond to the adjectives of 763. E.g. wlTC^Ol'Aci'cTO aVTiO TTlO'i dv Tot's piV ClTOt? KOtAAtO-Ta ISilv TTOtOtTO Tijv €^€XacrLVy Tois Sk SiKrpevea-L (fio/SepioTara., he took counsel with him how he might jnroceed forth in a manner most splendid for the friendly to behold^ and most terrible for the indisposed. Xen. Cyr. viiL 3, 5. 308 THE INFINITIVE [766 778] INFINITIVE OF PURPOSE 309 766. Certain nouns, which correspond in meaning to adjectives which take the infinitive as iu 763, may themselves have the same construction. E.g. Qavfia ISecrdaL^ a wmiderful thing to behold (like Savfiacrrov tSf- a-Oai). Od. viii. 366. See the examples under 749. 767. In Homer, verbs expressing excellence or fitness sometimes take a limiting infinitive, like adjectives of similar meaning. E.g. "Ekto^os tJ^c yi'vr;, os dpL(TT€V€€p€LV airrois ISeiv ;(aAKC(iJS aXaKpov koi o-fiiKpov ; do you think that they differ at all in appearance from a bald little tinker? Plat. Rep. 495 E 'AKofo-at TrayKaAtu? cx*^ *' *« ^'^U fine to hear. Dem. xix. 47. llpdyfiara irapi^ova-iv (ot iTnroC) liTLfii- Xeo-OaL, the horses unll be troublesome to tend. Xen. Cyr. iv. 5, 46. 769. Tlie Homeric use of o/xoios^ equal, like, >vith the infinitive belongs here. E.g. AtVKoripoi \i6vods avTovs Kal rd oirXa, xp-qaacrOaL o Tt dv PovXuivraL, i.e. to do with them whatever they pleased. Id. ii. 4. El povXoLpiOd T(x) iTZLTpixpat {j TTatStt? TratScro-at ry xpi^para 8tao-a>- o-at, if we should icish to entrust to any one either children to instruct or money to keep. Xen. Mem. i. 5, 2. Ocdo-ao-^at Trapijv rds yvvaiKa^ TTLiLV €po\KravXdTT€LV avToi? TrapeSwKav, they delivered the city and the citadel to them to gmird. lb. iv. 4, 15. "O9 ydp dv Vpds XdOlJ, TOVTOV dif)L€T€ TOtS ^€0?? KoXd^iLV. DeM. xix. 71. *H $vpa i) epi] dv€(i)Kro ciVtcvat Ta> SiopiVio tl epov. Xex. Hell, v. 1, 14. OvK €ixov dpyvpLov iTrLo-LTi^ecrOai, tJunj had no money to buy provijiioiui. Id. An. vii. 1, 7. 'Apm-rapx^ eSore i)pkpav diroXo- y/jo-airOuL, i.e. a day to defend himself in. Id. Hell. i. 7, 28. *E/iav- Tov croL ippiXerdv irapkx'^t^v ov Trdvv SeSoKTuL, i.e. to practise on. Plat. Phaedr. 228 E. Oh evevSaLpovija-aL t€ 6 /3io^ o/xotw? Kal iVTeXivrTja-aL ^\€pi'€a i^ap\ov €ivai ^apSioiV. Hdt. v. 25. So in the passive construction : TeXiov dirtSexOr] Trda-ij'i Trj<; iTTTTOv iiyai L7nrap\os. Id. vii. 154. 774. Even in Attic prose, this nse of iivai (773) sometimes occurs ; as in Dem. xxix. 25, p.vi^p.ovtvoi'O-iv dcf>€0€VTa rovrov €\€vO€pov €?i^ai TOT€, they remember his having been then manumitted (so as) to be a free- man. So dLrp-LV avTVL Srj/xocna iivai, he gives them up to f)e pnblic property y Thuc. ii. 13. 775. The simple infinitive in Homer may express a result as well as a purpose, as ioo-tc is seldom used there in the sense of so as (589). It thus follows many expressions which would not allow it in Attic Greek. E.g. Ti§ t' dp (rs' €7ros ciTTcti', ^ or^ei'os rr pixr^kovraL y /3pa\€of iv K€(f>a\aio) ctVcti'. Plat. Synq>. 186 C. *125 TO oAoi' ctTTCH' y€r(K. Id. ('rat. 192 C. '12? €7rt to irdv ctTTco'. Id. Leg. 667 I). So w? ttc/ji oA>y-j c/reti' \f'V\ijpd(€LV. Id. Polit. 282 B. '12? tt/jo? r/xa? ilpy^o-Oat, i.e. between ourselves. Id. Rep. 595 B. "12? ye tt^o? (re elprjaSaL rdXqOTi. Id. Prot. 339 E. *12? kv Timio, py] 8t' dKpiPcLa^;, elpija-OaL. Id. Rep. 414 A. For w? Adyoj ciVcTi/ in Herodotus, see 782. 778. E/zot SoKiiv or (less frequently) w? ipol SoKeTv means in my opinion^ it seems to me. Other similar expressions are (oj?) ciKutrai, to make a guess ; (w?) a-vpfSdWeiv, to compare, if ire may compare ; (o>?) aKor-o-ai, to the ear ; w? IhCiv or wrov ISelv, to the eye, in appearance ; oa-ov c/z€ ilSevai, so far as my kmmledge goes ; w? TCK/xrJ/aoo-^at, SO far OS oue am judge. E.g. AAA €/xoi SoKcii', Td\ €i(r€L, but, methinlcs, you will soon know. Aksch. Pers. 246 : so Soph. El. 410. Ai'tox^ovc? 8ok€€lv epoi cto-t. Hdt. i. 172. ATreTrepTrero 1) crrpaTLy., w? epol 8ok€€ ti', C7rt At^t'ry? KaTaa-rpo(f>ij. Id. iv. 167. Aok€lv 8' epoi. Thuc. viii. 64 : so vii. 87. 'AAvy^yr/, 6/xoiy€ 8oK€Lv. Plat. Men. 81 A. See Id. Rep. 432 B, w? yc oi'Toxrt So^ai. Xiopo?, ('>? u7r€iKao"at. SoPH. 0. C. 16. '12? Bxpadev ctKa- orai. Eur. H. F. 713. See Hdt. i. 34. '12? piKpov peydXo) ci'/ca- crai. Thuc. iv. 36. Once eiKda-ai alone : Soph. 0. T. 82. Y5o>/3 ye ev TT/oo? ev or/z/Sa A Actv, i.e. to compare the waters one with the other. Hdt. iv. 50 (cf. ev tt/^o? cV, Thuc. ii. 97). "Eo-ti 81 tovto ovruxrl pev uKoua-ai \6yov tlv €\0VjUi. 07i first hearing if. Dkm. xx. 18. "AroTra, u>? ovTiD y dKovcrai. Plat. Euthyj)!!. 3 B. 12? ye evrevOev l8€iVy as it looks from this point. Id. Rep. 430 E. "Oa-a-ov i8-qv. Sapph. Fr. 101. "Oa-a y d>6' I8el\>. Ar. Pac. 856. Oi'^, oo-oi' ye p* el8evaiy noy as far as I know. Id. Xuh. 1252. See also Eccl. 350, o rt Kap ei8e\'aiy and Thesm. 34, (acne (i.e. o>? re) Kap etScvat, in the same sense. "12? ye roj ttoSi TeKpyjpaa-OaL. Plat. Phaedr. 230 B. See also oi? y* epol \pri(T6 at KpiTijy EuR. Ale. 801 ; w? ye Kara Trp' epip' So^ai' a7ro)i'a(r6^a t. Plat. Polit. 272 D. See further, for Herodotus, 782. 779. (a) Here belong oAtyor 8eiv and piKpov 8eLv, wanting little^ ahiio4y and the rare ttoAAoP 8eLv , far from. E.g. IIoAAwi' Aoyooi' yiy\'ope\'ii}\' oXiyov 8etv Ka0' €Kao"T>/i/ eKKXrj- criavy when many .speeches are made almost in every assembly. Dem. ix. 1. yiiKpov 8eii' opuoniv ecTTi no oi'ci^i^cti'. Id. xviii. 269: so Isoc. i v. 144, viii. 44, 89. "Iv elSTjTe rroXXou 8eLV d^Lov orra, that you may knoic that he w far from deserving^ etc. Dem. xxiii. 7 (the only case of TToAAoP 8eiv). 312 THE INFINITIVE [780 (b) Here Stiv is often omitted, leaving oXCyov or fxiKpov in the sense of almost. E.g. '0 Aiyo V /)ou6os y€y€vr)fiaL^ I am almost gone myself^ Ar. Nub. 722, and fXLKpov KarrjKovTicrav uTrav'Tas, they came near shooting them all. Dem. xviii. 151. 780. In many expressions eTvau is used absolutely, and it often seems to us superfluous. The most common case is that of U^v dvai, so far as being willing goes, or willingly, used almost lus- ively in negative sentences. E.g. OvTc airros €(f>r] eKiov €ivaL ^ovAciVct v. Hdt. viii. 1 1 6. See Thuc. ii. 89, vi. 14. *Eku>v yap €lvaL ovSev x//€V(roiJLai, willingly I vnll tell no falsehood.^ Plat. Symp. 215 A. Oik t^fiijv y€ kut apx"? vtto ; cx«tO TTjv a^€i'8€tav Ktti TO CKovTtts €ivaL fnjSafiy TrpoirSix^o-Oai to ^€f8os\ Id. Rep. 485 C : see 336 E. One positive sentence occurs, Hdt. vii. 1 64. 781. Other cases of absolute cTvai are to IttI a-dm^ (iwl iKd'voi^, tm TovToi^, Kara tovtov) ctvui, so far as they vere concerned, etc. Thuc. iv. 28, viii. 48 ; Xen. An. i. 6, 9, Hell. iii. 5, 9 —Kara {th) Svvapnv ihuL, IsAE. ii. 32 ; Plat. Polit. 300 C ;— KaTa TorTo ct\ae, so far as concerns this. Id. Prot. 317 A ;—t^)v irpioTi^v ciVat, at first, HDT.i. 153. So especially to vvv eTvat^ at present (to belonging to vvv) : see Isoc. xy. 270 ; Plat. Lach. 201 C, Rep. 506 E ; Xen Cyr. v. 3, 42 ; also TO T7jp.€pov £ivaL, to-day, Plat. Crat. 396 E. In Aristotle's to Tt i)v eiuai, the cu'ai is probably absolute, and ti ijv may be a "philo- sophic " imperfect (40), the expression meaning the original essence {the ** ivhat ivas it ? "). Two expressions have m: ws TraAata tTvai^ considering their antiquity, Thuc. i. 21 ; and a>s ye StaKoi'ovs €ivai ttoAcws, considering that they were servants of a state, i.e. for servants, Plat. Gorg. 5 1 7 B. 782. Herodotus has a remarkable variety of expressions of this kind. Besides those already quoted, see the following : — To deATtt €(TTL Kardpptn-ov t€ Kal vcuxtti, ms Aoyo> ciVcti', dva- 7r€;Awo-at, w8c c'x^t. ii. 24 and 25. Mctu 8c, ov ttoAAoj Aoyw il-mlv, Xpovo^ 8i€(f>v. i. 61. *12? c/AC crvp/SaXkopevov evpi(TK€iv, so far as I Jind^ by conjecture, vii. 24. '12s ipol SokUlv or/x^aAAoyucvw. iv. 87. fis eivai ravra o-fiLKpa. peydXoio-L or/i/^aAAcii', so far as I may (dvai) compare these small things with great ones. iv. 99 : see ii. 10. *fis ^Ki'^as c?vai, /or Scythians, considering that they are Scythiam. iv. 81. 'lis €ivaL KlyvTrTov,for Egypt, i.e. for a land like Egypt, ii. 8. McyaAa iKTrjcraTO xpijpaTa ws av c?vai 'Po8to7rti', she gained great sums of money for a Rhodopis. ii. 135. (The force of dv is very doubtful 785] IN COMMANDS, WISHES, ETC. 313 here ; and 'Vohdiriv is often emended to ToSuSttcos or *PoSw7rt, neither of which is satisfactory.) 783. The absolute infinitive was probably felt as a limiting ac- cusative ; and in Ar. Pac. 232, c^tcvat yv^pip' eprjv /xcAAci, we might substitute Ipol SoKeiv for yvioprjv ipyv.^ '12s as used here can hardly be expressed in English ; but it resembles some uses of uxttc and ws with the infinitive after adjectives in 588. It cannot be demonstrative, as might be supposed from our inadequate translation of u>s €i7r€LV, so to speak. Infinitive in Commands and Prohibitions for the Imperative. Infinitive in Wishes and Exclamations. 784. 1. The infinitive is sometimes used in the sense of the second person of the imperative, especially in Homer. E.g. Tui vvv pi] TTOTC KoX (TV yvVaLKl TTC/S TjlTLO's cTlMX/' pt'j 01 pvdoV diravra TrLav(TK€p€V, ov k ev ci8ys, dAAa to ph' ifidaOat^ to Se Kul KdKpvppivov €ivaL, uow therefore be thou never indnlgent to thif wife, etc. Od. xi. 441. So II. i. 20, 582, ii. 10, xvii. 501 ;'0d. x. 297, xi. 72, xvii. 278, xviii 106, xxii. 287. OU pi] TrcAa'fcti', do not approach these ( = /xr) TrcAafc). Aesch. Prom. 712. YlpLv 8' av tcAci*- rrp-rf., eiria-x^tv p^jSe KuXietv kw oX/3iov, n-ait, and do not yet call him happy. Hdt. i. 32. Tv 6c tus TrrAas dvoi^a^ vir^Kdelv Kal cTTciyco-^ui, and do you open the gates, and rush out and press on. Thuc. v. 9. Eai' oioi tc yeviopeOa ciyjcti', KJtdiai. ///x«s (^evpijKaai.^ say that we have found it. Plat. Hep. 473 A. ToCto irap" vplv avToi<; fSeftaitos yi'wi'at, understaiul this in your ouminimfs. Dem. viii. 39. 2. In the cases of the second person just given (1), the subject is in the nominative. But when the infinitive is equivalent to the third person of the imperative, its subject is in the ac- cusative, as if some word like 60s, gnnd, were understood. E.g. El p€V K€v Mci'cAaoi' 'AAc^ai'^^os KaKaTreifivr]^ aiVos 'EAci'r/i/ excVw €1 6c K ^Ake^avSpov kt^lvij iMci'fAaos, T/xoas cVct^^' 'EAci/7;v utto- ^ovvai, i.e. let him keep Helen himself, — and let the Trojans surrender Helen. II. iii. 281-285. Tci'xca crrAy/o-as y/x>yTc/3, crSai/xoi'cti' /xe 07^ca tc 7rai8* efxov. Eur. Supp. 3. *E/)/xa 'yuTroAaic, rai' yri'ttiKa rai' c/xai' orTOj /x dTToSocr^at rai' t' e/xaiToP /xarcpa, (> //m< / rou/(f se// >/»»/ r/'i/"« a?jrf my mother at this rate ! Ar. Acli. 816. '12 Ztv, €Ky€i'€(rOaL fioi *Adij- vaiois TuraxrdaL, may it be permitted me to j[)?<«?.s'/i the Atheniaiu. Hdt. V. 105. OkOT€/X>1 S^il^ IffxkuiV VLKl'l€o>i' yorrar' cAiva, (J that I had stood by you yesterday and had punished the suitors; then ivould I have loosened their knees. Od. xxiv. 376. These passages agree in construction with the second person of the infinitive in commands (784, 1). 787. The infinitive, with its subject acciisfitive, may be used in exclamations of surprise or indignation. E.g. E/xe iraOiiv TuSe, €»', €/xc iraXaioiftpova, Kara tc yttv oikcii', utUtoi'j (^€r, /iiVos, that I should suffer fhis^ alas ! /, ivith my thoughts of old; ami that I should dwell in this land^ alas ! an unhonoured pkigue ! Aesch. Eum. 8H7. AAAa Tonr8 ip.o\ fiaraiay yXiowiriiv o>(S' a;rar- 6i(Tai KUK fSaXeli' €77)/ Toiai'Ta, that these should thus cast at me the flowers of their idle tongues^ etc. Id. Ag. 1662. '12 SifrraAati'*!, Toia5* avSpa )(^pi)(rLp,ov cjnoviiv. Soph. Aj. 410. ToiorToi't Tpk<^€iv Kvva, to keep a dog lib that ! An. Yesp. 835. ToPtoi' St vfSpt'^eiv uva- 7r\'€iv 6€, ((nd that he should l)e thus insultingy and should draw his breath ! Dkm. xxi. 209. Compare ^Ftne incepto desi^stere rictam ! Vkro. Aen. i. 37. This infinitive often has the article to (805). V>. IXFIXITn'E WITH THE ARTICLE.^ 788. It has been seen that the infinitive without the article ^ See Oiklersleeve, Contributions to the History of the Articular Infinitire^ was already established in the Homeric language, in nearly all the constructions in which it was most frequently used in later times. In this simple form it developed its various tenses, and their uses became fixed, especially in indirect discourse ; so that the infinitive gradually came to be more of a verb and less of a noun. When the definite article had become common with nouns, it was soon prefixed to the infinitive, which thus, with all its attributes as a verb unimpaired, was restored to new life as a neuter verbal noun.^ As a nominative and accusative, it coidd be used with to in all the constructions in which the simple infinitive was already familiar as subject or object, although here the older form was preferred except when it was desired to emphasise the infinitive especially as a nominative or accusative. But in other constructions (especially in the genitive, dative, and accusative with prepositions), and in its wonderful capacity for carrying dependent clauses and adjuncts of every kind, the articular infinitive appears as a new^ power in the language, of which the older simple infinitive gave hardly an intimation. As might be expected, the articular infinitive found its chief use in the rhetorical language, as in Demosthenes and in the speeches of Thucydides. It appears first in Pindar (for to in Od. XX. 52 and Hks. Frag, clxxi. can hardly be the article), but always as a subject nominative, with one doubtful exception. In the dramatists and Herodotus it is not uncommon, being generally a nominative or accusative with to, although it occurs also as a genitive or dative with rov or to ; and it is found even with prepositions. In Thucydides (especially in the s])eeches), Ave find the nominative, accusative, genitive, and dative all used with the greatest freedom (in 135 cases), besides the accusative, genitive, and dative with prepositions (in 1G3 cases). Its fully developed power of taking dependent clauses must be seen in the Orators, especially in Demosthenes.'^ in Tram, of Am. Phil. Assoc, for 1878, ])p. 5-19 ; and The Articular Infinitive in Xenophon and Plato, in Am. Jour. Phil., iii. pp. 193-202; Hiikleiii, Entwickelungsgcschichfe dcs substantivirten Infnitivs, iu Schanz's Beitrage, Heft 7. * "By the substantial loss of its dative force tlie infinitive became ver- balized ; by the assumption of tlie article it was substantivized again with a de? dviapou to aTTofSdWiLv. Xen. Cyr. viii. ,3, 42. IIoAAukis SokcI to a A Actr^ui cTTt/xcAcio-^ai, to take care not to he iipset by wine. Xex. Rep. Lac. v. 7. AiVx«'i'oi'Tai to ToXpdy. Plat. Soph. 247 C. ^vieOi^eirOai rai^ i^vxaU to tijv TrarpiSa iX€LV. LyclRc^. loo. Kai TTw? 8i] to dp\LX0V>i cTi'at di'OpioTrtov TTutS^iW; Xen. Gee. xiii. 4: see also ix. 12. (So 7rat6ci'u> nvd ri.) 'E7reo-\ov TO ivOitO'i roi'i WOyvaioi'i ir ix^i-pfiv. Tnrc. vii. 33 (cf. TovTo lirkcTXov, ii. 76). Ov8k TOi rrj x^tpl 7r€tOopat rb 8pdv, nor aw. I perstmded hy your vix)lence to act (as you bid me). Soph. Ph. 1253 (cf. ov Tr^iBopaL povdv /xcTcyi/o), i.e. changed his purpose {and resolved) to contemplate, Aesch. Ag. 221. For TO /x^ ov with tlie infinitive after negatived verbs in this con- struction {e.g. Ar. Ran. 68), see 815, 2, and 814. 792. The infinitive with ro as an object accusative may follow verbs which would not allow the simple infinitive in its place. E.g. To TcAci'TT/O-at TTfU'TWl' 7/ TTiTTpiopevy KaT€KpU'€, TO 8c KaXC)^ d7ro6aP€Lv lSlou toI^ (tttovSulols aTreveLpev, Fate condemned all man- kind to death; hut a glorious death she reserved for the virtuous. Isoc. i. 43. MoVov/ opw TO TTaidv tov dXi(TK6p€vov, seeing onhj the heating ofth^ captive. Xen. Cyr. i. 4, 21. T^ p^^v ^vvok^tv t€ Kai Tvpoopdv ayapal aev. Hdt. ix. 79. The double character of tlie articular infinitive, jis n(.un and verb, permits it to stand as an object wherever the object accusative of a noun would be allowed. 793. A few of the verbs included in 747, whicli govern the genitive of a noun, allow also the genitive of the infinitive with Tor (798), as well^ as the simple infinitive. This applies chiefly to a/xeAeoj, eVt- /icAco/xa6, and to the verbs of hindrance etc. included in 807. E.g. 'A/xcAv/cra? TOV opyi^ea-Oai. Xen. Meuh ii. 3, 9. (But d/xeAvycra? Acycii/, Plat. Phaed. 98 D.) Most verbs of desiring aud neglecting take only the simple infinitive. 'ETrt/xcAeo/xa/, which usuallv takes ottw? with the future indicative (339), allows also the simple infinitive (Thuc. vi. 54), the infinitive with to (Xen. Rep Lac. v. 7), and the infinitive with rod (Id. Mem. iii. 3, U). (See 361, 791, and 798.) 794. The infinitive of indirect discourse after verbs of sayinq and thinking sometimes takes to. Here each tense of the infinitive pre- serves its time, and even the infinitive with ctF occurs. E.g Ufl€V 8* €TOLpOL OCOIS opKU)pOT€Ll' TO pyT€ 8pd(Tai. /X^JtC TO) ^WdSfvai TO irpdypa ftovXevo-ai'Ti, to swear that we neither had done it {iSpdo-apev) jwr were in the secret {^vvurpev) of any me who had plotted the deed. Soph. Ant. 264. y.^opel to py elSkvat; will you sivear tJtat you have no knowledge ? lb. 535. Kat to 7rpo€i8kvaL ye tov Oeov to piXXov Ka\ TO 7rpoy;(tti'o«, hut I am helpless to act in defiance of the citizens. Soph. Ant. 79. MaK^os to Kplvai ravra Xw AotTTos XP^*'"5> " ^^^0 '"^^ ''> ««'''« ^^*w- Id. El. 1030 (cf. Xftovo^ Ppaxvs Sniyria-ao-Oaij a time short for riarratlmjy under 763). To /x>; pXiTreLv €Tot/xtt, readtj to cease beholdinij the liijht. lb. 1079 (see 758). To TTpoa-TaXanriopilv or^cts' TrpoOvp.o's ip'. Thl'C. ii. 53. To pitv €5 Tt)V yi}V r)fn7)v ia-fSaXken', kuv /x>y ckttAciVcu/xci', Ikuvol tlcTL. I<1. vi. 17. E«j Se'ov 7rtt/j€(r6'' o^e K^mov to irpaa-a-av Kal to ^oi'Aci'cii', he is liere at the rUjht moment to act ami advise. Soph. O. T. 1416. AtTtos TO o-€ airoKpLVia-Bai pyj tovto. Vlat. Liich. 190 E. (Thi.s is rare, but see Dkm. viii. 56, ix. 63. AtVtos «/s' c}/x(oi' ttJs rrpoaifti- o-€MS €i'€K€v, TO TTpoeXfirOaL o/ioni, . . . Toi\ 8c TeTcAciTv/KOTas T>js di'Spiias, TO pij KaTaL(r\vi'aL Ta? Ton- TTftoyoyiov a/)€Ta?, wliere the two infinitives with to explain 7r/>oai/3€o-€(u,rftaX('n'T€'s ii iXTriSa i)X6ov' tov Uelv, i.e. hope of tulitw tlu city. Thuc. ii. 56 (see 749). T^ yap d^ npaTTeiv irapa Tyv d^iav ait>oppyi TOV KUK-ws' pov€ti' Toh di'oyTOi; T?^'s €KKXiiso hi. 3, 11. (See 793.) 'EttcV^o/aci' toi" SaKpiUiv, ire ceased to weep Plat. Phaed. 117 E. (See below, 807.) Kat ydp dyO^is toI^ Kar- aKov€iv TWO'S e/Vu', /or they are unused to oheyiny any one. Dkm. i. 23. See .xxix. 17. "A^tos^ arTois' c8oK-€ts^ cmxt tov TotavT dKoveiv. Id. xxi. 134. To^s Ku/jTTois, DC TOV pi) 6yjpio)Sios Cyv ypns aiTun ycyomo-^, the fruits of the earth, which are the cause of our not liriiirj Hhe heads. Isoc. iv. 28. KaT>;pa(raTo toj atVao toT //>) TrdXac dir o^^hoo-OaL tIv parOov, he cursed him who was responsihk for fhr va .cs not hariny been jmid loiuj before. Xkx. An. vii. 7, 48. (Mt.o^ may t.-.ke llie simple infinitive and even tlie infinitive with to. Sec 7 49 and 7J>5.) IloA- XaKVs 8oKcr TO ifivXd^ai Tdya.Od tov KT,pra(rOai X'tAtTro'iTcp,.' eivni.. Dkm. i. 23. So Xk\. (\r. i. 5, 13. Ncots^ to (nydv KparTov lirTi. TOV AaAeti'. Mkn. Mim. 387. Tor Oapcrrii' tu TrXeiaTov c/Ar/- ;Ar(y€ ToP ropl(€tv. Id. xxii. If). To peydXov epyov oVto? ToPfai'To) TU 8€orTa Trapau-Kevd^^iv pi) dpKtlv toPto. Xen. Mem ii 1, 8 (see 80f]). Z»/Aw ir€ pdXXoy 7j 7^6 ToP py^ey ijipovilv, for want of knowledge. Eur. I. A. 677. (Mtroj?) to XyirTiKuy KuOypei, toP T(\s TrpoiroSovs paXXov iivai avTu}, in order that revenues miqht come in to him more abundantly.^ Thuc. i. 4. ^ So ii. 22, 32, 75, 93 ; Xen. Cyr. i. 3, 9. Tov py Til SiKata 7rot€iv, to escape doing what was just. Dem. xviii. 107. llpos TO TTpdypa (/)tAoi'ctKoei'Ta Xeyeiy tov KaTat/jai'c? yeye- a-6ai. Plat. Gorg. 457 E. This final use api^ears first and cliielly in Thucvdides. 799. The infinitive with to may express aiuse^ manner, or 320 THE INFINITIVE [800 8061 INFINITIVE WITH rov, tw, AND to 321 means ; or it may follow verbs, adjectives, and adverbs which take the dative. E.g. Oi'5€ Ttjj ^vvaa-Oai Koi tliaOkvai Xcycii' iirapdee^. Lys. xxxi. 2. TOfcs TT/oay/itto-t yiyv€) T iypi/yopivai to KaOei^eiv. Plat. Phaed. 71 C. "O/xoioi/ €crTi tw oi/eiStY^ti'. Dem. xviii. 269. Ty TrAovTcti' iVvJKoa, obedient to wealth. Ar. PI. 146. "A/xa ry Tip,d(r6ai. Plat. Rep. 468 D ; so a/xa ry Tipdv^ 468 E. 800. The infinitive with the article, as genitive, dative, or accusative, very often follows prepositions, or adverbs used as prepositions. E.g. Toi's yap koyoxs TTipl toi" t ipiopyo-ao-OuL ^iknnrov opCo yiyvo- p€i'ovs,for I see that the speeches are made about punishing Philip. Dem. iii. 1. n^o Tov Toi's opKovs diroSovvai, before taking the oaths. Id. xviii. 26. 'Ek TOV Trpos )(^dpLV Srj/iijyopeiy evioi^. Id. iii. 3. 'AvtI TOV TToAts eii'ai (f>povpLov KaT€(TTi). Thuc. vii. 28; so i. 69. 'Atto TOV irtipav 8i8ois ^vvfTos f^aivta-Oai. M. i. 138. EvcKa toG ttAciw Troiija-ai ti)V vrrdp^oi^av ovo-iav. Isoc. i. 19. Upos rw /x>;8€i' tK ttJs 7rpc(7^cta5 XaftiLVy besides receiving nothing from the emhissy. Dem. xix. 229. 'Ev TO) TToXiTijv TTo Liter Oai {XapiSijpov')y in making Charidemus a citizen. Id. xxiii. 188. 'VjOavpd^eTo cVi to €vOvfuo's f>Ji'. Xen. Mem. iv. 8, 2. "O/xws Sid to ^€Votpiov €aiv€To Ktti CIS TO Taxi' pavOdv€tv a Scot Kal cts to kuAw? cfcocrTa Troieii/. Id. Cyr. i. 3, 1. Tipos to piTp'nav Silo-Oai TrcTrat^ci'/xci'os. Id. Mem. 1. 2, 1 ; so Dem. i. 4. Hapd to aio-x/K)v ti viropilvai. Plat. Ap. 28 C. 801. The infinitive is not found with am in any case, with dpa^i in accusative or dative, with KaTa in j,'enitive, with Trapa in genitive or dative, with -n-ipi in dative, with Trpos in genitive, with xmkp in accusative, or with iVo in accusative or dative. 802. The genitive of the infinitive with iVcp is often equivalent to a final clause. E.g. Tas 8c7jo-eis aU K^xpip'Tai tlv€<; virep tov Ta piTpia Kal Ta (rvvrjOij pr) yiyveo-Oai Iv Ty TroAei ( = u'a pij yiyinjTai), the soli cit at imis which some have employed in order that moderate counsels and the ordinary prin- ciples may not prevail in the state. Aesc^hin. iii. 1. Els Tas Tpt7jp€ts €/x^ai'T£S I'TTip TOV ptj TO KcAcvo/xcvov 7roLrj(rai ( = iva /x»; TroiTJo-oxrti/), embarking on shipboard that they might avoid doing what icas hid Dem xviii. 204. 803. The article cannot ordinarily be omitted, when the infinitive follows a preposition. (a) A singular exception oocurs in a few cases of dvri with the simple infinitive in Herodotus. See os di'Tt plv SovKojv €7roirj(Tas ^XirOipovs lUpo-as cu'tti, di'Tl 5c apx^crOat vtt' dXXojv dpxeiv drrdi'Tiov, i. 210, where the antithesis of ai^Tt /xci/ SovXtov makes dvTi. 5c^ dpxea-Oai more natural ; also vi. 32 (with no antithesis). So vii. 170 (but with a various reading ai^Tt tov). ^ (b) nXi'ju, e.a'ept, as an adverb, may have the simple infinitive ; as TL dXXo TrXijv iPivSrj Xky€Lv, Soph. Ph. 100. So TrXip' yd/xov Tvxeiv, Aesch. Eum. 737. 804. An infinitive, with the article in any case, may stand in aj)i)osition to a noun in the same case. E.g. *H TiZv TTuiSiov dpxy, TO /x>) ctti' cAcr^c/>or§ ilvat, co)9, K.T.A., tJie government of children, — ?w< permitting them to be free, until, etc. Plat. Rep. 590 E. Toi^To co-Tt to dSiKeiv, to ttAcoi' t(ov aAAoji' (rfTciv c>(cii'. Id. Gorg. 483 C. Tovto irpoo-opoiov c^oi-o-t Toh Tvpdvvots, tottoXXmv dpx€iv. Id. Rep. 578 D. Tt Toi'Tot- /xa/ca/ato^Tcpoi', to^ yy p.ixO?ivai-, Xen. Cyr. viii. 7, 25. AoKct tovtw 8iakp€iv dvyp tmv dXX(x)v (utMv, TO) Tipijs opkyidOai. Id. Hier! vii. 3 ; so Oec xiv. 10. For a few doubtful cases of the infinitive with to', in apparent apposition with a genitive or dative, see 796. 805. The infinitive with to is used in exclamations of surprise or indignation. E.g. To 8c /x);8c Kvvi^v OLKoOiv iXOelv c/xc toi' KuKoSaifxov ex^vTa, but to think that /, wretched fellow, shmdd come from home witiwut even my cap! Ar. Nul). 268. T>J? /xw/jia? • to Ata i/o/xtfcii/, ovTa t^Xlkov- Toviy what folly ! to believe in Zeus, now you are so big! II). 819. For the simple infinitive in these exclamations, see 787. 806. The infinitive with its subject, object, or other adjuncts (sometimes including dependent clauses) may be preceded by the article to, the whole sentence standing as a single noun, either as the subject or object of a verb, as the object of a preposition, or in apposition with a pronoun like toiVo. E.g. To /xci' yap TToXXd drroXioXiKevai KUTa tov TToXe/iov t//<» ypeTepa^; a/xcAcia»; ai' tv; Oeuj SiKuioj'i- to 8e /x/Jtc TraAat TorTO TreTrovOcvat, 7r€^rjV€Vai tc tlvu ypiv a-v/ipaxiav tovtmv dvTtppoTTOv, dv /SorXoy/JieOa Xpga-OuL, tP/s' Trap tKilviov €vvoia^ evepyhrip! dv cyojyc Oeirjv. Dem. i. 10. To yap Trpos dvSpa Ovijtov Kal Scd Kaipojs Tivas i(rxvovTa ypdov- ras €ipyjvrjv dOdvaTov a-vvOeo-Oai ttjv KaTa tt^js ttoAcojs alo-xvvrjv, #cat d-rroo'TtpijcraL prj povov twi/ aAAwi' dAAd Kal tCjv irapd Tr;s 322 THE INFINITIVE [807 rvxi)S ^tv€py€(TiCiV ttjv ttoAii/, koI Toa-avTj) wepLovcLc^ Xprja-Oai Trovrj- pias (5o-Tc firj p.6vov to!;? ovra^ 'AOrjvaLovs dkka /cat rot's v(rT€p6v 7roT€ fieXXovras ccrecr^ai TrdvTas 7]8iKrjK€vai, ttcos ovxi iravSiLVov la-riv ; Id. xix. 55. Simple Infinitive and Infinitive 2vith rov after Verbs of Hindrance, etc} 807. After verbs and other expressions which denote hindrance or freedom from anything, two forms are allowed, the simple infinitive, and the genitive of the infinitive Avith tov. Thus we can say {a) dpyn a-e toGto ttouIv (747) and (b) ct/oyct a-e TOV TovTo ttolciv (798), both with the same meaning, he pi-events you from doing this. As the infinitive, after verbs implying a negation, can take ^^ to strengthen the previous negation without otherwise aff'ecting the sense (815, 1), we have a third and a fourth form, still w^ith the same meaning : {c) ci^yci o-e /xr; rom-o TTouiVy and yd) eipyei a-€ tou firf tovto ttouiVj he jyrevents you from doing this. (For a fifth form, ^ipyn o-c to p; Toi>ro iroulv, with the same meaning, see 811.) If the leading verb is itself negatived (or is interrogative with a negative implied), the double negative /x^ ov is generally used instead of p.i) in the form (c) with the simple infinitive, but probably never in the form {d) with the genitive of the in- finitive ; as ovK €ipy€L (Ti jjLij ov TOVTO TTotcii', hc docs not prevent you from doing this (815, 2), but not tov fii) ov toCto ttoiciV. (See also 811, for TO fii) ov.) Kg. (a) KaKov Se ttolov eipye tovt e^eiSevai; 80PH. 0. T. 129. IlaiSos *€>/Tos, oi/ Oavelv ippiHrdfiyjv. EuR. Ale. 11. 'Eri "OXvvOov aTroirkfiTToya-iv, ottoj? eipytoo-L tois (KiWiv iTrL/SoyjOilv. Thlc. i. 62. AAA(09 Se 7ra>s iropL^eo-Oat tu iTrtTySna opKovs y)Si] KrxTc'xoi'Ta? ypais (■0S€iv). Xe\. An. iii. 1,^ 20. KvSoKLfiiiv efnroSiov a^plo-iv cmxi. Plat. Euthyd. 305 D. Ei tovto tls eipyei Spdv okvos, if any hesitatiori prevents you from doing this. Id. Soph. 242 A. Tyv IScav tij^ yf;s ovSjv fj.€ K(oXv€L Aeycti/. Id. Phaed. 108 D. Tov ^IXlttitoi' irapiX- Oilv OVK iSvvavTo KwAiVai. Dem. v. 20. (6) Tov 8k Spa7r€T€V€Li' Sccr/xoi? diriipyoiHTt ; Xen. Mem. ii. 1, 16. To yap \p€v86p€i'ov (f>aLi'€(rOal Kal tov o-vyyviopij^ tivos rry- X«^«*J' ^-^0810^ /x«Aio-Ttt dvOpioTTois yiyi'€Tai. Id. Cyr. iii. 1, 9. ETTr€v OTL KioX\vr€i€ (dv) TOV kuUlv cVioi'Ttt?. Id. Au. i. 6, 2. 'Ettc- a-xop.€v Tod 8 ajK pv€iv. Plat. Phaed. 1 1 7 E (cf. 1 1 7 C, quoted in 8 1 1 ). 'A7r€a-xopr)v tov Xaf^€LV tov 8iKaiov crcKa. Dem. xix. 223. (c) BvrjTovs y hravo-a /x>) 7rpo(r8€pK€(T0aL popov. A ESC H. Prom. ' See Madvig's Bcmerkungen uber einige Pwicte der griechischen JFortfua. ungslchrc, pp. 47-66. "^^ «10] INFINITIVE AFTER VERBS OF HINDRANCE ETC. 323 Itl' Z'''^^^': <^t'Aa'|et a-' 6vopa p,) TraVxctv KaKws. SoPH. 0. C. bbl. UTrep ea-X€ prj T>p U^XoTrovvrjcrov TropOetv, which prevented him from raimgin^ ths Peloponnesus. Thug. i. 73. AteKoJAvo-c a^ 5ta- ^^et^at. Id. iii. 49. 'E,reye.cTo KcoAi'/xaTa /x>) a^rjOiivac. Id. i. lb. ^ lle/x7roi'J-6 KrypvKa, iVoSc^a/xevot a-xi]o-€LV t^v ^TrapTtyWrjv uii liW' ''''' '''' ^^' ^W^ f^'l pXa^Tdv.Lv. Plat. Phaedr. Ovydp cVt. "EAAvo-t o{^8epia ^k8i^cs fxr) ov 86yTa, Xoyov elvat arovs 8ovXovs Hdt. viii. 100. (See 815, 2 ; 816.) 0{, 8vvaTol ai'-T^i, '"^^".^ ?^' yy''"- f^') ^^'^ €^€vat. Id. ix. 12. "12o-T£ ^eVov V dv ov6€i/ ov6 "^""'P^f^ ^^'^> i^eKTpaTTolprjv py) oi crvveKo-oitecv. SOPH. 0. C. 565. IV ipjro8o., ^.) o.'-x^ v^opevov, d^oOaLv ; AEN. An. ni. 1, 13. (ft €/x7ro6wi/ implies ov8€v lp7ro8m'.) TiVo§ dv 6€oio /xr; ovx^ nap^irav €v8aLfi.o)v €ii'ai; wJmt would hinder you from being 2>erfrdly happy? Id. Hell. iv. 1, 36. {d) Has ydp dxTKh', 8vo dv8pa^ ^et toG py) KaTa8dvaL, i.e. will keep two^ menfrom^ sinkimj. Xex. An. iii. .5, 1 1. X^y. o{^8ecs tto) irpoOeU rov pyj TrAeo./ cxeti' direTpdir^TO. Thug. i. 76. El 8' dp' c>7ro6oV Tt arTo> 6y€i'CTo tov py) ciWs tc^tc 8iKda-aa6aL. Dem. xxxiii 25 H7r60-T«T0 T>;i/ TToAu' piKpiv dTToXiTrovo-av Tod py) Tar? io-xdTac^ opa'S 7repi7re}o-i'xaf€U', the inability to rest. Thug. ii. 49. 1>/ TOV /X7, ^vp7rX€iv ttTTio-Tia, through distrust of sailing with them; i.e through unwillingness to sail, caused by distrust. Id. iii. 75. 808. Tlie infinitive with Tod py} can be used as a genitive in its ordinary negative sense ; as o.Ve cVt^v ov8epta 7rp6apovpdv TrapgXOi, toV8c pyi AciWcii/ (ttoXov. Id. Tr. 226. 810. The infinitive in the forms (a), (c), and (d), (but, according to Madvig, n(jt m the form (6), with Tod without /ig) may follow negatives m the construction of 807. See the examples. 324 THE INFINITIVE [811 Infinitive ivith to firf or to firj ou» 811. The infinitive with to p) is used after many verbs and expressions which denote or even imply hindrance, jyrevention, omission, or denied, the /xr) merely strengthening the negative idea of the leading verb. If the leading verb is itself negatived, or is interrogative with a negative implied, to /xr) ov is generally used with the infinitive instead of to /x>; (compare 807). This infinitive with to /x>y or to /xt) ov is often less closely connected with the leading verb than the simple infinitive (see 791), and it sometimes denotes merely the result of a prevention or omission. It is sometimes an object accusative, as after expressions of denial ; but it oftener resembles the accusative of respect or limitation. It adds a fifth expression, ctpyci o-c to fiy) TovTo TToulv, to the four already given in 807 as equivalents of he p-events you from doing this; and a corresponding form, oiV ct/jyct a-e TO fj.7] ov TovTo TTouiv, for he does not peveni you from doing this. E.g. ^ Toi/ TrXiL(TTov ofiiXov €Tpyov TO fj.il Trpoi^tovTus Ti7)v oirKiov TO. iyyvs TTJs TToAcws KaKovpy€Lv, they prevented them front injuring, etc. Tnuciii. 1. To 8k fxij XeiiKaTTJa-ai cAoi'Tas o-c/x'a? rijv ttoXiv «r;^c roSt, thin prevented them from plundering the city. Hot. v. 101. Oiot tc ija-au KaT€X€iv TO fMi) 8aKpv€iv, to restrain their tenrs. Plat. Phaed. 117 C (cf. 117 E, (quoted in 807). 4>o^os re ^ryycrv/s^ to /x>/ dSiK€iv crxr/o-€i, ivill check injuntice. AEiiCH. Eiun. 691. OrTot ctViw fiovoi hi yfiiv efiTToSuiV TO p.y yS^j €iuai IvOa TraAai i(nriv8op.iV. Xen. An. iv. 8, 14. Kt/xwi'tt Tra^a Tp^U d€ta-ai' ^7;ors to fxij OaidTiii (iffinZ' o-at, i.e. by three votes they idlowed Cimon to escape the pmnshment of death. Dem. xxiii. 205. Iptls 8k /xoiai ^7')(/>oi 8u]viyKav Ti pif Oavd- Tov Tiprja-aL^ and only three votes prevented you from condemning him to death (lit. made tlie difference about condemning, etc.). lb. 167. See Xen. Cyr. V. 1, 25, An. ii. 3, 2. 4>o^os ydp dv6' virvov Trapaararil to pi] Peftanos fi\€(f}apa a'vpf3a\€iv wwu, i.e. stands by to prevent my closing my eyes in sleep. Aesch. Ag. 15. OvK €vavTHMTopaL TO /xV; ov yiyMViiv Tray oo-ov 7r^>o)/fcTC. Id. Prom. 786. Ov8ky ydp a»W) TaiV €7rupK€(T€i, to /xr; ov Trco-ftv dripiDS TTTw/xttT OVK dmo-xcTct, this will not snjfice to prevent him from, falling, etc. lb. 918. AaVci /xcr oj'-^* a Trpi'^jOiv y8€p€V to pi) ov l^apvo-Tov eivai, they hare no lack of being hiarily grierons. Soph. O. T. 1232. M^yTot, Kao-iyi'iiTif, /x* dTipday^ to /x>) or ^^ai'cii' tc (rvv (rot Tov Oavovra 6* dyvia-ai, do not think me tm unworthy to di>- with thee, etc. Id. Ant. 544. ^ (Compare Ant. 22, and 0. C. 49.) Ovk a7r€o-xo>>;i' TO ptf OVK €7rl TOVTO iXOilv, I did not refrain from yrroceeding to thi^ subject.^ Plat. Kep. 354 B ; see Crit. 43 C. Ovk aTrkaxovTo ov8' d-n-o TMV (fiiXiov TO prf ov^* 7rAcot'«KTciV ain-iov irupdu-da.L. Xex. Cyr. i. 6, 32. Kvrifv plv ov /xwtovkt iKiivjiv rijv iroKiv to /in ov 814] INFINITIVE WITH to fii] OR to fir) ov 325 ptydXriv itvai K€v8alpova, not grudging that city its right to be great, etc. Ar. Av. 36.^ (Compare pia-yja-kv fiiv kvo-I Kvpjxa yivkcrOaty II. xvii^ 272.) ^ Ov6cJ9 dvTikkyii to /x>) ov Ac^ctr o Tt eKoa-To^ yy€iTanr\€L(TTovd^iov€7ria-Ta(T0aL, no one objects to saying, etc. Xen. Synip. iii. 3. Mr; irapys to py) ov (ftpdo-ai, do not omit to speak of it. ^<^PH. 0. T. 283. Ov8€va 8vva(r6aL KpvTTTCLU to pi) ov^ ^JSews dv Kul w/xaJv io-OUiv avTMv, that m one is able to prevent people frrni hwm)ig that he woidd gladly even eat some of tfiem raio. Xen. Hell iii 3, 6. 812. The form to /xr; is more common here wlien the leading verb is negative, where regularly to pi) ov would be iise^?; to pi] (tol dKoXovdiiv ; i.e. who failed to follow you ? Xen. Cyr. v. 1, 25. "Akos 8' ov8kv iTn'ipKea-av to pijiroXiv fifv Cxnr€p ovv cxct iraSilv. Aesch. Ag. 1 170. Kat gpl 8puxraL KovK dirapvodfMai to /x>;. Soph. Ant. 443. Ov^ dpvrjm^ €(mv ui'toi\ to pi) TudO' vTrkp ^lXIttttov TrpuTTCLV^it is 7wt even possible for them to deny that thy did these things in. the interest of ]*hilip. Dkm. xix. 163 ; so xx. 135. So perhaps we may explain to pi] iTri/SovXevnv in Hdt. l 209 {inm § 814). 813. Although the infinitive with to pg is most frequently used (as in 811) after verl)s containing a negative idea, it can also have a negative sense as the object of other verbs or with adjectives. See to pi) a'dXX€o-6aL cTTt/xcActV^at (quoted in 791), and to /xr; pXe-rreLV €Toi/xa (quoted in 795), in both of which the infinitive is really nega- tived by pg. We must distinguish also the use of tov pi] with the infinitive as an ordinary negative expression (see examples in 798) from that which is exi)lained in 807. Compare, likewise, to /xr) ov with the infinitive in 814 and in 811. The nature of the leading verb will always make the force of the negative plain. We have the wvme distinction, with the simple infinitive, between umy/cafct o-€ prj iXOilv, Joe compels you not to go (747), and €Lpy€L crc /xr; iXOitv, he prevents you from going (807). 814. The infinitive with to pi) ov may be used in a negative sense in various constructions with verbs and expressions which do not have a negative meaning, provided these are them- selves negatived or are interrogative implying a negative. Though TO /xr) ov is more common here, to /x>; is also allowed. JtJ.g. Koi'^cis' y€ p dv Tr€i(Ttuv dvQpdmuiV to pij ovk iXOciv eV avTo'i', and nomnncan persuade me not to go after him. Ar. Ran. 68. Ov piVTOi (ireidi ye to /xr; ov peyaXoTrpdypiov t€ kul KOKOTrpdypiov cfi/at, but lie did not persuade them that he was not full (f great and evil under- takings. Xen. Hell. v. 2, 36. (For similar expressions with prj ov without to', see 749 and 815, 2.) Toh deoh ov8kv av iX^ipev pepif^a- aOuL TO pi] ov^t TrdvTu 7r€7rpax€vaL, we cannot blame tJie Gods for not 326 THE INFINITIVE [815 having done everything. Id. Cyr. vii. 6, 42 (cf. raiV ovy vfxlv fieficjio- /iat, Ar. Nub. 525). OvSc oo-lov Iftoiyc iivat aii'€TaL to /xr; ov /Sor)- Oiiv TovTOLS Tois Aoyot? Trai^Ta av5/oa. Plat. Le«,'. 891 A. "AAoyoi' rofxrf ovT€fiv€LV. Id. Soph. 219 E (see 817). Toh 6c ovSk Aoyos AciVerat to /xi^ ov 7rovi]poi<; dvai. Dem. xxiv. 69.^ OvKwi/ co-Tt lirixavi) ovSi/xta to /jli) €K€lvov cVi^oi'Act'ctv €/xo6, fA«r/yo/ocvc firfSiva tovto ttoulv, he forbade any one to do this. This /x>; can, however, "be omitted without affecting the sense. 2. An infinitive which far any reason would take pi] (either affecting the infinitive itself, as an ordinary negative, or strengthening a preceding negation, as in the case just mentioned), generally takes the double negative pi) ov, if the verb on which it depends is itself negatived or is interrogative with a negation implied. Thus the example given above, apvuTai pr) d\rj6k ctVat TOVTO, if we negative the leading verb, genei^ally becomes ovk dpv€iTaL p.ri OVK dkrjOh €TvaL tovto, he does not deny that this is true. ^ So, when the original pi] really negatives the infinitive, as in StKatoi/ l(TTL pi) TovTov (li€i'at, it IS just not to aopiit him, if we negative the leading verb, we commonly have ov StKatoV cVtc p.rj ov TOVTOV d(f)t€vaL, it is not just not to acquit him. E.g. 12s ovx oo-iou o-oi 6v prj ov /SorjOeiv SiKaiocrvvy, because (you said) it would be impious for you not to bring aid to Justice. Plat. Kep. 427 E. Ovk dv TTLOoipijv pij ov TaS* UpaOuv o-a<^tos, / cannot consent not to learn the ivhole. Soph. 0. T. 1065. "AvSpa 8' ovk €(tti p,y ov kukov (ppevai, it is not possible for a man not to be hise. SiMON. v. 10. See also Plat. Phaed. 72 D (in 749). For examples in which pi) ov strengthens the negation of the leading verb, see 807. ^ * This is cited by Birklein (p. 67) as the Only case of the article with fxy) ov in the Oratoi-s ; and no case occurs in either* Herodotus or Thucydides. 8181 M^ ov WITH INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE 327 This applies also to the infinitive with to pr). See 811 and 814. 816. When pr) or pi) ov with the infinitive follows a verb of hindrance, etc. (807), neither py] nor ^^7) ov can be translated. When p.j really negatives the infinitive (as in the examples last given), p,i) ov must be translated by one negative. In Plat. Rep. 368 B, the passage quoted in 427 E (815, 2, above), Socrates had said Se5ot/ca p.r) oi'8 o(TLov 7) . . . dTrayop€V€LV Kal pr) /3oi)0€lv, being prevented from saying pi) ov /3oi)0dv by the previous pi) ov8\ In Xen. Ap. 34 we have ovT€ pi) pipvijo-Oai SvvapaL avToi; ovt€ p€pvi)p€vos pr) ovk €7raiV€LV. 817. Verbs and expressions which contain such negative ideas as impossibility, difficult?/, unwillingness, or impropriety sometimes take pi) ov (instead of the simple pi]) with the infinitive, to express a real negation, even when the leading verb is not negatived. E.g. Ay]pov dpxovTos dSvvara pr) ov KaK0T7;Ta iyyiveo-dat, it is impos- sible that mix should not come in (as if it were 01' Si-vaTa). Hdt. iii. 82. ACIIW €8<)K€€ CtVu ^^7) ov Xa/3€lV ttUTCt. Id. i. 187. "no-T€ TrdiTlV al(TXvvr)v €ivaL pi) ov o-iHnrovSd^eiv, so tJuit all were ashamed not to join heartily in the uwL Xen. An. ii. 3, 1 1. So ya-xvveTo pi) ov <^atVco-6'ai, Cyr. viii^4, 5. Ala-xpov ia-Tt pi) oi'xt (fidvai. Plat. Prot. 352 D. noAA7) dvota py) ovx Vy^^^o-dat. Id. Symp. 210 B. So after dv6r)Tov, lb. 218 C; after dAoyov, id. Soph. 219 E (see 814). For xaAcTros followed by py) ov, see example under 819. 818. Mt) ov is occasionally used w^th participles in negative sentences, in place of the simple py], to express a negative con- dition. The following cases are quoted : — OvKU)V SIkuiov eivai {Aapelov drSpLavTa) la-TavaL pi) ovk virep- paWopivov Tolo-L €pyouri, i.e. he said that Darius had no right to set up his statue^{m fivjut of that of Sesostris), unless he surpassed him in his exploits { = d py) v7r€/>/5aAAcT(u). Hdt. ii. 110. KaTappw8y)(Tav pr) ov . . . Ty)v MiA»;toi' oiol tc eoxrt i^eXeiv //t) ov coi'tcs vavKpdTop€<; they feared that they might not be able to capture Miletus without being 7nasters of ^ the sea (their thou.^dlt was ct py) vavKpuTopk iafnv). Id. vi. 9. EivdTy Sk OVK i^€X€r(r€(rOaL €a(rov /xv) ov TrA/J/jeo? coi/to9 tov kvkXov^ tJiey refused to march out on the ninth of the month {and threafter) until the moon should be full {lav py) 7rXy]p^)^ y). Id. vi. 106. Ai'o-aAy7;TO? yap dv dy)v ToiarSc py ov KaToiKT^ipiov eSpav, for I should be hard of heart (817) should I feel no pity for such a band of supjdiants {el py KaTOiKTfJpoipi). Soph. O. T. 1 2. Ov ydp av paKpdv ix^'evov avTos, py OVK €Xiov TL (Tvii/SoXov, for I should not hare traced it far, if I had attempted it by myself uyitlwut any dm. lb. 220. (For the force of the subordinate condition of py ovk tx^^ in its relation to the real pro- tasis in avTo's, see 5 1 1 .) "Hkcis ydp ov K€vy] ye, tovt cyw o-a(/)W5 c^oi8a, py ovxl Selp €/j.ol (f>€pov(Td tl, i.e. you have not come empty -handed, — {not at least) without bringing me some cause for alarm (i.e. ovk ct p.y €p€t9). Id. 0. C. 359. (M^ ovxl €poiva adds a condition as a quali- 328 THE INFINITIVE [819 ticatiou to K€vrj.) Ovk apa ia-rl i\ov t^ l\ovvtl ovSev fxy] ovk avTi^tAovv, unless it loves in retumi. Plat. Lys. 212 D. (Cf. ^ikoi 8€ ye OVK av etev firf irepl rroWov ttoiov/jlcvol cairroi'-j, 215 B.) Tt? yap av y)/3ov\rj07] piKpa KepSavai^ k.t.A.; ov8' av eU fxi] ov (rvi'dSw? eavTi^ (rvKoavTovvTL, not a man {would have wished for this) if lie had not been conscious that lie was a sycophant ( = ci /ui) a-vvijSei). Dem. Iviii. 13. Oi5T€ yap I'ai'ayos, ai' /x>) yiK XapyraL <^po^cvo?, ovttot av crio(r€L€v avTov ovr dvyp TTiviis ycyws yni) ov T€\viiv paOiov Svvair dv do-<^Aws ^i' Tov fSiov (i.e. el /xy fidOoi^ corresponding to av fxr) Aa/?7/Tat). Philem. Fr. 213. 819. Mr] ov occasionally occurs with nouns, in the same general sense as with participles, to express a negative condition to a negative statement. E.ff. AT T€ TToActs TToAAai Kttt ^^aAcTTttt Aa^cti', p.r] ov \p6vio Kal 7roAio/3Ki^, the cities were many, and difficult { = not easy, 817) to capture except by time and siege. Dem. xix. 123. Toiai'Tr/s 6c rt/iij? T^';(€^^' oi5;( OLOv T€ /x>/ ov TO I' TToXv TTj yvMpy 8ia€povTay to attain such h/ 8ap€L'i dvOpiono's, the miffnggefl man (824), involves a condition. The three cla.sses are, nevertheless, sufficiently distinct fur convenience, though the lines (like many others in syntax) nuist not be drawn so strictly as to defeat their object. A. ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE. 824. The participle may ([ualify a noun, like an attri- butive adjective. Here it may often be translated by a finite verb and a relative, especially when it is preceded by the article. E.g. IIuAis' KaAA€t 8La(fi€pov(ra, a dty excelling in beauty. 'Avrfp Ka- Atu? TTCTTaiSf P/x€i'o?, a man (\cko has been) loell educated. 01 irpk- 330 THE PARTICIPLE [825 cr^c69 OL 'ra/)a ^tAtTTTTov Tr€^Oevr€^, the ambassadors (who had been) sent from Philip. Av6p,^ ot roCn-o 7rot>}o-o.r.s, men who mil do this. t.v ry M,^arjyc<^ rrore ovay yfj, in the land ivhich was once Messema 1 huc. iv. 3. l>are'ovcrt. .Vt r^, Al6\ov v^'jaov, KaXoi. lJ^€va^ th^y sail against tli^ so-called Aeolian islands, lit. the islands called those of Aeolus U.ni. 88. At apurrac SoKotVat drac d>^u,, th^ natures xvhich seem to he best. Xex. Mem. iv. 1, 3. At irpl> rov o-To/xaro? vryc? I'ai./.axoiVat. Thdc. vii. 23. 'ETrcTre/crmyi. ucvai' ct.at rov KaTeary> Tro'Acro?, the ruling part of the state. ^'? Hi ^"'^ r* ^*«^^«/^^^^ ^^^'^'u Ivuvru^v, th^re being m the country those who would cultivate it (i.e. men to cultivate ^t). Xen. An. n. 4, 22. (See 826 and 840.) Uap^ to?. JocVrot. doKouo-iv ctmt, among those who seem to be best. Id. Mem. iv. 2, 6. tiv 6c o p,y ryv yviopyv raiWyv diriov lUiaav^po^, and Peisander was the one who gave this ojnnion. Thuc. viii. 68. Tot\ 'ApKaSiov G'cp.T.poLS oxHTL ^vppdxoLS TTpodTTov, they proclaimed to those, of the Arcadians who icere their allies. Id. v. 64. 'Acf^.^rkov lyu> d>ypi \lvai Tj aiopovciv Svvijcrop^vio, i.e. one who is to be able to be discreet. Xen Synip. IV. 26. 826. When the participle, in either of these constructions refers to a purpose, intention, or expectation, it is ^enerallv future, though sometimes present. Kg. ^6pov 8ypo^/x€Vovs, he sailed with twelve triremes against men who had many ships. Xen. Hell. V. 1, 19. "Otuv TTokepovvTuyv ttoAi? aAw, whenever a city of belligereyits is taken. Id. Cyr. vii. 5, 73. Mcra ravra d;Kov'Tcs, relatives, to a-vp(fi€pov or ra (rvp(fy€povra, gain, advantage, ra vTrdp\ovra, resources, are thus used even in prose. E.g. *0 €K€lvov r€Kiov, his father (for 6 tKcivov reKiov). EuR. El. 335. Ttt piKpa a'vp(f>€povra tt/s TroAews, tlie small advantages of tlie state. Dem. xviii. 28. Bao-iAcws irpocryKovrk^i rtvcs, certain relatives of the king. Thuc. i. 128. 829. {a) The neuter singular of the present participle with the article is sometimes used as an abstract noun, where we sliould expect the infinitive with the article. This occurs chiefly in Thucydides and in the poets. E.g. *Ev Tw py piXeroivri d^vverMrepoi (o-ovrai, in the want of practice tliey will be less skilful. Thuc. i. 142. (Here we should expect ev tw pif pcXcrdv.) Tv(jjrio to pev SeStos avrov rovs ivavriovi pdXXov (f>ofiija'ov, TO 6c Oapcrovv dSeea-repov ea-opevov. Id. i. 36. (Here to 8c6io§, fear, is used like to SeSievai, and to Oapcrovv, courage, like to Bapcrilv or TO Odpcro'i.) McTa rov SpMpevov, with action (like p.ra rov Spdcrdai). Id. v. 102. ToG I'TraTTici^at ttXcov t) tou pivovro-s ryv Sidvoiav €\o\^lv (intin. and j)artic. combined). Id. v. 9. Kal o-k y ctcTtt^w TO yap voaovv TroOel (re ^vpirapacrrdryv Xa/Siiv. SoPH. Ph. 674 (ro voo'ovv = i) v6(roLV, II. ix. 682. r- / 7- r I For the peculiar use of the aorist participle here, see 149. 830. The participle is sometimes used like a predicate adjective, with c//xt or yiyvopat. E.g. Ti TTOT 1(ttIv ovto^ cKctVou 8 1 tt c/>€^ (o I' ; in what is this man different from #/irt«o?t€ (another form for 8tacpet) ? Pi.at. Gorg. 500 C. '^vficfiepoi' i)v -nJ^TToAc/, it was advantageous to tlie state {= (rri'€€/3ci/). Dem. xix. 75. OiVc yap Opaa-is olV o?»/ TrpoSeicras €ipi nZ ye v.t Aoyw. Soph. 0. T. 90. 'A;ra/)i/€oyLt€,'09 cVti ( = drapi'ccTai) Hdt in. .i9. n 6€ eo-Ti d€Ka a-radiov^ uTrcxorcra, «m^ i< (the island) w ten stades distant. Id. ix. 51. Av fi OcXovo-a, TrdvT Ifxov kojjlI(€T(li, whatever she wants, she always obtains from me (for dv OeXy). Soph. O. T. 580. "Hv ydp 6 ec/ita-roK'Ar/s^ ^c/^atorara Sy «/>,Vcw? tVxiV SifXioaas, Kal d^io^ davpau-ai, Themistocles was mte who manifest d, etc. Thit. i. 138. Tor- re ovK arri ytyi'Ofiii'ov Trap yp'iv ; is mt this som^thinfj that goes mi in our minds? Plat. Pliil. .39 C. Toi^o Kiv^vvevei rpu^ov rivd yt- yvopevov i) 8tKatofrri'>; iivai, justice seems somehow to he jn-oinng to he (lit. becoming) this. Id. Rep. 433 B. So with VTrdpxio and the poetic TrkXopat; as Tof-To l-Trdpxetv r/xa« €LSoTa<;i)yovpaL, I think you may be '^wesumed to know this, Dkm. xviii. 95 ; c/xeto XeXairpivos eVAcr, II. xxiii. 69. 831. On tlie same principle, tlie participle is used in all periphrastic forms with €i>t and ex^ for the perfect, pluperfect, and future perfect. In the future i)erfect active, the periphrastic form is generally the only one in use ; in tlie third person plural of the jx^rfect and pluper- fect middle and pjissive of most verbs, it is the onlv form possible. Examples of the perfect participle with ci/xi' or >)^- as ^culiar forms of the perfect and pluperfect, in other i>ersons, ai-e given in 45 ; of Ix^ and €tXov with the aorist and perfect participle for the perfect and pluper- fect, in 47 and 48 ; of cVo/zcxi with the perfect and aorist participle for tlie future perfect, in 80 and 81. 835] CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 333 B. CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE. 832. The participle may define the circumstances under which an action takes place, agreeing with the noun or pronoun to which it relates. The negative of such a participle is ov, unless it has a conditional force. The relations expressed by the participle in this use are the following : — 833. I. Time, the tenses of the participle denoting various points of time, which is relative to that of the leading verb. E.g. TauTtt iiTTMV dinjii, vhen he had said thi^, he departed. 'ATryjvrqa-a 4>iAt7r7r(o aTTidvTt, / met Philip as he was departing. Tovto TrcTrotv/- KOT£S x^^'-PV^^^'^^^'' Tafra iirpaTTe (TTpuTyyiov, he did these things while he was general. Tavra Trpd^ei (rrpaTiiyuyv, he will do these things when he is general. 'V v paw ever a^ ^\ erij rpia *l7r7rtas cxw/^ct I'Troa-TToi'Sos €S ^Lyf.Lov, after a ride of three years. Thuc. vi. 59. Nri/ luv ^LTTViLTi' SctTTt'^ycrai'Tc? 8c uTTcAarvcTc, \.ii. after supping. Xen. Cyr. iii. 1, 37. So vii. 5, 78 ; An. vii. 1,13. 834. Certain temporal participles, agreeing with the subject of a sentence, have almost the force of adverbs. Such are dpxopevo<;, at first ; tcAci'twi', at last, finally ; ^uiXvkmv (or eVto-xo^i') x/*^^'^''' after a while, or StaActVwi' x/^oi'oi', at intervals; XP^^^C^^'f^^' ^ ^^"i^ time. E.g. "Awep Kal dpx^p^yo's €iTroi', as 1 said »'o»' SiaXLiriov cKtvyOy], after a little while he moved. Id. Phaed. 118. Oi' ttoXvv xp^^'oi' eVio-xwi' >^K€, after (waitiua) no long time he rame. Il>. 59 E. AtaActTrouo-ai/ Xpoi'ov^ at intervals (of CMotho's regular movements). Id. Rep. 617 C. "Ottios xP^^^C^^ ^^' /^^I'ci /?oi'AcvT€oi'. Aesch. Ag. 847 : cf. XP^^^" cr6f.U, lb. 727. 835. II. Mean,^. Ejj. A>;fo/xcvot foxrii', they live by plunder. Xen. Cyr. iii. 2, 25. ToJ's "EAAryra? €8i8a^ai\ ov rpoirov ^loiKovvre's rds avrwi' TraTpiSas Kai Trpos ov, h£ preferred to die abiding by the laws, rather than to live disobeying them.^ Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 4. lipoaLpovvrat /xaAAoi/ ovtw K€pSaiv€Lv aTT akXyXfov y (Tvva)(t>€ \odvr€S avrois, they prefer to get gain by this means from each other, rather than by uniting to aid themselves. lb. lii. 5, 16. Kat )■) ycAao-ao-a €<^ry, and she said uith a laugh. Plat. Symp. 202 B. * A^Trao-avras tu oTrAa 7ro/3€iW6^at, to march having snatched up their arms (i.e. eayn'ly). Dkm. iii. 20 : cf. olov piilavras ra ifidria. Plat. Rep. 474 A. 837. The following participles of manner are used in peculiar senses: ^piov, hastily; ip6p,€vo^, with a rush; ciriW?, quickly; KaraTctVas, earnestly ; 8iaTciva/xc»/os and hariTapkvo^^ with all one's might; Oda-as, before {anticipating); XaOuv, secretly; cx^r, co7i- tinualhj; Kkaiiov, to one's sorroiv ; xat>wr, with impunity {to one's joy). E.g. Ets ToiTo 4>^ptov 7r€pi€(mj€p6fici'OL is Toh "EAArym? oi Mi)8ol, when the Persians fell upon the Greeks with a rnsh. Hdt. vii. 210. So olx^jo-co-Oai (t>€pop€vyy Kara poii\ Pl.vt. Rep. 492 C. "Avoiy dvv(Tapoi'Ti(TTypiov, make haste and open the thinking •shop. Ar. Nub. 181. KararetVas c>w roi^ dSiKou ftlov €7raivwv, / will speak earnestly in praise of tJie unjust life. Plat. Rep. 358 D : so 367 B. See Rep. 474 A, and Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 23. EtV dvcio^as pe cf>Od(Tas, then you opened it (the door) bef(yrc I could knock. Ar, Pint. 1102 : so os /x' c/^aAc 4>0dp€vos, II. v. 119; but in such expressions €>^>y f3a\iou etc. (887) is more connnon. 'Atto Tct'xeo? aXro XaOiov, he leaped from the wall seoretly. II. xii. 390: cf. Av;- Sovfrd p €^€7rtm^ Soph. Ant. 532 ; liere a^ain iXaOov with the participle is more common (see 893). Tt Ki^rafcts €x wi' ; v-Ay do yon keep poking a})0ut? Ar. Nub. 509. KXaiiov difei twi'^c, yon will lay hands on them^ to your sorrow. Eur. Her. 270 : so Soph. Ant. 75^. Ov Tt x«*Vwi' epeh^jfou shall not speak with impunity. Id. O. T. 363; so Ant. 759. Tovtov ovSiU x<^^p^v dSiKvycrct. Plat. Gorg. 510 D. Compare Tu^apiyovsy accordiwj to agreement, Id. Rep. 416 E. 838. \y. Cause OX ground of art ion. E.g. Acyco 8c Tov6' ci'€Ka, /?or Ao/xci'os^ 86^ai (toI oircp epoi, and I speak for this reason, because I wish, etc. Plat. Phaed. 102 D. *A7rctxoiTo K€p8iZv, ala-xpd vopL(ovT€S c^'tt^ because they believed them to be base Xen. Mem. i. 2, 22. Tt' ydp dv /^ovAoyuo'oi dvSpes (Tool ,l>s dXrfi 6ios ScoTTOTtts^ dp€iyovs avTwi/ €vyoL€y, with what object in view, etc (i.^e. unshitig what) i Plat. Phaed. 63 A. Tt ydp 8c6toT€? / TraTpU) dyrj TpiaOy^crop.evov -^ diroSavovpevov^ rron^Tiov TarTa, even if it lead any one into war to be wounded or to peruh. Plat. Crit 51 B. Af^i? Se 6 ijyijG-opevo^; ovSeU ea-Tai, there will be nohtdy to lead us ( = os rjyy'jo-eTat). Xen. An. ii. 4, 5. (This participle is also attributive : see 826.) Upocr/SoXds irapeiTKivd^ovTo Ttp Tct'xct -n-otyirrofjLcvoi, they prepared (themselves) to make attacks on the wall, Thuc. ii. 18. Eti'Xoi' ydp (I'^e?) otxo/xci'ai, Trcptayyc A Aoufrai PoijOeiv, for some ships happened, to be gone, to give notice to send aid. Id. i. 116. So dpvvpivoL, II. i. 159. The j)resent here expresses an attendant circumstance (843) as well as a purpose. See also cjiOeipovre, Aesch. Ag. 652. 841. VI. Condition, the participle standing for a protasis, and its tenses representing the various forms of condition expressed by the indicative, subjunctive, or optative (472). E.fi. Qui (TV^AXkihttlv {rjTcp ' ASpr^Tov aTToOai/eiv dv, r) 'Ax^AAea ITa- T/ooKAy (TraTToOaveiVy firj olofxivov^ dOdvarov p-viipifv dpeTyjs irkpi 334 THE PARTICIPLE [836 836. III. Manner and similar relations, including manner of employment, etc. E.g. ^ Ilpo€i\€To fiaXXov Tois vo/xot? €fifJL€V(i)V dTToOavcTv rj TrapavofiCiu Ci]v, h£ preferred to die abiding by the laws, rather than to live disobeying therfi.^ Xen. Mem. iv. 4, 4. lipoaipovvTai pakXov oi5t(u K€p8aiv€iy air aWyXtov y) (rvv(oct^€\odvT€s avrovs, they prefer to get gain by this means from each other, rather than by uniting to aid themselves. lb. in. 5, 16. Kai )y ycAacracra €^po)v, hastily ; €p6p€vos, with a rush ; txnW?, quickly ; KararctVa?, earnestly ; huvr^ivdp^vo^s and Smrcra/xcvo?, \c\ih all one's might; wi'., y^ith impunity (to one's joy). E.g. Ets Toin-o (t>€p(ov 7r€pu(TTy](T€ rd Trpdyfiara, he rapidly brought things to^ such a 2mss. AEScm^. iii. 82. *I2s cVcTrecroi/ €p6ljL€voi c? tovs "EWyjvas ol Mr]8ot, wheii the Persians fell upon the Greeks with a rush. Hot. vii.^210. So olxyo-ea-Oai €popkvi^v Kard pov\\ Plat. Rep. 492 C. "kvoiy dvv(Ta^ rb povTL(rTypioy, make Juiste arid open the thi7iking-shop. An. Nub. 181. KaraTciva? ip^ riv^ dSiKov fliov iwaiviZv, I will speak earnestly in praise of the unjust life. Plat. Rep 358 D : so 367 B. See Rep. 474 A, ami Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 23. EiV dv€io^as p€ 0^acras, then you opened it (the door) befoi'e I could knock. Ar. Pint. 1102 : so OS p! c^aAc cfyOdpevo^, II. v. 119; but in such expressions €>(9v /3aXiov etc. (887) is more common. 'Atto reixeo^ dXro Aa^wv, he leaped from the wall secretly. II. xii. 390: cf. Xyj- Oovcrd p! e^eTTtvis, SoPH. Ant. 532 ; here a^^ain HXaOov with the participle is more common (see 893). Tt Ki-TTTafcts €X"^»'; «'^'/ f^o yon keep poking almit? Ar. Nub. 509. KAa/wr^ a^ci rwr^c, you will lay hands on them^ to your sorrow. Eur. Her. 270 : so Soph. Ant 75^. Ov TL x«t/>*'^»' ^p^i^^.Jfou shall not »peak u^th impunity. Id. 0. T. 363; so Ant 759. Tovtov oi'8ck xaip(ov dSiKy'jo-ii. Plat. Gorg. 510 D. Compare ra^apivovsy according to agreement, Id. Rep. 416 E. 838. IV. Cause or ground of action. E.g. Acyw h€ Tov^' €V€Ka, PovX6p€Vos S6^aL a-ol oTZip Ipoi, and I speak for this reason, because I wish, etc. Plat. Phaed. 102 D. 'ATra'xoi'To KtpSiZv, ala-xpd vopi^oi'T€'i €^l'a^ because they believed thnu to fje base Xen. Mem. i. 2, 22. Ti ydp dv PovXop^voi dvdpe^ (rool u>^ dXyj^ Oios ScoTToVas^ dpelyovs uvtmv tvyouv, with what object in view, etc (i.^e. wishiy what)! Plat. Phaed. 63 A. Tt ydp 8€6l6t€'s (r<^6Sp^ ovTias €7r€ty€o-l9€ ; what do you fear, that you are in such great haste f Xen. Hell. i. 7, 26. 841] CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 335 For the participle with a>s, used to express a cause assigned by the subject of the sentence, see 864. 839. (a) Here belong tl paOiov ; and ti TraOiov ; both of which have the general force of wJierefore ? Tt paOibv tovto Troiei ; however, properly means ivhat put it into his head to do this f or with ichat idea does he do this ? and ti iraOwv tovto Trotei ; means what has happened to him that he does this f E.g. Ill TOVTO paOojv Trpoa-iypaxf/ev ; with what idea did he add this to the law? Dem. xx. 127. Tt iraOova-at^ €L7r€p ^€€Xai. y ctVii/ aAr/^w?, OvyjTaLS ct^ao-t yvvat^iv ; wJuit has happened to them that they resemble mortal women? Ar. Nub. 340. (6) These phrases may be used even in dependent sentences, rt becoming o rt, and the wliole phrase meaning because. E.g. Tt a^io? €t/xt iraOiiv yj aTroTio-at, o Tt paOiov iv tw f^uo ovx rjcrvx^cLV ^yov ; what do I deserve to suffer or pay because I did not keep quiet ? i.e. for taking it into my head not to keep quiet? Plat. Ap. 36 B. "O/xw? ai' KUKa yp'y 6 tl pdOovTa x^^p^f-^ ttol^l Kal oivyjovv ; would they still be evil because they give us joy in any conceivable manner? Id. Prot. 353 D. (In cases like this, the original meaning of the participle is for- gotten.) So Euthyd. 283 E and 299 A. 840. V. Purpose, object, or intention, expressed by the fnture participle, rarely by the present. E.g. HA^c Xv(r6p€vo<; OvyaTpa^ he came to ransom his daughter. II. i. 13. na/:)cA7jAv6^tt (rvp/SovXevo-iov, I have riscu to give my advice. Isoc. vi. 1. 'E^oi'Ae/'crai'TO rrepTreiv cs AaK^SaLpora Tr^eo-/?€is rarra T€ (povvTa^ Kai Av(rai'Spov airrycroi/Tas €7rt ra? vars, in order to say this, and to ask for Lysander as admiral. Xen. Hell. ii. 1 , 6. 'Edv CIS iroXipov (ry Trarpi?) dyyj Tp(x)6y]cr6p€vov rj aTTodavovpevov^ 7roLyjT€ov rai'Ttt, et^en if it lead any one into war to be wounded or to perish. Plat. Crit 51 B. Ar^i? Sc 6 iyy7;a-o/A€i/o? ov^ii^i ecTTaL, there will be nohnly to lead us ( = os >;y7;o-cTai). Xen. An. ii. 4, 5. (This participle is also attributive : see 826.) Ilpo(Tl3oXd6rjvat ifidtTKiov vttu tov Trar^o?, Kal eXOotv CIS TYjv otKtai', €Li](Tiv^ Arifio(f>i7)vro<; 8' aKOva-ai ypafifia- T€iov dvaytyviMTKOVTo^ Kal TrpoiKreXifXvOtJS Kal cJiTrai'Ta SnofioXo- yy] fi€Vos TTfto's Toi' TraTipa, and this vuin, although he adrnits that he was summoned, and although he did go to the house, yet dniies that he went in, etc., although fie had previously gone in and arranged everything irith my father. Dem. xxviii. 14. 'OAtya 8vvdfi€voL irpoopdv inpl rov fiiXXovTos TToXXd €iTL\€if>ovfi€.v TT/saTTcii', although we are able to foresee few things, etc. Xen. Cyr. iii. 2, 15. 'EAwv kui 8vvrj6€lToi\ Kal 4>(uKcas ktrrpdrivdav cVi ^dpcraXo\\ they took Boeotians and Phocians with them ami marched against Phar- salus. Thuc. i. 111. TlapayyiXXei no KXtdp^io Xafiovri vfKiLV otjov r]v avTO) (TTpdrevfia, he sends orders to Cl. to come with all the army that he has. Xen. An. i. 2, 1. ''Ep)(^eTaL Mur6ar>y roi' Kvfxjv Toi/ vlov €\ovo-a, Mandane comes icith her son Cyius. Id. Cvr. i. 3, 1. Kara- SiM^avTe'i Kal vavs 8(o6cKtt XafSovres tov^ re dv8f>a*i dveXopivoL direTrXeoVj Kal T/K)7raio»' (rr^ycruvTcs di'€\Mpija-ai'. Thuc. ii. 84. Mitt cs lliXoTrorxnjO-ov ii>X€ro irpicrf^f.i'i dyova-a, one {shift) was gone to Pelo- ponnesus with amhissadors. Id. vii. 25. Aos t(o ^cti'(o Tavra €pit)V, take these aiid give them to the strawjer. Od. xvii. 345. Borj \piofi€voL, ivith a shout. Thuc. ii. 84. 8471 GENITIVE ABSOLUTE 337 844. The participles cxwr, dyiov, Xafim', c^(uv, and xp^/xci/o? may often be translated by with : see examples in 843. (For another nse of i/ see 837.) 845. IX. That in which the action of the verb consists. Ey. Td8' ciTTc ijiMvCiv., thus he spake saying. Aesch. A<,^ 205. "Oct' 7//xas aya^a SeSpiLKa^ elfWfVijv 7roM;o-as, what blessings you Jmve done ns in making peace I Ah. Pac. 1199. Ev y cVoir/o-as dvapvrfo-a^ pe, you did well in reminding me. Plat. Phaed. 60 C. See other examples under 150, where the peculiar force of the aorist participle in such cases, denoting the same time with the verb, is illustrated. 846. Tlie examples show that no exact distinctions of all circum- stantial participles are possible, as many express various relations at the same time. See 823. Genitice Absolute. 847. When a circnmstantial participle (832-846) belonj^^s to a substantive whicli is not grannnatically connected witli the main construction of the sentence, both the substantive and the participle generally stand in tlie genitive, in the construction called the yenitive absolute. E.y. Ov Tfs c'/xcf fwvTos (rot fSaf)€La's x^^^P*^^ cVoiVct, no one while I live . Kai fua yvMfiij TTavruiV ifiiXiTrTrKravriov, cis t>/i' Attlkip cAC/oxrtv afiaXXi'jVU}V dvT LTTpdrrovTO'; tovtov . . . Kara- ttAcu', the Cephallenians liaving determined to sail in, although this man opposed it. Id. xxxii. 14. ' AOrfvaiiov 8k to arTo toiVo TraOoi'Tiov , 8nrXaa-Lav dv Trjv 8vvapiv ciKa{^eo-^at (ot/xa/), i.e. if the Athenians should ever suffer this same thing, etc. Thuc. i. 10. "OAv/s yap ttJ? ttoAccos' €TriTp€7rop€VijS no o-TpaTtjyo), peydXa rd T€ dyaOd KaropOovvTO^ avTov Kal rd KUKa 8iapapTdvovTO'i ciVos^ yiyvewOai. Xen. Mem. iii. 1, 3. The genitive absolute was probably used at first to express time (present or past according to the tense), and afterwards tlie other cir- cumstantial relations, cause, condition, concession, etc. Tlie construc- tion is most fully developed in Attic prose, especially in the Orators.^ » See Spieker in Am. Jour. Phil. vi. pp. 310-343, on The Genitive Absolute in the Attic Orators. Z 338 THE PARTICIPLE [848 848. A participle sometimes stands alone in the genitive absolute, when a noun or pronoun can easily be supplied from the context, or when some general word like dvOpioiruji' or TrpayfiaTujv is understiod. E.g. Oi Si TToAe/xtoi, TTpoa-Loi'TiiiV, T€ioi fx€i' '>)iKTvoi'LKa^ 8iKa<; cTrayoiTOiV, ovk cTrayycAAo- p.€vu}V, ovSapios iyio irpoSfSioKu rrjv ct's vpds €vyoiay. Dem. xviii. 322. (Here the vague idea the^y is understood with cVayorrwi' and €7rayy€XXop€yu)v.) So when the participle denotes a state of the weatluT ; as vovro^ TToAAc^, ivhen it was raining heavily, Xen. Hell. i. 1, 16. In such cases the jiurticiple is masculine, Aios being understood. See Ar. Nub. 370, voyTu ; and H. xii. 25, v€ 8' apa Zev?. 849. A passive particijde may stand in the genitive absolute with a clause introduced by on. If the subject of such a clause is plural, or if there are several subjects, the participle itself may be plural, by a kind of attraction. E.g. 2tt<^(os' 87; A(o^6i'To? oTi €v rai? lavcrl tmv 'EAA^yroii' to. irpdy- para iyevero, it hainng been clearly shoim, that, etc. Thuc. i. 74. Ea-ayyiXOii'Tiov otl ^oivuro-ai i'tJc^ cV avTovs irkfoiKTiv, it having been annoHnred, that, etc. Id. i. 116. So Xen. Cyr. i. 4, 18 ; vi. 2, 19. 850. The genitive abscdute is regularly used only when a new subject is introduced into the sentence (847) and not wlien the participle can be joined with any substantive already Iwlonging to the construction. Yet this principle is sometimes violated, in onler to make the participial clause more prominent and to express its relation (time, cause, etc.) with greater emjdiasis. E.g. AiaPcfSijKOTo^ 1)81) JJepiKkfoiSj t)yy€kOi) aiVw ort ^{kyapa d(f>€(TTi]K€, when Pericles had already crossed over, it was announced to him that Megara had revolted. So sometimes in Latin, but generally with difference in meaning : as Galliam Italiamque tentari se absente nolebat, Caes. Bell. Civ. i. 29. Accusative Absolute. 851. Tlie i)articiple of an impersonal verb stands in the accusative absolute, in the neuter singular, with or without an infinitive, when other participles with their subjects would stand in the genitive absolute. Such are l^ov, ^or, irapov, TTpoo-rJKov, 7rp€7rov, TTap€\ov, pikXov, ptrapiXov, 8oKovVy 8o^o.v, aiul the like ; also passive participles used impersonally ('as Trpoo-raxOkv, iiprfjikvov, 8t8oypkvov) ; and such 854] ACCUSATIVE ABSOLUTE 339 expressions as dhvvarov 6v, it being imjyossible, composed of an adjective and 6v ; also tv\6v, perchance. E.g. 01 6* oij /3orfOijcravT€'s Seov vyteh aTryXOov ; and did those who brought no aid wlien it was necessary escape safe and sound ? Plat. Alcib. i. 115 B. 'AttAcTs Si XvTras k^ov (sc. (fiepetv), ovk oicru) StTrAas. EuR. I. T. 688. Hapkxov Si rr/s 'Aa-i7;s 7rao-rys dp\€LV eiVeTcws, aAAo Tt aifn](T€(r6i ; Hdt. v. 49. E5 8c Trapao-\6v, and whe7i an oppor- tunity offers. Thuc. i. 120. Oi' Trpoo-iJKov, improperly. Id. iv. 95. '^vvSo^av T(f> TTarpl Kal rvj pqrpl., yapil ttjv Kva^dpov Ovyarkpa. Xen. Cyr. viii. 5, 28. Klpyipkvov Kvpiov elvai 6 n dv to ttAtj^os rdv ^vppd\ii)v \j/ij (rijpijvaL. Thuc. vii. 44. "Eywy', ecfurj 6 Kvpos, (u/xai, dpa pkv a-vvayopivovnov rfpQv, dpa Sk Kai anT\pov ov to ui'TtAcydi', K.T.A. Xen. Cyr. ii. 2, 20. (See 876.) * AvrLirapio-Kivd- ^CTO €ppwpki'o)'s.t 0)9 /^«XV^ ^'^'' Sitfo-ov, on the ground that there would still be need of a battle, lb. vi. 1, 26. Ot Sk vpidKovTo^ los k^ov rjSr) avTols Tvpai'Vily a8cws, TrpoeiTToy, k.t.A., i.e. thinkiwj that it ivas noio in tlieir power, etc. Id. Hell. ii. 4, 1. 852. Rarely the infinitive in the accusative absolute has to ; as alxT\pov ov TO dvTiXkyav, Xen. Cyr. ii. 2, 20 (above) : so v. 1, 13 ; Plat. Rep. 521 A, 604 C. 853. Even the participles of personal verbs sometimes stand with their nouns in the accusative absolute, in all genders and numbers, if they are preceded by w? or uHnrip (864 ; 867). E.g. Ato Kal Tou<» I'lcis 01 Trarkpe's drro tmv TToviipdv dvOpuyirmv €ipyov- (Tiv, ws Tijv pkv Tiov xpijCTTCiV opLiXiav av 5' dS€XoTkpoLS p^kv Sokovv dvaxiMpelv, KvptjOkv Sk ovSkv, vvKTos T£ kTTLyiVopkvrj^;, 01 pkv MaKiSoves kx^povv kw olkov. Thuc. iv. 125. Ao^avra Sk ravra Kal TrepavOkvTa to. oT/aa- 340 THE PAKTICIPLE [855 T€VfiaTa aTrrjXOe. Xen. Hell. iii. 2, 19. Ao^av ij/uv ravra occurs in Plat. Prot. 314 C, where we may supply Troicii/, or So^ai^ ravra may represent cSo^c ravra. So Xen. An. iv. 1, 13. Adverbs connected ivith the Circiumtantial Participle. 855. The adverbs rorc, r]^ {T6Ti ^)6ij), iuravOa, €?ra, cVcira, and ovrw9 are often joined to the verb of the sentence in wliich the temporal participle stands, to give greater emphasis to the temporal relation. E.g. 'Ek€\€V€V ai'roi/ (rvvSia/SdvTa, crrctra ourw? aTraAAarrco-^^ai, hr vommanded tluit, after he had joined them in rrossimj, he should then retire as he proposed. Xkn. An. vii. 1, 4. lUiOoniviav Se tmv ^a/umu Kal o-xovTiov Ttfv ZayKXiju, ivOavra ol ZuyKkaloL iPoyOeov avrij. Hot. vi. 23. ATrot/x-yon' Se kul roi'roi's, o-r/jarr/yo-j ovtu) ' \d-qvai{av (iTT^SexOy, and httviny escaped these also^ he was then {under tJiese circum- stances) chosen general of the Athenians. Id. vi. 104. 856. Etra, cTTcira, and ovTiiy^ sometimes refer in the same way to a participle expressing opposition or limitation ; in which case they may be translated by nevertheless, after all. E.g. Ilai'rwi' 6' aTOTTioTaTov Ictti., tijXlkuvtiiv dv'cAorras ^aprvpiav ovT(j}s oua-Oai Seiv €tK>/ 7rtcrr€iW6^at irap vp.LV, it is most absurd of all that, although theij have destroijed so imjmrtant a piece of evidence, then should after all think, etc. Dem. xxviii. 5. Acii'a pkvT av irdOoi^i, c/ '\Oi]\'a^€ dc/)iKo/x€i'os, ov r?i^ *EAAd8os TrAetWv; io-rlv e^oi-o-ia rov Acyctr, €7r€ira trv ivravOa roiWov /xoi'os' dri'X^yyais, if, although you are come to Athens, you should after all he the only one to fail in obtain- ing this. Plat. Gorg. 461 E. 857. Ovno's, Sid Todro, and Slu tuvtu sometimes refer in the same way to a participle denoting a cause. E.g. Xo/xtfwv tt/ictVoms Kul KptiTTovi TToAAwi' fSuppdpiav vpds ctVa/, Sid TovTo 7rpoo-€\a/3ov, Iteca use I believed, etc. Xen. An. i. 7, 3. *Y/xu< 8c y)pih yyija-dpivoi iKai^or? yi'wi'ai, ovrto 7rup€kdfiop€v. Plat. Lach. 178 B. 858. The adverbs dpa, p^ra^v, evOis (Ionic Wtot^), avriKa, dpri, and €^alvi^^ are often connected (in position and in sense) with the temporal participle, although grammatically they qualify the verb of the sentence. E.g. A/xa Trpoiuiv ijrca-KOTniTo ei rt SvyuTov tuj rois TroXtpiovs d(rO€' I'co-rc/K) I's- TToieiv, as he advanced, he looked at the same time to see whether it was possible, etc. Xen. Cyr. v. 2, 22. "A pa KaTaXafSovrts Trpoo-- cK-earo o-i, as soon as they had overtaken them, they pressed hard ujxm them. Hdt. ix. 57. Nck-oj*? pera^v opvo-a-ojv cVaixraro, pavrmov ip-rroSiov y(i'op€vov, Necho stopped while digging {the canal), etc. Id. ii. 158. noAAa;^o? 8/y at €7r«o-;(c Acyoira /xcra^r, it often checked ine 861] ADVERBS WITH CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 341 while speakiiig. Plat. Ap. 40 B. ^l^Trnrovio do-Krja-ci €vOv^ V€Oi oi/rcs TO dvSp€iov p€r€pxovTaLf by toilsome discipline, even while they are still young, etc. Thuc. ii. 39. Toi Sc^iw k€/»^ €vOv^ aTro^c^ryKort ot KopLvdioi €Tr€K€ivTo, the Corinthians pressed upon the right wiruj, as soon as it was disembarked. Id. iv. 43. 'Ap^dpcvo^ evOv^ KaOia-rapevov, beginning as soon as it {the war) Irrolce out. Id. i. 1. Aioviktov Acyoi'o-t a>S avriKa y€v6p€vov cs ror prjpov eveppdxpaTo Zev'S, they say of Dionysus that, as soon as he was born, Zeus sewed him into his thigh. Hdt. ii. 146. Tr^v \pv\r]v S^iapovvra i^aivy]^ d-rroOavovTos €Kd- (TTov, vieu-ing the soul of each one the moment that he is dead. Plat. Gorg. 523 E. Kai arroi" pcra^v ravra Xiyovros 6 K Aetna? ervx^v aTro- Kpivdpevo'i. Id. Eutliyd. 275 E. 859. The participle expressing opposition, limitation, or con- cession is often strengthened by Kaiir^p or Kai (after a negative, by ovSk or /x7/8€, with or without irkp), or l)y Kal ravra, and that too, "Opux;, nevertheless, may be connected with the participle (like dpja, etc. in 858), belonging, however, grammatically to the leading verb. E.g. "VuKropa Ka\ pepau.ra pdx^j'i (rxyo'^oSai olm. II. ix. 655. ETrot- Kreipix) 8c viv S\HTri]Vov ipiras, Kaiirep ovra Svo-pevrj, although he is my enemy. Soph. Aj. 122. Ovk dv TrpoSoirjv, ovSi irep Trpda-o-utv KaKw?. Eur. Ph. 1624. TvvaiKi ir^idov pijSi rdkgOy kAi-wv ( = pyjSi i]V rdXijOi'i kXviis:). Id. Fr. 443. Ilet^ou yvvai^l, Kaiirep ov arkpyiov opoj's, (dthouyh you are not fond of them. Aesch. Sept. 712. (Here o/xo)? qualifies irciOov ; althouj^h, as usual, it is joined with the participle for emphasis.) 'A8ik€ls on dySpa y)piy rov a"irov8ai6rarov 6ia(f>6€ip€LdaXpoi(Tiv iSiopai Otivopkvyv rare t ov ri Swytro- pai dxvvp€vdov irapd 342 THE PARTICIPLE [8«2 <^o>Tos flprjfMivoK Simon. Fr. 5, 8 (ap. Plat. Prot. 339 C). *lKavd fxoi vofiL^o) ilprjcrOaij Kairoi iroXXd yc irapaXiirMv. Lys. xxxi. 34. 862. At€, and ofa or otovy as, inasmuch as, are used to emphasise a participle denoting the came or grmind of an action. Here the cause assigned is stated merely on the authority of the speaker or writer. (See 864.) E.g, *0 8€ Kv/309, arc Trats 0€VTCt)V, Thuc. vii. 85. MaAa 6c xakeTTios tto/ocvo- fi€Voi, oTa 8rj €V vvkti T€ Kal i- Kvovvrai^ inasmuch as they were dqmrting by night, etc. Xen. Hell. vi. 4, 26. OTov 3c hid \p6vov a^ty/xcvos, aa-/x€V(o? Ja ctti rot? o-uv^^cis SiaT/ot/?as\ Plat. Charm. 153 A. 863. In Herodotus, okrTc is used in the sense of arc ; as in i. 8, wo-TC ravra vofii((i)v, inasmuch as he believed this. So vi. 136, tJv yap dSvvaros, (aom a-r^Trofihov tov fiypov. In Thuc. vii. 24, wore (so the Mss.) yap raixuna \pi))pL€V(s)v rdv 'AOrjvaiiov tois T€L\((rLv, Bekker wrote arc for wcrrc, and Stahl reads Cxnrcp. 864. *125 may be prefixed to participles denoting a cause or ground or a purpose, sometimes to other circumstantial participles. It shows that what is stated in the participle is stated as the thought or assertion of the subject of the leading verb, or as that of some other person prominent in the sentence, without implying that it is also the thought of the speaker or writer. E.g. 01 plv 5ta>K0VT€5 ro\s KaO* avTovs (o? 7rai'Ta« vlkmvt€<;, oi 8* o.pTra^ovT€d'i 7roX.€fi€LV Kai 8l €K€lvov Tais ^vfKpopai'i TrepnrcTTTioKOTes, they found fault with Pericles, on the ground that he had persuaded them to enyaye in the loar, and that throu/fh him they had become involved in the calamities. Id. ii. 59. (Here Thucydides himself is not responsible for the statements in the participles, as he would be if ws were omitted.) 'AyavaKTova-Lv (US pcyaXiov riviov dirccrTeprjfiivoL, they are indignant, because (as they allege) they have been deprived, etc. Plat. Rep. 329 A. Baa-iXcl x^P'-v urao-Lv, u)s 8l €K€ivov Tv^oucrat t>}s avrovofiiu's TavrrjSf i.e. they thank him because {they believe) they have obtained this independence through him. « 867] "VtdTrep AND w? WITH CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLE 343 Isoc. iv. 175. *fls yap €18qt{ov irepl wv €7re/x? rdv rvpdvvisiv t€^vc(ot(ov, because (as they said) the tyrants were dead. Id. Hell. v. 4, 9. ' Air eXoy y](TaTo on ovx *^5 '''0^5 "EAA7;(7t TroX^iMi^a-ovriiiv (Ts PelSaiov 6u, Thuc. i. 2 ; Dem. xviii. 207. 865. It is a mistiike to suppose that (us implies that tlie participle does not express tlie idea of the speaker or writer. It implies nothing whatever on this point, which is determined (if at all) by the context. The question whether the clause with (os gives the real or the pretended opinion of the leading subject is also determined (if at all) by the cofftext. 866. *12s may also be used before participles standing in indirect discourse with verbs of kmwing, etc. (see 916). 867. "ilinrep, as, OS it were, with the participle denotes a comparison of the action of the verb with an assumed case. The expression may genei-ally be translated by as if with a verb; but the participle is not felt to be conditional in Greek, as is shown by the negative ov (not pj). E.g. "^pXovvTo ^(TTTcp aAAots cTT l8 € L K vv p.€ V o t, they douccd as if they were slwwing off to others (i.e. tfiey danced, not recdly but in appearance shoiving off). Xen. An. v. 4, 34. Ti c/xoi Torro Aeycis, dinrep ovk cVt o-ol ov o Tt av fSovXy Trcpt ifiov Xkyciv ; why do you say this to me, as if it were not in your power to say what you please about me '? Id. Mem. ii. 6, 36. In both these cases, there is a comparison between the acticjn stated in tlie verb and dancing or speaking under circumstances stated in the participial clause. The if in our translation is a make- shift, which we iiud convenient in expressing the supposed case in a conditional form, which, however, is not the Greek form.^ The con- struction is the same as when l^crircp takes a noun, as tov klv8vvov irapeXOclv kiroir^ev Canrep vifpo'i, it caused the danger to pass by like a cloud, Dem. xviii. 188; only we can translate uxnrip v€os, but we could not translate locnrep v€<^os ovra. , , , , , / "ila-Trep >;8r/ (racfuos ci5()T€S o TrpaKrkov k(nlv, ovk IBkXcr aKovcLV^ 344 THE PARTICIPLE [868 874] "Vlairep AND ax? WITH PARTICIPLE 345 \i\ 1\ you are unvnlling to hear, ns if you already knew well what should be dmie. Isoc. viii. 9. 'ATrr/i'Twi/ oXtyoi irpi^ ttoAAus /xt'/aia6as% uxnrep iv dX\oTpiai<; x/^vxals /xcAAoircs KLV'^vv€}\r€iv, as if thei/ had been about to incur the nsk with others' lives. Id. iv. 86. 'Y^v ///xi'o-ciai' €i\ii€v^ ioa-TTcp 7r/)o9 Tov Am tijv x^pav vc/xo/xci^os, uAA' ov vpo^ rov5 ijyavd- KT7](Tav, loa-irep oA>;9 tv;? 'EAAa^o? 7r€7rof)0yp€i'ys, as if the whole of Greece had^been laid waste. Lsoc. x. 49. See Id. iv. 53, i^nnrip ov Tov(T7r€p ct Trap€(TT(iT€i^, as {you would do) if you had lived nearby, Aesch. Ag. 1201. A participle with io/s, M'i el TTvpos aWopevoLo, as {if) when a fire is burning. II. xxii. 149 ; so Od. xix. 39. 2. In Homer (09 ct may have a noun without a participle. Here the comparative force is specially clear, as the difficulty of supplying a verb with ct is specially great : see p d(rv(fii)Xov epe^ev o>s ei nv drip.!]- rov peTavdcTTijv, he made we of no areount, like .s'07//<^ dishimoiired stranger, II. ix. 648, xvi. 59. So ws ct re Kurd pdov., as if doirn stream, Od. xiv. 254 ; ws re Trepl ^I'XV*?^ ''•"»' i^ were for wy life, Od. ix. 423. ^ 870. The weak conditional force that ai)pears in the Homeric ws ci with a participle or a noun (869) helps to ex]>lain the perhaps still weaker condition of onrirep el or oxrirep dv el in Attic Greek (868). 871. The very few cases of ws with the particijjle in Homer do not indicate that ws had yet l)egun to develop its later force (864). See Od. xvi. 21, navTa K/nrev 7rc^t<^r*;, o>s ck Oavdroio ifyvyovra, he kissed him all over, like one escaped from death, though we might translate since he felt that T. had escaped from death. No such force is ])ossible, how- ever, in II. xxiii. 430, (09 ovk utorrt cotK-dk, appearing like one who heard not. 872. Herodotus uses onrre with tlie participle in the sense of arc, altliough he has (l>s with the participle in the Altic sense (864). See examples under 863. 873. i2»f ct (or oxrci) and ws ct re appear occasionally in Attic poetry with nouns or iidjectives in their Homeric sense. So pari]p loa-ei Tfi TTurrd, like some faithful mother, Soph. El. 234 ; irTVirw^ o>a-ci Tc 8»vr//ci'>}, spurning her as an enemy. Ant. 653. 874. "i2articiple occasionally seems to have the same force as arc or oiov ; as in Edr. Hijjp. 1307, o 6* uxTrrep mv CnKaiOe, in^^much as he was just, etc. Or is the meaning here he, like a just mail ? In Plat. Rep. 330 K, i'jTOL 1V0 tt)? tov yypu)<; dcrOeveias ij Kal uxnrep i/my eyy vrepio mv riov eKei pdKXov tl KaOopa avrd, the same force is generally given to onnrep. But it may have the comparative force : either Itecause of the feMeness of old age, or perhaps {feeling) like mie who u nearer the other uorhl, he takes a more careful view of it, — a ^ See Lange, Partikel EI, pj». 235-243. I cannot follow Lange (j). 241), in making the Attic wj with the participle the natural successor of the Homeric ws ci with the participle. 346 THE PARTICIPLE [875 877] COMBINATIONS OF CIRCUMSTANTIAL PARTICIPLES 347 Ni genitive of cause with viro and a participle of circumstance being united under i^Tot and >;. Omission of atv, 875. The participle u>y is sometimes omitted, leaving a pre- dicate adjective or noun standing by itself. 1. This occurs chiefly after arc, ofa, ok, or KaiVtp, and much more frequently with predicate adjectives than with nouns. E.g. AAAtt ytyvoxTKOi craf^w'j, KaiTrep crKOTCtvos (so. wv), Tyv y€ (ri]V avSrjv o/xw?, althowjh my sight is darkened. Soph. O. T. 1325. "£p€vo}v^ ccrrat TaTrcii'o^. Aesch. Prom. 907. So in the genitive and accusative absolute. *12s' eroifjuov 8rj xpi]- /xartui' (sc. ovTiov). Xen. An. vii. 8, 11. 'fi-j €p.ov p.6in);?), since I alone am near you. Soph. 0. C. 83. *12« Ka Aov (sc. oi') dyop€V€(TOaL aPTor, on the ground that it is good for it (the speech) to he spoken. Thuc. ii. 35. 2li; tt/xotos, ws ovk dvayKalov (sc. ov) to kActttcii', atrici tov KXiTTTovra. Xen. Cyr. v. 1, 13. *ih dpa iravTi SyjXov (sc. ov) oTi Koim to. (^lXmv co-Tat. Plat. Rep. 449 C (With nouns.) Ei'^rs, ola Sij Trais (sc. wv) (f>vcr€L v like participles. E.g. 'E/xor p€v ov\ cKovTos, against my will. Soph. Aj. 455. 'Ackov- Tos €^€to. II. i. 301. ^iKLav Ktti iXijfjLoa-Oiv^jv OLKoi'Tos Tou VvXiTTirov d7r€(rcf)a^av. Thuc. vii. 86. So A ESC H. Prom. 771. ria/:>a toi'twi' oiV dv TTOTC Xd/3oiavTov ; why do you insult me when I am not yet dead, but am before your eyes ? Soph. Ant. 839. Aoyois Sc (rvfjL6dkp(iiv Kal iKeTrjs (sc. cjv) tCjv *A\aLO)v. Plat. Rep. 393 D. So Hdt. i. 60 (a7rGAct7roi»cra . . . kol cvciSt^s), and 65 (aScA^tScot* /x€V . . . /3ao-iAcrovT09 5c); Thuc. iii. 82 {ovk dv i\6vT(ov Trpoifioo'LV ovS' cToi/xwi'). See other examples in Kiihner, vol. ii. § 491. Combinations of Circumstantial Participles, 876. As the participle in the genitive or accusative absolute denotes the same relations {time, cause, etc.) as the circumstantial participle in its ordinary construction (833-845), both may be used in the same sentence and be connected by conjunctions. When several participles denoting these relations occur in any sentence, those which belong to substantives already connected with the main construction agree with these in case, wdiile those which refer to some new subjects stand with these in the genitive absolute ; any which are impersonal standing in the accusative absolute. E.g. Ot /iA€v''EAA7yv'cs (rTpa€VT€<; 7rap€o-K€va^ovTo o>» TTtti'TavoiJ dv i)yovp.€ VOL cTTiKpaTcu', ov )(aAc7roi§ aTraviCTTavTO. Id. i. 2. Here oiV>;s and cVi/xtyi'i'i^Tc? belong to the leading clause ; vepo- /xci'ot, €XovT€^, and (f>vT€vovT€'i — corresponding to rjyovfievoi — are in the second line ; d8r]Xov ov depends on vefiofjLevot.^ etc., and introduces the indirect question ottotc . . . d^aipyjdeTai, which contains liriXOiiiV and dT€i\i(TTU)v ovtwv as circumstantial participles. C. SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE. 877. The supplementary participle completes the idea expressed by a verb, by stating that to which its action relates. It often approaches very near the use of the 348 THE PARTICIPLE [878 object infinitive. It may belong to either the subject or the object of the verb and agree witli it in case. E.g. Havo^kv (T€ AcyovTa, we m top you frovi speakvng ; iravoixiOa \k- yovT€^^ we cenae spmikiyig. 878, The supplementary participle has two uses. In one of these it corresponds to the infinitive in indirect discourse, with its tenses representing the same tenses of the direct form ; and in the other it corresponds to the object infinitive in other constructions, so far as it ap- proaches the infinitive at all in meaning. (See 746.) Compare iravofiey rrc Acyoi'xa, we stop you from speaking^ with SeiKi'iKTi (re Acyoira TdXifOij, lie shnvs thit ytfU speak the tmth ; and compare both with KwAro/xcr o-c \k-ytiv, we prevent you from speakinijf and (fuja-i it€ Acyciv rdhjOij, he s^iys that you speak the tndh. I. Not IX IxDiKKCT Discourse. 879. I. The participle may be used with verbs signifying to hetjiuy to continue^ to emhre, to ]>er severe, to ceasej to stop (i.e. cause to cease\ and to permit ov put up with. E.g. 'Kyw 8' i^ip^ov ^aXiTraivMV, and I was the first to Ite angry. II. ii. 378. 'Ap^ofiai d-JTo Tij'i iaTfnKyj;o-ia? Afyoi'TOii', to endure certain rnrn saying. Dem. ix. 6. So drc^ci \€yovTo;^(o ivapi^wVy I will w^t stop slaying Trojans. II. xxi. 224. IlafHrai Acyoi'tra, stop talking. Eur. Hipp. 706 ; 80 474. T>yr iA(Kroiai' irav dv cyo> irapaivio-iiiy that you take courage to do wlmt I shall advise. SoPH. El. 943. So irpaOkvra rAvJi'tti, endured to he sold, Aesch. Ag. 1041; (TTTCfc/ja? It Aa, was hold enough to plant, Sej^t. 754. "Ofjipa fuvouv vo(TTi]oravTa avaKTtt, that they might await the king's return. II. xiii. 38 (compare iv. 247, p.€i'€T€ TpiZas iXOepcv ;). For the aorist participle in the last three examples, see 148. 881. II. The participle may be used with many verbs which denote a state of the feelings, as those signifying to repent, to he tvciiry, to be pleased, displeased, satisfied, angry, troubled, or ashamed. E.g. McTc/xeAoi'To Tas o-:rov6a9 ov Sc^a/xci'ot, they re})ented that they had not accepted the peace. Thuc. iv. 27. Tor§ Sio-pioras fierepeXovTo uTToScSoiKOTcj, they repented of having returned the prisoners. Id. v. 35. Et /x€T€/icA7y(rc ot Toi' *KWt'jcnrovTov /xatmy wo"av'Ti, whether he repented that he hud scourged the Hellesjmnt. Hdt. vii. 54. 'Eav Tt§ /«) drroKapvij ^>/Twi', provided one is not weary of seeking. Plat. Men. 81 D. liio p€V pa )(^aipoy i'ocrT>;a-ai'Ti, they rejoiced in his return. Od. xix. 463 : so II. xviii. 259. T(,/xo>/xei'ot \aLpo\>iTiv, they delight to h' honoured. Eur. Hipp. 8. \aLpov(Ttv e^era^opevois toi? oioyuci'ots /i€v (ivat (TOifioi^ orcri 8' or, i.e. they delight in having them ejcamined. Plat. Aj). 33 C In poetry \aipM may have the accusative : rois yap €ifrc/i€ts' Oun Oin'prKovras ov \aipoiKriy for the Gods do not rejoice in the death of the pious. Eur. Hipp. 1340. -c /ih' ev irpda-o-ovT* iiri^aipii}. SoPH. Aj. 136. *I*tA€(u with nominative: t/jiAct? Se 8po)cr' avro (r(f)6Spa, and you are very fond of doing it. Ar. PI. 645. Or yap Tis TOL dvulTUL Tupcoi'Ti. Od. XV. 335. T/J's A/0A1O09 ^(aAcTrws^ C(/)€/jci/ dTTiirTepijfiiV'o^, he took it hard that he was deprived of A col is. Xen. Hell. iii. 2, 13. \7ro a-piKporkpiDV Tt/xoj/xerot dyairMiTiv, thry are content to 1>e honoured by smaller men. Plat. Rep. 475 B. 'EAcy- \6p€VOL i'i\Ooi'To, they were vexed at b*'ing exposed. Xkn. Mem. i. 2, 47. Tov5 cjipoi'tpovi dyav'aKT€LV diroO \'iprKovTa<^ tt^jcttci, it is right to be indignant whm the wise die. Plat. Pliaed. 62 E. 'lis pia-o) tr €)(ti>i'. Eur. Supj>. 1108. Ov vepewto 'Aya/upvoi'L oTpvvovTi, pd\€crOaL 'A\aiov^. II. iv. 413. ' ASiKovpevoL pdWov dpyi^ovTai. i] fdia^opivoi. Thuc. i. 77. 'Yovro ovk aUr^vvopai Acywi', / say this without shame (see 903, 1;. Xen. Cyr. v. 1, 21. ATrtcrrat irarepa Trpokenriov. Soph. Aj. 506. NtKoj/xci'os Xoyounv ovk dvaivopat., I am not sorry (non piget) to be overcome hy your ivords. Aesch. Ag. 583. El' 8/3tt(ras ^€ a- ovk avatvojxai, I do not regret that I helped you. EuR. H. F. 1235. Bai'oro"a ovk dvaivopai, I do not regret my death (about to come). Id. I. A. 1503. 'AvaivopuL to yypa0app€Vov<;, the herald, when he came, found the men already put to death. Thuc. ii. 6. *Hv yap €vp€0ij XtyiDV a-ol ravr\ eytoy av €K7r€(f>€vyou]v irddo'i, if he shall be found to tell the same story as you, etc. Soph. O. T. 839. KaraXapPdvova-L ri]v lioTt^aiav Koi TciAAa d€(TT7]K6Ta, they find Potidaea and the other towns in revolt. Thuc. i. 59. Kukos y wv cs (f>i\ovs dkia-KiTai, he is detected in baseness. EuR. Med. 84. 'Eai' a Aw? €Ti tovto Trpdrriov, d7roOav€i, if you are ever caught doing this again, you shall die. Plat. Ap. 29 C. So Rep. 389 D. BacrtAca? ircTroti/Kc tou? cv "AiSov tov act XP^^^^ Tipiopovp.evov's, he has represented Jcimjs in Hcuies as suffering punish- ment without ceasing. Id. Gorg. 525 D. "KkXi^tov iiroLrja-ev COp.i]pos) tXOovTa Toi' Mci'eAcwv cVt ttjv OoLinjv. Id. Symp. 174 C. It is sometimes ditficult to distinguish this use of the participle from that of indirect discourse, especially with ivpinKia. (See 904.) 884. IV. The participle (not in indirect discourse) with verbs signifying to hear, learn {hear of), see, or perceive denotes the act which is perceived or heard of (not, as in indirect discourse, the fact that the act occurs). Here the participle approaches very nearly the ordinary object infinitive in its use, and the tenses of the participle differ only as the same tenses of the infinitive differ in such constructions, the aorist not denoting past time (148). E.g. ^ Bapv Bk (TT€vd\ovTO'; dKO\Kr€v, and he heard him groaning heavily. Od. viii. 95. Et 6c (fyOiy^apcvov t€v t} arS^ycra vtos aKoi'crci', htit if he had heard any one call or speak. Od. ix. 497. (The aorist participles denote the orourrence of the act, as the present denotes its progress.) "HKoi-o-a 8c TTOTc avTov KOL TTtpX (f>tXoiv 8 1 a Ac y o/xc I'o V, / mice heard him discourse, etc. (see 886). Xen. Mem. ii. 4, 1. Too-auTa (fxovrj- a-avros (sc. aiVor) cto-j/KoiVa/xcr, so much we heard him say. Soph. O. C. 1645. "HSij TrwTTOTC tov i/Koiva? ain-iZv Aoyov 8i8ovT09 ov KarayeXaa-Tov ; Plat. Rep. 493 D. McyaA' ckAvci' avSijcravro^. Od. iv. 505. Oi^ TTiD TreTTvaOyji' HarpoKXaio OavovTos^ they had not yet heard of the death of Patroclus. II. xvii. 377 ; so 427. *I2s ^ttvOovto T>js IIvAov KaTciA7;/i,/xcv7/s, when they heard of the capture of Pylus. Thuc. iv. 6. (But with tlie accusative, in ort ttvOolto to IlXijppvpLov caAwKos, that he had heard that P. was captured, vii. 31, as indirect discourse. See Classen's note on iv. 6.) Oi toiVovs 6/muitcs 7ra- (r\ovTas, those icho see these suffer. Plat. Gorj^. 525 C. M?) (T€ iSiDpat 0€LVop.€vr)v. II. i. 587. So Od. x. 99. Tiji kc p.* 18019 irpwrota-iv cvi irpopd\oi(Tiv /xiycrra, then would you see me minyle with the fore- most champions. Od. xviii. 379; so 176, ov i^pCi ycvciv/o-avTa tSc- 886] SUPPLEMENTARY PAHTICIPLE 351 u-SaL, to see with a beard. T<^ ttiottot c^Scs 7y8>; aya^ov Tiycvopevov ; to ivhom did you ever yet see any good come ? Ar. Nub. 1 06 1 . "Oray avrov i8y €^aLvr]S TrTaicravTa irpos ry TroAct Kal CKXcavra rd tc avrov Kai eavrov, when lie sees him suddenly come into collision with tJie state and fall overboard nnth all his belongings. Plat. Rep. 553 A. Et /xt) todri(rav iXOovra. Thuc. iv. 73. (Tlie aorist participle with a verb of seeing is not common in prose.) klo-Oop^vo^ Aa/xTr/ao/cAca irpo^ ryv p.Yir€pa xaXeiraivovra, perceiving Lamprocles angry with his mother. Xen. Mem. ii. 2, 1. OvSepitav ttcottotc dyeXr^v yo-OypeOa crvcrrd(rav cjrt TOV I'o/xca. Id. Cyr. i. 1, 2. So also alcrOdvopai with the genitive: yo-Orfo-ai p.ov rj \f/€v8op,apTvpovvToopM, do-opd (eireiSov, ela-dSov), and even the simple opu {cTSov), in the sense of overlook, allow, or not to prevent. E.g. Toi'9 ^vfipdxois ov TTipioxj/opeOa dScKoviievov^, we shall not let our allies be wronged. Thuc. i. 86. Mctfw yiyvop^vov rov dvOpuyirov TTcpiopiop^cv, we allow the man to grow greater. Dem. ix. 29. 'Y/xti/ cVt- (TKijTmo . . . fiif TrepiiSiiv ryv i)y€piovii]v avris c? M»;8ov5 TrepieX- Oovo-av, I adjure you not to see the leadership come round again into the hands of the Medes. Hdt. iii. 65. Mt) TrepuSoypev v/Spio-Oeio-av ryjv AaKc8tti/iova Kal Kara6dvM, to anticipate or get the start of, the participle contains the leading idea of the exi)ression and is usually translated by a verb in English. Here the aorist participle does not denote time past relatively to the leading verb (unless the latter is a present or imperfect), but coincides with it in time (144). Other tenses of the participle express their usual relations of time to the verb (147). E.g. 4>ov€a Tov TTttiSos' €KdvOav€ Poa-Klov, )ie VH18 unconsciously Ktipporliiuj the slayer of his son. Hdt. i. 44. "H i\o\s a-T€LXovTa Tiov k\6pC)v KttKa; are you unaware that our enemies' evils are advancing upon our friends? Soph. Ant. 9. Tovs 8* ikaO* ciVcA- Omv Hpiafiosy and Priam entered unnoticed hy them. II. xxiv. 477 ; so xvii. 1. M>/ (r€ kdOija-iv k€l€povT€S ; did ice never find out that all the time we were no better than children? Plat. Crit. 49 B. (See 147, 2.) "ApXtSafio^ avTio ^€VO^ u)V cVryxaic Thuc. ii. 13. 'O y)y€fiu)V cTi'VYavc TidvifKio^, it Jmppened that the guide had died {was dead). Id. iii. 98. "Eri'xoi' €(f)opoi hipoi dpxovT€S ySij, there hap))en€d to be other Eplvors already in office. Id. v. 36. "Ervxiv y)p.C)V i) / TrpvTavivovaa, our tribe Itappened to hold the prytany. Plat. Ap. 32 B. "Eti'Xoi' KaO,'jfJi€vo^ iVTavOa. Id. Euthyd. 272 E. *Ev tw (Tk6ti', / cunic, as it happened, irith a horse. Plat. Symp. 221 A. 'Es' NarTruKToi', i)i' cTi'Xoi' iy/J>/KOT€« i'Cuxtti, in Naupactus, which it happened tlieij had lately captured. Thuc. i. 103. (See 147, 1.) 'Eat' fiif Tis ai'T;} j^oijOyo-a^; Oeiov t»'x?/» nnhss some Goil by chance comes to its aid. Plat. Rep. 492 A ; so 495 B. Kav ci tvx^uv cV T Trapaxpi^lP-a KVK€u>va iriovTes^ even if they should happen to drink a KVK€iov on the spot. lb. 408 B. ^OdvoiHTW cV aiVa KaTaci'70i'T€S, they are the first to run to them. Akschin. iii. 248. Arroi 6ifiTovraL tovto 6pda-avT€^, they will do this for themselves first. Plat. Hep. 375 C. "E^difO-av ttoAAw rois lle/Kj-as' uttiko/xci'oi, they arrived long before the Pernans. Hdt. iv. 136. Bovk6iJL€VOi ^>jrat tois 'A^7/raiois diriKopn'oL (S to d ETC. 353 BBS. So sometimes with SiakavOdvio and the poetic krjOo). E.g. TouLvrrfS TToAtTCtas /w,cTcx€ti^, iV y prj SLakrjcrei, xP'^^ros (ov. Isoc. iii. 16. Ov8€ (Tc kijOu} Kivvfi€voSy nor do I ever move without your knowledge. II. x. 279. 889. Kvpeii) in poetry takes the participle like rvyxdvo). E.g. TovTov oT(r6* €1 fwi/ Kvpei ; do you, know whether perchance he is alive? Soph. Ph. 444. ^eo-toa-pevos Kvpet. Aesch. PeK 503. TauT ci/jr/KU)? Kvp€L ; Id. O. C. 414. *Ex^/oos wi/ Kvpei. Eur. Ale. 954. So (rvyKvp€(s} in Hdt. viii. 87, with the aorist participle (144) : ct (Tvv€Kvpi](T€ rj T(i)V KakvvSeiov irapaTTCo-ovcra vt]v^. 890. ^vpTTiTTTU) (chiefly in Herodotus) and o-vp/Satvu} may take the participle like rvyxdvio. E.g. Kal t68c €T€pov (rvv€7r€(T€ y€v6p€vov, and thu other event occurred, asit chanced. Hdt. ix. 101. ^vvcTreirTioKee c/ot? iovira, it had happened that there was a quarrel. Id. i. 82. Oi'tw yap (rvp/3aiv€L dpa Kal rf TWfSc €vy€V€La KO(Tpovp.kvrj. Plat. Menex. 237 C. YVdvra ^vp^f^aiv^i ytyi'o/Ltei'a. Id. Phil. 42 C. "Ottqv av ^vpTrlirrrj kv ry ^^XV f^^^^ ijOrf kvovra. Id. Rep. 402 D. 891. Bapi((x), to be wont or frequent, may take the participle. Eg. ^ Ov Tt KopiL^op.€v6^ y€ Odpi^ev, lie was not icsed to being thus cared for. Od. viii. 451. Ov 6api^€Ly Acyet Tvxiov, i.e. speaks at random. Eur. I. A. 957. HAryo-tov yap ^v Kvpdvy for he happened to be near. Soph. Ph. 371. 2 A 354 THE PARTICIPLE [894 894. The phrase ovk av (l>ddvois (or ovk av OdvoiT€)y you could not be too soon, is used with the participle as an exhortation, meaning the sooner the better. The first and third persons are less common in this sensa E.g. 'AiroTpexiov OVK av 6avoL^ Acyojv, the sooner you speak the better. Plat. Symp. 185 E. Ovk av ddvoLfiL (Aeywv), / might as well speak at once. lb. 214 E. Et /X17 TLfJHt)p7](T€(T6€ TOVTOVS, OVK dv 0dvOL TO TtAt/^O^J To/tOI? TOIS OrjpLOLS SovXevov, tlie people might as well be slaves to tluse beasts at once. Dem. xxiv. 143. 895. VI. The participle, with many verbs signifying to come or to go, contains the leading idea of the expression. Such verbs are oixo/xat, to be gone, iryKw, to have come, lp\op.ai, ct/>ti, with the Homeric fii), and Ifiav or pdv, from ^aiVw. Some of these uses are very peculiar. E.g. "iliX^r^ aTTOTTTa/xevos, it flew away and was gone. II. ii. 71. Ot;^€Tat (f>€vyiov ov €?X€? pdprvpa, the witness whom you had has run away. Ar. PI. 933. "Iv elSrjs ois €piov tJkco Aoyovs, that you may know the words I bririg with me. Eur. Or. 1628. "Epyop.ai kTrix€ipMv aoL €7rLS€L^a(T0aL r-^js aiVm? to €lSo<;, I am going to undertake to show you the nature of the cause. Plat. Phaed. 100 B. Ovk €pxop.ai Ipktov (OS ovTO) 17 aAAws TTws TavTtt €y€i'CTo, / am not going to say that these things occurred so, or in some other way (cf. French je vais dire). Hdt. i. 5. "Htt TavTi)v alv€u)v Sid TravTos, he always praised her (he went on praising her, French il allait la louant toujours : Pee Baehr's note). Id. i. 122. Kat €yo> p€v ya Tct? c€^>}s ipuiv, and I was going to speak of them in order. Plat. Rep. 449 A; so 562 C. Bt} <^€vywi', he took flight. II. ii. 665 ; so fSij di^acra, ii. 167. , Ov9 firj K7Jp€'i tpav Oavdroio K^kpova-ai, II. ii. 302 ; so xix. 279. 896. VII. Herodotus uses the participle with KupMpai, to trij, and with ttoAAos ct/tt or ytVo/xat, ttoAAos lyKct/xat, and iravroio^ ■jivofxai, to he urgent; rarely with cVciyo/iai, to press on. E.g. Ovk eireipaTo eTTiiov 6 Kv^os, Cifrus did not attempt to aivproach. i. 77 ; so i. 84, vi. 50, vii. 9. HoAAos 171' Aio-o-o/xci'os 6 ^dvo^, the stranger entreated, urgently, ix. 91. VeXiov Si rroAAos cVckcito Xiytov ToidSe, and Gelon spoke urgently as follows, vii. 158. Totc TravToioL (y€VovTo ^KvOat Stop€VOL 'lu)Vii)V ATvai rov iropov, they hegged them in every way (lit. they took ecery form in begging them), etc. vii. 10. *ilv pi) i7r€ixOys vavpa\ii)v ttoic vftcv'os, if you do not press on and fight a naval battle, viii. 68 (but just below, i)v cVcix^ys vav- pa\yj(TaL). 897. The participle with rcipw/xat, ttoAps lyKtipai, and cyKci/xat alone, occurs occasionally in Attic Greek. So also with iravra Trotoi and rarely with crrrovSd^io. E.g. OvK cpw cruL Trplv dv TTttFTu^^ TTiipadCi (TKOTTiDV, Plat. Theaet, 900] SUPPLEMENTARY PARTICIPLE 355 190 E. So Ant. Tetr. A. y. 1. HoAvs €V€K€lto Acywv. Thuc. iv. 22. *Kv€K€iVTo jAos ct/xt, etc 907), where we should expect an impersonal construction with the infinitive. E.g. *ApK€(Tii) Ovyo-KoiKT eyio, it will be enough for me to die. Soph. Ant. 547. (We might expect apKicnt ip€ OvycKuv.) So dpKeiTd) SeSyXiopevov, Thuc. v. 9. 'iKai'os €(firj avTo§ aTv^^wv efi/at, he said that it was enough for himself to be in misfortune. Isae. ii. 7. Kpeuranov yap yaSa pi)K€T wv 7) ^mv tv(/>A6?. Soph. 0. T. 1368. *HSiovs cGTccr^e aKowaKTcs, i/ott unll be more pleased to hear. Dem. xxiii, 64. So aAt9 voa-ovcr iyio (sc. €t/xt), it is enough for me to be afflicted. Soph. O. T. 1061. 900. X. The participles ftovkopevo^, c^eAwi/ (poetic), ySopcvo^, dcrpevo^, d^OdpevoSf 7r/3oo-S€;^o/ici'09, cAtto/xci'o^, eX-Sopevos (Ionic), and occasionally others, may agree in case with a dative which depends on ci/xi, yiyvopxn, or some verb signifying to come, to appear, or to happen. E.g. ''fis dpa T(o 'i'fmeo'a'iv c€A8o^cvoto"t (fyavyryv, thus then did they appear to the delight of the Trojans. II. vii. 7. *E/xot Sc kcv dapkvi^ CO/, and I should be pleased with it. II. xiv. 108. *H8o/x€i/oto-ti/ ypiv 01 Aoyot ycyov'ao-t, ux are ^yleojitd with the proposals made to 'us. Hdt. ix. 46. BcAov'Tt Ka/xot tovt dv yv. SoPH. 0. T. 1356. Tw irXydit ov I3ov\op€vo} 7^1', it was not the wish of the majority. Thuc. ii. 3 ; so vii. 35. IlpodoSy you will be glad when spangled-robed night shall hide the lights Aesch. Prom. 23. Compare Tag. Agric. 18 : Quibus bellum voUntibus erat 901. XI. In a similar way, the dative of any participle may be used with certain impersonal expressions which take the dative, especially those signifying it is fitting^ goody pleasanty pro- fitahUy or their opposites, and those implying fear or confidence. E.g. ^ Et To8* avTo> (f)L\ov K€K\rjfi€V(s) (sc. t(rTLv\ if it pleases him to be thus called. Aesch. Ag. 161. Ovk a^tov rourots iroWaKis xpijoSat (rvfjLfiovXoLSy oTs ovSi aira^ iXvcriTeXijcTc 7rct^o/xf vois (sc. Vfilv\ lohom it did not profit you to obey even once. Lys. xxv. 27. ^poveiv m 8€Lvov €v6a jXT] Ti\r) kvY) ;8€S cu;, it icould not be unpleasant for me to compare^ etc. Plat. Ap. 41 B. AT 8oKo{5o-t KaXXuTTai Tiov iTTLcrTyjfJLiov Kal €fiOL irpkiroL av fidXiarTa kiripaXo- fikvipy those which seem to be the noblest of the sciences, and which it ivould, be most fiiting for me to study. Xen. Oec. iv. 1. Toito Kal rrpkireiv e/xot 8oK€L Kal d^LOV KLv8vv€vo'aL olofikvi^ ovTws k\€LV (i.e. TrpklTiL flOl olofievti) TovTo ouTws €;(€iv), it seems fitting and worth the risk for me to believe that this is so. Plat. Phaed. 114D. *12t fii) Vrt Spu)VTi rdpfioSy OVK €7ros <^o^€i, ov£ who has no dread of a deed, a word does not frighten. Soph. O. T. 296. So €1 /iot ^vv€U] €povTi fxolpa rdv cvcreTTTov dyvelaVy may it continue to be my fate to bear, etc. Id. O. T. 863. With the expressions of 901 the infinitive is more common (903, 7). Omission of atv. 902. Occasionally the participle mv is omitted in the con- structions of the supplementary participle that have been enumerated (879-901). E.g. KaraXafAfidvofiev ^lXittttov TrapovTas Trpio-fiei^^ Kal Tors p.€V yp€T€poifS (^lAoi'S €v ffyoPu) (sc. ovras) toi'S S* tKiivov Opaa-th. Dem. xviii, 211. 'AAA ov Tr€pi6il/€Tai fx 6 Oeios dvLTnrov (sc. oi'Ta), but my uncle will not let me go without a horse. Ar. Nub. 124. Ei 8c tl Tvy\dv€L dr;8€S (sc. or). Plat. Gorg. 502 B. Tvyxdv€L rjfjuov (koxttos OVK avrdpKtjs (sc. cav). Id. Rep. 369 B. 903] INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE WITH THE SAME VERBS 357 Infinitive ivith Verbs which may also have the Supplementary Participle, 903. Some verbs which take the supplementary participle allow also the infinitive in a similar construction, but with some diflference in the meaning or at least in the point of view. 1. Aurxvvo/iac and alSodfiat with the participle (881) mean / am aslmmed of doing (something which I am doing or have done) ; with the infinitive, / am ashamed to do (something which I have not yet done). E.g. , To^'To /i€v OVK ato-xiVo/xat Acywv to 8' "'Eai/ fievrfTC irap ip.ol aTToStoo-w" alo-xwoifirjv av XkyeiVy this (something just said) / am not ashamed of saying; but I should be ashamed to say the following ^ etc. Xen. Cyr. v. 1, 21. Alo-xrvofiai vpTiv ctTrcii/ rdXijOj^ I am ashamed to tell you the truth (but still I nmst tell it). Plat. Ap. 22 B. AlSodv- Tat Tous TTapovra^ utto ActVciv, i.e. they are ashamed to leave them (and do not). Xen. Symp. viii. 35. But ar^co-at irarepa irpoXciTrtoVy be aslmnud of leaving your father (as you threaten to do), Soph. Aj. 50G. A comparison of the last example with Plat. Ap. 22 B (above) shows that the choice of the infinitive or participle may depend on the point of view of the speaker in a special case. In Aj. 506, the threat is viewed as the inception of the act. 2. Avkxoimiy I'TTOfikvM, rXdu), and ToA/xw with the participle (879 ; 880) mean to endure something now going on or already done ; with the infinitive, to have tlie courage or to venture to do something not yet done. E.g. KaTa/xctVa»/T€S dvka-xovTO tuv kiriovTa cVt ri)v X^Pl^ 8k^ao-0ai, they reinained and had the courage to receive the invader of their country. Hdt. yii. 139. (Cf. ovk avk^ofiat (C^a under 879.) So vTrofieLvavra Ttt Trdvra Trda-x^LVy taking courage to suffer everything. Plat. Leg. 869 C. (Cf. fii) iVo/AcVcii/ Skp^yjv cTrtovra, not to await the coming of Xerxes y Le. not to wait to see his coming, Hdt. vii. 120.) "ExAa ovpdvtov m dXXd^at. Soph. Ant. 944. ToA/xr;o-oV ttotc o/j^ws ifipovilv. Aesch. Prom. 999. *Avkxop.aL with the infinitive, and xAaw and toA/xo'5 with the participle, are rare. 3. ATTOKdfivu) TovTo TTOLo^v (881) h I ttm wcary of doing this; aTTOKafivM TOVTO 7roL€Lv is I cease to do this through weariness. E.g. M^Jtc TavTu (f>o/3ovp,€vo<; uTroKafxyq aavTuv o-(uo-at, do noty through fear of thiSy despair of saving yourself. Plat. Crit. 45 B. (Cf. ovk u7roKdfMV€L€povTa Tw SijfiM. Aeschin. iiL 50. 5. nai5a> with the participle (879) means to stop what is going on ; with the infinitive, to prevent a future act. E.g. "EfM €7ravo-a? fidx€(TOaL, you prevented me from fyhting. 11. xi.442. (But €fjL €7ravo-a9 /naxo/xcvov would he you stopped me while fighting.) *Pa\pu)8ov^ cTrauo-c dyiovL^eo-Oai. Hdt. v. 67. 6. UepiopiZ and the other verbs signifying to oveiiook or see (in the sense of permit) with the participle (885) mean to see an act done without interfering to stop it; with the less frequent infini- tive, to permit an act to be done without interfenng to prevent it. Strictly speaking, the infinitive here expresses time future to that of the verb, while the time of the participle coincides with that of the verb. Still, both forms may sometimes be used to express practically the same sense, and may even refer to the same event, though the point of view is different. E.g. Tl€puh€lv avTov €v Ttj (TKivrj TTatTTy d CIO- a I, to let him sing in full dress. Hdt. i. 24. OaAao-o-av' Trv€vp.aTd <^(tl ov mpLOXpicrdai. v(rL T-q cwirn)? XP^^^^'^ *^^y ^^y ^^'^^ ^^ ^^'^^ ^^"^'^ "^'^ l^rniit the sea to follmv its ow)i nature. Id. vii. 16. Toi-s yap "A6i]vaiovdap€VTa., it did not seem likely that the Achamians would see their property destroyed. 7. The impersonal expressions of 901 take the infinitive more frequently than the participle, the distinction being similar to that in the last case (Q), E.g. Ov TOVTO TTpiOTOV y)piOTa TTOTCpOV XlOOV €U] ttl'TcJi IT o p€V€crO ai 7/ fiiveiv, whether it ivas better for him to go or stay. Xen. An. iii. 1, 7. But in Xen. Vect. vi. 2 we have kTnpka-BaL to is Siois ci Xwov xat dp€LVov ih) dv Tij TToAct ovTO) K ttT ttO" K c I'u f o/x€ I' y , whether it icould be better for the 'state, supposing it to be thus const itutetl ; the ^difference between this and better for the state to be thus constituted (ovrto Kara- o-Kcuafco-^ai) being practically very slit^'ht. 8. It is more than doubtful whether \avOdi'(o, Tvyxdvo), and if>6di'ui (887) ever have the infinitive in classic Greek. Tlie passages 904] PARTICIPLE IX INDIRECT DISCOURSE 359 formerly cited for this are now generally emended, or the readings are doubted : thus, in Plat. Rep. 333 E, \aOeiv ipTroirjo-at must be for kaOiLv €/x7roi7/o-as (Schneider), and in Aii. Eq. 935, (fiOairji iXOeLv, and Nub. 1384, ovk €(f)6i]<; ? €7rt7ra/)tovTtt§. Thuc. i. 61. Aid Tyv 'IXlov dXioa-iv €vpL(TKov(Ti kova-av Tyv dpxyv Ty<; ^x^py^ (see 883). Hdt. i. 5. '^TT€L^dv yvuHTLV diT LCTT OV fi^vo i , wheu they find out that they are distrusted. Xen. Cyr. viL 2, 17. "HiSea-av ^(uKpaTyv avTapKitrraTa I (u)VTa. Id. Mem. i. 2, 14. *Ei/ TroXvTpoiroi^ yap ^lyxc/jo/Kxt? cVt- o-Ttti'Tat Tpa(f>€VT€^. Thuc. ii. 44. Aia/Sef^Xyiievos ov pavOdvei^, Hdt. iii. I. *EvvoovfxaL arA.os ov(ra. Euil. Hipp. 435. 'Eiroijo-a? ycvos c7riciKC9 dOXiwq SiaTLOepevov. Plat. Criti. 121 B. Tt? gi^tws €i'>J^»;? €(TTtv vpdv oo-Tt9 dyvo€.i Toi/ €K€iO€v TToXi/Mov Sevpo i'j^ovTa; Dem. i. 15. ISlkpvYjpai KpiTia TioSe ^vvovTa (re (i.e. ^vvrjcrOa). Plat. Charm. 156 A. MepvyfieO* €? klvSvvov iXOovTcs peyav (i.e. yXOofiev). Eur. Hec. 244. 'EinXeXyo-niO* ySim ye/aovrcs 6vt€^. Id. 1 360 THE PARTICIPLE [905 Bacch. 188. 'ETrtSct^w S* rovrov ov fiovov w/ioAoyr/Kora €TvaL tov MtAvav iXcvOcpov (with six other participles, perfect, aorist, and present). Dem. xxix. 5. *0 ttoAc/xo? outo? Sr/Auxrct /icifwv ycycvr/- /xci/os avTvjv (i.e. /xcifwv ycycvT^rat). Thuc. i. 21. Et C)VTO^ ras Ti/ius €Lk7j(o<;, avTos T€ . . . diroypdxf/as-i olkmv t€ rrjv oiKiav, k.t.A. Dem. xxvii. 16. Evdh^ eXeyxOrjor^TaL yeXolo^ wv. Xen. Mem. i. 7,^2. Outws ofioXoyovfiivr] odcra Sovkrj Kal a7ran-a toj' x/^^^v/ aiVxpws /? to vera, i(7/fc€7i tY um tAt7r7ros vfilv ^Upatov tcixos TroXiopKutv, it was reported to you that he was hesieginy, etc. Dem. iii. 4- Compare the examples of opw, aKorw, and similar verbs here given with those of the same verbs under 884, in which the participle is not in indirect discourse. See other examples of the participle in indirect discourse under 687, where examples of the participle with dv may be found (see also 213-216). 905. When one of these verbs has for its object an accusative of the reflexive pronoun referring to its subject, the participle generally agrees with the reflexive. Thus we may have either 8€t^U> IfiaVTOV TOVTO TTCTTOll/KOTa, / Skdl SkolV thut I kuVC (lom tkis, or 8€t^a> TOVTO 7r€7roi.r;Kws. 906. The participle of an impersonal verb in this construction stands alone in the neuter singular. The following includes both the personal and the impersonal construction : — rict/oao-o/xat Sci^at Kal /xctoV' ttJs ttoAcw? yplv kol TT€7rov06Ta kp.avrov oi'xt TTpo(Ti)Kovra^ I shall try to show not only that loe have riuhts in the citu, but also that I have suffered^ etc. Dem. Ivii. 1. (The direct discourse is //.ctco-ti T7ys ttoAcios tip-iv, Kai 7rc7ropf7a avros. Compare 876.) 907. The participle is used in the same way in a personal construction with 5r)Aos ct/xt and av€p6s €lfiL, in preference to an impersonal expression. So with eVato-To? yivofiai in Herodotus. At/Aos t rjv oio/x€Vo§, k.t.A., it was evident thai he thought, etc. Xen. An. ii. 5, 27. (This is equivalent to 6{jXov i)v oti oioito. See 899; 912.) 'Attiko/xcvoi p€V (ftavepol €io-l k'Oaa'LV ttoXiv, it is (evident that they came to the city Oasis. Hdt. iii. 26. *12? cVaio-To? eycVcTO Torro ipyaarfievoSy when it became known {heard of) that he had done this. Id. ii. 119. Similar is the participle with (ftavepov ttoiw; as . lb. 22 D. 909. When the participle of indirect discourse belongs to an infinitive depending on a verb with an object dative to which the participle refers, the participle stands in the dative. E.g. ^vp.fii^i]Kf. Tots TrpoecTTijKoa-L Kal TttAAa TrAryi/ eavrovs olopL^vof^ TTwAcii/ TrpioTovs cavTous TreTTpaKOiTLV alo'O^o'Oaiy it has been (lie lot of those who were in authority and wJw thought tJiey were selling everything except themselves, to find that they have sold themselves first. Dem. xviii. 46. 910. Some verbs which regularly have the infinitive or oTt and m in indirect discoui-se occasionally take the participle. E.g. Noutfe dvSpa dyaOov diroKTeiviov, think that you are putting to death a good nuAi. Xen. An, vi. 6, 24. 'A^c^^/o-cto kp^ovaa LXov TToa-LV €vSov cdvTa. Od. xxiii. 1. SavovT 'Opecrryjv vvv tc Kal TraAai Acyto. SoPH. El. 676. See O. C. 1579; EuR. Hel. 1076. Ov T/30)a9 yvn/ T€Kovcra Ko/nrdcretev dv ttotc, i.e. none could boast that she was the mother (of such children), ctckoi/ being the direct form. Eur. Tro. 477. Mctoi/ dv ttotc AcyotTo. Plat. Phil. 22 E. ^fxepSiv fjLijK€TL vp.lv kovra Aoytfeo-^c. Hdt. iii. 65. Ov yap €vtvx^v dpvy- o-o/xat, /or / will not deny tlmt I am happy. EuR. Ale. 1158. So dpvel KUTaKTas; Id. Or. 1581. 911. The participle wv is sometimes omitted in indirect dis- course. E.g. ^v 8c o-w? utOl (sc. wv), but know tlmt you are safe. Soph. O. C. 1210. Et8a>? €VTp€7r€Ls vpddv7) SvvaarOaL. Thlc. vi. 59. 2. *0/)a> has the participle in both constructions (904 ; 886), but the infinitive (of indirect discourse) only in Thug. viii. 60 (acconling to Kiihner, § 484, 2) : kiopiov ovk€ti dvev vavp.a\ia^ oiov t€ tivai (<% tt)i' Xiov l3or]0?j(Taij where Kriiger brackets €ivai. 3. *Ayy€k\u) may have the infinitive in indirect discourse, in place of the regular participle (904). E.g. *A(r(rvpio^ ct9 Ti]v ^lopav avrov ifif^aXelv ayyeAAerat, is re- ported to have invaded his country. Xen. Cyr. v. 3, 30. 4. *0/xoAoyu>, to admit or grant, is but rarely followed by the participle (904), and generally takes the infinitive of indirect discourse. E.g. ^OfjioXoyeiTaL Trpo'S TrdvTMV KpdrLcrro^ 5>) yivktrdat OepinreviLV (toi\ (jilXovs). Xen. An. i. 9, 20. (See 136.) 5. 4>ttu'0)uat, to appear, which generally takes the participle in indirect discourse (904), sometimes has the infinitive. The distinction generally holds that aiV€Tat o"oaiv€To, by his voice he seemed plainly to be loeeping (but he really was not). Xen. Symp. i. 15. Compare Kal (r€iv ryv yXiZo-a-ay r/o-i'xwTc/aav, that fie may learn to keep his tongue more quiet, Soph. Ant. 1089. 4. AeLKvvfjLL and other verbs signifying to show, besides the participle in indirect discourse (904), may take an object infinitive in the sense (o sliow how to do anything. E.g. 'A-n-iSei^av oi >;y€/xdv€S Xap.pdv€Lv rd eVi-nyScia, the guides in- structed them to take provisions. Xen. An. ii. 3, 1 4. AiaiTi/T/;/)ia Tot\ dvOpioTTOL'^ iireSeiKvi^ov tov fiev depov'i €X€lv \fv\€Lvd, tov St \€ipi!)vo^ dAcctm, / taught the men to keep their dwellings cool in summer and warm in unnter. Id. Oec. ix. 4. 5. A?;Aw sometimes has the infinitive (like the regular par- ticiple, 904) in indirect discourse ; and sometimes in the sense of command (make known) it has the ordinary object infinitive. Kg. ArjXoU yap avrov criopov tJkciv xprjpdriiiv txovra, for you indicate that he has come icith a heap of money. An. PI. 269. Aif\ovvT€s Trpoa-Ua-Oai rd K€Kijp\^p.€vay showing that they accepted the terms tohich were announced. Thuc. iv. 38. KijpvypaTL iSyXov toi\ cAeu- uepta^ Seopevov'i (05 Trpos crvppa\ov avTov TraptivaL, he proclaimed that those who imnted freedom should come to him as to an ally. Xen. Ag. i. 33. 6. (a) EvpLo-KMj which has two constructions with the par- ticiple (883 ; 904), occasionally has the infinitive in indirect discourse. E.g. Evpi(rK€ TT/OT/y/xa ol eivai iXavvew iirl ras SapSts, he found that he must (irpyjypd p.oi icm, mihi opus est) march to Sardes. Hdt. i. 79 : so i. 125, vii. 12. See Plat. Leg. 699 B. (6) The middle may take the ordinarj- object infinitive in the sense of discover how to do anything. E.g. OvSeU AvTTas? €vp€ro Traveiv, no one ever found out how to stop ptiins. Eur. Med. 195. 917] PARTICIPLE WITH m 365 (c) The middle may also have the infinitive in the sense of procure by a^sking. E.g. Ila^a §€ (rL(rL evpovro irapd Uava-avieu) terra i/ at IToTtSatryTcwv rovs irapiovras, they gained {the favour) from Pausanias that those who were present from Potidaea should stand next to themselves. Hdt. ix. 28. 'fl? with the Participle in Indirect Discourse. 916. The participle in indirect discourse may be preceded by (OS, which implies that the thought of the participle is expressed as that of the leading subject, or as that of some person prominent in the sentence. (See 864.) When this is already implied in the context, as it often is, w? adds only emphasis to the ex- pression. Thus urOi ravra gutw? ixovra means know that this is so; but urdi a>s rairra cxovra means know that (as you may assume) this is so, i.e. be assured tluit this is so. E.g. 12 s fiijStv ciSoT laOt fjL &v dvarropti's, understand {that you must look upon) me as knowing nothing of what you seek. Soph. Ph. 253. ils firjK€T ovra k€lvov cV s StSaKTou ovcr7^s riys ap€Tijs Td^ dv^ el Tv\OLy Kat tovtii}V KdKeLVii)v (Tvpf^dvTojVy let tis look at the case, feeling that both this and that might perhaps happen if it should so chance ; lit. with the idea that both this and that mujht perhaps happen if it should so clmnce, let us look at it in this light. Dem. xxiii. 58. (For dv see 215 and 221.) 919. Verbs of saf/ing and thinking which do not take the participle in indirect discourse sometimes have the participle (in the accusative or nominative) with ws, which in some cases approaches very near indirect discourse, and in others is more like a circumstantial participle. E.g. ^poiTt^eO^ (i)S TovTOLS re Kat (Tos Soi'Aois 7raT/)o>iois eoi'Tas cvo/xt^c, he thought of lonians a7id Aeolians as his father^ s slaves. Hot. ii. 1. *12s a-rpaTyiyi](TovTa epe pijSels Acycrw, let no one s})eak of me as the one who is to be general. Xen. An. i. 3, 15. *E8dKct ttoAAo, ySij d\ijOevri)^ he said that others mmt be sent for. Thdc. vi. 25. Ov yap TTpo T^s dXrjOeias Tt/xr/Tcos dvijp^ a man must not be honoured before the truth. Plat. Rep. 595 C. [Ofioias yp'iv airdo-as (Tvai Kal Tt/xr/Tcas e^ urov. lb. 561 C. ^pd^ovres ws ov (rL ttc/jiottto; icTTi ^ *EAAas aTToAAr/xev?/. Hdt. vii. 168. 922. The substantive denoting the agent is here in the dative. Et/xt is often omitted. 923. In the impersonal construction (which is the more common), the verbal is in the neuter of the nominative singular (sometimes plural), with iarl expressed or under- stood. The expression is equivalent to Sel, (one) must, with the infinitive active or middle of the verb to which the verbal belongs. This construction is practically active in sense, and allows transitive verbals to have an object in the same case which would follow their verbs. The agent is generally expressed by the dative, sometimes by the accusative. Kg. 926] VERBAL ADJECTIVES IN -T€09 AND -T€0V 369 Tavra rjfuv (or 17/xa?) ttoi^^tcov €(ttl, ve must do this, equivalent to ravra 7y/Aas Set TroLijcrai. Oto-Tcor rdSe^ we nntst bear these things. Eur. Or. 769. HcLa-reov rnSe (sc. (rot), you inust obey in this ( = 8ct TriiOicrOaC). SoPH. Ph. 994. ATraAAaKrcov avrov (rov awfiaTos), Kal avry rij \pv\rj Oiarkov avra ra TrpdyfiaTa ( = Set aTraAAaTxe- (rSaL avToVy Kal ry 4'^X'U Oeacrdat ra Trpdyfiara), we wnst free ourselves from it {the body), and with the soul itself we must contemplate things themselves. Plat. Phaed. 66 E. 4?ijfju 87) Si)^y f3or)0yjT€ov eivat Tois TrpdyfjLaa-LV vp.iv, I say that you must give assistance in two ways. Dem. i. 17. Tt av auToj iroii^rkov euj ; what nould he be obliged to do? Xen. Mem. i. 7, 2. ^V^xpt^fjncravro TroXepijTea eTvai ( =^ Seiv woXe- fULv), they voted that they must go to war. Thuc. i. 88. Trjv ■)(^u)par, l^ ^5 arrots opptopcvois TroXe/iyjTea yv. Id. vi. 50. Ovre p,nr0o xprja-Teov iirrlv yplv), we must employ war. See Madvig's Latin Grammar, § 421. Occasionally the ejirlier Latin uses even the object accusative, like the Greek ; as Aeternas quoniam poenas in morte timendum est, LucR. i. 112. 925. A sentence sometimes l>egins with an impersonal vt'rl>al in -T601' and is continued with an infinitive, the latter dejjending on Set implied in the verbal. E.g. Ilai/Ta^ov 7roLyT€OV a av KeXevy rj ttoAis kol r) Trarpl'i, »y iretOctv avrrjv. Plat. Crit. 51 B. 926. The dative and the accusative of the agent are both allowed with the verbal in -reov (or -rca) ; although the equivalent Set with the infinitive has only the accusative Thus we can say rovro r)p.iv TTOLrjTkov or tovto rjpds Troiyrkov, but only tovto rjp.djunctive or the optative a single "funda- mental idea " from which all the uses of the mood could be derived, except so far as the idea of futurity was shown to belong essentially to the subjunctive in all its most primitive uses. It would be impossible to include under one fundamental idea all the actual uses of any mood in Greek, except the imperative ; for even the indicative is used to express unfulfilled conditions, unaccomplished wishes, and unattained purposes, none of which can be brouglit under the ideas of "declaration" or " absolute assertion " commonly attributed to this mood. Again, it is not to be expected that the true fundamentid idea of any mood should include all its uses in a developed language ; for the fortunes of language often depend on causes which are quite independent of the original essence of the forms employed, and which seldom can be referred to invariable laws of thought. The same idea can be expressed in two cognate languages by different moods : as he would Jmve seen is eiSev av in Greek and vidis>(et in Latin, while in Sanskrit it would be expressed by a past augmented future equivalent to the Greek eficWev 6\f^€(r6aL (see § 428). Even within the Greek itself, we have if he were wise expressed by ct o-o ^^* '^^ 0^, and (in its negative form) in i)i-o- hibitions, like /x>) iw/xcv, let us not go, fii) ciV^tc tovto, do not say thu. This use of the subjunctive is found also in Sanskrit, and its negative is there generally (though not always) ma, the equivalent of p). It thus appears that the marked distinction which is seen in the early Greek between tiofiiv, we shall go, and iwfiev. let us go, in both positive 1 See Delbnick, Syntaktische Forschungen, i. {Conjunctiv und Optativ), pp. 23-25. RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 373 and negative forms, was probably inherited from an ancestral language, so that we need not seek for tlie development of this distinction within the Greek itself. It is obvious that the future element is equally strong in both expressions, while the hortatory subjunctive also ex- presses will. Now it is much more natural to suppose that a future form expressing exhortation or prohibition originated in a form ex- pressing mere futurity, tlian that the merely future form originated in the exhortation or prohibition. We cannot derive ovk tSiofiaL^ I shall not see, from /xt) iSiopLai, let me not see. But it is by no means impossible that, in some language which was a common ancestor of Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit, subjunctive (i.e. originally future) forms came to be used to express both commands and prohibitions ; that, when these impera- tive expressions became distinguished from the subjunctive in its ordinary future pense, they adopted the negative (the ancestor of md^ and fxYj) which Wits used with similar imperative forms, though this use of the negative might not at first be very rigid ; and that thus py iii)p€v, in the sense let us not go, became established in early Greek as opposed to OVK Liopev, we shall not go. In Sanskrit, however, the use of ma in such cases was less fixed, and here na' (the equivalent of ov) is sometimes found with the subjunctive in prohibitions. ^ This last is what we should have if in X^'-P'' ^* ^^ ^aro-cts ttotc, you shall never touch me, EuEt Med. 1320, we could substitute an Homeric sub- junctive (e.g. \j/ava"i)'s) for the future indicative. The cases of pri with the future in prohibitions given in § 70, like /it) /SovXya-eorOe elSevai, do not wish to know, Dem. xxiii. 117, are too few to be of much weight in the discussion ; but they seem to show an abortive tendency to establish the future indicative with py by the side of the subjunctive in prohibitions. What the future could do in an imperative sense is shown by examples like TTavTcos Se tovto S/aao-et?, hut by all means do thu, Ar. Nub. 1352, and others quoted in § 69 ; but the natural negative here was oi\ not pij, as in ov xpavo-ets above. If the origin of the interrogative subjunctive in appeals (§ 287) and of its negative pi) has been correctly explained in §§ 288 and 291, this is merely an interrogative form of the subjunctive in exhortations and prohibitions, and calls for no special discussion here. Tlie origin of the use of the subjunctive with ov pi] is still too uncertain to give this construction much weight in determining the essential character of the subjunctive. If the view of this construction which is advocated in this work (see Appendix II.) is accepted, the form is an offshoot of the prohibitory subjunctive. If it is thought to be an original con- struction, expressing a strong denial or prohibition by its own force, the subjunctive appears in its original future force. AVhatever theory we may have of the origin of this subjunctive, the form is interchange- able in use with the future indicative. In dependent sentences, the subjunctive is used in two constructions, — in so-called final clauses, and in conditional sentences. In negative See Delbriick, Conjundiv und Optativ, p. 112. 374 APPENDIX final constructions with /x>J, the subjunctive was originally prohibitive (§§ 262, 307) ; in positive clauses with the final particles, it expresses something aimed at, that is, an object of will. But here, as in inde- pendent sentences, to derive the more complex from the more simple is far more natural than the reverse. Further, in all final constructions the future indicative may be used in the same sense as the subjunctive ; this could hardly be done if the subjunctive contiined an essential element of will which is wanting in the future. Again, the subjunc- tive is very common in final constructions after past tenses, where the optative is the regular form (318); it cannot be supposed that the idea of will is present in such final clauses when they have the sub- junctive (as they generally do in Thucydides) and is absent when they have the optative (as is more common in Xenophon). In conditional sentences, although we may explain the subjunctive as originally hortatory, rjv iXOij meaning let him come {we mil suppose)^ it is more natural to refer this use to the primitive use of the subjunctive as a simple future, €i k€v eXOij (or ct ikOi)), in case he shall come, making a supposition of a future event of which the Homeric eX^i/, he irill come^ might make a statement (see §§11 and 398). We thus avoid the necessity of explaining the indiciitive and the subjunctive in protasis on different principles. As each of the various tenses of the indicative with €1 expresses a supposition in the time which it natumlly denotes (§ 3, c), so the subjunctive is a natural form to express a future sup- position. Thus, as €1 y€vi]a-€TaL rovro supposes what ycio/o-cTat tovto states, €t y€vi]Tai rovro naturally supposes what (in the older language) ykvi]rai rovro, this will happen, states. As the former cannot be explained by the idea of will, it seems unnecessary and illogical to introduce this idea to account for the latter. What has been said of ordinary conditional sentences applies also to relative conditions. The only use of the subjunctive in conditions which cannot be derived from the simple future meaning is that in general suppositions ; but the undevelopeil state of this construction in Homer and other considerations make it highly probable, if not certain, that this is a use of the subjunctive which grew up within the Greek language itself at a comparatively late period, and that it is not one of the primitive uses of the mwd. (See §§ 11, 6, 400, 401.) It is certain that no trace of the subjunctive as a mood of will can be seen in its actual use in conditional sentences. Thus i)v ri]v ttoXii' cAoxrt could always be said as properly by the friends as by the enemies of a city, by the besieged as well as by the besiegers. In II. iii. 71, oTTTTOTepd? k€ viKyjo-r), spoken by Priam, is, as an expression, perfectly neutral as regards the hope or desire of victory. It may be siiid with truth, that the primitive meaning of a verbal form is apt to be weakened, or even to disiippear, in actual use. But is it logical to assume a lost meaning to account for an expression, when the meaning which remains accounts for it satisfactorily without external help ? AVhen we find rjv cAoxrt tt/v 7roA.iv actually expressing a mere future supposition, with no idea of will, in all periods of the language, and RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHEK MOODS 375 when we find eXuxri meaning they will capUire in the earliest period that we know, why should we assume an original idea of will (which was afterwards lost) in i]v eXoxn to account for its actual meaning ? The view of the conditional sentence here adopted is confirmed by paratactic conditions like the following : Oro-eLS 6c ryv 7rat8' • evda TtVa? ci'xa? €f)€k; EuR. I. A. 1 185, where OvaeiS nuikts a sujjposition, supposing yon ^luill sacrijke the fjirl, which would generally be expressed by €1 ^ixrcts or i]V ^/-crr/s : so a^iKct rts ckwi/ and l^i]p.aprk rts ukwi', both expressing suppositions, Dkm. xviii. 274.^ On these grounds we may feel justified in regarding the subjunctive as originally and essentially a form for expressing future time, which the Greek inherited, with its subdivision into an absolute future negatived by ov and a hortatory future negatived by /i>), and used in independent sentences. The name optative mocxl (eyKAxcrt? ci-ktikv)), which was invented by grammarians long after the usages of the language were settled, designated the mood by the only use which it then had in independent sentences without dr, that of iciMmj. It is evident that this name in itself is no ground for assuming that wishing was the primitive function, or even an essential function, of the optative, any more than the name of the subjunctive (cyK-Atfri? viroraKriKi]) would lead us to assimie dei>endence as an original or necessary characteristic of that moo/ crocjioWipo^. In all these dependent constructions, the oi)tative is only the representative of the subjunctive or indicative when these are, as it were, transferred to the jwist by de- pending on a verb of past time ; but, if wish were the fundamental idea of the optative, we should hardly expect this to vanish so utterly, since 1 See C. F. Hermann, de Protnai Pamfactim, p. 7. 376 APPENDIX [I the essential character of the optative would naturally be especially marked where it is used by a fixed principle of the language as a substitute for an indicative or a subjunctive. The only strong argument for the theory that the optative is primarily the mood of wish is found in the optative with ci in protasis. It is maintained that a gradual development of tliis conditional form from the simple optative in a wish can be actually seen in Homer. The strongest and most attractive statement of this argument is given by Lange in his elaborate, but unfortunately unfinished, treatise on the particle cl in Homer.^ Delbriick's treatment of the optative in his Syntaktische Forschungen, vol. i., is based on this doctrine. When Lange states (p. 485) that, of 200 examples of ct with the optative in Homer, 136 are expressions of wish, the majority seems decisive; although we may even here withhold our judgment until we examine the majority and also see what the minority of 64 have to say. The majority of 1 36 is made up as follows : — 1. Ordinary wishes with €t ya'p, ct^c (at ya/a, ai^c), or il, like aW* ovTO)?, Ei5/xat€, (fiiXos Alt iraTpi ycvoi to, Od. xiv. 440 ; at yap oiVw? €t7/, II. iv. 189 ; €lO^ w9 y)/3ii)Oi/jLLj yStvy 5c jjloi tfj.ireSo'i ctvy, II. xi. 670. (Of these there are 38 cases.) 2. Cases in which a wish with €i and the optative (like the expressions just quoted) is followed by an apodosis expressing a consequence which would follow the fulfilment of the wish. Thus the last example in 1 appears in II. vii. 157 with such an apodosis : — TO) K€ Ta\ di'Tija-eLe fidxv^ KopvOaioXos''Y,KTO)p, If we put a comma at the end of the first verse, we have a full conditional sentence. In many cases it is doubtful which i)unctuation is correct. Lange includes under this head even such sentences as II. vii. 28, aXM et /xot rt Tri^oio, to K€V ^oAu K€p8iov ciry, and Od. xx. 381. (Of these there are 28 cases.) 3. Ordiuary conditional sentences, in which the fusion between the optative with ci expressing a wish (i.e. supposing something that is desired) and a follmving apodosis with k€ or dv is said to be complete, as in II. xiii. 485 : — €1 yap opijXLKLTj y€ yivoiptOa tw3* cVt BvpCi^ ai\pa K€v 7j€ (f>€poiTo /xcya Kpdro'i i) k€ (fiipoiptjv. (Of these there are 19 cases, against 18 otherwise similar cases in which the optative with el supposes something not desiretative with el, and yet who would profess to find anything like the idea of wish in o tis /xfot, Od. i. 47, (0 p) cir/, xi. 49(\ or in II. vi. 330, 521, xiii. 344, xiv. 248 ? I give the first six examples that I meet. It is obvious at once that we must recur to the examples in 1 and 2, and see whether these establish any such strong presumption as will justify us in making wish the fundamental idea of the optative with €1, notwithstandimj tlie fact that a large majority of the optatives in protasis in Homer have a contrary meaning. In dealing with the examples in 1 and 2, it will be assumed that ci, €16^6, €t yap, and at, ai^^c, at yap all have the same origin, and involve the same particle tl or al which is used in protasis.^ The question in regard to the wishes in 1 amounts to this : is it more probable that th£ optative here is merely the wishing optative, preceded by a sort of exclamatory particle ci,- so that ykvoiTo and €i ykvoiro are merely ^ See Lange, pp. 311, 312 ; and footnote to § 379 of this work. 2 Lange, p. 484, calls d ''eine zur Einleitung von Wiinschen und Fallsetz- ungen gecignete interject iau^artiye Partikel." See also p. 565. ll RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 379 different forms of an exclamation, may it be done! — or that €t ykuoiro in a wish is the same as ct yevoiTo in protasis, meaning if it should only be done, deriving its force as a wish from the unconscious suppression of an apodosis like how haj^py I should be or it would be icell ? The difficulty of explaining ct in an ordinary protasis like ct ^A^cv, if he came^ as in any sense exclamatory is a great obstacle in the way of Lange's view ; but his alternative is equally hard, to make ct in a wish radiciiUy difl'erent from ct in a protasis. In the incomplete state of Lange's work, it is impossible to see how successfully he would have surmounted this difficulty. But, apart from this, we are compelled on his theory to believe that the parallel construction of ct yap and €W€ with the past tenses of the indicative in wishes is radically difterent in principle from that of ct etc. with the optative. The former is a later construction ; but is it possible that the traditions of so fixed an expression as ct with the optative in wishes could have so utterly vanished that, while ct yap ycrotro, may it be done, had no conditional force, ct ydp cyci'cro rovro, that this had been done, was felt as conditional ? It is impossible to explain ct ydp cyci'cro except as an elliptical protasis, since there is no form of wish like eyevero (alone) corresponding to yivoiro, may it be done. Even if we could suppose that ct ydp iyiviTo was formed ignorantly on the analogy of ct ydp yci'otTo, it would be incredible that jxr] yivoLTo should not have engendered a corresponding py] iyiv^ro. But "why is it thought necessary or probable that ykvoiTo and ct ydp ykvoLTo should have had the same origin ? If we can trust our feelings in the use of our own language, it is beyond doubt that our expressions of wish, like may help come antl if lulp should (or would) come ! are entirely independent constructions, and also that the latter is a condition with its conclusion suppressed. AVhy should we not accept the same simple distinction in the Greek forms, and admit that the Greek had two ways of expressing a future wish, one by the simple optative, the other by a protiisis with its apodosis suppressed ? Absolute proof is, of course, impossible in such a case ; but it is surely safe to maintain that no such strong presumption is established in favour of identity of construction in ycvotro and ct ya'otro in wishes, as to make it probable that ct ycvotro in protasis was originally a form of wish, in face of the fact that only a small proportion of Homer's undoubted protases with ct and the optative express wishes. But it may be said that the peculiar examples of half-formed conditional sentences in 2 (p. 376) establish the theory of the develop- ment of the conditional optative out of a wish. But this connecting link loses its value, when it is seen that it connects merely one construc- tion, in which the wishing force of the optative is at least questionable, with another in which there is no positive evidence of any wishing force at all. If the ordinary theory of the suppression of an apodosis with ct ya^ yci'otTo in a wish is correct, we must suppose that the suppressed apodosis was seldom felt in a definite form of words any more than it is with our if he would come. But it might sometimes 380 APPENDIX happen that an actual expression of a definite result of the fulfilment of a wish would suit the case better than the uncertain reference to a fulfilment, which the mere clause with if suggests. We have an excellent illustration of this when a wish is repeated as a protasis in almost the same words, and is then followed by an apodosis. See Od. iii. 217-223 (quoted in § 730), where d yap gt ws lOkkoi is first a simple wish, and then is repeated as ct cr* ovtws lOkXoi^ with the apodosis toJ k'^v rt?, etc. naturally following. The oft-recurring verse €t^' ok r)/3iooLfXL, Pn] Si ^ol c/xttcSo? eu/ api)ear8 in II. xi. 670, xxiii. 629, and Od. xiv. 468 (if Bekker is right in omitting vss. 503-506) as a simple wish with no addition: but in II. vii. 157 it stands as a repetition of the wish contained in vss. 132, 133, at yap r;p/A w«, etc., and is followed by the apoilosis tw k€ Td\ avrip-iu p-dxrj'i Kopxf- ^atoAos "Ektcd/). In the other examples, we have simply the wish if I were young again, with its vague unexpressed apodosis ; but in II. vii. 157 the result is expressed in the definite form, then uxmld Hector meet his rnatch. See Od. xvii. 496 and xv. 536 (quoted in § 730), in both of which a definite apodosis expressing a result takes the place of the usual suppressed conclusion. A distinction of optatives with €i into wishes and suppositions, based on the wishing or non-^rishing nature of the verb, is often arbitrary. Thus Lange quotes, among his " paratactic " wishes followed by an apodosis in a distinct sentence (that is, half-developed conditional sentences), II. xvii. 102 : — €1 Se irov Arai'Tos y€ fSoyjv dyaOoio irvOolfJLTfVf dpL^iii k' uvTi? toi'T€9 €7r LfivijO-aifiiOa )(a^p;?, while he gives as an ordinary conditional sentence II. xxiv. 653 : — Twi' ct Tis ere tSotTo Ooyp' Slo. vvktu fUXaivav^ avTiK' av k^eiTTOL ^Aya/xipLVovi TroLfievL \aiov. His ground for distinction is merely that the former expresses a wish, while the latter does not. Even if both sentences were held to be simply conditional (as they probably are), it would still be claimed that the optative is used in a more legitimate and primitive sense in the former than in the latter. But is not the patent fact that there ia really no essential distinction between these two optatives with el (taken as conditions) a strong argument against the whole doctrine which derives the optative in protasis from the optative in wishes ? As to the 43 examples in 4, in which the optative with ci obviously stands without any expressed apodosis, I must refer to the discussion of these in §§ 486-493, where they are explained as protases which contain within themselves an im])lied clause of purpose as the apodosis. Whoever will compare the examples of the optative in j^ 488 with those of the subjunctive in § 487, or tliose of the optative in Delbriick's Con- junctiv unci Optativ, pp. 236-238, with those of the subjunctive in pp. 171-175, will probably be satisfied that the greater part of these optatives represent original subjunctives, which are regularly used in this sense after primary tenses, while the original optatives that occur after primary tenses in this construction are not more frequent than RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 381 they are in ordinary protasis in Homer (see §§ 499-501). Thus fty] UdvSapov 8L(rjfj,€vos ct ttov k€vpoL, he went seeking Pandarus, in case he should find him anywhere (i.e. to find P. if haply he might), II. v. 167, represents an original form ^aiVo) lidvSapov 5tf7;/;tcvo9, 7}v irov €€vp(i). This is true, whatever theory we hold as to the nature of the condition here. Again, this form is equally adapted to suppositions which are not objects of wish or desire ; as in Thuc. vi. 100, tt/oos rrjv ttoXlv, el fTTLPorjOoUv, kx^povv, they marched towards the city, in case the enemy should rush out {to be ready to meet them if they should rush out). So in Od. xxii. 381:— TraTTTtjvev 8' *08v(T€vs KaO* kov SofjLov, ct tls cr dvSpMV fwo? vTroK-AoTTcotro dXva-Kiov Kijpa jjckXaivav, where Ulysses is said to have searched the house, in case any one of the suitors sho'idd still he alive and he concealed (i.e. to find any such). This is quite as natural an expression as II xii. 333, irdirTi^vev u nv lSolto rjyefioviov, where the protasis supposes something desired. The idea of purpose which these sentences imply makes it natural that the sup- position should be a desirable one in the majority of cases ; but no independent supj)ort for the theory we are discussing can be found in them. We come then to the following conclusions. The theory that wish is the fundamental idea of the optative finds no support in conditional sentences with ct and the optative in Homer, for among 78 full sentences of this class, only 27 exju-ess suppositions which are desired by the speaker. The other optatives with ct which are said to express wishes stand without apodosis, and the nature of these expressions is itself in question in this discussion. As the presence of the idea of wish in the optative in ordinary conditions would have been a strong proof that the same idea is inherent in these other optatives, so the conspicuous absence of wish in the former creates a presumption against its existence in the latter ; for it appears that, even if the optative with ct in wishes does express the wish by its own natural force, this force has not passed over into the ordinary optative in protasis, even in Homer. We have to consider, therefore, whether in spite of this presumption it can be established that the optative is the mood of wish, or that the two forms of optative in wishes (with and without ct) are identical in origin and construction. The theory of their identity obliges us to believe that ct is a sort of exclamatory particle ; whereas the older view, which has the authority of Aristarchus (§ 723), that the optiitive with ct in wishes is a protiisis with a suppressed apodosis, avoids this difficulty by making the form of wish the same as that of protasis. The new theory also compels us to explain the past tenses of the indicative with ct and the optative with ct in wishes on diff'erent principles. The cases in 2 (p. 376) of an optative with ct in a wish followed by an apodosis in a separate sentence are easily explained by supposing an actual apodosis to be expressed in them, where commonly only a general idea of satisfaction (like KaAws av €;(ot) is understood. The cases of ct with 382 APPENDIX the optative without an apodosis in 4 are to be explained by the implied apodosis : they are not necessarily expressions of desire, and the op- tative here generally represents an original subjunctive. As a negative result, we do not find in the Homeric examples as a whole any satisfactory proof that wish is the fundamental idea, or even an essential idea, of the optative. For the original meaning of the optative we must go, not to the developed wish, still less to the developed potential construction with Siv or to the protasis with €t, but rather to cevUun simpler and less decided expressions, a few of which remain in Homer. In II. iv. 17-19 we have a full conditional sentence, €t 8* av TTWS voSe iraa-i <^l\ov koX rjSv ttIAoito, ij TOL ^€V oIk€OLTO TToAlS UpLfifJiOLO avaKTOSy avTts 8' 'Apy€Ly]v 'EXivrjv McvcAaos ayoiTO. This may be translated, arid if moreover this should be icelcome and pleasing to all, king Priam's city may coiitinue to he a dwelling-placej arid Menelaus may \ake Argive Helen home again. But oIk€olto and ayoiro (without K€ or av) here do not make the usual ])otential apodosis, nor do they express a wish ; and yet a very slight change in the thought would make them either of these. With kc or av added, the meaning would be Priam's city would continue to be, etc. ; without av, in the ordinary language it would be may Priam's city cmitinv^ to be, etc. The same general result happens to be expressed in other passiiges in various ways. In II. iii. 71-75 Paris proposes the duel with Meuelaus, and says: — OTTTTOTe^O? Si K€ VLKljO-lJ Kp€l(T(Tli}V T€ yiVlJTUL, KTijfiaO' cAwv tv TrdvTa yrmiKa tc oiKaS' dycV^ov ot 8' aA.Xoi yTtt Kttt opKia Trurra ra/xorrcs vatotTC T/)oiT/i' IpiPatXaKa, toI Sk V€€a-6o)V "A/ayos €« ImroPoTov, Here ayco-^w is used with the same general idea in mind as ayotro in iv. 19, and vaiotre is like olk€olto. This example would ntther lead us to understand both ayoiTo and oIkwlto as wishes. But in iii. 255 we have T(^r Sc k€ viKijo-avTi yvvi] Kal KWjiiaO* Uttoito, where^ r viKija-avTi is equivalent to ottttotc/oo? k€ viKi'iiry in 71, ami cttoito k€ is potential, though expressing the same general idea as ayco-^w and ayoiTO above. Also, in iii. 256 we have valoifiev (like mioire in 74) and viovTai (as future). Again, in iii. 138 Iris says to Helen t(^o Se K€ VLKyjaavTL i}>ikrj K€Kky](Tij aKOLTi<;, where kckA^/o^/ kc is potential, referring to the same result as cVotTo kc, ayoiro, and dycrr^o>. These passages show a use of the optative without kc wliidi comes very near to that of the optative with kc, and also to that of the imperative and of the future (with and without kc). This neutral use of the optative is generally called " concessive." In other cases, the opUitive without kc has a more decided potential force ; as in II. xxiii. 151, vvv 8' cVci ov vco/xai yc iA>;i' c« irarpiSa yalav, 11 xt^okAw ijpioL KOfx^jv oTrdiraLfiL <^/>€0-^ai, / would fain send. RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 383 So in XL XV. 45, avrdp rot Kat kciVw cya> Trapa/jLvOrjo-alpLrjv, I should advise him. In IL xxi. 274, cTrcira Se Kai tl TrdOoLpn may be either then let jne suffer anything (i.e. let me perish), or tlien would I suffer anything : that the latter is the true meaning is made more probable by xix. 321, ov fiiv yap tl KaK(i>T€pov dkXo TrdOoLfiL, for nothing else that is worse could I suffer, where ov shows that the optative is potential. On the other hand, in II. xxiv. 148, p-tfik ris dkkos dfxa Tpanov tVo) dvr^' KTJpv^ TLS ot cVo tTo ycpairepo's, i.e. let no other of the Trojans go with him ; only let an elder herald accompany him (or a herald may accompany him), the general sense and the preceding imperative seem to show that iiroLro is hortatory. Compare II. iii. 407, p;8' crt o-otcrt TroSccro-ti/ urooT/ac^ctas "OXvpLirov., between two pail's of imperatives, where />i);8c shows the nature of the expression. Again, in II. vi. 164, rcdvahf^, w UpoiTjr] KaKrai^c Be A Ac/3o meant let me go and let me see, while ^kOoifxt and iSoifu meant may I go and may I see. The reasons given above, for thinking a derivation of the hortatory subjunctive from the simple future expression more probable than the reverse, apply equally to the corresponding uses of the optative. In these neutral optatives, of which II. iv. 18, 19 gives the most striking examples, we prolmbly come nearest to the primitive use out of which the two most common uses of the independent oi>tative ^ To show the uncertainty that exists concerning some of these optatives in the minds of modern scholars, I give some of the most recent translations of four of them. II. vi. 164 : Vou may as well die, Monro ; / pray that you may die, Leaf (ed.) ; Die, Proctus, Leaf (transl. ) ; Du wirst sclbst sterben miiHsen, Delbriick. II. xxiii. 151 : / may as well give, Monro ; "The optative expresses a wish," / should like to give it, nviy I be alloivcd to give it, Leaf ; / imiy give, Myers ; Ich werde mitgcben, Delbiiick. II. xxi. 274: I ajn ready to suffer, Monro; Perish; then let comxi what may. Leaf ; Aft«'r that let come to me what may, Myers. II. xxiv. 149: Only a herald may follow, Monro; I permit a Jierald to go with him, Leaf ; Let some older herald attend on him, Myers. 384 APPENDIX [I (potential an.l wishing) were developed. Before the Homeric period these two uses were already established, the potential with its mark of K€ or av and its negative ov, and the wishing with no external mark and its negative p}. It is hardly possible that the first potential use of the optative was marked by k€ or av, for we find undoubted potential optatives in Homer without either of tliese particles (see § 240), and even in Attic poetry such indefinite expressions as ovk ^ai) oori?, ovk IcrO' 57r(os, etc. have the optative without av (§ 241). Although the early Greek, even in Homer, did not always use k€ or av with the potential optative, there is no evidence that it ever failed to distinguish the wishing optative in negative sentences by the use of firj, while the potential was always negatived by o^. The Sanskrit optative, which must have had a common origin with the Greek, appears in its earliest use in the state in which we have supposed the early Greek optative to have been, i.e. used both in a potential sense and in wishes without any particle like k€ or av, and occasionally in a neutral or concessive sense. But while the negative nd ( = o^) is always found in the potential use, we have both vuV ( = pi) and iid in wishes and similar expressions in which the Greek has only p).i The same peculianty 1 See Delbruck, Conj. u. Opt. pp. 26, 194. 198. 199 ^^^hitncy, .^ho agrees cenerally with Delbriick in deriving the other uses of the Sanskrit optative from the^dea of wish or desire, says of the actual use of the mood {Sansknt Grammar ^ 573): "But the expression of desire, on the one haml, passes naTura7yo?er into that of request or entreaty so that the optative becomes a softened imperative ; and on the other hand, it comes to signify what is generally desirable or proi^er. what shouhl or ought to be, and so becomes the mode of prescription ; or, yet again, it is J^cakened into sigiufying what may or can be, what is likely or usual, and so becomes at last a softened statement of what is." Again, in § 574 : *' Subjunctive and optative run closely parallel with one another in the oldest language in their use ^".i^^^^'V^if " ,.^^*;;^^^^^^^ and are hardly distinguishable in dependent. ' Iii§f"?:; The di Terence between impe/ative ami subjunctive and -optative in their f""^\^'f "^al and most characteristic uses, is one of degree There is, in f«<^t nothing m the earliest employment of these modes to prove that they m ght not all be specialised uses' of forms originally equivalent-having, for instance, a genera future meanincr" In § 581: "In all dependent constructions, it is stdl . harder e"en in tile oldest language to establiJi a distinction between snb,uncti ve and optative : a method of use of either is scarcely to be found to which the other does not furnish a practical equivalent." , . *• v * 4«^ The orijnnal relation of the Sanskrit subjunctive and optative here stated closelv resembles what I believe to have been the original relation of the Greek subjunctive and optative, the optative being essentially a sort of weaker subjunctive, both expressing essentially the same ideas My own view would, I think, agree"^ substantially with that suggested by Delbruck (%n- taktiAe Forschrmgen, iv. p. 117) as an alternative to ^^^f f ^.^^^y/^^^ P^^f^io n his Conrundiv nnd Optativ (vol. i. of the same work) eight years before : '\te S Mc!gficllk'eit w4e, in beiden Modi den f^^unschen Smn zu linden, und zwar im Conj. die Bezeichnung ^.^^^^ \«"'i"^,^P;>t'/]^r^^ en Zukunft. Unter dieser Voraussetzung musste die yon mir Synt. borsch, i. eewThite Anordnung giinzlich umgestaltet werden." I was. of course, not Tare of this importfnt^concession of Delbruck -l-n I suggested mthe^s^^^^^ month (August, 1879), in my (Jreek Grammar, p 258, the relation of the ontative to the subjunctive which is advocated in the present work. ^ Since tho above was written, Delbriick in his Alt-Indische SyrUax has RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 385 has been noticed in the use of negatives with the subjunctive (p. 373). It is probable that at some early period the Greek had two parallel uses of the subjunctive and optative in independent sentences, as follows : — A^cu, 7 shall go (neg. ov\ or let me go (neg. firj) cA^r/?, thou unit go ( „ ), or go thou ( „ ) tA^y, he ivill go ( „ ), or let him go { „ ) (XOoifiij I mL(TpLa . . . avar^O^ iv to lapov tw Aios Tw 'OAv/xTTtw, and (voted) that the decree be set up, etc. ; and also iiri- fi€\€Lav TroLjjarai (subj.) IS^iKoSpofxop 6 fSioXoypdcfyop, that N. have charge, etc.^ Both moods alike developed a distinct potential use, which was dis- tinguished from the other by kc or dv ; and in Homer we have forms like lA^w KC and l\6rj k€ parallel with cA^oi^t kc and cA^ot k€, all negatived by ov. The potential subjunctive, however, did not survive the Epic period, while the potential optative became fixed in the langu^'e. The future indicative also developed a potential form with K€ or ai^, which appears to have survived the potential subjunctive, at least in the colloquial language. The English has no form except its vague / may take to express the various shades of meaning denoted by cAoi'/iat K€, cAw/Attt, cAw/xat k€, and cAoi/z7/i/, which once stood between IXovfxat, I sJuill take, and iXoiprjv dv, I should take. (See § 399.) The subjunctive, therefore, in its two chief usee in independent sentences, from which all others are derived, was originally accompanied by a weaker future form, the optative, expressing the same idea less distinctly and decidedly. Let us now see how this weaker subjunctive (or future) form enters into the various dependent constructions, that is, into conditional and final sentences and indirect discourse. The only dependent construction in which the optative is an original form, not representing another mood after a past tense, is that of protasis (including the conditional relative clause, but excluding the past generic expressed an opinion (in contradiction to his earlier view, discussed above), that the potential and wishing functions of the optative are distinct in their oricin. * Delbriick, Syiit. Forsch. iv. p. 1 1 7, quotes these j)assagcs from Cauer (No. 116). In p. 118 he says of this use: ** Es ist nicht zu bezweifeln. dass dieser Conj unctiv-Ty pus im Griechischen ausstarb, weil der Impeiativ dem Bediirfniss geniigte." See also i. p. 20. 2 C ll-i ' i' 386 APPENDIX [I RELATION OF OPTATIVE TO OTHER MOODS 387 condition). Here we see the same relation between car (or ci) eXOot and el cA(9oi/xi, if I shall go and if I should go, as between the original eXOio, I shall go, and cA^ot/it, / rmiy (or might) go, the optative being a less distinct and vivid form for presenting a future supposition, it may be for presenting the same supposition which has already been presented by the subjunctive. The distinction, whatever it may be thought to be, is that which appeai-s in our distinction of shall and should, and there will always be dillerences of opinion as to the exact nature of this.^ The objections to deriving this form of condition from the opUitive in wishes have already been considered. On the theory that the protasis is an offshoot of the conditional relative clause (see § 398), we should understand ci* cA^w as meaning originally in case (i.e. in the case in ichich) I shall go or may go, and ci cA^ot/xt in case I should go or might go,— should and might being here merely weakened forms of shall and may. (Homeric optotives referring to the present are discussed below.) In the whole cla^^s of final sentences, in which the subjunctive and optative are probably the only primitive forms, the optative always represents a dependent subjunctive in the changed relation to its lead- ing verb in which it is placed when this verb is changed from present or" future to past time, a change which we represent by our change from iimy to mvjht or from shall to should; as epx^rat tva i8y tovto, he cmnes that he may see this, t/A^cv Tva iSoi tovto, he came that he might see this, etc. The thought in the dependent clause is in both cases what would be expressed originally by Tm lSu), adapted to different circumstances ; and the original subjunctive (iva tSij) could always be retained, even after past tenses, and by some writers it was generally retained (§§ 318-321). The change is, in fact, the same which is made in indirect discourse when the leading verb is past, since a past final clause always expresses the past thought of the leading subject (i^ 703). This relation to indirect discourse is especially clear when the future indicative is used after primary tenses, with the future optative corresponding to it after jxist tenses. The optative of indirect discourse has much wider relations, which ' were greatly extended as the language developed. Here the optative represents not merely the subjunctive but also the indicative in the changed relation in which these are placed by a change of the leading verb from present or future to past time, the tenses of the optative (with some restrictions) representing the corresponding tenses of either subjunctive or indicative at pleasure, the present including also the imperfect. In the development of the language, the want of an optative 1 For an attpmi>t to make this distinction more clear and to remove some difficulties concerning it, see my ]>aper on *' Sliall and Should in Protasis and their Greek Equivalents," in the Transactions of the Am. Phil. Assoc, for 18ment the ordinary future supposition. Every primitive language must have needed expiessions like if he should go he would see this before it ventured ujmju if he had gone he would have seen this. If now we suppose that ovk av yi'otvy? had originally the sense you would not have discerned, we must assume that the Greek expressed this idea before it could express you would not discern (future), for the language never had any other form to express the latter. We cannot hesitate, therefore, to find in the common future meaning of ovk av yvotrjs the 388 APPENDIX original force of the expression, and to look upon the occasional reference to the past as a relic of an early attempt to express you would not have discerned by a form already appropriated to another use. 3. The Homeric optative in conditional sentences agrees remarkably with the Sanskrit in both the future and the present use, the Sanskrit optative being used both in future and in unreal present conditions and conclusions, but not in past conditions or conclusions. This seems to show that the Greek inherited the two principal Homeric uses of the optative, (1) in future conditions and wishes, and (2) in present unreal conditions and unattained wishes, while, so far as our evidence goes, the occasional use of the optative in past potential expressions is an extension of its use beyond its hereditary limits made by the early Greek itself. 4. The argument drawn from the past tenses of the Latin subjunc- tive will not apply to Greek conditional sentences, for here the present and perfect subjunctive in Latin (not the imperfect and pluperfect) cM^rrespond to the Greek optative in its most frequent use, and in the older Latin these primary tenses sometimes express present unreal conditions. The most natural view seems to be, that the primitive optative, before it came into the Greek language, was a weak future form, like he may go and may he go, from which on one side came its potential and its future conditional use, and on the other side its use in ex- hortations and wishes. These uses would naturally all be established before there was any occasion to express either an unreal condition or an unattained wish. The need of a form for present unreal con- ditions and present unattained wislies would naturally come next, and the present optative was made to include these also, no practical difficulty being caused by having a single form for it uvuld be as both present and future, none*^ being felt in Homer and none being now felt in English. In this state the optative probably came into the Greek, before any attempt was made to extend its use to past unreal conditions. ^ When a form was required for these, the optative may have been used at first, on the analogy of present unreal conditions ; but here the serious difficulty of using ciTroAoiTo k€ for he uwild have perished when it was already familiar in the sense he icould perish (hereafter) probably prevented the establishment of this usage. Before our evidence begins, the past tenses of the indicative were firmly established in past un- real conditions, while the optative was here a rare exception, even in apodosis, and was never used in protasis. But no attempt was yet made to dislodge the present optative from present unreal conditions or the corresponding wishes, although the use of unf)€\ov or tUxfyeWov in Homer shows that a past indicative in a present sense was not absolutely repugnant even to the early usage. But afterwards a new tendency prevailed, and the imperfect indicative took the place of the optative in present unreal conilitions, still retaining its older use (with the aorist) in past conditions. The Greek, Sanskrit, and Latin appear II] ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF oif fii] 389 to have developed their expressions of past unreal conditions inde- pendently. The Sanskrit, which seldom needed such a form, used it& past future, as the Greek occasionally used c/xcA,Aov with the infinitive (see § 428). The optative in past general suppositions only represents the cor> responding subjunctive transferred to the past. This is, moreover, not to be treated as a primitive use of the optative, for reasons which apply also to the generic subjunctive (see §§ 11, 6, and 17). If the optative, at the time of its origin in some ancestral language, ever actually existed as a past form, as its terminations certainly seem to indicate, no effect has come down to the Greek from this remote origin, except perhaps the use of the optative to represent the subjunc- tive (and afterwards the indicative) transferred to the past in final constructions and indirect discourse. Even here, its relation to the subjunctive, which is probably all that is primitive in this use, is substantially that of a "remoter future," as it is in independent sentences and in protasis. II. ON THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF ov firj WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE AND THE FUTURE INDICATIVE.! The origin of the construction of ov fii) has never l)een satisfactorily explained. While there is a general agreement as to the meaning of the two forms of expression in which this double negative occurs, that (1) oi' firj yivijraL or ov firj yevr'jo-eTat is it will iiot happen, and (2) ov fiTj KaTa/Srp-iL is do not come down, there is great diversity of opinion as to the manner in which these meanings are obtained from the Greek expressions, and still greater as to the origin of the constructions them- selves. Most scholars have explained expressions of denial with ov finj and those of prohibition on entirely difterent theories, which involve different views of the functions of the negatives in the two forms. The explanation of the expressions of denial (like ov /irj yev-qraL) which has gained most favour is that of an ellipsis after ov of a verb or other form denoting fear, on which prj ycvr/rat depends ; so that the full form would be ov 8€o§ €Vti /jl^ y€i'7;Tai, there is no fear that it mill happen. Since a strong argument for this ellipsis is the existence of such examples as oi' <^o^os /xv) o-c dyayw, Xen. Mem. ii. 1, 25, and ov\L 8€os p.ri o-€ L\yj(rrj, Ar. Eccl. 650, which, by omitting tA7/o-r/, it can hardly be said that this is supposed to be one of the unconscious ellipses which are no longer felt in actual use. This explanation, ^ Reprinted, with a few changes, from the Harvard Studies in Classical Philology f vol. i. pp. 65-76. 390 APPENDIX [n 111 ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF ov ^irj 391 however, does not help to account for the prohibitions in the second person, like ov firj KaTajSv/o-ct, for there is no freak of language^ by which ov Scos cVtI /xr) Kara^ys or even ov See? cVtI fiij Kara^rjo-ct (if we can suppose such an expression) could be transformed into ov fxrj KaTajSijdii, in the sense do not come down. The prohibitions have, therefore, generally been explained, on Ehnsley's theory, as interroga- tive ; and ov fxyj Kara^vyorci; is 8Up]»osed to mean unll you 7i ot not come down? i.e. do not come dmcn. All subjunctives that are found in these prohibitions, as in ov /xi) (TKio\fy<; /xr/Sc 7roi7/o-7/s, Ar. Nub. 296, have generally been condemned since Brunck and Elmsley, and such subjunctives are seldom seen in recent editions of the dramatists. But all attempts to explain these constructions of ov p) on different theories lead to fatal difficulties. We cannot make all tlie prohibitions interrogative, nor can we change all the prohibitory subjunctives to futures without violence to the text ; nor are all cases of ov fir) with the second person of the subjunctive or of the future prohibitory. The following examples show a complete transition from one of the uses of ov p) to the other, and yet no line of distinction, on which different theories of construction can reasonably be based, can be drawn between any two of them : — OvTot (? 'Axatwi', oTSa, firj Ti9 vftpio-r)^ no one of the AchaeanSy I am sure, will insult you. Soph. Aj. 560. Ov crot p/ /x€0€^o/xai ttotc, 1 7iever will follow yon. Id. El. 1052. Koi'xt M Travinja-Oi, and you mil not cease. Ar. Lys. 704. 'AAA' oi- ttot c^ Ifiod ye /xi; TrdOji^ to^c, hit you shall never suffer this from me. Soph. El. 1029. Ov firj ttot U rrjv ^Kvpov cKTrAcvo-ys, you shall never sail off to i^cyros. Id. Ph. 381. Ov /xi; (TKioxf/})^ . . I dAA' €viifi€L, do not jeer (i.e. you shall not jeer), hut hold your' tongue. Ar. Nub. 296 (this cannot be interrogative). Ov /XT/ irpo(roL(r€LS X€ipa /xiyS' ai//€t ttcVAwi', do not bring your hand near me, nor touch my garments. EuR. Hipp. 606 (generally made interrogative). It should be made a first requisite of any theory that it shall explain all these cases on the same general principle. A preliminary question to be settled, if possible, is whether ov and p; merely combine to make a single strong negative, or whether ov as an independent adverb negatives /x)) and the verb taken together. The difficulty either of conceiving ov and p) as forming a single strong negative, as ov and ovSev or /x?/ and p/Ser often do, or of understand- ing how prj yo'v/Ttti, which by itself ciinnot mean it will not happen, can be strengthened by ov into an expression unth this very meaning, has made it impossible to defend the former view on any recognised principle, even when it was adopted for want of something better, as in the earlier editions of the present work. The supposed analogy of fiT] ov forming a single negative with the infinitive will hanlly hold as a support of this ; for, while we cannot have a sentence like oi'x 6(tl6v eo-Ti p.i) ov (Sorjdeiv continued by an infinitive with oi-St {e.g. by ovSc dfJLvvea-OaL), we frequently have sentences like ov pi) k a Ac is /xc fijjSe KUTC/acis Tovvopa, where p/Sc continues the prohibition without repeating ov, showing the distinct force of each part of this double negative. But this only brings out more emphatically the i)erplexing question that lies at the basis of the whole discussion. If ov is an independent negative, as by every principle of Greek negatives it should be, what does it negative ? It is clear that there is only one active negative in ov pyj yevrjTai, it ivill not happen; and ov /xt) a-KMxl/yq, do not jeer, surely does not have one more active negative than pif cTKioxl/rji;.^ It seems obvious, therefore, that if ov is an independent negative in ov pij yivifTaL, the negative force of the /x>/ must in some way be in abeyance, as otlierwise the two simple negatives would make the sentence as a whole positive. We may naturally turn for a suggestion liere to the i)rincipal form of expression in which the negative force of py seems to be in abeyance, — to Plato's favourite subjunctive with py as a form of cautious assertion, as py av\ov y, I think it will prove to he Imi, Crat 425 B. (See ^ 204 and the examples.) Such ex- pressions are, practically, cautious affirmative statements, the fear that something may prove true having by usage softened into a suspicion, and this again into an idea of i)robability or possibility, so that py (ftavXov y, which originally meant nuty it not prove had {as I fear it rtuiy), has come to mean I suspect it may i^rove bad, and finally, / tItinJc it will prove bad or it will probably prove bad. The expression, however, always retains at least the implication that the fact thus stated is an object of apprehension to some one, though it has lost all of its original reference to such apprehension on the part of the speaker.'^ If now a writer wished to express the negative of one of these cautious asser- tions, in which the original force of py has practically disap2)eared, he would say, for exani])le, oi» py <^avAoi' y, it will not prove to be bad. We thus have a simple explanation of such sentences as ov py oTo? t 5/9, you will not be able, Plat. Rep. 341 B, and ov py ^vraro? JJ, I aJtall not be able. Id. Phil. 48 D, the former being the negative of py oios t Js, / susped you will be able, the latter of py Swaru^ io, I suspect that I * The idea suggested rather than advocated by Giklerslcevc {American Journal of rhilology, iii. pp. 203, 205), that ov is an iudeiH'ndeiit negative, nay^ while /x?) introduces a question which e.\j>ects a ne<,'ative answer, was evidently held hy the copyists of some of the best Mss. of Aristophanes or h}' their predecessors: thus, Rav. and several Paris Mss. have ov' /jlt] (t/ico^t;? (or aKu}\f/T)s) in Xuh. 296 ; Veu. 474 has ov' fxrj Xy^p-qar}^ in Nub. 367, and ov' /jlij \a\r). 'AXXd ixt) ds d\rfOu>i, to tov 'Kp/xoy^vovs, y\iopTLKip TovT(f} Trpo9 cAoxTt, rnay they 7iot seize the ships {as I fear they may), II. xvi. 128. (See § 261.) In such expressions sometimes the fear itself and sometimes the desire to avert the danger is more prominent ; ^see Od V 415: p/ irm fJL UPaLVovra jidXri XiSaKi irpori Trcrpy KVfia fxey dpTTii^av, ii€k€7j Se /xot eVcrcTat Spfi-q, le. I fear that some wave may dash vie upon a rock as I am em^ging from the sea, and my effort idll (then) be in vain (the clause of fear being merged in a direct state- ment). See also II. ii. 195, xviii. 8 ; Od. v. 356, xvi. 255. Between Homer and Plato, we find only eight cases of independent /xr; (or p/ ov) with the subjunctive ;i but in these we can see the transition from Homer's clause of apprehension to Plato's cautious assertion. (See § 264.) In four of these cases, the speaker expresses fear and a desire to avert its object. These are Eur. Ale. 315, fxrj aovs 8ta^^ct/)y ydfiovs,—Or. 776, p/ Aa^oxrt' cr' ao-pi^oi,— H. F. 1399, dkk ai/xa p/ (TOLs €^ofi6p^iofiaL ttcttAois,— Rhes. 115, p) ov fi6\y<; ttoXlv, In the other four we see either the cautious assertion found in Plato or a near approach to it In Hdt. v. 79, we have dWa fidWov p/ ov rodro y to /lavrZ/iov, but I suspect rather that this will prove not to be the meaniiuj of the oracle (precisely Plato's usage). Cases of pi) ov of. course illustrate tliis use of py with the subjunctive equally with those of the simple pij. In Eur. Tro. 982, Hecuba says to Helen, py ov TreiVys o-o€ct you u-ill nut convince unse people, with the same sarcastic tone which is in Plato's p) ovk y BlSuktov dp€Ty, I sHspf'ct it will prove that virtue is not a thing to be taught. Men. 94 E (said by Socrates, who is arguing that virtue is ov SiSaKTov).^ In Ar. EccL 795, most editions have py yap ov XdfSys ottoi (sc. Tuvra Kara- Sys, where the Mss. give an impossible Xa/^ois), / suspect you will not find a place to put them do^cn, with the same affectation of anxiety as in the two preceding examples. In Xen. Mem. iv. 2, 12, we have one of the rare interrogative forms of the subjunctive with py, m which Euthydemus savs to Socrates, py ovv ov Svvwpai (v. 1. 8i'm/xai) cyw ra ry<; SiKaiotrvvyi Ipya 6iyy,)a-au-0aL ; do you slumped that I shall be 1 I dei)end here on Weber's statistics, given in his Entwickelungsgeschichte der Absichtssiitze. Hi ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF ov firj 393 m (or am) unable to explain the works of Justice ? He adds, Kal vy Ai* €yu)y€ rd rys dScKtas, / assure you, I can explain those of Injustice. Here the spirit of the expression is the same as in the other cases. Compare the similar interrogatives in Plato : Phaed. 64 C, Rep. 603 C, Parm. 163 D, Sisyph. 387 C. But for the eight cases of inde- pendent py that have been quoted, we should never know that the construction existed between Homer and Plato. We have good ground for believing that it remained as a colloquial idiom in the language, though it seldom appeared in literature until Plato revived it and restored it to common use as a half-sarcastic form of expressing mildly a disagreeable truth. In Plato, the construction is not confined to this peculiar sense, for we find cases in whicli honest apprehension is expressed as in the older use. Weber quotes Euthyd. 272 C, py rolv ^voiv TL^ ravTo tovto oveiSio-y, I am afraid some one may insult the two strangers in this same way (or let no one insult them, as I fear some one may); also Symp. 193 B, Kal py pot x^oXd/3y, I hope he will not answer me ; and Leg. 861 E, py rotvvv tls otryrat. It appears, therefore, that the independent subjunctive with p; was in good use in the fifth century B.C. in the two senses illustrated by Eur. Or. 776, py Aa/?oxrt o-c, I fear they may seize you, and by Eur. Tro. 982, py ov TrctVry? a'oovs, I suspect you will fail to convince ivise people. From the persistence of the original meaning, even in Plato, we may probably assume that the expression more frequently included the idea of apprehension which is essential to it in Homer. But the other examples show that p; Aa/3axrt ce must have been in equally good use in the sense / suspect they will seize you (implying no apprehension). If now we suppose ov to be prefixed to py Xd/iuHTL (re, we shall have ov py Xd/Sioai oppLury, I suspect you will move your ships. These expressions ydi\\ ov py were always colloquial, as were also (at 394 APPENDIX [II least in Attic Greek) the expressions with /x^ and the subjunctive from which they are here supposed to have sprung.* If it is thought that the limited number of cases of independent /x^/ with the subjunctive not implying apprehension do not justify the assumptions which have been based on them, it is easy to see how the change from the denial of an apprehension to the denial of a suspicion miglU have taken place within the ov /x>; construction itself. If we suppose such expression:^ as ov fii) kiiOC> and ov p) Tts o-€ i'/?pto->; to have been established as the negatives of fxrj A7;^w, I fear I riiay be caught, an.l /x>; tl<: (r€ v/Spliry, I fear some ow may insult you, they must soon have fallen out of this relation to the jKxrent fornw, and have been felt in use to be mere future negative assertions, so that they could not long be restricted to sentences in which apprehension was implied. Thus, ov fii) vavs dit>opfii(Tii x^o^'o? would soon become as natural to those who used these forms as the older ov /x>) rts (T€ vpftunj. According to this view, ov p) with the subjunctive would come into the language in the sense of a denial of an apprehension, which is essentially the same general sense as that supposed by the theory of an ellipsis of Scos cVtiV. But there is a great advantage in dispensing with this troublesome and improbable ellipsis, and deriving the meaning from the sentence as it stands. There is surely no more ground for assuming this ellipsis here than in the independent subjunctive with p), which is an older construction than the dependent subjunctive with p). And if we accept p; tU (T€ vPfito-ij as a comi)lete construction, without the help of Sco? coriv, it is absurd to invent an ellipsis to explain ov fiy'i ti« o-c vPpionj as a shorter form for oi» 8€os cWt p; rts crc vPpiiry. In lact, dispensing with tliis ellipsis removes the most fatal objection to the view of the sentence on which the old theory was based. 1 It may perhaps 1)6 urged, in opposition to the view here presented, that ov fi^ U^ioai en). Surely no one could understand A ov Svvarb^ w, / sus)>eH I shall not be able, a.s the negative of m^ ^warb^ c3, / suspeci I shall be able. The real negative is much rather ov fx^ Swarbs u, there is 7io chance tluit I shall be able, in 1 lat. Phil. 48 D. The negative power of ov in negativing /it? \6.^i^i lace of the subjunctive in the same sense. Thus we have in Soph. EL 1052, ov o-oi p) fi€d€\l/oiial 7roT€, and in Ar. Ran. 508, ov firj (T cyo) Trc^io^o/xat, both expressing denial. At this stage all recollection of the original clause with /x>/ and the subjunctive must liave been lost, as there was no corresponding clause with fiyj and the future indicative in common use, of which ov pj with the future could be the negative. A most striking proof of the entire loss of this tradition is given by examples of indirect quotation of oi' p; with the future. In Soph. Ph. 611 we have rd t d\Xa Trai'r Wio-Tnaev, Kal TUTri 'rpoia<; TTtpyafx ws ou p; ttotc Trepo-oav el p) rovSe dyoivro^ the direct form being ov p) ttotc Trc/jfrcre idv p) rovSe dyyaOe. In Xen. Hell. i. 6, 32, dir^v otl rj ^irdpTrj ovSev p) KdKtov oLKL€LTai avTov d7ro6av6vTooi; Ar. Nub. 505, explained as won't you not talk nimsense and follow w€ ?— another passage of the Clouds resisted Ix^th of these and also the prescrilxjd form." In 29G, the Mss. have ov fir) a-Kwxfy^ fi^fik TroLi)yifx€L. Brunck emended this without hesitation to ov fii) o-kw^cis p/8^ 7^o^)o■€ts^ with the note "soloece vulgo a-Ktjxf^ijs . . . 7roi//o->;s." But there was no place for Elmsley s interrogative mark, which 'could not stand after the imi)erative, and could not be inserted after orrot without imjilying that the other sentences (}ik(i Nub. 505 alx)ve) were wrongly punctuated. Tlie emendation o-kwi/'Cis was as unfortunate as cKTrAei^-cts, as the future of o-KWTTTU) is (TKUixj^oiiai, uot o'K'wi/'co, SO that a further emendation to (TKUixpei was needed. In this battered condition, and with no inter- ro'^ative mark to help the interpretation, the passage usually appear.^ even in the latest editions. (See 5^ 298, 300, 301.) So long as it is proposed to explain these prohibitions and the ordinary denials with ov fii) on entirely diffei-ent theories, with nothing common to the two constructions, it -may not seem unreasonable to force a few examples like Nub. 296 and 367 into conformity with the general usage. But on any theory which makes no distinction in construction between the prohibitions and the other negative expressions of denial or refusal (for example, between ov p; cKTrAciVi;?, you shall not sail away, and ov fii) KaTajQv/yct, do not came doum, i.e. you shall not came 11] ORIGIN OF THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF ov fi7] 397 down\ there is no more reason for objecting to ov fir) o-Kw^ys than to ov fir) cKTrAcvo-ys. An occasional subjunctive, like ov fir) crKMxpys or ov fir) Xr)prja"jr)<;y is indeed no more than we should naturally expect in a construction which had its origin in the subjunctive. In such expressions, further, the analogy of the equivalent pi) (rKU)\jyr)^8* dir L(Tri)a-u^ ifiot ; uill you not more quickly extend it (your hand), and not distrust me? Soph. Tr. 1183. These are un- doubted questions, but there is no construction with ov pr) in them. They consist of one question with ov, implying an affirmative answer, ivill you twt extend your haiid ? and another with /xt}, implying a negative answer, and you will not distrust nu, will you ? The com- pound of the two has the general sense expressed in the first transla- tion above. (See § 299 and the examples.) In conclusion, we may sum up the result of the investigation as follows. The original construction of ov py with the subjunctive was developed as a negative form of the independent subjunctive with prj, which had already become an expression of apprehension with desire to avert its object, even if it had not passed into the stage of a cautious assertion ; in either case, the real negative force of pn) was in abeyance. The aorist subjunctive is the most common form here, the present being less frequent This form of future denial next admitted the future indicative in the same sense as the subjunctive. The second person singular of this future with ov pr) was used by the dramatists as a prohibition, without alandoning the sense which the future can always have in both positive and negative commands. In these prohibitions the future indicative, in which they had their origin, is generally used ; but the subjunctive occasionally occurs, being analogous to the ordinary aorist subjunctive with p.7) in pro- hibitions ; e.g. /xt) o-Kioi/zys supporting ov py o-KM^r)^.^ I For a further discussion of the fonii of the sentences with ov fx-q, in con- nexion with tliat of clauses with ^ttw? and witli the Canon Davesianus, see Trans, of the Am. Phil. Assoc, for 1869-70, pp. 46-55. - Since this paper was written, I have seen that Kvi(5ala, in two articles on ov firi in the Zeitschrift fiir die ocsterrcichischen Gymnasicn for 1856, pro- posed an explanation of ov tx.i\ with the subjunctive, which at one important point came very near the view now presented. He states two (apparently theoretical) meanings which he supposes iiy\ davris to liave had at some period (zwei Bedeutungsentwickelungen) : one, " Du wirst doch wol am Ende, trotzdem dass ich es abzuwehren suche, sterben;" the other, " Ich liirchte, 398 APPENDIX [HI III. STATISTICS OF THE USE OF THE FINAL PARTICLES. The following tables are based on the statistics given by Dr. Philipp Weber in his Entiuickelungsgeschichte der Ahsichtssiitze. 1. Statistics of the use of the Final Particles in pure final clauses by different authors. Homer . 1 i I K€ or dv. "Iva. •fij. ! 'Qs&u or C&$ K€. "Uirws. "Oxws &v with Suhj.> 223 14 145 24 2 38 9 Honi. Hymns 8 ; 1 (opt) 5 • • • 2 (opt.) Hesiod . 10 11 3 3 Pindar . 11 • • • 3 1 (opt) 1 Aeschylus . Sophocles Euripides Aristophanes 2 14 71 183 23 52 182 34 11 5 ' 27 14 11 31 19 185 53 2 7 24 Hero(h)tus . 107 16 11 13« 5 Thucvdides . 62 1 1 114 Xenophon . Plato . . . 213 368 83 1 8 ' • • • 221 23 14 25 Ten Orators . 579 8 3 or 45 1 • • • 42 12 Demosthenes — 253 1 • • • 1 • • ■ 14 4 dass du doch wol (trotz nieiner Abwehr) stfrben werdest." P>y prefixing ov to fiv ddvrp in these meanings, he arrives at two uses of ov firi with the sub- junctive. The second meaning comes so near the independent subjunctive with mtJ in Homer, that it is surprising that neither this nor the equally important ait; in Plato is mentioned. But no use is made of the advantage here gained in explaining ov n-fj with the future indicative, either in prohibi- tions or in denials. The prohibitions are made interrogative, ov ^.t) 6v$ cannot be final there. The only sure examples of ws final in the orators are Ant. v. 53, vi. 15 ; And. i. 99. Lys. xxviii. 14 is probably corrupt (see Am. Jour, Phil. vi. p. 56). Ill] STATISTICS OF THE USE OF THE FINAL PARTICLES 399 2. Statistics of the use of the four Final Particles in pure final clauses in the Iliad and the Odyssey. SuBj. FuT. Ind. Opt. -0/>a (pure) i "• ^ ^ 22 IL 113 ^^ ^^ ^\ Od. 82 2 26 Od. 110 171 4 48 223 ^'^ I Od. 6 ... Od. 6 ~7 "1 — 8 ^^ |0d. 3 ... 1 Od. 4 6 ~T — 6 Total cases of o<^/)a 237 "i / \ f 11. 45 ... 22.. 11 67 li'a (pure) .<^, ,^ '" ^' ^* ^ (0(1. 48 ... 30 Od. 78 93 52 — li'*^ (t^tal)- *I2s(pure) .i"- 1^ - 6 II 16 ^ ^ I Od. 2 ... 6 Od. 8 12 12 — 24 I Od. 9 ... 5 0(1. 14 20 6 — 25 'Qsd. . ./I|- I - 1 I^- 4 ( Od. 6 ... 3 Od. 9 9 4 — 13 Total cases of ws 62 2... ...11. 2 1 5. . . ...Od. 7 1 7 — 9 (total) Ottojs (pure) ^ ^ ^ ^ 3. Examples of ws and ottw? in object clauses in Homer after verbs oi plannimj^ trying^ etc. (see § 341). Simple (I)? with subjunctive : II. ii. 4 (some read opt), Od. v. 24. {2.) "12? Ki with subjunctive : II. iv. 66 (=71), ix. 112, xv. 235, xxi. 469; Od. i. 205, ii. 168, 316, 368, v. 31, vii. 192. {10.) Simple o;rw9 with subjunctive : IL iii. 19, 110, xvii. 635, 713, Od. i. 77, xiii. 365, 386. (7.) "Ottcos^ kc with su])junctive : Od. i. 270, 295, iv. 545; so II. ix. 681, if this is subjunctive. {J!^) 400 APPENDIX [IV *12s with optative: II. ix. 181; Od. vi. 112. (S.) Ottcos with optative: II. xiv. 160, xxi. 137, xxiv. 680; Od. iii. 129, viiL 345, ix. 420, 554, xi. 229, 480, xv. 170, 203. (11.) Weber cites Bw^rm k€v o-oys in IL ix. 681 as optative, and omits Od. iii. 19 as a suspected verse. The following verbs are used to introduce this construction in Homer : <^pafoftai and its compounds, 14 times ; pov\€Vuymd Povkr^v €l7r€LV, 5 times ; TrcipcS, 5 times ; fi€pMP^(^. ^ times ; opjiatvio and AiWo/iai, each twice ; and vo€a>, Acvo-crw, /x^tiv vr^vov, and fivr](TOfiat, each once. (36.) IV. XENOPHON'S PECULIAR USE OF «s av.) 1. It is well known that Xenophon is almost the only writer of Attic prose who uses (os freely in the final construc- tions. Weber's statistics (p. 398) show that while J>s is the favourite final particle in tragedy, it is hardly found in Aristophanes, Thucydides, Plato and the Orators. Xenophon forms a strange exception to the prose usage, having (t>s' or J,? av' in 91 of his pure final clauses. There is nothing peculiar in his use of final J)? with either subjunctive or optative, as it merely takes the place of another final i>article. 2 In his use of u)? av in final clauses, however, several i>oculiarities appear which show that Xenophon felt the original force of u)s as a i-elative adverb of manner (§312). The following examples occur.^ (a) Of eight cases of o)? av with Uie subjunctive, six are nonnal, while two show the relative force of u>s : — , * ^ . *Eao-at XP/ roh^ ai'8/>a?To fierpiov aTroKOLfii^Oi^vai, m av ^^vviavraL Imvoiiax^lv, that then he able to figfU against deep. Cyr. ii. 4, 26. iU 8' Siv fiddijs, dvTiiKoiHTov. An. ii. 5, 16. 'A\X ^TreaOaL XP^ *<«' ^P^: c'xcivTovVovv, ws av to 7rapayy€X\6fi€Vov SvvyjiTde ttoulv. An. vi. 3, 18. So Cyr. viii. 7, 9 ; Ag. xL 1 ; Eques. iv. 4. ^ .... *I2s av Sm'T/rat (toi 6 (rrpaTos €7rco-(9at, to. /x€0-(o T7;? at a'? /x^yc^os ov fiaXa av^ovrai, 1 See Weber, p. 224, where the examples of the optative jsnth J>t Ak are also dven. Weber cites Cyr. viii. 3, 2 as an example of the subjunctive ; but ?hTs?ecHon has J,. A. i^.a^yeCKv «s a relative clause, but no final clan.se I haveTdVled Cyr. viL 5, 81 and Eques. ix. 3 to the examples of the optative given by Weber. rv] XENOPHOX'S USE OF ^<;, ci? ai/, AND otto,? aV 401 irph<;8'€ Ta.Va? ^^ 5v o-vfifMirpuj^ exy a-vvav^erat Kal rh aAAo o-waa, i.e. the rest of the (horse's) body grows so as to be in the right proportion to the legs. Eques. i 16. These two cases are (as Weber says of those ot the optative) on the line between final and consecutive sentences. Ihe original relative and conditional force of ws (§ 312, 2) can here be plainly seen, (6) The^ original relative force of (I>9, as, is much more apparent when a>9 av takes the optative in Xenophon with a potential force especially after primary tenses. These examples occur :— ^ Upo€poiKrLv (J,s av ^vSoTcv t^ ^K7roj/xa €i5Aiy;rT0TaTa tQ fi^XXovTc inv€Lv, they offer the cup in the most convenient way in which they can presents for the one who is to drink ait. as they can present it most con- venuntly). Cyr. i. 3, 8. 'fi? 5' 5v Kal ol tto'Scs d,v r^ iWo) K^aTtorTo., €L p€v Tts €X€L pif.10 acKyjcrtv, iK€Lvr] h-Tio, if any one has any easier exer- cuefor keeping the Ikorse's feet as strong as possible. Hipp. i. 16. So also Eques. IX. 3 : ovr.>, ad ds rb Oarrov (xp^) Trpodyuv, d)? Av puXi^rra \avtfavoL auTov o tTnro? ct5 to raxv d^iKvovfJievos. y'App,^VLOs l^opdro, oVi 6cf>e,'icT,aOac 6>eAA£ t^ ^ao-t'Acta oIkoSo- luiv apxo/Mvo<;, o>s av ^Kav^ aTro/xaxco-^at cTt;, beginning to build his 2mlace so that it xvould be capable of defence {in a manner in ivhich it would he).tyT. 111. 1,1.^ E5o^€v a^ToJ toito 7ro(^o-a/, o5s 6tl iiKto-Ta dv e7rt<^6^ova>9 (rrravto? re Kal o-e/tvcis ^V€trj, to do this so that he would appear, etc. Cyr. vii. 6, 37. (Here the separation of av from i^^ makes the potential nature of (/>avc/ry dv especially plain.) Wl &v li\v /xaA«rT« avOpioTrot eVt^v^oiVtv 6 Salfxwv ravra y)i,lv crv,jL7rapeaivoiro a{rr6s n, almZ ravra irapa- fTK€vaxT€L, K.r.X,, if, whik God has helped to provide for us what men 7m>st desire, any one will then pi'ovide these for himself so that they would appear nwst agreeable to him, etc. Cyr. vii. 6, 81. ^i-vTCTay/xeVov f^€vovro>sjy€ to arpdrevfxa (5? dv liriKovpdv fidXt^rra kaxrrCo Uvatro, ijs with the future indicative, subjunctive, and optative, and occasionally 2 D 41 403 APPENDIX [IV Srcs av with the snhjunctive, like other Attic writers (see examples in iSS 339 and 348) But he distinctly violates Attic usage by having uk (m ihe sense of 5t<«s) with both subjunctive and future indicative and with the present, aorist, and future optative ; also «« a,- with both subiunctive and opbitive and Sttu-s av with the optative ; and further bv allowin" the optative with i,s iv and 5ra,5 5. to follow l>oth primary and secondary tenses. His use of J.S av and ^... av with the optative, especially after primary tenses, shows strongly the original relative and interrogative force of As and oirtos. The examples of the exceptional uses are these, rfis.) 'E^cu.<\ovvTai & Xa^a, let hiuhepa look-out mfrmU to ^e thainothiny escapes us. An. vi. 3, 14. Tl^ 8' o« (xp.;) fvXa^^Oa. &, M Kal U, rairi 8vva,rdi ^o«>a.; Hell, u 3, 33. Et./^Wo i,, ai, kJkvo^vto xop.tWea,, they took care that they should not be prevented from marehing.CyT. v\.3, 2. 'E^e^^hlOri m Tvxot€v nav- TMV tC}V KaXtuv. Cyr. vii. 3, 17. ,., ,, i " ?A0. Cyr. iii. 2, 13. 'Ex£,.£A.»)<^./ V) ix(«s ./..Uo,' rt a,roo-T.,o-€Tat >, Stcos ri d^crrkv p; , Sv.'^yo-.Tat rpiyuara :rapcx"v (two regular ca.ses of i^rm w.th_ one case of o,s). Ag. vii. 7. llpoilTrov i,s pySf'S KiK>)€f.€c Ka/,7rov i> p) ns €7ri/i€Ar;Tat co9 av Tttirra it €. pa IviiT at. Il)id. , n« ^i ^ t Oi>< 'E7riia€AovTat J>s^ ^v jSarto-Toi cTcv ot TroXirai, ^/ley ^aAe wre f/i«« (o> the way by which) tJie citizens may he the bed. Cyr i. 2, 5. 'ETrtucloVvo^ ro^'rov J,s ^v Trpax^o',;, .-m/^i/ W' this could he done Cyr i. 6, 23. So Hipp. i. 12 ; Eques. ix. 3. Hv yvcucrtv (ai^ov^ g'vaucvov ^apacTK^vaCecv 9 av TrAeuv cxotev rcov roAc/xta,v, jrpos 6c TouTOts KaKC?vo Xa/^oxTtv ct's Ti> yvco/x>yv cos^oi'T av ctK>; ovr avei, SeiZv -^yy^aLT' Av cttI TroAc/xtor?, Travra rai^a 7ri^avoTC/>oirs ttoui Hipp vi. 6. (Compare cI,? av ttAcov cxo'^^S '^ ^-^^"^^^ ^'^^^^ ^..''^f //..^couid be sriperi^. with cI). ovk r}y.y(raeT av, fo r/e< e/.e ulea that he icould not lead, indirect discourse). ^ ^ , , , •i2s Av ao-aA€0-TaTa yc ciScir/v Sttoo-ov to cTTparev/xa €(7Tiv cTrotovv, J foofc f/i€ course by which I should knoiv most accurately the size oftjw arviy. Cyr vi 3, 18. AtV^avo/xcvos (aiTr» avTCTri/xcAov/icv^yv u,s Kat cto-iovrt ctVa^rc? ra S^ovra, Kal, u ttotc Jo-^€V7}paLVoifi€Oa Oeiofjcevot avrovs, I try to see how tJiey might live the easiest lives, and how we might take most Might in beholding them. Symp. vii. 2. Tt ov rr/v Svvajjuv lAc^a?, OTTws ctSoTc? npos rai^ra PovXcvo-opeOa ottw? av apidTa aytovtfot- /xc^a, that we might take counsel (§ 324) how we might fight the best. Cyr. ii. 1, 4. Here belongs also Plat. Lys. 207 E, TrpoSv/xovvTaL oVws av ci^ai/jLOVoirjs (349). Eto-^A^cv iTTiPovXevo-as ottws av aAi'TroTara cittol. Cyr. i. 4, 13. Skottwv 8* av o7ra>5 av Kat tj iracra dpxrj Karcxo^TO Kat aAA^; crt TTpoo-yiyvoLTo, riyrjo-aro. Cyr. vii. 5, 70. So iv. 2, 34, viii. 1, 14 and 47. 'EAoytfo/xe^tt to? t/cavov eu] ct Tt5 SvvaiTo iTnpLcXrjOrjvai oVws av KaAos KayaOos yevoiTo. Cyr. i. 6, 7. (Was the oratio recta here OTTO)? av y€V7/Tat ?) 'E^orAcrero 07ra)§ av pti) /3aph €Lrj rots ^vfifid- Xoi§. Hell iii. 2, 1. So vii. 1, 33 ; An. iv. 3, 14, v. 7, 20. ITavT iwoirja-iv ottw? ov 8l Ikclvov iyKpLdeirj. Hell. iv. 1, 40. To> ytxcv Oei} ovSkv iKOLVouravTo ottws av t) elpijvij y€V0 6To, aurot 8k ipov- AcvovTo. Hell. vii. 1, 27. V. ON SOME DISPUTED POINTS IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF eBei, XPVV» ETC. AVITH THE INFINITIVE.^ Supplement to §§ 415-423. The familiar construction by which eSei, XP^I^ ^^ ^XPV^t ^t'^o? ^^t TrpoayJKeVy €^»Jv, and other imperfects denoting obligation, propriety, or possibility, are used with the infinitive in an idiomatic sense, the whole expression becoming a form of potential indicative, and generally- implying the opposite of the action or the negation of the infinitive, has already been explained in §§ 415-423. Some additional remarks, however, seem necessary, to guartl against prevailing misapprehensions. The important distinction between this idiomatic construction and the use of these imperfects as ordinary past tenses (§ 417) is generally ^ Many parts of this pai)er are identical with the article with the sanio title in the Harvard Studies ia Classical rhilology, vol. i. pp. 77-88. «- :t| 404 APPENDIX Iv indicated only by the context, and not by the words themselves. It may even be doubtful in some cases which meaning is intended. Thus, in Dem. xviii. 190, rl rhv €lvac, th^se (the weightier matters of the law) ought ye to have done, and yet not to have left theotlurs (taking tithes) undone. Tliis is equivalent to two sentences, ravra edeLVfias TToiwat, ye owjht to have dme these (which ye did not do), and cKctm €8€t ru5s M dcf>€Lvai, ye were right in not leaving those ujidme (which ve did not leave undone). We have a decisive proof of the idiomatic use when the present infinitive with eSec etc. refers to present time, as when YPT> a-€ tovto TroL€LV means you ought to be doing thu (but are not) • for these words without the potential force could mean only it was (once) your duty to do this. Tliis u^ of a past tense to express present time, which is found in Greek, Latin, and Engbeh (§417), is an important characteristic of this idiom. It is generally laid down as an absolute rule that m this idiom the opposite of the infinitive is always implied. See Kruger, § 53, 2, 7, where the usual formula is given, that with .Set tovto yty.co-^ac we must understand dXk' o^ ytyvcrat, but with cSa a. tovto yLyv.crda, we must understand dXX ov 6u. This principle was first formulated, I believe, by G. Hermann.^ It covers nearly all the ordmary cases, and has generally been found to be a convenient working rule, though man^ passages show that it is not of universal application The following three classes of examples show the need of a more flexible ""TlVin the following cases the opposite of the leading verb is. implied far more than that of the infinitive, the action of the latter in the first case being emphatically affirmed :— Hdt i 39 (XP>> o-€ ttolUlv ra Troiccts), Dem. ix. 6, xxxui. 45/, and Eur. *Med. 490 (reading avjyvoxTrl^y r». These are quoted and discussed in § 422, 1. , , , % » v « »55» ^» (2) In concessive sentences introduced by xat ci, even if, ov6 €i, not even if, or ct, although, which conUiin unreal conditions, the action 1 See Hermann, de Partiada "A., i. 12. In discussing foPi^ Elec 1505 ^riy 5' .ms eXyac r^.8e roTs naa.v diKr,y, Hennann says : XP^J ^ "* J^*^ ^ortere indicat sine condicione : nee latest opponi. dXX ov xP^ . nam si Tortet! q-modo potest non oi>ortere ? At non omnia hunt, quae oportebat. Itaque quod opponere petes, aliud est : dXX ovk inn. W " opposite'* implied in a negative expression of this kind (^venwhen the negatioXlongs to^he leading verb) ^«- f^^ ^^J^^^.^^^^^^^ i\d€iv,he ought not to Imve gone, mipbes aXX ^X^cv. as idee tovtovs m irjy implies dXXA jfiffiv. v] CONSTRUCTION OF eBei, xp¥> ETC. WITH INFINITIVE 405 or negation of the apodosis must be distinctly affirmed (§412, 3). Here, therefore, the common formula cannot be applied. See Isoc. xviii. 19,^ and Isae. vi. 44, quoted in § 422, 2 ; and the following. Kat yap av€v tovt(ov (i.e. Kal ct fii] €lx€T€ tovtov^) e^ijv Toi ttoiUlv rauTtt, i.e. even if you had not all mankind with you, you could still do what you now do. Hdt. vii. 56. (Here ravTa ttolUlv is of course affirmed.) Et ya/) tJi' aTracrt irpo^Xa ra ficXXovra yevi](T€- ou5* ouTco? dTtoa-Tarkov rrj TroAct tovt(ov r]v, i.e. Athens rO (r(7at. ought not even then to Imve ivithdrawn from this policy, which she followed {dTToa-raTiov ^v = dTroa-Tijvat eScL). Dem. xviii. 199. See also Dem. xv. 28. Et yap pajSiv etxere twi' aXXiov Xoyta-acrOaL, /jltjS* ((f)* vfMov avTwv orot T€ tJtc Tavra crvvcLvaL, rjv iSelv Trapdh^iypa *OXvv6iov^ TovTova-L, for although you had no other cases to consider, and could not learn this lesson in your own experience, you might have seen an example in these Olynthians. Id. xxiii. 107. These examples are important as showing that there is nothing in an expression like c^>}i/ o-ot iroidv rovro, even in its idiomatic sense, which necessarily involves the denial of the action of Troidv. (3) In some concessive examples, in which the apodosis ought to be affirmed, we find the action of the infinitive denied. See Soph. 0. T. 255, Thuc. i. 38, Isoc. xii. 71, quoted in § 422, 2. These are important as showing that the real apodosis in these expressions with c5c6 etc. is not to be found in the infinitive alone. It is well known that the imperfects in question (without dv) can be used with the infinitive in two ways, — {a) alone, with no protasis expressed or implied except the condition which is contained in the expression itself, as in c8ct o-e iXdeiv, you ought to Imve gone ; and (6) as the apodosis of an unreal condition, as in ei ovtos (re cKeAei-o-ci/, eSct (r€ iXOelv, if Jie Imd commanded you, you should have gone. It will be noticed that all the examples quoted above under (1) and (2) are of the latter class, for in Hdt. vii. 56, dv^v tovtmv represents ci /ir) ctx^Tc TovTov^. If now we take the apodoses of these sentences apart from their protases, we shall find that no one of them can then have the meaning which it now has. For example, in Hdt. i. 39, XPI^ o-« ttolUlv Ttt TTotcct? would uot be Greek at all as a potential expression, for XP^^^ o-c ttolUlv would mean you ought to do (something wliich you do not do). In Dem. xxxiii. 37, ivrjv alTLdo-aarOat by itself would mean he mujht have clmrged me (but did not), Ovk i^yjv avru SiKa^ea-OaL (Isoc. xviii. 19) could mean only he could not maintain a suit as he does ; that is, it would mean nothing without a protasis. Oi* 7rpo(ry}K€V avTovs EvKTi'jfJLovos dvai. (IsAE. vi. 44) by itself would mean tliey ought not to belong to E.'h house as they do. Ovk aTrocrraTeoj/ yv (Dem. xviii. 199) alone would mean slie ought not to have withdrawn as she did. So yv ISilu TrapaSiiy/ia (Id. xxiii. 107) would mean you might Imve seen (but you did not see) an example. (Compare Dem. xxviii. 10, ryv SLaOijKiiv inftavLKarc, i^ 7y? yv elSivai Tyv dXyOciav, the will, from which we might know the truth.) When these potential expressions without dv stand alone, they m 406 APPENDIX tv ihvavs imply the opposite of the action or the negation of the infini- te fs^lat dJ% « toi^o xa^^., when this ex- pression is made the apo o-£ -iroiiuv in Hdt. i. 39, which by itself could mlmit only an uni4al object, follows d iVo 6&6vto, d^€ «A«.T.;o-«. /x., even ra TToiiM can be its object, and the whole can mean xf the dream had mid I ims to perish bri a tooth, you would do n-hat you now do if you dul what was riaht. The new chief protasis that has come in has changed the whole relation of the old implied protasis to the sentence as a whole. , , - c 4.1 ^ It is often difficult to express in English the exact force of these expressions, even when no external protcisis is addea, an.l the opposite of the infinitive (not that of the leading verb) is therefore implie roJs ttoAXoJs ^po^ c/x., it would hive been no woiider if tU imtss of the people had been somewhat unmindful of me (Westerman translates entschuldJxir yewesen wiire), would seem to reciuire r/i' av. But the strength of the apixlosis lies in the infinitive, and the mean- in- (fully developed) is, the nuiss of the people miyht hare been somewhat unmindful of me {.)yviof.6v^) 5' av irpo- Ovptas €771 Tov TToAcftov i'/Aa§ TTupeKaXovv, €1 /xr; r>)v elpyjvrjv tiopuyv al(r\pdv €(Top.€V7)v, I should not exhort you with all this zeal to war, did I not see, etc., the apodosis which is denied includes ovtw TrpoOvpu)^. A striking illustration of the modification of the infinitive in an apodosis of this kind by the force of the leading verb may be seen in the examples under (3). Here in concessive sentences, in which the apodosis must be affirmed, we find the action of the infinitives denied. This sliows that the infinitive alone is not the real apodosis. In Soph. 0. T. 255, the actual apodosis is you would not properly leave the guilt unpuiged (implying you do not properly leave it). In Thuc. i. 38, the apodosis is they would fairly Imve yielded (implying they did not yield, bid it was fair that they should). In Isoc. xii. 71, it is they would deservedly Jiave received, = ervxov av a^tws (implying that it was only undeservedly that they failed to receive the reward). The remarks that have been made above apply also to the concessive sentences in (2), in which nothing in the apodosis is denied. Here, too, the form with av might have been used by transferring the force of the expres- sion from the infinitive to the leading verb. It has been seen that cSct dv with the infinitive differs from eSct without dv in meaning as well as in the balance of emphasis. On the other hand, e^rfv dv differs from k^rjv only in the latter respect. See IsAE. X. 13, To> fx^v Trarpl avry^, €t TratScs dppeves prj iyivovTo, ovk dv €^ijv dv€v TavTt)> is implied in the sense that E. had a right to be lawless in office (" er durfte Trapavo/xw? a^xf '^^ ") because he was not honest. What is implie "i 32 and €xp> dv in 48, the former is more strictly logical. This use of €xp> dv is the counterxjart of that of XP^^ «^«^ ^^V^y ^"'^ Oavpaa-rov iji' in the passages quoted above (1), where the forms with dv might have been used. The Latin follows precisely the same principle as the Greek in the use of such imperfects as debebat, licebat ( = x/">, ef >», and deberet, liceret {= XPI^ »^ «f'i»' "0» with reference to present time. But when such expressions are past, the Latin uses Mnit or dehuerat in the sense of XP>, a"^^ debuisset for XPV^ "^'' ^"^^^ ^'^^^ ^^^® present infinitive; while the Greek keeps the imperfect in all cases. See Cic. Phil. ii. 99, Quem patris loco, si uUa in te pietas esset, colere debebas { = XPV^ ^^ 4>lX€iv), you ought to love {but you do not) ; and Cluent. 18, Cluentio ignoscere debebitis quod haec a me dici i)atiatur ; mihi ignoscere non delteres si tacerem ( = ov dv (tc tp.ol a-vyyiyvMO-Ktiv Xprjv ci €(riyii)v), it would not be right for you to pardon m£ if I were silent. In the former case the emphasis falls on colere ; in the latter on ncm deberes, which is in strong antithesis to debebitis. See also Cic. Verr. ii. 5, 50 : Qui ex foedere ipso navem vel usque ad Oceanum, si imperassemus, mittere debuerunt, ei, ne in freto ante sua tecta et domos uavigarent, . . . pretio abs te ius foederis et imperii condicioneni v] CONSTRUCTION OF eZet, XPV^^ ^''^^' ^^^^^^ INFINITIVE 411 redemerunt, they who were bound by the very terms of the treaty, if we had commanded it, to send a ship everi into the Ocean, etc. So far as any opposite is implied here, it is not that of mittere, but rather something like what is implied in the examples in (1), like they did not have to send. Mittere debuissent (cSct dv Trkpxj/at) would mean they would have been bound to send. In Latin, as in Greek and English, the peculiar force of the past tense of the indicative with the infinitive is purely idiomatia INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES. N.B. — The references are made to the Sections of the Book. I. II. III. puflff 1 ■VP*» III. 235 645 Agam. 1170 812 liioyjtxi PIIU9. 242 387 1188 608 64 635 248 887 1201 485, 868 73 287 1290 791 85 99 494 58 Aeschylus. 1394 1395 487 410 125 6691 Again. 1 26 1434 529, 552 127 537 15 811 1537 732 128 601 37 455 1584 7772 174 594 160 537 1640 296 192 433 161 901 1652 881 2 645 205 845 1662 787 61 659 221 791 Choep li. 172 241 145 6691 250 222 195 333 151 184, 6691 253 799 246 250 1 802 340 223 579 328 2 220, 425 478 600 594 242 7 178 546 608 683 447 21 332 583 881 930 419 22 711 584 745 Eunien. 36 608 50 903* 693 914 82 587 3 «0 648 600 272 211 540 64 304 620 241 228 236 71 689 2 652 840 234 454 82 837 672 919 242 29 88 36 675 136 297 181 90 689 2 727 834 427 608 96 594 846 339 448 617 110 499 847 834 573 328 114 113, 610 857 24 597 447 115 246, 426 879 419 618 540 120 711 923 827 661 540 123 427 931 296 691 811 142 853 935 227 737 803 145 689 2 941 790 799 608 147 494 944 403 800 259 152 113 1041 148 , 880 837 787 177 295 1049 487 895 608 189 853 1067 628 1030 328 196 467 1079 761 Pere, 115 367 202 677, , 680 1139 476 2 246 778 4U Pers. Prom. Sept. INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [AESCHYLUS 337 915 2 Sept. 712 859 Acharr 1.955 273 426 6131 720 373 1021 228 437 608 754 148, 1060 348 450 702 880 Av. 36 811 457 5871 790 373 54 253 503 889 1015 480 120 489 510 608 1037 860 131 273 714 7771 1048 628 180 242 730 608 1057 290 194 686 791 454 Siippl. 228 295 280 89 912 290 233 328 448 760 23 900 472 447 461 296 68 272, 277 474 447 700 633, 658 152 333, 732 499 155 769 71, 407 165 642 772 629 964 627 203 347, 353 924 447 1186 252 248 807 1187 89 292 311 241 447 Andocides. 1350 1390 103 472 332 260 I. 7 642 1494 275 375 617 21 428 1508 326 457 617 23 687 1598 513 470 677 43 324 , 628 1661 750 479 633 49 711 1679 99 616 236 62 136 Eccles. 151 333, 426 617 236 81 614 , 702 236 758 625 74 II. 12 427 297 275 627 747 IV. 20 607 350 778 697 617 355 47 705 712 326 784 Antiphon. 375 495 144, 887 324 747 333 I. 2 419 537 868 760 917 12 355 623 348 771 875 3 23 355 629 648 786 811 V. 1 425 719 331 824 328 8 212 794 679 834 482 19 525 795 264 905 681 21 686 952 273 907 681, 8751 37 38 1000 686 918 811 38 218 Equit. 80 348 979 94, 177, 66 580 112 370 455 78 31 453 273 999 903- 79 146 495 273 10n2 260 VI. 11 244 696 60 1041) 725 23 136 698 454 10.51 725 29 494 917 348 1068 9151 45 31 926 348 38 295 Tetr.A.a, 2 653 935 903* 76 118 /3,13 414 12.52 227 195 472 7. 1 897 1256 355 196 447 1295 210 199 295 AUISTOPHANES. Lysist . 384 324 250 70 450 923 253 7S5 Adi.trn. 26 339 511 162 257 :.io 133 108 704 295 281 295 312 68 917 686 429 127 343 282 1223 328 462 10 536 355 Nub. 5 227 , 483 656 ,.»0 662 295 63 36 662 410 816 785 116 178 , 505 D£MO!ST^£NE^ >] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 415 Nub. 124 902 Pac. 1199 150, 845 Eth. X. 3,4 97 125 29 1302 296 9,2 490 181 837 Pint. 146 799 Met. X. 5, 3 710 229 476 2 210 898 Pol. II. 9, 17 597 268 805 269 915 » III. 4,7 710 296 297, 298 603 290 300, 301 645 881 Callinus. 340 839 889 705 367 297, 301 933 895 Fragni. i . 13 470 370 848 1027 79 17 470 439 525 1102 837 489 273 1133 894 Cratinus. 493 369 Ran. 1 287 Frag in. 108 360 505 298 23 323 509 520 87, 837 722 68 259 791, 814 218 Demosth ENES. 525 814 298 298 I . 1 713 535 489 339 489 2 364, 565 614 259 377 273 4 800 680 246 462 298 10 109, 806 722 779 608 295 12 96 739 348 509 148 15 575, 749, 792 472 524 298 904 819 805 579 403 16 96 824 288 586 178, 444 17 923 904 472 627 273 20 519 1061 148 884 830 235, 236 . 22 675 1084 814 866 425 23 745, 790, 1130 211 871 251 798 1141 127 955 737 26 178, 265, 1151 656 959 245 505 1177 273 1022 244 II . 8 236, 681, 1192 331 1120 324 687 1250 531 1125 252 9 155, 533 1252 778 1281 648 10 155, 157, 1255 722 1378 251 171 1277 122 1446 562 11 565 1301 76 1449 509 12 89, 462 1342 596 1459 580 14 218, 228 1352 69, 298 Thesin. 34 778 18 160 1364 i 513 372 252 20 758, 790 1369 513 706 47 22 763 1383 472 870 260 23 494, 496 1384 9038 Vesp 109 190 24 494 1426 109 283 674 26 601, 745, 1433 478 397 297 790 1435 77 415 108 III . 1 607, 800 1436 104 835 787 3 800 1458 6I35 853 9151 4 904 1489 613 3 919 642 6 318 Pac. 71 6I32 1047 685 9 113 135 333 1386 354 10 259 137 222 12 628 232 783 Aristotle. 13 628 409 331 14 4/2 411 180 Eth. I. 5, 6 221 17 419 430 758 in. 2, 7 740 20 836 856 778 VI. 2, 6 109 21 119 1179 532 X. 1, 3 269 23 835 1182 30 2,4 265 25 109 416 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES III. 33 513 IX. 67 595 84 323 69 90, 532 36 561 70 216 IV. 1 410, 423, 71 478 510, 511, 75 295, 370 613 2 76 561, 722 2 136 X. 40 607 5 410, 413 XIV. 2 79 6 89, 532 14 853 11 16, 510 23 328 15 472 XV. 23 387 17 168 XVI. 4 184, 591 18 506, 911 5 185 20 283 12 172 21 529, 552 17 348 27 537 19 313 J 39 529, 552 28 357 40 915- XVIII. 1 879 41 659, 911 10 403 43 494 11 900 44 295 12 404 45 218 13 419 50 80, 444, 14 419, 528 689 ^ 16 419 51 156, 525, 21 500 633, 722 23 45, 431 V. 15 628 24 244 20 807 26 689-, 800 VI. 3 329- 27 317 8 579 28 419, 828 9 707 32 339 11 587 •■' 33 94, 96 13 96 34 472 20 119, 188, 40 601, 711 224, 479 42 59 22 119 43 247 25 339 45 536 29 220 46 ' 909 87 329 « 47 563 VIII. 1 419 48 613^ 11 799 49 472, 476 3, 81 711 717 85 592 53 762 88 275 60 56 89 784 63 139 56 795 69 35 65 634 71 35, 56 IX. 1 92, 705, 73 35, 56 779 79 410, 717 6 4221, 879 80 56 12 47 87 35 13 245 88 41 15 139, 141 89 182 23 187 95 830 29 885 101 245, 506 45 841 107 798 46 287 123 147 48 210, 598 124 289 54 369 , 677 141 509 63 795 145 696 XVIII. XIX. [DEMOSTHENES 148 690 151 779 160 494 169 669 2 172 428 174 711 176 447, 847 188 867 189 419 190 119, 509 191 419 194 227, 868 195 423, 510 199 422 2 200 247 201 96 204 236, 802 206 504 207 864 211 902 214 868 217 610 220 824 223 403, 503 224 245 225 220 228 472 244 536 247 825 257 590 258 214, 374 269 779, 799 276 867 283 594 288 734 303 27 305 312" 318 317 320 734 322 848 1 316 2 103 3 103, 113 5 864 6 109 9 705 14 178, 476 », 556 16 103, 113 21 122, 683 22 711 23 85 25 35 29 557 32 82 33 697 37 683 39 683 40 172, 687, 711 DEMOSTHENES] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 417 XIX. 41 689 » XIX. 317 696 xxiii. 107 422 2, 842 46 274 318 88 117 70, 279 47 768 320 292 167 811 48 »681, 683 324 576 170 118, 136 50 847 342 216 188 800 61 226 XX. 18 184, 778 205 811 66 806 96 637 XXIV. 7 707 58 247 127 839 9 807 71 770 129 236 35 502 72 691 135 812 44 336 73 623 143 236 46 476 » 74 137, 384, 155 664 64 107 683 167 339 69 814 76 830 158 756 106 3131 85 245 XXI. 24 763 143 894 88 289 33 421 145 323 91 245 84 90 146 312" 94 274 85 292 147 323 99 369 37 503 189 473 120 677 49 826 XXV. 11 374 122 669 2 64 525, 552 33 180 123 421, 819 66 6891 XXVI I. 1 6871 124 117, 417, 69 519 2 5871 683 104 45, 669 2, 3 519 129 140 689 2 16 904 130 119, 683 105 697 17 47 137 708 109 565 28 312° 148 119 119 122, 685 37 503 149 807 134 798 40 130 150 99 161 354 48 168 161 90, 691 170 187 49 1241, 670 152 594 205 384 52 447 156 226 209 787 56 207, 223, 159 428 211 259 683, 689 3 163 812 xxn. 2 669 2 57 244 172 506 11 323 58 419 177 142, 687 16 798 63 410 189 35 17 236 66 677 192 35 22 563 67 447, 519 195 755 59 669 2 XXVIII, 5 333, 856 201 914 64 289 10 419 202 914 xxiii. 7 172, 336, 14 842 218 606 779 20 727 221 745 9 799 21 168, 447, 223 110, 807 12 689 2 529, 552 225 182 22 750 XXIX. 6 113, 519, 229 96, 800 26 421 591, 904 240 287, 689 » 26 756 17 333, 798 250 339 88 421 25 774 253 711 48 528, 552 47 602 257 331 54 402 XXX. 5 113, 591 262 519 58 215, 918 6 692 269 744° 62 339 7 868 289 S76, 744° 64 899 10 103 298 328 68 590 14 412 299 348 69 462 19 672, 6893 305 119 74 462 20 116*, 173, 308 472, 594 75 462 w y 673 312 206 76 462 23 669 « 316 339 86 576 25 6891 2 E 418 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [DEMOSTHENES XXX. 33 65, 56, 627 XXXI. 14 653 XXXII. 14 143, 847 XXXIII. 25 421, 510, 511, 807 30 580 34 580 36 556 37 422 1 38 421 XXXV. 29 349 XXXVI. 39 707 XXXVII. 45 798 XXXVIII. 18 387 26 182 XL. 23 412 30 419 XLII. 12 136 XLiii. 42 312'^ XLV. 7 220 15 685 19 312^^ 35 245 69 419 83 607 XLVIII. 16 691 XLix. 35 205 , 683, 689 3 38 580 45 220 58 409, 506 L. 12 851 55 59 124' ,669 2 592 67 LI. 3 LIII. 1 18 24 25 LIV. 15 LV. 14 26 LVII. 1 3 14 16 44 65 LVIII. 13 Erot. 3 598, 689 3 419 599 103 528 528 606 653 680 906 214 669- 90, 529, 690 103, 455 144 818 607 DiNARCHUS. I. 10 12 102 333 711 711 II. 8 885 Cycl. 595 630 DiONYS. Halic 1 • Elect. 647 17 De Thuc. Idiom. 335 12,1 500 484 668 919 Euclid. 962 I. 9 106 967 lOGl Euripides. Hec. 112 132 Alcest. 11 807 244 48 220 342 52 241 423 113 241 611 125 414 712 128 633 730 139 669 1 802 182 227 836 315 264 863 360 414 1039 386 61 1042 536 732 1056 671 89 , 462 1099 755 94 , 462 1113 758 6131 1124 784 669^ 1138 801 778 1233 848 648 Helen. 107 954 889 174 1072 732 814 1168 910 1010 Androm. 60 376 1076 80 588 1085 85 , 236 Heracl. 167 254 478 248 333 256 270 626 365 461 755 354 481 757 297 731 929 242 791 1145 633 1051 1208 419 Here. F. 278 Bacch. 188 904 504 251 881 538 t 302 47 594 341 256 713 343 298 718 367 272 !, 277 746 510 326 1059 719 287 1235 1140 146 1399 1252 723 1417 1258 180 Hippol. 8 Cycl. 131 253 213 198 505 346 474 605 353 561 324 354 7, 272 272 609 74 828 197 365 136 256 68 732 519, 913 633 904 886 911 72 72 584, 587* 447 181, 723 407 295 287 287 287 432 72 365 447 598, 599 181 744 505 910 605 777 1 371 837 253 369 662, 732 376 136, 706 489 272 38 354 778 295 136 257 881 264 289 881 297 749 72 879 Herodotus] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 419 Hippol. 393 435 474 476 608 567 606 657 706 729 732 746 995 996 1066 1162 1186 1307 1327 1340 1410 Ion 80 374 671 758 760 1113 1560 Iph. A. 462 489 539 575 677 957 1005 1189 1240 1503 Iph. T. 19 27 67 321 385 439 467 688 995 1014 1051 1108 1203 1395 Med. 1 26 33 74 78 84 90 196 1243 904 879 880 478 257 298 410 879 915 2 181 136 384 915 2 68 777' 242 874 588 881 723 74 505 181 68 74 72 27 127 633 348 733 798 893 915 3 505 454 881 642 38 369 272 245 181 347 851 376 98 339 27 253 879 734 904 47 879 61, 627 883 47 915 « Med 287 346 352 381 461 490 568 586 593 664 712 737 894 931 941 1018 1151 1173 1249 1311 1320 Crest. 1 157 272 379 418 457 566 680 746 769 770 776 1060 1132 1147 1212 1218 1357 1581 1628 Phoen. 92 263 300 504 895 1357 1590 1624 115 294 668 3 620 603 621 796 1066 1084 Rhes. Suppl. 136 447 447 447 347 4221 443 421 9152 9152 885 875* 251 495 220 827 298, 300 633 448 918, 919 69 7771 447 447 602 537 875* 503 860 148, 264, 885 923 365 264 272 508 447 447 648 648 910 895 369 365 74 841 290 598, 599 296, 753 859 264 633 633 785 605 505 181 728 297 510, 511 Suppl. 1108 Troad. 477 730 874 890 970 973 982 5 103 294 417 424 442 443 1057 Fragm. 881 910 605 490, 771 494 688 696 264 447 758 402 525 155 333 859 156 Herodotus. I. 1 757 2 238, 448 5 895, 904 8 417, 863 9 27, 339, 371 11 257 18 634 15 829 18 650 20 348 22 118, 122, 136, 328 24 757, 903 « 27 47 28 48 30 118, 136 31 1241, 580, 6692 32 447, 642, 648, 784 33 680 34 36 37 39 41 44 60 61 63 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 778, 829 326 47, 706 4221 47 700, 713, 714, 887 875* 782 33, 171 616 36, 713 36 443 447, 680 653 48 9153 48, 329 1 420 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [herodotus I. 77 896 II. 109 162 IV. 180 164 78 651 110 818 186 887 79 915 • 115 616, 711 167 648, 698 82 890 119 907 167 778 83 6692 121 339, 693 184 608 84 896 125 782 196 653 85 27 126 350 V. 25 773 89 253, 762 135 608, 782 80 489 91 173, 350, 143 616 86 145 916 146 858 49 861 94 755 147 98 67 G77, 903* 98 616 150 532 79. 265 99 329 1 157 56 98 616 100 462 158 858 98 350 110 3291 162 127 101 811 115 616 172 755 105 785 116 1241, 6692 179 685 118 653 117 619 III. 1 904 VI. 9 818 120 410 12 600 11 685 122 895, 9152 26 907 18 47, 537, 125 915 « 31 620 762 127 654 36 339 23 855, 904 129 755 44 350 87 532 133 462 61 162 88 864 143 550 55 755 88 803 152 3291 65 885, 910 87 136 153 781 66 9153 45 651 158 616 75 121 » 49 700 163 608 82 817 ftO 896 165 365 , 659, 83 610, 879 58 489 685 84 347 7ft 616 171 532 85 347 78 634 172 778 99 830 88 648 187 619 , 817 105 593, 594, 85 280 189 594 755 104 855 190 862 108 755 106 818 199 295 115 706 108 661 202 616 116 706 110 634 209 812 , 814 119 164 115 887 210 803 130 608 116 660 216 540 131 860 136 8^3 II. 1 919 134 9152 VII. 5 722 2 651 138 758 8 651 8 782 139 36 9 494 , 896 10 782 140 9152 10 651 , 896 13 163 , 532 142 274 12 916 « 1ft 782 146 608 16 537 , 903« S4 782 148 162 18 678 85 782 159 347 24 782 88 782 IV. 46 540 46 675 80 753 50 778 53 295 48 710 66 540 64 57^ ., 881 44 653 78 164 56 422 « 49 706 81 782 60 619 50 710 87 782 62 152 64 755 97 236 103 354 66 854 99 782 106 152 85 540 118 148, 290, 118 601 91 7771 421 120 903 » 93 322 119 618 137 914 Iliad] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 421 VII. 189 903 « IX. 102 355 I. 163 638 141 617 166 468 145 153 489 610 Hesiod. 174 178 196, 356 402 154 773 Oper. 11 39 184 285 158 896 42 47 188 677 161 347 43 689 193 619 162 894 174 734 205 285 164 780 485 506 207 487 168 921 665 505 218 161, 533 170 803 692 501 221 52 172 9152 738 640 231 713 173 914 Theog. 222 640 232 472 175 653 723 240 242 529 176 3291 725 240 244 713 180 443 Scut. 18 644 255 455 210 837 40 626 258 767 213 677 Fragm. 171 788 262 6, 284 214 443 271 442 220 229 98 755 Homer. 301 302 875 » 474 235 365 Iliad. 313 747 239 634 I. 8 775 322 250 VIII. 4 617 11 713 324 201, 285, 6 489 13 840 452 7 3291 , 653 18 722 327 452 83 512 20 784 338 770 87 593 22 748 341 453 85 52 25-28 132 344 322 44 829 26 257 , 272 353 424 68 896 27 883 363 259 87 145 ,146. 28 263 407 487 889 32 326 415 734 93 637, 653 56 713 420 487 100 807 60 460 465 57 116 780 61 407 466 57 136 443 64 6691 493 519 144 627, 864 66 487 498 883 IX. 12 807 76 136 509 615 14 489 81 468 512 518 519 16 673 82 620 621 683 22 3291, 634 83 6691 522 307, 310 28 915 « 88 847 317 37 593 97 626, 657 523 345 45 879 107 763 524 317, 474 46 900 116 4761 537 7 671 48 785 117 747 554 638 51 3291, 830 118 317 555 93 67 858 120 709 558 359 58 879 128 444 564 402 61 52, 593 132 713 565 263 70 660 135 447, 482 580 482 71 443, 915s 186 344 582 784 73 593 137 201, 447, 586 860 79 792 512 587 884 86 653 139 196 589 763 87 653 160 289 601 829 91 896 161 775 II. 3 342 101 145, 146, 169 840 8 251 890 161 136, 683 10 784 422 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [iLIAD II. 86 76 III. 288 450 43 67 291 612, 613» 45 67 316 677 71 895 861 785 72 487 353 748 80 435°. 438 | 366 127 83 487 392 442 87 29 393 683 97 488 407 725 106 57 428 737 107 57, 770 450 488 108 770 459 668 119 763 IV. 14 677 127 770 17 13 139 89, 529 18 234, 725 147 544 19 13, 725 167 150, 895 88 488 183 772 114 657 188 532 141 647 195 261 164 671 198 532 176 196 214 775 178 379°, 723 236 256 189 723 250 237 191 568 252 344 200 884 259 722, 723 223 442 290 748 234 259 299 669^ 238 529 302 895 247 491, 880 381 251, 616 262 468 348 657 313 739 349 6691 321 402 854 657 334 553, 698 862 312^ 851 683 364 444 404 259, 9152 878 879 410 260 881 817 413 881 418 657, 785 418 256 485 256, 259 421 244 440 327 429 442 488 499 482 549 697 460, 6892 V. 22 247 665 895 85 185, 442 687 241 119 837, 893 780 485 127 318 794 698 129 379° III. 28 548, 585 161 545 25 468 183 669 » 28 127 192 570 33 548 224 450 72 13 228 107 109 538 232 450 110 342 258 453 173 737 273 461 192 251 279 487 220 442 287 651 228 442 298 365 255 13 301 696 281 444, 784 302 240 287 568 303 442 V. VI. VII. 311 440 331 709 850 447 373 869 374 475 388 440 407 538 411 352 433 709, 674 466 219 487 259 597 544 639 119 679 435 684 259 696 62 715 407 49 460 98 487 128 403, 503 146 564 164 726 176 700 191 687 229 772 268 615 281 148, 487, 728 284 148 285 442 809 487 329 631 340 257 848 628, 656 860 734 861 628 861 345 481 262 444 915 » 448 071 469 6, 284 460 767 462 284 463 760 606 644 621 531 . 7 900 28 466 39 487 48 240 78 784 132 789 157 789 179 786 197 284 238 915 « 242 487 273 485 808 67 805 57 iliad] IKDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 423 ni. 340 322 X. 19 488 375 488 39 263, 306, 387 488 365 394 487, 488 55 487 401 6691 62 7 414 553 98 93 [II. 32 709 100 366, 492 36 317 111 723 111 6691 117 424 125 860 183 545 130 435 222 499 143 234 225 468 196 461 246 240 251 709 279 888 282 487 821 136 338 544 329 686 366 435 437 769 373 571 485 545 452 626 488 615 638 739 636 739 IX. 39 365 537 93, 94 42 589 538 93, 307 112 342 656 240 121 284 XI. 20 773 141 460 21 710 165 568 22 671 167 196 67 546 171 487 116 468 179 842 269 544 191 553 341 6131 251 344 386 286, 499 283 460 391 468 304 542 404 290 312 532, 534 415 29 318 501 439 671 320 155 442 903 5 323 545 467 485 362 505 470 262 388 499 492 .')48 897 529 504 435 403 657 670 739 413 61 791 487, 725 415 61 792 491 481 485 797 487 488 646 799 487 600 532 XII. 25 329 1, 848 506 887 68 442 509 161 122 488 519 25 167 546 525 642 223 453 587 636 238 468 608 683 243 745 648 475, 869 245 453, 512 655 859 302 468 682 136, 829 333 488, 568 684 209, 683 390 837. 893 698 734 407 136 702 629 436 636 704 89 XIII. 37 880 X. 5 544 38 148 XIII, XIV. XV. XVI. 127 225 172 621, 626 234 539 236 487 292 256 317 554 321 177 329 615 343 531 368 136 377 505 389 158, 548 492 485 667 98 674 674 741 6891 743 487 807 488 825 739 826 739 77 616 78 487 81 538 84 734 108 900 125 4761 133 161 163 488 190 240 247 531 261 365 267 196 521 769 16 491 18 519, 913 31 491 36 686 45 240 70 616 162 385 164 263, 342, 352, 354 170 544 179 136 195 860 197 240 213 461 223 27 227 664 232 615 297 487 323 546 349 284 403 491 588 626 697 442 701 136 39 487 41 487 59 869 424 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES XTi. 83 539 84 312 \\ 326, 487 99 181 128 261, 307 191 869 192 475 227 551 242 324 263 468 296 547 822 144, 626, 660, 887 559 723 638 244 724 487 860 491, 492 | XVII. 1 887 2 144 38 505 70 440 77 155 89 144 121 487 245 487 272 811 338 683 366 442 377 884 402 687 427 884 475 476^ 501 784 623 709 626 709 652 487 654 669 1 692 487 XVIII. 8 261, 307 9 683, 753 86 734 88 322 134 260 135 639 190 639, 644 192 476 1 199 487 211 487 259 881 321 488 333 29 457 487 464 531 524 553 600 487 XIX. 59 734 279 895 812 624, 626 821 13, 240 330 329 1 XIX. 384 423 XX. 26 100 129 172 226 228 257 265 285 301 435 464 466 490 XXI. 100 111 137 224 293 327 405 459 475 517 522 556 563 576 580 XXII. 488 624, 626 447 499 626 ' 385 487 532 532 626 671 240 324 491 488 671 548 624 571 342 879 487 86 773 342 257 352 547 505 261 468 624, 639, 644 5 10 17 86 108 . 122 149 150 191 253 266 304 317 331 348 358 381 389 392 410 419 438 445 481 505 XXIII. 7 40 69 748 671 626 453 236 261 869 475 468 234 651 722 29 683 241, 570 352 256 512 256 485 487 674 671 737 285 256 488 830 XXIII. 71 82 274 430 490 526 546 629 658 656 792 805 893 XXIV. 74 113 116 183 220 222 227 239 253 264 801 827 828 857 477 489 543 551 563 569 582 584 653 667 751 768 781 [ILIAD 257, 310 487 438 871 435 399, 437 424 789 57 57 476* 144, 887 499 181 683, 753 487 613» 435" 488 542 719 784 180 487 869 475 487 144, 887 772 119 284, 624 709 263 317 263 286 476 » 163 401, 468 . 639 Odyssey. 40 529 47 177, 239, 531, 726 56 324 76 342 98 487 . 115 488 186 770 167 468 187 482 204 453 205 342 217 528 281 719 232 428 236 440, 719 279 487 odyssey] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 425 I. 281 487 IV. 401 29 287 605 468 345 295 342 475 641 360 52 487 6691 379 487 505 884 382 713 526 887 390 472 544 244 392 745 545 342 414 501 600 542 I. 81 286 664 683 43 286 668 626 53 329 ^ 692 286 54 542 712 6691 59 772 733 225 60 760 735 181, 725 77 613* 746 641 111 317 747 657 144 487 799 614 158 767 831 474 184 438 V. 2 317 186 487 28 342 216 487 57 615 218 605 78 442 220 505 123 6131 222 284 143 326 274 385 216 710 312 664 221 453 332 491, 492 240 700 340 488 300 308 , 369 351 488 328 544 360 487 356 261 373 641 368 545 I. 17 310 385 614, 698 19 356, 359 394 544 55 259 415 261 83 487 417 487, 488 92 487 439 488 124 442 465 290 129 342 467 261, 262 166 671, 674 473 262, 365 205 723, 760 484 501 217 730 VI. 57 180 223 455 79 614 231 240 112 342 284 317 188 538 327 357 189 539 359 327 255 317 i. 34 487 286 554 97 734 VII. 36 475 166 670 51 501 171 429 192 342, 352 178 435°, 637 204 468 193 234 280 6131 195 582 293 442 222 542 309 760 317 488 311 786 822 487 VI i I. 20 3291 835 644 95 884 363 435 138 256 388 499 138 601 VIII. IX. XI. XII. 147 632 181 119 251 326 299 709 312 734 344 356 352 460 366 766 451 891 490 869 516 119 523 545 546 538 579 318 136 311 228 488 241 442 267 488 304 245 314 485 317 488 355 568 375 614 376 698 391 544 418 488 420 342, 488 423 869 475 76 497 884 554 342 99 884 147 488 174 639, 657 269 236 295 869 297 784 322 869 416 485 420 488 538 568 72 784 104 605 110 505 159 468 313 136 418 247 441 784 479 342, 488 489 631 548 737 628 488 16 146 96 468 102 236 112 491 137 605 156 325'^ 215 487 220 887 426 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [ODYSSKY XII. 295 709 325 476 1 334 488 345 460 348 453 382 385, 447 383 284 437 615 XIII. 86 442 182 487 209 39 214 538 215 257 309 710 322 636 335 639 340 671 365 342 376 344 383 428 386 342 401 329 > 415 6692 XIV. 56 501 68 737 118 487 119 491 122 240 156 534 181 317 253 475 254 869 312 317 333 570 373 468 407 181 440 723 460 488 468 739 496 488, 772 503 739 XV. 12 261 19 261 263 259 310 312 \ 568 312 487 335 881 431 180 457 775 458 568 509 7,287 536 730 537 3291 545 728 XVI. 21 871 24 37 73 677 87 180, 261 98 468 IIG 468 XV r. XVII. XVIII. XIX. 131 669 1 XIX. 518 544 168 259 524 677 218 656 589 460 221 435 XX. 28 344 255 261 38 344 297 329 1 52 788 381 261 79 181 437 284 121 127 7 639, 657 138 532 10 327 224 488 20 589, 760 331 433 24 261 333 709 51 487 335 639 60 487 342 539 75 312^ XXI. 114 605 120 669'-^ 161 642 126 544 194 287 164 329 1 195 760 223 461 201 726 250 322 293 532 278 784 XXII. 35 719 322 532 76 487 330 150 91 488 345 843 139 257 354 785 166 677 362 358 213 261 366 485 252 487 368 669 2 262 99 383 476 » 287 784 475 403 302 646 496 730 381 488, 490 539 196, 499 414 632 549 444, 687, 468 644 904 XXIII. 1 910 556 687 29 687 593 29 42 636 595 352 91 488 . 79 ' 739 125 236 106 784 134 329 1 132 539 150 6^4 134 538 309 656 142 531 XXIV. 51 435 176 884 83 329 1 202 181 162 880 261 244 182 674 265 487 216 487 272 519 237 671 318 450 248 260 368 181 254 664 379 884 333 329 1 402 626 376 786 :. 20 311 404 687 39 475, 869 491 13, 366, 81 259 492 94 671 531 329 1 310 329 » 367 614 Homeric Hymns. 403 568 463 881 Ap. Del. 1 284 510 554 49 636 LYSIAS] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 427 Ap. Pyth. 8 476 III. 32 590 VIII. 139 826 148 842 IV. 14 105 IX. 5 333 178 632 16 647 56 139, 847 Cer. 96 636 19 637 X. 47 819 196 636 21 607 49 867 202 636 28 798 XI. 47 455 334 644 38 109 49 576 Merc. 521 685 42 587 » XII. 20 695 625 685 43 587 1 44 835 Yen. 151 626 44 572 71 422 2 214 671 45 48 590 710 91 103 634 601 Hyperides. 53 867 144 595 64 607 170 879 Epitaph. § 2 796 73 259 255 594 Euxeu. XX. 10 (§ 4] 1 648 74 109 XIII. 11 245 83 245 19 419 ISAEFS- 86 868, 887 XIV. 18 642 87 660 38 365 I. 26 25 95 96 57 146 11. 7 899 96 148 XV. 6 292 10 130, 134, 103 146 7 687, 688 574 113 575 17 496 82 781 142 472 24 799 III. 28 421 144 779 115 763 89 694 148 868 122 807 51 695 154 7771 130 447 IV. 18 421 157 490 270 781 V. 12 854 165 613 3 XVI. 5 644 21 627 175 864 XVII. 11 605, 827 VI. 2 387 179 867 15 614, 702 85 130 185 575 16 695, 915 » 44 422* 189 576 22 131 49 904 V. 8 292 29 421 Vll. 30 348 23 669 2 XVllI. 19 422*-' IX. 16 607 31 601 21 422 1 17 697 56 410 51 333 X. 1 425, 590 66 576 XIX. 20 496 13 423 70 627 22 377 XI. 6 335 93 259 XX. 14 630 22 136 110 761 XXI. 11 412 24 189 133 687, 688 18 130 27 594 VI. 1 840 Fragni. 4 22 425 425 26 51 627 588 Lycurgus. 60 377 Leoc. 3 246 , 598 IsOCRATES. 84 604 50 907 87 410 60 136 I. 2 50 107 447 61 96 19 800 1C8 885 91 795 88 89 VII. 26 7771 99 98 48 792 37 770 100 791 44 386 39 758 135 628 II. 8 46 VIII. 9 867 8 15 455 744 18 20 444 89, 444 Lysias. 16 339 44 779 I. 26 711 37 339 89 779 29 355 III. 2 328 107 597 84 45 16 576 , 888 126 631 40 333 428 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [LY8IA8 I. 42 333 Menander. Pyth. IV. 43 621 II. III. V 22 42 7 2 689 !» 758 634 591 Fragm. 294 598 Monost. 45 156 46 66 118 145 V. 65 120 240 467 541 181 VII. 11 19 24 685 753 428 387 397 422 798 70 824 VII. 20 VIII. 13 15 209 501 155 37 431 IX. 54 402 X. 15 25 594 682 MiMNERMUS. 113 126 627 129 XII. 14 32,116 2, 689 2 I. 2 177, 558, 722 Nem. IV. 3 28 436 632 15 6892 II. 9 541 VII. 17 155 22 246 III. 1 541 VIII. 19 627 27 146 35 181 31 419 New Testament. 1 IX. 44 540 32 423 Isthm. II. 33 501 37 613=* Matth. VI. 23 446 IV. (V.) 14 500 48 423 VII. 12 288 60 430 XXII. 1 150 Plato. 68 151 XXVI. 24 433 70 689 2 Mark vi. 25 288 Alcih . I. 115 B 851 74 690 XI. 13 487" II. 143 D 594 76 695 Luke IX. 40 357 Apol. 17 C 260 90 916 XVIII. 41 288 D 412 ,510. XIII. 15 127, 697 XXIII. 35 446 I 511 , 628, 25 614 John XIII. 34 357 552 45 689 2 XVIII. 39 288 18C ' 244 ,477 47 127 Acts I. 24 150 20 A 76 51 368 X. 33 150 B 696 62 384 XVII. 27 487*^ 21 A 669 2 76 384 Cor. II. V. 17 446 B 73, 669 2, 78 462 908 85 431 Philemon. C 6692 94 605 D 525 XV. 8 504 Fragm. 120 , 156 22 B 162 ,903 I XVIII. 16 594 213 818 C 834 XIX. 28 628 D 908 31 51 707 101 PiNDAK. 24 C 25 B 384 551 ,403, . 65 630 Olymp. I. 64 467 603 61 519 108 208 , 209 26 C 331 XX. 36 419 III. 11 540 D 694 XXI. 18 594 VI. 11 469 27 D 685 XXII. 4 647 49 700 28 C 800 12 613 = VII. 1 485 E 50£ I, 770 22 535 VIII. 10 540 29 A 790 XXV. 26 613 » IX. 67 632 C 19/ ', 610, 27 901 X. 21 240 790, 814, XXVII. 8 206 X. (XI.) 31 317 883 9 206, 371 XIII. 65 632 30 B 216 XXIX. 12 121 1 105 499 D 150 13 70 XIV. 20 . 317 32 B 887 XXX. 32 387 Pyth. I. 67 785 D 410 XXXI. 2 799 72 346, 359 33 C 881 34 861 81 500 35 A 867 XXXII. 23 421, 528 99 790 36 B 839 27 590 100 541 C 130, 644 III. 110 209 37 A 685 PLATO] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 429 Apol. 37 B C 39 A 40 B 41 B 42 A Charm. 153 A 156 A 157 B 163 A 164 B 171 E CratyL 192 C 385 B 391 A 396 C E 399 D 401 D 402 A 425 B 430 D 436 B 439 C Critias 108 C 121 H Crito 43 B C 44 B D 45 B 46 A 47 D 48 C D 49 A B C 60 A B 51 B E 52 B C D 53 D Euthyd. 272 C 275 E 276 E 278 D 283 E 290 A 295 C D 296 A E D 299 A 302 A 113, 685 565 265, 587 3 858 901 749 862 687, 904 283 369 563 528 7771 251 208 613 2 781 7772 105 236 265, 669 1 280 265, 375 918 156 904 318 811 421, 479 734 186,903 3 109 40 265, 479 265 923 147, 887 92, 339 687 711 840, 925 136 550 136, 421 136 208 264 887 689 \ 858 6892 105 839 236 658 306 283 706 722 839 531. 552 Euthyd. 302 304 305 Euthyph. 3 4 8 12 13 14 15 Gorgias 447 450 457 461 462 473 474 476 479 B E D C D B E C D D A C D 131, D D E 373, E D E 265, A B D A 227, C 96, 587 \ 481 A 348, 482 A 483 C 484 D 486 B 487 D 790, 144, 489 C 495 D 499 C 500 C 502 B .503 A 506 B C 510 D 512 D 267, 514 A 515 B 516 E 580 290 419 594 807 778 370 897 414 219 219 410 173 414 7771 798 856 669' 309 753 718 790 377, 868 582, 606 444 879 804 835 186 339, 753 26 274 780 830 902 339 613- Laches 292, Leges 410, 517 B 522 E 523 E 525 C D Hipp. Maj. 301 A 535 E 536 B 178 B 190 E 194 A 196 C Ion Laches 77 837 269 423 339 412, 476 3 781 373 858 884 883 103 898 572 857 795 494 369 Ijysis 201c 624 A 667 D 677 E 678 D 692 D 699 B 712 E 736 B 737 B 759 E 799 D 800 E 806 A 857 C 861 E 869 C 887 C 891 A 902 D 917 E 959 B 968 C 207 E 212 B D 214 E 215 B 218 D Menex. 237 C 239 B 240 D 241 B 242 B 245 A Meno 71 A 72 B C 74 B 77 A 79 D 81 A D 84 C 86 D 89 B C E 91 D 92 C 94 E 95 E Parmen.l63D Phaedo 58 A E 59 D E 60 A 781 7771 7771 146 644 596 915 « 195 108 540 750 643 253, 291 594 7772 264 9032 292 814 851 190 335 645 349, 351 827 818 531 525, 531, 818 369 890 763 443 664 27 619 609 414 195 510 278 519, 913 778 881 637 637 173, 336 269 619 494 .531 265 918 268 24 680 95, 532, 613 5 834 711 430 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [pLATO Phaedo 60 C 62 E 63 A 64 C 66 E 67 A 68 B 70 A D 71 C 72 C D 150, 749, 73 A 84 E 90 D 91 C 370, D 366, 94 C 95 D E 97 A 98 D 100 B 29, 101 D 613*, 102 D 103 D 106 D 108 D 114 B D 117 C D E 798, 845 881 838 268 923 650 455 365 669' 799 177 814, 815 410 369 763 478 492 685 675 287 387 793 895 702 838 30 292 807 Phileb. 118 Phaedr. 227 C D 228 A E 229 A 230 A B 232 B E 242 A 251 B 254 B 257 C 258 E 263 E 265 B 266 A 269 D 274 A 276 A 279 C Phileb. 12 D 13 A 15 D 296, 287, Politic. 47, 645 901 811 807 807, 811 834 723 602 402 770 772 39 778 159 654 642 807 136 365 777 » 287 244 634 588 602 758 722 268 367 289 16 B 21 B 22 E 39 C 42 C 47 D 48 D 63 A 64 B 264 A 272 D 281 D 282 B 295 A Protag. Repub. 236 669 1 910 830 890 146 295 89 236 749 778 650 7772 588 Repub. 300 C 302 B F 310 B 310 A D 311 B, D 312 A E 253, 291 781 763 763 897 62 723 414 414 269 313 C 277,283 314 A B C 315 E 316 C 317 A B D 320 A 323 D 328 B 92 588 854 496 127 781 7771 62 627 912 155 329 B 409, 506 332 D 333 C 335 C D 336 D 338 C 339 C E 351 C 352 D 353 D 327 C 328 C 329 A 330 A D E 331 C 332 A 333 E 336 D £ 89 719 30, 333, 717,719 30, 717 685 588 861 7772 476* 817 839 490, 918 423, 891 864 681 365 874 95 555 903 « 274 780 337 A B E 339 A 340 B 341 B 346 E 349 C 352 E 354 B 358 B C D 359 D 360 B C 365 D 367 B 368 B 369 B 370 D 372 E 374 D 375 C 376 A C 379 B 389 D 393 D E 397 D 398 A 402 B D 405 C 408 B C 412 A B D 414A C 415 B C E 416 A C E 427 E 428 A 430 A E 432 B C 433 A 690 274, 287. 293 355 355 700 295 685 347 226 811 489 875 1 837, 900 755 575, 579 31, 226 609 887 365, 816 902 180 287 247 144, 887 89, 91 67 556 883 875* 132, 263, 306 68 226 644 890 550 887 402 73 65 531 777 > 215 355 98 31, 579, 759 584 579 837 136, 815, 816 528 119, 130, 188 778 778 489, 734 121 « 8IM0NID£S] INDEX TO TUE EXAMPLES 431 Repub. 433 B 588, 830 Repub. 553 E 105 Symp. 194 D 572 E 348 554 B 287, 293 198 A 189 434 A 489 556 B 758 B 829 437 A 918 557 B 531 199 A 328 439 B 226 E 7771 D 414 E 673 559 A 690 202 B 836 440 B 884 561 C 921 D 220 441 D 40 E 105 208 D 841 449 A 895 562 C 895 210 B 817 C 8751 563 B 9151 212 c 478 450 A 697 564 C 339 E 287 D 431 567 A 328 213 D 354 451 A 367 568 B 8751 214 E 894 D 174. 6691 572 E 685 215 A 780 457 C 257 573 C 118 , 136 218 C 817 468 D 799 577 C 7771 220 D 618 E 799 578 D 804 221 A 887 473 A 784 E 573 Theaet. 142 A 496 D 444. 445 579 D 195 D 6892 474 A 836, 837 580 B 287 143 E 172 D 419 581 D 476* 144 B 46 475 B 881 590 E 804 145 B 369 477 A 228 695 B 7772 149 C 764 478 D 22, 143 C 921 155 A 531 , 552, 485 C 780 698 C 690 685 487 E 236 603 C 268 C 97 488 C 348 604 C 852 158 B 919 489 B 410 607 C 105 163 D 6691 490 A 676 610 B 256 165 D 637 B 31, 1^>9 613 C 879 169 B 648 C 159, 7.^.5 614 A 103 174A 189 492 A 887 B 755 180 C 8753 C 837 615 B 88 183 C 552 E 295 D 197 , 208 E 365 493 D 884 617 C 834 186 C 527 495 B 887 618 C 489 190 E 897 E 768 620 D 412 , 472 192 C 489 496 E 22 Sisyph. 387 C 268 202 A 421 499 B 296 Soi)hist 219 E 814 209 E 96 ,745, 501 B 613^ 226 C 489 790 502 A 105 237 D 912 Theag. 123 B 414 506 D 278 239 B 256 Timaeus 18 C 130 E 781 242 A 807 20 c 808 508 C, D 563 247 C 791 25 E 7771 509 C 513 E 195 26 B 220 515 D 185 251 E 62 56 C 609 E 226 643 Symp. 173 B 763 57 B 648 516A 690 174A 136 78 C 31 518 A 690 C 883 79 C 31 519 A 607 D 755 90 E 761 D 7771 175 C 119 521 A 852 D 5371 Sappho. 522 A 40 E 238 545 D 65 185 E 894 Fragm. 101 778 549 B 531 186 B 879 118, 1 454 E 355 C 771 1 552 A 40 188 A 155 SiMONIDES. E 293 193 B 264 553 A 148 , 884 E 172 V, 8 861 D 490 194 C 265 10 815 132 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [siMONlDES V. 20 540 Ajax 1325 587 1 Antig. 710 471 LVIII. 5 540 1334 260 722 478 LXXXV. 7 540 1335 5871 754 837 10 540 1419 628 755 414 Antig. 9 887 759 837 19 317 839 875* Simon. Amorg • 22 47, 811 887 471 I. 12 647 32 47 944 903 2 VII. 16 470 41 362, 669 1 1032 501 69 470 44 8752 1063 916 97 470 61 6691 1089 915 » 69 223 1092 915* Solon. 76 403 1106 791 79 795 1114 92 IV. 30 470 91 529 1168 254 XII. 1 470 93 447 1173 101, 749 XIII. 9 540 96 5871 1253 369 29 470 98 403 1255 472 55 540 178 534 1339 237 75 541 185 472 Elect. 40 328 XXVII. 3 540 215 281 ,347 42 295 223 706 47 710 229 447 56 322 Sophocles. 235 794 81 287 Aiax 20 26 236 212 126 726 21 47 240 239 , 472 234 475 , 873 89 719 242 916 293 904 ,914 45 412 264 794 332 912 75 299 270 677 333 223 88 245 276 705 352 718 119 245 278 369 879 565 122 859 292 608 410 778 136 881 324 447 424 33 281 917 873 561 465 447 326 916 390 197 , 208 467 791 389 219 415 617 554 505 403 289 443 812 556 41C 1, 412 410 787 444 237 616 9152 455 8753 455 827 628 190 496 454 472 9152 637 237 506 881 , 903* 473 915* 676 910 536 60 476 148 696 656 550 722 478 169 697 827 555 620 484 407 699 47 556 360 532 837 701 47 560 295 534 251 744 144 567 355 635 794 763 617 659 565 544 811 780 598 666 915'' 547 899 796 708 674 155 552 236 834 447 715 713 580 532 943 880 742 644. 648 605 242 963 136, 706 965 648 619 648 992 410 986 317 646 236 1004 447 1077 228 652 236 1021 734 1082 159 653 475, 873 1029 295 1131 384 666 234 », 555 1030 795 1183 620 678 923 1052 295 1217 181 685 686, 706 1079 795 1264 723 696 580 1131 659 sophoclkr] ] Elect. 1134 333 1172 602 1176 146 1204 601 1205 317 1281 245 1309 371 1331 410 1370 919 1402 339 1426 371 1439 180 1450 238 1478 710 1482 211 1505 419 Oed. Col. 11 322 12 772 16 778 36 627 47 795 49 811 52 519 77 620 82 601 83 8751 84 713 119 146 125 247 146 247 170 289 174 257 176 295 271 602 310 287 342 419 369 818 395 540 405 325° 414 889 442 791 450 295 473 253 509 471 565 807 575 328 628 447 630 916 656 688 667 807 731 259 761 214 797 688 816 81 817 47 848 295 909 642 951 410 956 69 964 244 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES Oed. Col. 969 974 1023 1040 1121 1180 1210 1350 1352 1442 1528 1579 1588 1645 1680 1713 1724 1769 Oed. Tyr. 9 12 71 82 83 84 90 129 198 216 220 221 255 283 289 296 316 346 363 364 374 390 395 505 523 543 548 580 591 625 637 650 662 690 701 736 747 775 796 817 2 F 503, 588, 718 503 295 90 688 354 911 588 575 454 227 910 875 2 148, 884 580 733 324 489 761 818 317 778 247 608 830 807 471 505 412, 818 511 422- 811 841 901 901 550 837 317 211 718 687 643 244 253 706 830 219 919 299 287 718 915 2 47 654 92 633 574 580 Oed. Tyr. 834 839 843 846 851 863 874 918 956 966 1003 1005 1061 1065 1068 1074 1146 1157 1217 1220 1231 1232 1245 1260 1293 1325 1335 1356 1368 1387 1391 1412 1416 1437 1511 1518 Philoct. 22 30 54 75 79 100 103 178 232 253 255 281 300 324 337 349 357 371 381 415 418 426 723, 433 90, 6133 103, 883 447, 448 447 499 901 471 713 916 875=^ 62 317 899 815 723 370 81 734 732 7771 540 811 700 875 2 764 r. 1 333, 87o 580 900 899 812 333 665 795 565 410 272 669' 146 360 51, 447, 601 688 803 295 580 710 916 580 573 258 181 376 809 118 893 295 916 419 245 ) 434 INDEX TO TliE EXAMPLES Philoct. 443 249 1 Li-achin 444 889 519 354 526 256, 403 J 539 256 551 644 567 916 572 244 594 136 600 48 611 296 615 886 617 675 620 791 623 136 656 588 674 237, 829 Fragni 761 287 764 620 812 719 825 326 917 90, 648 941 136 961 643 969 734 r 978 39 994 923 1068 324 1233 72 1239 245, 246 1241 791 1253 791 1259 505 1329 915 2 1342 444 1363 419 1362 47 1394 113 Trachin. 2 629, 650 24 365 37 47 148 620 196 829 197 629 226 809 401 669 ^ 545 791 550 367 575 606 587 478 590 608 604 339, 355 608 648 618 348 631 368 632 627 655 643 669 211 687 614, 702 706 904 800 801 896 903 934 944 946 953 973 978 1109 1125 1129 1183 1233 . 280 450 687 565 257 412 573 710 467 648 181 290 297, 298 181 608 365 299 101 713 260 Thkocuitus. I. 444 rHUCYDI DBS. 1. 1 858 2 140, 759, 864, 876 3 119, 848 4 798 5 669^ 9 238, 410, 412 10 143, 472, 847 11 , 564 12 141, 143 16 749, 807 17 476* 21 532, 781, 904 22 530 28 96 24 96 25 124 3, 677 27 113 28 478 29 587% 591 31 318 32 904 35 525, 707 36 829 37 421 38 4222 39 627 43 915^ 45 695 51 635 57 339 I. [hophocles 58 489, 689', 704 59 883 61 904 62 807 68 677 65 313 \ 318 68 47, 627 69 653, 687, 800 70 90, 144, 155, 171, 466 71 105 72 57 73 214, 807 74 849 76 215, 223, 687, 688, 807 77 881 79 57 83 519 86 885, 923 87 798 88 923 90 128, 190, 6133, 614, 669 « 91 33, 6692, 695, 704, 755 93 695 95 695 99 532 101 151 103 147, 610, 887 107 903* 108 151 111 843 113 610 114 850 115 151 116 840, 849 117 151, 620 118 98, 635, 685 120 555, 851 121 387, 494 125 851 126 98, 317 128 828 129 50 131 478 132 634 134 76 136 373 137 27, 620, 689 '^ 711 thucydidehJ I. 138 689 3, 777 » 800, 830 139 683, 685 142 505, 829 II. 2 669 2, 887 3 127, 318, 900 4 677, 770 5 689 2, 695 6 883 864 8 122, 527 11 174 12 627, 770 13 116 \ 306, 627, 669 2, 774, 887 15 35 17 688 18 148, 840, 903 « 20 148, 207, 683, 903 « 21 699, 714, 715 22 798 24 696 82 96, 798 84 90, 532 85 875 1 87 467 39 500, 858 40 687, 688 41 223 42 113 44 770, 904 45 155 49 211, 807 52 893 58 795 56 749, 798 59 864 60 364, 503, 713, 900 61 525, 758 62 532 63 219 64 78, 534 65 564, 634, 653, 798 67 489, 695 69 747 72 675 75 798 76 791 80 208 81 897 84 843 87 795 89 156, 780 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 435 II. III. IV. [. 92 58 IV. 67 749 93 368, 798 71 136 97 778 73 884 102 98, 755 94 650 1 811 95 295, 851 3 799 105 914 4 339 110 373 11 205 115 113 15 747 117 643 16 565, 567 119 620 21 603 121 113 22 321, 643 125 854 26 113 126 113, 580 28 113, 587 2, 127 893 591, 619, 128 313 1 620, 687 133 144 29 635 V. 4 489 32 691 7 80 34 591 9 136, 681, 40 503, 689 1 784, 829, 46 339 899 49 759, 807 10 745 51 893 14 588 53 365, 369 18 750 70 339 26 619 74 427 27 339 75 807 80 851 80 365 35 113, 142, 82 875*, 903 8 588, 881 83 365 36 355, 887 88 824 37 490 89 207, 525 38 428 98 564, 887 40 594 102 588, 614 44 687 104 635 49 123, 188, 111 146 683, 685, 114 . 587 2, 591 7 7 689 3 3 140, 824 56 851 4 749 61 652 6 884 68 756 13 677 64 825 16 620 66 616 17 540 69 295, 296 22 897 82 208 24 136 102 829 26 550 105 372 27 881 111 556, 900 28 117, 683, VI. 2 27, 126, 781 244 29 876 3 149, 829 34 798 4 655 36 778 6 113 38 711, 915» 9 89 41 620 10 648 42 696 11 576, 577 48 858 12 590 46 620 13 370 50 904 14 780 61 29 16 28, 159 64 834 17 107, 795 i i \ 436 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES VI. 18 20 21 25 29 30 31 35 37 38 41 46 50 54 67 58 59 61 63 66 71 74 75 77 78 79 82 88 91 92 96 100 102 VII. 2 6 10 11 13 15 17 21 23 24 25 27 28 81 83 84 224, 292, 749, 807 28, 722 454 921 648, 701, 747 128, 136 37, 339 236 207 215, 648 490 900 770, 923 361, 793 113, 211 653 833, 914 113, 144, 689 3 30 208 659 36 126, 489 32 419 490 7771 588 32, 326 503 147, 321 490, 696 683, 685 144 109, 211 467 113 472 918 374 113 824 863 843 695 472, 800 884 791 609, 713, 714 753, 900 796 35 86 88 89 42 44 4762 364, 635 215, 550, 592 851 VII. 46 136, 489 47 687 48 557 49 777 1 60 629 56 113 59 490, 696 60 696 61 136, 211 63 653 65 330 67 313 \ 377 70 109, 749 71 162, 466, 635 72 109 77 374 80 689 » 82 490 83 587 ^ 591 84 96, 798 85 862 86 875 » 87 778 153 610 VIII. 9 648, 659, 698 12 660 24 653 25 208 45 588, 658, 876 48 781 50 150 62 745 66 113 eo 914 64 778 66 923 66 462 68 825 70 762 71 208 74 113 76 594 87 796 88 41 Tyrtaeus. XI. XII. 16 34 35 470 540 470 Xenophon. Anabasis. 1. [XHUCYDinKS 1 Q 33 58 59, 864 1, 5 6 10 2, 1 2 21 26 8, 1 6 8 9 14 15 17 4, 6 7 12 18 15 18 5, 8 9 13 6, 2 8 9 7, 3 7 8, 12 13 9, 3 10 17 20 21 27 10, 4 6 6 9 16 17 II. 1, 3 4 6 8 10 21 28 2, 12 21 3, 2 6 10 11 13 14 534, 587 ^ 864 472, 658 843, 864 136 912 634 30, 31 223, 229, 918 30, 864 912 47 919 144, 180, 373 904 495, 697 30, 689 2 618, 689*^ 798 318, 669 « 244 916 110 807 711 781 274, 857 677 51 339 236 689* 915» 914 317 534 864 1163, 677 876 365 683, 687 677 30, 670 410, 424 772 489 654, 669 S 681 917 669 « 295 116S 669 » 618. 811 690 608 817 759 915* xenophon] ir. 3, 18 205, 683 19 687 20 136 24 618 25 601 29 90, 529 4, 3 180 6 79, 826, 840 17 89, 317 19 505 22 1241, 825, 826 5, 12 575 13 197, 914 14 226 16 326 27 6892, 907 6, 10 30 12 94, 532 21 94, 317 27 535 Jll. 1, 2 674 7 9037 18 807 14 136, 867 16 658 18 180 20 807 38 94, 180 40 94, 912 2, 9 1242, 6892 10 848 17 494 26 89, 9151 27 89, 317 29 69 36 184 39 915 » 3, 12 672 4, 8 618 29 365 49 519, 617, 887 5, 3 365 7 608 11 807 13 670 15 6892 18 696 IV. 1, 5 769 6 365 11 427 13 854 2, 4 618 10 472 3, 2 879 4, 6 610 15 919 5, 1 652 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 437 IV. 5, 13 462 I. 2, 2 155, 171, 30 629, 646 466 7, 1 48 8 759 16 635 5 351 8, 7 681 8 608, 645 14 811 10 348 25 1.50 16 410 V. 1, 1 124 2, 689 2 3, 1 800, 843 4 617 2 875' 10 172 3 862 2,17 221, 6892 5 & 6 757 3, 1 525 9 757, 798 4, 16 848 10 707 34 867 11 613* 5, 2 617 18 30 7 904 18 277 6, 3 864 4, 2 365 21 364 4 798 7, 6 642 7 696 24 867 13 677 26 102 t, 365 14 644, 698 VI. 1, 17 348 18 849 19 36 21 698, 792 25 690 23 652, 658 26 689 3 25 317 28 368 27 123, 188, 29 681 683 32 412 5, 12 798 2, 13 747 13 527, 685, 3, 18 326 798 4, 9 525 14 339 6, 4 912 6, 3 531, 552 9 8751 7 678 24 910 10 365 25 1212 , 6892 18 224, 898 VII. 1, 4 855 19 555 7 770 22 180 8 478 28 687 13 833 32 811 16 6892 II. 1, 7 6691 33 128, , 617 8 94, 455 3, 11 89, 444 9 508 13 675 30 563 43 144 31 531, 552 4, 2 330 2, 3 384, 495 13 136 8 644, 695 6, 23 333 9 695 7,11 94, 455 14 898 24 744" 16 859 81 365 20 851, 852 48 798 3, 6 90 55 6893 6 367 57 644 15 917 8, U 875 1 4, 7 124 ^ 669 2 10 555 Cyropaedia. 12 17 317 180 I. 1, 2 532, 884 23 807 2, 1 126, 587 \ 28 3122 683 31 578 I 438 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES fXENOPHOX III. 1, 1 377 3 128, 689 '^ 8 317, 711 9 807 37 833 2, 1 690 8 295, 296 13 351, 444 15 842 25 835, 8751 26 135 3, 4 613 » 18 613 3, 893 81 807 60 627 IV. 1, 1 690 13 854 16 278 18 354 2, 7 107 8 608 18 608 39 278 3, 3 495 10 628 11 588 15 127 4, 4 1161, 670 5, 9 799 19 376 21 900 24 29 26 30 87 613' 46 768 52 218 6, 3 734 V. 1, 13 852, 875 1 21 881, 9031 25 811, 812 2, 3 565 9 365, 658 12 371 21 328 22 858 86 631 3, 13 177, 613* 27 444 SO 136, 914 42 781 47 604 55 95, 462, 532 4,11 608 12 220 16 619 21 278 30 444 35 462 5, 13 88, 444 V. VI. VII. VIII. 5, 13 21 445 512 Hellenica. 30 604 I. 1, 16 848 34 410 29 6131 48 348 6, 7 689 2 1,17 376 32 296 21 136 7. 5 673 26 851 7 245 38 723 26 838 40 590 28 770 2, 19 849 II. 1, 4 669 2 30 371 6 840 39 136 22 130 , 351 3, 2 351 3, 2 134 , 565, 18 351 574 19 588 11 134 , 574, 4.17 764 610 1, 10 162, 533 88 312" 18 685 85 708 38 244 45 759 2. 17 904 48 643 , 702 19 669 2 51 432 3, 3 711 4. 1 851 7 695 8 587 » 13 295 18 649 , 702 5, 6 617 III. 1, 12 915 •*» 37 3292 15 617 41 654 20 6893 42 814 2, 6 689' 46 609 13 142 , 881 59 685, 6892 19 854 73 827 20 614, 698 77 631 3, 6 811 78 833 9 339 81 608 4. 9 39 82 96, 364 18 244, 555 1, 5 256, 296 5, 9 781 10 130, 689 2 10 377 38 629 23 605 43 130, 339 IV. 1, 36 807 44 339, 617 38 89, 94, 2, 21 239, 472 723 25 762 2. 3 296 3, 5 765 4, 15 770 6 348 16 608 33 330 6, 9 915 3 42 790 7. 3 687 44 9152 8, 2 6892 4, 5 817 16 330 16 677, 680 23 764 27 864 30 330 5, 12 564 V. 1, 14 770 28 851 18 251 6, 6 915 1 19 827 7, 12 9152 34 30 15 373 2, 2 689* 24 482 13 30 25 220, 804 29 99 27 608 32 6892 36 794, 814 xenophon] INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES 439 V. 3, 25 614 I. 7, 3 531 IV . 3, 3 46 26 136 11. 1, 8 798 4, 4 215, 479, 4, 7 110, 136 15 800 836 8 116 2, 689 2 16 807 11 884 9 864 17 7j I, 407 16 317 34 707 18 531 6, 7 94, 177 VI. 1- 5 636 2, 1 884 13 162, 466 14 376 3 96, 556, 8, 1 597 2, 6 594 601 2 800 3, 5 555 7 150 7 713 7 7.53 14 306 4, 6 26 689 2 862 3, 3 4 85.3, 867 713 Scripta Minora. 27 131 9 793 Ages I. 10 689- 37 619 12 531 , 552 33 915^ 5, 21 175 4, 1 884 II. 4 652 23 629 6, 2 525 8 130 52 555 6 623 31 690 VII. 1, 23 669- 29 552 , 689' IV. 1 610 34 675 !, 693 32 864 6 696 85 669 2 35 903 3 IX. 2 563 38 673 36 867 XI. 3 467 2, 9 770 7, 2 654 Apol 13 794 3, 7 555 13 580 14 251, 799 4, 34 689'-' 9, 2 531 34 816 87 39 536 677 3 10, 2 370 317 Cyne g. HI. 3 763 6 648 5, 3 130 in. 1, 3 847 vr. 23 348 10 904 10 2, 1 292 339 VII. 10 306 IX. 4 324 Memora ibilia 3 89 , 317 XII. 22 508 3, 3 251 Eques. I. 16 312'- I. 1, 5 410 11 793 , 798 IV. 3 348 13 697 5, 1 236 .287 Hier. VII. 3 804 16 206 6 532 VIII. 3 254 2, 1 587' , 800 7 236 XI. 15 295 3 799 16 836 Hipp. I. 16 329- 6 702 6, 3 921 IX. 2 281, 351 7 131 , 306, 16 370 Oecoi 1. 1. 2 745 697 8, 8 763 13 604 14 904 10 777' 11. 7 867 17 654 9, 2 912 IV. 1 901 18 140 11, 1 894, 923 4 287, 293 20 853 12, 6 .5871 VII. 5 130, 339 22 838 13, 3 588, 763 1 20 572 36 287, 293 IV. 1, 3 824 39 180 39 685 2, 3 365 VIII. 8 713 46 732 4 361, 654, IX. 1 897 47 881 914 4 915 ■» 55 798 6 825 12 791 63 829 10 124=* XII. 1 648, 650 3, 3 691 12 268 XIII. 4 791 5 236 20 531 XIV. 10 804 6 588 23 837 XV. 2 690 4, 19 693, 714 30 917 XX. 8 351 5, 2 770 32 556 Rep.Ath.i. 16 528 3 374, 506 35 155 Hep. Lac. V. 7 791. 793 4 531 39 365 VIII. 5 901 6, 9 763 40 94. 462 XIV. 5 65 7. 2 904, 923 3, 1 361 Symp. 1. 15 914 440 INDEX TO THE EXAMPLES [XENOPHON Symp. II. 11 365 Symp. IV. 26 825 III. 3 311 37 485 IV. 6 714 VII. 2 351 8 278 VIII. 26 339 Symp.viii. 35 903* Vectig. V. 9 180 10 180 VI. 2 903 7 LATIN AUTHORS. Caes. Bell. Civ. i. Cic. Offic. Phil. HoR. Sat. LUCRET. Tac. Agric. Vkro. Aen. IV. I. 29 850 I. 108 120 III. 95 95 VIII. 31 120 II. 1, 43 726 I. 112 924 18 900 L 37 787 ) t GREEK INDEX. ^'^'—The references are made to the Sections. 'k-yavaKriu) el 494. 'AyajTu el 494. 'Ayy4XKu> in indirect discourse, w. partic. 904, w. in I'm. 914 ». "A^e or &y€T€ w. imperative 251 ; w subj. 255, 257; w. ^ttws and fut. indie. 276. "A^wv, vnth, 844. 'AdiK^oj as perfect 27. At, atSe, at ydp, 379 (w. note) : see El, EWe, El ydp. AlS^ofiai \\\ partic. 881, w. infin. 903 ^ Alffddvofiai w. partic, not in indirect discourse 884, 886, in ind. disc. 904, 914 », 889; w. infin. 9141 AlaxP^f alax'^v-q, alffxvvofxai, w. neg- ative force, followed by fxij ov w. infin. 817 (cf. 647). Alaxpbv ^v w. infin. without Hv, ix)tential, 415, 416: see'ESet. Alaxvvofxat, w. partic. 881, w. infin. 903 ^ Alax^vofiai d 494. Ahios w, infin. (sometimes w. toO or t6) 749, 795, 798; w. aor. infin. 101. 'Akovuj \v. gen. of partic, not in indirect discourse, 884, 886 ; w. aor. partic, not past, 148 ; w. accus. of partic in ind. disc 904, 886 ; w. infin. 914 ^ 'AKovaai or uji dKovaai as absol. infin. 778. '^Akuv without &v 875 *. "AXtr elfii w. partic. 899. 'AXlffKOfiou as perfect 27. 'AWd (like S4) in apodosis 512, 513, 564, for el fiij Si' dWo 513. 'AWA pvv 513. "AjULa w. temporal participle 858. 'Afielvuv elfxl w. partic. 899. "Av (a) and k^ or k^v, adverbs, two uses of, potential and conditional, [ 192 ; often not translatable 193 ; theories of 194, 398, 401 ; distinc- tions o(dv and k^ 194, 401. With Indicative. Not used w. pres. and perf. 195 ; w. future in potential sense, in early poets 196, in Attic (rare) 197 ; et k€ w. fut. (Hom.) 451. With secondary tenses in potential sense and in apodosis 198, 243, 410 ; aorist w. ct /ce, once in Horn., 437; w. imperf. and aor. in iterative sense 199, 162, 164 249. With Subjunctive. In protasis (in idv, dU/, iju, Epic ei kc or at /ce) 192-', 200, 2012, 381, 382, 444,450, 462 ; may be omitted in ejuc and lyric i>oets 453, 468, 469, 470, seldom omitted in Attic poets 454 \ 471,^ probably not in Attic prose 454 2 ; €( K€ or at k€, if haply, in case t/mt, in Homer 487, 491, edv or i}v in same sense in other Greek 489, 490. In conditional relative sentences 200, 522, 529, 532 ; commonly omitted by Hom. in general conditions 538, sometimes in future cond. 539 ; om. in other poets 540, in prose (rare and doubt- ful) 540. Seldom w. ws and subj. in Hom. similes 543. With ?ws, until, 613 3. •'5; w. dxpi, /x^xpt, ^Xpf- oC, and fi^xp*- oO, 618, 619 ; in eladKc and €s 6 dv 6\Q; w. (ere 617; w. 6pa, until, 615 ; sometimes omitted w. words meaning uiUil 620. With TTpLv 642, 645, never in Homer or Hesiod 639, 640 ; sometimes omitted in Attic 648. In final clauses w. pa 192 2, 200, 201 *, 325-328 ; in olgect clauses, w. tiy 442 GREEK INDEX GREEK INDEX 443 pa in Hom, and w. ws and fi^cws in Herod. 329 ^ (cf. 358), u>s Av in Attic (\v. pot. opt.) 329-, 6irw5 &v (vv. pot. opt.) 330 ; in object clauses w. u>$ and firrcus in Xen. (\v. pot. opt.) 351 2 (see Appendix IV.), Bttcus Av (once) in Plato 349, S/cws &u in Herod. 350 ; after verbs o{ fearing w. fi-q and pot. opt. 368. See Optative. With Infinitive, always potential or in apodosis, 204 ; chietiy in indirect discourse 211, 479 S 683 (see examples), 751 ; sometimes in other constructions 211, 212; w. pres. infin. 205, w. perf. 206, w. aor. 207, w. fut. (rare in Attic) 208 ; rare in early poets 209 ; repres. iterative impf. or aor. w. Av 210 ; w. infin. and article 212, 794. Expressions like 5o/cet rts av w. infin., how to be translated 754. With participle, always potential or in apotlosis 213, never in protasis 217, 224; w. pres. partic. 214, w. aor. 215, w. fut. (rare) 216 ; in indirect discourse 479 ^ 687 (see 904) ; never in Homer or Pindar 213 (end). Witli subj., closely joined to particle or relative word 218, 381, 522 ; w. indie, or opt., joined to emphatic word 219 ; separated from its verb by oto/xai, Sok^u>, etc. 220. Never begins sentence or clause 222. Repeated w. same verb 223, 225 ; not repeated in co-ordinate clauses 226. Without verb, potential 227, w. rel. or ei 228. Retained in in- direct discourse after past tenses w. potential (seldom w. conditional) forms 667 •*. Tdx' av, perhaps, 221. "Avia), conjunction, for el Av, 192*, 381, 382. See Et. ' Avaivofxai, uses w. partic. and infin. 881 (end). 'Avaip^u, give oracular response^ w. pres. and aor. infin. 98 : see Qeairl' ^u) and Xpdo;. 'Aj'^XOAiat w. partic. 879, w. infin. 903-'. "Avoia and av&tjTo^ w. negative force, followed by fxi) ov w. infin., 817 (cf. 647). 'Avvffa^, quickly, 837. "A^iov 9iv w. infin. without Av, jiotential, 415, 416: .see'ESei. 'A7ret/cddosis 512. AiVtVa w. temjKjral participle 858. ^AxSo/x^v(f} Tivi elvai 900. 'Axpt and /a^xP'. "«^'A 514, 611, 612 ; used like Iws 618 ; w. subj. without Av 620. 'Axpi ov and p-^xp^ ov 619. Baivo) w. infin. of purjwse 772 ; ^ij and fl^av (pdv) w. partic. 895. Be^rjKivai as present 49. BeXriuv eifiL w. partic. 899. Boi'Xfi or ^ovXeade w. interrogative subj. 287, 288. BouXerw w. 5irw5 or ibj and subj. or opt. (Hom.) 341-343. Bot''\o)Liat w. fut. infin. (rare) 113, w. infin. and Av 211. BovXofjUvtf) nvl elvai. 900. See 'E^ovUfiv". Teyov^vai, to 6e, 49. TiyvibffKu) w. partic. 904, w. infin. (three uses) 915*. A^ in apotlosis 512, 513, 564. Aedoyfiivov as accus. absol. 851. lelKvvfjLi w. i»artic. 904, w. infin. 915*. Aeiv omitted in dXLyov 8eiv and jjukpov decv 779 *. Aeiv6v iariv el 494. Aiov as accus. absol. 851. Aevpo or deOre w. imperative 251, w. subj. 255. AijUs el/u w. partic. 907. Ar}\6v icrriv (impersonal) w. 6tl or ws 912. ArjXio w. partic. 904, w. infin. (two uses) 915*. AiaXavOdvu w. partic. 888. AiaXiiribv xP^^ov, after a while, and diaXeiiruv Xfi^vov, at intervals, 834. Aiareivd/jLevos and diarerafx^vos, with all one's might, 837. AiareXiu) w. participle 879. AlSoifu, offer, 25, imperfect of 36. AiKaiosvf. infin., used jiersonally, 762. AUaiov ijv w. infin. without av, potential, 415, 416: see'Edei. AiKalu}s containing a protasis 472, 239. Aidwep, causal 712. Ai6n, causal, because, 712 ; that, in indirect quotations, 663 », 710 ^ ; \y, infin. by assimilation (Herod.) 755. Aok4u> w. infin., usually in personal constr., 754, w. infin. and av 754. AoKei and fSo^e w. infin., not in indirect discourse, 99, ^do^e in laws etc. 99, 750. Aokovv and 86^av as accus. absol. 851. AoKetv as absol. infin. (w. ws doKetv, ifiol SoKeiv, etc.) 778 ; ws 76 do^ai 778. Separating Av from its verb 220 ^ 'Edi/, conjunction, for el av, 192 2, 381, 382. See El. 'E(iovX6n7)v w. infin. without Av, po- tential, 425 ; eSovXdfirjv av (vellcvi) 246, 426. 'EyKei/u.ai w. partic. 897. 'EyvcjKivai as present 49. "Edei, xfi^v, and other imperfects (see 416) w. infin. without om, in poten- tial sense 415-422 (see Contents); as simple expression of past neces- sity etc. 417. 'ESet Av etc., how distinguished from ^Sei (alone) etc. 420, 423 (see Apj)endix V.). 'Ed^Xovrl Tivi elvai 900. El, if, introduces protasis 378 ; relation to al 379 (and footnote) ; forms of el combined with Av and Ki (edv, Av, tv, et Ke, al k€, el Av) 200, 381, 382, 460 : for the use of these see 'Av. Origin of conditional forms dis- cussed 398 ; gieat variety in early Greek, 399, 400. With present and past tenses of Indicative (simple supposition) 402; w. fut. indie, in future suppos. 447-449, in present suppos., of in- tention or expectation, 407, 408 ; w. potential indie, (w. Av) 409, 506 ; w. secondary tenses of indie, in unreal cond. 410, 411, once el kc w. aor. indie, in Hom. 437. After verbs of wonder, indignation, etc. 494, 495. With Subjunctive (without Av or k4). In future cond., in Hom. 453, rarely in Attic poets 454 ; in general cond., regularly in Hom. 468, always in Pindar 469, some- times in other lyric poets 470, rarely in Attic poets 471. Relation of el K€ w. subj. to simple ei in Hom., and possible origin of the two uses, 401. With Optative. In future cond. 455, 456, representing subj. w. ^dv of direct form in indirect dis- course after past tenses 457, 667 ^ 689 2, 694 1 ; w. pot. opt. (w. Av) 409, 458, 506 ; in past general cond. 462-466, only once in Homer 468. Et (in Hom. sometimes cf Ke), if haply, ill case that, w. opt., w. apodosis implied in protasis, in Homer 488, 491, in other Greek 489, 490. After past tenses of verbs expressing wonder, indigna- tion, etc. (also indie.) 495, 697. In future wishes (generally eWe or el ydp) 721, 723 (end). With Infinitive in indirect dis- course, by assimilation (Herod.) 75.5. El ydp and ef^e in future wishes 721, 723, in present or past un- attained wishes 731-733 ; in Homer (also at ydp and aWe) in present unattained wishes 739. With wvithout &v, poten- tial, 415, 416: see'ESet. 'EveffTi {^ui) w. infin., equiv. to opt. w. dv, followed by opt. 502. 'Evrjv w. infin. without dv, potential 41.5, 416 : see "ESct. "Eyovra (partic.) used personally w. infin. 761. 'EfTavda w. temporal partic. 855. 'E^ai(pvris w. temporal partic. 858. 'E^rjv w. infin. without &v, potential, 415, 416 : see'ESet. 'E^6v as accus. absol. 851. 'ETrdtffTos yivofxai (Herod.) w. partic. 907. 'Eirdv and eiredv, for eirel &v, 522. 'Eirei and eTreiSri w. aor. indie. ( = plu- perf.) 59, seldom w. pluperf. 59 ; w. aor. opt. in similar sense 95 ; w. infin. by assimilation in indirect discourse 755. Causal 712, 713; eirei, although (by ellipsis) 719 2. 'ETretSdi' w. aor. siibj. as future [>erfect 90. 'ETreiyoiiai w. partic. (Herod.) 896. 'Eireibdv and eTreiSr) : see 'Eire/. "Eiret/ut w. infin. of purpose 772. "ETreira w. temporal i)artic. 855, w. partic. of opposition or limitation 856. 'Ett^v, for iwel S.v, 522. 'Eirido^os w. infin. in persona, con struction 762. 'EiTLKaipios w. infin. in personal con struction 762. 'EtriXavddvofiaL w. partic. 904, w infin. 915 ». 'ETt^teX^oyuat or ^iriiJuiXofxax w. iwus and fut. indie. 339, w. infin. (or infin w. TO or Tov) 361, 793, 791, 798. 'EwiffTafiai w. partic. 904, w. infin 9152. 'Eirto'xtbi' xpbvov, after a while, 834. 'E-KLTiqbeLos w. infin. in j)ersonal con struction 762. 'EtriTpiiru} w. partic. 879. "Eirpeirev w. infin. without dc, poten- tial, 415, 416: see'ESft. "Epyop ^v w. infin. without dv, poten- tial, 415, 416: see'E^fi. "EpxofjuiL w. partic. 895. 'Ej 6 and es o5, until (Herod.), 616. 'Effrdvai, stand, 49. "Effre, until, w. indie, subj., and opt. 617 : see''E' yre w. infin. 610 ^ w. fut. indie. 610 2. 'Eipijv w. infin. without &v, expressing unrealised past intention, 429. 'E/. "HpfioTTev w. infin. without av, poten- tial, 415, 416: see'ESei. 'Hrrw/icu as perfect 27. Oafd^u w. partic. 891. Oavfw, w. infin. 766. Qavfid^u el 494. i w. subj. never w. ay or k4 ©Aw w. fut. infin. (irregular) 113. 04Xeis or diXere w. interrog. subj. (poetic) 387, 288 ; w. Xva and subj. in later Greek 288. Modern d^Xere vd (and ed) w. subj. 288. QiXovri TivL elvai 900. Qeairl^u w. pres. or aor. infin., as verb of commanding, 98. See 'Avaip^u and Xpdu. Qvrjrbv Svra, one who is a mortaly of both sexes 827 *. 'ISelv and bpdv, in njipcarance, 768 ; Ihelv as absolute infin. (w. us Ibelv, bffov Ideiv, etc.) 778. 'Id^us (Ionic) w. temporal partic. 858. 'Idi w. imperative 251, w. subj. 255. 'U'a»'6s w. infin. 758 ; 'iKavds elfu w. partic. 899. "lea, final particle, 302, 311 and opt. 317, 318-323 ; fut. indie. 324 ; never u 325 (w. footnote) ; without verb 331 ; w. secondary tenses of indie. 333; after XLaaofiai (Hom.) 357, similar use in New Test, and Latin 357. As adv., where, w. Sof 325 (footnote). Kd, Doric for k^, 381 : see "kv. KaOi^u w. partic. 898. Kaivep (Horn, al.so Kai . . . wep) or Kai w. i)artic. of opposition or limitation 859, 860. KaiToi w. partic. like Kalvep (rare' 861. KaXbv (koXXiov, Kpeirrov, KpdTiaTov) ^v w. infin. without dv, }»otential, 415, 416 (see"E5ei) ; w. protasis in place of infin. 433. Karavevu us w. subj. (Hom.) 359. Karareivas, earnestly, 837. K^ {k4v), relation to dv, 194, 401 : see "kv. KeK\rjs and subj. and opt. (Horn.) 341-343. MerafxiXov as accus. absol. 851. McTofu w. temporal partic. 858. M4xpi, used like ?ws, 618 ; Ai^x/>* of' 619. See "Axpi. MtJ, conditional, prohibitory, and final negative p.article : final use derived from prohibitory 262*, 307 ; dis- tinguishing prohibitory subj. from subj. as simple future, and opt. in neg. wishes from potential opt., 6, 8, 13, 234 : see Appendix I. In independent sentences. With subj. and imperative in prohibi- tions 255, 258, 259, w. interrog. imperat. 253 (end) ; w. subj. ex- pressing apprehension with desire to avert ol)ject, chiefly in Homer 261, sometimes in other Greek 264 ; in cautious assertions (chiefly in Plato), w. subj. 265, 266 (sometimes in dependent clause 267), w. indie. 269, sometimes interrog. 268, 269; w. interrog. subj. 287, 291, even when attirmative answer is implied 293 ; w. fut. indie, and potential opt. used in sense of interrog. subj. 292. 'Otw? /xi) w. fut. iodic, in prohibitions 271, 272, w. fut. indie, or subj. implying desire to avert something (like fxi^, 261) 278, 279, w. subj. in cautious assertions (like /xij, 265) 280 ; 3irw$ fjL-^ once with j)erf. indie, (as pres.) 282 ; subj. w. 3irw$ /at) 283, 278, 280. With indie, in oaths 686. In final clauses etc. MtJ becomes a final from a ])rohibitory particle, lest, that, 302, 307, 310 ; gradually gives place to final particles w. /i^ in negative final clauses 315 (w. footnote) ; regular neg. adv. w. final particles 305, but 01) used after M itself 305, 306 ; /xt; . . . /iij rare 306. In pure final clauses, w. subj. and opt. 317, w. subj. after past tenses 318-321, rarely w. fut. indie. 324, never w. &v 325. In object clauses, for Situs fjirj, w. subj. (rarely w. fut. indie.) 354. After verbs of fearing, w. subj. and opt. 365, w. pres. subj. denoting what may prove to be object of fear 365 (end), 92 (cf. perf. subj. in 103), after verbs like opQ and olSa 366 ; w. fut. indie, (seldom) 367, w. potential opt. w. Av 368 ; w. pres. and past tenses of indie. 369, fii/i not interrog. here 369 (footnote 1 ). In con.secutive relative clauses w. fut. indie. 576 ; w. uhttc and infin. 582, 584, 606, but seldom (for ov) in indirect discourse 594, 595 ; w. ws (for wo-re) 608 ; w. i. OW 8ti, olffd' 6ti, I am sure, etc. 705. Separating Hv from its verb 220 ^ ; ovK old' hv tl or ovK B.V ol5' el, w. indie, and opt. 220 '^. Olad' 6 bpdaov 253. Ofo/xai or oI/Ltai w. infin. in indirect discourse 683, rarely w. neg. /x^ (for ov) 685 ; w. aor. infin. referring to the future (exceptional and doubt- ful) 127 ; separating &v from its verb 220 '. Olov and ola w. causal participle 862. Olos w. infin. 759. Ol6s r' Jjv w. infin. without &v, potential, 415, 416 : see 'ESct. Olxop-ai as ]»erf. 27, imperf. of 37 ; w. partic. 895. '0\t7oi' Sflv, almost, 779 " ; without 6tiv 779*. "OXXi'Atai as perfect 27, imperf. of 37. "OXwXa, I shall perish, 51. 'Op-oios \v. infill. (Hom.) 769. '0/ioXo7^« w. infin. in indirect dis- course 914^, tense of infin. 136 ; w. partic. 904. 'Oirbrav, for birlne &v, 192 2, 522. '07r6re, relative, 514 (cf. 313 1) ; causal 712, 713 ; meaning until (Hom.) 553, 698 ; w. peculiar final force in predictions (Horn.) 571. "OTrou {6kov), causal, 712, 713 (end). "Otws, originally relative adv., then indirect interrog. 313. AVith in- dependent fut. indie, in commands etc. (Sttws ix-t) in prohibitions) 271- 277, rarely Sttws fi-q (but not 6irws) w. subj. 283, 364 ; Sttws /xt) w. fut. indie, or subj. im})lying desire to avert something 278, 279, w. subj. in cautious assertions 280, once w. perf. indie, (as pres.) 282. As final particle 302, 313. In pure final clauses w. subj. and opt. 317-321, rarely w. fut. indie. 324; w. secondary tenses of indie. 333, 334, 336, never w. Slv 335 ; Sttwj &v w. subj. 3133, 328, 200, w. opt. 329, 330. In object clauses after verbs of striving, etc. w. fut. indie, and opt. (sometimes w. ])res. or aor. subj. and oj)t.) 339, 340; similar use of d'TTws or u>s in Homer w. subj. and opt. 341 (examples in Appendix III. 3), w. K^ 341, 343; w. fut. inx fiirws (elliptical) 707, 708. OvK d5' Slv ei or ovk Slv oW €l 2202. Ovk &v tpddvoi^ {endix II. In denials, w. subj. (generally aor.), sometimes w. fut. indie, 295 ; in dependent constructions 296. In l)rohibitions, w. fut. indie, some- times w. subj., 297, construction continued by fxrfd^, dWd, or 5i 298 ; not interrog. 300 ; question as to use of subj. 301. Ov followed by /xtJ or /xTiSi (both interrog.) w. fut. indie, (not ov firj) 229. See Con- tents for §§ 294-301. Ovv€Ka or 66o{v€Ka, causal 663 ^ 712 ; in indirect quotations 663 ^ 710 ^ OCttu w. gnomic aorist 156. OCiru) . . . irpiv 659. OOrwj containing a condition 472 ; w. opt. in protestations 727 ; w. tem- poral partic. 855, w. partic. of op- position or limitation 856, w. causal imrtie. 857. Ourw avre (Herod.) 593, 601 (end). "O^pa, epic and lyric final particle, 302, 314 : in pure final clauses, w. subj. and opt. 317, 318, w. fut indie, (rare) 324 ; w. xi or du, w. subj. 327, w. opt. 329^; in object clauses after verbs of planning, trying, etc. w. subj. and opt. (Hom. and Find.) 345, 346. Temporal })article, untile w. indie, subj., and opt. 615. "OiptXov in >vishes : see "O^eXov. ndXai w. present 26. UdvTa TTotu; w. partic. 897. llavToios yiifofxai w. partic. (Herod.) 896. IlapaaKcvd^w w. jwirtie. 898. Ilape- aK€i>aj;'6fxr)y w. infin. without Av, ])otential, 430. Udpeifxi w. infin. of purpose 772 *. Uapfxov as accus. absol. 751. Ildpot^^fj' . . . irpiu 659. IIap6j' as accus. absol. 751. Ildpos w. infin. like -rrpiv (Hom.) 656. Uavu) w. i.artic. 879, 877, 878; w. infin. 903 ^ Het^w, try to persuade, 25. Hetpu) w. Sirws an«l lis in object clauses w. subj. (Hom.) 341, 342. Iletpwyuat w. partic. in Herod. 896, in Attic 897. lUXo/xai w. pred. i)artic. (Hom.) 830. UfTToitfevai as present 49. ll€artic. (not i»ast) 148 ; w. infin. 903 «. UiffTcvcj w. infin. and r

' ... ^ in indirect questions 665 ^ Ilp^irei : (wpcirfv w. infin. without dr, I potential 41,5, 416, 419: see "ESet. Up^irov as accus. absol. 751. llp^- TouTa w. infin. used personally 761. IIpiV, be/ore, until, meaning and general use of 621, 622 ; distinction of uses w. infin. and w. finite moods 621, 622 ; how related to ^ws 621, 624 ; negative force of 621 ; affinity for aorist 621, 90. Development of con- structions with 623-625. With Infinitive (relation purely temi)oral) : "quasi - prepositional " use 623 ; regular constr. in Hom. after both affirmative and negative sentences 626 ; after Hom. chiefly after affirmatives 627, but sometimes after negatives 628, 629, 630 . always w. infin. in meaning before (not u?itil) 6^7 ; infin. preferred to opt. 629, 643, 644. "H wpiy w. infin. 631. With Indicative : not in Hom. (except w. TrptV y' bre) 632, 636 ; in poets after Hom. (after both affirm, and neg.) 632, 633 ; in prose almost always after neg. 634, three cases after affirm. 635 ; w. indie, in un- real cond. 637. llplv y 6t€ w. indie, in Homer and Homeric Hymns 636, once in an unreal cond. 637. With Subjunctive, always after negatives 622, 647 ; in fut. cond. 638-642 ; origin of constr. w. subj. in parata.xis 624 ; in Hom. and Hes. always without k^ or dv 639, 640, afterwards (])cginning w. Theognis) regularly irplv dv 640, 642 ; de{)ending on potential opt. w. dv 650 ; in general cond. 645 ; w. subj. without dv in Attic 648. IlptV y' 6t dv w. subj., twice in Odyssey 641. With Oj»tative, nlways after nega- tives 622 ; depending on opt. by as.similation (not in Horn.) 643 ; in indirect discourse after past tenses, repr. subj. of direct form (even ii'i Horn.), 644 ; probably never in past general cond., except Tplv y Sre dri once in Horn., 646 ; infin. })referred to opt. 629, 643, 644 ; irplv dv w. opt. (rarely) in indir. disc. 649, 702. Ilpt'i' (as adverb) in leading clause before irpiv (Hom.) 657. Ilpti' f} in sense and use of npiv 651, 652. IIp6 in comiwsition, or as prc|>osition in leading clause, before TrptV, 659. Upoadexo/xivt^ rivl dvai 900. 9 UpoariK€i : wpoffrJKev w. infin. without dv, potential, 415, 416, 419: see "Edei. UpoarJKov as accus. absol. 751. UpoffTjKovTa w. infin. used personally 761. llpoarjKovTes, rela- tives, 828. Up6ffd€v, in leading clause before TrptV 658. Up6^pov, avfKp^povra, as substan- tives 828. 'lUvvoida w. partic. (dat. or nomin.) 908. ' Ta^dfievo^, by agreement, 837 (end). Tax' 'i" 221. TedvTjK^vai, to he dmd , 49. TeK/xTjpaadai w. ws as absol. infin. 778. TeXevrCov, at last, 834. -r^os and -t^ov (-re'a), verbal adjectives in 920 926 (see Contents for these sections); personal and impers. con- str. 920. Personal, always passive 921, w. dative of agent 92^, ..ithout dfii 922 ; e(iuivalent to Latin partie in -dns 924. Impersonal, in active sense, sing, and ]»lur. 923, w. or without ^ari 923 ; comi)ared w. Latin constr. 924 ; constr. con- tinned by infin. (se Set) 925 ; both dat. and accus. of ai^ent allowed i>26. TrjXiKOi w. infin. (Hom.) 760. TV irpu)Tr}v dvai 781. TlX^^iis; ofpres. intention, 72. 450 GREEK INDEX Ti fjLadJ)v ; aud rl icaBibv ; wherefore ? why ? 839 ** ; dependent form, 6 n fiaSibv and 5 tl iradwv, because^ 839*. Tf ov in exhortations, w. aor. in future sense, 62. T/ Trddu ; 290. Tf/cTw, to he mother of, in tragedy, 27. TXdw w. partic. (poetic) 880, w. aor. partic. (not past) 148 ; w. infin. 903 2. T6 vvv elvai. 781. T6 TTifxepov elvai, to-day, 781. Td ri 9lv etvai 781. Toios, T(H6av€p6u iariy (impersonal) w. 6ti or w$ 912. 4>^pf w. imperat. 251, w. subj. 255, 257, w. oTTws and fut. indio. 276. ^ep6fjL€vos, with a rush, 837. 4>^pw»', hastily, 837, laith, 844. ^ciVyw as perfect 27. ^id w. infin. in indirect quotations 683, 753 S in Honi. 671 (end); rarely w. neg. fx-n 685 ; very seldom w. 5ri or ws 753'-; w. aor. infin. referring to the future (exceptional and doubtful) 127. Separating Hv from its verb 220 1. ^ddvui in leading clause emphasising following TTfAv 660, (j>ddvii) . . . ^ w. infin. (Herod.) 661. With partic. 887, w. aor. partic. 144, 146 (see Aorist Participle); reversal of constr. w. partic. 893 ; probably never w. infin. 903*. ^Bdaa%, before, 837. Om hv pdfo/xat w. fiirws or d>5 and subj. or opt. (Hom.) 341-343. i>pdj^€iv and ^pdffai w. (US as absol, infin. 777^. Xaipwv, with impunity, 837. See Xa\eir6s w. negative force, followed by fir) ov, 817. \pd(j), to give oracular response, w. pres. or aor. infin. (as verb of command) 98. See 'Avaip^ut and Qeairii^u. Xprjffdai w. u>s as absol. infin. 778. \pwixevo%, with, 844. Xpriv w. infin. without &.v, potential, 415-422 (see Contents) ; as simple expression of past necessity 417 ; Xpriv &v 420, 423 (see Api>endix V.) : see 'ESet. yipovi^ujv, for a long time, xpovtffBds, after a time, 834. "Ov, partic. of eiVt, omitted ; as cir- cumstantial jKutic. 875, supplemen- tary 902, in indirect discourse 911. See Participle. 'fij, relative adv. of manner, deriva- tion of 312^ ; for its use as rel. see Relative sentenres. In Homeric similes 543-549 : ste Us 5tc. In coni})arisons (Horn.) 869, 871 : see •fts el. Becomes final particle 312, 302 ; use in j»ure tinal clauses, w. subj. and opt. 317, 318, w. fut. imlic. (rare) 324, w. &v or *c^ and subj. 200, 325, 326, w. Av or Ki and opt. 329, w. secondary tenses of indie. 333 ; in object clauses after verbs oi planning etc. in Homer w. subj. and opt. (subj. generally w. k4) 341, 342, relics of this usage in other Greek 347, ws Av w. subj. and opt. in Xen. 351 (see Appendix IV.), ws firi in neg. obj. clauses 353 (cf. 352), peculiar uses of ws in Hom. 358, 359. '1)5 dv w. subj. (inde- pendent) 281. Final w? seldom in Attic prose, except in Xen., 312* (see Appendix III. 1, and IV.). In consecutive sentences (used like anrre) w. infin. and finite moods 608, 609. Introducing indirect quotations (orig. = how) 663 2, earliest use 671 ; use in substantive clauses generally 664 ^ ; w. indie, and opt. GREEK INDEX 451 in indirect discourse 667 1- 2, 669, w. potential indie, and opt. 681; in ind. disc, after verbs o{ fearing (neg. ov) w. pres. and fut. ind. 371, w. infin. in ind. disc, (in various senses) by assimilation 755. Before direct quotations 711. ^ In wishes, before 02)t. 726, before Ci}e\ov 737. With absolute infinitive 777, 778, 782: see AoKelv, Ei-rrecv, Ehai, 4>/>dfeti/, etc. With circumstantial participle 864, 865, in Homer expressing <'omi.arison 869, 871 (.see 'Us el) ; \.. I)artic. in indirect discourse 916, w. verbs not taking partic. alone 919 ; w. j)artic. in gen. absol. (for partic. in ind. disc.) 917, 918. With partic. in accus. absol. used person- ally 853. As causal particle, because, 712, 713,714. '12$ el, ws et re, and ws re in com- jKirisons (Horn.), w. noun.s, adjec- tives, and participles 475, 485, 869, 870, w. indie, subj., or opt. 48.''>, ill Attic poets w. nouns or adi. ^73. "^ fts 6're or wj oirore, ws or Cos re, as wnrn or t. and infin.) repres. aorist of finite mood in direct form 115. Subjunctive : generally of future time 89, but in general conditions indefinite in time 89 ; in sense of fut. pcrf. , w. iiTfiMv etc., 90 ; how related to perf. subj. 91 (cf. 95) ; w. fxi]t denoting what may hereafter ])rove to have hap|K'ne«l, rarely after verbs of /mn«(/ (Hom.), 93 (cf. 92); in prohibitions w. /xt) 259. Optative. Not in indirect dis- course, generally of future time, 94, ]>a8t in general conditions 462, 532. distinguished from pres. 464 ; in •sense of plujK^rf. w. fTretSi) etc. 95 (cf. 90) ; rarely past in a wish 93, 739 (end). In indirect discourse, rei»res. aor. indie. 124', 669-, repr. dei^-ndent aor. subj. 124 -, 689 ^ seldom repr. aor. indie, of a de- pendent clause 693 ; in indir. (pies- tions, repr. interrog. subj. 124*, 677. Gnomic aor. opt. 159. Imf>eriitive 89 ; rare in prohibi- tions w. nT) 260. Infinitive. Not in indirect dis- course, w. no reference to time in ENGLISH INDEX Itself, 96 ; how distinguished from pres. infin. 97 ; after xp^iw etc. 98 ; after X^^w, to comviand, doKci, it ^ms good, no^€, it is enacted, etc. 99 ; after rerbs of hoping, expect- ing, promising, sicearing, etc. (in fut. sense) 100, 136; after atrtos eifu 101. In indirect discourse, repres. aor. indie. 126, rarely and irreg. ref. to future time 127 ; as secondary tense 189. Gnomic aor. mfin. 159. Participle, ordinary use of, 143 ; as primary or secondary tense 190. Wkh \avddvu), Tiryxdvto, and (pOdpu 887, time of partic. 144, 146; w. o-VfiTTiirrio 145, 890; w. wepiopC}, t, 6pQ, dKovcj, etc., not relat- ively past, 148, 884, 885 ; w. noun, like infin. w. subject, not past, 149, 829*; denoting that in which action of past verb corisi.sts, not past, 150, 845 ; i^eculiar use w. ofioXoy^u) etc' 151. In indirect discourse 904 (see 886) ; gnomic aor. partic. 159. Attributive aor. partic. absolutely (though not relatively) past 152 (cf. For uses with Au or k^, .see''A»'. Apodo.sis defined 378, 520 ; negatived by ov 383. Forms of, in simpTe pres. and pa.st conditions 403 ; in fut. cond. 445 ; in pres. and past unreal cond. 410. 411, action not neces- sarily denied in last ca.se 412, w. aor. indie, w. dv sometimes not pa.st 414. With potential force without Ap, in ?dei, xpW, etc. w. infill. 415, 416. Expressed in mfin. or partic. 479, 552, in a verbal noun 480. Omitted for effect 482; repres. by Av without verb 227, 483, 484 ; implied w. lis djun\ CcaiTfp d 485, 868, 869 (cf. 475). Contained in protasis 486- 493 (see Contents). Introduced by 5i, dWd, or aiWdp 512, 513. Assimilation in conditional relative clauses 558-563 : w. subj. and opt referring to future 558, 'variable in general conditions 563 ; w. past tenses of indie, in unreal cond 559. 453 or olov 862, rarely w. ibanep 874. w. wo-re (Herod.) 863. Caution, verbs of, w. fi-^ and subj. or opt. 365 : see Fearing. With infin. (sometimes infin. w. fxrj) 374. Commands, ex])r. by imperative 18 250, by fut. indie. 69. Comparative w. -fj and infin. 764 «, sometimes w. ware or u>s 764 *. Conditional sentence, parts of 378 ; possible origin of 398-401 ; classifi- cation of 388-397 ; forms of 378- 513: see Contents; and for details see Et, Indicative, Subjunctive, and Optative. Conditions, particular and general 394, 395, 397. Present and past^ w. indie, in simj>]e suppos. 402, w. suppos. contrary to tact 410, Homeric usages in latter 434-443. Future, w. subj. 444-446, w. fut. indic. 447-449. Homeric usages in 4.50-454 ; w. opt. 455-459, Homeric usages in 460, 461. General pres. and [)ast cond. w. subj. and opt 462-466, w. indic. 467, Homeric and ])oetic usages in 468-471. Horn. pres. cond. w. opt. 438, 439* Mixed constructions 498-509 : see Contents. For relative conditions, see Relative sentences. Consecutive clau.ses with relatives 575-579 : see Relative clauses (con- secutive). With ^are 582-607 • w ws 608, 609 ; w. e0' ^ and e0''<;5re 610 : .see"i2o-rf, T2s, and 'E0' y. Danger, expressions of, see Fearina verbs of. ^' Dative of agent, w. verbals in -Wos 922 ; dative or accus. w. verbals in -T€ov (-Wa) 926. Dawes's Canon, 363, 364. Dei)endence of moods and tenses general principles of 165, 166. For details, see Contents for §§ 167-191. Dependent moods, as o"pi)osed to indicative, 1. Direct (piotations, distinguished from indirect 662 ; .soinerimes intro- duced l>y OTL or (is 711. Causal sentences 712-719 (see Con- tents) ; see also 377, 699. Causal relative sentences (w. neg. ov) 580, .sometimes conditional also (w. neg! tiv) .'"'80, 581. Causal paiticii)le 838, w. ws 864, 865, w. fire and da Exhortations -vv. imperative 18, 250; w. first person of subj. 255-258* other jtersons of subj. not generally used 258 ; w. opt. (poetic) 725, 1.% 234 ; w. oTTws and fut. indic. 271- Fearing, verbs of, w. //^ and subj. 454 ENGLISH INDEX and opt. 303, 365, 366 ; in neg. expressions w. ^itj ov 365, 305, 306, 264 (end), rarely fx^ , , . fxi) 306 ; development of construction 262, 307, 309 ; w. fut. indie, (rare) 367 ; w. ^l■n or Sttws a"7 and fiit. opt. 367, 131 ; w. /XT? and potential opt. w. 6.V 368 ; w. ix-f) and pies, or past tenses of indie. 308, 369 ; w. Sttwj fxii (for simple /xtJ) 370 ; w. Sttwj or ojs (neg. ov) in indirect discourse 371; w. fut. infin. (indir. disc.) 372 ; w. pres. or aor. intin. 373, 747 ; w. €l in indir. questions 376 ; w. causal 6tl 377. Final clauses (i)ure), w. Xva, W5, 5tws, 6' V «'i"«l f>' V^^ 61^- "" I" indirect discourse after past tenses for fut. opt. 670*. With ov fjiifi 294 : see Appendix II. In clauses of denial, future sometimes used for subj. 295, also in dej)endent constructions 296. In prohibitions, future regular form 297-301. See Ov fxiff, and Contents under §§ 294-301. In dependent moods (only opt. and infin.), used chiefly in indirect discourse, repres. fut. indie, of direct form, and in infin. w. fiAXw, 111. Optative, in indirect discourse, repr. fut. indie. 128, 669'^; w. birojs after past verbs of striving etc. 130, 339, rarely w. fiii or 6tus ix-f) after verbs of fearing 131, 367, iloubtful in final clauses 132, never w. Xva 133 ; never in protasis or apodosis (except in indirect dis- course for fut. indie.) 459; never w. 6.V 203 ; rarely in rel. clau.ses of l)ur}Mjse 134, 574 ; w. wcrre by assimilation 604 ; once w. ov firf in indirect ^juotation w. w$ 296". First used by Pindar 129. Infinitive, chiefly in indirect discourse, repres. fut. indie. 135, 683, 689 ; w. verbs of hoping, expecting, promixing^ siccaring, etc. (also pres. and aor. infin.) 136. Irregular u.se not in indir. disc., for pre.s. or aor., 112, 113. With /iAXw, forming jH'riphrastic future 73, 111, w. past tenses of fiAXw as pa.st fut. 76, 567. Participle 153 ; expressing pur- pose 840 ; used in present (not in future) conditions 473. ENGLISH INDEX 455 For uses w. dv or k^, see 'Ap. Future jierfect. Indicative 19, 77 ; primary tense 21 ; compound form w. perf. partic. and ((rofiai 80, 831, sometimes w. aor. partic. and iaofiai 81, 831 ; denoting continu- ance or ])ermanence 78, immediate certainty or likelihood 79 ; reg. future when perf. = pres. (49) 82 ; often differing slightly from fut. 83. In dejjendent moods, only in infin. 114, 137. General and particular conditions dis- tinguished 394-397. See Condi- tional .sentences and Protasis. Genitive absolute 847-850. Relations (espec. time) expressed by 847 ; })artic. in, without nom. expre.s.sed, 848 ; passive partic. and clause w. 6ti, sometimes w. plnral partic, 849 ; sometimes w. a subjeet already in main sentence 850. Gnomic tenses 154, 66 : see Aorist, Future, and Perfect ; and Contents for 154-161. Hindrance, prevention, etc., verbs of, foil, by simple infin., by infin w. fiij or fxT) oi\ or by infin. w. tov or Tov fxiff, 807, by infin. w. t6 fir) or to fii} ov 811 : see Infinitive, M77, and Mt; 01/. Historic present 33. Hoping, verbs of, w. fut. and pres. or aor. infin. 100, 136, 752, w. neg. fi-f} 685. Imperative 18, tenses of 19, 86, 89, 174. In commands etc. 250, em- phasised by d^e, 4p€, etc. 251, second |>ers. w. iras 252 ; introduced by relative {olaO' 6 etc.) or interrog. 253 ; in assumptions 254. In ])ro- liibitions w. /x^, 2nd or 3rd per.sons of pres. 259, aor. rare 260. Peculiar uses of perfect 105-108 : see Perfect Imperative. Inii»erfect 19, 34, 35 ; distinguished from aor. 35, 54, 56, 57 ; secondary tense 21, 170, 173, primary wlien ref. to pres. time in unreal cond. etc. 172; used in narration 35 ; expr. customary or rej)eated action 35, attempted action 36 ; as pluperf. when pre.s. = perf. (27) 37 ; expr. past likelihood, intention, or danger 38 ; expr. fact just recognised (gen. ffv dpa) 39, or result of dis- cussion (philosophic imperf. ) 40. In final clauses, expres. unattained purpose 333 ; in conditions, in simple i»ast suppos. 402 ; in pres. and past unreal cond. 410, al- ways past in Hom. 435, how dis- tinguished from aor. and pluperf. 413 ; in apodosis or in potential sense w. &v 198, 243, 410 ; w. infin. in potential sense without &v 415- 422 (see "ESet etc. ) ; in relative cond. 525, 528 ; in pres. and past un- attained wishes 732 ; &t. lie-*, 673, in infin. 119, 683, in partic. 140, 687: see 472, 479 K Iterative imperfect (and aor.) w. &y 162, 199 (cf. 249), in infin. (in indirect discourse) 210 ; Ionic iterative forms in -(tkov and -ffKbfx-qv 163, w. dv 164. For u.ses w. dv or Ki, see "Av. For potential use, see Indicative. Indicative : j)rimitive use 2, other uses 3-5. Ten.sps of, primary or secondary, 21, 170-173: for special uses of tenses, see Present, Imper- fect, etc. Potential indie, as past form of potent. oi)t. 232, 243, w. no definite condition implied 244, w. a more or less def. cond. implied 245, 247, w. cond. expressed (full cond. sentence) 248, 410 ; j)ot. imperf. originally })ast 246, always past in Hom. 435; retained without change in indirect discourse 667 ^ 681 (see Indirect Discourse) ; relation to iterative indie, w. dv 249 ; in protasis w. d 409, 506, in apodosis w. a simple indie, or a subj. in protasis 503, 504, 505; rausal 7l7. Inde[»endent w. /xr; or fir] ov in cautious lussertions 269 ; indep. fut. w. oTTws or Sttws fxTi in exhortations and prohibitions 271-277 (see "OTrws), once j)erf. (as pres. ) w. oTrws firj 282. In final clauses, fut. rare w. 6Tru)s, w5, 6pa, and fii), 324, secondary tenses w. tVa, Sttws, u>$ 5, 333-336 ; fut. in final rel. clauses 565, seldom in Hom. 570, imperf. of fi^XKuy of j»ast purj>ose 567. In object clauses after verbs of striving etc., fut. w. 6irw 339, also after past tenses 340, in Hom. chiefly w. Sirws as interrog. 344. After verbs of fearing : fut. seldom w. firj 367, more common w. Sttws firi 370 ; pres. and past tenses w. /xtJ 369 ; pres. and fut. w. 8vus •^4 456 ENGLISH INDKX and ws (nep;. ov) as indirect discourse 371. See 3*. In protasis 3-5 : pres. and past tenses in simple suppositions 402- 406 ; fut. of pres. intention etc. 407, 408, fut. w. el in fut. suppos. (like subj. w. edv) 447-449, in Horn, also w. et K€ 451 ; secondary tenses in pres. and ]>ast unreal cond. (w. &v in apodosis) 4, 410, 411, relation of tenses here 413, aor. in apodosis sometimes not past 414, imperf. always past in Horn. 435 ; potential indie, w. €t as protasis 409, 506 ; present and past tenses in general cond. for subj. and opt. 405, 467. In relative clauses w. definite ante- cedent 519. In conditional rel. clauses : in simple pres. and past cond. 525, 526 ; fut. of pres. inten- tion etc. 527, not in fut. cond. 530 ; secondary tenses in unreal cond. 628, 559, 560 ; pot. indie, w. cond. relative 557 ; for subj. and opt. in general rel. cond. 534, 535 ; w. rel. after general negatives 5-36 ; in parenthetic rel. clauses 537 ^ In Homeric .simih-s w. ws or W5 Srt 547, 548, 549. In consecutive sentences : w. uxxre, expressing actual result, 601, dis- tinguished fiom infin. 582, 583, 584 ; indie, and infin. in same sentence 603 (see"fi(rTe) ; w. u?s 608, 609 ; fut. w. e>' y a»^l f0' V^f 610'-. In ronsec. rel. sentences (w. neg. ov) 575, fut. (w. neg. fiifi) 576. In causal sentences (\v. neg. ov) 713, 715 ; causal potential indie. 717 ; in causal rel. sentences {nc^. ov or fifi) 580, 581. With ?ws, nntif, of definite past actions (generally aor.) 613\ secondary tenses, of result not attained, 613'-; w. dxpt aud /K?Xpi 618, 619 ; w. es 6 and is oO (Herod.) 616 ; w. ^crre 617 ; w. 6erf. and pluperf. generally retained after past tenses 672, imi»erf. sometimes changed to pres. opt. 673 ; aor. retained from dependent clauses of direct form 667 ^ 689 ^ rarely changed to opt. 693, 694 - ; all past tenses w. 6.y and in unreal cond. retained 667 -, 681 ; pres. and |>erf. changed to imperf. and pluperf. after past tenses in Homer 671, 674 \ sometimes in other (ireek 674 ^, 691, 701. See Indirect Discourse. Secondary tenses in present or past unattaine«l wishes 5, 720, 731, 732, 740 ; never without etde or el ydp 733 ; never in Homer 732, 735. See Wi.shes and 'ft^cXoi'. For the uses of the Indicative with &y or k^, see "Av. For future indie, w. ov /x^, see Oi; /xtJ and Future. Indirect Discourse 662-710 : see Con- tents for these sections. Indirect and direct (piotations distinguished 662. Extent of term indirect dis- course or oratio obliqna 666, 694, of term infinitive in imiired discourse 684. Indirect (piotations, liow introduced 663 ; indirect questions, how introduced 665. General principles of construction 667, use of &y 667*, negatives 667' ; indirect (juotations and «juestions in apjMJsi- tion w, pronoun like tovto 668. Indirect Quotation of simple sentences. Introduced by 5ti or UK 667 ^'^i indie, (without &u) in direct forms, and intlic. or opt. in indirect, 669, both moods in same quotation 670 ; imj>erf. and pluperf. retained without change 672, but imperf. may be changed to pres. opt. (imperf. opt.) 673; constr. imi)erfectly developed in Hom. 671 ; pres. and perf. changed to imperf. and pluperf. in Hom. 674', some- times in Attic 674'-; inde])endent opt. following opt. w. fin or u>$ 675*, sometimes foil, other forms 675 '-' ; opt. after a pres. tense implying former expression of thought 676 ; indie, or opt. w. &y unchanged in quot. 667-, 681, likewi.se ]>otential indie, without &v 682. Introduced by infinitive 683, 751, sometimes w. neg. Ml? (tor direct 01)) 685, 667*; by j>artiriple 687, 904, sometimes w. firi 688, 667 '\ See Infinitive and rarticij)le. Indirect Quotation of complex, sentences : general principles of construction 689 ; ditferent moods in same quotation 690 ; pres. or perf. indie, in dependent clause of ♦ ENGLISH INDEX 457 direct form sometimes changed to imperf. and pluperf. after past tenses 691 (cf. 674 and 701), secondary tenses of indie, in such a clause regularly retained 689^, but aor. rarely changed to opt. 693 ; &v irregularly retained w. opt. from subj. of direct form 692. In single dependent clauses after past tenses : principles of indirect dis- course applied to six cases of these 695-700 (see Contents for these sections) ; pres. and perf. indie, irreg. changed to imjjerf. and plup. 701 (cf. 701 and 674) ; &v rarely retained w. oi)t. from direct subj. 702. Same principle extended to all final and object clauses w. tva, u>$, 67rws, etc. 703, and to future cond. cl. depending on these 704. Indirect Quotations introduced by 6tu>5 706, by 6 (Hom.) 709 \ by 5 T (Hom.) 709 -, rarely by ore ( Hom. ) 709 ^, by oi/ve/ca or bdovvcKa 710 ^ rarely by bibTi 710 2. (See 663.) Indirect Questions : representing simple sentences w. indie, (without Oivu w. indie, and o])t. 669, 670, fully develojKjd in Homer 671, imperf. and ])luperf. retained un- changed 672 ; repres. indie, or opt. w. 6.V (unchanged) 681 ; repre.s. iuterrog. subj., w. subj. and opt. 677, w. opt. depending on a leading opt. 679, subj. may be introduce(l by el, whether, 680. As object of verb like aKoir^cj 362, of verb of fearing 376. Negative ov or /xiy 667 ^ exam^des in 669 ^ Infinitive, originally verbal noun, 741 ; Greek and Sanskrit forms compared 742 ; subject (exjnessed or implied) 744 ; o])posed to finite moods 1 ; u.sed with article (later) as noun 743, 788 (.see below). Ten.ses of infinitive. Not in indirect discourse (chiefly ])res. and aor.), w. no reference to definite time 85, 86, 96, pres. and aor. distin- guished 87, 97 ; j)res. or aor. w. Xpdoj, avaipiw, ^ccnrtfw, etc. (as verbs of covnminding) 98, w. Xiyoi, command, eXxov, doKcl, etc. 99, w. verbs of Jioping, promising, swearing, etc. 100, 136 ; future exceptional 112, 113, w. fdWu) (regular) 73, 111; fut. perf. 114; ])erf., expr. finished action 86, 109, expr. decisive and permanent action 110. In indirect discourse, each tense repr. tense of a finite mood 85, 115, 663, 664 2, 6673^ 683^ 745^ 751:— pres. 117, 118, as imperf. 119, 120 ; perf. 122, as pluperf. 123 ; aor. 126, 127 ; fut. 135, 136 ; fut. perf. 114, 137 : see Present, Perfect, Aorist, Future Infinitive ; neg. ov, ex- ceptionally fir}, 685 ; after ^i^/i/ and Xiyuj, rarely after elirov, 753 ; after verbs of hoping, promising, swearing, etc. (neg. firj) 136, 752, 685 ; by assimilation in rel. clauses etc. 755 ; w. relatives in quot. of laws 756 ; in narration, w. X^yerai etc. understood, 757 ; personal and impers. constr. w. Xiyio, SoKiu, etc. 754 ; after verbs of fearing (future) 372. Constructions without the article. As appositive 745 ; as subject 745, 751 ; as predicate 745 ; as object of verbs 746, — not in indirect dis- course 747, 748 (cla.sses of verbs taking ord. obj. infin. 747), in ind. disc. 751 ; after noun w. verb (equiv. to a verb of 747) 749, 766, 375 ; after adject., adv., and nouns 758-769 (see Contents) ; expr. pur- pose 770-775 (.see Contents) ; ab- solute infin. 776, uses of 777-782 (see Contents, and ElneTv, AoKeiv, Etfttt), felt as accus. of limitation 783 ; in commands and prohibitions 784 ; in wishes, like simple opt. 785; in wishes w. at ydp (Hom.) 786 ; in exclamations 787 (also w. article 805) ; w. ware 582-584, 587-599 (.see Contents and "ilare) ; w. w$ (like ware) 608, 609; w. eV v and €>' yre 610'; simple infin. expr. result (Hom.) 775, wo-re seldom used in Homer 589 ; w. Trplv 621, 626-630 (see Uplv) ; w. -^ irpiv 631 ; w. Trpiv ij 651 ; w. irpbrepov ij 653 ; w. varepov ij (once in Thuc.) 655; w. Trdpos (Hon».) 656 ; after 6dv(i} . . . ij (once in Herod.) 661 ; infin. expressing an apodosis 479, 552. Simple infin. or w. /xri or fiT] ov (also w. rov) after verbs of hindrance etc. 807, 809, 810. Infin. inlaws, proclamations, etc. 750. Constructions with the article. As subject w. t6 790 ; as object accus. w. t6 791, after verbs not taking simple infin. 792, sometimes in indir. discourse (even w. dv) 794 ; w. t6 after adjectives and nouns t 458 ENGLISH INDEX 795 ; w. rb in exclamations 805 (see 787) ; w. subject, object, etc. and dejjendent clauses, forming one noun w. t6, 806. With t6 tii) or rd iir] ov after expressions of hindrance, prevention, denial, etc., /A-7 or fXT) ov strengthening urevious negation, 797, 811, 812, also in true neg. sense 813, 814. With rov, as gen. after nouns and adject, after comparatives, as gen. absol., as causal gen., etc. 798 ; w. rov after verbs taking the gen. 798, 793 ; w. rod and rod fi-q (also the infin. alone and w. ix-f} or fii) ov) after verbs of himlrance etc., the negatives strengthening previous negation, 807, 809, 810, also in true neg. sense 808 ; w. ry as dative of cause, manner, or means, or following verbsj, adjectives, and adverbs, 799*^ w. Tov, Tip, and t6 w. prei)osition8 800, 801, article necessary w. pre- po.s., except w. dvn in Herod., 803" (cf. wXrjy, 803 *) ; as gen. w. virip in final sense 802 ; in any case as appositive 804. With or without rov or to, for object clause w. oVcos, 361 ; j)res. or aor. infin. with or without tj after verbs o{ fearing, expr. direct object, 373 ; with or without to (sometimes w. fi-q) after verbs of caution 374. Depending on verbs which usually take participle, not in indirect discourse 903, in indir. disc. 914: see Contents for 903 ' ^ and 914 * *. Infiu. of limitation : w. verbs 767, 768 {oLKoveLv, bpav), 811 ; w. adject., adv., and nouns 763, 765, 766, 769; w. r6 795. Absolute infin. felt as accus. ol' limitation 783. Infin. w. fXT) and yu^ ov 815-817 : see M77 iuid Mr; oi'. For the uses of the Infinitive with &v, see "Aj*. Interrogative Subjunctive 287, in indirect questions 677 : see Sub- junctive. Iterative Imj^erfect and Aorist w. &u 162, re[)r. by infin. w. dv in indirect discourse 210. Ionic iter- ative forms in -ctkov and -ffK6/j.rjv 163, w. &v 164. See Imperfect and Aorist. Likelihood, future, expr. by present 32, by perf. 51 ; past by imprf. 38, by pluperf. 52. See 61 and 79. Limitation, infinitive of, see Infinitive. Moods, defined 1. Finite moods, opposed to infinitive, 1. Dependent moods, opj)osed to indicative, 1. General view of 1-18 : see Contents. Constructions of, enumerated 231. See Indicative etc. Narration, imperfect in 35, infin. in (sc. X^yeTai) 757. Object clauses, how related to final clauses 303 ; w. oirujs and fut. indie, subj., and opt. after verbs of ^riving etc. 303, 339, 340 ; w. .wt in Attic 347 ; w. ottws &v w. subj. 348, rarely w. opt. 349, 350 ; w. cis and ws av w. subj. and ws w. opt. and fut. indie. (Xen.) 351 \ w. wy &v and oTTwj &v w. 0{>t. (Xen.) 351 -, w.^ws &v w. subj. once in Herod. 347 ; w. iVws after verbs of asking, commanding, etc. 355, after Set ae 360 ; w. Stws and tis w. subj. and oi)t. after verbs of planning etc. in Homer 341, 342, 343, w. 6$ fir) and fut. indie.) 354. Infinitive (sometimes w. rov or t6) for object clau.se w. Sttw? 361, 791, 793, 798. See^'O^ws an.l '0$, and (for Xenophon's use of ws, u)5 df, and oTrw? dv) Api>endix IV. For clauses with firf after verbs of fearing, see Fearing and Mt). Optative 12-17, name of 720. Simplest u.se, in independent sentences without dy or k^, 13, 233 (see Appendix I.) ; relation to subj. and other moods 12-17 and Appendix I. Tenses of, see Pre.sent, Perfect, etc. ; when primary or secondary 176-186 (see Contents for the.se sections). Potential (generally w. dv): relation to potential indie. 232, to opt. in wish 13,- 233, 234 ; w. no definite cond. implied 235, 236, w. definite cond. implied or expressed 239 ; expressing mild command or exhortation 237, expr. what may hereafter prove to be or to have been true 238 ; without dv or K^, in Homer 240, w. fanv Stws etc., even in Attic poets, 241, anom- ENGLISn INDEX 459 alous omissions of dv 242 ; relation of pot. opt. to apodosis w. dv (w. opt. in i)rotasis) 239 ; pot. opt. w. dv in protasis w. e^ 409, 458, 506 ; retained unchanged in indirect quotations 667'*^, 681 (sec Indirect Discourse) ; in (|ue.stions of appeal (like interrog. subj.), w. neg. fiiq, 292 ^ ; in apodosis w. indie, or subj. in ]»rotasis 503, 504, 505. In final cluu.ses, after past tenses 14, 317, rarely after primary tenses 322, 323 ; w. dv or k4 329, 330 (see "Ai*) ; in final relative clauses in Homer 568, rarely in Attic 573, 574 (fut. opt.). In object clauses : w. 6'7rws, after verbs of striving etc. 339, after verbs o( asking, comvmnd- ing, etc. 355 ; w. ottcjs and ws in Homer after verbs of jdanning etc. 341, 342, 343 ;^w. ws fii} (Aesch.) 347, 353 ; w. oirws dv and tis dv 349, 350, 351 2 (see "kv and Object clauses). With fx-q after verbs of fearing 3C5, 366 w. Sttws ixt) (for /at)) 370, w. 117) dv 368. In conditions. In future sup- positions w. cl 16, 455, 456, in Hom. sometimes w. ei k€ or d dv 460 ; potential opt. in prota.sis w. d 409, 458, 506 ; in past general suppos. 17, 462-466, only once in Hom. 468 ; in present unreal cond. in Hom. 438, 439, 441 (cf. 739), rarely w. kI or dv in past potential expressions or a|>odo.sis 440-442 (see Appendix ].), similar use in Herod, and Attic 443. In protasis, w. fut. indie, etc. in apodosis 499, w. ])res. indie, in apod. 500, 501, w. pre.sent verb of obligation etc. and infin. in apod. 502 ; opt. w. pres. or piust indie, in same protasis 509. In relative cond. .sentences : comparison of forms w. d 521, 523 ; in future suppos. depending on o]»t. 531, .'i58, w. Ki or dv ano.s. 532 ; after pres. or fut. in apod. (chieHy in Hom.) 554 ; after pre.sent verb of obligation etc. (Set, x/^t^, etc.) and infin. 555 ; w. pot. opt. in cond. clau.se 557. Assimilation 558, 560 ; after general conditions (variable) 563. In consecutive clauses : w. wpos. 613^; w. final force, after past tenses, repr. orig- inal subj. 614 ^ 698, w. special final force in Odyssey 614^; w. ets 6 K€ (once in Hom.) 616 ; w. ?Odvoj, and their equivalents 887 - 890, 892, 894, reversal of constr. of \avddvu) etc! w. partic. 893 ; w. ^a/x/fu; 891 ; w! olxo^iaL, i]KU}, (pxop.ai, dfit, ftrj, ami l^^av {jidv) 895 ; w. irupQ/uiai, roWd^ clp.1 {yivofiai, fyKeifxat), iravTolo^ yivofiai, and (irdyofiai in Herod. 896, w. similar verbs in Attic 897 ; W. dTrodeiKuvfu etc. 898 ; w. d/)A.Vu; etc. 899 ; ^ovXofi^vtp and other l)artic. w. dative after elfii etc. 900 ; dative of partic. w. impersonals taking dative (^'.7. Trp^jru, Ka\6v €(TTiv) 90}. "121/ omit t»'d 902. Uses of certain verbs of §§ 879-901 w. jiartic. iuiil w. intin. eompared 903. In indirect discourse 904, 687, 886 ; neg. ov or firi 667 ', 688 : agreeing w. accus. of reflexive pronoun 905° of impersonals in neuter singular 906 ; w. 5^\os and avep6^ elfxi 907 ; w. (Ti'voida and avyyiyvibffKw in either dative or nomin. 908 ; in dat. when used with intin. de^nding on verb w. dat. 909 ; w. verlw? regularly taking infin. or 6ti and ws in indir. disc. 910; wv omitted 911 ; w. liv emphasising the indir. discourse 916, w. (is after verbs o( saifhig and thinkimj not taking piirtic. alone 919; w. lij and circumstantial partic. in gen. absol. (equiv. to indir. disc.) 917, 918. Uses of ENGLISH INDEX 461 certain verbs of § 904 w. partic. and w. intin. compared 914, 915 : see Contents. For the uses of the Participle with Siv, see "kv. Particular and general conditions dis- tinguished 394-397. See Conditional sentences and Protasis. Perfect, tense of completed action, 19, 20, 42, 102. Indicative : primary tense 21, 170, states present completion 44 ; may be expr. by perf. partic. and ct/Lu 45, 46, 831, by aor. or perf. partic. and ^x^ -17, 831 ; of certain verbs, in sense of pres. 49 ; in ejustlcs for pres. 50 ; denoting future cer- tainty or likelihood 51. Gnomic IKjrfect 154, 155, not in Homer 155 (end), tiansf. to inlin. in indirect discourse 160. Never w. aiv 195. In dependent moods, how related to present 102. Subjunctive : often e.xpr. by i>erf. partic. and c5 103, in |U'otasis corresp. to Latin fut. perf. indic. 104. Optative: not in in- direct discourse, often exi)r. by perf. partic. and flriv 103, diflicult to express in Englisli 104 ; in indir. disc, repr. perf. in«lic. of a leading verb 121 \ repr. dependent })crf. indic. or subj. 121 2. Imj>erative: generally 3rd ])ers. sing. j»ass., in command that an act sliall be de- cisive 105, in mathematical language 106 ; rare in 2nd person 107 ; regular in verbs whose perf. = pres. 108 ; periphrastic forms w. |>erf. partic. and i€\ov in wishes 734. Participle, representing finished action 142. For the uses with &v, see'Af. Pluperfect 19, 20, 43 ; secondary tense 21, 170 ; aUtes jHf.st completion 43 ; mav be exj)r. by perf. partic. and iji^ 45, 46, by partic. and elxov or eaxov 48, 831 ; in sense of im|)erf. 49 '' ; denoting immediate or sudden occurrence 52 ; w. eVei etc, where aor. is more common, 59 ; in apodosis w. du how distinguished J from iniperf. and aor. 410, 413 ; aor. may be used where pluperf. would be more exact 58, 413. In indirect discourse repr. by perf. infin. 123, 683. Potential Indicative and Optative : see Indicative and Optative, and "Ai'. Present 19, 20, tense of continued action 23, 87. Indicative 23, primary tense (in its ordinary use) 21, 170. Ex- pressing present duration 23, rela- tively present in indirect discourse 23 (end), 22 ; expr. custom or general truth 24 ; as gnomic tense, how distinguished from aor. 157 ; ex])r. attempted action 25; past and i>res. combined (w. TrdXat etc ) 26; of certain verbs, in sense of l»erf. 27 ; of verbs signif. to hear, IcAirn, say, etc., of past time, 28; expr. likelihood, inteutiov, ov danger 32. Present of elpu in indic. as future (in Hom. also present) 92, in dependent moods and partic 30, 31. Historic present 33, as secondary tense 21, 171. Never w. dp 195. In dei)endent mooast general eond. 394-397 : see Contents for §J^ 402-471. Contained in a participle, adverb, etc. 472, 841, in fut. partic. oidy in pivsent conditions (§ 407), never in fut.cond., 473. "Without verb expres.sed : w. ei 5' dy€ 474, w. ws ei in comparisons 475, w. ft /J.V, e.fcept, 476, w. TrXrjv el 477, w. ei 5^ ^rj (or et 5«f), other- wise, 478. Several i)rotases, not co-ordinate, in one sentence 510 ; relation of leading and subordinate conditions here 511. See Ajwdosis. Purpose, expressions of, enumerated 338. See Final clauses etc. Questions, imlirect, how introduced 665 ^'^ ; construction of 665 \ See Indirect Discourse. Quotations, direct and indirect 662. Direct quotations introtluced by Sn or w? 711. For indirect quotations, see Indirect Discourse. Relative (including temporal) sen- tences 514-661 : see Contents. With definite or intlefinite antecedents of relative 515-517 ; either may l)e expressed or understood 516 ; nega- tives in rel. sentences 518. "NVith definite antecedent, in all constructions of independent .sen- tences 519. With indefinite antecedent, con- ditional rel. sentences, in chief forms of conditional sentences 520, .521 (see 398); cond. rel. (like d) takes &v or k4 before subjunctive 522. Cond. rel. w. pras. or past tense of indie, in simple sujtposi- tions 52.5, w. fut. indie, expr. present intention etc. 527, seldom (or never) in future suppos. ,530; w. secondary tenses of indie, in unreal cond. 528 ; w. subj. in future cond. 529, in present general eond. 532; w. opt. in future cond. 531, in past general cond. 532; \v. indi«'. for subj. anrose 540, 541. Cond. rel. w. Ki or &v and opt. in Homer 542. In Honu'ric similes: ws 6t€ (or bw6T(), W5, Ck t€, rarely U>s 5t' dv, w. subj. 543-546 ; w.' subj, followed by pres. or aor. indie. 547 ; w. pres. or aor. indie, without subj. 548 ; w. subj. and indie, following wy and a noun 549. Without verb : 6 n fir/, 6are Latin 569), once w. fut. indie. 570, w. potential opt. 570. Subj. not used in Attic 572, pres. or aor. out. rarely 573. Homeric temporal clauses w. ])eculiar final force 571. Consecutive relative clauses w. indie, (neg. ov), like ua-re w. indie. , 575, w. fut. indie, (neg. fi-^), like uxTTe w. iiifin., 576 ; never w. subj., but occasionally w. opt. by assimi- lation 579. For consecutive clauses w. w(rre, wj, and €, 6, 284 ; other uses 7-11. All tenses primary 174 ; but opt. may depend on subj. following a past tense 175. Relation of subjunctive to optative : see Appendix I. First person (as im]>ei*ative) in exhortations, and in prohibitions w. firi, 8", 255, generally plural 256, sometimes sing, (commonly w. dye or another command) 257 ; both j»res. and aor. allowed in prohib. w*. fiifl 258. Second and third persons not regular in afiirm. exhortations 258. Aorist subj. (and j»resent im- perat.) in prohibitions w. fir} in 2nd and 3rd i»ersons 259. Independent subj. w. firi and firj oO : w. /xt) ex- pressing ai)prehension (Hom.)261, w. fit) 00 263, relation of these to dejiendent clauses w. firi and subj. 8 *, 262, w. /xtJ or firj ov after Horn. 264 ; w. /uri or /x?) ov in cautious assertions (chiefly in Plato) 265, 266, same use w. firj in dependent clauses 267, in cautious direct questions 268. Homeric subj. as sinqdc future (w. neg. ov) 6, 284, w. k4 or dv in potential sense 285, 201 \ 235, 452, potential subj. and oj)t. contrasted 286. Interrog. subj. in appeals 7, 287, origin of 288, third person seldom, chiefly w. ris, 289 ; second pers. not used 289 ; neg. firi 291, even when affirm, answer is expected 293. With ov fi^ 9, 294-301 : .see Contents for these sections, and Ov 1X7}. In final clauses, after primary tenses 10, 317, after secondary tenses 318-^^321, 703 ; w. dv or k4 325-328 : see "Aj'. In rel. final cl. in Homer 568, 569, not in Attic 572. In object clauses : sometimes like fut. indie, vv. Sttws after verbs of striving, etc. 339, after verbs of asking, commanding, etc. 355 ; regularly in Homer after verbs of planning, etc. w. 6'7rws or cis (often w. k^) 341- 343, w. 60pa (Horn, and Pind.) 345, 346 ; peculiar Homeric and N. Test, uses w. XiaaofxaL 356, 357 ; Karavevoj ws w. subj. (Hom.) 359 ; sometimes w. ws in Attic poets and ujs dv in Herod. 347 ; w. dwcjs dv (Attic) 348 ; w. ws and ws dv in Xenophon 351 ^ (see Ai)pcndix IV.). Use of sigmatic aor. subj. w. 6'7rajs 363, Dawes's canon 364. With m^ after verbs of fearing, 365, 366, sometimes w. Sttws /x^ 370. In conditions 11. Jn future su])- pos. w. idv, T^v, or av 444-446, in Horn. w. ei Ke etc. 450 ; sometinns w. simple ei in Homer 453, rarely in Attic iK)ets 454. In general present cond. w. tdv etc. 462 ; in Hom. generally w. .simple e^ 468, some- times in lyric jjoets 469, 470, rarely in Attic poets 471. With ei Ke or iiv, if ha2)/y, in case that, in Homer 487, 491, w. idv etc. in other Greek 489, 490, 493. In protasis w. potential opt. in ajmdosis 505. In relative conditional sentences. Compared with forms of protasis 521, 522, 523. In future suppos. (rel. w. dv) 529, sometimes in Homer without k4 or dv 539 ; in present general suppos. (w. dv) 532, generally in Homer without k^ or dv 538, sometimes in other Greek 540, 541 ; subj. depending on potential opt. 556. Assimilation 558, variable in general cond. 563. In Homeric similes w. ws 6re (or oxdre), ws, W5 re, rarely w. w 6t dv, 464 ENGLISH INDEX 543-547. With ^m &v, until, in future suppos. 613 ^ in present general supj)os. 613*; w. final force, retained after past tenses, 614 \ 698; w. dxpt and fUxpt (as w. ^ws) 618, w. dxpt o5 and ac^xP* o^ 619, w. cts 6 K€ (Horn.) and is 6 or it oJ) (Herod.) 616, w. fcrre 617, w. 6pa 615 ; w. ^ws etc. without dv 620. With Trplv, only after nega- tive sentences, 622, result of para- taxis 624 ; in future suppos. 638, in Horn, and Hes. always without Ki or &y 639, 640, tt/mj/ Am in other Greek 642 ; in present general cond. w. dv (not in Horn.) 645, sometimes without dv 648 ; subj. depending on potential oi)t. 650. With irpiu y 6t dv, twice in Odyssey, 641. With irplv i} 651 ; w. Trpbrepov ^ 653. In indirect discourse, retained after primary tenses, changed to opt. or retained after secondary tenses, 667 ^ 689, 694 1, 703, 704. For the uses of the Subjunctive with dv, see'Av. Swearing, verbs of, w. fut. and pres. or aor. intiu. 100, 136, 752, w. neg. /n^ 685. Temporal sentences : see Relative sentences. Tenses, enumeration of 19, two rela- tions expressed by 20. Primary and secondary 21, 165-191 (see Contents for these sections). Rela- tive and absolute time of 22. In dependent moods, how distinguished 85, distinct use in indirect discourse and in other constructions 85 : not in indir. disc, chiefly pres. and aor., 86, in indir. disc, tenses of opt. and infin. repres same tenses of direct form ll5 (see Indirect Discourse). See Present, imperfect, Aorist, etc. Thucydides, his preference for direct forms in all indirect discourse 670, 320 (w. footnote). Time of tenses, absolute and relative, 22. Until, temporal particles signifying 514, 611-661 ; nature of clauses introduced by these particles 611, 612. See "Ews and UpLv. Verbal adjectives in {-Tia) 920-926 : see for details. -riot and -riov •riot and -riw Wishes 720-740: see Contents for these sections. Two classes, wishes w. future object and wishes w. present or past (unattained) object 720, 740 ; comparison of Greek and Latin uses 740. Future wishes. With opt. alone 721, 722, expr. command or exhor- tation (poetic) 725, w. odrut in protestations 727, w. ws prefixed (poetic) 726. With opt. introtl. by €i yap, eWe, or el (Horn, also at ydp, aWe) 721, 723, simple el poetic 723 (end) ; in Hom. wish sometimes followed by pot. opt. (w. xi or dv^ m an apodosis 730 (see Appendix I.). Tense of opt. in wishes 724, never fut. 723 (end), perf. only as pres. 723. Infin. in future wishes 785, w. at ydp 786. Potential opt. in wishes 728. Present and past wishes (object not attained). With secondary tenses of indie, w. ei ydp and eWe (never in Hom.) 732, particles never omitted 733, simple ct not used 738. With CxpeXov etc. and infin. 734, 424, only Homeric form for past wishes 735 ; w. tide or el ydp or /it) (not simple el) prefixed to Ci€\ov 734, 736 ; w. wj CjfpeXov 737. Present wishes in Homer expr. also by present opt., generally w. etSe or el ydp, 739. 724 ; a past wish once by at ydp w. infin. 786 : see also 93 (end) and 739 (end). iratider etc., verbs expr. w. el 494. Xenophon's use of wy, w? dv, and fiirwj dv 326-, 329 2, 330, 348, 351, and Api)endix IV.; use of subj. in final clauses after past tenses 320 (footnote). THE END. PARALLEL REFERENCES FOR GOODWIN'S GREEK MOODS AND TENSES. >^ SECTIONS OF tXJ^ SECTIONS OP SOO SECTIONS OP SECTIONS OF OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION, Chapter I. N. 6. N. 7. 39, 40. 41. 1. 1. Remark before 12. 8A^ 88. 2. 2-5. 12. 87, 89. 3. 6-11. 13. 1. 94. 4. 12-17. 2. 116. 1-3 6. 18. N. 1. 678. 6. 1, 741. N. 2. 116. 4. 7. 1. 14. 89. Chapter II. 15. 1. Rem. 87,96. 96. 8. 1. 19. N. 2. 98. 2. 21. 2. 117. 9. 22. N. 1. 684. 10. 1. 23. N. 2. 100, 136. N. 1. 24. N. 3. 99. N. 2. 26. 3. 119. N. 3. 26. Rem. 1. 120. N. 4. 27. Rem. 2. 120. N. 5. 28. 16. 1. 138, 139. N. 6. 29-31. NOTE. 141. N. 7. 32. 2. 140. 2. 33. 17. 1. 42. NOTE. 33. 2. 43. 11. 34. N. 1. 44. K. 1. 35. N. 2. 45, 831. H. 2. 36. Rem. 45, 46. N. 3. 37. N. 3. 49. N. 4. 38. N. 4. 52. N. 6, 57. N. 5. 60. \ PAKALLEL REFERENCES, OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION N. 0. 61, 62. N. 6 (a). 69. 18. 102. (6). 70. 1. 103. N. 6. 71, 72. NOTE. 104. 2. 73, 74. 2. 106. N. 1. 76. N. 1. 106. N. 2. 76. N. 2. 107. 26. 128. N. 3. 108. Rem. 666. 3 (a). 122. N. 1. 130-132. (6). 109. 27. Ill, 135. NOTE. 110. N. 1. 112. Rem. 123. N. 2. 113. 4. 142. N. 3. 136. 19. 63, 64. 28. 153. N. 1. 66. 29. 77. N. 2. 66,57. N. 1. 78. N. 4 (a). 68. N*. 2. 79. (6). 69. N. 3. 80, 831. N. 5. 60. N. 4. 81, 831. N. C. 61, 62. N. 6 (a). 82. 20. 87, 89. (6). 83. N. 1. 90. N. 6. 137. N. 2. 91. Rem. 84. 21. 1. 94. 30. 1. 164, 155. NOTE. 95. N. 1. 166. 2. 124. 1-3. N. 2. 167. N. 1. 125. N. 3. 158. 22. 89. N. 4. 161. 23. 1. 96. N. 6. 159. N. 2. 98. N. 6. 160. N. 3. 101. 2. 162, 249. 2. 126. N. 1. 163. X. 1. 684. N. 2. 164. N. 2. 100, 136. 31. 1. 165. N. 3. 127. 2. 16(J. N. 4. 99. N. 1. 167. 24. 143. N. 2. 168. N. 1. 144. Rem. 169. N. 2. 148, 160. 32. 1. 170. Rem. 147. 2. 171. N. 3. 151. 3(a). •172. 25. 1. 63. (/;). 1 -•> N. 1. 66. 33. 174. N. 2. m. 34. 17(i. N. 3. 67. 1 (a). 177. N. 4. 68.- (6). 178. PARALLEL REFERENCES. OLD EDITION. NOTE. 2. NOTE. 3. NOTE. 35. 1. NOTE. 2. 8. 4. NEW EDITION. 179. 180-182. 18:3. 184, 186. 185. 187. 188. 187, 189. 190. 191. ClIAPTEK III. 36. 1, 2. Rem. 2. 37. 1. 2. N. 1. 8. NOTE. 38. 1. 2. NOTE. 39. NOTE. 41. 1. 2. a 4. x. 1. N. 2. N. 3. N. 4. N. 6. 42. 1. 2. NOTE. 3. N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. 4. NOTE. 192. 1, 2. 193. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200, 201. 2. 201. 1. 201. 1. 202. 203. 204, 213. 205, 214. 206. 207, 216. 208, 216. 208. 213, 209. 210. 211. 217. 218. 219. 220. 223. 217, 224. 227. 225. 226. 221. OLD EDITION. new EDITION. Section I. 43. Rem. N. 1. N. 2. 44. 1. 45. 46. Chapter IV. Introductory. 230, 231. N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. Rem. 2. N. 1. N. 2 (a), (b). 3. Rem. N. 1. N. 2. Rem. N. 1. N. 2 (a). N. 3. N. 4. N. 5 («). (6). N. 6 (a). (^). N. 7 (a). Rem. N. 8. Rem. N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. N. 4. N. 5. N. 6 (a). (h). (c). N. 7. 302, 303. 304. 302. 305, 306. 317. 324. 325-328. 329, 330. 325, .308. 318-320. 321. 322. 323. S'j'i. 334. 335. 330. 339, 340. 313. 348-351. 341-343. 344. 354. 351. 355, 350, 358. 357. 359. 301. 302. 271 (272-278). 279. 275. 303, 364. 305. 307, 300. 307. 370. 308. 205, 200, 208. 309. 1-3. 371. 372. 376. 377. PARALLEL REFERENCES. PARALLEL REFERENCES. OM> EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. HEW EDITION. N. 8 (a). 373. (b). 440. (6). 374. N. 3. 469. (c). 376. 51. Rem. 462. 466. Section II. N. 1. 468. 47. 1. 378. N. 2. 468- -471. NOTE. 379. N. 3. 467, 405. 2. 381, 382. 52. 1. 472. 3. 383. Rem. 473. NOTE. 384- -387. N. 1. 474. 48. 388- -397. N. 2. 478. 49. 1. N. 1. 402. 403. 2. f 232-2.39, 124.3-248. Rem. 403. NOTE. 237. N. 3. 407, 408. Rem. 2.38. 2. 410, 411. 5:5. 479. 1-3. Rem. (a). 412. N. 1. 482. (6). 41.3. N. 2. 486- -491. K. 1. 435. N. 3. [ 48,3, 1227, 484, N.2. 432. 475. N. 3 (a). 415-422. N. 4. 477. (6). 424. Rem. 723. (c). 425. 54. 498. (^). 427. 1. (a). 603-506. (e). 428, 429. {h). 605. Rem. 1, 2. 415. 2. (a). 499- -501. Rem. 3. 417. (6). 602. N. 4 (a). 437. 3. 608. (6). 409, 506. Rem. 609. N. 5. 414. 55. 1. 610. N. (a). 440. 2. 15, 481, 170 A (&). 438. 56. 494, 496. 50. 1. 444. Rem. 407. Rem. 1. 445. 57. 612, 613. Rem. 2. 446. Rem. 613. N. 1. 447. N. 2 (a). 452. Section III (6). 450. 58. 1. 614. (c). 451. 2. 516, 516. ((?). 453. 3. 51§. N. 3 (a). 454. 1. 59. 619. (5). 454. 2. N. 1. 619. 2. 455. N. 2. 617. Rem. 456. 457. 60. 1. 620, 621. N. 1. 240- -242, 457. 2. 620. N. 2 (a). 458, 506, 461. 3. 622. OLD EDITION. NOTE. Rem. 61. 1. NOTE. 2. Rem. 8. NOTE. 4. Rem. 62. Rem. N. 1. N. 2. N. ,3. 63. 1 (a). (6). 2. 8. 6. 64. 1. 2. Rem. 1. Rem. 2. N. 1. N. 2. Rem. 66. 1. Rem. N. 1 (a). (6). N. 2. Rem. N. 3 (a), (fc). N. 4. N. 6. 2. 3. NOTE. 4. Rem. 66. 1. 613. NEW EDITION. 622. 623. 624. 625. 626. 528. 528 (end). 629. 5.30, 627. 531. 531 (end). 632. 533. 634. 636. 643-549. 638, 539. 640. 657, 542. 552. 556. 554, 555. 537. 558. 659. 660. 661. 562. 563. 564. 665, 566. 678. 566. 574. 668, 570. 669. 672. 673, 579. 329. 2. 675. 610. 2. 682, 601. 602. 580. 581. 1(615,617,618). OLD EDITION. N. 1. N. 2. 2. N. 1, N. 2. N. 3. 3. 4. NOTE. Rem. 67. 1. N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. N. 4. N. 5. NEW EDITION. 619. 616. r 613. 3, 4, 1(615,617,618), 614. 616. 620, 648. 613. 2. 613. 5 (617). 620. 611. 621, 622. r 632-634, 637, i 638, 643-645. 636, 639, 644. f 626, 628-630, 1647. 651-654. 657, 658. 624. Section IV. 68. 1. 2. 3. rOTE. 69. 1-5. 70. 1. Rem. 2. Rem. 1. Rem. 2. N. 1 (a). (6). N. 2. N. 3 (a). (6). 71. 72. 73. 1. Rem. 1. Rem. 2. N. 1. NOTE. Rem. 2. 662. 663. 665. 666. 667. 1-5. 669. 1. 669. 1 (end). 669. 2. 670 (a). 670 (h). 672. 673. 674. 675. 1. 675. 2. 677. 678. 679. 680. 681. 682. 683. 684. ' 687. 'f PARALLEL REFERENCES. OLD EDITION. 74. 1. X. 1. N. 2. 2. N. 1. N. 2. 76. 77. Rem. 1(a). (6). • (c). (d). (0- N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. 2. 11 78. 1. 2. 79. NOTE. NOTE. NEW EDITION. 680. 1, 2. 600. 692. 689. 3. 693. 691. 689. 3. 680. 3. f680. 3 (after I examples). 604. 605. 600. em, 607. 608. 700. 699. 701. 702. 703. 704. 70<}. 700. 710. 1. 711. 80. 81. 1. 2. Section V. 712. Rem. X. 1. N. 2. 713. 714. 715. 716, 714. 717. Section VI. Rem. before 82. 82. Rem. 1. Rem. 2. X. 1. N. 2. 720. 721-723. 723 (end). 724, 739. "25. 83. 1. N. 3. X. 4. X. 5. Rem. 723.3 72(5. 727. 728. 7 '■>'■> OLD EDITION. 2. N. 1. N. 2. Rem. 85. 86. NEW EDITION. 731, 734. 735. 738, 737. 740. Section VII. 84. N. 1. N. 2. N. 3. N. 4. N. 1. N. 2. N. 1 (fe). N. 2. 250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 25iJ^256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 257. Section VIII. 87. 284. Rem. 284. NOTE. 285. 88. 287. Rem. 288. N. 1. 280. N. 2. 200. 80. 294. 1. 295. N. 1. 29(5. O 297. N. 1. 208. N. 2. 200. Rem. 1. 300. Rem. 2. 301. Chapter V. 00. 741. 01. 745 (780-701) 02. 74(5. 1. 747. Rem. 1. 747 (end). Rem. 2. 373. X. 1. 748. N. 2. 749. N. 3. 780-701. // PARALLEL REFERENCES. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. N. 4. 702. Rem. 783. N. 5. 703. N. 1. 770. Rem. 767. N. 2. 780, 781. 2. 751. 101. 784. N. 1. 753. 102. 785. N. 2. 754. 103. 750. N. 3 (a). 755. 104. 787. (6). 756. 105. 757. 93. 1. 758. 106. 621, 622. N. 1. 750, 760. 1. 626. N. 2 (a). 761. 2. 627. (6). 762. N. 2. 627-(530. N. 3. 705. N. 3. 651, 655, 661 2. 7(53. X. 4. 657-680. N. 1. 765. N. 5. 656. N. 2. 7(56. Rem. 85, 86. N. 3 (a). 767. (6). 768. Chapter VI. N.4. 769. 107. 822. 94. 800 (803). Rem. 821. 95. 1. 708, 790. 108. 1. 824. NOTE. 788. 2. 825. 2. 807. N. 1. 826. N. 1 (a). 815. 1. N. 2. 827. (b). 815. 2, 818. N. 3. 828. Rem. 817. X. 4. 820. N. 2. 800, 810. N. 5. 830. 3. 811. N. 6. 830, 831. NOTE. 812. 100. 832. Rem. 808, 813. 1. 96. 80(>. 2. 835. 97. 770, 771. 3. 836. N. 1. 772. 4. 838. N. 2. 775. 5. 840. N. 3. 773, 774. 6. 841. N. 4. 764. 7. 842. 98. 1. 587. 1. 8. 843. Rem. 601. N..1 (a). 855. 2. 687. 2, 3. (b). 856. X. 1. 608. (C). 857. N. 2. 588. N. 2. 858. N. 3. 585, 580. N. 3 (a). 862, 863. N. 4. 502, 504. (6). 874. N. 6. 500, 501. N. 4 (a). 864, 805. 90. 610. 1. Q^)' 866, 016. 100. 776-778, 782. N. 5 (a). 850. \ 8 PARALLEL KEFERENCES. OLD EDITION. NEW EDITION. OLD EDITIO> r. NEW EDITION (6). 800. N. 4. 902. Rem. 861. w. 6. 903. N. 6. 875. 1-4. H. 7. 831. N. 7 (&). 839. N. 8. 900. N. 8. 834, 837. 113. 904. N. 9. 867, 868. N. 1. 907. 110. 1. 847. N. 2. 905. N. 1. 855-867. N. 3. 906. N. 2. 848. N. 4. 910. N. 3. 849. N. 6. 911. N. 4. 875. 1-4. N. 6. 908. N. 5, 850. N. 7. 912. 2. 851. N. 8. 914, 915. Rem. 855-867, 875. N. 9. 913. N. 1. 853. N. 10 (a). 916. N. 2. 854. (6). 917. 111. 876. (c). 918, 919. 112. 877, 878. YTYT A A «■• 7 c IIAPTEB VII. 1. 879—885. Rem. 896, 898. 114. 920. 2. (-887-891, 1 895-897. 1. 921. NOTE. 922. Rem. 892. 2. 923. N. 1. 899. NOTE 925. N. 2. 879. Rem. 1. 924. N. 3. 894. Rem. 2. 926. 1 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES This book is due on the date indicated below, or at the expiration of a definite period after the date of borrowing, as provided by the library rules or by special arrangement with the Librarian in charge. DATE BORftOWeO DATE DUE DATE BOftftOWED DATE DUE » ca8(»4e>Mioo li '-,•,51 F Mr k i COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES 0674551 P87.58 G637 cop. 2 I 1 < ^ ^3S"I3.3^ i ). l^lAr tt 1947 ^^^f-'- "iVt»^ ■f?^-*s-= :^ ^v ^ ^S^ ^ n 5^ .^kVjjS^ (. - .^-Aim: