MASTER NEGA TIVE NO. 91-80124 MICROFILMED 1991 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code ~ concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: LOOMIS, LOUISE ROPES TITLE: MEDIEVAL HELLENISM PLACE: LANCASTER, PA DA TE : 1906 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT RTRTTOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Master Negative # Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record Restiictions on Use: ■ -*' 37^.70«) Copy 2 Loomis, Louise Ropes, 1874- 1953 Medieval Hellenism, by Louise Ropes Loomis ... Pa., Wickersham press, 1906. 117 p. 25«". Thesis (ph. d.)— Columbia university, 1907. Vita. Bibliograpliy : p. 111-115. Lancaster, Copy in B 1. Hellenism. D880,9 L87 O o llo^ e Llbi ' m ' j> — at9e#. Copy In History Rettding Room, 1906. Library of Congress CB365.L6 ia28cl| 8-220T TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: .U_>b.^2^fe. FILM SIZE:__^5_in_Cp^__ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA ogf> IB IIB DATE FILMED: ^WjA INITIALS FILMED BY: RESEARCrfPUBLICATIONS- INC WOOD BRIDGE. CT 1 r Association for Information and image Management 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring. Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 12 3 4 ||J|[||JllM IIIIIIIIII[llll | llllllllllllllll TTT TT\ Inches 1 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 iljiiil[Mil | iiil[iiiliMilmiliiiiliiii 2 3 4 M I 13 14 15 mm ■■'■'■|'[''j'p!'j''|''''| 1.0 I.I 1.25 Ui 12.8 If 1^ ■ 6-3 It m luuu 2S 2.2 2.0 1.8 1.4 1.6 MRNUFflCTURED TO RUM STRNDRRDS BY RPPLIED IMRGE, INC. ms^A Columbia Wini\}tviitp in tde Citp of Beto l^orfe LIBRARY 'SI 1 ' i MEDIEVAL HELLENISM BY LOUISE ROPES LOOMIS, A. M. » \ presented in pariial fulfilment of ihe rfquirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy in Columbia University I M i WICKERSHAM PRESS Lancaster, Pa. 1906 i 1 i5 h 1 1 1 II PREFACE The essay here presented in independent form was origin- ally intended to fill the place of a general introduction to a study of the Greek Renaissance in Italy. Shortcomings which would have seemed grave in the main treatise, might, it was hoped, appear less flagrant in the prefatory sketch affixed to a more detailed and thorough body of work. Un- fortunately it has been found impossible within the limit of time allowed for the preparation of a doctor's dissertation to advance further than the beginning of the central chapters of the projected discussion. Accordingly it is now thought expedient to publish separately the introductory matter in order to fulfil the requirements for the degree, with the ex- pectation that the whole of the contemplated work will be issued later. It is with considerable diffidence, nevertheless, that this slight and inadequate discussion of a broad and complex subject is presented for judgment solely upon its own merits. How slight and how inadequate it is, and how unfit to stand alone the author is regretfully aware. If it prove in any way useful or suggestive as a partial enumeration of facts not often brought together it will have accomplished every de- sired end. The writer is glad of the opportunity to express her en- during obligation to Professor James Harvey Robinson of Columbia University for direction and counsel in all her work 404790 m PREFACE 4 for several years past, and likewise her gratitude to Professor George Lincoln Burr of Cornell University for additional criticism and advice upon this present undertaking. Louise Ropes Loomis. August, 1906. 1/^ 1/ ,/>. ,-i$ li ^ v.. CONTENTS. If- FAGB Chapter I. The Greek language in the Middle Ages. 1. Decline in the study of Greek until the tenth century 8-1 1 2. Sources for medieval knowledge of the Greek tongue. a. Greek -speaking peoples in the West. (i) Western travellers to the Orient 11-19 (2) Greek visitors to the West 19-28 Failure of ecclesiastical efforts to train Greek mis- sionaries. (3) Greek colonies in South Italy 28-32 b. Fragments of Greek in Latin literature. (1 ) General works and church rituals 32-35 (2) Latin grammars. (a) Pre-medieval works : Donatus, Priscian,Isidore. 35~37 (b) Twelfth century grammarians: Alexander of Ville Dieu, Eberhard of Bethune 38-40 (c) Roger Bacon 40-45 Conclusion : General ignorance of and indifference to the Greek Ian- guage ^5~4 Chapter II. Greek literature in the Middle Ages. 1. Narrative literature. a. Esop's Fables 49-5° b. Mythological tales 50-53 c. Versions of Homer. (i) llias Latina 53 55 (2) Dictys the Cretan 55"57 (3) Dares the Phrygian 58 59 • d. Orestes Tragoedia 59-6i e. The Alexander legend .V, 61-62 2. Philosophy. a. The older philosophers and Plato 62-65 b. Aristotle. (i) The process of translation 66-74 (2) The influence of Aristotle 74-79 3. Theology 79-^3 4. Science ^3-86 /" *-,* ^ CONTENTS PAGB Conclusion : The mediev.1 estimate of Greek>chieyement »» i"«»^^ed ^^ by Dante \ Chapter III. The fourteenth century humanists. I Petrarch and Boccaccio. 8q_o2 a. Petrarch's attempt to learn Greek "^^ b. Boccaccio's lessons in Greek and the translation of Homer. 92->o> 2. The generation after Petrarch. a. Literary activity at Florence '°* '"^ b. Salutato as a Greek scholar 103-109 Conclusion : Growth of a broader interest in the classic literatures UO CHAPTER I The Greek of the classic period is to modern imagina- tion an old and familiar acquaintance. We have long been versed in the outlines of his politics, his art and his htera- ture We have passed judgment again and agam upon his fitful patriotism, his restless ambition, his versatility and his humor, his love of beauty and vigorous thinking, and his talent for viewing a question impartially on both sides. We have heard the music of his language in prose and verse. We are now unearthing the remains of the very houses m which he lived and the temples where he paid honor to his gods We are learning to describe in detail the treasure vaults of Homeric kings and the hillside theatres where latter- day democracies sat to witness the tragedies of Euripides. Indeed we have read so much of what the men of those ages said of themselves and their institutions and have looked upon so many of their monuments, that from it all we have derived a fairly exact conception, such as it is, of the achievements and temper of the whole race. We feel that we should not find ourselves among total strangers were we on a sudden set down in the tent of Achilles or before the speaker's platform in the Athenian assembly. Now and again in some medieval chronicle or tale of ancient days we confront a figure that bears a well-known Greek name, but whose form and character by some mys- terious process have been altered almost beyond recognition. The classic Greek of our experience is keen-witted, self-re- liant, self-possessed, the Greek to whom the writer of the 7 g MEDIEVAL HELLENISM Middle Ages introduces us is more simple-minded and devbut, above all more romantic. He wears frequently a title or a dress that seems to us curiously anomalous. We have fancied ourselves not ignorant of the ways about Ilium, but Emperor Priam, Duke Hector and their liege knights are not the warriors who used to meet us there. We have surely never seen before the amorous Prince Troilus and his love Cressid of whom this new historian has so much to say. Can Atlas, the great astrologer, Prometheus, the successful scientist and Hercules, the social reformer, clad in the garb of doctors of the Sorbonne, can they be the heroes of the mythical wondertales we have loved from childhood? Who is the Philosopher or his pupil, the son of Nectanebus, con- queror of the natural and supernatural world ? An unearthly glamor hangs around the two, making it difficult to identify them with any Greeks who lived in the hard, practical day- light of the fourth century. Some of our favorite names this twelfth century author does not appear to know at all, Leoni- das, Themistocles or Pericles. Of others he recounts extra- ordinary fables, unlike anything we have hitherto heard re- garding them. Greek art of every sort apparently means little to him, for he does not mention it among the redoubt- able attainments of the race. On the other hand, he makes much of certain portions of Greek philosophy which in our esteem occtipy usually a somewhat secondary place. Of it all he speaks with assurance too, as confident as we that his informSition is adequate and correct. He is eight hundred years nearer to that Hellenic world than we. What material had he different from ours to give him ideas of it so incon- /sistent with our own? Where did the Middle Ages get its * knowledge of Greece? The Romans, as everyone knows, were pupils of the Greeks in most departments of learning. Their instruction was obtained largely at first hand from Greek teachers MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 9 brought to the West or from the famous schools of Rhodes and Athens. Until the fourth century of our era the study^ of the works of the chief Attic poets, orators and historians in their original tongue formed an important part of the training of every educated gentleman. But durmg the course of the fourth and fifth centuries there took place throughout the Western provinces a gradual dissolution of the order of civilization which the Roman Empire had es- tablished and so long preserved. Standards of religion and conduct changed, forms of government gave way, a new and cruder race wrested the dominion from the hands of the cultivated, leisure classes of the old society. The incentives- and the instruments for the acquisition of culture slowly dis- appeared.^/ Secular schools, both public and private, closed for want of protection and support, and teachers grew cons- tantly rarer and less efficient. A dense and widespread ignorance followed the period of political and social disinte- gration The deterioration of taste that marked the few litterati that remained made impossible any fresh appeal to artistic sensibility or intellectual enthusiasm. Even in churches and convents education was commonly reduced to instruction in reading and writing and in the use of a hm.ted number of Latin works that bore upon religion. Only here^ and there did a clerk undertake to learn enough Greek to read and translate a treatise of a Greek father or to carry on communication with the Eastern branch of the Church. An exceptional scholar of this kind was occasionally employed by king or noble to negotiate a marriage with an .Oriental princess or to transact some other diplomatic errand at the stately court by the Bosphorus. During the sixth and early seventh centuries the only iln this brief summary of the decline of classic culture until the time of Charlemagne I have ^made especial use of a recent study of the subject by M. Roger, rEnsngnement dts Uttres Clasnques d^Ausone a Alcuin, I jQ MEDIEVAL HELLENISM .schools of Western Europe to keep alive a genuine zeal for (classic culture were the Irish. > Founded by missionaries from Gaul and Britain in the fifth century when learning had not yet quite vanished from its ancient seats, and secure by reason of their remoteness from the wars and tumults that distracted the continent, they continued to send forth preachers and reformers trained not only along strictly theological lines but also to some extent in the broad fields of general literature. Their acquaintance with the classic authors was confined apparently to the Latin. Their knowl- edge of Greek was scanty and fragmentary, deduced in all probability from Greek quotations and references in Latin works and glosses. In the year 669. however, Theodore of ^ Tarsus was appointed archbishop of Canterbury and came to England bringing his friend Hadrian, a monk from North Africa, to superintend the reorganization of English clerical schools.' Through their influence the leadership in the intellectual world passed for the time to England, and Greek was taught side by side with Latin at Canterbury and York., The foremost English scholars of the generations immediately succeeding, Bede and Aldhelm, were conversant with au; thorities in both languages. From the English schools Greek was likewise transplanted to Ireland and flourished there, when its short-lived renaissance in England was over. Alcuin and his fellow countrymen of the later eighth century who aided Charlemagne to revive the study of letters in his empire possessed little br no Greek, but Sedulius Scotus and Erigena were Hellenists of considerable ability and in their day extended the renown of Irish scholarship over Europe. But with the passing of the ninth century two changes were taking place which were to result in a still greater » Roger, chs. vi and vii. C/. Traube, O Roma Nobilis, pp. 353 '^ ^'9- " Roger, ch. viii and ch. x, pt. vi. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM II diminution in the number of such occasional scholars. The Irish monastic schools were feeling at last the demorahzmg effects of barbarian invasions and fast decaying mto mactmty and uselessness. On the other hand the chief remammg motive for the continuation of the cultivation of Greek was disappearing in the steadily widening schism between the Eastern and the Western Churches. To the jealousy and hostility naturally ensuing from differences in race and civili- zation and from rival claims to the leadership of Christendom, was added now the bitterness of religious divisions. The suspicion of heresy became to the Western mind more and more firmly attached to everything connected with the far- ther end of the Mediterranean.^ Even political and com- mercial intercourse dwindled for a time. The two halves of the Christian world proceeded on diverging ways with less and less regard to one another, the Greeks scornful of the barbarity and grossness of the Teutonic kingdoms, the Latins despising the luxury and refinement of the Byzantines thor- oughly content with the growing estrangement and with their own crude Latinity." • Thus from the tenth century onward the sources from which a knowledge of the Greek language could be acquired and the motives for its acquisition were extraordinarily few. Now and then a pilgrim or wayfarer from Germany or Italy made the journey to the East to win spiritual merit or to 1 As late as the time of the Renaissance Theodore of Besa wrote : " Si on eust .oulu cl^^e nos maistres (of the University of Pans) , estudier le Gr- e\. n,e.e tant soit peu de I'Hebreu estoit une des plus grandes heresies du monde. Quoted by Roger, p. 389, n. 2. ^ . r n.f^ •The embassy of Uun>rand in 968 .marked a special 'f°'«.°" *7"* ° °7. 1 to come to an understanding with the Eastern Emperor, particularly on the sub- Je'io the disputed land, in South Italy. The spirit in which L.utprand v.ewed the Oriental court after this visit U dearly displayed in his vrvacous report. An EngUrtlslation is included in Henderson, M.S^al Docum.nU, p. ^^^, etuf. For original see Liutprand, Ofera, ed DUmmler, pp. 136 ct nq. I 12 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 13 *'.*, \ I "it xy satisfy an adventurous curiosity, and returning brought with him tales of strange experiences and a smattering of foreign tongues and, possibly, a manuscript or two which in the course of time he might laboriously translate.' Such was Ulric or Udalric, abbot of the monastery at Freising, who in the middle of the eleventh century visited Greece and the Holy Land and carried back a copy of the Greek romance of Alexander ascribed to Pseudo-Callisthenes, which in the leisure hours of after years he put into Latin,'' Such was probably James, a clerk of Venice, who in the early twelfth century translated parts of the Organon of Aristotle for the benefit of the schoolmen.3 Such also was the jurist, John Burgundio of Pisa, at one time employed by Barbarossa in the East, who at the instigation of Pope Eugenius IV trans- lated various homilies of Chrysostom, Gregory of Nyssa and John of Damascus/ Such again was William Gap, a monk- ish physician of Paris, who in 1167 went to Constantinople in quest of Greek manuscripts for Odo, abbot of St. Denis, and succeeded in procuring a life of that Dionysius whom the convent claimed as patron saint by Michael Syncellus, patri- arch of Jerusalem, and also an anonymous life of the philos- opher Secundus. A fellow monk put the biography of Dionysius into Latin soon after Gap's return and dedicated » For a considerable list of such Greek scholars see Sandys, Hutory of Classical Scholarship, Bk vi, th xxvi-xxxii. " Cramer, De Gracis Medii (Evi Studiis, p. 55. ' Our actual information concerning James is limited to that contained in a sentence inserted m the Chronicle of Robert de Mont St. Michel for the year 1 1 28: " Jacobus clericus de Venecia transtulit de Greco in Latinum quosdam libros Aristotelis et commentatus est; scilicet Topica, Anal, priores et posteriores et Elencos; quamvis antiquior translatio super eosdem libros haberetur." Pertz, Mon. Ger. Scriptores, vol. vi. p. 489. The last clause has led to search for older translations, but none have yet been found. Cousin looked fruitlessly through the manuscripts of the Bibliotheque National. Ouvrages IneditSy p. liv. * Jourdain, Recherches, p. 72. Sandys, p. 536. it to abbot Odo; the other Gap himself worked upon in later years when abbot in Odo's place." A growing dissatisfaction with the current Latin versions of Aristotle and an ambition to know him more and better were characteristics of the intellectual situation at the open- ing of the thirteenth century. At the same time the tem- porary occupation of the Eastern Empire by the crusaders encouraged passage between the two divisions of Christen- ' dom. In 1205 Pope Innocent III in the name of the new emperor, Baldwin invited the masters and students of the University of Paris to betake themselves to Greece to revive the study of letters in the land where it first arose.'* Shortly afterwards a slight movement of scholars toward Greece seems actually to have taken place. Athens was in ruins, a desolate wreck of her former self, but John of Basingstoke, archdeacon of Leicester, studied there and " saw and heard from the wise Greek doctors things unknown to the Latins." He brought home to England several Greek texts, in par- ticular a " Greek Donatus " or manual of grammar, which he afterwards translated. He likewise informed his friend Grosseteste, Bishop of Lincoln, of the existence of the " Tes- taments of the Twelve Patriarchs," a work understood to be a Greek rendering of an ancient Hebrew original, and to con- tain irrefutable proofs in tlie shape of ancient Messianic prophecies of the truth of Christianity. Grosseteste was aroused by the news to send a messenger to Greece after the 1 Jourdain, Recherchts, p. 46. Hist. Litt. de la France, vol. xiv, pp. 374-6. Sandys, p. 534. «« . . . quatinusin Grec^am accedentes ibi studeatis liUerarum studium reform- are, unde noscitur exordium habuisse, .... non tedeat plerosque vestrum ad terram argento et auro gemmisque refertam, frumento, vino et oleo stabilitam et bonorum omnium copiis aflRuentem accedere, ut ad illius honorem et gloriam a quo est omnis scientie donum sibi et aliis ibidem proficiant." Denifle, Chartula- riunif vol. i, p. 63. y I u MEDIEVAL HELLENISM Testaments and to have a translation made of them.^ At the same time he learned to read a little Greek himself, and superintended the preparation of versions from the Greek of the letters of St. Ignatius and of the Nicomachean Ethics of Aristotle.^ The manuscripts came perhaps from John of Basingstoke. The translators were a small number of other monks who had traveled abroad, including one or two Greek sojourners in English cloisters.3 »«Hicinagi5terl(ohannes) intimaverat episcopo Lincolniensi Roberto, quod quando studuit Athenis viderat et audierat ab peritis Grecorum doctoribus quedam Latinis incognita. Inter que reperit duodecim patriarcharum, filiorum videlicet lacob, testamenta; que constat esse de substantia Bibliothece, sed per invidiam ludeorum dudum f uisse abscondita, propter manifestas, que in eisdem patent, de Christo prophetias. Unde idem episcopus misit in Greciam et cum ea habuisset, transtulit de Greco in Latinum et quedam alia. . . . Memoratus insuper I(ohan- nes) quoddam scriptum transtulit de Greco in Latinum, in quo artificiose et com- pendiose tota vis grammatice continetur; quod idem magister Donatura Grecorum appellavit .... item aliud scriptum quod ab Atheniensibus habuit." Matthew Paris, Chron. Mai., vol. v, pp. 284-6. > On Grosseteste's own knowledge of Greek, Roger Bacon says : " Sed non bene scivit linguas ut transfer ret, nisi circa ultiraum vite sue quando vocavit Grecos et fecit libros Grammatice Grece de Grecia et aliis congregari. Sed isti pauca transtulerunt." Bacon, Op. Tert,, p. 91- See also Comp. Phil.,^. 472. Gk. Grammar, p. Ivii. But that Grosseteste was actually able at one time to read Greek with some enjoyment and to make a rough translation of the gist of a book is proved by a letter of his own to the abbot and monks of Peterborough: "Quiescens hac septimana proxima paululucn ab exteriorum tumultu, quadam eius- dem septimane die lectio'ni parumper vacans incidi in quandam conscription em de vita monachorum que earn decenter extoUit; et quia vestro studio credidigratum fore si quod ibidem intelligere potui vobiscum communicarem, non verba que ibidem inveni, quia alterius quam Latine sunt lingue, sed extractum pro modulo meo verborum sensum, adiectis alicubi paucis ad dilucidationem in banc paginam redigens, vobis destinare curavi." Grosseteste, tpisiola, p. 173. See also San- dys, pp. 554-5. Jourdain, p. 140. For mention of a Greek psalter said to have belonged to Grosseteste, see James, Ancient Libraries, p. 528. " " Ilium igitur gloriosum tractatum (the above-mentioned Testaments) adrobur fidei Christiane et ad maiorem ludeorum conf usionem transtulit plene et evidenter episcopus memoratus de Greco, verbo ad verbum, in Latinum, coadiutante magis- tro Nicolao Greco, clerico abbatis Sancti Albani." Matthew Paris, Chron. Max, vol. iv, p. 233. One of the fifteenth century humanists criticises the rendeiing of MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 15 In fact it appears for a time a part of the official policy of f the Dominican order to keep a few of its promising men ^ trained in Greek both to carry on the work of propagandism in the East and to aid in theological and philosophical trans- [ lations at home. * Of particular importance in their day were the little group of linguists gathered about the great Dominican schoolman, Thomas Aquinas, at Paris. The best known of these was William, a native of Moerbeka in Bra- bant. After studying for some time in Greece he served as Greek secretary at the great ecumenical Council of Lyons in 1274, where he took part in the chanting of the Nicene Creed in Greek, repeating three times the phrase obnoxious to the Eastern churchmen.^ Like others of his time he drew a distinction between contemporary Greeks who deserved only to be treated with rigor as degenerate schismatics and the the Ethics. After speaking of a translation from the Arabic he continues : " Altera haec posterior et novior a Britanno quodam traducta, cuius etiam proe- mium legimus, in quo et Fratrem se Ordinis Predicatorum scribit et rogatu con- fratrum de his transferendis laborem suscepisse." He condemns the version as bungling and inaccurate. Bruni, Epistiolee, vol. i,p. 140. * See the encyclical letter of Humbert, master-general of the Dominican order in 1255: "Quod si quis inspirante dei gracia cor suum invenerit secundum voluntatem gubernantis paratum ad linguam arabicam, hebraycam, grecam seu aliam barbaram addiscendam, ex quo sibi mercedem adquirere possit in opere salutari tempore opportuno, sive eciam repererit se dispositum ad exeundum castra proprie nacionis, transiturus ad provinciam Terre Sancte seu Grecie vel alias vicinas infidelibus . . . precor et moneo ut statum animi sui circa hoc mihi scribere non omittat." Mon. Ord. Frat. Praed., vol. v, pp. 19-20. Also printed " in Martene, Thes. Nov. Anec, vol. iv, col. 1708. As early as 1239 Greece had been included among the Dominican provinces, organized along with other out- lying regions, such as Poland, Dacia and Palestine. Mon. Ord. Praed., vol. iii. pp. II, 13, 18, etc. Cf. Hist. Litt. de la France, vol. xix, p. 342. The Francis- cans were active in thirteenth century negotiations for a union of the Greek and Latin churches. " Mineritas insuper qui tanti operis (ecclesiastical negotiations) strenui erant administri atque apocrisiariorum pontificiorum munere fungebantur," etc. Raynaldus, 1273, cap. 50, p. 320, bee references to their part in the move- ment in Hefele, Conciliengeschichie, vol. vi, pp. 119-163 passim. ' Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio, vol. xxiv, pp. 64-5. I j5 medieval HELLENISM progenitors of the race who had achieved so much that was worth investigation and respect. Both in Paris, Rome and elsewhere he carried on the process of translating with vigor, producing versions of " all the books of (Aristotle's) Natural and Moral Philosophy at the request of brother Thomas,'^ and also of " the books of Proclus and some other things," including a commentary on Aristotle by Simplicius, the De Prognosticationibus of Hippocrates and the De Alimentis of Galen.' "In translating these works from the Greek," he remarks in his preface to Galen, " I have hoped that my labor might serve to furnish some new light to the Latins, and if in this book I have attained my desire I ofifer thanks to Him who suffered me to finish it."^ ''Let the reader understand," he says in a note to his rendering of Simplicius, *'that the Greek text was exceedingly corrupt and that in many passages I could extract no meaning from it. I have done what I could ; it was better to have it thus imperfect than not at all." 3 In 1277 he was appointed archbishop of Corinth and spent his last years in an energetic endeavor to convert his province to orthodoxy. I Associated with him in the work of translating at Paris were Henry, also a Dominican monk of Brabant, and Thomas » The loUowing notice of William is given in a thirteenth century list of distin- guished Dominicans at Paris : " Kr. W ilhelmus Brabantinus, Corinthiensis, ttars- tuiit on.nes libros naturahs et moralis philoscphie de greco in latinum ad instan- tiam fratris Thome. Idem transtuht libros Procli et quedam alia." Arc^tv. fiir Litt. u Kirch. Gesch., 1886, vol. ii, p. 226. See further Jourdain, Recherches, pp. 67-70. ' « In his que per me trarsferuntur f x Greco opeiibus hoc intendere consuevi, ut Latinitati luminis ahquid adiiciat labor meus, quern finem si in hoc opere attigi, illi gratias habeo agere qui dedit et consummare." Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lai., vol. iii, p. 29. 8 "Sciat etiam qui hoc opus inspexerit, exemplar grecum valde fuisse corruptum, ct in multis locis nullum subiectum potui ex littera trahere; feci tamen quod potui; melius erat sic corruptum habere quam nihil." Quoted by Jourdain, Recherches, p. 73- MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 17 of Cantimpre. ^ It is clear that Aquinas toward the end of his life possessed two or more different versions of several treatises of Aristotle, all derived directly from the Greek, which he compared and discussed with the aim of arriving more surely at the original meaning. * A little more trans- lating was accomplished by other Latin prelates in charge of Eastern churches during the brief period of Western do- minion, a few of whom whiled away some hours of exile in struggling over Greek books, chiefly ecclesiastical. But their finished productions were too faulty and obscure to gain currency and for the most part perished unobserved. ^ With the return of the Greek emperors to Constantinople and the collapse of the precarious fabric of Latin political ascendency the clerical Hellenists disappear almost entirely. The general drift of travel towards the Orient, accelerated by the revival of commerce as well as by the continuation of the crusades, attracted for the most part characters with no literary aspirations whatever. The merchant who plied be- tween Marseilles, Genoa or Venice and the Levant, the sol- dier or freebooter who marched to the relief of the Holy Sepulchre had as a rule neither the tastes nor the education to dispose them to a search after intellectual riches. The more learned among the Latins came to save, convert and teach, not to be taught.-* The Greeks growing ever more * Jourdain, op. cit., p. 66. Archiv. filr Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch.^ 1886, vol. ii, p. 227. Sandys, p. 564. 2 Jourdain, op cit., p. 40. ' Traversari, Epistolce, vol. i, p. ccxviii. * A curious exception to the ordinary religious leader in his attitude toward the Greek world, was the mystic, Joachim of Fiore. In 1258 thirty errors from "The Everlasting Gospel," a book based upon his teaching, were condemned at Paris. Among these errors were the following: "Quartusest quod recessus ecclesie Grecorum ab ecclesia Romana fuit a Spiritu Sancto. . . . Sextus est quod populus Grecus magis ambulat secundum Spiritum Sanctum quam populus Latinus. . . . Septimus quod sicut Filius operatur salutem populi Latini sive populi Romani, quia ipsum representat, sic Spiritus Sanctus operatur salutem populi Greci, quia ipsum representat." Denifle, Chartularium, vol. i, p. 273. i ^g MEDIEVAL HELLENISM sore and resentful under their rough handling held them- selves severely aloof, where they could not actively resist.^ One finds, therefore, but scanty trace of Greek influences upon the ordinary traveler. Only here and there upon a slip of parchment was preserved an ill-constructed glossary of Greek words for every-day use, or an abbreviated phrase- book of requests in colloquial dialect, for food, drink, shelter and other necessities.^ The wide acquaintance with the fun- damentals of one another's language which might have been expected from so long a period of frequent intercommunica- tion did not take place. The alienation of spirit was too complete. What fragments of a Greek vocabulary were acquired by the usual wayfarer belonged, moreover, to the degenerate Romaic of the day, and did little to quaUfy their possessor to cope with a page from the classics.3 To the end of the Middle Ages crusader and merchant continued to iThe Greek historians of the crusading period supply countless illustrations of this feeling Nicetas, who describes from his own experience the sack of Constan- tinople in 1 204. characterizes the Latin soldier as follows : "ouiv} aavfj<(,uvog ^ElATfot. yv6uv ipiAoxpVfiarog, ocp^aliik anatday^yyTor, ; acr^^p aKdfnaroc, bp^, Hog Kac ^^^ca i^vxv xac X^^^P ^'^"^'^ ^^> s'^^f '^"^ '^«""^^-" ^' ^'^'*' ^''^ ^''^^''''' ^''^''^ ^"T Mi^i vol 139, p. 988. In a lament over a statue of Helen melted down by the crusaders for its bronze, he denounces the illiterate barbarians who are ignorant of Homer: "'AXXcj? re nov nap aypaniiaroiq 3ap,Upoig Kal riXeov avaAipajiTiroig dvdyvuacg Kal yvibmg ro>v errl aol pa^pc^ihitvTi^v kKeivuv kizuv. Ov vEUtaiq TpiJag Kal tvKvrifxiSag 'kxa^ovq TOL'^'d hfifi yvvaiKi TroAvf xpovov dlyea Tzdaxetv. Alvfog a^avdrriai ^eaig tk f'^^« to^/cev." £>i Statuis quas Francipoli Destruxerunt, Migne, ibid., p. 1054. » Greek-Latin glossaries are occasionally mentioned in catalogues of medieval libraries There was one at Rheims in the tenth or eleventh century, one m the monastery of St. Emmerammus at Ratisbon about the same period, one m the Ubra^rof Corbie at the opening of the thirteenth century. Gottlieb^://././. Bib p 342. Becker, Cat. Bib. Antig., pp. 128, 283. The library at Chartres m the twelfth century contained an " Alphabetum grece et orientale." Maitre, EcoUs EpiscopaUs, p. 289. A suggestive specimen of a glossary of this sort is printed in Goetr and Gundermann, Glossct Lattnogroecae, Preface. ^ On popular Greek see Gidel, NouvelUs Etudis, pp. 253-6. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 19 find camping ground and market in the Byzantine empire. They marched there, fought there, bought and sold and owned houses and land there, they lived and died there, — but they cared not to learn more than the inevitable mini- mum of its speech and they saw no value in its learning and its ancient manuscripts.' From the few Dominican scholars of the thirteenth century who sought the East for knowledge we hear of hardly another until we arrive at the humanists. Rarely in medieval chronicles do we read of the appear- ance of Greeks in Western lands. At long intervals an offi- cial delegation from the Byzantine emperor attended the papal court or the sessions of a church council. In the spring of 1095 Alexis Comnenus sent envoys to the Synod of Placentia to plead for Christian aid against the encroaching hordes of Turks, and thereby contributed to bring about the determination of the Pope to preach the crusade at Clermont in the autumn.^ Upon the recovery of Constantinople in 1261 from the allies who had proved more terrible than foes, Michael Palaeologus became alarmed by threats of a new crusade against his dominions and opened negotiations again with the Pope, offering to recognize the spiritual supremacy of the Holy See in return for its political countenance and favor. 3 The negotiations culminated in the great council which met at Lyons in 1274, where the Greek patriarch, the metropolitan of Nicaea and several high offi- cials of the Byzantine court appeared to represent the ^ On the triumphal march through the streets of Constantinople some of the crusaders carried inkhorns, pens and manuscripts to show their derision of a nation of scribes. "Ot 6e ypa'' Rogamus magistrum Ordinis quod ipse de tribus studiis Hebraico, Greco et Arabico provideat in aliqua provincia, et cum fuerint ordinata ad quodlibet iUo- rum quelibet provincia studentem aptum et intelligentem mittere possit cum con- tributione decenti." Mon. Ord. Praed. vol. iv, p. 50. Denifle, Chart, vol. 11, p. 143. Martene Thesaurus^ vol. iv, p. 1927. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 27 church council assembling at Vienne hoping for further action there. He won his victory in a decree passed in the spring of 13 1 2 directing the establishment of schools of Oriental languages in connection with the Roman Curia and the Uni- r versities of Paris, Oxford, Bologna and Salamanca, "that in each place Catholic teachers may be appointed who have an adequate understanding of Hebrew, Greek, Arabic and Chaldee, two men adept in each tongue, — these to preside over the schools, translate books from their own speech faithfully into Latin, teach the languages diligently to others and by painstaking instruction infuse them with knowledge," the expense to be met by contributions levied upon the churches and monasteries of the various countries.^ The chief motive was, of course, missionary, the new translations of Oriental literature being mentioned incidentally as worthy subjects of occupation for the spare time of the professors. How much effect the decree had upon the universities is difficult to decide in the defective condition of the records. Some small attempts at compliance were made certainly by Oxford and Paris. A few years after the meeting of the council funds were collected in England for the support of * a converted Jew teaching the Hebrew and Greek languages at Obcford.* In 13 19 and 1320 French churches were send- ing remittances to Paris for the use of another renegade Jew ^ who was offering instruction in Hebrew and Chaldee.^ In 1326 ^ " Ut in quolibet locorum ipsorum teneantur viri catholici sufficientem habentes hebraice, grece, arabice et chaldaice linguarum notitiam, duo videlicet uniuscuius- que lingue periti, qui scolas regant inibi, et libros de linguis ipsis in latinum fideliter transferentes, alios linguas ipsas soUicite doceant, earumque peritiam studiosa in illos instructione transfundant." Denifle Chart, vol. ii, p. 155. Friedberg in Corp. Jur. Caw., Clemen. V, tit. I, cap. i, gives the text of the whole decree but prefers to omit the word " grece " from the list of languages. Denifle includes it on the ground that John XXII mentioned Greek with the rest in his letter on the decree, July 1326. ' Rashdall, vol. ii, p. 459, note 4. ' Denifle, Chart, vol. ii, pp. 228, 237. 28 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM Pope John XXII wrote to Hugo, Bishop of Paris, to in- quire how far the ordinance of the Council of Vienne was being observed, how many teachers of the four languages had been appointed, how many students were attending their lectures and what sums had been raised for their main- tenance/ Unfortunately the bishop's reply is lost. The Parisian archives show no other sign of attention to the decree for a century more. In 1421 we find allusions to the sad vicissitudes of one Paul de Bonnefoy, also a converted Jew and a doctor of Hebrew and Chaldee, who for lack of remuneration for his services was in want of food and cloth- ing for his wife and children. Henry V of England during his stay in Paris had come to his relief with fifty francs and had promised him fifty more. In an appeal to Henry to remember his promise, the authorities declared that though the council ordered the appointment of several doctors of Greek and Hebrew, it was all that a single one could do to make a Hving by honorable means.^ In 1424 the faculty of theology contributed sixteen soldi toward Paul's salary.3 With this item disappears all mention of the Council of Vienne.'^ Its commands had fallen on indifferent ears and ' had remained practically fruitless. The West as a whole cared little for teachers from the East, paid them grudgingly or half starved them when they came. More perhaps was done during the same centuries to keep » Denifle, Chart, vol. ii, p. 293-4. =' " Cum ex antiqua ordinatione debeant esse in Universitate doctores Hebrei et Greci et de present! solum sit unus doctor Hebreus, qui propter iniquitatem tem- poris vix potest victum et vestitum honeste continuare, etc." Denifle, Chart, vol. iv. pp. 394-5 and 401. • Ibid^ p. 430. ♦In 1430 the Gallic nation demanded the appointment of teachers of Greek, Hebrew and Chaldee but made no reference to any missionary purpose nor to the Council of Vienne. It seems reasonable to connect this action with the rise of a humanist sentiment in France. Ibid, p. 505. I' MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 29 the knowledge of the Greek language from total extinction by colonies of Greek descent settled in the South. From the period of the iconoclastic persecutions of the ninth and tenth centuries and the flight to South Italy and Sicily of Byzantine Christians who refused to resign their images, Greek became again a living tongue in certain districts as it is yet to this day in a few mountain hamlets of Apulia and Calabria. Greek monks entered Italian monasteries or formed new congregations following the rule of St. Basil and subject in many cases to the patriarch at Constantinople. Over two hundred of these are said to have been in existence by the eleventh century.^ In 1098 after conferring upon Duke Roger the temporal control of the kingdom of Sicily, Pope Urban II called an ecclesiastical synod at Bari to settle the affairs of the Church, and somewhat rashly entered into a debate with the Southern bishops over the nature of the Procession of the Holy Ghost. ^ The bishops defended the Greek doctrine with ability and Urban might have found himself embarrassed by their logic, had not Anselm of Canter- bury been at hand to save the situation by an array of irre- futable arguments for the Roman clause. From that date the Italian churches, as a whole, yielded obedience to the See of Peter. In many, however, the liturgy was still performed in Greek and certain customs of the Greek Church were pre- served, such as the use of unleavened bread in the sacrifice. 3 From them in time came ardent promoters of the union of the Greek and Latin communions. Even into Benedict's own * Tozer, Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. 10, pp. 38-9. ' Hefele, vol. v, pp. 253-4. ' In 1426 the humanist Barbaro discovered a monastery in Tusculanuro, " ubi a Graecis sacerdotibus ritu Graeco colitur Deus; quoin loco multa vetustatis monu- menta Graecis et Latinis litteris illustrata invenimus; et ibi fere nemo est qui lit- leraturae Graecae expers sit." Barbaro, Centotrente Lettere, p. 70. Greek was employed in liturgies until the seventeenth century when Sixtus IV decreed that all church services should be in Latin. \ 30 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 31 'I convent at Monte Cassino the influence penetrated and once a year mass was celebrated in both languages. ^ Moreover Basilian traditions favored literary employment for the monks, though the long separation from the centre of Greek activity at Constantinople inevitably resulted in a slow deterioration of the grade of work done in these remote outposts. They were not, however, aggressive bodies. They neither proselytized to any extent nor invited outsiders to their schools. As a consequence their influence in keep- V ing Greek alive in the West was not much felt beyond their own boundaries. Only here and there a little translating was done or a little instruction imparted to one who volun- tarily sought them. Alfano, who became archbishop of Salerno toward the close of the eleventh century, left behind aversion of the treatise on Human Nature byNemesius.^ Nicholas of Tarentum at the beginning of the thirteenth century served as interpreter to the cardinal sent by Inno- cent III to discuss at Athens, Thessalonica and Constanti- nople, the ever vexed problem of church union. In 1207 he copied out for the cardinal a Greek text of the Donation of Constantine from a manuscript " in the great Palace in Con- stantinople." He was the author of various argumentative works on theological and metaphysical topics and translated several of his compositions into Latin. 3 Roger Bacon in the last years of the century mentions the possibility of learning ^ Cramer, vol. i, p. 28. ' Jourdain, Recherches^ p. 72. » A note on his copy of the Donation of Constantine ends as follows : " TtXof Tfiq 6ia^T]Kvq Koi diaTd^eoq tov fieydliw kol h dyiotg Kuvaravivov, r/ Tig kypd(pv rcapd l^LKoldov "Tdpovvrivov ev T(^ fieydTn^) HaZarZ*^ h Kuvaravrivoviro'kEi tt?" nporpoTzy tov Kvpov BeveSUtov tov Kapdivaliov Kal tottottjptjtov 'IvvoKevuov tov Tplrov lidTra'F^/^W r)v yap t6te b Tvpofjri^^elg IHikoUoc i^eA?.nvi(7T?)g kuI ipfiwevc avTov TOV Kapfiivariov Kal tuv TpaiKuv h Taig rwv ire pi doy/idTuv 6ia>J^eaiv." Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat., vol. i, p. 295. See also Bandini, Cat. Codd. Grace., vol. i, pp. 25, 60-3. Greek in South Italy from people who used it as their ordi- nary speech. ' In the fourteenth century Barlaam, a Basi- lian monk from Calabria, was the one ItaHan whom Petrarch could secure to teach him to read Plato.* Beside its religious centres South Italy contained the most famous for many years of all European schools of medicine, the assemblage of lay doctors at Sakrno. Even before the middle of the eleventh century some of the works of Galen and Hippocrates were utilized in old Latin translations but their influence on the crude and barbarous methods in vogue was slight. With the medical revival of the latter half of the century and the adoption of more enlightened systems of therapeutics there appear traces of a more direct acquaint- ance with the Greek masters, enough to justify perhaps the assumption that the teachers were consulting texts of the original. 3 Adelard of Bath, a traveller in the South during the first half of the twelfth century speaks of hearing a Greek philosopher lecture near Salerno on magnetic attraction, a subject for which the yet untranslated works of Aristotle must have been consulted. "^ In the thirteenth century Thad- deus of Florence delivered a celebrated series of medical discourses at Bologna which constituted in reaUty the found- ing of a scientific medical school in the city. He is said to have based his doctrines largely on the Arab writers but to have referred at times to the original Greek. 5 ^ Bacon, Opus Tirt., p. 33; Greek Grammar, p. 31. According to Bacon, Grosseteste sent for monks from South Italy to help in his translations " quorum aliqui in Anglia usque ad hec tempora sunt superstites." Comp. Stud,, p. 434; Tiraboschi, Star. d. Lett. Ital., vol. iv, pt. ii, p. 343. ' See infra, p. 90. * Rashdall, vol. i, p. 78-9. * Adelard, De Eodem et Diverso. Quoted by Rashdall. vol, i, p. 8, n. I. * Rashdall, vol. i, p. 236 and n. 3. Bandini ascribes to Thaddeus a transla- tion of the Ethics of Aristotle. Bib. Leop., vol. iii, p. 188. \ ^^m^, lM_:iu, \ 1 32 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 33 / From the South Italian groups of either lay or clerical scholars Frederic II, Emperor of Germany and King of Naples, obtained the ** select men skilled in utterance in both languages " who translated afresh the logical and mathe- matical works of Aristotle for presentation to the Universities of Paris and Bologna.' Under Manfred, Bartholomew of Messina, a member of the court prepared a version of Aris- totle's Magna Moralia and dedicated it to his royal patron. "" In the next century Paolo Perugino collected at Naples a famous library of Greek as well as Latin manuscripts for Robert, King of Sicily and Jerusalem. 3 Thus as a figure in a king's household, a scientific lecture room or a convent library, the Greek scholar never completely disappeared from South Italy. One had to seek him in his home, however, to find or even to hear of him. He counted for practically nothing as a literary stimulus to the rest of Europe. Nevertheless the men of the Middle Ages were not en- tirely confined in their knowledge of Greek to the fragments brought from the South or East by their contemporaries. Many a provincial clerk who had never in his life spoken with one who had seen Athens or Byzantium was yet able to * Frederic's letter to the masters and scholars of Bologna gives his reasons for procuring the new translation : " Dum liborum ergo volumina, quorum multifarie multisque modis distincta chirographa nostrarum armaria divitiarum locupletant, sedula meditatione revolvimuset accurata contemplatione pensamus compilationes varie ab Aristotele aliisque Pbilosophis sub grecis arabicisque vocabulis antiquitus edite m sermocinalibus et mathematicis disciplinis nostris aliquando sensibus oc- currerunt. Quas adhuc origin alium dictionibus confertas et vetustarum vestium quas eis etas prima concesserat, operimento contectas vel hominis defectus aut operis ad Latine lingue notitiam non perduxit. Volentes igitur ut veneranda tantorum operum similis auctoritas apud nos non absque commodo omnis vocis organo traducte innotescat, ea per viros electos et in utriusque lingue prolatione peritos instanter iussiraus verborum fideliter servata virginitate transferri." Tra- versari, vol. i, p. civ. ' Jourdain, Recherches, p. 71. Tiraboschi, vol. iv. pt. I, p. 162. ' Nolhac, Petrarque^ p. 322. give a tone of erudition to his book by a few Greek words or phrases, rightly or wrongly spelled, or by allusion to Greek derivations. ' Something might be extracted from the pages of Latin literature. Certain of the classic writers, Cicero, Seneca, Pliny and others, had employed occasionally a Greek noun or adjective to express an idea which had no satisfactory equivalent in Latin, or had quoted a clause or a line from an admired Greek model. The compilers and commentators of the fifth and sixth centuries furnished in- formation in a more didactic and explicit form. Fulgentius, for example, a clerical scholar of that later age, had drawn up in the shape of a concise encyclopedia the legends of Hellenic gods and heroes, and had explained with unhesi- tating reliance upon the imagination the inner significance of their names.^ Macrobius, Servius and others of their type ' Roger Bacon gives a list of nearly three hundred Greek words which he says were in general use in his day, words which had been borrowed by the Romans centuries before, such as abyssus, agon, antidotum, basis, calamus, etc. He in- cludes mistakenly some that are not Greek, imber, legio, margarita. He adds special lists of seventy-five ecclesiastical and forty scientificlerms— anathema, angelus, apostolus, baptizo, Cathohcus, deus, diabolus, alphabetum, problema, analytica, geometrica. Comp. Stud., pp. 441-444. Of course the multitude who used the commoner words did so without any consciousness of their difference from the Latin, but scholars recognized them as non- Latin and discussed their origin and composition. They were often inclined like Bacon himself to classify as Greek any words that appeared foreign, e. g. " Bar grece filius latine dicitur." Abelard, in Cousin, p. 375. " Pascha non sicut quidam estimant grecum nomen est, sed hebreum." Anonymous sermon of the twelfth century. Quoted in Bandini, Bib. Leop., vol. i, p. 417. See infia, p. 40, n. i. ^I quote two typical passages. In his account of the history and functions of Neptune he remarks, " quem ideo Graece etiam Posidona nuncupant, quasi TToinivra ndur, quod nos Latine facientem imaginem dicimus : ilia videlicet ra- tione quod hoc solum elementum imagines in se formet spectantium." Mytho- logicon in Mythographi, vol. ii, p. 37. « Bellorophunta posuerunt quasi ,-iov'k,/- ()povi'Ta, quod nos Latine sapientiae consiliatorem dicimus ... At vero Bello- rophon, id est bona consultatio, qualem equum sedet nisi Pegasum ? quasi pega- seon, id est fontem aeternum. Sapientia enim bonae consultationis aeternus fons est." Op. cit.y pp. 102-3. r . *'^ M V MEDIEVAL HELLENISM offered to a diligent searcher numerous similar illustrations of Greek lore. ' Much else had been preserved in various ways by the church The writings of the early fathers, Ambrose, Aug- ustine and Jerome, contained numerous terms taken from the theological and philosophical Greek of their time. Here and there even in the North a Greek liturgy or chant sur- vived from the days when the Eastern and Western Churches were one and their languages interchangeable. Down to the Revolution a Greek mass was celebrated annually m the chapel of St. Denis in Paris in honor of the nationality of its reputed founder.^ For many centuries it was common on Good Friday to chant in the churches the following verse : " "Ayog 6 Ocdc ay tog laxvp^C a.} tog (lOdvaTog Otto. Bishop of Freising in the twelfth century, ascribes the custom to a deliverance from an earthquake by the sing- ing of the hymn in the reign of Theodosius. ^ A peculiarly potent and solemn character might well have been attributed to the mysterious syllables. At Rome, Aries and St. Gall the Gloria, Credo and Paternoster were sung in Greek at certain services. ^ The Kyrie Eleison resounded always and . " Tres modi locutiorun. sunt, quos caracteres Graeci vocai-t m«-o,f, qui tenuis, Addossos qui .noderatus, Adhos qui validus in.elligitur. Tnbus mod.s carmen fnduc tur. Est enim modus arammaticos, est ammaticos est myctos Aram- mati OS est in quo personae inducun.ur. Amma.icos qui et A«. .0, d.ctur m quo PC t^LL U-quitu.' Myctos est ex utraque ccns.ans." From an e.ev^h con- ,ury manuscript of Servius' Commentary on Verg.l. Bandm.. Ca,. Codd. LaU, vol. ii, pp. 345-^* ' Egger, VHellenume en France, vol. % p. 49- • Cramer, vol. i, p. 6. * Otto Freis., Chronicon, p. 207. » Cramer, vol. ii, p. 16. Gidel, Nouvelles htudes, pp. 227-8. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 35 everywhere. The ritual for the consecration of a church edifice required that the officiating bishop draw both the Greek and Latin alphabets with his staff in the earth outside the door. ^ In Bacon's time the bishops were frequently so ignorant of the forms of the Greek letters that, as he com- plains, the rite was constantly desecrated by the insertion of irrelevant or meaningless signs.'' A rather more extensive and varied store of information could be derived from a discriminating use of certain stand- ard text-books, in particular the Latin grammars. Donatus, the author of the fourth century treatise which served as theu/ foundation of most language study in the Middle Ages, often cited Greek forms in his exposition of the rules of Latin inflection and derivation. 3 In his concluding summary of rhetorical devices and figures of speech he introduced a bristling array of polysyllabic terms taken from the Greek grammarians, accompanying each with definition and illus- tration. The youthful student of the first division of the trivium doubtless looked in blank dismay at words such as cacosyntheta, perissologia, episynaliphe, homoeoteleuton. But the perserving searcher after knowledge might extract ^ from his Donatus some conception of a few simple rules for the formation of Greek nouns and the meaning of various prepositions and roots in composition. He would find less light on the Greek verb which seems to have been ordinarily * A sort of mystical or magical interest attached to the Greek alphabet which was studied by men who knew nothing of Greek. Vincent of Beauvais gives the forms of the alphabet and explains the hidden significance of certain letters. T stands for human life, G means death, " nam iudices eandem literam appone. bant ad eorum nomina quos suppUcio afficiebant, et dicitur tetha apothoy tana- thom, id est a morte." T reminds one of the shape of the Lord's cross, A and Q were applied by Christ to himself. Spec. Hisi., lib. iv, cap. 65. ^ Bacon, Op. Mai., vol. iii, pp. 117-8. Gk. Grammar, -p^. 25, ?>2, and Ixxiii. • See Donatus, Ars Grammatica, passim. \ IL I IH/ 36 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 37 regarded as too unlike the Latin to be profitable for com- parison. Yet more could be gained by an intelligent perusal of the .econd grammatical classic of the age, the Institutions of / Priscian, an elaborate work in eighteen books, composed at ^ the opening of the sixth century. The author lived and taught for some years in Constantinople and said of himself V that he but put into LatiiL^e-4>jiiiciples which he had learned from the Greek grammarians.^ He referred con- stantly to these models, especially Dyscolus and Herodian. His allusions to Greek usage were throughout exceedingly numerous and exact. Under favorable circumstances one might cull enough from these pages to construct most of the Greek rules for noun declension and to have ideas on the treatment of verb stems and on certain departments of syntax. Illustrative quotations from Greek writers, chiefly Homer, Thucydides, Plato, Demosthenes and the dramatists, were introduced plentifully in the last book and invited to exercise of ingenuity in reading. In short with a fairly accurate copy of Priscian in his hands any scholar with a taste for linguistics could by a moderate amount of exertion collect those odds and ends of Greek lore which surprise the modern reader of a twelfth century composition and which at first sight seem to indicate a real grasp of the language. Before wondering, however, why the mass of students re- mained so ignorant one must remember that the average scribe was too careless or too clumsy to copy exactly what i"Conatus sum pro viribus rem arduam qui'lem, sed officio professionis non indebitam, supra nominatorum praecepta virorum quae congrua sunt visa m Latinum transferre sermonem, collectis etiam omnibus fere, quaecumque neces- saria nostrorum quoque invenmntur artium commentariis grammaticorum. quod gratum fore credidi temperament um, si ex utriusque hnguae moderatoribus ele- gantiora in unum coeant corpus meo labore fauente. quia nee viiuperandum me esse credo si eos imitor qui principatum inter scriptores Graios artis grammaticae possident." Priscian, Insiitutiones Grammaticae, pp. 1-2. he did not understand, and that in consequence the average text was marred by gaps and illegibihties or downright errors, particularly in the reproduction of letters in an un- known alphabet. A word or an ending here and there was doubtless all that the ordinary reader deciphered out of the obscurity.' y^ A century after Priscian, Isidore, Bishop of Seville, reduced \/ all necessary knowledge to the compass of an encyclopedia of twenty books, which was likewise to become one of the j popular storehouses of medieval learning. A resident of SpainThe^Kne w snatcilesonire colloquial Greek of his day, and declared that in addition to the four ancient dialects there was another ** the common, in which everyone speaks."^ His first book, which treated of grammar, contained the Greek alphabet, a collection of Greek metrical terms and signs and a few illustrations of Greek parts of speech. Otherwhere scattered through his chapters were Greek de- rivations, some sufficiently correct, others as fantastic as that of the word sibyl, constructed from an Aeolic 2/<5f, God, and ftovAii, a person who explains the will of God to men,3 or again that of the word elephant from Acwof, " because he is shaped like a mountain." ^ ' For errors in a tenth century copy of Priscian, see Thurot, Notices pp. 66-7. Bacon speaks of a common mistake in copying and reading Priscian, taking 6 ahroq as oTuro^. Gk. Grammar, p. 164. * " KoivT], id est mista sive communis, qua omnes utuntur." Isidore, Etymologiae col. 326. •"Proinde igitur, quia divinam voluntatem hominibus interpretari solebant, Sibylle nominate sunt." Tbid., col. 309. The deterioration of even these poor Greek forms through the incapacity of medieval scribes is illustrated by a passage from Vincent of Beauvais, who in the thirteenth century repeated this derivation. "With him i:^(if has become sibos and /3ou2//. belen. " Nam sibos Eolico sermone deus, belen Greci mentem nuncupant." Spec. Hist,, lib. iii, cap. 102. Note also Mathew Paris' version of this same derivation, Chron. Mai., vol. i, p. 51. * " Quod formam montis preferat. Grace enim mons 7Mog dicitur." Etymolo* ^iae, col. 436. I \ u 38 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 39 II The example set by Donatus, Priscian, Isidore and others of broadening the view of Latin grammar by frequent refer- ence to the Greek was followed by the authors of the metri- cal text-books of the twelfth and thirteenth centur.es. which to a considerable extent superseded the older works m gen- eral favor. Alexander, a Frenchman from Ville D.eu, about the year 1200 composed a Doctrinale in hexameter verse which soon enjoyed a wide vogue in the schools of Northern Europe.' In the opening lines he announced his purpose of writing especially for the " new little clerks . and even to boys the greater part will be plain." ' Yet he felt obl.ged to insert in places the standard Greek illustrations repro- duced from the older grammars. He supplied doggerel rules for case endings in the singular number, omittmg as a rule any consideration of the plural. <• With nominative in e the Greek has genitive es, The fourth case era or en, and the rest as the nominative, With nominative in os, the genitive then is the same, Or changes to oy in Greek, (for example melos and me oy)_^^ With om in the fourth case, os in the fifth, and o m the last. He gave a hasty word to Greek verbs and syntax, men- tioned a few derivations and crowned all with the customary » Rashdall, vol. i, p. 436- « ** Scribere clericulis paro Doctrinale novellis . . . Si pueri pnmo nequeant attendere plene, hictamen attendet, qui doctoris vice fungens, atque legens puerislaica lingua reserabit; Et pueris etiam pars maxima plana patebit." Alexander de Villa Dei, Doctrinale, p. 7, lines i, 7-10. « " Cum dedit e Grecus recto, tenet es genitivus, Em aut en quartus; recto reliquos sociamus, Cum Greci rectus tenet os, par est genitivus, Vel dat oy Grecus (melos et meloy tibi testis) Quartus on, os quintus, o tertius atque supremus." Doctrinale, lines 338-342. list of rhetorical terms, homozeuxis, efflexegesis and the like, which he ingeniously contrived to fit into the meter. One perceives that these disjointed, futile bits of Greek lore had become the traditional accompaniments of any compendium of the Latin language.^ They had ceased to be accurate, had ceased, one would suppose, to be edifying but they were still preserved. A Flemish contemporary of Alexander, Eberhard of Bethune, was the author of a grammatical poem in hex- ameters and elegiacs, which boasted the title Grecismus and included a chapter devoted particularly to Greek deriva- tions. According to his own slightly grandiloquent descrip- tion it told " what were the voices of Greece and of Latium and what meaning they bore."^ Before the close of the fourteenth century it was prescribed by some of the leading universities of Europe for the course in grammar.3 A rough translation of a few lines will indicate the character of the work. " Universal is catha, from that is catholic, And auricalcon proves to us that calcon is a torch. En signifies the contrary, and hence elencus comes. The goat is called egle, therefrom the eclogue takes its name. Lectos in Greek is quiet rest, we have Allecto thence, And melody we say because melos itself is sweet. 'The proper names which garnished the illustrative sentences were a part of this Greek tradition. Almost never were they medieval or even Roman. " Con- cesso quod tu melior sis quam Plato" (^DoctrinaleXxxi^, 1543), is a simple example. Socrates was a name often employed. » " Grecismus recitat, peperit quas Grecia voces Quas Latium dat, que significata ferant." Eberhard, Carmen de Versificattone; quoted in Gottlieb, Mittelalt. Bib., p. 445- » The Grecismus and Doctrinale were prescribed as grammatical text-books by the university statutes of 1328 at Toulouse, of 1366, at Paris, and of 1389, at Vi- enne. Thurot, p. 102, n. 5. 40 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 41 Then morphos signifies a change, hence metamorphoses, Orge the tilhng of the soil, we get Georgics so.' I? 1 \ The material was drawn in part apparently from Priscian and the fanciful etymologies of Isidore. The end of the thirteenth century, indeed, saw the com- V position of a true Greek Grammar written in Latin for the instruction of Latins, a serious attempt at a comprehensive discussion of all the fundamentals of the languge from the Western standpoint. Roger Bacon, the sturdy philosopher and educational critic, had long urged the desirability of re- viving the study of the more ancient tongues, especially Greek and Hebrew. Alone among the scholars of his day he persistently asserted the folly of a state of complacent s^ satisfaction with translations and the need of a working knowledge of Greek if one would understand even the prin- ciples of Latin. ^ Some time during the latter years of his life ;he composed a manual of Greek grammar of considerable length, if we may judge by the proportions of the fragment which survives. Two out of its three parts were devoted to a * " Universale catha; fit catholicus inde; Atque fecem calcon auricalcon probat esse. En contra signal; hinc et elencus erit. Est egle capra; hinc egloga nomen habet. Est lectos requies; Allecto dicitur inde, Estque melos dulcis ac inde melodia dicas, Immutat morphos; hinc metamorphoseos. Orge cultura est; die inde Georgica nasci." Quoted byThurot, pp. 109-I10. The following lines show how Latin or Ilebrew words might be taken as Greek : " Estque bonum manon; immanis comprobat illud. Die pitos esse viam; dicas hinc compita nasci. Quod bar filius est probat illud Bartholomeus, Sabbata sunt requies; probat hoc ludeus Apeila." /6id.t p. 1 10. ' Bacon, Op. Maius, vol. iii, pp. 80, ef seq. Cp. Tert.^ pp. 88, et seq. painstaking treatment of orthography, prosody and accen- tuation, and included a list of correct forms of Greek words used in Latin, azymus, amethystus, basyleus, gymnasium, ^ another list of words which in the author's opinion should be written with an aspirated letter, Achademia, Athlas, methaphora, thanathos,^ and a long array of quotations from Latin poets to illustrate the right and wrong accentuation of Greek derivatives. 3 Texts of the Paternoster, Ave Maria, Credo, Magnificat, Nunc Dimittis and Benedictus were given in Greek, in a Latin transliteration, and in the usual Latin version for use as reading lessons. ^ Interspersed among all this matter were full discussions of general rules, Greek usage being interpreted as far as possible by the Latin. Constant reference was made to Priscian and the influence of his method and spirit was patent throughout, s The third section dealing with ^e subject of inflections is now unfortunately much mutilated. The part treating of the first and second declensions and the simpler forms of the third is lost, together with that which contained the conjugation of the'/^^ paradigm rWv^ic following on the conjugation of the « model, rhnru. Everything that may have come afterwards is also gone, including any disquisitions upon syntax. ^ The sources for Bacon's exceptional knowledge of Greek have been always problematic. He ofl^ers no explanation 'Bacon, Gk. Grammar, 'p'^. 61-78. ^/dtd.,pp. 133-140- ^ Idid., pp. 98-128. */5iar., pp. 17-24. ^^ 5 See continual allusions to Priscian in the Grammar, " Sicut Priscianus docet p. 4, " Secundum Priscianum." p. 5, etc. He was also indebted often where he did not expressly say so. « A somewhat similar, though less systematic and still less complete exposition of Bacon's ideas on Greek etymology and prosody, with criticisms on the preva- lent errors of the time, may be found in Comp. Stud., pp. 432-519- \/ \ ¥ nn ' 'I . . MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 42 for his attainments, so that one is driven to conjecture with the aid of a few vague hints. A peculiarly careful and suc- cessful study of a clear text of Priscian gave him much. He drew suggestions also from Donatus, Isidore, Bede and other writers on language. Aside from these, the common prop- erty of any medieval scholar, he evidently had access to rarer authority. He probably did not know Herodian at first hand, in spite of the two quotations he boasted from the Alexandrian grammarian,^ but he assuredly was familiar with some later Byzantine manual some one of the small gram- matical catechisms or " Erotemata," which presented the rules of earlier philologists in a condensed and abridged form. His paradigms are those of the Byzantine schools, comprehending certain rarely used nouns and the verb n^ro. The latter he conjugates through all imaginable forms, placing idv before the subjunctive mood as did the Byzantines.^ His reading material, the Paternoster, Ave and Creed, is the same as that commonly employed in the Greek text-books. The Creed, is the Eastern Creed and lacks the clause, »iKaiUrovviav-3 Finally he refers now and again explicitly to a " grecus," and in his chapters on inflection, where Pris- cian failed him and a Greek manual would be practically his only guide, he quotes occasionally fragments of questions and answers.4 Perhaps he had. seennhe " Greek Donatus" brought back from Athens by John of' Basingstoke. He ^ Gk. Grammar, pp. 46 and 55. •^ op. cit., pp. Ix, et seq. Cf. Heiberg, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, vol. ix, pp. 472. tt seq. 3 Gk, Grammar, p. 20. * «• Si sequar grecos auctore* in grammatica eorum." Op. cit. p. 165. "Et si grecus querat ^oaa axvuara d.cemus tria, air7.ovv, quod est simplex, avvderov, quod est compositum, .apaavv^.Tov, qnod est decompositum," etc., p. 152. "Quent igitur grecus ri^ru, r:oiov fifpov^ Uyov e^rc; pwaro^ .^oia^ eyK?Jaeo>^; Sp^arcvr, etc. p. 173. He describes the " moretn grecum," mode of instruction by questions and answers, p. 171. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 43 certainly knew Grosseteste, and mentions the ** books on Greek grammar " which had been imported by him from the East.' The pronunciation which he gives for the Greek of the Paternoster, Ave and other extracts proves also that he had heard the spoken Greek of the day with its tendency toward slighting the distinction between vowel sounds.^ He may have listened to Basingstoke or some other travelled monk who worked for Grosseteste, or to some one of the Oriental clerks studying in Paris. The sum ^f .Bacon's achievements in Greek is, therefore, considerable! He had a fair comprehension of the rules of etymology and probably of syntax as formulated by Greek philologians of his own or an earlier time. He could de- clare emphatically that a treatise on grammar, attributed by many of his contemporaries to Aristotle, was the product of some Latin author who wrote " out of his own head," not from the Greek standpoint at all but as a bungling, ill-taught Westerner. 3 Of his own Grammar he could say that it was a simple, introductory hand-book, designed to enable the student merely to understand Greek allusions in Latin ' op. Tert., p. 91. ' I quote an example from the Magnificat : " Kathile dunastas apo thronon ke ypsose tapinus pinontas eneplisen Ka^etAe dwaaraq ano dpovuv Kal v^>g)GE raTreivovg ^nvovrac evETTATjoev agathon ke plutuntas exapestile kenus, antelaueto israil pedos autu hya^i:jv ml -Kfjovrowraq t^aTztoruU Ktvovq, hvTEla.;itro Lcpar//. Traidog avrov mnistine eleus kathos elalise pros tus pateras imon to Auraam ke to fivria^fri'ai k'/Jovc /cci^wf kUlr/ce Ttpbg Tohg Trartpac; ruaov t(m a,ipaau mi Tui spermati autu eos eonos." Gi. Grammar, p. 21. a~epfiaTi avrov iuq a\CiVog." 3"Non potest esse Aristotelis ut estimatur a pluribus,nec alicuius greci, quia non traditur greca grammatica secundum formam grecam, immo magis secundum latinam; licet aliqua greca aliquando ibi tangantur. Sed constat grecam grammat- icam more greci ab autoribus tradi. Non igitur fuit hie tractatus factus in greco. nee a greco translatus, sed aliquis latinus ipsum ex proprio capite compilavit . . . Inslrui indiget in grammatice rudimentis." Gk. Grammar, p. 57. 44 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 45 ,11; ill '11 writers, to be followed and supplemented by a larger work. ^ But in spite of his acquaintance with the structure and para- phernalia of the language Bacon gives no indication in his works of any ability to read Greek outside of grammars and dictionaries. He finds grave fault with current translations of Aristotle or of the Scriptures, but he bases his strictures on the well known incompetence of the translators or on the corruption and contradiction of Latin texts rather than on flaws detected by comparison with a Greek original. In short his proficiency, remarkable as it is, seems, for all he reveals to the contrary, to have extended scarcely beyond what he calls the third degree of knowledge, namely, the power to read and comprehend the references to Greek con- tained in the works of philosophers, theologians and gram- marians, and to practice the rules of inflection. It stops dis- tinctly short of the first and second degrees, which indeed he himself declares to be out of the reach of all but a few among the Greeks, the power to use the language freely and cor- rectly as one's mother tongue and the power to translate from it accurately and clearly. » As far as I am aware there 1 " Hie tractatus est introductorius in grammaticam grecam quam in maiori tractatu meo poterunt perspicere studiosi. Nee est neeessitas latino revolvere omnes coniugaciones ut intelligat textum latinum in omni facultate, cum exposi- cionibus sanetorum et philosophorum et autorum grammatiee et poetarum et ceterorum sapientum, pro qua exposieione faeio tractatum istum." 0/. ctt., pp. 171-2. ' " Nam consideret vestra sapientia quod in linguarum cognitione sunt tria; scili- cet ut homo sciat legere et intelligere ea que Latini traetant in expositione theolo- gie et philosophie et lingue Latine . . . Sed aliud est in linguarum cognitione, scilicet ut homo sit ita peritus quod seiat transferre . . . Tertium vero est difii- cilius utroque, scilicet quod homo loquatur linguam alienam sicut suam." Op. Tert., pp. 65-6. " Sed tertius gradus hie eligendus est qui facillimus est habenti doctorem, scilicet ut sciamus de his quantum sufficit ad intelligendum, que requirit Latinitas in hac parte. Et vis huius rei stat in hoc : ut homo sciat legere grecum et hebreum et cetera, et ut secundum formam Donati sciat accidentia partium ora- tionis." Cotnp. Stud.^ pp. 433-4- is no proof that Bacon ever read any Greek beside text- books. His grammar and his chapters elsewhere on the use of Greek miss the flavor and variety which citations from a wider literature would have supplied. As a stimulus to a more general study of the language his grammar, as far as one can now tell, was a failure. A few copies of it were made in the course of time. One dating from the fourteenth century found its way to Oxford, another to Cambridge, a third of the sixteenth century to the library at Douai, but they all lay forgotten and unread. ' Even the existence of the book was doubted by scholars until within the last few years. It is valuable, accordingly, not as a source of infor- mation drawn upon by the Middle Ages, but as an indica- tion of the amount cf knowledge which it was possible in that period for one man of tireless enthusiasm to obtain. The foregoing pages suggest briefly the main channels by which a knowledge of the Greek tongue was conveyed to the ^ Gk. Grammar, pp. Ixv, Ixvi, Ixx, Ixxi. A fifteenth century catalogue of the library of St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury, contains a notice of " pars quedam grammatiee grace Baconis,'' included in a volume of mathematical tables given to the Abbey by one John of London. This John may perhaps be identified with Bacon's promising pupil 0I the same name. James, pp. 325, Ixxiv Ixxvii. In 1344 the English prelate, Richard de Bury, wrote a pleasant little treatise on books. In one chapter he dilates upon the desirability of a study of Greek. His language reminds the reader of Bacon's, although the reasons he urges in support of his o|)inion are more literary in character and less philological. "What W( uld Ver- gil, the greatest poet of the Latins, have done if he had not plundered Theocritus, Lucretius and Homer, or ploughed with their heifer? . . . The creeds we chant are the sweat of the Greeks, declared in their councils and confirmed by the martyr- dom of many . . . We draw this conclusion from what has been said, namely, that the ignorance of the Greek language is at this day highly injurious to the study of the Latins, without which the doctrines of either the ancient Christians orGen- tiles cannot be comprehended." After a reference to the inefticacy of the decree of the Council of Vienne he concludes with the statement that he has at least pro- vided Greek and Hebrew grammars for the use of his scholars. Fhilobiblion, cap. X, pp. 70-2. It is not impossible that the author had been procuring copies of Bacon's works. But he does not himself seem to have learned Greek from them, and no record as yet has shown that any of his pupils did. v\ m m 46 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM / West in the Middle Ages and the extent and character of this knowledge. The modern student of the situation is struck most perhaps by the almost absolute dearth among the greatest scholars of abiHty or inclination to read Greek. Library catalogues joined to the mention of an ancient manuscript the phrase, " Greca sunt, non describuntur." University doctors lecturing upon texts in law or philosophy passed over quotations with the comment, *' Grecum est, non legitur." A limited acquaintance with Greek roots derived principally through grammars and etymologies was not rare in literary circles. Greek titles gave an air to compositions in Latin ; witness the Rhetorimachia of Anselm of Bisate, the Metalogicus and Polycraticon of John of Salisbury, the Philobiblion of Richard de Bury, the Megacosmus and Microcosmus of Bernard Silvester of Tours and numerous others. Students of etymology were captivated by the opportunity of exercising their fancy in juggling with deri- vations. Gervais of Tilbury found in the word Academy "the sorrow of the people."^ Matthew Paris ascribed to the Athenians a claim to immortality in their very name. 3 ' « Et non solum nocivum est, valde verecundum est, quando inter omnes sapientes Latinorum prelati et principes non inveniunt unum hominem qui unam literam Arabicam vel Grecam sciat interpretari nee uni nuntio respondere, sicut aliquando accidit." Bacon, Op. Mai., vol. iii, p. I20. Fhilip of Harveng, abbot of Bonne-Esp«irance in the twelfth century, a great lover of literature, writes to a friend : " Cum enim pluribus et dissimilibus Unguis Deus uti velit diversas homi- numnationes ... earn linguam, nisi fallor quodam reverentie et amoris privilegio vult preferri, quam versari inter sacra ecclesiatica et ad postercs Uteris vult transferri. Unde etsi Hebrea et CJreca eo date sunt ordine patribus ab antique, tamen quia non usu sed famasola ad nos quasi veniunt delonginquo,eisdem vale- facto ad Latinam presentem noster utcumque se applicat intellectus." Epistola, xvu. Mipte, vol. 203, p. 154- 2 He derived it probably from aXoq Mjuov. See Egger, vol. i, p. 85. 3 He makes the word Anthenian from a privative and ^ararof. Chron. Mai, vol. V, p. 286. He may have derived the suggestion from Fulgentius, who says, "Minerva denique et d9.>7 grece dicitur, quasi uUdvaroq ndi/)nog, id est immor- MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 47 Nevertheless it seems safe to say that hardly a scholar who had not lived in the South or East ever acquired the skill to read Greek at all, as we understand the term, or to translate. Greek manuscripts were not copied in the cloisters. The few that were unearthed when the humanists of the fifteenth century set about the search were chiefly of ancient or Ori- ental origin with the exception of the crude bilingual glos- saries. ' The patois in which the Venetian trader chaffered over his wares when he touched at an Eastern port or the crusader asked for a night's lodging on the road was as far to all intents and purposes from the Greek of the classics as is the garbled Hindustanee of the casual Indian civilian from the language of the Vedas.^ What little was accomplished in the study and interpretation of ancient texts was mainly the work of a small number of churchmen who studied for special motives abroad or hired the services of an Oriental to translate certain didactic or religious books particularly talis virgo, quia sapientia nee mori poterit nee corrumpi." Mytholo^icon, in Mytho- graphiy vol. ii, p. 68. Bacon, who touches on so many phases of this subject, has some curious examples of confused derivations in the dictionaries of Hugutio, Brito and Papias, e. g. " Hugutio et Brito errant horribiliter in hoc nomine idiota. Dicunt enim quod dicitur ab idus, quod est divisio, et iota, quod est litera alpha- beti, quasi divisus a Uteris et illiteratus; vel ab idus et ota, quod est auris, quasi divisus ab aure, quia quod audit non inteUigit; vel ab othis, quod est mos, et idos, quod est proprium, quasi ignorans morem proprie terre et gentis. Sed absurda sunt hec et falsa. Nam idion est proprium, a quo idioma, id est proprietas lo- quendi, et idiotes, qui naturali sensu et propria lingua contentus est, et sic et- idiota sicut scribit Beda, Act. quarto, etc." Comp. Stud., pp. 460-1. ' Egger, vol. i, p. 44. Cf. supra, p. 18. Greek manuscripts in the monasteries were frequently psalters. See examples in Becker, Catalogi, pp. 172 and 267, Omont, Fac-Similes, passim. A Greek copy of the Epistles of Paul was at Corbie in the thirteenth century, (Becker, p. 283.) and one of the Octoteuch at Christ Church, Canterbury. (James, p. 1, xxxvi.) ' " Multi vero inveniuntur qui sciunt loqui Grecum et Arabicum et Hebreum inter Latinos, sed paucissimi sunt qui sciunt rationem grammatice ipsius, nee sciunt docere earn : tentavi enim permultos. Sicut enim laici loquuntur linguas quas ad- discunt et nesciunt rationem grammatice, sic est de litis." Bacon, Op, Tert., p. 33* 48 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM :i ) i II I', 1/ desired by scholars of the West. These translators, as a rule, comprehended too dimly the tongue with which they were dealing to make their versions lucid or idiomatic' Finally the reputation of Greek as a singularly difficult lan- guage tended to discourage any incipient interest in a sub- ject so formidable of approach." No incentive offered for its cultivation was efifective or lasting. A new enthusiasm and a different attitude of mind were needed before Greek should once more be read and loved by men of letters throughout the West. I The following extract illustrates the style of one of the most prominent trans- lators. William of Moerbeka. "Omnia utique ex Providentia erunt e, malum habet locum in entihus. Quare et faciunt dii malum sed tanquam bonum e, cognoscunt, ut omnium unialem habentes cogn.tionem, .mparUb.Uter qu.dem partibilium, boniformiter aut.m malorum, unialiter autem mult.tudm.s Aha emm anime cognitio et alia intellectualis nature, alia deorum .psorum: h.e qmdem oli ni,li..r^. id est ex se mobihs; hie autem eternal.s co^nmo h,c au^em indicibilis et unialis. ipso uno omn,a et cognoseens et producens. From Pro lus. De Malorum Sub>,sU„lia. Quoted in Bist. Lill. de la Frame, vol. xx,, p. 150. .Priscian alludes to the inflections of the Greek verb in a way to daunt the hardiest M. Gram., vol. i, pp. 4^0, 442. 445-7- <=tc. Bacon m h.s gram- mar remarks, "Conmgaciones vero non omnes ponam m hoc trac.atu, „cut a principio dictum es,, propter gravitatem multitudinis earum e. superfluam difficultatem intelligendi eas. quia novicius addiscens greeas conmgac.on^ v« unamrecipiet pa.ienter, et quia hie trac.atus est introductor.us m grammafcam arecam." Gk. Grammar, p. 171. A thirteenth century characteri.at.or, of Labic, Greek and Latin runs as follows, " tedium verbositat.s arab.ce, .mphca- aonis grece, paucitas quoque exarationis latine." HUl. LUt. '., lib. vii, cap. 5, p. 664. Otto of Freising referring to Plato remarks, " qui prefati Aristo- telis non solum apud Socratem condiscipulus, sed et post mortem Socratis pre- ceptor fuit." ( hron. p. 69. He imagines that Socrates' death may have been a suicide due to despondency or troublous times. Jbid. p. 80. Vincent of Beauvais knows that Socrates was condemned to die but suggests that he drank poison without waiting for an executioner, " aut amore popularis glorie aut timore maioris pene." Spec. Htst., lib. iv, cap. 66. Later in the paragraph he quotes as from Lactantius, " Socrates se nihil scire dixif, nisi hoc ipsum quod nihil sciret: huic achademie disciplina intonavit, si tamen disciplina dici potest in qua ignora- tio et dicitur et docetur." 64 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM PI pagan Greek and for that reason was sometimes said to have studied under Jeremiah, in Egypt. ^ The fact of his dis- agreement with Aristotle on the nature of universals was un- ^ doubtedly the item most generally known concerning him, and the knowledge added zest to the long scholastic contro- versy of the Middle Ages. Indeed men who opposed Aris- totle for any cause whatever were apt to proclaim an alle- giance to Plato none the less ardent for resting upon a basis of partisan and unreasoning faith rather than of understand- ing. 1 The story of Plato's intercourse with Jeremiah can be traced back to Au- gustine, who attributes it to Ambrose (Jcetractionum, lib. ii, cap. 30, p. 136), but who in another passage remarks, " diligenter subputata temporum ratio quae chronica historia continetur Platonem indicat a tempore quo prophetavit Hiere- mias centum ferme annos postea natum fuisse." ( Oe ( ivit. Dei,, lib. viii, cap. 11, pp. 371-2). The question of Plato's relation to Judaism was not, however, con- sidered settled.— " Quorum alter (Plato) de potentia, sapientia, bonitate creatoris ac genitura mundi creationeve hominis tam luculenter, tarn sapienter, tam vicine veritati disputat, ut ob hoc a quibusdam ex nostris Hieremiam in Egypto audi- visse et ab eo de fide nostra imbutus fuisse credatur . . . Omnia enim que de divina natura humana ratione mvestigari possunt invenerunt, excepiis his in quibus summa salus consistit, que per gratiam lesu Christi a mansuetis corde cognoscuntur. Unde Augustinus : ' In principio erat verbum,' et omnia que in profundissimo sermune evangelista prosequitur usque ad ilium locum ubi de mys- teriis incarnationis agere incipit, in t'latone se invenisse dicit." Otto of Freising, Chron., pp. 68-70. Otto himself does not believe in the Egyptian story, because, as he also explains, Plato lived too long after the prophet. Vincent of Beauvais is of the same opinion on that point, but argues that Plato might well have known the Hebrew Scriptures through an interpeter. In support of this idea he cites several passages in the Timaeus; " et maxime illud quod et me plurimum adducit ut plene assentiar Platonem illorum librorum expertem non fuisse, quod Plato ilia verba Domini ad Moysem, * Ego sum qui sum,' vehementer tenuit et diligen- tissime commendavit." spec. Hist., lib. iv, cap. 75. Cf. Bacon. Op. Mai., vol. in, p. 72. Phihp de Harveng has yet another theory regarding the Egyptian journey. "Audierat (Plato) forte quod Moyses, qui in Egypto natus fuerat et nutritus, omni sapientia Fgyptiorum, sicut divina refert pagina, fuerat eruditus; et super hac sapientia idem Plato non mediocriter curiosus ad investigandum earn facius est." hpistolae, iv, Migne, vol. 203, p. 32. Theodoric of Chartres in the twelfth century wrote " De Sex Dierum Operibus " in an effort to reconcile the Biblical account of the creation with the theories of the Timaeus. Sandys, p. 513. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 65 The only work of Plato which had anything approaching \ / a wide circulation was the Timaeus in the translation of Chalcidius. The dialogue had furnished much material for mystical exposition in the time of the Neo-Platonists and was taken up again by scholars after the beginning of the twelfth century.' About 1160 Evericus Aristippus, a Sicilian arch- deacon, prepared Latin versions of the Phaedo and Meno, a ^ few copies of which slowly found their way to the libraries of great convents or universities but in that seclusion lay practically undiscovered.^ Plato continued to be a person about whom inquisitive minds were intensely but vainly curious. 3 His works were among the earliest to be trans- lated by the Hellenists of the fifteenth century. ^"Timeus plato" is mentioned in a catalogue of a library of the tenth or eleventh century. Becker, p. 131. But Abelard did not know it. " Pla- tonis opera non cognovit latinitas nostra." Cousin, Otivra^es Incdits, p. xlvi, Willam of Conches, a pupil of Bernard of Chartres, wrote a commentary on the Timieus before 11 50. Theodoric of Chartres, mentioned in the note just preced- ing, was a contemporary. Bernard Silvester of Tours, in the same century, wrote two philosophical treatises founded on the Timaeus. Otto of Freising was famil- with it. Chronicon, p. 365. Extracts from a twelfth-century commentary ascribed to Honore of Autun are given in Cousin, op.cit., appendix, pp. 648 656. On the influence of Plato upon twelfth-century thought, see Poole, Illustrations of Med. Thought, pp. 124 et seq., 167 et seq. • Rashdall, vol. ii, p. 744. Paris catalogues of 1250 and 1290 mention versions of the Phaedo. An Oxford Ms. of 1423 contains the translation of the Phaedo and Meno. Vincent of Beauvais, speaking of the doctrines of Pythagoras, says : " et multa alia que Plato in libris suis et maxime in Fedrone Thimeoque prosequi- tur." Spec. Hist., lib. iv, cap. 25. But neither Dante nor Petrarch were acquainted with more than the Timaeus. In 1393 Salutato, Chancellor of Florence and learned student of the classics, wrote to Andrea Giusti of Volterra : " Ceterum audio quod in bibliotheca Predicatorum est liber Platonis qui inscribitur Phedon. Rogo perquiras et magnitudinem libri declares, ut si possibile fuerit, faciam ex- emplari." Salutato, Epist., vol. ii, pp. 444 and 449. Nothing is now known of the library where the book was said to be, nor of the copy which Salutato tried to procure. ^ Vincent of Beauvais gives a list of Plato's works, which he says were called by the names of Plato's teachers. " Hinc sunt libri eius appellati Thimeus, Phedron, Gorgias, Pitagoras, quorum primum et ultimum transtulit Cicero in Phedronis ^- 66 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 67 The history ol the role of Aristotle in the Middle Ages is far more complicated and can be given only in brief sum- mary here The man who made him known to the earher centuries was Boethius, the scholar of the court of Theodonc. A cxreat part of his work he based upon Aristotle, translat- ting directly from the Greek an introduction to the pen- . patetic philosophy, the Isagoge of Porphyry, also the two first divisions of the Organon, De Interpretatione and Cate- Koriae, and composing treatieses of his own upon the other four sections of the Organon, De Syllogismis Categoncis, De Syllogismis Hypotheticis, De Differentiis Topics and De Divisionibus.- The most popular of all his writings, the Consolation of Philosophy, in spirit undeniably Platonic, was Aristotelian in form and style. At the very outset therefore, the Middle Ages inherited more material for a study of / Aristotle than for one of Plato. Moreover the subject of which this Aristotle treated in his masterful fashion was logic toward which for various reasons the medieval thinker was especially attracted. Alcuin, Erigena and other scholars of the Carolingian age studied the writings of Boethius, though they admitted no extraordinary authority in the dyalogo." spec. llUt, lib. iv, cap. 77- Among Plato's direct disciples he includes Apuleius, Plotinus and the mythical Hermes Trismegistus. Of. «/., hb. v, cap_ 6 and 8. Certain writings attributed to Trismegistus, curious compounds of fable lystLm and populaf philosophy, had been translated from '^e ^-k ^y Apuleius, and were known to a few. Bandini, Cat. Codd. Lat., vol. n, p. 652. and iii, pp. 333-4- , . ... •Mandonnet, Si^er de Braiant, pp. xxiv-xxvi; R»^'«'.''"'™ " ;• P' S?'™'- "' p ,44; Jouidain, Kecherehes, pp. 5^-58- These translations of Boethius com- Led Uat was later known as the Old Logic, in distinction from the versions of a" other parts of the Organon, wh.ch were entiUed the New Logic. They were couched in better Latin than the medieval renderings. For the opinion of one of the ablest of the early humanists, see Bruni, EpUU vol. i, p. 139 = " Nullam enim Boetii interpretationem habemus preterquam Porphyrii et Predicamentormn et Perihermenias librorum, quos si accurate leges, videbis summum illum v,rums.ne ullis ineptiis libros iUo. transtuli.se. Textus est nitidus et planus et Greco respond ens." voice that spoke through them. Abelard surrendered him- self with more abandon to the guidance of the Greek sage.^ He advocated what he conceived to be the Aristotehan the- ory of ideas, in opposition to both the ReaHst and the Nom- inaHst tenets then in vogue. He composed commentaries or glosses upon the books of Aristotle which he had read, and upon the Aristotelian treatises of Boethius. He ex- erted the power of his influence in the schools to increase the prestige of Aristotle's name and to mark him out as the chief of the philosophers of the past.^* Before the death of Abelard translations of the other por- tions of the Organon were being carried into Northern Europe from the South. James, the Venetian clerk already men- tioned, is usually credited with their authorship.3 Whatever their source they were eagerly received in learned circles and rapidly disseminated. Men like John of Salisbury, but a few years younger than Abelard, analyzed and commented upon them and to some extent introduced them into the schools.'^ Within a few more years aid from an unexpected quarter made the philosophic and scientific works of the ^ For the extent of Abelard's knowledge of Aristotle, see Rashdall, vol. i, p. 37; Cousin, Ouvraq-es Inedits, pp. li-liv. Cousin quotes an explicit statement from a Ms. " Aristotelis enin duos tantum, Predicamentorum scilicet et Peri Ermenias, libros usus adhuc Latinorum cognovit." ' John of Salisbury about this time begins the protest against over-subservience to Aristotle. " Nee tamen Aristotelem ubique plane aut sensisse aut dixisse protestor, ut sacrosanctum sit, quidquid scripsit." MetalogicuSy lib. iv, cap. 27, Migne, vol. 199, p. 932. He himself, however, says : " sed cum singuli suis mentis splendeant, onmes se Aristotelis ador^ire vestigia gloriantur, adeo quidem ut commune omnium pbilosophorum nomen preeminentia quadam sibi proprium feccrit. Nam et antonomatice, id est excellenter, philosophus appellatur." Op, cit.t lib. ii, cap. 16. Migne^ p. 873. •See suproy p. 12. Jourdain, Rechfrches^ pp. 21-42. Rashdall, vol. i, p. 61. *The Metalogicus of John of Salisbury, lib. iii and iv, {Migne^ vol. 199, pp. 892-930.) contains analyses of the contents of the Categories, De Interpretatione, Topics, First and Second Analytics, and Elenchi Sophistici. Otto of Freising names all these in his list of the works of Aristotle. Chronicon. p. 68. I w< ^g MEDIEVAL HELLENISM master also accessible to the Latin world/ For over four centuries the Arabs who ruled in Bagdad over Western Asia and Northern Africa had possessed their own versions of Aristotle, Hippocrates and certain other Greek scientists, versions in some cases taken directly from the Greek, in others from Syriac translations constructed in earlier times by the Nestorians.^ A knowledge of this Arabic-Greek lore had been transported by the Moslem conquerors to Spain, where small centres of study were gradually formed among the heterogeneous population of the peninsular. Arabic doctors expounded the theories of the Greek philosopher and worked out vast systems of Aristotelianism modified more or less by the precepts of Islam. Alfarabius, Avi- cenna, Averroes and the Jewish teacher, Moses Maimonides, were especially renowned for the profundity oi their erudition and the skill of their interpretations. Toward the close of the twelfth century students from the North, drawn by rumors of wisdom to be gained from sources hitherto un- suspected, began to make their way to Toledo and Sala- manca to learn what more they could of Aristotle in this new guise. Shortly after the year 1200 Latin translations from the Arabic of various long forgotten books began to appear in Paris, the Physics. De Caelo et Mundo, De His- toria Animalium. followed by the Ethics, Metaphysics anc some smaller works. Michael the Scot, Herman the Ger- man and Gerard of Cremona, wandering clerks of diverse nationalities, won particular reputation by their versions of Aristotle and of the paraphrases and commentaries of Avi- cenna and Averroes.3 The actual process of translation was t A small collection of axioms ascribed to Bede had given some hint as to the character of Aristotle's Physics and Metaphysics. Rashdall, vol. i, p. 37- ^ For a fuller account of the Arab schools and the communication of their learning to Northern Europe see Rashdall, vol. i. pp. 35 ^ ^^^^9- R^n^n, Averroes et VAverroisme, pt. I and pt. II, chs. I and II. •On these three men see Jourdain, Recherches, pp. 120-147. Bacon gives us MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 69 commonly carried on by the collaboration of a Christian from the North with a Saracen or converted Jew of the South, the latter turning the Arabic text into Spanish or some other vernacular dialect intelligible to both, the former putting the vernacular into Latin.' Often neither one comprehended the subject under discussion or the technical value of the terms employed. At times the Arabic manuscript proved corrupt or enigmatical or a Latin equivalent could not be recalled. Occasionally in sheer desperation an Arabic word or two was incorporated directly into the Latin page. Thus the sense of the final product was frequently obscure, here and there buried entirely under a hopeless tangle of words. Proper names in particular were apt to take on unrecog- nizable forms, the Greek names having been altered first to the fullest contemporary criticism of their work. " Unde cum per Gerardum Cremonensem et.Michaelem Scotum et Aluredum Anglicum et Heremannum Alemannum et Wilhelmum Flemingum data sit nobis copia translationum de omni scientia accidit tanta falsitas in eorum operibus quod nuUus sufficit admirari. . . . Omnes enim fuerunt temporibus nostris, ita quod aliqui iuvenes adhuc fuerunt contemporanei Gerardo Cremonensi, qui fuit antiquior inter illos. Here- mannus quidem Alemannus adhuc vivit episcopus, cui fui valde familiaris. Qui mihi sciscitanti eum de libris logice quibusdam, quos habuit transferendos in Arabico, dixit ore rotundo quod nescivit logicam et ideo non ausus fuit transferrc. Et certe si logicam nescivit, non potuit alias scire scientias, sicut decet. Nee Arabicum bene scivit, ut confessus est, quia magis fuit adiutor translationum quam translator; quia Sarascenos tenuit secum in Hispania qui fuerunt in suis translationibus principales. Similiter Michael Scotus ascripsit sibi translationes multas. Sed certum est quod Andreas quidam ludeus plus laboravit in his. Unde Michaelus, sicut Heremannus, retulit, nee scivit scientias neque linguas. Et sic de aliis." Comp. Stud.y pp. 471-2. ' See note above. Cf. extract from the dedication of a Latin version of Avi- cenna, De Anima, addressed to the Archbishop of Toledo by « loannes Avendehut Israelita philosophus." " Hunc igitur librum vobis precipientibus et me singula verba vulgariter proferente et Dominico Archidiacono singula in Latinum conver- tente, ex Arabico translatum in quo quidquid Aristoteles dixit libro suo de anima et de sensu et sensato et de intellectu et intellecto ab autore libri scias esse collec- tum." Jourdain, Kecherch'S, pp. 449-456. See also incident of the finding of a Spanish word in a Latin translation by Herman the German, Bacon, Comp. Stud., pp. 467-8. Op, Tert,, p. 91, Op. Mai,, vol. hi, p. 82. I ) MEDIEVAL HELLENISM suit Syriac or Arabic rules of nomenclature or to meet the limitations of the Arabic alphabet.^ Identities were there- fore readily confounded or lost sight of altogether. As a whole the Arab Latin translations were unsatisfactory even to the unexacting scholar of the day. They obtained only until they could be gradually supplanted by others taken straight from the Greek.^' It was not long before such translations began to appear. We have already in another connection made mention of the version of the Nicomachean Ethics composed under the direction of Robert Grosseteste of England. 3 From South Italy Frederick II sent copies of renderings made by Sicilian clerks at his munificent court. ^ Scholars in various places stimulated by the increasing demand of the universities and the increased facilities for intercourse with Greek-speak- ing people set about the work with varying success. ^ The general superiority of these productions over the Arab- Latin versions was soon acknowledged. Albertus Magnus, comparing a reading in a Greek-Latin translation of the De » Hipparchus in these versions was usually called Abraxis. Albertus Magnus, who relied upon an Arab-Latin rendering of the De C^lo et Mundo, speaks of Thales of Miletus as " Belus natus de Ephesio, que civitas Arabice vocatur Humor." Xenophanes of Colophon is disguised as Malvoconensis. Jourdain, Jiecherches, ' a Jourdain's Kecherches, appendix, contains a number of illustrative extracts from manuscripts of these versions. So far as I know none were ever printed in full. Herman the German, in the preface to his translation of the Rhetoric, says plam- tively, "Necmiretur quisquam vel indigretur de difficultate vel rudidate transla- tionis' nam multo difficilius et rudius ex Greco in Arabicum est translata. Ita quod Alfarabius qui plurimum conatus est ex Rhetorica aliquid intellectum glosando elicere, multa exempla Greca propter ipsorum obscuritatem pertransiens derelm- quit . . . Sane tamen eis (the faultfinders) consulo ut malint hos codices habere sic translatos quam habere derelictos." Kecherches, p. 139. • See supra, p. 14. * ^ee supra, p. 32. »«In diebus iUis legebantur Parisiis libelli qmdam ab Aristotele, ut dicebantur, compositi, qui docebant metaphysicam, delati de novo a Constantinopoli et a Greco in Latinum translati." William the Breton, De GesHs Philippi Aug., 1209. Recueil des Hist, yo\. xvii, p. 84. , 4 / MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 71 Anima with the same passage in an Arab-Latin, remarks that he believes the former to be erroneous, but that he has found Greek-Latin versions as a rule so much more reliable that he will abide by this even here. ' Thomas Aquinas before his death in 1274 owned one or more Greek-Latin versions of almost all of the works of Aristotle. =^ Those which he sanc- tioned were thenceforth considered final and authoritative until the men of the fifteenth century set about to improve them. 3 In style they were slavishly literal, bald and unidiom- 1 " Quod autem bee vera sint que dicta sunt testatur Aristotelis translatio Ara- bica que sic dicit . . . Greca autem translatio discordat ab hac et, ut puto, est mendosa. Habet enim sic. ... Sed quia in multis invenimus Grecas emenda- tiores quam Arabicas translation es, ideo et hoc sustinentes dicimus." De Anima, lib. i, tract, i, cap. 4, 0pp., vol. v, p. 124. ^ See supra, pp. 15-17. ' A few rare instances are found of translations made during the century and a quarter after St. Thomas, e. g., a version of the Economics by Durand of Auvergne, with the assistance of an archbishop and a bishop from Greece, finished in the first year of Boniface VHI. Jourdam, Recherches, p. 72. Roger Bacon has caustic comments to make on all the translations of his day. " Certus igitur sum quod melius esset Latinis quod sapientia Aristotelis non esset translata. quam tali obscu- ritate et perversitate tradita, sicut eis qui ponuntur ibi triginta vel quadraginta annos; et quanto plus laborant, tanto minus sciunt, sicut ego probavi in omnibus qui hbris Aristotelis adheserunt." Comp. Stud., p. 469. Cf. Op. Tert. p. 33. But on Bacon's attitude see Mandonnet, p. liv, n. 3. For an instance of mistranslation see Op. Tert., p. 75 et seq. One meets littie other criticism on Aquinas' versions until one comes to Petrarch. " Equidem fateor me stylo viri illius ( Aristotie) qualis est nobis, non admodum delectari, quamvis eum in sermone proprio et ducem et copiosum et ornatum fuisse Grecis testibus et Tullio auctore didicerim, antequam ignorantie sententia condemnarer. Sed interpretum ruditate vel invidia ad nos durus scaberque pervenit, ut nee ad plenum mulcere aures possit nee herere memorie quo fit ut interdum Aristotelis mentem non illius sed suis verbis exprimere et audienti gratius et promptius sit loquenti." De Ignorantta Sui, 0pp., p. 105 1. One of the fifteenth-century humanists thus ex- presses his opinion : " At enim in Ethicis et Physicis quid tandem est preter in- eptias meras? Non verba in his Latira, non dicendi figura, non eruditio littera- rum; preterea ab ipso Greca male accepta complura. Hec a Boetio longe absunt, viro in utraque lingua docto et eleganti. Nunquam iUe architectonicam, nunquam eutrapeliam, nunquam bomolchos, nunquam agricos, quorum vocabula in Latino habemus, Grece reliquisset. Nunquam tristitiam pro dolore posuisset, nunquam honestum cum bono, eligere cum expetere confudisset. . . Equidem si in pictura ft i U\ 1 / 72 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM :h ; atic, occasionally misleading or actually unintelligible. ' But if a word from the original must now and then be incorporated into the translation it was better Greek than Arabic. Proper names, at least, regained their rightful aspect. Numerous mistakes in rendering were corrected. Unreadable as these versions seemed to later generations they were removed by fewer degrees from Aristotle than their Arab-Latin or Arab- Syriac predecessors.^ They represented as we have said, Jotti (Giotto) quis facem proiiceret, pati non possem. Quid ergo existimas mihi accidere cum Aristotelis libros omni pictura preciosiores tanta traductionis fece coinquinari videam? an non commoveri? an non turbari?" Brnni, A/>isi., vol. i» pp. 139-140. ' Their literalness in some cases made them useful later as aids in correcting defective Greek texts, cy. the following note on a Florentine Ms. of the Politics, Rhetoric and F.thics, written by Franciscus Victorius, nephew of Petrus Victorius, a fifteenth century collator of Greek and Latin Mss. " Hie est liber ille veteris translationis nonnullorum librorum Aristotelis, cuius sepe mentionem fecit Petrus Victorius; precique autem in epistola ad studiosos artis dicendi in commentarios suos in tres libros Aristotelis de arte dicendi af?irmat huius auxilio se usum fuisse in corrigendis libris illis temporum ac librariorum incuria deformatis. Cum enim hec translatio multis antea seculis confecta fuerit, quo tempore libri Aristotelis integriores emendatioresque erant, auctorque ipsius, quicumque ille fuerit, nego- tium cum multa fide administraverit, ac ne verborum quidem ordinem variaverit, inde se cognovisse Victorius narrat quam scripturam in suo exemplari ille habu- erit." Traversari, vol. i, p. clvi. »The following extracts show different versions of a passage from the opening of the treatise, De Caelo et Mundo. They are preceded by the Greek text : CrgeJi. Arab-Latin, No. i. Arab-Latin, No. 2. Greek-Latin used by Aquinas. '"H TTfpi (l>vaEug "Maxima cognitio « Summa cognition is "De natura scientia kTZLOTijuv ox^^ov ii KAei- nature et scientia de- nature et scientie ipsam fere plunma videtur arv aiveTai rrepi re monstrans ipsam est in significant is in corpori- circa corpora et mag- a^uara Kal ueye^v 'C"^ corporibus et in aliis bus existit, et in re- nitudmes et horum ex- ra roirtjv oioa 7:d^v magnitudinibus et in liquis magnitudinibus 1st ens passiones et Kal The Kcvvaeic, tri 6e passionibus et motibus et impressionibus et in motus, adhuc autem XBpl rag apxiu omi earum et in principiis motibus eorum et in circa principia quecum- rik roLairm ovaiag el- cuiuslibet quod assim- principiis omnium que que talis substan le ^v rC>v yap ),vaei ilatur isti nature, etiam huic nature sunt s u n t. Natura enim cwear^ri^ ra uh ecrt Etiam naturaliumrerum similia; quod est quia constantiuum hec qui- G6naraKa\fxtye^V.ra6' quedam sunt corpus et rerum naturalmm que- dem ^un* corpora et iXa oC^uaJ J^e^og. magnitudo, et quedam dam sunt que sunt °^ f g " ^ ^ "^^^Vn„« Ir TApxaX ri.vkx6vrL habent corpus et mag- corpus, et a ia sunt que autemhabent corpus et Liv nitudinem et quedam sunt principia rerum magnitudinem; hec sunt principia habent- que habent corpora et autem principia haben- ium corpora et magni- magnitudinem. tium sunt, tudinem. Zwex^i /^^^ °^^ ^^^^ ro 6iaiperbi> fcif ael 6iai- ptrd, aCifia de ro Tzdvrr) 6mper6v fieye^ovg 6e TO fiEv e6Teg wffTrep vdfiovg imvTjq^ Kal irpbg rag ayiartlag xP^f^^^^ "^^^ deuv r(^ dpidfio) rovT(p. 'ATTodidofj.ev 6e Kal rdg -t^poorjyopiag rbv rpdrrov Tovrov- rd ydp diio afKjxj fiev Myopev Kal Tovg 6vo dpiporepovg, ndvrag d'ov "kkyop-ev, aXkd Kara rdv rpio)V ravrrjv rr/v Trpoorjyopiav (jiauev Trpforov. ravra S'liGirep elprfrai^ 6cd rb T^v ) g^ MEDIEVAL HELLENISM work in their generation.' Jerome did something to redeem the name oi Origen from utter reprobation by translatmg many of his homeUes on books of the Old and New Testa- ments He furthermore composed free paraphrases of the Chronicle and other minor works of Eusebius and of several treatises of Philo. Rufinus, applying himself yet more industriously, performed an inestimable service for med.eva students by furnishing them with Latin rendermgs of Josephus' De Bello Judaico, Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History, St Basil's Hexaemeron and Regulae and numerous sermons of' Origen, Gregory Nazianzen and Pamphilius the Martyr. Ecclesiastical treatises were still translated, though at longer intervals, during the period between the fall of the Western Empire and the final severance of connection with the church at Constantinople. In several instances the authors were monks who remained anonymous and the dates of their compositions are hard to fix. We hear, however, that in the early sixth century Cassiodorus, the minister of Theodoric, %oueht to complete the History of Eusebius by ordering translations of the Greek church writers, Socrates, Sozomenus and Theodoret and then by casting the results into one com- posite narrative, known thereafter as the Historia Tripartita. Dionyius Exiguus, a Scythian, who became in later life a Roman abbot and a fnend of Cassiodorus, contributed ver- sions of an epistle of Cyril of Alexandria, a life of St (Pachomius, two or throe works of Proclus and Gregory o Nyssa and , most important of all, the canons and decrees of the early church councils.3 In the ninth century Er.gena -I prepared a rendering of the Celestial Hierarchy of Dionysius . The Kitchen Lexikon on Hieronymus and Rufinus gives convenient sum- . op cU. on Cassiodorus, The Historia Tripartita is included among the works of Cassiodorus in Migne, vol. 69. See his own preface, pp. 879-882. »See Dionysius Exiguus, Opera, Migne, vol. 67; in particular, pp. 141-2. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 81 the Areopagite, perhaps the most influential, single Greek addition to the library of Roman theology. Anastasius, keeper of the papal archives under Nicholas I and John VIII, put into Latin the Chronography of Nicephorus and miscellaneous works by George Syncellus, Theophanes and other theologians.' In the eleventh century the library of the monastery at Monte Cassino possessed the version of the Regula Basilii, a collection of sermons by Gregory Nazianzen. Josephus, Origen on the Canticles and Chrysostom's De Reparatione Lapsi, Dialogus cum Alberico Diacono and Dialogus de Miraculis.^ In the twelfth century Burgundio, the Pisan lawyer, translated for Eugene III the homilies of Chrysos- tom on Matthew and on John, one hundred chapters from the disquisition De Orthodoxa Fide by John Damascene, perhaps also the Apologetics of Gregory Nazianzen and other patristic writings.3 John of Salisbury procured a new version of Dionysius the AreoMgite, including both the Celestial and Ecclesiastical Hierarchies.* A few more spo- radic translations from Greek theologians were produced in the thirteenth century in spite of the prevalent craze for Aristotle. Grosseteste gave an impulse to this as well as to ^ Ktrchen Lexikon. Also Gregorovius, History of Rome, vol. iii, p. 150. For Erigena, see Poole, Illustrations of Med. Thought, pp. 53 et seq. •^ Muratori, Rer. Ital. Scrip., vol. iv, pp. 473-4. ' See supra, p. 12 Gidel, Nouvelles Etudes, p. 235. Traversari, vol. i, pp. ccxvii, ccxviii. Burgundio's translations, like others of the time, were later sharply criti- cized by the humanists for their inelegance. " Ego antea Augustinum legebam, nunc est in manibus lo. ( hrysostomus. Legi nonnuUa eius opuscula et sermones omni cum venustate translata; nunc vero alia percurro longe inferioris eloquentie, prout varii transla tores fuere . . . Prestant Ixxxviii Homelie in Evangelium loannis, quarura si interpres fuisset eloquens, nil doctius, nil gravius, nil magnifi- centius legi^ses. Sed is fuit Pisanus quidam, qui se fatetur in Prulogo de verbo a J verbum transferre; nee tanta est translatoris inconcinnitas, quin mirum in modum eluceat facundia auctoris." Poggio, hpistolae, vol. i, pp. 30-31. * See supra, p. 22. i , / g2 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM scientific work.' Vincent of Beauvais was able to make out impressive lists of the books of famous Eastern churchmen which he had seen in Latin, seven miscellaneous treatises by Clement of Alexandria, a voluminous collection of Origen s homelies on the parts of the Bible, ten compositions in prose and verse by Gregory Nazianzen. four special discourses by Chrysostom. beside numerous sermons.' Works like these appealed, of course, to the better read among the clergy, and copies of one or more were to be found in almost every well- stocked convent library.' Chrysostom and Gregory Nazi- anzen were apparently the most preferred of the theologians. IS., ,uira DD M-I4. "Similiter libri doctorum magnotum. ut beatorum Dionyy Basiiii, lohannis Chrysostomi, lohannis Damasceni e. aUorum multorum d filn qaorum tamen aliquos dominus Roberlus prefatus episcopus vert.t m ^Zl: et alii quosdam alio, ante eum; cuius opus est valde gratum theolog.s. Bacon, Op. A/ai., vol. iii, p. 84. .The titles which he gives are as fellows: Clement of Alexandria. Stromatus rstromata Adversus Gen.iles, De leianio Dispu.atio. a work begmnmg •Qms- irr :i;es s. ,.^ sa,.etur." De Obtrecta.ione. ^;^'^;^l^^2 Adversus eos qui ludeorum sequuntur errorem. .Sp^c. A'»A. lib. xi, cap. 120. gen seventeen homihes on Genesis, thirteen on Exodus s-xteen on Lev. U- 11 twen" -eight on Numbers, twentysix on Joshua, nine on Judges 6ve on the ^ht.rsirth Psalm, two on the thirty-seventh. .wo on the th.rty-e.ghth. n.ne on s^h fourteen!; Jeremiah, fourteen on E.eUiel. twenty-six on Matthew th. y- M on T.uke ten on the Epistle to the Romans, with tracts on Job, the Can- rSrjotn^d others, o'. «V., Hb. xii, cap. ... Of Gregory Na^an.en a ooem on the death of Caesar's brother, encomia in verse of the Maccabees. Gyp- Tn "hanasius and the philosopher Maxin,us. invectives aga.nst the same Timus, Eunomius and the Emperor Julian, "ex-eron on Manage an^^^^^^^ pinitv De Spiritu Sancto. Of. at., lib. xv. cap. 90. Of Chrysostom, (.juoa 'el ledUur nisi a semetipso." De Reparatione Lapsi. De Compunct.one Cord.s. Cormentary on Matthew, ninety homilies on Matthew e,gh.y.e,gt on ohn thirtv four on the Epistle to the Hebrews, seven m eulogy of St. Paul, and tnmy ,h rtyfour on tn p ^^^^ commentariorum h. ... De h.s ::^:n dubr^n sin'thannis iU.us Crisos.omi licet ei ascribantur. an forte r^Tus lohlnnis nescio cuius. Nam et inveniuntur alias omelie ohann.s Cnsos- fo™ pe?Matheum xc. que tamen raro inveniuntur omnes simul sed tan.um xxv XZ apud nos sunt." Op. cU., lib. xviu. cap. 42. Cf. James, pp. 4C-41. » See Becker, Index, James, passim. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 8 In spite of all defence, Clement and Origen lay to most minds under a cloud of heterodoxy, and their names were less often mentioned.' Josephus and Eusebius were relied upon as sources by every serious historian. From Vincent's pages one may also learn how much the hagiography of the Middle Ages was enriched by Eastern traditions. Lives of Greek saints, their miracles and suffer- ings, are there liberally interspersed among similar accounts of their Western brethren. The collection of martyr legends compiled by the Byzantine statesman, Simon Metaphrastes, and translated by monks of Southern Italy, was doubtless the source of Vincent's information.^' Tales like these of angelic heroism in the face of demoniacal persecution fired the reader's imagination as thoroughly as did the secular histories of the fortitude of Trojan warriors or of the con- quering Alexander. The element of the marvelous, the moral lessons of courage and endurance and faith in unseen powers were present in all. The most popular Western ver- sion of the martyrology was the Golden Legend of Jacques de Voragine, written not far from the time when Vincent was accumulating material for his ponderous encyclopedia. Barely an allusion can be made to the Greek science, ex- clusive of Aristotle's, which penetrated to the Middle Ages. The names of a few Greek mathematicians were preserved and associated with unsubstantial epigrams or anecdotes, but any real knowledge of their works was for the most part lost. Adelard of Bath, who about 1130 made a tour of 1 For influence of Origen's teaching in shaping the medieval theory of lunacy as demoniacal possession see D311inger, Akad. Vortrage^ vol. i, p. 182, Studies ^ p. 183. * For a suggestive brief account of the influence of Greek martyrology on the West see DoUinger, Akad. Vortraqe, pp. 180-2. This subject belongs properly under the heading of later Byzantine contributions to the Middle Ages, and as such cannot be treated adequately here. J r-^i i ^ MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 8 I I 84 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM Arab schools in Spain, Egypt and Asia Mmor. translated Euclid irotn the Arabic into Latin, and before the end of the century Gerard of Cremona composed a similar version of the Almagest of Ptolemy. Both works soon came into gen- eral use in the schools, but they were followed by no others of their kind.' The one branch of science in which a cer- tain continuity of study oi the Greek authors was maintained was medicine. The Therapeutics of Galen, the Aphorisms, De Herbis and De Concordia of Hippocrates existed in Latin form in very early times.' From the Dark Ages onward considerable ignorance and barbarity prevailed in the teach- ing and practice of medicine, but during the eleventh century there took place a reform traditionally associated with the name of Constantinus Africanus, an Italian. He is said to have crossed the Mediterranean to North Africa, and after an absence of years to have brought back with him a knowl- edge of Greek and Arabic and fresh texts of the Greek writers on the healing arts.3 Whatever the actual events which brought the reform about, the result was assuredly an > Rashdall, vol. i, p. 44='- Bandini. Cat. Cdd. Lai., vol. iii, col. 3" : " Langue doit estre refren^e : Car nous lisons dans Tholom^e Une parole moult honeste Au comencier de s'Almageste, ^ Que sages est cis qui met paine A ce que sa langue se refraine." Roman de la Rose, 11. 7780, ./ seg, ed. Michel, vol. i, p. 234. On Gerard of Cremona, see also supra, p. 68. Some brief excerpts on astronomy were trans^ lated from the original of Ptolemy during the twelfth century, but no other entire work. Bandini, Bib. Leop., vol. ii, p. 398. » See sixth century references to Hippocrates and Galen in Latin. Gidel. p. "^3 For account of the works and translations of Constantinus, ^^^^u^tori, AVr /../. 5..>.,vol.iv,p.455. ^-^^^^^-'^'^'''^ erences, see Rashdall, vol. 1, pp. 79-S2, and especially Pame, f f -^' ^^J^^ ped^a Britannica. The chief original contribution of the Arabs to medical pro- gress was in the department of pharmacy. increase in the value put upon the authority of the Greek physicians and their Arabian interpreters. John of Salis- bury in the next century spoke petulantly of young doctors who came back from Salerno or Montpellier, bragging of Galen and Hippocrates and dinning into every one's ears the outlandish words they had picked up.^ William of Moerbeka added to his translations of Aristotle one each of .. Galen and Hippocrates.^' Vincent of Beauvais quoted from several of the works of Hippocrates and enumerated twenty- five treatises attributed to Galen, De Complexionibus, De Anatomia, De Regimine Sanitatis, Libri Diademiarum, De Perfectis Medicinis, Passionarium, Antidotarium and others.3 In Dante's time the title Aphorisms had become a synonym for the medical art.^ In brief, the best of medieval medical knowledge was Greek, and medical enlightenment was de- 1 « Alh autem suum in philosophia intuentes defectum, Salernum vel ad Monte- pessulanum profecti. facti sunt clientuli medicorum, et repente quales fuerant phil- osophi, tales m momento medici eruperunt. Fallacibus enim referti experiments in brevi redeunt, sedulo exercentes quod didicerunt. Hippocratem ostentant aut Galenum: verba proferunt inaudita: ad omnia suos loquuntur aphonsmos: et mentes humanas, velut afflatas tonitruis sic percellunt nominibus inauditis." Me- tM., lib. i, cap. 4; Mi^n,. vol. 199. P- 830. A catalogue of the library at Dur- ham in the twelfth century includes a number of medical books; among others, three of Galen's works and two of Hyppocrates', e. ^.," liber Ypocrates pen tio noxon nosematon," ( irepl to>v b^eu>v voor/fidrcov) . Becker, p. 244. The library of Christ Church, Canterbury, near the end of the thirteenth century possessed about sixty volumes of medical treatises and commentaries, with six different works of Hippocrates and seven of Galen. James, pp. 55 62, 81. As Galen grew more popular there was an attempt, as there had been in the case of Plato, to connect him with Christianity. " Ipse (Galen) fuit coetaneus Christo et dicitur m Chron- icis quod ipse audiens miracula que faciebat Christus de sanatione infirmorum venit ad ipsum, postea in reditu mortuus est in itinere unde dicitur quod sepulcrum eius est in Siciha." From comment on Galen of early fifteenth century. Bandim. Cai. Codd. Lat,, vol. iii, p. 28. *See supra, p. 16. > Spec. Hist., lib.xi, cap. 92. * Paradise, canto xi,l. 4. Cf. the list of works prescribed for the license in medicine at Montpellier, in 1309. RashdaU, vol. li, pt t, pp. 123-4. It 86 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM pendent upon adherence to Greek precepts and example. The physicians of the Middle Ages made no advance in skill or wisdom beyond their teachers. Hippocrates and Galen were the safest and most respected guides until the seventeenth century brought a renewal of original investiga- tion and discovery. In closing our fragmentary sketch of what was known of the Greeks and their works during the Middle Ages we note once more that in spite of an almost universal ignorance of their language considerable information was obtained through divers channels. ' Some came from the Roman writers of antiquity who took their inspiration from the models furn- ^ ished them by Hellas, some from later paraphrases or trans- lations. The latter, however, were for the most part made after the decay of literary taste in the West rendered impos- sible any true artistic sympathy on the part of the translator. Flights of fancy or romance were accepted as literal history. The clarity, the subtlety and the buoyancy of Greek thought were dulled, compressed and recast to suit a simpleminded, unanalytic age. The spirit of what was known was there- fore largely misunderstood, and much that was needed to give coherence or seriousness to Greek achievement was for- gotten altogether. Many noble names were lost or con- nected vaguely with an uncomprehended greatness or cheap- ened by association with trivialities. As final illustration we observe the attitude toward the Greek past of the supreme, literary artist who lived when the Middle Ages were drawing toward their close. Dante can- not grant to any pagan a place even among the saving pains of Purgatory. In Hell they all abide without hope of change, but those who lived honorably without sin save that of ignor- ance are in the first circle free from torment, " neither sad * See summary in iLortingf vol. iii, pp. 88 et seq,y 205-6. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 87 nor glad." Foremost in the distinguished company is " Homer, the sovereign poet," " that Lord of the loftiest song which above the others as an eagle flies," '* that Greek whom the muses suckled more than any other ever." ' No second Hellenic poet, however, ranks among the five greatest. The other four are Horace, Ovid, Lucan and Vergil. A little apart is Aristotle, •' the Master of those who know, seated amid the philosophic family; all regard him, all do him honor." =• Near him stand Socrates and Plato, Democritus, " who ascribes the world to chance," Diogenes, Anaxagoras and Thales, Empedocles, Heraclitus and Zeno, Dioscorides,. "the good collector of the qualities," Orpheus, Euclid, "the geometer," Ptolemy, Hippocrates, Avicenna, Galen, and Averroes, " who made the great comment." 3 Not far dis- tant are Euripides, Antiphon, Simonides, Agathon, "and many other Greeks who of old adorned their brows with laurel."^ These make up the number that Dante chooses to commemorate for attainments in literature. In the same quiet field are certain others who have won repose by heroic lives, Electra, Hector, Antigone, Deiphile and Argia, Ismene, "sad even as she was," Hypsipyle, "who showed Langia," "the daughter of Tiresias and Thetis, and Deidamia with her sisters." ^ Other regions of the Inferno contain Greeks who deserve a more tragic fate. In the wail- ing whirlwind of carnal sinners are Paris and Helen, " for whom so long a time of ill revolved," and Achilles, " who at » Inferno, Canto iv, 11. 88, 95. 96. Purgatorio, Canto xxii, 11. 101-2. The trans- lation is Lharles Eliot Norton's, Reverence like this here expressed for Homer was of course learned from the Latin classics. Dante could never have paid that tribute from knowledge only of Dictys or Dares or Pindar the Theban. » Inferno y Canto iv, 11. 131-3. »y^/V., 11. 13C, 142, 144- ^ Purgatorio, canto xxii, 11. 107-8. ^ Purgatorioy canto xxii, 11. 111-114. \ 88 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM the end fought with love." ' Under the rain of fire in the seventh circle a scornful, obdurate soul is Capaneus, one of the seven kings who besieged Thebes.^ Another proud shade who beneath the scourge of demons will not shed a tear is Jason, "who by courage and by wit despoiled the Colchians of their ram," and deceived and left Hypsipyle.3 Swathed in the flames of the eighth pit are Ulysses and . Diomed, "together in punishment as of old in wrath. Within their flame they groan for the ambush of the horse that made the gate whence the gentle seed of the Romans issued forth. Within it they lament for the artiftce whereby the dead Deidamia still mourns for Achilles, and there for the Palladium they bear the penalty." ^ Inferno is equipped with features of the Greek underworld described in the Eneid, Pluto, Cerberus, the Styx and the Lethe, and with the fam- ous monstrosities of the Gorgon, the Furies and the Mino- taur. In general the attitude of Dante is more sober, more moral, more independent than that of the ordinary medieval reader. The valor of a warrior is not sufficient atonement for treachery or lust. Even Alexander suffers among the cruel tyrants in the river of blood.s But Dante's range of knowledge and of interest is as limited as that of his prede- cessors for many generations. The familiar tales olf the old mythology, a philosophical system or two comprise, to his mind, the story of the Greek race. The men who mean the most to him, who are alive to him, are Jason, Paris and Ulysses, Plato and Aristotle. » Inferno, canto v, 11. 64-66. The reference here is to the current story of Achilles' infatuation for Polyxena. 2 op. cU., canto xiv, 1. 43 et seq. ' Cp. city canto xviii, 11. 86-7. ^ * Op. cit., canto xxvi, 11. 56 et seq. * Op. ciU canto xii, 1. 107. CHAPTER III We have chosen the Divine Comedy as our final illustra- tion of medieval opinion of the Greek past, although that opinion continued to be prevalent even in Italy for a century and more after the Comedy was written. But the generation following Dante included a man of scholarship and ambition who unidertook to inaugurate a new epoch in Greek as in Latin letters and whose name must be mentioned with special dis- tinction in any account of the progress of learning in the West. In the generation before Dante, Roger Bacon had written wistfully of the lost wisdom of the Greeks which none of the Latins could regain and had laboriously compiled his grammar to make possible again the study of the Greek language, but his arguments and his toil were unknown beyond° a narrow circle and empty of results. With Pe- trarch we arrive at one who actually set on foot a definite movement which was not entirely to cease until its end had been accomplished and Homer, Sophocles, and Plato were read again in their own tongue in Western Europe. The story of Petrarch's efforts to study Greek has been told over more than once in recent years.^ It is, therefore, only necessary to recapitulate it briefly here. From Cicero, his literary master, he early learned to prefer Plato to Aris- totle and having acquired a Greek text of certain of the dialogues he yearned to read it.^ The Timaeus in the old 1 For fullest account see Nolhac. Petrarque et V Humanisme, ch. viii. Cf. also Voigt, Wiederbelebung des class. Alterthums, vol. i, pp. 50 et seq., vol. u, pp. 105-9. Korting, vol. i, pp. 472-480. »" A maioribus Plato, Aristoteles laudatur a pluribus." De IgnoranHa, Opp„ p. 1053. 85 90 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM version of Chalcidius he found tantalizingly inadequate. In 1339 and again in 1342 one Barlaam, a Calabrian monk, who had lived in Constantinople and ranked as a scholar of great erudition, came on church business as representative of the Eastern emperor to the papal court at Avignon.' During his second sojourn Petrarch arranged for lessons in Greek, the manuscript of Plato to serve as textbook. The lessons, however, were of short duration. Before the year was over Barlaam on Petrarch's own recommendation was consecrated bishop of Gerazzo in Calabria and left Avignon for his new charge.^ Petrarch still hoped that the work might be re- sumed at some future opportunity, but before that became possible Barlaam died. In Naples he was the friend of Paolo Perugino, the librarian of Robert, King of Sicily, and had supplied him with various information on Greek customs and legends.3 But if one may judge from the scantiness of Petrarch's acquisitions Barlaam was not a successful teacher. To begin with he possessed but an indifferent command of Latin, and employed the lesson hours in practicing Latin con- versation with his pupil quite as often as in initiating the pupil » Boccaccio describes him as « corpora pusillum, pregrandem tamen scientia, et Grecis Uteris adeo eruditum ut imperatorum et principum Grecorum atque doc- torum hominum privilegia haberet testantia ne dum his temporibus apud Grecos esse, sed nee a multis secuhs citra fuisse virum tam insigni tamque grandi scientia preditum." Boccaccio had heard that he had written some books but had never seen them. D^. Gen, Dtor., lib. xv, cap. 6, Hecker, Boccaccio funde, p. 271. On Barlaam's career see Hefele, vol. vi, pp. 649 et seq. '"Barlaam nostrum mihi mors abstulit, et ut verum fatear, ilium ego mihi prius abstuleram. lacturam meam, dum honori eius consulerem, non aspexi; itaque dum ad Episcopum scandentem sublevo magistrum perdidi, sub quo mihtare coeperam magna cum spe." Letter to Sigeros, De Reb. Fam., Fracas- setti, vol. ii, p. 474. » Boccaccio referring to Perugino says, "Et si usquam curiosissimus fuit homo in perquirendis, iussu etiam sui principis, peregrinis undecumque libris, hystoriis et poeticis operibus, iste fuit : et ob id singular! amicitia Barlae iunctus, que a Latinis habere non poterat, eo medio innumera exausit a Grecis." De Gen. Deor, lib. xv, cap. 6, Cf. also Introd. to De Gen. Dear., Hecker, pp. 271, 165. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 91 into the rudiments of Greek.' In the second place he was destitute of sympathy of feeling or imagination. In training he was preeminently a theologian and mathematician of a rather hard type ; in philosophy he belonged to the con- servative Aristotelian school.^ He evidently had no share in Petrarch's anxiety to read Plato and could tell him little of Plato's doctrines.3 At the end of the lessons Petrarch apparently had advanced hardly beyond the alphabet. The Greek words which he copied in after years into his manu- scripts were drawn, rather than written, in a large hesitating hand and full of mistakes.-* Before a page of Greek text he was practically as helpless as ever.s Eleven years later one Nicholas Sigeros was sent to Avig- non by the Byzantine emperor to resume the discussion of terms for a reunion of the Eastern and Western churches. On his return to Constantinople he sent back to Petrarch a manuscript of Homer in the original. Petrarch was trans- ported with joy, and begged his friend to procure for him ^ " Sed erat ille vir ut locupletissimus Grece, sic Romane facundie pauperrimus, et qui ingenio agilis enunciandis tamen affectibus laboraret. Itaque vicissim et ego fines suos, illo duce, trepide subibam, et ille post me sepe nostris in finibus oberrabat, quamquam stabiliore vestigio." De Reb. Mm. Fracassetti, vol. ii, p. 474. 2 The biographical preface to a denunciation of the heresy of Barlaam by John Cantacuzene describes him as '-opydvov /ievKai tivuv erepuv ' ApiGroreliKdv 'vTrTjpxe yeyv/ivaafih'oc, t€>v 6e: Xonruv /jadf/fidruv^ ovd' anpoiq SaKTvlotg, Ix^iaai^ yeyev/iivog." Bandini, Cat. Codd. Graec, vol. i, p. 342. ' Nolhac, pp. 327-8. *Nolhac, pp. 366-7. * A few relics of Barlaam's teachings are preserved by Boccaccio, who learned them from Petrarch or Paolo Perugino and carefully treasured and repeated them. E. g.y concerning the genealogies of the gods he quotes Barlaam as saying, "neminem insignem virum principatu aut preeminentia alia tota in Grecia, insulis et litoribus premonstratis, eo fuisse seculo quo hec fatuitas viguit, qui ab aliquo deorum huiusmodi duxisse originem non monstraret." De Gen. Deor., Introd., Hecker, p. 165. 92 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM also copies of Hesiod and Euripides.' Nothing more came, however. Petrarch was sadly obliged to confess that though he had two mighty shades of the past, Homer and Plato, dwelling beneath his roof, they were dumb to him.^* In later years Petrarch did not speak again of attempting himself to study Greek. But he threw himself ardently into a scheme which promised to make the contents of one of his i«Et quoniam petitionis successus petendi paiit audaciam, mitte si vacat Hesiodutn, mitte, precor. Euripidem." D^ Reb. tarn., Fracasseti. vol. ii, p. 475- From Barlaam Petrarch seems to have heard a little of Euripides whom he ac- cordingly puts next to Homer, - alterum ab Horoero poetice Graie lumen Euri- pidem." De Remed.. Opp., p. 212. Later, having learned perhaps somewhat more from Pilato, both Boccaccio and Petrarch allude to the tragedy « Pohdorus," which they ascribe to Euripides. Petrarch quotes a sentiment from the " Tres- phontes " of Euripides. He refers also, but less definitely, to Sophocles. Hortis, Studj.y p. 387. '^ Writing to Sigeros. he says. " Etsi enim ubicumque sis, de tanto gaudeam amico, viva tamen ilia tua vox, que discendi sitim, qua me teneri non dissimulo, posset vel accendere vel lenire, minime aures meas ferit, sine qua Homerus tuus apud me mutus, imo vero ego apud ilium surdus sum. Gaudeo tamen vel aspectu sulo et sepe ilium amplexus ac suspirans dico : ' O magne vir, quam cupide te audirem ! ' Sed aurium mearum aliam mors obstruxit, aliam longinquitas invisa terrarum. Tibi quidem pro eximia liberalitate gratias ago. Erat mihi domi, dictu mirum, ab occasu veniens olim Plato philosophorum princeps, ut nosti nunc tandem tuo munere, vir insignis, philosophorum principi poetarum Grams princeps accessit. Quis tantis non gaudeat et glorietur hospitibus? Neque preterea mihi spes eripitur etate hac profectus in Uteris vestris, in quibus etate ultima profecisse adeo cernimus Catonem." De Reb. Fam., Fracasset,, vol. 11. pp. 474-475. The curious mingling in Petrarch's mind of traditional deference for Homer and a more intimate and jealous love for Vergil are shown in the letter addressed by him a few years afterward to Homer. There the Greek poet is conceived to be a somewhat irascible great personage, uneasy lest his rightful meed of glory be withheld from him. Petrarch artfully defencis Vergil from blame for his failure to mention the name of Homer m the Eneid. De Reb. Fam.. Fracassetti, vol. iii, pp. 293-3C4. The letter is partially translated into English in Robinson and Rolfe, Peirarch, pp. 253-261. The same jealous pride for the Roman name prompted perhaps Petrarch's indignant denial of the claim made by « quosdam levissimos Grecorum" of the superiority of Alexander's gen- eralship over that of any Roman; "videlicet non tot duces egregios tot pru- dentium ac fortium virorum miUia uni furioso adolescent! potuisse resistere. Apol. con. Gall., Opp., p. 1076. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 93 precious manuscripts intelligible. In the winter of 1358-9 he met at Padua a Calabrian adventurer, Leo, or Leontio, Pilato, who spoke Greek, and professed to be a native of Thessalonica and a pupil of Barlaam. " In appearance," as Boccaccio reports, " he was an unprepossessing fellow, with coarse face, shaggy beard and rough, black hair, given to brooding thoughts, rude and uncultivated in his ways." He knew little Latin, but claimed a profound acquaintance with Greek literature, and especially with history and ancient legendary lore.' Petrarch seized the opportunity to have Pilato make for him a specimen translation of the first five books of the Iliad, and communicated the news of his dis- covery to his friend Boccaccio.^ During the spring and summer of 1359 the two laid plans to turn the valuable find to the greatest possiole advantage. As a result Boccaccio invited Pilato to Florence, and installed him there as a teacher of Greek and a translator of Homer. For a short time at least he was salaried by the university as a public lecturer.3 No account of the lectures has come down to us. They 1 " Post hos et Leontium Pylatum, Thessalonicensem virum et, ut ipse asserit, predicti Barlae auditorem, persepe deduco (as authority for statements in De Gen. Deor.). Qui quidem asi>ectu horridus homo est, turpi facie, barba prolixa et capillitio nigro et meditatione occupatus assidua, moribus incultus nee satis urbanus homo, verum, uti experientia notum fecit, literarum Grecarum doctis- simus et quodam modo Grecarum hystoriarum atque fabularum arcivum in- exaustum, esto Latinaium non satis adhuc instructus sit." De Gen. Deor., lib., XV, cap. 6. Hecker, p. 272. On Pilato, see Voigt, vol. ii, pp. IC9-112. ■' Nolhac, pp. 339-354- » There are no documents to prove this outside of Boccaccio's own explicit state- ment: " . . et maximo labore meo curavi ut inter doctores Florentini studii sus- cipereiur, ei ex publico mercede apposita . . . Ipse msuper fui, qui ut legerentur publice Omeri libri operatus sum.*' De Gen. Deor., lib. xv, cap. 7. Hecker, p. 277. The same assertion is repeated in Manetti's life of Boccaccio, written in the early fifteenth century:" . . . atque ila curavit ut puhlica mercede ad legen- dos codices Grecos publice conduceretur : quod ei prinio in civitate nostra contigisse dicitur ut Grece ibidem publice legeret." Manetti, Viie del Dante, p. 146. 92 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM also copies of Hesiod and Euripides.^ Nothing more came, however. Petrarch was sadly obliged to confess that though he had two mighty shades of the past, Homer and Plato, dwelling beneath his roof, they were dumb to him.^* In later years Petrarch did not speak again of attempting himself to study Greek. But he threw himself ardently into a scheme which promised to make the contents of one of his »«Et quoniam petitionis successus petendi paiit audaciam, mitte si vacat Hesiodum, mitte, precor. Huripidem." De Reb. ham., Fracasseti, vol. ii, p. 475- From Barlaam Petrarch seems to have heard a little of Euripides whom he ac- cordingly puts next to Homer, - alterum ab Homero poetice Graie lumen Euri- pidem." De Remed.. Opp., p. 212. Later, having learned perhaps somewhat more from Pilato, both Boccaccio and Petrarch allude to the tragedy " Polidorus," which they ascribe to Euripides. Petrarch quotes a sentiment from the "Tres- phontes " of Euripides. He refers also, but less definitely, to Sophocles. Ilortis, Studj.y p. 387. » Writing to Sigeros, he says, " Etsi enim ubicumque sis, de tanto gaudeam amico, viva tamen ilia tua vox, que discendi sitim, qua me teneri non dissimulo, posset vel accendere vel lenire, mimme aures meas ferit, sine qua Homcrus tuus apud me mutus, imo vero ego apud ilium surdus sum. Gaudco tamen vel aspectu solo et sepe lUum amplexus ac suspirans dico : ♦ O magne vir, quam cupide te audirem ! ' Sed aurium mearum aliam mors obstruxit, aliam longinquitas invisa terrarum. Tibi quidem pro eximia liberalitate gratias ago. Erat mihi domi, dictu minim, ab occasu veniens olim Plato philosophorum pnnceps, ut nosti,.. .. nunc tandem tuo munere, vir insignis, philosoi.horum principi poetarum Grams princeps accessit. Quis tantis non gaudeat et glorietur hospitibus? Neque preterea mihi spes eripitur etate hac profectus in Uteris vestris, in quibus etate ultima profecisse adeo cernimus Catonem." De Feb, Fam„ Fracasset,, vol. 11. pp. 474-475. The curious mingling in Petrarch's mind of traditional deference for Homer and a more intimate and jealous love for Vergil are shown in the letter addressed by him a few years afterward to Homer. There the Greek poet is conceived to be a somewhat irascible great personage, uneasy lest his rightful meed of glory be withheld from him. Petrarch artfully defends Vergil from blame for his failure to mention the name of Homer m the Eneid. De Reb. Fam.. Fracassetti. vol. iii, pp. 293-3C4. The letter is partially translated into English in Robinson and Rolfe, Petrarch, pp. 253-261. The same jealous pride for the Roman name prompted perhaps Petrarch's indignant denial of the claim made by « quosdam levissimos Grccorum " of the superiority of Alexander's gen- eralship over that of any Roman; "videlicet non tot duces egregios tot pru- dentium ac fortium virorum miUia uni furiow) adolescent! potmsse resistere. Apol. con. Gall, Opp., p. 1076. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 93 precious manuscripts intelligible. In the winter of 1358-9 he met at Padua a Calabrian adventurer, Leo, or Leontio, Pilato, who spoke Greek, and professed to be a native of Thessalonica and a pupil of Barlaam. " In appearance," as Boccaccio reports, " he was an unprepossessing fellow, with coarse face, shaggy beard and rough, black hair, given to brooding thoughts, rude and uncultivated in his ways." He knew little Latin, but claimed a profound acquaintance with Greek literature, and especially with history and ancient legendary lore.' Petrarch seized the opportunity to have Pilato make for him a specimen translation of the first five books of the Iliad, and communicated the news of his dis- covery to his friend Boccaccio.^ During the spring and summer of 1359 the two laid plans to turn the valuable find to the greatest possiole advantage. As a result Boccaccio invited Pilato to Florence, and installed him there as a teacher of Greek and a translator of Homer. For a short time at least he was salaried by the university as a public lecturer.3 No account of the lectures has come down to us. They > " Post hos et Leontium P> latum, Thessalonicensem virum et, ut ipse asserit, predicti Barlae aufiitorem, persepe deduce (as authority for statements in De Gen. Deor.). Qui quidem asi>ectu horridus homo est, turpi facie, barba prolixa et capillitio nigro et meditatione occupatus assidua, moribus incultus nee satis urbanus homo, verum, uti experientia notum fecit, literarum Grecarum doctis- simus et quodam modo Grecaruiu hystoriarum atque fabularum arcivum in- exaustum, esto Latiraium non satis adhuc instructus sit." De Gen. Deor., lib., XV, cap. 6. Hecker, p. 272. On Pilato, see Voigt, vol. ii, pp. IC9-112. ' Nolhac, pp. 339-354. ^ There are no documents to prove this outside f»f Boccaccio's own explicit state- ment: " . . et maximo labore meo curavi ut inter doctores Florentini studii sus- cipereiur, ei ex publico mercede apposita . . . Ipse msuper fui, qui ut legerentur publice Omeri libri operatus sum."' De Gen. Deor., lib. xv, cap. 7. Hecker, p. 277. The same assertion is repeated in Manetti's life of Boccaccio, written in the early fifteenth century:" . . . atque ila curavit ut puhlica mercede ad legen- dus codices Grecos publice conduceretur : quod ei primo in civitate nostra contigisse dicitur ut Grece ibidem publice legerel." Manetti, Vite del Dante, p. 146. 94 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM ^ were probably soon abandoned, if ever actually begun. But for almost three years Boccaccio entertained his uncouth instructor in his own house, keeping diligent record of the words of wisdom which he let fall, and holding him con- tinually at work upon a Latin rendering of the Iliad and Odyssey/ In his first enthusiasm he begged Petrarch to send down his text of Plato that Pilato might work upon that also, but Petrarch discreetly refused to burden the man with a second masterpiece until he had completed the first.^ Before the three years had quite elapsed Pilato finished the translation of Homer and departed, convinced, apparently, of the profitableness of a literary profession. On a trip to the East a little later he procured some Greek manuscripts and took ship again for Italy, bringing them with him. Pe- trarch and Boccaccio anxiously awaited his return. But while standing on the ship's deck during a storm he was struck and killed by lightning. Petrarch, who was then in Venice, had the shabby volumes which were found among the luggage examined to see if they included a Euripides or a Sophocles.3 These books were perhaps the ^ same that Boccaccio later brought to Florence.-^ the same perhaps that served in time as texts for the school of Chrysoloras. » " Nam eum legentem Omerum et mecum singular! amicitia iversantem fere tribus annis audivi, nee infinitis ab eo recitatis, urgente etiam alia cura animum, acrior suffecisset memoria, ni cedulis commendassem." De Gen. Deor.^ lib. xv, cap. 6. Hecker, p. 272. ■^ " Sed videnduni vobis est ne hos duos tantos principes Graiorum uno fasce con- volvere iniuriosius sit et mortales humeros pregravct divinorum pondus ingenio- rum." Var., Fracassetti, vol. iii, p. 371. ^ ♦* Supellex horridula et squalentes libelli, hinc nautarum fide, hinc propria tuli inopia evasere. Inquiri faciam an sit in eis Euripides Sophoclesque et alii, quos mihi quesiturum se spoponderat." De Reb. Sen., 0pp., p. 807. ♦" Non multo post maiori Grecarum literarum aviditate tractus suis sumptibus, quamquam inopia premeretur, non modo Homeri libros sed nonnuUos etiam codices Grecos in Etruria(m) atque in patriam e media, ut aiunt, Grecia (Boccac- cio) reportavit; quod ante cum nuUus fecisse dicebatur ut in Etruriam Greca volumina retulisset." Manetti, p. 146. n MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 95 The work of Pilato was twofold. He gave Boccaccio les- sons in Greek and translated Homer. But although Boc- caccio was an assidious and eager student, he made slow progress. What knowledge he gained was of the simple, uncritical, medieval kind. At the conclusion of his studies with Pilato he could copy a Greek word or a Greek line into his books, and, chief joy of all, he could expound and mani- pulate derivations. The longest passage which he ventured to transcribe was the well known hexameter distich on the birthplace of Homer. This he inserted both in the Vita di Dante and in the Genealogia Deorum, remarking magnifi- cently that he remembered reading it in an antique Greek poem with which all scholars were familiar.' ^To his critics he protested that he did not employ these Greek phrases in any spirit of ostentation, but that he had worked long to acquire his skill and that he should not now be begrudged a little hard earned credit.* His aptitude for etymology he displayed more frequently. Where the formation was obvious he was apt to be roughly correct, where it was not, imagination took the place of knowledge. A few^ instances are sufficient to show the quality of his attainments. In one passage he repudiates vehemently the idea that the word, poetry, is derived from a commonplace verb, meaning to make. No, it is an ancient Greek term applied first to the melodious sound of verse, and means in Latin, " exquisita ^ The form is not exactly the same in both passages. See Hecker, pp. 153-4. The lines were perhaps appended to the Greek text of Homer : " Quod ego etiam testari vetustissitno Greco carmine satis inter eruditos vulgato legisse menini." De Gen. Deor, lib. xiv, cap. 19. Hecker, p. 252. * " Fabulas Grecorum scripsisse, quarum hie liber plenissimu3 est, a nemine ostentationis causa factum dicitur; paucos inseruisse versiculos Grecis literis scriptis lacessiiur . . . Michi autem irascuntur nonnulli, si preter nostro evo solitum Latinis Greca carmina misceo, et ex labore meo pauculum glorie summo." Op. cit., lib. xv, cap. 7, Hecker, pp. 277-8. 96 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 97 locutio."' In a letter to a friend in the Augustinian order he explains the hidden sense of certain proper names used by himself in his Eclogues. Alcestus is the title for a strong king, for ♦' Alee " is valor and '* aestus " is heat.' Lycidas is a tyrrnt. from '* lyco," a wolf, Dorilus an unhappy captive, from *'doris," bitterness.3 Olimpia is derived from ** olimpos," meaning shining or clear. Camalos ( perhaps Amalos ) means dull or slothful; the significance of Therapon the author has forgotten until he looks up the book in which he found it.-^ The fact which strikes one amongst all this erudition is that nowhere does Boccaccio reveal by word or sign that he has read a Greek book. His knowledge of things Greek excels that of his predecessors in quantity but not in kind. He possesses a larger fund of scraps of etymological and mythological information and he is acquainted with a new Latin version of Homer.s • " Cuius quidem poesis nomen non inde exortum est, unde plurimi nnnus ad- vertenter existimant, scilicet a poio, pois, quod idem sonat quod fingo, fingis: quin immo a poetes, vetustissimum Grtcorum vocabulum, Latine sonans exquisita locutio," etc. De Gen. Deor , lib. xiv, cap. 7. Hecker, p. 210. 2" Alee, quod est virtus, et estus, quod est fervor." Letttre, pp. 269-70. 3 " Lycidam a lyco denomino, qui Latine lupus est . . . Doris quod amaritudo sonat." Gp. cit., p. 271. * Olimpia, " ab Olimpos Grece, quod splendidum seu lucidum Latine sonat el inde coelum . . . Camalos Greci, Latine sonat hebes vel torpens, eo quod m eo demonstrentar mores torpentis servi. Therapon, huius s.gnificaium lu.n pono, quia non memini, nisi iterum revisam libru.n ex quo de ceteris sumpsi, et ideo ignoscas. Scis hominis memoriam labilem esse et potissime senum." op. ciL, p. 273. - An illustration of the discussion aroused by some of Pilato's mythological teachings is given in the following extract. " Dicebat enl.n Leontius a Barlaam, Calabro, preceptore suo, et ab aliis eruditis viris in tahbus audisse sepius tempori- bus Phoronei, Argtvorum regis, qui anno mundi. ni. ccclxxxv. regnare cepit, Museum, quern ex inventonbus carminum unum diximus, insignem apud Grecos fuisse virum, et eodem fere tempore floruisse Lynum, de quibus adhuc fama satis Celebris e<^t, que eos apud nos etiam ttstatur sacris prefuisse veterura; et his etiam Orpheus additar Trax, et ob id primi creduntur theologi. Paulus autem Perusi- The Homer of Pilato has never been printed in full. The first book of the Iliad and the first of the Odyssey have been recently published in the appendix to a large volume on the Latin writings of Boccaccio and from these one must judge the character of the whole.' During the course of the work Petrarch wrote begging to be allowed one word of advice, not to make the translation too literal.'' His warning was evi- dently fruitless. Pilato had not the training nor capacity to attempt anything artistic. A strictly word for word repro- duction was all that lay within his coinpass. His style can hardly be appreciated without the reading of one or two typical extracts. We quote accordingly from his account of the visit of the heralds to the tent of Achilles to take away Briseis. nus longe iuniorem poesim esse dicebat, non mutatis auctoribus, asserens Orpheum, qui ex antiquis inventoribus, scribitur unus, temporibus Laumedontis Troyanorum regis, claruisse, qui evo Euristei, regis Mecenarum, apud Troyanos imperium gessit, circa annos mundi. m. dcccx., eumque Orpheum ex Argonautis fuisse, et non solum successorem Museo, sed eiusdem Musei Eiumolphi filii fuisse magistrum; quod etiam in libro temporum testatur Eusebius. Ex quo patet, ut dictum est, longe iuniorem quam diceretur apud Grecos esse poesim. Attamen ad hoc respondebat Leontius arbitrari a doctis Grecis plures fuisse Orpheos atque Museos, verum ilium veterem Museo veteri atque Lyno contemporaneum Grecum fuisse, ubi Trax iunior predicatur. Sane quoniam iunior hie Bachi orgia adin- venit et Menadum nocturnes cetus, et multa circa veterum sacra innovavit, et plurimum oratione valuit, ex quibus apud coevos ingentis existimationis fuit, a posteris primus creditus est Orpheus." I. e. Pilato argues that poetry was earlier among the Greeks than among the Hebrews, Perugino that Moses was a poet before any Greek was. Boccaccio is inclined to agree with Pilato. De Gen, Deor.y lib. xiv, cap. 8. Hecker, pp. 2ri3-4. ' * " ' Hortis Studj, pp. 543 et seq. Nolhac quotes a few short passages with Pe- trarch's comments on them. ''■ "Unum sane iam hinc premonuisse velim, ne post factum siluisse poeniteat; nam si ad verbum, ut dicis, soluta oratione res agenda est, de hoc ipso loquentem Hieronymum aucite ... * Si cui,' inquit, * non videtur linj;;ue gratiam interpreta- tione mutari, Homerum ad verbum exprimat in Latinum; plus aliquid dicam : eundem in sua lingua prose verbis interpretetur : videbit ordinem ridiculum et poe- tam eloquentissimum vix loquentem.' Hec dixi ut, dum tempus est, videas ne tantus labor irritus sit." Kpis. Var.^ Fracassetti, vol. iii, p. 370. 98 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM ** Isti nolentes iverunt ad litus maris sine fece Mirmidonum ad tendas et naves venerunt. Hunc invenerunt in tenda et in nave nigra Sedentem neque istos videns gravit (sic) fuit Achilles, Isti autem pertimuerunt et verecundabant de rege, Stetemnt neque ipsum vocabant neque loquebantur. Postquam hie scivit suis in sensibus vocavit ; 'Gaudete precones, lovis nuntii atque et hominum, Prope venite, non mihi vos causales sed Agamemnon, Qui vos misit Briseidis causa puelle. Sed eya, divine Patrocle, abstrahe puellam Et ipsis des ferre. Hi ipsi testes sint Ad deos beatos et ad mortales homines Et ad iinperatorem crudelem, si quando postea Opus mei fiet mortalem morbum expelles ; Aliis certe hie corruptibilibus sensibus cremabitur, Neque scit intelligere simul ante et post, Ut ei in navibus salvi pugnent Greci." ' Again from the description of the reception of Athena by Telemachus. " Hec sentiens procatoribus simul sedens aspexit Athenam, Ivit autem versus vestibulum, redarguit se in animo Forensem diu in ianuis stare. luxta autem stans Manum cepit dexteram et recepit ferream lanceam, Et ipsam vocans verbis pennosis loquebatur ; * Ave amice, nobiscum amicaberis, nam postea Cenam cum finieris sermocinaberis cuius tibi opportunitas.' Sic cum dixit precessit. Hec autem sequebatur Pallas Athena. Isti autem quando iam intra fuerunt domum altam Lanceam certe erexit ferens in columna longa Vagina lanceam m intus benefacta ubi alie Lancee Ulixis talasifronos stabant multe, Ipsarum (ipsam) autem in throne sedem (sedere) fecit ducens sub pannum cum extend erat, > Hortis, pp. 553 4- ^^««^. A, 11. 329-346. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM g,j Bonum varium, sub autem scabellum pedibus fuit, Penes autem ipsam curium posuit depictum extra alios. Procatores ne forensis consultatus rumore congregationis Cena sine delectatione se haberet, superbis cum advenerat, Ac ut ipsum de patre absente interrogaret. Cherniva pedisequa fudibiH fudit ferens Bono aureo supra argenteum lebetem, Ut lavarentur : ante autem benefactam extendit mensam."^ As these lines show there v^^as no effort to preserve sense or rhythm,^ no feeling for genuine equivalents, nothing but a succession of words neither wholly Greek nor Latin.3 Nearly seven years passed from the time when Petrarch first planned the undertaking before he received his own copies of the completed work. Thenceforth both he and Boccaccio studied their Homers diligently, and alluded to them frequently in later writings/ Petrarch's manuscripts 1 Hortis, p. 566. Odyssgy, a, 11. 1 18-138. ' The two lines of hexameter quoted by Petrarch in the dialogue, De Contemptu Mundi, are perhaps his own remodelling of Pilato's version. They occur neither in Pilato's original, nor in any medieval Homeric poem. " . . de te non minus proprie quam de Bellerophonte illud Homericum dici posset, ' Qui miser in cam pis errabat Aleis Ipse suum cor edens, hominum vestigia vitans.' " Petrarch, C>//., p. 357. The Greek reference is Iliad, Z, 11. 200-201. ' Homeric epithets are exactly and cumbrously reproduced. Achilles is "pedivelox," " acutuspedes, divinus." Hortis, p. 545, 1. 58; p. 547, 1. 121. Agamemnon, " ample regnans," p. 554, 1. 357. Telemachus, " scientificus," p. 569, 1. 213. Chryseis, " pulchram genas," or in another reading, "pulcbras genas habentem," p. 548, 1. 143. The Argives, " bene ocreati," " enea habentium indu- menta," p. 544, 1. 1 7, p. 571, 1. 286. Among the gods Zeus is "capram lactan- tis," "delectanti in tonitruis," "nubium agregator," p. 550, 1. 222, p. 556, 1. 421, p. 558, 1. 5 1 1. Hera, " canis oculos habens" " bovina oculos dulcis," " ferens albe (alba) brachia," p. 550, 1. 225, p. 560, 1. 568, p. 560, 1. 572. Dawn, " erigenia rubeum digitum dies," p. 557, 1. 477- Words which defy translation are incor- porated outright, e. g., " elicopeda puella," p. 546, 1. 98, " hechibolo ApoUini," p. 556, 1. 439, " glaucopis Athena," p. 563, 1. 44, " Mercurium certe diactoron Argiphontem," p. 565, 1. 84. * See for I etrarch, Nolhac, pp. 349-35°. Korting, vol.i, pp. 47^-8; for Boccac- cio, Hortis, pp. 371-2. lOO MEDIEVAL HELLENISM of the Iliad and Odyssey, closely annotated in his own hand, are still in preservation at Paris. The comments vary in character from explanations of difficult words by synonym^ and definition, or of dark passages by notes on Greek my- thology and customs, to moral and religious criticisms on Homeric ethics and theology/ They serve to demonstrate ao-ain. if further demonstration were needed, Pilato's inade- quacy as teacher and translator, Petrarch's zeal in the new pursuit, his consciousness of the importance of the achieve- ment, and at the same time his failure to apprehend the poet's spirit through such a medium. One can hardly blame him that he shows no perception of the freshness and human interest of the epic story, and that he tries to compensate for the barbarity of the style by finding didactic and allegorical meanings in the simplest sentences. One cannot wonder that no outburst of delight follows his first reading or that a few years later we should discover him saying that Demos- thenes had been succeeded by Cicero, Homer by Vergil, and that,the later comers had equalled or excelled their models.^* The lines of another sonnet writer four centuries afterward might have been his. ^For interesting and full citations see Nolhac, pp. 355-366. Pilato must at times have given his imagination full swing, as in his elaborate discussion of the reasons why Homer began the catalogue of ships with the contingent from Boeotia, op. cii.,p. 35b, note i. '" Ergo post Platonem atque Aristotelem de rebus omnem philosophic partem spectantibus Varro et Cicero scribere ausi sunt. Post Demosthenem de rebus ad eloquentiam pertinentibus Cicero idem, post Homerum poetice scribere ausus est Maro; et uterque quern sequebatur aut attigit aut transcendit." He goes on to compare Latin historians, lawgivers, mathematicians, theologians with Greek to the advantage of the former, and ends: " Denique Grecos et mgenio et st\lo fre- quenter vicimus et frequenter equavimus; imo, si quid credimus Ciceroni, semper vicimus ubi annisi sumus." I^er. Senil., 6>//., p. 913. This letter was written about 1370. Whether the words express more disappointment or relief might be hard to determine. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM lOI " Standing aloof in giant ignorance, Of thee I hear and of the Cyclades, As one who sits ashore and longs perchance To visit dolphin-coral in deep seas.' >) 1 Nevertheless he never abandoned the task of studying and commenting upon the treasured pages. If early tradition be true, death, when it came, found him busy in his library over Pilato's Odyssey.^ The part of Petrarch and Boccaccio in the revival of Greek scholarship in the West may be briefly summarized as fol- lows. They were the first men of influence to feel an ambi- tion to read Greek literature in the original, and to express that ambition in words that made a lasting impression. They were also the first to inquire after artistic masterpieces here- tofore ignored, after Homer and Euripides, as well as mojre didactic authors. They aimed to be humanists in Greek as in Latin. Against the overwhelming dominance of Aristotle they sought to oppose Plato. Their actual accomplishments fell far short of their desires. They never learned to read Greek. They knew but one new author in translation, Homer. Their stock of laboriously acquired information, linguistic and historical, was dubious in quality, soon to become totally discredited. They concluded by pronounc- ing Greek culture at its best inferior to Latin. But they set the fashion in literary circles of longing for more knowledge. They reminded Western Europe after generations of satisfied ignorance of what it had forgotten. They reintroduced Homer to Italy. The poverty of their translation was a stimulus to the production of a better in the following cen- tury. In short they gave the starting impulse to the move- ment which was to restore Greek literature in its original form to a place in the education of every cultivated European. » Keats, To Homer, I Nolhac, pp. 348-9. 102 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM Petrarch and Boccaccio died within a few years of one another, but the renewed and broader interest in the classics lived on in men who had feit their influence. Giovanni Malpaghini of Ravenna, in youth Petrarch's favorite pupil, set out twice on a quest through Italy for an opportunity to study Greek, hoping to discover a second Barlaam or Pilato.' Failing in this he became a teacher of Latin rhetoric and belles-lettres in Padua, perpetuating there the ideals of liter- ary taste and earnestness which he had inherited from Petrarch.^ Luigi Marsigli of the convent of San Spirito held a position in Florence corresponding to that of Malpaghini in Padua. A great admirer of Petrarch, he had continually on his lips the names which Petrarch had honored, Cicero, Vergil, Seneca. Among the younger students whom he inspired with a love for the classic past were some who were * later to bring about the final revival of Greek in Florence. Indeed, during the latter years of the fourteenth century, * He even proposed a journey to Constantinople, but was dissuaded by Petrarch, who thought there was more Ukelihood of finding a satisfactory teacher in Italy. See a letter of introduction which Petrarch gave him at the time of his second expedition : " In primis autem literas Grecas sitit et senile Catonis desiderium, vixdum pubes, anticipat . . . Neu forsitan mireris, habet ista precipitatio rationis velum, cum enim primum illi animus fuisset recto calle Constantinopolim profi- cisci, edoctusa me Greciam, ut olim ditissiraam, sic nunc omnis longe inopem dis- cipline, hoc uno mihi credito, non omisit iter propositum sed inflexit, cumque ex me sepius audisset aliquot Graie lingue doctissimos homines nostra etate Calabriam habuisse, nominatim duos, Barlaam monachum ac Leonem seu Leontium. Quo- rum uterque mihi perfamiliaris, primus etiam et magister fuerat profecissetque aliquid fortasse, ni mors invidisset. Statuit Calabrum littus invisere et Italic plagam illam que magna olim Grecia dicta est. . . . Quod desperat apud Grecos, non diffidit apud Calabros inveniri posse." /?er. Senil., 0pp., p. 887. ' His reputation as a traveller, perhaps, once made his friend Salutato appeal to him on a question of Greek usage. " Deraum habent Greci pluralem numerum duplicem; unum qui de duobus, alterum quem dicunt de pluribus significare. Quo, prccor, si Grece sciveris ac voles loqui, quo, precor, plurali, dimetro vel polymetro, quempiam honoris gratia compeliabis." Salutato, Epist.y vol. ii, pp. 473 4. It is doubtful if Malpaghini was able to answer so simple an inquiry. MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 103 Florence, in her season of freedom and prosperity, was the centre of intellectual activity of all kinds. Her architects and painters had begun the beautifying of the city with monuments of every description, the promise of still better things to come. The majestic dome of Santa Maria del Fiore was just rising beside the Arno. Many of her leading citizens were keenly interested in antiquities and artistic and literary subjects. Beside the serious meetings of scholars in the convent of San Spirito there were brilliant gatherings of poets and litterati in the gardens of the pleasure villas outside the walls. Wealthy young aristocrats, like Roberto Rossi, Palla Strozzi and Jacopo da Scarperia, applied themselves to the cultivation of the liberal arts, collecting enthusiastically manuscripts, coins and ancient carvings, stopping at no pains or expense to increase their own information or to add a gem to the museums of the republic. Nicolo Niccoli, the eldest son of a well-to-do merchant, caught the fever, abandoned his father's business and broke with his family in order to devote himself unreservedly to intellectual pursuits. Through Marsigli he was introduced to a study of the Latin classics. Whatever he could spare from his income he thenceforth spent on manuscripts, and by unwearying diligence he be- came the expert copyist and correlator of texts, the authority on correct readings, and the ablest detector of hterary cor- ruption of his day. The man whose writings reveal most fully the culture of the later fourteenth century and who stood as the leader and patron of the whole literary movement in Florence, is Coluc- cio Salutato, for over thirty years chancellor of the republic, author of numerous state papers and works on historical, philosophical and moral subjects. Toward the end of Petrarch's Hfe Salutato exchanged a few letters with him chiefly on political matters. At news of his death he com- posed an extravagant eulogy to his memory, setting him I04 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM above all the writers whom antiquity or " arrogant Greece " could boast.' He held Petrarch always in peculiar venera- tion and showed the effects of his influence in various ways. His Latin style was Petrarch's considerably exaggerated. An upright, laborious student of letters he lacked the sensi- tiveness of feeling and taste that marked the father of humanism. Even his correspondence is elaborate, oratori- cal, pompous, fairly loaded down with classic allusions and quotations. On the other hand, he shared with Petrarch in certain invaluable scholarly virtues, an unflagging energy in the search for lost masterpieces, a disgust for half informed teachers, careless librarians, bungling copyists and obscure and crude translators. In 1 392 he wrote twice to Antonio Loschi, an acquintance who had travelled in the East, press- ing upon him the duty of rewriting Pilato's version of Homer. He should not be daunted by its barbarity, but should systematically set about recasting and polishing the phraseology until he obtained a product truly Homeric in diction as well as in thought. Nor should he be too literal nor too careful to make each Latin line match precisely with the Greek, but in the interests of art he should vary the cold narrative with interrogations and exclamations, adding or leaving out at discretion to make the story more attrac- tive. Finally he would do well to write the whole in sonor- ous prose instead of attempting verse.^ In these instructions ' " Et cum insolens Grecia se anteponeret in ceteris Latio vel equaret, in ethicis impar se vinci a Seneca fatebatur. Nos autem habemus quern possimus et antiquitati et ipsi Grecie non dicatn obicere sed preferre : unum hunc Franciscum Petrarcam," &c. Salutato, Epist., vol. i, p. 182. ' " Nee te terreat insulsa nimis ilia translatio et quod nichil in ipsa secundum Terba suave sit. Res velim, non verba, consideres; illas oportet extoUas et omes et turn propriis, turn novatis verbis comas, talemque vocabulorum splendorem adicias. quod non inventione solum, nonque sententiis sed verbis etiam Homeri- cum illud quod omnes cogitamus exbibeas atque sones Non etiam verbo Terbum, sicut inquit Flaccus, * curabis reddere fidus Interpres.' MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 105 for the new rendering of Homer there speaks already the reaction of spirit from the medieval slavish subservience to an original. The original, in Salutato's view, was to be altered and amended to suit a modern sense of style. With an allowance for differences in the standards of the tiines, Salutato's Homer might have reminded us of Pope's. Apparently Loschi never attempted it. Salutato himself on one occasion tried his hand at re- touching a translation from the Greek. A copy of Plutarch, " De Remediis Irae," which had recently been put into Latin by one Simon, Archbishop of Thebes, stirred his indignation by the awkwardness and obscurity of its wording. Writing to the cardinal to whom he was indebted for the book he remarks, that one cannot, however, expect better from a Greek at a time when Latins themselves can scarcely aim at more than being grammatical. " We have," he says, " in this age no Cicero, Jerome, Rufinus,Ambrose, Chalcidius, Cassiodorus, Evagrius or Boethius to make us translations so polished and graceful that they are equal to the originals both in beauty and clarity. Still I am grateful to the good man who has given us Plutarch in whatever form. Would that we pos- sessed other works of the same philosopher even in as poor a shape!"' He adds that he has endeavored to turn this nee carmini carmen connumerare. Denique cunctis debitam tribues maiestatem si soluta mutatis vel additis coniunctionibus nectes, si frigidiuscula turn exclama- tionibus, tum interrogando quasi quibusdam accendes igniculis; si denique poteris, inventa commutans vel omittens aliquid aut addens, seriem efficere gratiorem; et demum si primo nitaris tum magis propria, tum mage splendentia vel sonora vocabula, quam interpres ille fecerit, et ea eadem ipsa prosa non versibus in eandem sententiam adhibere. Hec satis." Epist.y vol. ii, pp. ZS^I' The second letter on the subject was written two months later, assuring Loschi that he could perform the task satisfactorily if he only would. Ibid., pp. 398-9. Later Salutato composed an invective against Loschi in return for his attack on Florence. » " Misit mihi benignitas tua Hbellum Plaiarchi De Remediis Ire, quem olim de Greco transtulit in Latinum iussione tua vir multe venerationis, Simon, archi- io6 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 107 semi-Greek version into true Latin, enlivening the monotony of the argument with exclamations and questions,— his un- failing remedy for inelegance and dullness. Fortunately or unfortunately no more of this work than Salutato's descrip- tion of it has ever been printed. Not only was he concerned with improving the quality of existing translations from the Greek, but once at least he contemplated the making of an original Latin version of a Greek book hitherto unknown. The renown of the library of Juan Fernandez de Heredia, grand master of the Knights of Jerusalem, had reached him, and he composed a letter of great length and ponderousness to inquire after lost writings of the historians which might be contained therein. He wishes it understood that he does not refer to the well known works of men like Eusebius, Cassiodorus, Josephus, Bede, Orosius, the thirty books of Livy or the Gallic and Civil Wars of Csesar. But he is on a search for the rest of Livy, Trogus Pompeius and Quintus Curtius' " De Gestis Alexandri Macedoniae." Furthermore, he has heard that Don Juan Fernandez has had a translation made of forty-eight of Plutarch's Lives from ancient into vulgar Greek and thence into Spanish. He begs that a copy may be sent him. He may, perhaps, transfer it from Spanish into Latin. In return episcopus Thebanus, quern tractatum avide discurrens mecum indignari cepi, tantam esse illius translationis obscuritatem tamque horrido stilo compositam, quod nulla prorsus alliceret suavitate lectorem, nee facile pateret quid nobis tantus philosophus tradidisset Nee tamen est ab hominis Greci professione requirendum Latinum eloquium, hac presertim etate qua vix supra puram gram- maticam elevamur etiam nos Latini. Non sunt hoc tempore Cicerones, Hier- onymi, Rufini, Ainbrosii vel Chalcidii, non Cassiodori, non Evagru, non Boetn, quorum translationes tante sunt venustatis atque dulcedinis, quod nichil possit omatus vel perspicuitatis in his que transtulerunl desiderari. Habeo tamen lUi optimo viro gratias qui nobis qualitercumque Plutarchum dedit. Utinam et cetera eiusdem philosophi vel taliter haberemus ! " Salutato, £pis^.. vol. .1, pp. 480-483. (Evagrius of Antioch [fl. c, 380] was reputed to be the author of the Latin version of the " Vita S. Antonii.") he will gladly lend the grand master his Latin version of the Odyssey and anything else from his own shelves which the other may care to see.' The answer of Don Juan Fernandez has not been preserved. That Salutato's quest was in part successful may be inferred from the presence in Florentine libraries in after years of several manuscripts of an Italian rendering of Plutarch's Lives, the heading to which states that the book was first put into vulgar Greek by a Greek philosopher at Rhodes, thence into Aragonese by a Domi- nican bishop, learned in science, history and languages, at the behest of " Don Freyre Giovanni Ferrando di Eredia, by the grace of God master of the order of St. John of Jerusalem." ^ We may conjecture that Salutato found the labor of inter- * " Nee peto communes istos quos habemus, Eusebium, Cassiodorum, losephum, Egesippum, Historias scholasticas, Bedam, Orosium, lustinum, Eutropium, Paulum Diaconum, tres Titi Livii Decades, Salustii, Catilinarum et lugurtinum, non Anneum Senecam, qui Florus inscribitur, non abbreviationem Titi Livii, non modernorum nugas, Specula videlicet historialia, Satyram Paulini, Martini Chron- icas et si qua alia nostris his duobus edita seculis fuerit unquam tibi cura videndi; non etiam Suetonium de duodecim Cesaribus, non historicos illos, qui incipientes ab Adriano usque in Numerianum omnes Cesares Augustos atque tyrannos stylo non incongruo descripserunt, Spartianus, Capitolinus, Gallicanus, Lampridius, Tre- bellius, et Vopiscus : non commentaries Caii Cesaris de bello Gallico, quos multi non mediocriter errantes, ut arbitrcr, luho Celso tribuunt; non etiam communes illos de bello Civili,sed si quos alios videris authabes, et presertim si deTito Livio plus alicubi scias esse quam triginta libros. Si Trogum Pompeium vidisti vel habes aut unquam ubi sit percepisti et an totum repereris Q. Curtium de Gestis Alexandri Macedonie. Nimis equidem diminutum habemus. De historiis etiam Salustii, si qua unquam bella civilia, que Suetonius scripsisse creditur vel historias Claudii Cesaris inspexisti. Sed in Livio magis et cordalius serves. Ceterum scio quod de Greco in Grecum vulgare et de hoc in Aragonicum Plutarchum de Hys- toria xxxxviii ducum et virorum illustrium interpretari feceris: habeo quidem rubricarum maximam partem. Cupio, si fieri potest, hunc librum videre; forte quidem transferam in Latinum. Ego autem habeo translationem Odyssee Homeri in Latino, quem librum audio te quesisse. Si iusseris, mittam hunc tibi et quicquid me habere senseris quod tibi placeat plus quam libenter." EpisLt vol. ii, pp. 299-301. » Traversari, vol. i; p. ccxciv. io8 MEDIEVAL HELLENISM MEDIEVAL HELLENISM 109 preting the Spanish more difficult than he had imagined, and bade some subordinate translate the whole into Italian, pos- sibly still intending ultimately to carry it on from Italian into Latin. But there is no proof that the final metamorphosis was ever accomplished. Like his predecessors, Salutato took delight in exercising ingenuity on Greek derivations. His knowledge of roots he derived from Boccaccio and the older sources for etymology, and he thought it not undignified to enliven the seriousness of a state letter with a happy play upon words. In a con- gratulatory epistle to Carlo di Durazzo, king of Naples, he reminds him that his name Carolus is compounded of " charis '* and " olon," that is, '' altogether gracious." ' In a note to the chancellor of Bologna he remarks that he is amazed to hear that " melanconia," " that black humor," could ever lay hold of him.^ In more sober vein he addresses to the bishop of Recanati and Macerata an expostulation on the news that the prelate has ordered the word '' evan- gelium " to be spelled and pronounced " euvangelium " throughout his diocese. Salutato would like to know the authority for any such form. He has discovered none in the old authors. He is aware of the enigmatical lines in the Grecismus of Eberhard of Bethune, " Good is ' eu,' and thence is * evangelium ;' Evil, * evan,' and thence is ' evangelium. ) }f and of the fact that some texts spell " evangelium " of the first line with two u's, but he has no great respect for Eber- ' " Karolus enim a charis Grece, Latine gratia, et olon, totus, dicitur, hoc est totus gratiosus." Epist., vol. ii, p. 31. ' " Respontlisti michi, frater optime, te melanconia perfusum meam litteram recepisse, in quo miratus sum, videns quod humor ille niger, talem enim quod et Grecum vocabulura sonat, physici volunt, tc potuerit, ut scribis, plurimum oc- cupare." Op. cit.^ vol. i, p. 298. hard.' '''Eu,' as Eberhard tells us and as every one says, is Greek, and means in Latin, good. 'Aggelos' is mes- senger, and with a change of the first g into n serves among us Latins as the word an^el, hence ' evangelium,' which is, good tidings. I can see no reason nor necessity for inserting the second u, nor can the authority of Priscian or Donatus or any other be cited to support it."^ The Greeks, he goes on to argue, never had a diphthong ending in u vowel, U after another vowel was always u consonant, or v with the sound of the Eolic digamma. They said Thesevs, not Theseus. The correct pronunciation of *' evangelium " is with e vovvel succeeded by u consonant. So Balbus and Brito, in their ecclesiastical treatises, and all learned scholars wrote the word. If the bi>hop's informer persists in his opinion he should advance proofs at once. However, Salu- tato would be glad to hear if the bishop has ever found the word "■ evangelium " in a malevolent sen.^e as implied in the second line quoted from the Grecismus. " I know that * Evan * is Bacchus ; I know that * Evantes ' are Bacchantes, or frenzied, as ' evari ' is * bacchari,' to be in trenzy, but how * evangelium ' can be made to assume a similar meaning I would give much to know." 3 The problem remained in- soluble. ^Op. «■/., vol. ii, pp. 187-9. This is a curious letter, but it is impossible to quote more than short extracts. " Euque bonum signat et ab hoc evangelium die; Perverium sit evan : hinc fit evangelium." Epist.y vol, ii, p. 187. * " Eu quidem, ut iile vult et omnes dicunt, Grecum est et bonum Latine signi- ficat. Aggelos autem nuncius est, qui apud nos, mutata penes Latinos prima g in n, angelus facit : inde evangehum, hoc est bonum annuncium. Nam interponi illam u nescio rationem videre vel necessitatem; nee id fieri debere potest auctori- tate Prisciani vel Donati aui alterius demonstari." Jbid. *"Scio quod Evan Bacchus est: scio quod evantes idem est quod bacchantes et insanicntes, sicut evari, bacchari vel insanire; sed quahter ad hoc deducatur evangelium multifacerem edoceri." Jbid.y p. 189. jjQ MEDIEVAL HELLENISM Of Greek itself, as one may readily gather from passages such as these, Salutato knew no more and probably less than Boccaccio. He and his generation represent no advance in actual knowledge or achievement, They stand simply as preservers of the tradition which Petrarch and Boccaccio handed on to them. Ignorant of Greek, they lamented their deficiencies and did what seemed possible to remedy them."' Concerned most of all with the gradual revival of the Latin classics, they did not forget that the source of Latin culture was the Greek and that the Greek too must be recovered in due time. Malpaghini, MarsigH, Niccoli, Salutato were all to old to learn the new language and to explore the new realms of thought when the oppor- tunity finally came, but they had prepared another genera- tion to profit by the privileges which they could not use. Is was through the special exertions of Niccoli and Salutato in 1395 that Chrysoloras came to Florence. 1 Salutato, Episf,, vol. i, pp. 51-2. BIBLIOQRARMY. J References to Migne are to the Patrologiae, Series Latina, except where the Series Graeca is indicated. Abelard. Ouvrages Inedits, ed. Cousin. Paris, 1836. (Collection de Documents Inedits sur I'Histoire de France.) Albertus Magnus. Opera Omnia, ed. Borgnet, 38 vols. Paris, 1890-1899. Alexander of Ville Dieu (de Villa Dei). Doctrinale, ed. Reichlung. Berlin, 1893. 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From 1901 to 1905 she pursued graduate work at Columbia University, receiving the degree of A. M. in 1902. In the summer of 1904 she spent two months in study in the library of the British Museum. In January, 1904, she was appointed Assistant in History at Barnard College, and during the year 1904-5 she served as Lecturer in History in the same institution. Since 1905 she has been Warden of Sage College and Lecturer in History in Cornell University. , 117 M m I ^« 0m *% ■Jr» - .-V COLOMBIA UNKERSnJ UBHAR'ES 1010688501 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBF This book is due on the date indicated belo expiration of a definite period after the dat^ as provided by the rules of the Librairy c rangement with the Librarian in charge* DATE BORROWED r \\\ %to.^ L"ST / lA' I' i t 1. f i H l\ m BRimE DO NOT PHOTOCOPY 'i ^ SEP-' ».J