intljeCitpofJlruigork 
 
 THE LIBRARIES 
 
MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS 
 
Mary Queen of Scots 
 
 From her Birth to her FHght 
 
 into England : A Brief Biography : 
 
 with Critical Notes ^ a few Docu- 
 ments hitherto unpublished^ and an 
 Itinerary by David Hay Fleming 
 
 Second Edition 
 
 London : Hodder and Stoughton 
 2 7 Paternoster Row. mdcccxcviii 
 

 ^-/?3///" 
 
PREFACE 
 
 So long ago as 1773 one of the most capable and most 
 cautious of Scottish historical students expressed the 
 opinion that the Marian controversy had already become 
 too angry and too voluminous. Its subsequent tone was 
 not sweetened by such writers as Whitaker and Chalmers. 
 If in recent years it has become much less acrimonious, 
 it has also become so much more voluminous that com- 
 paratively few readers can afford the requisite time to 
 master a subject so intricate, and of which nearly all 
 the details have been keenly contested for three centuries. 
 Too many of the literary combatants have been content 
 to derive their materials at second, third, or even fourth 
 hand, with the result that mere opinions and conjectures 
 have frequently been borrowed and repeated as well- 
 established facts. Not a few of these 'fictitious facts,' 
 as well as other blunders more or less blameworthy, have 
 been exposed or exploded in the following pages; but 
 they will doubtless be again resuscitated by those who 
 are more anxious to uphold theories than to ascertain 
 truth. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 My aim has been to state — fairly, briefly, and clearly 
 — all the more important and more interesting events 
 in Mary's life up to the date of her flight into England, 
 without attempting to suggest or sustain any theory. 
 The text has been almost entirely drawn from the State 
 Papers, the official records, and the letters of the period, 
 and from the contemporary histories and chronicles. 
 Controverted points are freely dealt with in the Notes ; 
 and there special attention has been paid to the works 
 of two of the Queen's most recent and best-known 
 biographers — Father Stevenson and Mr. (now Sir John) 
 Skelton. It will be seen that the former has dimmed 
 his great reputation as an historical student by pre- 
 judice, partiality, and perversion ; and that the latter 
 not only rivals him in these faults, but is so reckless 
 in matters of fact and so careless m quotation that no 
 reliance can be placed on his statements, no weight on 
 his opinions. 
 
 The Hamilton Papers^ the Calendars of Venetian and 
 Spanish State Papers, and the documents printed by 
 M. Philippson, have been examined, as well as the Foreign 
 and Domestic Calendars, and the Reports of the His- 
 torical MSS. Commission. Fresh material has also been 
 derived from the forthcoming volume of the Register of 
 the Scottish Privy Council, edited by Professor Masson ; 
 and from unpublished original documents in the Register 
 House — of which documents a selection is printed in the 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Appendix. For the period of Mary's personal reign in 
 Scotland, I have also gone somewhat carefully through 
 the Register of the Privy Seal ; and the whole of its 
 evidence regarding her movements is for the first time 
 tabulated in the Itinerary. Scattered through Record 
 and Club publications and privately-printed books there 
 are many of her letters and other documents which are 
 not in LabanofF's Recueil. A list of these has mean- 
 while been held over; but, ia so far as they bear on 
 her movements in Scotland, they have been utilised in 
 the Itinerary. 
 
 Although great care has been taken to ensure absolute 
 accuracy, it would be too much to expect that it has 
 been actually attained. Having so frankly pointed out 
 the lapses of my predecessors, I hope, with becoming 
 humility, to accept reproof for my own. 
 
 This volume — the result of three years' hard, almost 
 
 incessant, work — would not have been undertaken but for 
 
 the long-continued and urgent pressure of Dr. Robertson 
 
 Nicoll. For much valuable help most ungrudgingly 
 
 given, my warmest thanks are due to Mr. W. A. Craigie, 
 
 Dr. Mark Anderson, Dr. Thomas Dickson, the Rev. 
 
 Walter M'Leod, and the Rev. J. A. Milne ; and also to 
 
 Mr. Maitland Thomson and the Rev. John Anderson for 
 
 the kindness and aid which rendered my work in the 
 
 Register House a pleasure and delight. 
 
 In another volume I purpose to deal with Mary's life 
 
 vii 
 
PREFACE 
 
 in England, and in connection with the conferences at 
 York and Westminster the Casket Letters will be 
 discussed. In this volume there is no reference whatever 
 to them, either in text or notes. The other volume will 
 contain an index to both. 
 
 The editions of the works which I have used are 
 distinguished in the references ; and when a document 
 of any importance is printed in more than one book, 
 reference is usually made to each. In citing the various 
 Calendars, the page has uniformly been given — not the 
 number of the document. 
 
 D. H. F. 
 
 St. Andre wSj July 1897. 
 
 vni 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 LEADING DATES . ... , . . . xii 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 HER BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD IN SCOTLAND, lo4:2-lo4:8 . . 1 
 
 CHAPTER H 
 
 IN FRANCE AS MAIDEN, lo48-15o8 . , . .15 
 
 CHAPTER ni 
 
 IN FRANCE — AS WIFE, 1558-1560 , , . .25 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 IN FRANCE — AS WIDOW, 1560-1561 . . . .33 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 IN SCOTLAND — HER FiECEPTION, RELIGION, AND PEOPLE, 1561 44 
 
 ix 
 
CONTEXTS 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 PAGE 
 HER PROPOSED INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH, 1562 " . .65 
 
 CHAPTER VH 
 
 HER FIRST NORTHERN PROGRESS AND HUNTLy's OVERTHROW, 
 
 1562 . . . . . . .74 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 HER MATRIMONIAL PROJECTS AND THE DARNLEY MARRIAGE, 
 
 1562-1565 . . . . . . .83 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE CHASE-ABOUT RAID AND MURRAY's DOWNFALL, 1565 . 107 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 SEIGNEUR DAVIE, 1565-1566 ..... 120 
 
 1 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 DARNLEY IN DISGRACE, 1566 ..... 130 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE DARNLEY MURDER AND THE BOTHWELL MARRIAGE, 1567 148 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 HER DISGRACE, DEFEAT, IMPRISONMENT, AND FLIGHT, 1567- 
 
 1568 . . ... . . 160 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 NOTES AND REFERENCES . . . .177 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES AND REFERENCES . . .490 
 
 DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED :— 
 
 Mary to her Mother, 24th April 1558 . . . .491 
 
 Mary to the Scottish Estates, 26th Jiuie 1558 . . . 493 
 
 "Warrant for extracting Process of Forfeiture against Lennox . 494 
 
 Treasury "Warrant concerning St. Andrews Castle . . 494 
 
 Two extracts from Register of Canongate Kirk-Session . 495 
 
 Mary's Precept to the Bailies of Aberdeen . , . 496 
 
 Two Orders for procuring Hawks .... 496 
 
 Precept for registering Mary Beaton's Marriage-contract . . 497 
 
 "Warrant for paying Captains of foot-men . . . 498 
 
 Furnishings for the Prince's nursery .... 499 
 
 Memorandum for the Queen's chamber .... 500 
 
 "Warrant in connection with the Prince's baptism . . 501 
 
 Warrant for payment of lute-strings .... 501 
 
 Remission to Morton and others for murdering Riccio . . 502 
 
 Remission to Andrew Ker for the same .... 504 
 
 Memorandum for the Queen ..... 505 
 
 Memorandum for garment to Jean de Compiegne . . 505 
 
 Treasury "Warrant ...... 506 
 
 Memorandum for garment to a fool .... 506 
 
 Treasury Warrant ...... 507 
 
 Memorandum for the Queen ..... 507 
 
 Memorandum for the Prince ..... 508 
 
 Memorandum for the Queen ..... 508 
 
 Treasury Warrant in favour of Cormac O'Connor . . 509 
 
 Treasury Warrant ...... 510 
 
 Two Memorandums for the Queen .... 510 
 
 Inventory of the Queen's Baggage sent to her from Loch Leven on 
 
 5th May 1568 . . . . . .511 
 
 Mary's Proclamation of 5th May 1568 .... 512 
 
 Mary to the Laird of Adamtoun, 6th j\Iay 1568 . . . 514 
 
 ITINERARY ... . . 515 
 
 X) 
 
LEADING DATES 
 
 1542 — 8tli Dec. Mary born at Linlithgow. 
 
 J, 14th Dec. Her father died at Falkland. 
 
 1543 — 9th Sept. Mary crowned at Stirling. 
 1547— 10th Sept. Battle of Pinkie. 
 
 1548 — 13th Aug. j\Iary arrived in France. 
 
 1558 — 24th April. She married the Dauphin. 
 
 1559 — 10th July. She became Queen of France. 
 
 1560 — 11th June. Her mother died at Edinburgh. 
 
 „ 5th Dec. Her husband died at Orleans. 
 
 1561— 19th Aug. She arrived at Leith. 
 
 1562— 28th Oct. Battle of Corrichie. 
 
 1564-5 — 17th Feb. She met Darnley at Wemyss. 
 
 1565 — 29th July. She married Darnley at Holyrood 
 
 1565-6 — 9th March. Riccio murdered at Holyrood. 
 
 1566 — 19th June. James vi. born in Edinburgh Castle. 
 
 ,, I7th Dec. James baptized at Stirling. 
 
 1566-7— 10th Feb. Darnley murdered at Kirk-of-Field. 
 
 1567 — 24th April. Mary carried off by Bothwell. 
 
 J, 15th May. She married Bothwell. 
 
 „ 15th June. She surrendered at Carberry. 
 
 ,, 17th June. She was imprisoned in Loch Leven. 
 
 „ 24th July. She abdicated. 
 
 ,, 29th July. James vi. crowned at Stirling. 
 
 f, 22nd Aug. Murray proclaimed Regent. 
 
 1568 — 2nd May. Mary escaped from Loch Leven. 
 
 „ 13th May. She was defeated at Langside. 
 
 „ 16th May. She crossed the Sol way. 
 
 Xll 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 HER BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD IN SCOTLAND 
 
 1542-1548 
 
 Mary Stuart was born on the 8th of December 1542 in 
 the palace of Linlithgow.^ Both time and place are 
 quite certain, although on neither have her biographers 
 and historians been unanimous.^ In the state papers the 
 coming event cast its shadow before. Rumours there 
 were that ' the Skottishe Quene ' had borne a son on the 
 30th of November, and that this had been proclaimed 
 at Jedburgh on the 2nd of December. Later despatches 
 were more uncertain — there being ' sundre tales ' on the 
 matter : some said that it was a son, some said a dauo^hter. 
 The message passed that the child was dead, then that it 
 was ' vary wayke,' and again that it was ' alyve and good 
 liking." Her name was reported to be Elizabeth, but 
 this mistake was soon corrected.^ In the malevolent 
 gossip of the time doubts were whispered concerning her 
 parentage.* 
 
 Only four and a half years had elapsed since Mary 
 
 of Guise had landed at Fifeness, and been married to 
 
 James the Fifth in the cathedral of St. Andrews.^ Their 
 
 two sons had both died. The King, despondent and 
 
 A I 
 
HER FATHER'S DEATH [chap. 
 
 heartbroken over the rout of Sol way Moss,^ had retired 
 to Falkland, where the tidings of his daughter's birth 
 reached him. Far from being uplifted by the news, his 
 thoughts reverted to jVIarjory Bruce, through whom the 
 throne had come to the Stuarts, and, according to Knox, 
 he exclaimed : ' The devil go with it ! It will end as it 
 began ; it came from a woman, and it will end in a 
 woman."'' Or, as Pitscottie has it, ' It came with a lass, 
 and it will pass with a lass.'^ Mary was born on a Friday, 
 and next Thursday 'at xii. of the cloke at nyght,' her 
 father died^ not without the suspicion of having been 
 poisoned.^^ Lisle, the Lord Warden of the Marches, 
 stayed active proceedings against the Scots on hearing 
 of James's death, deeming it inconsistent with Henry's 
 honour to make war ' upon a dedd bodye, or uppon a 
 wydowe, or on a yonge sucling,' especially at the time of 
 the King's funeral ; yet on the 30th of December he takes 
 care to explain to Henry that, in Alnwick, the weathqr 
 hath been such — the snow stopping all passages and 
 knowledge of ways — that little or nothing can be done to 
 the annoyance of the enemies.^^ This incidental reference 
 shows that Mary was born not only in stormy political 
 times, but that tempestuous weather speedily followed, if 
 it did not accompany, her birth. Next month the frost 
 was so intense that it was impossible to release the 
 ships from the ice in the haven of Newcastle.^^ 
 
 Trying and troublous times had been experienced in 
 previous minorities ; and with the impetuous and un- 
 scrupulous Henry the Eighth on the English throne, the 
 prospect for Scotland was by no means bright. The 
 
 2 
 
i] HENRY THE EIGHTH'S DESIGNS 
 
 machinery of the state, however, was kept in motion. On 
 the strength of a fraudulent will, Cardinal Beaton had 
 himself and several of the leading nobles proclaimed 
 Governors of the realm ; ^^ but this arrangement was 
 soon set aside, and Arran was proclaimed Governor on 
 Wednesday the 3rd of January. ^"^ 
 
 As the scheming for the governorship had begun before 
 the King was actually dead, so plans were being laid for 
 the marriage of the infant Queen before she was many 
 days old. On the 24th of December Lisle wrote to 
 Henry that some of the best sort of gentlemen of the 
 Scottish Borders wished that he had their Princess for 
 his Prince; and on the 1st of January he wrote to the 
 English Council that there was a rumour that the Cardinal 
 wished Arran's son to have the Princess, ' and,' he adds, 
 ' many other devices the people have of hfer marriage."* ^^ 
 Henry at once saw the desirability of marrying her to his 
 son, and determined to get her and the principal fortresses 
 of Scotland into his hands. To carry out his plans, the 
 Solway prisoners and the Douglases were sent back to 
 Scotland.^^ When Sir Ralph Sadleyr, who was after- 
 wards sent with the same object, arrived in Edinburgh on 
 the 18th of March, he found that the Scots Parliament 
 had been prorogued on the previous day.^^ His Instruc- 
 tions — recently printed for the first time by the Lords of 
 the Treasury — are characterised as a revelation of 'the 
 unprincipled designs of Henry,' which 'fully justify the 
 temporising policy of Arran.' ^^ 
 
 While in session, the Scots Parliament had considered 
 the proposed marriage between Mary and Edward. The 
 
 3 
 
MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS [chap. 
 
 Instructions then drawn up for the Scots Ambassadors ^^ 
 jealously guard the independence of Scotland. They also 
 provide for Mary's safety. She was to be kept in Scot- 
 land until she was marriageable; kept and nourished 
 principally by her mother, and four lords of the realm 
 least suspected and chosen thereto. For the more sure 
 keeping of her person, one or two honourable English 
 kniglits, with as many ladies of honour, and their servants 
 might remain with her at Henry's ex])ense. As she was 
 ' sa tender of aige," it was thought expedient that she 
 should remain in the palace of Linlithgow, where she had 
 been born, or in the castle of Stirling, at her mother's 
 pleasure, with the advice of the Governor and Council. 
 If her mother died or left the kingdom, some of the most 
 noble and virtuous ladies of Scotland were to be chosen 
 to abide with her ; and if, after marrying Edward, he died 
 before her, without leaving lawful heirs by her, she was 
 to be delivered again to Scotland free, unmarried to any 
 other.2o 
 
 In Sadleyr*'s interview with the Queen Dowager, at 
 Linlithgow, on the 22nd of March, she professed to be 
 anxious for the English marriage, and that her daughter 
 should be forthwith delivered to Henry — professions at 
 such variance with what he had learned from the Goveraor 
 and Sir George Douglas, that he perceived there was 
 juggling somewhere. She also exhibited the little Queen 
 to him, causing the nurse 'to unwrap her out of her 
 clowtes,"* that, as Miss Strickland says, ' he might see her 
 in her native loveliness ' ; and he thus expressed his opinion 
 to Henry : ' I assure your Majesty, it is as goodly a 
 
 4 
 
i] THE DOUBLE TREATY 
 
 child as I have seen of her age, and as like to live, with 
 the grace of God/^^ 
 
 Other two Ambassadors, Glencairn and Sir George 
 Douglas, were sent to England early in May. ^^ Douglas 
 soon returned with a Memorial ^3 of the English desires, 
 requiring Mary's delivery to Henry or Edward, at the 
 age of eight or ten at the furthest ; and her marriage 
 by twelve at the latest. Early in June the Scots nobles 
 and members of council somewhat modified the original 
 Instructions. Hostages were to be given, and Mary was 
 to be delivered at ten, provided the marriage was made by 
 procurators before she left Scotland.^* The double treaty 
 of peace and marriage was formally concluded between 
 the Scots Ambassadors and the English Commissioners at 
 Greenwich on the 1st of July.-^ It was ratified in the 
 Abbey-Church of Holyrood, by the oath of the Governor, 
 in the name of the Queen and Three Estates, on the 25th 
 of August, ' at the high-mass solemnly sung with shalms 
 and sackbuts.** Sir George Meldrum of Fy vie, * a right 
 honest gentleman,'' whose revenue was nearly five hundred 
 merks — 'a greate lyvyng in this countrey,' — was at once 
 despatched to procure Henry's confirmation, and to 
 explain the difficulty of promptly sending hostages.^^ 
 Henry, however, looked upon the hostages as ' the knot of 
 the holl treatie,"* and declined to confirm it until they 
 were produced.-^ 
 
 Meanwhile events were not developing in Scotland 
 exactly as Henry wished. He had been dissatisfied from 
 the very first with Arran's appointment as Governor — 
 desiring to have him, as well as the Cardinal and the 
 
 5 
 
THE SCOTS NOBLES [chap. 
 
 infant Queen, in Iiis hands ; he had been anxious to pre- 
 vent his confirmation as Governor by the Scots Parlia- 
 ment, and longed to see him overthrovvn.^^ He tried, 
 nevertheless, to use him in furthering his designs; but 
 although Henry was powerful and Arran pliant,^^ there 
 were difficulties in the way which could not be readily 
 overcome. Not only had the dubious motives of the 
 nobles to be reckoned with, but so had the strong 
 national feeling of the people ; ^^ and the instability of 
 the Governor did not always tend to Henry's advantage, 
 nor was his sincerity undoubted. ^^ Despite English 
 remonstrances, Beaton, who liad been imprisoned, was 
 transferred from Blackness to his own castle at St. 
 Andrews, and soon set at liberty.^^ Lennox was neither 
 intercepted by the way nor repulsed at his arrival in 
 Scotland, though he came with the intention it was said 
 of marrying the Queen Dowager, and so asserting his 
 claim — a claim supported by the French — as 'rightfuU 
 enheritour ' of the Scots crown after Mary.^^ The Abbot 
 of Paisley, Arran's bastard brother and future Archbishop 
 of St. Andrews, was allowed to return to Scotland, in the 
 hope that he would strengthen the Governor's hands ; but 
 it was speedily found that he too was in the interest of 
 France.^* On the 25th of July, representatives of the 
 English and French parties met, and amicably arranged 
 that Mary should be cared for by four of the lords 
 formerly named by Parliament — Montrose, Erskine, 
 Livingston, and Lindsay. Glencairn, who had taken a 
 leading part in making this agreement, assured Sadleyr 
 that Beaton and his party, and all the nobles, were now 
 
 6 
 
i] HER CORONATION 
 
 perfectly satisfied with the treaties of peace and marriage.^ 
 But, in a fortnight, Sadleyr was able to send Henry a copy 
 of ' a secret band,' which had been entered into by Beaton 
 and his party on the 24th of July, to prevent Mary's 
 removal to England. ^^ On the 26th of July, Mary and 
 her mother were taken from Linlithgow Palace to Stirling 
 Castle, and proclamation made at Edinburgh of the treaty 
 of peace with England ^^ — a peace to be too soon and 
 rudely broken. 
 
 On the 2nd of July, Sadleyr had been informed that 
 Mary could not be conveniently removed from Linlithgow, 
 as she was ' breeding of teethe.*' In his opinion the 
 Governor was then as anxious concerning 'her health, 
 preservation, and surety, as if she were his own natural 
 child.' ^^ Before she had been quite a fortnight at 
 Stirling, Sadleyr saw her, when the Queen Dowager 
 ' praised the ayre aboutc the house,' and said ' that her 
 daughter did grow apace, and soon . . . would be a 
 woman, if she took of her mother,' who, indeed, Sadleyr 
 adds, ' is of the largest stature of women.' Mary, who 
 had had small-pox, was now perfectly recovered, and 
 Sadleyr pronounced her to be ' a right fayre and goodlie 
 child.' 39 
 
 The early days of September were signalised by the 
 reconciliation of Arran and Beaton*^ — a reconciliation 
 fraught with momentous results ; and immediately fol- 
 lowed by the coronation of the infant Queen, ominously 
 enough, on the thirtieth anniversary of Flodden.^^ 
 
 Henry's offers to Arran — his offer to make him King 
 of Scotland beyond the Forth, his offer to marry the 
 
 7 
 
HENRY'S DIS/VPPOINTMENT [chap. 
 
 Princess Elizabeth to his son ^^ — had been made in vain. 
 His attempts to get Mary into his own hands — the hands 
 of 'her father- in -lawe,* as he described himself*^ — 
 were less likely than ever to be successful. He had 
 advised her removal to Tantallon.^* He had wished to 
 part her from her mother, and to have more of his own 
 people about her than the stipulated number.*^ He had 
 instructed Sadleyr to ' grope the Governour/ as to whether 
 he would deliver, in gage for the ^5000 he wished to 
 borrow, the fortresses on the south side of the Forth, or 
 'convey the yong Queue into our handes."**^ He had 
 complained that she had not been brought to Edinburgh 
 Castle.*'' He had suggested that Arran should get 
 possession of Stirling Castle, and take her to a nearer and 
 safer place ; or else remove the adverse lord-keepers, and 
 place her and the castle in such hands that ' there shuld 
 be no doubt but she shalbe furthecummyng." *^ On the 
 29th of August — four days after Arran had solemnly 
 ratified the treaties, eleven days before Mary's coronation — 
 the English Privy Council directed Suffolk to select sixteen 
 or twenty thousand men who would be ready to receive the 
 fortresses from the Governor, or 'to woorke any other 
 exployt ther' which his Majesty might think convenient.*^ 
 Five days after the coronation, Henry informed Suffolk 
 that he thought he might pass into Scotland with eight 
 thousand horsemen, on the pretence of making a raid on 
 the Humes and Carrs, and by a rapid march surprise 
 Edinburgh, seizing, if possible, the Governor and Cardinal ; 
 or, failing this, to burn the town, and, as they returned, 
 to waste ' the countreyes of suche as be our ennemyes, 
 
 8 
 
i] ANTI-ENGLISH FEELING 
 
 sparing as niegh as you can our freendes and their 
 adherentes.' ^^ 
 
 The relations between the two countries were already 
 sufficiently strained, Henry's impolitic seizure of the 
 Scottish ships, before the treaties were ratified by the 
 Governor/^ was hotly resented by the Edinburgh mer- 
 chants. Sadleyr had to report, on the 1st of September, 
 that the inhabitants of the capital, both men and women, 
 were threatening with oaths to avenge themselves on him 
 — to burn his house over his head ' so that one of us shulde 
 not escape alyve."*^^ Rumours of the projected English 
 invasion speedily reached Scotland ; and at the same time 
 there arrived at Dumbarton a French fleet, ' with money, 
 munytion, and powder.' A Papal Legate and two French 
 Ambassadors were also on board. ' Verey like it is,** wrote 
 Sadleyr, 'that the cummynge of thies Frenche shippes 
 woll make a grete chaunge here."* ^^ 
 
 Not wishing to be on the same side as his rival, Lennox 
 had left the Cardinal's party not long after the Governor 
 joined it ; and, although he had not yet declared himself, 
 was understood by Sadleyr to be no longer 'a good 
 Frencheman,' but ' a good Englisheman.' ^* Hints there 
 were of a proposed marriage between him and Lady 
 Margaret Douglas ^^ — the daughter of Angus, the niece 
 of Henry, — a marriage from which the ill-fated Darnley 
 was destined to spring. Lennox was at Edinburgh with 
 the lords of the English party when, on the 6th of 
 October, he received letters announcing the arrival of 
 the French fleet. He and Glencairn were at once des- 
 patched to get the arms and money lodged in Dumbarton 
 
 9 
 
THE FRENCH ALLIANCE [chap. 
 
 Castle — a diplomatic enterprise which they successfully 
 carried out.^^ It was not enough, however, in Henry''s 
 opinion, that the supplies sent for the French party 
 should be used in his service, he advised the seizure of 
 the Papal Legate ; but that desire was not complied 
 with.^'' The changes of parties staggered Sir George 
 Douglas. ' The worlde is so full of falsehood,"* he said, 
 ' he knewe not whome he myght trust "* ! Yet he thought 
 that ' Lynoux, although he be a yonge man, was more 
 constant and assuryd then the Governour." ^^ Little did 
 Douglas dream how he himself was to be chastised by the 
 English for his inconstancy and falsehood. 
 
 There was much intriguing, and wire-pulling, and 
 wild rumour ^^ before the Scots Parliament met on the 
 3rd of December 1543; but on the 9th of that month 
 the Estates declared, that neither those who had assembled 
 for conveying ' our Soverane Lady ' from Linlithgow to 
 Stirling, nor those who, at that time, had convened with 
 the Governor at Edinburgh, had committed any crime.^*^ 
 Two days later the same Parliament further declared, 
 that, as the peace had been broken by the English seizing 
 and retaining the Scottish merchants, with their ships 
 and goods ; and as King Henry had refused to ratify the 
 treaties, these had consequently expired, and were not to 
 be kept on the part of Scotland. Immediately thereafter 
 the two French Ambassadors — La Brosse and Mesnaige 
 — explained that their King (Francis the First) had 
 sent them, that the ancient leagues might be renewed, 
 and to promise help against the King of England. Their 
 proposals were accepted, as the Act bears, * with ane 
 
 lo 
 
i] THE ENGLISH INVASIONS 
 
 consent and assent,' after seeing 'all contractis past 
 betuix the Kingis of France and Scotland sen King 
 Robert the Bruce.' 6i 
 
 In Stirling Castle Mary was in comparative safety. 
 Sir George Douglas told Sadleyr, barely a month after 
 her coronation, that he did not think that Henry's Scottish 
 friends could take her by force; but they were quite 
 willing to try, provided his Majesty ' wolde advance a 
 convenient summe of money.' Douglas further said that 
 her keepers, being charged with her safety on peril of 
 losing their lives and lands, would take her, if they 
 thought fit, into ' the High-lande which is not farre from 
 Sterlinge, where it is not possible to come by her.' ^^ 
 Next May (1544), Hertford, who had arrived with 
 Henry's ruthless Instructions,^" sent the cheering news 
 to his sanguinary master that he had desolated the 
 country to ' within six myles of Sterling ' ; and in the 
 same despatch he says that JNIary had been conveyed to 
 Dunkeld.6^ 
 
 Hertford's merciless devastation of the Borders ^^ in 
 September 1545 — a devastation which it was feared 
 might be repeated in ' the inwart partis of the realme ' — 
 determined the Scots Parliament on the 2nd of October 
 to enact that a thousand horsemen should lie on the 
 Borders for resisting ' our auld inymeis of Ingland.' ^^ 
 And three days later the Governor and Lords of Council 
 declared, that although Lords Erskine and Livingstone ^^ 
 had undertaken, in the previous April, 'the keiping of 
 our Soverane Ladeis persoun, in cumpany with the Quenis 
 Grace hir moder, under the pane of tynsale of lif, landis, 
 
 II 
 
AT INCHMAHOME [chap. 
 
 and guidis,^ yet they should not incur any pains if pur- 
 sued and invaded by an army of Englishmen, or Scots 
 fortified with Englishmen, whom, in spite of ' thair detfull 
 diligence,"* they could not resist. ^^ 
 
 If true love is to be ascertained and measured by the 
 roughness of its course, the love in this marriage-suit 
 must indeed have been intense. Nor did the boisterous 
 courtship cease with Henry's death.^^ Dethick, Norroy 
 King of Arms, v/as instructed to explain to the Queen 
 Dowager and the Scots Council in the autumn of 1547 
 that the Protector's invasion was only to bring to good 
 effect the godly purpose of the marriage between Edward 
 and Mary ; to show them the advantage of the match ; 
 and to tell them that, if they did not yield to the Pro- 
 tector's amicable proceedings, he would accomplish his 
 purpose by force.^^ The third invasion by Hertford — 
 now known as the Lord Protector Somerset — culminated 
 on Saturday the 10th of September in the disastrous 
 battle of Pinkie.'^^ It was at this time that Mary was 
 removed to Inchmahome.''^ She was then four years and 
 nine months old ; and Bishop Lesley's narrative implies 
 that she only remained in that lovely and secluded isle 
 about three weeks ;^^ yet there, her admirers allege, 
 ' she first laid the foundation of her knowledge in the 
 Latin and French, the Spanish and Italian tongues ';^^ 
 there too she is said to have learned history, geography, 
 tapestry-work, and embroidery ; ^^ and there also, we are 
 asked to believe, she found time for child-gardening.'^^ 
 When, nineteen days after Pinkie, the English army re- 
 crossed the Tweed, it was not with the idea that the last 
 
 12 
 
i] FRENCH AID 
 
 card had been played in a difficult and dubious game. 
 Recourse was again to be had to intrigue/^ to the sword,^^ 
 to the prayers of the Church ; ^^ but all in vain, as the 
 Scots, in their deepened hatred of their ' auld inymeis,"' 
 were to throw themselves into the arms of their ancient 
 allies of France. 
 
 Ever since Mary's coronation there had been occasional 
 rumours of a design to marry her in France. ^^ Her 
 mother had long yearned for such an arrangement ; ^^ and 
 now it was to be definitely settled. In the spring of 1547 
 Francis the First had been succeeded by Henry the Second, 
 who was anxious to be on good terms with the Scots.^ To 
 him they appealed for aid against the English, proposing 
 at the same time to send their young Queen into France 
 that she might be brought up there and married to the 
 Dauphin.^^ In response he sent six thousand men — ' as 
 good men of warr,"* in Sir Thomas Palmer's opinion, ' as 
 any be cownttyd in Crystondome, and of dyvers nacions ' 
 — who, a fortnight after landing at Leith, began on the 
 30th of June 1548 the arduous and prolonged task of 
 ousting the English from Haddington.^* A week later the 
 Scots Parliament met at the neighbouring Abbey ,^^ when 
 D'Esse, the lieutenant-general, explained that his master, 
 'the maist Christin King of France' — moved by the 
 ancient league, and by * the mortall weiris, crudeliteis, 
 depredatiounis, and intollerabill in juris done be our auld 
 enimeis of Ingland ' — had ' set his haill harte and minde 
 for defence of this realme'; and, for the more perfect 
 union and indissoluble amity of France and Scotland, 
 desired that Mary and the Dauphin might be married, 
 
 13 
 
SAILS TO FRANCE [chap, i 
 
 ' to the perpetuall honour, plesour, and proffeit of baith 
 the reahnes.' The Queen Dowager, the Governor, and 
 the Estates of Parliament ' all in ane voice ' approved the 
 desire as ' verray ressonabill "* ; and gave their consent, on 
 condition that the King of France should keep, maintain, 
 and defend Scotland, with its lieges, laws, and liberties, 
 as he did his own realm, and as Scotland had been kept 
 and defended by its own noble kings in bypast times.^^ 
 
 In the preceding January there had been rumours of a 
 proposed marriage between Mary and the young Earl of 
 Kildare ; ^^ and, in April, between her and a brother of 
 the King of Denmark.^^ Of Mary herself, during this 
 period, little is gleaned. In March it was rumoured that 
 she was dead.^^ She was certainly ill at that time in 
 Dumbarton. Huntly heard that she had small-pox ; ^^ 
 La Chapelle, then in Edinburgh, said it was measles.^^ 
 
 To evade the English fleet,^^ the French galleys passed 
 round the north of Scotland, skirted the west coast, and 
 reaching Dumbarton took the young Queen and her 
 retinue ^^ on board about the end of July.^* 'Lack of 
 wether " kept them lying in the Clyde for several days ; ^^ 
 but on the 13th of August she was safely landed in 
 Brittany.^^ According to a contemporary Scottish 
 chronicler, she 'past to France to be brocht up under 
 the feir of God ' ; ^^ but, according to Knox, ' to the end 
 that in hir youth she should drynk of that lycour, that 
 should remane with hir all hir lyfetyme, for a plague to 
 this realme, and for hir finall destructioun." ^^ 
 
 14 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 IN FRANCE AS MAIDEN 
 
 1548-1558 
 
 As Henry the Second was on a progress througK his 
 frontier towns when Mary Stuart arrived in his kingdom, 
 she was, after a short rest, honourably convoyed to St. 
 Germain-en-Laye, where she was enthusiastically wel- 
 comed, and appointed meanwhile to remain with the royal 
 children with whom she was to be educated. A train and 
 household were chosen for her from the lords, ladies, and 
 gentlemen who had accompanied her from Scotland ; but, 
 about two years later, most of them were superseded by 
 Frenchmen.^ In her new home Mary speedily became 
 a favourite. 2 
 
 A few months after her departure from Scotland, 
 Luttrell, the English commander at Broughty Ferry, 
 and Fisher were instructed to confer with Argyll and 
 other Scots nobles regarding her return from France, and 
 her marriage with Edward ^ — a project which the English 
 were loath to relinquish. Nine months later (January 
 1549-50), the Commissioners, appointed by Edward to 
 treat with the French concerning peace, were directed to 
 demand, in recompense for Boulogne, that the treaties 
 
 15 
 
HER MOTHER'S VISIT [chap. 
 
 between Henry the Eighth and the Scots should be ful- 
 filled, and Mary delivered in order that the marriage then 
 covenanted might be performed.* Again, in May 1551, 
 the Marquis of Northampton and the other Commis- 
 sioners to France were ordered to claim the young Queen 
 of Scots in marriage with the King of England ; and, in 
 the event of that being refused, to solicit for him the 
 hand of the Princess Elizabeth, the daughter of the 
 French monarch.^ The application for Mary was declined 
 on the ground that she was affianced to the Dauphin; 
 and in July the marriage with Elizabeth was agreed to.® 
 
 Accompanied by many of the Scots nobles, Mary of 
 Guise sailed, in September 1550, for France.'^ She wished 
 to see her daughter, and eagerly desired to secure for 
 herself the regency of Scotland held by Arran, now 
 Duke of Chatelherault.^ Ere the Prior of Capua left 
 France to fetch her, he provided above a thousand ells 
 of white damask wherewith to apparel the slaves and 
 mariners of his galleys. Great preparations were also 
 made for her reception ; and, a month before her arrival, 
 the flower of the French nobility went to Dieppe to meet 
 her.^ Before the end of September she met her daughter 
 with the French King at Rouen ;^^ and with her accom- 
 panied the French Court from place to place. ^^ The 
 Dowager Queen of Scots was almost worshipped as a 
 goddess ;^2 and Henry, anxious to strengthen his hold 
 of Scotland, ingratiated himself with the nobles in her 
 train.is By the following May, however, the English 
 Ambassador perceived that the whole Court was weary 
 of her, as ' an importunate beggar "* for herself and her 
 
 i6 
 
ii] THE FRENCH COURT 
 
 chosen friends ; that ' the King would fain be rid of her ; 
 and she, as she pretendeth, would fain be gone.'^* While 
 in France she was vexed by various occurrences, and not 
 least by a plot to poison her daughter — a plot which was 
 fortunately discovered and frustrated. ^^ At length, bid- 
 ding her daughter and the French Court farewell, the 
 Dowager visited her widowed mother at Joinville, and 
 afterwards sailed from Rouen.^^ By the 22nd of October 
 she reached Portsmouth ; and in passing through England 
 was kindly received by Edward ,^^ who, it is alleged, 
 pressed her ' in most efFecteous maner ' to persuade the 
 French King to break off the marriage between the 
 Dauphin and her daughter, in order that 'he mycht 
 marie hir, according to the first appointment.'^^ By the 
 end of November 1551, the Queen Dowager was again in 
 Scotland.^^ 
 
 Mary's education was not neglected in France. After 
 making due allowance for the flattery and exaggeration 
 likely to be evoked in such a case, it is evident enough 
 that she neither lacked brains nor assiduity. While 
 her linguistic attainments were above the average, she 
 apparently excelled in music, in needlework, in dancing, 
 and in horsemanship.-^ 
 
 The Court of Henry the Second was distinguished for 
 its learning, its luxury, and its licentiousness. Writers 
 of very different schools have, with wondrous unanimity, 
 denounced its unblushing profligacy .^^ Hence, no doubt, 
 the frequent and persistent attempts to minimise Mary's 
 connection with it; and hence, too, the denial of its 
 influence over her for evil.22 A young and unsuspecting 
 B 17 
 
THE FRENCH COURT [chap. 
 
 girl must have incurred grave danger at least, when 
 thrown into such a vortex of vice,^^ where several of the 
 worst sinners were the friends and protectors she was 
 taught to love and honour. ^^ 
 
 The Cardinal of Lorraine, in writing to the Dowager 
 Queen of Scots, on the 25th of February 1552-3, speaks 
 very highly of her daughter, who, attended by her usual 
 train, was expected at St. Germain with the other lords 
 and ladies. He refers to the advisability of now pro- 
 viding her with an establishment of her own, towards the 
 expense of which he did not expect France to contri- 
 bute. The postscript of the letter is in the Cardinal's 
 autograph, and thus concludes: — 'I forgot not to re- 
 mind her to keep a guard upon her lips, for leally 
 some who are in this Court are so bad in this respect 
 that I am very anxious for her to be separated from 
 them by the forming of an establishment of her own.'^^ 
 It was nearly a year later (9th January 1553-4) be- 
 fore the English Ambassador reported that Mary kept 
 a separate establishment to show that she was of age to 
 govern."^ This new arrangement, however, did not detach 
 her from the Court. Giovanni Capello, the Venetian 
 Ambassador, mentions, on the 30th of June, that Mary, 
 the Dauphin, and the Princess Elizabeth had been 
 sent to Rheims ; and that they were to be followed by 
 Catherine de Medici, who had remained behind because 
 her eldest daughter had been suddenly seized with a 
 slight indisposition. Capello and the English Ambas- 
 sador were also going to Rheims.^'^ It was at this time 
 that Mary there wrote the first four of her Latin Themes^ 
 
 i8 
 
ii] DIANA OF POITIERS 
 
 so carefully edited by Montaiglon. The fifth was written 
 at Compiegne, on the 26th of July ; the sixtieth, at St. 
 Germain, on the 8th of January, 1554-5. This little 
 volume shows that during that period, Mary was travelling 
 with the Court from one royal residence to another. "^^ 
 On the 10th of the following March, the Bishop of Ely 
 and Viscount Montagu, then on their way to Rome, were 
 received in Catherine de Medici's chamber of presence at 
 Fontainebleau, by Catherine herself, her two daughters, 
 and Mary. Next day, Mary very courteously received, in 
 her own chamber of presence, some in the Ambassadors'* 
 train who wished to see her — calling them her country- 
 men.-^ 
 
 The young Queen of Scots was beloved and befriended 
 by Diana of Poitiers, who thus wrote to Mary of Guise : 
 — * As to what concerns the Queen, your daughter, I will 
 exert myself to do her service more than to my own 
 daughter, for she deserves it more.'^^ That Diana 
 showed her much kindness is certified by Mary herself, 
 who, in telling her mother in 1555 of the kindness of 
 her uncles, says : — ' It is incredible how careful they are 
 of me ; I do not say less of Madame de Valentinoys.'^^ 
 Again, in 1557, she writes: — 'You know how I am 
 bound to Madame de Valentinois, to do for her and hers, 
 for the love which more and more she shows to me.'^- 
 
 The French Parliament had presumed to decide that 
 Mary having entered her twelfth year, Scotland should 
 thenceforth be governed in her name, that is, as Teulet 
 explains it, by French delegates.^"^ In a Parliament held 
 at Edinburgh, on the 12th of April 1554, the regency 
 
 19 
 
HER MOTHER'S REGENCY [chap. 
 
 was formally transferred from the Duke of Chatelberault 
 to the Queen Dowager, on whose head — in TCnox'^s 
 opinion — it was as seemly a sight to place a crown 'as 
 to putt a sadill upoun the back of ane unrewly kow/^^ 
 The head of the Papal Hierarchy in Scotland was even 
 more indignant than the plain-spoken Reformer. Arch- 
 bishop Hamilton, however, was moved neither by religion 
 nor by patriotism, but by family ambition; and his anger 
 found vent in language more forcible than Knox's, and 
 much less polite.^^ The Dowager began too soon, as the 
 Bishop of Ross testifies, to follow the counsel of the 
 resident French agents, rather than that of the Scots 
 nobles, who from the first were thus made jealous of 
 her government ^'^ — a government which, instead of bind- 
 ing Scotland, as Henry the Second expected, more 
 closely to France, was destined to be the means of 
 breaking up the old alliance, and of throwing the Scots 
 into the arms of the English. ^^ 
 
 The marriage of Mary and the Dauphin, though agreed 
 on before she left Scotland, did not meet with universal 
 approval in France. On the 30th of December 1550, 
 Sir John ]\Iason, then at Blois, informed the English 
 Council that, among other marriages * muttered ' is that 
 of the Dauphin with the Queen of Scots.^^ From Tours, 
 on the 10th of the following May, he reported that there 
 had been much consultation concerning this marriage; 
 that the Constable and the Chancellor wished it to be 
 deferred ; and that, during the debate, words passed 
 between M. de Guise and the Constable.*^ The French 
 Ambassador at Brussels threatened, in July 1556, that if 
 
 20 
 
ii] THE HANDFASTING 
 
 the King of Spain purposed marrying the Archduke 
 Ferdinand to Elizabeth Tudor, Henry tlie Second would 
 give Mary Stuart — though betrothed to the Dauphin — to 
 Lord Courtenay, to prevent the House of Austria from 
 establishing itself in England. Two months later, Cour- 
 tenay's death in Padua disposed for ever of this threat.^ 
 In the spring of 1558, 'in the gret hall of the palice of 
 the Louver," says Lesley, ' the fianzeillis, utherwyis call it 
 the hand fastinge," of 'the excellent young prince Frances' 
 and Queen Mary — 'ane of the farest, most civile and 
 verteous princes of the hoill world ' — was celebrated by 
 the Cardinal of Lorraine ' with gret solempnitie, triumphe, 
 and banquating.'^^ This was on Tuesday, the 19th of 
 April.^^ Next Monday, one who had been present thus 
 wrote: — 'On the day of the hand -giving, after per- 
 formance of that ceremony, during the first dance, danced 
 by the princes in company with the King, one of the 
 dancers being the King of Navarre, he, in the act of 
 passing before me, whispered in my ear, " Ambassador, 
 thou this day seest the conclusion of a fact which very- 
 few persons credited until now '' : thus confirming what 
 was said to me a few days ago on the same subject by the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine, that the King's chief reason for 
 wishing the marriage to take place was that he might 
 no longer be pestered, whenever the agreement was dis- 
 cussed, with proposals for some other matrimonial alliance ; 
 as now, no one could any longer hope to thwart or im- 
 pede this result, and that they would consequently turn 
 their thoughts to something else ; hinting also at the Con- 
 stable amongst the other opponents of the marriage/^ 
 
 21 
 
HER MARRIAGE [chap. 
 
 Mary was publicly married to the Dauphin on Sabbath, 
 the 24th of April 1558, in the Cathedral of Notre Dame. 
 Lesley refers to the eloquent and learned sermon, the 
 profuse scattering of gold and silver, the 'magnifique 
 solempniteis," the sumptuous dinner, the princely dancing, 
 the continued banqueting, and the marriages then made 
 at Court. *^ Giovanni Michiel mentions that 'these 
 nuptials were really considered the most regal and 
 triumphant of any that have been witnessed in this 
 kingdom for many years' — in respect of the personages 
 assembled, the jewels and apparel, the grandeur of the 
 banquet, the stately service of the table, the costly 
 devices of the masquerades and similar revels. ' Nothing 
 whatever that could possibly be desired was wanting for 
 the embellishment of such a spectacle," he says, 'except 
 jousts and tournaments, which were reserved for a more 
 convenient opportunity, either at the end of the war, 
 or when any agreement shall be made." ' Henceforth,' he 
 adds, ' the Dauphin will no longer be styled simply " the 
 Dauphin,'' but " the King Dauphin " (and thus was he 
 proclaimed by the heralds), and the Queen in like manner 
 will be called " the Queen Dauphiness," the two crowns 
 of France and of Scotland being united in their arms.'^*^ 
 
 The marriage was marked by a transaction of deep 
 duplicity. The Commissioners sent by the Scottish 
 Parliament to France, ' for completing of the mariage of 
 our Soverane Lady with my Lord Dolphin,' were charged 
 with Instructions intended to protect Mary's interests 
 on the one hand, and to safeguard the liberties of her 
 country on the other.^^ Accordingly, for the latter pur- 
 
 22 
 
ii] FRENCH DUPLICITY 
 
 pose, on the 15th of April — nine days before the marriage 
 — she acknowledged, over her own seal and signature, 
 and over those of her curator, the Duke of Guise, that 
 the Scottish Acts, Articles, and Instructions were for the 
 evident advantage of herself and her kingdom ; and she 
 bound herself and her successors, by her ' royal word,' 
 faithfully to observe and keep the laws, liberties, and 
 privileges of Scotland, to all the subjects of that kingdom, 
 as they had been kept by their most illustrious kings.^^ 
 On the 30th of April — six days after the marriage — a 
 similar document was signed by Francis and Mary as 
 ' King and Queen of the Scots, Dauphin and Dauphiness 
 of France/ ^^ On the 26th of June, Francis, as King of the 
 Scots, declared that he not only wished to preserve their 
 prerogatives, immunities, and ancient liberties intact and 
 inviolate ; but also to increase, amplify, and strengthen 
 them.^^ Over and above these documents, Henry and 
 F'rancis promised, in their letters -patent of 19th April 
 1558, that they would maintain the liberties of Scotland ; 
 and that, should Mary die without issue, the nearest heir 
 should succeed to the Scots crown without hindrance.^^ 
 
 Nevertheless, Mary had been induced, on the 4th of 
 April, to sign secretly three documents of a very different 
 kind. In the first of these, in the event of her leavino: 
 no issue, she made over to the King of France, by free 
 gift, the kingdom of Scotland, and all right which she 
 had or might have to the kingdom of England. In the 
 second, with the advice of her uncles — the Cardinal of 
 Lorraine and the Duke of Guise — she made over to the 
 French King, in the like event, the kingdom of Scotland, 
 
 23 
 
FRENCH DUPLICITY [chap. ii. 
 
 until he was repaid a million of money, or such other sum 
 as should be found due for the defence of that country. 
 In the third, she referred to the Scottish intention of 
 assigning her kingdom — in default of heirs of her body — 
 to certain lords of the country, as a depriving her of her 
 liberty of disposing of it ; and protested that, whatever 
 assent or consent she had given or might give to the 
 Articles and Instructions sent by the Estates of her 
 kingdom, she willed that the dispositions made by her in 
 favour of the kings of France should be valid, and have 
 full effect. This last is signed by Francis as well as by 
 jMary.^^ The young Queen — only in her sixteenth year 
 — probably signed these deeds without fully realising 
 their import. If so, her heedlessness gives a rude shock 
 to the panegyrics of those apologists who speak of her 
 precocity as phenomenal.^^ 
 
 24 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 IN FRANCE AS WIFE 
 
 1558-1560 
 
 Mary's marriage -contract not only provided that the 
 Dauphin should have the title of King of Scotland ; but, 
 in accordance with another of its provisions, the Commis- 
 sioners, in name of the Scots Estates, swore allegiance to 
 him during the subsistence of the marriage.^ This, how- 
 ever, was not enough. The Commissioners were asked to 
 endeavour to have the Scottish crown immediately sent 
 to France that the Dauphin might be crowned with it. 
 Their spirited objection led to a softening of the demand 
 into a request for the matrimonial crown.^ The patriot- 
 ism of the Commissioners was — rightly or wrongly — 
 supposed to have some connection with the mysterious 
 malady which effectually prevented four of them from 
 returning to Scotland.^ After the Scots Parliament had, 
 on the 29th of November 1558, signified its satisfaction 
 with the way in which the Commissioners had discharged 
 their duties, the four who had returned declared that 
 Mary wished her Three Estates to consent to her honour- 
 ing her husband, ' the King Dolphine, with the crowne 
 matrimoniale be way of gratificatioun during the manage, 
 
 25 
 
ASSUMES ENGLISH ARMS [chap. 
 
 without ony maner of prejudice to hir Hienes self, the 
 successioun of hir body, or lauchfuU successioun of hir 
 blude quhatsumevir ; and this crowne to be send with 
 twa or thre of the lordis of hir realme ; to the entent 
 that the maist Cristin King and King Dolphine, hir 
 husband, may understand with quhat zele and affectioun 
 hir subjectis ar myndit to observe and recognos hir said 
 spous." The Queen Dowager and Three Estates ' thocht 
 and declarit the said desire gude and ressonabill and 
 consentit thairto during the mariage allanerhe'; and 
 ordained 'A. B. C, or ony of thame, sick as plesis the 
 Quenis Grace to name,'' to go to France ' with the said 
 crowne to the effect foirsaid allanerlie." ^ The crown, 
 however, was never sent.^ 
 
 On the 17th of November 1558 — twelve days before 
 the Scots Parliament agreed to send the crown to France, 
 barely seven months after Mary Stuart married the 
 Dauphin — Mary Tudor died ; ' and in hir place,"* says the 
 Bishop of Ross, ' ane beutifull and verteous princess. 
 Lady Elizabethe, was proclamed Queue of Inglande.** 
 The Bishop goes on to tell how the French King, con- 
 sidering the claims of his daughter-in-law as 'just 
 heritour of the realme of Inglande,' had her publicly 
 proclaimed in Paris as 'Queue of Inglande, Scotlande, 
 and Ireland," and caused her and the Dauphin to assume 
 the English arms.^ When the treaty of Chateau Cam- 
 bresis was being negotiated (February 1558-9) the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine and others said they doubted 
 whether they should treat with any for England, save 
 with the Dauphin and his wife.^ On the 28th of June 
 
 26 
 
Ill] QUEEN OF FRANCE 
 
 1559, two days only before Henry met Montgomery in 
 the fatal tilt, the Dauphin's band, which began the jousts, 
 was preceded by two heralds ' fair set out with the King 
 and Queen Dauphins' arms, with a scutcheon of England 
 set forth to the show, as all the world might easily 
 perceive ; the same being embroidered with purple velvet 
 and set out with armory upon their breasts, backs, and 
 sleeves.'^ Henry succumbed to his wound on the 10th 
 of July ; ^ and by next day Throckmorton was informed 
 that Mary had already written to Scotland that, notwith- 
 standing the malice of her enemies, she was now Queen 
 of France and Scotland, and trusted to be Queen of 
 England too.^^ 
 
 Even in happy France, Mary had her own share of 
 illnesses and troubles. A modern writer, more glowingly 
 than truly, says : — ' There was nothing fragile or hectic 
 about her; the youthful Mary was hardy as a moun- 
 taineer, and she seems as a rule to have enjoyed perfect 
 health.' ^^ Only seven months after her arrival in France, 
 Sir John Luttrell, the English commander at Broughty 
 Ferry, heard that she was dead ; but was soon assured 
 that she was still alive, and had recently recovered from 
 measles. ^^ In the early part of September 1550, she was 
 'so dangerously ill of the prevailing flux that her recovery 
 was doubted.' ^^ About a year later a report reached 
 Augsburg that she was dead.^* In April 1554 the Car- 
 dinal informed her mother that she was troubled with a 
 faintness at the heart ; when, to satisfy her good appetite, 
 she sometimes ate a little too much.^^ She herself has 
 recorded that she had toothache on the 29th of the 
 
 27 
 
HER ILLNESSES [chap. 
 
 following November.^^ In 1556 she had a long illness. 
 On the 14th of August the Venetian Ambassador re- 
 ported that she was ' rather better ' ; but, on the 23rd of 
 September, he said that she had not ' yet recovered her 
 health." ^'^ In November it was stated that she was ' ill 
 of a quartan ague ' ; but, writing from Poissy on the last 
 day of that month, Wotton informed Mary Tudor that 
 she seemed to be meetly well amended and was soon 
 expected at Court.^^ Before her marriage she had another 
 attack of small-pox. By skilful treatment, however, 
 Fernel — Henry's physician — saved her beauty.^^ In 
 March 1558-9, eleven months after her marriage. Sir 
 John Mason wrote to Cecil : — ' The Queen of Scots is very 
 sick, and these men fear she will not long continue. God 
 take her to Him so soon as may please Him.' -^ After 
 seeing her on the 24th of May, Throckmorton wrote : — 
 'Assuredly, sir, the Scottishe Quene, in myne opinion, 
 loketh very ill on it, very pale and grene, and therwith- 
 all short breathed ; and it is whispered here amongs them 
 that she cannot long live.' -^ On the 18th of June she 
 was so ill in church that to prevent her swooning they 
 were fain to bring her wine from the altar. Throck- 
 morton had never seen her look so ill before.^^ Three 
 days later she did swoon.^^ Six days afterwards, writing 
 from London, Bishop Quadra informed Philip that Mary 
 was 'suffering from a certain incurable malady.' ^4 In 
 August her weakness and sickness daily increased. She 
 was ill after her meals, swooned, and had to be revived 
 ' with aqua composita and other things.' ^^ Perhaps, as in 
 her girlhood, her appetite was better than her digestion. 
 
 28 
 
Ill] HER MOTHER'S DEATH 
 
 In September she felt herself well, ' contrary to her wont^ 
 but, on receiving unwelcome news from Scotland, again 
 fell sick.^^ Early in October it was reported in Stras- 
 burg that Francis was suffering from an incurable disease, 
 and that Mary was in a consumption.^'^ In November 
 she felt very ill, and looked very pale ; -^ but, in the same 
 month, declared that she was determined to run the 
 hart, and for that purpose desired English geldings.-^ In 
 December a Scot, named Thomas Stewart, was imprisoned 
 for, among other things, imprudently wishing that Mary 
 was in heaven ; ^^ and next day she had a narrow escape 
 in the hunting-field.^^ When, in April 1560, she heard 
 of the danger her mother was in, and of the risk there 
 was of losing Scotland, she refused to be comforted by 
 her husband, her mother-in-law, or her uncles ; shed 
 most bitter tears incessantly ; and at length, from anguish 
 and sorrow, took to her bed.^^ It was known in France 
 on the 18th of June, that the Queen Dowager of 
 Scotland had died in Edinburgh Castle a week before ; 
 but not until the 28th was the bad news broken to 
 Mary.^^ Giovanni Michiel, the Venetian Ambassador in 
 France, testifies that she ' loved her mother incredibly ' — 
 much more than daughters usually do — and showed such 
 signs of grief that during the greater part of next day 
 ' she passed from one agony to another.' ^^ 
 
 By this time Mary had been Queen of France for nearly 
 a year. When Henry the Second died, she lacked five 
 months of being seventeen, and her puny husband was 
 fully a year younger. ^^ Catherine de Medici — now 
 called la Reine Mere — took the authority, though not the 
 
 29 
 
TREATY OF EDINBURGH [chap. 
 
 name, of Regent ; but the government was really in the 
 liands of Mary's uncles. ^^ Mary, however, was no cipher. 
 Three days after the death of her father-in-law, Throck- 
 morton wrote from Paris : — ' The Quene of Scotland . . , 
 is a great doer here, and taketh all upon her.'^^ Already 
 she had requested the Duchess of Valentinois — now 
 debarred from the Court — ' to make accompt of the French 
 King's cabenet and of all his jewels."* ^^ Mary was Queen 
 of France for barely seventeen months — a short period 
 not devoid of trouble and excitement. The ' conspiracy 
 of Amboise' revealed in some degree the power and pluck 
 of the oppressed Huguenots, as well as their distrust and 
 detestation of the Guises.^^ Nor was the dissatisfaction 
 confined to the persecuted Protestants.^^ 
 
 These internal troubles of France enabled the Scots — 
 with the help of the English *^ — to throw off the tyranny 
 of their old allies and the yoke of the Papacy. The 
 Treaty of Edinburgh — 6th of July 1560 — provided, ijiter 
 alia, that all the French soldiers save six score should 
 leave Scotland ; that neither Francis nor ^lary should 
 order peace or war in Scotland without the advice 
 and consent of the Three Estates ; that the members of 
 Council to be chosen by the Queen should be selected 
 from twenty-four nominated by the Estates ; and that 
 a Parliament should be speedily summoned.*^ On the 
 17th of the following August, this Scottish Parliament 
 ratified a Protestant Coiifession of Faith, and on the 24th 
 not only abolished the Pope's jurisdiction, but prohibited 
 the celebration of mass under pain of death for the third 
 offence. ^3 
 
 30 
 
rii] DEATH OF FRANCIS 
 
 It had been foreseen that the power of !Mary^s nncjes 
 was bound up with hers ; but it became only too patent 
 when Francis ascended the throned* During his brief 
 reign, Mary and her mother-in-law are frequently associated 
 in the contemporary diplomatic correspondence.*^ If 
 at this time the Guises and their royal niece were hated 
 by Catherine de Medici, the wily Florentine veiled her 
 feelmgs/^ 
 
 In the middle of November, 1560, the weather, which 
 had been extremely mild, like that of spring, suddenly 
 became bitterly cold. To this was attributed the last 
 illness of the weakly Francis, who had taken no precau- 
 tions against the change. From the day that he w^as 
 seized, contradictory rumours were rife regarding him. 
 While, on the one hand, it was reported that he had only- 
 taken to his bed to please his mother, whose fears arose 
 from ' too much female tenderness,"' it was alleged on the 
 contrary that his malady was serious, that it was under- 
 rated by those interested, that his constitution was 
 defective, and that according to an astrological pre- 
 diction his life w^ould not exceed eighteen years.*^ His 
 real condition was known to few ; *^ but, three days before 
 the end came, the Venetian Ambassador learned that he 
 could only live a few hours.*^ A little before midnight 
 on Thursday, the 5th of December, poor Francis j)assed 
 away.^^ IMere boy though he was, many were ready to 
 rejoice at his death, few to mourn his premature end. 
 While it was openly hailed by the Huguenots of France 
 and the Protestants of Scotland as a providential deliver- 
 ance from persecution and oppression, it was by others 
 
 31 
 
DEATH OF FRANCIS [chap, hi 
 
 regarded with quiet satisfaction.^^ It was even suspected 
 that his mother had shortened his days ; ^- and sorrowful 
 as Mary appeared at the time,^" it was declared long 
 afterwards, by* one of her staunchest friends, that, as he 
 understood, she was not innocent in the matter.^* 
 
 32 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 IN FRANCE AS WIDOW 
 
 1560-1561 
 
 Mary, ' immediately upon her husband's death,' says 
 Throckmorton, ' changed her lodging,^ withdrew herself 
 from all company, and became so solitary and exempt 
 of all worldliness that she doth not to this day [31st 
 December 1560] see daylight, and so will continue out 
 forty days.' - Her grief may have been as genuine as it 
 seemed acute and crushing ; but, if contemporary rumour 
 was right, 'the thoughts of widowhood at so early an 
 age ' ^ took at once a practical turn. A few hours after 
 she lost her husband, Throckmorton was able to tell 
 what he understood her own feelings to be in the matter 
 — to marry one who could uphold her greatness.* Her 
 alacrity was probably stimulated, if not caused, by the 
 knowledge that the statesmen of so many countries were 
 keenly interested in the matter.^ Before the forty days 
 of mourning were ended, Throckmorton had learned that 
 the Guises were using every effort to marry her to Don 
 Carlos ; and that the King of Navarre and the Constable 
 were doing their utmost for Arran.^ Three days after her 
 period of seclusion had expired, Throckmorton reported 
 c 33 
 
ELIZABETH'S CONDOLENCE [chap. 
 
 that she was presently sending four of her gentlemen 
 to Scotland to obtain the consent of her Estates ' to 
 marry where and whom she lists," notwithstanding the 
 clause to the contrary in her contract with Francis.'^ By 
 the 23rd of February, Bishop Quadra was able to inform 
 Philip that Lady Margaret Lennox was trying to marry 
 her son — the youthful Darnley — to the Queen of Scots, 
 and was not without hope of success.^ It does not appear 
 that IMary's thoughts of another marriage lowered her 
 in Throckmorton''s eyes. On the contrary, several of his 
 statements show that in the early days of her widow- 
 hood she rose greatly in his estimation.^ 
 
 Within two or three days after the forty of mourning 
 were ended, Mary removed two leagues out of Orleans, 
 where she was visited every other day by the King, the 
 Queen-mother, and the Princes of the Court. There, too, 
 the Spanish Ambassador and his wife were very often with 
 her.^*^ Up to this time at least, if her letters-patent are 
 to be trusted, she was still on good terms with her 
 mother-in-law.ii The Court left Orleans on the 3rd of 
 February for Fontainebleau ; ^^ and when Bedford and 
 Throckmorton arrived there on the 16th, Catherine 
 directed the Duke of Guise to conduct them to Mary's 
 chamber, where they found her ' with the Bishop of 
 Amiens and divers other French bishops, and many 
 gentlemen and ladies." Bedford having conveyed Eliza- 
 beth's commendations, letters, and condolence unto her, 
 'she answered, with a very sorrowful look and speech, 
 that she thanked the Queen for her gentleness in com- 
 forting her woe when she had most need of it ; and con- 
 
 34 
 
iv] LEAVES THE FRENCH COURT 
 
 sidering that the Queen now shows the part of a good 
 sister, whereof she has great need, she will endeavour to 
 be even with her in goodwill ; and though she be not so 
 able as another, yet she trusts that the Queen will take 
 her goodwill in good part/^^ Bedford and Throck- 
 morton had interviews with Mary again on the 18th and 
 19th, when they desired her to ratify the Treaty of Edin- 
 burgh. It was in vain, however, that they reiterated and 
 pressed this desire. No doubt the Duke of Guise was at 
 hand ; but she had not the Cardinal of Lorraine, nor any 
 of her Scots nobles to advise with, and on this plea she 
 firmly, though courteously, declined.^* She did not leave 
 the Court quite so soon after this as she had intended ; and 
 for her 'stay' the Earl of Bedford took credit. ^^ Not 
 until after the middle of March did she quit Fontaine- 
 bleau ; ^^ and scarcely had she left ere an Ambassador 
 from Denmark arrived with a proposal to marry her to 
 his King.^^ Reaching Paris on the 20th, she spent a day 
 there examining her robes and jewels,^^ and then, accom- 
 panied by the Archbishop of Glasgow, the Abbot of 
 Dunfermline, and D'Oysel, she ' took her way straight 
 towards Rheims.' ^^ On arriving there, on the 26th of 
 March, she was received by her uncles — the Cardinals of 
 Lon-aine and Guise, the Duke D'Aumale, and the Mar- 
 quis D'Elboeuf — and her grandmother, the old Duchess 
 of Guise. There, too, was the Duchess of Arschot, who 
 had come eight days before on purpose to meet the young 
 widow — an indication to Throckmorton that there might 
 be something on hand for the Prince of Orange, as the 
 Duchess was his sister.-^ For Mary's hand, rumour was 
 
 35 
 
SCOTTISH ADVICE [chap. 
 
 industriously supplying other candidates, likely and un- 
 likely. Failing Arran — whom it was said she had 
 definitely resolved to reject — many of the Scots preferred 
 the reputedly ' wise and virtuous ' King of Sweden to 
 the ' dissolute and insolent ' King of Denmark, albeit a 
 Protestant."^ There were, besides, the Prince of Spain,^^ 
 the Duke of Ferrara,^^ and the Emperor's sons — Charles 
 and Ferdinand.^* If Mary and her uncles were anxious 
 to select the one who could best uphold her greatness, 
 her mother-in-law and Elizabeth Tudor were as anxious 
 to checkmate her, should the future interests of their 
 respective countries appear to be imperilled. ^'^ 
 
 In April, Mary was on her way from Rheims to Nancy 
 in Lorraine, when she was waited on by two repre- 
 sentative Scots — John Lesley, afterwards Bishop of Ross ; 
 and the Lord James, afterwards the Regent Murray. By 
 Lesley's own account, he first met her at Vitry on the 
 14th, while the Lord James only overtook her next day 
 at St. Dizier, or, as Lesley's translator quaintly renders it, 
 'the toune of haly desyre.'^^ From these chosen repre- 
 sentatives of the old Church party and of the Protestant, 
 she received very different counsel. The burden of 
 Lesley's advice — backed up by the strongest arguments 
 he could urge — was that she should beware of the Lord 
 James, who was attacking the Catholic religion in every 
 way with the intention of utterly overthrowing it, and 
 had even cast his eye on her crown. She ought either to 
 detain him in France until she had personally ordered 
 matters in Scotland ; or she should land at Aberdeen, 
 where her Catholic nobles would meet her, and with twenty 
 
 36 
 
iv] IN LORRAINE 
 
 thousand men convoy her to Edinburgh. ^^ Dalrymple 
 makes Lesley assure Mary that they expected her, when 
 she returned to Scotland, to ' ouerschadwe ^ them 'with 
 her presence'; and, like a new-risen sun, 'to skail and 
 skattir the cloudis of al tumulte schortlie fra the myndes 
 of her subjectes/"^ Lesley's diplomacy and representa- 
 tions, however, were practically fruitless. If the Lord 
 James, by his apparent frankness and sincerity, did not 
 win her entire confidence, she resolved at least to follow 
 his advice on some points, and to recognise the Protestant 
 party for a time.^^ In connection with this episode, 
 much abuse — as virulent as unmerited — has been showered 
 upon the Lord James.^^ 
 
 Three of Mary's uncles — the Cardinals of Lorraine and 
 Guise, and the Duke D'Aumale — accompanied her to 
 Nancy ;^^ and he who was afterwards to prove her evil- 
 genius is said to have been also in her train, but the 
 evidence for this is not satisfactory. ^^ On the borders 
 of Lorraine, she was received by Christina of Denmark, 
 niece of Charles the Fifth, and by her son Charles, the 
 young Duke of Lorraine, who, with ' ane honorabill c-om- 
 panye,' convoyed her to Nancy, ' his principall citye and 
 strenth.' For her entry, ' ane magnifi que triumphe' had 
 been made ; the cannons on the city walls were dis- 
 charged ; and by her sister-in-law, the young Duchess of 
 Lorraine, she was heartily welcomed.^ Various reasons 
 have been assigned for this lengthened journey — to avoid 
 her mother-in-law,^^ to see her kinsfolk and friends,^^ to 
 enjoy that quiet rest which could only be found in a 
 community of religious women ,^^ to attend the baptism of 
 
 37 
 
REJOINS THE FRENCH COURT [chap. 
 
 De Vaudemont's young child,^^ to lament the death of 
 her mother and husband,^^ and to arrange for another 
 marriage.^^ In Nancy her time was spent pleasantly 
 enough, for there she ' was weill intertenit, sumtymes in 
 hunting on the feildis, and uther quhills seing and be- 
 halding plesant farces and playes, and using all kinde of 
 honorabill pastymes within the palice."'^^ Despite the 
 farces and festivities, Mary was seized with a tertian 
 fever, of which when her grandmother heard she hastened 
 to her, and by easy stages took her back to Joinville,^^ 
 which she was unable to leave until the latter part of 
 May, when she went to Rheims, but not in time for the 
 coronation of Charles the Ninth. ^^ Not until the 10th 
 of June did she arrive in Paris, there receiving an 
 honourable welcome from the King, his mother, and the 
 nobles.^^ 
 
 In vain had Throckmorton sent Somer to Nancy after 
 Mary in April, in vain had he sent him to Rheims in 
 May.'^* Now that she was within his own reach, he lost 
 little time in waiting upon her — hopeless as the object 
 seemed*^ — again to demand the ratification of the Treaty of 
 Edinburgh. When he had audience, on the 18th of June, 
 she told him that she was not yet in perfect health ; but 
 it was quite apparent that she had all her wits about her. 
 With becoming candour she informed him that she meant 
 to delay her resolute answer until she had the advice 
 of the Estates and nobles of her own realm ; that she 
 intended going there very shortly, embarking at Calais ;^^ 
 that she was to send D'Oysel^^ to Elizabeth, with a 
 message which she trusted would satisfy her, and to 
 
 38 
 
iv] THROCKMORTON'S INTERVIEWS 
 
 require of her those favours that princes use to do in 
 such cases. Beyond this she would not commit herself, 
 though she assured him that she was desirous of amity 
 with Elizabeth. In the course of this conversation, she 
 declared that she did not intend to constrain any of her 
 subjects in matters of religion, and hoped that his Queen 
 would not help them to constrain her.^^ When D'Oysel 
 reached the English Court he was promptly, if not 
 angrily, informed by Elizabeth that she would not grant 
 Mary a safe-conduct unless she ratified the Treaty of 
 Edinburgh ; and he was requested — instead of proceeding 
 to Scotland — to go back to France with this message.^^ 
 Keen as Elizabeth had been, and still was, to secure the 
 ratification, this refusal of a passport was no mere device 
 on her part to extort the reluctant approval of a 
 document which might weaken Mary's claim to the 
 English crown. Elizabeth and her Council had thought 
 — as did Throckmorton and the Lord James — that Mary 
 should be encouraged to return to her own countrv, in 
 the interests of England as well as of Scotland ;^^ but 
 now they found, or thought they found, that the prospect 
 of her speedy return was exciting such feelings beyond 
 the Tweed that her stay in France should, if possible, be 
 prolonged. ^^ 
 
 Meanwhile, Mary had had another attack of tertian 
 fever at the French Court ; and when Throckmorton saw 
 her there, on the 9th of July, he perceived that it had 
 ' somewhat appaired her cheer,' though she made ' no 
 great matter of it, the worst being past.' He also per- 
 ceived that she was very desirous of her safe-conduct. 
 
 39 
 
THROCKMORTON'S INTERVIEWS [chap. 
 
 ' She prayed him as soon as he had word of it to advertise 
 her, and said that her going would be about the begin- 
 ning of August.'^^ He understood she was to go by 
 Fecamp, 'to make her mothers funeral, and from thence 
 to Calais to embark." ^^ It was eight days later before 
 Throckmorton received Elizabeth's reply; and Mary, 
 who was at Dampierre with her uncles, appointed him an 
 audience on the 20th at St. Germain.^* For this audience, 
 as for previous ones, she was doubtless well primed by the 
 Guises.^^ Throckmorton found that as usual she was 
 prompt and sagacious, courteous but inflexible. She 
 regretted that she had asked a passport which she did 
 not require. Had she not reached France in safety 
 despite the attempt of the late King^^ of England to 
 intercept her? and she might have as good means to 
 help her home again. It was useless of Elizabeth to say 
 that if she ratified the Treaty she would not only get a 
 free passage, but would be welcome to pass through 
 England. How could she ratify it at present ? She was 
 bound neither in honour nor conscience to perform what 
 her late husband had commanded. Since his death the 
 French Council had ceased to advise her, and her uncles^^ 
 were standing aside. Elizabeth herself had said that she 
 ought rather to follow the counsel of her own realm ; 
 and now when she wished to hasten home, that the 
 matter might be so answered, the Queen of England tried 
 to prevent her. She, the Queen of Scots, had never done 
 Elizabeth wrong in word or deed, nor meant her harm ; 
 and did not ' practise' with her subjects, though some of 
 them were ' inclined enough to hear ofl'ers.' As for the 
 
 40 
 
iv] THE SAFE-CONDUCT 
 
 assumption of the English arms and title, that was done 
 by the order of her husband and father-in-law ; and 
 since tlieir death she had neither borne the arms nor 
 used the title. ^^ 
 
 Next day, Catherine de Medici informed Throckmorton 
 that she not only approved of Mary's decision regarding 
 the ratification ; but that both she and the King, her 
 son, were sorry that Elizabeth had refused the safe- 
 conduct ; and hinted that such a refusal might prove a 
 cause of war. On the same day, after seeing the King of 
 Navarre and the Constable, Throckmorton repaired again 
 to Mary — professedly to take his leave of her — in reality 
 that he ' might the better decypher ' whether she meant 
 'to continue her voyage.' She frankly addressed him 
 thus: — 'Monsieur rjmbassadour, if my preparations 
 were not so much advanced as they are, perad venture 
 the Queen your Mistriss's unkindness might stay my 
 voyage ; but now I am determined to adventure the 
 matter, whatsoever come of it : I trust the wind will be 
 so favourable as I shall not need to come on the coast of 
 England ; and if I do, then, Monsieur VAmbassadour, 
 the Queen your Mistriss, shall have me in her hands to do 
 her will of me ; and if she be so hard-hearted as to desire 
 my end, she may then do her pleasure, and make sacrifice 
 of me ; perad venture that casualty might be better for 
 me than to live : in this matter God's will be ful- 
 filled.'^'^ 
 
 It was on the 25th of July that Mary left St. Germain, 
 taking ' hir leif of the King, Queue, and hoill nobilitie, 
 with gret honour, favorabill and loving interteinment, 
 
 41 
 
EMBARKS AT CALAIS [chap. 
 
 and most frendlie amyte.'^^ There was still some 
 mystery as to the port from which she would sail. 
 Some indeed thought that even yet she would not go 
 at all, though ' all her stuff' was ' sent down to the sea.** 
 It was deemed probable that she would go to Calais, 
 ' there to hover and hearken ' ; and, according to Eliza- 
 beth's doings, go or stay.^^ On the 3rd of August, she 
 was yet at Beauvais waiting the return of one of Navarre's 
 secretaries who had been sent to England. ^^ As she 
 wished to see Throckmorton again, he followed her to 
 Abbeville, where he found her on the 7th ; and there he 
 again took his leave of her next afternoon, after which 
 ' she rode five leagues ' in the evening^^ to the abbey of 
 Forest Monstrier. She had determined to send the Lord 
 of St. Colms and Arthur Erskine to Elizabeth, as she 
 meant to take nothing unkindly at her hands, and was 
 content to ' redoubbe ' and amend past faults.^* It was 
 suspected that there was a trick in this final appeal, and 
 that she intended to embark without awaiting Elizabeth's 
 response. ^^ If a device, it was successful; the safe- 
 conduct was at length obtained, but Mary had sailed 
 without it.^^ In the hurry and anxiety of departure, she 
 had forgotten to give Throckmorton a parting present ; 
 but hers was no niggardly nature, and the temporary 
 oversight was speedily and amply atoned for.^^ 
 
 Of her six uncles who had accompanied her to Calais,*^ 
 three — the Duke D'Aumale, the Grand Prior, and the 
 Marquis D'Elboeuf — embarked with her for Scotland, as 
 did also ' many ladies and gentillwomen, speciale the four 
 maidis of honour quha passit with hir Llienes in France, 
 
 42 
 
iv] ARRIVES AT LEITH 
 
 of liir awin aige, bering the name everie ane of Marie/^^ 
 About noon on Thursday, the 14th of August, one of 
 Throckmorton's servants saw her galleys and ships leaving 
 Calais. ^^ ' Fra thaf — says Lesley, who was with her — 
 ' making saill, and rowing throw the seys with prosperous 
 weddir, hot allwayis (as God wald haif it) covered with 
 mist all the way,''^ so that the Queue of Inglandis shippis, 
 quha was awating upoun that pray, culd nevir gett sicht 
 of the gallayis quhill thay war past the coist of Ingland,''- 
 and happely arrivit in the raid of Leith with all hir 
 Majesteis cumpanye/^^ 
 
 Though the real author of the touching lines, be- 
 ginning 
 
 'Adieu, plaisant pays de France/ 
 
 has been frequently pointed out,^* they are still per- 
 sistently attributed to Mary by those who ought to know 
 betterJ^ 
 
 43 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 IN SCOTLAND HER RECEPTION, RELIGION, AND PEOPLE 
 
 1561 
 
 On Tuesday morning, the 19th of August,^ Mary arrived 
 in Leith Road. She landed in the forenoon, and, after 
 resting a short time in ' Andro Lambis hous," ^ was con- 
 voyed to Holyrood Palace.^ She had not been expected 
 so soon,"* but the cannons of the galleys soon brought out 
 crowds of people, and the enthusiasm of her reception is 
 vouched for by writers of all shades.^ The staid Scots 
 did not confine their expressions of welcome to crowding 
 and gazing. ' Fyres of joy,' says Knox, ' war sett furth 
 all nyght, and a cumpany of the most honest, with instru- 
 mentis of musick, and with musitians, geve thair saluta- 
 tionis at hir chalmer wyndo. The melody (as sche 
 alledged) lyked hir weill ; and sche willed the same to 
 be contineued some nightis after.' ^ If Mary appreciated 
 the melody, the gay Brantome, who had come in her 
 train, certainly did not. He complains bitterly that, 
 when she wished to go to bed in the evening, five or six 
 hundred knaves of the town came under her window, 
 with wretched fiddles and small rebecs,^ and sung psalms 
 so badly and out of tune that nothing could be worse.^ 
 
 44 
 
CHAP, v] ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION 
 
 Not content with bonfires and music as expressions of 
 their joy, the Magistrates and Town Council of Edin- 
 burgh, with the deacons of the crafts, entertained the 
 Queen's uncles to a banquet, on Sabbath, the last day of 
 August. They also gave her an enthusiastic reception at 
 her entry into the city on Tuesday, the 2nd of September.^ 
 After dining in the Castle at mid-day, she rode down the 
 Castle Hill, where she was met by a convoy of fifty young 
 townsmen disguised as Moors, their bodies and thighs 
 covered with ' yeallow taffateis," their arms bare and 
 blackened, as were also their legs from the knees down- 
 wards, black hats on their heads, ' blak visouris ' on their 
 faces, rings garnished with ' intellable precious staneis ' in 
 their mouths, and chains of gold round their necks, arms, 
 and legs. A pall of ' fyne purpour velvet lynit with reid 
 taffateis, freinyiet with gold and silk,"* was carried over 
 her head by a band of ' the maist honest men of the 
 toun, cled in velvot gownis and velvot bonettis.' A cart 
 followed with ' certane bairnes ' and a cofi'er containino; 
 ' the copburd and propyne ' for her Grace. Preceded by 
 the nobles' and mock floors she reached the Butter Tron, 
 where, on a temporary wooden gateway, ' certane barneis "* 
 sung 'in the maist hevinlie wyis'; and, as she passed 
 through this painted port, a cloud opened from which 
 ' ane bony barne . . . discendit doun as it had bene ane 
 angell, and deliverit to hir Hienes the keyis of the toun, 
 togidder with ane Bybill and ane Psalme Buik coverit 
 with fyne purpourit velvot.'^^ On a double stage at the 
 Tolbooth were four fair virgins, ' in maist precious attyre- 
 ment," representing the virtues. At the Cross there were 
 
 45 
 
THE EDINBURGH PROPYNE [chap. 
 
 other ' four fair virgynnis cled in maist hevenlie clething/ 
 and from the spouts of the Cross itself wine ran in 
 abundance. At the Salt Tron, Korah, Dathan, and 
 Abiram were burned on a scaffold ; ^^ and at the Nether 
 Bow a dragon suffered the same fate. Besides the loud 
 hum of the great crowd, sounds of many kinds greeted 
 Mary's ears in her triumphal procession. As she left the 
 Castle ' the artailyerie schot vehementlie,** at various stages 
 there were speeches, recitations, and psalm -singing, at 
 the Cross there was ' the noyiss of pepill casting the 
 glassis with wine." Having at length reached Holy- 
 rood ,^^ ' the bairneis, quhilk was in the cairt with the 
 propyne, maid some speitche concernyng the putting 
 away of the mess"; and the honest men desired her to 
 receive the 'copeburd quhilk wes double ourgilt." She 
 returned thanks for the gift, which had cost the donors 
 two thousand merks, ' and sua the honest men and con- 
 voy ' returned to Edinburgh.^^ 
 
 This display of Edinburgh enthusiasm was not rendered 
 less remarkable by the unpremeditated outburst by which 
 it was preceded. As a contemporary chronicler has it, the 
 Lords of the Congregation were 'grittumlie annoyit' at 
 Mary's causing mass to be said in the chapel of Holyrood 
 House,^^ on the first Sabbath after her arrival. Until 
 that morning there was, says Knox, nothing save ' myrth 
 and quyetness ' ; but the ominous preparations pierced 
 the hearts and loosened the tongues of the faithful, who 
 exclaimed : — ' Shall that idoll be suffered agane to tack 
 place within this realm ? It shall not ! ' The Master of 
 Lindsay, the Fife gentlemen, and others cried out in the 
 
 46 
 
v] HER FIRST xMASS 
 
 court-yard, that the idolatrous priest should die the death. 
 The servant who carried in the candles was 'evill efFrayed"; 
 and no wonder, for one in the crowd seized and broke the 
 candles, or, as one writer says, pulled them and some 
 other altar ornaments from the bearer, ' and trode them 
 in the myre." No Frenchman or Papist ventured a 
 whisper in defence of the service ; but the Lord James 
 — Mvhom all the godlye did most reverence' — took 
 charge of the chapel door, and kept the vehement Pro- 
 testants outside. There were few inside with her Majesty 
 save her uncles and her household ; yet the English Am- 
 bassador reported that the French priest who officiated 
 was almost overcome with nervous fear, ' when he had 
 his god at the highest.' After the service, he was, to 
 the scandal of Knox, convoyed to his chamber by two 
 Protestants — the Lord John and the Lord Robert, the 
 respective commendators of Coldingham and Holy rood, 
 the Queen's natural brothers. In the afternoon great 
 companies of the people went to the Abbey, and made it 
 known that they could not abide the re-introduction of 
 the mass.^^ 
 
 This comedy occurred on St. Bartholomew's day, eleven 
 years before the tragedy which has for ever rendered that 
 day memorable. The results of this Scottish St. Bar- 
 tholomew's — when royal wax-candles were sacrificed un- 
 canonically — were immediately apparent. Next day, 25th 
 August, Mary issued a Proclamation declaring that she 
 intended, as soon as convenient, with the advice of her 
 Estates to take a final order, which she hoped would 
 content all, for pacifying the differences in religion ; 
 
 47 
 
PROCLAMATION OF 25th AUGUST [chap. 
 
 and meanwhile, to prevent tumult or sedition, charging 
 her lieges * that nane of thame tak upoun hand, privatlie 
 or oppinlie, to mak ony alteratioun or innovatioun of the 
 state of religioun, or attempt ony thing aganis the forme, 
 quhilk hir Majestie fand publict and universalie standing 
 at hir Majesteis arrivall in this hir realme, under the 
 pane of deid ' ; and further commanding, by advice of 
 her Privy Council, ' that nane of thame tak upoun hand 
 to molest or trouble ony of hir domestic servandis or 
 personis quhatsumevir, cumit furth of France in hir 
 Grace's cumpany at this tyme, in word, ded, or counten- 
 ance, for ony cause quhatsumevir, either within hir 
 Palice or outwith . . . under the said pane of deid.'^*^ 
 When this Proclamation was first made at Edinburgh, 
 Arran publicly protested against the Queen's servants 
 being allowed under its shelter, to say, participate in, 
 or defend the mass, any more than if they had com- 
 mitted murder, ' seing the ane is mekle mair abhomin- 
 able and odiouse in the syght of God then is the other.' ^^ 
 Despite the vigour of Arran's protest, Mary re-issued this 
 Proclamation on various occasions, and on the 23rd of 
 May 1567 — eight days after her marriage with Bothwell, 
 'hir derrest husband'— she refers to it as having, more 
 than anything, nourished the public quietness and kept 
 her subjects in due obedience.^^ 
 
 Indignant as the Lords of the Congregation were at 
 Mary's first mass, her blandishments soon took the ' fyre- 
 edge ' off their zeal ; there being about her, as the godly 
 Kinyeancleuch supposed, 'some inchantment whareby 
 men ar bewitched.' Next Sabbath, Knox, ' inveighing 
 
 48 
 
v] INTERVIEW WITH KNOX 
 
 against idolatrie,' said ' that one messe (thair war no mo 
 suffered at the first) was more fearful to him then gif ten 
 thousand armed enemyes war landed in any pairte of 
 the realme, of purpose to suppress the hoill religioun/ 
 But those who were then guiding the Court mocked his 
 fear as unfounded, and his warning as ' a verray un- 
 tymelie admonitioun.'^^ Before Mary left PVance, Throck- 
 morton understood that she regarded Knox as the most 
 dangerous man in her realm, and that she was determined 
 to banish him, or else assure her people that she would 
 not dwell in the country while he was there. "^ Now she 
 sent for the uncompromising Reformer, and he has pre- 
 served a graphic account of this their first inter view. ^i 
 With him there was no toleration of evil ; no dubiety as 
 to ' the Quenis Kirk ' being ' that Bomane harlot ' ; no 
 hesitation as to the right of the people to deprive their 
 princes of the sword, when in blind zeal they would 
 murder God's children. ^^ With her it was a grievous 
 fault that he had taught the people a religion the princes 
 could not allow ; nor could that religion be of God, 
 seeing He commands subjects to obey their princes. 
 With her there was no doubt as to the Kirk she ought 
 to nourish — not that of Knox, but that of Rome — as 
 ' the treu Kirk of God." In this first encounter with 
 Knox, Mary learned something of the difficulties which 
 stood in her way. He too formed an opinion of her 
 — an opinion which he never relincjuished — ' If thair be . 
 not in hir a proud mynd, a crafty witt, and ane indurat 
 hearte against God and his treuth, my judgment faileth 
 me/ "^ For his outspoken faithfulness at this and sub- 
 D 49 
 
KNOX'S INFLUENCE [chap. 
 
 sequent interviews, the Reformer has been bitterly blamed 
 on the one hand, and highly extolled on the other. 2* 
 There are learned men and cultured women who fail to 
 find that rude insolence on his part with which he has 
 been so often charged.-^ 
 
 It was at this time that Randolph assured Cecil that 
 the voice of Knox was able in one hour to put more life 
 in them than five hundred trumpets continually bluster- 
 ing in their ears.^^ And yet, with all his sternness and 
 remorseless logic, so anxious was he for the public peace, 
 so loth to oflend the leaders of whom he had formed 
 a good opinion, that, instead of encouraging the zealous 
 ' to put thair handis to the Lordis work," he endeavoured 
 ' to slokin "* in them ' that fervencye that God had 
 kyndled.'^^ Within a few weeks he was accusing him- 
 self that he ' did not mor zelouslie gainstand that idol 
 at the first erecting"; 28 and afterwards he acknowledged 
 that in this he had ' done most wickedlie."^^ The cause 
 of Knox's self-reproach show^s the sincerity and intensity 
 of his convictions. Though he had privately advised 
 earnest and zealous men to refrain from forcibly 
 opposing the celebration of mass, he had never ceased 
 to witness against and denounce the rite both in private 
 and in public. Had he not at his first interview with 
 Mary — a week after her arrival ^*^ — characterised it as 
 ' an abominatioun befoir God ' ? Had he not condemned 
 it next Sabbath from the pulpit with all that vehemency 
 of language of which he was such a master ? 
 
 On the 8th of September, a doctor of the Sorbonne 
 preaching before Mary ' spoke more good words of the 
 
 50 
 
vj HER FIRST PROGRESS 
 
 mass than it was worth ' ; ^^ but, if the echo of his words 
 was heard beyond the walls of Mary's chapel, it did not 
 render his contention palatable. The Act and Procla- 
 mation of the 25th of August had been penned and put 
 in form by Protestants ; ' for,' says Knox, ' in the Coun- 
 sall then had Papistis neather power nor vote/^^ The 
 Lords had thus shown themselves amenable to her in- 
 fluence; but the municipal rulers of Edinburgh had, 
 eight days afterwards, mingled with the display of their 
 enthusiastic loyalty to her unmistakable demonstrations 
 of their hostility to her religion. Soon she was to witness 
 demonstrations of a somewhat similar kind in other 
 Scottish towns ; soon to have fresh proof of the influence 
 of Knox's doctrine in her metropolis. 
 
 After spending three weeks in Holyrood she set out 
 for Linlithgow,^^ which two days later she left for 
 Stirling, where she narrowly escaped being smothered in 
 bed — a lighted candle having set the curtains and tester 
 on fire while she was asleep.^* Short as was her stay in 
 Stirling it was marked by another incident. On Sabbath 
 the 14th of September her 'devout chaplains' intended to 
 sing high mass in the Chapel-Royal : but ' the Earl of 
 Argile and the Lord James so disturbed the quire, that 
 some, both priests and clerks, left their places with 
 broken heads and bloody ears. It was a sport alone for 
 some that were there to behold it. Others there were 
 that shed a tear or two, and made no more of the 
 matter.'^ At Perth 'thair wes ane honourable entrie 
 maid to hir.' But although ' she was well received and 
 presented with a heart of gold full of gold,' yet * she liked 
 
 51 
 
PROTESTANT INTOLERANCE [chap. 
 
 nothing the pageants there ; they did too plainly con- 
 demn the errors of the world. As she rode in the street 
 she fell sick, and was borne from her horse into her 
 lodging, not being far off, with such sudden passions as 
 . . . she is often troubled with after any great unkind- 
 ness or grief of mind.'^^ From Perth she went to 
 Dundee, ' quhair she was honourablie ressavit,'' and pre- 
 sented with a ' princely propyne/ There, however, she 
 appears to have been offended by the insanitary condition 
 of the town ; for ' when the council met a few days 
 afterwards, their first business was to promulgate an 
 imperative edict against the middens, and to order the 
 officers to inspect them daily under heavy penalties." ^^ 
 When in St. Andrews, on Sabbath, the 21st of September, 
 there seems to have been a religious squabble of some 
 kind, for a rumour reached Edinburgh that a priest had 
 been slain.^^ All these towns, says Knox, ' sche polluted 
 with hir idolatrie.'' ^^ 
 
 By the end of September the Queen was back in Holy- 
 rood. ' She hath beene in hir progresse, and hath con- 
 sidered the mindes of the people for the most part to be 
 repugnant to her devilish opinioun ; and yitt in her 
 appeareth no amendement, but an obstinat proceeding 
 frome evill to worse." ^^ So Knox wrote on Thursday, 
 the 2nd of October. That very day the magistrates, 
 town council, and deacons of crafts took a step at which, 
 in the words of a contemporary, * the Quenis Grace 
 was verry commovit." '^^ They re-issued a Proclamation, 
 which they had made in her name six months before 
 — 'chargeing all monkis, freris, preistis, nonnys, adul- 
 
 52 
 
vj MARY RETALIATES 
 
 teraris, fornicatouris, and all sic filthy personis to remove 
 thameselffis of this toun and boundis thairof within xxiiij 
 houris, under the pane of carting throuch the toun, 
 byrning on the cheik, and banessing the samyn for evir/ 
 The Queen showed how ' verry commovit "* she was by 
 promptly sending a macer to the Town Council, with her 
 written order ' to convene incontinent,** to deprive the 
 provost and bailies of their office, and to choose others 
 in their room.^^ A counter Proclamation was made that 
 the town should be patent to all the Queen's lieges. 
 ' And so," says the relentless Knox, ' murtheraris, adul- 
 teraris, theavis, hooris, drunkardis, idolateris, and all 
 malefactouris, gatt protectioun under the Quenis wyngis, 
 under that cullour, becaus thai war of hir religion. And 
 so gatt the Devill fredome agane, whair that befoir he 
 durst nott have bene sene in the day-lyght upoun the 
 commoun streatis." ^^ 
 
 Mary might depose her magistrates, she might order 
 them into ward, she miglrt throw open her city-gates to 
 all her lieges, but she could not overcome the repugnance 
 of her people to the central rite of her church. A few 
 days later Randolph writes : — ' Iler masse is terrible in 
 all mens eyes.'^^ On All Hallow day (1st of November) 
 she had ' a songe masse.' That night one of her priests 
 was rewarded with a sound beating by one of Lord 
 Robert's servants.^^ The ' myscheivous solempnitie ' of 
 this celebration — apparently her first high mass — so 
 roused the preachers that the nobles were ' sufficientlie 
 admonished of thair dewiteis," duties which they were 
 loth to lay to heart. A meeting of the leaders of 
 
 53 
 
HATRED OF THE MASS [chap. 
 
 Church and State was held in the house of the Clerk 
 Register to consider the question — Whether subjects 
 might suppress the idolatry of their Prince. In the 
 midsummer of 1564 the same practical question was to 
 be ao;ain discussed, and aMn the discussion was to 
 prove abortive. While the statesmen contended that the 
 Queen's subjects could neither take the mass from her 
 nor punish her as an idolatress, they were apparently at one 
 with the preachers as to the idolatry of the mass itself.^^ 
 This national abhorrence of the mass was manifested not 
 only in the Acts of Parliament, in the Proclamations of 
 the magistrates,^^ in the declamations of the preachers, 
 but in the phraseology of the lawyers,^^ and in the 
 popular ballads of the people. The sarcasm of the latter 
 was bitinoj enouo^h : — 
 
 'Give"* God was maid of bittis of breid, 
 
 Eit ye nocht oukliet sax or sevin. 
 As it had bene ane mortall feid^| 
 
 Quhill§ ye had almaist heryit Hevin.^ 
 Als mony Devillis ye man devoir,|| 
 
 Quhill Hell grow les. 
 Or doutles we dar nocht restoir 
 
 Yow to your Mes. 
 
 * Give God be transubstantiall 
 
 In breid with Hoc est corpus meum, 
 Quhy war ye sa unnaturall 
 
 As tak him in your teith, and sla him ? 
 Tripairtit and devydit him 
 
 At your dum dress ; 
 Bot God knawis how ye gydit him, 
 
 Mumling- your Mes.'*^ 
 
 * If. t Weekly. % Feud. § Till. || Must devour. 
 
 54 
 
v] THE QUEEN'S AIM 
 
 Before setting out for France to see his widowed Queen 
 and sister, the Lord James had been warned that if he 
 agreed to her having the mass, either publicly or privately 
 in Scotland, he would thereby betray the cause of God 
 and expose religion to the utmost danger. He declared 
 that he would never consent to her having it publicly ; 
 but who, he asked, could hinder her from having it 
 secretly in her own chamber. ^^ On the Lord James 
 and on Lethington, Knox laid the chief responsibility 
 of tolerating the Queen's mass.^^ That the Act and 
 Proclamation of 25th August might be passed, it had 
 been urged upon recalcitrants that she should be so far 
 humoured for a little, in the hope that by and by she 
 would be won to Protestantism ^^ — a hope which some 
 continued to entertain for a considerable time.^^ Knox, 
 however, was not deceived. As he put it, the Cardinal 
 of Lorraine's lessons were so deeply imprinted on her 
 heart that the substance and the quality were like to 
 perish together ; ^* or, as the most picturesque of modern 
 historians has it, she returned to her country ' to throw 
 herself alone into the midst of the most turbulent people 
 in Europe, ... to use her charms as a spell to win them 
 back to the Catholic church, . . . prepared to wait, to 
 control herself, to hide her purpose till the moment came 
 to strike ; yet with a purpose resolutely formed to 
 trample down the Reformation.'^^ This view has been 
 laboriously, though unsuccessfully, contested ^^ by one 
 who has hazarded the reckless opinion that Mary was 
 deterred from becoming a Protestant by Knox's narrow- 
 ness, superstition, and fierce intolerance.^^ In returning 
 
 55 
 
MARY'S INFLUENCE [chap. 
 
 to Scotland, her contemporary co-religionists gave her 
 full credit for at least desiring to restore the old faith. ^^ 
 And, if she herself is to be believed, she never thought of 
 becoming a Protestant, but steadily aimed at the recovery 
 of her people from ' the new opinions and damnable 
 errors'* into which they had plunged. ^^ 
 
 Before Mary"'s return, a ' knawin messe-mongare or 
 pestilent Papist' durst not publicly show himself in any 
 reformed town in Scotland.^^ If for the relaxation of 
 such stringent Protestantism, Knox rates the nobles as 
 backsliders, Lesley, on the other hand, praises these 
 heretics for their clemency, saying that, 'at that time 
 they exiled few Catholics on the score of religion, im- 
 prisoned fewer, and put none to death." '^^ This clemency 
 was due more to Mary's personal influence than to any 
 mere reluctance to inflict the penalties of the law, as 
 was manifest at the Justice Court of Jedburgh, three 
 months after her return, when more than a score of 
 lawless Borderers were hanged right ofl*, and twice as 
 many brought to Edinburgh.^^ 
 
 In France, Mary had known something of popular 
 tumult, as well as of religious bitterness ; and in her own 
 country she was not to escape the one any more than the 
 other. The Scots of those days were a rude and ready 
 people, impatient of restraint, and prompt to vindicate 
 their privileges against magistrates or others who had 
 the temerity to encroach upon them. On the very day 
 of Mary's arrival, on her way to Holyrood, she was met 
 by the triple-dyed ' rebellis of the craftis,' on whom she 
 exercised her gentle prerogative of mercy, although in 
 
 56 
 
v] TUMULTS 
 
 their most recent riot — only a month before — they had 
 broken down the gallows on which a fellow-craftsman 
 was to be hanged, thrown open the prison doors, for five 
 hours besieged and assailed the provost and bailies in 
 the Tolbooth with stones, guns, and other weapons, and 
 extorted from their beleaguered rulers a written promise 
 that they would not prosecute them for their mis- 
 deeds. ^^ 
 
 The unruly 'craftis childer"* — the servants and appren- 
 tices of the craftsmen — were not allowed to monopolise 
 the pastime of fighting in the streets of the capital. 
 When, three months before the Queen's return, the 
 magistrates heard that there was ' sum variance ' among 
 the nobles then expected ' with greit companeis,' it was 
 deemed prudent to enlist ' thre score able men, hag- 
 buttaris,' to attend the provost and bailies night and 
 day.^^ Four months after her arrival, Edinburgh was 
 alarmed — the godly citizens horror-struck — by the out- 
 rageous invasion of Cuthbert Ramsay's house under 
 silence of night by D'Elboeuf, the Lord John, and 
 Bothwell. The outrage was quickly followed by a tumult 
 in which much blood would doubtless have been spilt had 
 it not been for the well-timed and vigorous action of 
 the Lord James, Argyll, and Huntly.^^ Even in Holy- 
 rood itself, Mary did not always feel secure. She had 
 been barely three months in Scotland when one Sabbath 
 evening, before she retired to bed, there was a sudden 
 alarm in the palace — the Lord James was at Jedburgh 
 taking order with the Borderers, and Edinburgh ' was 
 packed and pestered with Papists '—a rush was made to 
 
 57 
 
BOTHWELL AND ARRAN [chap. 
 
 arms, a watch set, and scouts sent forth. No sufficient 
 cause for the alarm could then be discovered — nothing 
 beyond a vague and apparently ill-founded rumour that 
 Arran liad ' come over the water with a stark company' 
 to carry off the Queen. It afterwards transpired that he 
 had been heard to ask, ' Why is it not as easy to take 
 her out of the Abbey, as once it was intended to have 
 been done unto her mother ? ' ^ Towards the end of the 
 following March, Bothwell and Arran — who had long 
 been at bitter enmity, ' and could not be accorded by 
 all the means their Sovereign could devise' — were at 
 BothwelFs desire reconciled by Knox. Mary was justly 
 suspicious of their demonstrative friendship, and took 
 steps to obtain intelligence of their doings. Suddenly 
 and unexpectedly, Arran declared that Bothwell had 
 suggested that the Lord James and Lethington should 
 be slain, and the Queen forcibly taken to Dumbarton. 
 The heir of the House of Hamilton was evidently in a 
 frenzy ; but Bothwell was compromised by his own con- 
 fession, and by the last day of the month both were in 
 ward.^^ 
 
 Notwithstanding the undying antipathy of the ardent 
 Protestants to the mass, the inflammable nature of the 
 rascal multitude, the fierce and fiery characteristics of 
 some of the nobles, and the evil designs of the frenzied 
 or too aspiring ones, the days of the youthful Queen were 
 not mainly spent in dread or displeasure. At the first 
 anniversary of her husband's death, the Scottish Court 
 seems to have been particularly joyous. On Sabbath, 
 the 30th of November, ' the Lord Robert, the Lord John, 
 
 58 
 
v] HER OUT-DOOR SPORTS 
 
 and others ran at the ring, six against six, disguised 
 and apparelled, the one half Hke women, the other like 
 strangers, in strange masking garments. The Marquis 
 [D'Elboeuf] that day did very well ; but the women, 
 whose part the Lord Robert did sustain, won the ring. 
 The Queen herself beheld it, and as many others as 
 listed.'^ Next Saturday, she solemnly celebrated the 
 exequies of poor Francis ; ^^ and on the following day, 
 there was ' mirth and pastime upon the Sands of Leith.' 
 Here aojain there seems to have been runnincr at the 
 ring ; and here again jVIary seems to have been present, 
 as Randolph rather irreverently expressed it, ' to signify 
 the sorrow of her heart after her soul-mass.' '^^ Four 
 days before and four days after that mass her mirth 
 is specially mentioned.^^ Whatever the douce magis- 
 trates — who had so paternally warned the 'craftis childer' 
 of ' the punisment threatnit in Goddis word upoun the 
 braikaris of the Saboth"''- — thought of these public 
 breaches of the fourth commandment, they at all events, 
 like honest men, wished to see their young Queen happy, 
 as is proved by the nature of their New- Year's gift — 
 three tuns of the best wine that could be got, irrespec- 
 tive of cost, and torches to boot.'^^ Even the Master of 
 Lindsay — who had so uncompiomisingly withstood her 
 first mass at Holyrood — did not disdain, in her garden at 
 St. Andrews, to shoot with her at the butts against the 
 Lord James (then Earl of Mar) and one of her ladies.^* 
 She was fond also of hawking and hunting ;^^ and, if 
 her accusers are to be believed, when she ought to have 
 been wailing in secret, she played openly at golf and pall 
 
 59 
 
HER IN-DOOR PASTIMES [chap. 
 
 mall.^^ Her pleasures, however, were not confined to out- 
 door sports. While in the Council Chamber — surrounded 
 by her Lords anxiously discussing the affairs of State — 
 her deft and nimble fino;ers were sometimes enfjao-ed in 
 congenial needlework.''^ She had a good library, and 
 after dinner frequently read Latin with Buchanan.'''^ She 
 delighted in music ; ^^ and, as Knox has recorded, did 
 not neglect dancing.^^ She played at cards,^^ at ' biles ' 
 or billiards,^^ and at dice ; ^^ probably also at chess, and 
 at tables or backgammon ; ^* and owned a puppet-show.^ 
 She seems to have thoroughly enjoyed masques, ban- 
 quets,^^ and such observances as those of Twelfth-day.^*^ 
 Her behaviour was not always that of a conventional 
 Queen. Although at the opening of Parliament, she 
 could appear in such grandeur that the preachers were 
 appalled at the ' styncken pryde of wemen,'^^ she could 
 on other occasions, to their scandal, wander through the 
 streets in disguise.^^ 
 
 When Mary left France, the royal exchequer there was 
 by no means overflowing ; but she had come to a country 
 almost infinitely poorer in nearly every respect. No doubt 
 she brought with her costly furniture, rich dresses, and 
 priceless jewels;^ but these could not make up for the 
 magnificence, the lustre, and the refinement of the French 
 Court. What was Holyrood^^ as a building, though 
 beautiful even in the eyes of Brantome, compared to the 
 palaces she had left behind her ? These, it is true, had 
 to be quitted periodically because of the stench gener- 
 ated by occupation.^ The air of Paris itself was far 
 from perfect ; ^^ but the sanitary condition of the Scottish 
 
 60' 
 
v] HER COUNTRY AND PEOPLE 
 
 capital was probably much worse. The merchants of 
 Edinburgh had been reproached by Dunbar in the days 
 of James the Fourth : — 
 
 ' May nane pas throw your principall gaittis 
 For stink of haddockis and of scaittis. 
 
 TailyouriSj soutteris^ and craftis vyll. 
 The fairest of your streitis dois fyll.' ^* 
 
 And there is abundant evidence that in Mai-y's time 
 there was still too much cause for the reproof. Ever 
 and anon the magistrates were constrained to issue orders 
 concerning the ' myddingis,' the evil-smelling occupations, 
 and more disgusting nuisances, by which not only the 
 principal street, but even the Church of St. Giles was 
 shamelessly defiled. ^^ It is not surprising therefore that 
 Mary did not like Edinburgh. ^^ Her other cities were 
 few and small, the country thinly populated, many of the 
 people poverty-stricken, still more of them restless and 
 unruly. The common Highlanders of the period are 
 represented as wearing tarred shirts and upper garments 
 of hide.^^ Among her people, however, the spirit of 
 patriotism was not awanting.^^ Nor was the love of 
 enterprise ever dormant, whether manifested in reiving 
 by the Borderers ^^ and Highlanders, or in downright 
 piracy and honest commerce by the more civilised Low- 
 landers. The prowess of Scotch soldiers was not un- 
 known on the Continent ; ^^^ and the skill and daring 
 of Scotch sailors were such that even the King of Spain 
 contemplated their enmity with some trej^idation.^^^ 
 
 6i 
 
KINDLY FEELING [chap. 
 
 Despite their religious zeal, their enterprise by land 
 and sea, their street brawls, their family feuds, their 
 dire poverty, the Scots had an innate love of sport and 
 pastime, which the rulers tried not so much to repress 
 as to guide into useful channels, and to keep within due 
 bounds.^^^ While Mary, like her predecessors, was ready 
 to repress 'unleissum gammis,'^^^ she showed — as her 
 mother had done before her^^* — that she was interested 
 in her poorer subjects, and wished them to obtain jus- 
 tice.^^^ During her numerous progresses and hunting 
 expeditions she visited many parts of her realm,^^^ and 
 had many opportunities of observing the condition and 
 learning the wants of her people. It is not at all likely 
 that she understood the language of the Highlanders — 
 sauvaiges d^Escosse, as De Foix callously called them ; ^^"^ 
 but though ignorant of Gaelic, she had a fluent command 
 of the Lowland tongue. ^'^^ 
 
 The Scots could hardly help being loyal to their young 
 Queen. As one who did not always write smooth things 
 concerning her said : — ' Besides the interest excited by 
 the varied perils of her lot, she was recommended by her 
 exquisite loveliness of form, her blooming vigour of youth, 
 and her elegant genius, which a courtly education had 
 either increased, or at least rendered more engaging, by 
 a specious colouring of virtue. "* ^^^ She was, moreover, the 
 representative of that long line of sovereigns — fabulous 
 and real — of which they were justly proud.^^*^ And what 
 was to some of them of much more importance, her throne 
 would have been but poorly occupied by the niggardly 
 irresolute, and incapable head of the House of Hamilton, 
 
 62 
 
v] HER STATESMEN 
 
 or by his frenzied son, who had shown signs of madness 
 ere he charged Bothwell with inciting him to plot against 
 the Queen. ^^^ 
 
 The leading statesmen, and Mary's bearing towards 
 them, in the early months after her return, are portrayed 
 by Randolph. ^^^ Chatelherault, he tells, had been among 
 the first to leave the Queen after her arrival ; ^^^ and 
 in those of her own religion she did not find what 'she 
 looked for "* ^^^— even Huntly, their head, in a short time 
 ' utterly lost his credit.' ^^^ On the other hand, the Lord 
 James and Lethington were ' above all others in credit/ 
 With her ' the Lord James dealeth according to his nature, 
 rudely, homely, and bluntly ; the L[aird] of Lidington, 
 more delicately and finely. Yet nothing swerveth from 
 the other in mind and effect. She is patient to hear, and 
 beareth much. The Earl Marisclial is wary, but speaketh 
 sometimes to good purpose ; his daughter is lately come 
 to this town ; we look shortly what shall become of the 
 long love (betwixt the Lord James and that lady). The 
 Lord John of Coldingham hath not least favour with 
 his leaping and dancing; he is like to marry the Lord 
 Bothweirs sister. The Lord Robert consumeth with love 
 of the Earl of CassiPs sister. The Earl Bothwell hath 
 given unto him old lands of his father's in Teviodale, and 
 the Abbey of Melross. The Duke's Grace [Chatelherault] 
 is come to Kinneill, and purposeth not to come near unto 
 the Court, except that he be sent for. . . . My Lord 
 Arran purposeth not to be at Court so long as the mass 
 remaineth.'^^^ The conduct of the Lord James and of 
 Lethington, being moderate, was displeasing to all zealots. 
 
 6i 
 
HER STATESMEN [chap. v. 
 
 Ultra-Protestants - imagine that the Lord James groweth 
 cold, that he aspire th to great matters ' ; and regard 
 Lethington as ' ambitious, and too full of policy." ' In 
 my conscience,' says Randolph, ' they are in the wrong to 
 the Lord James ; and whensoever Li ding ton is taken out 
 of this place, they shall not find among themselves so fit 
 a man to serve in this realm." ^^^ The Bishops from the 
 opposite standpoint feared the influence of these two 
 men. ' The Lord James," say they, ' beareth too much 
 rule ; Lidington hath a crafty head and fell tongue." ^^^ 
 It was in connection with the Lord James that Randolph 
 afterwards expressed the opinion that Mary"s suspicious 
 nature was her worst fault. ^^^ 
 
 64 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 HER PROPOSED INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH 
 
 1562 
 
 If Mary did not know whom to trust when she returned 
 to Scotland, it was not the fault of her mother, who, 
 shortly before she died, sent her a book containing lists 
 of all the principal men in the realm — spiritual and tem- 
 poral, baron and burgess — their good and bad behaviour 
 being noted, and the dutiful subjects distinguished from 
 the seditious.^ She knew, therefore, what she was doing 
 when — in accordance with the advice she received in 
 Prance — she resolved to rely chiefly on her Protestant 
 nobles.- These men had reason to fear their own Queen's 
 return, knowing that Elizabeth would only support them 
 and their religion so long as it served her own purpose to 
 do so,^ being also uncertain what Mary might do, if 
 ever she had the opportunity or power to crush their 
 party ; * yet there is satisfactory proof that some of them 
 at least wished to serve her loyally, and — for her advan- 
 tage and their own security — to establish amity with 
 England on a stable and honourable basis. 
 
 The letter which the Lord James wrote to Elizabeth 
 eight days before Mary left France furnishes, in Patrick 
 E 65 
 
THE ENGLISH SUCCESSION [chap. 
 
 Fraser Ty tier's opinion, *the key to the policy adopted 
 by Mary during the first years of her government ' ; and 
 ' proves that the Lord James was sincerely attached on 
 this subject to the interests of his sister the Queen."* ^ In 
 that letter, after referring to the wonderful conversion of 
 the old enmity between the two nations into reciprocal 
 good-will, and his earnest desire to see its continuance, 
 he suggested, as a solution of the difficulty between the 
 Queens, that Elizabeth's title to the English crown should 
 'remain untouched," both for lierself and her issue; that 
 Mary's place should be reserved, as ' next in lawful descent 
 of the rio^ht line of Henrv vii." ; and that, in the mean- 
 time, ' this isle' should be ' united in a perpetual friend- 
 ship.' ^ At the same time, he sent a copy of the letter to 
 Cecil, that, if he tli ought proper, it might be kept back 
 from Elizabeth.'^ The suggestion, however, was not new 
 either to Cecil or Elizabeth.^ It was afterwards said 
 indeed that Mary was influenced by her knowledge of 
 Cecil's favourable reception of this proposal, when, on 
 the eve of leaving France, she sent for Throckmorton to 
 propose a reconciliation with the English Queen. ^ 
 
 Thirteen days after her return, ]\Iary despatched Leth- 
 ington to Elizabeth to inform her of her safe arrival, 
 hearty reception, and settled resolution to live in good 
 neighbourhood with her, to keep peace and amity with 
 England, and to increase the friendship by all possible 
 means. He was also to negotiate, at the instance of j 
 the Scots nobles, for the declaration of the English j 
 succession. ^^ So far as mere talent and diplomatic skill I 
 were concerned, Lethington was admirably qualified for 
 
 66 I 
 
 I 
 
vi] LETHINGTON'S MISSION 
 
 this mission. His contemporaries — like later historians 
 — might question his sincerity, but no one doubted his 
 ability. In the opinion of the Bishop of Aquila — no 
 mean judge in such a matter — he was a man who knew 
 well how to dissemble ; ^^ and his enthusiastic apologist 
 admits that he was not destitute of ' poUtic pliancy.' ^^ 
 In explanation of his conduct, he himself borrowed the 
 simile of the sailor who has to study wind and tide.^^ A 
 Scots rhymester of the period adopted a somewhat different 
 simile, but one not less expressive : — 
 
 'Thay say he can baith quhissill and cloik. 
 And his mouth full of meill.' ^^ 
 
 For his arduous and delicate task Lethington was 
 fortified by Instructions from the nobles, who, while 
 deprecating any misunderstanding or breach of amity 
 between the two Queens, plainly intimated that, if 
 Elizabeth treated their Sovereign discourteously, or 
 violated the present peace, they would stand by their 
 native Princess in her just quarrel. ^^ It has been in- 
 sinuated that the proposed settlement of the English 
 succession was purposely pressed by those Scots who 
 wished 'to foment jealousy, not friendship, between the 
 two Queens, and thereby pave the way for the utter 
 overthrow of their Sovereign."* ^^ But it is now known 
 that the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine 
 were professedly quite as eager as the Lord James and 
 Lethington to carry out the compromised^ Elizabeth, 
 not enraptured by the proposal, told Lethington that 
 no prince had ever been asked to declare his heir- 
 apparent in his own time — a reasonable objection in 
 
 67 
 
THE OBNOXIOUS TREATY [chap. 
 
 Lethington''s opinion had the succession remained un- 
 touched according to law. To agree to his proposal 
 would, she insisted, be simply to prepare her own wind- 
 ing-sheet, and make her grave ready.^^ Cecil foresaw 
 difficulties in the proposal. Throckmorton, however, 
 thought it more dangerous not to deal in the matter, 
 especially if Elizabeth should happen to die without 
 issue ; and feared too that her emphatic answer to 
 Lethington would forward the renewal of the old league 
 between France and Scotland, and induce Mary to enter 
 into a marriage of which England would not have cause 
 to be glad.^^ 
 
 Sir Peter Mewtas was at once sent to Scotland to 
 demand — what Elizabeth was so anxious to secure — 
 what Mary had so long evaded — the ratification of the 
 Treaty of Edinburgh.^*^ Mary could no longer plead 
 that she had not her nobles to advise with. Now she 
 suggested to Mewtas that as there were divers things 
 in the Treaty which concerned her late husband, it 
 would be better to have a new meeting for such 
 matters as concerned her only, and professed her readi- 
 ness to name commissioners.^^ On the 7th of October, 
 she wrote to Elizabeth thanking her for sending Mewtas 
 to congratulate her on her safe arrival, and saying that 
 she had so answered his message on every point that it 
 would be apparent that she meant nothing more earnestly 
 than a continuance of tender amity and good intelli- 
 gence. ^^ Her object, as Cecil perceived, was to have 
 Lethington's succession proposal principally dealt with.^^ 
 Several members of the English Privy Council were 
 
 68 
 
vi] FRIENDLY LETTERS 
 
 inclined to ' hearken ' to the idea of a new meeting ; but, 
 lest his motives might be misconstrued, Cecil feared to 
 move in it.^* 
 
 In her answer to Mary's letter, Elizabeth showed that 
 she was not satisfied with the oral message brought by 
 Mewtas from the Queen of Scots, and did not wish to 
 treat anew by commissioners. She was willing to discuss 
 Mary's reasons for refusing to ratify the Treaty, but 
 wished to do so privately, either by Randolph or by 
 letter. Elizabeth's answer is dated 23rd November 
 1561.^^ Mary did not reply until the 5th of next 
 January, the reason being that Lethington was anxious 
 to get Cecil's opinion as to how her reply should be 
 framed. In vain he urged upon Cecil the reasonableness 
 of ]Mary, and her wondrous love for Elizabeth ; in vain 
 he urged that Cecil must know why she could not ratify 
 the Treaty, and so make herself, though ' so nygh off 
 the blood off England,' to be ' as it were ane stranger 
 from if; in vain he urged that he hesitated to advise 
 her — who was of ' soche a couraige and stomach ' — to 
 initiate the negotiations for the succession compromise, 
 unless Cecil thought that her 'just demand ' would not 
 be finally repulsed ; in vain he urged his readiness to 
 hazard his own credit with Mary in advisinoj her to 
 follow Cecil's counsel. 2*^ As Cecil was too wary to 
 commie himself even in response to Lethington's urgent 
 and repeated appeals, Mary's reply had to be drawn 
 without his advice,-*" and that reply reflects much of 
 Lethington's skill and tact. 
 
 Mar}^ cannot well imagine what lack Elizabeth had 
 
 69 
 
MARY'S OFFERS [chap. 
 
 found in her answer by Mewtas ; but regards her dislike 
 to formal treating by commissioners as an infallible token 
 of her love. While waiving consideration of, she never- 
 theless hints at, various external circumstances of the 
 Treaty, the least of which are worthy of examination. 
 The Treaty itself is specially obnoxious, as it palpably 
 prejudices her title and interest to that which 'may fair 
 to her as being of the same lineage ; and because ' a 
 matter of sa greit consequence is wrappit up in obscure 
 termis." Relying on Elizabeth's friendship and upright- 
 ness, she will at present have no other judge. She pro- 
 fesses her willingness to perform everything in the Treaty 
 which can be reasonably required of her; or rather to 
 enter into a new one in favour of Elizabeth and her 
 lawful issue, providing her own interest in the succession 
 is properly secured. Thus the seed of dissension may 
 be eradicated, their amity increased, and the perpetual 
 peace of both realms procured. After referring to the 
 abundance of her love for Elizabeth, and her own earnest 
 desire for sincere and unceremonious dealing in the matter, 
 she expresses the hope that they may soon have a per- 
 sonal interview, when the unfeigned nature of her 
 good meaniug would appear more clearly than in her 
 writing.^ 
 
 Now that ]\Iary had herself ventured to press the 
 succession compromise, would Elizabeth dare to test 
 her ' couraige and stomach ** by refusing her *just 
 demand ' ? For twelve weary weeks IMary had im- 
 patiently to await her reply — a reply whicli did not 
 object to the proposed personal interview, and which 
 
 70 
 
vi] THE PROPOSED INTERVIEW 
 
 satisfied her for the time being.^^ Of this interview 
 Mary was professedly exceedingly desirous, not so much 
 as a means to perpetual amity, nor to win the recogni- 
 tion of her right to the English succession, as to gratify 
 her longing desire to meet tliat sister Queen for whom 
 she had so suddenly developed a vehement and unselfish 
 love.^^ She wished that either she or Elizabeth were a 
 man;^^ she would have no husband but the Queen of 
 England, ^2 with the love of whom she was possessed.^^ 
 Lethington was anxious for the interview, in so far as it 
 might lead to that ' accord "* of the Queens which he was 
 bent on securing ; but he was not without his misgivings, 
 for he felt that if it did not promote this object it meant 
 evil for himself; hence his efforts to commit Cecil.^* In 
 Scotland, the Protestants seemed generally to approve 
 of the interview, the Papists to distrust it.^-" Patriotic 
 reasons, however, were found for opposing it, not the 
 least of which was the difficulty of raising the necessary 
 funds — funds which would of course be left in England.^*" 
 The French Court feared and opposed it ; ^^ the Duke of 
 Guise favoured it ; the Cardinal of Lorraine hesitated and 
 ultimately wished to delay it ; ^^ the Spaniard ' practised ' 
 to hinder it ; ^^ most members of the English Council 
 suspected or disliked it;^^ the weather was most unpro- 
 pitious ; *^ and Elizabeth's health was unsatisfactory.^^ 
 But in spite of opposition — covert and open — in spite 
 of the unfavourable circumstances, it seemed for a while 
 that Mary was to have her own way. The Scots Council 
 would have preferred to have the succession compromise 
 first agreed to,*^ but at length — 19th May 1562 — approved 
 
 71 
 
THE INTERVIEW DELAYED [chap. 
 
 of the interview as a means for promoting the amity, 
 cautioning Mary, however, as to the safety of ' her awin 
 persone/'** Witliin a week, Lethington was again 
 despatched to the English Court,^^ where he found 
 Elizabeth ' so earnestly bent to go forward to this 
 voyage that she will sayle quhether the wynd blow or 
 not." *^ Articles were ag-reed on for a meetino; in autumn 
 at York, or at Shrewsbury's Sheffield house — that castle 
 which Mary was destined to know so well in later years 
 — or at Nottingham;*^ arrangements for the journey 
 were partly made,^ when Elizabeth was constrained 
 by the iniquitous persecution of the Huguenots in 
 France to postpone the interview for a year.*^ Mary 
 received the announcement with great grief ' and watery 
 eyes ' ; but was gratified by Elizabeth's continued amity, 
 and accepted her reasons for delay as sufficient.^ 
 
 If, as Throckmorton put it, the safety of England lay 
 in neither of the parties in France being able to over- 
 throw the other,^^ Elizabeth with all her caution could 
 not avoid supporting Conde, especially after discovering 
 that the Guises had ' practised ' with her.^^ ?vlary too had 
 politic reasons for hoping that her amity with England 
 would not be injured by the breach with her uncles. ^^ 
 Randolph testifies that, on her arrival in Scotland, one of 
 the three things she found necessary to maintain her state, 
 was to make peace with England.^* 
 
 The Scots Council again consented to the interview, 
 declaring, however, more emphatically than before, ' that 
 thai wald na wyise gif hir [i.e. Mary] counsale to committ 
 hir body in Ingland. and thairfoir refcrrit the place of the 
 
 72 
 
vi] THE TWO QUEENS 
 
 meting and the securitie of hir awin persone to hir self/^^ 
 But the two Queens were not destined to meet, though 
 the idea of an interview was yearly resuscitated ; ^ though 
 royal presents/^ as well as kindly wishes, were inter- 
 changed ; and though the hope was continuously dangled 
 before Mary that the succession would be settled in her 
 favour if only she would marry to please Elizabeth .^^ 
 Was Elizabeth, in the language of her day, merely 7 
 'driving time'?^^ Was Mary only moved by a selfish 
 desire to seat herself on Elizabeth's throne P*^^ It is 
 difficult to believe that they \\eYe perfectly sincere in 
 their extravagant protestations of mutual attachment. 
 To Mary, Lethington professed to believe that Elizabeth's 
 affection for her passed all measure ; to Cecil and Ran- 
 dolph, that Mary was in earnest, and that he did not 
 over-colour her love for Elizabeth ; but to the Spanish 
 Ambassador he told a somev.hat different tale.^^ Ran- 
 dolph was sometimes inclined to think that the Queen 
 of Scots did mean all she said ; at other times he had a 
 lurking suspicion that she did not altogether resemble 
 Nathaniel. ^^ He knew that his own Queen was not over- 
 fastidious as to ways and means, when she had an object 
 to gain or a danger to avert. Mary's right of succession 
 to the English throne remained undeclared, and she did 
 not gratify Elizabeth and Cecil by ratifying that Treaty, 
 which he had helped so skilfully to frame, and in which 
 ' a matter of sa greit consequence is wrappit up in 
 obscure termis.' ^ 
 
 73 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 HER FIRST NORTHERN PROGRESS AXD HUNTLY's OVERTHROW 
 
 1562 
 
 It was on the 23rd of July 1562, that Sir Henry Sidney 
 informed Mary in Holyrood that the interview with 
 EHzabeth must be deferred for a year;^ and by the 
 10th of August, the Queen of Scots had determined to 
 enter on her long-projected ^ progress to the North — 
 ' a terrible journey," as Randolph thought, ' both for 
 horse and men, the country is so poor and victuals so 
 scarce.'^ She went by way of Stirling — where there 
 were meetings of the Privy Council on the 14th and 
 15th of August^ — by Coupai'- Angus, Perth,^ Edzell,^ 
 Glammis,^ and before the end of the month was at 
 Old Aberdeen. Randolph complains of the journey so 
 far as being ' cumbersome, painful, and marvellous long ; 
 the weather extreme foul and cold ; all victuals mar- 
 vellous dear ; and the corn that is, never like to come to 
 ripeness/ ^ 
 
 A few days after her arrival in Aberdeen, it became 
 known that she was so displeased with Huntly, that she 
 would not go to his house, though * within three miles 
 of her way, and the fairest in the country/^ He seems 
 
 74 
 
CHAP, vii] MARY'S VALOUR 
 
 to have previously fallen into disfavour, partly, perhaps, 
 through his opposition to the interview with Elizabeth ; ^^ 
 and Mary's displeasure apparently increased from the 
 day of her arrival in Aberdeen. Instead of obeying her 
 command — a command issued under pain of treason — to 
 bring no more than a hundred men with him, he had come 
 with fifteen hundred. ^^ His son. Sir John, though ordered, 
 on the 1st of September, to ward himself in Stirling 
 within seven days, under a similar penalty, had openly 
 disobeyed ; and it was supposed that his disobedience was 
 approved, if not prompted, by Huntly.^- 
 
 When Mary reached Inverness, she intended to lodge 
 in the Castle, but was refused admission ; and the garrison, 
 when summoned, declared that it should not be delivered 
 without the orders of Lord Gordon. Next day, the 
 people of the country gathered to help the Queen, the 
 Castle was rendered, and the captain hanged. ^-^ ' In all 
 these garboils," says Randolph to Cecil, ' I assure you I 
 never saw her merrier, never dismayed, nor never thought 
 that so much to be in her that I find. She repented 
 nothing, but (when the lords and others at Inverness 
 came in the morning from the watch) that she was not a 
 man, to know what life it was to lie all night in the fields, 
 or to walk on the causeway with a jack and a knap- 
 schalle,^* a Glasgow buckler, and a broadsword." ^^ 
 
 After spending a few days in Inverness she set out 
 again for the South, by way of Spynie Castle — the seat of 
 Patrick Hepburn, the dissolute Bishop of Moray, and 
 imcle of the Earl of Bothwell — ' well served of hei* nobles 
 and obeyed of her subjects, and convoyed by great 
 
 75 
 
HUNTLY IN DISGRACE [chap. 
 
 numbers both of horse and foot."' On her way north, 
 Huntiy had in vain entreated her to visit him. Now he 
 kept his house, ' and would have it thought that this 
 disobedience came through the evil behaviour of his 
 sons." The Queen was highly offended ; and, so far as 
 Randolph knew, no nobleman took his part. Alarmed at 
 the royal charge to his son to ward himself in Stirling 
 Castle, moved by the justice meted out to the garrison 
 of Inverness, and fearing, perhaps, further proceedings 
 against himself, Huntiy assembled his forces, and put 
 them under the command of that son who had so openly 
 contemned the Queen's charge. It was intended to inter- 
 cept her at the passage of the Spey — ' a place where good 
 advantage might have been had' — but their thousand 
 horse and foot posted in the wood unexpectedly retired, 
 ere JMary with a force three times as strong approached 
 the river, on Sabbath the 20th of September. That 
 night she reached ' a house of the Laird of Banke, where 
 she was well lodged, and in good assurance."* On Tues- 
 day the 22nd she was again in Old Aberdeen, and next 
 day was honourably received into the new town, ' with 
 spectacles, plays, interludes, and other things, as they 
 could best devise.' She was presented ' with a cup of 
 silver, double gilt, with 500 crowns in it ' ; and also with 
 wine and wax and coals enou";h to serve her during her 
 projected stay of forty days.^^ 
 
 With the advice of her Privy Council, INIary had 
 already charged Sir John Gordon to render the houses 
 of Findlater and Auchindoune ; ^'^ but, as they were still 
 held against her,^^ it was now resolved that if Huntiy did 
 
 76 
 
vn] HIS HUMBLE MESSAGE 
 
 not submit himself and deliver up this rebellious son, the 
 utmost force would be used against him to the subversion 
 of his house for ever. She accordingly levied 19.0 arque- 
 busiers, and sent to the South for the Master of Lindsay, 
 for Grange, and for Ormiston. Captain Hay was de- 
 spatched, on the 25th of September, to Strathbogie to 
 order Huntly to transport the Queen's cannon — that 
 cannon which had overawed the Highlanders ^^ — to a 
 place appointed ; and returned with the message that not 
 onlv her own cannon, but the EarFs body and goods, were 
 at her command. With sobs and tears, he professed 
 to be innocent of his son's offences, and alleged that he 
 would be the first to hazard his life in taking the houses 
 held against her. The Countess took the messenojer 
 'into her holy chapel, fair and trimly hanged, all 
 ornaments and mass-robes ready lying upon the altar, 
 with cross and candies standing upon it ' ; and there 
 informed him that her husband was being oppressed 
 because he would not forsake his God and his religion 
 'as those who are now about the Queen's grace and 
 have the whole guiding of her have done.' Mary told 
 the Council that she did not believe a word either of 
 Huntly's message or of his wife's, whereat, says Randolph, 
 there has been much good pastime. Of the nobles with 
 the Queen, only Atholl and Sutherland favoured Huntly, 
 and that quietly.^^ 
 
 It soon became evident to ' the authors of the troubles,' 
 as Randolph calls them, that they had gone so far that 
 they could not hope to win the Queen's favour again ; and 
 she was determined to proceed against them with all 
 
 77 
 
HUXTLY OUTLAWED [chap. 
 
 severity. It was known that Huntly — although he feared 
 to sleep at home, or to spend two nights in one place — 
 still frequented his own house during the day. On the 
 9th of October, three bands — under Grange, the Lord 
 John, and the Master of Lindsay — were sent to Strath- 
 bogie, on the pretext of discovering whether his rebellious 
 son was harboured there, but in reality to apprehend 
 himself Bootless and s wordless, Huntly escaped by a 
 back gate. Two hours after Grange had left Aberdeen 
 on this fruitless mission, a boy brought the keys of 
 Findlater and Auchindoune ; but the Lord James and 
 Lethington declined to receive them in such an igno- 
 minious manner; and Mary said that she had provided 
 other means to open these doors.^^ On the 15th, she, with 
 advice of her Privy Council, ordained that, if Huntly did 
 not appear before her next day to answer for himself he 
 should be outlawed and his strongholds taken from liim."^ 
 On the night of the 15th Sir John surprised a detached 
 party of the soldiers, who were besieging Findlater, and 
 relieved them of fifty-six arquebuses and their captain.-^ 
 
 Huntly's eldest son, Lord Gordon, had now gone to 
 Chatelherault, his father-in-law ; ' his purpose," it was 
 suspected, being 'either to persuade him to take part 
 with his father, or else to remain with him as guileless of 
 whatever shall be enterprised." ^^ Wild rumours were I'ife 
 in the south of Scotland ; '^ but Knox and others did 
 their best to keep that part of the country in peace 
 during the Queen's absence in the North. 2*^ 
 
 On the 17th of October, Huntly was ' put to the horn.' 
 He was ordered to deliver the House of Strathbogie ; but 
 
 78 
 
vii] CORRICHIE 
 
 he refused to do so, and strengthened himself at Badenoch, 
 hoping — with the help of the weather and the dearth of 
 provisions — to weary out his opponents. Mary levied 
 more soldiers ; and several of the nobles who were with 
 her sent for their tenants and friends. On the 20th the 
 Countess of Huntly came near Aberdeen ; but, on learn- 
 ing that the Queen would not see her, returned again 
 to Strathbogie. Gordon gentlemen pledged themselves 
 neither to leave Aberdeen nor to help their chief until 
 these troubles were ended. Those who had been at feud 
 with him — the Forbeses, the Leslies, the Grants, and the 
 M'Intoshes — were set free to act against him.^' 
 
 ' Huntly, having assembled 700 persons, marched 
 towards Aberdeen to apprehend the Queen and do with 
 the rest at his will." The Lord James, Atholl, and 
 Morton were despatched, with a force three times as 
 strong, to meet him. From his position on the hill top, 
 Huntly was driven by shot of arquebus into the low, 
 mossy ground, and forced by the horsemen into a corner 
 from which there was no escape. At the first shock, the 
 vanguard of his enemy fell back ; but the Lord James and 
 his company, seeing the danger, bore down upon them so 
 fiercely that the vanguard speedily retrieved its honour 
 and Huntly's force was completely overpowered. Two of 
 Huntly's sons were among the prisoners — the enterprising 
 Sir John, and Adam, a boy of seventeen. Huntly him- 
 self was also captured, but he, after being placed ' on 
 horseback before his taker, suddenly fell from his horse 
 stark dead.' -^ Such was the battle of Corrichie — '■ short, 
 sharp, and decisive.' 
 
 79 
 
TRIAL OF HUNTLY'S CORPSE [chap 
 
 Sir John was speedily brought to Aberdeen, tried, 
 found guilty, and executed; but Adam was spared on 
 account of his youth.-^ As Mary returned to the South 
 she was met at Dundee by Chatelherault, who had come 
 ' to demaunde pardon for his sonne-in-lawe, the Lord 
 Gordon, whome hymself stayede by the Queues com- 
 mandement ' ; but in his suit he received little comfort.^^ 
 On Thursday, the 26th of November — five days after 
 Mary reached Edinburgh — the Duke, in obedience to her 
 order, brought him to his ' lugeing in the Kirk of Feild 
 Wynd,' and next Saturday he was committed to the 
 Castle. ^^ On the 8th of February he was tried for 
 treason, found guilty, and condemned to ' be hangit 
 quhill he wer deid, drawin, quarterit, and demanit as ane 
 tratour at our said Soverain's plesour ' — a sentence which 
 was not to be carried into effect.^^ On the 28th of May 
 (1563) Huntlv's rudely embalmed corpse was arraigned in 
 Mary's presence at the bar of Parliament — ' the coffin was 
 sette upright, as if the Earle stoode upon his feet' — 
 when it was decerned that he was guilty of treason, that 
 his lands, heritages, and goods were forfaulted, that his 
 dignity, name, and memory were extinct, that his arms 
 were cancelled, and that his posterity were thenceforth 
 incapable of office, honour, or dignity within the realm. ^^ 
 On the same day the Earl of Sutherland was also con- 
 demned to death by Parliament — for ' art, part, and 
 assistance ' in Huntly's treason — but four years later he 
 obtained reduction of the sentence.^^ 
 
 Whatever the object of INIary's progress to the North 
 may have been — whether it was planned by the Lord 
 
 8o 
 
Ml] RESULTS OF NORTHERN PROGRESS 
 
 James for his own aggrandisement, as some Mariolaters 
 affirm,^^ or intended by Marv for his destruction as Knox 
 suspected,^^ or undertaken for her deliverance from his 
 power and for her marriage to Sir John Gordon, as 
 Huntly's grandson gravely records,^^ or occasioned mciely 
 by Mary's desire to see the country and to establish good 
 order ^^ — it had resulted in the disgrace, defeat, and death 
 of the virtual ruler of the North, and in the utter ruin 
 of his house for the time being. Huntly's overthrow 
 and Sutherland's condemnation had, moreover, greatly 
 weakened the influence of that Church, which she was 
 assuring the Pope — alike by legate and by letter — was 
 the object of her undying devotion ;^^ and she — the most 
 fair rose among heretical thorns — had not scrupled to 
 receive the rich ecclesiastical vestments seized at Strath- 
 bogie, some of w hich she was afterwards to hand over to the 
 profligate Bothwell, and some to other profane purposes. ^"^ 
 If the most powerful of the Popish nobles had suffered on 
 the one hand, the most prominent of the Protestants had, 
 on the other, reaped substantial advantages. The Lord 
 James had gone to the North as Earl of Mar,^^ he returned 
 to the South as Earl of Murray ; ^^ and to him, too, there 
 fell no mean share of the valuable spoils of Strathbogie.^^ 
 Up to the end of September — eight days after Marv 
 had returned to Aberdeen from Inverness — Lethington 
 was inclined to believe in Huntly's plea, that whatever 
 was amiss was due to the youth and folly of his children, 
 and that if there were any fault in him, it proceeded from 
 too great simplicity rather than from craft or malice.'^ 
 He soon, however, had cause to change his opinion. The 
 F 8l 
 
HUNTLY'S CONDUCT [chap, vii 
 
 evidence of the Kers, the discovery of incriminating 
 documents, the confession of Sir John — furnished keys to 
 Huntly's conduct, and revealed the danger to which Mary 
 and her ministers had been exposed at his hands. *^ On 
 his way to the South Lethington wrote : — ' I am sorry 
 that the soil of my native country did ever produce so 
 unnatural a subject as the Earl of Huntly hath proved in 
 the end against his Sovereign, being a Princess so gentle 
 and benign, and whose behaviour hath been always such 
 towards all her subjects, and every one in particular, that 
 wonder it is that any could be found so ungracious as 
 once to think evil against her ; and in my conscience I 
 know not that any just occasion of grudge was ever 
 offered unto him. Well, the event hath made manifest 
 his iniquity, and the innocence as well of her Majestie 
 as of her ministers towards him.' *^ 
 
 It had been against the wishes of her Privy Council 
 that Mary determined to decline Huntly 's invitations 
 to Strathbogie ; ^^ misgivings she may have had at 
 his death ; ^^ but, when she learned the full extent of 
 his projects, she appeared to regard her escape as pro- 
 vidential.*^ It is now known that he had not only 
 proved a trimmer immediately before her return from 
 France,^^ but that, fifteen months after Pinkie, he had 
 entered into a double compact with the Lord Protector 
 of England, by which he was to be allowed to return to his 
 own country — professedly on honourable terms — secretly 
 to advance Edward's title to Scotland. ^^ The proof 
 of this compact unfortunately mars Bishop Lesley's pic- 
 turesque story of the Earl's escape from Morpeth. ^^ 
 
 82 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 HER MATRIMONIAL PROJECTS AND THE DARNLEY MARRIAGE 
 
 1562-1565 
 
 According to the report sent by the Jesuit priests in 
 Scotland to Pope Clement the Eighth, ' no greater 
 wound'' could have been inflicted on the country than 
 the overthrow of the Huntly family, which so weakened 
 'the power of the Catholics' that 'heresy made wide 
 inroads, even in the northern districts." ' The only 
 remedy which seemed to remain ' was ' the marriage of 
 the Queen with some powerful Catholic prince, who could 
 restore the exhausted energies of the Church ' ; and, say 
 the Jesuit fathers, ' the effort was made to do this by all 
 possible ways and means.' ^ One of Mary's biographers — 
 also a Jesuit — alleges that she ' began, after the space of 
 five years, to think of a second husband.' - It is true 
 that, sixteen months after Huntly's death, Mary assured 
 Randolph that the remembrance of her late husband was 
 so fresh in her mind that she could not think of another, 
 that her years were not so many that she could not 
 abide, that she was neither sought nor desired of any; 
 and that the polite Ambassador ' seemed ' to believe her.^ 
 The numerous marriage projects of the Queen of Scots, 
 
 83 
 
MARY'S ATTRACTIONS [chap. 
 
 however, did not oiiginate in the desolation caused by 
 Himtly's overthrow ; nor did they require such incite- 
 ments as Hepburn's infamous insult,^ or Chatelar's reck- 
 less attempt upon her honour.^ As already mentioned, 
 the speculations had begun during the last illness of 
 Francis, her own feelings in the matter were reported the 
 day after his death, and the projects took definite shape 
 before the forty days of the girlish-widow's mourning 
 were ended. "^ 
 
 Morette — the ambassador from Savoy — on his way 
 back from Scotland in January 1561-2, was able to tell 
 the Bishop of Aquila in London, that jVlary was deter- 
 mined to marry very highly, and did not dissemble about 
 Don Carlos.^ During the next three years — ere she 
 finally committed herself — she was to have a score of 
 suggested suitors, ranging from the great princes of the 
 Continent, down to Elizabeth's English nobles.^ 'The 
 mariage of our Queyn," says Knox, 'was in all mannis 
 mouth. Some wold have Spaine ; some the Emperouris 
 brother ; some Lord Robert Dud lye ; some Duck de 
 Nemours; and some unhap])ilie gessed at the Lord 
 Darnlye."* ^ Her attractions — personal and accessory — 
 were neither few nor despicable. These were apprecia- 
 tively set forth by Lethington, in the spring of 1563, 
 in urging on the Spanish Ambassador the desirability of 
 a match with Don Carlos. His words were thus reported 
 by De Quadra to Philip : — ' This Queen [i.e. Elizabeth] 
 was in great fear of his [i.e. Don Carlos'] marriage, and 
 the Queen of France the same, with very good reason, as 
 if your Majesty listened to it, not only would you give 
 
 84 
 
viii] THE ARCHDUKE OF AUSTRIA 
 
 your son a wife of such excellent qualities as tliose 
 possessed by his Queen, who was in prudence, chastity, 
 and beauty, equalled by few in the world, but you also 
 gave him a pov/er which approached very nearly to 
 monarchy, adding to the dominions already possessed by 
 your Majesty two entire islands, this and Ireland, the 
 possession of which by your Majesty would give no 
 trouble whatever. . . . His mistress possessed property 
 in France and Scotland of the value of 200,000 crowns 
 a year derived from her dowry and her mother's property, 
 and . . . had in money and jewels 800,000 crowns 
 more.' ^^ 
 
 By this time the marriage, which the Cardinal of 
 Lorraine had been negotiating for his niece, with Charles 
 the Archduke of Austria, was regarded by his father 
 the Emperor and by others as certain.-^ In treating, the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine, it v/as said, had not only affirmed 
 that Mary was the inheritor of England, but had 
 prompted the Emperor and his son to its recovery by 
 arms.i- With Du Croc, who had been sent by the 
 Cardinal to Scotland, Mary returned thanks to the 
 Emperor and his son ; and requested the messenger ' to 
 note well the personage of the Duke, to learn his nature 
 and conditions, and his living and revenues.'' ^^ To the 
 Spanish Ambassador, Lethington made light of this pro- 
 posal to marry his Sovereign to the younger son of the 
 Emperor. So far as he understood her thoughts and 
 intentions, such a match would not satisfy her, since the 
 Archduke had nothing in his favour but his relationship 
 with Philip, and that alone, he said.^ was not sufficient 
 
 85 
 
THE KING OF FRANCE [chap. 
 
 for the aims which she and her subjects had in view. 
 Unless, therefore, Philip promised ' great support and 
 effectual aid to the Archduke,' Lethington thought 
 ' there was no chance of such a match being accept- 
 able." 1^ Mary afterwards avouched that this was indeed 
 her opinion.^^ 
 
 De Quadra informed the Emperor that Lethington 
 had complained that the Archduke was not rich enough 
 to support the necessary state, and had suggested that 
 Philip should undertake his maintenance and give the 
 Scots ' an assurance that he would carry out the English 
 enterprise.' The Spanish Ambassador no doubt thought 
 that he was putting the whole question in a nut-shell, 
 when he assured the Emperor that 'the only thing they 
 will insist upon in Scotland is that the Archduke shall 
 have enough money to keep himself without looking to 
 them, and also that he is strong enough to establish his 
 right to this [i.e. the English] crown.' ^^ The Emperor, 
 it was said, was so eager for the match, that he was 
 willing to provide a sufficient portion. ^^ 
 
 Elizabeth's postponement of the interview, and her 
 continued aversion to agree to the succession compromise, 
 were leading Mary ' to seek a means of remedy in France,' 
 by ' such a marriage as would enable her to assert her 
 rights' in England 'by force, if they could not be 
 obtained by fair means.' So, at least, Lethington is 
 reported by De Quadra to have told him ; and to him 
 he also said that if no satisfactory arrangement was now 
 made in England, he was going to France to propose, 
 through the Guises, the marriage of their niece with 
 
 86 
 
viii] DON CARLOS 
 
 Charles the Ninth. ^^ In Lethington's own report to ^Mai-y, 
 he informed her that De Quadra had become her affec- 
 tionate servant, through the widespread accounts of her 
 beauty, great wit, and other excellent qualities; that 
 although he could not speak definitely of his master's 
 desire in the matter, he believed that Don Carlos was 
 already ' varay far in love ' with her ; and that he 
 thought she ought to keep one ear open for him, as 
 Philip would naturally do more for him than for the 
 Archduke, since ' his sark is narrere hyme nor his coit."* ^^ 
 Lethington had led De Quadra to believe that the Scotch 
 Protestants would not object to the Don Carlos match ; 
 and Raulet had assured him that even jMurray was 
 extremely desirous of it.^*^ Mary at least was anxious 
 for it.^^ Philip hoped that it might be ' the beginning 
 of a reformation in rehgious matters in England,' and 
 accordingly 'decided to entertain the negotiation '; ■^■- 
 but he was not altogether moved by unworldly motives. 
 He had substantial reasons for his interest in English 
 politics ; 2^ and it was principally the information about 
 the suggested match between Mary and Charles the 
 Ninth which induced him ' to take this business up, and 
 not to wait until the Emperor had been undeceived ' as 
 to the marriage with the Archduke. Philip insisted 
 that, in carrying out the matter, the greatest secrecy 
 should be maintained, 'as all the benefit to be derived 
 from the affair depends absolutely upon nothing being 
 heard of it until it is an accomplished fact."* He authorised 
 De Quadra to encourage and console 'the Catholics and 
 good men in England'; but on no account to com- 
 
 87 
 
SECRECY ENJOINED [chap. 
 
 promise himself. ^^ Over and above the King's injunctions, 
 the Duke of Alva also wrote, impressing on him the 
 necessity of inviolable secrecy.-^ Thus enjoined, the faith- 
 ful Ambassador, on the 17th of July 1563 — eight days 
 after receiving Philip's Instructions — sent a cautious 
 message to Mary by a member of his own household, in 
 whom he had implicit confidence, and for whose journey 
 a harmless pretext was easily devised.^^ AVhen this 
 messenger — Luis de Paz — returned, he found the Bishop 
 of Aquila almost at the point of death, quite able to 
 understand and answer him, but grieving greatly that he 
 should drop from his work just when he hoped to succeed. 
 De Quadra expired with the words, ' I can do no more.' ^'^ 
 Despite the warnings of Philip and Alva, despite the 
 precautions of De Quadra, it was impossible to keep the 
 Don Carlos negotiations secret. By the 20th of August 
 — four days before De Quadra died — Sir Thomas Smith, 
 then in Rouen, ' found that the French marvellously fear 
 a marriage to be made between the King of Spain's son 
 and the Queen of Scotland, which the Guisians take for 
 concluded.' Smith believed that the intention of the 
 Pope and the Cardinal of Lorraine was to give England 
 in dowry to Don Carlos and Mary for reducing it to the 
 Romisli Church, persuading themselves that in Scotland 
 and England their faction was strong enough to accom- 
 plish this.-^ For such a purpose De Quadra had already 
 received liberal offers of help from several of the English 
 lords and gentlemen, some of them promising to serve 
 Philip in this with a thousand men, and others with 
 * things no less important.' Their 
 
viii] OPPOSITION 
 
 great, and the causes of discontent so numerous ar.d so 
 grave, that De Quadra marvelled that disturbances had 
 not already broken out, especially as Elizabeth possessed 
 neither power nor substance, being 'unpopular and de- 
 spised, without troops, without money, and without 
 harmony, at enmity with all the world/ -^ But if Eliza- 
 beth was unpopular, poor, and despised, she at least 
 had advisers of singular penetration and capacity. Ere 
 Lethington left London, on the 20th of June, he told 
 De Quadra that Elizabeth had commanded him to inform 
 Mary that if she married Don Carlos, the Archduke, or 
 any member of the House of Austria, she could not avoid 
 being her enemy, and therefore charged her to consider 
 well her steps in such a matter, for, on the other hand, if 
 she married to her satisfaction, she would not fail to be 
 a good friend and sister to her, and would make her 
 her heir.-^^ 
 
 When Lethington returned to Scotland, he showed 
 himself, says Knox, not a little offended that any rumour 
 of the Spanish match should have arisen, and ' took upoun 
 him that suche thing never entered in hir hearte/ He 
 was anxious to discredit Knox, who had prematurely if 
 not recklessly affirmed, ' tliat such ane manage was boyth 
 proponit, and, upoun the parte of our Queue, by the 
 Cardinall accepted.' Foreseeing the danger to Scottish 
 Protestantism, Knox had already sounded a vigorous 
 alarm. Seizing the opportunity when most of the nobles, 
 who had flocked to Edinburgh for the Parliament, were 
 in church, he preached a rousing sermon on God's mercy 
 to the realm and the ingratitude of the people. ' Now, 
 
 89 
 
KNOX AND MARY [chap. 
 
 my lordis,"* he exclaimed, ' to putt end to all, I hear of 
 the Quenis manage : Duckis, brethren to Emperouris, and 
 Kingis, stryve all for the best game ; but this, my lord is, 
 will I say . . . whensoever the nobilitie of Scotland pro- 
 fessing the Lord Jesus consentis that ane infidell (and all 
 Papistis are infidellis) shalbe head to your Soverane, ye 
 do so far as in ye lyeth to banishe Christ Jesus from this 
 realme, ye bring Goddis vengeance upoun the countrey, 
 a plague upoun your self, and perchaunce ye shall do 
 small comforte to your Soverane."* That very after- 
 noon the preacher had to appear before his indignant 
 Queen in Holyrood, who ' in a vehement fume "* cried out 
 that never Prince was handled as she was. ' I have," said 
 she, ' borne with you in all your rigorouse maner of 
 speaking, bayth against my self and against my uncles ; 
 yea I have sought your favouris by all possible meanes. 
 I offerred unto you presence and audience whensoever 
 it pleassed you to admonishe me ; and yitt I cannott be 
 quyte of vou. I avow to God, I shalbe anes revenged.'' 
 Her voice was choked with ' owling"* and tears. Knox ven- 
 tured to explain that in ' the preaching place ' he must 
 obey Him, who commanded him 'to speik plane, and to 
 flatter no flesche upoun the face of the earth." Interrupt- 
 ing him, she demanded, ' But what have ye to do with 
 my mariage?" Most of the nobles, he replied, were so 
 addicted to her gratification that it became him to point 
 out their duty. But * what have ye to do with my 
 mariage ? ' she insisted ; or ' what ar ye within this 
 commounwealth ? ' Prompt was the answer, ' A subject 
 borne within the same, madam. And albeit I neather 
 
 90 
 
viii] KNOX AND MARY 
 
 be erle, lord nor barroun within it, yitt hes God maid 
 me (how abject that ever I be in your eyes) a profitable 
 member within the same." To him, as much as to any, 
 he said, it appertained to forewarn of such things as 
 might prove hurtful ; and therefore he now repeated to 
 her the warning he had given the lords. This plain 
 speaking was received with another outburst of ' owling ' 
 and tears. Erskine of Dun — ' a man of meak and gentill 
 spreit,' who had accompanied Knox to Holyrood — now- 
 tried to mitigate her anger, by ' many pleasing wordis of 
 hir beautie, of hir excellence, and how that all the Princes 
 of Europe wold be glaid to seak hir favouris."* In vain 
 Knox assured her that he ' never delyted in the weaping 
 of any of Goddis creatures,' that he could ' skarslie weill 
 abyd ' the tears of his own boys when he chastised them, 
 and that as he had only spoken the truth he must sustain 
 her tears rather than hurt his conscience or betray the 
 commonwealth. The Queen, more indignant than over, 
 ordered him ' to pass furth of the cabinet.'' After an 
 hour's merry speech in the outer chamber to the court 
 ladies, in ' thair gorgiouse apparell,' on the transient 
 pleasures of this life and the relentlessness of ' that knave 
 death,' he was permitted to leave the palace.^^ Had he 
 known of Lethington's negotiations with De Quadra, his 
 language would doubtless have been still more pointed 
 and more personal, both in ' the preaching place ' and in 
 Holyrood. 
 
 Ere Randolph — with his Instructions of 20th August 
 — reached Edinburgh on the 1st of September, he learned 
 that Mary, having returned from the West Country,^- 
 
 91 
 
RANDOLPH'S INSTRUCTIONS [chap. 
 
 was at Craigmillar. She received him ven' graciously, 
 and, without committing herself, interrogated him 
 thoroughly concerning his Instructions. The substance 
 of these was, that, if she married in the Emperor's 
 lineage, the continuance of the amity between her and 
 Elizabeth would be impossible, and the concord between 
 the nations would be speedily dissolved ; that, if no 
 English noble could be found to please her, she might 
 choose one from some other country who the English 
 might not have manifest cause to judge vras sought for 
 their trouble ; and in that case Elizabeth would show and 
 extend the goodwill she had for her. Mary bade Ran- 
 dolph confer with Murray and Lethington on the matter, 
 and desired him to give her his Sovereign's mind in 
 writing. He feared that she was ' more Spanish than 
 Imperial,'' and found that many of the Scots were ' as evil 
 willing of the match "* as were the English.^ 
 
 Sir James I\Ielville alleges that Randolph had a secret 
 commission to Murray and Lethington, ' to propon my 
 Lord Robert Dudlv.'^* Five months before this, Lethino;- 
 ton had told De Quadra that Elizabeth had said to him 
 ' that if his mistress would take her advice and wished to 
 marry safely and happily, she would give her a husband 
 who would ensure both, and this was Lord Robert, in 
 whom nature has implanted so many graces that if she 
 wished to marry she would prefer him to all the princes 
 in the world."* To which Lethington had replied ' that 
 this was a great proof of the love slie bore to his Queen, 
 as she was willing to give her a thing so dearly prized by 
 herself, and he thought the Queen his mistress, even if 
 
 92 
 
viii] ELIZABETH'S FAVOURITE 
 
 she loved Lord Robert as dearly as she (Elizabeth) did, 
 would not marry him and so deprive her of all the joy 
 and solace she received from his companionship." Eliza- 
 beth had proceeded to say that she wished that ' the Earl 
 of Warwick, his brother, had the grace and good looks of 
 Lord Robert, in which case each could have one.' Yet 
 ' Warwick was not ugly either, and was not ungraceful, 
 but his manner was rather rough, and he was not so 
 gentle as Lord Robert. For the rest, however, he was 
 so brave, so liberal, and magnanimous, that truly he was 
 worthy of being the husband of any great princess.' '"^'^ 
 
 Besides the offer of good advice, the holding forth of 
 vague promises, and even the generous surrender of him 
 whom she held so dear, various expedients were open to 
 Elizabeth to prevent Mary from marrying a powerful 
 Prince. In the opinion of Guzman de Silva — who had 
 succeeded De Quadra — she was quite fit to enter into 
 marriage negotiations with such a Prince herself merely 
 to oust Mary ; ^^ and Sir James Melville alleges that such 
 negotiations with the Archduke Charles led 'to inwart 
 greffis and gruges betwen the twa Quenis." ^^ 
 
 Mary's prospects had been sadly spoiled by the assassin- 
 ation of the Duke of Guise, who, it was believed, would 
 have done his utmost to place her on the English throne.^^ 
 Besides the crooked policy of Elizabeth, she had to reckon 
 with the intrigues and opposition of Catlierine de 
 Medici,^^ and had to study the temper of her own 
 people — some of whom were implacable enough. After 
 the autumn of 1563 it was noticed that she was occasion- 
 ally greatly depressed, and wept when there was no 
 
 93 
 
Disappointments [chap. 
 
 apparent cause. In December she took to bed and 
 complained of a pain in her right side. Some doubted 
 whether she would live. It was supposed that she had 
 over-fatigued herself by too much dancing on the twenty- 
 first anniversary of her birthday ; she herself thought that 
 she had caught a chill through being too long in chapel ; 
 but it was suspected that the real cause was her utter 
 despair of marrying to her mind — those abroad not being 
 very hasty in the matter, and her subjects at home not 
 very willing. ^'^ It was not, however, until the 6th of 
 August 1564, that Philip instructed Guzman de Silva 
 that the proposal for Mary's marriage with Don Carlos 
 must be considered at an end.^^ A few weeks later, on the 
 rumoured death of the Queen of Spain, it was believed in 
 the French Court that Philip himself would marry the 
 Queen of Scots. ^^ Had the rumour proved true, it is 
 possible that he, who had been willing to marry Elizabeth 
 for the sake of religion,'^^ would not have looked coldly 
 on her northern rival. But poor Arran, once the hope 
 of the Protestants, offered to Elizabeth, scorned by Mary, 
 imprisoned and crazy, was still regarded by Catherine de 
 Medici as a suitable husband for her daughter-in-law, 
 in the hope that he would change his religion and revenge 
 himself on Murray. Mary's uncles, on the other hand, 
 
 were now said to be most earnest for the young Duke of 
 Guise. 44 
 
 Randolph's Instructions of 17th November 1563 had 
 
 been as unsatisfactory to Mary and her advisers as those 
 
 of the 20th of August. While ' the children of France,** 
 
 Spain, or Austria' were plainly objected to, Elizabeth's 
 
 94 
 
viii] DUDLEY PROPOSED 
 
 indication of whom she wished her to choose was not 
 clear.^*^ After three months' consideration, Randolph 
 was told that, as his message was only general, Mary's 
 answer could only be uncertain. ^^ Elizabeth having at 
 length authorised him to offer the Queen of Scots her 
 choice of the English nobles, and in special to name the 
 Lord Robert, he did so before the end of March 1564. 
 'LTpon this purpose they talked very long, and she heard 
 him with meetly good patience."* Taken by surprise, she 
 was neither prepared to marry a subject, nor to reject one 
 who was so recommended by Elizabeth. The English 
 Queen had previously proposed that her sister Sovereign 
 might send some of her trustiest servants to confer with 
 her. Mary now suggested that Elizabeth might send 
 some one — Bedford, or any other with him — to Berwick, 
 to deal in the matter with those whom she would 
 appoint.^^ Randolph set himself to arrange an inter- 
 view between the two Queens in the summer of 1564, but 
 this was found impolitic or impracticable.*^ By this 
 time a servant of Lennox had arrived at the Scottish 
 Court. ' Some in the countrey,' writes Knox to Ran- 
 dolph, ' look for the Lady and the young Erie er it be 
 long. It is whispered to me that licence is allready 
 procured for thare hitther-cuming. Goddis providence is 
 inscrutable to man, befor the ischew of such thingis as are 
 keapt clos for a season in His counsall. But to be plaine 
 with you, that jorney and progress I lyke not."* ^^ Knox 
 was not the only one who already suspected the Darnlev 
 match. '^^ In the previous month another correspondent 
 had written to Randolph that he believed that, whereso- 
 
 95 
 
RETURN OF LENNOX [chap. 
 
 ever she hovers, and how many times soever she doubles 
 to fetch the wind, she will at length let fall her anchor 
 between Dover and Berwick, ' though perchance not in 
 that port, haven, or road that you wish she should/ ^^ 
 
 According to Melville, it was because the Lord Robert's 
 name was not rapturously received that ' occasion wes 
 tane to geve leave unto Mathow Erie of Lennox, wha 
 dwelt in England for the tym, to pas in Scotland as 
 desyrous to se the Quen, and tak ordour with some of 
 his awen turnis ; whais eldest sone my Lord Darly was a 
 lusty young Prince, and apperantly was ane of the twa 
 that the Quen of England had tald me sche had in hir 
 head till offer unto our Quen, as born within the realm of 
 England/ ^ Whatever Elizabeth's motive may have been 
 in interceding with Mary for the return of Lennox to 
 Scotland, she was constrained — by caprice or policy — to 
 regret her action ; and was ignoble enough to suggest 
 that Mary should take the blame by withdrawing that 
 permission which at her desire she had granted.^ 
 
 On the evening of the 15th of September 1564, Mary 
 returned to Edinburgh after her second northern pro- 
 gress ;^^ and in writing to Cecil three days later, Lething- 
 ton complains that no answer had been vouchsafed to 
 Mary's suggestion that a secret commission should be 
 given to Bedford that he might confer with some of 
 them at Berwick. Personally he preferred the amity of 
 Elizabeth to that of any foreign prince ; and trusted that 
 the Queen of Scots would in her marriage as soon follow 
 her advice as that of any other friend she had, pro- 
 vided respect was had to honour and surety. Randolph's 
 
 96 
 
viii] MELVILLE AND ELIZABETH 
 
 special overture had been ' propounded so nakedly that 
 the Queen had reason to know more before she should 
 answer it ** ; and Lethington did not dare to deal much 
 with her ' for any special person.' ^^ Elizabeth was in 
 dire perplexity, and besought Cecil to find out for her 
 delay some good excuse, which she might plead in 
 Randolph's despatches. ^^ 
 
 Meanwhile, Sir James Melville was sent by Mary to 
 Elizabeth — ' the persoun in the warld to whom," next 
 herself, she wished ' maist gud luk and prosperite.' ^^ 
 During the nine days he remained at the English Court, 
 he saw much of Elizabeth, having sometimes three con- 
 ferences with her in one day, and seldom has an Am- 
 bassador recorded his experiences with such delightful 
 naivete. He had to stay until Lord Robert Dudley was 
 made Earl of Leicester, when he saw Elizabeth put her 
 hand on the neck of her kneeling favourite ' to kittle him 
 smylingly.' ' Then sche asked at me,' says Melville, 
 * how I lyked of him. I said as he was a worthy sub- 
 ject, he was happy that had rencontrit a Princes that 
 culd dicern and reward gud service. " Yet," sche said, 
 "ye lyk better of yonder lang lad"; pointing towardis 
 my Lord Darley, wha as nerest Prince of the bluid bure 
 the swerd of honour that day before hir.' Melville, not 
 wishing her to think that he was favourably impressed 
 with Darnley,^^ answered ' that na woman of sprit wald 
 mak choise of sic a man, that was lyker a woman than a 
 man ; for he wes very lusty, berdles and lady facit.' 
 
 Elizabeth owned that she was less offended at Mary's 
 angry letter concerning the proposal to prevent Lennox 
 G 97 
 
MELVILLE AND ELIZABETH [chap. 
 
 going to Scotland, than ' that sche seamed to disdain sa 
 far the mariage with my L[ord] of Leycister, quhilk sche 
 had caused Mester Randolphe propon unto hir"; and 
 assured Melville that she did not intend to marry unless 
 she were compelled by the hard behaviour of the Queen 
 of Scots.*^^ Because she could not see Mary, ' sche delyted 
 oft to luk upon hir picture," says Melville, ' and tok me in 
 to hir bed chamber, and oppenit a litle lettroun wherin wer 
 dyvers litle pictures wrapped within paiper, and wreten 
 upon the paiper, ther names with hir awen hand. Upon 
 the first that sche tok up was wreten, " My lordis pic- 
 ture."" I held the candell and pressit to se my lordis 
 picture. Albeit sche was laith to let me se it, at lenth I 
 be importunite obteanit the sicht therof, and askit the 
 same to cary hame with me unto the Quen ; quhilk sche 
 refused, alleging sche had bot that ane of his. I said again, 
 that sche had the principal 1 ; for he was at the farthest 
 part of the chamber speaking with the Secretary Cicill. 
 Then sche tok out the Quenis picture and kissit it ; and 
 I kissit hir hand, for the gret love I saw sche bure to the 
 Quen. Sche schew me also a fair ruby, gret lyk a racket 
 ball. Then I desyred that sche wald eyther send it as 
 a token unto the Quen, or elis my Lord of Lecesters 
 picture. Sche said, gene the Quen wald folow hir con- 
 saill, that sche wald get them baith with tym, and all 
 that sche had ; bot suld send hir a dyamont for a token 
 with me.' 
 
 Mary had instructed Melville to ' cast in some purposes 
 of mirrines "* among his ' matters of gravite ' lest he ' wald 
 be tyred upon.' He not only spoke to Elizabeth there- 
 
 98 
 
vin] MELVILLE AND ELIZABETH 
 
 fore of foreign customs, but forgot not ' the busking and 
 clothing of the dames and wemen,** and which ' was best 
 setten for gentilwemen to wair." ' The Quen of England 
 said sche had of dyvers sortis ; quhilk every day,'' while 
 Melville was there, ' sche chengit ; ane day the English 
 weid, ane the Frenche, and ane the Ytalien, and sa of 
 others,"* asking him which of them ' set her best."* He 
 said the Italian, ' quhilk plesit hir weill, for sche delyted 
 to schaw her golden coloured hair, wairing a kell and 
 bonet as they do in Italy." * Then sche entrit to dicern 
 what kind of colour of hair was reputed best ; and in- 
 quyred whither the Quenis or hirs was best, and quhilk of 
 them twa was fairest.' The pawky Scot replied that ' the 
 fairness of them baith was not ther worst faltes." ' Bot 
 sche was ernest with me,' writes Melville, ' to declaire 
 quhilk of them I thccht fairest. I said, sche was the 
 fairest Quen in England, and ours the fairest Quen in 
 Scotland. Yet sche was ernest. I said, they wer baith 
 the fairest ladyes of ther courtes, and that the Quen of 
 England was whytter, bot our Quen was very lusome. 
 Sche inquyred quhilk of them was of hyest stature. I 
 said, our Quen. Then sche said, the Quen was ouer heych, 
 and that hir self was nother ouer hich nor ouer laich. 
 Then sche askit what kynd of exercyses sche used. I 
 said that [when] I was dispatchit out of Scotland, that 
 the Quen was bot new com bak from the Hyland hunting ; 
 and when sche had leaser fra the affaires of hir contre, 
 sche red upon gud bukis, the histories of dyvers contrees, 
 and somtymes wald play upon lut and virginelis."' 
 
 After demonstration, and in answer to Elizabeth's per- 
 
 99 
 
MELVILLE AND ELIZABETH [chap. 
 
 sistent inquiries, Melville had to own that she played 
 better on the virginal than Mary; and that his Queen 
 did not dance ' sa hich and disposedly/ ^^ 
 
 Again and again Elizabeth spoke of her desire to meet 
 the Queen of Scots, and 'used all the meanis she culd,' 
 says Melville, ' to cause me persuad the Quen of the gret 
 love that sche bure unto hir, and was myndit to put 
 away all geleusies and suspitions, and in tymes comyng 
 a straiter frendschip to stand bet wen them then ever had 
 bene of before/ ^^ 
 
 To Leicester's question, what Mary 'thocht of him, 
 and of the mariage that Mester Randolphe had proponit,' 
 Melville, as instructed, ' answerit very cauldly." * Then 
 he began to purge himself of sa proud a pretence as to 
 mary sa gret a Quen, estemyng himself not worthy to 
 deicht hir schone ' [i.e. wipe her shoes] ; alleging that it 
 was the proposal of Cecil, his secret enemy ; and praying 
 Melville to request the Queen of Scots * not to imput 
 unto him that lourd fait, bot unto the malice of his 
 
 ennemys/ ^^ 
 
 ^Melville tells that Mary — for reasons not altogether 
 unselfish — was greatly pleased with the result of his 
 mission.^ After hearing an account of all his pro- 
 ceedings, she asked, whether he thought Elizabeth really 
 intended all that she professed towards her. Melville 
 replied that, in his judgment, ' ther was nather plain 
 dealing nor uprycht meanyng, bot gret dissimulation, 
 emulation, and fear that hir princely qualites^^ suld 
 ouer schone [i.e. too soon] chaise hir out and displace hir 
 from the kingdomc.'®^ 
 
 100 
 
viiij FRUITLESS NEGOTIATIONS 
 
 Oil the 19th of October 1564, Randolph again reached 
 Edinburgh fully primed with explanations^'' as to why 
 Elizabeth had not sooner acknowledged Mary's proposal, 
 and to state that Bedford and he were now empowered to 
 treat with any whom she might name. He found Lennox 
 at the Scots Court, honourably used of all men, and the 
 Queen liking his behaviour. The current rumour was 
 that Lady Lennox and Darnley were also coming, and 
 there was ' a marvellous good liking of the young lord.'^ 
 Randolph expected that Murray and Lethington v.ould 
 say something to him ' touching Lord Darnley ' ; but 
 they did not, although it was ' in the mouths of all men 
 that it is concluded in this Queen's heart, and that Leth- 
 ington is wholly bent that way."* Mary willingly heard 
 now of marriage, and listened to all that Randolph 
 could say.^^ Murray and Lethington, by her appoint- 
 ment, had a private conference at Berwick, on the 
 19th of November, with Bedford and Randolph, which 
 proved unsatisfactory.'^^ Mary seemed anxious to please 
 Elizabeth, but naturally wished to make her ground 
 sure.'^^ Murray and Lethington tried hard to bring 
 matters to a point — ' foreign practices ' were coming on 
 so quickly that long delay could not be suffered ; there 
 must be some resolution one way or other — but Eliza- 
 beth and Cecil were much too cautious to commit them- 
 selves.'^^ 
 
 ' The winter was never extremer ; '''^ sicknesses, for the 
 time of year, never so many ' ; yet the Queen of Scots and 
 her Court * were never merrier.' ^^ In January they had 
 gone to Fife.''^ It was while she lodged in a merchant's 
 
 lOI 
 
DARNLEY ARRIVES [chap. 
 
 house in St. Andrews that Randolph directly asked her 
 how she liked Leicester's suit. She answered that she 
 ought not to mislike such an one to be hers whom the 
 Queen his mistress did so well like. ' Marry, what I shall 
 do it lieth in your mistresses will, who shall wholly guide 
 me and rule me.'' ^*^ 
 
 While Mary was yet in Fife, Darnley — who, through 
 the influence of Cecil and Leicester, had obtained per- 
 mission to visit Scotland ^'^ — met her on Saturday the 17th 
 of February 1564-5 at the house of the Laird of Wemyss.^^ 
 *Hir Majeste tok weill with him," writes Melville, ' and said 
 that he was the lustiest and best proportionit lang man 
 that sche had scan ; for he was of a heich stature, lang 
 and small, even and brent up ; weill instructed from his 
 youth in all honest and comely exercyses.** ^^ Having gone 
 to see his father, who was with Atholl at Dunkeld, he 
 returned to the South in time to cross the Queen's Ferry 
 with Mary on the following Saturday. Next Monday he 
 heard Knox preach, dined with Murray and Randolph, 
 and after supper danced a ' galiarde ' witli the Queen at 
 Murray's request. His behaviour was liked, and there 
 was great praise of him.^^ 
 
 The Cardinal of Lorraine was still seeking to marry 
 Mary in France ; ^^ while she was anxious to know when 
 Elizabeth would make up her mind decisively.^^ When, 
 on the 16th of March, Randolph did communicate his 
 Sovereign's resolution to her — that even though she 
 married Leicester, Elizabeth would not proceed to the 
 examination or declaration of her interest in the succes- 
 sion, until she herself had married or notified her deter- 
 
 102 
 
viii] ELIZABETH'S OPPOSITION 
 
 ruination never to marry ^^ — Mary ' was more commoved 
 than for tliat present she spake,** and by next day he learned 
 that she was not only dissatisfied, but had ' wept her fill/ 
 She and as many as knew of the resolution were grieved 
 at heart. Lethington neither would, nor could, counsel 
 her to delay longer, and Murray thought that further 
 unkindness would grow between the Queens.^* Hitherto 
 Randolph had not thought that Mary had any special 
 liking for Darnley ; but did not now know what might 
 happen.^^ A month later he not only feared that she 
 would marry him ; but his chief care was how to avert the 
 suspicion that Elizabeth was a worker thereof.^^ There 
 was in Scotland a suspicion — strong, general, and perti- 
 nacious — that Darnley had been sent to the North by 
 the Queen of England for no good purpose.^'' 
 
 Lethington had been despatched to Elizabeth, with 
 whom Mary did not yet wish to break ; ^ but the 
 vehement love which she began to manifest towards 
 Darnley at Stirling, during his illness and convalescence, 
 soon made it apparent that she was determined to marry 
 him.^^ Whatever Elizabeth's motives may have been — 
 and they at least lend themselves to an evil construc- 
 tion '^'^ — in sending Darnley to Scotland, she now did her 
 utmost to make it appear that she wished no such match. 
 The peccant youth and his father were recalled .^^ Throck- 
 morton was despatched to Scotland, only to find that his 
 persistence and tact^'^ were as futile as Randolph's in- 
 fluence,^^ as Murray's counsel,^* or Lethington's dubious 
 wrath.^^ As on another occasion — similar though later 
 — various explanations of Mary's headstrong determina- 
 
 103 
 
MARY'S MOTIVES [chap. 
 
 tion were suo;o;ested. Some thouoht that its foundation 
 was laid in despite and anger ;^ others, that she had 
 been bewitched. ^^ She herself afterwards explained that 
 it was because the match 'j^'ith Don Carlos — which she 
 had steadily preferred — was broken off against her will, 
 and because the Archduke, as a poor foreigner, would have 
 been of no advantage to her kingdom, that she determined 
 to please her subjects by taking a native of Britain ; that 
 Elizabeth had only offered Leicester to deceive her and 
 keep off others ; and that Lady Lennox had continually 
 entreated her to marry Darnley as the next after her in 
 the English succession, as a Stuart by name, as one of the 
 same religion, and as one who would respect her according 
 to the honour conferred upon him.^^ 
 
 The good opinion which had been formed of Darnley 
 at his arrival had rapidly changed. His pride was now 
 intolerable ; his words, not to be borne ; and the hatred 
 towards him and his house was great. Looking for- 
 ward, the dismayed Scots could 'find nothing but that 
 God must send him a short end, or themselves a miser- 
 able life to live under such government as this is like 
 to be.^ »9 
 
 Numerous as were the objections that could be, and 
 were, urged against this match,^*^*^ much could be said in 
 its favour. Darnley 's own claim to the English succes- 
 sion would strengthen Mary's,^^^ and the favour with 
 which the English Papists regarded him was a factor not 
 to be despised. ^^2 'j'j^g Cardinal of Lorraine was not in 
 ecstasies ; ^^^ but the approval of Charles the Ninth was 
 speedily obtained.^*^* Philip, too, was satisfied, knowing 
 
 104 
 
VI 
 
 ii] SHE MARRIES DARNLEY 
 
 that Darnlev's parents were *good Catholics,^ and his 
 * affectionate servitors ' ; and promised that, if his advice 
 were followed, he would aid them at the proper time in 
 asserting their double claim on the English throne.^^^ 
 Mary earnestly desired to be under Philip^s protection, 
 and promised — in April by Lethington, in June by the 
 Commendator of Balmerino — to follow his wishes in every 
 respect.^^*^ Heretofore, Cecil and Elizabeth had by skil- 
 ful management obtained their desire, that Mary's affairs 
 should ' hang in an uncertainty ' ; ^^^ now she was to marry 
 the man of her choice, either with their approval or with- 
 out it.^°^ Even in April it was asserted that the 
 marriage had already taken place ;^^^ and again it was 
 said that they were secretly married in Holyrood on the 
 3th of July, not more than seven people being present.^^® 
 The banns, however, were not proclaimed until Sabbath 
 the 22nd of July; and on that day Darnley, who had 
 previously been made Earl of Ross, was raised to the 
 Dukedom of Albany.^^^ Next Saturday evening the 
 heralds announced that she intended to ' compleit the 
 band of matrimony in face of haliekirk,' and that she 
 ordained that — in respect of the marriage and during its 
 subsistence — Prince Henry should be ' namit and stylit 
 King of this our kingdome." ^^^ At six o'clock on the 
 following morning — the 29th of July 1565— they were 
 married ' in the chapell of Halyrudhous . . . v»ith greit 
 magnificence ' ; ^^^ although the Queen was ' all clothed in 
 mourning.' ^^"^ The Lords then in Edinburgh were all 
 present on Mondav, when the heralds anew proclaimed 
 Darnley King, and announced that now — since the mar- 
 
 los 
 
DARNLEY KING [chap, viii 
 
 riage was 'fully solempnizat and compleit' — all letters 
 should be set forth ' in the names of bayth thair Majesteis 
 as King and Quene of Scotland conj unctlie ' ; but of the 
 nobles no one so much as said 'Amen,' except Lennox, 
 who cried aloud, * God save his Grace ' '^^ 
 
 io6 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE CHASE-ABOUT EAID AND MURRAy's DOWNFALL 
 
 1565 
 
 Murray's repugnance to the Darnley match brought 
 him into dire straits. When he left the Court at Stirhng 
 on the 3rd of April, it was whispered that he had ' gone 
 hence with her Grace's disfavour';^ when, towards the 
 end of the month, he — having been sent for — returned, 
 ' he had worse countenance than he looked for/ 2 AVhen 
 pressed by her, early in May, to give his written consent, 
 he declined to commit himself for various reasons. 
 ' Most of all, he would be loth to consent to the marriage 
 of any such one of whom there was so little hope that he 
 would be a favourer or setter forth of Christ's true reli- 
 gion, which was the thing most to be desired, and in him 
 so few tokens that any good would be done, who hitherto 
 had showed himself rather an enemy than a professor of 
 the same.' Hereupon there arose 'great altercation' 
 between Mary and Murray. ' She gave him many sore 
 words. He answered with as great humility and humble- 
 ness.'^ Perhaps she repeated — what he had, no doubt, 
 heard she had said a few days before — that he wished to 
 set the crown on his own head.* Though her misliking 
 
 107 
 
PROTESTANT ANXIETY [chap. 
 
 of him does not appear to have decreased/ yet he was the 
 first of those whom she named — in the Commendator of 
 Balmerino's Instructions — as commissioners for removing 
 Elizabeth's occasions of doubt and suspicion.^ 
 
 Mary soon found that Murray was not the only one 
 who was alarmed on religious grounds. The fears of the 
 Pi-otestants were increased, if not mainly caused, by her 
 resentment of the treatment accorded to the priest who 
 celebrated — and to the two men who confessed hearing — 
 mass at Edinburgh in her absence.'^ She and her Council 
 deemed it prudent, on the 12th of July, to issue an 
 assurance that it had ' nevir enterit in hir Majesteis mynd,** 
 ' to impede, stay, or molest ' any of her good subjects, ' in 
 using of thair religioun and conscience frelie ' ^ A mere 
 assurance, however, she found was insufficient, as 'the 
 untrew report "* of her intentions had had such eflfect that 
 ' a greit nowmer of hir liegis "" had taken to arms. Three 
 days later, therefore, it was resolved to proclaim anew that 
 they would ' nocht be inquietit ' for religion or conscience 
 'in ony tyme to cum"; and to charge all her subjects 
 ' Weill bodin in feir of weir "* to appear in Edinburgh, and 
 there to remain with her for fifteen days.^ 
 
 The General Assembly had, on the 26th of June, shown 
 its anxiety by despatching commissioners to Mary to 
 obtain her approval of certain articles, the first of which 
 was that the mass, ' with all Papistrie and idolatrie and 
 Pope^s jurisdictiouns," be suppressed throughout the realm, 
 'not only in the subjects but also in the Queens Majesties 
 avvin person ' ; and that ' the sincere Word of God, and 
 His true religioun now presentlie receivit,' might be 
 
 I08 
 
IX] ALLEGED CONSPIRACIES 
 
 established throughout the whole realm, ' alsweill in the 
 Queens Majesties awin person as in the subjects.' ^^ The 
 Queen's Majesty, however, was not disposed to give a 
 prompt assent to such a demand ; and by her delay the 
 Protestant Lords felt constrained to convene in Stirling, 
 to consider what they should do, if she endeavoured to 
 overthrow their religion, or gave occasion to Elizabeth to 
 invade Scotland.^^ Dreading Mary's ire, Chatelherault, 
 Argyll, and Murray — ' the factious Lords ' as Keith calls 
 them — appealed to the bounty of Elizabeth, who had 
 been blessed ' with that most honorable tytile to be, under 
 God, Protectrix most special of the professors of the reli- 
 gion.' ^^ On the previous day, Mary had sent the Com- 
 mendator of Balmerino and Crichton of Eliok to ask 
 Murray and Argyll to declare plainly, in writing, the 
 name of the reporter, and the details of that conspiracv 
 which they alleged had been devised by Darnley and 
 others, in 'the bak gallerie' of her Perth lodging, for 
 Murray's slaughter.^^ The Earl's reply that he was will- 
 ing to come to her ' for declaratioun of the trewth of the 
 report maid to him,' if assured of his life, not only evoked 
 the required assurance, but also a peremptory order for 
 his appearance.^^ Murray, discreetly perhaps, neither 
 availed himself of her assurance nor complied with her 
 command. ^^ There was a counter allegation that the 
 Lords had intended to intercept Mary and Darnley as 
 they rode from Perth to Callendar House on Sabbath 
 the first of July.^^ 
 
 Though the Queen would not change her religion to 
 win the consent of her Protestant nobles to the Darnley 
 
 109 
 
MARY'S FORCES [chap. 
 
 match,^^ she professed to be willing to 'hear conference 
 and disputation in the Scriptures ** ; and even ' to hear 
 publike preaching,' provided it was * out of the mouth of 
 such as pleased her Majestie," and, above all others, would 
 gladly listen to Erskine of Dun, who was 'a mild and 
 sweet-natured man.'^^ At Callendar House — to which 
 she had ridden in fear and haste — she witnessed the Pro- 
 testant baptismal service, saying to Lord Livingston 
 'that she would shew him that favour that she had not 
 done to any other before." ^^ 
 
 As the result of Mary's proclamations there was ' great 
 repair ' to her ' of men in warlike manner.' A week before 
 her marriage they numbered six or seven thousand, and 
 her power was daily increasing. Bedford, who had just 
 returned from London to Berwick, soon found that ' the 
 Gospel and the chief professors of the same in Scotland ' 
 were in ' great distress ' ; that the Protestant party, being 
 very weak and much afraid, were all in tlieir castles. He 
 was particularly sorry for Murray — the ' noble gentleman' 
 who was destined to be overthrown — and wished to deal 
 plainly, 'either by aiding them at this their great extremity, 
 or else by a flat denial.' Lord Hume — who was now a 
 Councillor, and doing ' almost all with the Queen ' — was, 
 like all of that surname, a sworn enemy to England, 
 Bedford was willing — if Elizabeth would allow him, as it 
 were without her knowledge — ' to impeach the devices of 
 the men of the Middle March, who are Murray's greatest 
 enemies," and so cause Hume and them to return to the 
 Border ' to look to their own things.' ^^ 
 
 Elizabeth, at the end of July, despatched John Thom- 
 IIO 
 
IX] MURRAY OUTLAWED 
 
 worth to complain to the Queen of Scots of her strange 
 dealings with her ; and to urge her not to call Murray 
 before those 'whom he had cause to judge his mortal 
 enemies/ 2^ Two days before Thomworth received his 
 Instructions, INIary had sent another assurance to Murray;-- 
 three days before the English Envoy reached Berwick, 
 the inflexible Earl had been peremptorily summoned 
 to present himself 'befoir thair Majesteis' under pain 
 of rebellion ; ^^ and on the 6th of August — the day 
 before Elizabeth's representative was admitted into 
 the presence of the Queen of Scots — her former chief 
 minister was denounced as an outlaw.-^ Chatelherault, 
 Argyll, Murray, and Rothes were in Argyllshire, waiting 
 to see which way Elizabeth would ' bend her face." The 
 more Thomworth travailed for them at the Scots Court, 
 the worse they sped. Mary he found to be ' marvellous 
 stout, and such as he never would have believed.'' She 
 was resolutely determined ' to pursue them to the utter- 
 most,' and that Elizabeth should not ' meddle to com- 
 pound the controversies ' between her and them. So far 
 as Thomworth could perceive, they hated her as mortally 
 as she did them.^^ 
 
 Darnley and Mary offered, on certain conditions, to 
 promise to do nothing to the prejudice of Elizabeth's 
 title; to receive none of her disaffected subjects; to 
 enter into no league against her ; to make a confederacy 
 with her and her realm ; and to attempt no change in 
 the religion, laws, or liberties of England, 'albeit it sail 
 pleis God at ony tyme heireftir to call thame to the 
 possessioun of that to the successioun quhairof thai haif 
 
 111 
 
MARY'S TACTICS [chap. 
 
 interest.' Their conditions were, that Elizabeth should 
 establish the English succession — failing her own issue 
 — in Mary, and, failing Mary's issue, in that of Lady 
 Lennox; that she should neither practise with nor har- 
 bour disaffected Scots ; and that she should not enter 
 into any league against the King, the Queen, or the 
 realm of Scotland. ^^ 
 
 Mary strained every nerve to the utmost both in the 
 council chamber and in the field. Rothes and Kirkcaldy 
 of Grange had been ordered to ward themselves in Dum- 
 barton Castle ; the Provost of Dundee, in Dunbar ; and, 
 not obeying, they also were outlawed. ^^ Lord Gordon, 
 who had been long warded in Dunbar, was released ;2s 
 and Both well, long in disgrace, was recalled .^^ On the 
 22nd of August, the Proclamation of four years be- 
 fore, 'anent the estait of religion,' was again renewed.^^ 
 Darnley went to hear Knox preach, but did not altogether 
 relish the sermon.^^ As 'thair Hienessis' now intended, 
 •God willing, in propir personis to pas, serche, and seik' 
 the rebels, ' and to bring thame to obedience, or uther- 
 wyise to persew thame wdth fyre and swerd,' the inhabi- 
 tants of the Lothians, of the central counties from Fife 
 to Renfrew, and of the south-west, were called out — 
 ' undir the pane of tinsall of lyf, landis and gudis ' — to 
 meet ' the King and Quenis Majesteis,' at Edinburgh, at 
 Almond Water, at Falkirk, at Stirling, at Kirkintilloch, 
 at Glasgow, and at Irvine on specified days, ranging from 
 the 25th to the 29th of August.^^ Provision was also 
 made for the heirs of those who might be wounded or 
 slain in the royal cause.^ 
 
 112 
 
ix] HER ENERGY AND COURAGE 
 
 Mary had left Edinburgh on Sabbath the 26th of 
 August, declaring that she would rather lose her crown 
 than not be revenged on Murray, who with his party was 
 then at Ayr.^* At four o'clock next Friday morning, 
 Chatelherault, Murray, Glencairn, Rothes, and Boyd 
 rode with twelve hundred horse into Edinburgh. There, 
 however, they did not receive the support they had 
 expected, for many of their friends were alienated through 
 Lord Erskine turning the Castle guns upon the town ; and 
 having learned that the Queen was hastily returning to 
 entrap them, they quitted the metropolis at three o'clock 
 on Sabbath morning. As Argyll was not with them, 
 her forces outnumbered theirs by five to one ; and while 
 she had arquebusiers they had none.^^ By way of Hamil- 
 ton and Peebles they retired to Dumfries.^^ Had the 
 weather not been so foul on Saturday, she would probably 
 have intercepted them.^^ Before that she had followed 
 them so closely that they found time to rest in no place.^ 
 Much as Knox was opposed to her, bitterly as he could 
 write against her, he could not help admiring her pluck. 
 His pen is recognisable in the description of the vehement 
 tempest of wind and rain, when the little brooks became 
 rivers, through which her troops that Saturday marched 
 with great difficulty and no little danger, and when 
 'albeit the most part waxed weary, yet the Queen's 
 courage encreased man-like so much that she was ever 
 with the foremost.' ^^ 
 
 Next day — the day on which tlie Eords left Edinburgh 
 — Mary issued a proclamation from Callendar stating that 
 she and the King were that night departing ' towart Strivi- 
 n 11^ 
 
MARY'S PROCLAMATIONS [chap. 
 
 ling for reposing of thair Hienessis," and charging ' thair 
 liegis and subdittis presentlie convenit with thair Hienessis 
 at this present raid ' to meet them next morning by sun- 
 rise at Kilsyth.*^ Notwithstanding this proclamation and 
 its penalties, many of her forces — weary of the matter — 
 were falling from her daily. She, it was reported, occa- 
 sionally bore a pistolet ; of her company, Darnley alone 
 wore a gilt corselet ; all the others, after their country 
 fashion, were in jacks.^^ As Argyll was said to be in her 
 neighbourhood, it was thought that she might possibly 
 leave Glasgow sooner than she intended.*'^ If Elizabeth 
 would only wink at Bedford's procedure, he (the Governor 
 of Berwick) did not doubt that 'things would pass 
 in other sort than they do.'^^ Randolph was assured 
 that one country might receive both the Queens ere- 
 long, and that i.^8000 or =£^10,000 would bring it to 
 pass."^-* 
 
 Meanwhile Mary was not altogether idle in Glasgow. 
 On the 5th of September she sent out two proclamations, 
 by one of which all the fencible lieges throughout the 
 realm were warned to prepare and hold themselves in 
 readiness to meet their Majesties with twenty days' pro- 
 visions, when summoned ; *^ by the other, those in certain 
 districts were ordered to meet them at Stirling on the 
 last day of the month, ' weill bodin in feir of weir, with 
 palyeonis^^ and uther neidfull provisioun to ly on the 
 feildis." *^ On the 6th of September, provision was again 
 made for the heirs of those who might be slain or wounded 
 in pursuit of the rebels ; ^^ Lennox was appointed Lieu- 
 tenant- General of the western shires, from Stirling to 
 
 114 
 
ix] BOTHWELL ARRIVES 
 
 the Solway ; *^ and Chatelherault, Argyll, Glencairii, 
 Boyd, Ochiltree, and others were summoned to appear 
 before the King and Queen at St. Andrews in six days, 
 under pain of being denounced rebels, put to the horn, 
 and escheated. ^'^ From Glasgow she also sent an urgent 
 message to the King of Spain, craving his help.^^ Before 
 she left Edinburgh, Atholl had been appointed Lieutenant 
 in the North, with power to search for the rebels, *to 
 assege thair houssis and strenthis, and to perse w thame 
 with fyre and swerd, quhill thai be opprest or brocht 
 to obedience.' ^^ On the 17th of September, Bothwell — 
 having escaped the pirate who seized Sutherland — landed 
 at Eyemouth, immediately went to Court,^^ and was 
 appointed Lieu tenant-General of the East, Middle, and 
 West Marches.^ 
 
 From St. Andrews on the 13th of September, Mary 
 emitted a declaration to expose the designs of the Lords, 
 who, ' undir pretence of religioun,' had raised ' this uprorCn' 
 in order that they might ' be Kingis thame selffis ** ; or, 
 at least, might ' tak to thame selffis the haill use and 
 administratioun of the Kingdom.' ^^ A proclamation 
 issued from Dundee on the 14th — summoning the fen- 
 cible lieges to Stirling on the 30th — was followed by a 
 declaration on the loth, assuring her subjects that she 
 was anxious to hold a Parliament to give perfect security 
 to those professing the religion which she had found 
 universally standing at her return. ^^ With the inhabi- 
 tants of Dundee and Perth — who were ready to send help 
 to the Lords — she was greatly offended. Dundee she 
 might have sacked ; but lacking money to pay her soldiers 
 
 "5 
 
ENGLISH AID AND ADVICE [chap. 
 
 — for which purpose she had already pledged many of 
 her jewels — the honest burghers bought their quietness 
 for two thousand pounds Scots. From St. Andrews and 
 Perth she also took ' a benevolence, with as evil a will of 
 the givers as ever money was paid " ; and from Edinburgh 
 she extorted a loan.^'' The Queen was in straits ; but the 
 Lords were in desperation. They lacked shot ; they 
 lacked money ; they lacked men.^^ If Elizabeth would 
 support them as they wished, it was believed that Morton, 
 Ruthven, Lethington, and many others would join them.^^ 
 Robert Melville was despatched to the English Court to 
 press their needs and claims,^ only to elicit the tardy 
 response that they should accept such conditions as might 
 be devised, as Elizabeth could not give them open aid 
 without declaring war against ]\Iary ; nevertheless, to 
 save their lives, she M^ould receive them into her protec- 
 tion.^^ She had previously sent them money secretly,^^ 
 and had even authorised Bedford to let them have three 
 hundred of his soldiers witliout notifying that he had 
 any direction therein from her ; but ere he could act 
 upon this permission she withdrew it.^^ The Lords had 
 already realised that her secret help would do them 
 little good.^^ From Dumfries they had sent out an 
 elaborate declaration, explaining their position, and 
 justifying their conduct ;^^ but their numbers went 
 steadily dovvn.*^^ 
 
 So far as Mary was concerned, the persuasions and 
 entreaties of Mauvissiere — who had come from the French 
 Court — proved as ineffectual as Elizabeth's proffered 
 mediation.^'' Like Saul of old, she was ' yet breathing out 
 
 Ii6 
 
I 
 
 ix] MURRAY AND ELIZABETH 
 
 threatenings and slaughter.' On the 8th of October, she 
 set out from Edinburgh for Dumfries, with one woman 
 and an army estimated at from six to twelve thousand. 
 It was now rumoured that she had ' a secret defence upon 
 her body, "a knape scall""* for her head, and dagg at her 
 saddle.'^ Ere she left Edinburgh, the Lords, discouraged 
 and perplexed, had taken refuge in Carlisle ; and from 
 thence they went by Hexham to Newcastle, where 
 they meant to remain till God should otherwise provide 
 for them, or Elizabeth's pleasure be made known.^^ 
 Mary's armv — ' unwilling and unserviceable ' — made 
 great spoil of the country, as it marched to Dumfries ; 
 and was so disorderly led that it might have been easily 
 overthrown by a much smaller number.'^^ Leaving a 
 considerable force under Bothwell at Dumfries, she 
 returned by Lochmaben ; ^^ and, having disbanded the 
 rest of her army, arrived in Edinburgh on the 18th 
 of October with not more than a hundred and forty 
 horse. '^■- 
 
 Mary's anger was increased rather than diminished by 
 the flight of her Lords into England ; "^ while they, in turn, 
 were still hoping that Elizabeth would send them the 
 help she had promised.'^* Against the wishes of Bedford, 
 they despatched Murray to Westminster, to plead their 
 cause with the Queen of England, who had encouraged 
 them by false hopes and failed them in the time of need.'^^ 
 Elizabeth sent a pressing order to stay him ;''^ but ere the 
 messenger met him he was within forty miles of London .^'^ 
 Had he known the reception he was to get, he would 
 probably have been content to return even then to the 
 
 117 
 
MARY TRIUMPHANT [chap. 
 
 friendly Bedford. Modestly dressed in black, and kneel- 
 ing on one knee, in the presence of the English Privy 
 Council and of the two French Ambassadors — De Foix 
 and Mauvissiere — Murray had to listen patiently to the 
 hypocritical oration of the imperious and unscrupulous 
 Queen, to submit quietly to her pointed interrogation 
 concerning his opposition to his Sovereign, and to receive 
 meekly the warning that he occupied a very grave posi- 
 tion, and might justly be held as a prisoner.'''^ 
 
 Had not the result of Murray's active opposition to the 
 Queen of Scots been somewhat dubious, it is not likely 
 that she would have allowed him to remain quietly in 
 Dumfries for a month before he took refuge in England. 
 The utter collapse of his enterprise was chiefly due to her un- 
 tiring energy, to her politic assurances concerning religion, 
 and to the unsteadfastness of the English Queen, though 
 she herself was afterwards pleased to give the glory to 
 Bothwell.'^^ In this crisis, her attitude towards Elizabeth, 
 while courteous and firm,^^ had not been rigid. She tried 
 conciliation;^^ she tried remonstrance;^^ and, there is 
 reason to believe, tried the more effectual means of 
 stirring up trouble in Ireland ^^ — a project suggested to 
 her, she alleged, by Elizabeth's own favourite, Leicester.^* 
 
 Murray was still in the flesh, and still uncondemned 
 by Parliament ; but otherwise his overthrow was as com- 
 plete as Huntly's. Chatelherault made his submission, 
 agreed to go into exile for five years, and was pardoned. ^^ 
 But Mary's aversion to Murray was slow to soften. In 
 November she had still been willing to lose half her realm 
 rather than see him restored to his former state.^^ He, 
 
 Ii8 
 
ix] THE LORDS SUMMONED 
 
 Argyll, Glencairn, Rothes, Ochiltree, Boyd, Kirkcaldy of 
 Grano-e, and others were summoned in December, at the 
 market-cross of Edinburgh, 'to compeir in the Parlia- 
 ment' on the 12th of next March, 'to heir and sie the 
 dome of forfaltotn- ordourlie led aganis thame.' ^^ 
 
 119 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 SEIGNEUR DAVIE 
 
 1565-1566 
 
 One of the grievances adduced in the Dumfries Declara- 
 tion by the Protestant Lords, to justify their open 
 opposition to Mary, was her ' leaving the wholsom advice 
 and counsell ' of her nobles and barons, and following 
 instead that ' of suche men, strangers, as have nather 
 judgement nor experience of the ancient lawes and gover- 
 nance of this realme, nor naturall love toward her 
 Majestie nor subjects therof — these strangers, indeed, 
 ' being men of base degrie, and seeking nothing but their 
 owne commoditeis." ^ Of these base foreigners, the most 
 obnoxious to the Lords was David Riccio, or Rizzio, 
 ' commounlie called among us Seigneur Davie.' ^ Melville, 
 who knew him well, describes him as 'a merry fallow 
 and a gud mucitien '' ; ^ and the French still ' ascribe to 
 him the composition of several of their popular airs of 
 uncertain parentage.''* Mary's friends and enemies agree 
 that he was by no means good-looking; but there is 
 considerable diversity as to his age.^ A native of Pied- 
 mont, he came to Scotland in the train of Morette, the 
 Ambassador from Savoy, a few months after Mary's 
 
 120 
 
CHAP, x] RICCIO'S INFLUENCE 
 
 return to her own country ; ^ and at first won her favour 
 
 by his musical skill .'^ 
 
 When, three years later, Kaulet fell out of favour, 
 Riccio was advanced to be her secretary for French 
 affairs ; ^ and as his influence in his new sphere increased, 
 so did the hatred of the nobles towards him. ' Some of 
 the nobilite wald glowm upon him,"* says Melville, * and 
 some of them wald schulder him and schut [i.e. shoulder 
 and shove] hym by, when they entrit in the chamber, and 
 fand him alwais speaking with hir Majeste. And some 
 again that had hard turnis to be helpit, new infeftmentis to 
 be tane, or that desyred to prevaill against ther ennemys 
 in court or session, addressit them unto him, and dependit 
 upon hym ; wherby in schort tym he becam very rich.' ^ 
 I Buchanan avers that it was to prepare a protection for 
 himself against the hatred of the nobles that he ' courted 
 by every species of flattery the youth destined for the 
 royal bed, and attained such familiarity, that he was 
 admitted to his chamber, couch, and most secret con- 
 sultations." ^^ He at all events approved heartily of the 
 Darnley match, and did what he could to advance it.^^ 
 The great influence which he had gained over the Queen 
 before that marriage ^^ did not decrease after it.^^ Mary 
 knew that the Lords did not love him, and willed 
 Melville to be a friend ' unto Seigneur David, wha was 
 baited without cause.' ^* 
 
 It M'as not merely as a favoured foreigner that Riccio 
 was hated by the Protestant Lords. He was regarded as 
 an emissary of the Pope,^^ craftily plotting the overthrow 
 of that religion which they valued, not only for conscience- 
 
 121 
 
MARY'S DUPLICITY [chap. 
 
 sake and duty toward God, but also because its sub- 
 version would have rendered their lives and heritages liable 
 to forfeiture for lieresy.^^ Despite Darnley's apparent in- 
 difference,^" and Mary''s repeated assurances both before 
 and after her marriage, the fears of the Lords were only 
 too well founded. Her Proclamation of 25th August 
 1561 — in which they had been inclined to trust — had 
 been renewed but not enforced.^^ No doubt the Primate 
 himself had been imprisoned for its flagrant breach, 
 but when her immediate purpose was served he had 
 been set at liberty ; ^^ while those Protestants, who 
 zealously handled their ecclesiastical opponents for dis- 
 regarding her Proclamation, were harshly dealt with 
 by her.-^ Great as the Lords knew the divergence 
 between her proclamations and actions to be, and much 
 as they may have suspected her sincerity, they probably 
 did not fully realise her duplicity. 
 
 In view of her marriage, the Queen had in May made 
 a promise to the Lords, at Stirling, concerning the public 
 establishment of their religion.^^ The Pope, on the other 
 hand, granted a dispensation for the marriage on receiv- 
 ing her promise and Darnley's ' that they would defend 
 the Catholic religion to the utmost of their power.' ^^ 
 During the three weeks preceding her marriage, she had 
 by three proclamations tried to quieten the fears of her 
 Protestant subjects as to her intentions in matters of reli- 
 gion ; -^ and in less than a month after her marriage she had 
 complained in another proclamation that her rebellious 
 Lords were untruly representing her as trying to subvert 
 their religion.^^ Yet in less than other three weeks she 
 
 122 
 
x] MARY'S DUPLICITY 
 
 wrote to the King of Spain, imploring his aid in averting 
 the ruin of the CathoUc religion in her kingdom, and in 
 frustrating the establishment of the unhappy errors which 
 she and her husband were resisting to the hazard of their 
 crown.^^ Before another week had passed, she had given 
 her subjects clearly to understand — in the Proclamation 
 issued by her and Darnley from Dundee — that ' thair 
 Hienessis intendis to hald Parliament sa sone as the 
 occasioun will permit,' in order that ' all actis, lawis, and 
 constitutionis, canone, civill or municipall,' prejudicial to 
 the Reformed religion of Scotland, 'may be abolischit 
 and put away."* 26 Three weeks after that Parliament 
 had been abruptly extinguished, she took care to inform 
 Archbishop Beaton — her Ambassador at the Court of 
 France — that at its opening one important step had been 
 taken 'tending to have done some good anent restor- 
 ing the auld religion.' ^^ The Bishop of Dunblane — her 
 accredited Orator at the Holy See — assured the Pope 
 that one of the purposes for which that Parliament had 
 been convoked was ' the revival of the primitive Catholic 
 religion, which had all but faded out of the minds of the 
 inhabitants of that realm.' ^^ 
 
 This course of duplicity may have been suggested by 
 Riccio, who as Mary's foreign secretary had no doubt a 
 hand in it; but, to borrow the words of one of her 
 apologists, the lessons which her uncles had taught 
 her as a child ' were never forgotten by the woman and 
 the Queen.' 29 No matter how often, when in straits, 
 she might re-issue her tolerant proclamations and re- 
 itLiate her assurances concerning religion, she had returned 
 
 123 
 
THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE [chap. 
 
 to her own country not to strengthen Protestantism but 
 to re-establish the Papacy. Of this great object she had 
 never lost sight, and to Pius the Fourth had protested 
 that she never would. ^^ It was to extol her religious 
 zeal and constancy, as well as to plead for substantial 
 aid and encouragement, that Yaxley had now been 
 despatched to Philip of Spain,^^ and the Bishop of Dun- 
 blane to Pius the Fifth."^ If, soon after this, she did 
 not actually join the Catholic League — as has been often 
 asserted — it was neither because she was not asked to do 
 so, nor because she was lukewarm in the cause of the 
 Papacy.^^ 
 
 Within a fortnight after the Darnley marriage, it was 
 perceived that Mary had a special reason for the intense 
 dislike she was then manifesting towards Murray and the 
 Lords who were acting with him.^* The hints as to 
 the cause of this intense bitterness gradually became less 
 vague, until, on the 13th of October, Randolph plainly 
 informed Cecil that she hated Murray, neither for his 
 religion nor alleged ambition, but because he knew and 
 detested her secret conduct — conduct 'not to be named 
 for reverence sake.' From other references in the cor- 
 respondence of the period, it is evident that Riccio was 
 even then regarded as the one with whom she had 
 dishonoured herself. ^^ 
 
 Sir James Melville and Throckmorton advised Mary, in 
 her own interests, to pardon the exiled Lords. Elizabeth 
 had treated them badly ; and if Mary, after having so 
 thoroughly crushed them, would now deal gently with 
 them, she would for ever detach them from the Queen of 
 
 124 
 
x] MURRAY AND SEIGNEUR DAVIE 
 
 England and secure their grateful and most loyal support. 
 Such magnanimous behaviour would, moreover, greatly 
 strengthen her party in England, and help them to 
 obtain for her the Parliamentary declaration of the 
 succession.^^ When Murray was in power, he had neither 
 befriended nor flattered Seigneur Davie ; and now the 
 hated foreigner could not be expected to befriend him of 
 whose increased antipathy he had no doubt received some 
 hint. According to Melville, however, Throckmorton's 
 arguments had great force, not only with Mary, but 
 Riccio 'apperit to be also wone to the same effect,' until 
 the message came from France that she ought ' in 
 nawayes till agre with the Lordis Protestantis that were 
 banissit, because that all Catholik Princes wer bandit to 
 rut them out of all Europe.' ^^ 
 
 Melville gives two reasons for Seigneur Davie's tem- 
 porary approval of Murray's recall. The first, that 
 Murray had besought him very earnestly, and more 
 humbly than any man would have believed, with a 
 repentant letter, a diamond, and fair promises for the 
 future ; the second, that Riccio perceived that Darnley 
 now bore him little goodwill, and frowned upon him.^^ 
 To Riccio's cost, to Mary's, and to his own, Darnley 
 had at length become partaker of Murray's suspicions. 
 The vehement love and self-sacrificing devotion shown by 
 Mary towards Darnley, both before and after their mar- 
 riage,^^ had speedily cooled, or at least become less demon- 
 strative ; ^^ and, rightly or wrongly, the petulant husband 
 laid the chief blame on Riccio. ^^ Before Darnley had 
 been more than five weeks in Scotland, he expressed the 
 
 125 
 
DARNLEY'S JEALOUSY [chap. 
 
 opinion that Murray's possessions were too great ; ^^ and, 
 since his marriage, he had helped his royal spouse to 
 drive this leading noble into exile ; but now, without her 
 knowledge and against her will, he was to bring him 
 back. 
 
 In Randolph's letter to Leicester of 13th February 
 1565-6, it is affirmed that Mary repents her marriage ; 
 that she hates Darnley and all his kin ; that Darnley 
 knows she is false to him ; that there are practices in 
 hand, contrived between the father and the son, to obtain 
 the crown ag-ainst her will ; that if that take effect which 
 is purposed, Riccio shall have his throat cut with Darn- 
 ley's consent within ten days ; and that it was even said 
 that something was intended against Mary's own person. ^^ 
 Twelve days later, Randolph informed Cecil that Lennox 
 was shortly to meet Argyll, when the proposal would 
 be made that if he and Murray would concur to give 
 Darnley the crown-matrimonial, the King would take 
 their part, bring them home, and establish religion as at 
 Mary's return.^ On the 6th of March, Bedford and 
 Randolph wrote Cecil concerning a great attempt which 
 was to be made, and with which they had promised to 
 acquaint none, save Elizabeth, Leicester, and himself. 
 They referred to the jars between Mary and Darnley as 
 due partly to her refusing him the crown-matrimonial, 
 and partly to his jealousy of him at whose apprehension 
 and execution he had determined to be present. ^^ 
 
 It was on Tuesday, the 12th of March, that Murray and 
 the other Lords were ' to compeir ' in the Parliament, ' to 
 heir thame decernit to haif incurrit the cryme of lese 
 
 126 
 
x] RICCIO'S MURDER 
 
 majestic, and to haif tynt and forfaltit lyfF, landis, and 
 gudis."* *^ On the previous Friday, Bedford and Randolph 
 wrote to Leicester and Cecil, that IMorton ^^ was in Edin- 
 burgh, and that Murray and his whole company would 
 be there on Sabbath evening ; but that before their 
 arrival the intention towards him whom Cecil knows 
 would be carried out.^^ The leading details of the 
 terrible scene enacted in Holyrood on the evening of 
 Saturday the 9th of March are well known — the little 
 supper-party, the unexpected intrusion, the upsetting of 
 the table, the dragging forth of the terror-stricken victim, 
 the savage murder, the mutual recrimination,^^ and the 
 commotion outside. ^^ 
 
 According to Archbishop Spottisw oode, ' The Queen 
 . . . sent one of her maids to enquire what was become 
 of Davie, who, quickly returning, told her that he was 
 killed ; having asked her how she knew it, the maid 
 answered that she had seen him dead. Then the Queen, 
 wiping her eyes with her handkerchief, said, " No more 
 tears ; I will think upon a revenge.'" Neither was she 
 seen after that any more to lament.' ^^ 
 
 Quickly as the colours in a kaleidoscope did the stir- 
 ring events of the next nine days follow one another — 
 Darnley's Proclamation discharging the Parliament,^- 
 the arrival of Murray and his meeting with Mary,^^ 
 the negotiations of the Lords to obtain her pardon, her 
 detaching the wayward Darnley from them and regaining 
 complete ascendency over him, her skilfully planned and 
 daring escape from Holyrood, her long gallop to Dunbar 
 in the early hours of Tuesday morning,^ the formal 
 
 127 
 
DARNLEY'S INSTABILITY [chap. 
 
 appearance at the Tolbooth of Murray and the others 
 who had been summoned for that day,^^ her Proclamation 
 charging the inhabitants of certain districts of the 
 Lothians and adjoining counties to meet her 'in feir of 
 war' at Haddington and Musselburgh,^^ the departure 
 of the Lords ' with doUorous hartis from Edinburgh on 
 the morning of Sabbath tlie 17th of March,^'^ the depar- 
 ture of Knox in the afternoon ' with ane greit murnyng 
 of the godHe,' ^^ and her own triumphant return next 
 day.^® In the very crisis of the conspiracy, Mary had 
 not only shown great courage and fertility of resource, 
 but amazing coolness. ^^ 
 
 In his wife's undue familiarity with Riccio, Darnley 
 may have had some cause for jealousy ;*^^ but Ruthven's 
 narrative reveals the youthful King as sensual, unstable, 
 base, and brutal.*^- Nau's story of the midnight escape 
 from Holyrood portrays him as cowardly, coarse, and 
 callous.^^ He proves himself to have been shamelessly 
 untruthful by his solemn declaration of the 20th of 
 March, denying all knowledge of and complicity in the 
 Riccio conspiracy, and owning merely that he had con- 
 sented to the home-bringing of Murray and the others 
 without Mary's cognizance.^* She knew too much, how- 
 ever, to accept this declaration as entirely true ; and she 
 soon saw enough to convince her that it was entirely 
 false. Darnley had thrown off his fellow-conspirators. 
 They retaliated by sending to IMary the bond he had 
 signed, ' not only showing his complicity, but that he 
 had ordered the thing to be done.'^^ Within a fortnight 
 after his declaration was issued, she had also seen the 
 
 128 
 
x] MARY'S DISPLEASURE 
 
 articles between him and the Lords, and Avas grievously 
 offended that he had sought the crown-matrimonial by 
 their means.^ 
 
 It is not surprising that, as De Silva puts it, Mary 
 again fell out with Darnley.*^" With his instability 
 friends and foes were alike dissatisfied.^^ Had Lady 
 Lennox been in Scotland, it was supposed that neither 
 would he have been led astray nor would these disputes 
 have taken place, as she was prudent and brave and he 
 respected her more than he did his father .^^ 
 
 I2Q 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 DARXLEY IX DISGRACE 
 
 1566 
 
 Two Edinburgh lawyers, John Johnston and James Nicol- 
 son, after conveying English gold to Mary's rebels, had 
 fled from the Scottish capital on the 25th of August 
 1565. Their goods were confiscated, but Johnston, having 
 received a remission, returned to Edinburgh in the follow- 
 ing February, when he confessed, before ^lary and her 
 Council, that Randolph had given him three thousand 
 crowns to convey to Lady Murray at St. Andrews. Ran- 
 dolph was confronted with Johnston, but denied his story, 
 and was ordered to leave the country, which he did a week 
 before Riccio's murder.^ In announcing Randolph's dis- 
 missal, Mary professed an absolute belief in the sincerity 
 of Elizabeth's protestations that she had not helped 
 the Scots rebels; and therefore assumed that he had 
 been acting without her knowledo^e and ao;ainst her 
 orders.2 Elizabeth, in complaining that Randolph had 
 been dismissed for an offence which had not been proved, 
 intimated her intention of dismissing Robert Melville — 
 whom Mary had just sent to her to intercede for Lady 
 Lennox, and to see what Elizabeth would do in the 
 
 130 
 
CHAP, xi] JUSTICE AND MERCY 
 
 matter of the succession, if favour were shown to Murray 
 and his fellow-exiles — and threatened that if Mary would 
 not receive Murray into favour, she could not help seeing 
 him relieved in England.^ 
 
 Whatever Mary's motives may have been at the time,"^ 
 she afterwards alleged that she had taken the Lords of 
 the Chase-about Raid into favour at Elizabeth's request.^ 
 
 On the 19th of March — the day after Mary's triumphant 
 return to Edinburgh — her Privy Council ordained that 
 Morton, Ruthven, Lindsay of the Byres, and sixty-seven 
 others, should be publicly summoned to appear before the 
 King and Queen in Council, within six days, under pain 
 of rebellion.^ On the 2nd of April, Thomas Scott — the 
 sheriff-depute of Perth — was hanged, drawn, and quartered 
 at the Market Cross of Edinburgh, for warding the Queen 
 in Holyrood. Mowbray and Harlaw — two Edinburgh 
 burgesses, who had been condemned with him on the 
 previous day to the same punishment — were released at 
 the scaffold, as ' our Soveranis movit with mercie gaif 
 thame thair lyffis.'^ 
 
 On the very day that Mary had shown both justice and 
 mercy at the Market Cross of Edinburgh, Randolph wrote 
 from Berwick to Cecil that she was seeking by all means 
 to quieten her country.^ This was no easy task, and she 
 could expect little help from her witless and unstable 
 husband. Through his plotting one set of nobles had 
 been brought back from exile ; another set had been 
 banished ; Parliament had been broken up ; and a sup- 
 posed rival cruelly murdered. Because the Queen had 
 hesitated to give him the crown-matrimonial,^ he had 
 
 131 
 
MURRAY AND ARGYLL RESTORED [chap. 
 
 tried to obtain it in spite of her ; and now — distrusted 
 and despised on all hands — he had made it impossible for 
 his fellow-conspirators to fulfil their desperate promises. 
 Before Riccio's murder, he had not been distinguished by 
 his extreme devotion to state affairs ; ^^ and now he was 
 not to have less leisure for his pastime. ^^ Murray's re- 
 storation had been successively opposed by Darnley, by 
 Riccio, and by Bothwell;^^ but now even Bothwell and 
 Huntly were reconciled to Murray ; ^^ and Argyll, to 
 Atholl.^^ Murray and Argyll having been called to 
 Court to be received into full favour, Darnley rode to 
 Stirling to meet them ; but the Queen sent Robert Mel- 
 ville to warn them against dealing with him, and they 
 obeyed her injunctions.^^ Mauvissiere having meanwhile 
 arrived from France, Darnley returned to Edinburgh; 
 but the Envoy would only speak to him in presence of 
 Murray, Argyll, and the Council. He thought to button- 
 hole Mauvissiere as he returned from the hunting-field ; 
 but again he was baulked through a warning from the 
 Queen. Yet to please Mauvissiere, he consented — though 
 reluctantly — to the release of Arran, who had endured 
 four years'* imprisonment. Mauvissiere told De Silva — 
 and De Silva thought he was truthful though a French- 
 man — that Mary and Darnley ' did not trust each other, 
 but they behaved as husband and wife and were together, 
 and especially after his arrival the Queen had been more 
 affectionate to her husband.' ^^ As Sir James Melville 
 has it, Darnley ' past up and down his allane, and few 
 durst bear hym company. He was mislyked be the Quen 
 and be all them that favorit secretly the lait banissit 
 
 132 
 
xi] THE EXILED LORDS 
 
 lordis.'^''' There was bad feeling, too, between him and 
 
 Bothwell.18 
 
 Though Murray and Argyll could not yet venture to 
 plead with Mary for the exiled lords of the Riccio con- 
 spiracy, they were earnest with her for those gentlemen 
 who had waited on their masters and were not present at 
 the slaughter. ^^ As she had prayed EHzabeth not to 
 receive her traitors, and in special to deliver up Morton,-^ 
 the English Queen ordered Sir John Forster to signify to 
 liim and his companions that they must provide for their 
 safety outside her realm. Forster delivered the message, 
 which they were slow to obey — not knowing where to go, 
 and he owning that he could so secretly bestow them that 
 it would not be known where they Mere.-^ When Mary 
 pardoned Argyll she had an eye to his league with Shan 
 O'Neil^^ — England's vigorous Irish foe — and, now that 
 Mary was herself negotiating with Shan, Argyll and 
 Murray were willing to promise to Elizabeth that he 
 should not only get no support, but that they would 
 openly oppose him, if she would not be rigorous with 
 their banished brethren, and be a means that religion 
 should remain unaltered in Scotland. To Elizabeth it 
 seemed easier ' to have some portion of money by way of 
 reward secretly bestowed ' ; but Shan's offers were so 
 tempting that Murray and Grange had to confess that 
 Argyll's determination was ' not so godly ' as they could 
 wish.^^ 
 
 Not content with displaying gi'eat zeal against those 
 who were prosecuted for the Riccio murder, Darnley 
 scrupled to sign Lord Boyd's pardon, on the alleged 
 
 133 
 
BIRTH OF THE PRINCE [chap. 
 
 ground that he was in the plot. Nevertheless, the mis- 
 liking between Mary and her husband had so increased by 
 the first week of May, that it was judged he could not 
 long dwell safely in Scotland.^^ By another week Ran- 
 dolph learned that Argyll and Murray's dislike of him 
 was exceedingly great ; ^^ but early in June, he and Mary 
 were reconciled,^^ and Argyll and Murray were also with 
 her in Edinburgh Castle."^'' 
 
 Within the Castle, too, was Sir James Melville, praying 
 ' nycht and day for hir Majesteis gud and happy delyvery 
 of a fair sonne.'' Between ten and eleven in the forenoon 
 of Wednesday, the 19th of June 1566, he was informed 
 by Mary Beaton ^^ that his prayer had been granted. As 
 he took horse it struck twelve ; that night he was at 
 Berwick ; and on Sabbath evening he delivered the good 
 news in London.^^ There was great rejoicing in Edin- 
 burgh. ' AU the artailzerie of the castell schot, and bane- 
 fyris wer sett furth in all pairtis for joy of the samyn.** 
 If the joy is to be estimated by the number of the bon- 
 fires, it must indeed have been great, for in Edinburgh 
 alone there were said to be about five hundred.^^ Killi- 
 grew arrived in the Scottish capital on the same day that 
 Melville arrived in London, and found Huntly, iVrgyll, 
 Murray, Mar, and Crawford at the sermon. Bothwell, 
 who, he reported, had more credit with Mary than all the 
 rest, was on the Borders, with the Master of Maxwell, pro- 
 fessedly to prevent the return of Morton ; but in reality to 
 avoid Argyll, Murray, Mar, and Atholl, who were linked 
 together at the Court, and slept in the Castle.^^ On 
 Monday afternoon Killigrew saw the Queen, when she 
 
 134 
 
xi] THE TESTAMENTARY INVENTORY 
 
 spake faintly with a hollow cough. The Prince, only five 
 days old, he saw as good as naked, and thought him well 
 proportioned.^- 
 
 Before the birth of the Prince, Mary had prepared for 
 the worst by making her will, of which no copy is known 
 to exist; ^^ but fortunately a most interesting testamentary 
 inventory of her jewels drawn up at that time has been 
 preserved.^* The will, as summarised by her accusers, 
 reflected her regard for Bothwell and her disdain for 
 Darnley. But that summary has been discredited in 
 one important point by the testamentary inventory.^^ 
 In its sixteen worn and water- stained ^^ leaves are 
 enumerated more than two hundred and fifty lots, and 
 opposite many of these there are in Mary's handwriting 
 the names of those to whom they were bequeathed. At 
 the end she added that the bequests were only to take 
 effect if her child died with herself, for if he lived he 
 was to be heir of all.^^ The bequests to Darnley 
 include a diamond ring enamelled in red, against 
 which she has written, ' It was with this that I was 
 married ; I leave it to the King who gave it me.' 
 Among those whom she remembered are the Earl and 
 Countess of Lennox, her maternal aunt the Abbess of St. 
 Peter's at Rheims, her uncle the Cardinal of Lorraine, 
 Lord Robert of Holyrood, the Earls and Countesses of 
 Argyll, Murray, Bothwell, Huntly, and Mar, the Dowager- 
 Countess of Huntly, the Earl of Atholl, Bishop Lesley, 
 the four Maries, Joseph Riccio,^^ a person whose name 
 she would not write,^^ and the University of St. Andrews.^^ 
 
 During her convalescence, according to her accusers, 
 
 135 
 
AT ALLOA [chap. 
 
 she seemed to loathe her husband, but showed great 
 favour to Bothwell ; and, before the end of July, she 
 suddenly went to Newhaven, there — with some of Both- 
 welPs servants, ' famous robberis and pyrates ' — to em- 
 bark for Alloa ; where, during her stay, she indulged ' in 
 mair than princely, or rather unprincely, licentiousnes "* ; 
 and where she gave a chilling reception to Darnley, who, 
 on hearing of her departure from Edinburgh, had hurriedly 
 followed her by way of Stirling.*^ If the contemporary 
 writers and records do not bear out the grosser charges, 
 they at least corroborate some of the minor details. 
 Bedford states that when Mary left Edinburgh Castle, 
 Darnley knew nothing of it;^^ and Nau's narrative co- 
 incides with the Detection on two points — that Darnley 
 arrived at Alloa after her, and only stayed a few hours.^ 
 Bedford had just learned that Bothwell carried all credit 
 in the Court, and that he was the most hated man among 
 the nobles in Scotland.^^ A few days afterwards, he uTote 
 that BothwelFs insolence was so great that Riccio was 
 never more abhorred ; that Mary agreed rather worse than 
 before with Darnley — seldom eating with him, and loving 
 none who loved him — and that ' it cannot for modestie 
 nor with the honour of a queene be reported what she 
 said of hym.'^^ After the Alloa excursion, he notified 
 that the disagreement rather increased, and that Darnley 
 had gone to Dunfermline.^^ 
 
 Mauvissiere, who had been sent from France to con- 
 gratulate Mary on the birth of her son, was able to tell 
 Bedford, on the 9th of August, as he returned through 
 Berwick, that the Queen of Scots and her husband had 
 
 136 
 
xi] STRAINED RELATIONS 
 
 been reconciled ; *^ but this reconciliation proved to be as 
 temporary as it was superficial. Darnley was displeased 
 that Murray should have so much of Mary's company; 
 and again left the Court much aggrieved. ' He cannot 
 bear that the Queen should use familiarity either with 
 men or women, and especially the ladies of Argyll, Murray, 
 and Mar, who keep most company with her.**^ 
 
 By the middle of August, ]\lary was hunting in Megot- 
 land, with Both well, Murray, and ]VIar.^^ Buchanan 
 charges her, while there, with nothing worse than be- 
 having coyly, loftily, and disdainfully to her liusband^^ 
 — a calumny inconsistent, in GoodalFs opinion, with hur 
 ' genteel behaviour.' ^^ On the other hand, Nau tells a 
 story, incredible enough, to show Darnley 's heartlessness 
 to^vards her at Traquair.^^ According to Nau, while on 
 her way back to Edinburgh slie resolved to remove her 
 child to Stirling; and for this purpose raised four or 
 five hundred arquebusiers, who on the joui-ney sur- 
 rounded the Prince's litter. ^^ Before the end of August, 
 they had a few days' hunting ' in lone Glenartncy's hazel 
 shade'; and there, Buchanan alleges, Mary's conduct to 
 Darnley was the same as at Megotland.^* 
 
 In September, Maitland was received into the Queen's 
 favour, and by her reconciled with Bothwell.^^ During 
 the same month, too, her accusers assert she was guilty, 
 in Edinburgh, of gross immorality with Bothwell ; and 
 her amatory exploits in the Exchequer House are related 
 with circumstantial fulness.^^ Had the Lords of her 
 Privy Council then known and believed the scandalous 
 story, they could hardly have reminded Darnley, on the 
 
 137 
 
MARY GOES TO JEDBURGH [chap. 
 
 last day of the month, that he ought to thank God for 
 giving 'him so wise and virtuous a wife.^" Had Darnley 
 suspected her guilt, and been able to substantiate it, he 
 had an excellent opportunity, when, in presence of Du 
 Croc and the members of her Privy Council, she ' took 
 him by the hand, and besought him for God's sake to 
 declare if she had given him any occasion' for his resolu- 
 tion to go abroad, ' and entreated he might deal plainly 
 and not spare her.'^ While the oft-quoted letters of 
 Du Croc and the Privy Council prove that Mary and 
 Darnley were on bad terms, they confute Buchanan's 
 assertion that Darnley followed her from Stirling to 
 Edinburgh only to be again excluded ' with maist dis- 
 honourabill disdane." ^^ 
 
 For 'the fortificatioun of justice," Mary and Darnley 
 had intended to pass into Teviotdale in the beginning of 
 August ; but the project was delayed on account of the 
 approaching harvest. On the 24th of September the 
 Privy Council resolved to summon the lords, gentlemen, 
 and yeomen from a large district to meet their Majesties 
 at Melrose, on the 8th of October, ' weill bodin in weirlyke 
 maner, with xx dayis provisioun eftir thair cuming to 
 Jedburgh.' ^ The exact date of ]\Iary's departure from 
 Edinburgh is not quite certain ;^^ but Darnley did not 
 accompany her on this expedition. He was still speaking 
 of going abroad ; ^^ and — as it was alleged, and as Mary 
 believed — he was writing to France, to Spain, and to the 
 Pope, complaining of her lukewarmness in the faith.^ 
 She may have been as far as Borthwick, on her way 
 to Jedburgh, when she heard of Bothwell's serious mis- 
 
 13S 
 
xi] CAUSE OF HER ILLNESS 
 
 adventure with Elliot of the Park ; ^ but she remained 
 in Jedburgh five or six days before she set out on her wild 
 ride to the Hermitage.^^ 
 
 It was at this time — the 15th of October — that Du 
 Croc wrote from Jedburgh : — ' There is not one person in 
 all this kingdom, from the highest to the lowest, that 
 regards him [i.e. Darnley] any farther than is agreeable 
 to the Queen. And I never saw her Majesty so much 
 beloved, esteemed, and honoured ; nor so great a harmony 
 amongst all her subjects, as at present is by her wise 
 conduct, for I cannot perceive the smallest difference or 
 division.' ^^ 
 
 Mary's alarming illness at Jedburgh has been ascribed 
 to various causes — the long ride to and from the Hermit- 
 age, the night air, anxiety for Bothwell, grief that the 
 Papal Nuncio had to linger in France, aversion to 
 Darnley, and poison.^^ Perhaps all save the last had to 
 do with it. ' A distinguished physician ' infers from the 
 recorded symptoms that she suffered from 'an attack 
 of haematamesis, or effusion of blood into the stomach, 
 subsequently discharged by vomiting ; presenting also, 
 possibly, hysterical complications, the whole induced by 
 over-exertion and vexation.'^ From Mary's declaration 
 to Lethington, he understood that Darnley was the root 
 of her trouble. ' Scho hes done him sa great honour 
 without the advyse of her frends, and contrary to the 
 advyse of her subjects, and he on the tother part hes 
 recompensit her with sik ingratitude, and misusis himself 
 sa far towards her, that it is ane heartbreak for her to 
 think that he sould be hir husband, and how to be free 
 
 139 
 
BOTHWELL [chap. 
 
 of him scho sees na outgait.'^^ When Lethington thus 
 wrote, in confidence, to her Ambassador in France, he 
 thought she had passed the crisis of her illness ; but that 
 very night she became much worse, and next morning (the 
 25th of October) she seemed to be actually dead — ' eene 
 closit, mouth fast, and feit and armis stiff and cauld." 
 The skill and persistence of her French physician — ' ane 
 perfyt man of his craft' — were at length rewarded;"^ and 
 the public prayers of her people answered. "^^ Lethington''s 
 statement as to Darnley's behaviour being the cause of 
 her illness is fully borne out by her ' godlie and vertuous 
 sayingis" during 'her extreme maladic' which were care- 
 fully noted down by Bishop LesleyJ^ 
 
 Darnley has been denounced for not appearing at 
 Jedburgh until the 28th ; and Buchanan has been cen- 
 sured for saying that he hastened there on hearing of 
 her sickness. When he did arrive his reception did not 
 induce him to stay long.''^ 
 
 Bothwell was there a week before him — having been 
 brought from the Hermitao-e in a horse-litter — and in a 
 few days Lesley had been able to report that he ' con- 
 valescis weill of his woundis.** ^^ Her accusers allege that 
 she had not only arranged for his transport from the 
 Hermitage to Jedburgh ; but had him removed from his 
 lodging there to the house which she occupied, and to 
 the room under hers; where she kept company with 
 him ' in very suspitious maner,"* as they who were 
 present perceived ; and ' the warld in thay same dayis 
 begouth to speik of it, compairing Boithuillis inter- 
 tenyment with that quhilk the King hir husband res- 
 
 140 
 
xi] SHE REACHES CRAIGMILLAR 
 
 savit at hir handis quhen he come fra Streviling to visite 
 hir;75 
 
 In Paris, genuine grief had been caused by the expected 
 death of ' a Princess personally the most beautiful in all 
 Europe, and of a most cultivated and candid disposition ' ; 
 and her remarkable recovery elicited expressions of grati- 
 tude to God ' for preserving this most virtuous Princess." 
 These feelings were not entirely due to her beauty and 
 accomplishments ; but were partly evoked by the probable 
 fate within her realm of that religion of which she was 
 regarded as the champion amid her blinded subjects."^ 
 
 By the 30th of October, Mary was able to give 
 peremptory orders for procuring silk, plaiding, taffeta, 
 velvet, canvas, and thread, from Edinburgh .'^'^ Perhaps 
 the urgency of her commands was due to the fire bv 
 which she was that night driven from her lodging.'^^ 
 When about ten days later, she left Jedburgh, she pro- 
 ceeded by Kelso,^^ Werk, Hume, Langton, and Wedder- 
 burn ; and at the head of nearly a thousand horse viewed 
 Berwick-on-Tweed — Forster, the deputy-governor, having 
 met her by the way, and convoyed her not only to Halidon 
 Hill, ' and from that west the town,' but almost as far as 
 Eyemouth. Her route then lay by Coldingham, Dunbar,^^ 
 and Tantallon to Craigmillar, which she reached on the 
 20th of November.81 
 
 Mary had not been more than a week at Craigmillar ere 
 Darnley came to visit her. She was still ni the hands of her 
 physicians, not at all well,^^ and his presence was no cordial. 
 Her disease, Du Croc writes to Archbishop Beaton, is 
 principally 'a deep grief and sorrow. Nor does it seem 
 
 141 
 
NO OUTGATE [chap. 
 
 possible to make her forget the same. Still she repeats 
 these words, / could wish to he dead.'' The expression was 
 far from being in accordance with the pious resigi?ation 
 she had displayed during her illness at Jedburgh ;^^ but 
 apparently Du Croc was not greatly surprised. ' You 
 know very well,' he says, ' that the inj ury she has received 
 is exceeding great, and her Majesty will never forget it." 
 During Damley's brief stay at Jedburgh, Du Croc had 
 had a great deal of conversation with him ; and now he 
 had an interview with him in the vicinity of Edinburgh, 
 only to find ' that things go still worse and worse." To 
 Beaton, Du Croc confidentially adds, ' I do not expect 
 upon several accounts any good understanding between 
 them, unless God effectually put to his hand. I shall 
 only name two. The first is, the King will never humble 
 himself as he ought ; the other is, the Queen can't per- 
 ceive any one nobleman speaking with the King, but 
 presently she suspects some contrivance among them.'^ 
 
 When at Jedburgh the Queen had been able to see 
 ' na outgait "* ; at Kelso, it was alleged, she had expressed 
 her determination to have one ; and now the ways and 
 means were to be discussed. According to the Book of 
 Articles., she repeated at Craigmillar her desire, so bitterly 
 expressed at Kelso, to get quit of the King ; ^^ and sug- 
 gested to Murray, Huntly, Argyll, and Lethington that 
 she might be freed by a divorce, which could be obtained 
 by destroying the Papal dispensation ; but, when it was 
 pointed out to her that there would thus be a risk of 
 bastardising her son, ' she utterlie left that consait and 
 opinioun of divorce, and evir from that day furth imaginit 
 
 142 
 
xi] CRAIGMILLAR CONFERENCE 
 
 and devisit how to cut him away by death.' ^^ But 
 according to the so-called Protestation of Huntly and 
 Argyll, the divorce was first broached by Murray and 
 Lethington to Argyll ; then Huntly was brought in ; 
 Both well was next approached ; and, finally, the five 
 proceeded to the Queen, to whom Lethington opened 
 the matter, promising that if she pardoned Morton and 
 the other Riccio offenders, means would be found to 
 divorce Darnley. She, however, would only consent if 
 the divorce could be lawfully obtained, and no prejudice 
 done to her son. When Lethington suggestively said 
 that they would find means to rid her of him without 
 disadvantage to her son, and that Murray would ' looke 
 throw his fingeris,' she answered that she willed them to 
 do nothing by which a spot might be laid on her honour 
 or conscience, and prayed them rather to let the matter 
 rest till God remedied it; to which Maitland replied, 
 ' Let us guyde the matter amongis us, and your Grace 
 sail sie nathing hot gud, and approvit be Parliament.' ^^ 
 Although this Pi^otestation was prepared, fully two years 
 afterwards, partly to inculpate Murray, chiefly to clear 
 Mary, and was sent by her to Huntly for his signature 
 and Argyll's,^^ yet it does not venture to represent her as 
 being shocked at Lethington's significant suggestion.^^ 
 Murray emphatically denied that anything was said at 
 Craigmillar in his hearing ' tending to ony unlawfuU or 
 dishonourable end.'^ 
 
 Before the little Solomon was three months old, there 
 was some talk at Paris of his marriage to Philip's 
 daughter. ^^ Before he was baptized, Elizabeth, ever 
 
 143 
 
THE PRINCE'S BAPTISM lch^p. 
 
 jealous of her title, procured the imprisonment in France 
 of a Scot named Patrick Adamson, who had printed a 
 small book of Latin verse on the birth of the Prince of 
 Scotland, England, and Ireland. ^^ 
 
 James was almost six monthf> old when he was baptized 
 at Stirling, on Tuesday the 17th of December 1566.^^ 
 Brienne, the representative of the most Christian King, 
 reported on his return to Paris, that all the rites of the 
 Roman Church were observed to the great satisfaction of 
 the Scots Catholics, who for seven years had not seen a 
 bishop in pontifical habits. ^^ Long afterwards, James 
 insisted that the use of the spittle — ' a filthy and an 
 apish tricke ' — was omitted at the request of his mother, 
 who declared ' that she would not have a pockie priest to 
 spet in her child's mouth.' ^^ Archbishop Hamilton — 
 ' the most abandoned of all Episcopal scoundrels,' as 
 Froude righteously calls him — officiated. The Bishops of 
 Dunkeld, Dunblane, and Ross, the Prior of Whithorn, 
 and 'the haill college of the Chappell RoyalP were there 
 in their robes. Huntly, Murray, and Bothwell — as well as 
 the Earl of Bedford — stood outside the chapel, ' becaus it 
 was done against the poyntis of thair religioun.''^ Before 
 her son was six weeks old, Mary had prepared a new 
 chrismatory of gold.^^ As godmother Elizabeth sent, by 
 the hands of Bedford,^^ a massive ' font of gold, curiously 
 wrought and enamelled, weighing three hundred and 
 thirty-three ounces,'^ which reached its destination in 
 safety in spite of those who lay in wait near Doncaster 
 to intercept it.^^ Bedford was instructed what to 
 'say pleasantly' as to its size, and its use on the next 
 
 144 
 
xi] DARNLEY SUPERSEDED 
 
 occasion ; ^^^ but within six months, on the eve of her ill- 
 fated marriage with Bothwell, Mary sent it to the mint.^^" 
 
 By five in the afternoon the baptismal ceremonies were 
 ended ; and a supper in the Great Hall was followed by 
 * dansing and playing in haboundancc.' On Thursday 
 evening the Queen entertained the Ambassadors and Lords 
 to a great banquet. ' Thair wes masry and playing in all 
 sortis ' before supper ; and after it a display of firework s.^*^^ 
 The masque seems to have been arranged by Buchanan 
 and Bastien, the future author of the Detectio providing 
 the Latin verses, in which he did not forget to extol the 
 Queen's virtue.^^^ Bastien's satyrs unluckily offended the 
 English by wagging their long tails. ^^^ 
 
 Darnley, though residing in Stirling at the time of the 
 baptism and subsequent festivities, was present at none of 
 these; and for his absence Elizabeth has been unjustly 
 blamed.^^^ Six days before the baptism, Forster wrote to 
 Cecil that Bothwell was appointed to receive the Ambas- 
 sadors, and that all things for the christening were at his 
 appointment.^*^'' One of Clary's earliest and most ardent 
 champions does not hesitate to say that, even up to this 
 time and beyond it, her rigour to Darnley was only 
 feigned, and ' from her hearte shee perfectlie loved him.'^^^ 
 In the eyes of such a writer, it could not be more than a 
 coincidence that, six days after the baptism, she suddenly 
 restored Archbishop Hamilton to his consistorial jurisdic- i 
 tion, a step which is now admitted by Mary's co-religionists 
 to have been *at once illegal and unwise' ; and the motive 
 of which is too readily suggested by the only use which 
 the Primate is known to have made of his recovered 
 
 K 145 
 
bARNLEY'S ILLNESS [chap. 
 
 power — the promoting of ' the scandalous divorce which 
 removed the last obstacle to Mary's marriage with 
 Bothwell/109 
 
 It was on the 24th of December — exactly a week after 
 the baptism — that Mary pardoned Morton and more than 
 seventy others of the Riccio fugitives, towards whom she had 
 justly been so implacable."^ It has been pointed out that 
 she did this ' on Christmas eve, as a deed of charity and 
 benevolence suitable to that solemn festival."* "^ Motives 
 of a more practical and less kindly type have also been 
 suggested. ^^^ According to CeciFs Diary ^ it was on that 
 day that Mary and Bothwell went to Lord Drummond'*s ; 
 and about the same time Darnley left Stirling for Glas- 
 gow, where ' he fell deadly seek."' ^^^ In Stirling, says the 
 Book of Articles^ he had been forbidden to appear before 
 the Ambassadors ; they and the Scots nobles had been 
 desired to ignore him ; he had been stinted in his necessaiy 
 expenses ; his ordinary servants had been taken from him ; 
 his silver-plate had been exchanged for pewter ; ere ' he 
 had ridden half a myle' on his way to Glasgow, he had 
 been seized with that grievous and ' uncouth seiknes,"* the 
 nature of which showed that he had been poisoned ; he 
 had received his food ' furth of the Quenis kitchenc," yet 
 she refused ' to send hir medicinar or ypothicar to visite 
 him."* 11* Other accounts, at least as trustworthy, bear 
 that he was suffering from small-pox ; ^^^ and Bedford 
 states that she did send her physician to him.^^^ 
 
 The Queen herself did not hasten to see her suffering 
 liusband;!!^ and, as Bedford said, the agreement between 
 them was 'nothing amended.' ^^^ She tells of rumours 
 
 146 
 
xi] MARY'S BITTERNESS 
 
 she had heard — rumours which could not be substantiated 
 — that he intended to crown the Prince and take the 
 government upon himself. Whether she believed these 
 rumours or not, she wrote bitterly about him to Arch- 
 bishop Beaton on the 20th of January.^i^ On the 27th, 
 Beaton wrote informing her that Catherine de Medici saw 
 nothing now to hinder her prosperity, save the variance 
 between her and Darnley, which she desired God to 
 appease with the rest of her ' traversis and cummeris ' ; 
 and Beaton warned her to take heed to herself, as he had 
 heard vague rumours that something was to be enterprised 
 against her.^^^ Their letters crossed. A few hours before 
 Catherine's advice and Beaton's warning arrived in Edin- 
 burgh, Mary was again to be a widow ; ^^^ and the bearer 
 of her letter — Du Croc — was destined to deliver with it 
 the tragic tidings. ^-^ 
 
 147 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE DARNLEY MURDER AND THE BOTHWELL MARRIAGE 
 
 1567 
 
 Mary's earliest apologist states that although she might 
 justly have had Darnley convicted, condemned, and 
 executed for his ' pageants," yet, when she heard that 
 he was repentant, sorrowful, and desirous to see her, 
 she hasted to him without delay, ' to renew, quicken, 
 and refresh his sprites, and to comfort his hart, to the 
 amendment and repayring of his helth.'^ Two con- 
 temporary chroniclers state that it was on the 20th of 
 January — the very day on which she had written so 
 bitterly about him to Archbishop Beaton — that she left 
 Edinburgh for Glasgow to see him.^ Whatever her 
 motives may have been, she and Darnley were reconciled, 
 and that in spite of the hints which he is said to have 
 previously received concerning the Craigmillar ' band ' ; ^ 
 and he agreed to go with her to Edinburgh in spite of his 
 alleged misgivings.* 
 
 By the end of January ,5 he was lodged at Kirk of Field, 
 not in the house which belonged to Chatelherault,^ but in 
 what Lesley calls a ' humble building,' ^ in what Buchanan 
 describes as ' ane hous, not commodious for ane seik 
 
 148 
 
CHAP, xii] KIRK OF FIELD 
 
 man, nor cumly for a King, for it was baith revin and 
 ruynous/^ She knew that at least some of her nobles 
 were willing to despatch him ; ^ and yet she had brought 
 him to a house of which the key of one door was amiss- 
 insT, and of which another door had to be taken from 
 its hinges to form a cover for his bath.^^ One of his 
 servants afterwards deponed that her economy did not 
 end at the door, that she caused an old purple bed to 
 be substituted for a new black one in Darnley's room, 
 in case it were spoiled by his bath.^^ So devoted had 
 Mary now become to her wayward but repentant 
 husband, that, not content with visiting him by day, 
 she spent two nights in the lower room of this miser- 
 able house, beguiling the long evenings by going with 
 Lady Reres into the garden, ' ther to sing and use 
 pastyme.' ^'- 
 
 Darnley had been professedly brought here as to ' a 
 plaice of gud ayre, wher he mycht best recover his health ;^^ 
 bot many ane suspected," says Melville, ' that the Erie 
 Bodowell had some enterpryse against him,' though ' few 
 durst advertise him, because he tald all again to some of 
 his awen servandis, wha wer not all honest.' Lord Robert 
 of Holyrood, however, did venture to warn him that 
 unless he quickly escaped from that place ' it wald coist 
 him his lyf.' Naturally, perhaps, the intended victim 
 told his wife ; and the Lord Robert, when challenged, 
 denied that he had given any such hint.^* Long after- 
 wards — ^just before his own execution — Morton gave as 
 his reason for not warning Darnley of the plot against 
 him that he ' knew him to be sic a bairne that thair 
 
 149 
 
DARNLEY'S MURDER [chap. 
 
 was nothing tauld him but he wald reveill it to hir 
 againe." ^^ 
 
 Never apparently had Mary been on better terms with 
 Darnley than on Sabbath evening the 9th of February. 
 She remained with him for hours, entertaining him ' verey 
 familairhe," and was to have stayed all night, when — 
 suddenly remembering that she had promised to grace the 
 masque for Bastien''s wedding — she gave the King a ring 
 in pledge of her love, and returned to Holyrood by 
 torch -light. Within an hour after her departure, 
 Darnley retired to rest.^^ As the murderers afterwards 
 confessed, while she was upstairs with Darnley the 
 gunpowder had been placed in the lower bedroom which 
 she had pi^viously occupied.^'' About two in tlie morn- 
 ing — 10th February 1566-7 — the honest burghers of 
 Edinburgh were awakened by an explosion, which, by 
 Mary's own account, was so violent that ' the house 
 quhairin the King was logit was in ane instant blawin 
 in the air; ... of the haill loging, wallis and other, 
 thare is nothing remanit, na, not a stane above another, 
 bot all other [i.e. either] carreit far away, or dung in 
 dross to the very grund-stane."* ^^ Darnley's corpse, which 
 was not found among the ruins but at a considerable dis- 
 tance in the garden, bore no trace of the explosion which 
 had so completely razed his temporary abode.^^ The 
 unhappy victim — of whom few modem writers save Maid- 
 ment have said a kindly word — had not reached the age 
 of twenty-one.^^ 
 
 Writing to Archbishop Beaton on the very day of the 
 murder, Mary tried to persuade him that the enterprise 
 
 150 
 
xii] BEATON'S FAITHFULNESS 
 
 had been intended for her destruction as well as her 
 husband's ; affirming her determination rather to * loss 
 life and all' than allow such a horrible deed to remain 
 unpunished — a deed which God would ' never suffer to ly 
 hid,"* and which she meant to punish ' with sic rigor as 
 sail serve for example of this crueltie to all ages to cum ' ; 
 and expressing the thought that it was God and not 
 chance that moved her to leave Kirk of Field for the 
 masque at Holyrood.^^ On that Monday ' hir Majestic 
 was sorrowfull and quyet,' so at least Bothwell told Sir 
 James Melville. ^^ She was nevertheless 'sa grevit and 
 tormentit ' that she could not then answer ' the particular 
 heids ' of Beaton's letter which had arrived that morning ; 
 and delayed doing so until the 18th, when she gave him 
 pressing instructions about her money matters, and her 
 desire to have her infant son appointed Captain of the Scots 
 company of the men-at-arms."^ In replying on the 11th 
 March, the faithful Ambassador — though without a sou 
 in his possession — warned her that nothing was so much 
 talked of throughout Europe as herself and the present 
 state of her realm, which most ' interpret it senistrelye.' 
 He deemed it his duty to tell her all that he heard to her 
 prejudice, that she might the better remedy it; but there 
 was ' sa mekle evyll spokin,' and that so odious, that he 
 neither could nor would rehearse it to her. He did tell 
 her, however, that she was blamed as ' the motive princi- 
 pal!,' and that it was even said that all had been done by 
 her command. He earnestly urged her to do such justice 
 as would declare her innocence to the world, and give 
 testimony for ever of the treason of those who had com- 
 
 151 
 
MARY AT SETON [chap. 
 
 mitted such an ungodly murder; otherwise, he said, it 
 would have been indeed better that she had ' lossit lyf 
 and all.'-* Bastien, who soon found his way to France, 
 represented her as making ' great dule," and using much 
 diligence to try the doers.^^ But Mary was not consumed 
 with such zeal. 2^ The advice of Beaton was in vain, as 
 was the threat of Catherine de Medici,^^ the pleading of 
 Lennox,-^ the entreaty of Elizabeth,-^ and the petition of 
 the Protestants.^*^ 
 
 Robert Melville told De Silva that he ' left the Queen 
 confined to her chamber, with the intention of not leaving 
 it for forty days, as is the custom of widows there ■';^^ 
 and Killigrew found her, on the 8th of March, in a 
 darkened room, so as he could not see her face, but by 
 her words she seemed very doleful.^^ She had not, how- 
 ever, been all that time in a dark chamber. It was on 
 Monday morning that Darnley was murdered. On Tues- 
 day, Margaret Garwood, her favourite bed-chamber woman, 
 was married in Holyrood to Jolin Stewart, the Queen 
 giving the bridal feast. ^^ By the end of the week, Darnley 
 was buried with little pomp or ceremony;^* and on Sabbath 
 — six days after the murder — Mary went to Seton.*^^ In 
 other twelve days, Drury learned that she and Bothwell 
 had defeated Huntly and Seton in a shooting-match.^^ 
 There, too, says the Book of A}iicles, she golfed and 
 played at ' pallmall," and gave rein to her criminal passion 
 for Bothwell.^^ 
 
 It was only too plain that he who was most in favour 
 with the Queen, and who had been the first to break to 
 her the news of her husband's death, was himself the chief 
 
 152 
 
xii] THE OBNOXIOUS PLACARDS 
 
 culprit.^ Though it was no light matter at that time to 
 accuse such an one, her offer of a reward to the first who 
 should reveal the murderers ^^ was not allowed to pass un- 
 heeded. Within a week after the tragedy occurred, a bill 
 was set on the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, charging Both well 
 and others with the crime. During the night voices 
 were heard crying in the darkness that Bothwell had 
 murdered the King. Other bills were posted on the door 
 of St. Giles, on the Tron, on the Market Cross, on the 
 Abbey Gate of Holyrood, and on the ports of the city. 
 Portraits of Bothwell, drawn to the life, and bearing the 
 superscription, ' Here is the murderer of the King,"* were 
 scattered through the streets.^*^ On the 25th of February, 
 he was in Edinburgh, where he declared that if he knew 
 who were the setters up of the bills he would wash his 
 hands in their blood. ' His followers to the number of 
 fifty,' says Drury, ' follow him very near, their gesture as 
 his is much noted. His hand, as he talks to any that 
 is not assured to him, upon his dagger with a strange 
 countenance.' The bills were not becoming less personal 
 or more loyal. Drury sent copies of some of them to 
 Cecil to show him ' how undutifully the doers behave 
 acrainst their Sovereio-n.'^i 
 
 It was discovered that James Murray, brother of the 
 Laird of TuUibardine, had ' devysit, inventit and causit 
 be set up certane payntit paperis upoun the Tolbuith dur 
 of Edinburgh, tending to hir Majesteis sclander and de- 
 famatioun." Mary charged him to compear before her to 
 answer for his treason ; and, knowing that he would flee, 
 she on the 14th of March ordered diligent search to be 
 
BOTHWELL'S TRIAL [chap. 
 
 made for him, and forbade all ' skipparis and marinaris ' 
 to receive him in their ships under pain of death.^^ In 
 vain he besought her favour, offering to bring five or six 
 with him, and to charge as many in the Court as the 
 devisers of the cruel murder, and to try it with them 
 ' either armed or naked.' ^^ 
 
 Although the Queen of Scots knew that Both well was 
 at least the reputed murderer of her husband, she allowed 
 him to rule her Court,^* and gave him fresh tokens of her 
 favour.^'' At length she wrote Lennox — Anderson dates 
 this letter the 24th of March, LabanofF the 23rd— that 
 those whom he had named should be tried ; and if found 
 guilty condignly punished.^*^ In the list which Lennox 
 had sent, BothwelPs name stood first,*^ yet within eight 
 days she presented him with three of her costliest church 
 vestments of cloth of gold ; *^ and he sat as a member of 
 the Privy Council, on the 28th of March, to arrange for 
 his own trial.^^ Already the people j udged that she would 
 marry him.^^ 
 
 Edinburgh was filled with BothwelPs supporters; but 
 Lennox, as he averred, was forbidden to bring more than 
 a handful of retainers ; and, although he could not have 
 the proof ready by the 12th of April, no delay was 
 granted. ^^ Mounted on Darnley's courser, so Drury 
 writes. Both well — after looking up to Mary"'s window 
 and receiving from her ' a friendly nod for a farewell ' — 
 set out from Holyrood for the Tolbooth, ' with a merry 
 and lusty cheer,' attended through the crowded streets by 
 two hundred arquebusiers, and four thousand gentlemen.^^ 
 In the language of the time, justice was ' smorit and 
 
 154 
 
XII 
 
 ] THE SUPPER AND BOND 
 
 planelie abusit."*^^ Sir James Melville alleges that the 
 jury 'clengit him, some for fear, and some for favour, 
 and the maist part for commoditie."* ^* In Buchanan's 
 expressive words, ' Bothwell was not clensit of the cryme, 
 bot, as it wer, waschit with sowteris bleking." ^^ 
 
 Four days later, when the Queen rode to her Parliament 
 in the same Tolbooth, Bothwell carried the sceptre.^^ It 
 was afterwards asserted by Mary, by the Lords who ad- 
 hered to her, and by others, that BothwelPs acquittal was 
 ratified in that Parliament ; ^^ but in its records — and it 
 is one of the two Marian Parliaments of which the 
 original records have been preserved — there is no such 
 ratification. The records, however, contain what may 
 have been regarded as a virtual acknowledgment of his 
 innocence — the ratification of the captaincy of Dunbar 
 Castle to him on account of his ' gret and manifald gud 
 service,' and the stringent Act concerning ' placardes and 
 billis and ticquettis of defamatioun.' ^^ 
 
 When Parliament was closed on Saturday the 19th of 
 April, Bothwell bore the sword of honour back to Holy- 
 rood.°^ That evening, after a supper to which he had in- 
 vited them, he induced through fear or fraud a number of 
 the Lords to sign a ' band ' declaring their belief in his inno- 
 cence; their determination to defend him against calumny; 
 and their resolution, should Mary choose him as her 
 husband, to further the marriage ' so farr as it may pleise 
 our said Soverane Lady to allow.' ^^ Next day, Kirkcaldy 
 of Grange wrote to Bedford that Mary was intending to 
 take the Prince out of the Earl of Mar's hands to put him 
 into Both well's, for whom, she had been heard to say, she 
 
 155 
 
MARY'S CAPTURE [chap. 
 
 cared not to lose France, England, and her own country, 
 and that she would go with him to the world's end in a 
 white petticoat ere she left him.*'^ 
 
 On Monday she set out for Stirling to see her child ; ^^ 
 and as she returned to Edinburgh, on Thursday (the 24th 
 of April), Bothwell intercepted her, and carried her to 
 Dunbar.^^ Sir James Melville, who was with her, was 
 told by his captor that ' it was with the Quenis awen con- 
 sent.' ^^ Drury, too, writing three days after the event, 
 said that, although the manner appeared to be forcible, it 
 was known to be otherwise.^^ It is quite certain that 
 this was the common opinion at the time.^^ Before the 
 nobles signed the ' band ' to Bothwell, De Silva had written 
 to Philip that it was hinted in London that marriage with 
 Mary was BothwelFs object in his intended divorce from 
 his wife;^^ and, before the capture, the French Ambas- 
 sador at the English Court felt certain that, if the divorce 
 were effected, this marriage would take place.*^^ Nine days 
 after the capture, De Silva wrote that as BothwelFs horse- 
 men arrived near Mary, ' with their swords drawn, they 
 showed an intention of taking her with them, whereupon 
 some of those who were with her were about to defend 
 her ; but the Queen stopped them, saying she was ready to 
 go with the Earl of Bothwell wherever he wished rather than 
 bloodshed and death should result.' ^^ In the same letter 
 to Philip, De Silva says : — ' It is believed that the whole 
 thing has been arranged so that, if anything comes of the 
 marriage, the Queen may make out that she was forced 
 into it.' De Silva further tells his royal master that he 
 received this information not only from Elizabeth and 
 
 156 
 
xii] BOTHWELL'S DIVORCE 
 
 Cecil, but also ' from the man who brought the news, 
 who is a good Catholic, and an intimate acquaintance of 
 mine; 70 
 
 No time was lost in entering and carrying through the 
 double process for divorce. Within two days of the 
 capture, Lady Both well lodged her libel in the Com- 
 missary Court, claiming divorce because of the EarFs 
 adultery with one of her servants ; ^^ and next day, Arch- 
 bishop Hamilton granted a commission to certain of his 
 clergy to try the validity of the marriage.'^- On the 3rd 
 of May, Lady Bothwell — a devout Romanist — obtained 
 judgment from the Protestant Commissaries against her 
 husband ; ^^ and, on the 7th, her professedly Protestant 
 husband procured from the Papal Court the decision that 
 their marriage had been null from the beginning for lack 
 of a dispensation.^* That there was collusion between 
 Bothwell and his wife, her brother (Huntly), and Arch- 
 bishop Hamilton seems certain enough. ^^ So far as 
 ability was concerned, the illegitimate Archbishop was 
 the real head of the House of Hamilton, and a desire to 
 advance the regal claims of that house probably explains 
 his silence regarding the dispensation he had previously 
 granted.'^^ 
 
 On the day before the Papal Court gave its decision, 
 Mary had returned to Edinburgh with Bothwell, Huntly, 
 Lethington, and others. At their arrival, ' the artailyarie 
 of the Castell schot maist magnificientlie ; and thairefter 
 [they] came in at the West Port of the said burgh, and 
 raid up the Bow to the Castell, the said Erie Bothwill 
 leidand the Quenis Majestic by the bridill as captyve/^'^ 
 
 157 
 
MARY MARRIES BOTHVVELL [chap 
 
 The same day, if not before, Knox"'s colleague — the faith- 
 ful and fearless Craig — was asked by Thomas Hepburn, in 
 the Queen's name, to proclaim the banns of marriage 
 between her and Bothwell. This the preacher point- 
 blank refused to do without her writ. On Wednesday 
 the 7th, the elustice-Clerk brought him a command signed 
 by her, bearing in effect that ' sho was neither ravischit 
 nor yet retainit in captivitie," and charging him therefore 
 to make proclamation. When constrained to do so, he 
 publicly took heaven and earth to witness that he abhorred 
 and detested the proposed marriage. '^^ Next Wednes- 
 day — Bothwell having meanwhile been created Duke of 
 Orkney, Mary placing the coronet on his head with her 
 own hands "^^ — the marriage-contract was concluded ; ^^ and 
 on Thursday (the 15th of May 1567) they were married, 
 ' in the Palice of Halyrudhous, within the Auld Chappell, 
 be Adauie, Bischope of Orknay, not with the mess, bot 
 with preitching, at ten houris afoir none,' and 'thair 
 wes nathir plesour nor pasty me usit,' as * wes wont to 
 be usit quhen princes wes mariit.'^^ Some of her 
 friends — anxious perhaps to save her religious reputa- 
 tion — averred that she and her husband heard a mass 
 in the morning ;^2 ^nd from this possibly arose the 
 statement of their enemies that they were married after 
 both forms.*^ 
 
 Only three months and five days had passed since 
 Darnley was so daringly murdered. Only fifteen months 
 had elapsed since Bothwell and Lady Jean Gordon had 
 been contracted with ' the ad vis and expres counsale ' of 
 the Queen of Scots, who had signed their marriage-con- 
 
 158 
 
X'li] A QUEENLY GIFT 
 
 tract, provided a marriage-banquet, and presented the 
 bride with a wedding-dress of cloth of silver lined with 
 white taffeta.^* Only one month more was to go by ere 
 Mary was fated to part reluctantly and for ever from her 
 third husband. 
 
 159 
 
CHAPTER Xin 
 
 IIER DISGRACE, DEFEAT, IMPRISONMENT, AND FLIGHT 
 
 1567-1568 
 
 Mary's behaviour before and after Darnley's murder is, 
 in the opinion of many, quite sufficient to establish her 
 guilt. It is not easy to get over the incontrovertible 
 outstanding facts, that she was on bad terms with him 
 until the suspicious reconciliation, which was so quickly 
 followed by his tragic death ; that the favour which she had 
 been showing to Bothwell continued to increase, although 
 he was commonly and justly regarded as the chief mur- 
 derer; and that, in spite of the remonstrances of her 
 outspoken friends,^ she married him so soon after the 
 murder. Around these central facts are grouped multi- 
 tudes of details, almost every one of which has been the 
 subject of keen controversy. To one set of writers, the 
 general drift of these details only shows more clearly 
 Mary's infatuated love for Bothwell, and her determina- 
 tion to have him in spite of all obstacles. To another 
 set, they furnish convincing proof that she was the un- 
 fortunate, if not helpless, victim of a huge conspiracy to 
 hurl her from her throne. One of her most recent and 
 most brilliant apologists is certainly not too severe on 
 
 1 60 
 
xiii] DIFFICULTIES OF DEFENCE 
 
 her in holding that she was not entirely unaware of the 
 measures of the nobles to secure Darnley's removal ; and 
 ' that, if she did not expressly sanction the enterprise, she 
 failed, firmly and promptly, to forbid its execution. '^ 
 The Booh of Articles and the Detection, however, repre- 
 sent her part of the play as far from passive. According 
 to them, she was not only passionately enamoured of 
 Bothwell, but bent on being rid of Darnley, whom she 
 treacherously lured to his doom.^ 
 
 Mary's apologists are hard put to it in trying to explain 
 or palliate her conduct in marrying Bothwell. Unfor- 
 tunately, their most plausible excuses are refuted by 
 her own deeds or words ; and the ardent zeal of one 
 apologist is occasionally under-cut by the bold assertion 
 of another. Blackwood — perhaps the most audacious of 
 her earlv champions — coolly asserts that she was made 
 to believe that Lady Bothwell was dead : * a statement 
 utterly inconsistent with Mary's own Instructions to the 
 Ambassadors she sent to France and England.^ Claude 
 Nau escapes this difficulty in his narrative, by entirely 
 ignoring Lady Bothwell and the double divorce. Bishop 
 Lesley — unable to explain satisfactorily how Mary was 
 'induced to take a step so improper and unsuitable' — 
 wriggles and lies shamelessly in his perplexity ; ^ and, as 
 the best excuse, can only repeat the general opinion, 
 that ' Bothwell threw the Queen's mind into a confused 
 state by means of magical arts.'^ Yet the Jesuit priests, 
 in their report to Clement the Eighth, allege that Both- 
 well ' permitted himself to be led as the Queen pleased.' ^ 
 Others vigorously insist that she was under Bothwell's 
 L i6i 
 
DIFFICULTIES OF DEFENCE [chap. 
 
 power from the abduction to the marriage, and not being 
 a free agent was irresponsible ; ^ but over and above her 
 statement to John Craig, that ' sho was neither ravischit 
 nor yet retainit in captivitie," ^^ she appeared before the 
 Lords of Session, three days before the wedding, declaring 
 that she was at liberty, that she had forgiven Bothwell, 
 and intended to promote him to greater honours.^^ One 
 champion, whose zeal far outstrips his knowledge, alleges 
 that her being married in widow's-weeds was ' perhaps the 
 strongest evidence she could give of her intense dislike 
 and disgust at the whole affair ' ; ^- but, if her garb on this 
 occasion meant so much, what is to be inferred from her 
 wearing mournings when she was married to Darnley ? ^^ 
 
 To her Dominican confessor — who had previously warned 
 her against such a union — Mary's own excuse was that her 
 object was by this means to settle reHgion. This may 
 have been an excellent reason to urge upon one who 
 believed her to be ' not only a good but a very devout 
 Catholic,"*^* although it is not quite apparent how she 
 was to advance the interests of the Papacy by a husband 
 who was at least nominally a Protestant.^^ Despite all 
 that has been said to the contrary, Bothwell was neither 
 old nor ugly. According to a contemporary account, he 
 was then 'a young man twenty-five years old, of hand- 
 some presence '; ^*^ or, as Bishop Lesley has it, a man 
 ' endowed with great bodily strength and masculine beauty, 
 but vicious and dissolute in morals." ^^ 
 
 It is not quite clear from Lesley's narrative whether 
 he and his co-religionists objected so much to the marriage 
 in itself as to the heretical mode of its celebration ; but 
 
 162 
 
XIII 
 
 i] BOTHWELL'S JEALOUSY 
 
 to him she ' with many tears unlocked the secret of her 
 heart," and showed many signs of repentance, promising 
 ' that never again would she do anything opposed to the 
 rites of the Catholic and Roman Church, or permit any 
 such thing to he done in her presence, even if it should be 
 at the peril of her life." Three days after her marriage, 
 ' she publicly received the Eucharist after sacramental 
 confession, in order to repair by so excellent an example 
 of piety the mischief caused by her fault/ ^^ 
 
 Mary's married happiness with Bothwell was far from 
 perfect, although they were occasionally merry together,^^ 
 and though in public he reverenced her as his sovereign.-^ 
 She was indeed frequently rendered miserable by his 
 jealousy ; 21 yet it was alleged that he passed several days 
 a week with his divorced wife, regarding her still as his 
 lawful spouse and the Queen as his concubine.22 Only two 
 davs after the weddinaj she cried for a knife that she mioht 
 kill herself. ^^ De Silva was inclined to explain her misery by 
 the maxim that ' an evil conscience can know no peace." -^ 
 
 The Lords who had at length resolved on BothwelPs 
 overthrow ^^ arrived at Borthwick Castle on the night of 
 the 10th of June.-^ Knowing that it could not stand a 
 siege, he slipped out and escaped.^'' Next night — in male 
 attire, booted and spurred — Mary also left Borthwick, 
 rejoined her husband, rode with him to Dunbar, and 
 helped him to raise an army.^^ Meanwhile the Lords 
 had entered Edinburgh, and, having proclaimed their 
 intentions, charged the subjects to assist in delivering 
 the Queen from thraldom, in preserving the Prince, and 
 in punishing the murderers of the King.-^ 
 
 163 
 
CARBERRY [chap. 
 
 On Sabbath, the 15th of June — exactly a month after 
 the fateful wedding — the two armies met at Carberry. 
 In point of numbers they were not unequally matched ; 
 but Mary's forces were half-hearted in the cause, many of 
 them deserting while Du Croc was hopelessly trying to 
 restore peace. She was eager to fight, but loth to allow 
 Bothwell to engage in single combat. In the evening she 
 persuaded him, says Beaton, ' to loup on horsebak and 
 ryd his way," and when he had covered 'twa myles or 
 mair ' slie offered to render herself. She parted from him 
 with many kisses and much grief; and was received in 
 the other camp by AtholFs company and Tullibardine'*s 
 shouting with one voice — 'Burn the whore!" By ten 
 o'clock on that summer Sabbath evening she arrived at 
 Edinburgh, and, amid the fervid denunciations of the 
 populace, was lodged in the Provost's house opposite the 
 Market Cross.^^ That night, it was alleged, she wrote to 
 Bothwell, ' calling him hir dear hart, whom sche suld 
 never forget nor abandoun for absens,' assuring him that 
 she had only sent him away for his safety, willing him to 
 be comforted, and warning him to be on his guard. The 
 keeper to whom she intrusted the missive was base enough 
 to hand it to the Lords.^^ 
 
 The banner — with a representation of her murdered 
 husband, and her fatherless infant crying, ' Judge and 
 revenge my caus, O Lord ! — which had waved before her 
 at Carberry ,^^ wa,s now hung before her window, wherewith 
 she seemed much offended.^^ Next day she came to the 
 window^ crying to the people that she was kept in prison 
 by her subjects, who had betrayed her. ' Sche cam to 
 
 164 
 
xiiij LOCHLEVEN 
 
 the said windo sundrie tymes in sa miserable a stait, her 
 hairs hingand about her loggs [i.e. ears], and hir breist, 
 yea the maist pairt of all her bodie, fra the waist up, bair 
 and discoverit, that na man could luk upon hir bot sche 
 movit him to pitie and compassion. For my ain part,"* 
 says the sympathising Beaton, ' I was satisfiet to heir of 
 it, and meicht nouch suffer to see it.'^^ Though her 
 condition was so desperate and deplorable she was not 
 dismay cd.^^ She managed to send a secret message to 
 the Captain of the Castle,^*^ desiring him 'to keip a gud 
 hart to hir," and not to render the Castle to the Lords. 
 That evening — Atlioll on one side of her, IMorton on the 
 other, and the arquebusiers bearing the ubiquitous banner 
 before her — she was convoyed to Holy rood ; and from 
 thence hurried off to Lochleven, which she reached on the 
 following day, Tuesday, the 17th of June.^^ 
 
 This island castle was no new abode to Mary, who 
 knew it well.^^ Once indeed she had had a discussion 
 there with Knox, and not far from its shore she had had 
 her one pleasant interview witli him.^^ Now it was 
 selected as her prison, say the nine lords ^^ who sign 
 the warrant for her captivity, because they found ' na 
 place mair meitt nor commodious for hir Majestic to 
 rcmane into." Her deliverance from thraldom was one of 
 the objects which the Confederate Lords professed to have 
 in view when they marched to Carberry Hill. For now 
 imprisoning her, they assigned the reason that, instead of 
 agreeing as they proposed to punish Darnley's murderers, 
 she rather ' apperit to fortefie and mantene ' Bothwell 
 and his accomplices in their wicked crimes ; and as the 
 
 165 
 
MARY'S IMPRISONMENT [chap. 
 
 realm would therefore be utterly ruined, if she were left 
 'to follow hir awin inordinat passioun,' it was 'thocht 
 convenient, concludit and decernit that hir Majesties 
 persoun be sequestrat fra all societie of the said Erll 
 Boithuile, and fra all having of intelligence with him, or 
 ony utheris quhairby he may have ony comfort to eschaip 
 dew punisment for his demeritis.' ^^ 
 
 Mary's ambitious projects were now hopeless,*- her repu- 
 tation blasted, her freedom gone ; meanwhile, at least, all 
 had been wrecked by what seemed to be an infatuated love 
 for Bothwell.*^ Yet prisoner as she was, she still had a 
 party, not despicable in power, though animated perhaps 
 by selfish motives.^ Elizabeth was averse to support those 
 who had presumed to incarcerate a sister Sovereign;*^ 
 but was eager to get the infant Prince into England, on 
 the plea that he w^ould be cared for by his grandmother *^ 
 — that grandmother whom she had previously thought fit 
 to imprison because her son had ventured to marry the 
 Queen of Scots>^ The French were also anxious to have 
 the little Prince in their country.*^ But the Scottish 
 lords — knowing too well how their own power depended 
 on his presence — would not part with him.*^ 
 
 The captive Queen naturally resented the treatment to 
 which she had been subjected. ' In this prison, and in 
 the midst of such desolation," says Nau, ' her Majesty re- 
 mained for fifteen days and more, without eating, drinking, 
 or conversing with the inmates of the house, so that many 
 thought she would have died.'^^ By the fourteenth day, 
 however, Drury had learned at Berwick that she ' better 
 digests ' her captivity, and ' uses some exercise." ^^ 
 
 i66 
 
xiii] FEELING TOWARDS HER 
 
 When Throckmorton reached Edinburgh, before the 
 middle of July, he reported to Elizabeth that Mary was 
 in good health,^2 though kept very straitly^^ by Lord 
 Lindsay ^^ and the Laird of Lochleven ; that, so far as he 
 could perceive, this rigour was because she would neither 
 lend her authority for prosecuting the murderers, nor 
 abandon Bothwell as her husband — being willing rather to 
 quit crown and kingdom and to live with him as a simple 
 damsel, than suffer him to fare worse than herself; and 
 that the Lords, nevertheless, spoke of her ' with respect 
 and reverence,' and seemed to say that if she and Bothwell 
 were divorced they would restore her to liberty and 
 power.^^ The chief of those then in Edinburgh, it was 
 thought, did not dare, for fear of the people, to show her 
 as much lenity as they might have done. ' The women 
 be moost furious and impudent against the Queen," writes 
 the English Ambassador, * and yet tlie men be mad 
 enoughe ; so as a stranger ever busye maye soone be 
 made a sacrafyce amongest them.'^ Lord Ruthven, 
 whose father had played such a prominent part in the 
 Riccio tragedy, had been selected as one of her warders ; 
 but already he had to be employed elsewhere, ' because he 
 began to shew favor to the Queen and to geve her in- 
 tellygence." ^^ Apparently she still had that about her 
 ' whareby men ar bewitched ' ; and it was soon found that 
 Ruthven was not the only one in Lochleven who was 
 susceptible to her charms. 
 
 Before the experienced Throckmorton had been ten 
 days in Scotland, he had to confess that he had never 
 before been ' in so busy and dangerous a legation." He 
 
 167 
 
HER DANGER [chap. 
 
 was bearing all the parties ' fayre in hande," that he 
 might the better discover their designs, though he liked 
 ' nothinge of theyr doings.' ^^ Elizabeth's wishes could 
 not be carried out, as the Lords would neither set Mary 
 free nor allow him to see her.^^ lie found means, how- 
 ever, to let her know that he had been sent to Scotland 
 for her relief, and tried to persuade her to agree to a 
 divorce from Bothwell. This she firmly refused to do, 
 saying she would rather die, as, ' takynge herselfe to be 
 seven weekes gon with chylde, by renouncynge Bodwell 
 she shoulde acknowledge herselfe to be with chylde of a 
 bastarde, and to have forfayted her honoured ^^ By the 
 end of July Throckmorton expressed the conviction that 
 he had in the meantime saved her life.^^ The tragedy he 
 had thought might end violently in her person, 'as yt 
 began in Dayves and her husbandes." ^^ 
 
 Elizabeth might threaten, but the Confederate Lords 
 had gone too far to be easily persuaded to retrace their 
 steps. ^3 The heads of Mary's party — the Hamiltons, 
 Argyll, and even Huntly — it was alleged would have 
 offered no serious objection to her execution.^* If 
 Charles the Ninth wished to help his sister-in-law, he 
 was effectually restrained by his mother. *^^ Public opinion 
 in Scotland was bitterly opposed to her;^^ and Knox 
 was threatening the nation with the great plague of 
 God if she were not condignly punished.^'' 
 
 On the 24th of July (1567), i\Iary was induced — through 
 fear or policy or both — to sign three documents, by one 
 of which she declared that her body, spirit, and senses, 
 were, through the toil of governing, ' sa vexit, brokin 
 
 1 68 
 
xiii] HER ABDICATION 
 
 and imqiiietit,'' that she could no longer endure it ; and 
 therefore of motherly affection and of her ' awin motive 
 wiir renounced and demitted the government to her 
 infant son, and authorised his coronation. By the second 
 document she appointed Murray to act as Regent until 
 her son was seventeen ; and by the third she nominated 
 Chatelherault, Lennox, Argyll, Atholl, Morton, Glen- 
 cairn, and Mar, to act as Regents until Murray's arrival, 
 or in case of his death, or to act with him if he refused 
 the office singly .^^ 
 
 On the 29th of July — the second anniversary of Mary's 
 marriage with Darnley — the Prince, now thirteen months 
 old, was solemnly crowned in the parish church of Stir- 
 ling, when Knox preached the sermon.^^ ' To honor the 
 sayde coronation and to testefye greate joye, thys towne 
 of Edenbroughe," writes Throckmorton, ' made, the sayde 
 29 daye, at night verye neere, I thynke, a thousande 
 bonefyers : the castell shot of 20 peeces of artyllerye, the 
 people made greate joye, dauncyinges and acclamacyons ; 
 so as yt apperethe they rejoyced more at thinauguracyon 
 of the newe Prynce then theye dyd sorowe at the depry va- 
 cyon of theyre Quene/ ^^ 
 
 Though Mary had demitted the government, she was 
 not kept less rigorously in Lochleven ; '^ and within a 
 few days was transferred to the tower of the Castle, where 
 her liberty was even more restricted.'^'^ There were two 
 reasons for this, as Throckmorton informed Elizabeth on 
 the 5th of August : the first being that she had ' won the 
 favour and goodwill of the house, as well men as women, 
 whereby she had means to have great intelligence, and 
 
 169 
 
MURRAY AS REGENT [chap. 
 
 was in towardness to have escaped."* The other reason 
 was that she might be induced to relinquish Bothwell, of 
 which Throckmorton did ' not now so much despair as 
 heretofore."* ^^ 
 
 Murray, after an absence of four months, reached 
 Edinburgh on the 11th of August ;''^ had long inter- 
 views with the Queen in Lochleven on the 15th and 
 ] 6th ; ^^ and on the 22nd was proclaimed Regent.'''*^ On 
 the 21st he told Throckmorton that he approved the 
 action of the Confederate Lords ; and that, although it 
 should cost him his life, he intended ' to reduce all men 
 to obedience in the King's name."*^' Already some of 
 the Queen"'s party were oft'ering to make their peace with 
 the Regent. '^^ 
 
 Before Mary had been a day in Lochleven, at least 
 two of Darnley's suspected murderers had been arrested.''^ 
 One of these. Captain William Blacater, was, after his 
 apprehension, nearly stoned to death by women and 
 boys. On the 24th of June he was tried by a jury of 
 Lennox gentlemen, found guilty, condemned as a traitor, 
 and on the same day ' drawin backward in ane cairte 
 frome the Tolbuith to the Crosse," and there — despite his 
 protestations of innocence — ' hangit and quartred, for 
 being on the King's murther.'^^ Two days later the 
 Privy Council determined — as Bothwell's servants had 
 now testified that he was not only the inventor and 
 deviser of the murder, but 'the executor with his awin 
 handis' — that proclamation should be made prohibiting 
 the lieges to reset, supply, or support him, and offering a 
 thousand crowns of the sun to any one who would bring 
 
 170 
 
xiii] BOTHWELL OUTLAWED 
 
 him into Edinburgh. ^^ On the 17th of July, he and 
 several others were publicly declared rebels and outlaws.^'^ 
 He was, nevertheless, ' to the sklander and defamatioun 
 of this haill natioun,' sheltered in Spynie Castle, by his 
 i.ged relative, the incorrigible Bishop of Moray, v. hose 
 tenants, tacksmen, and feuars were therefore forbidden 
 to pay him any rents or teinds.^^ 
 
 Though Huntly still bore his former brother-in-law ' a 
 verye fayre countenaunce,' he now entered, it was said, 
 into a conspiracy with the captain of Spynie Castle, 
 and three of the Bishop's illegitimate sons, to murder 
 both the Bishop and Bothwell ; but Bothwell slew one 
 of the sons, turned the Bishop's servants out of the 
 Castle, and committed the guard to his own followers.^* 
 
 It had been already reported that the husband of the 
 Queen of Scots had fitted out four or five vessels, intend- 
 ing * to allure the pyrates of all countreys unto hym,' 
 and ' to use the sea for hys uttermooste refuge/ ^^ He 
 and his pirates having turned their unwelcome attention 
 to the Orkneys, the Privy Council, on the 11th of August, 
 commissioned Tullibardine and Grange to pursue them 
 ' with fyre, swerd, and all kynd of hostilitie, quhill thai 
 be apprehendit and brocht to justice.'^*^ Grange accepted 
 the task with alacrity, declaring that if he could only 
 encounter Bothwell, he would bring him to Edinburgh 
 dead or alive ; ^'^ but a month later he returned with the 
 mortifying news that the prey had escaped his hands.^^ 
 
 Meanwhile, Murray had obtained Edinburgh Castle 
 from Sir James Balfour, and Grange was now made 
 captain.^9 And on the 1st of October, Dunbar Castle, 
 
 171 
 
THE REGENT'S PARLIAMENT [chap. 
 
 which had been more faithfully held for Bobhwell, was 
 rendered after a short siege. ^ 
 
 In the Parliament, which met in December, Bothwell 
 and six of his accomplices were forfaulted for treason and 
 lese-majesty;^^ Mary's demission of the government was 
 declared ' lauchfull and perfy te' ; ^^ the Prince's coronation 
 and investiture was held to be as valid as that of any of 
 his predecessors, and as righteously done as if his mother 
 ' had bene departit out of this mortall lyfe ' ; ^^ Murray's 
 appointment as Regent was confirmed ; ^^ and the declara- 
 tory part of the Article — which had been prepared by 
 the Lords and leaders who had taken arms at Carberry 
 and imprisoned the Queen — was adopted and embodied 
 in an Act, thus vindicating them, and condemning the 
 Queen as ' previe, airt, and pairt, of the actuall devise and 
 deid of the foirnamit murthour of the King hir lauchfull 
 husband.' ^^ In this Parliament sat the Bishop of Moray, 
 who had been previously cleared of Darnley's murder and 
 had submitted to the Reo-ent's will for shelterinor Both- 
 well.^ There, too, were LIuntly, Argyll, and Herries, 
 who took the precaution to enter a protest — not in Mary's 
 behalf, but in their own — that no fault should be imputed 
 to them for what they had done since the 10th of June.^^ 
 The Hamiltons were not present ; and a protest in Chatel- 
 herault's name was peremptorily rejected by the Regent.^^ 
 xVmong the many articles presented was one, bearing ' that 
 in na tymes cuming ony wemen salbe admittit to the 
 publict autoritie of the realme or function in publict 
 government within the same.' ^ 
 
 On the 3rd of January, John Hay, younger of Tallo, 
 172 
 
XI 
 
 ri] MARY'S ESCAPE 
 
 Hepburn of Bolton, Dalgleish, and Powrie, were executed, 
 when, ' in presens of the haill peopill,' Hay declared that 
 Huntly, Argyll, Lethington, and Balfour, had subscribed 
 the 'band' for Darnley's murder. The Lords thus in- 
 criminated had remained in Edinburgh after the Parlia- 
 ment rose ; but ' incontinent thai departit thairfra,"* when 
 public opinion became clamant that they too ' sould thole 
 and suffer for thair demeretis." '^^^ 
 
 In Lochleven, Mary seems on the whole to have en- 
 joyed fairly good health,^^^ to have met with kindness 
 from those in charge of her,^*^" to have indulged to a 
 slight extent in pastime,^^^ and to have been the object 
 of more than one matrimonial project. The experienced 
 Morton, 1^* the youthful Methven,^^^ the second son of 
 Chatelherault,^^*^ the brother of Argyll,^*^^ and George 
 Douglas ^^^ were deemed, by themselves or others, likely 
 candidates for her hand. 
 
 The diplomatic attempts to set ]Mary at liberty utterly 
 failed ;^^^ but the unswerving devotion of George Douglas 
 was at length rewarded, when, on the evening of Sabbath, 
 the 2nd of May 1568, she was rowed to the shore by 
 Willie Douglas, who had adroitly secured the Castle 
 keys and locked the gates behind them. With the aid 
 of the Laird of Lochleven's horses, she was soon at 
 Niddrie, from whence she sent several despatches, and 
 then rode on to Hamilton,^^^ where her supporters 
 speedily rallied round her,^^^ and where for a few days 
 she again held Court.^^^ 
 
 The Regent was at Glasgow when, on the 3rd of i\Iay, 
 he heard of the Queen''s escape. He and the Lords who 
 
 173 
 
LANGSIDE [chap. 
 
 were witli him ' wer sair amazed ' ; ^^^ but at once issued 
 proclamations charging the lieges, under the highest 
 penalties, to resort to Glasgow, 'with all diligence 
 possibill, for preservatioun of our Soverane Lordis per- 
 soun, his authoritie, and establissing of justice and 
 quietnes within this realme/^^* Mary was not idle. 
 She had asked two of her lawyers how she might be 
 restored again to honour and power, and when they 
 answered that it could only be by Parliament or by 
 battle, she exclaimed, ' By battle let us try it.' ^^^ There 
 can be little doubt that she helped to frame the remark- 
 able revocation and proclamation which was prepared in 
 her name, and which for vehemence, vigour, and virulence, 
 is unsurpassed by any document of the period. ^^^ But 
 while the proclamations in the King's name were well 
 obeyed, hers, it was reported, were riven and her officers 
 punished. ^^^ Nevertheless, when she marched towards 
 Dumbarton, on the 13th of May, her forces far outnum- 
 bered those of the Regent. ^^^ At Langside, however, 
 Murray won a decisive victory which was greatly due to 
 Grange, ' who that day played his part.' Many prisoners 
 were taken ; but all were not brought in, 'for there was the 
 father against the son, and brother against brother.' ^^^ 
 At the beginning of the fight, Argyll, who was Mary's 
 Lieutenant-General, swooned, it was said, 'for fault of 
 courage and spirit.' ^-^ 
 
 According to Melville, it was only after the battle 
 was lost that Mary herself ' tint curage,' ^^i and fled 
 to Dumfries. That day, by her own account, she 
 covered sixty miles ; and only ventured afterwards to 
 
 174 
 
xiii] SHE CROSSES THE SOLWAY 
 
 proceed during the night.^^^ From Dumfries she had 
 gone to Dundrennan, and on the 16th of May she 
 crossed the Solway.^'^^ From England she wrote to 
 her uncle, the Cardinal of Lorraine : — ' I have endured 
 injuries, calumnies, imprisonment, famine, cold, heat, 
 flight, not knowing whither, ninety-two miles across 
 the country without stopping or alighting, and then I 
 have had to sleep upon the ground, and drink sour milk, 
 and eat oatmeal without bread, and have been three 
 nights like the owls, without a female in this country, 
 where, to crown all, I am little else than a prisoner. 
 And in the meanwhile, they demolish all the houses of 
 my servants, and I cannot aid them ; and hang their 
 owners, and I cannot compensate them : and yet they all 
 remain faithful to me, abominating these cruel traitors. 
 . . . When I parted from my people in Scotland, I 
 promised to send them assistance at the end of August. 
 For God's sake let them not be both denied and deceived. 
 . . . It is all one for myself, but let not my subjects be 
 deceived and ruined ; for I have a son, whom it would be 
 a pity to leave in the hands of these traitors. '^-'^ 
 
 To Cecil, Knollys thus described her : — ' This ladie and 
 pryncess is a notable woman. She semeth to regard no 
 ceremonious honor besyde the acknowledging of her estate 
 regalle. She sheweth a disposition to speake much, to 
 be bold, to be pleasant, and to be very famylyar. She 
 sheweth a great desyre to be avenged of her enemes ; she 
 sheweth a readines to expose herselfe to all perylls in 
 hope of victorie ; she delyteth much to hear of hardines 
 and valiancye, commending by name all approved hardy 
 
 i;5 
 
THIRSTING FOR VICTORY [chap, xiii 
 
 men of her cuntrye, altbo they be her enemyes ; and she 
 commendeth no cowardnes even in her frendes. The 
 thyng that most she thirsteth after is victory, and it 
 semeth to be indifferent to her to have her enemies 
 dimynish, either by the sword of her frendes, or by the 
 liberall promises and rewardes of her purse, or by divysion 
 and quarrells raised amongst themselifes ; so that for 
 victorie's sake, payne and perrylls semeth pleasant unto 
 her, and in respect of victorie, welthe and all thyngs 
 semeth to her contemptuous and vile."* ^^^ 
 
 From her English captivity this royal eagle was only to 
 escape by death. 
 
 176 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 ^ Diurnal of Occurrenf.s', Maitland Club^ p. 25; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vi. 616 ; Labanoff's Recueil des Lettres de Marie Stuart, i. 1 ; 
 vi. 68. 
 
 2 Knox^ one of Mary's most uncompromising antagonists, gives the 
 correct date (Laing's Knox, i. 91) ; while Bishop Lesley, one of her 
 keenest partisans, places it a day too early {De Oriyine Morihas et 
 Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 1675, p. 437 ; History of Scotland, Bannatyne 
 Club, p. 166) ; and Adam Blackwood, one of her most unscrupulous 
 champions, post-dates it by five days (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis 
 Mariae, ii. 177). Petit deliberately expresses the opinion that Miss 
 Strickland ' has proved beyond a doubt that Mary can have been 
 born only on the 11th or 12th December' (Flandre's Petit, 1878, i. 
 In.); but, as the irony of fate would have it, in the same year that 
 the translation of his work was published. Miss Strickland issued a 
 revised edition of hers in which she gives, without comment, the 
 8th as the true date (Strickland's Life of Mary, 1873, i. 2). Bois- 
 Guilbert, who boasts of having drawn his materials from fifteen or 
 sixteen authors, gravely informs his readers, that ' she was born at 
 Edinburgh, the Capital of Scotland' {Marie Stuart, Reyne d'Escosse, 
 Paris, 1675, p. 5 ; Freebairn's Mary Stewart, 1725, p. 1). 
 
 3 Hamilton Papers, i. 323, 328, 340, 342, 346, 348. 
 
 * One of Mary's most ardent defenders has charged the greatest of 
 the Scottish Reformers with alleging that Cardinal Beaton was her 
 real father (Chalmers's Life of Mary, 1818, ii. 1). Knox, however, 
 only repeats contemporary suspicions (Laing's Knox, i. 92) — sus- 
 picions which, perhaps, he did not altogether disbelieve {Ibid. ii. 72), 
 and which are referred to in the correspondence of the period 
 
 M 177 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 {Hamilton Papers, i. 74 ; ii. 92). The Bishop of Ross testifies^ on 
 the other hand^, that her mother ' was ane nobill^ wyse, and honor- 
 able princesse, and chaist ladie, ever weill and verteouslie exerced^ 
 keping hir widowit with gret honor ' (Lesley's History, p. 289). 
 
 ° Lesley's History, pp. 155, 156 ; Calderwood's History, i. 114 ; 
 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 22 ; Ruddiman's Buchanan, i. 277. 
 
 ® In speaking- of the disgraceful and disastrous defeat at Solway 
 Moss, Father Stevenson says : — ' Knox admits (i. 81) that of the 
 Council which met at Holyrood in November, '' some were heretics, 
 some favourers of England, some friends of the Douglases, and so 
 could there be none faithful to the King." Like his daughter 
 Mary, James was surrounded by traitors, and had not a single 
 trustworthy adviser' (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, 1886, p. 23 n.). 
 Here the quotation from Knox, so far as it goes, is substantially 
 correct ; but is misapplied, and so made to completely misrepre- 
 sent the Reformer's meaning. He was relating the story of the 
 roll of heretics given up to the King by the leaders of the Church 
 for punishment ; and, in the words quoted by Father Stevenson, he 
 describes not the Council but the intended victims whose names 
 were in the scroll I The learned Jesuit disarms suspicion by giving 
 volume and page of Knox's Histoi'y, and also by suppressing the 
 three words — 'in thaire opinioun' — with which Knox finishes his 
 sentence. But, perhaps, the perversion of Knox's meaning is not 
 the most wonderful thing in Father Stevenson's foot-note. Cardinal 
 Beaton was neither a heretic nor a favourer of England, yet even 
 in him it seems the King had not a trustworthy adviser ! Has 
 Beaton ever received a deadlier thrust in the house of his 
 friends ? 
 
 ^ Laing's Knox, i. 91. 
 
 ^ Lindsay's History, 1728, p. 176.— Pitscottie's version is not 
 improved by a more recent Avriter, who renders it thus : ' It came 
 Math a girl, and it will go with a girl ' (Pinkerton's History, 1797^, 
 ii. 884). 
 
 ^ Hamilton Papers, i. 339. — For James's death various dates have 
 been assigned ranging from the 8th to the 30th of December. The 
 14th — the Thursday of the Hamilton Papers — is supported by, 
 among others. Bishop Lesley (History, p. 166), Buchanan (Ruddi- 
 man's Buchanan, i. 2&), -150), John Smyth, monk of Kinloss (Stuart's 
 Records of Kinloss, p. 9), Birrel (Diary, p. 8), and Sir James Balfour 
 {Historical Works, i. 275). When examined in 1683, the coffin- 
 
 178 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 plate also bore the date 14tli December as the day of his death 
 (Dalyeirs Scotish Poems of the Sixteenth Century, i. 27 n.). Knox^ 
 Calderwood, and Hawthornden give the 13th (Laing's Knox, i. 92 ; 
 Calderwood's History, i. 152 ; Drummond's History, 1681, p. 345) ; 
 while David Laing cites the Treasurer's Accounts as giving the 
 16th (Laing's Knox, i. 92 n.). Mr. Rawdon Brown is doubly 
 wrong when he says^ ' Mary Stuart was born on the 5th December 
 1542^ and her father James v. died on the 8th' {Venetian Calendar, 
 V. 116 n.). 
 
 ^^ Within five days^ Lisle was informed, by one of his spies, that 
 James had died of poison ; and eleven days later he learned from a 
 Scotch priest that ' the Kinge in his sickness did vomytt mervelously 
 moclie, and had a great laxe also, and that after he was dedde his 
 bodie did swell very great' {Hamilton Papers, i. 342, 349). Lesley 
 records the rumour that he ^wes vexit be some unkindly medicine' 
 {History, p. 166). Sir James Melville says that he died ^for dis- 
 pleasour,' as some alleged ; while others held that he was poisoned 
 by the prelates who '^had brocht him in that trouble of mynd,' and 
 who had learned the art '^callit ane Italien possat' (Melville's 
 Memoirs, Mait. Club, pp. &J, 68) ; but in Hawthornden's opinion, 
 Beaton was unjustly blamed, as the event proved ruinous to him 
 and his fellow-churchmen (Drummond's History, p. 845) ; and the 
 Jesuit priests, in 1594, say it is very currently reported that he was 
 poisoned by the heretics (Nau's History of Mary Stewart, p. 106). 
 
 11 Hamilton Papers, i. 342, 350. 
 
 12 Lemon's State Papers, Henry the Eighth, v. 244. 
 
 ^^ According to Knox, when James was dying, the Cardinal cried 
 in his ear : — '^Tak ordour, schir, with your realme ; who shall rewill 
 during the minoritie of your dowghter } Ye have knawin my ser- 
 vice : what will ye have done.'^ Shall thare nott be four regentes 
 chosyn } and shall nott I be principall of tliame } ' Knox adds : — 
 ^Whatsoever the King answered, documentis war tackin that so 
 should be, as my Lord Cardinall thought expedient' (Laing's Knox, i. 
 91). According to Buchanan, Beaton Hiaving bribed Henry Balfour, 
 a mercenary priest, he, with his assistance, forged a false will for 
 the King, in which he himself was nominated head of the govern- 
 ment, and three of the most powerful of the nobility joined with 
 him as assessors' (Aikman's Buchanan, 1827, ii. 825). These state- 
 ments, which have been adopted by Calderwood {History of the Kirk, 
 i. 152, 153), are partially supported by the contemporary letters of 
 
 179 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Lisle {Hamilton Papers, i. 848^ 358)^ and wonderfully confirmed by 
 a notarial instrument preserved in Hamilton Palace, and brought to 
 light in 1887 by the Historical Manuscripts Commission. This 
 instrument, subscribed by ^Henricus Balfour, notarius publicus,' 
 'tells of the King's illness, alleges his anxiety about his daughter 
 and the kingdom, and narrates how he appointed David Beaton 
 Cardinal and Archbishop of St. Andrews, James Earl of Moray 
 (natural brother of the King), George Earl of Huntly, and Archibald 
 Earl of Argyll, to act as tutors testamentary to his infant daughter, 
 and also as Governors of the Kingdom.' An indorsation in a 
 different hand bears that Henry Balfour *^ never was notar' {His- 
 torical Manuscripts Commission, Eleventh Report, app. part vi. pp. 
 205, 219, 220). Knox gives the names of the four Regents correctly ; 
 Buchanan has erroneously included Arran — a mistake which also 
 occurs in the papers of the period {Maitland Miscellany, iv. 71 ; 
 Hamilton Papers, i. 342, 345, 340). Arran himself told Sadleyr 
 that the Cardinal ' did counterfeit the late King's testament ; and 
 when the King was even almost dead, he took his hand in his, and 
 so caused him to subscribe a blank paper ' (Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 
 138). This more dramatic version of the charge against Beaton has 
 been more or less fully recorded by Knox (i. 91, 92), Pitscottie 
 (p. 177), Herries {Historical Memoirs, pp. 1, 2), Calderwood (i.l52), 
 and Hawthornden (p. 345) ; while Lesley says that the Cardinal 
 alleged '^that the King be his testament nominat four Regentis, 
 bot the same on no wise culd be verefeit nor provin * {History, pp. 
 169, 170). 
 
 ^* Spottiswoode states that Beaton caused the will to be published 
 in Edinburgh 'on the Monday after the King's death' (Spottis- 
 woode's History, Spottiswoode Society, i. 141) ; while Lisle places its 
 proclamation a day later, Tuesday, the 19th of December {Hamilton 
 Papers, i. 346) ; but this action was ignored by the nobles in replying 
 to Henry's letter on the 21st (Lemon's State Papers, Henry the 
 Eighth, v. 232 ; Hamilton Papers, i. 345). Lesley {History, p. 169) 
 gives the 22nd of December as the date of Arran's proclamation as 
 Governor ; and the Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 25) places it on the 
 10th of January ; but Lisle within two days of the event states that 
 it occurred on the 3rd of January {Hamilton Papers, i. 360). Arran 
 wrote, as Governor, to Lisle on the 4th, and to Henry on the 6th of 
 January {Ihid. i. 355, 361). His appointment was confirmed by 
 Parliament on the 13th of March {Acts of Parliament, ii. 411). 
 
 i8o 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ^^ Hamilton Papers, i. 346, 352. — Archibald Douglas disclosed 
 tliese projects to Lisle : — ' Some men do sey that she were mete for 
 the second sone of Fraunce, or for a second sons of Denmarke, or 
 for a second sone of Englond if their were one, that one of the 
 second sones might therby be King of Skottes, and dwell among 
 theym keping the estate of Shetland whiche evermore liath byn a 
 realme of yt self, and said that some other do sey that therle of 
 Arren wold have her for his sone and heire, to make hym therby 
 Kynge.' Douglas explained that a second son would be preferred 
 to the first-born because, if the realms were united under one King, 
 everything would be spent in England, whereby Scotland, already 
 poor, '^shulde be utterly beggered and undone' {Ihid. i. 358). 
 
 ^^ Hamilton Papers, i. 303-380. — By the open article which was 
 signed by the Solway prisoners, Henry was asked to take Mary into 
 his care and keeping, that he might marry her to his son, and ^ by 
 meanes therof to clere all titles and to unyte bothe realmes in oon ' ; 
 tlie subscribers promising to aid and serve Henry. By the secret 
 article — signed only by Cassillis, Glencairn, Maxwell, Fleming, 
 Somerville, Gray, Robert Erskine, Oliver Sinclair, and the Lairds of 
 Craigy and Kerse — the ten subscribers further obliged themselves, 
 in the case of Mary's death, to help Henry to the uttermost in 
 taking upon him the whole rule, dominion, and government of 
 Scotland. Bothwell, who had been long in exile, signed the open 
 article. Angus, who had been much longer in exile (viz. since 
 1529), signed a separate document which partly embodied both the 
 open and secret articles. There is a list of the Solway prisoners 
 and their respective values in Lemon's State Papers, v. 232-235. 
 
 1'' Sadleyr's State Papers, i. Qo. 
 
 ^8 Hamilton Papers, i. 462-467, and p. xliv. 
 
 ^^ Tlie Ambassadors were Sir AFilliam Hamilton of Sanquhar, Sir 
 James Leirmonth of Balcomie, and Henry Balnaves (Lemon's St<ite 
 Papers, Henry the Eighth, v. 270 ; Hamilton Papers, i. 472). Their 
 Instructions are in the Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 411- 
 418 ; and in Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 59-63. Henry's report of his 
 interview with these Ambassadors, on the 11th of April 1543, is ni 
 Lemon's State Papers, v. 275-280 ; his answer to them is in the 
 Hamilton Papers, i. pp. ci. cii. ; and the articles, which he thought 
 so reasonable that, if not practically accepted, it should be meet 
 for him to ' folowe his purpose by force,' are in Lemon's State 
 Papers, v. 281 n. Tliese last are said by Froude to have been 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 brought to Scotland by tlie two later Ambassadors^ Glencairn and 
 Sir George Douglas {History of England, 1887;, iii. 5G5) ; but the 
 Articles arrived in a letter to Sadleyr, on the 5th of May^ before 
 these men had left on their mission to England (Sadleyr's State 
 Papers, i. 187), and they are named among tliose to whom Sadleyr 
 was to open and declare them (Lemon's State Papers, v. 282). 
 
 20 In Fronde's opinion the Scotch Instructions were '^ pre- 
 posterous resolutions.' His summary of them is inaccurate in two 
 points. He says that ^four Scottish noblemen' were to '^ reside in 
 England as hostages for the Queen's appearance there when she 
 had arrived at marriageable age ' {History of England, 1887, iii. 553) ; 
 but the Ambassadors were at this stage expressly forbidden to yield 
 to a demand for any such pledge. Again, he says, that ^if there 
 should be issue from the marriage, and the crowns of the two king- 
 doms be united in a single person, the administration should descend 
 by the ordinary laws of inheritance in the Arran family ' {Ibid. iii. 
 553). Green makes a similar statement ( History of the English People, 
 1878, ii. 210). But this alleged continuance of the Governorship in 
 the Arran family is apparently based on a misprint of his for hir (com- 
 pare Acts of Parliament, ii. 412, with Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 62). 
 
 21 Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 84-88 ; Hamilton Papers, i. 488, 489 ; 
 Strickland's Mary Queen of Scots, 1888, i. 3. 
 
 22 Arran's letter to Henry announcing their appointment is dated 
 4th of May 1543. Sir George Douglas is described as ^ brothir ger- 
 mane to the noble and mychti Erie of Angus and Lord Dowglas' 
 {Hamilton Papers, i. 532). According to Fronde the first Ambas- 
 sadors — Hamilton, Leirmonth, and Balnave> — had been ^desired 
 to return instantly ' to Scotland, ' with an intimation that, if the 
 negotiations were to be renewed, it must be through persons whose 
 insignificance should not in itself be an affront' {History of England, 
 1887, iii. 565). Tliese men — who had not proved pliable in Henry's 
 hands {Hamilton Papers, i. 560) — awaited, however, the arrival of 
 Glencairn and Douglas, whose names were joined with theirs in 
 the commissions of 4th May, and all the five signed the treaties at 
 Greenwich, on the 1st of July (.4 c^* of the Parliaments of Scotland, 
 xii. 42, 43; Rymer's Foedera, 1712, xiv. 781-783, 792, 796). 
 
 23 This memorial is in Lemon's State Papers, v. 302-304. 
 
 24 The answer by Arran and the Lords of his Council is in the 
 Acts of Parliament, ii. 425, 426 ; where the 8th of June is given as 
 the date of meeting ; but Sadleyr's letter of the 7th speaks of the 
 
 182 
 
I] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 assembly as having been held on the previous day. Despite the 
 absence of Murray, Huntly, and Argyll, there was 'great sticking' 
 and 'moche difficultie' among those present concerning Mary's 
 delivery at the age of ten— some insisting that, before she left the 
 realm, Henry should give pledges in Scotland that she sliould be 
 married to the Prince at twelve (Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 212-214 ; 
 Hamilton Papers, i. 535). 
 
 25 Hamilton Papers, i. 558, 559.— The treaties of peace and 
 marriage are in Rymer's Foe.dera, xiv. 786-700. 
 
 26 Hamilton Papers, i. 655, 600-662 ; Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 
 270-277. 
 
 -^ Hamilton Papers, ii. 7- 
 
 28 Father Stevenson says that Arran's 'appointment was un- 
 disputed for various reasons ' ; and alleges, as the first, that ' he 
 stood well with Henry, whose forbearance was of vital importance ' 
 {Mary Stuart, 1886, p. 33) ; but the statements in the text are amply 
 borne out by the Hamilton Papers, i. 363, 371, 373, 469, 473, 477, 
 495, 505. 
 
 29 Lisle and Tunstall were informed by a chaplain that Arran was 
 'a good softe God's man' (Lemon's State Papers, v. 238). Knox 
 avers that the hearts of many were bowed unto him in the begin- 
 ning, partly through 'ane opinioun that men had of his simplicitie' 
 (Laing's Knox, i. 94). The Queen Dowager assured Sadleyr that 
 he was ' a simple and the most inconstant man in the world ; for 
 whatsoever he determineth to-day, he changeth to-morrow' (Sad- 
 leyr's State Papers, i. 115). Nineteen years later Randolph reported 
 that he was 'so inconstant, saving in greediness, that in three 
 moments he will take five purposes ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 538, 539). 
 
 20 Before Sadleyr had been many hours in the Scottish capital on 
 this mission. Sir George Douglas explained to him that, by gentle 
 means, Henry might in time ' bring the nobles and others of this 
 realme so farre in love with his Majeste that he shall have the 
 hole dyrection and obedience of the same at his pleasure ' — philoso- 
 phically adding that what love might win should remain for ever, 
 what force had won had engendered hatred. On the other hand, 
 he warned him that should Henry's party try to oust the Governor 
 and attempt the impossible task of subjecting tlie country to English 
 rule, 'there is not so lytle a boy but he woll hurle stones ayenst 
 it, the wyves woll com out with their distafi'es, and the comons 
 
 183 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 unyversally woll rather dye in it ' ; yea^ as it was^ many of the 
 nobles and all the clergy were of the French party {Hamilton 
 Papers, i. 477). Douglas soon after told Sadleyr that even the 
 docile Arran^ if he knew the King's design^ would immediately 
 change sides_, and become wholly French ; and in that quarrel, 
 '^the hole realme/ said he, *^wooll stand fast with hym, and dye 
 rather all in a daye' than '^be made thrall and subject to England' 
 {Ibid. i. 505). 
 
 31 Lord Parr was informed by one of his spies ^that all that 
 whiche the Governour of Scotlande promysethe to the Kingis 
 iVTajeste is but craft, frawde, and falsitie. . . . His counsaill said to 
 hym that they marvailed that he wolde take upon hym at thende 
 of tenne yeres to make deliverance of the yong Quene of Scottes to 
 the King of Englande. . . . And he aunswered his counsaill againe, 
 ^'^Ye knowe the King of Englande is a mightie prince, and we not 
 able nez of powre to resist his puissance, and for that cause I thinke 
 and take it best by fare wordes and promyses, with the concluding 
 of this peas, to deferre and put over the danger that might other- 
 wise fall upon us ; and in the meane tyme the yong Quene maye 
 chance to die or other change maye happene, wherebie Scotlande 
 may be relieved and more able to resist Englande"' {Hamilton 
 Papers, i. 554, 555). 
 
 22 Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 26, 27 ; Laing's Knox, i. 97 ; 
 Lesley's History, pp. 171, 172; Hamilton Papers, i. 398, 491, 496, 
 497, 507, 512. 
 
 33 Hamilton Papers, i. 409, 410, 419, 486, 510; Herries's His- 
 torical Memoirs, pp. 5, 6. 
 
 3* Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 117, 145; Lesley's History, pp. 172, 
 173; Laing's Knox, i. 105, 124. — The Abbot of Paisley had been 
 studying in France. 
 
 35 Hamilton Papers, i. 590-593.— On the 22nd of July Sadleyr 
 had written to Henry, telling him of the preparations of the 
 Cardinal's party to surprise the Queen at Linlithgow, and of the 
 Governor's intention to prevent her removal {Ibid. i. 584). Now, 
 on the 26th, he writes that there had been a great appearance ' of 
 slaughter and effusion of bloode,' and *^greate preparacions made 
 for the same ' both by the Governor's party and Beaton's ; but ' by 
 good meanes, all suche inconvenience is clerelie avoyded and a good 
 agreament taken emonges them' {Ibid. i. 591). On the 15th of 
 the previous March, Parliament had nominated as Mary's keepers, 
 
 184 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 the Earls Marisclial and Montrose^ Lords Erskine, Ruthven, 
 Livingston^ Lindsay, and Seton^ and the Laird of Calder ; ' or 
 ony twa of thaim quarterlies and ane to be put and marrowit to 
 thaim be my Lord Governour at his plesour ' (Acts of Parliament j 
 ii. 414, 415). 
 
 2*^ This ^secret band' is printed in the Hamilton Papers, i. 630- 
 G32. — The Governor professed to be utterly ignorant of it until 
 Sadleyr showed him a copy. Henry's attention was specially 
 directed by Sadleyr to some of the names appended — names of 
 those supposed to be acting in Henry's interest (Sadleyr's State 
 Papers, i. 257;, 258). By the 28th of July, Sadleyr had explained 
 to his master that there was so much untruth, jealousy, fear, and 
 suspicion amongst the Scots nobles, towards one another, that he 
 knew not what to write ; but he was doubtful of the Cardinal's 
 sincerity {Hamilton Papers, i. 602, 606). 
 
 ^"^ Led astray perhaps by poetic feeling, a modern writer says : — 
 ' ^V^hen the thunder of Hertford's artillery resounded even to the 
 gates of Linlithgow, it was to the Stirlingshire stronghold that the 
 guardians hied with their youthful sovereign' (Thornton's Stuart 
 Dynasty, 1890, p. 138) ; but Mary had been fully nine months in 
 Stirling before Hertford entered Scotland. In vrriting to Henry 
 from Edinburgh, on the very day of their removal, Sadleyr informs 
 him that, '^This afternone the peax nowe taken with your Majeste 
 was solempnly proclaymed in this towne with herauldes and 
 trompettes ; and the Governour himselfe, the Chancelour, Therles 
 of Anguysshe, Cassells, Glencarn, and other, with also soundrie 
 barons of the realme, were present, in the Highe Streate (as they 
 call it here) at the proclamyng of the same ; and surelie all kynde 
 and sortes of people, hothe highe and lowe, doo seame greatelie 
 to rejoyse therof, as undoubtedlie they have good cause, for the 
 last warres hathe so impoverisshed them, that they wooll not be 
 able to recover it of a long season. . . . Finallie, the olde 
 Quene and the yong Quene, by common assent of all parties, are 
 this day removed to Sterlyng, in the keping of the iiij barons 
 appoynted, i'or bicause the house of Lythcoo is so lyttell that 
 they cannott all he well placed and lodged in the same' (Hamilton 
 Papers, i. 597). Ten days later Sadleyr assures his royal master 
 that Sir George Douglas was so opposed to Mary's removal to 
 Stirling that he liad advised to fight the Cardinal's party rather than 
 consent; and adds — '^As I understand, the olde Queue hathe no 
 
 185 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 mo but her ordinarie officers^ and suclie as must necessarelie serve 
 her, to the nomber of xxx or theraboutes, and everie of the saide 
 lordes hathe xxiiij ; but at the next change of the kepers, wheras 
 nowe there be iiij whiche were at the tyme of this ruffle purposelie 
 appoynted and indilFerentlie named by bothe parties, there shalbe (as 
 I am infourmed) but twoo at ones from thensfourthe. And so the 
 hole nombre of the barons appoynted by the Parliament to be kepers 
 of the said yong Quene shall kepe their course by twoo at oones, with 
 eyther of them the nombre of xxiiij men, besides suche Englishe 
 personnes as your Mcijeste shall appoynte also to be aboute her, 
 according to the purpor te of the treatie ' {Ibid. i. 625, 62(J). 
 
 ^^ SadJeyr's State Papers, i. 228 ; Hamilton Papers, i. 551. 
 
 39 Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 253, 263 ; Hamilton Papers, i. 629. 
 
 ^^ The English Ambassador had been warned in the previous 
 April that this reconciliation was sure to come ; but, when it did 
 come, it came suddenly (Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 158, 277, 278 ; 
 Hamilton Papers, i. 522, 523, 664). ^The unhappy man,' says 
 Knox, ^ qwyetlie stall away from the lordis that war wyth him in 
 the Palice of Halyrudhouse, past to Stirling, subjected himself to 
 the Cardinall and to his counsall, received absolutioun, renunced 
 the professioun of Christ Jesus his holy Evangell, and violated 
 his oath that befoir he had maid, for observatioun of the contract 
 and league with England' (Laing's Knox, i. 109). Parr learned 
 from one of his spies — Sandye Pringill — that Arran met Beaton 
 at Falkirk on Tuesday the 4th of September ; rode with him to 
 Stirling ; there, on the Friday, declared ' all thinges that was 
 required or laide unto hym on the behalf of the Kinges IMajeste ' ; 
 and, on Saturday, after open penance and a solemn oath, was 
 absolved and heard mass — Argyll and Both well holding 'the 
 towell over his hede for the tyme he was in receiving of the 
 sacramente ' {Hamilton Papers, ii. 88). Herries erroneously places 
 the recantation after the coronation {Historical Memoirs, Abbotsford 
 Club, p. 5). 
 
 ^1 Tlie Bishop of Ross, on different pages, assigns the coronation 
 to two months — August and September (Lesley's History, pp. 169, 
 174) ; and Sir James Balfour follows his example {Historical Works, 
 I. 275, 279). Lesley relates — and his statement is fully borne out 
 by Sadleyr {Hamilton Papers, ii. 32) — that Angus, Glencairn, 
 Cassillis, Maxwell, Somerville, Gray, and others who had been 
 in England, did not countenance the coronation ; but Balfour — 
 
 i86 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 to use a Scots legal word — excamhs the parties^ actually saying : 
 — '^ All tliesse that favored England wer present at the coronatione ; 
 bot the Earle of Lennox depairted the toune_, and wold not be 
 present^ nather yet aney that had breathed the Frenche aire.' 
 The time date, as proved by the letters of Sadleyr and Parr, is 
 the 9th of September 1543. Sadleyr says she was crowned ^ with 
 suche solempnitie as they doo use in this countrey, which is not 
 verie costelie' {Hamilton Papers, ii. 83). Parr was informed by 
 Pringill, who had just returned from Stirling, that the ceremony 
 took place in the chapel of Stirling Castle, Arran bearing the 
 crown, Lennox the sceptre, and Argyll the s^vord {Ibid. ii. 38, 39). 
 
 4- Hamilton Papers, i. 501, 619, 620, 629, G30. 
 
 « Ibid. i. 633. 
 
 44 Ibid. i. 587. 
 
 45 Ibid. i. 629, 633, 634.— In April, the Queen Dowager had 
 professed to Sadleyr her desire, that, if the Scots would not 
 deliver her daughter into Henry's hands, he should take sufficient 
 pledges for the performance of the marriage, '^and also establish 
 such a guard of English personages about her person, as would 
 look well to her surety' (Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 114). In July, 
 Henry had resolved, in exercising the power conferred on him 
 in the treaty of marriage, to appoint Sadleyr and his wife to wait 
 on the young Queen —Sadleyr occasionally, his wife constantly — 
 an honour which Sir Ralph very promptly and very earnestly 
 declined, giving as one of his reasons that his wife was ^most 
 unmeet to serve for such a purpose . . . having never been 
 brought up at Court, nor knowing what appertaineth thereto ' 
 {Hamilton Papers, i. 560, 561, 569, 570 ; Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 
 230). Lodge states that Sadleyr ^married a laundress in Crom- 
 well's family, whose first husband, Matthew Barre, a tradesman of 
 London, was then living' ; and refers to an Act of Mary Tudor's 
 Parliament legitimating the children she had to Sadleyr {Illustrations 
 of British History, 1838, i. 140). On the other hand. Sir AValter 
 Scott says that she must have been ' a woman of credit and character 
 . . . since Lord Cromwell, to whom she was related, not only coun- 
 tenanced their marriage, but was god-father to two of their children' 
 (Sadleyr's State Papers, i. p. iv.); and their descendant. Major 
 Sadleir Stoney, thinks it probable that she had either been married 
 or affianced to Barre, who returned home after a long absence to 
 find that she — believing him to be dead — had married Sir Ralph 
 
 187 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 {Sadleyrs Life and Times, 1877, p. 14 n.). ^Mary Stuart under- 
 went many humiliations ; but let us be thankful/ exclaims Father 
 Stevenson, '^that she escaped the degi-adation of learning- her 
 morality from an adulteress, and her manners from a washerwoman' 
 (Stevenson's Mai-y Stuart, 1886, p. 48). 
 
 *s Hamilton Papers, i. 638, 656 ; Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 273. 
 
 *^ Hamilton Papers, i. 513, 515, 651. 
 
 48 Ibid. i. 665, mQ. 
 
 *9 Ibid. i. 664. 
 
 ^ Ibid. ii. 43, 44. 
 
 51 Ibid. i. 688, 639 ; Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 274.— Knox is 
 certainly wrong in saying that it was because of Mary's coronation 
 and the new promise made to France that Henry arrested ' our 
 Schotish schippis' (Laing's Knox, i. 109). 
 
 5^ Hamilton Papers, ii. 4. 
 
 53 Ibid. ii. 92, 93, 103. 
 
 5* Ibid. ii. 6Q, 61, 82, 151. 
 
 55 Ibid. i. 551, 570; ii. 56, 61, 62, 93. — On the 26th of June 
 1544, Lennox signed and sealed an indenture, by Mhich he bound 
 himself to hand over Dumbarton Castle and the Isle of Bute to 
 Henry ; and by which Henry became bound to give him Lady 
 Margaret Douglas in marriage, and lands in England of the yearly 
 value of 6800 merks Scots or 1700 merks sterling, and by which 
 Henry further engaged — after he should attain ' the direction and 
 rule of the realme of Scotland ' —to make Lennox ^governour under 
 him.* Lennox likewise undertook that he should not only do what 
 he could that Mary ' be not stollen nor conveyed out of Scotlande,' 
 but also that he should ' travail to th' uttermoost of his wit and 
 powre to get hir personne into his oune keping, and so deliver hir 
 fourthwith into his Heighnes handes with all dilligence possible, to 
 be nourished and educated at his Majesties ordre' (Rymer's Fcedera, 
 XV. 29-32). 
 
 5*5 Hamilton Papers, ii. 92, 93, 102.— Sadleyr learned that of 
 money there were a thousand crowns ; and of munitions, three 
 cannons, two double cannons, forty falcons, eighty light pieces for 
 the field — Svhiche they call here quarter faulcons'— three hundred 
 'haulfe hakes,' with ^shotte according,' and thirty lasts of powder 
 {Ibid. ii. 103). 
 
 5^^ Sadleyr was instructed to press Glencairn —if Lennox were too 
 scrupulous — to take the Legate prisoner '^to his oune use, wherby 
 
 l88 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 must nedes growe unto him a greate advantage^ for the sayd Legat is 
 very m elthie^ and woU not fayle to gyve greate sommes of money 
 for his ransom ' {Hamilton Papers, ii. 99^ 100). 
 
 68 Ibid. ii. 101. 
 
 5^ On the 10th of November, Sadleyr wrote to Suffolk and 
 Tunstall : — ' It is sayd that the Cardinall hath devised to divorse 
 the Governour frome his wief, to thentent to make a mariage 
 betwixte him and the Doagier, and then also to make a contracte 
 betwixte the yonge Quene and thErle of Lynoux, who slialbe made 
 Lieutenaunte Generall of Scotlande, and use thauctorite-, and the 
 Governor shall here onely the name of that office, and have a 
 certaine yerely stipende for the same, and so they shalbe frendes, 
 and joyne together on one partie with Fraunce against Englonde' 
 {Ibid. ii. 151). 
 
 ^ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 429. 
 
 ^1 Ibid. ii. 431, 432. — Angus, Lennox, Glencairn, and Marischal, 
 tliough chosen at the Stirling Convention to be members of the 
 Great Council, Mould not accept that office, and were not present 
 in this Parliament {Ibid. ii. 442). The Scoto- French treaty — 
 dated Loth December 1.543 — has been printed from the original 
 by Teulet, in his Papiers D'Etat, Bannatyne Club, i. 137-142. 
 
 6- Hamilton Papers, ii. 90. 
 
 ^3 Hertford arrived in the Forth on Saturday the 8rd of May 
 1544, and landed his army next day {Ibid. ii. 360). In his amended 
 Instructions, of lOtli April, he is told that his Majesty's pleasure is 
 to ^ put all to fyre and swoorde, burne Edinborough towne, so rased 
 and defaced when you have sacked and gotten what ye can of it, as 
 there may remayn forever a perpetual memory of the vengeaunce of 
 God lightened upon [them .''J for their faulsehode and disloyailtye. 
 Do what ye can out of hande, and without long tarying, to beate 
 down and over throwe the castle, sack Holyrod house, and as many 
 townes and villaiges about Edinborough as ye may conveniently, 
 sack Lythe and burne and subverte it and all the rest, putting man, 
 woman, and childe, to fyre and swoorde, without exception where any 
 resistence shalbe made agaynst you ; and this done, passe over to 
 the Fyfelande and extende like extremityes and destructions in 
 all townes and villaiges wherunto ye may reche convenyently, 
 not forgetting among all the rest so to spoyle and turne upset 
 downe the Cardiualles town of St. Andrews, as thupper stone may 
 be the nether, and not one stick stande by an other, sparing no 
 
 189 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 creature alyve within the same, specially such as either in frendeship 
 or blood be alyed to the Cardinall. And if ye se any likelyhode 
 of wynning the castle, gyve sum stoute assay to the same, and if ye 
 fortune to get it, raised and destroy it pece meale. And after this 
 sorte spending one moneth there ' {Ibid. ii. 820). 
 
 ^* Hamilton Papers, ii. 371, 372 — The pitiless zest with which 
 Hertford carried out his instructions, as far as he could, is manifest 
 from the contemporary accounts of the expedition (Stevenson's 
 Selections from Unpublished Manuscripts, Maitland Club, pp. 3-5 ; 
 The Late Expedicion, in Dalyell's Fragments of Scotish History) ; and 
 from Hertford's own despatches (Hamilton Papers, ii. 361-375, 379- 
 382). *^Rejoicings were made in England for this victory ' {Venetian 
 Calendar, v. 122). 
 
 ^° The thoroughness of Hertford's second invasion may be learned 
 from his despatches (Lemon's State Papers, v. 513-529) ; from the 
 contemporary journal of the expedition {Proceedings of the Society of 
 Antiquaries of Scotland, i. 272-276) ; and from the list of ^fortresses, 
 abbeys, frere-houses, market-townes, villages, towres and places 
 brent, raced, and cast downe ' (Haynes's State Papers, 1740, pp. 52- 
 54). 
 
 ^^ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 460. 
 
 ^"^ In December 1543, the Earl of iVIontrose and Lord Erskine are 
 referred to as ' chosin to remane continuale with the Quenis Grace 
 in the Castell of Striueling for the suir keiping of hir person ' {Acts 
 of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 442) ; and in July 1545, Lords 
 Erskine and Livingston are mentioned as having ' the hale cure and 
 keping of our Soverane Ladyis persoun in the Castell of Striveling ' 
 {Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i. 11) 
 
 ^^ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 463. 
 
 ^^ Henry the Eighth died at Westminster early in the morning 
 of the 28th of January 1546-7 (Ellis's Original Letters, first series, ii. 
 137). 
 
 ^0 Thorpe's Calendar of Scottish State Papers, i. 66. 
 
 ■^1 Tliis second Flodden was fought, not on ^ Sunday,' as Father 
 Stevenson says (Stevenson's 3Ia7'y Stuart, p. 82), but on Saturday — 
 a day afterwards known as '^Blak Sattirday ' {Diurnal of Occur rents, 
 p. 44 ; Calderwood's History, i. 249). Mr. Skelton is right with 
 the day of the week, but wrong with the day of the month. He 
 gives the 4th of September (Skelton's Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 15) ; 
 and Miss Strickland gives the 9th {Life of Mary, 1888, i. 7). An 
 
 190 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 English historian, after a long account of the battle and its prelimi- 
 naries, gives the iOth of December as the date, which he says was 
 the thirty-fourth anniversary of Flodden (Hayv.ard's King Edward 
 the Sixt, 1636, p. 90). The date in the text— 10th September 1547 
 — is quite certain (Patten's Expedicion in Dalyell's Fragments of 
 Scotish History^ 1708, p. 54 ; Stuart's Records of Kinloss, p. 11 ; 
 Birrel's Diary, p. 4 ; Lesley's History, p. 197). Patten (p. 71) 
 expresses no astonishment when he states that ' the dead bodyes 
 wear stryped out of their garments starke naked ' by his fellow 
 Southrons ; but he was surprised at the rapidity with which it was 
 done, and also at ^ the personages of the enemies, . . . which for 
 their tallnes of stature, cleaues of skyn, bignes of bone, with due 
 proportion in al partes, I for my part advisedly noted to be such, as 
 but that I well sawe that it was so, I woolde not have beleved sure 
 so many of that sort to have bene in all their cuntree.' The abstract 
 of the expenses of the English army, printed from the original, is in 
 Sadleyr's State Papers, i. 353-364. 
 
 ''2 Sir James Balfour states that Mary was sent to Inchmahome 
 ' imediatley befor the batell ' {Historical Works, i. 288) ; but 
 Lesley says that it was '^during the tyme of the Inglismennis byding at 
 Leith ' {History of Scotland , Bannatyne Club, p. 200), that is between 
 the 11th and 18th of September ; and this is corroborated by the 
 terms of the discharge, under the Privy Seal, to Lords Erskine and 
 Livingston {The Lennox, 1874, ii. 431, 432 ; Red Book of Menteith, 
 1880, ii. 331-333 ; Historical MSS. Commission, Ninth Report, app. 
 part ii. p, 192). 
 
 ''2 According to Chalmers, Mary remained at Inchmahome until 
 the following February, when she was taken to Dumbarton 
 (Chalmers's Life of Mary, 1818, i. 5). Lesley, on the other hand, 
 states that she was only kept with her mother at Inchmahome ' till 
 the Inglismen was departed furth of Scotland, and than returned to 
 Striveling ' {History, p. 200) ; and the English army re-crossed the 
 Tweed on the 29th of September (Patten's Expedicion, p. 94). She 
 was removed to Dumbarton in February (Laing's Knox, i. 219 n.) ; 
 but she was taken there from Stirling, not from Inchmahome 
 (Thorpe's Calendar, i. 79). In Hill Burton's opinion, Inchmahome 
 was selected as her abode in this time of special danger, because it 
 was ^deemed less assailable than a fortress on land, or au island 
 approachable by sea ' {History of Scotland, 1876, iii. 275). 
 
 ^* Jebb's Life and Reign of Mary, 1725, p. 18. 
 
 191 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 76 Strickland's Life of Mary, 1888, i. 7. 
 
 7^ Brown's HorcB SubsecivcB, second series, pp. 167-175. — '^The 
 original boxwood trees in the bower, like the single one in the 
 garden, had all grown to considerable size ' ; but the appropriating 
 hands of tourists having ' led to the complete disappearance of 
 nearly the whole ' of them, the Duke of Montrose, at the suggestion 
 of Sir William Eraser, in the autumn of 1859, ^ gave directions that 
 the bower should be restored with new boxwood plants, and a neat 
 wooden railing placed around the whole.' lliese young plants from 
 the neighbouring gardens of Cardross have grown so well, that 
 ^ when tourists, particularly those from America, obtain a cutting 
 from the boxwood as a relic of Queen Mary, they firmly believe in 
 them as having been planted by her hand * {Red Book of Menteith, 
 i. 503, 504). 
 
 '''' Bothwell was represented as willing to deliver the Hermitage 
 to the English, if the Protector could obtain for him in marriage 
 the Duchess of Suffolk, the Princess Mary, or tlie Princess Eliza- 
 beth ; or permission to see these ladies, ^ as though if he liked them 
 they would not mislike him ' ; or, if allowed a hundred soldiers, he 
 would not only deliver up his house, but become the servant of 
 King Edward (Thorpe's Calendar, i. 67). The English Privy 
 Council instructed Lord Grey of Wilton, then at Norham, that Sir 
 George Douglas might be warily trusted, and should be persuaded 
 to deliver the young Queen into England {Ibid. i. 69). Patrick, 
 Lord Gray, one of the ^assured Lords,' advised the seizure of Perth 
 and St. Andrews ; and the latter town the Laird of Montquhanny 
 offered to deliver {Ibid. i. 70, 73). Argyll received a thousand 
 crowns to incline him to the marriage ; and the Protector was 
 willing to give him lands or a pension if he brought it to pass {Ibid. 
 i. 77-81). Henry Durham -svas promised a reward for surrendering 
 Broughty Castle {Ibid. i. 83) ; and the Master of Ruthven wished 
 to know what he would get for setting forth the King's purpose 
 and delivering Perth {Ibid. i. 82). 
 
 ^^ By the 20tli of October Sir George Douglas — with a view 
 it seems to betray the English (Stevenson's Selections, p. 99) — 
 furnished a plan for another invasion {The Douglas Book, iv. 164- 
 167);, which, however, was then rendered impossible by the great 
 rains (Thorpe's Calendar, i. 69). AVyndham, lying in the Tay in 
 December, in asking more men for his ships, informed Somerset 
 that he would not leave a town, village, or fisherboat unburned 
 
 192 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 from Fifeness to Inchcolm ; and within nine days he had burned 
 Balmerino Abbey {Ihid. i. 72^ 73). In January^ William Lord 
 Grey, as Lord Lieutenant, and Wharton and Bowes, the English 
 Wardens of the West and Middle Marches, consulted as to how 
 something might be done to scourge Angus and Sir George Douglas ; 
 but did not see how it was possible at that season of the year {Ibid. 
 i. 76). Before the end of February, Grey had marched to Hadding- 
 ton, and Lennox and Wharton had invaded Dumfries {Thid. i. 79) 
 — operations not altogether successful. 
 
 ^^ There is a form of prayer for general peace and prosperity, 
 and for success of the proposed marriage between Edward and Mary, 
 which Mr. Lemon thinks was probably used in July 1547 {Domestic 
 Calendar, 1547-1580, p. 4). In the churches of England the Te 
 Deum was sung after Pinkie, in the judgment of the English primate 
 a victory ^ almost above the expectation of man, and such as hath 
 not been heard of in any part of Christendom this many years : 
 in which victory above the number of fifteen thousand Scots be 
 slain, two thousand taken prisoners, and among them many noble- 
 men and others of good reputation' (Cranmer's Works, Parker 
 Society, ii. 417, 418). Prayers for peace between England and Scot- 
 land were also said in 1548, ^ every Sunday and holyday.' And 
 'the most godly and happy marriage of the King's Majesty and the 
 young Queen of Scotland ' was introduced into the bidding prayer 
 before the sermon {Ihid. ii. 154 and n.). 
 
 ^^ So early as September 1543, it was reported that Francis 
 wished ^ the marriage of the Queen's Grace to the Dauphin's son ' 
 (Lodge's Illustrations of British History, 1838, i. 54). On the 1st 
 of January 1544-5, Lord Eure informed Shrewsbury that he had 
 learned from one of his spies that the Governor, Cardinal, and 
 other Lords of the Scots Council, had promised to the French 
 Ambassador ' that the Frenche Kinge shall have the yonge Quene 
 to marye where he list,' and that in the spring both Queens should 
 be sent into France {Hamilton Papers, ii. 538). 
 
 *i Lesley's History, p. 203. 
 
 82 PapiersD'Etat, Ban. Club, i. 181-184; Lesley's History, p. 204. 
 
 83 According to LabanoflF, the Scottish Lords decided at Stirling, 
 on the 8th of February 1547-8, to offer Mary in marriage to the 
 Dauphin, and proposed to send her to France to be educated at 
 Henry's Court ; and on the same day Arran was created Duke of 
 Chatelherault by the King of France {Recueil des Lettres de Marie 
 
 N 193 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Stuart, i. 8). David Laing has adopted this statement (Laing's 
 Knox, i. 217 n.). But a council was apparently held at Stirling- by 
 the 2nd of the preceding November^ at which the removal of Mary 
 to France was discussed^ as well as the propriety of placing the 
 principal strongholds in the hands of their allies (Thorpe's Calendar, 
 i. 70, 71). Before the end of December, fifty French captains — 
 precursors of the coming army — arrived in Scotland {Ibid. i. 74 ; 
 Tytler's Scotland, 1845, iv. 479, 480). The 27th of January 1547-8 
 is given as the date of the contract between Arran and Henry 
 the Second, by which Arran obliged himself to assemble the Scots 
 Parliament, in order to obtain its consent to Mary's marriage with 
 the Dauphin, to her deliverance to the King of France, and to the 
 giving up to him some of the chief fortresses ; and by which Henry 
 as a reward for such a great and signal service bound himself, 
 amongst other things, to confer the title of Duke on the Earl of 
 Arran, with a Duchy in France {Consultation pour Marquis D'Aber- 
 corn contre le Due D' Hamilton, Paris, 1865, p. 1.). Writing from 
 Edinburgh to DAumale, on the 24th of June 1548, D'Oysel men- 
 tions that Arran had already given up Dunbar to the French, and 
 that the Queen Dowager had already prevailed on Angus, George 
 Douglas, Cassillis, ^le Cherodaers,' Seton, several other lords and 
 barons, and seven or eight bishops and prelates, to give their 
 written consent, not only to Mary's marriage with the Dauphin, but 
 to her going to France (Teulet's Papiers UEtat, i. 671, 672). 
 Teulet thought that ' le Cherodaers ' was a name disfigured past 
 recognition, but it stands for ' the Sheriff of Ayr. ' This was Sir 
 Hew Campbell of Loudon, referred to by Knox as ' the auld Schiref 
 of Ayr,' and as one of those enemies of the Reformation who acknow- 
 ledged in 1560 that God was fighting for the Protestants (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 137). 
 
 81 Papiers D'Etat, Ban. Club, i. 666 ; Hamilton Papers, ii. 597- 
 604; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 87; Lesley's History, pp. 206, 207.— 
 Some interesting details of the Scots preparations for helping the 
 French at Haddington are given in the Register of Privy Council, 
 xiv. 3-6. 
 
 85 Mr. Skelton gives the 24th of May as the date of this Parlia- 
 ment (Skelton's Mary Stuart, p. 15) ; Principal Robertson, the 
 6th of June (Robertson's Scotland, 1794, p. 75) ; and Father 
 Stevenson, ^shortly before the 24th of June' (Stevenson's Mary 
 Stuart, p. 85). The 7th of July is the true date {Acts of the 
 
 194 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 481). Hill Burton says 'the Estates 
 met at Haddington^ just recovered from the English after a hard 
 struggle' {History of Scotland, 187C, iii. 276); but it was not until 
 September of the following year that the English — reduced by 
 pest and hunger — evacuated Haddington (Papiers D'Etat, i. 698 ; 
 Thorpe's Calendar, i. 98 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 48). The 
 Parliament met not in the town^ but in the Abbey ' about a mile 
 to the eastward ' {Acts of Parliament, ii. 481 ; Lesley's History, 
 p. 209 ; Archceologia Scotica, i. 58^ 62). By the 2nd of July, part of 
 the French forces had encamped at the abbey, or '^Nonry' as 
 Wilford called it {Hamilton Papers, ii. 598). 
 
 ^^ Acts of the Parliaments if Scotland, ii. 481. — Knox explains 
 their unanimity on the grounds of bribery, flattery, and intimida- 
 tion (Laing's Knox, i. 217). It was at this time, according to 
 Petit, that ^ the Scots resolved to cast aside the English alliance ' 
 (Flandre's Petit, i. 15, 16) — a rather superfluous resolution, seeing 
 that by their Parliament they had nearly five years before cast 
 aside the English treaties of peace and marriage {supj-a, p. 10). 
 Hill Burton says : — ^ There was an understanding and more, that 
 the royal prize was to be for the Governor's son. Arran, indeed, 
 held an obligation to this end under the seals of the chief nobles. 
 In a firmer hand than his it would not have been easy to loosen 
 such a hold' {History of Scotland, iii. 277). But this hold had 
 been loosened fully two years before, when, on the 11th of June 
 1546, the Governor, in presence of the Queen Dowager and Lords 
 of Council, for the good of the Kingdom and healing of divisions, 
 'dischargit the contract and band, maid to him be quhatsomevir 
 noble men of the realme, anentis our Soverane Ladyis mariage, 
 and sail distroy the samyn, and dischargis all noble men, that hes 
 consentit thairto, of the said band.' On the same day the Queen 
 Dowager discharged ' all bandis maid to hir be all maner of noble 
 men incontrair the said contract ' ; and the assured lords, Angus, 
 Cassillis, Maxwell, and Sir George Douglas, approved of the Act of 
 Parliament dissolving the English peace and marriage {Register of 
 the Privy Council of Scotland, i. 27^ 29). Notwithstanding Arran's 
 promise to destroy the 'bands' in his favour, one signed by the 
 Master of Eglinton is still preserved in Hamilton Palace. The 
 reason it gives for preferring as Mary's husband a prince ' borne of 
 the realme', and especially Arran's son, is that princes of other 
 countries, who might desire her, might, like the King of England, 
 
 195 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 pursue the same with force and power {Historical MSS. Commission^ 
 Eleventh Report, app. part vi. p. 36). 
 
 ^"^ Domestic Calendar, 1547-1580^ p. 6. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 21. 
 
 89 Thorpe's Calendar, i. 83. 
 
 ^^ Tytler's History of Scotlatid, 1845, iv. 477 ; Thorpe's Calendar, 
 i. 88. — She had ah-eady had small-pox, and was destined to have it 
 again. 
 
 91 Papiers D'Etat, i. 662. 
 
 92 Hill Burton says that the way in which the English trap to 
 intercept her was escaped '^is one of the cleverest affairs of the 
 kind on record.' He tells how the French squadron sailed down 
 the Firth of Forth in great pomp, and how ^ it would have been 
 intercepted and fought in the narrow seas as it crept along to 
 France ; but it turned suddenly northward, and swept round 
 Scotland by the Pentland Firth, then, coasting westwards, it reached 
 Dumbarton' (History of Scotland, iii. 277). Nevertheless, the 
 English Government received timely warning as to the port from 
 which Mary was to sail (Thorpe's Calendar, i. 89, 91 ; Hamilton 
 Papers, ii. 603) ; and Lesley states that the Protector ' caused 
 prepair ane gret navie of shippes,' which he sent ^to await at the 
 west seyis at thaire passage, and to half talk in thame gif thay 
 could' (Lesley's History, p. 210). Froude says that the French 
 commander 'evaded the English cruisers who were watching for 
 him at the mouth of the Forth' {History of England, 1887, iv. 321); 
 but apparently the English fleet, on its way north, was still at 
 Berwick on the 2nd of August, when Mary was on board her galley 
 at Dumbarton (Thorpe's Calendar, i. 93). 
 
 93 According to Sir James Balfour, Mary's retinue consisted of 
 Lords Erskine and Fleming, Lady Fleming, '^with 12 young 
 ladeyes, and 200 gentlemen and servants' {Historical Works, 
 i. 292). Bishop Lesley, writing much earlier, is less explicit 
 as to the numbers, but infinitely more interesting in his details. 
 Besides Lords Erskine and Livingston, who had been her 
 keepers, and Lady Fleming, her father's sister, there were, he 
 says, 'sindre gentilwemen and nobill mennis sonnes and doch- 
 teris, almoist of hir awin aige.' Of these last, 'thair wes four in 
 speciall, of whome everie one of thame buir the samin name of 
 Marie, being of four syndre honorable houses, to wyt, Fleming, 
 Levingstoun, Setoun, and Betoun of Creich ; quho remanit all 
 
 196 
 
i] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 foure with the Quene in FrancGj during- her residens thair, and 
 returned agane in Scotlande with her Majestie' (Lesley's History, 
 p. 209). It is usually stated that Mary was accompanied to France 
 by her illegitimate brother, the Lord James, then Commendator of 
 St. Andrews Priory, afterwards Earl of Murray and Regent of 
 Scotland. Of the earlier writers who have said so are Buchanan 
 (Ruddiman's Buchanan, i. 300), Herries {Historical Memoirs, p. 28), 
 and Lindsay (Pitscottie's History, 1728, p. 196). Among the more 
 modern writers who have perpetuated the statement, are Keith, 
 Chalmers, P. F. Tytler, Mignet, Hosack, Thornton, Walker, and 
 Miss Stewart. Some have waxed eloquent on the influence which 
 the youthful Prior thus early secured over her warm and un- 
 suspecting heart. Yet there is reason to believe that he did not 
 go with her. In support of the usual opinion, Chalmers says that 
 for three of her natural brothers— the respective commendators of 
 Holyrood, Coldingham, and St. Andrews — ^licenses to travel are 
 recorded in the Books of Council and Session ; and these youthful 
 commendators are said, in the record, to have gone to the scidis in 
 France' (Chalmers's Z?ye of Mary, 1818, i. 10). But Henry Johnes, 
 writing immediately after her departure, informed the Lord 
 Protector that, while the Abbot of Holyrood and the Prior of 
 Coldingham — ^the Kinges two yonger basterde sonnes' — had gone 
 with her ; ^ thelder brethren ' — James, Prior of St. Andrews, and 
 James, Abbot of Kelso — had '^refusid to go, for that they could 
 not have the yong gentylmen of Fyef with theim ' {Hamilton Papers, 
 ii, 618). Buchanan, Herries, Pitscottie, and Chalmers stultify 
 themselves by assigning to the Prior of St. Andrews a chief part 
 in the repulse of the English on the coast of Fife (Ruddiman's 
 Buchanan, i. 300, 301 ; Historical Memoirs, p. 24; lAnAssiy' s History , 
 p. 197; Churchyard's Chips Concerning Scotland, 1817, p. 7.) — in a 
 skirmish which must have occurred within a few days of Mary's 
 landing in France (Papiers D'Etat, i. 687 ; Tliorpe's Calendar, i. 93, 
 94 ; Lesley's History, pp. 218-215 ; Churchyard's Chips Concerning 
 Scotland, p. 80). If he went to France with her he cannot have 
 remained long there. It is known otherwise that, in September 
 1549, he drove ' t\\e Frenche from St. Androws and out of Fyffe' 
 (Stevenson's Selections, p. 48) ; that in November of that year he 
 was present in the Provincial Council which met in Edinburgh 
 {Concilia Scotice, ii. 83) ; and that he sat in the Privy Council on the 
 27th of March 1550 {Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i. 88). 
 
 197 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^* Diurnal of Occurrents , p. 47; Thorpe's Calendar,!. 93. — Lesley 
 says she embarked in ^the King-is awin gallay' {History, p. 209). 
 
 ^^ Hamilton Papers, ii. 617 ; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 93 ; Steven- 
 son's Selections, Maitland Club^ p. 27. — While waiting in the Clyde, 
 Lady Fleming wished to be landed ' to repose her ' ; but the captain 
 gruffly answered that she should not go on land_, but into France 
 or drown by the way (Tytler's Scotland, iv. 480). This incident is 
 transposed by Miss Strickland from the beginning to the latter 
 part of the voyage^ when the fair passengers had ^ suffered severely 
 from sea-sickness' off ^the dangerous coast of Bretagne' (Strick- 
 land's Ufe of Mary, 1888, i. 9). 
 
 ^^ Buchanan merely says that Mary landed in Brittany, a 
 peninsula in France (Ruddiman's Buchanan, i. 300) ; but Lesley, 
 less vague, says the haven of Brest (Lesley's History, p. 210) ; and 
 that port is regarded as the place by such writers as Herries, 
 Conaeus, Jebb, Chalmers, iVIignet, Lingard, Labanoff, P. F. T}i:ler, 
 and Hill Burton ; while others, including Dargaud, Francisque- 
 Michel, Petit, Skelton, and Stevenson are satisfied that it was at 
 Roscoff. The latter place it seems can show, in support of its 
 claim, the ruins of a little Gothic chapel, founded by the pious 
 child, in the very year of her arrival, to mark the spot where ' her 
 foot was traced on the rock' (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, p. 87 n.). 
 
 ^^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 47. 
 
 ^^ Laing's Knox, i. 218. — Glassford Bell's chronology of Mary's 
 early years is singularly inaccurate and self-contradictory. He 
 states that she was born on the 7th of December 1542 ; that ' the 
 two first years of her life ' were spent at Linlithgow ; that she 
 resided at Stirling Castle ^during the greater part of the years 
 1545, 46, and 47' ; that, when even Stirling Castle became a some- 
 what dangerous residence, she was removed to Inchmahome, where 
 she ^ remained upwards of two years ' ; and that, ' in the fifth year 
 of her age,' she was taken to Dumbarton, where she was delivered 
 to the French Admiral (Bell's Life of Mary, 1828, i. 42-44). 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 * Venetian Calendar, v. 228 ; Lesley's History of Scotland, Ban, 
 Club, p. 210. 
 
 2 Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i. 88 ; National MSS. 
 of Scotland, Part iii. Nos. xxx, xxxii-xxxiv. 
 
 198 
 
ii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 2 Thorpe's Scottish Calendar, i. 97. 
 
 * Halliwell's Letters of the Kings, 1848, ii. 39. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 109. 
 
 ® Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 133 ; Tytler's Edward VI. and 
 Mary, i. 393-401 ; Venetian Calendar, v. 363, 364. 
 
 ^ Father Stevenson says she embarked on the 8th of May 1550 
 (Mary Stuart, 1886, p. 106). A contemporary says on the 8th of 
 August {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 50). Considerable alarm was 
 caused at the French Court by her non-arrival — ^ lest the recent 
 storms should have driven her to the coast of Flanders ' — until it 
 was learned that she had not embarked until the Gth of September 
 {Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 55) ; but she could not have sailed 
 even on that day, as she was present at a meeting of Privy Council 
 in Edinburgh on the 7th of September {Register of Privy Council^, 
 i. 108). ' No sooner had she embarked at Leith for France,' says 
 Father Stevenson, ' than the government of the country passed, for 
 all practical purposes, into the hands of the Lord James Stuart, and 
 the party who acted along with him' {Mary Stuart, p. 119). But 
 according to Knox ^ all the Kinges sonnes ' accompanied the Queen 
 Mother to France (Laing's Knox, i. 242) ; the Lord James is specially 
 mentioned as having gone with her {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 50) ; 
 a license to that effect was granted to him on the Gth of September 
 1550 (Chalmers's Mary, 1818, ii. 279) ; and his name does not occur 
 in the sederunt of the Privy Council from 16th July 1550 until the 
 19th of June 1553. 
 
 ® Lesley's History, pp. 234, 235. — Lesley also says that she wished 
 to congratulate and rejoice with the King and her friends there, 
 that Scotland was not only likely to continue on good terms with 
 its old ally, but ^also now it mycht be maide moir subject and 
 bound unto tliame, yea as a province joynit unto France be mariage, 
 as Britangze and Normoundie ar subject at this present.' 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 53. 
 
 *® Lesley's History, p. 236 ; Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 57 ; 
 Tytler's Edward VI. and Mary, i. 325, 327 ; Tytler's History of 
 Scotland, 1845, iv. 482 ; Francisque-Michel's Les J^cossais en 
 France, 1862, i. 472-474. 
 
 1^ Lesley's History, pp. 286-239. 
 
 12 Tytler's Edward VI. and Mary, i. 327 n. 
 
 1^ * The Queen Dowager having gone to France, taking with her 
 the chief nobility of Scotland, the King bought them completely ; 
 
 199 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 so that in France there is neither Scottish duke^ nor lord_, nor 
 prelate^ nor lady, nor dame, but who is munificently bribed by 
 the most Christian King' (Venetian Calendar, v. 361). Knox says, 
 'What thei receaved we can nott tell; but few maid ruse [i.e. 
 boast] at thare returnyng' (Laing's Knox, i. 242). Writing from 
 Amboise on the 18th of April 1551, Sir John Mason informed 
 the English Council that, ' the Scots be here very ill satisfied, 
 having so impoverished themselves as the number of them may 
 for these three years fast, for any profit they are like to have of 
 their lauds, having eaten up the same beforehand ; which is thought 
 to have been done of purpose, to the intent that, being brought to 
 extreme need, they may be compelled upon hope of relief, like 
 slaves, to hang upon the Queen' (Tytler's Edward VI. and Mary, 
 i. 354, 355). In the same letter, Mason refers to the Earl of 
 Huntly having received the promise of the Earldom of Murray. 
 The Bishop of Ross includes that gift among those which he 
 specially mentions, and also refers to 'a. gret nombre of utheris 
 giftis and confirmationis maid be the King to syndre uther parti- 
 culer nobill and gentill men onder his seill and hand wreit, 
 oblishing him in verbo regio to cans the Queue of Scotlande, at 
 hir perfyte aige, ratifie and approve the samyn, or el lis he to 
 gif thame as guid within the realme of France ' (Lesley's History, 
 p. 237). 
 
 1* Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 103. 
 
 1^ Edward's Journal, Clarendon Historical Society, p. 34; 
 Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, i. 249-260.— A\Tiile Froude regards the 
 conduct of the English Government in the matter as an illustration 
 of their integrity {History of England , 1887, v. 2), Father Stevenson 
 is uncharitable enough to suspect that they ' had a guilty knowledge 
 of this hideous plot from the beginning.' But his reasons for 
 entertaining such a suspicion are rather illogical. ' On January 
 28th, 1551, the Council,' he says, 'introduced to Sir John Mason, 
 their Ambassador in France, as secret agent, ""one that Balneys 
 (Balnaves), the Scot, hath councilled to be in France." They 
 also gave him £10 towards his expenses. The connection of this 
 anonymous Scot with Balnaves — a person so closely associated 
 with the murder of Cardinal Beaton — excites our suspicion, and 
 all the more so when we find that the letter of introduction 
 referred to above — innocent as it looks — was written in cipher' 
 (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, p. 109 n.). But this secret agent 
 
 2QO 
 
ii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 bearing the Council's letter^ who did not arrive until the 24th 
 of February, '^took not so much leisure in his journey liither- 
 wardj' says Mason to the Council, ' as he seemed desirous to 
 make haste to return again.' Afraid for his personal safety, he 
 next evening brought as his substitute Kirkcaldy of Grange, 
 who promised to communicate to Mason all that he could learn 
 {Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 77). Apparently this anonymous 
 agent had not courage enough to serve as a spy, far less to 
 undertake the much more hazardous enterprise of poisoning a 
 queen. His connection with Balnaves need not excite suspicion ; 
 for, although that senator took refuge in St. Andrews Castle 
 some months after Beaton's assassination, there is little if any- 
 thing to show that he was '^ closely associated with the murder' 
 (Laing's Knox, iii. 408, 409); and even though he had been, it 
 would not follow that he would approve the murder of an innocent 
 child. That the project ' was known to the English Ambassador 
 is proved,' says Father Stevenson, ^by the Calendar of State 
 Papers, Foreign, 1551, April 29, June 6 and 9' {Mary Stuart, 
 p. Ill n.). But the items referred to only show that the 
 English Ambassador knew of the plot after it was discovered 
 {Foreign Calendar, Edward, pp. 97^, 121, 126). Robert Stuart, 
 the would-be poisoner, passed into the hands of the French 
 officials, as Stevenson unwillingly admits {Mary Stuart, p. 112), 
 and was lodged by them in the Castle of Angers on the 5th 
 of June 1551. ^I cannot but observe, however,' he adds, Hhat 
 Mason was at Angers on June 6, the day of Stuart's arrival 
 there, and that he left on the following day' {Ibid. p. 113 n.). 
 But, as he had previously stated {Ibid. p. 112), Stuart arrived 
 at Angers on the 5tli of June — not the 6th ; and it was the 
 French King, not INIason, who left on the following day {Foreign 
 Calendar, Edward, p. 121). If therefore there is anything sus- 
 picious in the proximity of the departure, the suspicion attaches 
 to Henry the Second, not to the English Ambassador, who simply 
 followed his Majesty to Chateaubriand. Bishop Lesley unhesitat- 
 ingly says, that, for this plot, Stuart w^as tortured, hanged and 
 quartered {History, p. 241). But Stevenson — while stating, that, 
 after the said 5th of June, ^he disappears, how, we know not' — ■ 
 traces for him a later and murderous career {Mary Stuart, pp. 
 112-115). 
 
 16 Lesley's History, p. 239. 
 
 201 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^"^ Edward's Journal, Clarendon Historical Society^ p. 48 ; Tytler's 
 Edward VI. and Mary, ii. 6, 6 ; Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 
 190. — Father Stevenson does not allow her to land at Portsmouth 
 until the 2nd of November (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, 188G^ p. 118). 
 
 1^ Lesley's History, p. 240 ; De Origins Morihus et Rebus Gestis 
 Scotorum, IQIo, pp. 487«:, 488a. — Collier points out the difficulty of 
 reconciling this alleged proposal with the treaty which Edward 
 had made with France {Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain, 
 1840^ V. 444); but Lesley's statement has been followed by 
 Conaeus^ who alleges that Edward and the English nobles^ after 
 hearing Northampton's attractive account of Mary, resolved to set 
 aside their compact with France and to treat with her mother for 
 her (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus, ii. 16). Towards the end of June, 
 Northampton and the other English Ambassadors had met ^the 
 old and the young Scottish Queens,' in the chamber of Catherine 
 de Medici (Tytler's Edward VI. and Mary, i. 388). Lesley's 
 statement is also followed by Jebb {Life and Reign of Mary Queen 
 of Scots, 1725, pp. 30, 31), by Keith {History of Affairs, i. 138), 
 by Chalmers {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 14), by Hosack {Mary and her 
 Accusers, 1870, i. 16), and by Petit (Flandre's Petit, i. 22). 
 
 ^^ Father Stevenson represents the Diurnal as saying that she 
 left France about the 30th of November {Mary Stuart, p. 119 n.), 
 whereas it clearly means that she arrived in Scotland about that 
 date {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 50) ; and it is, no doubt, correct, 
 for the Scots were charged to meet her on the Borders on the 
 24th of November (T}i:ler's History of Scotland, 1845, iv. 487), 
 and she was present at a meeting of Privy Council in Edinburgh 
 on the 7th of December {Register of Privy Council, i. 117). 
 
 -0 According to Conaeus : — ' She devoted great attention to 
 acquiring some of the best languages of Europe, and such was 
 the sweetness of her French that she was considered eloquent 
 in it, in the judgment of the most learned. Nor did she neglect 
 Spanish [see Reg. of Privy Council, i. 234; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, vii. 92] or Italian, which she employed more for use than for 
 show or lively talk. She understood Latin better than she could 
 speak it. As for the graces of poetry, she had more from nature 
 than art. She formed her letters well, and, what is rare in a 
 woman, quickly. In the excellence of her singing, she profited 
 greatly by a certain natural — not acquired — modulation of her 
 voice. She played well on the cittern, the harp and the harpsi- 
 
 202 
 
ii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 chord (claircymbalum) as they call it. She danced excellently to 
 music on account of her wonderful agility of body, but yet grace- 
 fully and becomingly, for by quiet and gentle motion of her limbs 
 she could express any harmony of the strings. She learned to 
 mount and control her steed, as far as it was necessary for 
 travelling or hunting, in which she delighted, often sayi-g that 
 further care for that exercise pertained to men, not to women' 
 (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus, ii. 15). The last statement is much too 
 commonplace for a more recent biographer, who exclaims : — 
 ^That young lady, so cheerful and playful, whose delicate hand 
 awakes the sweet melodies of Scotland, sometimes breaks in a 
 steed which quivers under her' (Flandre's Petit, i. 27). "^V'riting 
 as if Mary had been trained on the division-of-labour principle. 
 Father Stevenson says that her ''moral and religious education' 
 was placed in the hands of her maternal grandmother ; that iu 
 ^ temporal matters ' the influence which chiefly served to form 
 her character was exercised by her uncles — the Duke of Guise 
 and Charles, the Cardinal of Lorraine ; that as long as she 
 resided with the royal children in the French Court, ' she was 
 instructed by their masters and shared in their studies ' ; and 
 that Henry the Second thought himself fortunate in discovering 
 for her and the Dauphin ^an accomplished dancing master' who 
 was also ^ a good Christian ' (Stevenson's J/ar^/ Stuart, pp. 94, 96, 108). 
 Much has been said in praise of her poetic gifts ; yet even Mr. Skelton 
 admits that, ^Neither her letters nor her poems are above medio- 
 crity. Tlie style is sufficiently graceful,' he says, ' but the senti- 
 ments are faded and common-place ' {Maitland of Lethington, 1887, 
 i. 297). The imperfections of her Latin Themes are enough, in 
 their editor's opinion, to damage her reputation for early learning, 
 and the subject and period of the Themes quite sufficient to impair 
 'the admiration inspired by the praise bestowed by Brantome 
 on the famous Latin speech delivered in the French Court' 
 (Montaiglon's Latin Themes of Mary Stuart, Warton Club, 1855, 
 pp. xvii. xix.). In her attainments, Mary was not unrivalled 
 among her contemporaries. In 1557, Giovanni Michiel reports that 
 Mary Tudor speaks fluently in English, Latin, French, and Spanish, 
 and understands Italian. ' Besides woman's work,' he adds, ' such 
 as embroidery of every sort with the needle, she also practises 
 music, playing especially on the claricorde and on the lute so 
 excellently that, when intent on it (though now she plays rarely), 
 
 203 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 she surprised the best performers, both by the rapidity of her 
 hand and by her style of playing' {Venetian Calendar, vi. 1055). 
 In the same report that Ambassador thus speaks of her sister 
 Elizabeth's attainments : — ' As a linguist she excels the Queen, 
 for besides Latin she has no slight knowledge of Greek, and 
 speaks Italian more than the Queen does, taking so much pleasure 
 in it that from vanity she will never speak any other language with 
 Italians' {Ibid. pp. 1058, 1059). Hooper had previously referred 
 to her proficiency in Greek and Latin (Robinson's Original Letters, 
 Parker Society, i. 76) ; and at a later period Sir James Melville, who 
 had spent two months in Italy, acknowledged that Elizabeth spoke 
 Italian ' raisonable weill ' ; but her Dutch, he said, ' was not gud ' 
 (Melville's Memoirs, Maitland Club, p. 125). Charles the Ninth, 
 when in his fifteenth year, spoke no tongue but his own {Foreigyi 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 337). Two years later, an objectionable 
 phrase in an inscription was excused to the English Ambassador, 
 on the ground that neither Charles nor his mother knew Latin 
 {Ibid. viii. 19G). 
 
 21 In Mr. Swinburne's opinion, Brantome's gay and easy pages 
 reveal ' the daily life of a Court compared to which the Court of King 
 Charles ii. is as the Court of Queen Victoria to the society described 
 by Grammont' {EncyclopcEdia Britannica, ninth edition, xv. 594, 
 5r>5). ^The Court of France, in which Mary Stuart was now 
 domesticated, was one of the most refined, and at the same time one 
 of the most dissipated courts in Europe . . . Much of its daily life 
 was a continued school of profligacy ' (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, 1880, 
 pp. 90, 91). On the other hand, Cardinal Pole refers to the ^great 
 piety' of Henry the Second {Venetian Calendar, vi. 8) ; and Paul iv. 
 called Catherine de Medici 'a, little saint ' {Ibid. p. 951). Six years 
 after Paul's death, orders were taken for the decorum of her Court 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 331). 
 
 22 Sir Henry Ellis says that ' after passing a few days at Court, 
 she was conveyed to a nunnery for education, and there remained 
 till the time of her marriage with the Dauphin ' (Ellis's Original 
 Letters, first series, ii. 252 n.). George Chalmers also places her in 
 ' a monastery of virgins ' {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 11). Glassford Bell 
 represents her as so pleased with '^the calm and secluded life of a 
 nunnery,' that she thought of separating herself forever from the 
 world, a project which the French King and her ambitious uncles 
 balked by removing her from the convent to the palace {Life of 
 
 204 
 
ii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Mary, 1828^ i. 45). These allegations and many others concerning 
 her convent life have probably been drawn^ directly or indirectly, 
 from the statement of Conaeus (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Marice, 
 1725, ii. 14, 15). Prince Labanoff states that ^she was educated 
 with the children of Henry ii. and Catherine de Medicis ' (Recueil 
 des Lettres de Marie Stuart, i. 3). According to an earlier and 
 equally ardent champion, ^ she was . . . nourished in the Court of 
 Henry the Second and Katharine de Medicis, who did love her 
 most entirely' (Causin's iTo/?/ Court, 1G78, p. 812 ; Jebb's De Vita et 
 Rebus, ii. 54). Henry himself, in writing to the Scottish Estates, 
 in October 1557, refers to the upbringing she has received ^ with our 
 very dear and very saintly companion the Queen ' (Keith's History, 
 i. 348, 349). Both Causin and Henry are flatly contradicted by one 
 of Mary's modern apologists : ' Catherine had no share in Mary's 
 education. During the whole of the reign of Henry the Second, the 
 influence of his wife in the Court of France was at the lowest ; she had 
 a very special dislike to Mary, whose company she avoided as much as 
 possible ' (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, pp. 93, 94). It is rather signifi- 
 cant that the learned Jesuit does not state whose influence was highest 
 in that Court — that of the King's mistress, Diana of Poitiers ; and 
 that, despite Diana's kindness to the young Queen of Scots {supra, 
 p. 19), he does not deign to notice her, in his elaborate monograph 
 on the first eighteen years of Mary's life, save by a passing reference 
 to her presence at a baptism ! Another apologist exclaims : 
 ^It was the child's holiday time only that was spent at Court; 
 during the rest of the year she lived in strict seclusion with her 
 maternal grandmother ' ; spending ' the most impressionable years 
 of her youth among devout women who stood severely aloof from 
 the follies and frivolities of the Court' (Skelton's Mary Stuart, 
 1893, p. 17). Previously he had said : ' By far the greater part of 
 her life, up to the day when she sailed for Leith, had been passed 
 in the seclusion of a nunnery ' (Skelton's Impeachment of Mary 
 Stuart, 1876, p. 144). She said herself that ^sche was brocht up 
 in joyusitie ' {itifra, p. 274 n. 80). 
 
 23 ' In the refined and voluptuous Court of the Valois, governed 
 by a favourite, she was brought up rather as an accomplished court 
 lady than as a future queen ; and her education rather seemed to 
 fit her for becoming the mistress than the wife of the Dauphin ' 
 (Lamartine's Mary Stuart, 1864, p. 8). ' Debauchery of all kinds, 
 and murder in all forms, were the daily matter of excitement or of 
 
 205 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 jest to the brilliant circle which revolved around Queen Catherine de 
 JMedici. After ten years' training- under the tutelage of the woman 
 whose main instrument of policy was the corruption of her own 
 childreuj the Queen of Scots . . . was married to the eldest and 
 feeblest of the brood ' {Encydopcsdia Britannica, ninth edition, xv. 
 595). 
 
 "^ The virtue of Lady Fleming — Mary's *aunt_,' as Sir James 
 Balfour calls her ; ^ Mary's Scotch governess/ as Miss Strickland 
 calls her — was irretrievably tarnished by the French King (Tytler's 
 Edward VI. and Mary, 1889, i. 361 ; Tytler's History of Scotland, 
 1845, iv. 485 ; Francisque Michel's Les Ecossais en France, 1862, ii. 
 2), an event which would not perhaps have surprised her husband 
 had he been alive {Spalding Miscellany, v. 309 ; Analccta Scotica, ii. 
 214). ^Tlie family of Guise' — says one not unduly inclined to 
 expose the seamy side of the Papacy — ' was now in the ascendant 
 under the auspices of the King's mistress, Diana of Poitiers, with 
 whom they were connected, Claude de Guise having married one of 
 the daughters of Diana' (Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. viii. ??.). 
 As Mary herself testifies, Diana was very kind to her {supra, p. 19). 
 Mary's maternal uncle, Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, bears the 
 reputation of a licentious scoundrel (Mignet's Mary Queen of Scots, 
 1851, i. 39; Laing's ^wo.r, ii. 318 and 7i.) ; but, it is said that, 
 although avaricious, deceitful, and far from truthful, he has been 
 unjustly blackened, by having attributed to him the viler sins of 
 his uncle John, whom he succeeded as Cardinal of Lorraine in 1550 
 (Baird's Rise of the Huguenots, 1880, i. 270, 271). Before Mary's 
 second marriage, he who was to be her third husband was alleged to 
 have called her *^ Cardinal's whore' {Foi-eign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 315, 320, 325). Her uncle's enemies depict him as capable of 
 such villainy (Ibid. iv. 286 ; Buchanan's Epigrammafum Liber, ii. 21). 
 On the other hand, an enthusiastic modern biographer says that 
 '^her youthful godliness enchanted the Cardinal' (Miss A. M. 
 Stewart's Life of Mary, p. 12). 
 
 2^ Labanoff's Recueil, i. 9-16. — Father Stevenson quotes a large 
 portion of this letter, but does not give the final sentence {Mary 
 Stuart, 1886, pp. 127-130); and Mr. Skelton— who unavowedly 
 borrows from Stevenson's translation — also stops short {Mary Stuart, 
 1893, pp. 19, 20). I have followed Miss A. M. Stewart's render- 
 ing of that sentence {Life of Mary, p. 8). 
 
 26 Foreign Calendar, Mary, p. 47. 
 206 
 
ii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 27 Venetian Calendar, v. 517- 
 
 2^ Montaiglon's Latin Themes, p. xv. ; Stevenson's 3Iary Stuart, 
 p. 134. — There are sixty-four of the themes or letters. The fifth 
 in order is the first that is dated ; the sixty-first^ the last. At the 
 end of each of the first four^ in the French versions^ are the words : 
 'A Reims.' The other royal residences which are mentioned are 
 Compiegne^ Villers-Cotterets^ Paris^ and Saint-Germain. Barbarigo^ 
 the Venetian Ambassador, refers on the 30th of January loo4-5, to 
 Henry having been recently at St. Germain ; next day he was to be 
 at Paris ; and in a few days would go to Fontainebleau with 
 Catherine for her delivery {Venetian Calendar, vi. 13). In France, 
 as in England, in those days the removal of the Court, from one 
 palace to another, was at least occasionally rendered necessary by 
 dirt and stench (Ibid. vi. pp. xix. and 7?., 87:, l'17j, 320). The nobles 
 in this respect were apparently in no better case than their sove- 
 reigns. One of the reasons why Lord Paget did not wish to go into 
 Staffordshire (^ew/). Edward vi.) was that '^liis house of Burton is 
 all plucked down, saving two chambers ; and his house of Bewdesert, 
 though it be pretty is yet so small as after one month it will wax 
 unsavoury for him to continue in, with his wife, children, and family' 
 (Lodge's Illustrations, 1838, i. 171). 
 
 2^ Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 68. 
 
 30 National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 34. 
 
 2^ Labanoff's Recueil, i. 32. 
 
 32 Ibid. i. 42. 
 
 33 Papiers D'Etat, i. pp. ix. 261-266. 
 
 3* Lesley's History, pp. 249, 250 ; Venetian Calendar, v. 540. — *^In 
 this Parliament,' says Pitscottie, '^the Governor rode up, from the 
 Abbay to the Tolbooth, with the lords and heralds, having the 
 crown, sword and sceptre born before him. The Queen and 
 Monsieur d'Ossel rode up apart by themselves, and stayed till the 
 Parliament was fenced ; wherein the Governor discharged himself of 
 his authority, and the Queen was elected Regent ; who rode down, 
 having the crown, sword and sceptre born before her by the same 
 lords that had carried them up before the Governor, who now rode 
 down as a private nobleman among the rest' (Lindsay's History, 
 1728, p. 199). A summary of the particular articles between the 
 Queen Dowager and the Duke of Chatelherault, dated 19th Feb- 
 ruary 1553-4, is given in the Eleventh Report of the Historical MSS. 
 Commission, app. part vi. pp. 40, 41. Mary's own discharge to 
 
 207 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the Duke of liis intromissions witli her money and movable goods^ 
 dated the 22nd of March 1553-4, and ratified by Parliament on the 
 12th of April 1554, is printed in the Acts of the Parliaments of 
 Scotland, ii. 600-602. The declaration regarding the Duke's 
 behaviour as Governor, and also the ' band ' by the Queen Dowager 
 and the Three Estates warranting him against all actions concern- 
 ing his intromissions with the Queen's money and jewels, are also 
 printed in the Acts of Parliament, ii. 602-604. Mary's congra- 
 tulation of her mother is in the National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 39. 
 
 2^ Laing's Knoa;, i. 242. 
 
 36 Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, pp. 21, 73. 
 
 ^"^ Lesley's History, p. 251. 
 
 38 A learned and candid Frenchman has said : ' In all the great 
 affairs of Scotland and France in the sixteenth century, it is evident 
 that the true interests of France were sacrificed to the ambitious 
 views of the House of Guise. Scotland, which was for so many 
 ages the devoted ally of France, the rein, as our ancient Kings 
 said, with which they restrained the encroachments of England, 
 was unwilling to abdicate its nationality and become a French pro- 
 vince. Moreover, the unbridled excesses of the French troops in 
 Scotland, no less than the shameless rapacity of the French agents, 
 at last aroused a general spirit of resistance, and England soon 
 found in the rupture of the ancient alliance between France and 
 Scotland an ample indemnification for the loss of Calais ' (Teulet's 
 Papiers D'Etat, i. pp. xii. xiii. ). 
 
 39 Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 65. 
 
 40 Ihid. p. 103. 
 
 *i Venetian Calendar, vi. 532, 690, 1078. 
 
 *2 Lesley's History, p. 264. 
 
 *3 Lesley gives the 20th of April as the date of the handfasting ; 
 but in the contemporary Discours du Grand et Magnifique Triumphe, 
 printed both in Paris and Rouen in 1558, the 19th of April is given 
 as the date. The marriage-contract is also dated, at the Louvre, on 
 the 19th of April {Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 514). 
 
 ** Venetian Calendar, vi. 1487. — According to the Bishop of Ross, 
 it was Philip's temporary triumph in arms that moved Henry to 
 hasten the match, ' fearing that by this and sic lyke ourthrowes and 
 accedentis, the Estatis of Scotlande shuld be fundin the moir un- 
 willing to accomplishe the mariage' (Lesley's History, p. 261). 
 Giacomo Soranzo, writing from Poissy on the 9th of November 
 
 208 
 
ii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 1557^ states that ^the causes for hastening this marriage are 
 apparently two ; the first to enable them more surely to avail 
 themselves of the forces of Scotland against the kingdom of 
 England for next year, and the other for the gratification of the 
 Duke and Cardinal of Guise, the said Queen's uncles_, who by the 
 hastening this marriage chose to secure themselves against any 
 other matrimonial alliance which might be proposed to his most 
 Christian Majesty in some negotiation for peace, the entire estab- 
 lishment of their greatness having to depend on this ; for which 
 reason the Constable by all means in his power continually sought 
 to prevent it' (Venetian Calendar, vi. 13Go, 1366). 
 
 ^^ Lesley's History, pp. 264, 265. — In his Scottish version Lesley 
 gives the true date of the marriage ; in his Latin version he assigns 
 it to the 19th of April. 
 
 ^ Venetian Calendar, vi. 1486, 1487. — Michiel's letter is dated 
 from Paris on the 25th of April. He says that ' the diversions and 
 banquets will continue during the whole of this week, two or three 
 other marriages of the chief personages of the Court having to be con- 
 cluded. , . . This solemnity has by so much the more gratified and 
 contented the Parisian populace (amongst whom money was thrown 
 on entering the church as a mark of greater rejoicing) as for two 
 hundred years and upwards there is no record of any Dauphin having 
 been married within the realm, all on the contrary marrying abroad.' 
 Lesley also mentions that ' presentlie was gevine to the Dolphine the 
 title of King Dolphine, sua that he and the Queue was called thair- 
 efter King and Quene Dolphine' (Lesley's History, p. 265). In the 
 marriage-contract, it was stipulated that the Dauphin should bear 
 the name and title of King of Scotland, and have his arms quartered 
 with those of Scotland. Tliis marriage-contract is printed in the 
 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 511-514 ; and in Keith's 
 History, i. 353-359. The description of the pompous marriage 
 ceremonies, extracted by Teulet from the Registers of the Hotel de 
 Ville of Paris, is printed by him in his Papiers UEtat, i. 292-303, 
 and in his Relations Politiques, i. 302-311. In his opinion, while 
 ' the details of these fetes may appear rather puerile,' nevertheless 
 ' their unusual splendour had a political signification which should 
 not be overlooked' {Papiers D'Etat, i. p. xii). The Discours du 
 Triumphe faict au Mariage, printed at Paris in 1558 by Annet 
 Briere, has been reprinted at Bordeaux by Gounouilhou ; and the 
 Rouen edition of the same year was reprinted in 1818 by 
 
 o 209 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Woodfall^ and presented to the Roxburghe Club by William 
 Bentliam. 
 
 *'' The Commissioners were appointed on the 14th of December 
 
 1557, in compliance with the desire expressed in Henry the Second's 
 letter read that day to the Scottish Parliament (Lesley's History, p. 
 262 ; Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 502^ 504, 514). Henry's 
 letter is printed in French by Keith (History, i. 348, 349). Lesley 
 gives a translation in Latin (De Origine Morihus et Rebus Gestis 
 Scotorum, 1675, pp. 492, 493), and from that translation Father 
 Dalrymple has rendered it into Scots (Dalrymple's Lesley, Scottish 
 Text Society, ii. 375-378). Miguet gives the 31st of October as the 
 date of the letter {History of Mary Stuart, 1851, i. 44) ; Keith gives 
 the 30th ; but Lesley and the Acts of Parliament give the 29th. 
 Tlie Commission of 14th December 1557 is printed in the Acts of 
 Parliament, ii. 514; and in Keith's History, i. 359-361. The 
 original, with eighteen seals attached, is preserved in the Archives 
 of the Kingdom of France (Labanoffs Recueil, i. 46 n.). Nine 
 Commissioners are therein appointed, viz. James Beaton, Arch- 
 bishop of Glasgow, David Panter, Bishop of Ross, Robert Reid, 
 Bishop of Orkney, the Earls of Rothes and Cassillis, the Lord 
 James, Commendator of St. Andrews, Lords Fleming and Seton, 
 and John Erskine of Dun. In his list (History, p. 262 ; De 
 Origine, 1675, p. 494) Lesley omits his own predecessor in the 
 see of Ross. Calderwood (i. 330) and Spottiswoode (i. 187) also omit 
 Panter. Keith says (i. 166 7i.) that he did not go to France 
 with the others, and that he died at Stirling on the 1st of October 
 
 1558. Mary appointed the same Commissioners on the 16tli of 
 March 1557-8, adding, however, her maternal grandmother, the 
 Duchess of Guise (Acts of Parliament, ii. 513; LabanofiTs Recueil, i. 
 48) ; but, on the 15th of April 1558, in her approbation of the Acts 
 of the Scots Parliaments of 1548 and 1557 concerning her marriage, 
 Panter's name is omitted (Acts of Parliament, ii. 518). A tax of 
 £15,000 was imposed to defray the expenses of the Scots Com- 
 missioners (Register of Privy Council, xiv. 14). 
 
 ^8 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 518. 
 49 Ibid. ii. 518, 519. 
 
 60 Ihid, ii. 519. 
 
 61 Ibid. ii. 508-511. 
 
 62 Goodall, while describing these three documents as ^private 
 deeds of a very extraordinary nature,' and as ' illegal, null, and 
 
 210 
 
iij NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 infamous papers/ that could only serve to ^ reflect dishonour on all 
 parties concerned in them/ tried to discredit them {Examination 
 of the Letters, 1754, i. 159, 166). Their genuineness, however, 
 cannot now be disputed. LabanoiF {Recueil, i. 50-56) has printed 
 them — the two deeds of gift from the originals, and the protest from 
 a copy in the Royal Library of Paris. 
 
 °3 Even five years before she signed these documents, ' her 
 mother,' says Father Stevenson, ' could so far trust her discretion, 
 as to consult her upon certain private matters, respecting which the 
 young diplomat ventured to express her opinion with mingled 
 candour, good sense and modesty ' (Stevenson's 3fary Stuart, 1886, 
 pp. 126, 127). Perhaps the true explanation of her documentary 
 duplicity is to be found in another passage by the same ingenious 
 writer : — ^ Mary's long absence from her mother made her turn to 
 her maternal uncles with increased affection, and they found it no 
 difficult task to mould her character according to their own prin- 
 ciples. She was an apt pupil ; and the lessons which they taught 
 the child were never forgotten by the woman and the Queen ' (Ibid. 
 p. 97). It is impossible to believe that, in advising Mary on this 
 occasion, the Guises acted either in ignorance or simplicity. ' On 
 the eve of her marriage to the Dauphin,' says Mr. Skelton, ''Diane 
 de Poictiers confirms the impression of Mary's early tact and 
 reasonableness : ''She spoke to the Scottish deputies not as an in- 
 experienced child, but as a woman of age and knowledge : they 
 will tell you this when they return'" (Skelton's Mai-^y Stuart, 1893, 
 pp. 21, 22). In his account of the marriage, this apologist ignores 
 the three damning documents ; but he complacently remarks that 
 'up to the hour when she left France, Mary, so far as record 
 remains, was honest as the day ' (Ibid. p. 83) ; and adds that, ' as a 
 girl at least she was absolutely veracious ' (Ibid. p. 84) ; and again 
 that it does not admit of dispute ' that, up to the time of her return 
 to Scotland, Mary's conduct was irreproachable ' (Ibid. p. 55). 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 1 Keith's History, i. 170, 357 ; Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, 
 ii. 512. — The oath of fidelity which was actually sworn by the Arch- 
 bishop of Glasgow, the Bishop of Orkney, the Commend ator of 
 
 2U 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 St. Andrews, Lords Fleming and Seton, and Erskine of Dun, is in 
 Keith's History, i. 363, 364. 
 
 2 Papiers D'Etat, i. 423, 424; Burnet's Reformation, 1715, iii. 
 app. p. 279 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 22 ; Aikman's Buchanan, 
 ii. 894, 395 ; Herries's Historical Memoirs, pp. 32, 83 ; Calderwood's 
 History, i. 830, 831 ; Hill Burton s Scotland, 1876, iii. 290. 
 
 3 Miss Strickland alleges that Knox attributes the illness of the 
 Commissioners to poison {Life of Mary, 1888, i. 86). Knox indeed 
 expresses dubiety as to whether the death of Cassillis, Rothes, 
 Fleming, and the Bishop of Orkney was due to ' ane Italiane posset,' 
 to * French fegges,' or to ^ the potage of thare potingar ' — their 
 druggist being a Frenchman (Laing's Knox, i. 268, 264) ; but in 
 his apprehension of foul play, Knox by no means stands alone 
 (Thorpe's Calendar, i. 881 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 395 ; Herries's 
 Historical Memoirs , p. 88; Spottiswoode's History, i. 188; Balfour's 
 Historical Works, i. 811). Even Bishop Lesley states that they 
 suffered ^be evill drogges or onlerned mixtour thairof {History, p. 
 248). Tlie Lords of the Congregation say that the survivors were 
 '^much amased att the matter' (Burnet's Reformatio7i, 1715, iii. app. 
 p. 279). In Hill Burton's opinion, ' their death was as naturally 
 attributed to poison as the disappearance of watches in a London 
 mob is attributed to pocket-picking ' {Scot Abroad, 1881, p. 185) ; 
 and '^ instead of rejecting the suspicion as ungenerous, one is 
 inclined to be surprised that it was not pressed more strongly, and 
 that no investigations or explanations were demanded regarding 
 the cause of so remarkable a fatality' {History of Scotland, 1876, iii. 
 291). The Manifesto of the Lords of the Congregation says that 
 live died in one night, and only three returned home {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 22); but this is an exaggeration {Ibid. i. 
 179 ; Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 505). 
 
 * Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 505, 506. — By his pro- 
 curator — Sir James Hamilton of Crawfordjohn — Chatelherault took 
 care to protest that, should Mary die without issue, his right of 
 succession to the crown should not be prejudged by the coronation 
 of Francis {Ibid. ii. 507, 608). According to Herries, the French 
 desire for the matrimonial crown was ' much opposed by those of 
 the Reformed relligion ' {Historical Memoirs, p. 35) ; but their con- 
 sent was won by the Queen Dowager (Laing's Knox, i. 292-294, 
 312 ; Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, pp. 73, 81). 
 
 ^ On the 7th of June, 1559, Throckmorton wrote from Paris to 
 212 
 
Ill] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Cecil_, that those who were appointed to bring the matrimonial 
 crown to the King Dauphin — the Archbishop of Glasgow^ the Prior 
 of St. Andrews^ and the Earls of Argyll and Morton — had refused 
 to do it {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 305). The Cardinal of 
 Lorraine was afterwards reported to have declared that the Scots 
 nobles had agreed to send the very crown — not the matrimonial 
 one — to France that it might be kept at St. Denis ; and that they 
 desired that, if there were no issue of the marriage, Scotland 
 should be held for ever, by one Dauphin after another, as a de- 
 pendency of France. Even Chatelherault, it was alleged, was 
 willing {Ibid. ii. 507 ; iii. 88 ; Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 438). 
 
 ^ Lesley's History, pp. 268, 269 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 652, 
 658. — In 1586, the English Parliament had debarred both Elizabeth 
 and her sister Mary from the succession as illegitimate (Manby's 
 Statutes, 1670, pp. 523-525) ; and the Act, which in 1543-4 restored 
 them to the line of succession, did not remove the stain of bastardy 
 {Ibid. pp. 649-652). For references to the assumption of the English 
 title and arms by JNlary, see Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 145, 312- 
 314, 324, 328, 329, 416, 559, 561 ; ii. 145, 147 ; Murdin's State 
 Papers, pp. 748, 749 ; Laing's Knox, vi. 86, 89 ; Keith's History , 
 i. 390. 
 
 '■ Hatfield Calendar, i. 154 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 156, 
 157. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 347. 
 
 ^ In writing to her mother concerning the sufferings of the 
 newly-widowed Catherine de Medici, Mary says : — ' I believe that, 
 if it were not that the King, her son, is so obedient to her, there 
 is nothing that she wishes but to die soon ; which would be the 
 greatest misfortune that could happen to this poor country and to 
 us all ' (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 71, 72). 
 
 1*^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 370. — Francis was crowned at 
 Rheims on the 18th of September 1559, when his mother and all 
 the ladies of the Court, save Mary, were '^ apparailled in the dueill' 
 (Forbes's State Papers, i. 232 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 561 ; 
 Venetian Calendar, vii. 124). 
 
 " Skelton's J/«r^ /S'^war^, 1893, p. 32.— Had Mr. Skelton looked 
 over Brantome's Dames Illustres, he would have found that Mary 
 was there described as one who had always been delicate. 
 
 12 Thorpe's Scottish Calendar, i. 96. 
 
 1^ Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 54. 
 
 213 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 1* Foreign Calendar, Edward, p. 181. 
 
 1^ LabanoiTs Recueil, i. 21. 
 
 1^ Latin Themes of Mary Stuart, 'Warton Club^ letter no. 47. 
 
 1^ Venetian Calendar, vi. 564^ 641. 
 
 18 Lemon's Domestic Calendar, i. 88 ; Foreign Calendar, Mary, 
 p. 277. — Next January^ the Daupliin_, the Queen of Scots, and a 
 great portion of the French Court were at Poissy {Foreign Calendar, 
 Mary, p. 282). The Dauphin had also had quartan ague in Septem- 
 ber 1556 {Venetian Calendar, vi. 650), and a relapse in November 
 {Ibid. p. 782). On the 3rd of February, 1556-7, the whole Court 
 was to leave Poissy for Paris, ' the Dauphin being rid of his quartan 
 fever ' {Ibid. p. 938). He had three attacks {Ibid. p. 967). 
 
 1^ That iNIary had small-pox in France is learned from a letter, 
 which, after her return to Scotland, she wrote to Elizabeth, when 
 that Queen was suffering from the same disease {Recueil, vii. 304- 
 306; TurnbulFs Letters of Mary Stuart, 1845, pp. 380-382). 
 On the margin it is marked : — ' May 1566. The Q. of Scotts to the 
 Q. Majesty, by de Malvisier.' Notwithstanding this marginal note, 
 and the fact that Mauvissiere was in Scotland in May 1566, Steven- 
 son assigns it to November 1562. It is certain that, in October 
 1562, Elizabeth was dangerously ill of small-pox {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elisabeth, i. 262 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 420). According 
 to Turnbull, Fernel, who saved Mary's beauty, died two days after 
 her marriage with the Dauphin. 
 
 20 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 179. 
 
 '1 Forhess Public Transactions,!. 102 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 272, 273. 
 
 22 Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 144 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 327. 
 
 23 Forbes's Puft/fc Transactions, i.l36; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 329. 
 
 24 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 79.^The Bishop of Aquila 
 heard that summer that the proposed marriage of Arran and 
 Elizabeth had been favourably discussed in the English Council. 
 Some thought that it should be delayed until he was really King of 
 Scots ; but others held that, as Mary's malady was mortal, there 
 was no necessity to wait, that the marriage should take place at 
 once, and he helped to take possession of the kingdom {Ibid. i. 90). 
 A year later — July 1560 — he said it was believed that if Mary died, 
 Elizabeth would marry Arran {Ibid. i. 169). In the following 
 
 214 
 
Ill] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 August the Scots Parliament appointed a commission to move 
 Elizabeth to enter into this marriage {Acts of the Parliaments of 
 Scotland, ii. 605, GOG ; Keith's Ilistori/, ii. Q, 7) ; and acquainted 
 Francis of the project {Papiers D'Etat, i. 620-622) ; but Elizabeth 
 declined (Keith's History, ii. 9-11 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 
 436). 
 
 ^ Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 207, 210 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 495, 496. 
 
 26 Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 244 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 587. 
 
 ^'^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 14. 
 
 -8 Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 261 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 ii. 111. 
 
 ^'^ Keen as Mary was to have English geldings — '^good to ronne 
 up hill and downe hill ' — she did not wish to be indebted to Eliza- 
 beth for them (Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 268, 269 ; Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 146, 147). 
 
 2*^ Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 286 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 ii. 241. 
 
 ^1 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 243. — Tlie story of this accident 
 in its gradual development furnishes an illustration of the growth 
 of Marian history. As related by Killigrew and Jones, eight days 
 after it occurred, it will be found in Forbes's Public Transactions, 
 i. 290. In quoting from Forbes, Whitaker omits the cautious con- 
 clusion of the account {Additions and Corrections, 1789, p. 144 n.). 
 Glassford Bell, who refers to Whitaker as his only authority, some- 
 what improves the story {Life of Mary, 1828, i. 51, 52) ; and Petit, 
 who only refers to Bell, improves it still more (Flandre's Petit, 1873, 
 i. 27). A few months after Mary returned to Scotland, when she 
 was ^ riding between Falkland and Loch Leven, her horse fell with 
 her, and hurt her arm very sore, and somewhat the right side of her 
 face' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 31). 
 
 22 Venetian Calendar, vii. 198. — Throckmorton heard that Mary 
 blamed her uncles, saying that they had undone her and caused her 
 to lose her realm {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 597). At this 
 time the Scots and English were besieging Leith ; and Mary of 
 Guise had for safety left Holyrood for Edinburgh Castle. In 
 October 1559, the Lords of the Congregation had ventured, in the 
 name of their Sovereigns, to suspend her commission as Regent 
 (Laing's Knox, i. 448-450). 
 
 215 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 3' Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 156, 157 I Venetian Calendar, 
 vii. 234. — Knox gives the Oth of June as the date of Mary of Guise's 
 death (Laing's Knox, ii. 71) ; Lesley gives the 10th {De Origine, 
 1675, pp. 525, 526 ; History, p. 289) ; and Payne heard at Middle- 
 burgh on the 14th, that she had died on the preceding Monday, 
 which was the lOtli {Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, iii. 116). On the 
 other hand, Cecil and "Wotton, writing from Edinburgh on the 19th, 
 say that she died on the 11th (Lodge's Illustrations, i. 402 ; Hatfield 
 Calendar, i. 235). The statement of Lesley and Payne may be 
 reconciled with that of Cecil and Wotton by the contemporary 
 chronicle, which says that she died on the 10th ^at 12 houris at 
 evin ' {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 59). Perhaps the most reliable state- 
 ment on the point is to be found in a letter, written to D'Oysel from 
 Edinburgh Castle a week after the event, in which it is said to have 
 taken place on the 11th before one o'clock at mid-night {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 125). 
 
 34 Venetian Calendar, vii. 227, 228, 234. 
 
 2^ Tlie Dauphin was fourteen years old on the 18th of January 
 1557-8 {Venetian Calendar, vi. 1486). 
 
 36 On the 13th of July 1559 — three days after Henry's death — 
 Throckmorton writes, '^the House of Guyse now rulethe' (Forbes's 
 Public Transactions, i. 160); and a fortnight later he says, '^at this 
 present th' old French Queue, called la Royne Mere, hath, thoughe 
 not in name, yet in dede and in effect th' authoritie of Regent to 
 the French King ; . . . the State here presently is governed by the 
 Cardinal of Lorreyn and the Duke of Guise ; the Duke haveing the 
 charge onely of the war and the dependances therupon, and the 
 Cardinal of Lorreyn the ordering of all other affaires, as of fynances 
 and mater of Estate, and the speciall doing with all Embassadors ' 
 {Ibid. i. 179, 180). Montluc, Bishop of Valence, and De Seurre, 
 the French Ambassador in England, in their Remonstrance (30th 
 March 1560) against Elizabeth's Proclamation, say that Francis ^is 
 not under age, and needs no governors or tutors ; but of his 
 obedience to the Queen, his mother, he commits the care of the 
 realm to her, and such as she has chosen. The House of Guise 
 comes of so high a race, and has given such faithful tokens, both 
 in matters of the realm and in feats of arms, and has been so long 
 used in council and handling the affairs of the realm, that there is 
 no Prince but would think himself happy to have so great and 
 worthy ministers' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 491). Eighteen 
 
 2l6 
 
Ill] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 days before Francis died, Throckmorton writes, '^tlie House of 
 Guise practisetb, by all the means they can, to make the Queen 
 Mother Regent of France at this next assembly ; so as they are 
 like to have all the authority still in their hands, for she is wholly 
 theirs ' (Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 140). 
 2^ Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 160. 
 
 38 Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 158, 159 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 878, 879. 
 
 39 Baird's Rise of the Huguenots, i. 375-884; Venetian Calendar, 
 vii. 160-165, 170-172, 175-177. 
 
 ^ '^To the majority of the countrymen, as ako to many persons 
 of the Court, the cause of this insurrection is not in itself very 
 displeasing-, which also greatly adds to the fear of the Ministry, 
 who know not well in whom to trust, and suspect precisely their 
 chief intimates' {Venetian Calendar, vii. 163). ^The Ministers 
 internally have no want of troubled thoughts, most especially the 
 Cardinal and the Duke de Guise, having witnessed so great and 
 universal a commotion of the kingdom on account of religion, 
 coupled with another no less important cause, namely, the discon- 
 tent of many persons with the present Government, who without 
 the slightest reason conspired against their persons ' {Ibid. vii. 164). 
 So Giovanni Michiel wrote from Amboise in March 1559-60. 
 Another Venetian Ambassador, Michiel Surian, in writing from 
 Orleans, on the 22nd of November 1560, states that, were extreme 
 measures determined against the Prince of Conde, ^this Guise 
 family, which has the whole government in its hands,' would be 
 ^more detested than ever' {Ibid. vii. 278). On the 8rd of 
 December — two days before the death of Francis — Surian writes : — 
 * It may be hoped, by the will of our Lord God, that the govern- 
 ment of the new King may be settled by universal consent and 
 without the din of arms, which is greatly feared from the rivalry 
 of the nobles and the evil humours of the people about religion, 
 and because the present government is not loved. ... As yet the 
 general opinion is that the House of Guise will do everything 
 possible to unite with the King of Navarre ' {Ibid. vii. 275). On 
 the day after Francis died, Surian says : — '^ Although the Duke de 
 Guise is popular, and above all with the nobility, yet everybody so 
 detests the Cardinal of Lorraine that, if the matter depended upon 
 universal suffrage, not only would he have no part in the govern- 
 ment, but perhaps not be in this world. It is already reported 
 
 217 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 that his Right Reverend Lordship has sent his favourite and 
 precious effects into Lorraine for greater safety ' {Ihid. vii. 276). 
 
 ^1 Ere Mary had been six months in France^ Henry the Second 
 saw, in the Protector's imprisonment of his brother the Admiral, 
 an excellent opportunity for advancing his own aiFairs in Scotland, 
 and was eager to embroil England in a civil war {Hatfield Calendar, 
 i. 64, 102). Three weeks before Henry received his fatal wound, 
 Throckmorton asked Cecil to remember that it was Elizabeth's 
 interest 'to nourish and entertain the garboyle in Scotland as 
 much as may be ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 805 ; Forbes's 
 Public Transactions, i. 118). Seventeen days after Henry's death, 
 the same watchful Ambassador further reminded Cecil — for the 
 better conducting of his ' practises ' in Scotland — of the great and 
 long-continued enmity between the houses of Hamilton and Lennox 
 (Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 180 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 421). It was ' to nourish the faction betwixt the Scots and the 
 French, so that the French may be better occupied with them, and 
 less busy with England' (Tytler's Scotland, 1845, v. 480; Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 460) that Sadleyr was at this time sent to 
 the North. In endeavouring to help on a perpetual concord 
 between Scotland and England he was to distribute the gold 
 entrusted to him with such discretion and secrecy that the recent 
 treaties [of Chateau Cambresis, 2nd April 1559, and of Upsetling- 
 ton, 31st May 1559] might not be impaired (Sadleyr's State Papers, 
 1809, i. 892). Those Southerns can hardly be blamed who unjustly 
 suspected that the controversy between the French and the Scots 
 was ' a traine to betrappe ' the English {Hatfield Calendar, i. 174 ; 
 Haynes's State Papers, p. 280). By the Treaty of Berwick (27th 
 February 1559-60) Elizabeth became bound to aid the Lords of 
 the Congregation to utterly expel the French from Scotland 
 (Rymer's Foedera, 1713, xv. 570; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 ii. 414 ; Hatfield Calendar, i. 188 ; Haynes's State Papers, pp. 253, 
 254; Laing's Knox, ii. 47, 48; Calderwood's History, i. 575; 
 Keith's History, i. 259). 
 
 42 Rymer's Fwdera, xv. 598-597; Keith's History, i. 291-808; 
 Haynes's State Papers, pp. 849, 351, 852, 855, 856.— The con- 
 cessions mentioned in the text are not in the Treaty between 
 the English and French, but in the Treaty or 'Accord' between 
 the French and Scots of the same date, which is referred to in the 
 other, and was obtained by means of Cecil and Wotton. On the 
 
 2l8 
 
iiij NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 9th of July— three days after signing the Treaty of Edinburgh— 
 Montluc and Randan^ the French Amhassadors, explained in a 
 letter to Catherine de Medici^ that they had only agreed to it 
 because of the disadvantages under %vhich they found themselves ; 
 that their lives were in the hands of the English ; that^ as they 
 could only have held Leith for a few days longer^ they had to 
 arrange a peace of some sort^ or lose four thousand men and 
 afterwards find it impossible to recover Scotland without ruining 
 France (Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, i. 605, 606). Francis and Mary 
 did not ratify this Treaty, although in the commission to their 
 Ambassadors they had promised to observe and ratify all that they 
 should do (Rymer's Foedera, xv. 581 ; Keith's History, i. o08). In 
 the opinion of Michiel Surian, the articles were of such a sort ' that 
 it never could be credited that the King of France would approve 
 them even had the rope been round his neck.' Surian adds: 'It is 
 indeed true that the English being then in arms, and the French 
 almost completely driven out of Scotland, and France being in a 
 state of confusion everywhere, it was thought fit not to refuse the 
 proposed conditions, but to procrastinate and give words, taking 
 advantage of time. This, as seen by the result, was wise policy, for 
 Queen Elizabeth has already disarmed, and the King of France is 
 still at liberty to sign or not to sign. The same policy continues at 
 present [25th November 1560], it being now said designedly that 
 they will send a person to England to gain more time' (Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 278). 
 
 *2 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 526-535. — For saying, 
 hearing, or being present at mass, all the offender's goods were 
 to be confiscated, and his body punished at the discretion of the 
 magistrate, for the first oft'ence ; he was to be banished from the 
 realm for the second ; and justified to the death for the third. 
 Harsh and excessive as these penalties were, they must be judged 
 by the standard of that time. Nine years before, the Scots Parlia- 
 ment had enacted anew that shooting ' at ' a wild fowl was to be 
 punished by death (see infra, p. 282, note 102). On the eve of 
 the Reformation, Mary of Guise had issued a Proclamation 
 threatening death to any who dared to disturb the Church service, 
 bully the priest, or eat flesh in Lent (Robertson's Statuta, vol. i. 
 p. clvii. n.). 
 
 ** Venetian Calendar, vi. 1366 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 85. 
 
 ^ Immediately after Henry's death, Francis was at the Louvre 
 
 219 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 with his wife and mother {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 392). 
 When in the following- December^ he retired to Chambord for 
 hawking and field sports_, he was accompanied by them ; and there 
 the two Queens daily heard a sermon in the chapel or in their 
 dining chamber {Venetian Calendar, vii. 138 ; Forbes's Public Trans- 
 actions, i. 274 ; Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, ii. 186). Tlie King 
 returned with them to Blois (Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 287 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 241). With them^ Throckmorton 
 had an interview at Amboise — Mary sitting on Catherine's right 
 hand (Forbes's Public Transactions, i. 342, 343 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, ii. 409, 410). Both were at that castle with the King 
 during the ^tumult' in March {Venetian Calendar, vii. 160). When 
 his Majesty — ^to show some sign of having taken heart, and that 
 suspicion had subsided ' — went with the Duke of Lorraine to the 
 neighbouring heronry, the two Queens went for the afternoon to 
 one of Catherine's palaces two leagues off {Ibid. vii. 163). During 
 Passion-week — April 1560 — all the three were daily observed 
 listening to the eloquent sermons of the Cardinal of Lorraine 
 in the Abbey-church of Marmoutier in the suburbs of Tours 
 {Ibid. vii. 187). A fortnight later, when Mary was depressed by 
 bad news from Scotland, Catherine is found among her would- 
 be comforters {Ibid. vii. 198). At the end of June Francis was 
 in the neighbourhood of Chartres, but intended being at Fontaine- 
 bleau by the 12th of July with Catherine and Mary {Ibid. vii. 234). 
 At Melun, on the 6th of August, Throckmorton, after seeing the 
 King, had an interview with the two Queens, who came out of 
 an inner chamber to speak with him in Catherine's chamber of 
 presence. He began by addressing Mary, but she requested him 
 to talk first to the Queen-mother, and insisted on his doing so 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 224, 225). The first interview 
 which Throckmorton had with her, at which Catherine was not 
 present — 19th August — was also at Melun {Ibid. iii. 250-253). In 
 a (.'ouncil held next day in Catherine's Chamber at Fontainebleau, 
 both Queens were present as well as Francis {Ibid. iii. 245). 
 Catherine was also present at the interview which Throckmorton 
 had with Francis and Mary on the 15th of September at St. Germain 
 {Ibid. iii. 800-302). Mary and Catherine were both with Francis 
 when Conde was arrested on the 31st of October {Venetian Calendar, 
 vii. 263). Two Venetian Ambassadors — the old and the new — 
 were graciously received by the two Queens on the 2nd of Novem- 
 
 220 
 
Ill] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ber {Ihid. vii. 265). On the loth of that month, Tlirockmorton 
 had, at Orleans, successive interviews with the Cardinal of Lor- 
 raine, the Duke of Guise, the King, the Queen-mother, and iVIary, 
 concerning- the ratification of the Treaty of Edinburgh. It was 
 while he was talking to Catherine that Mary came in, and she in 
 one of her speeches '^ uttered some choler and stomach' (Hard- 
 wicke's State Papers, i. 129-138 ; Foreign Calendar^ Elizabeth, iii. 
 892-394). Francis had determined to go with his wife and mother 
 to Chambord and Chenonceau on Monday the 18th of November ; 
 but, on the preceding day, he was seized with that illness which 
 was destined to cut short his career {Venetian Calendar, vii. 208). 
 On the 1st of December the gates of the Court were kept closed 
 all day — '^no one entered his Majesty's chamber except the Queens 
 and the three Guises ' (Ibid. vii. 275). It is rather suggestive that 
 in the chapter of his monograph on Mary which deals with her 
 life as Queen of France— a chapter of thirty-nine pages — Father 
 Stevenson does not make the slightest allusion to her mother- 
 in-law. 
 
 ^^ On the 6th of December — the day following the death of 
 Francis — the Venetian Ambassador writes from Orleans : — ' Tliis 
 King [i.e. Charles the Ninth] will be in ward till he is fourteen 
 years old, during which interval the kingdom will be ruled by 
 others. It is believed that the Queen Mother will still retain her 
 authority, but it cannot yet be known authentically what other 
 persons will have the chief care of the government. . . . Amongst 
 the chief personages there are many old and new enmities, and 
 most especially between the King of Navarre, the House of 
 Guise, and the Constable ; and besides this the said Constable is 
 of such a nature that he will admit no one to be equal to himself, 
 nor will the Cardinal of Lorraine tolerate any superior. It is 
 believed that the Queen Mother will favour the House of Guise 
 as much as she can, because from them she has derived tlie whole 
 or the greater part of the repute enjoyed by her hitherto' (Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 276). Again, on the 18tli, he writes : — '^The Nuncio, 
 although apparently impartial, favours the House of Guise as much 
 as he can, which renders him very dear to the Queen, who, although 
 she shows herself neutral, cainiot in reality bear the Constable from 
 old enmities' (Ibid. vii. 280). Thirteen days later, Tlirockmorton 
 informs Elizabeth that, in France, the management of affairs is now 
 chiefly in the hands of Catherine, of the King of Navarre, and of 
 
 221 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the Constable, but adds that lie fears the Cardinal of Lorraine's 
 finesse will bring him again into credit, ' because he and the Duke 
 of Guise are in great favour with the Queen Mother' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 470). ^To the Queue Mother/ says Knox, 
 'was committed regiment: which lifted up asweill the Duck of 
 Gwyse, as the cruell Cardinall for a seassone' (Laing's Knox, ii. 136, 
 137). See infra, p. 229, n. 11. 
 
 ^J" Venetian Calendar, vii. 268, 269.— Surian says, '^He had a 
 sudden attack of extreme cold accompanied with some fever, an 
 indisposition to which he is subject, and which he is said to have 
 inherited from his father and grandfather. It is caused by a 
 certain flow of catarrh, which exudes from the right ear, and if 
 the discharge be stopped, he suffers great pain in the teeth and 
 jaws, with a certain inflammation behind the ear, like a large nut, 
 which increases or decreases according to the greater or lesser 
 virulence of the humour.' This was written on the 20th of 
 November. Next day, Tlirockmorton states, ^This king thought 
 to have removed hence for a fortnight, but the day before his 
 intended journey he felt himself somewhat evil disposed of his 
 body, with a pain in his head and one of his ears ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iii. 408 n.). A week later, Throckmorton informs 
 Elizabeth that ^this King's sickness doth so succeed as men do 
 begin to doubt of his long lasting. The constitution of his body 
 is such, as the physicians do say he cannot be long-lived : and 
 thereunto he hath, by his too timely and inordinate exercise now 
 in his youth, added an evil accident' (Hardwicke's State Papers, 
 i. 156). After his death it was found that his whole brain was so 
 diseased that no medical treatment could have cured it {Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 278). 
 
 *8 On the 24th of November, Surian writes ; ' During the last few 
 days, although the fever was very slight, he nevertheless suffered so 
 much that he seemed almost delirious. My informant is a person of 
 importance and one of the few who enter his Majesty's chamber, and 
 he remains there almost constantly ; and as this thing is kept very 
 secret he requested me not to divulge it' {Venetian Calendar, vii. 
 274). On the 1st of December, Surian adds— ' Although they 
 endeavour to conceal the malady more than ever, the Queen 
 Mother cannot suppress the signs of her sorrow, which is increased 
 by the recollection of the predictions made by many astrologers, 
 who all prognosticated his very short life ' {Ibid. vii. 274, 275). In 
 
 222 
 
Ill] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Roueiij it was not believed that the King was actually ill ; it was 
 supposed that the alleged illness was a mere device of the Guises, 
 to prevent the supplications of the prisoners being placed before 
 him {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 420). 
 
 *^ Venetian Calendar, vii. 275). 
 
 ^ Though the astrologers proved to be right, the Bishop of 
 Viterbo had prophesied, that, after Francis the First and Henry 
 the Second, there should arise another King Francis, who should 
 obtain possession of Venice and Rome, restore peace to Christen- 
 dom, and reign prosperously for a long time (Foj'eign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iii. 420). Two days before his death, Surian says — *^Tlie 
 whole Court is now constantly engaged at prayers, and processions 
 are being made in all the churches of the city, which are attended 
 very piously by the brothers and the sister of his most Christian 
 Majesty, by the King of Navarre, and many other personages' 
 (Venetian Calendar, vii. 275). Tlirockmorton and Surian agree that 
 the illness of Francis began on the I7th of November ; but they do 
 not agree as to the day of his death. Surian says it occurred on the 
 5th of December a little before midnight (Ibid. vii. 276) ; whereas 
 Throckmorton places it on the 6th of December at eleven o'clock 
 at night (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 421-424). The letters of 
 both are dated the 6th December; but in Throckmorton's drafts 
 blanks were left for the precise time. Cecil states that he was 
 advertised from France that the King died on Thursday (Ibid. iii. 
 424), and Thursday was the 5th ; while the contemporary Scottish 
 chronicler places it on the 6th (Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 63, 281). 
 A list of royal jewels handed over by Mary to Charles the Ninth is 
 dated 6th December (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 424 n.). 
 Considering the hour of the King's death, it is not likely that 
 such a document would be completed on the same day. On 
 the 6th of December, Mary, by her sole authority, appointed 
 Herbert ]\Iaxwell general of the Scottish mint (Register of Privy 
 Seal, XXX. 37) ; whereas a letter granted in the preceding October 
 runs in her name with authority and consent of the King (Ibid. 
 XXX. 36). Tlie 15th of the following January was reckoned the 
 fortieth day of Mary's mourning (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 
 500). On Saturday the 6th of December 1561, Mary, then in 
 Edinburgh, ' solemnly celebrated the exequies of her husband ' 
 (Ibid. iv. 435); but on this first anniversary the '^dirige' was 
 apparently said on Friday the 5tli (Keith's History, ii. 122). 
 
 223 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^^ 'The Reformers, with Knox at their head, were savagely- 
 exultant,' says Mr. Skelton, who thus proceeds to quote Knox : — 
 'Lo ! the potent hand of God from above sends unto us a won- 
 derful and most joyful deliverance; for unhappy Francis suddenly 
 perisheth of a rotten ear — that deaf ear that never would hear the 
 truth of God' (Skelton's Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 23. See also his 
 Maitland of Lethington, i. 268). As quoted by Mr. Skelton these 
 words may convey the idea of savage exultation ; but in Knox's 
 own work they do not form a continuous sentence — Mr. Skelton 
 having omitted more than a page. Knox rejoiced not at the death 
 of Francis in itself; but because the snare was broken, the tyrants 
 disappointed of their cruelty, those appointed to death raised as it 
 were from their graves ; and because the Scots— who by foolishness 
 had made themselves slaves to strangers — were freed from the yoke 
 (Laing's Knox, ii. 132-134). It was no wonder that the arrival of 
 the ''new bandis of throte-cuttaris ' — as Knox called them — was 
 dreaded in Scotland ; for, when they had formerly come as friends, 
 even the Queen Dowager complained of their fearful excesses by 
 which the Scottish peasantry were often driven to kill themselves 
 in despair {Papiers D'Etat, i. 703). ' Had Francis lived but a week 
 longer, the ruin of the Huguenots might perhaps have been consum- 
 mated, . . . The Protestants of Paris recognised in the event a direct 
 answer to the petitions which they had offered to Almighty God on 
 the recent days of special humiliation and prayer ' (Baird's Rise of 
 the Huguenots, i. 449, 450). \7riting from Orleans on the 81st of 
 December, Throckmorton says: — 'The Estates assembled at this 
 town on the 13th December, but have done little or nothing ; 
 divers of them will not put forth such things as they were instructed 
 in by other provinces now the King is dead. They say that by his 
 death many of the people's doleances are ceased, as the government 
 that they complained about is ceased ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iii. 470). He had previously told Elizabeth that she had cause ' to 
 thank God for so well providing for her surety and quietness by tak- 
 ing away the late King and his father ' {Ihid. iii. 421). The cautious 
 Calvin expressed his opinion thus : — ' Have you ever heard or read 
 anything more seasonable than the death of the King ? There was 
 no remedy for the extreme evils, when suddenly God appeared 
 from heaven, and He, who had pierced the eye of the father, 
 smote the ear of the son. I only fear lest the joy of some by 
 expressing itself too much may overturn the hope of a better state 
 
 224 
 
Ill] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 of things. For you could scarcely believe how inconsiderately 
 many exult and even wax wanton over it' {Corpus Reformatorum, 
 xlvi. 270). 
 
 ^2 Sir James Melville says_, ' the Quen iMotlier was blyeth of the 
 death of K. Francis hir sone, because sche had na gyding of him_, 
 bot only the Due of Guise and Cardinall his brother^ be raisoun 
 that the Quen our maistres wes ther sister dochter' (Melville's 
 Memoirs, p. 86). ^ She was pretty freely accused, indeed, of having 
 shortened her son's life, because she thought she would have more 
 power were he out of the way ; and no doubt she was quite capable 
 of the deed' (Hill Burton's Scot Abroad, 1881, p. 121). 
 
 ^2 On the day after the death of Francis, Throckmorton speaks 
 of Mary as being ^ as heavy and dolorous a wife, as of right she had 
 good cause to be, who, by long watching with him during his sick- 
 ness, and painful diligence about him, and specially by the issue 
 thereof, is not in best tune of her body, but without danger' 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 421). Two days later, Surian 
 writes : — ' The new King has confirmed in his service all the gentle- 
 men and courtiers employed by his predecessor, and this morning 
 the Order of St. Michael was given in public to his most Christian 
 Majesty and to his brother the Duke of Angouleme. So by degrees 
 every one will forget the death of the late King except the young 
 Queen, his widow, who being no less noble minded than beautiful 
 and graceful in appearance, the thoughts of widowhood at so early an 
 age, and of the loss of a consort who was so great a King and who 
 so dearly loved her, and also that she is dispossessed of the crown of 
 France with little hope of recovering that of Scotland, which is her 
 sole patrimony and dower, so afflict her that she will not receive 
 any consolation, but, brooding over her disasters with constant tears 
 and passionate and doleful lamentations, she universally inspires 
 great pity' {Venetian Calendar, vii. 278). 
 
 ^* Dr. Thomas Wilson informed Cecil, on the 8th of November 
 1571^ that the Bishop of Ross, then in prison, had owned to him 
 that he cz-edibly understood that Mary had poisoned her first 
 husband, the King of France (Murdin's State Papers, 1759, p. 57 ; 
 Hatfield Calendar, i. 564). Mr. Skelton unwittingly attributes this 
 statement not to Bishop Lesley, Mary's champion, but to Buclianan, 
 her detractor {Impeachment of Mary Stuart, 1876, p. 144). 
 
 225 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 ^ The phrase ' changed her lodging ' does not necessarily imply 
 that she left the palace {e.g. see Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 150 ; 
 V. 605; vi. 630; viii. 9; Venetian Calendar, vii. 263, 513). 
 
 ^ Father Stevenson, while professing to follow the letters of the 
 English Ambassador, alleges that ' during this period of her seclu- 
 sion she admitted no man to come into her chamber but the King 
 and his brethren, the King of Navarre, the old Constable Montmo- 
 rency, and her uncles ' (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, p. 201). Throck- 
 morton, however, states distinctly — in a letter calendared by Father 
 Stevenson himself — that this strict seclusion was only observed for 
 fifteen days ; bishops, ancient knights and ambassadors being 
 admitted to her presence long before the forty days were ended 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 472). On the fortieth day '^she 
 was present at a solemn service for her late husband ' in the Grey 
 Friars' church at Orleans {Ibid. iii. 500, 501). 
 
 2 See supra, p. 225, note 53. 
 
 * Hosack after citing the affecting passage from Tlirockmorton's 
 letter of 6th December to Elizabeth — mentioning Mary's watchful 
 care over and grief for her husband {supra, p. 225, note 53) — exclaims, 
 ' Notwithstanding this unimpeachable testimony, Mr. Froude asserts 
 that before her husband's body was cold jMary " was speculating on 
 her next choice"' {Mary Queen of Scots and her Accusers, 1870, i. 
 58 n.). Had Hosack glanced at the Foreign Calendar, he would 
 have found that on the same 6th of December, Throckmorton wrote 
 three letters, one to Elizabeth, another to the Lords of the Council, 
 and a third to Cecil. If the passage cited from the letter to Eliza- 
 beth is ^ unimpeachable testimony,' so must also this other passage 
 from the letter to the Lords of Council : — ^ As far as I can learn, 
 she more esteemeth the continuation of her honour, and to marry 
 one that may uphold her to be great, than she passeth to please her 
 fancy by taking one that is accompanied with such small benefit 
 or alliance as thereby her estimation and fame is not increased ' 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 423). Hosack is not the only one 
 who has unjustly assailed Froude on this point (see e.g. Miss A. M. 
 Stewart's Mary Queen of Scots, p. 24). AVhen charging Throck- 
 morton with speculating on her second marriage ere ' her husband 
 
 226 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 had scarce ceased to breathe,' Father Stevenson prudently abstains 
 from noticing his remarks about Mary's own desire ; but at a later 
 stage, without giving the date of the letter, he jubilantly quotes 
 them as illustrating the superiority of the widowed Queen of Scots 
 to the unwedded Queen of England (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, pp. 
 199, 213). 
 
 ^ A week before Francis died, many in Orleans were speculating 
 on Mary's second husband. ^ There is plenty of discourses here,* says 
 Throckmorton, ' of the French Queen's second marriage ; some talk 
 of the Prince of Spain, some of the Duke of Austrich, others of the 
 Earl of Arran ' (Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 156 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iii. 410). Fifteen days after the death of Francis, the 
 Duke of Alva expressed the opinion that the French would seek to 
 have the disposal of her again, and suggested to Chamberlain the 
 course which he thought Elizabeth should pursue. In the Spanish 
 Court at Toledo, some believed that the French would, with a dis- 
 pensation, marry Mary to the new King ; others, with one of her 
 uncles, the Prior of St. John ; some wished that it might be with 
 the Prince of Spain ; while others spoke of the King of Denmark 
 and the new King of Sweden {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 459). 
 Some of the Scots were anxious that she should return to her own 
 country and marry there, or, at least, with the consent of the 
 Estates ; many, that wherever she married the amity with England 
 should continue (Ibid. iii. 462, 463). 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 491, 492. 
 
 "^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 501. — The clause in the 
 marriage-contract to which Throckmorton refers may be seen in 
 Keith's History, i. 357. Mary's Instructions of 12th January to the 
 four deputies contain no reference to her second marriage (Laba- 
 noff's Reciieil, i. 85-88) ; but Throckmorton explains, on the 22nd 
 and 23rd of January, that Mary had changed her mind as to treat- 
 ing with her subjects on this matter {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iii. 512, 514). 
 
 8 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 183. — This is not the first hint 
 in the State Papers that Darnley had an early eye after that union 
 which was to prove his destruction. Only eighteen days after the 
 death of Francis, Randolph — then at Edinburgh — advised Cecil to 
 call the Earl of Lennox's son '^ nearer unto the Court, that all 
 practice to draw him into Scotland, or convey him to any other 
 place, might be taken away ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 460). 
 
 22/ 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 In February it was rumoured in Scotland that lie had gone to 
 France with Bedford (Ibid. iii. 584 ; iv. 25). The deposition of 
 William Forbes has been cited to show that Darnley met Mary at 
 Orleans (Miss Strickland's Queens of Scotland, 1851, ii. 370 ; The 
 Lennox, i. 469); but the proof is not clear {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizaheth, V. 12, 28). 
 
 ^ On the 31st of December Throckmorton writes to the English 
 Council : — ' Now that death hath thus disposed of the late French 
 King, whereby the Scottish Queen is left a widow, one of the special 
 things your Lordships have to consider, and to have an eye to, 
 is the marriage of that Queen. During her husband's life there was 
 no great account made of her, for that, being under band of marriage 
 and subjection of her husband (who carried tlie burden and care of 
 all her matters), there was offered no great occasion to know what 
 was in her. But since her husband's death, she hath showed (and 
 so continueth) that she is both of great wisdom for her years, 
 modesty, and also of great judgment in the wise handling herself 
 and her matters, which, increasing with her years, cannot but 
 turn greatly to her commendation, reputation, honour, and great 
 benefit of her and her country. Already it appears that some, such 
 as made no great account of her, do now, seeing her wisdom, both 
 honour and pity her. . . . For my part, I see her behaviour to be 
 such, and her wisdom and kingly modesty so great, in that she 
 thinketh herself not too wise, but is content to be ruled by good 
 counsel and wise men (which is a great virtue in a Prince or Princess, 
 and which argueth a great judgment and wisdom in her), that by 
 their means she cannot do amiss, and I cannot but fear her proceed- 
 ings with the time, if any means be left and offered her to take 
 advantage by ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 472, 473). On the 
 same day he wrote to Dudley, who — rid of Amy Robsart and aspir- 
 ing to the hand of Elizabeth — doubtless perceived the covert rebuke 
 to himself and his royal lover in the following sentences : — ' Yet, 
 my lord, this I trust shal be no occasion to make her Majestie 
 [Elizabeth] lesse considerate, or her counsell lesse provident, for 
 assuredlie the Quene of Scotland, her Majestie's cosen, dothe 
 carrye herselfe so honorably, advisidlie, and discretelye, as I cannot 
 but feare her progresse. Me-thinketh it were to be wished of all 
 wyse men and her Majestie's good subjects, that the one of these 
 two Queues of the He of Brittaine were transformed into the shape 
 of a man, to make so happie a marriage, as therbie ther might be 
 
 228 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 an unitie of the hole He and their appendances ' (AVright's Eliza- 
 beth, i. 58). Father Stevenson gives bits of these two letters as a 
 continuous extract from one document (Stevenson's Mary Stuart, 
 1886;, p. 212). As a matter of policy Throckmorton recommends on 
 the 10th of January that the Queen of Scots should be with writing 
 and words kindly handled {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 492). 
 
 1^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 514. See also Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 290. 
 
 11 To the Scots Estates, in her letters-patent — assigned by 
 Labanoff to January 1560-61 — Mary says : — ^ All the comfort which 
 remains to us in this respect is that he has left a brother as 
 successor to this crown, son ... of the most worthy and virtuous 
 princess in the world, the Queen, our very honoured lady and 
 mother-in-law, in whom since we came to this country we have 
 found much goodness, love and kindness, and also such and so 
 loving affection from the said lord, her son the King, that we may 
 hope and expect from them all that a daughter miglit hope for from 
 her own mother, and a sister from a brother ' (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 
 81). In December 1562, Randolph refers to the ' unkindness ' that 
 had been between Catherine and Mary ' a short time before her 
 departure out of France ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 604). A 
 few days before Mary embarked at Calais it was reported in Stras- 
 burg by certain French nobles that Catherine wished to shake off 
 the friendship of the Guises {Ibid. iv. 248). In April 1565, 
 Lethington assured De Silva that, while Mary ' was in France, she 
 could not do too much for the Queen Mother, and put her own 
 fi-iends and relatives quite in the background for her, and yet in 
 return for all this she has done her much harm' {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 421). Nevertheless Mary's conduct in this very matter 
 has been adduced as the cause of the animosity to which Lethington 
 referred. ^ The Queen, Catherine de Medicis, ... as mother-in- 
 law, hated the Queen her daughter, who removed her from the 
 charge of affairs, and transferred the friendship of the King, her 
 son, to the Guises, who entrusted to him no more of the govern- 
 ment than what they knew she could do no prejudice to, giving 
 him the credit and appearance without the effect' {Memoires de 
 Tavannes, cited in Baird's Rise of the Huguenots, i. 362 n.). In Sir 
 James Melville's opinion, Catherine was a deadly enemy to all who 
 had guided either her husband or her eldest son, and, because of the 
 Guises, had ' a gret mis-lyking of our Quen' ; and also had a special 
 
 229 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 grievance against her^ by whom, she alleged^ she was despised at 
 the instigation of the House of Guise during the short reign of 
 Francis (Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, pp. 86-88). JNIary, it is 
 said^ had imprudently taunted Catherine with being a merchant's 
 daughter (Robertson's Inventories, p. xv. n.). Buchanan mentions 
 Catherine's estrangement as one of the reasons which induced 
 Mary to return to Scotland (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 437). 
 
 12 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 518; Venetian Calendar, vii. 297. 
 
 13 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 566. 
 
 1* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 573-576. — Father Stevenson's 
 account of Bedford's embassy {Mary Stuart, 1886, pp. 204-211) is 
 very inaccurate, very misleading, and very unfair. He entirely 
 ignores the interview of condolence on the 16th_, though described in 
 a state-paper calendared by himself; but dwells at length on the 
 formal business ones of the 18th and 19th. Not only so, but he 
 states that 'it was not until the 18th of February 1561 that the 
 condolences of Elizabeth, such as they were (for they appear to 
 have been of the curtest and coldest), reached the Queen of Scot- 
 land. They were presented by the Earl of Bedford, a strict 
 Puritan. . . . The letters of which he was the bearer express no 
 sorrow for Mary's loss, no sympathy with her grief, no word of 
 kindness or tenderness.' Yet in his own calendar it is expressly 
 stated, that, on the 16th, '^Bedford having done the Queen's com- 
 mendations unto her, and delivered her letters and condolence to 
 her . . . she thanked the Queen for her gentleness in comforting 
 her woe when she had most need of it' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iii. 566). And Mary's own letter of the 20th of February is very 
 far from implying that Elizabeth expressed no sorrow for her loss, 
 no sympathy with her grief, no word of kindness or tenderness 
 (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 92, 93). Father Stevenson further says that 
 Mary was ' asked to believe that all that Elizabeth had done in the 
 affairs of Scotland was " to aid the wardens to reform such lewd 
 outlaws, murderers, and thieves as have remained," forgetting that 
 she herself had supplied these very same persons with men, money, 
 and the aid of the most powerful fleet which England could supply.' 
 Here again he is condemned by his own calendar. Bedford's in- 
 structions distinctly recognise the fact that the English army had 
 been in Scotland ; while the reference to the wardens and the 
 outlaws respect not the invasion of Mary's realm, but the quieting 
 of the Borders {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 507). Father 
 
 230 
 

 iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Stevenson proceeds to say that '^this interview produced a deep 
 impression upon Throckmorton^ who has left upon record the 
 estimate which he had now formed of tlie general character of 
 Mary Stuart. . . . From the date of this remarkable conference, 
 the despatches of Throckmorton to Elizabeth and Cecil grow more 
 urgent, his action becomes more prompt and decided ; and Mary's 
 dangers and difficulties assume a more definite character. Let us 
 see how the English Ambassador works upon the fears and jealousies 
 of his mistress' {Mary Stuart, 1886, pp. 211, 212). He then gives 
 extracts — more or less correct — from three of Throckmorton's 
 despatches ; but of these he carefully suppresses the dates, for 
 the very sufficient reason that two of them were written seven 
 weeks and the other ten weeks before the interview took place ! 
 Notwithstanding this apparently wilful misrepresentation. Father 
 Stevenson coolly asserts that Elizabeth's despatch is remarkable 
 for ' its unblushing falsehood.' 
 
 ^^ Bedford and Throckmorton in taking their leave of the King 
 of Navarre on the 19th of February interchanged opinions with 
 him on Mary's marriage. ' Throckmorton said to him that there 
 was a bruit of a marriage between the Prince of Spain or the Duke 
 of Austria, and her ; if either of which took place, they thought it 
 might be cumbersome to the Queen [of England], yet it was of 
 much more importance to France, and most of all to him. The 
 King replied that there was such a thing in hand, not with the 
 Prince of Spain, but with the Duke of Austria, which was one of 
 the chief errands of the Emperor's late Ambassadors coming to 
 France. . . . He wished to know how they could let [ne. hinder] it, as 
 she was out of their power. Throckmorton answered that her going 
 to Joinville in the skirts of Lorraine, fast by Almaine, would greatly 
 further that matter, for then they may practise as they list ; but 
 she continuing at the Court, there can be no such things done 
 without knowledge. Tlie King said that there should be no fault 
 in him to hinder it, as much as in him lay. " But (quoth he) I 
 told you, M. I'Ambassador, a remedy against this mischief, where- 
 unto you make me none answer ; you know what I mean 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 576). "Writing to Cecil from 
 Paris, a week afterwards, Bedford informs him that the Court 
 since it came from Orleans is in many things altered, that the 
 Scottish Queen is stayed from her purposed journey to Joinville, 
 and that his being in France had occasioned the same {Ibid. iii. 
 
 231 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 578). Tlie mysterious remedy hinted at by Navarre may have been 
 the marriage of Mary with himself (Ibid. vi. 49)^ a match which 
 she declined on the ground that he already had a wife (Jebb's De 
 Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 485). 
 
 16 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 27, 34 ; v. 620. 
 
 ^'' Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 42. — Besides the office of con- 
 dolence and congratulation^ his coming rested on two points, to 
 propose a league between France and Denmark, and in considera- 
 tion thereof that his master should marry the Queen of Scots or 
 some one of France meet for such a Prince. The Ambassador is 
 returning — says Throckmorton on the 31st of March — but goes to 
 the Queen of Scotland to talk with her by the way. 
 
 1^ It was perhaps at this time that the undated list of one 
 hundred and fifty-nine articles was drawn up, which is printed 
 in Joseph Robertson's Inventories, pp. 7-17. 
 
 1^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 41. — In this letter of the 31st 
 of March, Throckmorton informs Elizabeth that Mary is to continue 
 all this Easter [Easter day fell on the 6th of April] in Rheims, and 
 then go to Joinville to see her grandmother, and from thence to 
 Nancy in Lorraine, there to remain at least six months. Divers 
 reasons, he says, are pretended for this, such as change of air, and 
 the alleviation of her sorrowful remembrance of her late husband ; 
 but it is thought rather that the recent motion of a marriage with 
 one of the Emperor's sons may be better and more secretly handled 
 there. Throckmorton suggested that, as he was so far off", one of 
 Elizabeth's ministers should look to this matter so greatly followed 
 by the Guises ; and advised the formation of a strong English party 
 in Scotland, which would render puissant foreign princes less 
 anxious to marry the Queen of Scots. 
 
 -^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 45. — In Throckmorton's 
 opinion, if this marriage — ' a drift of the new Cardinal Granville ' 
 — went forward, it would be as little to the profit of England as 
 any yet talked of {Ibid. iv. 46). From it might arise some 
 jealousy between Philip and Elizabeth {Venetian Calendar, vii. 
 306). Though Mary remained at Rheims less than tliree weeks, 
 she has been represented as spending the winter there (Chalmers's 
 Life of Mary, 1818, i. 38 ; Blackwood's Magazine, clix. 196), a 
 mistake for which Bishop Lesley is partly responsible {De Rebus 
 Gestis Scotorum, 1675, p. 531 ; History, Ban. Club, p. 293 ; Keith's 
 History, ii. 19 n.). At Rheims, according to Petit, 'a. new vista 
 
 232 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 now opened up before the kind thougli persecuted Mary. Heartily 
 welcomed by the holy maidens of the convent^ she soon became 
 as one of themselves ; the peaceful life and the mystic perfume 
 enveloping the people and the place delighted her extremely. 
 In that gentle solitude she felt happy. There she no longer 
 dreaded the spies of Elizabeth and the Medicis ; she was alone 
 with God, nature, and her sisters, surrounded by respect, loved 
 and cherished by all ' (Flandre's Petit, i. 46). For Miss Benger's 
 opinion of the attractions of Rheims, see infra, pp. 238, 239. 
 -^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 75, 85. 
 
 22 Throckmorton had early suspected and feared this match 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 491, 492 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 
 200) ; and although he saw grave objections to it from Philip's 
 point of view, and also from that of the Guises, his suspicions, 
 again aroused, were confirmed by Coligny and Navarre {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 76, 82, 83, 97). 
 
 23 Before the Duchess of Ferrara died, on the 21st of April, many 
 in France expressed the opinion that if the Duke were a young 
 widower again he would marry the Queen of Scots ; and after the 
 death of the Duchess ''certain persons' at the Spanish Court, 
 ' experienced in French affairs,' did not dissent from this opinion, 
 ' owing to the great affection which the aforesaid Duke and Queen 
 bear to each other' {Venetian Calendar, vii. 314; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 80). 
 
 2* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 475 ; iv. 41, 50, 60, Qb, 115. 
 
 25 Catherine's letter to the Bishop of Rennes sufficiently shows 
 her determination {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. Q5 n.)\ and 
 Bedford's Instructions — although there had been nothing else — are 
 quite enough to show Elizabeth's {Ibid. iii. 508). 
 
 2° Lesley's History, p. 294. Dalrymple's Lesley, Scottish Text 
 Society, ii. 454. — In his letter of 9th April, Throckmorton states 
 that the Lord James had left Paris for Rheims {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 55) ; in his letter of the 20th, that Mary had left 
 Rheims for Lorraine, taking Joinville in the way {Ibid. iv. 68) ; 
 and in his letter of the 23rd that the Lord James, who had accom- 
 panied Mary four leagues beyond Joinville, had that day returned 
 to Paris on his way home, and that Mary was now in Nancy {Ibid. 
 iv. 75, 76). 
 
 2^ De Bebus Gestis Scotorum, 1675, pp. 531, 532. 
 
 28 Dalrymple's Lesley, ii. 453. 
 
 233 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 29 Even from her own point of view there can be little doubt that 
 this was the most prudent policy in the circumstances. Father 
 Stevenson himself admits that Huntly's conduct at this time was 
 * wavering and suspicious' {Mary Stuart, IQQQ, p. 234). Throck- 
 morton heard that she had been advised by the King of Spain to 
 temporise in matters of religion at first ; and, should he succeed with 
 the Turk and the siege of Oran, she might then proceed with rigour 
 against pertinacious heretics {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 153). 
 Sir James Melville relates that D'Oysel, Rubbay, and other French- 
 men who had lately returned from Scotland, encouraged her with 
 the hope of the English succession, pressed her to serve the time, 
 and to accommodate herself discreetly and gently to her own 
 subjects, to be most familiar with the Lord James, Argyll, Lething- 
 ton and Grange, and ^ to repoise maist upon them of the Refourmed 
 religion' {Memoirs, Mait. Club, pp. 88, 89). According to Ran- 
 dolph, she found this course to be necessary immediately after her 
 arrival in Scotland (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 73). 
 
 2^ Perhaps no Mariolater in dealing with this point has excelled 
 Father Stevenson in his display of bitterness and rancour {Mary 
 Stuart, 1886, pp. 224-236). Blinded by prejudice, he even credits 
 the Lord James with having imposed not only on Mary, but on her 
 astute uncles ; and, on the authority of Conaeus, says that he 
 assured her that ^ Scotland's allegiance to the Holy See was un- 
 shaken' {Ibid. p. 226). Mary and the Guises would have been 
 simpletons indeed had they been deceived by any one who could 
 utter such a palpable falsehood, for they knew well the thorough- 
 going character of the Scottish Reformation. Lesley was still there 
 to warn her ' not to allow herself to be deceived by the fine phrases 
 of James,' who wished to ' pluck up and com2)letely overturn the 
 Catholic religion which he was assailing in every possible way ' {De 
 Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 1675, p. 531). But she and the Guises had 
 known the worst before the Lord James arrived, before Lesley 
 arrived, even before Sandilands arrived with his official report of 
 the Parliamentary proceedings. Deception there may have been, 
 but not necessarily on the part of the Lord James. In the Report of 
 the Jesuit Priests to the Pope in 1594 — a Report translated and 
 published by Father Stevenson himself — it is said that, on this 
 occasion, ' the Princes of the House of Lorraine thought it was 
 expedient to dissemble ' (Nau's History of Mary Stewart, 1883, p. 
 116). Throckmorton attributes Mary's change of purpose, regard- 
 
 234 
 
ivj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 iug the temporary appointment of her brother as Rei^ent, to his 
 straightforwardness — she could not dissuade him from his devotion 
 to Elizabeth and the observance of the league with England^ nor 
 could she and the Cardinal of Lorraine win him from his religion, 
 although they used very great means and persuasions {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 91). This steadfastness must have been 
 specially satisfactory to Throckmorton_, who had feared that he 
 might be won to France by the offer of a red hat, good abbeys and 
 benefices {Ihid. iv. 44). Hence the Ambassador's advice that he — 
 who had ' dealt so plainely with the Queen his Soveraine ' on Eliza- 
 beth's behalf, ^ and shewed himself so constant in religion that 
 neither the feare of his Soveraine's indignacion coude waver him 
 nor great promesses winne him' — should be '^ liberally and honor- 
 ably' considered by the Queen of England (Burnet's History of the 
 Reformation, 1715, iii. app. p. 314). On the assumption that Mary 
 had confided her secret intentions to the Lord James, he is charged 
 by Tytler with having ' insidiously betrayed ' to Throckmorton 
 everything that had passed between her and himself {History of 
 Scotland, 1845, v. 178, 179). Hosack seems disposed to take a 
 similar view {Mary and her Accusers, i. 61, 62). This charge is 
 based on Throckmorton's letter to Elizabeth of 29th April, in which 
 he writes that, the Lord James, having returned to Paris, ' came 
 to my lodging secretly unto me, and declared unto me at good length 
 all that passed between the Queen, his sister, and him, and between 
 the Cardinal of Lorraine and him ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 
 84). But Lord James's own letter to Mary informing her that he 
 had had an interview with Tlirockmorton proves that he was by no 
 means anxious to hide this from her (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 
 438), To make Tytler's charge good, one of two things must be 
 established— either that Mary had revealed her secret intentions 
 to her brother, or that he believed she had. Tytler and Hosack 
 prove neither. It has been asserted by Camden {Annales Eliza- 
 hethce, 1625, p, 57) and Stranguage {Historic of Mary Stuart, reprint 
 1891, p. 30) that, as he returned through England, he quietly 
 advised Elizabeth to provide for religion and her own safety by 
 intercepting his sister. Tliis grave charge is inconsistent with 
 Lesley's statement that the Lord James hastened home to prepare 
 for her early and honourable reception {De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 
 1675, p. 533) ; and is still more inconsistent with the remarkable 
 letter, concerning the English succession, addressed by the maligned 
 
 235 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Commendator of St. Andrews to Elizabeth on the 6th of August 
 {supra, p. 66). Camden's bare assertion has been implicitly accepted, 
 however^ by such writers as Goodall {Examination, 1754, i. 172, 
 173), Chalmers {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 40, 44), and Father Steven- 
 son {Mary Stuart, 1886, pp. 236, 254 n.). Father Forbes-Leith, 
 while quite ready to believe anything against the political leader of 
 the Scottish Reformation, has, with chronic inaccuracy, represented 
 him as giving the alleged advice before instead of after his interview 
 with Mary {Narratives of Scottish Catholics, 1885, p. 56). 
 
 31 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 91 ; Lesley's History, p. 295. — 
 In his Latin narrative, Lesley includes a fourth uncle, the Marquis 
 D'Elboiuf (De Origine, 1675, p. 533). 
 
 22 After narrating how the Lord James and himself waited on 
 Mary, Lesley says : — ' Not long eftir, the Erlis Both well and Eglin- 
 toun, the Bischop of Orknay, and sindre uther nobill men and 
 clarkis, arrivit in France^ quha returnit in Scotland with the 
 Quenes Majestie agane' (Lesley's History, pp. 294, 295). According 
 to Schiern, ' Bothwell in the spring of 1561 again got an oppor- 
 tunity at Joinville of saluting the Queen, and remained at her 
 Court in France until she herself, in the month of August 1561, 
 was obliged with deep regret to bid farewell to the land of her 
 youth ' (Berry's Schiern, 1880, pp. 23, 24). A similar statement is 
 made by Miss Strickland {Life of Mary, 1888, i. 61). Father Steven- 
 son as emphatically states that she was accompanied from Joinville 
 to Nancy by '^the Earls of Bothwell and Eglinton, and several 
 others of the Scottish nobility ' {Mary Stuart, 1886, p. 237). Schiern, 
 Strickland, and Stevenson have probably been misled by Lesley's 
 loose phrase, ' not long eftir.' It is certain that Bothwell returned 
 from France to Scotland in the preceding F'ebruary {Foreign Calen- 
 dar, Elizabeth, iii. 532, 536, 583 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 64) ; 
 and went back in summer, arriving in Paris on the 5th of July 
 {Venetian Calendar, vii. 333 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 179). 
 If he was with her at Joinville and Nancy in April, his stay in 
 France at that time must have been short indeed. 
 
 2^ Lesley's History, p. 295 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 91. — 
 Lesley says, that, after spending certain days in Joinville with her 
 grandmother, ^shotuik her jornay thairfra towart Lorraiu in the 
 beginning of May ' ; but Mary's letter to Throckmorton proves that 
 she was in Nancy on the 22nd of April (LabanoiFs Becueil, i. 94). 
 Ilie young Duke of Lorraine had, like Mary, been brought up in 
 
 236 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 the Frencli Court. When, at the diplomatic conference near 
 Cambray, on the 15th of May looS, his mother saw him, she was 
 from excessive tenderness unable for some time to speak, and 
 almost fainted {Venetian Calendar, vi. 1494, 1497). Yet, instead 
 of going with her, he chose to return to the French Court, and had 
 in consequence a most demonstrative reception {Ibid. vi. 1498). In 
 the cathedral of Notre Dame, on the 22nd of January, 1558-9, he 
 was married to one of Henry's daughters — the Princess Claude, who 
 had then ' scarcely entered her twelfth year ' — with as much cere- 
 mony and pomp as had been used, nine months before, at tlie 
 marriage of Mary and the Dauphin {llnd. vii. 10, 19, 20). 
 
 2^ ' Our Quen, then Douagiere of France, retired hir self be litle 
 and litle farther and farther fra the Court of France ; that it suld 
 not seam that sche was in any sort compellit therunto, as of a 
 treuth sche was be the Quen Mothers rygorous and vengeable 
 dealing ; wha allegit that sche was dispysed be hir gud docliter, 
 during the schort regne of K. Francis 2. hir husband, be the instiga- 
 tion of the House of Guise ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 88). 
 
 2^ Lesley's History, p. 294; De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 1675, 
 p. 531. 
 
 26 While assigning Catherine's dislike of lier as the primary 
 reason why '^Mary determined to leave the Court and to spend 
 some time with her own kindred in Lorraine,' Father Stevenson 
 adds : — ' It was very natural that she should do so. Rheims was the 
 ordinary residence of her uncle, the Cardinal-Archbishop of that 
 diocese ; there too resided her aunt Renee, Abbess of the Convent 
 of St. Pierre in the same city.' Tliis statement is neither logical 
 nor accurate. Rheims is not in Lorraine ; and the Cardinal-Arch- 
 bishop seems, when in power, to have resided as much if not more at 
 the Court than at this archiepiscopal seat. But he proceeds — ' She 
 longed for quiet and rest, and she needed them after the agitation 
 and fatigue through which she had passed of late ; and the experi- 
 ence of her childhood told her that she would find them nowhere so 
 perfectly as in a community of religious women ' (Stevenson's Mai-y 
 Stuart, pp. 216, 217). 
 
 2^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 91. — De Vaudemont was uncle 
 to the young Duke of Lorraine {Ibid. i. 272 ; iv. 121 ; Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 10, 20). 
 
 3^ Blackwood's Magazine, clix. 196. — This careless popular writer 
 not only makes Mary spend ^the sad winter' at Rheims, but places 
 
 237 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 her visit to Nancy after instead of before the coronation of Charles 
 the Ninth. 
 
 39 Foreign Calendar, EHz:abeth, iii. 576 ; iv. 41 (quoted supra, 
 pp. 231, 282 nn. 15, 19). — The Lord James suspected that, as she 
 would not suffer him to accompany her to Nancy, there was some- 
 thing on hand there which she did not wish him to know of (Foreign 
 Calendar, Elisabeth, iv. 84). 
 
 40 Lesley's History, p. 295. 
 
 ^ Lesley's History, p. 296. — Somer, on arriving at Rheims, 
 understood that she ' had fallen sick at Joinville ' (Foreign Calendar, 
 Elisabeth, iv. 119) ; but the report of her having ^fallen sick of an 
 ague at Nancy' had reached Paris by the 9th of May (Ibid. iv. 
 106). 
 
 *2 She intended being at Rheims on the 8th of May (Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 89), where Charles was crowned on the 
 15th (Ibid. iv. 116, 121 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 815) ; but was 
 unable to leave Joinville until after the coronation (Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 119, 120). Nevertheless, Labanoff asserts that she 
 assisted at the ceremonial (Reciieil, i. 95 ; Portraits de Marie Stuart, 
 1860, p. 11), and Miss Benger describes her dress and appearance 
 on the occasion (Memoirs of Mary, 1828, ii. 26). Writing from 
 Paris on the 25th of May, Throckmorton says that she is yet at 
 Joinville, that she had been somewhat amended, but was down 
 again and keeping her bed for the most part, no man saving her 
 physicians being allowed to speak to her (Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, iv. 125). Lesley alleges that she remained in Joinville till 
 the beginning of July (History, p. 296 ; De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 
 1675, p. 584) ; but in this he is clearly in error. As two of her 
 letters are dated from Rheims on the 28th of May (Labanoff's 
 Recueil, i. 95-98) she must have been there by that time. The 
 change from Joinville to Rheims was probably a pleasant one. In 
 Miss Benger's opinion : — ' The austere gravity of the aged Princess 
 [Mary's grandmother], and the profound reverence she received 
 from her attendants, gave to every object around her, the sombre 
 character of funereal pageantry ; no gaieties were here exhibited ; 
 the most innocent recreations were scarcely allowable. . . . Such 
 sanctified demeanour was rather calculated to inspire reverence 
 than love, and Mary was perhaps not unwilling to quit this almost 
 sacred retreat for the more congenial hospitality of her aunt Renee, 
 the Abbess of Rheims, an elegant and cultivated woman, whose 
 
 238 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 luxurious apartments disclaimed all conventual austerity * {Memoirs 
 of Mary, 1823^ ii. 25). Lesley states that Mary tarried ' certane 
 dayes' at Rheims, '^weill intertenit' by her uncle, the Cardinal- 
 Archbishop, and her aunt the Abbess. Lesley's ^certane dayes' 
 are unwarrantably extended by Miss Strickland into '^ several weeks' ; 
 and these she says were spent ' in the conventual seclusion of the 
 monastery,' with her aunt. Miss Strickland not only adopts an 
 impossible chronology, but gives rein to her imagination : — ' It was 
 with difficulty that the persuasions of her uncles, the Cardinal de 
 Lorraine and the Duke de Guise, could induce the reluctant young 
 Queen to quit this peaceful haven, to launch her lonely bark 
 amidst the same stormy waves which had overwhelmed that of her 
 heart-broken mother' (Miss Strickland's Life of Mary, 1888, i. Q6). 
 
 ■^^ In placing Mary's return to the Court of her brother-in-law at 
 the end of June, Labanoff (Recueil, i. 98 ; Portraits, p. 11) is un- 
 doubtedly in error. "W^riting on the 23rd of June, Throckmorton 
 says it was on the tenth (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 1.50) ; and 
 Surian, on the 3rd of July, speaks of it as '^ a month ago ' ( Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 333). ^ At her coming she was met a league without 
 the town by the Duke of Orleans, the King of Navarre, the Prince 
 of Conde, and all the Princes of the blood who are here [i. e. Paris], 
 and most part of the nobility of the Court ; and before she came to 
 her lodgings within the Court the French King and Queen-mother 
 met her, the whole accompanying her honourably to her lodgings ' 
 (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 150). ^Tliair come furth of the 
 town the Kingis brodir Duik of Angeow, the Prince of Condie, Duik 
 of Guise, with mony princis, duikis, erles and noble men, and mett 
 hir, and convoyit hir hichnes verrey honorably throch the toun of 
 Paris, to the Faulxboures of Sanct Germanes, quhair the King was 
 ludged, becaus he had not yet maid his entres in Paris ; and thair 
 remaning in cumpany with the King and Quene modir quhill about 
 the ende of Julij, weill and honorablie intertenyt with all kinde of 
 honest recreatione, as well be boittis appoun the ryver of Seane, as 
 utherwyis be triumphes and feactis of armes exerced within the 
 abbay of Sanct Germans ' (Lesley's History, p. 296). 
 
 4^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 68, 89, 90, 110, 119.— Labanoff 
 in his chronological summary — which, during the period of Mary's 
 widowhood in France, is singularly inaccurate — substitutes Mewtas 
 for Somer. 
 
 ^ On the 31st of March, Throckmorton had declared that if he 
 
 239 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 was not to be allowed to return to England until Mary ratified the 
 Treaty, he would never return, for she would not ratify it so long 
 as her council in France could prevent her, and they had more 
 credit with her than the Lord James or any who could come out 
 of Scotland {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 45, 46). He guessed, 
 before Somer returned from Nancy, that she would defer the rati- 
 fication until she arrived in Scotland and consulted her Estates 
 {Ihid. iv. 76) ; and from Lord James he learned that this was her 
 intention {Ihid. iv. 84). Ere Somer set out on his second attempt, 
 Throckmorton hinted to Elizabeth that if she received even such 
 an answer direct from Mary she would the better know how to 
 proceed afterwards {Ihid. iv. 90, 91) ; but he did not expect an 
 answer of any kind, thinking rather that Mary was sick, or would 
 be so, to avoid the diflficulty {Ihid. iv. 112) ; and to a certain extent 
 he was right, for when Somer reached Rheims tlie Cardinal of 
 Lorraine and the Duke of Guise informed him that she was sick 
 at Joinville, and that they ' meddled no more in her matters ' 
 {Ihid. iv. 119, 120). It was only at this interview, on the 18th 
 of June, that Throckmorton was to hear from her own lips that 
 she was now determined to postpone her definite answer until she 
 was in Scotland. 
 
 *^ Though the Queen of Scots told Throckmorton that she was 
 to sail from Calais, he hardly seems to have believed her, as he had 
 been advertised ^ that she minds to take shipping at Nantes, and, 
 passing by the west seas, to land at Dumbarton as it were by 
 stealth, for that it is put into her head not to trust herself too 
 much on the coast of England' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 
 154). 
 
 *'' D'Oysel came to Throckmorton to say that he was not to set 
 out for England for ten days ; that he was to request ^ a passport, 
 or safe-conduct, for the Queen of Scotland and her train, in case 
 through tempest or sickness she should be forced to land in any 
 part of England ' ; that after she had conferred with her nobles and 
 Estates she would satisfy Elizabeth ; and that the assumption of 
 the English arms was entirely due to the Cardinal of Lorraine 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizaheth, iv. 155). Mary wished to send her 
 ecurie through England {Ihid. iv. 183, 190). 
 
 *^ Foreign Calendar, Elizaheth, iv. 150-152. 
 
 *^ D'Oysel was instructed to ask (1) a passport for Mary, with a 
 clause that if she arrived in any port of England she might tarry 
 
 240 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 tliere, purchase provisions, and, if it seemed good to her, pass 
 by land to Scotland ; (2) another safe-conduct for her to pass 
 through England with her train, etc. ; and (3) a safe-conduct for 
 himself to go through England to Scotland {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 173, 174). Hill Burton — having overlooked these 
 Instructions, and also D'Oysel's statement to Throckmorton {supra, 
 p. 240, n. 47) — says : ' It seems to be a question whether the pass- 
 port requested by Queen Mary was for permission to land in Eng- 
 land, and travel by land to Scotland ' {History of Scotland, 1876, 
 iv. 16 71.). Elizabeth professed her readiness not only to grant the 
 safe-conducts, but also aid and a personal interview, if Mary would 
 only ratify the Treaty ; and she thought it meet that D'Oysel 
 should go back to her with this message, which answer he seemed 
 quietly to receive {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 177, 187, 188). 
 At her interview with Throckmorton on the 20th of July, Mary 
 commanded those present to retire further off, saying she knew 
 not well her own infirmity nor how she might be transported with 
 anger, and liked not to have so many witnesses of her passion as 
 Elizabeth had when she talked with D'Oysel {Ibid. iv. 200). That 
 Envoy had reported at his return to France that Elizabeth had said 
 she would make provision to keep Mary from passing home {Ibid. 
 iv. 206). In Froude's opinion, Elizabeth was, in the circumstances, 
 quite justified in refusing the passport: — '^To have allowed a 
 Catholic princess, a rival claimant of her crown, who in defiance of 
 promises was obstinately maintaining her pretensions, to pass three 
 hundred miles through a population the most notoriously Romanist 
 in the realm, and with many of whom the Queen of Scots was 
 already in communication, would have been an act of political 
 suicide' {History of England, 1887, vi. 505). 
 
 ^^ While Mary was still at Joinville, Throckmorton thought 
 that so long as Elizabeth had so many at her devotion and of her 
 religion in Scotland Mary would not return to her country, and he 
 advised Cecil ^ to hold there ' in order that she might be kept in 
 France {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 122). But after learning 
 Mary's intentions, he reminded the English Privy Council — 29th 
 June — that for the maintenance of good amity the Queen of Scots 
 should be in her own country {Ibid. iv. 160) ; and next day urged 
 upon Cecil the expediency of dealing kindly with D'Oysel, lest he 
 should hinder Mary's return {Ibid. iv. 163). At the refusal of the 
 passports he marvelled greatly, and all the more so that by all 
 
 Q 241 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 former writings he understood that Elizabeth wished her to go 
 home and be advised by the counsellors of her own nation^ whereby 
 many occasions of unquietness would be taken away. Now — 26th 
 July — he was puzzled with Cecil's statement that their friends in 
 Scotland would approve of this refusal^ seeing that the Lord James 
 when in France, and ever since, had done what he could to per- 
 suade her to return {Ibid. iv. 204, 205. See also infra, pp. 285, 287^ 
 nn. 4 and 5). In their Instructions to Lethington — when, next 
 September, he was sent to Elizabeth — the Scots Lords emphatically 
 declare that the refusal of the passport was not due to them, that 
 they were not privy to it, and did not even know of it ^quhil lang 
 eftir' (Keith's History, ii. 73). 
 
 ^1 Elizabeth and her Council, on receiving Throckmorton's letter 
 of the 2.3rd of June, with the account of his interview with Mary 
 on the 18th {supra, pp. 38, 39), had at once resolved to hinder her 
 return if possible. On the 1st of July Elizabeth wrote to the 
 Estates of Scotland {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 164-166 ; Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 175-178 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 137-140 ; Keith's His- 
 tory, ii. 35-38), to Chatelherault, to the Lord James, and to 
 Randolph {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 166, 167). The Estates 
 were asked, not without a covert threat, to advertise her soon 
 whether they would advise their Queen to ratify the Treaty or not. 
 The argument of the letter to them is founded on Mary's avowal 
 to Throckmorton that she would not give her final answer con- 
 cerning the ratification without the advice of her realm. For the 
 edification of the friendly Scots there was sent to Randolph a long 
 extract from Throckmorton's letter, which Knox thought important 
 enough to embody in his History (ii. 168-174). Elizabeth assured 
 the Lord James that he should find her always ready in his honour- 
 able purpose for the cause of religion and the weal of his Queen 
 and country. To Chatelherault and Arran she promised to see 
 that their house should sufi'er no wrong if Mary died without issue, 
 provided they adjoined themselves to the promotion of religion. 
 In her letter to Randolph, she showed her hand. Mary's coming 
 home, she thought, would alter many things in Scotland, especially 
 the progress of religion and the devotion of many towards herself. 
 A letter should therefore be devised dissuading her return ; or, if 
 she were determined to come, religion and devotion to Elizabeth 
 should be so furthered beforehand that they could not be speedily 
 nor easily altered. If the Estates pressed their Queen to ratify the 
 
 242 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Treaty, the French Council might protract rather than hasten her 
 departure. Cecil's letter to Randolph of 80th June (Stevenson's 
 Selections, pp. 89, 90; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 61, 62) was partly in 
 the same strain, although he did not then seem to be altogether 
 certain as to the wisdom of prolonging Mary's stay in France. In 
 his letter to Throckmorton of 14th July, he says : ' Although in 
 all other things D'Oysel hath been well and gently used, yet so 
 many reasons have induced us to deny the principal request that I 
 think it shall be both of the wise allowed, and of our friends in 
 Scotland most welcome. The very noise of D'Oysel's coming had 
 stirred some maze in sundry heads, and the expectation of the 
 Queen's coming had erected up Huntly, Both well, Hume, and 
 others, that it could not be agreeable for us to feed them in their 
 humours ; and by this out denial, our friends in Scotland shall 
 find us to be of their disposition, and so stop them in their humours. 
 I think plainly the longer the Scottish Queen's affairs shall hang 
 in an uncertainty, the longer will it be ere she shall have such a 
 match in marriage as shall offend us ' (Hardwicke's State Papers, 
 i. 172, 173). Throckmorton does not appear to have been satisfied 
 with these reasons. It was in reply to this letter that he expressed 
 his astonishment at the refusal of the safe-conduct (see preceding 
 note). Cecil had not explicitly said that the Scots Lords wished to 
 hinder Mary's return ; and even though he had, there would have 
 been some reason to doubt the assertion. It is questionable whether 
 his letters always reflected his real opinions (see e.g. infra, pp. 264, 
 265) ; and in connection with the return of Lennox to Scotland, 
 the Lord James and Lethington indignantly repudiated to Cecil 
 himself as untrue the opinion which he had attributed to them 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 176, 204, 205). On tlie 25th of 
 July, Cecil, writing to Sussex, tells him that the safe-conducts had 
 been refused, and adds : — ' This proceeding will lyke the Scotts 
 well ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 67). And on the 12th of August, he 
 again writes to Sussex : — ' Nether those in Scotland nor we here 
 doo lyke her going home ' {Ibid. i. 69). By this time the Lord 
 James, as well as Morton and Lethington, wished, like Cecil, ' that 
 she might be stayed yet for a space ' : so Randolph says, writing 
 from Edinburgh on tlie 9th of August (Robertson's Scotland, app. 
 no. 5). As Maitland, on the same day, put it, they had ' looked 
 for a breathing tyme ' (Haynes's State Papers, p. 369). In his letter 
 of 30th June, Cecil had said : — 'Whether it be rightly judged of 
 
 243 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 here or no I know not, I have uppon theis newes of her coming 
 wished to have had but one houres conference with my Lord of 
 Ledyngton ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 62). When Lethington and 
 the Lord James returned from the north of Scotland to Edin- 
 burgh, they were alarmed by Cecil's letter of 1st August to 
 Randolph, and by St. Colms' to the Lord James. Lethington 
 was in perplexity (see infra, pp. 286, 287) ; but he at all events 
 did not hesitate to express approval of D'Oysel's stay, and of 
 Cecil's opinion 'anent the Queen our Sovereign's journey towards 
 Scotland, whose coming hither if she be enemy to the religion, and 
 so affected towards that realm as she yet appeareth, shall not fail 
 to raise wonderful tragedies ' (Keith's History, iii. 211). 
 
 °- Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth , iv. 172, 178, 180. 
 
 ^3 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 179. — Mary does not appear to 
 have gone by Fecamp. Lesley, no doubt, says that her route to 
 Calais was ^throch Normandie and Picardie' {History, p. 297) ; but 
 he would not have omitted to state that she had gone to her mother's 
 funeral if she had really done so, especially as he mentions that the 
 body of the Queen Dowager of Scotland ' was careid to France in 
 ane ship, to the abbay of Feckin in Normandie ' {Ibid. p. 289). 
 Mary's recorded movements make it almost absolutely certain that 
 she could not have gone to Fecamp at this time, unless she per- 
 formed even a greater feat than her famous ride to the Hermitage. 
 It was on the loth of July that Throckmorton mentioned her 
 proposal to go by Fecamp to Calais ; but she did not leave St. 
 Germain-en-laye until the 25th of July {Cabala, 1691, p. 349); she 
 had not got beyond Meru by the 28th, the sickness of the Cardinal 
 of Lorraine and the Duke of Guise having stayed her there {Foi'eign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 209 ; Register of Privy Seal, xxx. 39, 40) ; 
 on the Srd of August she is spoken of as yet in Beauvais {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 229) ; and Throckmorton found her at 
 Abbeville on the 7th {Ibid. iv. 243 n). Chantonnay, moreover, the 
 Spanish Ambassador in France, writing on the 26th of July, says 
 that she has changed her route, and goes direct to Calais (Teulet's 
 Papiers D'Etat, ii. 6). The obsequies of Mary of Guise had been 
 celebrated at Paris in the church of Notre Dame on the 12th and 
 ]3th of August 1560 {Venetian Calendar, vii. 243; Francisque 
 Michel's Les Ecossais en France, ii. 21). When she died, the 
 Scottish preachers boldly opposed the using of ^ ony superstitious 
 rytes . . . within that realme, quhilk God of his mercy had begun 
 
 244 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 to purge' (Laing's Knox, ii. 160). 'Lappit in a cope of leid/ ^^-itli 
 four ells of white ' taiFateis ' cord stretched over her in the form of 
 a cross, she was deposited in the chapel of Edinburgh Castle, which 
 was hung with ^blak gray' (Chalmers's Life of Mary, 1818, ii. 20'J 
 n. ; Laing's Knox, ii. 590, 501). From thence she was secretly- 
 removed at midnight on the 16th of March 1560-61, and placed on 
 board a ship in Leith harbour to be taken to France (Diurnal of 
 Occurrents, p. 64). Knox, who was not greatly interested in the 
 matter, gives the 19th of October as the date of her removal from 
 Edinburgh Castle, As for what pomp was used at her funeral in 
 France, ' we nather herd,' he exclaims, ' nor yit regard ' (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 160). From Fecamp her body was afterwards taken to 
 the convent of St. Peter at Rheims, where her sister was abbess, 
 and there honourably interred (Lesley's De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 
 1675, p. 526). 
 
 54 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 179, 198, 199, 20-4.— Dampierre 
 was one of the houses of the Cardinal of Lorraine. He was there 
 with his niece at this time, as were also the Cardinal of Guise and 
 the Duke of Guise. The Duke of Nemours, who arrived there on 
 the 19th, visited Mary before going on to Paris {Cabala, 1691, 
 p. 345). 
 
 55 Hosack makes the rather astounding statement, that, during the 
 period of her widowhood in France, Mary was not only openly slighted 
 by Catherine de Medici, but ' even to some extent neglected by her 
 uncles, who were at this time too fully occupied with the affairs of 
 France to give much of their attention to those of Scotland' {Mary and 
 her Accusers, i. 63). In reality the Guises were not so fully occupied 
 with the affairs of France during this period as they had previously 
 been; and had therefore more time to devote to those of Scot- 
 land. Unscrupulous and selfish men they may have been, but they 
 cannot be justly charged with at this time neglecting their niece. 
 In my text and relative notes there are casual references enough to 
 vindicate them from this accusation. It is true that the Cardinal of 
 Lorraine and the Duke of Guise told Somer, at Rheims in May, 
 that they meddled no more in Mary's matters {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 120) ; that Mary herself told Tlu-ockmorton, on the 
 20th of July, that her uncles being of the affairs of France did not 
 think meet to advise her {Ibid. iv. 201) ; and that, at Abbeville on 
 the 7th of August, she assured him that her uncles — vvhy, she 
 knew not — were giving her no advice in the matter of the Treaty 
 
 245 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 (Ibid. iv. 244 n. ). But the reason why they professedly stood in 
 the background at this time is quite apparent. As it was neither 
 Mary's interest nor intention to ratify the Treaty, she wished ' to 
 drive time.' When pressed by Bedford on the 18th of February, 
 she urg-ed the plausible plea that she was without counsel, the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine being absent (Ibid. iii. 573). When this 
 excuse could no longer be made, the other served as well ; and 
 it was probably her diplomatic uncle who suggested the line ot 
 evasion. A comparison of the Cardinal's and Mary's answers to 
 Throckmorton ere she was yet a widow (Hardwicke's State Papers, 
 i. 132-138) shows how her opinions were coloured by his. 
 
 ^^ Throckmorton sent home two accounts of this interview — one 
 to Elizabeth, the other to the Council. The first of these letters is 
 printed in extenso in Cabala, 1691, pp. 845-349; and a very full 
 summary of the other in the Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 198- 
 204. Mary's answer on this point is thus reported in the Cabala : — 
 'I may pass well enough home into my own realm, I think, Avithout 
 her [i.e. Elizabeth's] passport or license ; for tho' the late King your 
 master (said she) used all the impeachment he could both to stay 
 me, and to catch me when I came hither, yet you know. Monsieur 
 le Ambassadour, I came hither safely, and I may have as good 
 means to help me home again, as I had to come hither, if I would 
 imploy my friends.' The reference to *the late King your master' 
 points of course to Edward the Sixth ; but in Father Stevenson's 
 Foreign Calendar, the corresponding passage is thus summarised ; — 
 ' She might pass well enough home to her own realm without the 
 Queen's passport or license, for though King Henry used all the 
 impeachment he could to stay her and catch her when she came 
 hither, yet she came safely ; and she might have as good means to 
 help her home if she would employ her friends.' Headstrong and 
 unscrupulous as was Henry the Eighth, he, poor man, could do 
 little to hinder Mary's voyage into France, as he was dead eighteen 
 months before she sailed from Scotland ; yet to him Hill Burton 
 (History of Scotland, 1876^ iv. 16) also assigns the attempt to kidnap 
 the innocent infant. 
 
 ^'^ See supra, p. 245, n. 55. 
 
 ^^ Sir James Mackintosh characterises this speech as ' one of the 
 most remarkable specimens of guarded sarcasm and of politely 
 insinuated menace' (History of England, 1853, ii. 297). 
 
 fi" Cabala, 1691, pp. 348, 349. 
 
 246 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ^ Lesley's History, p. 297. — The exact date of her departure 
 from St. Germain-en-laye is fixed by Throckmorton's letter {Cabala, 
 1G91, p. 849). 
 
 61 Cabala, p. 349. 
 
 62 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 229. 
 
 63 The passage bearing directly on this point in Throckmorton's 
 letter is thus summarised in the Foreign Calendar : — ' So he took 
 his leave of the Queen at 5 p.m. at Abbeville, on 8 Aug.^ where 
 she desired to tarry till the 10th. That day she rode five leagues to 
 her bed^ to an abbey between this town [Abbeville] and Montreuil, 
 called Forest Monstrier.' That that day referred to the 8th, not 
 the 10th_, seems to be implied in an earlier passage in the same 
 letter : — ^ She meant, she said, to go hence to-night. ' 
 
 6* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 243-245. 
 ^ Venetian Calendar, vii. 334. 
 
 66 Lesley distinctly states that the safe-conduct was granted, but 
 that Mary had landed in Scotland before St. Colms returned to 
 Calais with it {History, p. 298). Hayward says the same {Annals of 
 Elizabeth, Camden Society, p. 77). Writing from Edinburgh on 
 the 26tli of August, Randolph explains : — ' Nowe, we stande in 
 better termes then before, in speciall sens the Laird of St. Come's 
 arrivall with hir saulf-conducte four dayes after that she was 
 landed ' (Laing's Knox, vi. 128 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 
 278). 
 
 67 The day before she sailed from Calais, Alary wrote to Lady 
 Throckmorton saying that she had charged D'Esguilly, her maitre 
 d'hotel, to visit her and give her a present as a remembrance of her 
 afi"ection and as a token of the regard in which she held her 
 husband {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 248). On the evening of 
 the 3rd of September, D'Esguilly, with many courteous words on 
 Mary's behalf, delivered her letter to Lady Throckmorton, along 
 with two basins, two ewers, two salts, and a standing cup, all gilt, 
 weighing 398 ounces {Ibid. iv. 301). Father Stevenson says that 
 D'Esguilly ' had no speech with Throckmorton, who pleaded sick- 
 ness, although he himself had fixed the hour for the presentation ' 
 {Mary Stuart, 188G, p. 257). In making such a statement, it was 
 hardly fair to ignore the fact that when in the earlier part of the 
 day, Mary's representative sent to ask when it would be convenient, 
 he asked when he might come and speak, not with Tlirockmorton 
 but with his wife, and that in recording the incident Throckmorton 
 
 247 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 tells that lie was compelled to keep liis bed. In a footnote^ how- 
 ever^ Father Stevenson adds: — '^ Tlirockmorton's avarice tempted 
 him to accept the gift; his dread of the jealousy of his mistress 
 prevented a word of the most ordinary thanks. The English 
 Ambassador saved his dignity by taking to his bed. A pretty 
 picture_, and admirably illustrative of the two sides of the same 
 historical medal. ' It is difficult to see why Throckmorton should 
 have scrupled to accept a gift^ which according to custom he was 
 entitled to expect (see e.g. Wright's Elizabeth, i. 59) ; or why, on 
 that account, he should have dreaded his Sovereign's jealousy. 
 The story of the presentation is told by the Ambassador himself in 
 a letter to Elizabeth ; and it is from that letter that Father 
 Stevenson — though he does not say so — has drawn his facts in 
 order to pervert them ! Throckmorton also sent Elizabeth a copy 
 of Mary's letter to his wife ; and at the same time informed her, 
 that the Duke of Guise had told him that his niece had forgot at 
 her departure to use that courtesy towards him which is accustomed 
 to be done to the ministers of other princes (Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 312), In April 1564, Throckmorton had the further 
 satisfaction of informing Elizabeth that the King of France had 
 presented him with a gold chain, weighing 164 oz., and worth 
 above fourteen hundred French crowns (Ibid. vii. 121) ; and in 
 May 1565 that Mary had given him a chain of gold weighing fifty 
 ounces (Ibid. vii. 370). Had he been as avaricious as Stevenson 
 asserts, he would not have refused to do what the French Ambas- 
 sador did — to accept a present from the Confederate Lords when 
 Mary was a prisoner in Lochleven {Ibid. viii. 383 ; Stevenson's 
 Selections, pp. 294, 300). 
 
 •^ Brantome says she spent six days in Calais before sailing 
 (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 483) ; but in this he cannot 
 be quite accurate. She was certainly there on the 11th of August 
 (LabanofF's Recueil, i. 99, 102), though St. Colms' Instructions, 
 which prove this, are misdated the 2nd of August in the Foreign 
 Calendar. 
 
 ^^ Lesley's History, p. 297. 
 
 ^^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 263. — This servant saw two 
 galleys and two great ships leaving Calais. A month before, 
 Throckmorton understood that she was to have four galleys 
 and twelve ships, French and Scottish {Ibid. iv. 179). A day aftei 
 she had sailed, De Seurre. the French Ambassador in England, 
 
 248 
 
iv] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 informed Cecil that she was to go with two galleys {Ibid. iv. 249). 
 Lesley says two galleys and four great ships (History, p. 297). If 
 the Earl of Rutland was not misinformed, Mary must have had a 
 much greater convoy. Writing from York on the 17th of August, 
 he tells Cecil that, at four o'clock on the previous afternoon 
 (Saturday), eight galleys and sixteen great ships were seen near 
 Flamborough, that two of the galleys and two of the ships coming 
 near the coast strake sail, and the rest seemed about to do the 
 like. He adds : — ' It is thought they will draw to the shore, which 
 if they do and arrive, I have given such order as I nothing doubt 
 but ye shall hear good news of their stay ' {Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, iv. 259). After making inquiry, he writes next day that, 
 soon after 3 o'clock on Saturday, two great galleys were espied at 
 Flamborough, within a furlong of the pier ; which letting their 
 anchors fall, put forth of either galley a naked man to swim, and 
 then launched two boats to sound the depth. The larger galley 
 was all white ; the other, coloured red, was well trimmed and 
 appointed, having two flags — a blue one with the arms of France, 
 and a white one in her stern glistening like silver. At the same 
 instant there appeared, at a good distance from the galleys, thirty- 
 two sail of tall ships, and shortly after further off twenty sail, all 
 which for lack of wind tried the seas, making no haste away ; thus 
 they continued in sight till 8 o'clock, and from thence plied 
 along the coast northwards, the wind being somewhat against them 
 {Ibid. iv. 260, 261). From the letters of Randolph and Cecil {Ibid. 
 iv. 277 and n.), as from the statements of Knox {Works, ii. 267), 
 and two contemporary chroniclers {Diurnal, p. 66 ; Extracta, p. 251), 
 it may be inferred that Mary arrived in Leith Road with only tlie 
 two galleys. 
 
 71 Hayward, like Lesley, speaks as if the mist enveloped them 
 from the commencement of the voyage : — ^The Queene of Scotts, 
 having the advantage both of a greate callme and thicke mist, 
 adventured to sea in certayne French gallies ' {Annals of Elizabeth, 
 p. 77) ; but Brantome says that they only encountered the dense fog 
 on the morning of the day before they landed in Scotland, and his 
 account of Mary's pathetic farewell to France is inconsistent with 
 Lesley's and Hayward's statement (Jebb's Be Vita et Rebus Gestis 
 Mariae, ii. 483, 484). Tlie Articles, too, against Lady Lennox bear 
 that she thanked God that ' when the Queen's ships were almost 
 near taking of the Scottish Queen, there fell down a mist from 
 
 249 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 heaven that separated them and preserved her ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, v. 14), If^ as Brantome tells, some of the voyagers drew 
 from the fog an evil augury concerning the country to which they 
 were bound_, there were on the other hand some in that country 
 who saw in the same fog a token that the Queen was bringing with 
 her ' sorow, dolour^ darknes, and all impietie ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 
 269). While Mary's devout co-religionists may remember that in 
 earlier times it was believed that the corpse and family of the 
 saintly Queen Margaret, as they journeyed by land and sea from 
 Edinburgh Castle to Dunfermline Abbey, had been ' miraculously 
 sheltered ' from their foes by '^ a cloudy mist ' (Skene's Fordun, ii. 
 209), sober Presbyterians may not forget that the aged Peden was 
 more than once delivered from his persecutors by a timely mist 
 (Biographia Presbyteriana, i. GQ, 67, 70). 
 
 ^^ It is noteworthy that Lesley — while acknowledging that 
 Elizabeth granted the safe-conduct — represents her ships as wait- 
 ing to seize the passing prey. Castelnau de Mauvissiere, a fellow- 
 voyager, tells too that Mary both saw and had some apprehension 
 of the English fleet, which was at sea either to take her or to 
 hinder her passage — no easy task in his opinion, as the galleys 
 were swifter than the round vessels (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis 
 Mariae, ii. 455). A contemporary, not unduly partial to Mary, 
 says that Elizabeth ' fitted out a large fleet, under pretence of pur- 
 suing the pirates, which some supposed was intended to intercept 
 the Queen of Scots, if she endeavoured to pass in opposition to her 
 will ' (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 439). Possibly all these fears and 
 rumours owed their origin to Elizabeth's rash speech to D'Oysel 
 {supra, p. 241, n. 49). Throckmorton thought that instead of 
 threatening to prevent Mary's return, it would have been better to 
 grant the passport ; but counselled Cecil that, as the threat had 
 been uttered, there should be at least a rumour of some prepara- 
 tion, that the world might see that they spoke in earnest and did 
 not brag. In a postscript to this letter of 26th July, Throck- 
 morton says that, if they meant to catch the Queen of Scots, their 
 ships must search and see all, for she intends rather to steal away 
 than to pass with force {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 206). Two 
 days before Mary left Calais, Cecil wrote to Sussex : — ' The Scottish 
 Quene was the 10th of this month at Bulloygn, and meaneth to 
 take shypping at Callise. Nether those in Scotland nor we here 
 doo lyke her going home. The Queue's Majestic hath three ships 
 
 250 
 
IV] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 in the north seas to preserve the fyshers from pyratts. I thynk 
 they will be sorry to see her pass' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 69). 
 Such a letter implies that no great naval preparations had been 
 made to intercept the Queen of Scots ; but it is certain that arrange- 
 ments were made to stay her if she entered any North-of-England 
 T^ort {Historical MSS. Commission, Twelfth Report, app. iv. pp. 73-77). 
 On the very day that Mary was seen off Flamborough, Elizabeth 
 wrote her from Ilenyngham in Essex stating, that, although she 
 was dissatisfied with the excuses St. Colms had made in her name, 
 she was content to suspend her conceit of all unkindness ; and 
 emphatically contradicting the rumour that she was attempting to 
 stay her : — 'Where it seemeth that report hath been made unto 
 you that we had sent our Admiral to the seas with our navy to 
 impeach your passage, both your servants do well understand how 
 false that is, knowing for a truth that we have not any more than 
 two or three small barks upon the seas to apprehend certain pirates ; 
 being thereto intreated, and almost compelled by the earnest com- 
 plaint of the Spanish Ambassador made of certain Scotchmen 
 haunting our seas as pirates, under pretence of letters of marque ' 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 251). Although Bishop Quadra 
 had urgently complained about pirates^ he evidently believed that 
 the cruisers were sent out against Mary^ and that the suppression of 
 piracy was a mere pretext {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 209-212 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 68). Writing from Edinburgh to 
 Throckmorton a week after Mary's arrival, Randolph says : — ' She 
 nether mette nor sawe shippe upon the sea, for all the bruit [i.e. 
 rumour] that was of her staye that shulde have byne ' (Laiug's Knox, 
 vi. 128). Writing to the same Ambassador on the same day^ Cecil 
 says: — 'The Queen's Majesty's ships^ that were upon the seas to 
 cleanse them from pirates, saw her \i.e. Mary], and saluted her 
 galleys ; and staying her ships examined them of pirates and dis- 
 missed them gently. One Scottish ship they detain, as vehemently 
 suspected of piracy' (Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 176). Hosack, 
 not over-fastidious in verifying quotations, has been content to cite 
 part of this letter of Cecil's from Parker Lawson's notes to Keith ; 
 and has in consequence stopped short without giving the sentence 
 concerning the detention of the Scottish ship suspected of piracy. 
 Then, turning upon Cecil, he charges him with being 'silent as 
 to the significant fact that one of the trans])orts belonging to the 
 Queen of Scots, and conveying the Earl of Eglinton and his attend- 
 
 251 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ants, was actually taken and detained by tlie English squadron' 
 {Mary and her Accusers, i. 68, G9). Both Buchanan and Hayward 
 refer to the seizure and speedy release of the vessel with Eglinton 
 (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 439 ; Annals of Elizabeth, p. 78). Lesley 
 says : — ^ In the mein season, the Inglis shippis tuik sum Scottis 
 schippis, quhairin was certane lordis of hir cumpany, sic as the 
 Erie of Eglintoun and utheris, and was stayit in Ingland sume 
 space, albeit thairefter shortlie releved, and suffred to returne in 
 Scotland, the moir easely that the Quenes hienes was alreddye 
 eschapped thair handis ' {History, p. 298). Chalmers alleges that 
 two Dutch vessels — which were carrying Mary's horses and mules 
 — we-re seized by the English fleet that had been sent out to inter- 
 cept her ; that these Dutch transports were released, but the 
 horses and mules were detained a month before being allowed to 
 proceed by land to Edinburgh {Life of Mary, 1818, ii. 420). Having 
 been assured that her royal stud which was landed at Tynemouth 
 was stayed by the English warden simply because it lacked a pass- 
 port, the Queen of Scots was satisfied (Keith's History, ii. 89, 97). 
 
 '''^ Lesley's History, p. 297. 
 
 ''^ Robertson's Inventories, p. cxvii, n. ; Hill Burton's Scotland, 
 1876, iv. 262 n. ; Scot Abroad, 1881, p. 115 n. ; Schiern's Bothwell, 
 1880, p. 411. 
 
 75 Hunter Blair's Bellesheim, 1889, iii. 22 n. 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 1 Though the date of Mary's arrival, the 19th of August, is quite 
 certain (see the authorities in note 3), yet Lesley {History, p. 
 297);, Spottiswoode {History, ii. 6), and Calderwood {History, ii. 
 142) give the 20th of August ; Buchanan (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 
 440) and Pitscottie {History, 1728, p. 213) give the 21st ; and Sir 
 James Balfour {Historical Works, i. 326) retains her at Calais until 
 the 18th of September. Birrel {Diary, p. 4) gives the true date, 
 accompanied by the strange statement that she ' wes stollen out of 
 France by certaine lordis.' Lamartine {Mary Stuart, 1864, p. 19) 
 is right too in the date, but unaccountably adds, that it was ^ the 
 very day on which she completed her nineteenth year,' although 
 
 252 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 he had previously said {Ihid. p. 2) that she was born in December. 
 Mauvissiere (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 455) prolongs 
 her voyage to the eighth day ; Causin {Holy Court, 1673^ p. 812 ; 
 Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 5o) makes her arrive 
 ^suddenly in her kingdom^ as if she had flown through the air.' 
 According to Chalmers {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 48), '^she remained 
 on board her galley till the evening ' ; according to David Laing 
 (Knox's Works, ii. 267 n.) she 'landed on the following day.' 
 Such are a few of the discrepancies concerning one of the simplest 
 and best attested events in Mary's life. 
 
 2 According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (p. QQ), Mary landed at 
 Leith at ten in the forenoon, ^ and remanit in Andro Lambis hous be 
 the space of ane hour ' ; but according to the Register of Privy Seal 
 (see following note), she landed at nine ; and in the Roslin additions 
 to the Extracta ex Cronicis Scocie, Abbotsford Club (p. 251), it is 
 stated that she ^dynit in Andro Lambis howse in Letht.' Knox 
 says that she remained in Leith ' till towardis the evenyng ' — 
 Holyrood Palace not being thoroughly in order, as her coming was 
 ' more suddane than many looked for ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 2C1)). 
 On the 28th of June 1559, the Queen Dowager had asked a safe- 
 conduct for Andrew Lambe of Leith to pass through England and 
 thence beyond the sea for a year {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 
 338). When j\Iary surrendered at Carberry, it was the ensign of 
 ' Capitane Andrew Lammie ' — having Darnley's ' creuell murther ' 
 painted on it — which was ^layed doune befor her' (Birrel's Diary, 
 p. 10). 
 
 ^ 'Post adventum S.D.N. Regine a partibus Gallie que pervenit ad 
 villam de Leith decimo nono die mensis Augusti anno Domini millesimo 
 quingentesimo sexagesimo primo hora nona ante meridiem * {Register of 
 Privy Seal, xxx. 42). See also Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 277, 
 282 ; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 71, 72 ; Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 
 176 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. QQ ; Extracta ex Cronicis Scocie, p. 
 251 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 267. 
 
 * Even on the 26th of July, some in France thought she would 
 not go to Scotland {Cabala, 1691, p. 349) ; Brantome declares that 
 she herself dreaded the voyage as much as death, and would far 
 rather have remained a simple dowager in France than go to reign 
 in Scotland (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 482) ; and 
 Randolph, writing from Edinburgh to Cecil ten days before her 
 arrival, says, ^the preparence is very small whensoever that she 
 
 253 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 arrive, scarcely any man can be persuaded that she has any such 
 thought in her head ' (Robertson's Scotland, app. no. 5). During 
 the first week of August;, the Privy Council warned the nobles, 
 magistrates, and others to be in Edinburgh by the last day of the 
 month, professedly to await upon her coming and attend upon 
 her commands, in reality to answer Elizabeth's letter {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 239 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 269 n. 4 ; Keith's 
 History, iii. 216) ; but on the evening of the 14th, Captain 
 Anstruther reached Edinburgh with letters from Mary, and 
 intimated that she would arrive before the 26th (Tytler's History 
 of Scotland, 1845, v. 493, 494). 
 
 ^ 'Happie was he and sche,' says Knox, ^that first myght have 
 the presence of the Queue. The Protestantis war not the slowest, 
 and thairintill thai war not to be blamed ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 269). 
 Lesley states that she was convoyed to Holyrood by the Earl of 
 Argyll, Lord Erskine, the Lord James, by ' sindrie nobill men and 
 the toun of Edinburgh ' ; and that shortly afterwards Chatel- 
 herault, Huntly, Atholl, Marischal, Crawford, and many other 
 nobles — ^ being rejosed of hir Majesteis returning' — came to her 
 with all possible diligence (Lesley's History, pp. 297^ 298). Herries 
 also testifies to the ^ great signs of joy ' with which she was received 
 by the nobility, and to the ^reverence to her persone' inspired in 
 the people by ^ her bewtie, youth, and statlie carriage' — inter- 
 jecting the caveats, however, that the joy of the nobles was mostly 
 counterfeit, and that the affection of the people, '^lyke a cock upon 
 the top of a steeple,' was not long fixed {Historical Memoirs, p. 56). 
 Buchanan, too, thought that the nobles were drawn by mixed 
 motives — partly to see the show, partly to congratulate their 
 Sovereign on her return, some to relate their services during her 
 absence and claim her favour or avert the calumnies of their 
 enemies, and not a few to judge of their future prospects (Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 440). Mauvissiere tells that ' at the outset, such a 
 good opinion of her was given to her subjects, that Scotland 
 esteemed herself happy to have the presence of her Queen ' (Jebb's 
 De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 455) ; but Causin narrows the 
 enthusiasm of her reception by saying tliat ' she was received by all 
 good Catholics with rejoicings and wondrous plaudits ' (/6ic^. ii. 55; 
 Holy Court, 1678, p. 812). 
 
 ^ Laing's Knox, ii. 270. 
 
 "^ A rebec was a stringed instrument played with a bow (Nares's 
 254 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Glossary, 1888, ii. 726, 727) ; but Mr. Skelton is unable to dis- 
 tinguish between rebecs and bagpipes {Maitland of Lethington, i. 
 62 w.). 
 
 ^ Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 485. — This incident 
 furnishes Father Forbes-Leith with an opportunity of displaying 
 his hyperbolic tendency : — ' To close her eyes, during the first 
 three nights of her abode in her own palace, was impossible, in 
 consequence of the diligent zeal with which the unwearied 
 psalmodists continued their nocturnal chorus' {Narratives Oj 
 Scottish Catholics, p. 59). 
 
 ^ Documents relative to the Reception at Edinburgh of the Kings and 
 Queens of Scotland, 1822, pp. 1-8. — 'The banquet, triumphe and 
 propyne to the Quenis Grace ' cost about four thousand merks. 
 The deacons of the crafts differed from the magistrates as to how 
 this sum was to be raised. Knox has erroneously placed her 
 public entry into Edinburgh in the beginning of October (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 287) ; but it was undoubtedly on Tuesday the 2nd of 
 September, exactly a fortnight after her arrival {Diurnal of 
 Occurrents, p. 67 ; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 73). 
 
 ^^ The six-year old '^ bony barne ' — or ^ pretty boy,* as Kjiox 
 describes him — repeated four stanzas each of eight lines which 
 thus began : — 
 
 ' "Welcome, our Souveraine, welcome our natyve Quene, 
 
 Welcome to us yoiir subjects greate and smalle, 
 Welcome, I saye, even from the verie splene, 
 To Edinburghe, your syttie principall ' 
 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 287, 288 ; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 
 174). 'The verses of hir awin praise,' says Knox, 'sche heard, 
 and smyled. But when the Bible was presented, and the praise 
 thairof declared, sche began to frown : for schame sche could not 
 refuise it. But she did no better, for immediatelie sche gave it to 
 the most pestilent Papist within the realme, to wit, to Arthoure 
 Erskyn ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 288). If, as Lord Herries alleges, the 
 Psalm Book was in ' Scots vers,' it may have been Wedderburn's 
 version ; but his statement that the Bible was in the ' Scots 
 languadge ' is altogether incredible {Historical Memoirs, p. 56). 
 
 1^ Concerning this detail the chronicler, who on all other points 
 of the triumph is most copious, simply says : — ' Our Soverane 
 Ladie come to the Salt Trone, quhair thair wes sum spekaris ; and 
 
 255 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 efter ane litell speitclie, thai brunt upoun the skaffet maid at the 
 said Trone, the maner of ane sacrifice ' {Diurnal, p. 68). According 
 to Lord Herries : — ' Upon the top of this pageant there was a 
 speech made tending to abolishing of the mass^ and in token that 
 it was ah-eddie banished the kingdome, there was the shape of a 
 priest in his ornaments reddie to say mass^ made of wode^ which 
 was brought forth in sight of all and presentlie throwen in a fyre 
 made upon the scaiFold and burnt' {Historical Memoirs, p. 57). 
 Had this really been done^ Knox perhaps would not have said of 
 this day's proceedings : — *^In ferses^ in masking^ and in other pro- 
 digalities, faine wold fooles have counterfooted France' (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 287, 288). Writing to Cecil, on the following Sabbath, 
 Randolph says, that ' thei were mynded to have had a priest burned 
 at the altar, at the elevation,' but ' the Erie of Huntly stayed that 
 pagient.' He tells, however, that ''for the terrible sygnifications 
 of the vengeance of God upon idolatrie, ther wer burnt Coron, 
 Nathan {sic), and Abiron, in the tyme of their sacrifice ' (^Fright's 
 Elizabeth, i. 74). It was probably a compromise that substituted 
 for the mass-priest in canonicals the sons of Izhar and Eliab, for, 
 as Joseph Robertson points out, the Reformers could regard their 
 destruction '^ as an example of God's vengeance upon idolatry, the 
 Roman Catholics as an example of God's vengeance upon those who 
 took the priesthood upon themselves without authority' {Inventories 
 of Mary's Jewels, p. Ixxiii). 
 
 12 She had left Holyrood in the forenoon, riding by '^the lang 
 gait' on the north side of Edinburgh, and through ^ane yet' 
 which had been made for her at the foot of the ' Castle Bank,' and 
 so reached the Castle in time for dinner {Diurnal, p. 67). Joseph 
 Robertson identifies ' the lang gait ' as '\he terrace on which Princes 
 Street now stands ' {Marys Inventories, p. Ixxii). 
 
 1^ This account of Mary's entry into Edinburgh is mainly drawn 
 from the Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 67-69. Mr. Skelton alleges 
 that Lethington was '^at Westminster on a mission to Elizabeth; 
 and the civic authorities appear to have taken advantage of his 
 absence to introduce some humorous interludes of which the 
 Secretary of State might possibly have disapproved' {Maitland 
 of Lethington, ii. 83). Lethington, however, was not then at 
 Westminster. His letters of credit are dated at Holyrood on 
 the 1st of September (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 103), and from his 
 own report it may be inferred that he did not leave until the 
 
 256 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 2nd (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 445), the day of her public 
 entry. 
 
 ^^ This mass is said to have been celebrated ^in hir Hienes 
 chappell within hir palace of Halyrudhous ' (Diurnal of Occwrents, 
 p. 6Q). In Mary's time there were at least two chapels at Holy- 
 rood — one the chapel or church of the Abbey, and the other a 
 private chapel in the Palace itself. These two are clearly dis- 
 tinguished, not only in the Diurnal (pp. 66, 79, 80, 88), but in the 
 Ki7'k Sessio7i Records of the Canongate (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, 
 i. 462*, 489"*), and still more clearly by Knox and Randolph 
 (Laing's Knox, i. 391 ; Ellis's Original Letters, first series, ii. 198, 
 199). As David Laing has pointed out, Mary had her mass, 
 not in the church of the Abbey — which was used as the parish 
 church of the Canongate — but in the chapel-royal attached to the 
 Palace {Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, i. 102). 
 It was not until the reign of her great-grandson that the church 
 of the Abbey became the chapel-royal {Ihid. i. 114 ; Liher Cartarum 
 Sancte Crucis, Bann. Club, p. Ixxvii). In Mary's time there was 
 also an apartment in Holyrood known as ^the auld chappell' 
 {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 87). She married Bothwell in this 
 * auld chappell ' {Ihid. p. Ill), or, as Sir James Melville calls it, 
 '^the gret hall for the consaill uses to sit' {infra, p. 455, n. 81). 
 She married Darnley in her chapel-royal {infra, p. 847, n. 113) ; 
 cud Bothwell married Lady Jean Gordon in the church of the 
 Abbey {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 88 ; Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 
 461^ 402*). 
 
 1^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. QQ ; Laing's Knox, ii. 270, 271 ; Aik- 
 man's Buchanan, ii. 441 ; Spottiswoode's History, ii. 8 ; Herries's 
 Historical Memoirs, p. 57; Foreign Calendar, Eli:::aheth, iv. 278. — 
 See also Nau's History of Mary Stewart, 1883, pp. 307, 326, 327. 
 Father Hunter Blair, who is by no means a slavish translator, has 
 enlivened Bellesheim's (iii. 24) account of this episode. Some of 
 her 'Majesteis maist humble and obedient subjectis* afterwards 
 informed her that they had prayed to God ' with sobbes and teires ' 
 that He would so mollify her heart that she ' wald heire the doc- 
 tryne' publicly taught, and examine all matters by the written 
 Word, whereby she might be inclined to remove from her self and 
 her realm that religion which she found to have ^ na ground nor 
 fundation ' in the Scriptures {Register of Privy Council, xiv. 179). 
 
 ^^ In his Introduction to the first volume of the Register of the 
 R 257 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Privy Council of Scotland, pp. xxxvi-xl_, Hill Burton has conclusively 
 shown that this Proclamation is genuine. He is in error, however, 
 in saying that it is not to be found in Keith's History, as it occurs 
 in both editions— 1734, pp. 50-4, 505 ; 1844, iii. 40, 41 {cf. iii. 508, 
 509). Keith borrowed the Proclamation and Arran's Protest from 
 Knox's History. In Laing's Knox it occurs in vol. ii. pp. 272, 
 278 ; in the Register of Privy Council, in vol. i. pp. 266, 267. 
 
 ^"^ Laing's Knox, ii. 21^-216. 
 
 ^^ Register of Privy Council of Scotland, i. 856, 513. — Bishop Les- 
 ley's opinion of this Proclamation was very different from Mary's. 
 ' From this law,' he says, ^as from a spring, has flowed all the evils 
 in our Scotland, whether of heresy, or of enmities, or of sedition ' 
 {De Rebus Gestis Scot or urn, 1675, p. 586). 
 
 1^ Laing's Knox, ii. 275, 276. — JNIary of Guise is reported to 
 have been more afraid of ' Knox's prayers than of an army of ten 
 thousand men ' (Walker's Vindication of the Church of Scotland, 
 1774, p. 405). In some editions of David Buchanan's Knox {e.g. 
 1790, p. 339), the same fear is attributed to her daughter. 
 
 20 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 179. 
 
 21 Laing's Knox, ii. 277-286. 
 
 22 It had been suggested to Charles the Fifth, and to Philip of 
 Spain, by their counsellors, that it was fitting to take the knife out 
 of the hands of the raging father who wishes to kill his son — al 
 padre f arioso in their case being Pope Paul the Fourth {Venetian 
 Calendar, vi. 686, 687, 1062). 
 
 23 Laing's Knox, ii. 286. — To Cecil a few weeks afterwards he 
 wrote : — ' Her hole proceadinges do declayr, that the Cardinalles 
 lessons ar so deaplie prented in her hart that the substaunce and 
 the qualitie ar liek to perrishe together. I wold be glaid to be de- 
 ceaved, but I fear I shall not ; in communication with her I espyed 
 such craft as 1 have not found in such aige ; since hath the Court 
 bein dead to me and I to it' {Hatfield Calendar, i. 262; Laing's 
 Knox, vi. 132). On the 24th of October, Randolph writes : — * Mr. 
 Knox cannot be otherwise perswaded but many men are deceived 
 in this woman ; he feareth yet that posteriora erunt pejora primis ; 
 his severity keepeth us in marvellous order. I commend better the 
 success of his doings and preachings than the manner thereof, tho* 
 I acknowledge his doctrine to be sound : his prayer is daily for her 
 — '^ That God will turn her obstinate heart, ... or if the holy will 
 be otherwise, to strengthen the hearts and hands of His chosen 
 
 358 
 
vj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 and elect stoutly to withstand the rage of all tyrants/' etc.^ in 
 words terrible enough ' (Keith's History, ii. 101^ 102). Knox has 
 himself recorded the form of prayer which he afterwards used for 
 the Queen (Laing's Knox, ii. 428). On the 16th of December 
 1562^ Randolph reports that Knox has no hope that she will ever 
 come to God or do good in the commonwealth. ' He is so full of 
 mistrust in all her doings_, words_, and sayings, as though he were 
 either of God's privy council that knew how He had determined of 
 her from the beginning, or that he knew the secrets of her heart 
 so well that neither she did or could have for ever one good 
 thought of God or of his true religion ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 V. 560). 
 
 2* For example, a Romanist, as rabid as ill-informed, thus de- 
 scribes Knox's behaviour at his first interview with Mary : — ' Knox 
 replied in such a rude and violent manner as to cause the Queen 
 to shed tears. Nothing could surpass the insolence of his invec- 
 tives and gesticulations — indeed, generally his conduct was more 
 that of a malicious madman, than of a reasonable being ' ( Wilmot's 
 Story of the Scottish Reformation, p. 46). One, who could see how 
 few modern readers could do justice to the Reformer in this, has 
 said : — ' Here more than elsewhere Knox proves himself — here 
 more than anywhere bound to do it — the Hebrew Prophet in com- 
 plete perfection ; refuses to soften any expression or to call any- 
 thing by its milder name, or in short for one moment to forget 
 that the Eternal God and His Word are great, and that all else is 
 little, or is nothing ; nay, if it set itself against the Most High and 
 His Word, is the one frightful thing that this world exhibits. He 
 is never in the least ill-tempered with Her Majesty, but she cannot 
 move him from that fixed centre of all his thoughts and actions ' 
 (Carlyle's Portraits of Knox). 
 
 ^^ In David Laing's opinion, * However plain-spoken Knox might 
 be in their conferences, there never was any of that rude insolence 
 on his part which it is so customary to allege ' (Knox's Works, vi. 
 p. xlvi). ^Considering the actual relations of the two parties,' 
 says Dr. Hume Brown, 'it is absurd to speak of Knox as a coarse 
 man of the people bullying a defenceless queen. The truth is, 
 that if there was any attempt at browbeating it was on Mary's 
 part, and not on that of Knox ' {John Knox : a Biography, 1895, ii. 
 195, 196). One gifted authoress, after giving an interesting sum- 
 mary of their first discussion, says : — ' Throughout the interview 
 
 259 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Knox had been severely plain-spoken, but he had not been churlish ' 
 (Mrs. Maccunn's John Knox, 1895, p. 120). Another, who has 
 been long and widely known, says of Mary : — ' She held wonderful 
 conversations now and then with Knox, which T do not, for my 
 part, think at all so dreadful as many people have thought. I feel 
 sure that Mary was much amused by him at first, and that he had 
 to stand very firm, to " sit tight/' as horsemen say, in order not to 
 be dazzled by her delightful ways ' (Mrs. Oliphant's Child's History 
 of Scotland, 1895, p. 139. See also her Royal Edinburgh, 1890, pp. 
 29G, 297, 807). 
 
 26 w^i-ig-ht's Elizabeth, i. 72. — In his transcript of Randolph's 
 letter, Keith (ii. 80) reads ' six hundred trumpets.' 
 
 ^'^ Laing's Knox, ii. 277. 
 
 28 Haynes's State Papers, 1740, p. 372 ; Laing's Knox, vi. 131. — 
 The Protestant Lords were much more tardy in acknowledging 
 their defection (Calderwood's History, ii. 571). 
 
 2^ Laing's Knox, ii. 277. 
 
 20 From Randolph's letter of the 7th of September, it is certain 
 that Knox's interview with Mary was either on Tuesday, the 26th 
 of August, or Tuesday, the 2nd of September (Wright's Elizabeth, 
 i. 72, 73). On the latter of these Tuesdays she had left Holyrood 
 in the forenoon, dined in the Castle at noon, and then made her 
 triumphal entry into the capital (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 67) ; 
 but at the close of her interview with Knox she ' was called upon 
 to dennar for it was after-noon' (Laing's Knox, ii. 286). The 
 Mong conference,' therefore, must have been on the 26th of 
 August. 
 
 21 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 297. 
 
 32 Yamg'^Knox, ii. 273. — Mr. Skelton thinks that this Proclama- 
 tion '^was probably drawn by Maitland,' and he credits him with 
 winning over Murray to his policy, of which this Proclamation 
 was the official declaration {Maitland of Lethington, ii. 17, 23). 
 '^The significance,' of this Proclamation, he says, ^has not been 
 sufficiently appreciated, and its language deserves careful study' 
 {Ibid. ii. 23, 24). Yet Mr. Skelton has carefully refrained from 
 referring to the penalties attached to it. Was this because he had 
 said that Lethington ^certainly did not draw' the Act of 1560 
 concerning the mass {Ibid. i. 265) — an Act whose penalties were 
 'preposterous' {Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 46)? Were the penalties 
 threatened in this Proclamation less severe or less preposterous ? 
 
 260 
 
vj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 By the Act of 1560, it was only the third offence which was punish- 
 able by death. But the first breach of the Proclamation was to be 
 so punished ; and that penalty was to be inflicted not only on those 
 who attempted privately or openly to innovate on the state or form 
 of the religion standing at Mary's arrival, but on any one who 
 troubled any of her French domestics in word or deed for any 
 cause ! Yet apparently in Mr. Skelton's opinion this Proclamation 
 is a notable example of wisdom and moderation ! 
 
 23 According to the Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 69), she left Edin- 
 burgh on the 11th of September ; according to Randolph {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 296, 297), on the 10th. One of her letters 
 to Charles the Ninth bears to have been written at Edinburgh on 
 the 11th (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 109). 
 
 2* Keith's History, ii. 85. — Randolph adds: — ^Such as speak 
 much of prophesies say that this is now fulfilled that of old hath 
 been spoken, that a Queen should be burnt at Stirling,' Knox 
 remarks that '^fyre followed hir verray commounlie in that jorney' 
 (Laing's Knox, ii. 287). 
 
 35 Keith's History, ii. 85, 86. 
 
 3^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 69 ; Keith's History, ii. 86. 
 
 37 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 69 ; Council Register of Aberdeen, 
 Spalding Club, i. 339 ; Maxwell's History of Old Dundee, 1884, 
 p. 187. — Even so late as 1732 an English traveller found that 
 ^ Dundee . . . altogether neglects the being tolerably clean ; for 
 needs must I say that many places in this kingdom are nasty 
 enough, but this exceedeth them all ' (Loveday's Diary of a Tour, 
 Roxburghe Club, p. 135). 
 
 38 Keith's History, ii. 86. 
 3^^ Laing's Knox, ii. 287. 
 4» Ibid. vi. 130. 
 
 *i Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 69. 
 
 ^2 Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, Burgh Records Society, 
 1557-1571, p. 125. — On the 20th of September 1560, the municipal 
 rulers of Edinburgh had ordained that the Act of Parliament — 
 barely a month old — ''anent the abolitioun of the messe' should be 
 openly published that no one might pretend ignorance thereof 
 {Ibid. pp. 82, 83). The unreformed clergy took occasion from this 
 to spread the rumour that, although willing to hear the Protestant 
 preachers, they durst not resort to Edinburgh. License was there- 
 fore freely granted to them, ' without impediment or ony kynde of 
 
 261 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES t^HAP. 
 
 injurie, to resorte to the saidis sermonis, and thair place appointit, 
 and all utheris forbidden to occupy the same.' As it was found, 
 after three months' trial, that not only was there ^na signe nor 
 apperance' of amendment, but on the contrary that they were 
 trying Ho hald the sempill pepill in blindnes and errour/ the 
 rigorous Proclamation was adopted on the 24th of March ' in our 
 Soverane Ladeis name, and in name and behalf of the Lordis of 
 Secreit Counsale,' as well as of the Provost and Bailies {Ihid. pp. 
 101, 102). When, on the 2nd of October, it was resolved to pub- 
 lish this Proclamation anew the time for removal was reduced from 
 forty-eight to twenty-four hours. In the beginning of November 
 it was expected that the magistrates would be restored, ' and the 
 selfe same confirmed that theie were put out of their office for ' 
 (\yright's Elizabeth, i. 83). 
 
 43 Laing's Knox, ii. 290. 
 
 ^ Wright's Elisabeth, i. 77.— This letter is wrongly dated 12th 
 September. As Father Stevenson has pointed out, September is a 
 clerical error for October {Selections, Maitland Club, p. 97). In 
 his Foreign Calendar, however {Elizabeth, iv. 295 w.), it appears 
 under the date of 12th September, without any hint of the clerical 
 slip. 
 
 ^ Wright's Elizabeth, i. 83. — It was apparently this first high- 
 mass which provoked some to raise the question. Whether the 
 Queen, being an idolatress, should be obeyed in civil matters : a 
 proposition so startling to Randolph that he exclaimed : — ' I thynke 
 mervilously of the wysdome of God that gave thys unrulye, uncon- 
 stant, and combersome people no more substance then thei have, 
 for then wolde theie runne wilde' {Ibid. i. 82). 
 
 4'5 Laing's Knox, ii. 291, 292, 423-461.— At the meeting in 1561 
 it was agreed to ask the opinion of the Church of Geneva. Knox 
 offered to obtain this ; but Lethington — '^alledging that thair stood 
 mekle in the informatioun ' — said that he would write. His offer, 
 it was suspected, was only to gain time, for though Knox on more 
 than one occasion asked him to fulfil his promise, he never did so ; 
 and, in 1564, excused himself by saying that, as the Queen's 
 secretary, he could not presume to seek the solution of a contro- 
 versy between her and her subjects without her consent. At the 
 close of the second discussion, Knox refused to write to Calvin 
 and the learned men in other churches to obtain their judgment, 
 on the plea that not only was he fully resolved in his own con- 
 
 262 
 
V] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 science, but that lie had already heard the opinions of ^ the moist 
 godlie and moi^;t leirnit that be knawin in Europe.' He suggested, 
 however, that his opponents should write complaining of his public 
 teaching, and so discover the opinions of the Reformers. ' Diverse 
 said the offer wes gude ; hot no man wes founde that wald be the 
 secretour.' It is now known that Knox — though he does not say 
 so in his History — did write to Calvin on this very point. His letter 
 of the 24th of October 1561 is printed in Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, 
 ii. 12-14; in his Relations Politiques, ii. 172, 173; and in Laing's 
 Knox, vi. 133-135. One of the most impartial of Scottish historical 
 students has said : — ' It is not easy to reconcile this letter with 
 what Knox tells us in his History. He not only conceals that he 
 had written to Calvin, but he afhrms that Secretary Maitland pre- 
 vented him from writing' {Inventories of Mary s Jewels, p. Ixxix n.). 
 Here, however, Joseph Robertson has failed to attain his wonted 
 accuracy. Knox does not say that Lethington prevented him from 
 writing, but only that he prevented the others from appointing 
 him to write. At the second discussion the Clerk Register alleged 
 that, at the first, ' it wes concludit, that Mr. Knox sould in all our 
 names haif writtin to Mr. Calvin for his jugement in the contra- 
 versie.' ^Nay,' was Knox's reply, 'my Lord Secretour wald nocht 
 consent that I sould wrytte, alleging, that the grittest weycht of 
 the ansuer stude in the narrative, and thairfoir he wald wryte, 
 and I sould sey it ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 292, 459). Knox's account 
 seems to imply that the first discussion was held after the 1st of 
 November 1561, whereas his letter to Calvin was written eight 
 days before that date. 
 
 *^ The magistrates of Edinburgh did not confine the expression 
 of their antipathy to the Papacy to proclamations against the 
 mass. Before Mary had been a year in Scotland, they ordered 
 Hhe idole Sanct Geyll to be cuttit furth of the townys standert 
 and the thrissil put in place thairof ' {Burgh Records of Edinburgh, 
 1557-1571, p. 137). 
 
 ^^ Several of the old clergy were charged, in 15G8, with 'minis- 
 trand and abusand on thair pretendit maner, irreverentlie and 
 indecentlie, the Sacramentis of Haly Kirk, namelie, the Sacra- 
 mentis of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ' (Pitcairn's 
 Criminal Trials, i. 428*). The indictment against the Primate was 
 in similar terms {Ibid. i. 429 *). 
 
 *^ Laing's Gude and Godlie Ballates, p. 184. 
 
 263 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 50 Laing's Knoa;, ii. 142, 143. 
 «i Ibid. vi. 182, 135. 
 
 52 Ibid. ii. 272 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 571. 
 
 53 The Lord James hoped that the faithful subjection and good 
 obedience of the Protestants would incline Mary to allow the 
 doctrine of the Gospel and heartily to embrace the same {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 353). Lethington professed to see in her a 
 good towardness, and to think that Elizabeth would be able to do 
 much with her in religion if once they were familiar {Ibid. iv. 879). 
 Both Randolph and Maitland believed that she would not give up 
 the mass until she had spoken with Elizabeth ^ that it might seem 
 rather that she doth it on such reasons and perswasions as the 
 Queen's Majestie will use unto her, than to be forced thereunto by 
 her people' (Keith's History, ii. 117, 118). The Scotch Papists, 
 too, believed that the proposed meeting of the Queens boded them 
 no good ; and stormed because they feared ' the mass and all ' 
 would be overthrown {Ibid. ii. 129). It was even reported that the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine had advised his niece to embrace the religion 
 of England—a rumour not particularly gratifying to the Scotch 
 preachers, as they deemed the English Reformation far from 
 perfect {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 512, 523). Mr. Skelton's 
 statement, however, is too sweeping, when he asserts that Mait- 
 land ^ expresses the utmost confidence that were the Queens to meet 
 a religious accord might be brought about,' and that ^the wary 
 Randolph ' was ' quite as sanguine of a successful issue ' {Maitland 
 of Lethington, ii. 27). Mr. Skelton is still further from the mark 
 when he says : — ' " The Queen," Throckmorton wrote soon after her 
 arrival, '' quietly tolerates the Reformed Religion, who is thought 
 to be no more devout towards Rome than for the contentation of her 
 uncles." This was the common impression, and it appears to have 
 been well grounded ' {Ibid. ii. 80). Now, the letter here quoted 
 by Mr. Skelton — notwithstanding his previous assertion {Impeach- 
 ment of Mary Stuart, 1876, p. 146) and this reiteration — was not 
 written, as he alleges, by Throckmorton, but by Cecil ; and it was 
 written not ^soon after,' but almost ten months ' after her arrival.' 
 It was addressed to Challoner, the English Ambassador at the 
 Spanish Court {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 82), after Throck- 
 morton, in his dread of the Spanish marriage, had desired Cecil so 
 to work ' that it may appear that the Queen of Scots will become a 
 Protestant ' {Ibid. iv. 565). In the circumstances it may well be 
 
 264 
 
vj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 doubted whether it reflects Cecil's real opinion ; but there can be 
 no doubt that it does not convey ' the common impression ' of the 
 time. Only nine days later, Randolph writes that he himself, the 
 Lord James (then Earl of Mar) and many others lamented with 
 their hearts that there was so little appearance of her being easily 
 induced to alter her mind in religion {Ihid. v. 102). When she 
 thought that she was dying in October 15G6, she said : — ' O moist 
 mercifull Creator I confess that I have not usit thy giftis to the 
 advancement of thy gloiry and honour and guid exemple of lyif to 
 thi peple that hes been committit onder my charge ass I aucht to 
 have don, bot I rather hes bien transportit be the fragilitie of my 
 nature. ... I have off dyvers tymis offendit thi devyne guidnes, 
 bot yit have I na wayis declynit fra thy faith, bot still continuit 
 and constantlie perseverit in the Catholique faith, in the quhilk I 
 was instructit, brocht up and nurisit ' (Small's Queen Mary at Jed- 
 burgh, 1881, p. 25). 
 
 5* See p. 258, n. 23. 
 
 55 Froude's History of England, 1887, vi. 510, 511. 
 
 ^ See Mr. Skelton's Maitland of Lethington, i. 804-307. — There 
 one of Mary's most brilliant but most inconsistent apologists dis- 
 plays his usual inaccuracy and lack of judgment. In evidence of 
 Mary's tolerant intentions, her famous statement to Throckmorton, 
 two months before her return, is quoted of course. — ' Wq\\\,' 
 quoth she, '^I will be plaine Mdth you. The religione which I 
 professe, I take to be most acceptable to God ; and indeed nather 
 doe I know, or desire to know anie other. Constancie becometh 
 all folks Weill, but none better than Princes and such as have rule 
 over realmes, and speciallie in maters of religione. . . . For my 
 part, you may perceive that I am none of these that will change 
 my religione every year ; and as I told you in the beginning, I 
 mean to constraine none of my subjects, but would wish that they 
 were all as I am, and I trust they sould have no support to con- 
 straine me ' (Keith's History, ii. 34 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 151, 152). There is doubtless a noble ring in Mary's words : — 
 ''I mean to constraine none of my subjects' — but even on the 
 supposition that they expressed her intention at the time, there is 
 too much reason to suspect that it was only the intention of un- 
 avoidable necessity, not the spontaneous aspiration of the heart. 
 She owned to Throckmorton that she feared her subjects would 
 take in hand to give a law to her in matters of religion, hence her 
 
 265 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 anxiety that Elizabeth should not aid them in this^ hence^ too, 
 perhaps, her readiness to promise toleration — a boon which she 
 was too weak to withhold. Neither Lesley's proposal nor Huntly's 
 power WHS put aside merely for the love of peace. There were 
 other motives as powerful if less magnanimous (supra, p. 234, n. 29). 
 Mr. Skelton, however, does not confine himself to Throckmorton's 
 letter for quotations on this point. He gives one garbled extract 
 from Knox, another from the Register of the Privy Council, and 
 perverts a third from one of Cecil's letters. The last is worth 
 looking at as an example of Mr. Skelton's ingenuity in manipu- 
 lating State papers. Having given an extract in his text from 
 Cecil's letter to Sussex concerning Mary's return, he appends the 
 footnote : — '^ Cecil to Sussex, 21st Aug. 1561. He adds, referring 
 to Elizabeth, " I saw small disposition here to be at any new 
 charge, for that there appeared so hard fruit of the former.'" 
 Any one would infer from this that Elizabeth's reluctance to incur 
 more expense was connected with Scotland ; and this conclusion 
 would be the more readily arrived at, as, in his text, Mr. Skelton 
 had previously expressed the opinion that ' Elizabeth would hardly 
 have cared to interpose at the moment [of JNIary's return] — the 
 French being now fairly out of the country, and her previous 
 venture having been attended, as she thought, with such indifi^erent 
 success.' Yet the extract from Cecil's letter has no reference 
 whatever to Scotland, but to the troubles in Ireland, where Sussex 
 was deputy. Mr. Skelton, as is his wont, gives no suggestion 
 as to where the letter may be found ; but it is printed in AFright's 
 Elizabeth, i. 70, 71. 
 
 ^"^ ' Knox was the foremost of the Reformers ; yet Mary had 
 found that Knox was narrow-minded, superstitious, and fiercely 
 intolerant — so narrow-minded, intolerant, and superstitious that he 
 had no difficulty in believing that the orderly course of nature 
 was interrupted because the Queen dined on wild fowl and danced 
 till midniglit. If this was Protestantism, she would have none of 
 it. Nor can we blame her much' {Maitland of Lethington, ii. 49). 
 It is rather amusing to find the narrow-mindedness, the supersti- 
 tion, and the fierce intolerance of Knox singled out as the beacons 
 which kept Mary off from Protestantism. In many respects were 
 not her beloved uncles and her other French connections narrower- 
 minded, more superstitious, and more fiercely intolerant than 
 Knox? What had they ever done for the education of the body 
 
 266 
 
vj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 of their people ? Did they not believe in signs, in prognostications, 
 in witchcraft ? Did they not approve of wholesale slaughters and 
 cruel tortures which Knox would have abhorred and denounced ? 
 Was Mary herself so very liberal-minded, so free from superstition, 
 so gently tolerant, that she could afford to point the finger at the 
 Reformer of Scotland? Of two things he was indeed fiercely 
 intolerant — of the mass and of vice. It is needless to say that all 
 her French friends gloried in the first of these, and more than one 
 revelled in the other. Knox's objection to the mass was twofold. 
 He held that it was, in the first place, unscriptural and idolatrous 
 in itself; and, in the second place, an incentive to vice. Mr. 
 Skelton has specially indicated wherein Knox's great faults were 
 most conspicuous and unreasonable — he was ' so narrow-minded, 
 intolerant, and superstitious that he had no difficulty in believing 
 that the orderly course of nature was interrupted because the 
 Queen dined on wild fowl and danced till midnight.' But this 
 is not Knox's presentation of the case — it is only Mr. Skelton's 
 caricature — and not even in any sense a clever caricature. Knox 
 objected to no one — neither prince nor beggar — dining on fowls 
 either wild or tame ; but it is true that, although he did not dis- 
 approve entirely of dancing, he did object to the indulgence of that 
 pastime on unseemly occasions and at untimely hours. From the 
 extracts, however, which Mr. Skelton has given (ii. 48, 49) in his 
 usual mangled fashion from Knox's History, it is plain enough — 
 from Knox's own pages it is still plainer — that in his opinion the 
 frost and famine were sent for sins more serious than dining on 
 wild fowl and dancing at midnight. In dealing with the Reforma- 
 tion, Mr. Skelton does not by any means confine his misrepresenta- 
 tions to Knox. Of the Confession of Faith — the Confession of 1560, 
 commended by Archdeacon Hardwick, extolled by Edward Irving 
 — he says, *^It hung together with logical tenacity,' and as ^the 
 conclusion' at which its compilers arrived, he quotes the words : — 
 ' And therefore we utterly abhor the blasphemy of them that affirm 
 that men who live according to equity and justice shall be saved' 
 (Maitland of Lethington, ii. 20). A startling proposition as thus 
 given, but Mr. Skelton has stopped short without finishing the 
 sentence — ^what religion soever they have professed.' 
 
 ^8 Anderson's Collections, i. 4 ; Venetian Calendar j vii. 653. 
 
 ^^ While in France she had with the Dauphin set forth to Paul 
 the Fourth her mother's difficulties in Scotland, and entreated his 
 
 267 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Holiness to take the requisite steps for establishing order^ restoring 
 the Roman Cliurch^ and suppressing false doctrine in a kingdom 
 distracted by religious dissension {Historical MSS. Commission, 
 Ninth Report, app. part ii. p. 416). In May 1560^ Francis and she, 
 as King and Queen of Scots, made by an Ambassador their allegi- 
 ance to Pius the Fourth, who, by his Ambassador, on the 17th of 
 the following August, presented with the usual ceremony the 
 Golden Rose to the young Queen of France, whom he regarded as 
 ' Sk most fair rose among thorns [of heresy], diffusing far and wide 
 the most fragrant odour of faith and good works ' (Robertson's 
 Statuta, vol. i. pp. clxiv, clxv, and notes ; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, iii. 252). Before she had been five months in Scotland, she 
 wrote to the Pope that she would rather die than abandon her 
 religion {Spanisli Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 222). When hard pressed 
 she owned her inability to defend the doctrine of the mass ; but 
 alleged that she knew what she ought to believe {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 152 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 285 ; Keith's History, ii. 96). 
 On the 24th of July 1562 — eleven months after her return — Mary 
 had a secret interview with Nicolas de Gouda, a Papal Legate. 
 His report has been edited by Father Forbes-Leith, who confounds 
 his visit with that of Morette, the Ambassador from Savoy, in the 
 previous December. In giving ' the substance of her reply ' to his 
 message and to the Pope's brief, De Gouda says : — ' She hoped the 
 Supreme Pontiff would have regard to her ready will rather than 
 to anything she had actually done since her return, and much 
 wished that his Holiness could have seen the condition in which 
 she found her kingdom. She herself, and the other adherents of 
 the orthodox religion, had been obliged to do many things which 
 they did not like, in order to preserve the last traces of the 
 Catholic faith and worship in the country. . . . For herself, she 
 would rather forfeit her life than abandon her faith ' {Narratives of 
 Scottish Catholics, 1885, pp. 66, 67). That De Gouda did not mis- 
 represent her is proved by her own letter to Pius the Fourth, 
 written from Edinburgh on the last day of the following January : 
 — ^ It being ever our intention, since our return to this kingdom, 
 to employ, as we have done, our studies, thoughts, labour, and 
 manners, such as it has pleased God to give us, in bringing back 
 to the truth our poor subjects, whom we have with the greatest 
 displeasure found to have wandered from the good path, and to be 
 plunged in the new opinions and damnable errors which are now 
 
 268 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 prevalent in many places of Christendom.' She also expressed the 
 hope that all her subjects would yet *^ worthily acknowledge the 
 holy Roman Catholic Church, in the obedience of which we desire 
 to live your most devoted daughter. To which end we shall spare 
 no effort in our power, even life itself if need be ' (Turnbull's Mary 8 
 Letters, 1845, pp. 142, 143 ; Labanoff's Recueil, i. 177, 178). Six 
 weeks later she wrote to the Council of Trent lamenting her in- 
 ability to send representatives to that Synod, and commissioning 
 her uncle, the Cardinal of Lorraine, to explain her helplessness. 
 ^The Queen's letter, the Cardinal's speech, were received with 
 every mark of respect ; and the Synod, by the mouth of its pro- 
 locutor, declared its conviction that the name of Mary of Scotland 
 would be had in everlasting remembrance as the name of a sovereign 
 prepared to suffer the loss of all, even of life itself, for the faith ' 
 {Ibid. i. 179, 180 ; Robertson's Statuta, i. pp. clxvi, clxvii). Per- 
 haps the Duke of Parma's standard — ' implicit belief cannot be 
 given to all that is said by a great prince ' ( Venetian Calendar, vii. 
 63) — should be applied to Mary's oral statements and letters ; but 
 if the Pope and the Council of Trent held, like Mr. Skelton {Mary 
 Stuart, 1893, p. 33), that one of her distinguishing characteristics 
 was a ^fine natural sincerity and directness,' they could hardly 
 fail to understand from her words that she had gone back to Scot- 
 land ^ with a purpose fixed as the stars ' to undo — if not ' to trample 
 down ' — the Reformation as best she could. Yet in spite of Mary's 
 own words, and her '^fine natural sincerity and directness,' Mr. 
 Skelton calmly affirms that ' there is no proof whatever that she 
 was devoted to Rome ' {Impeachment of Mary Stuart, 1876, p. 145). 
 
 ^^ Laing's Knooc, ii. 264. — '^ None within the realme durst more 
 avow the hearing or saying of messe then the theavis of Lyddes- 
 daill durst avow thair stowth in presence of ane upryght judge ' 
 {Ibid. ii. 265). 
 
 ^^ De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, 1675, p. 537. — As one of the hard- 
 ships to which Scotch Papists were subjected, Lesley mentions, ^ ut 
 pro baptismo salutis aquam nescio quam typicam . . . sufficiant ' 
 {Ibid. pp. 536, 537), which Father Dalrymple — mistaking typicam 
 for tepidam — renders, 'for the baptisme of thair salvatioune to 
 receive water I wat not how lue warme ' (Dalrymple's Lesley, 
 ii. 462). 
 
 C2 Keith's History, ii. 118 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 292, 293 ; Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 449. 
 
 269 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^3 The first of this series of riots occurred in the previous Novem- 
 ber, when a flesher — who for adultery had been sentenced to be 
 carted through the town and afterwards banished — was forcibly 
 released from ward, the cart broken, and the officers threatened. 
 ' Certaue young fallowis, craftismennis servandis,' were the leaders 
 of this riot ; but the deacons and masters of crafts, while disclaim- 
 ing and condemning the outrage, urged the release of the four 
 ofi'enders who were imprisoned in the Castle (Laing's Knox, ii. 155, 
 156 ; Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 89-95). 
 The second riot occurred on Sabbath, the 11th of May, when, in 
 defiance of the Act of Parliament passed by Mary of Guise and the 
 Estates in 1555 {Acts of Parliament, ii. 500), in defiance of the 
 special proclamation of the Edinburgh Town Council {Records oj 
 the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 107, 108), ' the raschall 
 multitude war stirred up to mak a Robene Hude ' ; and the third 
 and most serious riot occurred on Monday, the 21st of July (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 157-160, 269, 270 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. Q6, 66, 
 283-285 ; Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 107, 
 108, 112, 113, 116-119; Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 409^ 410*). 
 The first riot seems to have been on the 23rd of November. The 
 third was caused by the attempt to inflict punishment for the 
 second. It has been asserted that the cordiner, who Mas rescued 
 from the gallows, had been condemned merely for taking part in 
 the prohibited play of Robin Hood (Chambers's Domestic Annals, 
 1874, i. 9 ; Mrs. Oliphant's Royal Edinburgh, 1890, pp. 292, 294), 
 whereas he had taken the chief part in a robbery. It is quite evident 
 that the play of Robin Hood had become rather realistic ; and rob- 
 bery, until recent times, was in Scotland punishable by death. 
 
 64 Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, p. 114. 
 
 6^ After the three noble lords succeeded in breaking open Cuth- 
 bert Ramsay's ' yettis and durris,' they searched his house for his 
 daughter-in-law, Alison Craik, '^as appeared to oppresse hyr.' 
 According to Knox, this ^was done in dispyte of the Earle of 
 Arran, whose hoore the said Alison was suspected to have been.' 
 According to Randolph, she was 'a. good handsome wench, a mer- 
 chant's daughter,' with whom Arran was ^ known to have had 
 company.' D'Elboeuf, he says, hearing of this woman desired to 
 see her ; and, accompanied with Bothwell, and Lord John, ' in a 
 mask,' was admitted into the house the first night ; but refused the 
 second — hence the outrage. Mary's sharp condemnation did not 
 
 270 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 deter Bothwell and the Lord John from threatening- to repeat the 
 oiFence next night in spite of any friend to that house. This being 
 interpreted as a defiance of the Hamiltons^ the Duke's servants 
 congregated in the market-place with jack and spear. Bothwell 
 gathered his friends about him. Both parties increased. The 
 townsmen were assembled by the common-bell. D'Elboeuf seized 
 a halberd^ and was so eager for the fray that ten men were ' skarse 
 able to hald him'; but he was within the gates of Holyrood^ '^and 
 the danger was betwix the Croce and the Salt Trone. ' There was 
 every appearance of a fierce contest when Huntly, Argyll^ and the 
 Lord James, hastening from the Court, ordered all to depart on 
 pain of death. M\^ithin half an hour after/ says an eye-witness, 
 ' there was never a man seen, so that of so likely a matter of evil, 
 I never saw less hurt ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 315-321 ; Keith's History, 
 ii. 129, 130 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 70 ; Booke of the Universall 
 Kirk, i. 11, 12). 
 
 <56 Keith's History, ii. 115-117, 125; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 410, 473 ; Laiug's Knox, ii. 293, 294 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 
 450, 451 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 158 ; Spottiswoode's History, 
 ii. 15, 16. — David Laing points out that, in two of the ms. copies 
 of Knox's History, the passage concerning this episode has been 
 ^amplified in the style of David Buchanan's interpolations.' The 
 extra matter has been drawn from George Buchanan's History. 
 By a clerical or typical slip, Hill Burton (iv. 83) says that the 
 sudden alarm of the Court occurred on a ' summer night,' whereas 
 it was on the 16th of November. Trusting entirely to the passage 
 in Randolph's letter of 7th December — bearing that, by appoint- 
 ment, ^ every lord that lodgeth within the Court should watch his 
 night about with jack and spear' — Keith says : — '^This is far from 
 levying men to serve as a continual Body Guard, according as our 
 writers would fain make the world believe.' The native historians, 
 however, were not so very far amiss. A small body-guard was 
 organised, of which James Stewart was captain {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 431, 473 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72). The number 
 of Mary's archer-guard was not completed until the 1st of April 1562 
 (Maitland Miscellany, i. 27-36). Buchanan alleges that the alarm was 
 simply a contrivance to excuse the establishment of a body-guard. 
 From one of Randolph's letters, it appears that there was a design 
 very soon after her arrival to have such a guard, with James 
 Stewart as captain (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 74). 
 
 271 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^7 Laing's Knox, ii. 322-330 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 454-456 ; 
 Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 71, 72 ; Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, iv. 
 575, 576, 583-586, 592-594, 628-631.— After revealing the alleged 
 plot by letters from his father's house at Kinneil, Arran escaped 
 by a window, descending ' about thirty fathoms ' by cords made of 
 his sheets and blankets, and walked alone, in his doublet and hose, 
 to the Laird of Grange's house in Fife, desiring to be taken to the 
 Queen. When brought to the Court ' he became stark mad,' 
 entering into '^so many vain purposes of devils, of witches, of 
 murder, and the like' that all men judged him to be beside him- 
 self. He named the Lord James's mother as one of the witches 
 who had deluded him. It was said that he had twice before been 
 out of his wits, that he took this weakness from his mother, who, 
 with both her sisters, was for ' most part of the year distempered 
 with an unquiet humour.' The tears trickling down the cheeks of 
 his father, as if he had been a beaten child, drew the pity of the 
 Queen and of many others ; but as advised he agreed to give up 
 to her the Castle of Dumbarton. 
 
 68 Keith's History, ii. 119, 120. 
 
 *^ Randolph says that De Foix, the French Ambassador, '^came 
 not unto the dirige or mass upon Friday and Saturday last, to the 
 great mis-liking of the Queen. Moret was there at both. . . . She 
 could not perswade nor get one lord of her own to wear the deule 
 for that day, nor so much as the Earl Bothwell ' (Keith's History, 
 ii. 122). ' On Saturday last she solemnly celebrated the exequies 
 of her husband, at which M. Moret assisted ; of the nobles of Scot- 
 land none wore the dueil. The Earl of Huntly came the morrow 
 after the feast' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 435). 
 
 '0 Keith's History, ii. 123, 125. 
 
 ■^1 Keith's History, ii. 121 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 435. 
 — Perhaps the mixture of mirth and woe was partly due to the 
 close proximity of the anniversaries of her own birth and her hus- 
 band's death. 
 
 72 Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, p. 107. 
 
 73 On the 29th of December 1563, the treasurer of Edinburgh 
 was ordered to buy ' thre tun of the best wyne can be gottin in 
 Leyth, togidder with xx Ii. [i.e. £20] worth of torches to be pro- 
 pynit to the Quenis Grace ' {Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 
 1557-1571, p. 175). On the 2nd of January 1564-5, the treasurer 
 was ordered ' to pas to Leyth and serche and seik quhair best 
 
 272 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 wyiiis may be gottin^ and by thre tunnys thairof to be geviii to the 
 Queuys Majestic, quhatevir the samyn cost' {Ibid. p. 193). And 
 on the 4th of December 1565, the treasurer was ordered to buy 
 '^for the King and Quenis Majestie, agane Yule_, thre tun of the 
 best new wynis with torches and prikettis [i.e. wax-tapers] efter 
 the auld ordour' {Ibid. p. 210). Her mother had been the re- 
 cipient of a similar yearly gift {Ibid. pp. 26_, 60). 
 
 ''* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 680. 
 
 ^^ Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, p. 124; Buchanan's Detection, 
 in Anderson's Collections, ii. 7 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 465 ; Forbes- 
 Leith's Narratives of Scottish Catholics, p. 92 ; Laing's Knox. ii. 
 391 ; Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 463* ; Robertson's Inventories, 
 pp. Ixix, Ixx; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 195, 260. 
 
 76 Supra, p. 152. 
 
 77 On the 24th of October 1561, Randolph writes : — ^I was sent 
 for into the Council Chamber, where she herself ordinarily sitteth 
 the most part of the time, sowing some work or other' (Keith's 
 History, ii. 96). Mary did not do all her own embroidery. On 
 the 24th of March 1565-6, ' oure Soveranis dailie servitoure Pier 
 Veray, thair brodster,' received for all the days of his life ^the 
 office of the clerkschip of thair Majesteis coquet and custumes of 
 Edinburglit,' which office pertained to Patrick Bellenden — brother 
 of the Justice-Clerk — then a fugitive for the slaughter of Riccio 
 {Register oj' Privy Seal, xxxiv. 60). 
 
 78 On the SOth of January 1561-2, Randolph informs Cecil that 
 ^there is with the Queen one called Mr. George Buchanan, a Scottish 
 man very well learned, who was schoolmaster to M. De Brisac's 
 son, very godly and honest, whom I have always judged fitter [to 
 be the resident Scots Ambassador at the English Court] than any 
 other that I know ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 513) ; and on 
 the 7th of the following April he further says : — ' She readeth 
 daily after her dinner, instructed by a learned man, Mr. George 
 Buchanan, somewhat of Livy ' {Ibid. iv. 584). She did not, how- 
 ever, confine her reading to Latin. Sir James Melville told 
 Elizabeth that ^sche red upon gud bukis the histories of dyvers 
 contrees' (Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, p. 124). The names 
 and nature of her books may be learned from Thomson's Inventories, 
 1815, pp. 242-248 ; Maitland Miscellany, i. 3-12 ; Robertson's Inven- 
 tories, pp. cii-cxviii, cxliii-cxlvii, 179-183; and Sharman's ii^rar^/ of 
 Mary Queen of Scots, published in 1889. Mary's love of learning was 
 
 s 273 
 
kOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 not altogether selfish. On the 21st of July lo6-l^ she granted for 
 life a yearly pension of £100 Scots to ^Maister James Quh}i:e/ who 
 had ' bestowit the yeiris of his aige bigane to the studie of gude 
 letteres/ and was ^myndit to wair the rest of his liffe thairto.' 
 His pension was designed ' to help his gude purpois in that behalf, 
 to gif occasioun to utheris to gif laubouris to follow kuawlege of 
 liberall professioun^ and to reporte just reward thairfore of hir 
 Grace's liberalitie' {Register of Privy Seal, xxxii. 87). 
 
 "^^ For the testimony of Conaeus to Mary's musical attainments, 
 see supra, p. 202, n. 20. Sir James Melville affirmed that she 
 ^somtymes wald play upon lut and virginelis ' ; and that she played 
 *raisonably [weillj for a Quen/ but not so well as Elizabeth (Mel- 
 ville's Memoirs, pp. 124, 125). In her Inventories stands the 
 entry: — '^Thre buikis of Musik,' In the passage quoted in the 
 next note, Knox speaks somewhat disrespectfully of her fiddlers ; 
 and as is well known he did not esteem Riccio. Nevertheless, 
 Mary's musicians did not always pander to her desires. They 
 refused — both Scotch and French — '^to play and sing at her mass 
 and evensong on Christmas-day,' 1562 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 V. 605). 
 
 ^" In presence of her Council, says Knox, Mary kept her- 
 self very grave, '^but how soon that ever hir Frenche fillockis, 
 fydlaris, and others of that band, gatt the howse allone, thair 
 mycht be sean skipping not verry cumlie for honest wemen.' In 
 private she commonly said that ' sche saw nothing in Scotland but 
 gravitie, which repugned alltogetther to hir nature, for sche was 
 brocht up in joyusitie ; so termed sche hir dansing, and other 
 thingis thairto belonging' (Laing's Knox, ii. 294). The Queen's 
 ^ dansing of the Purpose ' was specially distasteful to Knox, being, 
 in his opinion, ' more lyke to the bordell than to the comelynes of 
 honest wemen' {Ibid. ii. 368). 'Dancing was in those days,' says 
 Mrs. Oliphant, ' the most decorous of performances : but if Mary 
 had been proved to have danced a stately pas seal in a minuet, it 
 was to Knox, who knew no better, as if she had indulged in the 
 wildest bobbing of a country fair — nay, he would probably have 
 thought the high-skipping rural performer by far the more innocent 
 of the two' {Royal Edinburgh, 1890, pp. 298, 299). Sir James 
 Melville expressly testifies that Mary 'dancit not sa hich and 
 disposedly* as Elizabeth {Memoirs, p. 125); and Conaeus, that she 
 danced 'gracefully and becomingly,' and that the motion of her 
 
 274 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 limbs was ' quiet and gentle ' {supra, p. 208). Hill Burton's opinion 
 of the dancing of that period is somewhat different from Mrs. 
 Oiiphant's : — ' It must be remembered that in that age the dance 
 had often a meaning beyond the mere graceful cadenced exercise. 
 The forms of the dance were often symbolical of interesting situa- 
 tions ; and of how far these were delicate or decorous, we may 
 judge by the books, such as those of Brantome and Margaret of 
 Navarre, which were the favourite literature of the dancers ' {History 
 of Scotland, iv. 57, 58). In Petrus de Witte's Catechizing upon the 
 Heidelberg Catechism, dancing is forbidden as a breach of the seventh 
 commandment, and the statement made : — ^ One asked. What is a 
 round dance? and himself answered, a circle whose center is the devil, 
 and the circumference his angels.' But this pastime was not con- 
 demned of old merely by rigid Reformers and stern Protestants. 
 The last Primate of the pre-Reformation Church of Scotland cannot 
 be justly accused of straitlaced morality or other Protestant fail- 
 ings, yet he too includes dancing among the breaches of the third 
 commandment of the second table (Hamilton's Catechism, 1884, 
 p. 91). Never was Knox so displeased with Mary's dancing as in 
 December 1562, when it was shown to him that she ^ had daunced 
 excessivelie till after mydnycht, becaus that sche had receaved 
 letteris that persecutioun was begun agane in France, and that hir 
 uncles war begyning to steir thair taill, and to truble the hoill 
 realme of France.' It was the sermon which he preached on this 
 occasion that led to his second interview with the irate Queen. 
 She received him in her bed-room. Besides her ladies, her ser- 
 vants, and some of her guard, the Lord James, Morton, and 
 Lethington were present. Knox repeated to her what he had said 
 in his sermon, that he did not utterly condemn dancing provided 
 (1) the principal vocation of those using that exercise was not 
 neglected, and (2) that they danced not as the Philistines did for 
 the pleasure they took in the displeasure of God's people. If 
 guilty in either respect, they should, he said, ^ receave the reward 
 of dansaris, and that will be drynk in hell, onless thai spedilie 
 repent ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 830-385). The phrase ' drynk in hell ' 
 probably refers to an old custom indicated in a musical ms. : — 
 'The tune is to be played even through once over every time: so 
 the first couple has time to take their drink' (Dauney's Ancient 
 Scottish Melodies, Bann. Club, p. 260). Mr. Skelton does not eluci- 
 date the phrase by making it ^ drunk in hell ' {Maitland of Lethington, 
 
 275 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ii. 39). Ere Mary had been imprisoned more than a month in Loch- 
 leven it was reported that she had resumed her dancing {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 287). 
 
 ^^ On the 30th of November \6G6, Mary's treasurer, by her 
 special command^ handed £50 to ^ ane of the virlottis of hir Grace 
 chalmer to gif hir Majestie to play at the cartis ' (Robertson's 
 Inventories, p. Ixxi, n. 2). On the 25th of the following December 
 Randolph says tliat Darnley ' never ga^'e greater token of his re- 
 ligion than that this last night he was at matins^ and mass in the 
 morning before day, and heard high mass devoutly upon his knees; 
 though she herself [i.e. Mary] the most part of the night sat up at 
 cards, and went to bed when it was almost day ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 5-41). In justification of his conduct on the evening 
 of Riccio's murder, Darnley accused Mary of usually sitting with the 
 Italian at cards until one or two o'clock in the morning (Ruthven's 
 Relation, 1699^ p. 30). Her cards helped also to beguile the weary 
 hours in Lochleven {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 287). 
 
 ^2 In the Lent of 1565^ Mary and Darnley — then unmarried — 
 plajed ^ biles ' against Mary Beaton and Randolph. The latter 
 won. Darnley paid the loss, and gave a ring and a brooch with 
 two agates worth fifty crowns {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 329). 
 
 83 On the evening of Sabbath^ the 22nd October 1564, Mary 
 ' danced long, and in a mask ; and playing at dice lost Lennox a 
 jewel of crystal set in gold' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 230). 
 
 8* Thomson's Inventories, 1815, pp. 238, 240, 241. 
 
 85 Thomson's Inventories, pp. 238, 240 ; Robertson's Inventories, 
 p. 139. 
 
 8^ In his careful and elaborate account of Mary's masques, 
 Joseph Robertson has also referred to a number of her banquets 
 {Inventories, pp. Ixxii-lxxxix). That Mary enjoyed the banquets 
 is shown by such incidents as the following. On the 1st of March 
 1564-5, iMurray entertained Lennox and Darnley, most of the 
 nobles and the ladies of the Court to dinner. ' The Queen sent word 
 that she wished herself in the company, and was sorry that she was 
 not bid to the banquet. It was answered that she might come un- 
 desired. Others said they were merriest when the table was 
 fullest, but princes did ever use to dine alone. She sent word 
 again that she summoned them all against Sunday to be at a banquet 
 at the marriage of her Englishman [i.e. Lord Semple's son, who 
 
 276 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 was to marry Mary Livingstone]. After dinner they all came to 
 her' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 308^ 309). It was for a 
 banquet that she took pledges from the men in the streets of Stir- 
 ling {Infra, p. 278, n. 89). The motives prompting the banquets 
 were sometimes misunderstood. After recovering from her illness 
 in the winter of 1.jG3-4, '^she determined to pass her time in mirth 
 and such pastimes as were most agreeable for that time approach- 
 ing unto Shrovetide.' She accordingly sent for most of her nobles, 
 and on Sabbath, the 18th of February, made them such a banquet 
 that no Scotsman could remember anything like it, save at the 
 marriage of a prince ; and those of the next two days were little 
 inferior {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 48). Nothing was left 
 undone '^that might either fill their bellies, feed their eyes, or 
 content their minds ' ; yet ' it passes almost the wit of man to 
 think' what devilish devices were suspected. Some feared that 
 while they piped and danced, their enemies would land and cut 
 their throats ; others were afraid of what might lurk among the 
 dishes. The rumour that many ships were coming from France 
 confirmed them in the opinion '^ that no good was intended to the 
 Protestants, nor amity to be kept with England.' The unjust 
 suspicions were perhaps raised by the remembrance that her 
 mother had given banquets at the same season of the year, ' a little 
 before she went about to suppress God's Word ' {Ibid. vii. 6^). 
 
 ^'^ In his letter to Dudley, on the 15th of January 15G3-4, 
 Randolph gives a glowing account of the celebration of the Twelfth 
 Day at the Scotch Court, when Mary Fleming was Queen of the 
 Bean. ' My pen staggereth,' he says, ^ my hand faileth, farther to 
 wryt. ... I never found myselfe so happy, nor never so well 
 treated ' {Maitland Miscellany, ii. 390-392). He also refers to 
 ' this solemnity ' in his letter to Cecil {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 13). 
 
 ^^ ^ Such styncken pryde of wemen as was sein at that Parlia- 
 ment' — the Parliament of 1563, at which Huntly's corpse was 
 condemned — ^ was never sein befoir in Scotland. Thre syndrie 
 dayis the Queue raid to the Tolbuyth. The first day sche maid a 
 paynted orisoun ; and thair mycht have bene hard among hir 
 flatteraris, ^'Vojc Diance! The voce of a goddess (for it could not 
 be Dei) and not of a woman ! God save that sweat face ! Was 
 thair ever oratour spack so properlie and so sweitlie ! " All thingis 
 mislyking the Preachearis, thei spack boldlie against the tarejatting 
 
 277 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap- 
 
 of thair taillies, and agjiinst the rest of thair vanitie,, which thei 
 affirmed should provock Goddis vengeance^ not onlie against those 
 foolishe women^ but against the hoill realme ; and especiallie 
 against those that manteaned thame in that odiouse abusing of 
 thingis that mycht have bene better bestowed' (Laing's KnoXf 
 ii. 381). See Additional Note, infra, p. 490. 
 
 ^^ In Stirling_, on Easter Monday 1565, ^ she [i.e. Mary] and divers 
 of her women apparelled themselves like burgesses* wives_, went 
 upon their feet up and down the town, and of every man they met 
 they took some pledge for money towards the banquet ; and in the 
 lodging where the writer [i.e. Randolph] was accustomed to lodge 
 was the dinner prepared, at which she was herself, with the wonder 
 and gazing of men, women, and children' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 348). In Edinburgh, barely three weeks before 
 their marriage, ^ she and my Lord Darlye walked up and downe 
 the tovvne disguysed untyll supper time'; and, indulging in a 
 similar performance next day, made ' men's tonges to chatter faste ' 
 (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 119, 120). A month before Riccio's 
 murder, the Queen, her Maries, and ladies ' wer all cled in men's 
 apperrell ' at the masque in honour of Rambouillet, who had 
 brought the Order of the Cockle for Darnley {Diurnal of Occurrents, 
 p. 87). 
 
 ^" For an account of these jewels, dresses and furniture, see 
 Joseph Robertson's Inventories, pp. ix-xxii, 3-48. — The Golden 
 Rose which Robertson was there (p. xvii) inclined to identify as 
 the one presented by Pope Alexander the Sixth to King James 
 the Fourth was in reality — as mentioned in his subsequent work 
 {Statuta, vol. i. pp. clxv, clxvi) — the one which Mary herself had 
 received from Pius the Fourth. According to Buchanan, when 
 Mary was arranging in France for her return to Scotland, her 
 uncle the Cardinal, ' not inattentive to private advantage, advised 
 the Queen to leave with him her royal furniture and costly ward- 
 robe, as she was about to pass as it were into another world, until 
 she ascertained the issue of her voyage. Mary, who well knew the 
 disposition of the man, understood the hint, and replied, when she 
 ventured upon danger she did not see why she should take greater 
 care of her wealth than of her person ' (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 439). 
 Calderwood, who follows Buchanan in this matter, tells, however, 
 that ^her tapistrie and other stuffe' — or as Keith (ii. 63) calls it, 
 '^the hangings and other furniture of her house' — did not arrive 
 
 278 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 until October (Calderwood's History, ii. 131_, 142). And more 
 than two years afterwards there was still *" some stuff of hers . . . 
 to be transported for her own use, which her ministers in France 
 have stayed a long time for fear of danger by sea ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth , vi. 594; Labanoff's Recueil, i. 187, 188, 192-194). 
 
 ^1 Holyrood was not without its gardens. On the 1st of August 
 1562, ^ Johnne Morisoun' was appointed ^gardinare and keipar of 
 oure Soverane Ladeis yairdis on the south syde of hir Palice of 
 Halirudhous , . . for all the dayis of his liffe, quhilk office the 
 said Johnne usit and bruikit of before/ his yearly salary being fifty 
 merks Scots and twenty six bolls of meal {Register of Privy Seal, 
 xxxi. 32). IVIary's father and grandfather had kept a French 
 gardener (Robertson's Inventories, p. Ixii n.). 
 
 92 Supra, p. 207, n. 28. 
 
 93 More than one of Mary's contemporaries refers to the ' corrupt 
 air' of Paris {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 173 ; viii. 413). Bad 
 as Edinburgh and Paris were, they could be eclipsed. England, 
 in Sir Philip Hoby's opinion, possessed '^a stinking city, the filthiest 
 of the world' {Hatfield Calendar, i. 139). 
 
 94 Laing's Dunbar, 1834, i. 97, 98. 
 
 9^ For regulations concerning the ^middens' and offensive 
 trades, see Burgh Records of Edinburgh, 15o7~1571, pp. 17, 18, 61, 
 86, 222. In the immediate neighbourhood of St. Giles there was 
 a passage bearing the suggestive name of ' the Stynkand Styll ' 
 {Ibid. p. 66), and the name, it appears, was only too applicable 
 (Laing's Dunbar, ii. 286). One of the entries to the church — the 
 entry known as the Lady Steps — could not be used because it was 
 so ^commonlie abusit with filth, and the samin sa odious' {Burgh 
 Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, p. 173); and the doors of the 
 church itself had to be kept locked — save at the hours of service — 
 to prevent the seats and benches being polluted by the ^ bairnyis 
 and utheris ungodlie pepill' {Ibid. p. 97). This open contempt 
 for the church and its precincts was unrestrained even in the pre- 
 sence of the Lords of Session {Ibid. p. 189). From the regulations 
 for cleansing the ^ scheildis ' and ^ closettis ' {Ibid. p. 222), it may 
 be safely inferred that they were the constant causes of intolerable 
 nuisances. With its lofty houses, innumerable gables, and fore- 
 stairs, the Edinburgh of those days must have been strikingly 
 picturesque ; but the densely packed population must have endured 
 many discomforts. 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^ ' She has still a great mis-liking to this town ' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 73). ^ The Quens Majestie remanes at 
 St. Johnston \i.e. Perth], as I heare, yit eight dayes, yea, and per- 
 chaunce longar/ writes Knox, on the 3rd of May 1564, 'as for 
 Edinburgh, it lykes the ladeis nothing' (Laing's Knox, vi. 541). 
 
 ^"^ Robertson's Inventories, pp. Ixvii-lxix, clx. — Robertson was 
 misled {Ihid. p. Ixvii, n. 6) by the abstract of Randolph's letter of 
 13th June 1563, printed in Keith's History (ii. 201). Mary neither 
 made, nor caused to be made, '^her Highland apparel for her 
 journey into Argile.' Hers, which was 'marvellously fair,' was 
 presented to her by James Macconel's wife. Randolph had ' framed 
 himself as near as he could in outer shape to have been like unto 
 the rest ' ; but was better pleased to return to England than to 
 go to Argyll 'in a saffron shirt or an Highland plaid' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 399). The saffron was ' for avoiding of 
 that evil which cometh by much sweating, and long wearing of 
 linen' {Lives and Letters of the Devereux, 1853, i. 23). 
 
 98 When puzzled by Mary's appointment of Robert Melville as 
 her Ambassador to England, Bedford could only explain it by 
 saying : — ' Scottes be and will be Scottes for their owne matters ' 
 (Stevenson's Selections, p. 158). 
 
 9^ When the Borderers on either side of the March were com- 
 pelled by the Wardens to restore the cattle they had stolen, they 
 frequently so maimed them that they were of little value to the poor 
 owner, who nevertheless by the custom of the March was bound 
 to receive them. Lord Grey alleged that the thieves of Teviotdale 
 used to steal horses and oxen from the English, in ploughing and 
 harrowing time, to labour their ground ; and, when their turn was 
 served, to restore the overlaboured animals by agreement, without 
 consent of the Warden {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 12). For 
 a still more unscrupulous practice, see Ibid. i. 47. 
 
 i"o Hill Burton's Scot Abroad, 1881, pp. 23-40. 
 
 101 The depredations of the Scotch pirates were not confined to 
 their own seas. In 1558, Thomas Nicholson of Aberdeen and John 
 Hog of Leith seized two English ships — valued at £2800 sterling — 
 in the haven of Westmoney in Iceland, and carried them off, with 
 their cargoes, boats, and anchors {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 
 177, 180, 183). The English agent in Antwerp, in announcing, in 
 x\pril 1559, that he had purchased munition and armour, recom- 
 mended that Elizabeth should send three or four of her best ships 
 
 280 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 of war Avhich were abroad, to act as a convoy, as three Scots ships 
 of war were yet in Zealand (Ibid. i. 201). Among the reasons 
 alleg-ed by D'Assonville on Philip's behalf, why he should not 
 make war between Scotland and his Low Countries, were : — (1) 
 The notorious poverty of the Scots placed the balance of the 
 chances of war in their favour, whereas success would be unpro- 
 ductive to the Low Countries. In proof of this, he instanced the 
 war undertaken by the Emperor at the instigation of Henry viii., 
 during the progress of which, the Scotch, though frequently de- 
 feated, gained upon the whole infinitely more than they lost. (2) 
 The geographical position would enable the small Scotch vessels to 
 intercept without difficulty the ships which trade from the northern 
 seas to the Low Countries, and the trade of the Netherlands would 
 speedily be ruined. (3) The herring fishing off the coast of Scot- 
 land — so important for the greater part of Friesland, Holland, 
 Zealand, and Flanders- — would be annihilated ; or, if carried on, 
 would require the protection of an armed fleet (7^ic?. i. 215). In 
 April 1561, the Portuguese complained that their ships were seized 
 by the Scots, and taken into English ports (Ibid. iv. 54, 55). That 
 very month the Lion of Leith, though leaking badly, seized two 
 Portuguese ships in the English Channel (Ibid. iv. 145). The 
 crew did not, perhaps, consider themselves pirates, as they had 
 letters of marque. At least one of their number — Edmund Blaca- 
 ter — may be identified as one of the ^ famous robberis and pyrates ' 
 with whom, Buchanan says, Mary sailed from Newhaven to Alloa 
 shortly after the birth of her son (Anderson's Collections, ii. 6). 
 When, in the summer of 15G5, the Spanish Ambassador com- 
 plained to Elizabeth of '^the large number of pirates who still in- 
 fested the sea, she said she believed many of them were Scotsmen 
 who spoke in English to avoid being known ' (Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 440). 
 
 ^*^2 The oldest Scots vernacular song plaintively refers to the 
 days 
 
 ' Off wyne and wax, off gamyn and gle,' 
 
 which had prevailed in the time of Alexander the Tliird (Laing's 
 Wyntoun, ii. 266). The wine and wax were not classed together 
 merely for alliteration, but as the emblems of indoor mirth when 
 the light of the shorter days had to be artificially extended (Records 
 of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, cf pp. 26, 210). Professor 
 
 281 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Aytoun heads a note on tlie ^fanatical austerity of the Reformers' 
 (Bothwell: a Foem, 1857, pp. 224-226), with his own couplet : 
 
 "Twas sin to smile, 'twas sin to laugh, 
 'Twas sin to sport or play.' 
 
 It is a fact, nevertheless, that all the Acts of the Scottish Parlia- 
 ment forbidding foot-ball, golf, and ' uthir sic unprofitable sportis,* 
 were passed long before the Reformation, namely, in 1424, 1457-8, 
 1471 and 1491. The object of these Acts was to increase the 
 fighting power of the realm by encouraging the more useful sport 
 of archery {Ads of Parliament , ii. 5, 48, 100, 226). In one respect 
 the Lords of Parliament were deplorably selfish. Though so 
 anxious to encourage archery and wapinschaws, they sternly for- 
 bade the shooting 'at' deer, wild-beasts, or wild-fowl, under pain 
 of death. As this law was so frequently broken that ' the nobill 
 men of the realme can get na pastyme of balking and hunting . . . 
 be ressoun that all sic wylde beistis and wylde foulis ar exilit and 
 banist,' the old statute was revived, eight years before the Refor- 
 mation, with the provision tbat not only was the offender to lose 
 his life, but the person who apprehended him was to obtain the 
 escheat of all his goods and be otherwise rewarded {Ihid. ii. 48.3). 
 When Mary and Darnley could ''get na pastyme of hunting' in 
 Peebleshire, in 15G6, they ordered the old Acts and their penalties 
 to be proclaimed anew {Register of Privy Council, i. 477). The 
 Reformers only opposed such games as foot-ball, golf, and tennis, 
 in so far as they interfered with the due observance of the Lord's 
 day and other preaching days ; and in such a town as St. Andrews 
 even the grave elders and staid deacons were allured by golf from 
 their ecclesiastical duties {Register of St. Andrews Kirk Session, 
 Scottish History Society, vol. ii. pp. xciv, xcv, 913). In his note. 
 Professor Aytoun cites the Act forbidding the celebrations of 
 Robin Hood and Little John, the Abbot of Unreason and the 
 Queen of May. ' What a genial age it must have been,' he ironi- 
 cally exclaims, ' when poor Maid Marian was liable to " handling " 
 and the pillory for the heinous offence of singing under the summer 
 trees' {Bothwell, p. 225). Unluckily for the Professor's theory, 
 this Act is also pre-Reformation, having been passed in June 1555, 
 under the regency of Mary of Guise {Acts of Parliament, ii. 500). 
 As time proved, the uproarious celebrations — like the ' unproffit- 
 able sportis *— were not easily extinguished by Acts of Parliament 
 
 282 
 
[v NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 {supra, p. 270j n. 63) ; and it is exceedingly unfortunate for the 
 Professor that Mary herself, with all her love of pastime, peremp- 
 torily forbade the play of Robin Hood a few months after her 
 return to Scotland {see following note). It was eleven years after 
 Mary's execution ere the Parliament of Scotland ordained that no 
 man in time coming should work to his master on Monday, that 
 that day should be spent in ' useing and handling of thair armour, 
 and in uther lauchfull gaimes and pastymes procureing habilitie of 
 body, quhairby all personis myndis and bodyis may be recreate' 
 {Acts of Parliament , iv. 160). 
 
 103 On the 20th of April 1562, Mary, then in St. Andrews, wrote 
 an urgent letter to the magistrates and town council of Edinburgh, 
 ordering them on their ' utermest perell ' to prevent the election 
 in the following month of any Robin Hood or Little John, and to 
 allow no '^ uther unleissum gammis ' within the burgh ' quhilk may 
 disquiet the communitie thairof ' {Records of the Burgh of Edin- 
 burgh, 1557-1571, p. 134). She was afraid that, as in the preceding 
 year, sedition and tumult would be the outcome. 
 
 10* In a letter to the Lords of Session, concerning a poor woman 
 and her fatherless child, who had suffered sadly through a long law- 
 plea, Mary of Guise added a post-script in her own hand : — ' Do 
 justice to this poor woman, for they have done her great wrong. 
 The little flies are taken in the spider's web, and the large ones 
 pass through ' {National 3ISS. of Scotland, iii. 28). 
 
 105 jTQr expediting the causes of the poor, which were delayed by 
 the actions of the great, Mary ordered her Lords of Session to sit 
 both forenoon and afternoon three days a week. She not only 
 increased the salaries of the judges, but occasionally, at least, was 
 present herself at the hearing of the cases of the poor {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 72, 73; Keith's History, ii. 220, 221). 
 When in July 1566, Mary, according to her accusers, was mis- 
 spending her time in Alloa {supra, p. 186), she wrote to the 
 Laird of Abercairnie, urging him to deal mercifully with a poor 
 woman, whom he had violently ejected ' with ane company of 
 puir bairnis furth of hir kyndlie rowme ' {Historical MSS. Com- 
 mission, Third Report, p. 418 ; The Lennox, ii. 429). 
 
 io*5 In the autumn of 1562 she went as far north as Inverness ; 
 in the summer of 1563 she was in Argyllshire and Dumfriesshire ; 
 in 1564 she was again in the far north ; in 1565 she was as far 
 east as St. Andrews, as far west as Glasgow, as far north as 
 
 283 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Atholl, and as far south as Dumfries ; and in 1566 she was on the 
 Border. 
 
 107 Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 85.— In 1543 Sadleyr says that 
 the Argyllshire Highlanders were known in Edinburgh as the 
 ^ wylde men ' {Hamilton Papers, i, 597). 
 
 10^ ^Singularly enough/ says Hill Burton, ''among the many 
 personal details about Queen Mary, none informs us distinctly of 
 the extent to which she could understand or use the language of 
 her people. It is not likely that she could speak it fluently on her 
 arrival in Scotland' {History of Scotland, 1876, iv. 59). There can 
 be little doubt, however, that Mary knew the language of her 
 people before she went to France, and when there she had Scots 
 subjects enough about her to prevent her forgetting it. Throck- 
 morton, moreover, expressly says that at his interview with her 
 on the 6th of August 1560, her talk was all in Scottish {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 225) ; and that she again answered him in 
 that tongue at another interview {Ibid. iii. 250). Randolph relates 
 that the oration which she made to her Parliament, in May 1563, 
 was written by her in French, but pronounced in English {Ibid. vi. 
 881). 
 
 10^ Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 440. 
 
 ^^^ According to Buchanan, James the Fifth was the 106th King 
 of Scots ; according to Bishop Lesley, the 105th. At the head of 
 the tenth book of his De Rebus Gestis Scotorum, Lesley has the 
 line: — '^cvi. maria scotorum regina.' Father Dalrymple, having 
 mistaken Mary's number for the pronoun cui, has thus rendered 
 Lesley's heading : — ' To quhilk is appliet Marie Quene of Scotis. ' 
 
 111 Keith's History, ii. 100; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 491, 
 538, 539; v. 49. — For Chatelherault's inconstancy, see sX^o snpra, 
 p. 183, n. 29. 
 
 11- As Elizabeth's agent, Randolph had been in Scotland for a 
 considerable time before Mary's return. For the Memorial sent to 
 him in the preceding March, see Keith's History, ii. 15-18 ; Haynes's 
 State Papers, pp. 366-368 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 31-33 ; 
 Hatfield Calendar, i. 258, 259. 
 
 11^ Chatelherault had been the first to welcome the Queen on 
 her arrival {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 278) ; but was not pre- 
 sent at her public entry into Edinburgh (^y right's Elizabeth, i. 74) ; 
 and for some time he and Arran shunned the Court {Ibid. i. 78, 
 81, 82 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 297 ; Keith's History, ii. 99). 
 
 284 
 
v] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 114 Wi-ight's Elizabeth, i. 73. 
 
 11^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 400. — Huntly occasionally 
 patronised Knox's preaching, but would ' pyck his naillis, and pull 
 down his bonet ower his eyis, when idolatrie, witchecraft, murther, 
 oppressioun, and such vices war rebuked.' He would say, ^ When 
 thei knaiffis have railled thair fill, then will thei hald thair peace ' 
 (Laing's Knox, ii. 362). 
 
 116 Keith's History, ii. 98, 99. 
 
 117 Ibid. ii. 111. 
 
 118 Ibid. ii. 117. 
 
 11^ ' This, of all her faults, is the greatest, that she conceives 
 evil where none is thought' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 56). 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 * Lesley's History, p. 290. 
 
 2 Supra, pp. 37 and 234, n. 29. 
 
 2 In Knox's opinion, Elizabeth was ' ueather gude Protestant nor 
 yit resolute Papist ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 174). 
 
 ^ As soon as it was known that Francis was dead, many of the 
 Scots wished to have their Queen back in Scotland ; some were 
 disposed to follow her inclinations in any way ; but the Hamiltons 
 desired to be assured before her return that she would marry 
 Arran {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iii. 462, 463, 519, 580). It was 
 hoped that, if the Lord James could persuade her to return without 
 foreign force or counsel — to trust entirely to her native subjects — 
 she might be induced to favour Protestantism {Ibid. iii. 533). She 
 herself, from the beginning of her widowhood, felt sure of the 
 Lord James and of all the Stewarts, but mistrusted the Hamiltons 
 {Ibid. iii. 473). Lethington, Grange, and Balnaves she after- 
 wards hoped to win, though previously she had no great liking for 
 them {Ibid, iv, 92). Lethington indeed professed to know that she 
 would not suffer him to remain long in her realm unless he could 
 do her some good service {Ibid. iii. 533). On the 10th of June, he 
 deemed it prudent to write to her. From Paris, she replied to 
 him on the 29th of the same month, in a letter which, according to 
 Mr. Skelton, is pervaded by ' the ring of genuine feeling, of a high 
 and magnanimous nature. She would gladly employ him in her 
 
 285 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 service, for she had no doubt of his g-oodwill. She understood the 
 scruples which he felt ; he had been the diplomatic chief of the 
 disaffected lords ; he had been in correspondence with England 
 and with Elizabeth. But she had forgiven all past offences, and 
 for the future she would entirely trust him. She had always 
 appreciated his wisdom and sagacity, and she was now confident of 
 his affection and fidelity. Hereafter they would deal openly with 
 each other' {Maitland of Lethington, i. 307^ 308). Those who have 
 only read Mr. Skelton's glowing account of Mary's letter may be 
 surprised to know that even he has to confess that Lethington — 
 whose 'extraordinary insight' so impresses him {Ibid. i. 322) — was 
 not entirely delivered by it from his ' doubts and scruples.' Those 
 who have read Mary's letter itself (Tytler's History of Scotland, 1845, 
 V. 492, 493 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 161) will readily under- 
 stand why his personal fears were not altogether assuaged, why he of 
 all the Protestant leaders seemed most to dread her arrival. These 
 ' doubts and scruples,' as they continued to haunt Lethington after 
 the receipt of Mary's letter, are manifested in three of his letters 
 to Cecil — his letter of the 9th August (Haynes's State Papers, p. 
 369), his letter of the 10th August (Keith's History, iii. 211-216), 
 and his letter of the 15th August (Tytler's Scotland, v. 493-495; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 248, 249). It is in the last of these 
 that he says : — ' If two galleys may quietly pass, I wish the pass- 
 port had been liberally granted.' From these letters the awkward 
 position of the Protestant nobles in Scotland may be gleaned. As 
 Mary had never chosen councillors from those nominated by the 
 Estates (see supra, p. 30) there was no properly authorised ruling 
 power in her absence ; and consequently it was difficult to enforce 
 obedience, and to meet the expenses of government. The mar- 
 vellous peace and quietness which meanwhile prevailed could only 
 be accounted for by religious influence. If she returned, there 
 was the fear — in Lethington's opinion the moral certainty — that 
 attempts would at least be made to suppress Protestantism and 
 break up the league with England. His letters show, however, 
 that if — in the event of her return — she refrained from ' following 
 the wicked advice of God's enemies,' and was content to be at 
 peace with England, her Protestant subjects would render her all 
 due obedience. The cautious reply of the Lords (Laing's Knox, ii. 
 178, 179) to Elizabeth's letter {supra, p. 242, n. 51), and Randolph's 
 letter to Cecil of 9th August (Robertson's History of Scotland, app. 
 
 286 
 
vi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 no. V.) also show that, despite their favour for the English alliance 
 and their distrust of Mary^, they were not anxious to cast off their 
 allegiance. In his despair, Lethington suggested to Cecil that a 
 league of the Protestant princes should be formed — a league in 
 which the Scots Protestants would be comprehended (Keith's 
 History, iii. 215). Even after Captain Anstruther arrived, five 
 days before her, with the assurance that she was coming, without 
 any forces, to trust herself in the hands of her people, Lethington 
 exclaimed, ' 'W'^hat this message meaneth I cannot judge : . . . 
 it passeth my dull capacity to imagine what this sudden enterprise 
 should mean.' With Mary actually on the way, the ^wonderful 
 tragedies ' he had foreseen might be at hand ; and the suggested 
 Protestant league was still a thing of the uncertain future. 
 Elizabeth, he now proposed, should ' keep some ordinary power at 
 Berwick, of good force, so long as we stand in doubtful terms ' 
 (Tytler's Scotland, v. 494). 
 
 ^ Tytler's History of Scotland , 1845, v. 204. — In Mignet's opinion, 
 Murray's letter '^does equally great honour to his head and his 
 heart. It attests, on his part, perfect loyalty, profound judg- 
 ment, and wise patriotism ' {History of Mary, 1851, i. 121). His 
 proposal, in Hosack's opinion, '^was clearly the most equitable 
 arrangement that could be devised' {Mary and her Accusers, 1870, 
 i. 76, 77). In a footnote, Hosack admits Hhat the proposal which 
 he now made seems inconsistent with his alleged complicity in the 
 design of Cecil to intercept the Queen on her voyage to Scotland. 
 But,' he adds, * the Lord James was so wary a politician that we 
 are often at a loss to make out his real intentions. Even his friend 
 Throgmorton writes about this time that he does not know what 
 the Lord James '^'^ meaneth " ' {Ibid. i. 76 n.). Here, however, 
 Hosack has done both Throckmorton and the Lord James injustice. 
 In support of his statement he merely refers to Tytler's quotation 
 from Throckmorton's letter of 26th July to Cecil, concerning the 
 refusal of the passport, a letter in which he only expressed his 
 inability to comprehend what the Lord James '^ meaneth,' on the 
 supposition — a supposition it is clear he did not accept — that he 
 had then completely changed his mind as to the desirability of 
 Mary's return {supra, pp. 39, 242, 243). Even Randolph's letter 
 of 9th August does not, on this point, imply more than that 
 the Lord James then wished her return ' stayed yet for a space ' 
 (Robertson's Scotland, app. no. v. ). 
 
 287 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 « Foreign Calendar , Elizabeth, iv. 287, 238; Tytler's Scotland , 
 1845, V. 202-204. 
 
 7 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 238. 
 
 * This compromise seems to have been first suggested to Cecil by 
 Lethington in London, in December 1560, after unsuccessfully 
 pressing the Arran match on Elizabeth {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iii. 533, 581 ; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 806). Cecil thus 
 refers to it in his letter to Throckmorton of l-lth July 1561 ; — 
 ^ There hath been a matter secretly thought of which I dare com- 
 municate to you, although I mean never to be an author thereof ; 
 and that is, if an accord might be made betwixt our Mistress and 
 the Scottish Queen, that this {i.e. Mary] should, by Parliament in 
 Scotland, etc., surrender unto the Queen's Majesty all matter of 
 claim, and to the heirs of her body ; and in consideration thereof, 
 the Scottish Queen's interest should be acknowledged in default of 
 heirs of the body of the Queen's Majesty. . . . Tliis matter is too 
 big for weak folks, and too deep for simple. The Queen's Majesty 
 knoweth of it' (Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 174). In his reply of 
 26th July, Throckmorton — while regarding the scheme as apparently 
 profitable for both Queens, and honourable without danger — says 
 that when the matter shall be handled some provisions must be 
 considered for Elizabeth's surety, and other circumstances well 
 weighed for the commodity of England {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 205). 
 
 ^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 306. 
 
 10 Labanoff's Recueil, i. 103-105,- Keith's History, ii. 72-74.— 
 Though the negotiation for the declaration of the English suc- 
 cession is not mentioned in the imperfect copies of Maitland's 
 Instructions printed by Keith, it plainly underlies the whole of 
 Lord James's letter of 1st September to Cecil, whicli letter was 
 sent with Lethington {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 287). It is 
 quite clear from Lethington's own report that he had been asked 
 to negotiate on this point by the Scots nobles (Philippson's Marie 
 Stuart, iii. 446-448, 450 ; Register of Privy Council, xiv. 174-176) ; 
 and his letter of 15th December to Cecil implies that up to that 
 date Mary had not made the proposal to Elizabeth (Haynes's State 
 Papers, pp. 375, 376). 
 
 " Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 339. 
 
 12 Maitland of Lethington, 1894, ii. 252.— De Foix described 
 Lethington to De Silva as 'a. sort of Scotch Cecil' {Spanish Calendar, 
 
 288 
 
vi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Elizabeth, i. 412). Sir Thomas Smith informed Cecil that Adam 
 Hume was altogether a Lethington, whom he would find double 
 or rather triple, having pensions of all three princes {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 249). 
 
 13 Maitland of Lethington, ii. 867. 
 
 14 Sempill Ballates, 1872, p. 84. 
 
 15 Keith's History, ii. 73, 74. 
 
 1^ Keith entertained this suspicion {History, ii. 76). Chalmers 
 had no dubiety in the matter : — ^ Had this offensive proposal come 
 from an Envoy of less talent [than Maitland], it might have been 
 attributed to officious folly : but such a proposal, from such a 
 statesman, must be attributed to the treacherous purpose of 
 villainy* {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 51). 
 
 1'' Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 356-359, 480. — Throckmorton 
 was informed by the Duke of Guise, that no man need doubt, if 
 Mary succeeded to the English throne, that she would reside in 
 England, it being a more commodious realm than Scotland, and 
 the nobles and people more agreeable to her ; that she would be 
 wholly governed by the English Council in all matters of import- 
 ance wheresoever they occurred ; and that she would also answer 
 with mind and intent to win all hearts, being void of partialities, 
 affectionate to no faction, and free from inveterate malice and 
 desire to revenge {Ibid. iv. 858). This was in the autumn of 1561. 
 In the spring of 1563 it was reported that Cecil, in response to 
 Lethington's urgent appeals, had suggested that the Cardinal of 
 Lorraine should devise a plan whereby Elizabeth might be secured 
 for life and Protestantism afterwards maintained ; but Cecil's object, 
 it was suspected, was to divert the Cardinal from any negotiations 
 he might have with Philip or the Emperor {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 817). 
 
 1^ Haynes's State Papers, p. 878 ; Philippson's Marie Stuart, 1892, 
 iii. 447, 448 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 445 ; Camden's Elizabeth, 
 1675, p. 54 ; Spottiswoode's History, ii. 10, 11 ; Herries's Historical 
 Memoirs^ p. 58 ; Hayward's Annals of Elizabeth, Camden Society, 
 pp. 82, 84.— The English Parliament in 1536 and again in 1548-4 
 authorised Henry the Eighth — in case of the failure of his own lawful 
 issue — to nominate the heirs of the crown either by his letters- 
 patent under the great seal or by his last will signed by his own 
 hand (Manby's Statutes, 1670, pp. 527, 650, 651). His will— made a 
 month before his death — provided that, in default of lawful issue 
 
 T 289 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 of Prince Edward, and of his own by his sixth wife Catherine Parr, 
 or by any other lawful wife he might yet marry, the crown was to 
 descend to his daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, under certain con- 
 ditions ; and, in default of their lawful issue, to the heirs of his 
 nieces. Lady Frances and Eleanor, the daughters of his younger 
 sister Mary, thus passing over the Queen of Scots and Lady 
 Lennox, the descendants of his elder sister Margaret (Rymer's 
 Foedera, xv. 112, 118). Lethington alleged that the will was void, 
 through Henry's signature having been impressed by a stamp — not 
 written {Egerton Papers, Camden Society, pp. 45-47). To Lething- 
 ton Elizabeth said, — ' Sa lang as I leifF I salbe Quene of Ingland, 
 quhen I am deid, thai sail succeid that hes maist ryght. Gif the 
 Quene your Soverane be that persone I sail nevir hurt hir, gif ane 
 uther haif beter ryght yt war not reasonable to require me to do a 
 manifest injury. Gif thair be ony law agains hir as I protest to 
 yow I knaw none for I am not curious to inquire of that purpoise, 
 bot gif ony be I am sworne quhen I wes mareit to the realme not 
 to alter the lawis of it ' (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 448). 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 362. 
 
 20 The Commission to Mewtas is dated 17th September 1561 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 808). 
 
 21 The nature of Mary's oral message by Mewtas may be gathered 
 from Elizabeth's letter of 28rd November to Mary (Keith's History, 
 ii. 183 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 410, 411), from Cecil's 
 letter of 4th November to Throckmorton {Ibid. iv. 889), and especi- 
 ally from Mary's undated reply to the Ambassadors (Labanoff's 
 Recueil, i. 115, 116), and the summary of the same {Register of 
 Privy Council, xiv. 178). 
 
 22 Labanoff's Recueil, i. 110, 111. 
 
 23 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 889. — Both Lethington and 
 the Lord James had written to Cecil on the 7th of October, press- 
 ing him to support and carry through the succession proposal 
 (Haynes's State Papers, pp. 373, 874 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 851-358). 
 
 24 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 389. — In 1564 the Lord-Keeper 
 was in Elizabeth's displeasure on suspicion of having dealt in the 
 succession (Murdin's State Papers, p. 756) ; and two years later, 
 Pembroke and Leicester were excluded from her presence-chamber 
 for furthering the proposal without her allowance {Ibid. p. 762). 
 
 ^ Keith's History, ii. 133 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 411. 
 
 290 
 
vi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 — Even on the 4th of November^ Mary was longing greatly to 
 know Elizabeth's resolution (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 84). 
 2*5 Haynes's State Papers, pp. 375, 876. 
 
 27 Besides his letter of 15th December, of which a brief summary 
 is given in the text, Lethington wrote to Cecil on the 7th of 
 December and also on the 26th, asking his advice for Mary's reply 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 429, 455-457) ; and on the 5th of 
 January, he informed Cecil that, if he would let him know of any 
 point he had neglected, he would reform it accordingly {Ibid. iv. 
 478). Can he have intended that Cecil should return Mary's letter 
 if it did not meet his views } Cecil seems to have resented his per- 
 tinacious applications for advice in this matter {Ibid. iv. 488). 
 
 28 LabanofF's Recueil, i. 123-127 ; Haynes's State Papers, pp. 376- 
 378. 
 
 29 On the 28th of February, Randolph tells Cecil that he has 
 been earnestly required by Mary to make means unto him, that 
 she may shortly have her answer {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 
 538). Mr. Skelton alleges that ' Elizabeth did not reply ' {Maitland 
 of Lethington, ii. 120) ; but Randolph's letter of the 31st of March 
 proves that she did {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 574, 577). 
 Randolph had before stated that, if the reply in any manner of 
 way gives her comfort, she will despatch Lethington to demand an 
 interview {Ibid. p. 538) ; now he trusts that Lethington wall shortly 
 be sent with ample commission to demand the same {Ibid. p. 574). 
 
 30 Haynes's State Papers, p. 380 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 510, 511 ; V. 161. 
 
 31 ' Thys Queue wished that one of the two were a man, to make 
 an end of all debates. Thys,' says Randolph, ^ I trowe was spoken 
 in her merrie moode ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 84). Nearly a year 
 before Throckmorton had expressed a similar wish {supra, p. 228, 
 n. 9). 
 
 22 '^When any purpose falleth in of marriage, she saith that 
 "she will none other husband but the Queen of England"' 
 (Keith's History, ii. 127). 
 
 23 Lethington informed Cecil that the love of the Queen of 
 England had taken such possession of Queen Mary that she wished 
 her as much honour as she desired for herself {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 489). She carried one of Elizabeth's letters in her 
 bosom, next her skin, ' and said that if she could put it nearer her 
 heart she would' {Ibid. v. 101). 
 
 291 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 34 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 490, 536, 5S8.— There Mas 
 none, Lethingion alleg-ed, with whom he dared to confer on this 
 matter save the Lord James {Ibid. iv. 488), who also was anxious 
 that Cecil should advise Elizabeth to give Mary a favourable 
 answer {Ibid. iv. 538). 
 
 35 'The worst that they [i.e. the Scotch Bishops] like is the 
 accord that they hear is like to be between the Q. Majestie and 
 this Queen ; if that be, they think themselves quite overthrown ; 
 they say plainly, that she can't then return a true Christian woman. 
 . . . The bruit of her good-will to go into England is far spread 
 abroad in this country, and the purpose well commended of all 
 honest men; but hereof are there diverse judgments' (Keith's 
 History, ii. 117, 118). ^The Papists storm; now they think there 
 resteth nothing but the meeting of the two Queens to overthrow 
 the mass and all' {Ibid. ii. 129). ^The Papists mistrust greatly 
 the meeting ; the Protestants as gi-eatly desire it. The preachers 
 are more vehement than discreet or learned' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 523). 
 
 36 Ibid. iv. 538, 571, 572, 575, G31. 
 
 3'' Throckmorton learned that the French were trying to alienate 
 Mary from Elizabeth, that they wished to continue the League 
 between France and Scotland, and, failing this, were to try to win 
 the Hamiltons, Huntly, and Hume {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 434, 438, 458 ; v. 155). 
 
 38 Ibid. iv. 565, 56G, 571, 572, 606; v. 115, 155. 
 
 3» Ibid. iv. 565. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 82, 93, 101, 144, 191 ; Spanish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 246, 249.— The English Council, like the 
 Scotch, was not altogether uninfluenced by monetary considerations. 
 It was reckoned that the interview would cost the English nobles 
 and gentlemen at least £40,000 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 93) 
 and Elizabeth as much {Ibid. v. 108). 
 
 '*! Elizabeth speaks of ' the unseasonableness of the yere by the 
 unordinat raynes ' (Haynes's State Papers, p. 392). Bishop Jewel is 
 still more emphatic : — '^ There has been here, throughout the whole 
 of this present year, an incredibly bad season both as to the 
 weather and state of the atmosphere. Neither sun, nor moon, 
 nor winter, nor spring, nor summer, nor autumn, have performed 
 their appropriate offices. It has rained so abundantly, and almost 
 without intermission, as if the heavens could hardly do anything 
 
 292 
 
vi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 else.' He describes at length the monstrous births which had in 
 consequence taken place {Zurich Letters j Parker Society, i. 116, 
 117). 
 
 ^2 Haynes's State Papers, p. 892. — When Mary heard of Elizabeth's 
 indisposition she '^ wished rather to bear half the pain than that it 
 should stay their journey ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 101). 
 
 43 Ibid. iv. 571. 
 
 *'^ Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i. 206. 
 
 4^ Lethington's Instructions, printed from an imperfect ms^, are 
 in Keith's History, ii. 142-144 ; and in the Register of Privy Council, 
 xiv. ] 79-182. Mary's letters announcing Lethington's mission are 
 dated 2oth May (Labanoff 's Recueil, i. 137-139 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, v. 48). He left Edinburgh for England that day {Diurnal 
 of Occurrents, p. 72) ; and reached the English Court on the 31st 
 (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 457). 
 
 46 Ibid. iii. 456. 
 
 4'^ The Articles as agreed on, and Elizabeth's Ratification of the 
 same, are in Haynes's State Papers, pp. 888-390, 393. — In the 
 Articles it is agreed that the Queens are to '^mete together at the 
 citie of Yorke, or in default thereof at some convenient place be- 
 twixt the saydcitie and the river of Trente, . . . betwixt the twentith 
 of August and the 20th daye of Septembre.' On the 8th of June, 
 Cecil informs Challoner that, if the meeting shall be, it will be at 
 York {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 82) ; on the 25th of June, 
 Dudley writes to Cecil that Nottingham is to be the place {Ibid. 
 V. 129) ; on the 3rd of July, Mason writes to Challoner that it will 
 be at Southwell, and from thence they will repair to Nottingham, 
 where they will remain seven or eight days {Ibid. v. 144); on the 
 10th of July, Lady Throckmorton, who was appointed to wait on 
 Elizabeth, says that it will be at Sheffield at Lord Shrewsbury's 
 house {Ibid. v. 629) ; and on the 12th of July, Killigrew says it 
 will be at Nottingham {Ibid. v. 157). 
 
 48 Haynes's State Papers, p. 391 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 
 61, 72, 108-105, 109, 110, 120, 121, 157, 161. 
 
 43 The interview was only to be held, ' if the controversies in 
 France may be compounded or ended before the last of this moneth 
 of June, without prejudice to the state of the realme of England' 
 (Haynes's State Papers, p. 388). In her Instructions to Sir Henry 
 Sydney, Elizabeth states that she was constrained to delay the 
 interview by the Duke of Guise's treachery to the Prince of Conde ; 
 
 293 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 by the absolute refusal of all religious toleration ; by the edict 
 published in Paris^ authorising the common people '^to kill and 
 cutt in peecs all such as had broken any church or bowses, or that 
 kept them company — an order never herd before ! to gyve to the 
 commen people the sword, by meanes wherof many horryble 
 murders were daylie, and yet be committed ' ; and by many other 
 demonstrations that Guise and his party wished to subvert all 
 nations which differed from them in the rites of religion. Though 
 these things prevented her from leaving the southern part of her 
 realm unprotected at present, she would gladly meet Mary at York, 
 Pomfret, or Nottingham, at any time she chose to name between 
 the 20th of May and the 81st of August 1563 {Ibid. pp. 391, 392; 
 Keith's History, ii. 148-150). 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, v. 182. 
 
 51 Ibid. iv. 503, 504. 
 
 °2 Zurich Letters, i. 115, 116 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 
 164, 191, 236, 311-314, 358, 362, 367, 368. —In De Quadra's 
 opinion, Elizabeth's indecision in the matter of the interview 
 ' proceeded from the uncertainty as to how affairs in France would 
 turn out. It was her design to make use of the rebel faction if 
 their cause was successful, and, if otherwise, to make friends with 
 the Guises by means of the Queen-mother, and with this object to 
 come to terms with the Queen of Scotland' (Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 249). 
 
 °3 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 59, 304 ; Labanoff's liecueil, i. 
 155, 163-166. — Though Mary could make merry over the reported 
 victories of her uncles {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 361, 362), 
 she seemed to retain her goodwill towards Elizabeth {Ibid. vi. 60), 
 and professed to lament the state of France, and to fear tlie success 
 of her uncle's enterprises {Ibid. vi. 88). 
 
 54 Wright's Elizabeth, i. 73. 
 
 55 Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i. 216, 217.— This 
 meeting of the Scots Council was held on the 15th of August 1562. 
 On the 8th of July, Elizabeth had granted a safe-conduct for Mary 
 and her train, ^ although our said sister reposing her hole trust in 
 our honor amytie and natural frendshipp hath not been curious to 
 requyre any assurance of her own person ' (Haynes's State Papers, 
 p. 390). 
 
 50 E.g. for meeting in 1563, see Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 
 310 ; for meeting in 1564, see Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 91, 
 
 294 
 
vi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 92, 108, 114, 137, 145, 148; Spanish Calendar, Elisabeth, i. 361, 
 862. In 1565, Cecil tliought that Hhe two Queues have satisfyed 
 either themselves with their enterviews, or rather filled the desyres 
 of their traynes ' (Wright's Elisabeth, i. 197) ; but, in 1566, Mary 
 again spoke of a meeting {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 45 ; 
 Spanish Calendar, Elisabeth, i. 555). 
 
 57 On the 12th of February 1561-2, Randolph intimates that Mary 
 proposes to send to Elizabeth a fair ring with a diamond made 
 like a heart {Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, iv. 523). Labanoff says 
 that this heart-shaped diamond had been sent by the hands of 
 Lethington in the previous September {Recueil, i. 102) ; but it is 
 quite certain that it was not sent until the summer of 1562, and 
 Du Croc seems to have been the bearer {Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, 
 V. 101, 157, 158). Bishop Jewel refers to it as ^a diamond of great 
 value, a most beautiful gem, set in gold, and accompanied by some 
 beautiful and elegant verses'; and again as '^a most splendid and 
 valuable diamond inclosed and fixed in a plate of gold, and set off 
 with some flattering and elegant verses' {Zurich Letters, Parker 
 Society, i. 115, 120). Challoner's statement implies that the verses 
 were in French {Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, vi. 249) ; Killigrew's, 
 that they were in Latin {Ibid. v. 157j, 158). Causin says that the 
 diamond-heart ' was enriched with a verse of Buchanan's, who had 
 not as yet his spirit infected with treason ' {Holy Court, 1678, p. 
 812). In Ruddiman's Buchanan there is an epigram, ' De adamante 
 misso a Regina Scotiae ad Reginam Angliae' (Epigrammatum, i. 59), 
 and another, 'Loquitur adamas in cordis effigiern sculptus, quern 
 Maria Elisabethae Anglae misit' {Ibid. iii. 8). The former of these 
 is strangely characterised by Miss Strickland as ' a scoffing epigram ' 
 {Letters of Mary Queen of Scots, 1843, i. 66). In December 1563, 
 Elizabeth sent by Randolph a ring to Mary, which ' was mar- 
 vellously esteemed, oftentimes looked upon, and many times 
 kissed ' {Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, vi. 617 ; vii. 23). When, at 
 the celebration of Twelfth-day, Mary Fleming was so lavishly 
 decked with jewels as Queen of the Bean, the Queen of Scots wore 
 none save Elizabeth's ring, wh,ich was ' hanging at her breast, with 
 a lace of whyt and black about her neck ' {Maitland Miscellany, ii. 
 391, 392). Melville refers to a diamond which, in the autumn of 
 1564, Elizabeth said she would send by him as a token to Mary 
 {supra, p. 98) ; and De Foix speaks of a diamond worth six 
 hundred crowns which she intended to send to her by Lethington 
 
 295 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 in the summer of 1565 (Papiers D'Etat, ii. 40). The presents 
 which were interchanged are also referred to by Knox's con- 
 tinuator (Laing's Knox, ii. 469) and by Bishop Lesley {Narratives 
 of Scottish Catholics, 1885, p. 95). 
 
 ^^ See e.g. Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 399, 427, 428 ; and 
 infra, pp. 320, 323, 329, 331, 333. 
 
 ^^ In November 1564, both Murray and Lethington told Randolph 
 ^that they found Queen Elizabeth's dealing marvellous strange, 
 and that nothing was intended but drift of time ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 248). Mary herself, on the eve of her marriage 
 with Darnley, told Randolph that his Queen had tried ' to abuse ' 
 her, and that of this she had been warned ' oute of England, France, 
 and other parts ' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 122). Elizabeth's latest 
 biographer affirms that ' there was no truth nor honesty in any- 
 thing she said ' (Bishop Creighton's Queen Elisabeth, 1896, p. 39) ; 
 and her reputation for duplicity is not diminished by Major Martin 
 Hume's instructive and entertaining volume on her courtships. 
 In Bishop Quadra's opinion, Cecil wished to exclude the Queen of 
 Scots and Lady Lennox from the English succession, and to ' keep 
 the kingdom in the hands of heretics ' {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 227). Mr. Skelton alleges that of Mary's foreign enemies Cecil 
 was the most powerful, and represents him as relentless in his 
 patient animosity towards the Queen of Scots {Maitland of 
 Lethington, ii. 82). On the other hand, a few weeks before the 
 Darnley murder, Maitland assured Cecil that he had constantly 
 regarded him as no enemy of Mary, no hindrance to her prefer- 
 ment, but as a good minister to nourish ^ the mutuall intelligence ' 
 betwixt her and Elizabeth, though willing to avoid the question of 
 titles {Egerton Papers^ Camden Society, pp. 41, 42). Still later, 
 Mary professed to regard him as ' na hinderair of the continewance 
 of our amytie, hot rather a weilwillar of all our gude causses' 
 (Labanoif's Recueil, vii. 311). 
 
 ^ Camden mentions the suspicion that Mary desired the inter- 
 view ^that she might either strengthen her title to England, or 
 else give hope and courage to the Papists in England, and to the 
 Guises ' (Camden's Elizabeth, 1675, p. 60). Bishop Quadra feared 
 that her ambition ^to be declared the heiress of England' might 
 incline her ' to a marriage with a person of lower rank than the 
 Archduke, and one less advantageous to religion ' {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 340, 341). His inability to help her in her claim to 
 
 296 
 
vi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 the succession^ she afterwards assigned as a reason for not taking the 
 Archduke (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 296, 297). Some members of the 
 English Privy Council could see in the Darnley marriage a plain 
 intention to further her title not only to the succession but to the 
 possession of Elizabeth's crown {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 884.) On the other hand, Lethington, in December 1564, emphatic- 
 ally denied that Mary only pretended kindness towards Elizabeth 
 in order to hunt a kingdom {Ibid. vii. 273). Murray, too, felt sure 
 that nothing prejudicial to Elizabeth's surety had ever entered 
 Mary's mind {Ibid. vii. 270) ; it was the honour and name of heir- 
 apparent that was desired {Ibid. vii. 307). 
 
 ^^ Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 457 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 428, 429, 457; Haynes's State Papers, pp. 376, 380; Spanish 
 Calendar Elizabeth, i. 807. 
 
 ^- On the 24th of October 1561, Randolph writes: — 'I receive 
 of her Grace at all times very good words. I am born in hand by 
 such as are nearest about her as the L[ord] James and the L[aird] 
 of Lidington, that they are meant as they are spoken ' (Keith's 
 History, ii. 98). Three days later, he says, "Whatsoever policy is 
 in all the chief and best practised heads in France, whatsoever 
 craft, falsehood, or deceit there is in all the subtle brains in Scot- 
 land, is either fresh in this woman's memory, or she can *fett' 
 it with a wet finger {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, \\, 380). In 
 December, he writes : — ' So much as I am able myself to conjecture, 
 she meaneth no less than hath been spoke often both by herself 
 and others, to do what she can to unite the two realms in so perfect 
 an amity, as the like hath not been ' (Keith's History, ii. 114); 
 ^ when I talked with her she was very merry, and spake with such 
 affection as I think came from the heart' {Ibid. ii. 121). On the 
 SOth of January, he thought that Mary's affection to Elizabeth 
 ' was never greater towards any, or else it is the deepest dissembled 
 and covered that ever was ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 512). 
 In the following November, he trusted that her good mind towards 
 Elizabeth was ' as well meant ' as spoken (Keith's History, ii. 181). 
 In February 1563-4, he assures Cecil that he never heard better 
 words, nor ever saw in her better tokens of goodwill, and none of 
 her acts made him suspect the contrary {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 49). When he saw, in 1565, that she was determined to take 
 her own way, he was confident that Elizabeth would nevertheless 
 get fair words from her in the meantime {Ibid. vii. 881). Long 
 
 297 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 before^ he had suspected that in other matters she could dis- 
 simulate trimly {Ibid. v. 146). 
 
 ^3 By the Articles for the Interview it was provided that Elizabeth 
 might at her pleasure require the ratification of the Treaty of 
 Edinburgh ; but Mary was not to be pressed with anything which 
 she might show herself to mislike before she had returned into her 
 own realm (Haynes's State Papers, p. 889). In her letter of 5th 
 January, Mary had at last alleged that her real reason for refusing 
 to ratify that Treaty was its bearing on her right to the English 
 succession {supra, pp. 69, 70). Its obnoxious article, which Cecil 
 and AFotton had wrung with difficulty from Montluc and Randan 
 (Lodge's Illustrations, 1838, i. 896-400, 405-408 ; Haynes's State 
 Papers, pp. 337, 840), runs thus : — ' Seeing the kingdoms of 
 England and Ireland do by right pertain to the Most Serene Lady 
 and Princess Elizabeth, upon which account it is not lawful for any 
 other persons to call, write, name, or entitle themselves, nor yet to 
 order themselves to be called, written, named, or entitled King 
 and Queen of England or Ireland, nor to use or take to themselves 
 the ensigns or arms (commonly called armoyries) of the kingdom 
 of England or Ireland : therefore it is appointed, agreed, and con- 
 cluded, that the said Most Christian King and Queen Mary, and 
 both of them, shall thereafter \deinceps'\ abstain from using and 
 bearing the said title and arms of the kingdom of England or 
 Ireland, and shall prohibit and forbid their subjects that no one in 
 the kingdoms of France and Scotland and their provinces, or in any 
 part of them, shall in any way use the said title or arms ; and 
 shall likewise prohibit and take care, so far as in them lies, that no 
 person mix [i.e. quarter] the saids ensigns armorial with the arms 
 of the kingdoms of France or Scotland. And if there be found any 
 letters or writings which carry in them the title of the kingdoms of 
 England or Ireland, or be sealed with the seal of the saids king- 
 doms^ or either of them, the same shall be re-made without any 
 adjection of the saids title and arms of England and Ireland ; and 
 all letters and writings containing the said title, or sealed with the 
 seals of the saids arms, which shall not be as above said renewed 
 and re-made within six months after the publication of this present 
 Treaty, shall be void and of no avail. Further, they shall see to it 
 and take care, so far as they can, that in the saids kingdoms of 
 France and Scotland, the saids arms be no where extant, seen, or 
 found mixed [?.<?. quartered] with the arms of the saids King or 
 
 298 
 
vi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Queen Mary ; and that the said title be no where extant^ seen^ or 
 found ascribed to the saids King or Queen Mary ' (Rynier's Foedera, 
 Ills, XV. 594^ ^95). The usurpation of the English arms and 
 title by Francis and Mary was, of course,, the raison d'etre of this 
 article, the first clause of which — a clause obtained ' with greate 
 difficultie' (Haynes, p. 337) — would, if ratified, have eifectually 
 barred Mary from at any time disputing Elizabeth's right of posses- 
 sion. This may have been Mary's primary objection to the Treaty ; 
 but it is not the one to which she alludes. The article was objected 
 to by Mary and Lethington as prejudicial, not to her right of posses- 
 sion, but to her right of succession in the event of Elizabeth dying 
 without lawful issue ; and if the words could be construed, ' by any 
 license of diplomacy or verbal ingenuity,' as Mr. Skelton puts it, 
 * into an absolute renunciation ' of her prospective right {Maitland of 
 Lethington, ii. 86), she was amply justified in refusing to ratify the 
 Treaty. In Lethington's opinion and in Mary's, it was highly un- 
 satisfactory that a matter of such importance should be ' wrappit up 
 in obscure termis ' ; but to Mr. Skelton the terms are not obscure. 
 In his judgment, the clause 'provided that Mary ''in all times 
 coming" should renounce the right of the English succession' 
 {Ibid. ii. 85) ; and ' Elizabeth required an absolute renunciation of the 
 Scottish right of succession ; the Treaty imported as much, — " in 
 all times coming," even in the event of Elizabeth dying without 
 issue, Mary was to refrain from pressing her claim' {Ibid. ii. 108). 
 Here there is a double fallacy. Mr. Skelton conveniently assumes 
 that ceasing to use the English arms and title was equivalent to 
 renouncing the right of the English succession ; and that the words 
 'in all times coming ' are the English equivalent of 'o^c/wce/).?.' If 
 assumptions could be established by mere reiteration, it would be 
 impossible to refute Mr. Skelton. Though in one chapter he quotes 
 the words ' in all times coming ' at least four times, they do not 
 occur in this article of the Treaty. As Keith (i. 292) has so rendered 
 ' deinceps ' in his translation, it may perhaps be inferred that Mr. 
 Skelton has simply followed that translation without looking at the 
 original, which is not printed as he says it is in Haynes, but in 
 Rymer. It may be noted that where the word ' deinceps ' occurs in a 
 previous article of the same Treaty, ' Honest ' Keith translates it 
 by 'hereafter,' It may also be noted that in Elizabeth's com- 
 mission to Cecil and Wotton — a commission embodied in the 
 Treaty— the phrase ' in all times coming ' is not weakly expressed 
 
 299 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 by * deinceps,' but by ' perpetiiis temporihus.' Montluc and Randan 
 in the course of the negotiations used the word ' dorenavant' 
 (Lodge's Illustrations, i. 896) ; and so little stress did Cecil and 
 Wotton lay on ' deinceps,' that when, on the 1st of July, they 
 informed Elizabeth that, after threatening, this article had been 
 obtained, they, in quoting it, stopped just before 'deinceps ' (Haynes's 
 State Papers, p. 340). Lethington reported that he had, in the 
 autumn of 1561, told Elizabeth plainly that in his opinion the 
 Treaty was so prejudicial to Mary that she would never confirm it, 
 and conceived in such a form that she was not bound to do so. He 
 also reported that Elizabeth was willing even then that in her 
 ratification Mary should state that, although she would neither bear 
 the English arms nor take the English title during the life of 
 Elizabeth or of her lawful issue, she reserved the interest she 
 might thereafter claim (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 451 ; Register 
 of Prii^y Council, xiv. 176, 177). Five years later, Elizabeth was 
 not only willing to accept her ratification, ^omitting anything . . . 
 that may be prejudicial to her title as next heir after us and our 
 children,' but to give her a similar assurance that she would neither 
 do nor suiFer to be done anything to the prejudice of her title as 
 next heir (Keith's History, ii. 482, 483). This was at the baptism 
 of the Prince. Four years later still, when Mary was a prisoner in 
 Chats worth, Elizabeth was willing to accept her ratification y,i\h 
 the provision ' that therby she shall not be secluded from any 
 right or tytle that she or her children maye hereafter have, yf God 
 shall not give to the Queenis Majestic any yssue of hir bodye to 
 have continuance ' (Haynes's State Papers, p. 608). Ranke makes 
 the astounding statement that before Mary landed in Scotland she 
 was compelled to renounce her title to the English throne, and to 
 ratify that Act of the Scottish Parliament which forbade the per- 
 formance of the mass under pain of death {History of the Popes, 
 Murray's edition, 1840, i. 321 ; Bohn's edition, 1847, i. 240). 
 
 CHAPTER VIl 
 
 1 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 182. 
 
 2 ^The journey of Mary into the north,* says Chalmers, 'was 
 suddenly resolved on, soon after Sir John Gordon's escape [25th 
 
 300 
 
vii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 July 1562] ; as we see nothing hinted of such an excursion in 
 Randolph's letters to Cecil of the 1st and 4th of August,, when the 
 Queen seemed wholly bent on the very different journey of a meet- 
 ing with her good cousin the English Queen ' (Chalmers's Life of 
 Mary, 1818, ii. 299, SOO). But Mary knew definitely two days 
 before Gordon escaped from prison that she was not to meet Eliza- 
 beth that year; and the references in Randolph's letters of 1st 
 and 4th August are to the postponed meeting of the Queens in 
 loGo. It is certain^ moreover, that the Provost of Aberdeen had, 
 on the 12th of the previous January, ' exponit to the Consell that 
 he is suirlie informit that the Quenis Grace is to cum to the north 
 partis to vesy the same betuix this and Peace [i.e. Easter, 29th 
 March] nixt to cum or thairby ' ; on hearing which the Town 
 Council at once and unanimously decreed, that two thousand merks 
 should be uplifted, for the decoration of the town and for a present 
 to her Grace {Burgh Records of Aberdeen, Spalding Club, i. 339, 
 340). If, as seems to be the case, the progress to the north had 
 merely been delayed because of the projected and more important 
 journey into England, it was only natural that it should be carried 
 into effect after the meeting of the Queens had been finally aban- 
 doned for that year, 
 
 2 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 232. — This was Randolph's 
 opinion of the journey on the eve of setting out. After it was 
 finished and he was again in Edinburgh, he said that it had been 
 more costly than the interview of the Queens would have been ; 
 that he had never been in such a dear country before ; that he had 
 buried his best servant, and left another sick behind him ; that his 
 horses were marred ; that he had never been in a worse country ; 
 and that the charges were so unreasonable that he never took less 
 pleasure in any journey {Ibid. v. 537). While at Old Aberdeen he 
 and Lethington slept in the same bed (Keith's History, ii. 176). 
 
 4 Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, i. 216-218.— In the 
 printed Register the meeting of 15th August is erroneously said 
 to have been held in Edinburgh. 
 
 ^ Mary's letter to the magistrates and town-council of Edinburgh 
 is dated at Coupar Angus on the 21st of August {Burgh Records of 
 Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 148, 149). Her ratification of the 
 Articles, for the interview with Elizabeth in the summer of 1563, 
 is dated at Perth on the 24th of August (Labanoff's Recueil, i, 
 151-156). 
 
 301 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ® A meeting of Privy Council was held at Edzell on the 2oth of 
 August {Register of Privy Council, i. 218). 
 
 ^ The Register of Privy Seal (xxxi. 38) indicates that she was at 
 Glammis on the 26th of August. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, v. 273. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, v. 273. — Randolph and Argyll 
 spent two nights under Huntly's hospitable roof. His house was 
 the fairest and best furnished that Randolph had seen in the 
 country; his cheer was ^marvellous great,' and 'his mind such 
 as it ought to be towards his Sovereign ' {Ibid. v. 304). 
 
 10 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 82, 161, 199, 420. 
 
 11 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 572. 
 
 12 Register of Privy Council, i. 219 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 V. 303. See also infra, p. 310, n. 45. 
 
 1^ Chalmers alleges that '^the demanding of the possession [of 
 Inverness Castle], by an armed force, in time of peace, was illegal 
 and unwarrantable, even in the Queen herself {Life of Mary, 1818, 
 i. 85). Yet the Castle was hers, though the keepership had long 
 been in the Huntly family {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 303; 
 Spalding Miscellany, iv. 152, 153). 
 
 1* Tliree years later, Mary, it was said, was provided with ^ a 
 '^ knape scall " for her head ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 489). 
 On the evening of Riccio's murder, Ruthven entered Mary's 
 chamber ' with his knappisca upon his head ' (Melville's Memoirs, 
 Maitland Club, p. 149). A ' knapschalle,' 'knape-scall,' Mcnap- 
 pisca,' or '^knapscha' was a headpiece, a sort of helmet; but Mr. 
 Skelton, with his wonted carelessness, makes it a knapsack {Mait- 
 land of Lethington, i. 286 ; Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 63). 
 
 1^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 303, 304. — According to Ran- 
 dolph, she arrived in Inverness on the 9th of September and 
 stayed there five days. 
 
 16 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 304, 305, 318, 319.— Perhaps 
 'Laird of Banke' should be ^ Laird of Banff.' The Town Council 
 of Aberdeen experienced considerable difficulty in providing 
 the money to pay for the decoration of their town and for the 
 Queen's present {Burgh Records of Aberdeen, Spalding Club, i. 339, 
 340, 346-349). They had afterwards to recompense Thomas Nicol- 
 son, for ' the skayth sustenit be him in braking of certane chalmeris 
 of his arteilyerie, quhilkis the toun borrowit fra him, and wes usit 
 and schot with pulder in volie at the Quenis first entre to this 
 
 302 
 
vii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 burght' {Ibid. i. 851). The ensign, specially made for the occasion, 
 was still preserved in Aberdeen in 1616, but was ' all lacerat and 
 revin, and nocht seiming to be borne ' {Ibid. ii. 345). 
 
 1^ Register of the Privy Council, i. 219. — Randolph tells a curious 
 story as to how Sir John Gordon obtained Findlater {Foreign Calen- 
 dar, Elisabeth, v. 830) — a story which explains why Lady Findlater 
 is, in the Act of Privy Council, termed '^his pretendit spous.' 
 
 ^^ ' She passed hard by the house of Findlater, which John 
 Gordon has in possession, standing upon the sea, not easy to be 
 taken without cannon. She sent a trumpeter to summon the same, 
 with charge to deliver it up to the captain of the guard, which they 
 denied. There is another house [i.e. Auchindoune] summoned 
 and kept against her ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 319). 
 
 ^^ '^ It is worth writing how this cannon came into these parts. 
 In the Duke's government \i.e. while Chatelherault was Regent] 
 none was so great with him as the Earl of Huntly, then Lieutenant, 
 who to give this people a greater terror obtained to have a cannon 
 to lie in Strathbogie, which stood always in the middle of the 
 court — a terrible sight to as many as entered the house, or who 
 had offended the Earl. Tliis cannon, three days before the Queen 
 should come there, was carried into a cellar ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, v. 329). 
 
 20 Ibid. V. 829, 330. 
 
 21 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 360, 361 ; Records of Aboyne, 
 New Spalding Club, pp. 465, 466.— The Laird of Grange left 
 Aberdeen early enough in the morning to be at Strathbogie by 
 midday. His visit raised no suspicion, as his men were so few in 
 number. While he questioned the servants, the Tutor of Pitcur 
 rode about the house and gardens, lest any one should escape by 
 the back. Possibly Grange was selected for this work because, by 
 a similar ruse, he had so successfully entered the Cardinal's strong- 
 hold at St. Andrews sixteen years before. In this case he failed, 
 through a watchman in the tower seeing the Lord John and his 
 company a mile off. Huntly was warned in time ; and, once in 
 the saddle, they could not overtake him, as their horses were tired 
 with the long journey. Having escaped, there was now little 
 chance of his apprehension, unless he were betrayed. In the 
 Calendar there is, however, the suggestive sentence : — ^ They want 
 in the Highlands no good fellows to be instruments in any such 
 purpose. ' 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 22 Register of Privy Council, i. 219, 220. 
 
 -' Foj'eign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 386 ; Acts of the Parliaments of 
 Scotland, ii. 573. — In the teeth of these two authorities, the 21st of 
 October is given as the date of this enterprise {Records of Ahoyne, 
 p. 466). 
 
 2* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 386. — The present Marquis of 
 Huntly alleges that the Lord Gordon ' was living quietly among 
 his wife's kinsfolk the Hamiltons,' ^ when his father and brothers, 
 for their own protection, took up arms' {Records of Aboyne, p. 470) ; 
 but this is not implied in Randolph's statement. Moreover at his 
 trial he was specially charged with being with his father and brother 
 in Aberdeen on the 30th of August ; with being with Sir John near 
 Strathbogie on the 4th of September ; and with being on the 11th 
 of September at Tuwdoun, with eight score horsemen, to aid his 
 brother against the Queen {Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 
 576). According to Knox, Lord Gordon was sent by his father to 
 ask Chatelherault ' to putt to his handis in the south, as he should 
 do in the north ; and so it should not be Knoxis crying nor preach- 
 ing that should stay that purpose ' ; and it was constantly affirmed 
 that Both well, who had just escaped from Edinburgh Castle, had 
 been in consultation with Lord Gordon (Laing's Knooc, ii. 347). 
 One of the charges on which Lord Gordon was condemned was his 
 desiring Bothwell, after breaking ward, to raise men and horses for 
 his service {Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 577). 
 
 25 Rumours were spread that Murray and all his band were 
 slain ; and again that Mary had given herself to the Earl of 
 Huntly (Laing's Knox, ii. 351). 
 
 26 Knox induced the Master of Maxwell — afterwards Lord 
 Herries — to advise Bothwell ' to behave himself as it became a 
 faythfull subject, and to keape good quyetness in the partis com- 
 mitted to his charge, and so wold his cryme of the breaking of the 
 ward be the more easelie pardoned.' To Chatelherault, Knox him- 
 self wrote, earnestly exhorting him, ' neather to geve eare to the 
 Bischope his bastard brother, nor yit to the persuasions of the Erie 
 of Huntley ; for yf he did, he assured him, that he and his House 
 should come to a suddane ruyn ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 351). Eight 
 days after Mary's return to Edinburgh from the North, Knox had 
 an interview with Chatelherault, which is thus described by Ran- 
 dolph ; — ' Upon Sondaye at nyght the Duke supped with Mr. Knox, 
 wher the Duke desyered that I sholde be. Thre speciall poyntes 
 
vii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 he liatlie promised to performe to Mr. Knox before me ; tlie one 
 is never to goe for any respecte from that that he hathe promised 
 to be a professor of Chrystes worde and setter forth of the same to 
 hys power ; the nexte allwayes to shewe hymself an obbedyent 
 subjecte to his Soveregne, as farre as in deutie and conscience he 
 is bounde ; the thyrde never to alter from that promes he hathe 
 made for the mayntenance of peace and amytie betwene bothe the 
 realmes ' (Stevenson's Selections, Maitland Club, p. 106). 
 
 27 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 386. 
 
 28 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 399, 421, 422.— Randolph 
 gives the number of Huntly's force as seven hundred, and after- 
 wards as five hundred. Bishop Lesley avers that he '^assembled a 
 force of twelve hundred brave and trustworthy men, from among 
 his relatives, clansmen, and followers,' but that many deserted 
 when the enemy were beginning to surround him (Forbes-Leith's 
 Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 88, 89). The Jesuit fathers 
 informed the Pope that Huntly ^had collected about five or six 
 thousand men ' (Nau's History of Mary Stewart, app. p. 119). 
 Goodall hazards the opinion that not one of his men drew a sword 
 {Examination, i. 197). Lesley has carefully recorded the speech 
 with which he encouraged his men to fight ; and from that speech 
 it appears that he expected that some of those in arms against him 
 would prove his friends (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 89). This 
 phase of his speech is emphasised by Knox, who, like Buchanan, 
 believed that the vanguard of Huntly's opponents was actuated by 
 treachery (Laing's Knox, ii. 355, 356 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 463, 
 464). Before the battle, Lethington made *^a vehement orisoun,' 
 and willed every man to call upon his God, to remember his duty, 
 and not to fear the multitude ; so says Knox, who has preserved 
 the fervent prayer with which he concluded (Laing's Knox, ii. 356). 
 Lesley's statement — that Huntly was '^putto death by Moray's order, 
 with a firelock discharged, as it was said, close into his ear ' (Forbes- 
 Leith's Narratives, p. 90) — is quite inconsistent with Randolph's 
 account, as given in the text, and with the narrative of a contem- 
 porary chronicler, who affirms that, ^ in this conflict the said Erie 
 of Huntlie was tane be ane Andro Reidpeth, ane of our Soverane 
 Ladies gaird, quha put him upone his horse to have brocht him to 
 the Quenis Majestie ; hot howsein he was set upoun horsback, in- 
 continent thairefter he bristit and swelt, sua that he spak not one 
 word, bot deceissit' {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 74). Buchanan 
 
 u 305 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 states that Huntly;, Mieavy through age and asthmatic through 
 corpulence^ died in the hands of those who took him ' (Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 464) ; Knox — who speaks of his spirit failing him 
 before the conflict ' be reassone of his corpolencie ' — that he, 
 'immediatlie after his tacken, departed this lyifF without any 
 wound, or yitt appearance of any strock, whairof death might have 
 enseued ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 357) ; and Herries, that ' Huntlie him- 
 selfe was taken by one Andro Rippeth, one of the Queen's guard ; 
 but being a corpulen man, be died upon horsback, in the throng ' 
 (Herries's Historical Memoirs, p. GQ). According to his present 
 representative, ' he died of apoplexy ' {Records of Ahoyne, p. 467). 
 The battle of Corrichie was fought on the 28th of October 1562. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 899, 421 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 
 p. 74 ; Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p. 141. — 
 Buchanan says that Sir John ' was mangled by an unskilful execu- 
 tioner'; and that '^the Queen beheld his death with many tears' 
 (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 464). 
 
 2^ Stevenson's Selections, p. 104; Keith's History, ii. 180, 181. — 
 Two days after the battle of Corrichie a messenger arrived at 
 Aberdeen, with the assurance that Chatelherault would take no 
 part with Huntly. Lord Gordon had departed from him re infecta 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 422) ; but, in obedience to Mary's 
 command, was apprehended and kept by him at Kinneil (Keith's 
 History, ii. 176). 
 
 21 Stevenson's Selections, p. 106 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 74, 
 75. 
 
 32 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 577.— Lord Gordon was 
 condemned to death by the Justice Court {Ibid. ii. 576), not by 
 Parliament, as Lesley erroneously states (Father Forbes-Leith's 
 Narratives, p. 91). Three days after being ' put to the knowlege 
 of ane assyiss,' and ^ be the samin convictit and declarit tratour,' 
 he was taken from Edinburgh Castle to the Castle of Dunbar, ' and 
 thair put in frie ward ' {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 75). By the 
 Parliament which condemned his father, he was ' decernit to pas 
 to Dunbar agane ' {Ibid. p. 76). Gordonstoun, Straloch, and Father 
 Tyrie tell that Murray surreptitiously obtained Mary's signature to 
 a letter ordering his execution, but that his keeper saved his life 
 by taking the precaution of seeing Mary personally {Genealogical 
 History of the Earldom of Sutherland, 1813, p. 143 ; Gordon's Scots 
 Affairs, Spalding Club, i. pp. viii, ix ; Forbes-Leith's Narratives y 
 
 306 
 
viij NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 p. 91 n.). In the combined revocation and proclamation after her 
 escape from Loch Leven (supra, p. 174)^ ^Murray is charged with 
 ^ falslie steilling our handwrit^' thinking to slay Huntly's ' eldest 
 sone_, now Erie, than in Dumhar ' (The Lennox, 1874, ii- 440 ; 
 Memorials of the Earls of Haddington, 1889, ii. 270). ITie story, 
 however, would need to be better authenticated ; as the present 
 Marquis of Huntly acknowledges, suspicion is thrown upon it by 
 the mere fact of his being in ^free ward' (Records of Ahoyne, 
 p. 470); and Knox states that, before Chatelherault delivered 
 him up, Murray ^laubored at the Quenis hand for the saiftye of 
 his lyeff, which hardly was granted ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 360), On 
 the 12th of May 1565, Throckmorton found him still in Dunbar 
 Castle — ' a condemned man for high treason ' (Keith's History, 
 ii. 278, 279) ; but the time of his deliverance was drawing nigh. 
 On the Srd of the following August — five days after Mary's 
 marriage with Darnley — he was by open proclamation ' relaxit 
 fra the proces of horn,' and received again into the royal favour 
 (infra, p. 358, n. 28). Sixteen days after Darnley's murder, Mary 
 granted a precept of remission to Huntly and his friends for 
 Corrichie (Spalding Miscellany, iv. 154-156) ; and — five days before 
 she was carried off by Bothwell to Dunbar — the sentence of death 
 and forfeiture was by Parliament declared null and void on the 
 ground of informality (Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 576- 
 579). 
 
 22 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 421 ; vi. 881 ; Laing's Knox, 
 ii. 859, 380, 381 ; Records of Ahoyne, pp. 467, 468 ; Diurnal oj 
 Occurrents, p. 76 ; Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 573 ; 
 Forbes-Leith's Narratives, pp. 90, 91. 
 
 •^ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 579-581. — The sentence 
 was reduced on the ground of informality. 
 
 2^ According to Chalmers, the Lord James — anxious to secure 
 the Earldom of Murray — saw that a handle might be made of Sir 
 John Gordon's escape from prison ; and therefore persuaded Mary 
 to go to the north, where, ' being egregiously imposed upon by a 
 thousand of his fictions and falsehoods, the Queen was at once 
 made the victim of his ambition and the instrument of his murders' 
 (Life of Mary, 1818, i. 79, 80, 98 ; ii. 299, 800). Mary's journey 
 to the north had, however, been planned long before (supra, p. 301, 
 n. 2). The idea that she was taken there to carry out a pre- 
 meditated conspiracy of Murray against Huntly is scouted by 
 
 3Q7 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Patrick Eraser Tytler as an imagination of those who are ^guided 
 by their prejudices rather than their research" {History of Scotland, 
 184o_, V. 225). Hosack^ too^ holds that Murray '^was iu no M'ay 
 responsible ' for ^ the rebellion of the Gordons, an incident clearly 
 arising from the feudal anarchy which prevailed in Scotland,' and 
 that the expedition to the north ' seems to have been planned, not 
 by Murray, but by the Queen herself {Mary and her Accusers y 
 i. 89). 
 
 36 Even after Knox knew the results of the northern progress, 
 he was dubious about the motives which had impelled Mary to 
 undertake it : — ' Whitther thair was any secreat pactioun and con- 
 federacye betwix the Papistis in the south, and the Erie of Huntley 
 and his Papistis in the north ; or, to speak more planelie, betwix 
 the Quene hirself and Huntley, we can not certanlie say. But the 
 suspitionis war wounderous vehement, that thair was no good will 
 borne to the Erie of Murray, nor yit to such as depended upoun 
 him at that tyme ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 346). 
 
 2' It is calmly related by Gordonstoun — the son of Janet, alias 
 Jane Gordon, Huntly's daughter, Bothwell's divorced spouse — 
 that Mary went to the north that she might be delivered by Huntly 
 from the power of her bastard brother, and that she might marry 
 ' Sir John Gordon of Findlater, a comly young gentleman, verie 
 personable, and of good expectation, whom she loved intirlie' 
 {Genealogical History of the Earldom of Sutherland, 1813, p. 140). 
 According to Buchanan, Sir John ' was a manly youth, extremely 
 handsome, and just in the opening bloom of life' (Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 4G4). Although Sir John had already a ' pretendit 
 spous ' {Register of Privy Council, i. 219), whom he kept locked up 
 in 'a close chamber' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 330), it is 
 quite possible that a royal marriage had been planned for him ; 
 and that the ' great preparations ' at Strathbogie were intended for 
 its suitable celebration ; but Gordonstoun's story, that such a 
 marriage had been suggested and approved by the Guises, and 
 desired by the Queen of Scots, is altogether incredible. One of 
 the charges against the dead Huntly was that he had conspired to 
 help Sir John— on the last day of August, the day on which he 
 appeared before the Justiciary Court in the Tolbooth of Aberdeen 
 — to enter the Queen's lodging with a great number of armed men 
 to desire ^ sic thingis of hir Hienes as wes nocht lefull,' and in the 
 event of her refusal ' to put violent handis in her persoun, and leid 
 
 308 
 
VII] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 hir quhair thai plesit' (Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 572). 
 And Mary told Randolph Hiow detestable a part Huntly thought 
 to have used against her ; as to have married her where he would ' 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 421). 
 
 ^^ Mary's northern progress was^ as Randolph testifies^ ' rather 
 devised by herself than greatly approved by her Council ' (Chalmers's 
 Mary, ii. 300??.). 
 
 33 Supra, pp. 268, 269. 
 
 ^^ Lists of Huntly 's movables which fell to Mary after Corrichie 
 will be found in Thomson's Collection of Inventories, 1815, pp. 153- 
 158, and in Robertson's Inventories of Marys Jewels, 1863, pp. 
 49-56 ; but they did not all belong to Huntly, for, three years 
 before, the Bishop, Dean, and Chapter of Aberdeen had placed in 
 his hands for safe-keeping many of their church valuables and 
 vestments, to be returned on ten days' notice '^ under paine of God's 
 curse ' (liegistrum Episcopatus Aberdonensis, Spalding Club, vol. i., 
 pp. Ixxxviii-xc). It was no wonder that the Bishop and his chapter 
 had taken precautions to secure their vestments, seeing that among 
 them were a number made of cloth of gold captured by Bruce at 
 Banuockburn {Ibid. ii. 189, 190). On the 9th of October 1562 — 
 after Huntly baulked Grange, Lindsay, and the Lord John, by 
 escaping from Strathbogie — ^ some searched the house, but found 
 no suspected person or any kind of stuff in it save a few beds of 
 the worst sort. Her [i.e. the Countess's] chapel remained garnished, 
 and being demanded why it was not disfurnished, she said she was 
 sure the Queen would not be offended with it' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, v. 361). It is quite likely — though it cannot be proved — 
 that the three fair church vestments '^of claith of gold,' which were 
 delivered by Mary's orders to Bothwell a few weeks after the 
 murder of Darnley (Robertson's Inventories, p. 53), were actually 
 part of those which had been made of the Banuockburn spoils 
 {Ibid. p. xxvi). 
 
 '*i The Lord James had been legitimated on the 4th of February 
 1561-2, and created Earl of Mar on the 7th of that month {Register 
 of Privy Seal, xxxi. 2). In one passage, Chalmers gives the 10th 
 of February as the date when he was made Earl of Mar {Life of 
 Mary, 1818, ii. 296); but in another he gives the correct date 
 {Ibid. ii. 432). 
 
 ^2 Randolph mentions, in his letter from Spynie on the 18th of 
 September, the gift of the Earldom of Murray to the Lord James 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 305) ; and on the 80th reports :— 
 ' Men have great hope that the Earl of Murray will do much good 
 in this country. His power of men is great, and the revenue 
 esteemed 1000 marks a year ; the country, pleasant. The place 
 called Ternavve [i.e. Darnaway] is very ruinous, save the halle, very 
 fair and large. The last Earl was King James the Fifth's bastard 
 brother, who was much beloved ; since that time the whole country 
 has been under the Earl of Huntly' (Ibid. v. 830). The Lord 
 James had, however, received a gift of the Earldom of Murray on 
 the 30th of January 1561-2, that is, eight days before he was made 
 Earl of Mar (Register of Privy Seal, xxxi. 45, 46) ; and, in the 
 previous November, Randolph had reported that he was ' lyke shortly 
 to be Erie of Murray ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 83). 
 
 43 Robertson's Inventories, p. xxiv, r?. 2. 
 
 •*■' Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 884. 
 
 4^ Though the keys of Findlater and Auchindoune had been 
 offered by a horse-boy on the 9th of October, "^it was found that 
 they had been brought by a brother of Mr. Thomas Ker, who was 
 committed to ward ; suspicious letters were found about him. He 
 excuses his master, and burdens John Gordon as author of the 
 whole evil, and yet it is known that he is daily in his father's 
 company, and does nothing but by his order ' (Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, v. 861), 'Mr. Thomas Ker and his brother being in 
 custody have confessed that their master determined three several 
 times to have slain Murray and Lethington, letters were also found 
 about Mr. Thomas that import no less ; but whatsoever was done 
 by John Gordon, was by his father's counsel ' (Ibid. v. 880). At 
 Corrichie, 'there were found about the Earl certain letters, very 
 suspicious against some ' (Ibid. v. 899). ' John Gordon has con- 
 fessed all, and lays the fault on his father. He is not yet [2nd 
 November 1562] condemned, but doubtless will not escape ' (Ibid. v. 
 421). See also Laing's Knox, ii. 359 ; Keith's History, ii. 175, 170. 
 
 46 Keith's History, ii. 182. 
 
 47 ^She will not yet grant to go to his house, although it is 
 within three miles of her waj^, and the fairest in the country. 
 That purpose of hers will be broken, for so her Council find it 
 expedient ' (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 278). 
 
 48 Concerning Corrichie, Knox says : — ' The Erie of Murray 
 send message unto the Quene of the mervalouse victorye, and 
 humblie prayed hir to schaw that obedience to God as publictlie 
 
 310 
 
vii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 to convene with thame, to g-eve thankis unto God for his notable 
 deliverance. Sche glowmed boyth at the messenger and at the 
 requeastj and skarselie wold geve a good worde or blyth countenance 
 to any that sche knew earnest favoraris of the Erie of Murray, 
 whose prosperitie was and yitt is a verray vennoume to hyr 
 boldened harte against him for his godlynes and uprycht plainess. 
 Of many dayes she hair no better countenance ; whairby it myght 
 have bene eridentlie espyed^ that sche rejosed nott greatlie of the 
 successe of that mater ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 358). According to 
 Buchanan, Murray ' proceeded to the Court_, where_, amid the 
 mutual gratulations of the courtiers, the Queen betrayed no 
 symptom of joy, either in her countenance or speech ' (Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 464). 
 
 4^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 421. 
 
 ^0 Supra, p. 234, n. 29. See also Records of Ahoyne, pp. 456-458. 
 
 ^1 Spalding Miscellany, iv. 144-150. —The Indenture between the 
 Duke of Somerset and the Earl of Huntly, of 6th December 1548, 
 declares that the Indenture of the preceding day '^is of none 
 effect, and that we both did not, nor do mane that the said writing 
 shuld binde anie of us or be of anie effect or force, but wes devised 
 onely by the procuirement and desier of me the said Erie to be 
 carried with me the said Erie into Scotland at my going thither, to 
 be shewed to the Governor and others of Scotland for a covert of 
 our proceidingis, and to the intent that by pretence thereof I the 
 said Erie might the better conduce my service to the furtherance of 
 the Kingis Majesteis affaires, and the advancement of such pur- 
 poses as I have promised to the said Duke to do my best to bring 
 to passe.' 
 
 S2 Lesley's Histoi-y, pp. 220-222.— While Sir Ralph Fane's letter 
 to the Protector implies that Huntly 's sincerity was suspected, and 
 while it explains how his escape was facilitated, it also sweeps away 
 some of Lesley's details. Fane — or Avane, as Lesley calls him — 
 was not with him in Morpeth ; and his son-in-law had been straitly 
 forbidden by Lord Grey '^to give any semblance of suspicion in 
 tliErle, least it might be a meane to alienate his minde when he 
 should perceave that we had no great trust in him.' "VV^hen be- 
 nighted at Morpeth, Huntly was allowed — as he had hitherto been 
 on his journey northward — Ho have liis chamber alone and to use 
 all thingis at his libertie' {Records of Ahoyne, pp. 449-452). As he 
 had been bound, however, by the second Indenture to give as 
 
 311 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 hostages — before leaving- Berwick — his wife, three of his sons, and 
 his brother^ in pledge for his return, the escape at Morpeth 
 cannot be regarded as having been pre-arranged with Somerset. 
 Fane's grief was apparently due to the fear that through the escape 
 he might lose part of the ransom {Hatfield Calendar, i. 59). Lesley 
 relates that ere Mary of Guise had long been Regent, she had 
 occasion to punish Huntly (Lesley's History, pp. 251, 252 ; cf. 
 Register of Privy Council, xiv, 13). To the present iVIarquis her con- 
 duct in this is inexplicable {Records of Ahoyne, p. 455). 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 
 1 Nau's History of Mary Stewart, app. p. 119. — In this Report 
 the Jesuit priests show a contemptuous disregard of the most 
 commonplace historical facts. Perhaps they thought that the 
 infallible head of their Church was easily imposed upon. 
 
 2 Causin's Holy Court, 1678, p. 812. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 71. — Randolph was not the 
 only one to whom Mary disclaimed all desire for marriage (Forbes- 
 Leith's Narratives, pp. 92, 93 ; Philippson's Ilarie Stuart, iii. 461, 
 462). 
 
 * Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 233. 
 
 ^ Chatelar — ' descended on his mother's side from the Chevalier 
 Bayard ' — was ' highly accomplished, a good musician, and an 
 agreeable poet.' As one of the suite of Damville, the Constable's 
 son, he had accompanied Mary on her voyage from France, and 
 had addressed verses to her, to which she had replied (Mignet's 
 History of Mary, 1851, i. 128). Drawn, perhaps, by that '^inchant- 
 ment whareby men ar bewitched,' he again came to Scotland next 
 year, and met the Queen at Montrose, as she returned from her 
 northern progress, in November 1562. He had brought a long 
 letter from his master, and presented her with ^ a book of his own 
 making written in meeter.' He was courteously received, kindly 
 entertained, and rode upon '^the soar [i.e. sorrel] gelding' that 
 Lord Robert had given to the Queen of Scots (Stevenson's Selec- 
 tions, p. 103 ; Keith's History, ii. 177-180). In Randolph's opinion, 
 Mary showed ^over-great familiarity . . . unto so unworthy a 
 creature and abject a varlet' — familiarity which would have been 
 
 312 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ' too much to have been used to his master himself by any Princess 
 alive' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 133). Knox is quite as 
 plain. ' Chattelett/ as he calls him, ^ passed all otheris in credytt 
 with the Quene. In dansing of the Purpose . . . the Quene 
 chosed Chattelett, and Chattelett took the Quene. Chattelett had 
 the best dress. All this wynter Chattelett was so familiare in the 
 Quenis cabinett, ayre and laitt, that scarslye could any of the 
 nobilitie have access unto hir. The Quene wold ly upoun Chatte- 
 lettis shoulder, and sometymes prively she wold steall a kyss of his 
 neck' (Laing's Knox, ii. 367, 868). As Lethington was to leave 
 on the 13th of February on his embassy to England and France, 
 he and Murray and other two members of Council had a long 
 meeting with Mary, in her private cabinet, on the evening of the 
 12th — a meeting which was prolonged until after midnight. The 
 attendants in Mary's chamber having fallen asleep, Chatelar took 
 the opportunity of slipping beneath her bed. There, with his 
 sword and dagger, he was luckily discovered, not, as Mignet 
 alleges, by Mary herself, but by two grooms of the chamber, who 
 ' looked as usual behind the tapestry and the bed.' When next 
 morning she was apprised of what had happened, she ordered him 
 out of her presence. He, notwithstanding, followed her to Dun- 
 fermline, and — finding, as he thought, her wrath appeased — took 
 fresh courage, and boldly entered her chamber at Burnt Island, on 
 the evening of the 14th of February, when only certain of her gentle- 
 women were with her. He desired to clear himself of the crime 
 with which he had been charged, denying that he was found under 
 her bed, and alleging that, being in her chamber late, and over- 
 come for want of sleep, he had retired into her private closet. For 
 this second intrusion he was seized, carried to St. Andrews, where 
 he was tried, and in the market-place of which he was executed on 
 Monday the 22nd, being the market day {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vi. 133, 166, 167 ; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 314). According 
 to Brantome, he recited on the scaffold Ronsard's hymn to death ; 
 and, turning to the place where he supposed the Queen to be, 
 cried aloud, ' Adieu, the most beautiful and the most cruel Princess 
 of the world' (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Marice, ii. 497). 
 According to Knox, ^ At the place of executioun, when he saw that 
 thair was no remeady but death, he maid a godly confessioun, and 
 granted that his declyning from the treuth of God, and following 
 of vanitie and impietie, was justly recompensed upoun him. But 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 in the end he concluded, looking unto the heavenis, with these 
 words, "O cruelle dame"' (Laing's Knox, ii. 369 and n.). 
 According to Randolph, he died with repentance, and confessed 
 privately more than he spake openly. His purpose was, that night 
 he was found under her bed, to have tried her constancy, and by 
 force to have attempted what by no persuasions he could attain 
 unto {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 167). Long afterwards, 
 Randolph referred to this incident in terms which seem to imply 
 that he believed her honour was compromised (Raumer's Queen 
 Elizabeth and Mary Queen of Scots, 1836, p. 121) ; but, as Raumer 
 has pointed out, if Mary ' had intended a meeting, she might easily 
 have arranged it in a more convenient and safe manner' {Ibid. 
 p. 23). Chatelar's rash and wicked conduct was, of course, 
 exaggerated at the time in the rumours that found currency. 
 Randolph reports, in his first communication after the Burnt Island 
 episode, that when Mary was going to bed, and only two of her 
 gentlewomen present, Chatelar, coming out of a secret corner, 
 set upon her with such force, and in such impudent sort, that she 
 herself had to cry for help ; that tlie matter was so manifest ' that 
 no colour could be found to hide the shame and dishonour ' ; and 
 that Hhe Earl of Murray was sent for out of his lodging, whom 
 the Queen incontinent commanded to put his dagger into him, 
 which incontinent had been done if God had not put into his mind 
 to have him reserved, and to be justified according to order of law* 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 183). The only material differ- 
 ence between Mary's own account and Randolph's seems to have 
 been in the alleged reiterated command for immediate punishment 
 (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 464). The conversation between 
 her and Murray on this point as reported by Knox (Laing's Knox, 
 ii. 868) may be apocryphal ; but ^Ir. Skelton does not prove it to 
 be so by alleging that Knox and Murray were then on bad terms 
 {Maitland of Lethington, i. p. xxvii n.), for they did not quarrel 
 until the following summer (Laing's Knox, ii. 382, 461). In Eng- 
 land, Lady Throckmorton was informed that Chatelar had been 
 left at the Scots Court by the Duke of Guise {sic), for whose sake 
 he received much courtesy at Mary's hands {Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, vi. 154). Henry Cobham not only confounded the two 
 intrusions and intensified the excitement of the situation — as did 
 Lady Throckmorton and others — but averred that Chatelar at first 
 spoke for his master {Ibid. vi. 837, 388). The culprit himself, in 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 passing througli London_, had said ^that he was going to Scotland 
 to see his lady love ' {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 314). ^yhen 
 the story of the Holyrood incident reached Paris_, Chatelar was 
 said to have been discovered below Mary's bed_, not only with 
 sword and dagger, but booted and spurred {Venetian Calendar, vii. 
 855). A month after the ^little Frenchman' — '^who was always 
 joking amongst the ladies' — had been executed, Lethington in- 
 formed Bishop Quadra that, on being discovered, he tried hard to 
 pass it all off as a joke ; but afterwards ' said that he had been sent 
 from France by persons of distinguished position ' to ' try to make 
 himself so familiar ' with Mary and her ladies ' that he could seize 
 an opportunity of obtaining some appearance of proof sufficient 
 to sully the honour of the Queen ; ' that he intended, therefore, 
 ^to remain that night underneath the bed, and go out in the 
 morning, so that he could escape after being seen.' She who had 
 given the principal instructions to him was ^Madame de Curosot' ; 
 but ]\Iary had written to Lethington that the other names could 
 not be intrusted to letters {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 314). 
 Madame de Guise told the Venetian Ambassador in Paris that 
 Chatelar had ' confessed to having been sent by Madame de 
 Cursolles,' a lady in great favour in the French Court, ' and sup- 
 posed to be of this new religion, so that by this means she might 
 defame that Queen, in order to thwart any marriage that might be 
 treated for her' {Venetian Calendar, vii. 356. Cf. Teulet's Papiers 
 D'Etat, iii. 4, 5). After Chatelar's intrusions, IMary Fleming slept 
 with the Queen of Scots {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 195). 
 
 6 Supra, pp. 33, 84, 226, 227. 
 
 ^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 222. 
 
 ^ Besides those mentioned in the text, the King of Sweden, his 
 brother, the King of Denmark, the King of Navarre, the Duke of 
 Ferrara, the Prince of Conde, the Duke of Orleans (afterwards 
 Henry the Third), the young Duke of Guise, the Cardinal of Bour- 
 bon, Don John, Ferdinand, a son of Geoffrey Pole's, and the Duke 
 of Norfolk, were suggested or spoken of at various times as suitors 
 for the hand of the Queen of Scots. 
 
 9 Laing's Knoa;, ii. 360, 361. 
 
 ^^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 809, 810. —Next summer, in 
 discussing with Bishop Quadra the prospects of the Archduke 
 Charles, Lethington stated plainly that Mary's revenues were 
 hardly enough for herself {Ibid. i. 340). At a later period one of 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 her agents was instructed to ' enter/ as of himself, with De Quadra's 
 successor concerning the Don Carlos match, marvelling that he 
 seeks not the Queen, ' considdering sche is the greatest mariage 
 this day in Europe,' by reason of what she presently possesses, has 
 title unto, 'and is in potentia propinqua to ohtene' (Philippson's 
 Marie Stuart, iii. 476). See also Mauvissiere's Memoirs, 1724, p. 290. 
 " Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 812, 332 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vi. 207, 802. 
 
 12 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 302. 
 
 13 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 839, 417.— Sir James Melville 
 says that he also was employed to make inquiries concerning the 
 Archduke Charles — ' to knaw of his religion, of his rentis, and of 
 his qualites, and to send hame word to the Quen ; as also of his 
 age and stature, and his pictour to send therewith, gif it culd be 
 possible ' {Memoirs, Maitland Club, p. 92). In the spring of 1565, 
 Lethington told De Silva that although the Cardinal of Lorraine 
 had entered into negotiations for this match without Mary's con- 
 sent, yet ' as the Archduke was a son and relative of such powerful 
 monarchs, she could not refuse him hastily, but in a respectful way 
 said that she would lay the matter before her subjects, and in the 
 meanwhile could learn what the Emperor was going to do for his 
 son ; the idea being to drop the business politely on one or other 
 of these points' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 422). 
 
 1* Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 808, 812. — It was reported at 
 the French Court ' that so long as the Earl of Marr and Lethington 
 rule in that realm [i.e. Scotland], they will never suffer the Arch- 
 duke of Austria to have the Queen of Scotland, nor to come there ; 
 and therefore means must be found to make them away ' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 418). 
 
 1^ LabanoiF's Recueil, i. 296, 297 ; Turnbull's Marys Letters, 
 p. 148. 
 
 16 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 840, 841. 
 
 1^ Mary was ^ loth to have it thought that the Cardinal of Lor- 
 raine was a suitor for her in marriage to the Emperor's son.' The 
 Cardinal wrote to her protesting that ' he was never suitor to the 
 Emperor ' ; which Lethington said was true enough, for the Emperor 
 was ever suitor to the Cardinal. Lethington was willing that 
 Randolph should tell Elizabeth, ' as a great secret and a thing 
 unfeignably true,' that the Emperor was offering '^2,000,000 francs 
 by year during his life, and 8,000,000 after his death to live with 
 
 316 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 her in Scotland ' ; and that he looked '' for a resolute answer by 
 the end of May ' 1564 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 84, 89). 
 As a dowry he had previously offered the country of the Tyrol, 
 worth 30,000 francs a year {Ibid. vi. 889). The bigger sum would 
 need to be better vouched. 
 
 ^^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 807, 808. — Knox says that 
 Lethington had been sent ' with large commissioun both to the 
 Queue of England and unto the Guisianes ' ; but owns that what 
 his '^credyte was, we know not' (Laing's Knox, ii. 860, 861). 
 Another contemporary states that Maitland left Edinburgh on the 
 18th of February 1.562-8, *to quhat effect non knowis' {Diurnal of 
 Occurrents, p. 75). The Instructions for his English embassy are 
 printed in Keith's History, ii. 188-192 ; in Labanoff's Recueil, i. 
 161-169 ; and in the Register of Privy Council, xiv. 18-5-188. 
 
 19 Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 459, 460, 468.— ^a?'A: is, by M. 
 Philippson, misprinted sarle. Lethington's report is dated 9th 
 March 1562-8. The Rhinegrave alleged on the 28th of that month 
 that the Prince of Spain wished to marry the Queen of Scots 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 241). 
 
 2° Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 809, 818. — It was at this time 
 suspected that there was ' some practice of marriage,' though no 
 man then in Scotland knew her mind. The preachers prayed 
 daily that God would keep them from the bondage of strangers ; 
 and for her, that He would either turn her heart or send her 
 short life {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 167, 168). JMurray and 
 Lethington were not then on the best of terms. ' "Would that 
 he [i.e. Lethington] had been plainer with Murray than he has 
 been,' was Randolph's prayer. ' In his absence he never wrote to 
 Murray. It was so determined between the Queen and him before 
 his departure ' {Ibid. vi. 882). On the 80th of April 1564, a well- 
 informed Scot thus wrote : — ^The Queue Mother [of France] bathe 
 writin to our Queue, that Lid[dington] said to hir, that all that 
 was spoken of the mariage with Spaine was done to caus England 
 grant to our desyris ' (Laing's Knox, vi. 540). Throckmorton was 
 afterwards led to believe that the Spanish match ^ was chiefly over- 
 thrown by Murray and Lethington' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 871). 
 
 21 Labanoff's Recueil, i. 296 ; Turnbull's Mary's Letters, pp. 
 147, 148. 
 
 22 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 882. 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 23 To Philip^ Guzman de Silva thus writes on the 21st ot April 
 1565 : — 'In addition to the Queen of Scotland's great claims to this 
 kingdom [i.e. England], she certainly has here a very strong party, 
 and it is highly desirable in many respects that she should be 
 reckoned with in the consideration of affairs here which deeply 
 concern us. The ports of this kingdom are necessary for the 
 success of trade between Spain and the Netherlands and for other 
 interests of the States ; but, besides this, these people are beginning 
 to navigate largely, and may hinder us greatly in the Indies, 
 upon which they look greedily, unless they are prevented in 
 some way from going to those parts ' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 419). 
 
 2^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 332, 333. — In this letter of 
 loth June 1563, Philip writes to his ambassador in London : — '^If 
 I saw any appearance of the Archduke's match being carried 
 through, and of the possibility of getting from it the same advan- 
 tages as at present appear derivable from the marriage with my 
 son, I would embrace and promote it to the full extent of my power 
 in preference to the latter, for the aifection I bear to the Emperor 
 my uncle and his sons. What has moved me to take this business 
 up, and not to wait until the Emperor has been undeceived about 
 it, has been the information you send me respecting the objections 
 entertained by the Queen and her Ministers to the match with the 
 Archduke, and the small benefit they think they will derive from 
 it ; but, above all, your advice that they were about to enter into 
 negotiations for the marriage of their Queen with the King of 
 France. I well bear in mind the trouble and anxiety I underwent 
 from King Francis when he was married to this Queen, and I am 
 sure that if he had lived we could not have avoided plunging into 
 war ere this on the ground of my protection of the Queen of 
 England, whose country he would have invaded as he intended 
 to do.' 
 
 2^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 334. 
 
 26 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 345. 
 
 27 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 346, 347. — In Bishop Jewel's 
 opinion the Bishop of Aquila was 'a clever and crafty old fox, 
 and formed for intrigue ' (Zurich Letters, Parker Society, i. 102). 
 
 28 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 510. — Two days before, Throck- 
 morton had reported that the House of Guise was in no great 
 credit in the French Court, but was regarded with jealousy for 
 
 318 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ^the practice' of this marriage, notwithstanding the rumour of the 
 Prince of Austria {Ibid. vi. 500). By the 12th of October, Smith 
 understood that ^ without doubt the Queen of Scots had agreed to 
 take King Philip's son' {Ibid. vi. 551). In the beginning of 
 November Throckmorton perceived that the French still greatly- 
 feared this marriage {Ibid. vi. 5/0). They were soon afterwards 
 relieved by the illness of Don Carlos and the expectation that he 
 would not live long {Ibid. vi. 590). 
 
 2^ Spanish Calendar ^ Elizabeth, i. Sll, 821. 
 
 2^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 388. — Lethington told the same 
 story to the French Ambassador, adding, however, that Elizabeth 
 also objected to Mary's marriage with the French king. ^I asked 
 Lethington,' says De Quadra, ^ whom he thought the Queen wished 
 her to marry, and he said he imagined it was some private gentle- 
 man, and as a last resort she would agree to the King of Denmark, 
 or another Protestant Prince, or even with the Duke of Ferrara, 
 or a person of similar position in France. ' 
 
 ^^ Laing's Knox, ii. 884-890. — The Reformer states that this 
 sermon and interview took place '^befoir the Parliament dissolved.' 
 They must therefore have been at the end of May or beginning of 
 June, the Queen having opened Parliament on the 26th of the one 
 month and closed it on the 6th of the other {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vi. 881,899). According to Knox, 'The Quene wold 
 have had the censement of the Lordis of Articles, yf that such 
 maner of speaking deserved not punishement ; but she was con- 
 sailled to desist : and so that storm quiettit in appearance, but 
 never in the hearte. ' 
 
 22 ' The rest of that sommer [] 568] the Quene spent in hir 
 progresse through the West Countrey, whair in all tounes and 
 gentil-mennes places she had her messe. . . . From the West 
 Countrey, the Quene past in Ergyll to the hunting, and after 
 returned to Striveling' (Laing's Knox, ii. 891). 'The Queen after 
 this [i.e. the rising of Parliament] went to Argyllshire for relaxa- 
 tion,' says Bishop Lesley, ' and spent all the summer in hunt- 
 ing and other royal diversions ' (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 
 92). Buchanan represents her as hunting ' in Athole ' (Aikman's 
 Buehanan, ii. 465 ; Ruddiman's Buchanan, i. 889) ; and William 
 Barclay describes a stag-hunt, which, he says, she witnessed there 
 that year, and of which he himself was a spectator (Robertson's 
 Inventories^ p. Ixx, n. ; Chambers's Domestic Annals, 1874, i. 80, 31). 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 So early as the preceding- Easter Eve, Randolph had reported that 
 this year Mary purposed to take her progress into Argyll {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 280) ; and on the 18th of June he mentioned 
 the preparations that were being made for her journey thither {Ibid. 
 vi. 899). 
 
 33 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 518. — Randolph's Instructions, 
 dated the 20th of August 1568, are printed, from the original, in 
 Keith's History, ii. 205-208. For summaries of an earlier and of a 
 corrected draft, see Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 509, 510. For 
 the form in which they were given in to Mary by Randolph, see 
 Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club ed. pp. 105-107. It was only if 
 Mary made light of mere advice, and if Randolph saw no other 
 means to satisfy her, that he was to say: — 'We are well content, if our 
 sister will in her marriage have regard to these things, and content 
 us and this our nation in her marriage, upon assured knowledge 
 thereof, to proceed to the inquisition of her right and title to be 
 our next cousin and heir, and to further that which shall appear 
 advantageous for her, and to hinder and impeach that which shall 
 seem to the contrary ; using also therein such means as may be to 
 the contentation of our realm, both nobility and commons.' 
 
 3* Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, p. 107. 
 
 ^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 813. — Lethington said to De 
 Quadra that he * was anxious to escape from this colloquy by bring- 
 ing on the subject of the succession, which he knew would shut 
 her mouth directly, and therefore told her that the Queen his 
 mistress was very young yet, and what this Queen might do for her 
 was to marry Lord Robert herself first and have children by him, 
 which was so important for the welfare of the country, and then when 
 it should please God to call her to Himself, she could leave the 
 Queen of Scots heiress both to her kingdom and her husband. In 
 this way it would be impossible for Lord Robert to fail to have 
 children by one or other of them, who would in time become Kings 
 of these two countries, and so turning it to a joke, he put an end to 
 the conversation.' 
 
 36 Spajiish Calendar, Elizabeth, I 895, 396, 407- 
 
 37 Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, pp. 107, 108. 
 
 38 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 294, 307, 315, 318; Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 424; vi. 144. — The result of his wound 
 proved fatal on Ash Wednesday, 24th of February 1 562-3 {Ibid. vi. 
 169, 180). When Mary received the news in St. Andrews, on the 
 
 320 
 
virr] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 loth of March, she was '^ marvellously sad, and her ladies shed 
 tears like showers of rain' {Ihid. vi. 211). A fortnight afterwards, 
 Randolph delivered a letter from Elizabeth to her as she was on 
 the fields hunting-. She said : — ^ I have now received no small 
 comfort, and the greatest that I can, coming from such one as my 
 dear sister, so tender a cousin and friend as she is to me ; and 
 though I can neither speak nor read but with tears, yet think you 
 not but that I have received more comfort of this letter' (and 
 incontinent putteth it into her bosom next her skin) ' than I have 
 of all that hath been said unto me since I heard first word of my 
 uncle's death. Now I trust God will not leave me destitute ; and, 
 for my part, I will show myself as loving and as kind unto my sister, 
 your mistress, as if God had given us both one father and mother. 
 It is most needful for us both, and I perceive it to be God's will it 
 should so be ; for I see now that the world is not that that we do 
 make of it, nor yet are they most happy that continue longest in 
 it.' At dinner, after taking out the letter and re-reading it, she 
 said to those about her : — ^ God will not leave me destitute. I 
 have received the best letter from the Queen, my good sister of 
 England, that ever I had, and I do assure you it comforteth me.' 
 She needed all the comfort she could get, for immediately after- 
 wards the death of the Grand Prior was broken to her {Ibid. vi. 
 2G0, 261). 
 
 39 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 223, 369, 422 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 65 n. ; vi. 553, 555, 579, 600 ; Philippson's Marie 
 Stuart, iii. 476. — Philippson says that Catherine opposed Mary's 
 match with Don Carlos, because she foresaw terrible dangers for 
 her own sons in the support which the policy of the Guises would 
 derive from the combined power of Spain, Scotland, England, and 
 Ireland, and therefore she wished to marry her daughter Margaret 
 to Philip's heir, and so bind Spain to France for ever, and thus 
 thwart the hostile intrigues of the Guises (Ibid. i. 277). 
 
 *o Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 616, 617, 636, 637, 649, 650. 
 —On the 15th of January, Randolph reported that Mary was well 
 again (Ibid. vii. 14). In the end of February the Cardinal of 
 Lorraine asked Throckmorton to procure a safe-conduct for Lugerie, 
 her physician, as she desired his advice for the recovery of her 
 health. He seems to have left Paris towards the close of April 
 3564, and to have remained in Scotland until the following March. 
 In Randolph's opinion, he was the Cardinal of Lorraine's spy 
 X 321 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 (Ibid. vii. 66, 67, 118^ 808, 318). He, at all events, told the 
 Cardinal of Mary's regard for Darnley {Papiers D'Etat, ii. 42). 
 
 ^^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 371. — In the previous January, 
 Randolph could see that Mary's heart was in Spain ; but he thought 
 that in the end she would be content with some one nearer home 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 23). Only eight days before 
 Philip intimated to De Silva that the negotiations must cease, 
 Challoner wrote from Madrid that the Prince had been very 
 inquisitive regarding her estate, and that his affection appeared to 
 bend most that way {Ibid. vii. 183). 
 
 ^' Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 193, 196. 
 
 ^3 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 22, 23. — It was said that Philip 
 befriended Elizabeth, during the reign of her sister Mary, in the 
 hope of afterwards marrying her (Mauvissiere's Memoirs, 1724, 
 p. 59). 
 
 4^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 308 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 217. 
 
 ^ Of '^the children of France,' the Duke of Orleans, as well as 
 Charles the Ninth, was thought of as a possible husband for the 
 Queen of Scots. The description of the brothers written in April 
 1565 for the edification of Elizabeth, not of Mary, is thus calen- 
 dared : — ^The King was born on 17th of June 1550, and the Duke 
 of Orleans on the 19th of September 1551. This winter the King 
 shot up two fingers almost three higher than the Duke. The King 
 is longer faced than he, and slender. The Duke looks more like 
 King Edward. The Duke was christened Edward Alexander; 
 now he signs Henry, having changed his name at his confirmation 
 at Toulouse. The King is likely to grow taller, for he is slender, 
 and has great knees and ancles, and his legs are not proportioned 
 to them. The Duke is better proportioned of his legs and body, 
 which shows he will not be very high. They are both pale, and not 
 greatly timbered. They were in their youth sickly, and subject to 
 many physicians and medicines. The King is amiable in coun- 
 tenance, and of more gentle nature than the Duke. Tliis is the 
 opinion of the courtiers. Howbeit he cannot perceive but that 
 they are both gentle. The King seems tractable and wise for his 
 years, and understands more of his affairs and gives wittier answers 
 than a man would easily think. If the answer is to be given in 
 few words, he gives it, and sometimes out of hand. He speaks 
 somewhat fast and thick, which is a token that he is hot of 
 
 322 
 
VIII] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 nature, a greater doer than speaker. But he neither lisps nor 
 stammers ; he has not been much brought up in learning, and 
 speaks no tongue but his own' {Foreign Calendar , Elizabeth, vii. 
 836, 337). 
 
 *^ Randolph's Instructions of l7th November 1.563 are printed in 
 Keith's History, ii. 213-217. — He was to tell Mary that she might 
 ''most readily judge what sort of persons are not meet by the 
 example of her past marriage with the French King ' ; that none 
 who should ' practise in like sort to make any marriage betwixt her 
 and the children of France, Spain, or Austria, can have any other 
 intention, if not worse, than was in that of France ' ; and that 
 Elizabeth desired God ' to direct her heart ' to such an one either 
 abroad or nearer home — 'if it so be even in our own country'— as 
 mig-ht be ' affected to the perpetual concord and weal of these two 
 kingdoms.' If she gave just cause to think that she would so 
 choose, then the inquisition of her right to the succession would be 
 proceeded with ; and if the matter fell out in her behalf, the de- 
 claration of her right would be gone on with ' upon plain know- 
 ledge had with whom she shall match in marriage.' 
 
 ^^ Instigated by the Queen Mother of France, the Cardinal of 
 Guise had written to Mary warning her that Elizabeth meant no 
 good faith, and that her honour would not be advanced by marrying 
 any one so base as either Lord Robert or the Earl of Warwick. 
 Randolph perceived that the French were now beginning 'to make 
 fair weather' to Mary, 'which makes her think nothing less of 
 herself than ever she did ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 22, 23). 
 On the eve of her marriage to Darnley, the French Ambassador in 
 England assured De Silva that Elizabeth had through him begged 
 the King and Queen-Mother of France to intercede with Mary for 
 Leicester ; that they had done so ; and that the Cardinal of Lorraine 
 had promised to Leicester 'to marry him to his niece — not saying 
 that he would try, but that he would do it ' {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 444). The reasons urged in Scotland against Mary 
 marrying an English noble were that she could 'never imbase 
 herself so low ' as to marry an inferior ; of all who were in England, 
 it was known who was most worthy, but it was also known how 
 ' evil-willing ' Elizabeth would be to give him up, and ' how hardly 
 his mind could be diverted or drawn from that crown where it is 
 placed ' ; and even though Mary did marry to please Elizabeth, and 
 her right and title to the English succession were thereupon pub- 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 lished_, her estate might not be advanced, as Elizabeth was *as apt to 
 marry and to have succession as this Queen herself.' On the l7th 
 of February^ Mary told Randolph (and Lethington confirmed the 
 same) that the last message he brought was to less effect than the 
 former, and that nothing was answered to what was chiefly desired. 
 He was pressed to show his private Instructions, but he simply 
 adhered to his oral statements. ' They gather that his Sovereign 
 desires much that this Queen should marry in England. He 
 acknowledges it to be her mind. They desire to know the person. 
 He says that the Queen will not take from her that charge. They 
 cast in ^' the Lord Darlie," though of him they mean nothing, nor 
 find in him any great thing. He disallows no man. Has gone 
 thus far with them, that they nothing doubt of the Queen's mind, 
 nor can they perceive but there is good liking enough in this 
 Queen, both of the person and his qualities. Sometimes she likes 
 to hear of marriage. Many times the widow's life is best ; some- 
 times she may marry where she will ; sometimes she is sought of 
 nobody. He pities many times unto her her state and case, and 
 moves her that at the least she will take compassion upon her four 
 Marys, that for her sake have vowed never to marry if she be not 
 the first. . . . This people greatly desire that she were married. 
 Divers suspect that overtures have been made by him in behalf of 
 some Englishmen. Many believe it to be for ^' Lord Darlie." 
 Few think upon the other, for the reasons he wrote before, but 
 they would be content with either, and rather with this than the 
 other [i.e. Leicester rather than Darnley], for the great ''combers" 
 he shall bring with him by both his father's and mother's titles 
 here. . . . Lethington once was of mind that she might have her 
 choice of Christendom, and liberty to bring in whom she would, 
 but now he says he finds no man in the world so fit as he whom 
 they desire. Has pressed him thereupon to work stoutly, but he 
 alleges the dangers and difficulties. Murray is plain and faithful ; 
 his desire with Lethington is one. Argyll finds it good, and wishes 
 that it were plainly so said unto her. The Duke [of Chatelherault] 
 may suspect more than he can know by anything that has yet been 
 said unto him. . . . For the rest, the writer [i.e. Randolph] cares 
 not what they think, for these are they that will rule the roast 
 when it comes to stirring the coals ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 54, 55). On the 2nd of March, Murray, Argyll, and Lething- 
 ton let Randolph understand that they thought their Sovereign 
 
 324 
 
VIII] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 *^ could but give as uncertain an answer as lie came with a doubtful 
 message ' ; yet *" she desired nothing more than the Queen's content- 
 mentj with her own honour and weal of her country.' The response 
 then given to Randolph's message was confirmed orally by Mary on 
 the 4th of March {Ibid. vii. 72) ; and is printed by Philippson {Marie 
 Stuart, iii. 468-472), who erroneously dates it November 1563. 
 
 *s Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 88-92. — In Mary's conversation 
 with Randolph, her doubts and difficulties were practically the 
 same as those given in the preceding note. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 91, 92, 108, 137, 148. 
 
 ^0 Laing's KnOoV, vi. 541. 
 
 ^1 Knox's letter was written on the 3rd of May 1564. Four days 
 before, Kirkcaldy of Grange had written from Perth : — ^The Erll of 
 Lenox will obtene licence to cum home and speak the Quene. Hir 
 meanyng therin is not knawing, hot sum suspectis scho sail at 
 lentht be perswadit to favour his sonne ' (Laing's Knox, vi. 539, 
 540). In the Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 122, this letter — the 
 signature of which has been carefully obliterated — is attributed to 
 Knox, and sonne is read suit. Bishop Jewel had suspected the 
 Darnley match long before {Zurich Letters, Parker Society, i. 
 102); but Randolph thought it unlikely {Foreign Caleiidar, Elizabeth, 
 iv. 512, 575 ; vi. 650). 
 
 ^- Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 108. 
 
 ^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 108. 
 
 5* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 415 ; vii. 176, 177, 204, 205 ; 
 Melville's Memoirs, pp. 108, 113; W ri^hV^ Elizabeth, i. 193; Philipp- 
 son's Marie Stuart, iii. 474. — In the return of Lennox to Scotland, 
 Sir Thomas Smith thought that Elizabeth had been overreached 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 404). 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 207- 
 
 ^6 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, \u. 204, 205. — Kirkcaldy of Grange 
 feared that she would not accept Lord Robert, because he came not 
 of a great old house, and that his blood had been spotted {Ibid. 
 vii. 207) ; but she afterwards owned that she never bore better 
 goodwill to any man, until she despaired through Elizabeth's 
 irresolution {Ibid. vii. 372). 
 
 57 Tytler's Scotland, 1845, v. 257 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 210. 
 
 5^ Melville's Instructions, which are incorporated in his Memoirs 
 (pp. 112-115), are dated 28th September 1564; but 28th is probably 
 
 325 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 a mistake for 18th {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 204^ 205, 211 ; 
 Keith's History, ii. 228, n. 2). 
 
 ^^ ^I had na will that sche suld think that I lyked of him, or had 
 any ey or deling that way/ says Melville, ' albeit I had a secret 
 charge to deall with his mother my Lady Lenox, to purches leave 
 for him to pass in Scotland, wher his father was alredy, that he 
 mycht se the contre, and convoy the Erie his father bak again to 
 England ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 120). 
 
 ^° Melville thought that Elizabeth had a special reason for wish- 
 ing to remain unmarried. 'I knaw your staitly stomak,' he said 
 to her, ' ye think gene ye wer maried, ye wald be hot Quen of 
 England, and now ye ar King and Quen baith ; ye may not suffer 
 a commander ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 122). 
 
 *5i The frontispiece to Turnbull's Letters of Mary Stuart is a 
 spirited engraving of Kirkpatrick Sharpe's clever and amusing 
 drawing of Elizabeth dancing before Sir Roger Aston, who, when 
 he delivered letters to her from James the Sixth, was always so 
 placed in the lobby that ' he might see the Queen dancing to a 
 little fiddle ; which was to no other end than that he should tell 
 his master, by her youthful disposition, how likely he was to come 
 to the possession of the crown he so much thirsted after. ' 
 
 62 Melville's Memoirs, pp. 122-126. 
 
 63 Melville's Memoirs, p. 120. 
 
 6* ' Hir Majeste was very glaid that matters wer brocht <Tgain in 
 sa gud termes, as that famylier dealing mycht continew betwen hir 
 and the Quen of England ; wherby sche mycht have acces to get 
 intelligence fra a gret nomber of noble men and uthers, hir frendis 
 and factioners in England ; and because sche fearit also to get the 
 wyet \i.e. blame] of ther discord, gif it had continowed' (Melville's 
 Memoirs, p. 129). On the evening of Melville's arrival in London, 
 Throckmorton had supped with him. They were old friends ; and 
 Melville says that Throckmorton Svas also a devot frend to the 
 Quen my mestres, and to hir richt and title to the succession of the 
 crown of England. Be him I had ample and famylier infourmation, 
 and sur intelligence and frendly advise, how to procead with the 
 Quen and every courteour in particulair. . . . Albeit he had na 
 lyking for the tym, nother of my L[ord] Robert, nor of Mester 
 Cicill, yet he knew that then nathin:,'- culd be done without them. 
 Amang uther thingis he gaif me advyse to use gret famylarite with 
 the Ambassadour of Spain, in caice I fand the Quen his maistres 
 
 326 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 our hard and difficill ; alleging that it wald be a gret spure to move 
 the Quen of England to geve our Quen a greter contentement in 
 hir desyres then sche had yet done' {Ibid. pp. 115^ 116). Melville 
 had received oral instructions from Mary to deal, not only with 
 Elizabeth^ but ' with the Spanisch Ambassadour, and with my Lady 
 Margret Douglas, and with sindre frendis sche had in England of 
 dyvers oppinions ' {Ibid. p. 111). Ere he left London, Lady 
 Lennox and Throckmorton sent ' many gud advyces to the Quen, 
 to be folowed fourth according to the tym and occasions.' Lady 
 Lennox sent also valuable presents to Mary, to her own husband, 
 to Murray, to Lethington, and to Melville's brother, Sir Robert, 
 ' for sche was still in gud hope that hir sone my Lord Darley suld 
 com better speid then the Erie of Leycester, anent the mariage 
 with the Quen. Sche was a very wyse and discret matroun, and 
 had many favorers in England for the tym ' {Ibid. p. 127). On his 
 return, Melville had given Mary *^ the oppinions and advertismentis 
 of dyvers of hir frendis in England, as weill Catholikis as Pro- 
 testantis ; and from the Ambassadour of Spain, of the K[ing] his 
 masters gud will towardis hir Majeste ; and lyk wayes of Don Carle 
 the Prince, albeit that he was for the tym in some suspition with 
 his father ; wherby the purpose of mariage wald apperantly tak 
 some delay, untill matters mycht fram better betwen the father 
 and the sonne ; assuring hir Majeste of his awen perticulair service 
 and furtherance at his power, and suld from tym to tym mak hir 
 intelligence' {Ibid. pp. 128, 129). 
 
 ^ Mary's ' princely qualites ' are thus set forth by ?*relville : — 
 '^ Sche was sa effable, sa gratious and discret, that sche wan gret 
 estymation, and the hartis of many baitli in England and Scotland, 
 and myn amang the rest ; sa that I thocht her mair worthy to be 
 servit for litle proiFet then any uther Prence in Europe for gret 
 commodite. Then sche was naturally liberall mair than sche had 
 moyen' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 111). After her return from 
 France, she ' behaved hir self sa princely, sa honourably and dis- 
 cretly, that hir reputation spred in all coutrees ; and was deter- 
 mynit and also inclynit to continow in that kynd of comelyncs 
 unto the end of hir lyf ; desyring to hald nane in hir company bot 
 sic as wer of the best qualitez and conversation, abhorring all vices 
 and vitious personnes, whither they wer men or wemen. . . . Sche 
 was of a quyk spirit, and curious to knaw and to get intelligence of 
 the estait of uther contrees ; and wald be sometymes sad when sche 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 was solitary^ and glaid of the company of them that had travelit in 
 uther partis ' {lUd. pp. 130, 131). 
 
 ^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 129. 
 
 ^"^ The Memorial for Randolph, dated 4th October 1564, is printed, 
 from the original, in Keith's History, ii. 234-239. Read in the light 
 of Elizabeth's urgent letter to Cecil {supra, p. 97), the excuses for 
 her delay are rather amusing. Mary and her advisers had little 
 difficulty in repelling the attempt to throw the blame upon them 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 227-230). 
 
 ^ It was rather a lively time at the Scottish Court. Lord Setou 
 had wronged Douglas of Longuiddry, and over this Seton and 
 Lethington — formerly great friends — had become mortal enemies. 
 Five hundred horsemen, with spear, sword, and jack, assembled to 
 debate this action on the day — Thursday — of Randolph's arrival. 
 The conflict was averted by Mary at the last moment. On Friday, 
 'at the sermon,' Randolph met such of the Lords as he had most 
 to do with. On Saturday the Lords were in the Tolbooth until 
 five in the afternoon, occupied ' about a murder committed by some 
 of the Eliots upon certain Scots.' Of the five condemned, three 
 were beheaded on the Castlehill, after eight o'clock in the evening, 
 under the weird glare of flaming torches. On Sabbath, a daughter 
 of the Lord Justice Clerk's was married. Most of the ladies were 
 there, and after dinner the Queen and her four Maries went thither 
 — three miles from Edinburgh — to honour the bride. The Queen 
 returned at night to Edinburgh in time to sup with Lennox and 
 Randolph. In the midst of her supper she drank to Elizabeth, 
 adding the words, ' De bon ccbut.' That night she danced long and 
 in a mask ; and ' playing at dice lost Lennox a jewel of crystal set 
 in gold.' Chatelherault was expected on Monday, well accom- 
 panied ; and Argyll, on Tuesday. The Queen was * determined to 
 accord the Earl of Lennox and the Duke' ; and there was much 
 talk as 'to what end all this favour showed to Lennox tends' 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 227-231). After three days' hot 
 discussion about their lands, they were reconciled by Mary's efforts, 
 formally shook hands, and drank to each other {Ibid. vii. 235 ; 
 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 78). 
 
 63 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 234, 235 ; Keith's History, ii. 
 243-250. — Randolph had many reasons for doubting Mary's inclina- 
 tion to, and Lethington's approval of, the Darnley match ; but 
 could assure Cecil of nothing, 'men's minds are so uncertain.' 
 
 328 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 "•^ By the Srd of November^ Murray and Lethington had been 
 appointed {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 236, 237). That the 
 matter might be the more covertly handled, it was arranged that 
 Mary should go to Dunbar for six or seven days ; that Murray and 
 Lethington should ''have leave to ride into the Merse ahawking, 
 and also to visit some lands of theirs ' ; and that^ while there, 
 Bedford should send a gentleman to them, desiring them to rest 
 one night in Berwick, ' forasmuch as there are divers matters in 
 controversy upon the Borders' {Ihid. vii. 242, 243). Lest they 
 might see the garrison's lack, Elizabeth sent pressing orders to her 
 Lord Treasurer to forward the money of which it stood in need 
 {Ibid. vii. 244). Mary's two representatives arrived at Berwick on 
 the 18th of November ; and next day entered into conference 
 {Ibid. vii. 248). In their Instructions, Bedford and Randolph 
 were directed to express Elizabeth's earnest desire that Mary 
 should content herself with Leicester ; if pressed by the Scotch 
 to know what Elizabeth would do concerning the establishing 
 of Mary's title, they might well say that they saw no way in 
 her power more likely to further it than this ; and that if 
 Mary would live with her in England, she would ' gladly bear 
 the charges of the family, both of the Earl of Leceister and 
 her, as shall be meet for one sister to do for another.' They 
 were in anywise to obtain of Mary's Commissioners 'as many 
 requests as they will make, and by reasoning with them reduce 
 them to as few as they can, and to the meanest estate and condi- 
 tions that they may' {Ibid. vii. 219, 220). It is no wonder that 
 Murray and Lethington told Randolph 'that they found Queen 
 Elizabeth's dealing marvellous strange, and that nothing was 
 intended but drift of time.' They were loath, however, to break 
 off negotiations, and promised to let him know Mary's mind on the 
 subject when he returned to Edinburgh {Ibid. vii. 248). Elizabeth 
 was not altogether satisfied M-ith the management of Bedford and 
 Randolph {Ibid. vii. 264, 265) ; although they told her in their 
 report that they had not exceeded their Instructions (Keith's 
 History, ii. 250-256). 
 
 ^1 On the 31st of October, Randolph reported that he had had 
 many conversations with Mary, who was much inclined to think well 
 of Elizabeth, and, as she said, to please her in all things reason- 
 able, and in her marriage to follow more of her advice than that of 
 any other. What made Murray and Lethington so loath to give 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 her counsel she knew uot^ except it was the fear that she should 
 be deceived, or the thought that the match was not honourable 
 for her. These things_, she said, moved her to stay, and made 
 her the longer to take resolution, yet would she by no ways offend 
 Elizabeth, but honour her as an elder sister and follow her counsel 
 as that of a mother {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, 235). On the 
 2nd of December, he reported that she had taken no great mis- 
 liking of the conference at Berwick, thinking that things were 
 now more earnestly meant than before. Murray and Lethington 
 found her ' daily more and more appliable ' to Elizabeth's will 
 {Ibid. vii. 2.53). 
 
 ''^ In their letter of 3rd December 1564, Murray and Lethington 
 informed Cecil that, though perilous to themselves, they were 
 ready to ' fall roundly to work ' in trying to induce their Queen ' to 
 embrace such friendship and alliance as in reason ought to content ' 
 Elizabeth, provided they knew that his Queen would so deal with 
 theirs that she would not be forced to have recourse to foreign 
 friendship. While pointing out that the foreign practices ^already 
 set abroach * rendered it imperative that no time should be lost, 
 they stated that they would only deal with him in this matter if he 
 meant ^to deal frankly and friendly with their mistress, having 
 good respect to her honour and surety ' ; and they warned him 
 that if — after being encouraged, either by Elizabeth's letters or by 
 his, to take up this enterprise — they should find themselves frus- 
 trated through default of his or her friendly dealing, he must not 
 find it strange should they change their deliberations and seek to 
 save themselves as best they could {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 255, 256). On the 14th of December, Randolph wrote to 
 Cecil that Murray and Lethington were expecting a full and de- 
 cisive answer to their letter with frank dealing ; that Mary's 
 friends were pressing her to marry ; that the offers were such as 
 without good cause could not be refused ; that no man would be 
 more acceptable to the Scotch people than Lord Robert ; that 
 Darnley Avas less thought of since his father came ; that his mother 
 was more feared than beloved ; and that Lennox had told Lesley 
 (afterwards Bishop of Ross) that his son should marry the Queen 
 of Scots {Ibid. vii. 258, 259). In his letter of 16th December to 
 Murray and Lethington, Cecil enlarged on the virtues, prospects, 
 and suitability of him whom Elizabeth had named ^ as best for all 
 respects.' He thought that she vtould never willingly consent to 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 so much of their request, either in form or substance_, as with the 
 Lord Robert ; and with him — finding other respects answerable — 
 would cause inquisition to be made of their Sovereign's right, and 
 as far as should stand with justice and her own surety would abase 
 such titles as should be proved unjust and prejudicial to Mary's 
 interest, and so leave to her entirely her whole right whatsoever it 
 might be. This was cautious enough^ but Cecil had never spoken 
 so plainly before ; and now, lest he had not been sufficiently 
 guarded, he reminded them that in all Elizabeth intended to do 
 she must be ruled by her laws and the consent of her Parliament^ 
 and so could make no absolute promise. Before finishing his 
 letter he had had another interview with her, the sum thereof 
 being that ' she is bent to proceed wholly herein in conditions meet 
 for friendship, and is disposed to do more of good will than upon 
 any pressing or request.' He asked them not to let this their 
 negotiation, so full of terms of friendship, ^be converted to a 
 matter of bargain or purchase ' ; and, in this device for conciliating 
 these two Queens and countries by perpetual amity, to exclude 
 ' any intention to compass at his Sovereign's hand a kingdom and 
 crown, which, if it be sought for, may be sooner lost than got_, and 
 not being craved may be as soon offered as reason can require' 
 {ibid. vii. 2G3, 264). Murray and Lethington received this letter 
 on the 24th of December, and wrote a spirited reply the same day. 
 They complained that while his general terms were satisfactory, 
 his exposition was the reverse. Tliey complained, too, of his 
 ^many obscure words and dark sentences.' They protested that 
 in this matter ^they never meant anything prejudicial to the 
 safety of Queen Elizabeth,' and were certain ' that nothing sound- 
 ing thereunto ever entered their mistress's mind.' Tliey asserted 
 that to have the succession orderly established was ' no less surety 
 for his Sovereign than for theirs.' They declared that ' whatso- 
 ever their mistress is minded to perform, she will not stick to 
 promise it, and herself make for it what surety is convenient.' 
 They explained that if Elizabeth would ' nowise establish the succes- 
 sion of her crown,' then he might conclude absolutely that they 
 could never induce Mary to marry an Englishman, and they 
 would not ^ speak one word more of it.' Nevertheless, they did 
 not see ' why the amity should be dissolved,' although their 
 Queen married where her heart should be best inclined, in whatso- 
 ever country that might be. They suggested that Cecil should 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 come to Scotland to treat with Mary, or at least to Berwick, to 
 meet them {lUd. vii. 268-271). Next day Lethington wrote 
 another letter to Cecil, telling him that nothing did so much 
 harm with Mary as Elizabeth's baseless opinion that she ^ looks 
 for her death, and that all this kindness is pretended only to hunt 
 a kingdom.' To Randolph, also, Murray and Lethington showed 
 their dissatisfaction with Cecil's letter {Ibid. vii. 273, 274). Well 
 did Cecil know that his letter would not content them. In writing 
 to Sir Thomas Smith on the SOth of December, he said in reference 
 to these negotiations : — ' At this present no full answer is yet gy ven ; 
 but to saye the truth of my knowledg in these fyckle matters, 
 J can affirm nothyng that I can assure to coutynue' (Wright's 
 Elizabeth, i. 187). 
 
 "^ Writing on Sabbath the 24th of December, Randolph says that 
 on the previous Wednesday Mary kept her chamber, as she has done 
 ever since, not for any sickness, but for the cold which proceeded 
 of the great storm of snow and wind, such as for many years has 
 not been seen {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 271). On the 29th 
 of December, the frost was so intense that Cecil thought the ship- 
 ping would be affected (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 184). The statement 
 in the text about the severity of the winter was written on the 5th 
 of February {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 293). On the 4th of 
 March, Randolph refers to a great storm of snow ; no one daring 
 to ride to Berwick {Ibid. vii. 308). ' The Thames was so frozen 
 over that men mi.'j;-lit goe over it' (Camden's Elizabeth, 1675, p. 76). 
 
 7* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 293. 
 
 ^^ On the 13th of January, Randolph informs Cecil that Mary 
 within four days departs over the water with four in company to 
 pass her time from place to place for twenty days {Foreign Calen- 
 dar, Elizabeth, vii. 283). 
 
 ^^ Randolph found her in St. Andrews lodged with her small 
 train in a merchant's house. He dined and supped at her table 
 during the four days he remained there. She passed her time 
 very merrily, and rode abroad after dinner. After being there 
 three days, ' he desired to know her resolution touching the matters 
 propounded at Berwick by the Earl of Bedford and himself to 
 Murray and Lethington. She said that she sent for him to be 
 merry and see how like a bourgeois wife she lived with her little 
 troop, and he would spoil their pastime with his grave matters. 
 If he was weary, he might return to Edinburgh and keep his 
 
 332 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 gravity and great embassade until the Queen came, for he would 
 not get her there.' ^She spoke much of France for the honour 
 and friendship shown her, for which she is bound to love the 
 nation. To lose such friends without assurance of as good no one 
 would advise her. If his mistress would use her as her natural- 
 born sister, she would show no less readiness to oblige and honour 
 her than her mother or elder sister ; but if she always repute her 
 as her neighbour Queen of Scots, how willing soever she be to 
 live in amity, yet must she not look for that which otherwise she 
 would. Until they have further proceeded she must apply her 
 mind to the advice of those who seem to tender most her profit ' 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, 292). 
 
 ^^ Randolph's letter of 12th February plainly implies that it was 
 by means of Leicester and Cecil that Darnley obtained license to 
 come to Scotland. Poor Randolph was ever anxious to obey his \ 
 Sovereign ; ^ but how to fashion this that it may be both to her 
 honour and contentment he must be supported by Cecil's advice, 
 for he knows not what to think or how to behave himself (Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 299). On the 21st of February, Darnley 
 sent a grateful note to Leicester from Dunkeld (Ellis's Original 
 Letters, second series, ii. 294 n.). 
 
 7^ In his despatches Bedford states that Darnley arrived at Ber- 
 wick on the 10th of February and left next day (Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 298). In his letter to Cecil (19th February), Ran- 
 dolph says that he arrived at Dunbar on the evening of the day on 
 which he left Berwick, rode next day to Haddington, tarried three 
 nights in Edinburgh, and on Friday passed over the water to the 
 Laird of Wemyss, where he was well received of the Queen and 
 lodged in the same house (Ibid. vii. 801). Friday was the 16th, 
 and it was no doubt this letter which led Cecil to enter in his 
 Dialog that Darnley ' cam to the Quene ' on the 16th of February 
 (Murdin's State Papers, p. 758; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 186 n.). 
 But in his letter to Leicester — also written on the 19th — Ran- 
 dolph, while again affirming that he spent one night at Dunbar, 
 one at Haddington, three in Edinburgh, and passed over the water 
 on Friday, adds that upon Saturday he met with the Queen, where 
 he hears that he was welcomed and honourably used, lodging in the 
 same house that she did, and this day repairs towards his father 
 (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 301). Mr. Skelton alleges that 
 Darnley 's first night in Scotland was ' spent at Lethington ' ; and 
 
 333 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 therefore presumes that Maitland ^ was still anxious to be friendly ' 
 {Maitland of Lethwgton, ii. 144). 
 ''^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 134. 
 
 80 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 304, 305.— ^Vhen Darnley 
 left Edinburgh on the 16th of February to see the Queen, Randolph 
 lent him a couple of horses, because his own were not yet come 
 (Ibid. vii. 301). 
 
 81 The Guises had thought of many husbands for their royal 
 niece both in France and out of it. In January 1562-3, Smith says 
 that they had offered her to the King of Spain's son, the Kings of 
 Navarre and Sweden, the Emperor's son Ferdinand, and the 
 Cardinal of Bourbon, who is no priest : ' Fain would they have one 
 to have her that should break the amity betwixt England and 
 Scotland, and enhance the House of Guise, which is now so great 
 that the King and Queen here [i. e. France] rather fear than love 
 them' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 49). In October 1563, 
 Eric XIV. of Sweden explained to Elizabeth that he had never 
 asked the Queen of Scots for himself, but only for his brother 
 (Ibid. vi. 559). Before the end of December it was reported that 
 the Cardinal of Lorraine had almost completed the settlement of a 
 marriage between Mary and a son of the King of the Romans (Ibid. 
 vi. 616). In November 1564 he was believed to be working for the 
 Prince of Conde (Ibid. vii. 239). He had previously commended the 
 Duke of Orleans (Ibid. vii. 242), and a few months later wished 
 her either to have him or Charles the Ninth (Ibid. vii. 807) ; but 
 the Duke of Orleans was, by her and those about her, ^ so despited 
 as nothing can he' (Ibid. vii. 321). In October 1564, Smith re- 
 ported from Avignon that the two Cardinals and all their kind 
 were most earnest for the young Duke of Guise, and most in fear 
 for the Darnley match (Ibid. vii. 217;, 218); and next January he 
 again reported that the House of Guise was ^ marvellous eager ' for 
 the Duke of Guise (Ibid. vii. 280). 
 
 82 On the 15th of March 1564-5, Randolph says that jMary was 
 daily in hand with him to know how soon Elizabeth would resolve 
 what way she intended to conclude (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 814). 
 
 83 Elizabeth at the same time, however, promised that if Mary 
 married Leicester she would advance him to all the honour she 
 could, and also favour her title as far as she could, although she 
 would not proceed to the examination or declaration of the same, 
 
 334 
 
VIII.] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 until she herself had married or notified her intention of never 
 marrying, one or other of which she meant shortly to do. The 
 substance of Elizabeth's resolution may be gleaned from Stevenson's 
 Selections, pp. 1.34, 135 ; Keith's History, ii. 266 ; iii. 380 ; Murdin's 
 State Papers, p. 758 ; Nares's Burgldey, ii. 234. Mr. Skelton's 
 grotesque summary of Elizabeth's message is more characteristic of 
 himself than of the English Queen : — ' She had not yet made up 
 her mind, she said, whether she would marry or not. She must 
 decline to recognise the Queen of Scots as second person, or to take 
 any measures to settle the succession ; meantime she could only 
 say that if Mary would marry Leicester and listen to Knox, some- 
 thing might be done for her by and by' (Maitland of Lethington, ii. 
 143). The idea of Elizabeth wishing to subject Mary to the teach- 
 ing of Knox is so delicious that it must have originated with Mr. 
 Skeltou, who, of course, gives no authority. 
 
 ^* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 315, 316. 
 
 ^ On the 20th of March, Randolph writes to Cecil :— ' Of thys 
 Queue's mynde hytherto towards hym \i.e. Darnley], I am voide of 
 suspicion, but what affections may be stirred up in her, or whether 
 she will be at anye tyme moved that waye, seeing she is a woman, 
 and in all thynges desyreth to have her wyll, I cannot saye' 
 (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 194 ; Keith's History, ii. 273). Sir James 
 Melville alleges that after Darnley ' had hanted a quhill in Court, 
 he proponit mariage to hir Majeste ; quhilk sche tok in ane evell 
 part at the first, as sche tald me that same day hir self; and how 
 sche had refused the ring quhilk he then offerit unto hir. Wher I 
 tok occasion, as I had begun, to speak in his favour, that ther 
 mariage wald put out of dout ther title to the succession. I can 
 not tell how he fell in acquantance with Seignieur David [Riccio], 
 hot he also was his gret frend at the Quenis hand ; sa that hir 
 Majeste tok ay the langer the better lyking of him, and at lenth 
 determinit to mary him' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 134). 
 
 ^° Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 338. — At Berwick, Randolph 
 had been told to his face, that Elizabeth had sent Darnley to Scot- 
 land in order to match Mary meanly, and for another end than 
 amity {Ibid. vii. 834). 
 
 8' Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 884, 838, 847, 353, 872, 373, 
 881, 882. 
 
 ^^ Lethington, according to his biographer, ' went to England in 
 May ' (Skelton's Maitland, ii. 147) ; but his appointment for tliis 
 
 335 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 embassy is dated March {Register of Privy Council, xiv. 213_, 214)^ 
 and it is certain that he arrived at Westminster by the 18th of 
 h^rW {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 834; Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 418 ; Keith's History, iii. 332 ; Stevenson's Selections, 
 p. 136 ; Teulet's Papiers UEtat, ii. 35). To Elizabeth he professed 
 that Mary had, for her sake, ' forboren to barken to the matching 
 with any foren Prince'; and that '^she could enclyne hir self to 
 marry Darnley, if she had her ' good will and assent therto ' (Steven- 
 son's Selections, p. 115). To this message Elizabeth found that 
 Lethington was tied {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 349, 350) ; 
 and he ^found great offence' (Ellis's Original Letters, second series, 
 ii. 296). To De Silva he alleged that it was only after waiting 
 more than two years on Philip's decision that Mary had listened to 
 Darnley's proposals ; and if he — De Silva — would give her any 
 hope of the negotiation with Don Carlos proceeding, ^her own 
 wishes and intentions on the subject were unchanged' {Spanish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 421). On this occasion Lethington treated 
 for Mary's marriage with Leicester, and also suggested Norfolk as 
 a more worthy candidate, but the Duke at that time modestly 
 declined (Murdin's State Papers, p. 759 ; Camden's Elizabeth, 1675, 
 p. 77). De Foix, who was then in London, alleges that Throck- 
 morton was empowered to offer her the choice of Norfolk, Arundel, 
 or Leicester (Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 39) ; but Norfolk and 
 Arundel are not mentioned in the corrected draft of Throck- 
 morton's instructions {infra, p. 338, n. 92). In the same letter, De 
 Foix says that Elizabeth sent to Mary by Lethington a diamond 
 worth six hundred crowns. 
 
 ^9 In the beginning of April, Darnley was 'very evil at ease,' 
 and, while trying to drive out the supposed cold by perspiration, 
 'the measles came out upon him.' He was lodged in Stirling 
 Castle, and was served with ' a mess of meat ' at his own charge ; 
 but occasionally ' a reversion ' came to him from the Queen's table. 
 When he and the Queen lost, in playing at ' biles ' against Randolph 
 and Mary Beaton, he gave a ring and a brooch with two agates 
 worth fifty crowns {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 328, 329). 
 By the middle of April, it was said that she had already ' such 
 good liking of him ' that she could forsake all other offers and be 
 content with her own choice {Ibid. vii. 334). In a few days, Bed- 
 ford learned from Lennox's man that while Darnley was ill and 
 since, he had been almost continually visited by the Queen, and at 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 almost all hours. ' It appearetli by her tenderness over him that 
 she feared not whether the sickness were infective ' {Ibid. vii. 338). 
 By the 22nd, he was somewhat convalescent ; but the Queen, who 
 had intended to ride to Perth, was not to go without him {Ibid. vii. 
 340). He was now troubled with an ague, j'Tid the Queen com- 
 monly stayed with him till midnight, sometimes later {Ibid. vii. 
 342). Her care had been ' marvellous great and tender over him.' 
 There were ' such tales spread abroad of her doings,' that it was 
 wonderful to hear what discontentment there was among the wisest 
 of her people. Her marvellous doings, however, were not restricted 
 to the care of Darnley. ' Greater triumphs there were never in 
 time of Popery than were this Easter at the resurrection and at her 
 high mass. Organs were wont to be the .common music. She 
 wanted now neither trumpet, drum, nor fife, bagpipe, nor tabor' 
 {Ibid. vii. 347^ 348). Her exploits on Easter Monday were not 
 religious {supra, p. 278, n. 89). On the 21st of May, Darnley was 
 still confined to his room, having only left it on one occasion 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 373). 
 
 ^ ^The Quen of England began to fear and suspect that the said 
 mariage [of Mary and Leicester] mycht perchance tak effect. And 
 therefore my L[ord] Darley obteanit the rather licence to com in 
 Scotland, wha was a lusty youth, in hope that he suld prevaill 
 being present, before Leycester that was absent. Quhilk licence 
 was obteanit be the meanis of the Secretary Cicill ; not that he was 
 myndit that any of the mariages suld tak effect, hot with sic schiftis 
 and pratikes to hald the Quen onmaried sa lang as he culd. For 
 he persuadit him self, that my L[ord] Darley durst not pass ford- 
 wart without the consent of the Quen of England to the said 
 mariage ; his land lying in England, and his mother remanyng ther ' 
 (Melville's Memoirs, pp. 129, 130). In this matter, at least, Mel- 
 ville's memory does not seem to have altogether played him false. 
 Leicester and Cecil not only approved of but recommended the visit 
 of Darnley to Scotland {supra, p. 333, n. 77), and Melville was not 
 the only one who suspected that Darnley was sent to Scotland to 
 further Elizabeth's designs {supra, p. 335, n. 86). Before Mary left 
 France, Cecil had thus expounded his policy to Throckmorton : — 
 ' I think plainly the longer the Scottish Queen's affairs shall hang 
 in an uncertainty, the longer will it be ere she shall have such a 
 match in marriage as shall offend us ' (Ilardwicke's State Papers, i. 
 173). On the 30th of December 1564, Cecil had written to Sir 
 
 Y 337 
 
Notes and references [chap. 
 
 Thomas Smith : — ' The Erie of Lennox frends wish that the L[ord] 
 Darly might marry with the Scottish Queue ; and I see some 
 devise to bryng the Quenes Majesty [i.e. Elizabeth] not only to 
 allow therof, but also to move it to the Quene hir sistur : but I 
 see no disposition therto in hir Majesty ; but she rather contynueth 
 hir desyre to have my L[ord] of Leicester preferred that way. . . . 
 I see the Qu[enes] Majesty very desyrooss to have my L[ord] of 
 Lecester placed in this high degree to be the Scottish Queen's 
 husband^ but whan it commeth to the conditions which ar de- 
 manded, I see her than remiss of hir ernestnes' (Ellis's Original 
 Letters, second series, ii. 293, 294). On the 21st of May 1565, 
 Throckmorton wrote from Edinburgh to Cecil : — ' I should be 
 sorry' if Mauvissiere, or any others coming to Scotland, 'should be 
 able to give this Queen intelligence that her proceedings with 
 L[ord] Darnly are not so ill taken there by her Majestie \i.e. 
 Elizabeth] and her Council as I pretended in all my negociations ; 
 for that would much hinder the purpose the Queen would be at ' 
 (Keith's History, ii. 287 j Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 871). 
 Notwithstanding this attempt to hoodwink Mauvissiere, he has 
 recorded the opinion that while Elizabeth ' seemed to disapprove of 
 the match,' she only ^ disguised the pleasure which she really had 
 at heart to see it go on' (Mauvissiere's Memoirs, 1724, p. 296). 
 On the 2nd of July, Randolph wrote to Cecil : — '^The lesse com- 
 forte that thys Queen be put in, that the Queen's Majestie [i.e. 
 Elizabeth] will alio we of her doyngs, the souner shall her Majestie 
 brynge that to passe here \i.e. in Scotland] that she moste desyrethe ' 
 (Keith's History, ii. 307). 
 
 91 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 345, 347, 360, 394, 398; 
 Keith's History, ii. 297-299, 336, 337. 
 
 92 One set of Instructions for Throckmorton is dated 24th April 
 1565 {Fo7-eign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 344) ; another set, 2nd May 
 (Ibid. vii. 349, 350). In the latter he was directed to tell Mary 
 that Elizabeth simply mislikes this marriage as dangerous to the 
 amity of the two kingdoms ; that she would permit her to choose 
 any other of her nobles, but would only yield to the public declara- 
 tion of the succession if she took Leicester. Furnished also with 
 the adverse opinion of certain members of the English Privy Council 
 against the Darnley match (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 115-117 ; 
 Keith's History, ii. 276-278), Throckmorton left for Scotland early 
 in May (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 430, 431 ; Teulet's Papiers 
 
 338 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 D'Etat, ii. 39 ; Stevenson's Selections, p. 137). He arrived at 
 Stirling on the loth, and with some difficulty got access to Mary 
 on the same day. He set forth to her Elizabeth's ' disliking and 
 disallowance of her hasty proceeding with my Lord Darnly, as 
 well for the matter as for the manner.' Mary, of course, justified 
 herself ; and over this she and Throckmorton ' spent long time and 
 had many and sundry disputes.' He found that she was '^so far 
 past in this matter with my Lord Darnly as it is irrevocable, and 
 no place left to dissolve the same by perswasion and reasonable 
 means, otherwise than by violence.' That day Darnley was 
 knighted, made a baron, and belted Earl of Ross ; but she pro- 
 mised to defer the creating him Duke of Albany until she heard 
 how Elizabeth accepted ' the proceedings and answer ' to Throck- 
 morton's legation. He could see, however, that she was ^ so 
 captived, either by love or cunning (or rather, to say truly, by 
 boasting or folly),' that she was ^not able to keep promise with 
 herself, and therefore not most able to keep promise ' with Elizabeth 
 in these matters. She further promised that the marriage would 
 not be celebrated for three months, *^in which mean time she 
 meaneth all the best means she can devise to procure your 
 Majestie's \i.e. Elizabeth's] acceptation and allowance of the 
 matter, offering in general words to leave nothing undone that 
 she may honourably, safely, and conveniently do, to win your 
 Majestie's favour to this matter.' Before Throckmorton left, on 
 the 19th of May, she sent him a chain of gold weighing fifty ounces. 
 'I do well perceive,' he wrote to Elizabeth, ^that it is in your 
 Majestie's power either to dissolve this matter betwixt my L[ord] 
 Darnly and the Queen of Scotland (if you shall like to use your 
 power), as at my coming I shall declare particularly unto your 
 Majestic; or it resteth in your pleasure to end the matter more 
 amicably, with such conditions as may be (in my simple judgment) 
 to your honour, surety, and felicity ' (Keith's History , ii. 279-289 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 369-371). 
 
 ^2 In May, Randolph said that his credit was lost at Court {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elisabeth, vii. 358) ; and in June his men were fought 
 with at its gates {Ibid. vii. 395). On the 2nd of July, he writes that 
 he had been received by Mary ' in straynger sorte ' than ever he was 
 before, ^ as a man newe and fyrste come into her presence whome 
 she had never seene ' (Keith's History, ii. 298). It was no wonder, 
 for he had just delivered Elizabeth's letters recalling Lennox and 
 
 339 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Darnley — letters which marvellously abashed them, as appeared by 
 Mary's tears and the sad countenance of Lennox {Ibid, ii, 299). A 
 fortnight later he had to report that she would not send Lennox 
 and Darnley back to England at the request of Elizabeth, who — as 
 she had been warned from England, France, and other parts — had 
 tried to deceive her. Having discovered the truth of this, she would 
 no longer trust her fair words, but would stand to her own choice. 
 ' Let not her be offended M'ith my mariage, no more than I am with 
 hers, and for the reste I will abyde suche fortune as God will sende 
 me' (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 121-123). 
 
 ^^ Supra, p. 107. — Mauvissiere represents Murray — as well as 
 Lethington — as in favour of the Darnley match {Memoirs, 1724, 
 p. 294) ; while Mary says that he only approved of it until he saw 
 that she was inclined to it in good earnest (Turnbull's Letters of 
 Mary, pp. 149, 150 ; Labanoff's Recueil, i. 298, 299). 
 
 ^^ On the 3rd of May, Randolph reported from Edinburgh that 
 Lethington was suspected to favour Darnley more than he would 
 seem, though despiteful words were spoken against him because he 
 had written to Murray to advise Mary to make no haste in the 
 matter {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 353). At this time Mait- 
 land was in London, and there professing to De Silva that if Mary 
 could not marry a powerful foreign Prince, it certainly seemed that 
 Darnley was the best match for her, although Elizabeth's opposition 
 might prove a serious objection {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 423). 
 When De Silva warned him that Throckmorton was going to Scot- 
 land to try to prevent the marriage, Lethington replied that he 
 ' had nothing to fear in that respect,' and ' was certain nothing 
 could be done now to prevent the match ' {Ibid. i. 429). On his 
 way back to Scotland he was met betwixt Newark and Grantham 
 by John Beaton, who brought him a commission from Mary, order- 
 ing him to return to Elizabeth, and to declare to her that, having 
 been so long beguiled with her fair speech, she now intended to 
 choose a husband with the advice of her own Estates. The com- 
 mission had been penned by Mary, and, according to Throck- 
 morton, who saw it, 'there wanted neither eloquence, despite, 
 anger, love, nor passion.' She also commissioned Lethington to 
 go into France, and there make the French King and that State 
 agree to her choice ; and to induce him to go, she sent him a bill 
 of credit, authorising the receivers of her dowry in France to dis- 
 burse unto him what money he should ask, and to spare no cost. 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 She also sent him a holograph letter, 'the most favourable and 
 gentle . . . that ever Queen did write to her servant/ making 
 him ' large promises for his benefit and greatness in time to come.' 
 Instead of obeying the Instructions of his Sovereign, Lethington 
 hurried after Throckmorton, overtook him at Alnwick, and accom- 
 panied him to Scotland. While at Berwick, he wrote to Leicester, 
 explaining that he had not turned back, as the Instructions were 
 not agreeable to his own opinion, and he purposed rather to speak 
 his mind than commit it to a letter. At Berwick, too, he was 
 shown Randolph's letter concerning the haste that Mary was 
 making in her marriage. Never had Throckmorton seen him ' in 
 so great perplexity, nor passion, and would have little believed 
 that for any matter he could have been so moved.' He even wished 
 for power to threaten his Queen with war, '^ as the last refuge to 
 stay her from this unadvised act' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 361, 362). Mr. Skelton does not, of course, record this kindly wish 
 of Lethington's, nor does he tell of his perplexity and passion, but 
 merely says : — ' He was unusually moved. Elizabeth had told him 
 in effect that the Lennox marriage would be taken as a declaration 
 of war ' {Maitland of Lethington, ii. 149). In the commission which 
 Beaton had brought to him, Lethington was enjoined to stay 
 Throckmorton's coming into Scotland {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 361) ; and at Edinburgh he received a new command to use 
 means to stay him there for two or three days ; but instead he 
 hastily departed for Stirling, after ' making him privy to his charge, 
 and leaving him to his own liking' {Ibid. vii. 870). Throckmorton 
 found that Lethington no longer stood 'in the best terms' with 
 Mary, and that she meant to send some one else to Elizabeth 
 (Keith's History, ii. 283). Maitland's 'stoutness and good con- 
 duct,' from Randolph's point of view, were more than many looked 
 for {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 273). Nevertheless, Throck- 
 morton advised that it should be brought to the knowledge of 
 Lady Lennox that Elizabeth, Leicester, and Cecil did ' all marvel 
 how Lidington, being a man of knowledge and judgment, can be 
 so blinded to further and prosecute this marriage, whereof besides 
 your certain intelligence from hence, you did too well espy it in 
 his last legation ' (Keith's History, ii. 291 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 372). 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 361, 494 ; Stevenson's Selec- 
 tions, p. 122 ; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 197. 
 
 341 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^ ' This Queen is so much altered from what she was that who 
 beholds does not think her the same. Her majesty is laid aside ; 
 her wits not such as they were ; her beauty another than it was ; 
 her cheer and countenance changed. . . . The saying is that she is 
 bewitched_, the parties named to he the doers ; the tokens the rings 
 and bracelets are found and daily worn that contain the sacred 
 mysteries ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 381). More than once 
 Randolph refers to Ruthven as one of her most trusted advisers at 
 this time, as one who '^ stirs coals as hot as fire to have these 
 matters take effect ' {Ibid. vii. 353, 373). Could he be one of those 
 who had bewitched her } He was believed to deal in sorcery {Ibid. 
 vi. 169 ; Nau's Mary Stewart, 1883, p. 23) ; and Mary herself had 
 said that she could not love him, for she knew him ^ to use enchant- 
 ment' (Laing's Knox, ii. 373). He had indeed given her a ring 
 with a pointed diamond, saying that it had the virtue to save her 
 from poison ; but he afterwards explained that he merely wished 
 to rid her of the fear of being poisoned by the Protestants (Ruth- 
 ven's Relation, 1699, pp. 35, 36). His counsel, however, was sus- 
 pected three weeks before the Darnley marriage took place ; but 
 at that time even the four Maries were 'cleane owte of credite' 
 (Keith's History, ii. 301) ; and soon few retained her confidence 
 save Lennox and Riccio (Stevenson's Selections, p. 125 ; Keith's 
 History, ii. 333). 
 
 ^ Labanoff's Recueil, i. 296, 297 ; Turnbull's Mary's Letters, pp. 
 147-149.— See also Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 12-14. 
 
 9^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 380, 381, 406.— Even when 
 bedfast in Stirling, Darnley had threatened that when whole he 
 would knock the Duke's pate {Ibid. vii. 353) ; when confined to 
 his chamber he was stout in words, and threatened the Justice- 
 Clerk with his dagger for conveying to him the unwelcome tidings 
 that his creation as a Duke was deferred {Ibid. vii. 372, 373) ; and 
 in token of his manhood he did not spare to let some blows fly 
 where he knew they would be taken {Ibid. vii. 380). On the 2nd 
 of July, Randolph writes : — ' Hys behavior is suche that he is 
 runne in open contempte of all men, even of those that wer hys 
 cheif freinds. "Wliate shall become of hym, I knowe not, but yt is 
 greatly to be feared that he cane have no longe lyfe amongste thys 
 people. The Queen herself, beinge of better understandinge, seekethe 
 to frame and fashion hym to the nateur of her subjects. No per- 
 swation can alter that which custome hath made old in hym : he 
 
 342 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 is counted prowde, disdaynefull, and suspicious, which kynde of 
 men this sayle [i.e. soil] of any other cane worse hear ' (Keith's 
 Hidory, ii. 299, 300). At the time of his marriage, the tale is 
 still the same : — ' His words to all men agaynste whom he con- 
 ceaveth anye dyspleasure, ho we unjuste soever yt he, so prowde 
 and spytefuU, that rather he seemethe a monarche of the worlde, 
 then he that not long since we have seen and knowne, the Lord 
 Darlye. He lookethe nowe for reverence of maynie that have 
 lytle will to gyve, it hym, and some ther are that do gyve yt that 
 thynke hym lyttle worthye of yt ' (Ellis's Original Letters, first series, 
 ii. 201). 
 
 1°*^ Randolph's opinion on the 8rd of May is thus summed up : — 
 ^A greater plague to her there cannot be, a greater benefit to 
 the Queen's Majesty [i.e. Elizabeth] could not have chanced than 
 to see this dishonour fall upon her, and to have her so match 
 where she shall be assured that it shall pass her power to attain 
 to that which hitherto so earnestly she looked for, and without 
 that would accord to nothing' (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth^ vii. 
 351). 
 
 1*^1 One of the reasons which troubled the Queen of England and 
 her Council is thus set forth : — ^ By the marriage of the Queen of 
 Scots with the English Lord Darnley — both of them being next 
 heirs to the crown of England, and descended from Margaret, sister 
 of King Henry viii. — their respective claims are thus consolidated. 
 The rivalry between them therefore ceases, and the Queen of 
 England had always looked for her security to the maintenance of 
 this rivalry by delaying the nomination of her successor ' (Spajiish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 434). 
 
 ^^^ This was one of the chief dangers which the English Privy 
 Council professed to see lurking in the Darnley match (Keith's 
 History, iii. 222 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 385 ; Robertson's 
 Scotland, app. no. 10). Lennox said that he was sure of the 
 greatest part of England {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 358) ; and 
 Darnley alleged that if there were war, Mary would find more 
 friends in England than Elizabeth {Ibid. vii. 881). 
 
 1^2 Teulet's Papiers D'J^tat, ii. 42. — The Cardinal of Lorraine's 
 description of Darnley as ' ung gentil hutaudeau' is rendered by 
 Joseph Robertson ^a great girlish nincompoop' {Inventories, p. 
 xxxvi. n.). Yet the Cardinal, it was said, preferred Darnley to any 
 other Scotch or English noble {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 
 343 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap, 
 
 S71) ; and procured the Papal dispensation for their marriage 
 {Ibid. vii. 401, 435). 
 
 i<^* Before the end of March, Lady Lennox informed De Silva 
 that the French Ambassador in London had ' sent to her in great 
 secrecy to offer and promise all his support for the marriage of her 
 son, and anything he might require. She says she knows the 
 French way of dealing, and thinks this is for the purpose of dis- 
 covering whether there is anything afoot, and perhaps even on the 
 advice of this Queen' [i.e. Elizabeth] {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 413). On the 2nd of July, De Silva reported to Philip that the 
 French Ambassador — who at first ' was not at all pleased with the 
 marriage of the Queen of Scotland, and spoke strongly against it ' 
 — had now turned completely round, asserting that ' she has done 
 very rightly,' and that, if Elizabeth attacks lier, ' his King could 
 not refrain from helping her for the sake of old friendship ' {Ibid. 
 i. 444). Eleven days later, he says : — ' Lady Margaret tells me 
 that the French Ambassador makes her many offers of service on 
 behalf of his master, and makes similar offers to the Queen of 
 Scotland. I tell her to thank him and beware ' {Ibid. i. 449). On 
 the very day of the marriage De Silva confirms the truth of what 
 he had previously heard, that the French Ambassador had spoken 
 to Elizabeth officially concerning Mary's affairs, and urged her in 
 his master's name to be reconciled to the Darnley match {Ibid. 
 i. 458). On the last of June, Charles the Ninth had written to 
 Elizabeth stating that he approved of Mary's marriage, and hoped 
 that she did the same {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 399). 
 Perhaps he had been quickened by Mary's offer of the old amity 
 of alliance and more, and by Darnley's offer of service {Ibid. vii. 
 401). 
 
 105 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 432-434. 
 
 1"^ In April, after presenting De Silva with his credentials, 
 Lethington spoke to him on Mary's behalf, saying how great was 
 the desire she had always had, even in France, to be guided by 
 Philip's will, and to place herself in his hands. ^I can affirm 
 positively,' he said, '^that she will follow in every respect the 
 wishes of your master' {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 421, 423). 
 On the 25th of June, John Hay, Mary's Master of Requests and 
 Commendator of Balmerino, asked De Silva whether he had re- 
 ceived a reply from Philip to the matter discussed with Lethington. 
 ' I gave it to him,' says De Silva, ^ in accordance with your Majesty '.s 
 
 344 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 commands. He appeared highly delighted with it, and said that 
 his Queen desired nothing so much as that your Majesty should 
 take her under your protection, and that she should follow your 
 Majesty's orders in all things without swerving a hair's-breadth from 
 them. I urged him to endeavour to get his Queen to manage her 
 affairs prudently, and not to strike until a good opportunity pre- 
 sented itself {Ibid. i. 442). On the day before her marriage, one of 
 her gentlemen handed De Silva a letter from her, expressing the 
 greatest gratitude for what he had told her Ambassador in tlie 
 name of Philip, in whom she placed all her confidence {Ibid. i. 
 457). 
 
 10^ Supra, p. 243, «. 51. 
 
 108 In her Instructions to the Commendator of Balmerino, Mary 
 avers tliat it was due to ' the greiter regaird ' she had for Elizabeth's 
 advice than for that of any of her ^ uther nerrest freindis ' — whose 
 counsel, out of respect to her, she had ^ passit over and disdaynit 
 to use' — that she had resolved ^ to matche with ane of this He, hir 
 awin su]>ject and neir cousyne, thinkand thairby to haif fullie 
 applesit hir ' ; and could not ' winder aneuch ' that a meaning so 
 sincere was so mistaken. Though fully determined to marry 
 Darnley, yet, having consideration to the amity and regard to her 
 message delivered by Throckmorton, she had delayed the final 
 accomplishment, that Elizabeth might perceive how desirous she 
 was to follow her advice, and that commissioners might be appointed 
 for the removal of doubt, suspicion, and misliking. These In- 
 structions, dated the 14th of June, are printed in Keith's History, 
 ii. 293-296; and in Labanoff's Recueil, i. 267-271. Though Mary 
 sent two letters — one of them holograph — to the English Queen, 
 commending the Commendator and his message (Labanoff's Recueil, 
 i. 271-274), Elizabeth ^ flew into a rage ' whenever he mentioned 
 the marriage {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 441). 
 
 1*^^ On the 2Gth of April, De Foix, then French Ambassador in 
 London, wrote to Catherine de Medici that Elizabeth had received 
 letters from Randolph, saying that Mary had married Darnley, and 
 that only the ceremonies of the Church were required to complete 
 the match (Teulet's Fapiers D'Etat, ii. 35, 2>Q). On the 2nd of 
 May, De Foix further wrote that Lethington assured Elizabeth that 
 Mary was not bound to the marriage with Darnley ; though, on the 
 other hand. Lady Lennox had been informed that the marriage 
 was accomplished, and that Mary was fulfilling the oflfices of a wife, 
 
 345 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 having during his illness watched a whole night in his chamber 
 {Ibid. ii. 37, 38). Two days after Lethington's departure, he 
 again wrote, saying that that Ambassador had averred that his 
 mistress had not gone so far in the matter that she could not with- 
 draw from it, if her own nobles and the Queen of England so 
 wished ; but that Lady Lennox was continually telling her friends 
 that the marriage was concluded {Ibid. ii. 39). As De Silva was 
 closing his letter of the 26th of April, Lady Lennox sent to say that 
 she considered her son's affair ' an accomplished fact that admits 
 of no doubt' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 425). De Silva had 
 previously heard that one of her servants had been to Scotland to 
 sign a deed on this subject as a witness {Ibid. i. 424). A^^hen 
 asked by Elizabeth whether the Darnley match had been carried 
 through, Lethington replied that he had no instructions to make 
 any communication on that subject, and knew no more (Ibid. i. 
 427) ; but De Silva inferred — from his saying to him that it could 
 not now be prevented — that it had actually taken place (Ibid. i. 
 429) ; and Leicester — in spite of Lethington's denial — believed in 
 its reality {Ibid. i. 430). Miss Strickland — who, on the faith of an 
 anonymous document printed by Labanoff {Recueil, vii. 67) fixes on 
 Riccio's apartment in Stirling Castle as the place where, and on the 
 second week of April as the time when, the marriage took place — 
 explains that it was only after IMary was united to Darnley ' by the 
 holy ties which sanctioned such demonstrations, that she took upon 
 herself the tender office of his nurse, that she kept her wakeful 
 vigils by his restless pillow' (Strickland's Life of Mary, 1888, i. 
 200, 201). Dr. John Stuart suggests that at that time they were 
 merely espoused or handfasted {Lost Chapter, 1874, pp. 26-28). 
 
 110 So Randolph tells Elizabeth (M^Neel-Caird's Mary Stuart, 
 1866, p. 233; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 407). From his 
 letter to Cecil of the same date (16th July) it is apparent that he 
 knew there was something unusual going on at Holyrood. ^That 
 whole daye was solemnised, as I do believe, to some divine God, 
 for suche quietnes was in Courte that fewe coulde be seen and as 
 fewe sufferde to enter.' Her horses having been secretly prepared, 
 at eight o'clock that night she and Darnley with a handful of 
 attendants rode to Seton. ' Hereupon rose maynie fowle tales, 
 whear libertie inoughe is geven for men to speake what theie wyll. 
 . . . Two nightes she tarried ther and the next daye came to her 
 dinner to the castle of Edenboroughe ; then was it saide that she 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 wolde remayne ther. That afternone she and my Lord Darlye 
 walked up and downe the towne dysguysed untyll suppertyme^ and 
 retorned thyther agayne, but laye that nighte in the Abbaye ; thys 
 manner of passinge to and fro gave agayne occasion to maynie 
 men to muse what might be her meaninge. The nexte daye in 
 lyke sorte she comethe after dyner upon her feete from the Abbaye, 
 the Lord Darlye ledinge her by the one arme and Fowler by 
 thother. In that troupe ther were the Ladie Ersken and old Ladie 
 Seton, the Erie of Lenox and Seignor David with 2 or 8 other. 
 These vagares mayke mens tonges to chatter faste' (Stevenson's 
 Selections, pp. 119, 120), Though Randolph does not appear to 
 have given the story of this secret marriage full credit, Lingard 
 accepts it as at once true and as an adequate explanation of their 
 'supposed harlotry' (Lingard's History of England, 1855, vi. 53); 
 but, from his standpoint, it should hardly be satisfactory, as the 
 Papal dispensation did not arrive in Edinburgh until the 22nd of 
 July, the day on which the banns were proclaimed (Robertson's 
 Statuta, vol. i. p. clxix, n.). 
 
 "^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 79; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, \i\. 
 859, 86.3, mQ, 869, 878, 883, 410 ; Keith's History, ii. 289, 837 ; 
 Ellis's Original Letters, first series, ii. 198, 199; Pitcairn's Criminal 
 Trials, i. 488*, 489*; Register of Privy Council, xiv. 226. 
 
 ^^2 Ellis's Oi'iginal Letters, first series, ii. 202. — The warrant for 
 the Proclamation is printed in the Register of Privy Council, i. 345, 
 846 ; in Anderson's Collections, 1 727, i. 83, 84 ; in Keith's History, 
 ii. 342, 843 ; in LabanofF's Recueil, i. 277, 278 ; and in the National 
 MSS. of Scotland, iii. 48. 
 
 11^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 80. — By ^tlie chapell of Halyrud- 
 hous ' this chronicler evidently means Mary's private chapel, and 
 not the church of the Abbey; the latter is termed by him ^the 
 Abbay Kirk of Halyrudhous ' {Ibid. p. 88). Spottiswoode also says 
 that the marriage took place ' in the chapel of Halyrudhouse ' 
 {History, ii. 81). Birrel says ^in the palaice of Holyroudhous' 
 {Diary, p. 5) ; and Sir James Melville, ^in the palice of Halyrod- 
 house, within the Quenis chapell' {Memoirs, p. 136). Cosmo Innes 
 is certainly wrong in assigning it to 'the church of the Abbey' 
 {Liber Cartarum Sancte Crucis, p. Ixxiv). He has himself printed 
 the Act of Privy Council, of 1672, appointing the Abbey Church to 
 be used in future as the Chapel Royal {Ibid. p. Ixxvii) ; but the 
 chapel in which Mary was married to Darnley was known at the 
 
 347 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 time as the Chapel Royal (Laing's Knox, ii. 495 ; Herries's Historical 
 Memoirs, p. 70). The Kirk-Session Records of the Canongnte also 
 point decisively to Mary's own chapel {cf. Pitcairn's C^-iminal Trials, 
 i. 462* and 489*). 
 
 ""* Laing's Knox, ii. 495. — Randolph, who was not an eye-witness 
 though in Edinburgh, at once sent an account of the proceedings 
 to Leicester : — ' Theie wer married with all the solemnities of the 
 Popyshe tyme, saving that he hearde not the masse. . . . Upon 
 Sondaye, in the morninge, betwene five and six, she was conveide 
 by divers of her nobles to the chappell. She had upon her backe 
 the greate mourninge gowne of blacke, with the greate wyde 
 mourninge hoode, not uulyke unto that which she wore the dole- 
 full day of the buriall of her housbande \i.e. Francis]. She was 
 ledde unto the chappell by the Earles Lenox and Athol, and there 
 she was lefte untyll her housband came, who also was conveide by 
 the same lords. . . . The words were spoken, the rings, which 
 were three, the middle a riche diamonde, were put upon her finger, 
 theie kneel together, and manie prayers saide over them. She 
 tarrieth owte the masse, and he taketh a kysse and leaveth her 
 there and wente to her chamber, whither in a space she folio weth, 
 and there being required, accordinge to the solemnitie to cast off 
 her care, and lay asyde those sorrowfull garments, and give her- 
 self to a pleasanter lyfe, after some prettie refusall, more I believe 
 for manner sake than greef of harte, she suffreth them that stood 
 by, everie man that coulde approche to take owte a pyn, and so 
 being commytted unto her ladies changed her garments. . . . 
 After the marriage followeth commonly cheere and dancinge. To 
 their dynner theie were conveide by the whole nobles. The 
 trompets sounde, a larges cried, and monie thrown abowte the 
 howse in greate abundance to suche as were happie to gete anye 
 parte. . . . After dyner theie dance awhyle, and retire themselves 
 tyll the hower of supper, and as thei dyned so do theie suppe. Some 
 dancing ther was, and so theie go to bedd' (Wright's Elizabeth, i, 
 202, 203). This letter is also printed by Robertson (Histonj of 
 Scotland, app. no. xi.); and fully the half of it by Ellis (Original 
 Letters, first series, ii. 200-204). Though quoting Wright, 1 have 
 adopted the readings of Ellis where they seem to be better. 
 Calderwood erroneously gives the 27th of July as the date of the 
 marriage (History, ii. 292) ; and Bishop Lersley is as far astray in 
 giving the 1st of August (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 104). 
 
viii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 115 Wright's Elizabeth, i. 202 ; Ellis's Original Letters, first series, 
 ii. 202. — There, Randolph also tells that a doubt had risen amongst 
 the lawyers, as to ^ whether she beinge clade with a housbande, and 
 her housbande not twenty-one yeres, anythynge withowte Parle- 
 mente can be of strengthe that is done betwene them.' According 
 to Buchanan, the Proclamation ^greatly offended not only the 
 nobility, but likewise also the common people, and some in- 
 dignantly pronounced it a precedent of the worst description. 
 Of what use is it, asked they, to assemble the Estates for creating 
 a King, if their advice be never asked, or their authority required .-* 
 if an herald can answer the purpose of a meeting, and a proclama- 
 tion be as effectual as an Act of Parliament } ' Nevertheless, this 
 same historian affirms that the announcement of the marriage was 
 'received by the multitude with loud shouts of God save our 
 Sovereigns, King Henry and Queen Mary' (Aikman's Buchanan, 
 ii. 471). The ablest of all Mary's modern apologists, and a barrister- 
 at-law to boot, candidly says : — ' It cannot be doubted that this 
 step was alike imprudent and illegal, for Mary had no power to 
 confer this title without the sanction of her Parliament ' (Hosack's 
 Mary, 1870, i. 111). The same opinion had been previously ex- 
 pressed by a Scottish Historiographer (Robertson's Scotland, 1794, 
 p. 201) and challenged by at least one eminent Scottish lawyer 
 (Riddell's Law and Practice in Scottish Peerages, 1842, i. 112, 113). 
 The warrant for this second proclamation is printed in the Register 
 of Privy Council, i. 346; in Anderson's Collections, i. 84, 35 ; and 
 in Keith's History, ii. 347). AV^hile the warrant for the proclama- 
 tion of the 28th of July was signed by Mary alone, this of the 80th 
 was subscribed by Darnley as well. 
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 * Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, y'n. S28. — According to Randolph, 
 Murray had left the Court that he might not countenance the '^ un- 
 godly ceremonies ' preceding Easter. He had been dealing with the 
 Queen 'for redress of things to be reformed in the country.' 
 
 2 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 341, 347- 
 
 3 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 357^ 358. — It is not possible, 
 in Mr. Skelton's opinion, ' to hold that Moray was in earnest, M-heu 
 he opposed the Lennox marriage on the plea that religion was in 
 
 349 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 peril.* On this point Mr. Skelton is very emphatic. ' There is/ 
 he saySj ^the best evidence — evidence under his own hand — that 
 until won over by Elizabeth he ridiculed the notion that either 
 father or son could be a danger to the state.' Yet all he can pro- 
 duce is an irrelevant extract from Murray's letter to Cecil_, of 13th 
 July, concerning Elizabeth's dishonourable suggestion for pre- 
 venting Lennox returning to Scotland. The extract has no 
 reference whatever to Darnley, and its climax is that there was 
 no reason on religious grounds to fear his father's return to 
 Scotland, even ' if he had the greatest subject of this realm joined 
 to him ' {Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 69). The same argument and the 
 same proof are presented by Mr. Skelton in his Maitland of Lething- 
 ton, where (ii. 147) he says, 'I am, for my part, constrained to 
 believe that the pretence of religion was a mask.' It was perhaps 
 the opinion of Patrick Eraser Tytler {History of Scotland, 1845, v. 
 303, 304) which led Mr. Skelton astray in this matter ; but in his 
 apparent desire to blacken Murray he runs the risk of being deemed 
 as unscrupulous as the English Queen whom he so heartily despises 
 (see infra, p. 385). 
 
 * Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 352. 
 
 fi Ibid. vii. 388. 
 
 ^ Keith's History, ii. 294. — Hay's Instructions are also in Labanoff's 
 Recueil, i. 267-271 ; and in the Register of Privy Council, xiv. 221- 
 224. 
 
 ^ Stirred up by the more ardent brethren of the West, the 
 Edinburgh Protestants had warned Mary that the Papists, '^of 
 obstinate malice,' intended to *^set up their idolatry and super- 
 stition ' at the coming Easter, ' which the brethren and professors 
 of the Evangel could not suflfer.' Though the Queen, it was said, 
 gave special orders that the mass should not be used, a priest was 
 bold enough to celebrate it in the Cowgate. While riding hard to 
 escape he was seized, re-attired in his ecclesiastical garments, bound 
 to the Market Cross with the chalice in his hand, and for an hour 
 served by the boys with Easter eggs. Next day he was tried, con- 
 fessed, condemned to stand three hours at the Market Cross, and to 
 be afterwards imprisoned. During this second public exposure, 
 ^ there were 10,000 eggs spent upon him, and at his down taking, 
 because the people were not so satisfied with that punishment, there 
 were 300 or 400 men ready with batons to have killed him, and the 
 Provost was for the safety of the priest compelled to come to the 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Market Cross and bring him down^ and make proclamation that no 
 man should stone him under pain of death_, and so returned him to 
 the Tolbooth and made him fast in irons.' The two hearers — who 
 had also confessed and been found guilty by a jury, '^ half Papists 
 and half Protestants' — had their goods confiscated, and their bodies 
 made fast with irons in prison, there to abide the Provost's will. 
 By the Queen's command — she was then at Stirling — the two hearers 
 were set at liberty, and their goods restored, ^ but not without great 
 offence to the whole people.' Her extreme wrath was only modified 
 when she learned that the priest was not dead (Laing's Knox, ii. 
 474-478 ; Burgh Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571^ pp. 195, 196 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 340, 341, 846). In the con- 
 temporary letter his exposure on the jMarket Cross before being 
 formally tried is not mentioned ; but is described by the con- 
 tinuator of Knox, who also relates that, by the Queen's orders, the 
 priest too was set at liberty instead of being ' handled according to 
 his demerite, being not only a Papist idolater, but a manifest whore- 
 master, and a common fighter and blasphemer.' 
 
 ^ Register of Privy Council, i. 338. — Opposite Murray's name, in 
 the sederunt of Privy Council of 19th May, there is written in a 
 small hand : — ' Last tyme he sits.' In the printed Register (i. 335) 
 half is substituted for last. 
 
 ^ Register of Privy Council, i. 339. — On the 22nd of July, it was 
 resolved to issue the same proclamation with a few alterations. 
 The special promise assuring all her good subjects that they should 
 not be ' inquietit ' in the using of their religion and conscience in 
 time to come was omitted ; and the penalty to be incurred by those 
 who did not resort to her standard with all possible haste was 
 declared to be ^tinsall of lyff, landis, and gudis' (Ibid. i. 343). 
 For raising help, Mary did not trust entirely to her proclamations, 
 but also sent out pressing letters (Laing's Knojc, ii. 493 ; Keith's 
 History, ii. 326-328 ; Labanoff's Recueil, i. 275-277 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, iv. 407). 
 
 1^ Booke of the Universall Kirk, Ban. Club, i. 59, 60.— It was 
 desired that the heads of the first article should be ratified by the 
 Queen in Parliament, The other articles related to the ^ sustenta- 
 tion of the ministers,' the admission of teachers, the '^ sustentation 
 of the poore,' the punishment of abounding crimes, and ^ the ease 
 of the poore labourers of the ground ' from the unreasonable pay- 
 ment of their teinds. Parker Lawson says that Argyll and Knox 
 
 351 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 'appointed the " General Assembly " of the Reforming preachers to 
 be held at Edinburgh on the 25th of June,' in opposition to the 
 Convention of the nobles which Mary had summoned to be held at 
 Perth on the 22nd (Keith's History, ii. 312 n.). He cannot have 
 known that the General Assembly met on the 25th of June in 
 1563, 1564, 15G5, 1566, and 1567. Mary herself explained that by 
 Lethington's advice she delayed the Convention lest any matter 
 offensive to her conscience or dignity should have been discussed 
 (Labanoffs Recueil, i. 302; Turnbull's Letters of Mary, p. 151). 
 
 " Keith's History, ii. 329, 331.— The Lords had intended to 
 assemble partly in Perth, partly in Glasgow, but were forbidden 
 (Stevenson's Selections, p. 125). In standing up for the demands of 
 the Kirk, they were only fulfilling the promise they had made two 
 years before. In 1563 they had said : — ' Lett that Parliament pas 
 ower, and when the Quene asked any thing of the nobilitie, as sche 
 most do befoir hir mariage, then should the Religioun be the first 
 thing that should be establessed ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 382). Tytler 
 supposed that Mary at once gave her answers to the commissioners 
 of the General Assembly {History of Scotland, 1845, v. ^.07) ; 
 M^Neel-Caird, that she answered on the same day {Mary Stuart, 
 1866, p. 227) ; Knox's continuator makes her delay until the 21st 
 of August (Laing's Knox, ii. 487) ; but a copy of her answers is 
 endorsed by Cecil, 29th July 1565 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, 
 414). Her answers bear that she was neither persuaded of the 
 truth of their religion, nor of any impiety in the mass ; that she 
 would not leave the religion in which she had been ' nourishit and 
 upbrocht,' as she would thereby wound her own conscience and 
 'tyne the freindship of the King of France, . . . and of other 
 great princes her friends and confederates ' ; that she prayed all her 
 loving subjects, that, as she intended, in the future as in the past, 
 to ^ prease the conscience * of no man, they would not ' prease her 
 to offend her awin conscience ' ; that she would establish religion 
 throughout the realm when the three Estates of Parliament were 
 agreed ; and that she would '^allwayes make them sure that no man 
 salbe troublit for using themselves in religioun according to ther con- 
 science, so that no man sail have cause to doubt that for religiouns 
 sake men's ly ves or heiritages salbe in hazard ' {Booke of the Universall 
 Kirk, i. 67, 68). These answers ' satisfied not fuUie the Kirk,' when 
 laid before the General Assembly on the 25th of December, and 
 therefore answers to them were drawn up {Ibid. i. QQ^ 68-71). 
 
 352 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 12 Keith's History, ii. 829, 380.— In the previous March, Chatel- 
 herault, Murray, and Argyll had entered into a band ' to defende 
 each other's quarrel, that is not agaynste God and theire Soverayne ' 
 (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 198) ; and the Queen was not overjoyed 
 when she heard of it (Keith's History, ii. 812). 
 
 13 Register of Privy Council, i. 840. — The Commendator of Bal- 
 merino was sent to Murray, to declare the goodwill of Lennox and 
 Darnley towards him, to deny that they had consented to slay 
 him, and to state that Lennox was willing to fight any who would 
 avow the report. The plot was said to have become known through 
 Lord Gray (Keith's History, ii. 838). The plan of this enterprise 
 against Murray as related by Buchanan (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 
 468, 469) and Calderwood {History, ii. 286) is somewhat diiferent 
 from that given by Randolph (Keith's History, ii. 300). 
 
 14 Register of Privy Council, i. 841, 342. 
 
 1^ In Randolph's opinion, Mary was determined on Murray's 
 overthrow (Keith's History, ii. 887). Besides eleven members of 
 the Privy Council there were nineteen nobles and others at the 
 meeting at which Murray's assurance was granted. '^To prevent 
 all possibility of cavil,' says Tytler, ^it was signed not by the 
 Queen alone but by all her Privy Council' {History of Scotland, v. 
 311). The minute and also the assurance bear indeed that: — ^In 
 fayth and securitie heirof, the Quenis Majestie hes subscrivit thir 
 presentis with hir hand; lykeas alswa the Lordis of hir Secreit 
 Counsall, and utheris of hir nobilitie present at hir Hienes com- 
 mandment, hes likewyise subscrivit the samyn.* But the assurance, 
 nevertheless, only bears the signatures of Mary, Darnley, Lennox, 
 and Morton {National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 47). Judging, however, 
 from the appearance of the original, which is in the Register House, 
 part of it may have been torn off. Darnley signs as Earl of Ross. 
 In presence of Queen Elizabeth, her Council, and two French 
 Ambassadors, Murray afterwards declared that he had answered, 
 ' that for his life's sake he would not place in trouble and peril the 
 good friends who had given him the warning, as he undoubtedly 
 should do if he named them at present, but that he humbly begged 
 her to give him a term of six months during which he would 
 undertake to say who had given him the information ' ; and ' if 
 he failed to divulge their names during that period he would will- 
 ingly submit to the punishment she thought fit ' {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, 1. 501). 
 
 z 353 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^^ On Monday evening, the 25th of June, Mary left Perth for 
 Ruthven and Dunkeld, and by Saturday was back in Perth (Keith's 
 History, ii. 801-304, 309), where she was alarmed by the tidings 
 that Argyll and Murray had assembled their friends and followers, 
 intending to seize her and Darnley — as they rode next day to Lord 
 Livingston's house of Callendar, near Falkirk — to carry her to St 
 Andrews, and the man of her choice to Castle Campbell. Deeming 
 it unsafe to remain in Perth, and determined to keep her promise 
 to Livingston, she caused Atholl and Ruthven to collect immediately 
 three hundred men ; and, taking horse by five o'clock on Sabbath 
 morning, she rode with great speed until she came to Queensferry 
 and arrived safely at Callendar seeing ' in her whole waye not six 
 persons mo then those whiche she broughte wji:h her for her 
 defence ' (Ibid. ii. 309-812). Within three days the story of the 
 Queen's ' greate haste and feare ' had ^ runne throughe the whole 
 countrie ' in ' divers brutes and tales ' (Ibid. ii. 814). One of these 
 rumours was that some were ' lying in wait at the Path of Dron,' 
 at the foot of the Ochils (Laing's Knox, ii. 490). Melville's story 
 is that Chatelherault, Argyll, Murray, Glencairn, Rothes, and 
 others ' maid a mynt to tak the Lord Darley in the Quenis com- 
 pany, at the raid of Baith, and to have send him in England as 
 they allegit ' (Memoirs, p. 185). And Pitscottie says that ' Rothes, 
 with certain gentlemen, came to Parrat-"Well beside Dowhill, 
 thinking to have taken my Lord Darnley from the Queen, as they 
 rode from St. Johnstoun to the Queensferry' (Lindsay's History, 
 1728, p. 216). Buchanan (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 469) and Calder- 
 wood (History, ii. 286, 287) treat the alleged plot as an idle tale. 
 In Hill Burton's judgment '^it would not be difficult to believe in 
 such a conspiracy, if tolerably well vouched ; but there is scarcely 
 a vestige of evidence in its support' (History of Scotland, 1876, iv. 
 121). Patrick Eraser Tytler, however, unhesitatingly accepts it as 
 genuine (Scotland, 1845, v. 307-309) and has been cheerfully followed 
 by Parker Lawson (Keith's History, ii. 812, n. 8) and by others. 
 On the 1st of July, Argyll and Murray wrote to Randolph from 
 Loch Leven, saying that they had that day convened with Lord Boyd 
 ' to dettermyn apon some matters of consequence ' ; and, being 
 willing to communicate the same to him, had sent the bearer 
 to declare their mind at length (Stevenson's Selections, p. 118). 
 Putting this alongside a passage in Randolph's letter, of the 
 following day, to Cecil, Tytler had no diffi,culty in discovering 
 
 354 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 that the ' matters of consequence ' related to Darnley's capture. 
 The passage in Randolph's letter runs thus : — ^ Some that allreddie 
 have hearde of my Ladle's Grace [i.e. Lady Lennox's] imprison- 
 ment, lyke verre well thereof, and wyshe bothe father and sonne to 
 keape her compagnie. The question hath byne asked me. Whether, 
 yf theie were delyvered us into Barwick, we wolde receave them ? 
 I answerde. That we coulde nor wolde not refuse our owne, in 
 what sorte soever theie came unto us ' (Keith's History, ii. 307). 
 That this was not the burden of Argyll and Murray's confidential 
 message seems quite clear. In the first place, although Randolph's 
 letter is dated ' the seconde of Julye at nyghte,' there is internal 
 evidence to prove that most of it — and in special the first part at 
 least of the paragraph containing the above passage — was written 
 before the end of June. In the next place, Tytler has overlooked 
 the very important fact that it was on the 1st of July that the 
 Queen rode from Perth to Callendar House — the very day on which 
 Argyll and Murray wrote the letter to Randolph. As Mary passed 
 Loch Leven that morning, Lord Erskine, who was in her train, 
 sent in a bantering message to Murray, to know what he ^was 
 doynge, and howe yt came to passe that the Queen had taken so 
 greate feare of hym.' By the messenger, who ^founde hym scarce 
 owte of hys bedde,' Murray returned answer ^that he marvelled 
 muche of her Grace's haste and feare, whear no daynger was, 
 or anie matter intended ' (Keith's History, ii. 813, 314). Even 
 although there had been such a plot, why should Murray and 
 Argyll — after learning that the prey had escaped — ask Randolph 
 whether the English would receive Darnley and his father at 
 Berwick.'' Four months afterwards, Mary professed to be able to 
 prove by a hundred gentlemen, who were in Murray's company 
 and whom she had since pardoned, that he had conspired on that 
 occasion the death of Darnley and Lennox, and her imprisonment 
 (LabanoflTs Recueil, i. 304, 305). And — as Tytler has pointed out 
 with the caution, ^if we may believe the assertion of a brother 
 conspirator* — when Mary was in England, and Argyll and Murray 
 were on fiercely opposing sides, Argyll set his hand to a document, 
 in which it was alleged that Murray had then planned the slaughter 
 of Darnley, Lennox, and divers other nobles, the perpetual im- 
 prisonment of the Queen in Loch Leven, and the usurpation of the 
 government by himself. In this document, however, there is no 
 confession that Argyll was one of the ^ mony quha wer in counsal 
 
 355 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 with him' (Goodall's Examination, ii. 858, 859). Had Tytler 
 carefully read Randolph's letter of 4th July— a letter to which he 
 thrice refers — he might have perceived that Argyll and Murray's 
 confidential messenger was not the bearer ot a question as to 
 Damley's reception at Berwick, but of an urgent request that 
 Elizabeth should advance them £3000 sterling '^for thys year,' with 
 which they thought they would be quite able to bring Scotland into 
 rest and quietness (Keith's History, ii. 317, 318). Chalmers had, 
 of course, no doubt as to the reality of the plot to intercept the 
 Queen {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 140, 141). In his opinion this has 
 been most satisfactorily proved ; and the evidence, he says, is to be 
 found ^ in Randolph's dispatch to Cecil of the 2nd of July 1565, 
 which speaks of a concert, between the Duke, Argyle, Murray, 
 and Glenoairn ^^ to coerce the Queen" ' {Ibid. ii. 323 n.). Strange as 
 it may seem, the words which Chalmers thought important enough 
 to be italicised and enclosed within inverted commas are not to be 
 found in the despatch to which he refers. Had he detected such a 
 misrepresentation in the pages of Buchanan or Knox, he would 
 have unhesitatingly denounced it as a falsehood ; but a milder 
 epithet may nevertheless be applied to such a lapse on the part of 
 the author of Caledonia. 
 
 17 ' Tlie Queen's marriage with the Lord Darnley was prepared 
 and propounded in Councell, and the chief of the nobilitie, such as 
 the Duke, the Earles of Argyle, Murray, Glencarne, with the rest, 
 granted freely to the same, providing that they might have the 
 Religion established in Parliament by the Queene, and the idola- 
 trous masse and superstition abolished ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 481 ; cf 
 Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 469 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 291 ; and 
 Spottiswoode's History, ii. 27). On the 12th of May, Throck- 
 morton wrote to Leicester and Cecil : — Murray will in no wise yet 
 be conformable. He will have the Queen leave the mass and quit 
 all Popery, or he will never agree. She and Darnley will in nowise 
 agree thereto {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 863). Early in June 
 rumours were spread that in the next Parliament she would 
 establish a law for religion, thinking that she might marry whom 
 she chose if her people had their conscience free {Ibid. vii. 381). 
 Mary herself informed Paul De Foix, in the following November, 
 that Murray, when he perceived that she wished to marry Darnley, 
 offered so to contrive that all her nobles and subjects would approve 
 the match, provided that he alone might manage the business, that 
 
IX] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 all should know that he was the leader, and that the Roman Catholic 
 religion should be banished from the kingdom (Turnbull's Marys 
 Letters, 1845, pp. 150, 151 ; Labanoffs Recueil, i. 301). In his inter- 
 view with her on the 18th of July, Randolph had suggested, ^'^'^ What 
 yf your Majestie woulde alter your religion." ^'^ What wolde that 
 do ? " saythe she. ^' Paradventure," saide I, " somewhat move her 
 Majestie \i.e. Elizabeth] to allowe the souner of your marriage." 
 ''What ! wolde you," saythe she, ''that I sholde mayke mar- 
 chandize of my religion, or frame myself to your menestors willes } 
 yt cane not be so." I tolde her that to knowe her deutie to God 
 and by that meane to be called was no makinge of merchandes, and 
 to frame her will to Godes will was but the humble desyer and 
 prayer of her Grace's subjectes and mynesters of Godes trewe worde. 
 I precede no farther with her Grace in thys kynde of tawlke,' says 
 the somewhat discomfited Ambassador, ' but desyred her Grace to 
 consyder her estate in tyme, that the Queen, my mestres, were not 
 forced by her unkinde dealinge towardes her to do that for honor's 
 cawse that agaynste her she wolde be loothe to attempte ' (Steven- 
 son's Selections, p. 124). 
 ^* Laing's Knox, ii, 482. 
 
 19 Ibid. ii. 490. 
 
 20 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 409-413. 
 
 21 Thom worth's Instructions are dated 30th July (Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 415-417). 
 
 22 By this new assurance — of 28th July^Murray and ' four scoir 
 utheris personis with him' were promised protection (Register of 
 Privy Council, i. 345). According to lliomworth's Instructions, it 
 was commonly reported that the malice of certain persons, having 
 credit with Mary, has been such towards Murray as of late it was 
 fully determined to have slain him at his coming to the Court when 
 sent for (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 416). 
 
 23 Unless the clerk of the Privy Council has by mistake written 
 'first' for 'fift,' this summons was so peremptory that Murray was 
 commanded to present himself before their Majesties 'at Edin- 
 burgh, or quhair it sal happin thame to be for the tyme,' on the 
 first of August, the same day that the summons had been resolved 
 on (Register of Privy Council, i. 347). Tliat the clerk has made 
 a mistake may be inferred from the fact that Murray was not out- 
 lawed until the 6th of August (see following note), and also from 
 the statement of Randolph (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 421). 
 
 357 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 2* Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, vii. 423. — It was on the 6th of 
 August that Murray was ' ordourlie denuncit thair Hienessis rebell ' ; 
 and next day the Privy Council — finding that he ^nevirtheles 
 resortis and frequentis in the cuntre^ resset and suppliit as gif he 
 wer thair fre liege' — ordained that the said denunciation should 
 be intimated to Chatelherault and Argyll_, personally, or at their 
 dwelling-places, and proclaimed to all the other lieges at the 
 market-crosses of the head burghs, with the charge that any who 
 presumed ' to resset, supple, or intercommoun ' with him, ' in thair 
 houssis cuiitreis or utherwyise,' should be held as partakers with 
 him in his rebellion, and be pursued 'with all extremitie in 
 exempill of utheris ' {Register of Privy Council, i. 349, 350 ; Diurnal 
 of Occurrents , p. 81). 
 
 25 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 425, 426, 431.— Thom worth's 
 speech to Mary and her spirited answer are in Keith's History, 
 iii. 223-232 ; and in the Register of Privy Council, xiv. 224-232. 
 Camden is clearly in error in stating {Elizabeth, 1675, p. 79) that 
 Thomworth was not admitted into Mary's presence ; and so is 
 Spottiswoode (ii. 32), Balfour (i. 334), Chalmers (i. 148), and Petit 
 (i. 99). Cecil's statement — ' refused to be heard ' — can only mean 
 that she would not follow his suggestions (Murdin's State Papers, 
 1759, p. 760). 
 
 26 Keith's History, iii. 232-234 ; Register of Privy Council, xiv. 
 232-234; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 428, 429. These ap- 
 parently were the offers presented to Thomworth in writing which 
 he would not accept (Murdin's State Papers, p. 760). 
 
 27 Register of Privy Council, i. 348 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 81. 
 — Archbishop Hamilton, as Lord of the Regality of St. Andrews, 
 claimed '^the right of uplifting the escheats of all landowners within 
 the same lawfully put to the horn,' and in particular of Rothes, 
 Balcomy, Halyburton, and Monypenny, which were being uplifted 
 for their Majesties, who, on the 7th of November, referred his 
 claim to the Lords of Session {Register of Privy Council, xiv. 807, 
 308). It may perhaps be inferred from the imperfect entry that he 
 also claimed — but claimed in vain — the fruits of the Priory of St. 
 Andrews, of which Murray was Commendator. 
 
 2^ Lord Gordon — having found half-a-dozen cautioners that he 
 would re-enter into ward when commanded by the King and Queen 
 — was released on the 3rd of August {Register of Privy Council, i. 
 348). That day he was by proclamation at the market- cross of 
 
 358 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Edinburgh ' relaxit fra the proces of horn and ressavit to peace, 
 receiving ' licence and tollerance to resoi% pas and repas quhair he 
 pleissis, in any pairt of this realme,' and two days later, he ' gaif 
 presens to the King and Quene in the Palice of Halyrudhous, 
 quhair he was gentilly intertenyit be thame ' {Diurnal of Occurrents, 
 p. 80). By another proclamation, he was, on the 25th of August, 
 restored '^ to his fame, honour, and dignitie, and to the lordschipe 
 of Gordoun' (/6?V/. p. 81; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 437). 
 By the 10th of October he appears in the sederunt of Privy Council 
 as Earl of Huntly (Register of Privy Council, i. 379), having been 
 restored to that honour a few days before {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 
 84 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 484). 
 
 2^ Before the end of July, the Laird of Riccarton fell into Bed- 
 ford's hands. According to Randolph he was then the bearer of 
 Mary's letter to fetch Bothwell home {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 413). Before the end of August, Sir Thomas Smith had learned 
 in France that Bothwell had been privily sent for ; and that he 
 had gone from Paris, ^no man knows whither' {Ibid. vii. 438). 
 Mary had sent for him and Seton {Ibid. vii. 440). So recently as 
 the 2nd of May, Bothwell had been denounced as a rebel and put 
 to the horn (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 462 *). 
 
 2° In this proclamation of 22nd August 1565, it is mentioned that 
 although the proclamation of 25th August 1561 — forbidding the 
 alteration or innovation of Hhe estait of religioun,' which she *^fand 
 publictlie and universalie standing at hir first arryvall ' — had been 
 divers times duly published, ^ swa that nane can pretend ignorance 
 thairof,' yet it is murmured that some forgetting their duty ''haif 
 contravenit and purposlie intendis to contravene the samyn ' ; and 
 that those who were now their Majesties' rebels were trying to 
 cover their rebellion, by persuading the good subjects that she and 
 the King were attempting ^the plane subversion of the estait of 
 religioun/ and ' be sic untrew reportis to alienate the hartis of the 
 guid subjectis fra the obedience of thair Hienessis.' It was for the 
 eschewing of this ' untrew brute and fals rumour ' that the lieges 
 were again charged to keep the former proclamation {Register of 
 Privy Council, i. 356). 
 
 21 According to Spottiswoode (ii. 31) and the continuator of 
 Knox's History (ii. 497), Darnley had gone to hear Knox, to make 
 himself more popular, and to take from the Lords the pretext of 
 religion. He considered the sermon rather personal, as well as 
 
 359 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 much too long', and was so angiy that he would not dine, but 
 passed in the afternoon to the hawking. As the Diurnal (p. 81) 
 puts it^ ' he was crabbit. ' ' At that sermon_,' says Knox_, ' wer 
 auditours unto me not onely professors of the truth_, and such as 
 favor me^ but rancke Papistes, dissembled hipocrites^ and no small 
 number of covetous clawbaks of the new Court' (Laing's Knox, vi, 
 231). And for this sermon, he says, ' from my bed I was called 
 before the Councell ; and, after long reasoning, I was by some for- 
 bidden to preach in Edingbrough so long as the King and Queene 
 were in the towne' {Ibid. vi. 280). He answered, 'That he had 
 spoken nothing but according to his text ; and if the Church would 
 command him either to speak or abstain, he would obey, so far as 
 the Word of God would permit him ' {Ibid. ii. 498). Both Spottis- 
 woode and Knox's continuator state that in his defence before the 
 Council the Reformer spoke even more plainly than he had done 
 in his pulpit, alleging that as the King had gone to mass and dis- 
 honoured God, to please the Queen, so God in His justice would 
 make her an instrument of his ruin. The Queen apparently was 
 present, for they add that, being incensed at these words, she burst 
 into tears. The sermon had been preached on Sabbath the 19th of 
 August. Next Thursday, the magistrates and town council of 
 Edinburgh sent a deputation to the King and Queen, ' desiring to 
 be hard of thame tuiching the dischargeing of Johne Knox, minister, 
 of forder preiching,' and to Knox himself they sent their unanimous 
 deliverance, ' that thai will na maner of way consent or grant that 
 his mouth be closit or he dischargeit in preiching the trew word, 
 and thairfoir willit him at his plesour, as God sould move his hart, 
 to proceid fordwart in trew doctrine as he hes bene of befoir, 
 quhilk doctrine thai wald approve and abide at to thair lifis end ' 
 {Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, p. 200). It was to 
 let such ' as Sathan hath not altogether blinded ' see how great 
 offence might be easily given that Knox afterwards wrote this 
 sermon — the only one he ever published — from memory and com- 
 mitted it to the press. 
 
 ^2 Register of Privy Council, i. 855. — The charge was, 'to pas 
 furthwart and depend upoun thair Majesteis as thai salbe com- 
 mandit, for the space of xv dayis.' It is an evidence, perhaps, of 
 the haste in which the minute was prepared, that not one of the 
 five days — Settirday, Sonday, Mononday, Twysday, Weddnusday — 
 on which the lieges were commanded to appear corresponds with the 
 
 360 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 day of the month. Had they been a little less loyal, or a little 
 more quirky, they might have tried to evade the charge because of 
 the technical error. At the request of the magistrates and town 
 council, the inhabitants of Edinburgh were, on payment of £1000, 
 permitted to ^ remane and bide at hame fra this hoist and armie, 
 ordanit ... to pass fordwart for the persute of the Erie of 
 :Murray ' {Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 200- 
 203). Tliis town, says Randolph, has now given £200 sterling, 
 and none of them goes with her, for she knows how they favour 
 the other part (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 437). 
 
 ^3 Register of Privy Council, i. 357, 358. 
 
 3* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 437 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, 
 p. 82. — Randolph states that, on the previous Friday, proclamation 
 was made that any who left the Lords would be pardoned. 
 
 35 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 441, 443, 446, 447 ; Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 498, 500 ; Diurnal of Occurrents , p. 82. — Before Mary left 
 Edinburgh, strict injunctions were given that a continual watch 
 should be kept in town, so that nothing should be permitted to 
 pass furth to the rebels, and that no suspected person should 
 resort there ' without apprehensioun.' To meet this command, the 
 magistrates and town council ordained, that there should be a 
 night-watch of thirty-two men and a day- watch of eight {Records 
 of the Burgh of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 203, 204). When the 
 captain of the Castle was showing that he was more faithful to the 
 Queen than were the magistrates, Knox was just finishing his 
 obnoxious sermon for the press ; and so in the colophon he in- 
 serted : — ' Lord ! in thy hands I commend my spirit ; for the 
 terrible roring of gunnes, and the noyce of armour, doe so pierce 
 my heart, that my soule thirstith to depart' (Laing's Knox, vi. 
 273). The day before the Lords left Edinburgh, they issued a 
 proclamation, summoning all, who loved the Lord Jesus or the 
 commonwealth, to assist them with all diligence by their presence 
 and counsel. To their Queen they sent the message, that they 
 were enclosed in the capital, and could flee no further ; that they 
 sought nothing but the maintenance of the true religion ; that they 
 begged her to leave oiF her rigorous pursuit, and suff'er their cause 
 to be tried by her Council ; and that, if still pursued, their blood 
 should be sold as dear as any ever shed in the realm {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 442). 
 
 ^ Randolph writes, that the Lords were on the Srd of September 
 
 361 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 at Hamilton^ on the 4th at the Laird of Drumlanrick's house^ who 
 now takes open part with them, that the Master of Maxwell was 
 come to them, purposing to convoy them to Dumfries, and either 
 to defend them against all her power or to put them in safety into 
 their friends' hands at Carlisle {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 448). They arrived at Dumfries with the IMaster of Maxwell on 
 the 5th of September {Ibid. vii. 452). 
 
 ^"^ Foreigyi Calendar, Elizabeth, -sdi. 448. — She returned, Randolph 
 says, to Stirling, and from thence to Glasgow, where she was on 
 Tuesday when he wrote. 
 
 2^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 446. 
 
 39 Laing's Knooc, ii. 500, 501. 
 
 40 Register of Privy Council, i. 361. 
 
 *^ It had been the same at Pinkie, where the universal use of the 
 jack occasioned the slaughter of many Scots gentlemen — '^ Their 
 armour among theim so little differing and their apparail so base 
 and beggerly, whearin the lurdein was in a maner all one wyth the 
 Lorde, and the lounde with the larde : all clad alyke in jackes 
 cooverd w)i;h whyte leather, dooblettes of the same or of fustian, 
 and most commonly al white hosen. Not one with either cheine, 
 brooch, ryng, or garment of silke that I coold see, oules cheynes 
 of latten drawen four or fyve tymes along the thighs of their 
 hosen and dooblet sieves for cuttyng ; and of that sort I sawe 
 many' (Patten's Expedicion, in Dalyell's Fragments, p. 69). ITie 
 perplexed Englishmen did not know who were worth saving for 
 ransom. 
 
 4^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, 448. 
 
 43 Ibid. vii. 452, 453. 
 
 ^ Ibid. vii. 449. 
 
 4^ Register of Privy Council, i. 362. 
 
 *^ ^Palyeonis' were pavilions or tents. The common Scotch 
 ones of the period were so simple in construction, and so modest in 
 size, that it was no great hardship for the forces to provide their 
 own. Even those of the nobles were neither very great nor very 
 grand. Both kinds were minutely described by an observant 
 Englishman who saw them at Pinkie. Few of the larger ones 
 reached — none exceeded — twenty feet in length. The common 
 ones were made by stretching a canvas sheet over four sticks, each 
 about an ell in length, which were set up in pairs like inverted V's, 
 one pair at the head, and another at the feet. These small tents 
 
 362 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 were ' skaut shut at botli endes^ and not very close beneath on the 
 sydes, onles their stiks wear the shorter^ or their wives the more 
 liberal to lend them larger naperie : howbeit^ within they had 
 lyned them and stuft them so thick with strawe_, that^ the weather 
 as it was not very cold, when they wear ones couched, thei wear as 
 warme as thei had bene wrapt in horsdung ' (Patten's Ejcpedicion, 
 in Dalyell's Fragments of Scotish History, pp. 70, 71). 
 
 47 Register of Privy Council, i. 862, S68. 
 
 48 Ibid. i. 364, 365. 
 
 *^ Register of Privy Council, i. 36o-o67. — On the previous day, 
 twenty-one of the Lords and Barons of the West Country bound 
 themselves, in presence of their Majesties, truly and faithfully to 
 '^ serve the King and Quenis Majesteis, and the rycht nobill and 
 mychty Lord Mathow Erie of Lennox, Lord Dernle, etc., thair 
 Hienessis lieutennent,' in whatever 'he sail command tending to the 
 furthsetting of thair Majesteis autoritie, and resisting of thair 
 Hienessis rebellis ' {Ibid. p. 363). 
 
 °° Register of Privy Council, i. 365. — On the 27th of September, 
 Chatelherault, Glencairn, and the Abbot of Kilwinning ' wer de- 
 nuncit our Soveranis rebellis, and put to thair home, and all thair 
 movabill guidis decernitto beescheit' {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 83; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 475). 
 
 ^1 Labanoff's Recueil, i. 281-283. 
 
 ^2 Register of Privy Council, i. 359, 360. — The lieges of several 
 of the northern shires were commanded to meet Atholl in Lome, 
 with provisions for twenty days, and ' weill bodin in feir of ^veir ' ; 
 which muster was afterwards merged in another {Ibid. i. 363). 
 
 ^^ Bothwell brought with him six or eight men, certain pistolets, 
 and some armour. With his two small boats, by dint of oar and 
 sail, he escaped the shot of Wilson the pirate. He did not tarry a 
 quarter of an hour at Eyemouth {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 463, 465) ; and on the 20th of September ' gat presens of our 
 Soveranis in Halyrudhous and was thankfullie ressavit of thame ' 
 {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 83). On the 1st of September, Bedford 
 had reported the capture of Sutherland, and that Yaxley would 
 also have been caught by the same adventurer had not his ship 
 been furred with long lying abroad. Bedford had then pled with 
 Elizabeth that, as this pirate — who had a letter of marque from the 
 King of Sweden — might be of service in impeaching Bothwell, she 
 should not think of such things as might be brought against him 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 443, 444). Elizabeth quite 
 approved of Sutherland's capture by Wilson and detention by 
 Bedford ; but gave instructions that Wilson was ' not to be used 
 directly/ as he had spoiled the English, as well as the French and 
 Flemish, and as she was more pressed, by the French and Spanish 
 Ambassadors, for his apprehension than for that of any other pirate 
 {Ibid. vii. 453). It was not expected that he would be able to en- 
 counter Seton, who was coming home with armour and a very well- 
 furnished ship {Ibid. vii. 464); but Bedford gave him temporary 
 letters of protection, that he might transport Lady Murray from 
 Fife to Berwick {Ibid. vii. 471, 473, 502) ; nevertheless, he and his 
 ship were seized by Jenkinson of the '^Aid,' greatly to Bedford's 
 mortification, who had never been ' so touched in honour and credit 
 or so traitorously sought upon to be defaced as by that vile man ' 
 {Ibid. vii. 492, 495, 516, 517). 
 
 s* Register of Privy Council, i. 378, 383, 509.— Eleven days after 
 Both well landed at Eyemouth, Bedford reported that he was already 
 one of Mary's Council, and besides AthoU and Ruthven the chiefest 
 man, and looking daily to be advanced higher {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 473). By the 10th of October, his name occurs in 
 the sederunt of Privy Council. 
 
 ^ National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 49. — In the Register of Privy 
 Council (i. 371), the date is erroneously given as the third of 
 September. 
 
 ^^ Register of Privy Council, i. 371-373. 
 
 ^"^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 455, 464, 467. — In the middle 
 of October, Randolph is more explicit about the pledging of her 
 jewels. Part of them he says had been laid to gage for 2000 merks 
 sterling {Ibid. vii. 439). For lack of money too, she had given 
 Yaxley at his departure some plate and two jewels {ibid. vii. 462). 
 For her monetary transactions with Edinburgh, see Ibid. vii. 437, 
 477, 478 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 83, 84 ; Records of the Burgh 
 of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 200-203, 207, 208, 229. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 459. 
 
 ^^ ^ If the Queen [i.e. Elizabeth] so countenance this matter with 
 aid as it is hoped, many that stand to look how things should pass 
 will wholly come to this side, and that in great number ' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 460). ^ If the Queen grants this aid, the 
 Earl of Morton, Lord Ruthven, and Lethington will come to the 
 Lords, and also many other great personages' {Ibid. vii. 464). 
 
 364 
 
IX] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ' Many that are willing to take their parts doubt so much of the 
 issue, that before they know what succour they shall receive of the 
 Queen they join not with the others' {Ihid. vii. 466). ^Some wise 
 men are enemies to this government, as the Lord of Lethington. 
 Of the same band are Morton and Ruthven, who only espy their 
 time, and make fair weather until it come to the pinch ' {Ibid. vii. 
 486). 
 
 ^ Robert Melville was instructed to ask from Elizabeth three 
 thousand men — of these a thousand to be arquebusiers, a thousand 
 pikemen, five hundred bowmen, and five hundred archers — and 
 that money for their pay should be sent with haste to Lord Scrope, 
 her Warden of the West Marches. He was also to ask some field- 
 pieces and siege guns, and that certain ships be sent to keep the 
 Firth and East Coast {Foreign Calendar , Elizabeth, vii. 4.57). At 
 the same time (lOtli September), the Lords wrote to Elizabeth and 
 to Cecil {Ibid. vii. 456). Bedford, too, sent a pressing letter to 
 Cecil by Melville {Ibid. vii. 4.59, 460). 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 476. 
 
 ^2 On the 10th of August, Thomworth, then at Edinburgh, in- 
 formed Cecil that he was so earnestly pressed by Murray and the 
 others with Elizabeth's promise for their relief that he must send 
 to Berwick for the money he had left there, which he now meant 
 to deliver to such as by Murray are appointed to receive it {F&reign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 426). This was probably the .3000 crowns 
 handed to Lady Murray, on account of which Randolph was dis- 
 missed from the Scotch Court {supra, p. 130). Murray also received 
 £1000 from Elizabeth, through Bedford, ^to be employed in the 
 common cause and action in Scotland, enterprised by the nobility 
 thereof, for maintenance of the true religion and commonwealth 
 of this realm ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 458, 463, 473, 476, 
 477). The Elwoods — or Elliots — received £50, '^in such secret 
 manner as in this case behoves ' {Ibid. vii. 451) ; and Bedford lent 
 £500 of his own to Murray {Ibid. vii. 473). Knox's continuator 
 alleges that Nicholas Elphinston, when sent to England for support, 
 returned with £10,000 sterling (Laing's Knox, ii. 496). 
 
 63 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 459, 478, 481, 487, 488. 
 
 64 Ibid. vii. 468. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 465 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 
 669-576. — They denied that they had been guilty of sedition, 
 rebellion, or treason, having neither done nor intended to do 
 
 365 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 more than became ^the faithful! of God and true subjects to 
 doe to their Prince^ native countrie, and commoun weal of the 
 same.' 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 480 ; Stevenson's Selections, 
 p. 145. 
 
 ^"^ Teulet's Papiers Uiltat, ii. 96-110 ; Relations Politiques, ii. 
 245-258 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 477. 
 
 ^^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 84 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 479, 480, 484, 485, 488 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 512. 
 
 ^^ Mary's disaifected Lords were at Carlisle with Lord Scrope on 
 the 6th of October (i^ore?^n Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 483); and arrived 
 at Newcastle on the 16th {Ibid. vii. 493). Although they were in 
 Carlisle two days before Mary left Edinburgh with her army, Mr. 
 Skelton declares that ^she herself in steel jacket at the head of her 
 troopers swept them away out of Edinburgh, over the Pentlands to 
 Dumfries, and at last — such of them as remained together — clean 
 across the English border ' {Mary Stuart, 1898, p. 71). And Mr. 
 T. F. Henderson says : — ' In hope of Elizabeth's aid Moray ulti- 
 mately marched south to Dumfries, but on the appearance of Mary 
 on 10 Oct., at the head of eighteen thousand men, he took refuge 
 in England' {Dictionary of National Biography , xxxvi. 381). 
 
 "^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 488, 489, 492. — Perhaps some 
 of the disorderliness was due to the fact that ^the whole force of 
 the North,' under Huntly, had accompanied her {Ibid. vii. 484), 
 and that those formed the greatest part of her army {Ibid. vii. 485). 
 
 '^i Mary was at Dumfries by the 13th of October {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 488), and left it for Lochmaben on the 14th, intending 
 to proceed next day to Moffat and so to Edinburgh {Ibid. vii. 492). 
 In his letter of the 19th, Scrope says that Bothwell is at Dumfries 
 with 1600 men {Ibid. vii. 497). Six days later he puts down the 
 number at 300 horse and 300 arquebusiers {Ibid. vii. 500). Both- 
 well, it was alleged, was lying at Dumfries to watch the Master of 
 Maxwell, who had made his peace with Mary and was trying to 
 negotiate for the restoration of Chatelherault and the others on 
 similar terms {Ibid. vii. 499). On the 2nd of November, Scrope 
 reported that Bothwell had departed and that the Master of 
 Maxwell had obtained from Mary 300 horsemen and some foot- 
 men {Ibid. vii. 508). 
 
 "2 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 85 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii, 
 496. 
 
 366 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 73 ^That Queen [i.e. Mary] increases her displeasure towards 
 them because they have entered this realm' (Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 493). Four days before^ Bedford had written : — ' That 
 Queen hath plainly affirmed in open and manifest sort that whoso- 
 ever of these Lords and others now with them shall by any means 
 enjoy her pardon and so be received^ that the same shall become 
 thenceforward a professed and sworn enemy to this realm and the 
 peace and amity of the same' {Ihid. vii. 487^ 488). 
 
 7* On the 14th of October, Murray wrote to Cecil from Carlisle, 
 thanking him for his aid ; and stating that neither he nor the other 
 Lords would have enterprised this action, if they had not been 
 moved to it by the handwriting of Elizabeth, and her Council, 
 directed to them thereupon ; and praying that the promised support 
 might be hastened with all expedition. On the same day Murray 
 wrote to Leicester, expressing the hope that Elizabeth would make 
 an end of those troubles, and intimating that they would send 
 some gentleman to her to expedite the support, and that they 
 were not inclined to accept any agreement with Mary of which 
 Elizabeth was not the ' dresser ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 491). 
 
 75 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 493, 494. — Chatelherault wrote 
 to Cecil asking his favour for the Abbot of Kilwinning who was to 
 accompany Murray (Ibid. vii. 494). By this time Cecil had in- 
 formed Sir ITiomas Smith that, in the English Council, ''arguments 
 have bene made contrarywyse, some to ayd the Lordes of Scotland 
 playnly and oppenly, some but covertly, some not at all ; but in 
 the end the Queue's Majesty hath resolved to use all good meanes 
 by mediation, by outward countenance, to relieve them, but to 
 do nothyng that may break peace ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 208). 
 
 76 The English Council wrote to Murray that it was not meet 
 for him to come at this time, and that he should forbear from such 
 open dealing with her Majesty until it may be considered what 
 shall be meet for him to do. The Queen wrote to Bedford to stay 
 him {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 497). Bedford afterwards 
 explained to Leicester that he had no order from the Queen to stay 
 him when he left, and neither persuasions nor dissuasions would 
 serve (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 215). 
 
 77 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 498, 499, 504. 
 
 78 The dramatic story of Murray's interview with Elizabeth on 
 the 23rd of October 1565, as related by Sir James Melville 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 (Memoirs, pp. 135^ 136) is well known ; but as told by De Silva to 
 Philip (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 499-502), and by the English 
 Privy Council to their Ambassador at the French Court (Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 499, 500), it is far less humiliating for 
 Murray. Melville's version having had a long start in type — the 
 first edition of his Memoirs was published in 1683 — retains its hold, 
 even where it is clearly in error. His assertion that the Spanish 
 as well as the French Ambassador was present, has not only been 
 repeated by Keith, Robertson, Chalmers, Lingard, Bell, Strick- 
 land, Caird, Petit, and Hill Burton, but even by Mignet and 
 Hosack, who refer to De Silva's letter — a letter in which he states 
 that he received his account from Elizabeth. So far as Murray's 
 reputation is concerned, De Silva's report of the interview is none 
 the less valuable that it was derived from Elizabeth, who was not 
 the one to minimise her supposed exculpation. Yet it contains 
 nothing implying that Murray formally confessed that she had not 
 encouraged the enterprise of the Scots Lords ; nor does the report 
 sent by the English Privy Council to Sir Thomas Smith. Sinfully 
 silent Murray seems to have been under Elizabeth's denunciation, 
 staggered perhaps by her shameless audacity, and depressed by the 
 bad fortune of his party ; but according to the continuator of Knox, 
 after the French Ambassador withdrew, he told her plainly enough, 
 that, whatever she had intended in her heart, her Ambassador and 
 familiar servants had promised in her name to assist them, and they 
 had also her own handwriting in confirmation (Laing's /iTwojf, ii. 
 518). Chalmers alleges that Sir James Melville received his ^ cir- 
 cumstantial account' of the interview '^from his brother Robert, 
 who Mas then present in the Court of Elizabeth as the Scotish 
 resident' (Life of Mary, 1818, i. 159 n.). Robert Melville had 
 been sent to the Queen of England in the preceding September, 
 not by Mary, but by the Protestant Lords (Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, vii. 457, 459) ; and had returned to them with her answer before 
 the 12th of October (Bid. vii. 485), when Murray and the other 
 Lords were at Carlisle (Ibid. vii. 483, 491), and before Murray had set 
 out for Newcastle or London. If he did not actually return to 
 London with Murray, he was certainly left there by him as his 
 agent, at the end of October (National MSS. oj Scotland, iii. 56 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 525, 526). Though not a witness 
 perhaps of the interview, he may have told his brother of it ; but 
 Sir James does not say so. Robert Melville did not obtain his 
 
 368 
 
ix] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 formal remission until tlie 20tli of January {Register of Privy Seal, 
 xxxiv. 42) ; and it was not until the 12tli of the following February 
 — sixteen weeks after the famous interview — that Mary despatched 
 him to the English Court (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 17). 
 
 "^^ In Mary's Instructions to the Bishop of Dunblane^ when she 
 sent him to France to explain why she had married Bothwell_, there 
 is the following passage : — ^ At (juhilk tyme, be oure commandment 
 being callit hame, and immediatlie restorit to his former charge of 
 Lieutenent-Generall^ oure authoritie prospered sa weill in his handis, 
 that suddanlie oure haill rebellis wer constranit to depart the 
 realme_, and remane in Ingland^ quhill sum of thame upoun sub- 
 missioun and humill sute wer reconceylit to us ' (Labanoff's Recueilj 
 ii. 35). 
 
 80 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 428, 436, 453. 
 
 81 Ibid. vii. 417, 457. 
 
 82 Ibid. vii. 483 ; Labanoff's Recueil, i. 293, 294. 
 
 83 De Foix, writing from London to Catherine de Medici, on the 
 29th of September 1565, informed her that Shan O'Neil was fight- 
 in Mary's name in Ireland, and that she had sent over to him as 
 envoys ^deux gentilshommes du pais des sauvaiges d'Escosse, qui 
 usent de mesme langaige ' (Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 85). 
 
 8^ In the autograph fragment concerning her second marriage, 
 Mary says that Leicester wrote to her, explaining how she might 
 induce Elizabeth to consent to their marriage, by means of the dis- 
 turbances in Ireland, ' where,' adds Mary, ^ I had power at that 
 time, of which she was much afraid ' (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 297, 298 ; 
 TurnbuU's Mary's Letters, p. 149). It was no new plan for the 
 Scots to foment trouble in Ireland {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 
 321 ; Haynes's State Papers, p. 353). 
 
 8^ Hamilton Manuscripts, Hist. mss. Com. , p. 43 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vii. 530-532; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 524, 527- — 
 Darnley was apparently displeased at Chatelherault's pardon (Ruth- 
 ven's Relation, 1699, pp. 34, 35), though it runs in his name as well 
 as Mary's. In the license to go abroad, granted on the 3rd of 
 January to Chatelherault and three of his sous, and also to the 
 Commendator of Kilwinning and James Hamilton of Rouchbank, 
 they are permitted '^to depairt and pas furth of this realme to 
 the pairtis of France or uthiris beyond sey for doing of thair 
 lefull erandis and besines and to remane and abyde furth of 
 the same at thair plesouris for the space of fyve yeiris ' {Register 
 
 2 A 369 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 of Privy Seal, xxxiv. SO, 31). Chatelherault's passport bears that 
 he is to travel abroad for his health {Register of Privy Council, xiv. 
 241). Mary had applied to Elizabeth, a month before, for a pass- 
 port to Chatelherault to go through her realm (Labaiioff's Recueil, 
 i. 309, 310). His remission is dated 2nd January ; the letter to 
 Elizabeth, 1st December. 
 
 86 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 511, 530.— By the 25th of 
 December it was said that Murray had not 200 crowns in the 
 world ; and that Melville's pleading for him was ineffectual, but 
 this was understood to be due more to Darnley than to Mary {Ibid. 
 vii. 541). On the 16th of January it seemed still impossible by 
 any means to find favour for him at her hands (Stevenson's Selec- 
 tions, p. 146) ; but in another eight days Randolph was able to 
 report ' that some parte of her extremitie is asswaged she nether 
 usethe so greveus wordes as she hathe done, nor so unpatient to 
 here hym spoken of as she was' {Ibid. p. 151). Soon after the 
 arrival of Clerneau and Thornton from France, however, it be- 
 came evident that no good was intended towards Murray and the 
 other exiled Lords, unless they could persuade Elizabeth to make 
 Mary ' her heir apparent to the crowne of England ' {Ibid. p. 152). 
 On the 8th of February, Bedford reported that ' Murray's landes 
 be gyven awaye, and he having nowe but a litell place leafte must 
 sell the same for the further maintenance of him selfe' {Ibid. p. 
 155). It is certain that Bothwell — fifteen days after his arrival at 
 Eyemouth — obtained a gift of the teind sheaves, etc., of the parish 
 church of Haddington, for the crop of that year, which belonged 
 to Murray {Register of Privy Seal, xxxiii. 105) ; and that the Earl 
 of Mar got a gift of the escheat of the teind sheaves of Eglisgreg, 
 which pertained to Murray {Ibid, xxxiii. 112, 118). 
 
 8^ Register of Privy Council, i. 409 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 
 85, 86 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 540 ; blaster of Gray 8 
 Papers, Ban. Club, app. p. ix. 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 1 Calderwood's History, ii. 572, 573. — See also Information for 
 Melville {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 469). 
 
 2 Calderwood's History, ii. 285 ; Spottiswoode's History, ii. 27. 
 
xj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 2 Melville's Memoirs, pp. 131, 132. — Birrel says that Riccio was 
 * verey skilfull in music and poetry ' {Diary , p. 5). 
 
 * Francisque-Michers Critical Inquiry into the Scottish Language, 
 1882, p. 219. 
 
 ^ Blackwood affirms that Mary did not esteem him '^for any 
 beauty or grace that was in him, being a man sufficiently old, ugly, 
 gloomy, and unpleasant ' (Jebb's De Vita et Rehus Gestis Mariae, 
 ii. 202) ; or, as the sixteenth century translator renders it, ' he 
 was a man of no beautie or outwarde shape, for he was mishapen, 
 evil-favoured, and in visage verie blacke ' (Blackwood's Mary Queen 
 of Scots, Mait. Club, p. 9). Herries speaks of him as ' neither 
 handsome nor well-faced ' (Herries's Memoirs, p. 75). Causin de- 
 scribes him as ' an old and discreet man . . . but of a deformed 
 (disgracie) body' (Holy Court, 1678, p. 813 ; Jehh'sDe Vita et Rebus 
 Gestis Mariae, ii. 57). Buchanan also refers to the deformity of 
 his body — 'corporis vitia' — as well as to the meanness of his 
 birth (Ruddiman's Buchanan, i. 844 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 477). 
 According to Bishop Lesley he was ' a man of fifty years of age ' 
 {Yovhe^-LeitYi 9, Xan-atives of Scottish Catholics,''^. 109); but, accord- 
 ing to a despatch drawn up shortly after his murder, he was only 
 about twenty-eight (Labauoff's Recueil, vii. 86). 
 
 ^ Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 202 ; Labanoff's 
 Recueil, vii. 65, 86, 87 ; Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 109 ; Ruddi- 
 man's Buchanan, i. 340 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 308. 
 
 ■^ " Here, however, he remained, and finally determined to try 
 his fortune. To this he was chiefly induced by learning that the 
 Queen delighted greatly in musicians, and was herself no despicable 
 performer. He therefore, in order to procure access to her 
 Majesty, bargained with her musicians, the majority of whom were 
 Frenchmen, that he might be allowed to perform among them. 
 After being heard once or twice, he succeeded in pleasing the 
 Queen, and was immediately enrolled as one of the band' (Aik- 
 man's Buchanan, ii. 466, 467). ^Hir Majeste,' says Melville, 'had 
 thre varletis of hir chamber that sang thre partis, and wanted a 
 beiss to sing the fourt part; therfor they tald hir Majeste of this 
 man to be ther fourt marrow, in sort that he was drawen in to 
 sing somtymes with the rest ; and eftirwart when the Ambassadour 
 his maister retournit \i.e. to Savoy], he stayed in this contre, and 
 wes retiret [? retenit or recivet] in hir Majestes service as ane varlet 
 of hir chamber ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 132). 
 
 371 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ® Foreign Calendar, Elizaheth, vii. 262, 308. — Goodall {Examination, 
 i. 260) was so misled by the abstract of Randolph's letter printed by- 
 Keith (folio editions, p. 268 ; Spot. Soc. ed. ii. 259) as to infer that 
 Raulet was dismissed for immorality, whereas the rumour was 
 that he had been too familiar with the English Ambassador. 'A 
 lyttill befoir the trubles quhich Sathan raised in the bodie of 
 the Kirk, began Davie to grow grit in Courte. The Quene usit 
 him for Secretarie in thingis that appertenit to hir secreit effaires 
 in France or ellis quhair ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 421, 422). Melville 
 was disposed to think that the jealousy between Elizabeth and Mary 
 was partly due to Riccio who was ^not very skilfuU in dyting of 
 French lettres ' (Melville Memoiis, p. 109). 
 
 ^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 132. — 'Grit men maid in Courte unto 
 him, and thair sutes wer the better heard ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 422). 
 According to Buchanan, ' in household furniture, dress, the 
 number and breed of his horses, and rank of his attendants, he far 
 exceeded the King himself (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 476). This 
 statement is indorsed by Spottiswoode {History, ii. 85), and also 
 by Calderwood {History, ii. 311). For notes concerning his income, 
 see Laing's Knox, ii. 596, 597 ; and for an account of ' the greate 
 substance ' he left, see Wright's Elizabeth, i. 233, 234 ; Ellis's 
 Original Letters, first series, ii. 218. 
 
 1° Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 467. 
 
 " Melville's Memoirs, pp. 134, 136 ; Spottiswoode's History, ii. 
 27 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 353 ; LabanofF's Recueil, vii. 88. 
 
 1^ '^The chief dealers in these matters are David Riccio, the 
 Italian, Mingo, valet de chambre, Athole and Ruthven ' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 353). ' David is he that now works all, chief 
 secretary to the Queen, and governor to her goodman ' {Ibid. vii. 
 380. ^ These matters are thus guydid by my Lord of Lenox, Lord 
 Roberte, and David. Other counsell she takethe lyttle of anye 
 subjecte she hathe' (Keith's History, ii. 333). 
 
 13 'What countenance that Queen [i.e. Mary] shows to David, 
 an Italian, he will not write for the honour due to the person of a 
 Queen ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth^ vii. 464). ' Mr. James Balfoure 
 [parson of Flisk, afterwards Sir James of Pittendreich, and clerk- 
 register] once rowed in a galley ; and now, except David, no man 
 is so great with her ' {Ibid. vii. 480). ' The parson of Flyske flings 
 at all men " as he were wode." ' As for David, ' he that may attain 
 unto it is worthy to wear it' {Ibid. vii. 506). 
 
 3/2 
 
xj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 1* Melville's Memoirs, p. 188. 
 
 1^ ^ Inventions and bruits vver raised how that the said Seigneur 
 David had a pension of the Paip ; and_, having baith Quen and 
 K[ing] of his oppinion, mycht the rather and easeyler attempt, 
 with tym^ to plant again in Scotland the Roman Catholik religion ' 
 (Melville's Memoirs, pp. 136, 137 ; see also p. 147). Bishop Lesley 
 alleges that ^the motive of the conspirators for their particular 
 animosity against Rizzio was the constancy and firmness with 
 which he had acted throughout these transactions in support of 
 the ancient religion and the Queen's authority, and the great ability 
 and acquaintance with Scottish politics which enabled him ever 
 to suggest fresh means of defeating their machinations ' {Narratives 
 of Scottish Catholics, p. 109). The importance of Riccio's murder, 
 ^ as a political blow,' says Hill Burton, could only be known to a 
 few. ' In the traces of the Queen's intercourse with the Court 
 of Rome and the Papal powers we now see its significance more 
 clearly than even the leading statesmen of the day in England and 
 Scotland' {History of Scotland, 1876, iv. 158). 
 
 ^^ Calderwood's History, ii. 572. 
 
 ^^ Ten days before the marriage Randolph writes : — ' My Lord 
 Darlye wolde seeme to be indifferente, sometyme he goeth wy\h 
 the Queen to the masse, and these two laste dayes hathe byne 
 at the sermonds ' (Keith's History, ii. 332) ; two days after the 
 marriage : — ^ He wolde nowe seeme to be indiiFerente to bothe the 
 religions, she to use her masse, and he to come sometymes to the 
 preachyng' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 201). Even on his marriage 
 day, he had retired from the chapel before the celebration of mass 
 (see supra, p. 348, n. 114) ; and, after taking grievous offence at 
 Knox's preaching, he had gone to hear Craig {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth^ vii. 475). In 1562, it had been deponed that Lady Lennox 
 had not only grafted him into ' that devilish Papistry,' but that the 
 curtains of his bed were pinned round with idols {Ibid. v. 15, 24). 
 Yet it was alleged that in England he had plainly professed the 
 Reformed religion (Melville's Memoirs, pp. 134, 136). It was 
 asserted by his son that he was a Protestant {The Workcs of the 
 Most High and Mighty Prince James, 1616, p. 301). 
 
 ^^ In the Dumfries Declaration, the Lords say : — ^That ungodlie 
 and wicked religioun, wherin her Grace hath beene brought up, 
 beganne hastilie, after her arrivall, to crave one quiett masse to 
 her owne household onlie. And we, hoping that the mercie of 
 
 373 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 God by processe of time sould have converted her therefra^ alas ! 
 (to the great dishonour of God_, as His heavie displeasure powred 
 out upon us this day testiiieth) past over with silence,, and^ to the 
 great greefe of our conscience, oversaw the same. For, from 
 thence it proceeded plainlie to all that resorted to her Chappell 
 Royall unpunished, from saying to singing ; and from her Chappell 
 to all the corners of the country that listed. And when we craved 
 punishment of the transgressors, according to the Act of Parliament 
 and her Highnesse' owne proclamations, even when we would 
 obteane them convicted in judgement, and the partie offending 
 confesse the crime, and coming in will therefore, we could have no 
 execution of the lawes against them' (Calderwood's History, ii. 
 571). 
 
 1^ The open and defiant celebration of mass in the West of Scot- 
 land by priests and dignitaries at Easter, 1563, so roused the zealous 
 Protestants that they resolved to take the law into their own hands 
 by punishing what was at once a breach of the Act of Parliament 
 and of the Queen's Proclamation. Mary sent for Knox to Loch 
 Leven, where he boldly avowed and defended the right of the 
 people to carry out the law when their rulers neglected to do so. 
 Having afterwards consulted two of her judges — Henry Sinclair and 
 the elder Lethington — they advised her to punish the offenders ; and 
 accordingly forty-nine of them were brought to trial in Edinburgh 
 on the 19th of May. Of these, five by a jury were convicted of 
 ^ministrand and abusand on thair pretendit manor, irreverentlie 
 and indecentlie, the Sacramentis of Haly Kirk,' and were committed 
 to ward — three in Dumbarton Castle, two in Edinburgh Castle, the 
 latter having been attended, at their celebration of mass at Kirk- 
 oswald and Maybole, by '^twa hundreth personis, bodin in feir of 
 weir, with jakkis, speris, gunnis, and utheris wapins invasive.' 
 The other forty-four culprits put themselves in the Queen's will ; 
 and of these thirteen were warded, eight discharged on finding 
 caution that they would not again contravene, and twenty-three 
 remitted. At Paisley the illegal proceedings had been singularly 
 patent, auricular confession having been taken in the ^ kirk, toune, 
 kirk-yaird, chalmeris, barnis, middingis, and killogeis thairof.' 
 The Archbishop of St. Andrews was one of those who put them- 
 selves in the Queen's will, and was warded in the Castle of Edin- 
 burgh (Laing's Knox, ii. 870-380 ; Pitcairu's Criminal Trials, i. 
 427*-4:30'*^). It was then regarded as a strange tragedy that the 
 
 374 
 
xj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Primate of the Kingdom should be committed to prison 'for 
 Papistry^ in the time of a Queen of his own religion.' To declare 
 that it was with her will_, she ^came to a house not far from 
 the place where the Lords sat in judgment^ supped^ and re- 
 mained there till all was ended^ near unto 8 p.m.* {Foreign Calen- 
 dar, Elizabeth, vi. 355). ^ All this was^ done/ says Knox, ^ of a 
 most deape craft_, to abuse the simplicitie of the Protestantis, that 
 thei should not prease the Quene with any other thing concernyng 
 materis of religioun at that Parliament. . . . Sche obteined of the 
 Protestantis whatsoever sche desyred ; for this was the reassone of 
 many, '' We see what the Queue has done ; the lyek of this was 
 never heard of within the realme : we will bear with the Quene ; 
 we doubt not but all shalbe weill." Otheris war of a contrarie 
 judgement, and foirspak thingis, as after thei cam to pas, to wit, 
 that nothing was meant but deceat ; and that the Quene, how soon 
 that ever Parliament was past, should set the Papistis at freedome : 
 and thairfoir willed the nobilitie not [to] be abused. But becaus 
 many had thair privat commoditie to be handilled at that Parlia- 
 ment, the commoun cause was the less regarded ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 
 880). On the other hand. Bishop Lesley alleges that the true 
 reason why the Primate was imprisoned during the sitting of 
 Parliament was to prevent him from opposing the deprivation of 
 Huntley's heirs (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 92). The Parlia- 
 ment thus referred to was opened by the Queen on the 26th of 
 May and closed by her upon the 6th of June {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, vi. 381, 399 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 76). On the 
 19th of June, Randolph writes to Cecil : — ' Our pestilent prelate, 
 put in the Castle, made great means unto the Queen for his de- 
 liverance, so far that he won her consent. It came so far that the 
 Lords were fain to resist her will so far as that the tears burst out, 
 but nothing able to prevail ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 420). 
 Lethington informed De Quadra that the prosecution had been 
 undertaken on the advice of the Archbishop himself, not to con- 
 demn his religion but to preserve the Queen's peace {Spanish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 339). Nine weeks after his committal to the 
 Castle, he was set at liberty, caution having been found that he 
 should ' noclit controvene the Ordinance and Proclamatione maid be 
 hir Grace anent the Religione quhilk hir Majestie fand publiclie and 
 universalie standing at hir arryvall within this realme, . . . and 
 on ua wyis publiclie nor privatlie mak innovatione or alteration^ 
 
 375 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 thairof^ or attempt ony thing aganis the samin, under the pane of 
 thre thowsand pundis ' (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 429"^ n.), 
 ^ Laing's Knox, ii. 893^ 894 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 571. 
 
 21 Calderwood's History, ii. 570 ; Register of Privy Council, i. 872. 
 
 22 Robertson's Statuta, vol. i. p. clxix. 
 
 23 Register of Privy Council, i. 388, 839, 843. 
 
 24 Ibid. i. So6. 
 
 -^ Labanoff's Recueil, i. 282. — It is in this letter that Mary- 
 accredits and commends Yaxley as her Envoy. 
 
 2'5 Register of Privy Council, i. 372. — In this proclamation, Scottish 
 Protestantism is not described as '^the Reformed religion of Scot- 
 land/ but as the ^religioun quhilk thair Majesteis £and publictlie 
 and universallie standing at thair arryval.' In the original Register, 
 the clerk has by mistake written ' abolissit/ Thich has been sub- 
 sequently changed into '^stabblissit.' In the printed Register only 
 the original reading is given. In the French copy the word is 
 '^establie' (Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 67). 
 
 2'' To Beaton, Mary wrote : — ^ We, accompanied with our nobility 
 for the time, past to the Tolbuith of Edinburgh, for holding of our 
 Parliament upon the 7th day of this instant [March], elected the 
 Lords Articulars ; the Spirituall Estate being placed therein in the 
 ancient maner, tending to have done some good anent restoring 
 the auld religion, and to have proceeded against our rebels accord- 
 ing to their demerits' (Keith's History, ii. 412, 413). Bishop 
 Lesley says : — ' The Parliament was opened and two measures 
 submitted for discussion, one allowing the bishops and rectors of 
 the churches the full exercise of their ancient religion, and the 
 other punishing the leaders of the conspiracy, who had more than 
 once broken their faith, and had taken up arms against the Queen* 
 (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 108). As Rambouillet returned from 
 Scotland, about the end of February, De Silva learned from him 
 that Mary and Darnley were ' treating matters connected with the 
 Catholic religion with great solicitude, they themselves offering a 
 good example to the people ' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 527). 
 Rooksby alleged that, in his secret interview with Mary, she in- 
 formed him that when time served she expected to win the friendship 
 of certain English nobles the more readily as she believed they 
 were of the Old Religion, which she meant to restore with all pos- 
 sible expedition, and thereby win the hearts of the common people 
 (Haynes's State Papers, p. 446 ; Hatfield Calendar, i. 339). 
 
xj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 2^ Nau's 3Iary Stewart, app. p. 203. 
 
 ^ Father Stevenson quoted supra, p. 211^ n. 53. 
 
 30 Supra, pp. 268, 269. 
 
 3^ Mary's letter, commending Francis Yaxley and his mission to 
 Philip, is dated 10th September 1565 (LabanofF's Recueil, i. 281- 
 283). He embarked at Dumbarton on the 17th of that month 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 467, 484), sailed apparently on 
 the 26th {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 499), and reached Philip 
 on the 20th of October, at the Wood of Segovia, where he tarried 
 five days with him ' so secretly that none knew of his coming till 
 ten days after his departure' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 519). 
 On the 24th of October, Philip wrote to De Silva that this English- 
 man — ' who was in the service of Queen Mary, my wife, now in 
 glory ' — had arrived. ' He brought us letters from the King and 
 Queen of Scotland accrediting him, and spoke at great length in 
 virtue thereof. . . . The first thing was to inform us in very fair 
 words of the great hope and confidence they reposed in me, desiring 
 to govern themselves by my direction, and to do nothing whatever 
 without my consent and pleasure, and for this reason they wished 
 to inform me of the state of need in which they were, and assure us 
 generally of their zealous desire to establish and reform their 
 kingdom under the Christian religion, and join other Christian 
 princes with that end. Not having sufficient forces of their own, 
 they begged me to aid them as a Christian monarch, and, to induce 
 me to do so, set forth the danger in which the Sovereigns of 
 Scotland were, by reason of the heretics, stimulated and favoured 
 by Englishmen and English money, so that the said Sovereigns 
 might easily be conveyed by the rebels out of the country, and the 
 state left unprotected, unless [? if] I, in whom after God they put 
 their trust, did not aid them with money and troops. If I would 
 consent to do this it would not only be the way to destroy the 
 rebels, but would confirm the King and Queen in their hope of 
 succeeding to the English throne, and would banish their fear that 
 the heretics with their innovations and artfulness would oust them, 
 the real heirs, and elect some heretic of their own faction. They 
 promised that if they obtained the succession to the crown by our 
 means, they would renew more closely the league and alliance 
 between England and our house against all Christendom, and leave 
 all their other friends. . . . He begged in the name of his 
 Sovereigns that we would counsel them how they should proceed 
 
 377 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 in all things_, and as I was so far off that I should nominate some 
 person to whom they could address themselves for such advice 
 without so much delay' {Spanish Calendar , Elizabeth, i. 497). 
 Philip advised them in the meantime to punish the rebels^ and 
 pacify their kingdom, adding that, when they had smoothed things 
 down, they could look further ahead. He wrote a holograph 
 letter to Mary, and one by another hand to Darnley, ' encouraging 
 them to persevere in their good purpose,' and assuring them that 
 he would not fail them. He also gave instructions that 20,000 
 crowns should be paid over secretly to Yaxley outside Antwerp, 
 for their behoof {Ibid. i. 498). The instructions were followed, 
 and Yaxley embarked in good weather. A storm which arose, 
 however, drove the vessel on the English coast, and the money 
 which was found on Yaxley's corpse was claimed by the Earl of 
 Northumberland because found in his territory. He was ^con- 
 sidered very Catholic,' and, as De Silva believed, '^an affectionate 
 servant' of Philip's, and besides, secretly professed to be one of 
 Mary's friends ; but he would not disgorge the treasure {Ibid. i. 
 508, 509, 516, 528, 546, 557, 558 ; Melville's Memoirs, p. 137). 
 Mary wrote to Northumberland and also to Bedford, claiming the 
 money (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 321-323) ; Bedford forwarded his 
 letter to Cecil (Stevenson's Selections, p. 158) ; and Elizabeth 
 instructed Northumberland to tell the Queen of Scots that he had 
 no crowns or ducats save what were found with Yaxley, an English- 
 man, who was drowned {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 40), 
 
 32 In her letter of 31st January 1565-6, to Pius the Fifth, 
 announcing the appointment of the Bishop of Dunblane as her 
 Ambassador, Orator, and Proctor, at the Holy See, Mary informs 
 the Pope that ^ the most pious and holy requests ' of his predecessor 
 — who compassionated the '^poor scattered sheep' of Scotland ^a 
 prey to the ravening wolves ' — would have been carried into force 
 but for the many enemies of her religion who had hitherto thwarted 
 her efforts ; that now, however, some of her enemies are in exile, 
 some in her hands ; and that although ' their fury, and the great 
 necessity in which they are placed, urges them on to attempt extreme 
 measures,' nevertheless, '^if God and your Holiness be with us 
 (whose cause we are fighting), by your help we will leap over the 
 wall' (Nau's Mary Stewart, app. pp. 191, 192; Labanoff's Recueil, 
 vii. 9, 10). The Bishop of Dunblane assured the Pope that Mary and 
 Darnley, since their marriage, had been kept in perpetual agitation, 
 
 378 
 
xj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ' for no cause whatever save this, that they would not deviate one 
 single hair's-breadth from their obedience to the See of Rome ' ; 
 that the obedience which they now offered to him could only be 
 kept at the greatest personal risk ; that, unless he helped them, 
 there was no hope of the preservation of religion for their kingdom ; 
 and that the same danger threatened England, ^ which, as all the 
 world knows, belongs by the right of inheritance to Scotland' 
 (Nau's Mary Stewart, app. pp. 195, 196), De Silva learned from 
 Mary's messenger that the Pope had received him very well, and had 
 sent 20,000 crowns for her present aid, and promised 4000 crowns a 
 month to pay a thousand soldiers for her defence (Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 559). The rumour was already current in Scotland 
 that Philip and the Pope were helping her (Ibid. i. 535). 
 
 22 That Mary joined the Catholic League before the murder of 
 Riccio has been affirmed by Principal Robertson, Patrick Eraser 
 T}i;ler, Mignet, Froude, and others ; and questioned by writers of 
 such various schools as Lingard, Hill Burton, and Hosack. Hill 
 Burton holds, however, that, ^whether in the form of a bond or not, 
 beyond doubt Mary was the close ally of the King of Spain in all 
 his formidable views and projects for crushing the new religion' 
 (History of Scotland, 1876, iv. 186). The charge is explicitly made 
 by Randolph to Cecil in a letter of 7th February 1565-6. Randolph 
 was then in Edinburgh, and wrote as if absolutely certain that 
 Mary had subscribed the League, and that she was to return the 
 principal and retain a copy (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 152, 153; 
 Wright's Elizabeth, i. 219, 220). Tytler regarded this action ^as 
 one of the most fatal errors of her life,' and as ' the source of all 
 her future misfortunes ' (History of Scotland, 1845, v. 331, 332). 
 But Bedford, who wrote to Cecil from Berwick on the 14th of 
 February, refers to the League * for the overthrowe of religion . . . 
 which is come to this Quen's {i.e. Mary's] hand, but not yet 
 confirmed' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 159). It is inferred that in 
 the week which had elapsed since Randolph wrote, Bedford had 
 received fuller and more correct information on the matter. 
 Hosack concludes, from 'the absence of all further testimony on 
 the subject,' that although Philip at this time tried to induce Mary 
 to join the Catholic League, '^she declined to do so' (Hosack's 
 Mary and Her Accusers, i. 129). The recently printed Calendar of 
 Spanish State Papers shows^ however, that, in the previous October, 
 the unfortunate Yaxley had assured Philip, in her name and in 
 
 379 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Daniley's, of their desire to join other Christian princes in such a 
 league {supra, p. 377^ n. 31). Hosack's further argument — that, 
 having now completely suppressed Murray's rebellion, she did not 
 require Philip's help — is overturned by the fact that it was only 
 eight days before the date of Randolph's letter that she wrote 
 to Pius the Fifth, pleading for help {supra, p. 378, n. 32). The 
 Bishop of Dunblane, whom she then sent to Rome, was well fitted 
 to urge her claims on His Holiness ; for, only a few months before 
 he had borne to her the earnest requests and promises of Pius the 
 Fourth, which were of no dubious nature (Nau's Mai-y Stewart, 
 app. p. 123). It is only fair to her to state that, according to the 
 report of the Jesuit priests — written nearly thirty years afterwards 
 — part of her answer was to the effect ' that she could not stain 
 her hands with the blood of her subjects' {Ibid. p. 123); and Sir 
 James Melville says that she was naturally more inclined to mercy 
 than to rigour {Memoirs, p. 146). Of much more importance is 
 the statement of the Papal Nuncio, that, despite the advice of the 
 Bishop of Dunblane and of Father Edmond, she would not embrace 
 the league (Labanoff's Recueil, vii. 107). It is impossible to say, 
 however, what Mary might have been induced to do had the Nuncio 
 gone to Scotland, instead of timorously returning to his bishopric 
 of Mondovi, after lingering nine montlis in France {Ibid. ii. 20 ; 
 Venetian Calendar, vii. 383, 385, 390). 
 
 ^ On the 10th of August, Thomworth reported to Leicester that 
 there was some greater matter in it than is fit to be written, as he 
 perceived by the talk he had with her {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 42G). 
 
 ^^ In his letter of 13th October, Randolph thus refers to the 
 real cause of Mary's hatred of Murray : — ' She knoweth that he 
 understandeth some such secret part (not to be named for reverence 
 sake) that standeth not with her honour, which he so much 
 detesteth, being her brother, that neither can he show himself as 
 he hath done, nor she think of him but as one of whom she mor- 
 tally hateth. Here is the mischief, this is the grief, and how this 
 may be salved and repaired, it passeth I trow man's wit to consider ' 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 489). Von Raumer has suggested 
 an explanation of this passage which would at once blacken 
 Murray, and make Mary morally worse than her enemies have re- 
 presented her to be {Queen Elizabeth and Mary Queen of Scots, 1836, 
 pp. 68-70). The key to the true explanation, however, is to be 
 
 380 
 
xl NOTES AND REFERENXES 
 
 found in the word part, which Randolph here uses in the sense of 
 action or conduct. Had he used port, the meaning would have 
 been quite obvious. In his letter of 27th August_, Randolph had 
 said : — ' I may conjecture that there is some heavier matter at her 
 heart against him \i.e. Murray] than she will utter to any. 1 told 
 Mr. Tamworth my opinion of that I think to be her grief. He will 
 give an account by word of mouth ' (Raumer's Elizabeth and Mary, 
 p. QQ). The nature of Thom worth's oral report may perhaps be 
 inferred from what Elizabeth told De Foix. namely, that Mary 
 hated Murray because she had been informed that he ' wished to 
 hang an Italian named David, whom she loved and favoured, giving 
 him more credit and authority than was consistent with her affairs 
 and honour ' (Teulet's Papiers UEtat, ii. 93). De Foix's letter is 
 dated from London, on the 16th of October. Nearly a month 
 before, Bedford had told Cecil that Riccio, Fowler, and Balfour, 
 ruled all in the Scotch Court ; but of the countenance which Mary 
 showed to David, he would not write, for the honour due to the 
 person of a Queen {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 464). On the 
 18th of October, Randolph laments to Leicester that Mary has 
 been ^ brought to that extremity, that the fame she had gotten 
 through virtue and worthiness is now clean fallen from her, as 
 though neither the one nor the other had been known unto her. 
 Her country so evil guided that justice lies dead in all places, and 
 her noblemen chased out of the country, and such others placed 
 nearest her that are most unworthy. What most men complain of 
 (and in his judgment has been the chief cause of this mischief) in 
 this place shall not be spoken of He may well think what the 
 matter means when so many mislike that a stranger, a varlet, shall 
 have the whole guiding of this Queen and country ' {Ibid. vii. 
 495). 
 
 ^^ Melville's Memoirs, pp. 189-146. — As it was, Randolph feared 
 that Elizabeth would now lose all the goodwill she had in Scot- 
 land {Foreign Calendar^ Elizabeth, vii. 512, 513) ; and Bedford 
 thought that the Scots Lords who had hitherto been friendly to 
 England would now become its enemies {Ibid. vii. 509, 510). 
 
 27 Melville's Memoirs, pp. 146, 147. 
 
 2^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 147. — Melville's story loses nothing in 
 Mr. Skelton's hands. In his opinion, Murray, while in England, 
 'behaved like a beaten hound,' and Hhe depth of baseness to which 
 he fell almost exceeds belief {Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 74) ; for ' not 
 
 3i5' 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 content with writing- to Elizabeth to intercede for him with Mary, 
 not content with writing to Mary herself, he actually addressed a 
 letter to Rizzio, imploring him to exert his good offices with the 
 Queen on his behalf, and promising that he would always be his 
 friend' {Ibid. p. 75). This Riccio episode is thus retailed by Mr. 
 Skelton as an undoubted fact ', although previously, in his first 
 edition of Maitland of Lethington, he had — and subsequently in his 
 second edition he has — heralded the same charge with the words, 
 ^if we are to believe Melville' (ii. 161), and also declared that 
 ' every statement ' of Melville's '^must when necessary or practicable 
 be traced back to its source ' (i. p. xxv). As Mr. Skelton can pro- 
 duce no corroboration of Melville's statement on this point, he 
 might at least have paralleled it by Spottiswoode's {History of the 
 Church of Scotland, ii. 27), that ' of all others ' Lethington ^ most 
 fawned on this Italian ' ; or by Buchanan's (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 
 467), that of all the nobles, ' Moray alone ... did not flatter him.' 
 Better still, he might have shown that Murray did not altogether 
 behave ' like a beaten hound ' when he warned Randolph not to 
 incur further suspicion, for his sake, at the Scotch Court {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 518) ; or when he stated to Cecil that the 
 grief of his heart was for the other Scots Lords at Newcastle, 
 especially for Rothes {Ibid. vii. 525). He might even have pointed 
 out that Melville's disparaging statement as to Murray's conduct 
 a few months later is somewhat discredited by contemporary docu- 
 ments (see infra, pp. 894, 895). Though it cannot be proved that 
 Murray addressed either an abject or an imploring letter to Riccio, it 
 is known that, with or without his sanction, Douglas of Loch Leven 
 indirectly offered Seigneur Davie five thousand pounds Scots if he 
 would stay Murray's forfeiture ; and that he answered, ' twenty 
 thowsand and that wer all alik : it wald not be ' {Loch Leven Papers, 
 quoted by M^Crie, Life of Knox, 1861, p. 298 n.), an answer which 
 does not altogether harmonise with Melville's statement that he 
 '^apperit to be also wone to the same effect,' but it illustrates his 
 other statement as to the way in which ' he becam very rich ' 
 {supra, p. 121), and at the same time indicates the inordinate power 
 he was believed to possess. 
 
 ^^ Mary's antenuptial love of, and devotion to, Darnley were 
 manifest enough during his illness at Stirling {supra, p. 337, n. 89), 
 her regard for him immediately after marriage is thus referred to 
 by Randolph : — ^All honor that maye be attributed unto any man by 
 
 382 
 
I 
 
 xj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 a wyfe, he hathe yt wholly and fully^ all prayse that maye be spoken 
 of hym he lacketh not from herselfe_, all dignities that she can 
 indue hym with are alreadie given and granted. No man pleaseth 
 her that contenteth not hym, and r. hat maye I saye more, she 
 hathe given over unto hym her whole wyll, to be ruled and guyded 
 as hymself beste lyketh. She can as muche prevayle with hym in 
 anye thynge that is agaynst his wyl], as your Lordship [i.e. 
 Leicester] maye with me to perswade that I sholde hange myself 
 (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 201 ; Ellis's Original Letters, first series, ii. 
 201). 
 
 *^ Nine weeks after their marriage Mary and Darnley were ' at 
 great strife ' ; and the noble who was to play such a prominent part in 
 their tragic story was already the bone of contention. In the army 
 raised to crush the Protestant Lords, Darnley wished his father to 
 be Lieutenant-General ; but she preferred Bothwell, because of '^his 
 evil will against Murray^' and his promise '^to have him die as an 
 alien' (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 477^ 489). Lennox was 
 appointed to lead the vanguard ; Huntly, Atholl, and Crawford 
 the rear-guard ; and the King's Majesty to lead ^ the battell ' — in 
 which he was to be accompanied by Morton, Bothwell_, Mar, and 
 others (Register of Privy Council, i. 379). This may have been a mere 
 temporary explosion leaving no bad effects. William Tytler holds 
 that until Riccio was murdered, iNIary's affection towards Darnley 
 was unbounded (Tytler's Enquiry, 1790, ii. 15); but by the begin- 
 ning of the previous December the relations between her and 
 Lennox were becoming strained (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 532); it was noticed, too, that Darnley followed his pastime more 
 than the Queen wished, and that there was '^ some misliking 
 between them ' (Ibid. vii. 539) ; and, by Christmas, Randolph was 
 struck by the numerous alterations in the Government. ' Awhile 
 there was nothhig but King and Queen, His Majesty and Hers ; 
 now the Queen's husband is the most common word. He was wont 
 in all writings to be first named, but now he is placed second. 
 Lately pieces of money were coined with both their faces, '^'^Hen. et 
 Maria " ; these are called in and others framed . . . Some private 
 disorders there are among themselves ' (Ibid. vii. 541). The Act 
 of Privy Council authorising the new coinage runs in the names of 
 the ' Queue and Kingis Majesteis,' etc. (Register of Privy Council, 
 i. 413). This is not the only document of the period in which 
 Mary takes precedence of Darnley (Nau's History, app. p. 190) ; 
 
 383 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 but the usual form — after as well as before tlie date of Randolph's 
 letter — is for the King to be mentioned first. It is now acknow- 
 ledged that the ryals^ which were called in^ were not mere pattern 
 pieces, but were in actual circulation for a short time (Cochran- 
 Patrick's Records of the Coinage of Scotland, 1876, i. p. cxlii ; Burns's 
 Coinage of Scotland, 1887, ii. 338). It was apparently in reference 
 to the new coinage that Drury wrote, '^The grey mare is the better 
 horse' {Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, viii. 5). Burns points out 
 that on the one-third ryal there is a large rose on the back of the 
 ^schell padocke' climbing the palm-tree. 
 
 ^^ Immediately after Riccio's murder, Darnley thus excused him- 
 self to the Queen : — ' Since yon fellow Davie fell in credit and 
 familiarity with your Majesty, ye regarded me not, neither treated 
 me nor entertained me after your wonted fashion ; for every day 
 before dinner, and after dinner, ye would come to my chamber and 
 pass time with me, and thus long time ye have not done so ; and 
 when I come to your Majesty's chamber, ye bear me little company, 
 except Davie had been the third marrow : and after supper your 
 Majesty hath a use to set at the cards with the said Davie till one or 
 two of the clock after mid-night ; and this is the entertainment that 
 I have had of you this long time ' (Ruthven's Relation, 1699, p. 30). 
 
 *2 The Lord Robert showed Darnley ' in the Scotche mappe, what 
 lands my Lord of Murraye had, and in what bounds, the Lord 
 Darlie saide that it was too muche. Thys came to my Lord of 
 Murray e's eare, and so to the Quene, who advised my Lord of 
 Darlie to excuse hymself to my Lord of Murraye' 0^ I'ight's 
 Elizabeth, i. 195). 
 
 ^"^ Tytler's History of Scotland, v. 334. — It was even said that 
 Darnley had consented to Mary's death (Labanoff 's Recueil, vii. 60). 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 23. — The Protestant Lords 
 had complained, in their Dumfries Declaration, that Mary had, so 
 far as she could, made and proclaimed a King over them without 
 consulting the nobles, and that this King ' nather hath the title 
 therof by anie lineall descent of blood and nature, nather by con- 
 sent of the Estats ' (Calderwood's History, ii. 573). At that time, 
 in Randolph's opinion, while they thought it their duty to endure 
 under her, they deemed it intolerable to suffer under him {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 469). Yet now they were to return to 
 take part with him in all his actions, causes, and quarrels, to the 
 uttermost of their power, to be friends to his friends, and enemies 
 
 384 
 
x] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 to his enemies^ and not to spare lives, lands, or ^oods in doing him 
 service. In special, they were in Parliament to give him the crown- 
 matrimonial, for all the days of his life ; and, failing succession by 
 the Queen, were to fortify and maintain his '^ just titell to the croun 
 of Scotland,' even to the extirpation or slaughter of those who 
 might usurp the same {Maitland Miscellany, iii. 188, 189). The 
 inconsistency of this engagement of the Lords was exceeded by its 
 injustice to Chatelherault, who had been declared next in suc- 
 cession ; and hardly deserved such treatment for offering to desert 
 them in their recent unequal struggle against Mary and Darnley, 
 This was bad enough ; but Mr. Skelton has charged Murray with 
 ' laborious hypocrisy ' for telling ]Mary that he could not consent 
 to her marriage with one ' who he could not assure himself would 
 set forth Christ's true religion ' {Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 70) ; and 
 again, ^I have said already that his pretended zeal for Pro- 
 testantism was a mask ; if further proof were needed it is supplied 
 by what now took place ' {Ibid. p. 78). As Mr. Skelton's bare 
 assertion cannot be taken as evidence in such a matter, it may be 
 well to look at the ^further proof which he apparently considers 
 almost unnecessary. Murray, he says, ^ had risen in arms against 
 his sister because she had elected to marry Darnley ; he now re- 
 turned to make Darnley King, and that there might be no mistake, 
 either then or afterwards, the shameful bargain was reduced to 
 writing. These are the articles to which Moray set his hand : — 
 *'The Earl of Moray shall,'" etc. {Ibid. p. 78). The articles, as 
 misquoted by Mr. Skelton, need not be reproduced here ; they are 
 also to be found in his Maitland of Lethington, ii. 164, 165 : and in 
 neither work does he give, as his language implies, the articles 
 themselves, but merely a summary — an imperfect, a misleading, a 
 dishonest summary ! In the articles signed at Newcastle on the 
 2nd of March 1565-6 by Murray and the other Lords acting with 
 him, and also in those signed by Darnley, the safety of the Pro- 
 testant religion was specially provided for ; but Mr. Skelton does 
 not give the slightest hint of this. Had he done so, where would 
 have been the proof of Murray's ' laborious hypocrisy ' ? The 
 articles signed by the Lords at Newcastle are printed, from the 
 original, in the Maitland Miscellany, iii. 188-191 ; and in Sir William 
 Eraser's Melvilles and Leslies, 1890, iii. 110-112. The articles signed 
 by Darnley are printed, from the original, in the Sijrth Report of the 
 Historical MSS. Commission, app. p. 641. Both sets of articles are 
 
 2B 385 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 in Goodall's Eocamination, 17-54, i. 227-233 ; in Ruthven's Relation, 
 1699, pp. 20-22 ; and — in an abridged form — in Keith's History, 
 iii. 2G1-263. There is good reason to believe that Murray and 
 the other Protestant Lords had oiFered to consent to the marriage, 
 on condition that the Queen would in Parliament establish Pro- 
 testantism and abolish the mass (see h-dmgsKnox, ii. 481 ; Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 469 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 291 ; Spottiswoode's 
 History, ii. 27 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 356, 363 ; Labanoff 's 
 Recueil, i. 301); but this is ignored — not emphasised — by Mr. 
 Skelton. 
 
 *^ In their letter, Bedford and Randolph say that Darnley ' hath 
 assured knowledge of such usage of herself as altogether is intoler- 
 able to be borne, which if it were not overwell known, we would 
 both be very loath to think that it could be true. To take away 
 this occasion of slander, he is himself determined to be at the 
 apprehension and execution of him whom he is able manifestly to 
 charge with the crime, and to have done him the most dishonour 
 that can be to any man, much more being as he is. We need not 
 more plainly to describe the person : you have heard of the man 
 whom we mean of (Tytler's Scotland, v. 340; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 28). 
 
 46 Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 85, 86 ; Register of Privy Council, i. 
 409. 
 
 4'^ Though Morton took care not to commit himself during the 
 Chase-about Raid {supra, p. 364, n. 59) he had not escaped sus- 
 picion. On the 31st of October, Randolph tells that Mary — who 
 had ' laid still since her return from Dumfries ' — had on the 
 previous day ridden to Dalkeith, where she would remain for a 
 day or two to enrich the Lord of Morton, who was not altogether 
 delighted to receive her {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 505). It 
 was deemed likely that he would soon be in Edinburgh Castle 
 {Ibid. vii. 507). In the beginning of December it is mentioned 
 that he and Lethington could by no means purge themselves of 
 suspicion {Ibid. vii. 530). Hosack takes Froude to task for saying 
 that Mary had deprived Morton of the chancellorship with the 
 intention of bestowing it upon Riccio ; and exclaims, ^ So far as I 
 am aware the possibility of a friendless adventurer like Riccio 
 being raised to that high office has never been alluded to by any 
 one before Mr. Froude ' {Mary Queen of Scots and her Accused's, i. 
 145 71.). Here Hosack, however, only exposes his own ignorance ; 
 
 386 
 
xj NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 for the matter is referred to by Knox (Laing's Knox, i. 446)^ by 
 his continuator {Ihid. ii. 521), by Spottiswoode {History, ii. 35), 
 and by Calderwood {History, ii. 311). It is also mentioned — and 
 of course^ contradicted — by Chalmers {Life of Mary, 1818, ii. 9), 
 as it had previously been by Goodall, who contended that the story 
 had arisen from ' a gross blunder in translating one of George 
 Buchanan's sentences' {Eocamination of the Letters, 1754, i. 271, 
 272). But Goodall — like Hosack — was mistaken, for this trans- 
 ference of the great seal is mentioned in the contemporary state 
 papers. Three days before Riccio's murder, Randolph, who had 
 recently left Edinburgh, writes from Berwick that displeasure is 
 grown towards Morton, from whom the seal is taken, and as some 
 say given to David ; and that the cause of this displeasure is that 
 he will not give over a piece of land to Lord Fleming, so that 
 Riccio may come by the house and lands of Melvin {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 28). Three weeks after the murder, De 
 Silva says, ^another of the conspirators was the former holder of 
 the Great Seal there, which had been handed over to the secretary 
 David ' {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 537). It is quite certain, 
 therefore, that the story — whether true or false — was neither 
 invented by Froude, nor based on a mistranslation of Buchanan's 
 History. Bedford and Randolph, in their letter of 6th March, 
 include Morton among those who were privy to the conspiracy 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 27) ; and now on the day before 
 the murder he is reported as present in Edinburgh {Ibid. viii. 29). 
 
 *^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 29, SO. — Besides the articles 
 mentioned on p. 385, and the bond mentioned on p. 389, Darnley — 
 as King of Scots and as * husband to the Quenis Majestie' — signed 
 a formal remission to Murray and the others, for all their actions, 
 quarrels, and crimes, permitting them also to repair to him, and 
 charging the lieges to convoy them safely. This remission, dated 
 6th March, is printed, from the original, in the Sixth Report of the 
 Historical MSS. Commission, app. p. 641. On the day before Riccio's 
 murder Cecil informed Lady Lennox of it as of an event that had 
 occurred {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 540). 
 
 ^^ Accounts of the Riccio murder are given in Laing's Knox, ii. 
 521, 522 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 480-482 ; Calderwood's History, 
 ii. 313-315 ; Spottiswoode's History, ii. 36-38 ; Melville's Memoirs, 
 pp. 147-149; Herries's ^/emo2>5, pp. 76, 77; Diurnal of Occurrents , 
 pp. 89-91; Forbes -Leith's Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 
 
 387 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 108-110. The account drawn up by Bedford and Randolph, for 
 the English Privy Council^ is printed in Ellis's Original Letters, 
 first series, ii. 207-222 ; in Wright's Elizabeth, i. 226-235 ; and 
 an abstract in the Hatfield Calendar, i. 833-336. ' This interesting 
 and circumstantial letter/ says Wright, 'redounds very little to 
 the credit of the Queen of Scots, and therefore, apparently, it was 
 not printed by Keith.' Mary's own account of the tragedy, sent 
 to Beaton, her Ambassador in France, is printed in Keith's History, 
 ii. 411-423 ; and in Labanoffs Recueil, i. 341-350. Her account to 
 the King and Queen-mother of France is in the Venetian Calendar, 
 vii. 375-378. Both well's version of the ' wicked and horrible trans- 
 action ' is in Les Affaires du Conte de Boduel (Ban. Club, p. 10 ; 
 Hosack's Mary, ii. 581). Ruthven's Relation has been reprinted 
 in Scotia Rediviva, 1826, pp. 327-360 ; and by E. and G. Goldsmid 
 in 1890 and 1891. It is also given in Keith's History, iii. 260-278 ; 
 but in an abridged form, and with one or two rather important 
 variations. In the Spottiswoode Society edition of Keith, nothing 
 is said as to the source from which this version was drawn ; but 
 in both the folio editions — 1734 and 1748 — there is the marginal 
 note, ' Julius, F. 90 a copy.' On the other hand, the version in 
 Scotia Rediviva is a reprint of the London edition of 1699, which 
 professes to be 'printed from an original manuscript.' For other 
 contemporary accounts see Labanoff 's Recueil, vii. 60-62, 70-80 ; 
 Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 112-120. The statement that Riccio 
 was slain in Mary's presence cannot be accepted as strictly accurate, 
 although it occurs in Darnley's declaration (Ellis's Original Letters, 
 first series, ii. 222), in an entry in the Register of Privy Council 
 (i. 463), and in Mary's own letters to Elizabeth (LabanofF's Recueil, i. 
 836 ; ii. 74). Mary, of course, ought to have known ; but, like too 
 many of her apologists, she cannot be implicitly trusted in details. 
 From Ruthven's Relation, and from the letter which Bedford and 
 Randolph wrote after making careful inquiry, it appears that he 
 was dragged out of the Queen's cabinet, hustled through her bed- 
 chamber, and slain at the furthest door of the outer room (the 
 chamber of presence), or on the stairs leading down from it. Sir 
 James Melville states that the slaughter was in Mary's presence, 
 although he had previously said that, 'geving gi-et skirlis and 
 cryes,' Riccio was ' rudly reft from the Quen, . . . drawen fourth 
 of the cabinet, and slain in the utter hall.' In her letter to 
 Beaton, Mary herself says that he was invaded in her presence, 
 
 388 
 
x] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 taken forth of her cabinet, and despatched with fifty- six wounds 
 at the entry of her chamber. According to Ruthven, it was 
 Darnley's device and desire — a desire which he would not 
 relinquish — that Riccio should be seized in Mary's presence. 
 Morton and Ruthven ' were loth to grant thereto ' ; and — con- 
 sidering that Darnley ^was a young Prince and having a lusty 
 Princess to lie in his arms afterwards, who might perswade him to 
 deny all that was done for his cause, and to alledg that others 
 perswaded him to the same' — they deemed it necessary that he 
 should grant a bond taking all the responsibility upon himself, and 
 undertaking to keep them skaithless for the same. In this bond, 
 provision is made for the safety of the actors, in case ^it may 
 chance to be done in presence of the Queen's iVIajesty or within 
 her Palace of Holyrood House' {Relation, 1699, pp. 24-27 ; Goodall's 
 Examination, i. 268). In her letter to Beaton, Mary says that the 
 conspirators struck Riccio ' over our shoulders with whinzeards, 
 one part of them standing before our face with bended daggs' 
 {i.e. pistols). This was atrocious enough, but much wilder stories 
 were being circulated in Mary's name ; and so in the close of his 
 Relation, Ruthven declares : — ' Where her Majesty alledgeth, that 
 night that Davie was slain some held pistols to her Majesties womb, 
 some stroke whiniards so near her crag [i.e. throat] that she felt 
 the coldness of the iron, with many other such like sayings, which 
 we take God to record was never meant nor done ; for the said 
 Davie received never a stroke in her Majesty's presence, nor was 
 not stricken till he was at the farthest door of her Majesty's utter 
 chamber.' Robert Chambers was inclined to believe, and thought 
 Sir Walter Scott did not disbelieve, in the genuineness of the 
 Riccio blood-stains shown on the floor of Holyrood {Book of Days, 
 1886, i. 235). It is Ruthven who relates that, at Darnley's com- 
 mand, ^ Davie was hurled down the steps of the stairs from the 
 place where he was slain, and brought to the porter's lodg ; where 
 the porter's servant taking oif his clothes, said. This hath been his 
 destiny ; for upon this chest was his first bed when he entred into 
 this place, and now here he lieth again, a very ingrate and mis- 
 knowing knave' {Relation, 1699, p. 89). One of Mary's more 
 reckless champions has not scrupled to allege that the English 
 Privy Council advised that Riccio should be murdered in her 
 presence (Blackwood's Mary, Mait. Club, p. 14). Goodall asserts 
 that it was also intended to murder in Mary's presence the Earls of 
 
 389 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 HuntlV:, Both well, and Atholl, the Lords Fleming and Livingston, 
 and Sir James Balfour {Ejcamination of the Letters, i. 244, 252, 254, 
 268). These were all in the Palace on the evening of the 9th of 
 March ; but Ruthven's Relation and the letters of Bedford and 
 Randolph show that the plot was not directed against them. Even 
 the Bishop of Dunblane, in delivering Mary's message to the Pope, 
 does not say that there was any conspiracy against their lives, but 
 states that the three Earls — Huntly, Bothwell, and Atholl, whom 
 he feelingly describes as '^men of piety and faithful to the poor 
 Queen ' — finding themselves ' unable to help her,' and being ' pre- 
 vented from leaving the Palace,' escaped by the windows (Nau's 
 Mary Stewart, app. p. 204). 
 
 ^ 'No hint of the outrage,' says Mr. Skelton, '^ appears to have 
 reached the magistrates of the city until the following morning ' 
 {Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 79) ; but this is only a harmless specimen of 
 that writer's utter contempt for the best known and most thoroughly 
 vouched facts. That evening the common bell was rung — struck 
 with hammers, as one account has it — the Provost and townsmen 
 in armour rushed to the Palace, desiring to see the Queen, anxious 
 to speak with her, and only retiring when ordered to do so by 
 Darnley, who assured them that she was well. It was hardly worth 
 Mr. Skelton's while, on such a point, to discredit Lord Ruthven 
 {Relation, p. 35), and Mary herself (Keith's History, ii. 418; 
 Venetian Calendar, vii. 377), not to speak of Buchanan, the author 
 of the Diurnal of Occurrents, and the continuator of Knox. In her 
 letter to Beaton, Mary says that she was not allowed to answer the 
 Provost and citizens, and w as told by the Lords that, if she wished 
 to speak to them, thfey would cut her ' in collops,' and cast her 
 over the walls. In her letter to the King and Queen-mother of 
 France — as translated from French into Italian, and from Italian 
 into English — she is made to say that they threatened to throw her 
 '^over the wall in pieces, in order to make steaks' of her. The 
 citizens did not march to Holyrood in the dark. The Town 
 Council afterwards paid £4, 7s. 6d. to Alexander Purves, wax- 
 maker, for thirty-five torches '^ furneist be him to the gude toun' 
 on "^the ix day of Marche ... to pas to the Abbay to vise the 
 Quenis Grace immediatle efter the slauchter of umquhile Seiuyeour 
 Dauid Ricio' {Burgh Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, p. 214). 
 
 ^^ Spottiswoode's History, ii. 37, 38. — In Hill Burton's opinion, 
 this account, ' if better vouched,' would be '^formidable evidence' 
 
x] NOTHS AND REFERENCES 
 
 of Mary's 'intention to work for what afterwards came to pass* 
 {History of Scotland, 187G, iv. 152 n.). As he remarks, the Herries 
 Memoirs — which fully corroborate Spottiswoode on this point — are 
 of dubious authority, having been recast ; but, if any part of them 
 can be taken as genuine, the passage on this point (p. 77) may, for 
 it begins: — *^The originall saves.' Besides these two, and the 
 threat to which Hill Burton also refers, as preserved by Bedford 
 and Randolph (Wright's Elizabeth, I 229)—' It shall be deare blude 
 to some of you, if hys be spylte ' ; there are, at least, other three 
 passages to the same effect. The continuator of Knox's History 
 says: — 'The Queen, when she heard he was dead, left weeping, 
 and declared she would study revenge, which she did ' (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 622). Ruthven represents Mary as thus addressing 
 Darnley : — ' I shall never . . . like well, till I gar you have as 
 sore a heart as I have presently' {Relation, p. 31). And Nau 
 avers that next morning after Darnley had expressed his peni- 
 tence, she said to him, 'You have done me such a wrong, that 
 neither the recollection of our early friendship, nor all the hope 
 you can give me of the future, can ever make me forget it ' (Nau's 
 3Iary Stevart, pp. 7, 8). 
 
 °^ In her letter to her Ambassador in France, Mary explains that 
 on the 7th of March, when she and her nobles went to the Tolbooth 
 to elect the Lords of the Articles, her husband refused to go with 
 her (Keith's History, ii. 411, 412). That day, Huntly bore the 
 crown, Bothwell the sceptre, and Crawford the sword — ' the 
 Kingis Majestie past nocht to the Tolbuith' {Diurnal of Occurrente, 
 p. 89). At nine o'clock on Sabbath morning — the morning after 
 Riccio's murder — 'thair wes ane proclamatioun maid at the mercat 
 croce of Edinburgh, in the Kingis name, chargeing all and sindrie 
 the Erllis, Lordis, Barronis, and Bischopis, that come of befoir to 
 Edinburgh to the Parliament, to depairt of the samin within thre 
 houris, under the pane of tressoun ' {Ibid. p. 91 ; Ruthven's Rela- 
 tion, pp. 38, 39 ; Keith's History, ii. 418). The proclamation was 
 most effective (Laing's Knox, ii. 522 ; Nau's 3Iary Stewart, p. 3). 
 
 ^3 By eight o'clock on Sabbath evening, Murray, Rothes, and 
 ' their complices,' as Ruthven calls them, arrived at Holyrood, and 
 were thankfully received by the King. Murray having afterwards 
 gone to Morton's for supper, Mary immediately sent one of her 
 ushers to bring him back, and received him pleasantly. 'She 
 sayde that he was welcome, and layde the faulte upon other that 
 
 391 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 he was owte of the country e, requyred of hym to be a good subjecte, 
 and she wold be to hym as he oughte.' Seeing her ^ state and 
 intertaiumeut^' he was moved, Mary says, ^ with natural affection' 
 towards her. Next day '^her Majesty took the King by the one 
 hand and the Earl of Murrey by the other, and walked in her said 
 utter chamber the space of one hour' (Ruthven's Relation, pp. 41, 
 45 ; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 230 ; Keith's History, ii. 419 ; Diurnal 
 of Occurrents, p. 91). Melville describes the meeting as a touching 
 one. Mary ^ embracit him and kissit him, alleging that incaice he 
 had bene at hame, he wald not have sufferit hir to have bene sa 
 uncourtesly handlit ; quhilk movit him sa, that the teares fell 
 from his eyn ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 150). Nau says that Murray 
 excused ' himself of the murder of the late David,' and ^ swore by 
 his God that he knew nothing of it before his return ' (Nau's Mary 
 Stewart, p. 18). 
 
 ^* On Monday morning, Hhe King fell in reasoning with her 
 Majesty towards the returning of the said Lords that were banished, 
 and forgiving of them all offences, and likewise for the slaughter 
 of Davie ; and as appeared to him her Majesty was content.' 
 Morton and Ruthven were not so easily satisfied, and told him that 
 'all was but words that they heard.' They feared that she would 
 persuade him ' to follow her will and desire, by reason she hath 
 been trained up from her youth in the Court of France.' Darnley 
 again 'reasoned of many things with her Majesty: and at his 
 returning to his dinner at eleven [a.m.], he declared to the Earls 
 of Murrey and Morton, Lords Ruthen and Lindzay, that he had 
 dressed the Queen's Majesty; that the said two Earls and Lord 
 Ruthen should come to the presence of the Queen's Majesty, and 
 she would forgive, and put in oblivion all things by-past, and bury 
 them out of her Majesty's mind, as they had never been. The said 
 Earls and Lords answered, that all that speaking was but policy ; 
 and suppose it were promised, little or nothing would be kept. 
 Always the King took freely in hand, and bad them make such 
 security as they pleased, and the Queen's Majesty and he should 
 subscribe the same.' In the afternoon, Darnley took Morton, 
 Murray, and Ruthven to the Queen. ' The said Earls and Lords, 
 sitting down upon their knees, made their general oration by the 
 Earl of Morton, chancellor, and after, their particular orations by 
 themselves.' Mary reminded them that she had never been blood- 
 thirsty, nor greedy of their lands and goods, and promised that 
 
 392 
 
x] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 she ^ would remit the whole number that was banished, or were at 
 the last dead [i.e. at Riccio's slaughter] ; and bury and put all 
 things in oblivion as if they had never been ' ; and " desired them 
 to make their own security in that sort they pleased best^ and she 
 should subscribe the same.' Articles were accordingly framed 
 which Darnley took to her for signature, and which, he said, she 
 found very good, and would subscribe in the morning. The Lords 
 left the Palace ; and after midnight, with a handful of followers, 
 she did the same (Ruthven's Relation, pp. 42-46). According to 
 Bedford and Randolph, she had sent for Lethington, and ^ in gentle 
 words' devised with him '^that he wolde persuade that she might 
 have her libertie, and the garde that was about her removed, 
 seeing that she had graunted their requests ' (Wright's Elizabeth, 
 i. 230). According to Claud Nau's rather dubious narrative, Mary 
 and Darnley had been reconciled on the Sabbath morning, when 
 he had assured her that he would not rest until he avenged 
 her ^ upon those wretched traitors,' whom he advised her to pardon 
 in order to mollify them. ' My conscience,' she said, ^ will never 
 allow me to promise what I do not mean to perform, nor can I 
 bring myself to tell a falsehood even to those men who have 
 betrayed me so villanously. You, however, have already gone as 
 far as I have ; if you think it good, you can promise them whatever 
 you please in my name. But as for me, I will never pledge them my 
 faith ' (Nau's Mary Stewart, pp. 6-9). A contemporary not only says 
 that Mary promised to pardon the Lords, but that she ' drank to 
 every ane of thame in speciall ' save Ruthven (Diurnal of Occur- 
 rents, p. 92). After riding to Dunbar — twenty-five miles as the 
 crow flies — '^in five houris of the nycht,' she felt ^tyrit and evill at 
 ease ' (Labanoff 's Recueil, i. 337). She alleged that evil had been 
 intended against her (Keith's History, ii. 419). 
 
 °^ The protestation of the Lords — that they had appeared on the 
 day to which they had been summoned, '^and na persone nor 
 personis said or proponit any thing aganis thame ' — was formally 
 objected to by Crichton, ' advocat to our Soveranes,' as of no avail, 
 because the Lords of the Articles had been compelled by Darnley's 
 proclamation to leave the town {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 93). 
 
 ^^ Register of Privy Council, i. 436 ; Diurnal of Occurrents , pp. 93, 
 94. 
 
 ^"^ ' Upon the xvij day of Merche, quhilk wes Sonday, the haill 
 Lordis, committaris of the slauchter and crymes, abonewrittin, 
 
 393 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 with the Lordis that was banist in In^land of befoir (except 
 Alexander,, Erie of Glencalrne;, quha red to Dunbar to speak with 
 our Soveranis), with all thair complices and men of weir^ with 
 dollorous hartis departit of Edinburgh towart Lynlithg-ow, at sevin 
 houris in the mornyng' {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 94). On the 
 previous Tuesday Lord Semple had been sent to Dunbar to ask 
 Mary to fulfill her promise by signing the document for their 
 security. He was put off for two or three days until she had 
 pardoned and fully restored Glencairn and Rothes, and so detached 
 them from their party. Ruthven and Morton were dismayed to 
 find that they had not only been deserted by Darnley ; but that the 
 banished Lords — for whom they had ventured so much — were thus 
 dropping from them. Two days after they left Edinburgh, Mary 
 sent Balfour, the parson of Flisk, to Linlithgow, offering terms to 
 Murray, Argyll, and the other leaders of the Chase-about Raid, 
 with the provision that for some time they would not approach the 
 Court, nor sue for those who had slain Riccio (Wright's Elizabeth, 
 i. 231, 232 ; Keith's History, ii. 420, 421 ; Labanoff's Recueil, i. 
 848, 349). Sir James Melville is no doubt correct when he says 
 that Mary pardoned Murray and his associates, because she ^ thocht 
 not melt to have sa many Lordis in hir contraire,' and ' that sche 
 mycht the easelier be revengit upon the lastmaist detestable dede'; 
 but Melville's memory seems to have failed him when he wrote : — 
 ' Murray and his defenders desyred me to cary his humble thankis 
 and consent unto hir Majesteis desyre, and how that he had 
 dischargit himself unto them that had committed the lait odious 
 crym ; and wald promyse hir Majeste never to have to do with 
 them, nor travell for them ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 152). Joseph 
 Robertson has not exhibited his wonted impartiality and acumen, 
 when, on the strength of this statement, he alleges that Murray 
 lies under the 'imputation of deserting his fellow-conspirators, 
 when the success of the common enterprise, achieved at the hazard 
 of their lives, had restored him to prosperity and power' {Inventories 
 of Mary s Jewels, p. cxxxi w.). From Ruthven's Relation (p. 47), 
 and from Randolph's letter of 21st March, it is known that, before 
 making terms for himself, Murray consulted the Lords of the 
 Riccio conspiracy, who advised him ^not to forbear for their 
 cause to agree with the Queen ' ; and that, while the others 
 were content to leave them, Murray, Pittarrow, and Grange, 
 were more consistent {Foreign Calendar, Elizabethj viii. 35). On 
 
 394 
 
x] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 the SOth of March, De Silva writes : — ' Murray has seen her and 
 asked her pardon. The Queen received him well, and said she 
 would pardon him if he would swear to oppose those who had taken 
 part in the second conspiracy, which is that for the murder of the 
 Secretary. The Earl replied that he would swear always to serve 
 her loyally, but he could not undertake to oppose those the Queen 
 mentioned, as his conscience would not allow him to do it' {Spanish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, \. 537). Joseph Robertson was hardly entitled 
 to adopt Melville's statement on the one hand, and to ignore his 
 counter-statement on the other, that Murray knew ^that it was 
 not for his cause, hot for ther awen particulairs, that the maist 
 part of them maid that enterpryse' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 150). 
 Nor was it left to Father Stevenson to discover that Murray used 
 his influence for their kindly reception in England (Nau's Mary 
 Stewart, p. xcix ; Ellis's Original Letters, first series, ii. 220; Wright's 
 Elizabeth, i. 235 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 40, 43). 
 
 ^^ Diurnal ofOccurrents, p. 94. — Knox retired into Ayrshire, and 
 afterwards expressed his cordial approval of the murder ; but it 
 cannot be shown that he knew of it beforehand, though P. F. 
 Tytler has done his best to inculpate him. Tytler's '^Historical 
 Remarks ' on this point are in his History of Scotland, 1845, v. 
 498-507. Replies may be found in the appendix to M Trie's 
 Sketches of Scottish Church History; in Crichton's edition of 
 Marie's Knox, 1847, pp. 451-470 ; in Hetherington's History of the 
 Church of Scotland^ 1848, i. 402-406 ; in Tytler's History of Scotland 
 Examined, 1848, pp. 186-214 ; and in Hume Brown's Knox, ii. 804- 
 310. The evidence against Knox — if evidence it can be called — is 
 infinitesimal as compared with that against Lethington ; yet Mr. 
 Skelton, with characteristic perversity, repeatedly charges the one 
 with complicity {Maitland of Lethington, ii. 53, 165, 167), and tries 
 to clear the other. Three days before the assassination, Bedford 
 and Randolph sent to Cecil the names of those who were privy to 
 it {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 27) ; twelve days after the 
 murder, Randolph sent a fuller list of the doers and their associ- 
 ates {Ibid. viii. 35) ; six days later still, Bedford and Randolph 
 sent a much longer list to the English Council (Ellis's Original 
 Letters, first series, ii. 220-222). In each of these lists stands the 
 name of Lethington, but not of Knox. The only list in which the 
 Reformer's name is found is the one first brought to light by Tytler, 
 which is imperfectly dated and unsigned, which embraces John 
 
 395 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Craig as well as Knox, and which bears the palpable error that they 
 were present at the murder. This list is the only shred of evidence 
 against Knox, and it also includes Lethington. It is true that 
 Lethington's name is not found at the '^ articles,' or in the two long 
 lists of names in the Register of Privy Council (i. 437,, 462, 463) ; 
 but, as even Mr. Skelton is constrained to admit, neither is Knox's. 
 Darnley never incriminated Knox, but persisted that Lethington 
 was a prime mover. Mr. Skelton easily gets rid of this difficulty 
 by saying that ' Darnley's testimony is absolutely worthless.' The 
 fourfold line of defence he advances for Maitland is — the nature 
 of the incidental references to him in Ruthven's Relation ; Buch- 
 anan's statement that he was not ' advertisit be the Lordis of thair 
 enterprise ' ; Robert Melville's, that Mary had ' takin tryal,' and 
 found him ' not giltie thairin ' ; and Sir James jMelville's, that he 
 was permitted to leave the palace with Atholl and Tullibardine in 
 fear of his life {Maitland of Lethington, ii. 171-177). He might have 
 added that De Silva was assured that Lethington was not in the 
 plot, and that the only evidence against him was Darnley's word 
 {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 547,, 550). On the other hand, Mr. 
 Skelton does not attempt to explain what Maitland meant, when he 
 wrote to Cecil, on the 9th of February, that he could ' see no certain 
 way, unless we chop at the very root.' It is not enough to say that 
 this letter is ^enigmatical and ambiguous ' {Maitland of Lethington, 
 ii. 158, 171). Had it been written by Knox it is not at all likely 
 that he would have found any enigma or ambiguity in it. Claude 
 Nau asserts that ' Lethington was secretly of Moray's party — not so 
 openly, however, that he could be charged therewith ' (Nau's Mary 
 Stewart, p. 19). Another contemporary alleges that it was Leth- 
 ington who cunningly instilled the spirit of jealousy into Darnley 
 {Historie of James the Sext, Ban. Club, p. 4) ; and Calderwood 
 not only declares that Maitland laboured to persuade Morton and 
 Herries ^to cutt off this base stranger,' but explains his politic 
 behaviour on the fatal evening {History, ii. 311, 314). In Sir 
 Ludovick Stewart's bis. Collections (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 
 479*), Lethington is included among the conspirators ; and, in the 
 Diurnal of Occurrents {\i. 90), he is '^judgit' to be one of the party. 
 But, on this pointy Mr. Skelton has discreetly ignored Nau and 
 Calderwood, the Historie of James the Sext, Stewart's ms. Collections, 
 and the Diurnal of Occurrents. Goodall tried to show that there 
 was an intimate connection between Riccio's death and the fast 
 
x] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 appointed by the General Assembly in the previous December ; and 
 that appropriate lessons were accordingly selected for each day of 
 the fast {Ejcamination of the Letters, i. 247-251, 257, 258, 272, 273). 
 Hosack (i. 135), Petit (i. 103), and others, have been readily caught 
 by this bait. But Goodall's distorted account of the fast was much 
 too tame, as well as too inartistic, for Mr. Skelton, who has thus 
 improved it : — ' The tragedy took place in the early twilight of an 
 evening in March. It had been a day of fasting ; the zealots of 
 the congregation had gathered into the great church in the High 
 Street to hear how Oreb and Zeeb had been slain, how the Benja- 
 mites had been cut oS, how Haman had been hanged. There was 
 a hush of expectation throughout the city ; the not altogether 
 obscure intimations which Knox had ventured to make from the 
 pulpit had prepared the '^^ professors " for the coming judgment' 
 {Mary Stuart, 1893, p. 79). Even on the supposition, however, 
 that the fast had been postponed for a week, the lessons prescribed 
 for that day contain nothing about Oreb or Zeeb^ the slaughter of 
 the Benjamites, or Haman ; and Mr. Skelton can neither produce 
 Knox's text nor a single sentence from his sermon. But this was 
 not enough. Mr. Skelton asserts that ' in the form of prayer pre- 
 pared by Knox ' for the fast, ^ his knowledge of the plot enabled 
 him to exercise his prophetic gifts with marked advantage ' (Maif- 
 land of Lethington, ii. 53). Strange as it may seem, that form of 
 prayer (Laing's Knox, vi. 418, 419, 422 ; Sprott and Leishman's 
 Book of Common Order, 1868, pp. 180-183, 187), though examined 
 microscopically, does not yield the slightest reference to the Riccio 
 tragedy or prophetic hint of any kind i Has Mr. Skelton been 
 drawing on a disordered imagination "? The story that tlie fast was 
 appointed with reference to, and delayed that it might coincide 
 with, the Riccio murder is as ill-founded as it is monstrous and 
 absurd. It is quite certain that, in the previous December, the 
 General Assembly fixed the time as ' the last Sonday of February 
 and the first Sonday of Marche,' with services on the six intervening 
 days (Laing's Knox, vi. 893, 421). In the continuation of Knox's 
 History, and in the Diurnal of Occurrents, it is placed a week later, 
 but without the slightest hint of its having been postponed. Indeed, 
 the Diurnal (p. 88) distinctly bears that ' the ministeris exhortaris 
 and reidaris of this realme' ordained that it should begin on 
 Saturday evening the 2nd of March and end on Sabbath the 10th. 
 Although some portions of the Diurnal are extremely accurate 
 
 397 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 chroiiologically_, yet as a whole it is by no means immaculate, and 
 this entry concerning the appointment of the fast must be regarded 
 as one of its blemishes. Knox's continuator simply says that 
 ' upon Sunday the third day of March began the fasting at Edin- 
 burgh/ and speaks of the 10th of March as ' the second Sunday of 
 our fast in Edinburgh ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 520, 522). Possibly this 
 writer — who had not even been born at that time — may have had 
 access to a »is. copy of the Diurnal, and by it been misled. Calder- 
 wood, whose usual sources of information were quite as good, 
 places it in jNIay {History, ii. 317), that is two months after Riccio's 
 murder. The Register of the Kirk Session of the Canongate indis- 
 putably shows that in that parish — the parish in which the murder 
 was committed — the fast was held on the days appointed by the 
 Assembly, the last Sabbath of February and the first Sabbath of 
 March, and that the ordinary business of the Kirk Session was in 
 consequence held over for a week {infra, p. 495). 
 
 ^^ According to Randolph, Mary entered Edinburgh on the 18th 
 of March, accompanied by ' aboute three thousand persons,' and 
 took up her abode in the High Street (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 232). 
 According to the Diurnal of Occuri'ents (p. 94), there were two 
 thousand horsemen with her, and she ' lugeit in my Lord Home's 
 lugeing, callit the auld Bischope of Dunkell his lugeing, anent the 
 salt trone. ' Knox's continuator makes her horse and foot number 
 eight thousand (Laing's Knox, ii. 525) ; and Bishop Lesley, a 
 thousand more (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 113). 
 
 6^ Two incidents are enough to show how thoroughly Mary kept 
 her wits about her during the terrible ordeal through which she 
 passed. After Riccio had been torn from her and hustled out of 
 her chamber, and before she knew whether he had been actually 
 killed, Morton was sent to the victim's chamber ' to fetch a black 
 coffer with writings and cyphers ' (Ruthven's Relation, p. 80). 
 After asking Ruthven what had ' become of Davie,' she inquired 
 what '^ great kindness' was between Murray and him, that to save 
 him from forfeiture he was running the risk of being forfeited with 
 him ; and bade him remember what Murray had wished her to do 
 to him for giving her a magical ring {Ibid. p. 35). 
 
 ^1 Mariolaters of course scout the Riccio scandal as baseless and 
 preposterous. Principal Robertson, who was not biassed in Mary's 
 favour, believed that Darnley's suspicion was groundless, and that 
 Randolph's silence was ' in itself a sufficient vindication of her 
 
 398 
 
x] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 innocence' {History of Scotland , 1794, p. 212 n.) ; the same argu- 
 ment had been used by Keith {History, ii. 396 ?7.); but it cannot 
 be used now. The covert allusions in Randolph's letters {supra, p. 
 880, n. .35) gave place to statements plain and direct. In his letter 
 of loth February, he says, ^I know that he [i.e. Darnley] knoweth 
 himself that he hath a partaker in play and game with him ' 
 (Tytler's Scotland, 1845, v. 334) ; and the language of Bedford 
 and Randolph's letter of 6th March is still more plain {supra, p. 886, 
 n. 45). On the evening of the Riccio tragedy, Darnley charged her 
 to her face with unfaithfulness, and her reply has been regarded — 
 perhaps unjustly — as an avowal and defence of her criminal con- 
 nection with the hated foreigner (Ruthven's Relation, pp. 30, 31 ; 
 Wright's Elizabeth, i. 228). After the Riccio murder the stories 
 that were current were scandalous enough (Aikman's Buchanan, 
 ii. 477, 478 ; Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 120 ; Von Raumer's Eliza- 
 beth and Mary, p. 79 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 37). Ran- 
 dolph had emphatically refused to believe the ante-nuptial slanders 
 concerning Mary and Darnley (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 203) ; but that 
 he believed in Mary's guilt with Riccio is evident from a marginal 
 note, which he added to a paper written in her defence (Von Raumer's 
 Elizabeth and Mary, p. 121). Hill Burton remarks that at the birth 
 of James the Sixth, it was noticed *^as a memorable fact that 
 Darnley acknowledged the infant as his own, and that this should 
 have been deemed a fact of importance is curiously suggestive of the 
 unsatisfied and suspicious feelings which had become prevalent ' 
 {History of Scotland, 1876, iv. 160). Not less remarkable are the 
 words attributed to Mary a few hours after the birth of the prince: 
 — ' My lord, God hes given you and me a sone, begotten by none 
 but you . . . My lord, heer I protest to God, and as I shall answer 
 to Him at the great day of judgment, this is your sone, and no other 
 man's sone. And I am desyrous that all heer, both ladies and 
 others, bear witness ; for he is so much your owen sone, that I fear 
 it be the worse for him heerafter' (Herries's Memoirs, p. 79). Writ- 
 ing to Leicester almost six weeks before Riccio's slaughter, Randolph 
 had said : — ' Woe is me for you when David sone shalbe a kynge of 
 England ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 13). As Hill Burton 
 suggests, the ugliness of James the Sixth gave emphasis to the 
 common taunt of those who disliked him {History of Scotland, v. 372) 
 — a taunt which was hurled at him on a memorable occasion in 
 Gowrie House by Alexander Ruthven, who, hearing that the Ear] 
 
 399 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 was slain^ cried up, ' Come down, thou son of Signeur Davie ! thou 
 hast slain an honester man nor thyself (Bruce s Life, Wodrow 
 Society, p. 193). To Henry the Fourth is attributed the saying, 
 that James's title to be called the Modern Solomon was, that he 
 was the son of David, who played upon the harp (Hill Burton's 
 Scotland, iv. 141). Towards the close of the reign of James the 
 Seventh, a persecuted Covenanter declared that it was still the sur- 
 viving suspicion of most men that the father of Mary's son was ' her 
 darling Davie Rizio, the Italian Fidler,' and that some thought it 
 ' not unlikely that his successors have derived from this stock the 
 Italian complexion and constitution, both of body and mind, spare 
 and swarthy, cruel and crafty ' (Shiel's Hind Let Loose, 1687, p. 24). 
 According to Sir James Balfour, Riccio ' was interred in the church- 
 yaird of Holyrudhousse Abbey ' (Balfour's Historical Works, i. 834). 
 According to Nau, when Mary and Darnley escaped from Holyrood, 
 'they crossed the cemetery in which lay buried the body of the late 
 David, and almost over the grave itself (Sau's Ma7'y Stewart, p. 16). 
 Buchanan tells that Mary after her return to Edinburgh caused 
 'David's body, which had been buried before the neighbouring 
 church door, to be removed in the night, and placed in the tomb of 
 the late king and his children, which alone, with a few unaccount- 
 able transactions, gave rise to strange observations ; for what 
 stronger confession of adultery could she make, than that she 
 should equal to her father and brothers in his last honours a base- 
 born reptile, neither liberally educated, nor distinguished by any 
 public service ; and what was still more detestable, that she should 
 place the miscreant almost in the very embrace of Magdalene of 
 Vallois, the late Queen' (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 483). Keith 
 thought fit to question this statement as ' unsupported by any body 
 else' (History, ii. 410 n.). Buchanan's own belief in the story is 
 proved by the curious conversation recorded by James Melville 
 (Autobiography and Diary, Wodrow Society, p. 121) ; and the story 
 itself is corroborated not only by Calderwood (History, ii. 816), but 
 by Paul de Foix (Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 119). De Silva says 
 that she ' had him disinterred and placed in a fair tomb inside the 
 church ' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 546). From Drury's letters 
 of 20th April, it appears that, in deference to public opinion, she 
 departed from her intention of laying him in the tomb of her 
 father, and placed him in another part of the church (Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 51, 52). When the vault, to which James 
 
 400 
 
x] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 tlie Fifth's body had been removed by his grandson (Drummond's 
 History, 1G81_, pp. 349^ 350)_, was opened, in 1683, some doubted 
 whether the occupant of one of the lead coffins — ' a very tall proper 
 man' — was Darnley or Riccio (Fountainhall's Historical Observes, 
 Ban. Club, pp. 89, 90), As to the question of Mary's guilt with 
 Riccio, Mr. M^Neel-Caird alleges with seeming triumph that 
 ' Darnley himself, a few days after the murder, declared to the 
 conspirators that he would stake his life on Mary's honour ' {Mary 
 Stuart : Her Guilt or Innocence, 1866, p. 56). Unfortunately for 
 Mr. Caird's own honour, the passage to which he refers (Keith's 
 History, folio editions, app. p. 128 ; Spottiswoode Society, ed. iii. 
 276) has no bearing whatever on the matter — relating, as it does, 
 not to Mary's chastity but to her truthfulness. 
 
 ^2 Ruthven's Relation, 1699, pp. 31, 41, 42. — The ^circumstances 
 form such a picture of savage cruelty and falsehood, of criminal 
 lust and brutish stupidity — such a mixture of vicious and disgust- 
 ing matters and facts — that few scenes in the history of the world 
 can be compared with it ' (Von Raumer's Elizabeth and Mary, p. 
 85). 
 
 ^ Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 17. 
 
 ^ Ellis's Original Letters, first series, ii. 222 ; GooAslV^ Examina- 
 tion, i. 280, 281 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 96. — De Silva was told 
 by Henrison — Archbishop Beaton's secretary — that it was because 
 Riccio's murder had been so much condemned by the Scotch people 
 that it was necessary to proclaim very emphatically that Darnley 
 had no hand in it (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 541). According 
 to one contemporary the proclamation ' excited considerable merri- 
 ment ' (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 484). According to Mary, it was 
 published at Darnley's desire (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 349). 
 
 ®^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 544. — This letter of De Silva's 
 is dated 22nd April. The bond referred to is apparently that men- 
 tioned on p. 389. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 45, — In this letter of Ran- 
 dolph's, dated 4th April, he not only states that Mary had now 
 seen all the covenants and bonds between Darnley and the Lords, 
 but that she now found that his declaration before her and the 
 Council was false. If, however, Claude Nau and Bishop Lesley are 
 to be believed, she knew the substance of that declaration to be 
 false before it was either made or proclaimed ; and so was a party 
 to Darnley's deliberate lie. Lesley states that before she escaped 
 2 401 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 from Holyrood;, Darnley ' related to her the whole course of the 
 conspiracy and his own share in it ' (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 
 Ill) ; and Nau says that on the very morning after Riccio's murder, 
 Darnley ' handed to her the Articles drawn up and signed between 
 himself and the conspirators ' (Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 7), and that 
 she at once read them {Ibid. p. 9). But implicit trust ought not to 
 be placed — not even by Mary's admirers — in the narratives of Lesley 
 and Nau. In her letter of 2nd April to Archbishop Beaton, she 
 enclosed Darnley's declaration without giving the slightest hint of 
 its untruthfulness (Keith's History, ii. 422). 
 
 ^^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 544. 
 
 ^ Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 18 ; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 547; 
 Laing's Knox, ii. 526 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 35, 60. 
 
 ^^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 550. 
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 1 Diurnal of Occurrents,^\>. 81,87,88; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 vii. 419, 420 ; viii. 19, 20 ; Labanoff's Recueil, i. 817-320, 326-380. 
 — Tlie sum has also been reported as 4000 crowns {Register of Privy 
 Council, xiv. 248). Mary wished, in August, to exclude Randolph 
 from the interview which Thomworth had with her Council ; but 
 Thomworth declined to meet them without him. By Mary's com- 
 mand, Lethington required Randolph to promise on his honour 
 that he would in no way have to do with her rebels. He replied 
 that he would promise nothing ; and he would neither submit to 
 have guards placed upon him, nor agree to live at Berwick {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 431, 432). In September, Mary told him 
 that she knew that Elizabeth had given her rebels money ; which, 
 of course, he denied {Ibid. vii. 469). Thomworth, having been in- 
 structed not to recognise Darnley as Mary's husband {Ibid. vii. 
 417), refused to take her passport because it was signed by Darnley 
 as King, and was in consequence seized on his way home and lodged 
 for a few days in Hume Castle {Ibid. vii. 430, 432-436, 445). Un- 
 deterred by Thomworth's temporary imprisonment, Randolph now 
 refused to accept a passport because it also was signed by Darnley 
 {Ibid. viii. 23) ; and as he seemed to be in no hurry to leave, the 
 Privy Council sent to inquire on Thursday the 28th of February, 
 why he had not departed. On Friday the Provost ordered him to 
 
 402 
 
XI] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 leave on his peril by ten o'clock next day. A few friendly Scots 
 convoyed him to Dunbar, and on Sabbath he reached Berwick {Ihid, 
 viii. 28). 
 
 2 Labanoff's Becueil, i. 319, 320. — It was known that even in the 
 matter of aiding her rebels, Mary could hide her suspicions and 
 dissemble her feelings when it was prudent to do so {Spanish Calen- 
 dar , Elizabeth, i. 549). 
 
 2 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 23, 26 ; Ellis' Original Letters, 
 first series, ii. 205, 206. — In Melville's credit Mary had said : — 
 ' Quhome, in respect of his humill submissioun maid to us, and of 
 the sute of diverse nobill men and utheris oure trustie servandis his 
 freindis, we haif pardonit of his formar offenceis, in hope of his honest 
 behaviour andfaythfull service in tyme cumming' (Labanoff's Recueil, 
 i. 315). It may have been good policy on Mary's part to send one 
 to the English Court who had been there so shortly before pleading 
 for help to the disaffected Lords against herself. Bedford could 
 not fathom the motives which had prompted his appointment 
 (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 158, 159). As Elizabeth's letter threat- 
 ening to send him back is dated the 3rd of March, he could not then 
 have been more than a fortnight at her Court. De Silva speaks as 
 if he had not been received (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 528). 
 By the middle of March he was dismissed {Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 33), and by the beginning of April was again in Scotland 
 {Ibid. viii. 42, 44). 
 
 * For the reasons which prompted their pardon, see supra, p. 
 394. 
 
 ^ Ellis's Original Letters, first series, ii. 232 ; Labanoff's Recueil, 
 ii. 73. 
 
 ^ Register of Privy Council, i. 436, 437 ; Diurnal of Occurrents , p. 
 95. — On the 29th of March, Morton and several others were, at the 
 Market Cross of Edinburgh, denounced as rebels, put to the horn, 
 and their moveable goods escheated ; and on the 2nd of April, Lord 
 Ruthven and others were also denounced and outlawed {Diurnal of 
 Occurrents, pp. 97, 98). Six weeks later Ruthven died at Newcastle 
 {Ibid. p. 99), his departure, according to Morton, being ' so godly 
 that all men who saw it did rejoice ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. QQ). According to Nau, some alleged 'that he died like a 
 madman, exclaiming that he saw Paradise opened, and a great com- 
 pany of angels coming to take him.' Nau suggests ' that these 
 were diabolical illusions, wrought by evil spirits, who wished to 
 
 403 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap 
 
 delude him as he was passing away, that he might not escape them, 
 for during his life they had possessed him with the art of magic ' 
 (Nau's Mary Stewart, pp. 22, 23). 
 
 ^ Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 480*-482* ; Arnot's Criminal Trials, 
 pp. 876-381 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 97, 98 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 45. — Elizabeth told De Silva that one had been 
 hanged and another beheaded (Spanish Calendar, Elisabeth, i. 540). 
 Henry Yair was not executed until the 10th of August {infra, p. 412, 
 n. 48). Because Scott's children were innocent of his crime, they 
 were restored to their honours and right of succession by Mary and 
 Darnley {Register of Privy Seal, xxxv. 48) ; and Yair's sister obtained 
 the gift of his escheat {Ibid, xxxvi. 3, 4). 
 
 8 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 43. 
 
 ^ On the 16th of January, Randolph had written : — ^I cane not 
 tell what mislykinges of late ther hathe byne betwene her Grace 
 and her howsbonde ; he presseth ernestlye for the matrimonial 
 croune, which she is loothe hastilye to graunte, but willinge to 
 keape somewhat in store untyll she knowe howe well he is worthye 
 to injoye such a sovereigntie, and therfore yt is thoughte that the 
 Parliament for a tyme shalbe dyfFerred ' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 
 147). And eight days later he wrote : — ' Wheather the Parlement 
 yet holde or not yt is uncertayne ; her howsbonde pressethe so 
 ernestlye for the Crown matrimoniall that she repentethe to have 
 done so myche for him as is paste ' {Ibid. pp. 151, 152). 
 
 1^ According to the continuator of Knox's History, Darnley 
 passed his time ' in hunting and hawking, and such other pleasures 
 as were agreeable to his appetite, having in his company gentlemen 
 willing to satisfy his will and affections ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 514). 
 His letter to the Laird of Loch Leven shows that he was keenly 
 interested in fowling {Registrum Honoris de Morton, i. 14). Accord- 
 ing to Buchanan, Mary encouraged him in his pastime to weaken 
 his influence ; and in the depth of winter (1565-6) despatched him 
 to Peebles with a mean train that he might be out of the way 
 (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 475, 476). Chalmers appeals to his father's 
 letter to prove that this excursion 'was sought for by the king 
 himself as an amusement, and not imposed upon him as a task ' 
 {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 161 n.). Miss Strickland also regards 
 Lennox's letter as a satisfactory refutation of Buchanan's charge 
 {Life of Mary, 1888, i. 256) ; and William Chambers has adopted 
 her statement {History of Peeblesshire, 1864, pp. 100, 101). The 
 
 404 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 letter, however, which was first printed by Keith {History, i. pp. 
 xcviii, xcix), does not show whether Darnley went to Peebles at 
 that time willingly or unwillingly — at his wife's suggestion or his 
 own — but it confirms Buchanan's statement about the inclemency 
 of the weather. 
 
 " Two months after Riccio's murder, De Silva writes that 
 Darnley is well treated, but ' as regards business he does nothing' 
 {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 548). ^He passed his time . . . 
 mostly in warlike exercises ' {Ibid. i. 549). 
 
 ^'^ See supra, p. 370, n. 86, also p. 382, n. 38; and Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 21. 
 
 ^^ Bothwell blamed Murray for his prosecution and exile ; and 
 Huntly regarded him as the overthrower of his house, and as the 
 cause of his imprisonment. On the 3rd of April, Robert Melville, 
 writing from Edinburgh, speaks of them as already agreed {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 44). The reconciliation, however, was 
 accomplished apparently by degrees and required the personal 
 influence of the Queen to complete it {Ibid. viii. 53, 54 ; Diurnal of 
 Occurrents, p. 99). According to Nau, it was to strengthen the 
 position of her child, in the event of her dying in childbed, and 
 because ^ she could not entirely trust that child to the keeping of 
 her husband,' that she tried to reconcile the feuds of her nobles 
 (History of Mary Stewart, p. 23). 
 
 ^* Atholl had special reason for his bitterness towards Argyll, 
 who, during the Chase-about Raid, had not joyned his forces to 
 those of Murray ; but had spoiled Lennox and Atholl {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 455, 467, 509, 510, 522). So early as the 
 6th of July, Argyll had gathered his whole force to invade Atholl's 
 territory {Ibid. vii. 405). In his account of the reconciliation, De 
 Silva, by mistake, brackets Murray instead of Argyll with Atholl 
 (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 548). 
 
 1^ It was apparently on Good Friday, the 12th of April, that 
 Darnley left the Court to meet Murray and Argyll, and on the 
 I7th that he returned (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 52 ; Spanish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 545). They arrived in Edinburgh on the 
 21st (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 99) ; and on the 29th are in the 
 sederunt of Privy Council (Register of Privy Council, i. 454). 
 
 1^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 545, 549. — For the conditions of 
 Arran's release, see Register of Privy Council, i. 452, 453 ; Diurnal 
 of Occurrents, p. 99. 
 
 405 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^7 Melville's Memoirs, p. 158. — Melville's statement is amply 
 borne out by the substance of Randolph's on the 25th of April : — 
 ' It is commonly believed that Thornton has gone to Rome to 
 sue for a divorce between them. He [i.e. Darnley] is neither 
 accompanied or looked upon of any nobleman, at liberty to 
 do and go where and what he will' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 53). 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 51. 
 
 1^ Ibid. viii. 59. — For the watching and warding of the King and 
 Queen in Holyrood at the time of Riccio's murder, remissions were 
 granted in June {Register of Privy Seal, xxxv. 30), in July {Ibid. 
 XXXV. 38, 39), in September {Ibid. xxxv. 82), and in October 
 {Ibid. xxxv. 84). 
 
 20 Labanoff's Recueil, vii. 301. 
 
 2' Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 62, QQ. 
 
 22 In her letter of 31st March, Mary had written to Argyll : — 
 ' In this meyntyme, we pray you interteny familiaritie with Oneill 
 in the best manner ye can ' (Labanoff's Recueil, i. 339, 340). In 
 the middle of the preceding January, Randolph had perceived that 
 the league between Argyll and Shan was to take immediate effect 
 (Stevenson's Selections, p. 148) ; and by the 7th of February he had 
 been able to report that '^ my Lord of Argile and Shan Oneil have 
 mett and accorded to take each others parte' {Ibid. p. 154). Mary 
 was advised to allow Argyll to entertain O'Neil as of himself, she 
 not seeming to know thereof (Melville's Memoirs, p. 162). On the 
 16th of April, Mary wrote to the Pope on behalf of O'Neil, whom 
 she describes as ' a nobleman of the Irish nation united to us by 
 familiarity, friendship, and the bond of religion,' and urging, ' on 
 account of his constancy in the Catholic religion,' that a dispensa- 
 tion should be granted to him ' concerning certain impediments of 
 marriage between himself and a certain [lady] sprung from a noble 
 stock and family of our kingdom ' {Register of Privy Council, xiv. 
 250, 251). Shan had put away O'Donnell's wife, Argyll's step- 
 mother ; and now wished to marry M'^Donnell's wife, Argyll's 
 illegitimate sister (Hamilton's Irish Calendar, i. 172, 296 ; Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, iv. 522 ; vii. 272). 
 
 23 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 60, 64, 72, 86. 
 2* Ibid. viii. 48, 45, 62. 
 
 25 ( Argyll and Murray . . . have such misliking of their King 
 as never was more of man ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 64). 
 
 406 
 
XI] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 26 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 81. — On the 2nd of June, 
 Mary and Darnley signed an order forbidding the Magistrates and 
 Town Council of Edinburgh to pursue, trouble, or molest, in any 
 way, David Hoppringill, apothecary, or his wife. Hoppringill 
 had been imprisoned ^ at the instance of the Kirk for mareing of 
 his spous Katheren Creychtoun efter the Papis fassoun, he being 
 of befoir adjonit to the Kirk of God and thair disciplyne.' He 
 was set at liberty two days after the birth of the Prince {Burgh 
 Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 215-216). 
 
 27 On the 5th of April, the Lords of Privy Council thought ' it 
 maist commodious for the commoun weill of this cuntre, gif it may 
 stand with the Quenis Majesteis plesour, and with the helth of hir 
 body, that hir Majestic remane in the Castell of Edinburgh till hir 
 Grace be deliverit of hir birth' {Register of Privy Council, i. 445). 
 As their ' Soveranis hous wes empty and desolat of wynis, quhilkis 
 necessarlie behuvit to be provydit,' the Lords ordered eleven and 
 a half tuns at fifty pounds Scots the tun {Ibid. i. 451). Mary had 
 entered the Castle of Edinburgh before the 8rd of April {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 44). ^Upon Monday [3rd of June] she 
 took her chamber. . . . Argyll and Murray lodge in the Castle. 
 Huntley and Bothwell were refused ' {Ibid. viii. 81). 
 
 28 Melville calls her ^ the Lady Boyn.' She had just been 
 married to Alexander Ogilvie of Boyne {Maitland Miscellany, i. 
 37-49). 
 
 29 Melville's Memoirs, p. 158 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 91 ; 
 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 561. — In the days of stage-coaching, 
 a reverend writer complacently noted that Melville accomplished his 
 journey Svith speed now equalled every day, but then mentioned 
 as remarkable' (Cook's History of the Reformation, 1811, iii. 231). 
 Randolph had made special arrangements to forestall Melville, if 
 possible {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 86, 87) ; but Cecil heard 
 first of the birth of the Prince from Robert Melville, on the evening 
 of his brother's arrival in London, and, though enjoined to tem- 
 porary secrecy, informed Elizabeth the same night. ' Hir Majeste 
 was in gret merines and dancing efter supper ; but sa schone as the 
 Secretary Cicill roundit the newes in hir ear of the Prince birth all 
 merines was layed asyd for that nycht ; every ane that wer present 
 marveling what mycht move sa sodane a chengement ; for the 
 Quen sat down with hir hand upon hir haffet [i.e. cheek], and 
 boursting out to some of hir ladies, how that the Quen of Scot/- 
 
 407 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 landis was leichter of a faire sonne, and that sche was hot a barren 
 stok.' When Melville obtained audience next day, she told him 
 that the joyful news '^had recoverit hir out of a heavy seaknes 
 quhilk had halden hir xv dayes.' Having heard that Elizabeth 
 was again threatening to marry, Melville took care to tell her that 
 the Queen of Scots ^was sa sair handled in the mean tym, that 
 sche wissit never to have bene maried' (Melville's Memoirs, pp. 
 158, 159). 
 
 2° Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 100 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 93. — According to Claude Nau, through a premature report 
 the bonfires were lighted four days too soon, ' Immediately upon 
 the birth of the Prince, all the artillery of the Castle was dis- 
 charged, and the lords, the nobles, and the people gathered in St. 
 Giles' Church to thank God for the honour of having an heir to 
 their kingdom ' (Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 27). 
 
 21 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 93. — Melville states that 
 Bothwell, Huntly, and Bishop Lesley envied the favour which 
 Mary now showed to Murray, and tried to persuade her to put 
 him in ward until the birth of the Prince, alleging that they were 
 assured that he and his dependants intended to bring home the 
 banished Lords at the critical moment of her distress. ' They 
 thocht, gif anes he wer wardit, that they suld get devyces anew 
 to cause him be kepit, and disgracit ay the langer the mair, when 
 he suld not be present nor have plaice to answer and resist their 
 callomnies ' (Melville's Memoirs, pp. 154, 155). Goodall has- un- 
 successfully attempted to prove that there was such a plot to bring 
 home the banished Lords, and that Melville was involved in it 
 {Examination, i. 286-288). George Chalmers, boldly improving 
 Goodall's theory, gives details of the plot, and calmly asserts that 
 its object was ' the transfer of the Queen's sceptre to Murray's 
 guilty hand' {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 170, l7l) ; but, in spite of the 
 formidable list of authorities given in a footnote, Chalmers also 
 fails to prove his charge. 
 
 32 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 94. 
 
 ^ Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 25 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 
 81. — Of the three copies, she is said to have retained one in her 
 own hands, left one under seal to those who were to have the 
 chief trust in her realm, and sent the third to her friends in 
 France. 
 
 ^ The Testamentary Inventory was discovered, in August 1854, 
 
 408 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 among some unassorted law papers in the Register HousC;, Edin- 
 burgh, and has been carefully printed^ with elaborate and valuable 
 notes, by Joseph Robertson in his Inventories of Mary s Jewels, pp. 
 xxx-lix, 93-124. 
 
 2^ ^ This hir ruitit disdayn [to Darnley] still continewing, a little 
 before hir deliverance of hir byrth, in Maij or Junij 1566, in 
 making of hir later will and testament, she named and appointed 
 Boithuile amangis utheris to the tutele of hir birth and yssue and 
 governament of the realm in cais of her deceis, and unnaturaly 
 secludit the father from all kind of cure and regiment ower his 
 awin childe, avancing Boithuile above all uthers to be Lieutenent 
 Generall, gif warres suld happin in the Princes less aige. She 
 disponit also her haill movables to uthers beside hir husband. 
 And least reasoun suld have overthrawin this hir later will amangis 
 the nobilitie eftir hir deceis, she caused thame gif thair solempnit 
 aith for observance of the haill contentis thairof without inspec- 
 tioun of ony thing contenit thairin ' {The Book of Articles, in 
 Hosack's Mary, i. 525). The statement that '^sche disponit also 
 hir haill movables to uthers beside hir husband' is inconsistent 
 with the bequests to Darnley in the testamentary inventory. In 
 the absence of the will itself, it might, however, be argued that it 
 may have set aside or superseded this testamentary inventory. 
 The number of bequests to Darnley in the latter is perhaps a little 
 uncertain. There are only fifteen marginal references to him ; 
 but. Joseph Robertson, by making these include the next lots, 
 opposite which nothing has been written, raises the number to 
 twenty-six. When Mary was ill at Jedburgh, the Lords promised 
 to execute her testament ' gif it may stand with the lawis of the 
 realme ' (Keith's History, iii. 288 ; Small's Mary at Jedburgh, 1831, 
 p. 24). 
 
 ^^ Water-stained was too commonplace a term in the eyes of 
 Mary's sentimental apologists to be applied to such a document ; 
 and so Petit says, '^the writing is blurred with tears' (Flandre's 
 Petit, i. 112) ; and Miss Strickland alleges that Mary's handwriting 
 is ' now scarcely intelligible in consequence of the tears, which 
 have apparently fallen upon it while the ink was wet, having run 
 the words one into another' {Life of Mary, 1888, i. 309). This is 
 much more touching than truthful, as may be readily seen by the 
 admirable facsimiles in Robertson's Inventories, p. xxxii, and in the 
 National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 50. 
 
 409 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^"^ The testamentary inventory is in two gatherings — one of ten 
 leaves and one of six. It is on the last page of the larger gathering 
 that there is written in the Queen's hand : — ' Jentands que cestuissi 
 soyt execute au cas que lanfant ne me survive mays si il vit ie lefoys 
 heritier de tout Marie R.' 
 
 ^^ Joseph Riccio arrived at the Scotch Court with Mauvissiere on 
 the 14th of Aprils and within eleven days was appointed to that 
 post of secretary from which his brother had been so violently 
 extruded {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 51, 53, 54). To him 
 Mary bequeathed a jewel containing ten rubies and a pearl, which 
 she had accepted as a gift from his murdered brother (Robertson's 
 Inventories, p. 123). 
 
 2^ Mary bequeathed an emerald ring enamelled in white to 
 Joseph to be delivered by him to one whose name he knew (Robert- 
 son's Inventories, p. 113); and also a jewel, containing twenty-one 
 diamonds, the name of the ultimate recipient being also secret 
 {Ihid. p. 122). 
 
 *^ To the University of St. Andrews the Queen left her Greek 
 and Latin books to form the nucleus of a library (Robertson's Inven- 
 tories, p. 124 ; National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 50). Lethington's 
 name does not occur in the Testamentary Inventory, although Mr. 
 Skelton says that it does, and even tells what was bequeathed to 
 him ; ' a piece of the same silver or gold edged stuff which she had 
 left to Both well ' {Maitland of Lethington, ii. 181 n.). As a matter of 
 fact, no '^ silver or gold edged stuff ' was left to Bothwell. Elsewhere, 
 Mr. Skelton boldly alleges that Bothwell's name does not appear 
 among the beneficiaries {Impeachment of Mary Stuart, 18~6, p. 1G4), 
 although it occurs twice (Robertson's Inventories, pp. 113, 122). 
 
 ^1 The Book of Articles in Hosack's Mary, i. 525, 526 ; Buch- 
 anan's Detection in Anderson's Collections, ii. 5, 6. — Chalmers says 
 that Mary went by water to Alloa, as she had no wheeled carriage, 
 and was not strong enough to go on horseback {Life of Mary, 1818, 
 i. 180 ; ii. 18) ; but it is quite certain that she had both a litter and 
 a coach {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 72 ; Robertson's Inventories, p. 
 xxi ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 532) ; and that she rode in her 
 coach when she had few geldings {Ibid. vii. 57). Perhaps the true 
 reason of her going by water was that she liked sailing. The 
 author at least of the Oration, appended to the Detection, says 
 (p. 44) that she could abide at the pump, and '^joyit to handill the 
 boysterous cabilis.' 
 
 410 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 *^ Stevenson's Selections, p. 165. 
 
 *^ Nau's History of Mary, p. 29. — Keith {History, ii. 445), 
 Goodall {Examination, i. 294) and Chalmers {Life of Mary, i. 181) 
 assert that Darnley remained two nights with Mary at Alloa ; hut 
 these writers were misled by an imperfect abstract of Bedford's 
 letter of 9th August {cf Keith's History, iii. 849, and Thorpe's 
 Calendar, ii. 839). A minute of a meeting of the Privy Council, 
 dated at ''Alloway/ on the 28th of July, begins thus : — ' Forsamekill 
 as the King and Quenis Majesteis considdering,' etc. {Register of 
 Privy Council, i. 475). Hosack is in error in supposing that the 
 Register proves that Murray was with her at Alloa (Hosack's Mary, 
 i. 153). For the kindly interest she took in a poor woman while 
 in Alloa see supra, p. 283 n. 105 ; and while there she also showed 
 kindness to the inhabitants of Kelso {Historical MSS. Commission, 
 Fourteenth Report, app. iii. pp. 39, 40). 
 
 ^* Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 110. 
 
 ^ Stevenson's Selections, pp. 164, 165. — Bedford gives in this 
 letter an illustration of Mary's feeling toward Darnley. ' One 
 Hickeman, an Englishe merchaunt there, having a water spanyell 
 that was verie good gave him to James Melvyn \i.e. Sir James 
 Melville], who, afterward for the pleasure that he sawe that the King 
 had in suche kind of dogges, gave him to the King. The Quene 
 therupon fell mervelously out with Melvyn, and called him dis- 
 sembler and flatterer, and sayed she could not trust him who wold 
 gyve any thing to such one as she loved not.' 
 
 **5 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 114. 
 
 *'^ Thorpe's Calendar, ii. 839. — See also Spanish Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, i. 578. 
 
 *8 Raumer's Elizabeth and Mary, pp. 88, 89. — Darnley had told 
 Mary that he meant to kill Murray ; and she not only informed 
 him of that threat, but willed him to charge her husband with it, 
 which he did She then ' affirmed that the King had spoken such 
 words unto her, and confessed before the whole house that she 
 would not be content that either he or any other should be un- 
 friendly to Murray.' Raumer, who does not give the date of this 
 report of Bedford's, places it before his letter of 8th August ; but 
 the report is apparently based on, if not identical with, the ' adver- 
 tisements out of Scotland,' forwarded by him to Cecil on the 15th 
 of August {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 118 ; Thorpe's Scottish 
 Calendar^ ii. 889). In the ' advertisements.' reference is made to 
 
 411 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the execution of Ruthven's servant on the preceding Saturday ; and 
 Henry Yair was executed on Saturday the 10th of August (Birrel's 
 Diary, p. 5). 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 117. — The district or parish 
 of Megget or Rodono — afterwards, if not then, annexed to Lyne, 
 though at a considerable distance from it— is in the southern 
 extremity of Peeblesshire. The Water of Megget, after running 
 through the whole length of it, falls into St. Mary's Loch. ' At 
 Cramalt, about half-way up the valley, there is said to have been a 
 royal hunting seat, and certainly there was here a tower of con- 
 siderable size ' (Chambers's Peeblesshire, 1864, pp. 409-412 ; Old 
 Statistical Account, xii. o56-oo8, 564 ; Acts of the Parliaments oj 
 Scotland, iv. 607). On the occasion of this visit, Mary and 
 Darnley found that, notwithstanding the Acts of Parliament (6fi(/)ra, 
 p. 282), they could get 'na pastyme of hunting,' and therefore 
 ordained that the lieges be warned by proclamation ' that nane of 
 thame tak upoun hand, in tyme cuming, to schute at deir with 
 culverings, half-haggis, or bowis ' {Register of Privy Council, i. 477). 
 This Act is dated at Rodono on the 16th of August. On the same 
 day she wrote from ' Crammald ' to Lord Gray, requesting his 
 presence at the approaching baptism of the Prince, ' in sic honest 
 maner as the tyme and occasioun cravis ... Ye will not agane in 
 many yeiris have the like thyng in hand ' {Master of Gray't; Papers, 
 Ban. Club, app. p. x.). 
 
 ^^ Detection, in Anderson's Collections, ii. 7. 
 
 ^^ Goodall's Ejcamination, i. 296. 
 
 ^2 Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 80. — They were apparently at Traquair 
 on the 19th of August {Register of Privy Seal, xxxv. 63). 
 
 ^2 Nau's Ma7'y Stewart, p. 80. — The 22nd of August is the date 
 assigned for the Prince's journey (Birrel's Diary, p. 5). For the 
 furnishings of his nursery, see infra, pp. 499, 500. 
 
 ^* Detection in Anderson's Collections, ii. 7. 
 
 ^^ Lethington had been denounced by Darnley as one of the 
 Riccio conspirators {supra, p. 896) ; but Darnley was not his only 
 opponent at Court. On the 2nd of April Randolph reported that 
 there had been a controversy between Bothwell and Atholl concern- 
 ing him {Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, viii, 48). He had leave to go 
 '^to the laich cuntreis of Germany' for a year {Ibid. viii. 53; 
 Register of Privy Seal, xxxiv. 71, 72), but went not, because, when 
 ready, he learned that Bothwell intended to intercept him on the 
 
 412 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 sea {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 94)^ aud^ as was supposed, 
 put him to death (Ibid. viii. 91). Bedford heard that Lethiiigton 
 was to speak with Mary at Alloa on the 2nd of August, and that it 
 was expected that this would lead to reconciliation (Stevenson's 
 Selections, p. 163). Both well and Murray were next ^at evil 
 words ' about him (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 117, 118), 
 and AthoU was still befriending him (Ibid. viii. 124). He 
 arrived at Stirling on the 4th of September, and next day, at 
 William Bett's house, the Queen ' dined with him, and liked him 
 very well.' With Murray and Argyll, she went to her capital on 
 the 6th, leaving the Prince temporarily in charge of Lady JMurray 
 at Stirling, and appointing Lethington to be at Edinburgh by the 
 11th (Ibid. viii. 128). A few days afterwards, accompanied by 
 JMurray and Both well, she reconciled the latter to Lethington, at a 
 friend's house, when all differences were accorded (Ibid. viii. lo2). 
 ^ Book of Articles, in Hosack's 3Iary, i. 526, 529, 530 ; Detection, 
 in Anderson's Collections, ii. 7-9. — In the Paper, sometimes de- 
 scribed as Cecil's Journal, sometimes as Murray's Journal, there 
 is the entry : — " September 24. She ludgit in the ChekkerHous and 
 met with Bothwell. The King cumming frome Striviling wes 
 repulsit with chyding ' (Anderson's Collections, ii. 269 ; Laing's 
 Scotland, 1804, ii. 85). Chalmers points out that the letter of the 
 Lords of Privy Council shows that when Darnley came to Edin- 
 burgh, Mary was not in the ^ Chekker Hous ' but in Holyrood ; and 
 therefore brands the statement of the Journal as a falsehood (Life 
 of Mary, 1818, i. 185 ??.). The Detection was not an amplification 
 of the Journal, as Chalmers supposed, but a compression rather of 
 the Book of Articles ; and that Book reconciles the statement of the 
 Journal and of the Detection with the Privy Council statement ; for 
 it says that, when she knew he was coming, she ^ purposelie fled 
 out of the chekker-hous and past to the Palace of Halyrudehous ' 
 (Hosack's Mary, i. 526). This is by no means the only instance where 
 Buchanan has laid himself open by being less precise than the Book 
 of Articles. ^Vriting on the 8th of September, Forster says that 
 Mary was to return from Stirling to Edinburgh on the 11th to sit 
 in her Exchequer, to understand her revenues, and to appoint what 
 shall be for the keeping of her house and the young Prince's 
 (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 128). Lamartine accepts the 
 story of Mary's adventures in the Exchequer House as true (Mary 
 Stuart, 1864, pp. 64, 5b). If true, her guilt was not lessened by 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the writ which she had issued from Stii'ling on the 31st of August_, 
 commanding the magistrates of Edinburgh to search out and 
 punish without exception those who committed ^ adultre^ furneca- 
 tioun^ oppin harlatrie, and utheris sic filthe lustis of the flesche ' 
 (Burgh Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, p. 217). 
 
 57 Keith's History, ii. 457. 
 
 *^ Ibid. ii. 451. — In her letter, of SOth September, to Lennox, 
 Mary says that Darnley 'mysknawis that he has ony sic purpos in 
 hede, or ony cans of miscontentatioun. Bot his speking is con- 
 ditional!, sua that we can understand na thing of his purpos in 
 that behalf {Hist. MSS. Com., Third Report, p. 395 ; The Lennox, 
 ii. 351). 
 
 ^^ Du Croc's letter was addressed to Archbishop Beaton, Mary's 
 Ambassador in France. Keith printed a translation from the 
 original (History, ii. 448-452). The letter of the Privy Council was 
 addressed from Edinburgh, on the 8th of October, to Catherine de 
 Medici, Keith printed a translation of it from a copy (Ibid. ii. 453- 
 459) — perhaps the copy which Lethington sent to Beaton (Malcolm 
 Laing's Scotland, 1804, ii. 72, 73) — and intended to print both it 
 and Du Croc's letter in French as well (History, ii. 448, ?i. 2), but 
 was obliged to omit them for want of room (Ibid. iii. 284), Teulet 
 has, however^ supplied the omission so far as the letter of the Privy 
 Council is concerned (Papiers D'Etat, ii. 139-146 ; Relations Poli- 
 tiques, ii. 282-289) ; but, like Keith, was unable to give the names 
 of the subscribers. There is a restricted sense in which these 
 letters do not confute Buchanan's statement about Darnley's recep- 
 tion in Edinburgh. And while they do not warrant the counter- 
 statement of an apologist, that ' she received him with all the old 
 tenderness ' (Walker's Mary, 1889, p. 26), the letter of the Privy 
 Council tends to confirm Buchanan's allegation, that the King 
 could not *^get sa mekle as to mantene his daylie necessarie 
 expensis to find his few servandis and his horsis.' 
 
 ^ Register of Privy Council, i. 480, 481, 
 
 ^1 One contemporary chronicler gives the 7th of October as the 
 day of her departure (Diurnal of Occurrents, p, 100), and another 
 gives the 8th (Birrel's Diary, p, 5), Father Stevenson says she 
 left Edinburgh on the 8th, and reached Jedburgh on the same day 
 (Nau's Mary Stewart, p. cxxix), Mary herself dated a letter to the 
 Pope from Edinburgh on the 9th (Labanoff's Recueil, i, 369-372) ; 
 and a letter of Forster's — which Father Stevenson, in his Calendar, 
 
 414 
 
I 
 
 xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 has misplaced by a year — bears that she arrived in Jedburgh on 
 Wednesday, which was the 9th {Foreign Calendar, Elizahethj vii. 
 490). The Register of Privy Council (i. 448) shows that she was 
 there by the 10th. 
 
 62 Keith's History, ii. 451. 
 
 6^ Knox's continuator says that it was ^ by the advice of foolish 
 cagots' that Darnley wrote to the Pope, the King of Spain, and 
 the King of France; and that '^by some knave this poore Prince 
 was betrayed and the Queen got a copie of these letters into her 
 hands, and therefore threatened him sore ; and there was never 
 after that any appearance of love betwixt them' (Laing's Knox, 
 ii. 533, 534). Chalmers was inclined to cast doubt on this state- 
 ment as unsupported {Life of Mary, 1818, i. 185) ; but Darnley's 
 complaining to the Pope and other Catholic princes of his wife's 
 religious indifference is admitted in Hunter Blair's Bellesheim, iii. 
 110, and by Father Stevenson in his preface to Claude Nau, p. 
 cxxxiv. Indeed, lest the King of Spain should believe Darnley, 
 Mary asked De Silva to assure Philip Hhat, as regards religion, 
 she will never with God's help fail to uphold it with all the 
 fervour and 'constancy which the Roman Catholic Christian religion 
 demands. That in the religion in which she was born and bred 
 she will remain forever, even though it may entail the loss of her 
 crown and life, and she will postpone all things for its benefit' 
 {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 597). Darnley's letters do not 
 seem to have reached Philip {Ibid. i. 613, 618). 
 
 6* It was at first rumoured that Bothwell was slain {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 137). ^ Happy had it been for Mary,' 
 says Sir Walter Scott, ' had the dagger of the moss-trooper struck 
 more home' {Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border, 1869, p. 21). Both- 
 well received three wounds, ' ane in the bodie, ane in the heid, and 
 ane in the hand' {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 101). The 7th of Octo- 
 ber is given by Lord Scrope, and the author of the Diurnal, as the 
 date of his misadventure. He had been at a meeting of Privy 
 Council in Edinburgh on the previous day {Register of Privy 
 Council, i. 485). 
 
 ^ According to Lord Scrope's letter, Mary did not ride to the 
 Hermitage until the 15th of October {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 139) ; and the same date is given by a contemporary chronicler 
 {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 101). An entry in the Register of Privy 
 Seal (xxxv. 77) implies that it was on the 16th. In writing from 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Jedburgh to Catherine de Medici on the 17th, Du Croc does not 
 mention Mary's ride to the Hermitage^ but states that Bothwell ' is 
 out of danger, with which the Queen is well pleased ; it had been 
 no little loss to her to lose him ' (Papiers D'Etat, ii. 150). Her 
 ride from Edinburgh to Jedburgh was apparently rapid as well as 
 long ; but was quite eclipsed by the ride to and from the Hermit- 
 age. On the authority of Sir Walter Elliot, the distance from 
 Jedburgh to Hermitage by the most likely route is said to be ^more 
 than thirty miles.' As she returned to Jedburgh on the same day, 
 this estimate makes the ride upwards of sixty miles (Small's Mary 
 at Jedburgh, 1881, pp. 8, 9). Lamartine, who— unlike Sir Walter 
 Elliot — does not know the district, represents Mary as riding to 
 the Hermitage * without resting by the way,' and returning ^the 
 same day to Holyrood ' {Mary Stuart, 1864, p. 55). So far as the 
 Justice Court was concerned she might have gone to the Hermit- 
 age on the 10th or 11th of October, as no cause or complaint had 
 been lodged {Register of Privy Council, i. pp. xliii, 489) ; but Nau 
 tells that that week she was troubled with the spleen {History of 
 Mary Stewart, p. 31). Impelled by guilty love she may have been ; 
 but Buchanan's exaggerated narrative implies a sustained, head- 
 long haste all the way from Borthwick ^ — her affection, ' impatient 
 of delay,' urging her towards the object of '^hir outragious lust' 
 {Detection, in Anderson's Collections, ii. 10). It is rather curious 
 that even Nau should say, ' she went very speedily ' to the Hermit- 
 age ; but instead of adopting Buchanan's language — that she went 
 ' with ane company as na man of ony honest degre wald have 
 adventurit his life and his gudes amang ' — he is careful to state that 
 she was accompanied by Murray and some other lords, in whose 
 presence she conversed with Bothwell. The Book of Articles says, 
 that, after hearing at Borthwick of Both well's injury, she took no 
 ' kyndlie rest ' until she saw him ; and that she was heedless of the 
 weather, the length and difficulty of the way, and ' the danger of 
 hir persoun amangis the handis of notorious theifis and traitouris' 
 (Hosack's Mary, i. 530). This statement is very different from 
 Buchanan's, and is quite reconcilable with Nau's. 
 
 66 Keith's History, ii. 451. 
 
 6" Diuimal of Occurrents, p. 101 ; Historic of James the Sext, Ban. 
 Club, p. 2 ; Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 115 n. ; Nau's Mary 
 
 ^ In the 1572 edition of the Detectioun, reprinted by Anderson, Jedburgh 
 erroneously appears in this passage instead of Borthwick. 
 
 416 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Stewart, pp. cxxx, cxxxi^ cxliii^ 31 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 883, 
 384 ; Hunter Blair's Bellesheim, iii. 104 ; Keith's History, ii. 465. 
 It was on Thursday the l7th of October that Mary took ill. 
 Huntly, AthoU, Murray, and Maitland, writing to Archbishop 
 Beaton on the morning of the 23rd, say 'hir Majestie hes bene 
 sick thir sex dayis bypast ' (Keith's History, iii. 284) ; and Bishop 
 Lesley speaks of the 2oth as ^ the nynt day ' of her sickness {Ihid. 
 iii. 286). 
 
 ^^ Small's Queen Mary at Jedburgh, 1881, p. 18. 
 
 69 Malcolm Laing's History of Scotland, 1804, ii. 72 ; 1819, ii. 74. 
 In the same letter to Archbishop Beaton, Lethington says : — ' I 
 write freely to your L[ordship] as to a man that, being employit in 
 the chairge ye heir, suld not be ignorant in quhat estait things 
 stands at hayme, and yit as to a frend with quhom I may safely 
 communicat my opinion. I see betwixt tham \i.e. Mary and 
 Darnley] na agreement nor na appeirance that they sail agree weill 
 theirefter. At leist I am assurit that it hes bene hir mynd this 
 gude quhile, and yit is as I write. How sone or in quhat maner it 
 may change God knawis. ' 
 
 ■^^ Keith's History, iii. 286. — According to Claude Nau, 'all 
 present, especially her domestic servants, thought she was dead, 
 and they caused the windows to be opened. The Earl of Moray 
 began to lay hands on the most precious articles, such as her silver 
 plate and rings. The mourning dresses were ordered and arrange- 
 ments were made for the funeral' (Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 32). 
 Tliis statement is probably very much over-coloured. Lethington, 
 writing next day to Cecil, says they all for half an hour despaired 
 of her life {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 141). For accounts of 
 the curious method of the cure, see Keith's History, iii. 286 ; Nau's 
 Mary, p. 32 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 534. 
 
 ^1 ^Tlie 25 of October, word came to the toune of Edinburghe, 
 frome the Queine, that her Majestie wes deadly seike, and desyrit 
 the bells to be runge, and all the peopell to resort to the kirk to 
 pray for her, for she wes so seike that none lipned her life ' (Birrel's 
 Diary, p. 6). 'Publict prayaris' were made '^in all pairtis' 
 {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 101). 'There was continually prayers 
 publikely made at the Church of Edinburgh, and divers other 
 places, for her conversion towards God and amendment' (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 535). In the 1574 edition of the Order and Doctrine of 
 the General Fast, there is a list of the 'chapters and partes of the 
 2D 417 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Scriptures used be the ministers of Edinburgh and Halyrudhous 
 ... in the tyme when in the Court rang all impietie, as murther, 
 huredome, and contempt of God's word, bot especially in the tyme 
 when the Queue wes strikken be God's hand in Jedburgh ' (Laing's 
 Knox, vi. 427 ; Sprott and Leishman's Book of Common Order, 1868, 
 pp. 187, 188). 
 
 72 Small's Queen Mary at Jedburgh, 1881, p. 26.— Lesley thus 
 records her words, ^ My Lordis, ye knaw the goodnes that I have 
 usit towardis sum quhilkis I have avancit to ane gret degre ot 
 honneur and preeminence above otheris, quha notwithstandyng 
 has usit mair nor ingratitude towardis me, quhilk hes ingendrit 
 the displesour that presentlie maist grieves me, and also is the 
 cause of my syknes. I pray God mend them' {Ibid. p. 23). By 
 the 6th of November the Venetian Ambassador in Paris had heard 
 that her '^ illness was caused by her dissatisfaction at a decision 
 made by the King, her husband, to go to a place twenty-five or 
 thirty miles distant, without assigning any cause for it, which 
 departure so afflicted this unfortunate Princess, not so much for 
 the love she bears him, as from the consequences of his absence ' 
 {Venetian Calendar, vii. 384). 
 
 73 * That illness,' says Petit, ' which was to show to the world the 
 Queen's magnanimity, revealed at the same time Darnley's mean- 
 ness and ingratitude. Informed on an early day of his wife's 
 danger, he felt no uneasiness, but went on hawking, and did not 
 trouble himself to visit her . . . Darnley, who would not leave 
 his dogs and falcons to visit his wife, stood forth self-accused. 
 The mystery of their separation was being unravelled . . . On 
 the 28th Darnley, tired of hunting, or no longer able to withstand 
 the entreaties of his friends, went to Jedburgh to see the Queen. 
 She endeavoured to win him back to his duty and to more seemly 
 ways, but it was in vain. He left on the morrow. The nobles 
 were wounded by his heartlessness ' (Flandre's Petit, i. 120-122). 
 ' Neither during the period of Mary's severe illness, nor that of her 
 lingering recovery,' says Father Stevenson, ' did her husband ex- 
 hibit either concern or affection. He visited her once, remaining 
 one night at Jedburgh, and on the following day he returned to 
 Glasgow' (Nau's Mary Stewart, pp. cxxxi, cxxxii). Chalmers, 
 with his usual vigour, denounces both Buchanan and Knox for 
 saying that Darnley hastened to Jedburgh on hearing of his wife's 
 illness {Life of Mary, 1818, i, 192 «.). On this point, too, Hosack 
 
 418 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 refers to ' the slauderous narrative of Buchanan ' {Mary and her 
 Accusers, i. 162). Buchanan and the continuator of Knox, how- 
 ever_, do not stand alone ; and their assailants — like Darnley's — 
 have apparently nothing better to stand upon than Keith's mis- 
 translation of a somewhat ambiguous passage in Du Croc's letter 
 of 24th October_, which he renders thus : — ' The King is at Glasgow, 
 and has not come to this place, although he has both received 
 advertisement, and has had time enough to come had he been 
 willing. This is such a fault as I know not how to apologise for 
 it' (Keith's History, ii. 467). The crucial clause is thus translated 
 by Dr. John Small : — ' It is certain he has been informed of it by 
 some one, and has had time enough if he had been willing ' {Queen 
 Mary at Jedburgh, 1881, p. 17). The passage in the original is : — 
 ^ Le Roy est a Glasco, et n'est point venu icy. Si est ce qu'il a 
 ete adverty par quelqu'un, et a eu du temps assez pour venir s'il 
 eust voullu ; c'est une faulte que je ne puis excuser' (Keith's 
 History, iii. 285). From the expression '^some one' {quelquun), it 
 may be inferred that no special messenger was sent from Jedburgh 
 to the distant Darnley. Writing two days later. Bishop Lesley says 
 nothing about Darnley being advertised, but merely states that 
 ^ the King all this time remaneis in Glasgow, and yit is nocht cum 
 towart the Quenis Majestie' {Ibid. iii. 288). According to a con- 
 temporary chronicler, Darnley was then hawking and hunting 
 with his father in ^the west pairtis of this realme'; and 'so sone 
 as he wes adverteist of hir infirmitie, he come to Edinburgh 
 upon the twantie sevint day at evin, and raid to the Quenis 
 Grace to Jedburgh upoun the twantie aucht day in the morn- 
 yng. And efter his cuming to the said burgh, he was not so 
 Weill intertynijt as neid suld have bene ; and upoun the twantie 
 nyne day he returnit thairfra without tarying to Edinburgh, and 
 thairefter past to Striueling' {Diurnal of Occurrents , pp. 101, 102), 
 ' During this seiknes King Henrie hir husband was in cumpanie of 
 Matho Erie of Lennox his father in the wast part of Scotland : and 
 howsone he understude of this sudden visitatioun, he addressit 
 himself with expeditioun towart hir, altho he was not welcome as 
 appertenit ; wharefore he addrest his jorney back to Sterling, whare 
 he remaj^nit till the Prince was baptesit' {Historic of James the Sext, 
 Ban. Club, p. 4). 
 
 74 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 141 ; Keith's History, iii, 
 289. 
 
 419 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ''5 Book of Articles, in Hosack's Mary, i. 530.— This statement — 
 serious enough in itself — becomes infinitely worse in the hands of 
 Buchanan^ who describes in suggestive language their alleged guilty 
 intercourse_, and declares that they misconducted themselves ' sa 
 oppinlie as thay semit to feir nathing mair, than leist thair 
 wickitnes suld be unknawin ' {Detection, in Anderson's Collections. 
 ii. 10-12). 
 
 76 ' Although this misfortune is of itself greatly to be deplored, 
 other evils greater and more general will follow, as it may now be 
 said that the Catholic religion will become extinct in that Kingdom, 
 both because those who govern and have authority with the King 
 are its open enemies, and also because the King himself is dis- 
 affected towards it. The Queen leaves a son just born, who will 
 now imbibe this poison with his milk, and there can be no doubt 
 but that he will rather resemble his father than his most virtuous 
 and religious mother ' ( Venetian Calendar, vii. 388, 384). 
 
 77 Small's Queen Mary at Jedburgh, p. 26 n. 
 
 78 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 143. 
 
 7^ In reference to the letters which Mary received at Kelso from 
 Darnley, Froude quotes Calderwood as saying that she exclaimed, 
 in the presence of Murray and Maitland, ^that unless she was 
 freed of him in some way she had no pleasure to live, and if she 
 could find no other remedy she would put hand to it herself {History 
 of England, 1887, vii. 491). But the threat, as given by Calder- 
 wood, was suicidal, not murderous — she would ^ putt hand into 
 herself (Calderwood's History, ii. 326). Froude has, doubtless, 
 been misled by the idiom. Calderwood had the Detectio before 
 him ; and the expression there used — ' sese sibi manum illaturam ' 
 — is rendered in the Scotch version ' scho wald slay hirself ' (Jebb's 
 De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, i. 241 ; Detection, in Anderson's 
 Collections, ii. 13). Buchanan in turn was simply following the 
 Book of Articles — ^ to be the instrument of hir awin death ' (Hosack's 
 Mary, i, 533). 
 
 ^^ With a view to the declaration of the English succession in 
 her favour, Mary wrote from Dunbar, on the 18th of November, 
 to Elizabeth's Privy Council, expressing her affection for their 
 Queen, and her resolution to keep through life on such terms with 
 their Sovereign and realm that she would withstand to the utmost 
 of her power any Prince who would offend them. As a proof of 
 her affection she said : — ' When we lookt not to have bruiked this 
 
 420 
 
XI J NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 life twelve hours in our late sickness, . 
 the special care of the protection of our son should rest upon our 
 said good sister' (Keith's Histot'y, ii. 472). It is rather curious 
 that in the four accounts of Mary's speeches at that critical time 
 neither England nor Elizabeth is even mentioned ; that, on the 
 contrary, in each of them it is stated that she commended her son 
 to the Scots nobles, and to the King and Queen-mother of France ; 
 that one of them represents her as expressing her goodwill to the 
 French alliance, and another as saying, ' I desyre that alliance mai 
 still continue ' {Ihid. iii. 286-288 ; Small's Mary at Jedburgh, pp. 
 22-25 ; Nau's Mary Stewart, pp. 82, 83 ; Historie of James the Sexty 
 Ban. Club, pp. 2-4). 
 
 *i Keith's History, ii. 469-471 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 
 147; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 102. — Sir James Melville says that 
 when Sir John Forster ' was speaking with hir Majeste upon hors- 
 bak, his cursour raise up with his forther legges, to tak the Quenis 
 horse be the nek with his teeth, hot his forder feet hurt hir 
 Majesteis thy \i.e. thigh] very evell. Incontinent the Warden 
 leichted aff his horse, and sat down upon his knees, craving 
 pardone at hir Grace ; for then all England bure hir Majeste 
 gret reverance. Hir Majeste maid him to ryse, and said that 
 sche was not hurt ; yet it compellit hir Majeste to tary twa dayes 
 at the castell of Hum, untill sche was weill again' (Melville's 
 Memoirs, p. 178). Unfortunately for the credibility of this story, 
 it was after Mary had left Hume that Forster met her on the 15th 
 of November ; but this part of Melville's Memoirs is badly mixed — 
 the visit to Jedburgh being placed after, instead of before, the 
 baptism of the Prince. Forster, however, seems to have previously 
 met Mary near the Borders, a day or two before her ride to the 
 Hermitage {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 188, 189). 
 
 ^" From Home, or Hume, Lethington had written to Cecil, on 
 the 11th of November, that Mary was restored perfectly to health 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 145). The statement in the text 
 is from Du Croc's letter of 2nd December (Keith's History, i. p. 
 xcvi). 
 
 ^^ '^ Grant me mercy, for I seik not lang lyif in this world, hot 
 only that thy will may be fultillit in me. O my God thow hes 
 apointit me above the peple of this realme to reule and gouverne 
 them, gif theirfor yt be thi plessour that I remain with them in 
 this mortell lyiff, albiet that yt be painfull to my body, so that yt 
 
 421 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 pleas thi devyne guidnes I will gif myself to thi keiping. Gif thi 
 plessour and purpose be to call me frome hence to thi mercy, with 
 guid will I remitt miself to thi plessour, and is alss weill deliberat 
 to die ass to lyive, desyryng that thi will be fulfillit, and as the 
 guid Kyng Ezechios (afflictit with seyknes and other infirmites) 
 turnit him to thi devyne will and plessour, so do I the lyk ' (Small's 
 Queen Mary at Jedburgh, 1881, p. 25). See also Keith's History, 
 iii. 287. 
 
 ^ Keith's History, i. pp. xcvi, xcvii. 
 
 ^ ' Sair gretaud and tormentand hir selff miserablie,' to Murray, 
 Huntly, and Lethington she said that unless ' she war quyt of the 
 King be ane meane or uther, she culd nevir have a gude day 
 in hir lyff, and rather or she fall it thairin, to be the instrument 
 of hir awin death ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 533). See supra, p. 420, n. 
 79. 
 
 80 Hosack's Mary, i. 533. 
 
 ^"^ The Protestation is in Anderson's Collections, iv. part ii. pp. 
 188-193 ; in Keith's History, iii. 290-294 ; and in Goodall's Examina- 
 tion, ii. 816-321. 
 
 ^8 Though commonly known as the Protestation of Huntly and 
 Argyll, it is not at all probable that either the one or the other of 
 these nobles ever saw it. It was drawn up by Lord Boyd's advice, 
 , conforme to the Declaratioun ' Huntly had made to Bishop Lesley, 
 and was sent by Mary from Bolton, on the 5th of January 1568-9, 
 to Huntly, with a letter directing him and Argyll to subscribe ; 
 but leaving it to their discretion ^to eik and pair' as they thought 
 best, and to extend ' in sic forme * as they thought most necessary, 
 before returning it to her signed and sealed (Anderson's Collections, 
 iv. part ii. p. 186). Lord Hunsdon, however, seized Mary's 
 messenger — Thomas Karr — as he neared the Border, and her letter 
 to Huntly and the draft Protestation were taken from him on the 
 9th of January, and despatched to Cecil next day {Hatfield Calendar, 
 i. 390). As to Camden's statement {Eli:^abeth, 1675, p. 93) and 
 Stranguage's {Historic of Mary, reprint, p. 81), that they had 
 seen the original Protestation sent by Huntly and Argyll to 
 Elizabeth, cf. Tytler's Inquiry, 1790, ii. 31, 32, and Malcolm Laing's 
 Scotland, 1804, i. 182 n. 
 
 ^ Assuming that the narrative of the Protestation is trustworthy, 
 it is difficult to know what Lethington meant by the expression 
 tbat Mary would ' sie nathing bot gud, and approvit be Parlia- 
 
 422 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ment.' If, as Professor Aytoun argues, the reference to the 
 approval of Parliament utterly negatives the idea of violent means 
 heing hinted at (Aj'toun's Bothwell, 1857^ p. 2o2)_, why should 
 Lethington have spoken of Murray looking through his fingers? 
 or why should Mary have objected to any spot being laid on her 
 honour or conscience? In another document, which was signed 
 by Huntly and Argyll, and by more than a dozen of Mary's other 
 nobles, there is the more explicit statement : — ' Thay causit mak 
 offeris to our said Soverane Lady, gif hir Grace wald give remis- 
 sioun to thame that wer banishit at that time, to find causis of 
 divorce, outher for consanguinitie, in respect thay alledgit the 
 dispensatioun was not publishit, or else for adulterie ; or then to 
 get him convict of tressoun, because he consentit to hir Grace's 
 retentioun in ward ; or quhat uther wayis to despeche Mm ; quhilk 
 altogidder hir Grace refusit, as is manifestlie knawin' (Goodall's 
 Eocamination , ii. 359). Lesley also alleges that although they 
 ofi'ered, if she pardoned Morton, to procure a divorce between 
 her and Darnley, yet she would not agree {Defence of Queen Marys 
 Honour, in Anderson's Collections, i. 14, 15). 
 
 ^0 Keith {History, ii. 510 n.) and Goodall {Exayyiination , i. 318) 
 deem Murray's denial of having signed any ' band ' at Craigmillar 
 irrelevant ; but in the light of Ormiston's confession— that Huntly 
 and Argyll had about that time signed a ' band ' for the destruction 
 of the ' young fooll and proud tirrane ' — it was a telling home- 
 thrust (Arnot's Criminal Trials, pp. 385, 386 ; Pitcairn's Criminal 
 Trials, i. 512 *). According to Ormiston, this ' band ' was also 
 signed by Lethington and Sir James Balfour. Hay of Tallo con- 
 fessed on the scaffold that he, too, had seen this ' band,' and that 
 it was subscribed by Bothwell, Huntly, Argyll, Lethington, and 
 Balfour {Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 127, 128). It Claude Nau is 
 to be believed, when Bothwell parted with Mary at Carberry he 
 handed her the ' band ' — after pointing to the signatures of Morton, 
 Lethington, Balfour, and some others — and bade her take good 
 care of it (Nau's 3Iary Stewart, p. 48). Hosack misrepresents 
 Murray's denial on two points, and then unwarrantably charges 
 him with alleging what is known to be untrue {Mary and her 
 Accusers, i. 165). He asserts that Murray ' only expressly denies 
 what was not alleged — namely, that he had signed any bond at 
 Craigmillar ' ; but, in the quotation he had just given, Murray ex- 
 pressly denies that in his presence there was any proposal ' tending 
 
 423 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 to any unlawful or dishonourable end.' Murray's statement about 
 the bond which he had signed in the beginning of October, in 
 token of his reconciliation with Bothwell and Huntly, is not 
 known to be untrue. He does not say — as Hosack unaccountably 
 supposes — that he signed the bond before he was restored to the 
 Queen's favour, but only that he had then promised to do so. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 130. 
 
 ^2 LabanofF's Recueil, vii. 97-100 ; iv. 4 ; Stevenson's Selections, 
 pp. 167, 168 ; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 601 ; Hatfield Calendar, 
 i. 341 ; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 239_, 240, 379. — Twenty years later 
 the same Scot, as Tulchan, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was sent 
 by King James to desire the minister and reader of St. Andrews 
 ' to pray publiclie for his Hienes' mother, for hir conversioun and 
 amendiment of lyfe, and, if it be Godis plesour to preserve hir from 
 this present danger quhairin sche is now, that sche may heirefter 
 be ane profitabill member in Christis kirk' {Register of St. Andrews 
 Kirk Session, Scottish History Society, ii. 583, 584). In this case 
 Patrick Adamson did not, as in the other, cut before the point, for 
 Mary was led forth to execution six hours before he made the 
 tardy request. 
 
 ^^ The true date of the Prince's baptism — 17th December 1566 — 
 is given in the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 103 ; Birrel's Diary, p. 6 ; 
 Laing's Knox, ii. 536 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 387 ; Keith's History, 
 i. p. xcvii. The 15th of December is given by Spottiswoode 
 {History, ii. 41) ; the 18th of December by Pitscottie {History, 1728, 
 p. 219), and by De Silva {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 606) ; the 
 15th of November by David Laing (Laing's Knox, ii. 536 ??.); and 
 the 22nd of August by Sir James Balfour {Historical Works, i. 335). 
 For assigning the baptism to the month of December, the Historic 
 of James the Sext has been challenged by a presumptuous writer, 
 who alleges that ' all other accounts agree in fixing the date to be 
 the 22d of August' {Notices of the Bannatyne Club, 1836, p. 24). 
 
 ^* Venetian Calendar, vii. 387. 
 
 95 Workes of the Most High and Mighty Prince James, 1616, p. 301. 
 — Mary did not stand alone in objecting to the use of the spittle in 
 baptism. In the spring of 1562, a remonstrance was sent from 
 France to the Pope, bearing that many who will not leave the 
 church are nevertheless troubled in conscience over several points. 
 One of these was — ^ They cannot well bear that a diseased priest, 
 and many times of the pockes, should put his spittle in the child's 
 
 424 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 mouthj and think that thereof comes many inconveniences ' 
 (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, v. 624). 
 
 ^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 104. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 110. 
 
 ^^ Mary warmly acknowledged Elizabeth's kindness on this occa- 
 sion (Labanoff' s Recueil, i. 889-391). But Father Stevenson sees^ 
 in the choice of ' the Puritanical Earl of Bedford ' as Ambassador, 
 the fruit of Elizabeth's ingenuity in discovering ' a cheap and easy 
 method of mortifying her rival through this very interchange of 
 civilities ' (Nau's Mary Stewart, p. cxxxiii). It is true that, in the pre- 
 vious January, Mary had ' no good lykinge ' of Bedford (Stevenson's 
 Selections, pp. 149, 151) ; but, two years before, she thought better 
 of no man (Foreigji Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 91) ; and in the August 
 preceding the baptism, Murray had informed Cecil that Mary 
 hoped that Leicester, or Bedford, and Throckmorton, would come 
 to the ceremony (Thorpe's Calendar, i. 238). Sir James Melville, 
 too, who was sent to meet Bedford at Coldingham, and who again 
 accompanied him to the Borders, describes him as ^ ane of the 
 surest and maist loving frendis' Mary then had in England 
 (Melville's Memoirs, p. 170). While Father Stevenson adds, that 
 ^ so little ' did Elizabeth ' care to make his visit acceptable, that he 
 was instructed to press Mary for the ratification of the obnoxious 
 Treaty of Leith ' (Claude Nau's Mary, p. cxxxiii), he refrains from 
 mentioning the fact that Bedford's Instructions bore that now tiie 
 Treaty was to be purged of the obnoxious words to which the 
 Queen of Scots had objected (Keith's History, ii. 482). Even 
 Hosack declares that ' nothing could be more equitable than this 
 proposal on the part of Elizabeth,' being, ^ in fact, substantially the 
 same as that which Mary herself had formerly made' (Hosack's 
 Mary and her Accusers, i. 175). Father Stevenson further says 
 that, ' as her proxy in the baptismal office,' Elizabeth ' selected a 
 lady whose opinions were so pronounced that when her services 
 were required at the font, she refused to assist at a Catholic 
 function or even to enter a Catholic church ' (Nau's Mary Stewart, 
 p. cxxxiii). The lady so selected was the Countess of Argyll 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 142), Mary's illegitimate sister, 
 her companion during the Riccio tragedy, and who was now so far 
 from refusing to assist at a Catholic function, that she was after- 
 wards enjoined by the General Assembly ^to make public repent- 
 ance' for '^giving her assistance and presence to the baptizeing of 
 
 425 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the King in a Papisticall maner ' ; and this repentance was to be 
 made in that chapel which Father Stevenson's words imply she as 
 a Protestant would not enter (Booke of the Univer sail Kirk, i. 117; 
 Calderwood's History, ii. 897). For acting at the baptism, Bedford 
 gave the Countess a ruby worth five hundred crowns (Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 887). 
 
 99 Pitscottie's History, 1728, p. 219.— The Historic of James the 
 Sext (p. 5) also gives the weight of the font as ^thre hundreth 
 threttie thrie unces.' The Diurnal of Occur rents (p. 103) says 
 that it was of fine gold, and '^twa stane wecht.' Tlie Count de 
 Brienne had presented Mary, in the name of the King of France, 
 with a necklace of pearls and rubies, and two most beautiful ear- 
 rings ; but ^ much greater,' says the Venetian Ambassador, ^ was 
 the present from England, as it was a font of massive gold, of 
 sufficient proportions to immerse the infant Prince, and of exquisite 
 workmanship, with many precious stones, so designed that the 
 whole effect combined elegance with value.' Morette carried to 
 her, from the Duke of Savoy, a large fan with jewelled feathers, 
 worth four thousand crowns (Venetian Calendar, vii. 887). 
 
 100 ^oreigji Calendar, Elisabeth, viii. 151. 
 
 101 Keith's History, ii. 479. 
 
 102 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 226, 240. — The Lords were 
 reported to have afterwards got part of it at the mint unmelted 
 (Ibid. viii. 249, 2-56 ; Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 1804, ii. 108). 
 
 102 Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 105. — This chronicler says that 
 from a fort, beside the kirk-yaird, were shot *^fyre ballis, fyre 
 speris, and all utheris thingis plesand for the siclit of man.' 
 Forty days were spent in preparing the fireworks, and the cost 
 was £190, 17s. od. (Robertson's Inventories, p. Ixxxviii, n. 1). 
 
 104 Buchanan has been often and fiercely assailed for the utter 
 incongruity of his Detectio with his Latin verses, especially those 
 prepared for the baptism of the Prince. Dr. Hume Brown, in his 
 eloquent vindication of the great Scottish Humanist from this 
 charge, remarks that 'it would be absurd to take as genuine 
 expressions of opinion the panegyrics of the Latin poets of the 
 Renaissance' (George Buchanan, Humanist and Reformer, 1890, 
 p. 203). Had Buchanan thought it worth while to clear himself 
 from the imputation of inconsistency, he might perhaps have stated 
 that, as the baptism had been long delayed, the Latin lines in 
 question were written before he knew of the Queen's guilty love 
 
 426 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 for Bothwellj wliich^ even according to the Detection, she had not 
 openly shown till October. 
 
 1^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 171. 
 
 106 «^Nather did King Henrie cum ther^ albeit he was in Sterling 
 all that tyme^, nather was he requyrit or permitted to cum oppinlie' 
 (Historie of James the Seoct, p. 5). Relying on Camden's statement 
 that Elizabeth expressly forbade Bedford and his companions to 
 give Darnley the title of King (Camden's Elizabeth, 1675^ p. 87)^ 
 several of Mary's apologists have thrown the blame on the Queen 
 of England, Many will question the soundness of Hosack's 
 opinion^ that, ' if the statement of Camden ... is true,' Darnley's 
 ' absence from the baptism is sufficiently accounted for * (Hosack's 
 Mary^ i. 168). Instead of pressing the counter-opinion that the 
 excuse at the best is ^ frivolous and unsatisfactory ' (Keith's History, 
 ii. 489 n.), it may be affirmed that there are good reasons for 
 doubting Camden on this point, although corroborated by Nau^ 
 and by the writer of an anonymous Life of Mary {History of Mary, 
 pp. cxlvii, 83). Not only is there nothing in Elizabeth's Instructions 
 to Bedford forbidding him to honour Darnley, but the English 
 Ambassador and his associates, in parting with their Scots convoy 
 on the Borders, ^lamented that they saw so little accompt maid of 
 the King,' and Bedford asked Melville to urge Mary to entertain 
 him as at the first, ' for hir awen honnour, and advancement of hir 
 afi'aires' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 172). When, on the day of the 
 baptism, Du Croc flatly declined Darnley's thrice-repeated request 
 for an interview, he did so, not because of Elizabeth's or Bedford's 
 supposed scruples, but on the ground that, as Darnley was ' in no 
 good correspondence' with Mary, his own King had charged him 
 ' to have no conference with him ' (Keith's Histoi'y, i. p. xcvii). 
 Morette, who arrived too late for the baptism, was anxious to see 
 Darnley, and he also wished to see Morette ; but Mary prevented 
 them from meeting, by telling the Ambassador that she did not 
 think Darnley would be pleased to see him, in consequence of the 
 murder of Riccio ; and by telling Darnley that Morette declined to 
 meet him because of that murder {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 
 622). 
 
 i^*" Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 155. — In the Book of Articles 
 it is said that at the baptism ' \t wes mervelous to behald the 
 Quenis care and solicitude taken for preparatioun of apparell and 
 riche garmentis to Boithuile, of hir awin stuflP, be hir awin devise, 
 
 427 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 and commanding of the craftismen, quhen as ua kynd of thing wes 
 appointed for the King in apparell furniture or utherwise ' ; and 
 at that time ' she causit begin to mak a passaige betuix hir chalmer 
 in the New Work or Palace, within the Castell of Streuiling and 
 the Great Hall thairof, thinking to have had access at all tymes be 
 that meane to Boithuile, quhome purpoislie she causit be ludgit at 
 the north end of the said Greit Hall' (Hosack's Mary and her 
 Accusers, i. 580, 581). Both well was not the only one who received 
 robes from the Queen in the month of the Prince's baptism 
 (Robertson's Inventories, pp. 61, 63, 69) ; and Forster reported in 
 September that, for the baptism, she had given Murray a suit of 
 green ; Argyll, a suit of red ; and Bothwell, a suit of blue {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 181). 
 
 ^°s Blackwood's Mary, Mait. Club, pp. 24, 28. — Lesley alleges 
 that ^for a time she did dissemble and forbeare outwardly to shew 
 and utter her most inwart hart and affectionate love, . . . for 
 the better reclaiming of the wandering mind and wavering wil of 
 the youthful unadvised gentleman ' {Defence of Marys Honour, in 
 Anderson's Collections, ii. 11). 
 
 1°^ Hunter Blair's Bellesheim, iii. 108 ; Joseph Robertson's Statuta, 
 i. p. clxxx. — Hosack admits that, ' if there was the slightest evidence 
 to show that Mary was cognisant of the schemes of Bothwell, the 
 restoration of the consistorial jurisdiction at this time would be a 
 circumstance of strong suspicion' {Mary and her Accusers, i. 176, 
 177). The signature — which is printed in Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 
 ii. 75, 76 — is dated 28rd December 1566 ; and four days later the 
 General Assembly petitioned the Privy Council to ' stay the same,' 
 as ^that conjured enemie of Jesus Chryst, and cruell murtherer of 
 our brethren, most falslie stylit Archbischop of St. Androes,' might 
 under ' that colourit comission ' again usurp his former authority, 
 and by its means ' oppresse the haill kirk be his corrupt judgement' 
 {Booke of the Universall Kirk, i. 88-90). Knox wrote, too, a stirring 
 and uncompromising letter to the same effect (Laing's Knooc, ii. 
 542-544). According to Knox's continuator, Hamilton had pro- 
 cured the signature from the Queen, ' by means of the Earl Both- 
 well,' and was coming to Edinburgh with a hundred horse to take 
 possession, but at Murray's instigation the Provost, ^for fear of 
 trouble and sedition,' prevailed on him to desist for the time {Ibid. 
 ii. 548, 649). Bedford, who had now returned to Berwick, reported 
 on the 9th of January that Mary had, at Murray's suit, revoked the 
 
 428 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 authority which she had so recently granted to the Archbishop 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 164 ; Thorpe's Calendar, i. 241 ; 
 Robertson's Statuta, i. p. clxxx^ n. 1). This revocation, unless 
 merely temporary, favours Riddell's and Hill Burton's theory that 
 the Queen issued, on the 27th of April 1567:, ^ special commission 
 to the Archbishop and several other clergy to decide in Both well's 
 action for divorce {Peerage and Consistorial Law, 1842, i. 433; 
 History of Scotland, 1876, iv. 221) ; and their theory is favoured by 
 the print of the Falconar manuscript (Stuart's Lost Chapter, p. 91). 
 
 11° Mauvissiere had done his best for the Lords, when he saw 
 Mary in August, and even Du Croc had pled for INIorton {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 114; Stevenson's Selections, p. 165). 
 With death staring her in the face at Jedburgh she said : — ' Their 
 is sum that hes greivouslie offendit me and of quhom I desyre na 
 gret vengeance, bot commettis them to the will of God, for I am 
 sure that he will have regarde to my juste cause, yit for all 
 aventures I pray yow that gif that cum to pass that eftir my decess 
 thai returne to this realme, ye suifer them not to have any access 
 nier my sonne, nor gouvernment or authorite nier his persone' 
 (Small's Mary at Jedburgh, p. 23). For their pardon, Bedford and 
 Murray did what they could with Mary at the baptism ; but if 
 Bothwell, Atholl, and the other Lords had not helped, they would 
 not have succeeded so soon {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 158, 
 159). Melville says that Bothwell spoke for them, ' to mak them 
 his frendis, and to fortifie his faction be them ; for apperantly he 
 had then alredy in his mynd, to perfourm the fouU mourthour 
 of the King . . . that he mycht marry the Queen ' {Memoirs, p. 
 170). In the revocation of her abdication {infra, p, 486, n. 116), she 
 is made to say that Bothwell, ^ having court, was thair consiliatour 
 and purchessar of thair remissiones ' {Memorials of the Earls of 
 Haddington, 1889, ii. 271). Chalmers, P. F. Tytler, Hosack, and 
 Hill Burton allege that George Douglas and Andrew Ker, having 
 by their violence given gross offence to the Queen at Riccio's 
 murder, were specially excepted from the remission {Life of Mary, 
 1818, i. 197 ; History, 1845, v. 372 ; Mary and her Accusers, i. 
 169 ; History, 1876, iv. 181) ; but Ker got a separate remission on 
 the same day as the others {infra, pp. 502-504). 
 
 "1 Tytler's Inquiry, 1790, ii. 78. — Catherine de Medici '^appeirit 
 to be verie content ' that Mary ^ had sa graciouslie treatit thame ' 
 (Keith's History, i, p. ciii). 
 
 429 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [char 
 
 "2 Malcolm Laing'sHistory of Scotland, 1804, i. 23 ; Hill Burton's 
 Scotland, 1876, iv. 182. 
 
 ^1^ Anderson's Collections, ii. 271. — In the Book of Articles it is 
 said that Mary and Bothwell *" departit togidder towart Drymmen 
 the Lord Driimmondis hous, abyding there five or sex dayis, and 
 fra that come to Tullybardin. In quhat ordour they wer chalmerit 
 during thair remaining in thay twa houssis mony fand fault with it 
 that durst not reprove it. How lascivius alsua thair behaviour 
 was it wes verie strange to behald notwithstanding of the newis of 
 the Kingis grevous infirmety, quha wes departed to Glasgow and 
 thair fallin in deidlie seiknes' (Hosack's Mary and Her Accusers, i. 
 531). 
 
 "* Hosack's Mary and Her Accusers, i. 527, 528, 533, 534.— A 
 month after the baptism, De Silva wrote to Philip that he heard 
 that Mary had tried to take away some of Darnley's servitors, and 
 for some time had given him no money for his ordinary expenditure 
 {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 612). According to the Book of 
 Articles, ^that it was poysoun that grevit him apperit be the brek- 
 ing out of his body and mony uther circumstances, quhilk alswa 
 James Abirnethy chyrurgian at the sycht of him playnelie jugeit 
 and spak ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 534). Alexander Hay, a ' physitian who % 
 ministred unto him,' is also said to have ascribed his illness to poison 
 (Blackwood's J/a;'^, Mait. Club, p. 28), Buchanan, both in his Detection 
 (pp. 15, 16) and in his History (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 488, 489), 
 alleges that he had been poisoned ; and his statement — including 
 James Abernethy's opinion, and the Queen's forbidding her physician 
 to attend him — is adopted by Calderwood (History, ii. 328). Knox's 
 continuator (Laing's Knoa;, ii. 537) and Spottiswoode (History, ii. 43) 
 do not follow Buchanan's narrative so closely, but both affirm that 
 Darnley received poison. Melville says that ' he fell seak for dis- 
 pleasour, as was allegit, not without some bruit of ane il drink be 
 some of his servandis ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 173). Another says, 
 ^he becam extreyme seik, so as his haill bodie brak out in evill 
 favourit pustullis, be the force of yong eage that potentlie expellit 
 the poyson, whilk was supposit to have bene gevin him to end his 
 trublit dayis' (Historic of James the Sext, pp. 5, 6). 
 
 115 Bii-rel notes that Darnley ' wes layand seike in Glasgow of the 
 small poks, hot some sayed he had gottene poysone ' (Birrel's Dia^nj, 
 p. 6) ; Nau says that at Glasgow ' he was seized with the small pox ' 
 (Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 33) ; and Bedford reported that he was 
 
 430 
 
xi] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 full of the small-pox {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 164)^ which 
 Drury said was spreading in Glasgow (Tytler's Scotland, v, 510), 
 In the Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 105) it is said that he had ' the 
 polkis ' — a name now given in Scotland to small-pox ; but then^ 
 occasionally at least, as in Mary's reference to the ' pockie priest,' 
 to a disease still more loathsome. Bothwell said he had the itch 
 (Hosack's Mary, ii. 583). From the appearance of ' the reputed 
 skull of Darnley ' — which, in the museum of the Royal College of 
 Surgeons at London, has found a ' strange resting-place among the 
 illustrative crania of barbarous tribes from every quarter of the 
 globe' — Sir Daniel Wilson surmised that he had suffered from 
 ' virulent syphilitic disease ' {Proceedings of Antiquaries of Scotland, 
 xxiv. 423, 425). Sir Daniel was not the first to suspect this (Keith's 
 History, ii. 497 n. ; Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 1804, i. 24 n.). 
 
 116 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 164. 
 
 117 Nau says that Darnley ' sent several times for the Queen, who 
 was very ill, having been injured by a fall from her horse at Seton. 
 At last she went ' (Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 33). Du Croc reported 
 that she had an accident with her horse on the day she left Edin- 
 burgh for Stirling (Keith's History, i. p. xcviii), which was the 10th 
 of December {Diuimal of Occurrents , p. 102). This, at Seton, must 
 have been later. 
 
 118 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 163. 
 
 "^ Keith's History, i. pp. xcix-ci. — During her illness at Jed- 
 burgh she earnestly recommended her son to the care of her nobles, 
 Nau says that she did this, ^ not doubting that the King his father 
 would wrong him as to the succession to the Crown, to which he 
 laid claim in his own right, and might probably take a second wife ' 
 (Nau's Mary Stewart, pp. 32, 33). 
 
 120 Keith's History, i. pp. ciii, civ. — Catherine de Medici thought 
 that a reconciliation m ith Darnley would greatly help Mary to com- 
 pass her designs ; and, in special, would cause Lady Lennox — who 
 was favoured by many of the English nobles — to concur with her. 
 
 121 Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 3, 6. 
 
 122 Stevenson's Selections, pp. 173, 175 ; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 179. — Du Croc had reached Calais, when he was overtaken 
 by a messenger from the French Ambassador in England, acquaint- 
 ing him with the dread news, and entreating him to liasten on witli 
 it to the most Christian King {Venetian Calendar, vii. 388). 
 
 431 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 1 Lesley's Defence of Queen Marifs Honour , in Anderson's Collec- 
 tions, i. 7, 8, 11, 12. 
 
 2 Diurnal of Occurrents,^. 105; Birrel's Diary, p. 6. — According 
 to Drury, Mary reached Darnley on the 22nd (Tytler's Scotland, 
 V. 510). 
 
 2 Crawford deponed that Darnley told her that he had heard 
 ' that a lettre ^. as presented to her in Cragmiller, made bye her 
 owne divise and subscribed bye certeine others who desired her to 
 subscribe the same, which she refused to doe. And he said that he 
 woulde never thinke that she, who was hys owne propre fleshe, 
 would do him anie hurte, and if anie other woulde do it theye 
 shuld bye it dere, unlesse theye tooke him slepinge' (Hosack's 
 Mary, i. 581). 
 
 ^ Crawford had said to Darnley that the Queen was taking- him 
 away more like a prisoner than a husband. ' He aunswred that he 
 thowis^ht little lesse himsellfe, and feared himsellfe indede save the 
 confidence he had in her promise onelye, notwithstanding-e he 
 woulde goe with her, and put himsellfe in her handes, thowghe 
 she showlde cutte hys throate ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 588). 
 
 ^ Cecil's Diary g-ives the 80th of January as the day on which 
 Mary and Darnley arrived in Edinburgh (Anderson's Collections, 
 ii. 272) ; Birrel, the 81st {Diary, p. 6) ; and the Diurnal of Occur- 
 rents (p. 105), the 1st of February. 
 
 ® Nelson, who had long been a servant to Darnley, who was with 
 him when ^ the Quene convoyit him to Edinburgh,' and who was 
 extracted from the ruins of Kirk of Field, deponed that ' it wes 
 devysit in Glasgow that the King suld haif lyne first at Craig- 
 myllare ; bot becaus he had na will thairof the purpois wes alterit, 
 and conclusioun takin that he suld ly beside the Kirk of Feild ' 
 (Anderson's Collections, iv. part ii. p. 1G5). That the Queen in- 
 tended to take him to Craigmillar is also mentioned by Crawford 
 (Hosack's Mary, i. 582, 588) and by Nau {History of Mary Stewart, 
 p. 83). Unless, therefore, the Kirk of Field had been thought 
 of, in case Darnley obj ected to Craigmillar, the Book of Articles 
 must be wrong in saying, *^it apperis weill thay had divisit the fatall 
 hous for him before she raid to Glasgow ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 534). 
 
 432 
 
xri] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Robert Melville told De Silva that Darnley had chosen the house, 
 because it had gardens and was '^ in a good and healthy position ' 
 (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 619). Nau not only states that he 
 chose Kirk of Field against Mary's wishes, but that he did not want 
 any one to see him until he had gone through a course of baths^ 
 and that ^ he always wore a piece of taffeta drawn down over his 
 face ' (History of Mary Stewart, pp. 33^ 84). Nelson, however, had 
 understood that he was to occupy the Duke's house, and only 
 learned his mistake when he arrived there. 
 
 '■ Forbes-Lei th's Narratives, p. 117. — Lesley adds that it "was 
 considered by the doctors the most healthy spot in the whole 
 town. ' 
 
 ^ Detection, in Anderson's Collections, ii, 18. — The house '^con- 
 tained a hall, two chambers or bedrooms, a cabinet, a wardrobe, 
 and a cellar, besides a kitchen, apparently under another roof. Of 
 these rooms, only three or four seem to have been furnished from 
 Holyrood. The rest either stood empty, or more probably were 
 left with the furniture which was found in them. The hall was 
 hung with five pieces of tapestry. . . , The walls of the King's 
 chamber, on the upper floor, were hung with six pieces of tapestry, 
 which, like the hangings of the hall, had been spoiled from the 
 Gordons after Corrichie. The floor had a little Turkey carpet. 
 There were two or three cushions of red velvet, a high chair 
 covered with purple velvet, and a little table with a board-cloth 
 or cover of green velvet brought from Strathbogie. Tlie bed, 
 which had belonged to the Queen's mother, was given to the King 
 in August 1566. ... A bath stood beside the bed, having for 
 its lid one of the doors of the house taken from its hinges for 
 the purpose. It was in this room that the Queen sat talking 
 with the King, on the Sunday night before his murder, while 
 Bothwell, having seen the sacks of gunpowder emptied on the 
 floor of the chamber below, played at dice with Argyll, Huntly, 
 and Cassilis. ... In a chamber on the ground floor, directly 
 under the King's chamber, there was a little bed of yellow and 
 green damask, with a furred coverlet, in which the Queen slept 
 on the nights of Wednesday and Friday, and intended to sleep on 
 the very night on which the King was murdered. It was in this 
 room, which had a window looking into the close, and a door open- 
 ing into the passage to the garden, that the murderers placed the 
 gunpowder by which the building was hurled into the air ; the 
 
 2 E 433 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chai>. 
 
 Queen's bed^ it was said^ being moved to one side of the chamber, 
 so that the powder might be heaped up right under the King's bed ' 
 (Robertson's Inventories, pp. xcviii-c). 
 
 ^ No one, who accepts as true the statements in the Instructions 
 and Articles signed by so many of Mary's Lords on the 12th of 
 September 1568, can deny that she knew that some of her nobles 
 were willing to despatch Darnley (see the passage quoted supra, p. 
 428, n. 89). Before Mary had set out for Glasgow to visit him 
 in his affliction, De Silva had heard that 'the displeasure of the 
 Queen of Scotland with her husband is carried so far, that she was 
 approached by some who wanted to induce her to allow a plot to 
 be formed against him, which she refused ; but she nevertheless 
 shows him no affection' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 612). 
 
 1^ Nelson's deposition in Anderson's Collectiotis, iv. part ii. p. 
 166; in Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 1804, ii. 266, 267; and in 
 Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 501"'*". 
 
 ^^ Nelson's deposition as in foregoing note.^ — In the Book of 
 Articles it is said : — ^Becaus thair wes a bed and some tapestrie of 
 valour in that ludging sett up for the King befoir his cuming 
 thairto, she causit remove the samin be the kepaires of hir gardrob 
 to Halyrudhous on the Fryday preceding the murther, and ane 
 uther wors wes sett up in the place thairof quhilk she thocht guid 
 anewch to be wairit in sic use, seing it was destinat for the same ' 
 (Hosack's Mary, i. 537). Joseph Robertson has pointed out that 
 in the inventory of the furniture lost by the explosion — an inven- 
 tory authenticated by the Queen's subscription — there is no mention 
 of one bed having been exchanged for another {Inventories of Mary s 
 Jewels, p. ci). As that inventory was not drawn up until five days 
 after Mary had married Both well {Ihid. p. 178), it would have been 
 very surprising if it had contained any reference to such a sugges- 
 tive exchange. Nelson's statement is to a slight extent borne out 
 by the inventories. He says that the bed which was brought in 
 place of the first was ' ane auld purple bed that wes accustomat to 
 be carit.' Tlie bed which ^wes tint' by the explosion was 'ane 
 bed of violett broun velvot,' and had belonged to Mary of Guise 
 (Thomson's Inventories, p. 124 ; Robertson's Inventories, pp. 19, 
 31, 177). The one which was removed was, says Nelson, ' ane new 
 bed of blak figurat velvet.' The Queen had such a 'bed of blak 
 figurit velvot ' among the spoils of Strathbogie, and it was sent to 
 her at Hamilton after she escaped from Loch Leven (Thomson's 
 
 434 
 
xn] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Inventories, p. 153 ; Robertson's Inventories, p. 49). Buchanan, 
 with his usual carelessness in details, says that it was the Queen's 
 bed — not Darnley's — which was changed for a worse (Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 493). Nicholas Hubert, better known as French 
 Paris, confessed that he had been sent by Margaret Carwod on 
 the Saturday before the murder to fetch a furred coverlet from 
 the Queen's chamber ; and that next day Mary asked him if he 
 had done so (Teulet's Lettres de Marie Stuart, 1859, pp. 87-89). 
 
 •^2 Nelson's deposition, as in note 10. 
 
 13 For Robert Melville's opinion of the salubrity of Kirk of Field 
 see supra, p. 433, n. 6 ; for Leslie's statement on the same point, p. 
 433,71. 7 ; and for the opinion which Blackwood attributes to Murray, 
 see Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 214. 
 
 1* Melville's Memoirs, pp. 173. 174. — According to the Book of 
 Articles, Mary tried to provoke a quarrel between Darnley and 
 the Lord Robert, in connection with this warning and denial, 
 ' thinking it mair semelie to have hir husband cuttit of be sic an 
 accident preceding in contentioun then be the pulder and raising 
 of the hous ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 536). Buchanan represents her 
 as trying also to involve Murray in the strife {Detection, in Ander- 
 son's Collections, ii. 18, 19). 
 
 1^ Richard BannatjTie's Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 319. — Melville 
 and Morton were not the only contemporaries of Darnley who re- 
 ferred to this trait of his character. He '^ was sa facile as he could 
 concele no secreit altho it mycht tend to his awin weill ' (Historic 
 of James the Seoct, p. 7). 
 
 1® Nelson's deposition as in note 10 ; Hosack's Mary, i. 536, 
 537 ; YoYhes-LQi\\i^ Narratives, p. 118 ; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 i. 619 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 492, 493 ; Calderwood's History, 
 ii. 344. — In the following July, Murray told De Silva that the 
 Queen of Scots ^ had done an extraordinary and unexampled thing 
 on the night of the murder in giving her husband a ring, petting 
 and fondling him after plotting his murder, and this had been the 
 worst thing in connection with it ' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 
 665). Morette, who was in Scotland at the time of the murder, 
 said that Mary had ^ promised her husband that on the following 
 night she would sleep with him, and in faith and as security for this 
 promise she gave him a ring in pledge' (Venetian Calendar, vii. 
 389). The gift of the ring is mentioned in the contemporary 
 ballad on Darnley's murder (Maidment's Scotish Ballads and Songs, 
 
 435 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 1868, ii. 12 ; Froude's England, 1887:, "^'iii- 163). Buchanan states 
 that after Mary had left him, Darnley was somewhat disturbed by 
 a remark she had made that ' it was about this time last year, that 
 DaA'id Rizzio was slain ' ( Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 493). Calderwood 
 (ii. 344) has borrowed this from Buchanan. Drury was informed 
 that he went over the 55th Psalm a few hours before his death. 
 He had said to some that he would be slain, and complained of his 
 harsh treatment (Tytler's Scotland, v. 520 ; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 229). 
 
 i*" Hay confessed that the powder was placed in her room while 
 she was upstairs with Darnley ; Hepburn, that it was put directly 
 under Darnley's bed ; and both said that they were locked in 
 beside the powder (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 497^-499*). Paris 
 confessed that purposely he did not place Mary's bed where Both- 
 well bade him, and she ordered him to alter it. Perceiving that 
 she knew what was intended, he said to her that Bothwell wished 
 the key of the room that he might put powder there to blow up 
 the King {Ibid. i. 508"^). Nau says when Mary was leaving the 
 King she met Paris, ' and noticing that his face was all blackened 
 with gunpowder, she exclaimed in the hearing of many of the Lords, 
 just as she was mounting her horse, ^^ Jesu, Paris, how begrimed 
 you are" ' {Mary Stewart, p. 34). Cf. Jebb's De Vita, ii. 215. 
 
 1^ Keith's History, i. p. cii ; Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 3. Cf. 
 Register of Privy Council, i. 498. — ' The noise did awake those that 
 were sleeping in the farthest parts of the town' (Spottiswoode's 
 History, ii. 47). ' Great staynis, of the lenth of ten fut and of 
 breadth of four futtis, war fundin blawin from that hous a far 
 way ' {Historie of James the Sext, p. 6). A facsimile of the con- 
 temporary drawing of the ruins is in the Registrwn Domus de Soltre. 
 Chalmers gave it with instructive variations. 
 
 ^^ Buchanan says that Darnley and the servant who slept in the 
 same room were strangled and carried into the garden before the 
 house was blown up ; that '^ no fracture, contusion, or livid mark 
 appeared on his body ' ; and that ' his clothes, which were lying near, 
 were not only not singed with the flames, nor sprinkled with the 
 powder, but were so regularly placed that they appeared to have been 
 carefully put there, and not either thrown by violence or left by 
 chance ' (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 494). This statement is more or 
 less followed or corroborated by Calderwood (ii. 344, 345; iii. 58, 59), 
 by Spottisvvoode (ii. 47, 48), by Herries (p. 84), by Bishop Lesley 
 
xiij NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 {Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 118, 119), by Birrel (p. 7), by the 
 authors of the Diurnal of Occurrents (pp. 105, 106), and the Ilistorie 
 of James the Sext (p. 6), and by the contemporary correspondence 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 175, 177 ; Spanish Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, i. 617, 619 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 389). Both well told Sir 
 James Melville that he ^saw the strangest accident that ever 
 chancit, to wit the powder cam out of the luft [i.e. the sky], and 
 had brunt the Kingis house, and himself found lying dead a 
 litle distance from the house under a tre ; and willit me to ga up 
 and se hym, how that ther was not a hurt nor a mark in all his 
 body.' Melville also records the story of a page, that '^the K[ing] 
 was first tane fourth, and brocht down to a laich stable, wher a 
 sarvyet was stopped in his mouth, and smored be balding in of his 
 end, and efterwart laid under a tre, and blew up the house' 
 {Memoirs, p. 174). When Morette reached Paris he gave the 
 following circumstantial account : — ' Towards midnight the King 
 heard a great disturbance, at least so certain women who live in the 
 neighbourhood declare, and from a window they perceived many 
 armed men round about the house ; so he, suspecting what might 
 befall him, let himself down from another window looking on the 
 garden, but he had not proceeded far before he was surrounded by 
 certain persons who strangled him with the sleeves of his own shirt 
 under the very window from which he had descended. One of his 
 chamberlains followed him, and was heard to say, '^'^The King is 
 dead, oh, luckless night"; nor was the wretched man deceived, 
 for he and the father of the King both lost their lives ' ( Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 889). 'His father was first said to have been 
 slain,' wrote Cecil on the 20th of February, ' but it is not true, 
 for he was at Glasco at that time : it is constantly affirmed that 
 there were thirty at the killing of him' {Cabala, 1691, p. 125). 
 Bowton and Talla alleged that, so far as they knew, only nine were 
 at the deed, and that he was blown into the air (Pitcairn's Criminal 
 Trials, i. 500^). 
 
 20 Sir James Melville says that Darnley '^ failed rather for lak of 
 gud consaill and experience, then of evell will. It apperit to be his 
 desteny to lyk better of flatterers and evell company then of plane 
 speakers and of gud men ' {Memoirs, p. 153). ' He was,' says 
 another contemporary, ' sl cumlie Prince of a fayre and large 
 stature of bodie, pleasant in countenance, afi'able to all men, and 
 devote, weill exercesit in martiall pastymis upoun horsback as ony 
 
 437 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Prince of that eage. Lot was sa facile as lie could concele no secreit 
 altho it mycht tend to his awin weill ' {Historie of James the Sext, p. 
 7). In the spring- of 1560^ De Quadra understood that he was 
 ' very promising and of good parts ' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 
 185) ; and, in the summer of 1566, De Silva learned from Mauvis- 
 siere that he mostly passed his time in warlike exercises, and was 
 a good horseman {Ihid. i. 549). Drury tells that he was ' too much 
 addicted to drinking/ and that he induced at least one Frenchman 
 CO partake too freely of aqua composita (Keith's History, ii. 403). 
 Causin speaks of him as being 'accomplished with all excellent 
 2ndowments both of body and mind ' {The Holy Court, 1678, p. 812). 
 He wrote a very neat hand when he was eight years old {National 
 MSS. of Scotland, iii. 36). In Maidment's opinion, the ballad 
 which he composed ' indicates no mean poetic power ' (Maidment's 
 Scotish Ballads and Songs, 1868, ii. 9-11). Knox's continuator thus 
 describes him : — ' He was of a comely stature, and none was like 
 unto him within this island ; he died under the age of one and 
 twenty years ; prompt and ready for all games and sports ; much 
 given to hawking and hunting, and running of horses, and like- 
 wise to playing on the lute, and also to Venus chamber : he was 
 liberal enough : he could write and dictate well ; but he was some- 
 what given to wine, and much feeding, and likewise to inconstancy ; 
 and proud beyond measure, and therefore contemned all others ; 
 he had learned to dissemble well enough, being from his youth 
 misled up in Popery ' (Laing's Knox, ii. 551). Eleven months before 
 his murder Darnley was said to be nineteen {Papiers D'Etat, ii. 112). 
 Miss Strickland gives the 7th of December 1545 as the exact date of 
 his birth, but owns that her only authority for the day is Made- 
 moiselle Keralio {Queens of Scotland, 1851, ii. 325 ; Life of Mary, 1888, 
 i. 56). Maidment follows Miss Strickland in the date of Darnley's 
 birth, and yet says that he was murdered ' before he had attained 
 majority ' {Scotish Ballads and Sorigs, ii. 1, 8). Sir William Fraser 
 falls into the same inconsistency {The Lennox, 1874, i. 467, 529). 
 
 -^ Keith's History, i. pp. ci, cii ; Labanoif's Recueil, ii. 3, 4. — 
 Both Keith and LabanoiF date this letter the 11th of February; 
 but it is clear from the letter itself, and also from her letter of the 
 18th February (Labanoff, ii. 6), that it was written on the 10th. 
 
 22 Melville's Memoirs, p. 174. 
 
 23 Labanoff's iJecweiY, ii. 6-10 ; Stevenson's ^S'e/ec^/o^*, pp. 170-172. 
 — In this letter Mary asks Beaton diligently to maintain the good 
 
 438 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 offices of friendship with the Queen-mother of France_, whose 
 counsels and admonitions from time to time are so profitable to the 
 Queen of Scots that she intends ' to be governit be thame befoir all 
 uthers,' She also thanks him for that message of warning which 
 had arrived too late ; but about the murder she will at present ^be 
 na mair tedious.' 
 
 2* Stevenson's Selections, pp. 173-176. — The feeling in Paris 
 against Mary was none the less remarkable that Du Croc had left 
 Scotland less than three weeks before Darnley's murder {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 169 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 388). From 
 Stirling, on the 23rd of December, he had written, ' I can't pre- 
 tend to foretell how all may turn ; but I w ill say, that matters can't 
 subsist long as they are, without being accompanied with sundry bad 
 consequences ' (Keith's History, i. p. xcviii). He suspected that 
 Darnley's deatli was drawing nigh {Spanish Calendar, Elisabeth, 
 i. 680 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 176) ; and though 
 friendly to Mary, he may have injudiciously repeated in Paris what 
 he knew of the bad feeling between her and her husband. The 
 bare information that Darnley had been murdered was not enough 
 in the French capital to inculpate her. '^ Until further advices 
 are received ' — wrote Giovanni Correr, from Paris, on the 21st of 
 February — ^ this assassination is considered to be the work of the 
 heretics, who desire to do the same by the Queen, in order to 
 bring up the Prince in their doctrines, and thus more firmly to 
 establish their own religion to the total exclusion of ours ' {Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 888, 889). 
 
 25 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 194. 
 
 2^ In the Book of Articles it is said that there was ^ mair travell 
 for the inquisition of certane money ' stolen from Margaret Carwod, 
 than tliere was for the King's murder ; although it is admitted that 
 ^ thair wes a proclamatioun sett furth promitting a thousand pund 
 to ony that wald reveill the murtherars ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 539, 
 540). This is an under-statement of the reu ard, for the minute of 
 Privy Council of 12th February runs thus : — ' Quhilk horrible and 
 mischevious deid, as Almychty God will nevir sufi"er it to ly hid, sa 
 or it sould remane untryit, the Quenis Majestie, oure Soverane, 
 quhome unto of all utheris levand the caise is maist grevous, had 
 rather losse lyif and all ; and the nobilitie and Counsall likewyise 
 will leif na thing possibille undone quhairthrow the authoris of sa 
 ungodlie and strange ane iuterpryise may be revelit and regorouslie 
 
 439 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 puneist, as the ofFeuce justlie dois requeir. Quhairfoir hir Majestie, 
 with avyise of hir Secreit Counsall, hes statute, ordanit, and decreed, 
 that quhasaevir will first reveill the personis devysaris counsal- 
 ouris or actuall committaris of the said mischevious aud tresson- 
 abill murthour, to the effect that thai may be dewlie puneist thair- 
 foir — the first revelar, as said is, althoch he be ane culpabill and 
 participant of the same cryme — sal haif fre pardoun and remit, 
 quhairunto this present act and ordinance salbe suflScient warrand 
 to him ; and, besydis that, salbe honestlie rewardit and recompansit 
 to the lestand weill of him and his posteritie ; at leist sal haif twa 
 thowsand pundis money, and be provydit of ane honest yeirlie rent 
 at the sycht of hir Majestie and hir Counsall' {Registei' of Privy 
 Council, i. 498), In the circumstances. Her Majesty could hardly 
 have done less than this to discover the murderers of her husband ; 
 and, however her conduct is to be explained, she did little more. 
 
 27 ' The Queen-mother wrote very severely to the Queen affirm- 
 ing that if she performed not her promise to have the death of the 
 King revenged to clear herself, they would not only think her dis- 
 honoured, but would be her enemies ' (Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 198). 
 
 28 The letters which passed between Lennox and Mary concern- 
 ing the trial of the murderers are in Anderson's Collections, i. 40-54 ; 
 ii, 109-112. — In the first accounts of Darnley's death, Lennox was 
 also said to have been murdered {supra, p. 437^ n. 19). Drury heard 
 on the following day that evil was intended against Lennox {Foreign 
 (Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 175). A month after the murder he was 
 safe among his friends at Glasgow (iYfl^?o??a/il/5X of England, iii. 58). 
 
 ^ Elizabeth's letter, of 24th February, to IMary is thus sum- 
 marised : — ' Is horrified at the abominable murder of her husband. 
 Most people say that she has not looked to the revenge of this deed, 
 nor to touch those who have done it. Exhorts her to show to the 
 world what a noble princess and loyal wife she is. Desires her to 
 ratify the Treaty made six or seven yeare ago ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 180). Elizabeth afterwards said that Bothwell's 
 power was so great Mary could not take action {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 628). 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 209. 
 
 3^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 619. 
 
 32 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 185; National MSS. of England, 
 iii. 58. — Tlie story that Killigrew found the feigned mourning 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 arrangements out of order at the Court is told in the Book of Articles 
 (Hosack's Mary^ i. 542)_, and more dramatically in the Detection 
 (Anderson's Collections, ii. 28), but both are wrong in the date indi- 
 cated for Killigrew's interview, which was not within ten or twelve 
 days of the murder, but six-and- twenty after it. The Diurnal of 
 OccLirrents (p. 107) is also wrong in saying that he arrived at Holy- 
 rood on the 19th of February, and next day ^ gat presens of our 
 Soverane ladie.' He himself states plainly that he had no audience 
 before the 8th of March. 
 
 2^ Hosack's Mary, i. 538, 539 ; Robertson's Inventories, p. Ivii. 
 n. 4. — To Bastien's wife, Mary gave a marriage dress which cost 
 £115, lis. ; to Margaret Carwod, one which cost £126, 15s. 
 {National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 6'3). 
 
 ^ According to the Book of Articles, Darnley's corpse was left 
 lying for three hours in the garden where it was found, before it 
 was carried by some of ' the irascall people ' into a neighbouring 
 house, and there it remained for forty-eight hours — the door being 
 kept lest the multitude moved by the sight should have made 
 an uproar — before ^ she causit the same be brocht ' to the chapel 
 of Holyrood House by ' certane soldiours, pynouris, and utheris 
 vile personis, upoun ane auld blok of forme or tre ' ; and after 
 ^the corps had lyne certane dayis in the chapell, quhair alswa 
 she beheld it, the same corps without ony decent ordour wes cast 
 in the erth on the nycht without ony ceremony or cumpany of 
 honest men,' although it had been proposed in Council that hon- 
 ourable preparation should be made for his burial (Hosack's Mary, 
 i. 589). Sir James Melville was not allowed to see the corpse at 
 Kirk of Field {Memoirs, p. 175) ; nor were Clairvaulx and Morette 
 (Birrel's Diary, p. 7). Sir James Balfour is plainly in error in 
 saying that the funeral was the day after the murder {Historical 
 Works, i. 336). One contemporary says : — ' Upoun the fyft day 
 therefter his bodie was bureit in the tombe of the Kings at Haly- 
 ruidhous, quyetlie in the night, without any kynd of solemnitie 
 or murnyng hard amang all the persounis at Court' {Historie of 
 James the Seoct, p. 7). Another says that he was buried on the 14th 
 of February ' besyid King James the Fyft, in his sepulture, quietlie 
 {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 106). Still another says that he was 
 buried on the 15th ^ verey secretly in the night at Holyruidhous ' 
 (Birrel's Diary, p. 7). In Lord Grey's Instructions, reference is 
 made to the ' contempt, or at least neglect, used in the burial of 
 
 441 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the King/ which had '^ caused great indignation ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 214). The Queen paid £42^ 6s. for embalming him ; 
 and for her ^duille^' which she ordered on the loth, £142, los. 
 (Chalmers's Mary, i. 207 ; Archceologia Scotica, iii. 80-82 ; National 
 3ISS. of Scotland, iii. 51, 53). Bishop Lesley denied that the Council 
 had taken any order for the honourable interment of the King ; 
 and alleged that ' the ceremonies indeede were the fewer, bycause 
 that the greatest parte of the Counsaile were Protestantes,' who 
 '^had before enterred their owne parentes without accustomed 
 solennities of ceremonies ' {Defence of Queen Mary's Honour, in 
 Anderson's Collections, i. 23 ; see also Forbes-Leith's Narratives, 
 p. 119). In his History, Buchanan says that Mary looked earnestly 
 upon Darnley's corpse, '^but gave no sign by which the secret 
 emotions of her heart could be discovered ' (Aikman's Buchanan, 
 ii. 495) ; but in the Detection he ventures to assert that ^ scho lang 
 beheld, not only without greif, bot alswa with gredy eyis, his deid 
 corps ' (Anderson's Collections, ii. 27). In both, he alleges that 
 Darnley was buried beside Riccio ; but he had previously said that 
 the Italian favourite was placed in the tomb of James the Fifth 
 {supra, p. 400). Birrel records that on the 23rd of March ' ther 
 wes ane solemne saule mass with a dergie soung after uoone, and 
 done iu the Chapell Royal of Hoh^roudhous, for the said Henrey 
 Steuarte andhes saule, by the Papists, at her Majestie's command' 
 {Diary, p. 7). Drury also refers to this mass and dirge {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 198). 
 
 ^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 106. — That Mary was at Seton on 
 the 16th of February is also implied by an entry in the Register of 
 Privy Seal, xxxvi. 99. Cecil's Diary is therefore wrong in saying 
 that she remained with Bothwell in Edinburgh from the murder 
 until the 21st of February (Anderson's Collections, ii. 273). Bishop 
 Lesley alleges that Mary would have continued ^enjoying and 
 using none other then candle light ' for a longer time, had not her 
 Privy Council, moved by the advice of her physicians, pressed her 
 to ' leave that kind of close and solitarie life, and repaire to some 
 good open and holsome air ' {Defence of Queen Mary^s Honour, in 
 Anderson's Collections, i. 24, 25). Drury mentions her sickness in 
 his letters of the 29th and 80th of March {Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 198). 
 
 26 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 182 ; Tytler's Scotland, v. 516. 
 — Hosack and Mr. Skelton imagine that Drury's statement about 
 
 442 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 the shooting-match is completely disproved by the entry in the 
 Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 106)_, which bears that when IMary went 
 to Seton, on the 16tli of February, she ' left the Erlis of Huntlie 
 and Bothwill in the Palice of Halyrudhous to keip the Prince unto 
 hir returning ' {Mary and her Accusers, i. 281 ; Impeachment, 1876, 
 p. 179). They might have noticed, however, that, on the same 
 page of the Diurnal, it is said that she returned from Seton to 
 Holyrood on the 19th of February, while the alleged shooting- 
 match did not apparently take place until the 26th, that being the 
 day on which the losers paid for the dinner at Tranent. 
 
 ^^ Hosack's Mary and her Accusers, i. 542. 
 
 28 Concerning Bothwell even Father Stevenson says : — ' The 
 evidence against him was so abundant and so conclusive that his 
 guilt was unquestionable from the night of the murder' (Nau's 
 History of Mary Stewart, p. clii). 
 
 2^ See supra, p. 439, n. 26. 
 
 40 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 178, 181, 198 ; Bn-rel's Diary, 
 p. 8 ; Spottiswoode's History, ii. 48 ; Anderson's Collections, i. 43-47 ; 
 ii. 156, 157 ; Cahala, 1691, p. 126. 
 
 41 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 182 ; Cabala, 1691, p. 126. 
 
 42 Register of Privy Council, i. 500 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 mi. 194. 
 
 43 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 198.— In this letter of 29th 
 March, Drury tells that Mary had sent for David Ferguson, the 
 minister of Dunfermline, and asked him if he knew not the deviser 
 of the Mermaid. He said. No. ^ Bothwell asked him whether 
 James Murray had not said evil of him ; and he said that he had 
 never heard him say well of him.' There is a facsimile of the rude 
 drawing of the Mermaid and the Hare — Mary and Bothwell— in the 
 National Manuscripts of England, iii. 63. 
 
 44 ^ Bothwell does all in the Court ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 198). 
 
 45 When Mary went to Seton six days after the murder she 
 left her child at Holyrood under the charge of Huntly and Both- 
 well {supra, n. ^Q). At Seton, on the first of March, she made 
 over to Bothwell the bygone casualties of the sheriffdoms of 
 Edinburgh principal, of Edinburgh within the constabulary of 
 Haddington, of Berwick, and of the bailiary of Lauderdale {Register 
 of Privy Seal, xxxvi. 24, 25). It was alleged that she gave Edin- 
 burgh Castle and the superiority of Leith to Bothwell {Foreign 
 
 443 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 214). Mar was indeed persuaded to give 
 up Edinburgh Castle, the discharge to him by the Queen and Privy 
 Council being dated 19th March {Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, 
 ii. 547) ; Jind the discharge by Cockburn of Skirling who was made 
 captain is dated two days later (Thomson's Inventories, p. 176). 
 Cockburn was probably regarded as merely a tool of Bothwell's. 
 As security for 10,000 merks_, the superiority of Leith had, on the 
 4th of October 1565, been made over by Mary and Darnley to the 
 burgh of Edinburgh (Register of Privy Seal, xxxiii. 110; Burgh 
 Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, pp. 207, 229) ; but possession was 
 not taken until the Queen was in Loch Leven (Ibid. pp. 213, 224, 
 227, 233). 
 
 46 Anderson's Collections, i. 49 ; Labanoif' s Recueil, ii. 18. 
 
 *7 Anderson's Collections, i. 48. 
 
 ^ Robertson's Inventories, pp. cxxv, 53. — Servay de Conde, in his 
 note to the Inventory, does not give the exact date of this present 
 to Both well ; but the words, ' in Merche 1567/ imply that it was 
 between the 25th and 31st of March. As Robertson points out, 
 ' not long afterwards he had a gift of some of her mother's Spanish 
 furs, and, if her adversaries can be trusted, she bestowed upon him 
 the liorses, armour, clothes, and furniture of her murdered hus- 
 band.' Buchanan indeed alleges that Darnley's effects were so 
 openly divided among his murderers and his father's enemies, that 
 a tailor, who was altering the King's dress to suit Bothwell, was bold 
 enough to remark, 'that it was but right, and according to the 
 custom of the country, for the clothes of the deceased to be given 
 to the executioner ' (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 499). 
 
 *^ Register of Privy Council, i. 504. 
 
 ^ It was on the 29th of March that Drury informed Cecil that 
 'the judgment of the people is that the Queen will marry Both- 
 well ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 198). 
 
 SI Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 199, 200, 202, 207, 214; 
 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 636 ; Anderson's Collections, i. 52-54 ; 
 ii. 106, 107. — Writing from Alnwick, on the loth of April, Forster 
 says that Lennox had come to Linlithgow accompanied by three 
 thousand friends ; but, receiving intimation that he must not have 
 more than six in his company, refused to proceed {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 206). A few days before the trial Drury was assured 
 that a man went nightly about the streets of Edinburgh crying 
 lamentably, ' Vengeance on those who caused me to shed innocent 
 
 444 
 
XII] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 bloody O Lord open the heavens and pour down vengeance on me 
 and those that have destroyed the innocent' {Ibid. viii. 203). This 
 man was apprehended and shut up in a prison called for its loath- 
 someness the ^ foul thief's pit.' It was also reported that a servant 
 of Sir James Balfour's was secretly killed and buried, lest — having 
 been touched by ' remorse of conscience or other folly ' — his utter- 
 ance might tend to the whole discovery of the King's death {Ibid. 
 viii. 211). 
 
 ^2 Tytler's Scotland, 1845, v. 518-521 ; Foreign Calendar, Elisa- 
 beth, viii. 207. 
 
 ^^ Register of Privy Council, i. 522. — In the same document — the 
 bond signed on the day after Mary's surrender at Carberry Hill — 
 it is said : — ' Wes nocht the triall be him impedit and delayit ; and 
 the speciall authouris of the murthour being requirit to be wardit 
 quhill the tryall of thair caus — howbeit the petitioun wes maist 
 ressonabill and nocht repugnant to the lawis — yit could na part 
 thairof be grantit_, becaus the cheif murtherare being present maid 
 the stay ; and than what ane inordinat proces wes deduceit to 
 clenge and acquite him of that horrible deid all men persavit, 
 quhen nowther the accustumat circumstances in caussis of tressoun 
 nor the ordinar forme of justice wes observit, hot quhatsoevir the 
 fader and freindis of the innocent Prince saikleslie [i.e. innocently] 
 murtherit justlie desyrit, the contrair wes alwayis done. The said 
 Erllj the day that he chosit to thoill law, being accumpaueit M-ith a 
 greit power^ alsweill of wageit men of weir as utheris, that nane 
 sould compeir to perse w him ' {Ibid. i. 521). The court sat for more 
 than eight hours (Tytler's Scotland, v. 519). A copy of the pro- 
 ceedings_, attested by Sir John Bellenden, the Justice-Clerk, is in 
 Anderson's Collections, ii. 97-114. Hill Burton points out that 'the 
 established practice was, when a criminal prosecution was deter- 
 mined on, for the crown to take the office of accuser,' whereas in 
 this case ' Lennox is brought up as the accuser, and the tenor of the 
 procedure looks like an arbitration in a dispute in which he and 
 Both well hold opposite sides ' ; and that, as nothing whatever was 
 put before the jury except the indictment, they had no alternative 
 but to acquit {History of Scotland, 1870, iv. 208, 211). On the 20th 
 of the following December, the Earl of Caithness, as foreman of 
 the jury which had tried Bothwell, protested in his own name, and 
 on behalf of his fellow-jurymen, that they should ' incur na scayth nor 
 danger therthrow,' in respect of the protestation they had then made 
 
 445 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 when 'thair was na dittay sworn,' when '^thai knew him nawise 
 culpable therof, and na sufficient verification nor testificatioun wes 
 than producit befor tham that he wes gilte of the samin ' (Acts of 
 Parliament, iii, 10). On the 15th of March, the Justice-Clerk had 
 bidden Sir John Forster ' never give him trust in time coming if 
 the Earl Bothwell and his complices gave not their lives ere mid- 
 summer for the King's death' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 
 192). 
 
 ^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 174. 
 
 ^^ Detection, in Anderson's Collections, ii. 32. 
 
 ^^ Biurnal of Occur rents, p. 108. 
 
 5' Goodall's Examination, ii. 163, 342, 361; Forbes -Leith's 
 Narratives, p. 121 ; Nau's Mary, p. 36 ; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 212 ; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 637- — Lingard says 
 that *^ there cannot be a doubt of the fact' (History of England, 
 1855, vi. 73) ; but, in the opinion of such a Mariolater as Chalmers, 
 the silence of the Parliamentary record shows that the ^ assumption 
 must be false' (Life of Mary, 1818, i. 215). 
 
 ^^ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, ii. 550-552. 
 
 ^^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 109. 
 
 ^° Hosack's Mary and her Accusers, i. 543, 545 ; Forbes- Leith's 
 Narratives of Scottish Catholics, p. 121 ; Anderson's Collections, i. 
 pp. Ixiii, 107-112 ; iv. part ii. pp. 59, 60 ; Goodall's Examination, 
 ii. 140, 141 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 351-355 ; Keith's History, 
 ii. 562-569 ; Miss Strickland's Letters of Mary, 1843, i. 45-48 ; 
 Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 37. — The copy printed by Anderson, by 
 Keith, and by Miss Strickland, is dated the 19th of April ; but 
 Keith mentions that an attested copy in the Scotch College at Paris 
 is dated the 20th. Calderwood does not say whether he followed a 
 copy or the original ; but his document is dated the 20th ; and, in 
 giving the subscriptions, he notes that Archbishop Hamilton's ' is 
 counterfoote in the principall,' a fact which is not noted in the 
 Scotch College attested copy. Mary's advocates have alleged that 
 Murray was among those who signed. Hosack examines the point 
 at some length ; and — despite the facts that Murray was not then 
 in the country, and that there is nothing to inculpate him save the 
 memory of John Read — he holds that, although the evidence is not 
 conclusive, the balance is strong against him (Mary and her Accusers, 
 i. 301-304). Murray's name, however, is not in Calderwood's list ; 
 moreover, in the Instructions given by Mary's lords on the 12th 
 
 446 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 of September ] oGQ, he is not included among those who consented 
 to the marriage (Goodall's E.vammation, ii. 861) ; and ]\Iary's con- 
 fessor owned that he did not sign {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 
 662). These facts were unknown to Hosack. 
 
 «i Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 212 ; Tytler's Scotland, 1845, 
 V. 403. — This statement of Kirkcaldy's is regarded as merely hear- 
 say by Hosack, who declares, however, that : — ' If Kirkcaldy had 
 said that he himself had heard this notable speech of the Queen, 
 we should have believed him, for he appears to have been a man 
 incapable of wilful falsehood ' (Hosack's Mary and her Accusers, i. 
 305, 306). According to this estimate of Kirkcaldy's character it 
 may at least be held that he believed the Queen had said so. And it 
 must be remembered that he was a shrewd statesman as well as a brave 
 soldier. Nearly eighteen months before, Bedford had spoken of him 
 as being as able a man in war or peace as any in Scotland or France 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. .508, 509). Mr. Skelton does not 
 believe that Mary ever said she would follow Bothwell round the 
 world in a white petticoat, but, if she did, the occasion he thinks 
 deprives it of importance. She was then, he says, ' being igno- 
 miniously carried into Edinburgh' from Carberry, and her nature 
 ^ prevented her from deserting those who, to use a vulgar phrase, 
 were in the same boat with her.' Though she 'had never loved 
 Bothwell in his prosperous days,' she ^may have clung courageously 
 to him in his adversity' {Impeachment of Mary Stuart, 1876, pp. 192, 
 193). Alas for Mr. Skelton's ingenuity, Kirkcaldy's letter was 
 written eight weeks before Carberry, and when Bothwell was not 
 in adversity. 
 
 ®2 Four weeks after his baptism, the Prince — accompanied by the 
 Queen and the nobles — had been carried from Stirling to Edin- 
 burgh {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 105 ; Birrel's Diary, p. 6). 
 Buchanan alleges that it was on the pretence, that the Stir- 
 ling house ' stude in ane cauld and moyst place, dangerous for 
 bringing the chylde to ane reum,' that she thus took him ' \i\ the 
 deip of a schairp wynter ' to Holyrood, which was ' set in ane 
 law place and a verray marische' {Detection, in Anderson's Collec- 
 tions, ii. 17). After two months, he had been taken back to 
 Stirling to be placed, on the 20th of March, in the hands of the 
 Earl of Mar {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 107 ; Birrel's Diary, p. 7). 
 * On Monday [21st April] the Queen took her journey to Stirling 
 to see the Prince' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 213; Diurnal 
 
 447 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 of Occurrents. p. 109). Both before and after this visit, Kirkcaldy 
 of Grange affirmed that she intended to take her child out of Mar's 
 keeping, and place him into that of the man who had murdered his 
 father {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 212_, 215). It was even 
 reported to Drury that she and Bothwell had brought the Prince 
 back to Edinburgh and placed him in the Castle {Ibid. viii. 215) — 
 a report which he was soon able to contradict as untrue, Mar 
 having defeated their intention {Ibid. viii. 216). Nearly a month 
 afterwards^ Drury reported the much more incredible story that, 
 at this time, Mary had tried to poison her child — then ten months 
 old — with an apple, which was potent enough to cause the death of 
 a grey-hound bitch and her whelps {Ibid. viii. 235). Bothwell, 
 after his marriage with the Queen, says Sir James Melville, ' was 
 very ernest to get the Prince in his hands ; bot my L[ord] of Mar, 
 wha was a trew nobleman wald not delyver him out of his custody, 
 . . . preing me to help to saif the Prince out of ther handis wha 
 had slain his father, and had maid his vant alredy amang his 
 famyliers, that gif he culd get him anes in his handis, he suld 
 warrant him fra revenging of his father's death ' (Melville's Memoirs, 
 p. 179). Melville further states that Mar did not intend to deliver 
 the child into Mary's hands ' sa lang as he mvclit resist' {Ibid. 
 p. 181). 
 
 ®3 It was on the ninth anniversary of her marriage with the 
 Dauphin that Mary was seized by Bothwell. Keith sought to 
 identify, as the place of her capture, the bridge over ' Avon- 
 water, a short mile to the west of the town of Linlithgow ' {History, 
 ii. 570). Goodall {Examination, i. 867), Lingard {History, vi. 74), 
 Miss Strickland {Life of Mary, 1888, i. 442, 443), and Hill Burton 
 {Scotland, iv. 216) put it quite as near Edinburgh Castle — at 
 Fountain Bridge. Malcolm Laing contends that it was at Cramond 
 Bridge {History of Scotland, 1804, i. 79, 80). Robert Chambers, 
 after minutely investigating the point, decides that it was where 
 the Gogar burn joins the Almond river — an excellent place to 
 surprise an unsuspecting victim, but quite as suitable for keeping 
 up the show of an unwilling capture {Proceedings of the Society of 
 Antiquaries of Scotland, ii. 331-386; Domestic Annals of Scotland, 
 i. 42 and n.). De Silva said that it happened six miles from 
 Edinburgh {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 638) ; but Cuthbert 
 Ramsay, brother of Lord Dalhousie, testified that it was at Calder 
 Castle (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 494) 
 
 448 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 177. — Melville says, however, that ^the 
 Quen culd not hot mary him, seing he had ravissit hir and lyen 
 with hir against hir will ' ; and that Bothwell boasted he would 
 marry her '^ wha wald or wha wald not ; yea, whither sche wald 
 hirself or not.' Sir James was allowed to leave Dunbar the day 
 after the capture. His brother. Sir Robert, writing from Cairnie 
 in Fife, on the 7th of May, to Cecil, says : — ' Boduell did karye the 
 Quenes Majestie violentlie to Dunbare, quhare sche is judgit to be 
 detenit withoute her awyne lybertie. Dyvers noblemene — ye ! the 
 moist part of the hoill sudjectis of the realme — is verraye mis- 
 content therwith, and apperis will not beare with it. . . . And 
 because of the Erie Boduel's presumptiuis attemptats in detenyng 
 the Quenes Majestie against her will, in pressing her to mariage 
 (quhilk he has persuadit her to grant unto), inlykmaner the ernist 
 suting he makis to haif the Prynce in his custodie, with the 
 pryncipals strenthis within this land, makis all mene to judge him 
 pryncipall awtoure of this detestable murder. ... I haif lernit, 
 the said Lordis will in nowis think the Queues Majestie at lybertie 
 so long is sche beis in the said Erls cumpane, albeit he maye per- 
 suad Her Majestie to saye utherwise. The treughe is, quhane sche 
 wes first karyit to Dunbarre be him,' she ' commandit sum of her 
 cumpane to pas to Edinbroughe, and charge the towne to be in 
 armour for her reskew. Quhilk theye incontinent obeyit, and past 
 withoute there portis apone fut, bot culd not helpe ; quhilk schame 
 done be a sudject to our Soverane ofi'endis the haill realme.' Sir 
 Robert seems to have had his own doubts as to how the Queen 
 herself regarded her captivity, or the plans which were being laid 
 for her release, for he adds : — ^ Traisting ye will ry ve my letter ; 
 fore beyng in the cuntre is I am, dois not knaw quhither my 
 Soverane wald allow of it' {National MSS. of England, iii. 60). 
 Robert Melville is not the only one who refers to the attempt of 
 the Edinburgh citizens to rescue her {Diurnal, p. 110 ; Philippson's 
 Marie Stuart, iii. 492, 494). When the rumour that Mary had 
 been ravished by Bothwell against her will reached Aberdeen, her 
 loyal nobles and subjects there immediately sent (27th April) a 
 message, desiring to know her pleasure, and what they should do 
 ^towards the reparation of that matter' (Nau's Mary, p. clxxii). 
 Father Stevenson absurdly regards their offer of help as a proof that 
 they were willing to fight under her banners after she married Both- 
 well {Ihid. p. clvii). Among the score of documents which passed 
 2 F 449 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the Privy Seal while she was supposed to be a prisoner in Dunbar, 
 there is a respite to three men, for slaughter and all other crimes, 
 ' tressoun in our Soverane Ladyis persoun, fyir, revesing of wemen, 
 thift, and resset of thift allanerlie except ' {Register of Privy Seal, 
 xxxvi. 75). At Dunbar she also held, on the 29th of April, a 
 meeting of Privy Council, but the sederunt is not given {Register 
 of Privy Council, i. 507). 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 217. 
 
 ^^ See Birrel's Diary, p. 9; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 110; 
 Historie of James the Sext, p. 9 ; Laing's Knox, ii. 553 ; Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 504, 505 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 356 ; Spottis- 
 woode's History, ii. 51. — Both well's intention to seize her leaked 
 out before the purpose was accomplished {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 213, 214). Two days afterwards, Kirkcaldy of Grange wrote : 
 — ' She was minded to cause Bothwell ravish her, to the end that 
 she may the sooner end the marriage whilk she promised before 
 she caused Bothwell murder her husband' (Tytler's Scotland, v. 
 405 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 215). Tytler points out that 
 the word ' ravish ' is, in this letter, used ' in the sense of forcibly 
 to seize : rapio ' ; and in some other contemporary documents it is 
 used in the same sense, as for example in the ' band ' entered into 
 on the day after Carberry Hill, where it is said that ' he umbeset 
 hir Majesteis way, tuke and reveist hir maist nobill persoun, and 
 led the samyn with him to Dunbar Castell, thair detening hir 
 presonar and captive' {Register of Privy Council, i. 522). The 
 Book of Articles seems to distinguish between this ravishing or 
 seizing her by the way, and the actual ravishing which followed at 
 Dunbar (Hosack's Mary, i. 543). Tliis plan of seizing the Queen 
 was not new to Bothwell. He was charged with having fully five 
 years before suggested to Arran a very similar scheme : — ' We sail 
 provyde and keip in cumpany sa mony freindis, servandis, and 
 parttakaris, as salbe abill, quhenne hir Majestic is at the hunting 
 upone the feildis, or utherwayis passand hir time mirralie, to 
 execute this purpoise : that is to say, we sail cutt in pecis sa mony 
 of hir counsalouris, servandis, or utheris that will mak us resistance, 
 and sail tak hirself with us captive, and half hir to the Castell of 
 Dumbertane, and thair keip hir surelie, or uthirwyise demayne hir 
 persoun at your plesour, quhill scho aggre to quhatsumevir thing 
 ye sail desyre' (Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 463*). Buchanan 
 alleges that there were several reasons for the ravishing. The 
 
 450 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Queen could not enjoy her intercourse with Bothwell, so openly 
 as she wished, without losing her honour; but by this plan his 
 egregious criminality would wipe away her infamy ; and when he 
 obtained a formal pardon for this oiFence, its general terms would 
 also cover the murder of the King. Buchanan also asserts that the 
 last reason was the chief, and that for this ulterior object the plan 
 was believed to have been recommended by the Bishop of Ross 
 (Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 504). In her Instructions to the Bishop 
 of Dunblane, whom she sent to France to excuse her hasty marriage, 
 Mary refers to ' the plane attempting of force [by Both well] to haif 
 us in his puissance,' to his having ' awayted us be the way, accum- 
 paneit with a greit force, and led us with all diligence to Dunbar,' 
 and there ' albeit we fand his doingis rude, yit wer his answer and 
 wordis bot gentill,' and when ^ we saw na esperance to be red of 
 him, nevir man in Scotland anis makand ane mynt to procure oure 
 delivrance, ... we wer compellit to mitigat oure displeasour, and 
 began to think upoun that he propoundit.' Not content with the 
 promise he had ^partlie extorted,' he would not agree ^to have 
 the consummatioun of the mariage delay it ; . . . bot as be a 
 bravade in the begynning he had win the fyrst point, sa ceased he 
 nevir till be persuasionis and importune sute, accumpaneit nottheles 
 with force, he hes finalie drevin us to end the work begun at sic 
 tyme and in sic forme as he thocht mycht best serve his turne' 
 (LabanofF's Recueil, ii. 86, 38-41). Her mandate for prosecuting a 
 divorce from him in 1569 never hints that she was forced into the 
 marriage {National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 59); but in 1571 her 
 Instructions to Ridolfi do (Labanoff's Recueil, iii. 231, 232). 
 6^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 638. 
 
 68 Ibid. i. 635. 
 
 69 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 638.— Froude quotes this state- 
 ment almost verbatim {History of England, 1887, viii. 142). Hosack 
 perceiving its importance, and ignorant of the source whence it was 
 derived, boldly says : — ' Tliis is the speecli not of the Queen of 
 Scots, but of Mr. Froude, who has put it into her mouth for the 
 obvious purpose of leading his readers to conclude that she was an 
 accomplice in the designs of Bothwell ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 808). 
 
 70 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 639.— As ^the fullest, the most 
 satisfactory and explicit testimony of the forcible nature of the 
 royal victim's abduction,' Miss Strickland triumphantly cites an 
 Act of Parliament as stating that she was ' suspecting no e^'il,' and 
 
 451 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 was taken to Dunbar "^against her will' {Life of Mary, 1888, i. 442); 
 but unfortunately the quotation is taken not from the Act proper, 
 but from the summons of treason embodied in it {Acts of the Parlia- 
 ments of Scotland, iii. 6, 8) ; and the writer of that summons 
 apparently drew that part of it from Mary's post-nuptial Instructions 
 to the Bishop of Dunblane (Labanoff's Rcciieil, ii. 38). In several 
 of their documents preceding her abdication, the confederate Lords, 
 however, undoubtedly refer to her capture and captivity as if she 
 had not been a free agent. On the 11th of June they say : — ^The 
 Quenis Majesteis maist nobill persoun is and hes bene detenit iu 
 captivitie and thraldome be a lang space bigane' {Register of Privy 
 Council, i. 519). On the 12th of June they say : — ^ Bothuile put 
 violent handis in our Soverane Ladiis maist nobill persoun upoun 
 the xxiiii day of Apprile last bipast, and thaireftir wardit hir 
 Hienes in the Castell of Dunbar . . . and be a lang space thaireftir 
 convoy it hir Majestic invironned with men of weir , . . quhair he 
 had maist dominioun and power, hir Grace beand destitute of all 
 counsale and servandis ; into the quhilk tyme the said Erll seducit 
 be unlesum wayis oure said Soverane to ane unhonest mariage with 
 himself {Ibid. i. 520). ITie treasonable ravishing is mentioned by 
 them on the 26 th of June {Ibid. i. 524) ; and again on the 9th and 
 21st of July, along with the bondage, thraldom, and constrained 
 marriage {Ibid. i. 527, 530). On the latter date they say : — ' Our 
 Soveraigne wes led captive ; and by feare, force, and, as by mony 
 conjectures may be weill suspected, other extraordinary and mair 
 unlauchfull meanys, compelled to become bed-fallow to another 
 wyves husband ' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 233). 
 
 71 The process at the instance of Lady Bothwell was begun on 
 the 29th of April ; and on the Srd of May the Commissaries 
 declared ' the said noble lord to be separate, cut off and divorced 
 simpliciter from the said noble lady, and she to be free to marry in 
 the Lord where she pleases, as freely as she might have done 
 before the contract and solemnisation of marriage with the said 
 noble lord.' A summary of this process is printed by Father 
 Stevenson in Nau's History of Mary Stewart, pp. clxiii-clxvi. 
 Though the libel was dated 26th April, the procuratory for Lady 
 Bothwell was dated 20th March. The approaching divorce was 
 referred to by Drury on the 29th of Pvlarch {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 198). 
 
 72 The commission to the Papal clergy was dated 27th April 
 
 452 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 (Robertson's History of Scotland, app. no. xx.) ; but it has been 
 questioned wliether it was issued by Mary herself or by Archbishop 
 Hamilton {supra, p. 429^ n. 109). 
 
 ^^ Supra, p. 452, n. 71. 
 
 ^* Robertson's History of Scotland, app. no. xx. 
 
 ^^ Stuart's Lost Chapter, 1874, 21-23, 32; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 199, 221, 224 ; Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 685 ; 
 Venetian Calendar, vii. 395. — Lady Bothwell's acquiescence was 
 hastened, says Lesley, by her husband giving her the option of 
 quaffing a cup of poisoned wine or setting her hand to the neces- 
 sary document (Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 122). Before the 
 end of March it had been reported in France by the English 
 Ambassador, that, soon after Darnley's murder, ^the wife of one 
 of the principal personages of the kingdom died by poison,' and 
 that ' a marriage between this personage and the Queen would 
 follow' (Venetian Calendar, vii. 390). 
 
 '^ The dispensation had been granted by Hamilton as Legate, on 
 the I7th of February 15G5-6. This long-lost document is given 
 in facsimile in Dr. John Stuart's Lost Chapter in the History of 
 Mary Queen of Scots Recovered ; in the first vol. of The Lennox ; 
 and in the third vol. of The Sutherland Book. The dispensation has 
 been characterised as ^ a ridiculous forgery,' because it is dated in 
 the pontificate of Pius the Fourth, who had died on the 9th of the 
 preceding December (Walker's J/ar^ Queen of Scots, 1889, p. 86); 
 and this objection to its authenticity appears to carry considerable 
 weight with Father Hunter Blair (Blair's Bellesheim, iii. 128 n.) ; but 
 such an error by a Papal notary was by no means unprecedented 
 (Renwick's Glasgow Protocols, 1547-1555, p. xiii). The Hon, Colin 
 Lindsay has, to his own satisfaction, demonstrated its spuriousness. 
 ' Murray,' he says, ' was evidently ignorant of this dispensation. 
 It would have been a trump card in his hands . . . especially when 
 he accused' Mary ^of immorality before the Commissioners at 
 York and Westminster' {Mary Queen of Scots and her Marriage with 
 Bothwell, 1883, p. 28). This is Mr. Lindsay's most striking 
 argument ; but it only proves that he has not taken the trouble to 
 read the Book of Articles which was laid before these Commissioners. 
 There it is plainly stated that the divorce for consanguinity ' pro- 
 cedit onelie becaus the dispensatioun wes abstracted' (Hosack's 
 Mary, i. 544). Nor does Mr. Lindsay display an intimate know- 
 ledge of his subject when he says, 'I believe I am correct that 
 
 453 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 no contemporary writer alluded to this dispensation* {Mary 
 and her Marriage with Bothwell, p. 28). He would hardly have 
 ventured to make such a statement had he ever looked through 
 such a well-known tract as the Detectio. Mr. Lindsay labours also 
 to prove that the dispensation, even though genuine, was rendered 
 inoperative because the Protestant rite was observed at the 
 marriage of Bothwell and Lady Jean Gordon (Ibid. pp. 8-16). 
 Unluckily for this contention, when two years later the captive 
 Mary was thinking of a fourth husband^ she granted a commission 
 for prosecuting a divorce from Bothwell ; and in that commission 
 she relates that she has asked counsel '^of the gretast clarkis_, 
 best learned and expert doctouris in divine and humane lawis, as 
 we could haif in dyvers cuntreys,' by whom she is informed that 
 her ' pretendit maryage ' with Bothwell was in ' na wayis lauchfull,' 
 because, among other reasons, 'he wes befoir contractit to ane 
 uther wyf, and he nocht lauchtfullie divorcet fra hir' (National 
 MSS. of Scotland, iii. 59). 
 
 '''' Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 110, 111 ; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 223-226. — Cecil's Diary gives the 3rd of May as the day 
 on which Mary was convoyed by Bothwell and his friends to Edin- 
 burgh Castle ; and it adds that they ' for fear of accusation kast 
 thair speres from thame be the way ' (Anderson's Collections, ii. 276). 
 
 '^ Booke of the Unimrsall Kirk, i. 115, 116. — Craig not only 
 washed his hands of this iniquitous marriage in presence of the 
 church, but, on the 9th of May, faithfully admonished Bothwell in 
 presence of the Privy Council. ' 1 laid to his charge,' he says, 'the 
 law of adulterie, the ordinance of the Kirk, the law of ravisching, 
 the suspicion of collusioun betwixt him and his wyfe, the sudden 
 divorcement, and proclaiming within the space of foure dayes, and 
 last, the suspitioun of the King's death, quhilk her mariage wald 
 confirme. Bot he ansuerit nothing to my satisfactioun.' For his 
 free speech on Sabbath, Craig was called before the Privy Council 
 on the 13th of May, and accused of having passed the bounds of 
 his commission in calling the marriage ' odious and slanderous 
 befor the world.' He answered :— ' The bounds of my commission, 
 quhilk was the Word of God, guide lawes and naturall reason, was 
 able to prove quhatsoever I spake ; yea that their awn conscience 
 could not but beare Mitnes that sick a mariage wald be odious and 
 scandalous to all that sould heir of it, if all the circumstances 
 therof were rightlie considderit ; bot quhill,' he adds, ' I was 
 
 454 
 
xii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 coming to my probatioun^ my lord put me to silence and send 
 me away' {Ibid.). It is not surprising that Both well threatened 
 to hang Craig {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 230). 
 
 ^^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. Ill ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 231 ; Tytler's Scotland, 1845, v. 413. 
 
 ^^ The marriage-contract, dated the 14th of May 1567, is in 
 GoodidlY^ Examination, ii. 57-61 ; and Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 23-30. — 
 Among the witnesses are Huntly, Lindsay, Rothes, Herries, Arch- 
 bishop Hamilton, Bishop Lesley, and Lethington. 
 
 ^^ Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. Ill, 112. — ^Themariage was maid 
 in the palice of Halyrudhouse, at a preaching be Adam Bodowell, 
 Bischop of Orkeney, in the Gret Hall for the Consaill uses to sit, 
 according to the ordour of the Refourmed religion ; and not in the 
 chapell at the mess, as was the Kingis mariage ' (Melville's Memoirs, 
 pp. 178, 179). Drury reports that they were married at four in 
 the morning, in the chamber of presence, before few witnesses, and 
 not with the mass {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 232). One 
 of Bishop Lesley's servants bears witness that they were married 
 in a hall of the palace (Philippson's Marie Stuart, iii. 493). All 
 these are contradicted by Birrel, who alleges that the marriage 
 was ^ in the Chapel Royall of Holyrudhous ' {Diary, p. 9). To 
 Catherine de Medici, Du Croc reported that they were married 
 according to the Protestant rite {Fapiers D'Etat, ii. 154). Perhaps, 
 as Keith supposed, Mary meant to apologise for marrying a Pro- 
 testant, and for marrying him after the Protestant form, when she 
 instructed the Bishop of Dunblane to explain at the French Court 
 that she did not intend to leave the religion in which she had been 
 nourished, ^ for him or ony man upoun earth ' (Keith's History, ii. 
 599). When the Bishop got to Paris, he assured Don Frances de 
 Alava that the marriage was celebrated in the Great Hall, and ac- 
 cording to the Calvinistic manner by a most heretical bishop {Fapiers 
 D'Etat, iii. 31); and wound up his long speech to Charles ix. and his 
 mother by remarking 'that even this marriage, celebrated according 
 to the Huguenot rite, was brought about rather by destiny and 
 necessity than by her free choice.' ' This excuse,' says the Venetian 
 Ambassador, ' was listened to by their Majesties, who are well in- 
 formed of the circumstances, but was not accepted by them, upon the 
 ground that it was wrong to attribute any results to force which were 
 openly brought about by free will and premeditated determination ' 
 {Venetian Calendar, vii. 896, 897). For Calder wood's account of the 
 
 455 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Bishop's reception^ see his History, ii. 366^, 367. An early Mario- 
 later describes the Bishop of Orkney as ' a camelion, a sorcerar 
 and execrable magitian, a perfect athiest ' (Blackwood's Mary, Mait. 
 Club, p. 49). In the General Assembly he was charged with hav- 
 ing ' solemnized the marriage of the Queen and the Earl of Both- 
 uell^ which was altogither wicked, and contrair to God's law and 
 statutes of the Kirk' (Booke of the Universall Kirk, i. 112); and 
 for having thus ' transgrest the Act of the Kirk in marrying the 
 divorcit adulterer/ he was suspended '^fra all function of the 
 ministrie/ until he promised to publicly confess his oifence {Ihid. 
 i. 114, 181). 
 
 *2 Venetian Calendar, vii. 395 ; Spanish Calendar, Elisabeth, i. 
 646 ; Papers D'Etat, iii 31. 
 
 ^^ Register of Privy Council, i. 522 ; Cecil's Diary, in Anderson's 
 Collections, ii. 276 ; Book of Articles, in Hosack's Mary, i. 545 ; 
 Calderwood's History, ii. 358. 
 
 ^ Stuart's Lost Chapter, pp. 95, 100 ; Robertson's Inventories, pp. 
 xciii, xciv ; Pitscottie's History, 1728, p. 217 ; Diurnal of Occur rents, 
 p. 88. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 1 Sir James Melville affirms that Lord Herries entreated Mari- 
 on his knees not to marry Bothwell, that he himself gave her 
 Thomas Bishop's letter to the same effect, and also intimated his 
 own opinion (Melville's Memoirs, Maitland Club, pp. 175-177). 
 Grange states that Du Croc also urged her to desist from Bothwell, 
 and warned her that if she married him she should neither have the 
 friendship nor favour of France {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 
 225). 
 
 2 Skelton's Maitland of Lethington, ii. 205. — In his earlier work, 
 Mr. Skelton has not only owned that ' it is in vain to contend . . . 
 that Mary was utterly ignorant of the dangers which threatened 
 Darnley ' ; but has admitted that ' knowing in a general way that 
 the nobility of Scotland were leagued against him, she gave him no 
 warning, and did not lift her hand to save him' {Impeachment of 
 Mary Stuart, 1876, pp. 171, 172) ; and has avowed that ' when the 
 deed was done, it is not surprising that she should have acquiesced 
 
 456 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 in the action of the nobility' (Ibid. p. 195). These admissions are 
 all the more significant that they are freely made by one Avho^ 
 among Mary's modern apologists, is unsurpassed in adapting facts 
 and manipulating documents. Morette, who according to Hosack 
 (Mary and he?' Accusers, i. 270) was ' an intelligent and impartial 
 observer/ was in Scotland at the time of the Darnley murder, and 
 had apparently little doubt that Mary was an accessory (Spanish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 621). De Silva_, who was shrewd, well 
 informed in Scotch affairs, and, as became the Ambassador of Spain, 
 suspicious of information derived from heretics, seems to have had 
 less doubt than Morette. 
 
 '^ Mary's chief champion argued that, even though she had been 
 guilty, her subjects had no right to lay hands upon her. ' King 
 David,' he said, ' was both an adulterer and also a murtherer. I 
 finde that God was highly displeased with him therfore ; yet find I 
 not that he was therefore by his subjects deposed ' (Lesley's Defence 
 of Marys Honour, 1571, in Anderson's Collections, i. 56). But the 
 Bishop of Galloway, in his famous sermon in her behalf, compared 
 the Queen of Scots to the Psalmist King of Israel in no hypothetical 
 way. ^All synneris,' he said, ^ aught to be prayed for. Gif we 
 shuld not pray for sinneris, for whome suld we pray .'' seing that 
 God come not to call the rychteous, but synneris to repentance. 
 Sant Dauid was a synner, and so was shoe : Sant Dauid was an 
 adulterer, and so is shoe : Sant Dauid committed murther in slay- 
 ing Vrias for his wyfe, and so did shoe. But what is this to the 
 mater } The more wicked that shoe be, hir subjectis sould pray for 
 hir, to bring hir to the spreit of repentance . . . Na inferiour sub- 
 ject hes power to depryve or depose their lawchfull magistrat, hie 
 or sho whatsumever, albeit thai committ whordome, murther, incest, 
 or ony uther cryme' (Richard Bannatyne's Memorials, Ban. Club, 
 pp. 139, 140). Brunton and Haig allege that this sermon ^ bears 
 evident marks of forgery' (Senators of the College of Justice, 1832, p. 
 131). Mr. Skelton suggests that it was ' a jeu d' esprit, a satirical 
 effusion directed against the Bishop as much as against Mary ' ; and 
 thinks that this view is supported by another passage in which the 
 preacher confessed his own offences (Maitland of Lethington, i. p. 
 xxxi. 11.). The other passage runs thus : — ^I confes myself, yea, 
 this foule carkage of myne to be most vyle carioun, and altogether 
 gevin to the lustis of the flesche ! Ye, and I am not eschamet to 
 say the grittest trumper in all Europe, until sic tyme as it pleasit 
 
 457 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 God to call upoun me, and make me ane of his chosseu vashelis, in 
 whome he lies powret the Spreit of his Evangle.' It is by no 
 means incredible that a sixteenth century preacher should have 
 made such a confession in the pulpit of St. Giles. On the 9th of 
 February 1896, one of the most cultured and popular preachers 
 of the present day thus addressed an appreciative Edinburgh 
 audience : — ^ He who watches the workings of self in his own 
 mind and heart, he will not be forward to throw a stone at David ; 
 he will not be surprised at anything he reads about David or any 
 other man. He will not wonder either at David's fall or at his 
 subsequent self-deceit. I can fully, and down to the bottom, study 
 the curse and shame and pain of self in no other heart but in my 
 own ; not even in David's heart ... If my heart is worse than I know 
 it to be, then God Almighty, with all the blood of His Son, and with 
 all the patience and power of His Spirit, help me ! Me, and all 
 men like me ; if there is another man like me in this matter on 
 earth or in hell ' {British Weekly of 13th February 1896). Terrible 
 as are the charges brought against Mary in the Book of Articles and 
 in the Detection, they are exceeded by those of Lesley, who, when 
 in danger, lost heart, and avowed his belief that she had poisoned 
 her first husband, the King of France ; that she consented to the 
 murder of Darnley ; that she matched with the murderer, and 
 brought him to the field to be murdered ; and pretended marriage 
 with Norfolk, with whom she would not long have kept faith 
 (Murdin's State Papers, l7o9, p. 57 ; Hatfield Calendar, i. 564). 
 Mary's willingness to pension Bothwellhaugh shows that she did 
 not disapprove of assassination (LabanofF's Recueil, iii. 354 ; Turn- 
 bull's Mary's Letteis, p. 216) ; although to Murray's widow she pro- 
 fessed to be sorry for the Regent's death {Hist. MSS. Commissions 
 Sixth Report, p. 638). 
 
 * Blackwood's Mary, Mait. Club, p. 35 ; Jebb's De Vita et Rebus 
 Gestis Mariae, ii. 218. 
 
 ^ LabanofF's Recueil, ii. 42, 49. 
 
 ^ *^The only reason assigned by Both well for a divorce,' says 
 Bishop Lesley, ' openly proclaimed his baseness and utter disre- 
 gard of all decency, for it was the confession of his own adultery, 
 committed with a woman of low rank, whom he produced in 
 presence of the Calvinist ministers. He was in consequence pro- 
 claimed by them free from the bond of matrimony, and announce- 
 ment was made from the pulpit, in particular by John Craig, a 
 
 458 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 preacher of Edinburgh^ that Bothwell was now at liberty to marry 
 any woman he pleased' (Forhes-Leith^s Narratives of Scottish Catholics, 
 p. 122). There are nearly as many lies as lines in this short 
 quotation. Bothwell did not assign his own adultery as a reason 
 for divorce ; he did not confess that adultery in the process for 
 divorce ; he did not produce the woman in presence of the Calvinist 
 ministers^ nor in presence of the Commissaries ; he was not 
 proclaimed free from the bond of matrimony by the Calvinist 
 ministers ; he was not declared^ either by the Calvinist ministers 
 or the Commissaries^ to be at liberty to marry whom he pleased ; 
 and John Craig was so far from announcing any such liberty that 
 he incurred Bothwell's violent displeasure for publicly proclaiming 
 the contrary (supra, p. 454^ n. 78). If Lesley had merely been 
 Bishop of RosSj it might have been charitably supposed that 
 he was ignorant of the constitution of the Commissary Court ; but 
 he was also a member of Privy Council and a Lord of Session. 
 Well did he know that the trial for adultery was not before 
 Calvinist ministers ; that in that trial Lady Bothwell^ and not her 
 husband, was the professed pursuer ; and that the trial in which 
 Bothwell was the avowed suitor was before a Papal Court. To 
 vindicate his co-religionists and to clear himself, Lesley was un- 
 scrupulous enough to add falsehood to falsehood. Concerning 
 Mary's marriage with Bothwell he says : — ' All the ecclesiastics 
 and the greater part of the secular nobility, who made open pro- 
 fession of Catholicism, publicly opposed such nuptials. Above all, 
 the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Bishops of Ross and Dun- 
 blane, the Earl of Montgomery, and the Lord Seton, all of whom 
 had ever been foremost supporters of the Queen, used on this 
 occasion their utmost eflforts to oppose a proceeding which was 
 illicit, and likely to bring great harm and shame upon her ' (Forbes- 
 Leith's Narratives, p. 123). How, it may be asked, did Archbishop 
 Hamilton oppose the impolitic and sinful marriage ? If, at Mary's 
 expense, he is to be exculpated from the guilt of appointing his 
 Papal delegates to try the validity of Bothwell's marriage with Lady 
 Jean Gordon (supra, p. 429), that does not excuse his silence as to 
 the dispensation. Or did he act as a witness to the marriage- 
 contract between Mary and Bothwell to show his detestation of 
 their nuptials ? Was Bishop Lesley himself less guilty than the 
 head of the Scottish hierarchy.^ How did he use his 'utmost 
 efforts to oppose a proceeding which was illicit, and likely to 
 
 459 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap 
 
 bring gi-eat harm and shame upon her ' ? He signed the bond 
 recommending Bothwell to her as a husband^ before the capture 
 and before the divorce (Keith's History, ii. 569 ; Calderv/ood's 
 History, ii. 854) ; recommending as a husband — to the Queen he 
 professed to esteem so highly — a married man^ a profligate^, a 
 murderer ! Lesley as well as Hamilton was a witness to the 
 marriage-contract {supra, p, 455^ n. 80) ; and according to at 
 least one contemporary_, he and the Archbishop^ and the Bishop 
 of Dunblane^ were present at the infamous marriage itself {Diurnal 
 of Occurrents, p. 111). Had these three Popish Prelates been half 
 as faithful as John Craig_, Mary might have been saved from the 
 disgrace of the Both well marriage. 
 
 ■^ Forbes- Leith's Narratives, p. 123. — When the Confederate 
 Lords spoke of the Queen having been ' seducit be unlesum wayis ' 
 and by ^ unlauchfull meanys ' to marry Both well {supra, p. 452^ n. 
 70) they intended probably to include witchcraft. It was said 
 that she was bewitched before she married Darnley {supra, 
 p. 342^ n. 97), and on one of the placards posted on the Tolbooth 
 door, a few days after the tragedy of Kirk-of-Field^ it was alleged 
 that she had assented to the murder 'throw the perswasioun of 
 the Erie Bothwell, and the witchecraft of the Lady Buckcleugh ' 
 (Anderson's Collections, ii. 156). Drury makes a covert allusion to 
 the means by which Lady Buccleuch bred Bothwell's greatness 
 with the Queen {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 229). 
 
 ^ Nau's History of Mary Stewart, p. 124. 
 
 ^ For the statements of the Confederate Lords on this point, see 
 supra, p. 452, n. 70 ; and for Sir Robert Melville's, p. 449. Mal- 
 colm Laing holds that ' the gloss put upon her marriage by a part of 
 the lords was necessary from their situation then ; especially before 
 the rest had determined whether to conceal or to expose her 
 guilt and deprive her of the crown' {Scotland, 1804, ii. 120). The 
 language was used to within a few days of her abdication. 
 
 i« Supra, p. 158. 
 
 1^ Anderson's Collections, i. 88. 
 
 ^2 Lindsay's Mary and her Marriage with Both well, 1883, p. 47. 
 
 13 Supra, pp. 105, 348. 
 
 1* Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 662. Her confessor said she 
 had no knowledge of the murder {Ibid. i. 665). 
 
 1° 'No entreaties,' says Joseph Robertson, 'could overcome 
 Bothwell's tender regard for the Protestant religion ; the conscience 
 
 460 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 whicli smiled at murder and adultery was appalled by the forms of 
 a heterodox belief {hiventories of Mary s Jewels, p. xciv). It is true 
 that, from November 1565 to the summer of 1567^, Bothwell showed 
 an unconquerable aversion to the mass (Laing's Knox, ii. 514, 
 520 ; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 220 ; Stevenson's Selections, pp. 153, 
 157 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 104) ; but it does not appear that in 
 this scrupulosity he was credited with sincerity of principle or 
 Protestant zeal. Randolph, in naming those who had refused to 
 go to mass, says : — ' Of them all Bothwell is stowtest but worst 
 thought of ' (Stevenson's /S'e/ec^iow*, p. 153). Bedford, in telling that 
 Mary's entreaties in this matter were ineffectual with Bothwell 
 and Huntly, adds: — ^that th'one so did, I mervell not a litell' 
 {Ihid. p. 157). Only six days before he had said that Bothwell 
 neither feared God nor loved justice {Ibid. p. 155). In the summer 
 of 1561 Bothwell had been regarded as an uncompromising Papist 
 {Venetian Calendar, vii. 833) ; and down at least to April 1564 as 
 an adversary of the Protestants {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 
 122 ; Laing's Knooe, vi. 540). Calderwood alleges that, at his 
 marriage with Mary, the Bishop of Orkney not only declared the 
 bridegroom's ' repentance for his former offensive life ' ; but ' how 
 he had joyned himself to the Kirk, and embraced the Reformed 
 religioun ' (Calder wood's History, ii. 358). 
 
 1^ Venetian Calendar, vii. 393. — As in the same despatch Murray 
 is said to be ' about thirty years of age,' although he must have 
 been quite six-and-thirty, implicit trust cannot be given to the 
 statement that Bothwell was only five-and-twenty when he married 
 the Queen. Mary herself speaks of him as in ' his verie youth ' 
 at his father's death (Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 33) ; and it is certain 
 that his father died in the autumn of 1556 (Hailes's Remarks on 
 the History of Scotland, 1773, pp. 173-175). In November 1560, 
 Throckmorton describes him as '^a gloi'ious, rash, and hazardous 
 young man' (Hardwick's State Papers, i. 149); and, fully three 
 years later. Sir Henry Percy still speaks of him as being young 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vii. 83). If he had attained thirty, 
 it is not at all likely that he was far beyond it, when he won 
 Mary's hand in 1567 ; and she was then in her twenty-fifth year. 
 WiUiam Tytler held that at that time he could not have been 
 less than sixty {Inquiry into the Evidence against Mary, third ed., 
 p. 280) ; bu when he issued the next edition of his work lie re- 
 duced the estimate to forty-four {Inquiry, 1790, ii. 155) ; Chalmers 
 
 461 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 reduced it still further to thirty-six {Life of Mary, 1818. ii. 206) ; 
 and Schiern, to thirty or thirty-one {Life of Bothwell, translated by 
 Berry, p. 8). But Mr. Skelton still asserts that he was old enough 
 to be her father {Maitland of Lethington, ii. 187). It has been 
 supposed that Bothwell's father divorced his wife, Agnes Sinclair, 
 that he might marry Mary of Guise {Bannatyne Miscellany, iii. 
 279), who, he alleged, 'promest faithfullie, be hir hand writ, at 
 twa sindre tymis ' to marry him {Ibid. iii. 414). He had also been 
 willing to marry more than one presumptive heiress to the English 
 throne {supra, p. 192, n. 77). Bloody Mackenzie remarks : — ^It 
 was hereditary to the House of Hales to be kinde to the widow 
 Queens, as Patrick to Queen Jean, widow to King James 1st ; his 
 son to Queen Mary of Gelderland ; Patrick Earl of Bothwell to 
 Queen Mary of Lorain, widow to King James 5th ; his sone to 
 Queen Mary' {Bannatyne Miscellany, iii. 279 n.). 
 
 17 Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 117- — The question of Bothwell's 
 beauty has been discussed by Lord Hailes {Remarks on the History 
 of Scotland, 1778, pp. 167-172), and by Joseph Robertson {Lnven- 
 tories, pp. xxvi, xxvii, xcv, xcvi). His language was so filthy 
 that ^Melville left his company (Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club. p. 
 179) ; but the conversation which so disgusted Melville was not 
 addressed to ' the gentlewomen,' as the early editions of Sir James's 
 Memoirs (1688, p. 80; 1735, p. 160; 1751, p. 157) erroneously 
 bear, and as Froude has repeated {History of England, 1887, viii. 
 153). His vicious life is not infrequently alluded to in the con- 
 temporary correspondence {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, vi. 883 ; 
 vii. 327 ; viii. 229, 285). 
 
 18 Forbes-Leith's Narratives, p. 123. — Lesley says that this recep- 
 tion of the Eucharist was ' on the Feast of Pentecost,' which was on 
 the 18th of May. But even on this matter it may be doubted 
 whether he was speaking the truth. Don Frances de Alava was 
 assured by Archbishop Beaton that, on the day after her marriage 
 with Bothwell, Mary publicly attended mass with a thousand per- 
 sons ; but, on the other hand, he was assured by the Bishop of Dun- 
 blane, who had arrived in Paris on the 12th of June, that, so far as he 
 knew, she had had no mass said since her marriage (Teulet's Papiers 
 D'Etat, iii. 31, 32). About the same time, one of Mary's French 
 servants told De Silva that she ^ maintained the Catholic service in 
 her chapel, to which many went as formerly' {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 646). 
 
 462 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, viii. 237j, 240, 
 
 2^ 'The Duke openly uses great reverence to the Queen, or- 
 dinarily bare-headed, which she seems she would have otherwise, 
 and will sometimes take his cap and put it on ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 237). 
 
 2^ ' He was sa beastly and suspitious, that he suiFerit hir not to 
 pass ouer a day in patience/ and 'making hir cause to sclied 
 aboundance of salt teares ' (Melville's Memoirs, p. 182). ' Lething- 
 ton also told me/ writes Du Croc, ' that from the day of the marriage 
 there had been no end of Mary's tears and lamentations ; for 
 Bothwell would not allow her to look at or be looked on by any- 
 body, for he knew very well that she loved her pleasure and passed 
 her time like any other devoted to the world ' (Raumer's Elizabeth 
 and Mary, p. 102 ; Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 170). Before the 
 marriage there had been a great unkindness between her and Both- 
 well for half a day. He had the reputation of being the most jealous 
 man alive ; and it was believed that they would not long agree 
 after they were married {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 229). 
 
 2- Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 648 ; Papiers D'Etat, ii. 170 ; 
 Raumer's Elizabeth and Mary, p. 102 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 229, 292 ; Stevenson's Selections, p. 234. 
 
 23 Papiers D'Etat, ii. 155 ; Raumer's Elizabeth and Mary, p. 99. 
 
 -^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 648. 
 
 ^ An offer of help had been sent to Mary from Aberdeen, on 
 the 27th of April {supra, p. 449). On the 2nd of May Drury 
 relates that divers of the nobles had convened at Stirling, and sent 
 to the Queen to know her pleasure and mind {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 221). In the draft bond, dated at Stirling on the 
 1st of May, they bind themselves to strive, to the utmost of their 
 power, and by all possible means, to set their Queen at liberty ; 
 and to defend her, the Prince, and his keepers {Register of Privy 
 Council, xiv. 315). In the bond of 16th June it is stated that '^the 
 fame ' of Darnley's murder ' wes in sic sort blawin abrede and dis- 
 persit in all realmis, and amangis all Cristiane nationis, that this 
 cuntre wes abhorrit and vilipendit, the nobilitie and haill people na 
 uther wayis estemit hot as thai had bene all participant of sa un- 
 worthie and horribill a murthour, that nane of ony of the Scottis 
 natioun, thoch he wer nevir sa innocent, wes abill for schame, in 
 ony foreyn cuntre, to schaw his face' {Ibid. i. 521 ; Cf. Booke of the 
 Kirk, i. 108). Sir James Melville alleges that it was this foreign 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 feeling which drove the Scots to revenge the murder {Memoirs^ 
 p. 181). 
 
 2^ Birrel says this was on the 11th of June (Diary, p. 9) ; but the 
 Diurnal (p. 112) says the 10th ; and Drury says Tuesday (Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 248) which was the 10th. Her proclama- 
 tion is dated at Borthwick on the 11th (British Museum, Add. MSS., 
 28, 241). 
 
 27 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 246. — '^The Lords finding he 
 was escaped, cried out of him, bidding him come out, traitor, mur- 
 derer, and butcher, and maintain his challenge, with divers undutiful 
 and unseemly speeches used against their Queen and Sovereign, too evil 
 and unseemly to be told, which poor Princess she did with her speech 
 defend, wanting other means for her revenge' (Ibid. viii. 248, 249). 
 The passage in italics has been erased in the despatch. Birrel says : 
 ' They desyred the Earll Bothuell might be delivered to them ; but 
 the Lord Borthuick ansuered, that he wes fled to Dumbar. Ther- 
 after, they desyred the Queine to come and assist them in perseute 
 of her husband's murther, and she altogether refusit ' (Diary, p. 9). 
 ^It apperit weill,' the Lords afterwards said, ^quhen at the first 
 enterprise we came about Borthuik, we ment nathing to the Queues 
 person ; in sa far as, hearing that he was escaped out of the hous, 
 we insisted na farther to persew the same, it being maist easie to 
 have bene taken, but cam bak to Edinburgh, there to consult how 
 farther we suld proceid for his apprehension ' (Stevenson's Selections, 
 p. 235). 
 
 ^^ Diurnal of Occurrents , p. 113 ; Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 1804, 
 ii. 107, 108 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 249, 250. 
 
 2'-' Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 112, 113; Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 
 ii. 108 ; Register of Privy Council, i. 519. 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 254, 256 ; Teulet's Papiers 
 D'Etat, ii. 162-166; Malcolm Laing's ^co^/aw^f, ii. 110-113; Diurnal 
 of Occurrents, pp. 114, 115 ; Historie of James the Sext, pp. 12, 13 ; 
 Melville's Memoirs, pp. 183-185 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 519-522 ; 
 Nau's History, pp. 44-49. — In her appeal to foreign princes, Mary 
 alleges that the Lords promised that, if she put herself into their 
 hands, they would disperse their men, and serve, recognise, and 
 honour her as their natural Princess (Teulet's Papiers D'J^tat, ii. 
 244). But Melville says that the promise was on condition that 
 she would abandon Bothwell (Memoirs, p. 183). And when Lething- 
 ton was afterwards taking her part openly, he said : — ^ That same 
 
 464 
 
xin] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 uycht the Queine was brocht to Edinburgh^ I made the offer to hir^ 
 gif shoe wold abandon my Lord Bothuel, sho shuid have as thank- 
 full obedience as ever sho had sen sho come in Scotland. Bot noe- 
 wayis wald schoe consent to leive my Lord Bothuell ; and sua shoe 
 was put into Lochlevin ' (Richard Bannatyne's Memoriales, p. 126). 
 
 ^^ Melville's Memoirs, p. 185. — Melville states that some sus- 
 pected this letter to be invented. 
 
 ^2 Foreign Calendar^ Elizabeth, viii. 254; Birrel's Diary, p. 10. — 
 De Silva^ no doubt^ mistook the name of the place, when he said 
 that this banner had been displayed on Edinburgh Castle (Spanish 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 648). 
 
 ^^ Historie of James the Sext, p. 13; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 254 ; Aikman's Buchanan, ii. 523. 
 
 ^^ Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 1804, ii. 114. — '^The people of the 
 toun convenit unto hir in great nomber, and persaving hir so 
 afflicted in mynd, had pitie and compassioun of hir estait. The 
 Lords persaving that, came unto hir with dissimulat countenance, 
 with reverence and faire speachis, and said that ther intentioun 
 was nawayis to thrall hir ; and therfore immediatlie wald repone 
 hir with freedome to hir awin Palace of Halyruidhous, to do as she 
 list ; wherby she was so pacifeit as the people willinglie depairtit ' 
 {Historic of James the Sext, p. 13). 
 
 2^ ^Though her body be restrained, yet her heart is not dis- 
 mayed ; she has given to divers very bitter words ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 254). 
 
 2^ Sir James Balfour had been made Captain of Edinburgh Ca^-tle 
 on the 8th of May {Diurnal of Occurrents , p. 111). He declared that 
 Mary had told him that she was determined to have Darnley 
 killed, and had requested him to take charge of the business, and 
 had, on his refusal, upbraided him as a coward {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 673). In Knox's opinion Balfour was not distinguished 
 for truthfulness (Laing's Knox, i. 202) ; in Richard Bannatyne's, 
 ' he could wagge as the busse wagged ' {Memoriales, p. 302). For 
 an opinion quite as candid see infra, p. 488. 
 
 2^ Malcolm Laing's Scotland, ii. 113, 114. — Claude Nau gives an 
 account of her treatment during the short time she was allowed to 
 remain in Holyrood, and of her journey by night to Loch Leven. 
 'The hardest heart among the most cruel barbarians,' he says, 
 'would have been moved to pity at the departure of this poor 
 princess,' who 'was permitted to take no other clothes than her 
 
 2G 465 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 night-dresSj nor any linen.' *^At the edge of the lake she was met 
 by the laird and his brothers^ who conducted her into a room on 
 the ground floor, furnished only with the laird's furniture ' (Nau's 
 History of Mary, pp. 54-56). Nau assigns as the reason for the 
 midnight journey, the fear ^that if her departure should he in the 
 sight of the people, some insurrection would follow.' Drury alleges 
 that it was to avoid the reproachful words of the people, ' burn her, 
 burn her, she is not worthy to live, kill her, drown her ' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 256). Nau says that, '' partly from dis- 
 tress of mind, partly from the fear of being poisoned,' she ate 
 nothing. Tlie relentless Drury explains that she made a vow that 
 she would eat no flesh till she saw Bothwell again, and that she 
 kept her vow until she reached Loch Leven. The ignominy of her 
 journey, as pictured by Nau, is quite eclipsed by the account given 
 in the anonymous Life quoted by Father Stevenson (Nau's Mary, 
 p. clx, n.); but that account has been drawn apparently from Adam 
 Blackwood (Jebb's De Vita et Rebus Gestis Mariae, ii. 219, 220 ; 
 Blackwood's History of Mary, Maitland Club, p. 40). Lesley says : — 
 ' In the night privily she was conveyed, and with haste, in disguised 
 apparel, to the strong forte of Lochleven, and after a few dales, 
 being stripped out and spoyled of al her princely attirement, was 
 clothed with a course broune cassoke' {Defence of Mary's Honour, 
 in Anderson's Collections, i. 36). AV'^hile Mary was in Loch Leven 
 there ^ wes assignit to ane part of the furnessing and provisioun of 
 her house' the sum of £172, ^of the fewmales of the lands of 
 Vrquhart, Glenmoreistouu, and iitheris ' ; but it was still due to 
 the Laird of Loch Leven long after her escape {The Chiefs of Grant, 
 1883, ii. 11). Eleven weeks after her arrival in Loch Leven, she 
 urged Robert Melville to send her certain dresses, and also her 
 ^madynis clais, for thai ar naikit' {Maitland Miscellany, iii. 186, 
 187 ; Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 61, 62). For a list of the clothing 
 sent to her from Loch Leven three days after her escape, see infra, 
 pp. 511, 512. When in Carlisle she wished more of her apparel from 
 Loch Leven, but ofi'ered nothing to the English messengers for their 
 trouble or expense (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 288;. When at Bolton, 
 she gave Robert Melville a formal receipt for the jewels, clothing, 
 and horses she had committed to his charge while in Loch Leven 
 {Maitland Miscellany, iii. 187;, 188 ; Labanoff"s Recueil, ii. 218). 
 
 ^ Burns-Begg's History of Loch Leven Castle, 1887^, pp. 33, 34, 
 37-40. 
 
 466 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 ^ Kiiox has given an account of this double interview (Laing's 
 Knox, ii. 371-876). ^Mary/ says Mr. Skelton^ 'after a few more 
 Old Testament precedents illustrative of Jewish justice had been 
 produced, adroitly contrived to turn the conversation to other 
 subjects — Alexander Gordon, Ruthven, Lethington, the Argylls' 
 {Maitland of Lethington , ii. 40). Mary's adroitness on this occasion 
 was by no means conspicuous, as she only imparted a turn to the 
 conversation after a whole night had elapsed. 
 
 *^ The warrant charging Lord Lindsay, Lord Ruthven, and the 
 Laird of Loch Leven to convey her to the house of the latter, and 
 there to keep her surely, is signed by Atholl, Morton, Glencairn, 
 Mar, Grahame, Hume, Sanquhar, Semple, and Ochiltree. Mr. 
 Burns -Begg, in his History of Loch Leven Cadle, p. 49, has 
 omitted Hume and Sanquhar. 
 
 *^ The warrant for sequestrating her Majesty's person is in 
 Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 1804, ii. 116-118 ; in the Registrum 
 Honoris de Morton, Ban. Club, i, 24-26 ; in the Maitland MisceUany, 
 i. 250-252 ; and in the National MSS. of Scotland, iii. 55. — The 
 same reasons for imprisoning the Queen are given in more ample 
 form in 'The Answer of the Lords of Scotland,' handed to Throck- 
 morton, on the 20th of July, by Lethington (Stevenson's Selections, 
 pp. 232-237). 
 
 ^ Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 618, 619, 623, 641.— Though 
 the suspicions raised by Darnley's murder alienated many of 
 Mary's English supporters, De Silva tells, a month after that 
 event, that she had still many friends, who could not believe that 
 she had any hand in it, and who would not believe even although 
 they had more proof {Ibid. i. G26). Towards the end of April he 
 reports that certain Catholics were sure that Bothwell could not 
 be culpable, but they greatly feared that she would marry him 
 and were anxious to prevent it {Ibid, i, 637^, 638). 
 
 *3 In Teulet's opinion the documents, which he edited for 
 the Bannatyne Club, ' prove beyond doubt the violent and mad 
 passion of Mary Stuart for the Earl of Bothwell' {Papiers D'Etat, 
 i. p. xxi). Patrick Eraser Tytler, who was certainly not biassed 
 against Mary, had been previously forced to the conclusion that, 
 on the eve of her marriage to Bothwell, she was ' swept forward 
 by the current of a blind and infatuated passion ' {History of Scot- 
 land, 1845, V. 405, 406). 
 
 ** On the 21st of June, Du Croc reported that Mary's party— 
 
 467 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 including the Hamiltons,, Arg-yll^ and Huntly — was the strongest 
 in the field, but the others had the Queen, the Prince, horses, and 
 artillery {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 258). By the 1st of 
 July, Drury knew that ' though the Hamiltons pretend the liberty 
 of the Queen, yet is the same not for her good, for neither likes 
 she of them or they of her. Already it is. What is he, a Hamilton 
 or a Stewart ? ' (Ibid. viii. 269). ' I doe fynde,' says Throckmorton 
 on the 14th of July, ' amonges the Hamyltons, Argyell, and that 
 companye, twoo straunge and soundrye humors. The Hamyltons 
 doe make show of the lybertye of the Queen, and prosecute that 
 with great earnestnes, because they woulde have theys lordes 
 destroye her rather than she shoulde be recovered from them by 
 violence. An other whyle theye seme to desyre her lybertye and 
 Bodwells destructyon, because they woulde compasse a marryage 
 betwixte the Queen and the Lord of Arbrothe. Thearle of Argyell 
 dothe affecte her lybertye and Bodwells destructyon, because he 
 woulde marye the Queen to hys brother, and yet neyther of them, 
 notwithstandynge thyre open concurrence, as appearethe by tlieyre 
 bande, dothe dyscover theyre myndes to cache other, nor mynde 
 one end ' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 208). 
 
 45 Infra, p. 471, n. 63. 
 
 46 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 232, 265, 267, 282, 293 ; 
 Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 641, 645. 
 
 47 Spa7iish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 420, 441, 442. 
 
 48 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 252, 269, 270, 271 ; Steven- 
 son's Selections, p. 184. 
 
 49 Teulet's Papiers UEtat, iii. S3, 35 ; Spanish Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, i. 648. — '^The Hamiltons can in no way digest that the Prince 
 should be at the devotion of England' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 264). Throckmorton found by Lethington that it was not a 
 time to speak of handing over their Prince {Ibid. viii. 284) ; but 
 the principal point that would make the Lords consent would 
 be to declare his right of succession to the English crown {Ibid. 
 viii. 296). 
 
 ^ Nau's Mary Stewart, p. 6Q. 
 
 51 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 269, 270. 
 
 52 Stevenson's Selections, p. 205. — Throckmorton reached Edin- 
 burgh on the 12th of July and wrote this letter on the 14th. On 
 the l7th of July Bedford reported that ^the Queen of Scots is 
 calmed and better quieted than of late and takes both rest and 
 
 468 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 meat_, and also some pastime as dancing and play at the cards^ 
 much better than she was wont, so as (it is said) she is become 
 fat' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 287). 
 
 ^2 In the same letter Throckmorton says : — ' She is waited on 
 with five or six ladyes, four or five gentlewomen, and two 
 chamberers, whereof one is a Frenche woman. The Earle of 
 Boughan [i.e. Buchan], thearle of Murrey's brother, hathe also 
 libertye to come to her at hys pleasure' (Stevenson's Selections, 
 p. 205). 
 
 ^* At Carberry_, Lindsay had made himself specially obnoxious 
 to Mary by challenging Both well to single combat; and on the 
 way to Edinburgh she had passionately declared that she would 
 have his head (Melville's Memoirs, p. 184 ; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 252 ; Tytler's History of Scotland, 1845, v. 424, 427 ; 
 Lives of the Lindsays, 1849, i. 284). 
 
 ^ When, a few weeks later, Throckmorton asked Murray what 
 Mary's condition and estate would be after Bothwell had been 
 apprehended and justified, he received the cautious answer that 
 they could not merchandise for the bear's skin before they had him 
 (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 298, 299 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 838). 
 
 ^^ The Queen was in great danger, Throckmorton said, ^ by 
 reason of the great rage and furye of the people against her' 
 (Stevenson's Selections, p. 228). He had previously said to Cecil 
 that he had never seen greater confusion amongst men, ' for they 
 chainge theyr opinions very often.' Though ever ^resolute to use 
 all severitye to the Queue ' they could not agree about the form 
 of it. The preachers, with a great number who depended on them, 
 were of one mind, but the lords were divided amongst themselves, 
 and, to avoid the fury of the people, the wisest would not speak 
 {Ibid. p. 224). 
 
 ^'' Stevenson's Selections, pp. 205, 206 ; Foreign Calendar, Eliza- 
 beth, viii. 282, 283. — Claude Nau states that Ruthven was removed 
 — at the instance of the Laird of Loch Leven — because he had 
 promised to set the Queen free if she would love him (Nau's Mary, 
 p. 59). Ruthven appears to have again been one of her keepers 
 in August (Keith's History, ii. 738). 
 
 ^ Stevenson's Selections, p. 228. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 280 ; Stevenson's Selections, 
 p. 267 ; also infra p. 471, w. 61. 
 
 469 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 ^ Stevenson's Selections, p. 221. — On the 15tli of June Bedford 
 had reported that the Prince was in greater danger than before as 
 Mary was with child {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 252). It was 
 then alleged that she was ' five months gone ' (Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, i. 649). Throckmorton's letter^ quoted in the text, is 
 dated 18th July. Nau says that, when Lord Lindsay prevailed on 
 Mary — three months after her abduction — to sign her abdication, 
 'she was lying on her bed in a state of very great weakness, . . . 
 partly in consequence of a great flux, the result of a miscarriage of 
 twins, her issue by Both well ' (Nau's Mary, p. 60). On the 26th of 
 July Throckmorton writes : — ' I doe understand the Quene of Scot- 
 lande hathe had twoe fyttes of an ague, so as she dothe keape her 
 bed ' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 250). On the 28th Drury mentions 
 that she is sick of a fever {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 303) ; 
 and on the olst Throckmorton reports that she doth still ' keape 
 her bed ' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 260) ; but says nothing about a 
 miscarriage, although, on the 5th of August, he did not altogether 
 despair of her relinquishing Bothwell {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 309, 810). If Nau's story is true it would completely dispose 
 of the other which Labanoff believed and thus formulated : — ' 1568. 
 In February, Mary Stuart is at Lochleven delivered of a daughter, 
 who is carried into France where she afterwards becomes a nun in 
 the convent of our Lady of Soissons ' {Recueil, ii. 63). On the 
 other hand, Nau's story would clear the way for the possibility of 
 that other, which represents Mary as having borne a son to George 
 Douglas of Loch Leven (Burnet's History of His Own Time, 1823, i. 
 58 ; Wodrow's .1 nalecta, Maitland Club, i. 166) — a legend which 
 has been partly discredited by the acceptance of the story of 
 the nun (Keith's History, ii. pp. ix-xiv ; Hill Burton's Scotland, 
 1876, iv. 864, 865). Tlie relative passage of Drury 's letter 
 to Cecil, of 28th October, is thus calendared : — ' The suspicion 
 of the over great familiarity between the Queen here and Mr. 
 Douglas, brother to the Laird of Lochleven, increases more and 
 more, and worse spoken of than he may write ' {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. SQ^). The alleged son was the reputed father of 
 Robert Douglas, the famous Covenanter, who preached at the 
 coronation of Charles the Second at Scone in 1651. 
 
 ^1 To Leicester, Tlirockmorton writes on the 31st of July : — 
 'Whether yt were feare, fury, or zeale, wych caried these men 
 to thende they be come to, I know not ; but I dare boldly afi"yrme 
 
 470 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 to your Lordship^ albeyt I cowld neyther obteyne accesse to thys 
 Quene nor procuer liyr lybertie with restytution off hyr to hyr 
 estate^ yet I have at thys tyme preservyd hyr lyffe_, to what con- 
 tynuance I am uncertayn ; suer I am theyr ys nothyng shall so 
 soone hastyn hyr deathe as the dowte that these lords may con- 
 ceave of hyr redemption to lybertie and aucthoritye by the Quenes 
 Majesties [i.e. Elizabeth's] ayde or by anye other foreyne succor' 
 (Stevenson's Selections, p. 261). 
 
 62 Stevenson's Selections, pp. 253, 255. 
 
 63 On the 27th of July Elizabeth wrote to Throckmorton : — 
 ' You shall plainly declare unto them, that if they shall determine 
 any thing to the deprivation of tlie Queen their Sovereign Lady of 
 her royal estate, ... we will make ourselves a plain party against 
 them, to the revenge of their Sovereign for example to all posterity. 
 And therein we doubt not but God will assist us, and confound 
 them and their devices, considering they have no warrant nor 
 authority by the law of God or man to be as superiors, judges or 
 vindicators over their Prince and Sovereign, howsoever they do 
 gather or conceive matter of disorder against her' (Keith's History, 
 ii. 703, 704). That Elizabeth was really opposed to the action of 
 the Confederate Lords is proved by Leicester's letter to Throck- 
 morton {Foreign Ccilendar^ Elizabeth, y'ni. 811), and by Cecil's to Norris 
 {Cahala, 1691, p. 129). When Throckmorton partly acquainted 
 Lethington with Elizabeth's Instructions of the 27th July, he was 
 promptly informed that, if he had said as much to the Lords, all the 
 world could not have saved Mary's life for three days {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 314). As Lethington put it, they could 
 not gratify Elizabeth's wishes, unless they cast away their infant 
 King, their country, and themselves. Throckriorton saw that they 
 were determined to take their own way, more especially as they 
 knew that no party was to be made in Scotland against them — such 
 as lay aloof now seeking to concur with them. Lethington told 
 him plainly that he had better return to England, for, if he were 
 over busy with the Scots, he would drive them faster to France than 
 they desired to run (Stevenson's Selections, p. 267 ; Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 814). 
 
 ^ The Hamiltons, Throckmorton informed Elizabeth on the 
 18th of July, would concur with the Confederate Lords in all 
 things, ^yea in anye extremytie agaynst the Quene,' if they 
 were assured that Darnley's brother would not inherit the Crown 
 
 471 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 should the infant Prince die without issue (Stevenson's Selec- 
 tions, p. 222 ; Foreign Calendai', Elizabeth, viii. 288), The Lords 
 were reported to favour this transfer of the succession to the 
 Lennox family {Ihid. viii. 261). Tullibardine told Throckmorton, 
 on the 7th of August, that the Hamiltons, Argyll, Huntly, and 
 that faction, refrained from joining the Confederate Lords only 
 because they suffered the Queen to live ; and Lethington said that, 
 if they took her life, all the Lords who held out would join them 
 in two days — that the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Abbot of 
 Kilwinning, and Huntly had sent to conclude with them on these 
 terms {Ibid. viii. 313, 314). Twelve days later, Throckmorton 
 received a letter from the Archbishop, Arbroath, Fleming, and 
 Boyd, bearing that they — and, as they assuredly believed, the other 
 Lords of their party, Huntly, Argyll, and Herries — intended by 
 all honest means to seek the liberty of their Sovereign, her restora- 
 tion to power, the preservation of the Prince, the punishment of 
 the horrible murder, and the safety of the Confederate Lords who 
 had acted against their Queen (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 278-280 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 823). Next day Throckmorton 
 wrote to Cecil : — ' As for the Hamyltons and theyre faction, theyre 
 condicions be suche, theyre behavyor so inordynate, the moost of 
 them so unhable, theyre lyvynge so vycyous, theyre fydelytye so 
 tyckle, theyre partye so weake, as I counte yt loste whatsoever ys 
 bestowed apon them. . . . The Lord Herryes ys the connynge 
 horsleache and the wysest of the wholle faction ; but as the Queue 
 of Scotland sayethe of hym, there ys nobodye can be sure of hym ' 
 (Stevenson's Selections, p. 282 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 
 824). Throckmorton was probably convinced that there was too 
 much truth in what Lethington had said, that among the Scots 
 there were some who could entertain ' practize ' with any foreign 
 prince, to get money, though they had no intention of shedding 
 one another's blood for the same (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 267, 
 268). Buchanan alleges that when Lethington failed to get '^the 
 Queue slane be Act of Parliament,' he solicited private men ' to 
 gar hang hir on hir bed with hir awin belt'; and that when he 
 could not thus rid himself, and his partners in the Darnley murder, 
 of a dangerous witness, he sent to her while still in Loch Leven ^ane 
 picture of the deliverance of the lyoun by the mouse ' (Chamcsleon). 
 Nau says that it was before her abdication that Lethington sent 
 her a gold ornament on which was enamelled the fable of the lion 
 
 472 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 and the mouse (Nau's Mary, p. 59). Sir John Scott represents 
 him as using this fable after she was in England {Staggering State, 
 1754, p. 54.) 
 
 ^^ On the eve of Carberry, De Silva wrote to Philip : — ' Lady- 
 Margaret [i.e. Darnley's mother] thinks the French will not help 
 the Queen of Scots_, and that the Queen-mother will consider this 
 a good opportunity to be revenged on her. I do not know whether 
 she is deceived in this, as it is to be expected that the French will 
 always go with the stronger party in Scotch affairs to serve their 
 own ends' (Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, i. 645). After Mary had 
 been a month in Loch Leven, Charles the Ninth professed to 
 Chatelherault, then in Paris, that he would spare neither cost 
 nor anything else to set her at liberty, and restore her to absolute 
 authority, if he and others who had power and credit in Scotland 
 would join with him. On receiving Chatelherault's assurance that 
 he would hazard his life to redress his Sovereign's cause, the King 
 advised him to hasten home, and promised to aid them to the utter- 
 most of his power. Martigues said that if he had three thousand 
 harquebusiers for three months he would set the Queen at liberty ; 
 but the Queen-mother said that they had irons enough in the fire 
 already. ' The Queue Mother, I knowe,' writes Sir Henry Norris 
 to Elizabeth, ' loves not the Quene of Scotland ; and but that she 
 feareth to be prevented by your Majestie, either in curtesye or 
 otherwise, nowe in this tyme of her neede, she woulde lette her 
 trye it by the teethe, for any greate devotion she hathe to procure 
 her libertye ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 259-261 ; Stevenson's Selec- 
 tions, pp. 242, 243). LigneroUes arrived in Edinburgh with Murray 
 on the 11th of August. Next day Throckmorton wrote to Cecil : 
 — ' The French do in theyr negotiations as they do in theyr drynke, 
 put water to theyr wyne. As I am able to see into theyr doings, 
 they take it not greatlye to the heart, how the Quene spede ; 
 whether she lyve or dye, whether she be at lyberty or in prison. 
 The marke they shote at is to renewe theyr old league ; and can 
 be as well contented to take of this lyttel Kinge (howsoever his 
 tytle be) and the same by the order of these Lords as otherwise' 
 (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 263, 264). See also Throckmorton's letters 
 of 12th and 13th August to Elizabeth in Stevenson's Selections, 
 pp. 268-274. 
 
 ^^ ' The Quene,' writes Throckmorton on the 18th of July, ' is 
 iu verye greate peryll of her lyffe, by reason that the people 
 
 473 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 assembled at thys conventyon doe mynde vehementlye the destruc 
 tyon of her. It is a publyke speache amongest all the people and 
 amongest all estates, saving the counsellors, that theyre Quene 
 hathe no more lyhertye nor pryveledge to comyt murder nor 
 adulterye than anye other pryvat person, neyther by God's lawe, 
 nor by the lawes of the realme ' (Stevenson's Selections, p. 222). 
 
 ^'' Stevenson's Selections^ p. 240. — Throckmorton had advised 
 Knox and Craig ^ to preache and perswade lenytie ' ; but he had 
 found them very austere {Ihid. p. 221). 
 
 ^^ Each of these three deeds signed by Mary at Loch Leven is 
 dated 24th of July ; and all are printed in the Acts of the Parlia- 
 ments of Scotland, iii. 11-14; in the Register of Privy Council, i. 
 531-533, 539-541 ; in Anderson's Collections, ii. 208-214, 216-220 ; 
 and in Keith's History, ii. 706-712. — Claude Nau gives ample 
 details of the manner in which Lord Lindsay extorted Mary's 
 signature (Nau's Mary, pp. 59-61). Bishop Lesley also alleges 
 that Lindsay ' most grevously, with feareful wordes and very cruel 
 and Sterne countenance, thretned her, that unlesse she would therto 
 subscribe, she should lose her life' {Defence of Mary s Honour, in 
 Anderson's Collections, i. 37, 38). The Bishop had already stated 
 that Atholl and Lethington, ' with other principals of their factious 
 band,' had sent Robert Melville to Loch Leven to advise her for the 
 safety of her life to sign all the writings which should be brought to 
 her, as, in the circumstances, they could not be prejudicial to her ; 
 and that Throckmorton gave her the same advice {Ihid. p. 37). 
 Elsewhere, the Bishop tells a similar story, but naming Tullibardine 
 as one of the three who sent Robert Melville to Loch Leven with 
 secret advice, and adding that Melville carried Throckmorton's 
 letters in the scabbard of his sword. In this other account, Lesley 
 says that she, ' with manie tares and weepinge,' set her hand to all 
 the letters presented to her by Lindsay without reading them, but 
 protesting that ' whensoever God should putt her to libertie shee 
 would not abide thereat for it was done against her will ' (Lesley's 
 Negotiations, in Anderson's Collections, iii. 19, 20). Sir James 
 Melville names Atholl, Mar, Lethington, and Grange, as those who 
 asked his brother to advise her to sign the documents ; but he says 
 she refused utterly to follow the advice, until she heard that 
 Lindsay had arrived and was in a threatening humour, then she 
 showed Robert Melville 'that sche wald not stryve with them, 
 seing it culd do hir na harm when sche was at libertie ' (Melville's 
 
 474 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Memoirs, Mait. Cliib^ pp. 189, 190). Yet Throckmortou reported 
 that a week before she had offered to commit the government 
 wholly to Murray, or to certain of the Lords (Stevenson's Selections, 
 p. 220). In the supplication presented in the Queen's name, on 
 the 12th of June 1571^ to the Parliament held by her party, it is 
 stated that ' it behoved hir to yeild to force, whairunto shoe was 
 not able to resist, for sic threatninges and feirfull languages was 
 used to hir, accumpanied with a vehemencie and awfull countenance 
 of them who had the charge to deall in the matter ' ; and reference 
 is also made to the secret advice to comply sent to her by ^ sum 
 noblemen and trusty persones,' and also by Throckmorton (Richard 
 Bannatyne's Memoriales, Ban. Club, p. 166). Throckmorton under- 
 stood that if Mary could not be induced by fair means to do as 
 the Lords wished, they intended to charge her with tyranny, in- 
 continence, and the murder of her husband (Keith's History, ii. 
 699). At the coronation of the infant Prince a few days later, 
 Lindsay and Ruthven swore that she resigned willingly without 
 compulsion (Stevenson's Selections, p. 257 ; Richard Bannatyne's 
 Memoriales, p. 131). But, unless Keith's copyist has misread one 
 of Throckmorton's letters, it seems to imply that Ruthven could 
 not have been present when Mary signed the documents (Keith's 
 History, ii. 699). And Lethington afterwards asserted that, when 
 the Regent wished Lindsay to go with him to England to testify 
 that she had demitted willingly, he refused ; and when pressed 
 ^ swore ane grit oathe, and said, my Lord, and ye caus me to goe 
 to England with you, I will spill the whole mater, for, and thei 
 accuse me, of my conscience I cannot but confess the treuth ' 
 (Bannatyne's Memoriales, p. 131). in the document presented to 
 the Queen's Parliament, on the 12th of June 1571, it is stated that 
 the Privy Seal was ' violentlie and be force reft out of the keiparis 
 handis ' that it might be appended to her demission {Ibid. p. 167). 
 Between the exterior binding of an old Protocol Book and the 
 backs of the leaves, John Riddell discovered ^ a thinly folded scrap 
 of paper ' which proved to be the Minute of a Protest taken on the 
 25th of July 1567. It embodies the copy of a fourth document 
 signed by Mary on the previous day — the warrant charging the 
 Keeper of the Privy Seal to seal the other three. The Minute of 
 Protest also bears that Lindsay required Thomas Sinclair — the 
 deputy-keeper — to seal the said letters, and offered him the said 
 warrant; that Sinclair answered, 'that sa lang as the Quenis 
 
 475 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 iVIajeste is in warde^ he wald seall na sic lettres that ar extre- 
 ordinare ' ; and that Lindsay ' preissit him therto, and tuke fra him 
 the Privy Seill, and wyth cumpany of folkis compellit him to seill 
 the same ' {Ibid. pp. xxii^ xxiii). This minute is now in the Register 
 House^ and among the other traces of haste which it bears^ the 
 year date is lo6f) instead of 1567. The Laird of Loch Leven was 
 careful to have a notarial protest taken in the Queen's presence on 
 the 28tli of July, to the effect, that he was absent on the 24th, and 
 in no way responsible for the demission ; that he now offered to 
 convoy her to Stirling, there to declare freely ' hir awin plesour 
 and will ' ; that she desired instead to remain in Loch Leven ' and 
 use hir self at hir eas and quietnes as sche has done heirtofore ' ; 
 that she affirmed the letters of demission ^to be of propir motive' ; 
 and that ' in respect therof the said ^Villiame [Douglas] protestit 
 that hir Majestie suld not be comptit heireftir as captive or in 
 preson with hym, quhilk protestation hir Majestie allowit and 
 admittit' {Registrum Honoris de Morton, i. 26, 27). His conduct 
 was approved by Parliament next December {Acts of Parliament, 
 iii. 28, 29). 
 
 ^^ Stevenson's SelectionSj p. 257 ; Rpgister of Privy Council, i. 
 587-542; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 118, 119; Laing's Knox, ii. 
 566 ; Dalyell's Fragments, pp. 82, 83 ; Historic of James the Seoct, 
 p. 17; Pitscottie's History, 1728, p. 220; Spottiswoode's History, 
 ii. 68 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 384 ; Ruddiman's Buchanan, i. 
 366. — Buchanan's translators have rendered his 'quarto cnlendas 
 Augusti'hy the 29th of August (1690 ed. ii. 214 ; 1762 ed. ii. 898 ; 
 Aikman's ed. ii. 527). 
 
 '^ Stevenson's Selections, p. 258. — Tlie great number of the bon- 
 fires — twice as many as had been at the birth of the Prince — was 
 perhaps partly due to the fear of the ^ unlaw' of £10 which the 
 magistrates exacted from those inhabitants of the burgh ' that set 
 nocht out thair fyris upoun the tuenty nyne day of Julij ' (Burgh 
 Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571, p. 238). Throckmorton would 
 not countenance the coronation of the Prince, but sent his cousin 
 Henry Middlemore to see the proceedings (Stevenson's Selections, 
 pp. 251, 252) ; and Robert Melville, unwilling to assist at the 
 ceremony, remained with Throckmorton in Edinburgh (Ibid. pp. 
 259, 260). Sir James Melville had been sent to invite the Hamil- 
 tons to attend the coronation. The result of his mission was 
 recorded at the time by Tlirockmorton (Ibid. p. 258), and long 
 
 476 
 
 I 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 afterwards by Melville himself (Memoirs, pp. 190-102). In one 
 point at least Melville is clearly \n-ong. He says that some of the 
 Lords ' had particulairs against the Hammiltons, and supponit to get 
 them wraked therby to won vantages be fischiug in dromly watters. 
 Sa that the Hammiltouns wer evell used then ; for they wald fayn 
 have agreed witli the rest, bot ther frendschip and societe was 
 planly refused at this tym, and wer not admitted to com unto the 
 corownation, nor yet to tak instrumentis that they suld not be 
 prejuged in any sort.' This last statement is not only explicitly 
 contradicted by Throckmorton, who tells that Arthur Hamilton 
 was allowed at Stirling to protest for the preservation of Chatel- 
 herault's interest ; but the substance of the protest is entered in 
 the Register of Prim/ Council. This protest had been probably con- 
 founded in Melville's memory with the one which Chatelherault 
 wished to make four and a half months later in Parliament. 
 
 ''1 Two days after the coronation Throckmorton writes to Eliza- 
 beth :— ^ Thys Quene dothe, as I understande, keape her bed, and 
 is notwithstandinge thys her sonnes coronation garded in the 
 same place as strayetlye as she was ; the Lorde Lynseye beinge 
 retorned from Sterlynge to Loughleven immedyately after the 
 ceremonye was ended ' (Stevenson's Selections^ p. 260). 
 
 ^2 On the 2nd of August — four days after the coronation — 
 Throckmorton writes to Cecil : — ' The Quene of Scotlande is 
 straytlyer kept at Loughleven then she was yet, for now she ys 
 shot up in a tower and can have non admytted to speake with her 
 but suche as be shut up with her' (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 
 263, 264). On the 9th Throckmorton informs Elizabeth that 
 Mary has her health better, and that she is lodged in the tower 
 as a place more sure to guard her in the night {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 314). Until the eve of her release Mary bitterly 
 complained of her hard treatment (Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 64-69). 
 
 73 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 309, 310.— Yet, after her 
 escape from Loch Leven, it was said that she not only clave to the 
 absent Bothwell as her husband, but sent for him to return {Ibid. 
 viii. 467, 469). 
 
 74 Murray seems to have left Edinburgh on the 7th of April 
 (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 107) ; he was at ^V'hittinghame on the 
 9th, and at Berwick on the 10th (Historical MSS. Commission , Sijcth 
 Report, app. p. 643 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 203) ; and by 
 the end of the month he was at Dieppe (Ibid. viii. 220). Bothwell 
 
 477 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 and his faction^ it was said_, were glad at his departure {Ibid. viii. 
 218); but Mary wept^ wishing he were not so precise in religion 
 {Ibid. viii. 229). He was received into Edinburgh on his return — 
 11th August — with great joy of all the people {Ibid. viii. 317). 
 
 ''^ iSIurray was accompanied to Loch Leven by Atholl^, Morton, 
 and Lindsay. Before supper Murray talked with her alone for two 
 hours, and after supper until one o'clock in the morning. ' The 
 said Earl did plainly, without disguising, discover unto the Queen 
 all his opinion of her misgovernment, and laid before her all such 
 disorders as either might touch her conscience, her honour, or 
 surety . . . He behaved himself rather like a ghostly father unto 
 her than like a counsellor. Sometimes the Queen wept bitterly, 
 sometimes she acknowledged her unadvisedness and misgovern- 
 ment, some things she did confess plainly, some things she did 
 excuse, some things she did extenuate. In conclusion, the Earl of 
 Moray left her that night in hope of nothing but of God's mercy, 
 willing her to seek that as her chiefest refuge . . . The next 
 morning betime she desired to speak with her brother ; he repaired 
 unto her. They began where they left over night, and after these 
 his reprehensions he used some words of consolation unto her.* 
 Now he told her ^tliat for his own part, according to his many 
 obligations, he had a desire to spend his own life to save her life, 
 and would employ all that was in him for that purpose.' He 
 cautioned her, however, that in this he had not the sole power, as 
 the Lords and others had an interest in the matter. He also 
 warned her that it would be perilous for her to disturb by her 
 practices the quiet of her realm and the reign of her son, to attempt 
 to escape, to animate any of her subjects to disobedience, to induce 
 the Queen of England or the King of France to trouble the realm, 
 or to persist in her inordinate affection for Bothwell. On the other 
 hand, he said that, for her preservation, she ought to acknowledge 
 her faults to God, with lamentation for her past sins, so that it might 
 appear that she detested her former life, intended a better conver- 
 sation and more modest behaviour, abhorred the murder of her 
 husband, and misliked her former life with Bothwell. Nor did he 
 forget to tell her that she ought to show clearly that she harboured 
 no thoughts of revenge towards those who had sought her reforma- 
 tion and preservation. ^ Whereupon she took him in her arms and 
 kissed him, and shewed herself very well satisfied, requiring him 
 in any ways not to refuse the Regency of the realm, but to accept it 
 
 4/8 
 
xiiij NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 at her desire . . . The Earl declared many reasons why he should 
 refuse it. The Queen again replied with earnest intercession^ and 
 prayed him to prefer her reasons and requests before his own. . . . 
 At length he accorded unto her the acceptation of the Regency ' 
 (Keith's History, ii. 7SG-7o9). So Throckmorton learned from 
 Murray himself. One of the reasons which Murray gave Herries 
 for accepting the Regency was the Queen's oral desire {Historical 
 MSS. Commission, Sixth Report, app. p. 641). Mary's own account, 
 which is very brief, bears that when Murray saw that she would 
 not press him to accept, he owned that he had already promised to 
 do so, and could spare no more time excusing himself to her 
 (Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 246, 247). According to Nau she begged 
 him not to accept, and cautioned him of the danger he would thereby 
 incur {History of Mary Stewart, pp. 66-71). ' Moray seems to have 
 been in no haste to enter the presence of his captive sovereign and 
 sister,' says Mr. Burns-Begg, who alleges that his first visit to her 
 took place ' nearly a fortnight after his return from France ' {History 
 of Loch Leven Castle, pp. 65, QQ). As a matter of fact he visited her 
 on the fourth day after his arrival in Edinburgh ; and Throckmor- 
 ton tells that the Lords would not allow him to go ' untill they had 
 consulted of the matter ' (Stevenson's Selections, pp. 273, 275, 277). 
 
 '''*' Diurnal of Occurrents , p. 119; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, \\\\. 
 325; Stevenson's *Sie/ec'^fo«*, p. 289 ; Birrel's Dmr^, p. 11. — Murray's 
 oath and proclamation as Regent are in Keith's History, ii. 751-754 ; 
 and in the Register of Privy Council, i. 548-550. The articles 
 between Murray and the Privy Council, as well as his oath, are in 
 Stevenson's Selections, pp. 283-287. By the articles he was bound 
 not to speak to the Queen without the advice of the Privy 
 Council. 
 
 ''^ Keith's History, ii, 744. — See also Stevenson's Selections, pp. 
 282, 290, 291. 
 
 •"^ Huntly sent his oilfers by his uncle, the Bishop of Galloway. 
 Fleming, Boyd, and Livingston wrote to Murray himself (Keith's 
 History, ii. 741). 
 
 "^ In the Diurnal of Occurrents (p. 115) it is stated that, on the 
 16th of June, ^ Sebastiane Frencheman, suspectit for the art and 
 pairt of the slauchter ' of Darnley, ' wes takin and put in captivitie 
 within the Tolbuith of Edinburgh'; and that on the 17th, 
 ,Williame Blacader, Capitane, suspectit in lykwise for the said 
 slauchter, wes takin be Capitane Johne Clerk, servand to the King 
 
 479 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 of Deumark. . . . and brocht to the burgh of Edinburgh, and put 
 in the Tolbuyth thairof.' Another contemporary gives, as the 
 Frenchman's name, ^Sabastion de Villour/ and states that he 
 escaped {Historie of James the Sext, p. 15). Beaton says those 
 arrested were Bastien Pages and Captain Culain (Laing's History of 
 Scotland, ii. 115). On the 18th of June, Drury mentions that the 
 Lords had caused Signor Francois and Bastien to be apprehended ; 
 and also refers to the capture of Captain Blacater and his brother 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 253, 254). 
 
 ^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 116 ; Birrel's Diary, pp. 10, 11 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 256, 261, 262 ; Pitcairn's Criminal 
 Trials, i. 490*. — For his escheat, see infra, p. 484, n. 102. 
 
 ^1 Register of Privy Council, i. 525. — The proclamation was duly 
 made at Edinburgh on the 27th of June (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 
 116). William Powrie, one of Bothwell's servitors, had been ex- 
 amined before the Lords of Privy Council on the 23rd of June ; 
 and George Dalgleish, his page, before Morton, Atholl, Grange, 
 and the Provost of Dundee, on the 26th of June (Anderson's Collec- 
 tions, ii. 165-177; Malcolm Laing's Scotland, 1804, ii. 243-251; 
 Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 493'^-496* ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 262, 288 ; Stevenson's Selections, pp. 222, 223). The resolution 
 of the Privy Council to oifer a reward for Bothwell's capture is 
 followed in the Register by the significant entry : — ' Forsamekill 
 as Williame Blacater, James Edmonstoun, Johnne Blacater, and 
 Mynart Freis, all suspectit of the Kingis murthour, ar takin and 
 apprehendit, the Lordis of Secreit Counsall thairfoir ordanis the 
 saidis personis to be put in the irnis and turmentis, for furthering 
 of the tryall of the veritie, provyding that this caus— being for the 
 trying of a Prince's murthour — induce na preparative to utheris 
 personis suspectit of utheris crymes. ' 
 
 ^2 Diurnal o/ Occurrents, \i. Ill \ Stevenson's *S'e/ec^io?«.9, p. 222. — 
 Among those denounced at this time were the Ormistons, Adam 
 Murray, Hepburn of Bolton, John Hay, younger of Tallo, Patrick 
 Wilson, and French Paris. 
 
 ^3 Register of Privy Council, i. 531. — From Spynie, on the 16th of 
 July, Both well wrote to the Laird of Langton exhorting him to be 
 ready to rise for the Queen's deliverance {Historical MSS. Com- 
 mission, Sixth Report, app. p. 640). 
 
 8* Stevenson's Selections, pp. 255-259. — Throckmorton's infor- 
 mation concerning the plot against Bothwell and the Bishop of 
 
 480 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 Moray was derived from Anthony Rokesby, or Rooksby, whose 
 brother Christopher as an English spy had long been a prisoner in 
 Spynie Castle. 
 
 ^^ Stevenson's Selections, p. 240. 
 
 ^^ Register of Privy Council, i. 544-546 ; Stevenson's Selections, 
 pp. 277, 294. 
 
 ^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 318. 
 
 ®^ Tullibardine and Grange sailed with four ships on the 19th of 
 August_, and returned on the 18th or 14th of September (Diurnal 
 oj Occurrents, pp. 119, 122, 123 ; Birrel's Diary, p. 11 ; Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 840-342). Sir James Melville credits Grange 
 with having captured Hay of Tallo_, Hepburn of Bolton, and Dal- 
 gleish, ' quhilkis wer the first that gaif maist knawlege of the maner 
 of the mourthour ' of Darnley {Memoirs, pp. 186, 187). But George 
 Dalgleish had been apprehended in Edinburgh on the 20th of June 
 {Register of Privy Council, i. 641), and examined on the 26th {supra, 
 p. 480, n. 81) ; and although John Hay, younger of Tallo, had gone 
 to Orkney with Bothwell, he hired a fishing-boat which brought 
 him to Pittenweem, where the fishermen handed him over to Lord 
 Lindsay, who lodged him in Edinburgh Castle on the 11th of 
 September {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 121). It was evidently to the 
 fishermen that Hay referred, when, before his execution, he asked 
 John Brand to tell Lord Lindsay that he heartily forgave him and 
 also those who betrayed him (Pitcairu's Criminal Trials, i. SOO"'*"). 
 He was examined before Murray, Morton, Atholl, Douglas of Loch 
 Leven, Wishart of Pittarrow, Macgill, and the Justice - Clerk, 
 on the ISth of September (Anderson's Collections, ii. 177-183 ; 
 luaingsScotkmd, 1804, ii. 252-255; Pitcairn's CW/nma/ Tna/*, i. 490^- 
 498"^; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 342). 
 
 ^ On the 12th of September, the Regent with the rest of the 
 Lords dined in the castle which was delivered to him {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 340). Sir James Melville states that 
 Balfour resigned the castle on condition that Grange, on whose 
 constant friendship he most reposed, should be made captain 
 {Memoirs, p. 198). Another contemporary represents Balfour as 
 requiring and receiving a remission for his part in the Darnley 
 murder, a gift of the Priory of Pittenweem, a large sum of money 
 in hand, and a pension to his son from the Priory of St. Andrews 
 {Historic of James the Sext, p. 18). Tlie sum in hand is said to 
 have been £5000 {Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 120). Grange received 
 
 2H 481 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 the keys on tlie 24th of September {Ibid. p. 124). In the bond of 
 maintenance which Murray granted to Balfour, it is said that the 
 latter is ' baith willing and reddie to the furth setting of the tryell 
 and executioun for the said murthure' {Historical MSS. Commission, 
 Sixth Report, app. p. 642). 
 
 ^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. .350; 351 ; Diurnal of OccurrentSj 
 pp. 122-125 ; Birrel's Diary, p. 12. 
 
 ^1 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, iii. 6-10. 
 
 92 Ibid. iii. 11. 
 
 93 Ibid. iii. 11. 
 
 94 Ibid. iii. 13. 
 
 95 Ibid. iii. 2.7, 28. 
 
 96 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 367. 
 9" Acts of Parliament , iii. 84. 
 
 9S Chatelherault's protest was directed against all attempts which 
 the Regent might make to divert the title and succession to the 
 Scottish crown. His proxy reported that Murray, knowing his 
 errand, denied him a place in Parliament, and added : ' Gyff the 
 Duke will not come heir and join himself with us, let him luk for 
 nathing heir ; and gyiF he proposes (as we understand) our de- 
 structioun and to cutt our throwtes, ye sal be assurit that we sal 
 find remeid and cut his and all thame that wald so do, rather nor 
 our own sould be cuttit' {Maitland Miscellany, iv. 118; Historical 
 MSS. Commission, Eleventh Report, app. vi. pp. 43. 44). 
 
 99 Acts of Parliament, iii. 88. 
 
 1^ Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 127, 128. — On Lethington's share 
 in the Darnley murder, Mr. Skelton has blown both hot and cold : 
 — ^ The subtle wit of Lethington must have sketched at least the 
 outline of the plot. " Kill him by all means," we can hear him 
 suggesting ; '^ but what think you of this plan of mine ? He has 
 grossly outraged the Queen : let us take her along with us — a 
 mere hint of connivance will compromise her. ... A whisper to 
 Bothwell that Darnley has abused her, and I would not give a 
 straw for the boy's life. Nay, hold ; can we not teach him to look 
 for something more than gratitude.'' . . . The saint whom he 
 worships is a woman who may be won, and she will not press too 
 hardly on the ever-bold wooer. And behind this irrational brute 
 violence — what? James the Sixth, by the grace of God and of 
 Lethington, King of Scotland, and — England " ' {Impeachment of 
 Mary Stewart, p. 176). ^It may be said with some confidence that 
 
 482 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 the clumsy catastroplie that ensued was directed neither by the 
 keen brain of Maitland, nor by the deft hand of Mary' {Maitland 
 of Lethington, ii. 196). While Mary was in Carlisle Castle, she 
 affirmed to Scrope and Knollys, ^ that bothe Lyddyngton and the 
 Lord Morton were assentyng to the murder of her husband, as it 
 could wel be proved, altho nowe they wold seem to persecute the 
 same ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 278). 
 
 1^^ Nau alleges that, shortly after Mary signed her abdication, an 
 attempt was made to poison her, but he explains that ' the vigour 
 of her youth contributed much to expel this poison and hinder its 
 effects' {History of Mary Stewart, pp. 62, 63), unconsciously remind- 
 ing one of the phrase concerning Darnley's illness in Glasgow, 
 ^ the force of yong eage that potentlie expellit the poyson ' {supra, 
 p. 430, n. 114). This illness in Loch Leven may have been that 
 referred to by Drury and Throckmorton in the end of July 
 {supra, p. 470, n. 60). After Murray's first visit to her as a 
 prisoner, he declared ^that he never saw the Queen in better 
 health nor in better point ' (Keith's History, ii. 740) ; and a month 
 later he informed Bedford that she was in good health, and to 
 outward appearance as merrily disposed as at any time since her 
 arrival in the realm {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. ^345). At 
 the end of September Drury reports that Robert Melville has 
 often recourse to her, that she waxes fat, and instead of choler 
 makes show of mirth {Ibid. viii. 849). Towards the end of October, 
 Bedford mentions that the Regent has gone to see her, and that 
 she is as merry and wanton as at any time since she was detained 
 {Ibid. viii. 859). In February Drury refers to a disease in her 
 side and a swelling in her arm with which she had been troubled 
 {Ibid. viii. 413) ; but she was soon better again {Spanish Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, ii. 11). 
 
 102 Throckmorton's letter of 5th August {supra, p. 169) is 
 supplemented by Drury's of the 30th of September. In the latter 
 it is said that Mary has already drawn divers to pity her, who 
 before envied her and wished her evil, the Regent's mother for 
 one {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 849, 850). Even Drysdale — 
 the prototype of Dryfesdale in The Abbot ; and, in Mr. Burns-Begg's 
 opinion, the Queen's inveterate enemy — carried letters and 
 messages between her and George Douglas {Registrum Honoris de 
 Morton, i. 29 ; Wright's Elizabeth, i. 269). Possibly it was with the 
 view of securing his services that, ere she had been five full weeks 
 
 483 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 in Locli Leven, she gave him the escheat of 'Capitane William 
 Blacater/ convicted ^for art and pairt of the crewell tressonabill 
 and abhominabill slauchter and murthour of umquhile hir Majesteis 
 derrest spous the King ' {Register of Privy Seal, xxxvi. 108). 
 
 ^^"^ Supra, p. 469, «. 52 ; Venetian Calendar, vii. 408. 
 
 1** ' Some affirm that the Earl of Morton sought the matching 
 with the Queen, whereunto she could no way like' {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 431). 
 
 1°^ ' It seems that the Earl of Murray waxes weary of his office of 
 Regency. . . . Therefore, he has the rather yeilded to such a 
 request of the Queen's, or device of himself, as breeds great 
 comfort unto her Grace, and yet furtherance and countenance to 
 the Earl's side, viz. a husband for the Queen, the young Lord 
 MefFeyne, a gentleman of twenty or twenty-one years of age, being 
 a Stewart. It is holden [20th March] very secret, and about Easter 
 it is thought that it will be more apparent, and her Grace so set at 
 liberty as the Earl, by further confirmation, shall still use the office 
 he does till the King comes of age ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, 
 viii. 481). De Silva calls this prospective husband Lord Moffat 
 {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 22-26). 
 
 106 por Throckmorton's reference to this see supra, p. 468, n. 44. 
 ' It is said that the Frenchman [De Beaumont] who has come into 
 Scotland has to move a marriage between the Queen and the Abbot 
 of Arbroath ' {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 448). Buchanan 
 says that ' with merie luikis and gentill countenance (as sche could 
 Weill do) sche had enterid' this son of Chatelherault's 'in the 
 pastyme of the glaikis, and causit the rest of the Hamiltounis to 
 fond for fainness' {Admonition to the Trew Lordis). It was sus- 
 pected that she would have been driven into this marriage if she 
 had won Langside (Melville's Memoirs, p. 200). 
 
 107 Supra, p. 468, n. 44. 
 
 ^^ On the 2nd of April, Drury writes to Cecil that, when Murray 
 was last at Loch Leven, Mary 'entered into another purpose, 
 being marriage, praying she might have a husband, and named 
 one to her lykinge, George Dowglas, brother to the Lord of 
 Lowghlewyn. Unto the which th'erle replied, that he was over 
 meane a marriage for her Grace, and sayd furder that he with the 
 rest of the nobilitie would take advice thereupon ' (Wright's Eliza- 
 beth, i. 266). In another letter to Cecil of the same date, Drury 
 alleges that she had declared unto George Douglas's mother that she 
 
 484 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 had spoken to the Regent of marrying George, and that the Regent 
 was unwilling {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 437). For earlier 
 gossip concerning the Queen's regard for George Douglas, see 
 supra, p. 470, n. 60. On the 22nd of July — five weeks after the 
 beginning of her imprisonment — she granted to him, '^ for gude and 
 thankfuU service done to hir,' ' all and sindrie the mailis, fermes, 
 custumes, profittis, and dewiteis quhatsumevir, of hir Majesteis 
 landis of Tulycultre, in yeirlie pensioun for all the dayis of his 
 lyfe' {Register of Privy Seal, xxxvi. 107, 108). 
 
 ^^^ On the eve of Mary's escape De Beaumont arrived in Scotland, 
 to demand an interview with — if not the release of — the captive 
 Queen (Teulet's Papiers D'Etat, ii. 202, 208 ; Historie of James the 
 Sext, pp. 22, 23 ; Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 128, 129 ; Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 532) ; and up to the very day of the escape, Elizabeth 
 was professing her willingness to agree with the French King in 
 anything that should be thought fit for her aid and relief {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 449). She had nevertheless bought 
 secretly twelve thousand crowns' worth of Mary's jewels {Papiers 
 D'Etat, ii. 214), the Regent being very bare of money {Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 849). 
 
 11^ For Mary's attempted escape on the 25th of March, when she 
 was betrayed by her ' very fayre and white ' hands, see Wright's 
 Elizabeth, i. 266, 267. De Silva places this attempt on the 14th of 
 April {Spanish Calendar, Elizabeth, ii. 26). For other unsuccessful 
 schemes and her final deliverance, see Ibid., i. 661, 662 ; Registrum 
 Honoris de Morton, i. 29, 30 ; Nau's Mary Stewart, pp. 78-91 ; Foreign 
 Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 451, 452 ; Diurnal, p. 129 ; Venetian 
 Calendar, vii. 413-415 ; Labanoif's Recueil, vii. 185-138 ; Papiers 
 D'Etat, iii. 41 ; Historie of James the Sext, pp. 23, 24. For notes 
 on the keys of Loch Leven, see Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries 
 of Scotland, iii. 375-382. Sir James Melville affirms that the escape 
 was not only carried out by George Douglas, but that ^the auld 
 lady his mother wes also thocht to be upon the consaill ' {Memoirs, 
 p. 199). The fact that the Queen's baggage was sent after her on 
 the 5th of May, and a formal receipt taken for it from her master- 
 cook {infra, pp. 511, 512), seems to imply either that her escape was 
 connived at, or that her late keepers wished to secure her favour. 
 Tytler alleges that when Mary despatched Hepburn of Riccarton 
 from Niddrie to Dunbar, with the hope of securing that Castle, she 
 also ' commanded him to proceed afterwards to Denmark, and carry 
 
 485 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 to his master, Bothwell, the news of her deliverance' {History of 
 Scotland, 1845, vi. 37). 
 
 ^" De Beaumont, who was at Glasgow with the Regent on the 29th 
 of April, and with the Queen at Hamilton by the 4th of May, told 
 Sir James Melville that ^he never saw sa mony men convenit 
 sa sodainly' {Memoirs, p. 200). The bond entered into by her 
 supporters at Hamilton, on the 8th of May, was signed by nine 
 earls, nine bishops, eighteen lords, and others (Keith's History, ii. 
 807-810 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 451). 
 
 "2 The various accounts of Mary's escape represent her as going 
 from Niddrie to Hamilton, and Nau says distinctly that she re- 
 mained at Hamilton until the 13th of May ; but Drury, on the 6th 
 of May, speaks of her as 'still at Draffen among the Hamiltons' 
 (Keith's History, ii. 802), and, on the 12th of May, he says, ' she is 
 now gone to Draffen ' (Wright's Elizabeth, i. 270). A document cor- 
 rected by Cecil says she came to Hamilton about the 4th (Anderson's 
 Collections, iv. part i. p. 1). See also infra, n. 115 and p. 543. 
 
 1^^ Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 129. 
 
 ^^^ Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 450 ; Register of Privy 
 Council, i. 622. 
 
 11^ So Drury wrote to Cecil on the 31st of May {Foreign Calendar, 
 Elizabeth, viii. 469). On the other hand. Sir James Melville says : 
 — ' Hir Majeste was not myndit to feicht, nor hazard battaille, hot 
 to pass unto the castell of Dombertan, and draw hame again to hir 
 obedience, be litle and litle, the haill subjectis. Bot the Bischop of 
 St. Androwes and the house of Hammiltoun, with the rest of the 
 lordis that wer ther convenit, finding themselves in uomber far 
 beyond the other party, wald nedis hazard the battaill ; wherby 
 they mycht ouercom the Regent ther gret ennemy, and be also 
 maister of the Quen, to command and reull all at ther plesour ' 
 (Melville's Memoirs, p. 200). Her letter of 5th May to the Laird 
 of Nether Pollok {The Maxwells of Pollok, 1863, ii. 1, 2), and her 
 letters of 6th May to the Laird of Adamtoun {infra, p. 514) and 
 to the Laird of Rowallan {Scottish National Memorials, 1890, p. 71) 
 show that she was anxious to increase her force with the utmost 
 speed. These three letters are dated from Hamilton. 
 
 1'^ This remarkable document has been printed by Sir William 
 Eraser — from what he describes as 'a contemporary copy, if not 
 the original draft' — in The Lennox, 1874, ii, 437-447; and also in 
 his Memorials of the Earls of Haddington, 1889, ii. 268-277. It 
 
 486 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 begins : — ^ i\Iarie be the grace of God undoutit and richteous 
 Quene heretrix of the realme of Scotland'; and is addressed ^to 
 all and sindrie kingis_, princes, duikis, dominatouris and magis- 
 tratis, our freindis_, alyantis,' etc. ; and also ' to all and sindrie our 
 lauchfull and weill advysit subjectis.' She refers to the rebellion 
 lately perpetrated against her, by those whom she had so often 
 pardoned for previous conspiracies ; she describes the grievous 
 condition of the country, and the hardships of her subjects during 
 her imprisonment; she blames Murray for Huntly's overthrow, 
 the Darnley match, and regal ambition. He is described as 
 'James, callit Erie Morray, quhome we of ane spurious bastard 
 (althocht nameit our brother) promovit fra ane religious monk 
 to Erie and Lord.' He is referred to as 'that beistlie traitour,' 
 as the ' bastard traitour,' and as ' ane bastard gottin in schamefuU 
 adulterie.' He and his faction are charged ^vith sowing jealousy 
 between her and Darnley, murdering the latter, and inciting 
 Both well to ravish her. On the other hand, she speaks of 'our 
 darrest father adoptive, the guid Duik of Chestellarault ' ; and of his 
 house as 'that guid hous of Hammiltoun.' Being now at liberty, 
 she revokes — in presence of the subscribing lords, barons, and 
 members of Privy Council — 'the pretendit commissiones ' ex- 
 torted from her when ' in strait presoun ' and ' amangis these dis- 
 pairit bludie tyrantis handis.' By this deed, which she wills to 
 have the force of an Act of Parliament, she creates and nominates 
 Chatelherault and his heirs the protectors and regents of her 
 realm, and tutor to her son during his minority and her own 
 absence in foreign countries, and also in future minorities when it 
 shall please God to call her or her successors ' furth of this fatal 
 lyfe.' In the event of her own death without further lawful issue, 
 and of her son's dying childless, she transfers the regal power, 
 crown, and sceptre of Scotland to Chatelherault and the House of 
 Hamilton, their heirs and successors perpetually. jMeanwhile, 
 she requires all kings, princes, dukes, etc., to help her to recover 
 her just authority ; and charges all her faithful lieges to assist her 
 in establishing the same and in punishing the usurpers ; and orders 
 her heralds to make proclamation hereof at the market crosses 
 of her burghs and other public places. The following extract 
 will serve as a specimen of the language which is used and also 
 reveal the writer's estimate of Murray's supporters : — ' Bot suld 
 we keip silence of the mischent unworthie traitour Williame 
 
 487 
 
NOTES AND REFERENCES [chap. 
 
 Maitland^ quliome^ from ane simple unworthie page, our darrest 
 mother and we did nurische and bring up to perfectioun, and 
 thaireftir not onlie promovit to the office of Secretary hot richlie 
 rewardit him and all his freindis with benefites_, giftis, and pro- 
 mositiones : the ingrait traitour, Mr. James Balfour, and Gilbert 
 his brother, quhome fra slaverie and indigence we erectit to the 
 estait of counsallour and Clark of Register, and gave that men- 
 sworne ethnik [i.e. heathen] the keiping of our cheif strenth and 
 haill jouellis, the Castell of Edinburgh, and maid his brothir our 
 maistir houshald: the cowart traitour, the Laird of Craigmiller, 
 quhome we had in sic credeit as our awin hairt, and nevir denyit his 
 ressonabill sute: the dowbill flattering traytour, Maistir Johne 
 Hay, quhome we promo veit fra ane puir simple clerk to ane abot 
 and pryour : the Bischope of Orknay, quhome we promovit thairto 
 fra ane puir clerk : the hell houndis, bludy tyrantis, without 
 saullis or feir of God, yung Cesfurd, Andro Ker of Faldounsyde, 
 Drumlangrig, yunger and elder : the fibill tyrant Mynto : the 
 schameles boutschour, George Dowglas,* with ane greit number of 
 godles traitouris, commoun murtheraris and throt cutteris, quhome 
 na prince, ye not the barbarus ethnik, the Turk, for thir per- 
 petrat murthouris culd pardoun or spair : and thay craftie, per- 
 jureit foxis and oppin traitouris, quhais branes dois nevir ceis fra 
 tressonabill inventiones, airis to Judas, sones of Sathane and of 
 the progenie of cruell Cayin, Johnne Wischart of Pittarra, Maistiris 
 Hendrie Balknawis, James M'Gill, James Haliburtoun, Robert 
 Richesone, Johne Wod, and the rest of that pestiferous factioun, 
 quhome fra mair indigence, schamefuU slavery, and base estait, 
 we promovit, and oft pardonit thair offences.' The day, month, 
 and place are left blank, and it may be doubted whether this 
 galling document was ever signed or issued. As the writer was 
 neither ignorant of legal phraseology nor of the language of 
 ecclesiastical cursing, but in evident sympathy with the House 
 of Hamilton, and no admirer of the reformed clergy, it may 
 perhaps be inferred that he was none other than the Archbishop 
 of St. Andrews. Tliere are passages, however, which seem to 
 savour of feminine rancour, and others which recall Throck- 
 morton's description of Mary's commission to Lethington (supra, 
 
 1 This George Douglas, an illegitimate son of the Earl of Angus, must not 
 be confounded with the hero of Mary's escape from Loch Leven. 
 
 488 
 
xiii] NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 p. 340, n. 95), which '^wanted neither eloquence, despite, anger, 
 love, nor passion.' 
 
 11'' Foreign Calendar, Elisabeth, viii. 452 ; Keith's History, ii. 805 ; 
 Nau's History, p. cciv. — For her proclamation of 5th May see 
 infra, pp. 512-514. 
 
 "^ One account estimates her army at 6000 and Murray's at 4000 
 {Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 457) ; another at 5000 and 3000 
 respectively {Diurnal ofOccurrents, p. ISO). Mary herself says that 
 her people were twice as many as her enemies (Labanoff's Becueil, 
 ii. 76). 
 
 11^ Melville's Memoirs, pp. 200-202 ; Diimial of Occurrents, pp. 
 130, 131 ; Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 457, 458. Aikman's 
 Buchanan, ii. 535-537 ; Calderwood's History, ii. 414-416. To the 
 King of France, Mary's lords tried to explain and palliate their 
 defeat {Registrum Honoris de Morton, i. 30, 81). — For a careful 
 account of the battle and the battlefield, see Mr. A. M. Scott's 
 Battle of Langside. 
 
 120 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 457. — Another account 
 represents Argyll as taking a *^fitt of the epilepsy' {The Earls 
 of Cromartie, 1871, ii. 496). Mary's commission appointing him 
 Lieutenant of Scotland, and dated at Hamilton 13th May, is printed 
 in The Lennox, ii. 437. The act and warrant ' for the transport of 
 the Queen's Majesty's most noble person from Hamilton to Dum- 
 barton,' signed by her at Hamilton on the 12th of May, is printed 
 by Father Stevenson (Nau's History, p. ccii.). 
 
 121 Melville's Memoirs, p. 202. — Birrel says that, despairing of 
 victory, she fled in the middle of the battle {Diary, p. 15). 
 
 122 Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 77 ; Ellis's Original Letters, first series, 
 ii. 236, 237. 
 
 123 Herries's Historical Memoirs, p. 103 ; Labanoff's Becueil, ii. 76 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 460 ; Sir Herbert Maxwell's History 
 of Dumfries and Galloway, 1896, p. 197. 
 
 124 Labanoff's Recueil, ii. 117-119 ; Turnbull's Letters of Mary 
 Stuart, pp. 163, 164.— This letter was written at Carlisle on the 
 21st of June. 
 
 125 Wright's Elizabeth, i. 280, 281.— This letter is dated 11th 
 June. Mr. Skelton gives fragments of it, and part of another 
 letter of 8th August, as a continuous extract from one document 
 {Mary Stuart, 1893, pp. 34, 35). 
 
 489 
 
ADDITIONAL NOTES AND REFERENCES 
 
 For Knox's denunciation of the ' styncken pryde of wemen,' see 
 supra, p. 277^ n. 88. The display of gi-andeur which called forth 
 that denunciation is thus described by Randolph :— ' The xxvi of 
 May^ her Grace roode unto the Parlemente Howse in thys order — 
 Gentlemen^ barons_, lordes and erles in their arraye and place. 
 After them the trompettes and suche other musike as theie had. 
 Next the herauldes, then the Erie of Murraye that caried the 
 swordcj the Erie of Argile the septer^ and the Duke the crowne 
 regall. Then followed herself in her Parlement roobes and a verie 
 fayer riche crowne upon her heade. ITier followed her Grace fyrste 
 the noblemen's wyves as theie were in dignitie, 12 in number, 
 after them the four virgins, maydes, Maries, damoyselles of honor, 
 or the Quen's mignions, cawle them as please your honor, but a 
 fayerrer syghte was never seen. These beinge nowe of the princi- 
 pals 16, ther followed them as maynie more so wonderfull in 
 beautie that I knowe not what courte maye be compared unto them. 
 The choyce, I assure your Lordship, that daye was ther of the 
 whole realme. Havinge receaved her plase in Parliment, silence 
 beinge commaunded unto th'assistance, she pronouncethe with a 
 singular good grace an oration shorte, and verie prettie, whearof I 
 sende your honor the coppie, as I am sure she made yt herself and 
 diserved great prayse in utteringe of the same. I had that daye 
 the honor to convoye her Grace to the Parlemente Howse, and to 
 be presente at the whole solemnities and tyme of her beinge ther ' 
 (Historical MSS. Commission , Twelfth Report, app. iv. pp. 84, 85). 
 
 The process of forfeiture against Lennox, in 1545, is printed in 
 Ruddiman's Epistolae Regum Scotorum, ii. 838-341 ; and in the Acts 
 of Parliament, ii. 456-458. The doom was revoked by Parliament 
 in December 1564 {Diurnal of Occurrents, pp. 78, 79). 
 
 For Rokesby's attempt to act as a spy on the Queen of Scots see 
 Haynes's State Papers, pp. 445-448 ; Hatfield Calendar, i. 337-889 ; 
 Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth, viii. 64, 65, 71, 76, 85, 86, 87, 91, 94, 
 101, 104, 109, 237; Melville's Memoirs, Mait. Club, pp. 155- 
 167 ; Nau's Mary, pp. 25-27. 
 
 490 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED ^ 
 
 [Mary to her Mother. 24th April 1558.] - 
 
 Ma Dame, messieurs mes oncles m'ont adverti qu'ils de- 
 peschoit devers vous dequoy je este fort aise pour avoir trove 
 le moyen de vous faire ce petit mot pour tous jours me 
 ramantevoir en votre bonne grace, ce que je suis bien marry e 
 ne puis faire p[lu]s souvent, mays madame vous excuses bien 
 le peu de moien que depuis quelque temps je eu, et reseves 
 la bonne voulonte et obeisante pour le fait. Quant a vous 
 dire ce que je fait aveques mes Ecosois je espere que vous 
 vous contenteres de moy, car comme je pance que monsieur 
 le Cardinal mon oncle vous aura fait entendre, et monsieur de 
 Rube aussi, j'en ay a peu pres fait tout ce que je voul[ois] 
 ... a ceste heure et pour ce que en serais advertie je ne 
 p . . . ons d'une si longue naration pour vous 
 
 1 It is possible that, in one or other of the almost innumerable works 
 bearing on the history of Mary Stuart, some of the following documents may 
 have been previously published ; but I do not remember seeing any of them 
 in type. Here they are arranged chronologically. Two are taken from 
 the Register of the Privy Seal, and two from the Register of the Canongate 
 Kirk Session, the others are printed from the original documents; and 
 all, save the letter on p. 514, are in the Register House. Except in proper 
 names, I have followed the modern usage in dealing with u and v, and with 
 i and j. 
 
 2 This letter, in Mary's autograph, written on the day she married the 
 Dauphin, bears many traces of haste and excitement. It is now considerably 
 discoloured ; and the strips of tracing paper, which have been pasted over its 
 margins, somewhat obscure the ends of the lines. In this transcript, words 
 which are illegible are represented by dots, parts of words torn out are sup- 
 plied in brackets, and those which are rather doubtful are italicised. In the 
 original there is neither punctuation nor apostrophes. 
 
 491 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 parler du de me ayit. Et premier, madame, je diray 
 
 que si Dieu ma r . . . fait la grace de connoytre Tobligatioii 
 que je vous dois, ce n'est rien ce me samble au pris de ce que 
 par experiance j'en connois a sette heure, volant la poine 
 que je eue si peu de temps pour les ranger, au^ pris de vous 
 madame qui en prens sans fois plus, et si long temps, et ne 
 pouvant autrement vous en rendre satisfaite que prier Dieu 
 qu'il me face tant de grace de ne permetre me tant aveugler 
 que je ne vous sois toute ma vie tres obeisante file, et ne 
 vous fois autre requeste si non tous jours commender sur 
 moy et tout ce qui me tousche, sans que je aie ni opinion ni 
 voulonte, car madame, je ne veus avoir voulonte que la votre. 
 Au reste, madame, iP faut que je vous face partisipante de 
 I'onneur que le Roy et la Royne me font de m'aymer propre 
 fille, comme il m'ont fait paroitre ce xxiiii d'Avril de m'avoir 
 resceue pour leur belle fille, et pour ce, madame, que vous 
 saures asses comme tout c'est passe, je ne vous en diray rien 
 plus si non que je m'estime Tune de plus heureuses fames 
 du monde pour avoir et le Roy et la Royne et madame et 
 messieurs et mesdames tients que je les sauroys souhaiter, et 
 le Roy mon m[ary] qui me faijnte estime comme telle que je 
 veus vi[vre] et mourir. Le Roy la Royne et messieurs 
 m*ont donne ch[acun] un [bjrodure de piarrerie, et la Roine 
 encore une a . . . . cote et boutons outre les cinq ac- 
 coustremens que le Roy ma donne et ma chambre garnie 
 de vesselles. Quant a messieurs mes oncles il ne posible de 
 me plus faire d'onneur et d'amitie qu'ils ont tous fait tant 
 aises et contents que rien plus, et sur tout monsieur le Car- 
 dinal mon oncle qui a eu la poine de tout et tout avance si 
 onestement que on ne parle d' autre chosse. II n'eut seu 
 faire plus pour personne du monde. Je reseu vos dernieres 
 letres, je fairays votre commandement : qui sera I'endroit ou 
 
 1 In the original qu. Throughout the letter the writer has made a good 
 many slight corrections and alterations. Had she made a few more, her ^ 
 meaning might have been more apparent. 
 
 2 In the original is. 
 
 492 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 je vous presenterays mes tres humbles recommandations a 
 votre bonne grace, priant Dieu, madame, qui me donne la 
 grace de vous faire cervise selon ce que je dois. Vous ex- 
 cuseres si j'ecris si mal car les nocces de lunde des filles de 
 la Royne ne m'ont donne loysir. 
 
 Votre tres humble et tres obeisante fille, 
 
 Marie. 
 
 Je vous envoye des lettres que je peur avoir guarde trop 
 long temps mais sa este faute de moien. 
 
 [Indorsed : — ] A la Royne ma mere. 
 
 [The Queen's Letter to the Scottish Estates announc- 
 ing HER Marriage with the Dauphin. 26th June 
 1558.] 
 
 Marie, be the grace of God Quene of Scottis and Dol- 
 phines of Viennois, to the nobillitie and rest of the estaitis 
 of our realme, greting. Forsamekill as ye will undirstand 
 be thir Lordis youre Ambassatouris and Deputis, beraris of 
 this present, how it hes pleissit God that the foir spokin 
 mariage, betuix oure maist deir and best belovit husband, 
 the King of Scotland, Dolphin of Viennois, and us, hes tane 
 effect eftir the avice and consent of oure maist honorabill 
 and derrest moder, the Quene Dowriare, Regent of oure 
 realme, and youris ; of the quhilk we half greit occasioun to 
 thank God and stand content, beand sa heichlie and honora- 
 billie alliat and associat with so worthy and vertuus ane 
 Prince, sua effectionat to the weill of yow and oure realme, 
 that we could nocht haif wissit nor askit at God ane greitar 
 thing in this warld. And becaus we knaw the greit con- 
 tentment that his grace hes of yow, throw the demonstratioun 
 of youre faithfull love and obedience towart him, we pray 
 yow maist deir and weilbelovit to continew and perseveir in 
 that will, and be youre gude and affectionat service to man- 
 teine yow in his gude favoure, and in the deliberatioun that 
 
 493 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 his Hienes hes to thankfullie intreit yow and do for yow all 
 that sail appertene to the weill honour profFeit and avance- 
 ment of yow and our realme. The quhilk doand, we will 
 haif the greitar occasioun and myance to amploy us for yow, 
 as ye will do us thankfull and aggreabill service, sik as youre 
 forisaid Ambassatouris will geif yow mair amply to undir- 
 stand, referand forder of oure mynd to thame ; ^ and prayis 
 God almychting to haif yow in his blissit keiping. Of 
 Villiers Costeretz the xxvj*^ day of Junii the yeir of God j"^ 
 fyve hundreth and fyfty aucht yeiris. 
 
 Marie. 
 Be the Quenes Grace 
 
 Degrantrye. 
 
 [Warrant for Extracting the Process of Forfeiture 
 
 LED AGAINST THE EaRL OF LeNXOX. 27tH SEPTEMBER 
 
 1564.] 
 
 Regina. 
 
 Clerk of oure Registre we greit yow weill. Forsamekill as 
 thair wes ane proces of forfaltoure ^ led aganis Mathew sum- 
 tyme Erie of Leuenax, at the instance of oure advocattis for 
 the tyme, Oure will is, and for certane considderationis moving 
 us, that ye extract draw furth and deliver the said proces of 
 forfaltoure to the said Erie with expeditioun, as ye will ansuer 
 to us upoun the executioun of youre office, kepand thir pre- 
 sentis for your warrand. Subscrivit with oure hand at Edin- 
 burgh the xxvij day of September and of our regnne the 
 
 ^^y y^''- Marie R. 
 
 [Treasury Warrant concerning the Castle of 
 St. Andrews. 31 st July 1565.] 
 
 Thesaurer, forsamekill as Robert Leslye of Arthourseir 
 haid charge of us to keipe the Castell of Sanctandrois in thir 
 
 1 This allusion is no doubt to the request for the matrimonial crown to the 
 Dauphin {supra, pp. 25, 26), 2 gee supra, p. 490. 
 
 494 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 lait trublis, quharbye we onderstand that he onderlyis charge 
 and expensis for the keping of the said Castell according 
 to our command ; quhairfoir we command yowe to heir his 
 comptis and allowe him resonabill expensis, and mak him 
 payment incontinent of the foirsaid expensis meid be him ; 
 and this ye feill nocht to do, all excusis being byput, as 
 ye will ansuer to us therupone, quhilk salbe sufficientlye 
 allowit to yowe in your comptis, ye keipand this wryt for 
 your warrand. Subscryvit with our hand at Halyrudhous the 
 last daye of Julij the yeir of God j™ v^^ Ixv, and of our regnis 
 the first and xxiii yeris. 
 
 Marie R. Henry R.^ 
 
 [Extracts'' concerning the Fast observed on the 24th 
 OF February and the 3rd of March 1565-6.] 
 
 The 23 of Februer 1565 ... . The quhilk day, the 
 ordinance of the Generally Kirk of Scotland for fasting 
 biand knawand to be apone the morn to be exersisit with 
 all hummilite, the kirk,* knawand the same to be varie 
 godlie and necessar, promissis, with the essastanss of Godis 
 Holie Spreit, to fulfill it to thair uttermost of thair power, 
 bothe for thame selfis and also in gud exampell of the pepill 
 of quhome thay ar chosine to be oursiaris ; requiring and 
 commandand the minister to exhort the pepill for the obser- 
 vatioun of the same, and also to hant priching and prayers 
 nocht onlie the twa Sondayis bot also the hole rest of the 
 olk,^ according to the ordinance. 
 
 The secound of Marche 1565. The quhilk day, be resone 
 of the exortatioun and sermone for fasting in the tyme mad^ 
 
 1 "\i\Tien Damley signed this warrant he had only been king for two days. 
 
 2 From the Register of the Canongate Kirk Session. See supra, p. 398, 
 71 58. 
 
 3 That is the General Assembly. 
 
 4 That is the Kirk Session of the Canongate. 
 
 6 Week. « Made, 
 
 495 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 that the brether suld essemblat, it wes thocht necessar to 
 defer all matteris quhill the nixt Satterday. 
 
 The Quexis graces precept to the Baillies of Abirden 
 TO ansuer Hew Lawder of xxiiij ti.^ [28th March 
 1566.] 
 
 Baillies off Aberdeine, fforsamekill as thair was wount to be 
 pait owtt off the few malis off the said burgh to the Blak and 
 Quhytt Freris off the said towne the sowme off twenty four 
 pundis in almous yeirlie, quhilk was allowit in your comptis 
 in the chekkeris bypast ; and now it hes plesit the Kyng and 
 Quenis Majesteis to dispone the haill rentis and proffittis off 
 the saidis Freris to Capitane Hew Lawder in assedatione, as 
 thair lettres under the Previe Seill grantit to hyme therapon 
 proportis ; quharfor ye sail nocht faill to content and pay the 
 said sowme off xxiiij tib. to the said Capitane Hew, quhilk 
 was pait to the said Freris off befoir, off this instant yeir, and 
 siclyk yeirlie in tyme cuming during the yeris contenit in his 
 tak. And keip this precept with his acquittance to your 
 warrand, and the samyn salbe thankful lie alloAvit to you in 
 your comptis. Subscryvit with our hand att Edinburgh, the 
 xxviij day of Marche, in the yeir off God j m v^ Ixvj yeiris. 
 
 Marie R. fiat.2 
 
 [Order for procuring hawks. 27th April 1566.] 
 
 ComptroUar we greit you weill. It hes bene the ancient 
 custume observit of langtyme bigane, that yeirlie our fal- 
 conaris resortis to the boundis of Orknay, Zetland, and 
 
 1 This is tlie indorsation. 
 
 2 In the Book of Articles, it is said that Mary invented a new device, and, 
 in place of Darnley's subscription, 'writt Fiat efter hir awin name for 
 warrand to the signet and seales, secludand him thairby utterlie fra the 
 knawlege of the state of the realme ' (Hosack's Mary, i. 525). At Linlithgow, 
 on 29th of January 1566-7, when convoying Darnley to the Kirk-of-Field, 
 she wrote fiat after her name {Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, i. 486*}. 
 
 496 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 utheris the north cuntreis, for hambringing of the haulkis 
 
 thairof to us. And sua we have send thir beraris this 
 
 instant yeir. Thair expenssis is accustomat to be pait furth 
 
 of your office. And sen ye ar in the cuntre your self we 
 
 pray yow not onlie to ansuer thame thankfiillie of thair 
 
 accustomat dewitie and expenssis ; bot als tak ordour how 
 
 thai salbe reddelie and thankfullie ansuerit of the halkis 
 
 within the saidis boundis, quhilkis ar als necessair for us 
 
 as ony uther the like thing, alsweill for our awin pastyme as 
 
 for the gratificatioun of our freindis. This we doubt not bot 
 
 ye will do. Subscrivit with our hand at Edinburgh the xxvij 
 
 day of Aprile 1566. ,, S „ oi 
 
 •^ ^ Marie R. Henry R.i 
 
 [Order for procuring hawks. 2Tth April 1566.] 
 
 Comptroller, clerk, or argentier of our hous. It is our will 
 and we charge yow, or ony of yow to quhome this our pre- 
 cept salbe presentit, to ansuer our servitouris Johnne Eraser, 
 [6/awA',] falconaris, of the sowme of twenty pundis equale 
 betuix thame, in part of pament of thair dewitie and ex- 
 penssis, to pas to Orknay and Zetland for hambringing of 
 our haulkis ; and the sam)m salbe thankfullie allowit to yow 
 in your comptis, kepand this write for your warrand. Sub- 
 scrivit with our hand at Edinburgh the xxvij day of Aprle the 
 yeir of God j"^ v*^ Ix six yeris. 
 
 Marie R. Henry R.^ 
 
 [Precept for registering Mary Beaton's marriage- 
 contract. 16th May 1566.] 
 Rex et Regina. 
 
 Advocatis, it is our will and we charge yow that ye com- 
 peir incontenent efter the sicht heirof befoir the Lordis of 
 
 1 Mary's signature is in the same ink as the body of the document. 
 Darnley's is not. 
 
 2 1 497 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 our Counsall and Sessioun, and, in our name and behalf, con- 
 sent to the regestring of ane contract^ of mariage — betuix us, 
 takand the burding on us with consent of the Kingis grace 
 our spous, with Robert Betoun of Creich, for our servitrix 
 Marie Betoun, on that ane part ; and Alexander Ogilby of 
 Boyne, with consent of his frendis on the uther part — of the 
 dait the thrid day of Maij the yer of God j°^ v^ Ixvj yeris ; 
 and to promis, in our name, befoir the saidis Lordis verbo 
 regio, to releif the cautioneris contenit in the said contract 
 for thair partis, sa far as we ar oblist to do, conforme to the 
 tennour heirof ; and that the saidis Lordis interpone thair 
 authorite therto, promittentes de rato ; as ye will ansuer to us 
 therupoun ; kepand thir presentis for your warrand. Sub- 
 scrivit with our hand, at Edinburght, the sextene day of 
 Maij, and of our regnis the first and xxiiij yeiris. 
 
 Marie R. Henry R. 
 
 [Treasttry Warrant for payment to the captains of 
 
 FOOT-MEN. 15th July 1566.] 
 
 Regina. 
 
 Thesaurar we grete yow weill. This precept sene ye sal 
 no[cht]^ faill to ansuer and deliver to oure foure capitanes^ 
 of futemen of weir, now being present in oure service, the 
 sowme of ellevin hundre[d]'^ fourtie aucht pundis, for the 
 fourt monethis pay, beginning^ at the tuelf day of Junij and 
 endand the ellevint day of Julij, quhilk salbe thankfullie 
 allowit to yow in your comptis, takand thair acquittance 
 therupoun as ye did of befoir. We will and als chargeis yow 
 
 1 The contract itself is printed, from the original, in the Maitland Mis- 
 cellany, i. 43-49.— See Register of Privy CoimcU, iii. 207, 208. 
 
 2 Cut off. 
 
 3 The acquittance on the back is signed by Captain Alexander Stewart. 
 
 4 Cut off. 
 
 * In original being, with no mark of contraction. 
 
 498 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 to do, as ye will ansuer to us therupoun, without ony delay. 
 Subscrivit with our hand, at our castell of Edinburcht, the 
 XV day of Julij anno 1566 yeiris. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Axe Memoriall of sik necessaris as are neidfill and 
 requeseit for my loirde prince chalmer.^ [oth 
 Sept. 1566.] 
 
 First tuay cofferis. 
 
 Ten hankis off gold and ten hankis of silver the fynest 
 that can be gottin. Threttie elnis of fyne camberage. 
 
 Four pound of fyne suyng threide. 
 
 Sax pound of secundar threid in divers sortis. 
 
 Fourtie tuay elne of blew ostage to be ane cuvering of ane 
 bed and ane cannabie to the Laidie Reres. 
 
 Sax elnis of plaiding to lyne the cuvering with. 
 
 Tuelf ellis of fustean to be ane matt and bowster with ane 
 codde. 
 
 Tuay stane of woll to put in the matt. 
 
 Ane stane of fedderis to put in the bowster. 
 
 Auchtein elnis of camves to be the pavilyeas and the 
 cuvering of the pavilyeas. 
 
 Five elnis of blankattis. And the trees of ane bedde. 
 
 Tuay skenyeis of girdis to bind up the bedde. 
 
 Thre scoir elnis of small linnyng to be schetis to the Ladie 
 Reres and the maistres nureis. 
 
 Fyftein elne of blew plading for to mak ane cannabie to 
 the rokaris. 
 
 Twentie four elnis of fustean to mak tuay mattis and tuay 
 bowsteris. 
 
 Nyn elne of camves to dowbill thame. 
 
 1 This is apparently the order for the furnishing of the first nursery of the 
 infant Prince at Stirling, Four of the lines are partially scored out. This 
 was probably done when the items were checked off. 
 
 499 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 Four stane of woll to the tuay mattis. 
 
 Tuay stane of fedderis to the bowsteris. 
 
 Threttie sax elnis of camves to be the tuay pavilyeasis and 
 the tuay cuveringis. 
 
 Four skenye of girdis to bind thame with. 
 
 Tuay cuveringis of tapestrie. 
 
 Tuelf elnis of blankattis. 
 
 Sax scoir elnis of linnyng for to serve in my Loirde prince 
 chalmer and to be schetis to the rokaris. 
 
 Tuelf elne of rownd cleith to be schetis to the servandis 
 that lyis on my Loirde prince uter chalmer. 
 
 Ane cuvering. 
 
 Aucht elnis of camves to be ane pavilyeas. 
 
 Thesaurire, forsamekle as this memorial 1 being sein be 
 yow, we chairge yow thatt sik necessaris as ar contenit in 
 this former memoriall ye cans the sammyn be ansourit in- 
 continent, becaus the sammyn is requesit and verray neidfull 
 to be had. And this ye feill nocht to do, but ony delay as 
 ye will mak us thankfull service. Subscrivit with our hand, 
 at Striuiling Castell, the fyft of September 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Memorandum for the Quens graces chalmar. 
 [4 November 1566.] 
 
 Item of fyne smalle lynine claiht iiij^^ elle. 
 
 Item of holene claiht xx elle. 
 
 Item of yallow silk quyht silk and blak silk vj unce. 
 
 Item of treid tua pund weicht. 
 
 Item of velvat iij elie. 
 
 Item of quyht fustiane xvi elle. 
 
 Mr Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht faeille 
 to ansour Mr Jhone Balfour of alle this aboune wretine, 
 quilk salle be allouit to yow in your comptis, keipand this 
 
 500 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 our precepe for your warrand. Subscrivit wyth our hand, 
 Tantalloune, the 4 of November 1 066.1 
 
 Marie R. 
 Inscript. 
 
 [Warrant for some preparation for the baptism of 
 
 THE PRINCE. 3rd DeCEiMBER 1566.] 
 
 Thesaurar, faill nocht incontinent efter the sycht heiroff 
 to furnis to this bearar fourty ehies off taffetas off the cord, 
 to be some prepartatefs for the baptesme, as ye will ansuer 
 to us. Subscrivit with our hand at Cragmellor the iij day 
 off December 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Je soubs signe confesse avoyr receu de Maistre Robert 
 Richarson tresaurier de la Royne d'Escosse xl aulnes de 
 tafetas a corde de troys coleurs, et tout par le comandement 
 de la Royne comme il est contenu audessus, le vj™® jour de 
 Decembre 1566. 
 
 Bastien Pagez.2 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 [Warrant for the payment of lute-strings. 
 9th December 1566.] 
 
 Maister Robert Rychardson thesaurer that ye incontinent 
 efter the sycht heirof ansueir to our servant Jhon Hume ^ ten 
 poundis, usual mony of Scotland, for luit stryngis that he hes 
 
 1 Mary was not at Tantallon, but at Jedburgh, on the 4th of November 
 1566. Balfour's acquittance is dated, at Edinburgh, the 6th of December ; 
 but the first three letters of the month have been altered. The indorsation 
 bears the date '4 Novembris, 1566.' In the Dianj known as Cecil's, it is 
 said that Mary and Bothwell came to Tantallon on the 16th of November 
 (Anderson's Collections, ii. 270). 
 
 2 Bastien writes a bold, clear, firm hand. The material of which he ac- 
 knowledges the receipt was probably intended for the masque at the Prince's 
 baptism. 
 
 2 Hume's acquittance is on the back. 
 
 501 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 bocht, and for to by otheris alsua^ and for to pay for the 
 caryage of the luitis and raparyng of thaym ; and it salbe 
 Weill allouit to yow, ye schawand this our precept at your 
 comptis for your warrand. Subscrivit wyth our hand, at our 
 Paly[ce] of Halyroudhous, the ix day of December, the yeir 
 of God a m . v*^ Ixvj yeris. 
 
 Marie R. 
 Liscript. 
 
 [Remission to the Earl of Morton and seventy-five 
 others for the murder of kiccio, granted 24<th 
 December 1566.]^ 
 
 Henricus et Maria, etc., quia ex nostris gratia et favore 
 specialibus remisimus dilectis et predilecto nostris consan- 
 guineo et consiliario Jacobo comiti de Mortoun Domino de 
 Dalkeith etc., quondam Patricio Domino Ruthuen, Willelmo 
 nunc Domino Ruthuen ejus filio, Patricio Domino Lindsay, 
 Magistro Archibaldo Douglas rectori de Douglas, Patricio 
 Murray de Tybbermure, Patricio Bellenden de Stenhous, 
 Joanni Balfour ejus servo, [blanJc] Cuninghame juniori de 
 Cuninghameheid, [blank] Mure de Rowallane, Jacobo Douglas 
 de Knychtisrig, Magistro Thome Dovvglas in Clappertoun, 
 Jacobo Douglas ejus filio, Hectori Dowglas in Spittelhauch, 
 Jacobo Douglas ibidem, Jacobo Douglas in Todhoillis, Joanni 
 Dowglas de Scheill, Willelmo Douglas in Lintoun, Roberto 
 Douglas fratri Willelmi Douglas de Caveris, Roberto Douglas 
 de Coschogill, Jacobo Dowglas coquo, Jacobo Douglas servo 
 lie paige, Archibaldo Douglas filio quondam Georgii Douglas 
 de Wattersyde, Willelmo Douglas ejus fratri, Joanni Douglas 
 in Howden, Willelmo Douglas vocato de Panitre, Alexandre 
 
 1 From the Register of Privy Seal, xxxv. 101, 102. Had Hosack com- 
 pared the names in this document with the lists in the Register of Privy 
 Council (i. 437, 462, 463), he would not have said that George Douglas and 
 Ker of Fawdounside were ' the only two persons exempted from the general 
 amnesty ' {Mary and Her Accusers, i. 169). 
 
 502 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 Douglas, Georgio Auchinlek, Alexandre Jardane, Archibaldo 
 Carmichaell, Willelmo Bruce, Andree Cristie, Georgio Sym- 
 soun, Georgio Neisbit, Johanni Harvy, Johanni Hwrae, 
 Andree Hume, Joanni Reid, Patricio Ruthuen de Ardona- 
 quhy, Alexandre Lindesay de Culterany, Dauidi Lindesay in 
 Craigingaw, Luce Brice de West Mylntoun, Georgio Ruthuen 
 in Arlywicht, Willelmo Ruthuen filio Nicholai Ruthuen, 
 Domino Roberto Oistlar, Willelmo MoncreifF de Tibber- 
 malloch, Bartholomeo Arnot, Willelmo Stewart filio Andree 
 Stewart de Fossoquhy, Edwardo Youngar, Alexandre Broun- 
 feild, Ricardo Cranstoun de Skatisbus, Georgio Cranstoun, 
 Thome Cowy, Willelmo Levingstoun de Kilsyth, Jacobo 
 Striueling de Keir, Willelmo Striuiling de Ardocht, Alex- 
 andre Forestar de Garden, Jacobo Witherspvne de Brighous, 
 Jacobo Giffert de Schirrefhall, Jacobo Someruile in Humby, 
 Hugoni Anderstoun in Pumfraystoun, Alexandre Guthrie, 
 Alexandre Clerk, Andree Armestrang, burgensibus de Edin- 
 burgh, Jacobo Millar ibidem, Alexandre Creichtoun fratri 
 Joannis Creichtoun de Bruntstoun, W^illelmo Creichtoun in 
 Fawlawis, Stephano Dowglas in Bankend, Joanni Giffert in 
 Lintoun, Thome Richartsoun ibidem, Joanni Mowbray ibidem, 
 Jacobo Millar in Brighous, Patricio Purdy servo dicti Hectoris 
 Douglas, Magistro Andree Hay rectori de Renfrew, Joanni 
 Craufurd in Schaw, Roberto Hendersoun chirurgo in Edin- 
 burgh, ac omnibus aliis suis complicibus hominibus domesticis 
 servitoribus et tenentibus, cum ipsis presentibus et parti- 
 cipibus criminum subscriptorum rancorem etc. ; pro eorum 
 proditoriis captione detentiene et incarceratione nebilissime 
 persone nostre dicte regine intra Palaci:.im nostrum de Hali- 
 ruidhous, none, decime, et undecimo diebus mensis Marcii 
 ultime elapsis ; et pro arte et parte interfectionis quondam 
 Dauidis Riccio nostri familiaris servitoris dicto none die cem- 
 misse ; et pro omnibus actione et crimine, que dictis personis 
 aut earum alicui inde quovismodo imputari aut desuper sequi 
 poterint; necnon pre omnibus aliis actionibus criminibus 
 proditionibus transgressionibus et offensis quibuscunque per 
 
 503 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 dictas personas aut earum aliquam aliquibus temporibus 
 elapsis datam presentium precedentibus commissis seu quo- 
 modolibet perpetratis. Insuper volumus et concediraus ac 
 pro nobis et successoribus nostris decernimus et ordinamus, 
 quod dictus Willelmus nunc Dominus Ruthuen per brevia 
 capelle nostre ad omnes terras annuos redditus et officia que 
 dicto quondam suo patri pertinuerunt intrare poterit, non 
 obstantibus aliquibus criminibus aut ofFensis per ipsum in 
 vita sua commissis, pro quibus nunquam actionem move- 
 bimus, et non obstante quod extra hoc regnum nostrum et 
 non ad pacem et fidem nostram obiit, penes quos tam 
 cum dicto Willelmo quam cum judicibus et personis inquisi- 
 tionis ejus brevia servituris dispensamus. Vobis etc. Apud 
 Striuiling vicesimo quarto die mensis Decembris anno Domini 
 jm yc ixvj^ et regnorum nostrorum annis secundo et vicesimo 
 quinto. 
 
 Per signetum. 
 
 [Remission to Andrew Ker of Fawdounsyde for the 
 
 MURDER OF RiCCIO, GRANTED 24tH DECEMBER 1566.]^ 
 
 Preceptum remissionis Andre Ker de Fawdounsyde pro 
 ejus proditoriis captione detentione et incarceratione nobilis- 
 sime persone S.D.N. Regine, intra Palacium suum de Hali- 
 ruidhous, nono, decimo^ et undecimo diebus mensis Martij 
 ultimo elapsis ; et pro arte et parte interfectionis quondam 
 Dauidis Riccio sui familiaris servitoris, dicto nono die com- 
 misse ; et pro omnibus actione et crimine etc. ; necnon pro 
 omnibus aliis actionibus criminibus proditionibus transgres- 
 sionibus et ofFensis quibuscunque per ipsum aliquibus tem- 
 poribus retroactis datam presentium precedentibus commissis 
 seu quomodolibet perpetratis etc. Apud Striuiling vicesimo 
 quarto die mensis Decembris anno etc. lxvj°. 
 
 Per signetum. 
 
 1 From the Register of Privy Seal, xxxvi. 50.— See supra, p. 429, n. HO, 
 
 504 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 Memorandum for the Quexs grace. [4th January 
 1566-7.] 
 
 Item to lyne tua gounis of satine and velvat of reid taffatis 
 of the sax treid xiiij elle. 
 
 Item of reid frisse iij elle and half. 
 
 Item of schiutne ^ gold iiij doubil hankis. 
 
 Item of canvass iij elle. 
 
 Item to be rufis to the Kyngis sarkis of camarage viij elle. 
 
 Item of pasmentis of silver xx elle. 
 
 Mr Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht faeille 
 to ansour Jhane de Compiegne- alle this aboun wretine, 
 quilk salbe allouit in your comptis, keipand this our precepe 
 for your warrand. Subscr[i]3vit with our hand at Stirlyng 
 the 4 of Januar 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Memorandum to be ane garmound to be ane garmund 
 (sic) TO Jeane de Compiegne. [9th January 1566-7.] 
 
 Item to be hyme ane Almine cloiche of blak iiij elle. 
 Item of velvat iiij elle. 
 Item of satine gray vj elle. 
 Item of frisse iiij elle. 
 
 Item to be hoyss and collette of sarge of Florence iii elle. 
 Item of blak sylk viii unce. 
 Item of fustiane iii elle. 
 Item ane hatte and ane belte. 
 Item of ormasi taffatis vj elle. 
 
 Maister Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht 
 faeille to ansour alle this aboune wretine to Jhane de Com- 
 
 1 Sewing. 
 
 2 The acquittance is signed by Mr Jhoue Balfour, at Stirling, on the 8th 
 of January. 
 
 3 Apparently cut off. 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO GNPUBLISHED 
 
 pienge/ quilk salle be allouit to yow in your comptis, keipand 
 this our precepe for your warrand. Subscrivit wyth our hand 
 at Styrlyn the 9 of Januar 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 Inscript. 
 
 [Treasury Warrant. 16th January 1566-7.] 
 
 Maister Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht 
 faeill to ansour our savvitor, Mr Jhone Balfour, of iiij hankis 
 of gold and silver at xxxii s. the hank, summa, sax pund 
 aucht s. ; and ane elle of quyht satine at trei pund ; quilk 
 salbe alluitte to yow in your comptis, ye keipand this our 
 precepe for your warrand. Subscrivit wyth our hand at 
 Kallander the xvj of Januar 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 Memorandum to be ane garmound to ane fuille callit 
 Georde Styne.2 [17th February 1566-7.] 
 
 Item to be cotte and hoyss of blew carsis vj elle. 
 
 Item of lynyne to be sarkis viij elle. 
 
 Item of cannvas to be ane doublette x quarters. 
 
 Item of lynyng ane elle. 
 
 Item of lyncum tuyne to schew the Quens curges tua unce. 
 
 Item for schiuine and the fassoune and pontis xxv s. 
 
 Maister Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht 
 faeille to ansour alle this abounwretine, quilk salle be 
 allouitte to yow in your comptis, keipand this our precepe 
 for your warrand. Subscrivit wyth our hand, at Cetoune, 
 the xvij of Fabruar 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 1 Compiegne's acquittance is dated at Edinburgh the 12th of January. 
 
 2 The indorsation is:— 'Stewin the fule, 17 Februar 1566.' The acquit- 
 tance is signed by Mr. Jhone Balfour on 18th February. Damley was 
 murdered on the 10th of the same month. 
 
 506 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 [Treasury Warrant. 28th February 1566-7.] 
 
 Maistre Robert Richasson, notre tresorier, ne faillez de 
 delivrer a Balthazar Hullin, ung de mes valetz de chambre, 
 premierement^ 
 
 Cinquante aulne de futaine blanche pour garnir plusieurs 
 accoutrement. 
 
 Deux coilres de baher ^ pour mon service. 
 
 Deux paire de vergette. 
 
 Deux paire de decroutoire. 
 
 Six aulnes destamynes. 
 
 Six once de soye noire. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Je confesse avoir receu de Maistre Robert Richarson, 
 notre tresorier, le contenu, qui est cy dessus pour le service 
 de la Royne. 
 
 Baltazar Hullin. 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 [Indorsed :] Baltazar Hullin to the garderobe, 28 P'ebruary 
 1566. 
 
 Memorandum for the Quens grace. [7th March 
 1566-7.] 
 
 Item ane steik of blak themine ^ to be ane goune. 
 
 Item of ormasi tafFatis to lyne the gouue ij elle. 
 
 Item to me lord prince of frenyeis v unce. 
 
 Item of bucchasi vi elle. 
 
 Item to Nicola the fuille to be sarkis and uder gaeir of 
 lynyne xxx elle. 
 
 Mr. Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht faeill 
 to ansour our sarvitor, Mr. Jhone Balfour, of alle this aboune 
 wretine, quilk salle be allouit to yow in yowr comptis, 
 
 1 Perhaps hahee. ^ Probably meant for stamine or estaviine. 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 keipand this our precepe for your warrand. Subscrivit wyth 
 our hand at Edinburg the vij of Marche 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 hiscript. 
 
 Memorandum for my Lord Prtnce. [23rd March 
 1566-7.] 
 
 Item of Hoilland claith Ix ehiis, hiscript} 
 
 Item of quhyte Spanyie taffiteis x elnis. 
 
 Item of quhyte hals^ armosie taffiteis vj ehiis. 
 
 Item of quhyte Florens ribbennis Ixxx elnis. 
 
 Item of quhyte knettingis Ix elnis. 
 
 Item of small lyncum twyne xvj unce. 
 
 Item ane steik of quhyte bukkase. 
 
 Item ane steik of fyne eamrage. 
 
 Item xxiiij papir of prenis to the Quenis dule.^ Insciipt. 
 
 Item xij elne of small lynning to be fuit sokkis to the 
 Quenis grace and uther necessaris. Inscript. 
 
 Maister Robert Richertsoun, thesaurar, ye sail nocht faill 
 to ansuer Madame de Mar of this foirsaid geir, ye keipand 
 this precept for youre warrand. Subscrivit with our hand at 
 Edinburght the xxiij day of Marche 1566. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Memorandum for the Quens grace. [25th March 
 1567.] 
 
 Item of blak ormasi taffatis to lyne tua gounis vij elle. 
 Item of cammarage to be ruffis iiij elle. 
 Item of Florence ribbens xliiij elle. 
 
 1 The thrice-repeated Inscript. in the margin, the Queen's signature, and 
 the date xxiij, are not in the same ink as the body of the document. 
 
 2 Perhaps half. 
 
 3 Mourning. For the precept ordering her ' duille ' for Darnley, 15th Feb- 
 ruary, see Archceologia Scotica, iii. 82 ; National MSS. of Scotland, iil. 51. 
 
 508 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 Item of blak sylk viii unce. 
 
 Item of smalle lyncum tuyne xvj unce. 
 
 Item of sylk to be hoyss to the Qiiens grace viij unce. 
 
 Mr. Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht faeille 
 to ansour Mr. Jhone Balfour of alle this aboune wretine, 
 quilk salbe allouit to yow in your comptis, keipand this our 
 precepe for your warrand. Subscrivit with our hand at 
 Edinburg, the xxv of Marche 1567. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 [Treasury Warrant for paying sixty crowns of the 
 SUN to Cormac O'Conor. 4th April 1567.] 
 
 Thesaurer we grete yow wele. It is our will and we 
 command yow that, incontinent eftir sycht heirof, ye thank- 
 fulie content pay and deliver to our lovit Cormac Oconquhair, 
 gentilman of Ireland^i the sowme of thre scoir crownis of the 
 sone, or thane the just avale and pryce thairof quhilk the 
 samin crownis now presentlie gevis within oure realme, swa 
 that this berare have na forther occasioun of complaynt to 
 us be youre delay in payment thairof; quhilk salbe thank- 
 fulie allowit to yow in your comptis, kepand this our precept 
 for youre warrand. Subscrivit with our hand at Seittoun 
 the fourt day of Aprile the yeir of God 'y^ \^ thre scoir 
 sevin yeiris. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 1 This ' gentilman of Ireland ' was not one of Elizabeth's most loj-al sub- 
 jects ; but he had written to her from Edinburgh, three weeks before the 
 date of this warrant, thanking her for his pardon, and promising to repair to 
 her Court with speed. Shan O'Neil wrote to him a few daj's later, telling 
 him of his success against the English, advising him not to seek Elizabeth's 
 pardon, inviting him to return to Ireland, and promising to help him to win 
 his country (Hamilton's Irish Calendar, i. 328). 
 
 509 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 [Treasury Warrant. 4th April 1567.] 
 
 Maister Robert Richartsoune^ thesaurer, ye sal nocht faeille 
 to ansour Ganat Cohuyne ^ trei elle of France blak, quylk 
 salbe allouit to yow in your comptis, keipand this our precepe 
 for your warrand. Subscrivit wyth our hand at Edinburg 
 the fourt of Aprille 1567. ^, ^ 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 Mp:xMorandum for the Quens grace. [8th May 1567.] 
 
 Item of blak velvat vj elle the [elle]- vij lib. . xlij lib.^ 
 
 Item of blak satine vj elle . . . xix lib. x s. 
 
 Item of blak ormasi taffatis vj elle . . . xij lib. 
 
 Item vj hankis of gold . . . . x lib. iiij s. 
 
 Item send to Dumbar of blak sylk v unce . . xlv s. 
 
 Item tua paeir of oghani glavis .... viij s. 
 
 Item for the Quens grace bainyei of lynyne x elle . xl s. 
 
 Mr. Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye salle nocht faeille 
 to ansour alle this aboune "wretine, quilk salbe allouit to 
 yow in your comptisj keipand this our precepe for your 
 warrand. Subscrivit with our hand, at Edinburg, the viij 
 of Maij 1567, 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 Inscript. 
 
 I, Mr Jhone Balfour, grantis me to have ressevit alle this 
 
 wythin wretme. Subscrivit wyth my hand at Edinburg the 
 
 X of Maij 1567. at t i? 
 
 *' Mr. Jhone Balfour. 
 
 Memorandum for the Quens grace. [15th May 1567.] 
 
 Item to lyne ane goune of yallow sylk of quyht taffatis of 
 the four treid xij elle ...... xij lib. 
 
 1 The acquittance is in the name of Mr. Jhone Balfour, and is signed by 
 him at Edinburgh on the 10th of April. The document is indorsed : — 
 * Jonat Colquhonzo 4 Aprilis 1567.' 
 
 2 Omitted. 3 The prices have been filled in afterwards. 
 
 510 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 Item to lyne the bodeis of the sammine i elle of 
 ormasi . . . . . . . . , xl s. 
 
 Item to lyne ane vasquine of blak taffatis of the four treid 
 V elle V lib. 
 
 Item to lyne ane goune of blak figurat velvat of blak 
 taffatis of the four treid xij elle . . . . xij lib. 
 
 Item to lyne the bodeis of blak ormasi i elle . xl s. 
 
 Item of pasmentis of gold to bordour the said goune 
 xxij elle x s. . . . . . . . . xj lib. 
 
 Item for broderine of the said goune of schiuine gold and 
 silver xxij hankis ..... xxxvij lib. viij s. 
 
 Item of fyne lyncum tuyne iiij unce . . . xl s. 
 
 Item of blak satine ij elle . . . . vj lib. x s. 
 
 Mr. Robert Richartsoune, thesaurer, ye sal nocht faeille 
 to ansour alle this aboun wretine, quilk salbc allouit to yow 
 in your comptis^ keipand this our precepe for your warrand. 
 Subscrivit wyth our hand, at Edinburg, the xv of May 1567.^ 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 I, Mr. Jhone Balfour, grantis me to have ressevit alle this 
 wythin wretine. Subscrivit wyth my hand, at Edinburg, 
 the XX of Maij 1567. 
 
 Mr. Jhone Balfour. 
 
 The Inventar of the Quenis graces cleithixg and 
 UTHER baggadge, scnd to hir grace furth of Loch 
 Leuin, and ressavid be the Quenis graces master 
 cuik and Elles Boug his spous at Loch Leuin, the 
 V of Maij anno 1568, and put wythin a coffer. 
 
 Item in primis foure silk gounnis. Thre weylicoittis. 
 Ane blew purpoure goun. Ane pair of scheittis. 
 Item twa " thre pair of hois. 
 Item ane broun goun. Item ane salting pait-cleyth. 
 
 1 The prices have been filled in afterwards. It will be noticed that the 
 Queen signs this precept on the very day that she married BothwelL 
 
 2 Twa is perhaps intended to be deleted. 
 
 511 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 Item ane goun of chamnet of silk. 
 
 Item aucht sarkis. Item twa neipkynnis. Item ane 
 curchshe. 
 
 Item ane pair of kelsounis. 
 
 Item ane littill silver stoupe. 
 
 Je confesse avoir receu le conteneu cy dessus leqiiel je 
 mis deans ung cofre pour le mener et condure a la Royne 
 la part ou elle sera. En tesmoiys je seigne la presente 
 ce jourdhuy \^^ jour de May 1568. 
 
 ESTIENNE HaUET. 
 
 Plus je receu une coupe doree et une esceuUes a boullon 
 ung cadenay et six veselles d'argent lesquel je prins pour 
 me condure. En seigne comrae dessus. 
 
 ESTIENNE HaUET. 
 
 [Indorsed : — ] Ane dischairge of sum littill geir perteining 
 to the Queinis Majestei quhilk hir servitour resaivit. 
 
 [The Queen's Proclamatiox of 5th May 1568.] 
 
 Marie, be the grace of God Quene of Scottis, to our 
 lovittis Johne Ingles, [blank] messingeris, our schireffis in 
 that part, conjunctlie and severalie, specialie constitut 
 greting. Forsamekle as it is nocht unknawn to all our 
 luffing liegeis and subjectis within this our realm, how we 
 have bene retenit captive in the maist strait presoun thir 
 ten monethis bygane or therby, and from tym to tym maist 
 grevouslie manneschit and boistit to have takin our lyif, and 
 to have causit us to gif over our authorite and powar reginall 
 to sum particular personis, quha allegeis thame to have the 
 samyn, and hes usurpit the use therof, in name of our derrest 
 sone ; and in the meyntym hes causit divers of our liegeis, 
 part be mannesching and hoisting, and uthiris be persuasioun 
 and tyisting, to consent and authores the samyn, and alswa 
 to gif voit in Parlament to that effect ; and now sen it hes 
 plesit alraychtie God to place us in that authorite induring 
 
 512 
 
 1 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 our lyiftym, as our maist noble progenitouris of gude memorie 
 hes usit the samyn of befor, we intend, be our selfF and 
 Lordis of our Consall, to tak sick gude ordour anentis the 
 commoun wele of this realme, and for tranquillitie and rest 
 to be haid to the liegeis and subjectis of the samyn accord- 
 ing to the anceant lawis and Hbertie therof. Oure will is 
 heirfor and we charge yow straitlie and commandis that 
 incontinent thir our lettres sene ye pas to the mercat croces 
 of our burrowis of Edinburgh, Haddingtoun, Dunbar, Jed- 
 burght,! Selkirk, Peblis, Laudar ; and thair be oppin pro- 
 clamatioun command and charge all and sindiy our liegeis 
 and subjectis, that nane of thame tak upoun hand to ansuer 
 nor obey the forsaid pretendit authorite, usurpit in maner 
 forsaid, in tym curaing, for na maner of charge nor command 
 to be direct sett furtht be thame for obeying therof; bot 
 that all our saidis liegeis reddelie ansuer and obey us and 
 our authorite, thir our lettres and proclamacionis, and all 
 uthiris our lettres, proclamacionis, wirttingis, to be direct be 
 us thair native Soverane, in all tym cuming, under the pane 
 of tressoun ; and siclyk makis it knawin and patent be thir 
 our lettres, to all our liegeis that wes persuadit, be the 
 principall conspiratouris, to be upoun the ground quhair our 
 maist noble persoun wes detenit, tyistit and seducit for that 
 effect ignorantlie, gif thai or ony of thame cum to us betuix 
 the dait heirof and the xv day of Maij now instant, declarand 
 tham penitent therof, and causing us knaw thair faithfull 
 obedience in tym cuming as trew and deutefull subjectis 
 aucht to do to thair native Soverane, and in the raeyntym 
 nocht assistand nor joining thame selffis with the saidis 
 conspiratouris, we ar myndit to extend our clemencie and 
 mercie upoun thame as the native Soverane aucht to do to 
 thair faithtfull subjectis ; accordinglie as ye will ansuer to 
 us therupoun. The quhilk to do we commit to yow, con- 
 junctlie and severalie, our full powar be thir our lettres ; 
 delivering thame, be yow deulie execut and indorsat, agane 
 1 Jedhuryht has been altered. 
 2K 513 
 
DOCUMENTS HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED 
 
 to the berar. Subscrivit with our hand, at Hammiltoun, 
 the V of Maij, and of our regne the xxvj yeir. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 [Indorsed: — ] Ane charge and proclamatioun command- 
 ing that nane obey the Kingis auctorite.^ 
 
 [Mary to the Laird of Adamtoun. 6th May 1568.]2 
 
 Regina. 
 
 Traist freind we greit yow weill. We beleve it is nocht 
 unknawin to yow the greit raercie and kyndnes that 
 Allmychtie God, of his infinit gudnes, hes furthschewin 
 towart us at this tyme, in the dehverance of us fra the maist 
 straittest presoun, in the quhilk we war captiv[at], of the 
 quhilk mercie and kyndnes we can nocht thank him eneuch. 
 And therfor we will desire yoAv, as ye will do us accept- 
 able service, to be at us with all possible diligence upoun 
 Settirday ^ nixt, be aucht houris afor none, or sonar gif ye 
 mai, Weill accumpanyit with your honorable freindis and 
 servandis bodin in feir of weir, to do us service as ye salbe 
 appointit. Becaus we knaw your Constance at all tymes we 
 neid nocht to mak langar lettres for the present bot will bid 
 yow fair weill. Off Hammiltoun the vj of May 1568. 
 
 And that ye with your hale folkis be heir upon Sonday nixt 
 at the fordest baith on fute and hors. 
 
 Marie R. 
 
 1 The indorsement must have been added by one of the Regent's officials 
 or supporters. 
 
 2 The original is in the Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh. 
 
 3 That is the 8th of May. 
 
 514 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 In the headlines of the columns the letter P stands for Register of Privy 
 Seal ; G, for Register of Great Seal ; C, for Register of Privy Coiaicil ; and 
 L, for Letters, etc. The number of documents signed on each day is shown 
 by the figures. There are a few entries in the Register of Privy Council which 
 possibly do not refer to formal meetings of the Council, but these are dis- 
 tinguished by an asterisk. The meetings of Council seem to have been usually, 
 if not always, held in the town or place where the Queen was for the time being. 
 Implicit reliance must not be placed on any one column, as the royal clerks 
 were not always immaculate in their dates. In the notes at the foot of the 
 pages, B stands for Birrel's Diary ; D, for Diurnal of Ocmrrents; F. C. E., 
 ioT Foreign Calendar, Elizabeth; K, for Keith's History; S, for Stevenson's 
 Selections ; and W, for Wright's Elisabeth. Easter is distinguished by a 
 Gothic S>. 
 
 19th A 
 
 ug. 1561- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20th Sept. 
 
 1561 
 
 1 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 1 L 
 
 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 1 L 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 1 Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 6 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 TEdinburgh 
 
 "e 
 
 
 
 
 S. 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 (_Dundee 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 xo 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1" Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.3I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 s.;^ 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 .Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holy rood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r Perth 
 Dundee 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 19 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mary lands at Leith on 19th Aug. (F. C. E. iv. 277), makes her public entry 
 into Edinburgh on 2nd Sept. (W. i. 73), leaves Edinburgh for Linlithgow on 
 loth (F. C. E. iv. 296), or nth Sept. (D. p. 69), remains two days at Linlith- 
 gow, two at Stirling, two nights at Kincardine, arrives in Perth on the 17th, at 
 Dundee on the 19th (D. p. 69), is in St. Andrews on the 21st Sept. (K. ii. 86), 
 and gives audience to Mewtas at Edinburgh on 2nd Oct. (S. p. 92). 
 
 One of the two documents in the Register of Privy Seal, dated 8th Sep- 
 tember 1561, is dated in the Queen's twenty-first regnal year, which would 
 place it in 1563. 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 2ist Sept. 1561- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5th Dec. 
 
 156 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 ^±.1 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Sept. 
 S. 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 Oct. 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 22 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Holyrood 
 ^ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 S. 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 29 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 ' Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S Q 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 J Edinburgh 
 (^ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 0. y 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 
 3 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 S. 5 
 6 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 ' Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 12 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 I Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 12 
 
 t Holyrood 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 15 
 
 S. 16 
 
 Holyrood 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 13 
 
 t Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 r Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 i Holyrood 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 t Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 30 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 S. 26 
 
 Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 z 
 
 
 M. I 
 2 
 
 r Holyrood 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 / Holyrood 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 In th( 
 
 ; printed A'eg 
 
 'sier 
 
 0/ 
 
 Fn 
 
 vy 
 
 C(?««<riV 
 
 i. 190), the 
 
 mee 
 
 ting 
 
 of 
 
 15th 
 
 November is misdated deci?no quarto. 
 
 516 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 6th Dec. 1561- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ist Mar. ] 
 
 561 
 
 -2 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jan. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 18 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 t HoljTOod 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 J J 
 
 / Holyrood 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 24 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 12 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 ^■:i 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 ^3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 (^ Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 f Holyrood 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 10 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 
 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 1561-2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s. 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Jan. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 tA 
 
 / HoljTOod 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 1 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinbuigh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.4 
 
 Seton 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s 
 
 Seton 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Mar. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 I i 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 On the nth of January she is at Crichton, next day at Borthwick, purposes 
 going for eight days to Linlithgow (F. C. E. iv. 489), where she arrives by the 
 14th or 15th {/did. p. 512), and returns to Edinburgh on 30th Jan. {/i>/(f. p. 513). 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 2nd Mar. 1561-2- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26th May 
 
 1562 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 1 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 Mar. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 April 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 13 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 iS 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 F. I 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Falkland 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1562 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 April 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 IC 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 S 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 S. 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 Si. Andrews 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 ! 25 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 S. 12 1 
 
 '" 1 
 
 
 
 ! 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 On the 28th of March she is at Falkland (F. C. E. iv. 576, 586), which she 
 leaves for St. Andrews on ist April {Ibid. iv. 584). 
 
 On i8th April she is in St. Andrews (D. p. 72), and is there on the 20th, 
 2ist, and 22nd April (F. C. E. iv. 629). By the nth of May she had been 
 eight days in Loch Leven, and intended being at Edinburgh on 12th or 13th 
 (Ibid. V. 25, 31). 
 
 518 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 27th May 1562- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i5th"Aug 
 
 1562 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 il'i 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 ^ 
 
 L 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 July 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgli 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S.31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 ^ 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S.7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 / Holyrood 
 t Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 /Edinburgh 
 \ DunfermHne 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 ( Holyrood 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 /Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 ( Holyrood 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 Stirling 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 9 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 July 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 1 I 
 
 
 i' '-^ 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 4 
 
 
 ' 
 
 
 i^ 15 
 
 Stirling 1 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 On 9th June she leaves Edinburgh for Dunfermline {V. C. E. v. 89), and by 
 the 17th had left Dunfermline for Alloa, and from thence had gone to Stirling 
 {/i>id. V. 100, loi). 
 
 On the 15th of July the Queen is still at Stirling, but is to leave next day for 
 Edinburgh {/did. v. 161). She is in Edinburgh on 25th July (/did. v. 199). and 
 is to go to Stirling on nth August (/did. v. 232). See su/>ra, p. 301, n. 4. 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 i6th Aug. 1562- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31st 
 
 Oct 
 
 1562 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Stirling 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Cupar-Angus 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edzell 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Glamis 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 30 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 X 
 
 S. 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Darnaway 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Inverness 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Inverness 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 25 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Spynie 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 On 31st August she is in Old Aberdeen (F. C. E. v. 273), on 9th September 
 arrives at Inverness [Ibid. v. 303), remains there for five days, and is at Spynie 
 on i8th {Ibid. v. 304). On 20th September she comes to the Laird of Bank's 
 [? Banff's] house, and on 22nd arrives again in Old Aberdeen [Ibid. v. 319). 
 
 In the printed Register of Pj-ivy Coimcilix. 220), Edinburgh is given instead 
 of Abirdene as the place of meeting on 26th October. 
 
 On 30th October she is still in Aberdeen (F. C. E. v. 421). 
 
 Chalmers owned Ogilvy's Diary of Mary's first northern progress. For the 
 substance of that Z)/«rK and of other household-books bearing on her movements, 
 see his Life of Mary, 1818, i. 81-88, 96, 97, 101-104, 107, 108, 139, 152-154. 
 
 520 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 ist Nov. 1562- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18th 
 
 Janry. ] 
 
 562 
 
 -3 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 '4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 22 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 1562-3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Janry. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 F. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 12 
 
 Castle Camp- 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 bell 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 17 
 
 Edinburgli 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 She leaves Aberdeen on 3rd November (D. p. 74), returning to the South by 
 Dunnottar, Montrose, and Dundee, where she was on the 15th November, and 
 purposing to go by Stirling to Edinburgh (K. ii. 181 ; S. pp. 102-105), she 
 reaches Holyrood on 21st November (D. p. 74), and, inamcdiately taking the 
 disease called ' the Newe Acquaintance,' keeps her bed for six days (S. p. 105). 
 
 On 30th Dec. she is in Dunbar, and intends to be in Edinburgh a.uain on 
 ist Janry., and at Castle Campbell on the loth (F, C. E. v. 605). By the 12th 
 of Janry. she had left Castle Campbell for Stirling, and Stirling for Edinburgh 
 {Ibid. vi. 59). 
 
 521 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 19th Janry. 1562-3- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31st Mar. 
 
 1563 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 Janry. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 1 Holyrood 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 % 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Edinburgh 
 t Holyrood 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 ' Edinburgh 
 \St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 March 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 7 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 '3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 S. 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ir 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 25 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 1563 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 \ St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 27 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 28 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 31 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 By the 22nd of Jan. she had been in Edinburgh for several days (F. C. E. 
 vi. t;9, 60). 
 
 On the 14th Feb., three days after leaving Edinburgh, she is in Burnt 
 Island on her way to St. Andrews (F. C. E. vi. 133, 167). On nth March she 
 leaves St. Andrews [? for Pitlethie] for three days (F. C. E. vi. 196), and on 
 i8th leaves St. Andrews for Falkland for eight or ten days {Ibid. vi. 212). 
 She returns to Pitlethie on 25th March {Ibid. vi. 260), and on the 29th to St. 
 Andrews, from which she is in six days to go to Falkland {Ibid. vi. 262). 
 
 The document in the Register of Privy Seal, dated i6th Febry., is placed 
 here according to the A.D., the regnal year is given as the twenty-second. 
 
 522 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 1st April 1563- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24th J 
 
 ine 
 
 1563 
 
 r 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 P 1 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Apr. 
 
 
 
 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 St. Andrews 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 16 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 /St. Andrews 
 t Falkland 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 i6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 18 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Tune 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 23 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 S. 25 
 
 St, Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 X 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 St Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s. 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 ( St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 10 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 6 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 On 7th April she is at Falkland (F. C. E. vi. 278), which she is to leave by 
 the 13th, and is to be at St. Andrews by the 18th [Ibid. vi. 280). She has been 
 in St. Andrews since Easter [Ibid. vi. 311), and on i6th May leaves it for Edin- 
 burgh {Ibid. vi. 340). On 26th of May she opens Parliament in Edinburgh 
 {Ibid. vi. 381), and closes it on the 6th of June {Ibid. vi. 399). 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 25th June 1563- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27th Aug 
 
 1563 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 July 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Dunoon 
 
 s 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Dunoon 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Southannan 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 Aug. 
 S. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 July 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Dunipace 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.4 
 
 Hamilton 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 f Dumbarton 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ Glasgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 rDunure 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 15 
 
 i St, Mary's 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 I Isle 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r, ^7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 St. Mary's 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Isle 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Dumfries 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Dumfries 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Inveraray 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Inveraray 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 25 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Inverary 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26th June. She is to leave Edinburgh for Stirling within four days (F. C. E. 
 vi. 426). On the ist of August she is with Lord Eghnton ; on the 2nd and 3rd 
 at St. John's, Ayr ; on the 4th, 5th, and 6th at Dunure Castle ; on the 7th at 
 Ardmillan ; on the 8th at Ardstinchar ; on the 9th at Glenluce ; on the loth at 
 Whithorn ; on the iiih and 12th at Clary ; on 13th and 14th at Quin [? Ken- 
 mure] with Laird of Lochinvar ; on 15th, i6th, and 17th at St. Mary's Isle ; 
 on i8th goes to Dumfries; from thence goes on 21st to Drumlanriclc ; from 
 thence goes on 23rd to Crawfordjohn ; on 24th goes to Cowdailly, which she 
 leaves on 26th for Skirling ; on 27th goes to Peebles ; reaches Borthwick on the 
 28th, leaves it on the 30th for Daousy [? Dalhousie] where she sleeps, and 
 goes to Roslyn on the 31st August and sleeps there {2?on of Expenses of the 
 Queens Equerries in Register House), 
 
 One of the documents of 14th July in the Register of Privy Seal bears the 
 regnal year 22 
 
 524 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 28th Ai 
 
 g- 1563- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22nd N 
 
 ov. 
 
 1563. 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 29 
 
 Borthwick 
 
 ... 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 S. 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 StirUng 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 17 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Craigmillar 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 < Edinburgh 
 ( Holyrood 
 
 II 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 StirUng 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 24 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Stirhng 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 28 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 31 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 i Edinburgh 
 ( Stirling ' 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 /Stirling 
 I Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 S. 14 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 F. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 
 2 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Stirling 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Aberdeen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 1 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 
 /Yist. 
 
 On ist Sept. she is at Craigmillar (F. C. E. vi. 518). On i8th Sept. she is 
 at Stirling (Bw^h Records of Edinburgh, 1557-1571. P- "^1^)- Her letter to the 
 Rhinegrave from Stirling is dated 22nd Sept. by Labanoft; the 21SI in 
 MSS. Com. Rep. 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 23rd Nov. 1563- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I2th Feb. ] 
 
 563-4 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 '^1^ 
 
 L 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 Janr. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 , 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i ^ 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 S. 9 
 
 ! 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 9 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 iHoIyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 IS 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 22 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 1563-4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Janr. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. X 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 On loth Dec. she is in Edinburgh (F. C. E. vi. 616), on the 12th she is there 
 {Ibid. vi. 617), and on the 21st {Ibid. vi. 636) and 26th she is still there {Ibid. 
 vi. 649). 
 
 In ihe Register of Privy Council two meetings with different sederunts are 
 dated 14th December. Probably one of them should be the 24th. 
 
 On i6th Janry. she is in Edinburgh (F. C. E. vii. 24). 
 
 526 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 13th Feb. 1563-4- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28th April 1564 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mar. 
 
 
 
 
 ~~~ 
 
 
 S. 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ( Perth 
 
 3 I 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 I Falkland 
 
 2 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 1564 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 /Falkland 
 I Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 20 
 
 / Holyrood 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 18 
 
 "3 
 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 2Q 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 1 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I ! 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 j April 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. I 
 
 r Falkland 
 I Perth 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mar. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S.S 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 I Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 S. 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ::: 1 1 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Falkland 
 
 3 ! I 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 1 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Loch Leven 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 16 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 12 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Falkland 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 16 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Perth 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 
 i Perth 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 I Perth 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Perth 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 21 
 
 Perth 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Perth 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 She is in Edinburgh on 13th Feb. (F. C. E. vii. 48). On 2ist Feb. she goes 
 to Dunbar (/i>id. vii. 57). On the ist of March she is in Edinburgh (/did. vii. 
 72), which on the 7th she leaves for Perth {/iid. vii. 73). 
 
 On i8th March she is at Perth (/did. vii. 83, 89), which before the end 
 of the month she left for Falkland (/did. vii. 91). This Easter slie has been at 
 Falkland, saving two days at St. Andrews, and will go to Perth and Slirhng 
 before returning to Edinburgh (/did. vii. 107). 
 
 527 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 29th Ai 
 
 )ril 1564- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ] 
 
 6th 
 
 July 1564 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 April 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 S. II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Perth 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Perth 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.7 
 8 
 
 Perth 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 15 
 16 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 12 
 
 Perth 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.14 
 10 
 
 Perth 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 22 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^-^ 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 25 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 22 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 I Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 24 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 July 
 S. I 
 
 S. 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 / Holyrood 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 L Edinburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 Tune 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 j Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 ( Holyrood 
 f Edinburgh 
 ( Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S.4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 On 22nd May she is apparently in Edinburgh (F. C, E. vii. 137, 138), which 
 she leaves on the sth June to visit Lady Murray [? at Loch Leven], for a few- 
 days (/did. vii. 148, 149). 
 
 In the MS. Register of Privy Council the year date 01 the meeting of 29th 
 June has faded out. The printed Register (i. 268) gives 1564 ; and Keith 
 (iii. 508) gives 1563. 
 
 528 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 tyth Ju]y 1564- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4th Oct 
 
 .1564 
 
 1 1 
 
 P I G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 July 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 r Perth 
 ■| Edinburgh 
 vHolyrood 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 S. 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Aberdeen ! ... 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Linhthgow 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 F. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i Kincardine 
 i Perth 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Dunnottar 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Perth 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Perth 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Dundee 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 s. 30 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Dundee 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 31 
 
 Perth 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 S. 10 
 II 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 1 Lunkartis 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 /in Glentilt 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 S. 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i8 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holy rood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Inverness 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 i6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 ;! 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Gartly 
 
 ... j... 
 
 
 ^|: 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 ' 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 On 27th July, her secretary writes from Perth (F. C. E. vii. 182). 
 
 The two documents in the J^e^isier of Great Seal, r'ated 8th Aug., both 
 bear the year date 1564, but one of them is 'an. rcg. 21.' whicli was 1563. 
 
 On 15th Sept. she arrives in Edinburgh (F. C. E. vii. 207, 208). She is in 
 Edinburgh on 25th Sept. {Ibid. vii. 213). 
 
 2L 
 
 529 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 Sth Oct. 1564- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2ist Dec. 1 
 
 564 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 P 1 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 2_ 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Edinbm-gh 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 r Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 . / Edinburgh 
 ^ 1 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ^3 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 I 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Holyrood 
 ' Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 xo 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 19 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I* 
 
 I 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 F. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 Dunbax 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 8 ! Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ! 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 1 '^ 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 ! S. 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 1 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I* 
 
 2 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 1 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ■■■ 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 12 
 
 : Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 2' !\ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 On 20th Oct. she is in Edinburgh (F. C. E. vii. 229). On 22nd Oct. she goes 
 to the Justice-Clerk's, and returns that night to Edinburgh {Ibid. vii. 230). 
 
 In the printed Register of Privy Council (i. 290) the meeting of 27th October 
 is misdated the 28th. 
 
 In November she intends gomg to Dunbar for six or seven days (F. C. E. 
 vii. 242). She is present at Parliament in Edinburgh, which is opened on 
 4th December and closed on the 9th [Ibid. vii. 261). From 20th to 24th 
 December she keeps her chamber because of the cold {Ibid. vii. 271). 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 22nd Dec. 1564- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3rd Mar. ] 
 
 564 
 
 -5 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Janry. 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Ballinbreich 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 /Balmerino 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 S. 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t St. Andrews 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 31 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 3 
 
 St. Andrews 
 St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 1564-5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Janry. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 TheStruther 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 ID 
 
 St. Andrews 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. II 
 
 Lundie 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! TO 
 
 f Lundie 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 / Durie 
 t Wemyss 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 '3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 14 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 sAl 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 t Holyrood 
 
 4 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 20 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I ' ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 1 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I* 
 
 
 1 S.25 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 t Falkland 
 
 1* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 I i I 
 
 
 
 Mar. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r Falkland 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Collairnie 
 
 2 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 On nth January, and again on the i6th, she dines in Edinburgh Castle 
 (F. C. E. vii. 283, 285), by the i8th she has crossed the Forth (/did. vii. 285) 
 to pass from place to place for twenty days {/did. vii. 283), and reaches St. 
 Andrews on the evening of the 28th (/did. vii. 289). On the 9th Feb. her 
 secretary writes from St. Monans {/did. vii. 296), on the 17th she meets 
 Darnley at Wemyss {/did. vii. 301), and crosses the Queensferry on the 24th 
 {/did. vii. 305). 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 4th March 1564-5- 
 
 22nd May 1565 
 
 Mar. 
 
 S. 4 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 S. 18 
 
 23 
 24 
 
 1565 
 S. 25 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 
 31 
 
 April 
 S. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 (Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 f Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 "[Stirling 
 Edinburgh 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 (.Perth 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 / Linlithgow 
 (Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 ( Edinburgh 
 \ Linlithgow- 
 Stirling 
 ( Edinburgh 
 \ Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 April 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ; II 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 13 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 14 
 
 S. 15 
 16 
 17 
 
 4 
 
 
 'l' 
 
 I 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 1 20 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S>.22 
 23 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 24 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 8 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 S. 29 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 30 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 May 
 Tu. I 
 2 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 I 
 ... 
 
 I 
 2 
 
 s.i 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 9 
 10 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 S.13 
 14 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 19 
 S. 20 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 StirHng 
 Holyrood 
 
 Stirling 
 Stirhng 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 \ StirHng 
 
 Stirhng 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirhng 
 
 Stirhng 
 Stirhng 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 Stirhng 
 Stirling 
 Stirhng 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirhng 
 
 r Perth 
 
 ( Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 Stirling 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 
 X 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 On the 4th and 17th of March she is apparently in Edinburgh (F. C. E. 
 vii. 309, 315). On the 7th of April she is at Stirling (/did. vii. 328), and is still 
 there on 22nd April (/did. vii. 340), and on 4th, 15th, and i8th May {/Ifid. vii. 
 357. 369. 370). 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 23rd May 1565- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30th July 1565 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 _1 
 
 L 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 r Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 \ Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 /Perth 
 \Dunkeld 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 I* 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 /Dunkeld 
 I Perth 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 S. 27 
 
 Stirling 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 10 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 July. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 /Stirling 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 13 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 \ Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinb<irgh 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 F. I 
 2 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 20 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 1^ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. it 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 S. 10 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 II 
 
 / Ruthven 
 1 Perth 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 14 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Perth 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 S. 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Perth 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 /Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 t Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Perth 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 1^ Holyrood 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ., ^3 
 
 Perth 
 
 20 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 24 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 ' Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 25 
 
 Perth 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 S. 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Ruthven 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 30 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 On the 4th June she reaches Perth (F. C. E. vi. 388), on the 25th she rides 
 from Perth to Ruthven, and next day to Dunkeld (K. ii. 301-304), and returns 
 to Perth on the 30th (K. ii. 309). On the ist of July she rides from IVrth 
 to Callendar House (K. ii. 310), and on the 4th arrives in Edinburgh 
 (K. ii. 321). 
 
 On the 9th of July she rides to Seton, on the nth returns to Edinburgh 
 (S. p. 119), and on the 29th marries Darnley in Holyrood (B. p. 5). 
 
 The warrant of i2tb June is dated 1565, and an. reg. xxii. 
 
 533 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 31st Jul 
 
 J' 1565- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28th Sept. 
 
 15^ 
 
 )5 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 July 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 Aug. 
 
 ■ Edinburgh 
 Stirhng 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 31 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S.I 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 Callendar 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 5 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 / Glasgow 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 (Kilsyth 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 7 
 
 r Glasgow 
 Stirling 
 '^ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 (^ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 8 
 
 r Glasgow 
 \ Edinburgh 
 V Dunfermline 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 ID 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 12 
 
 St. Andrews 
 / St. Andrews 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 15 
 
 I, Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 t Dundee 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 14 
 
 Dundee 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Dundee 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 16 
 
 Dundee 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r Perth 
 
 i Dunfermline 
 
 V Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 (_ Holyrood 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 'e 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 '( Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S.23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 24 
 
 (^ Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 (^ Stirling 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 .« 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 13 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 30_ 
 
 Glasgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 ! i 
 
 1 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 She leaves Edinburgh on 26th Aug. (F. C. E. vii. 437). She was to leave 
 Callendar for Stirling on 2nd Sept., and was to be at Kilsyth next day 
 {Register of Privy Council, i. 361). On the 4th of Sept. she is at Glasgow 
 (F. C. E. vii. 448). 
 
 On the 9th of Sept. she leaves Stirling for St. Andrews, purposing to take 
 Castle Campbell and Loch Leven by the way, and from St. Andrews will go to 
 Dundee, and so to Perth (F. C, E. vii. 455). By the 19th she has been in 
 St. Andrews, Dundee, and Perth {Ibid. vii. 467), and on that day arrives in 
 Edinburgh from Stirhng (D. p. 83). 
 
 534 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 29th Sept. 1565- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8th Dec. 1565 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L \' 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Sept. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 S. 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 S.30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 M. I Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 f Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 1 Holyrood 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 12 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 ( Linhthgow 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 'l* 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 r Edinburgh 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 16 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 9 j Lamington 
 
 j vCrawfurd 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 18 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 CastlehiU 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I'' 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 13 
 
 Dumfries 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Lochmaben 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 29 
 
 [ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 t Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 l" Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 i Edinburgh 
 '-Linlithgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 t Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 27 
 
 1 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 28 
 
 Edinburgh j ^ 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I* 
 
 I 
 
 29 
 
 Edinbxirgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I* 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 (Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I I 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 \ Dalkeith 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 / Linlithgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (.Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 7 
 
 / Linlithgow 
 1^ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 On 8th Oct. she leaves Edinburgh for Biggar (D. p. 84), meets her forces at 
 Crawford-moor (F. C. E. vii. 485). is at Dumfries on 13th {/iid. vii. 488, 489). 
 leaves it on the 14th for Lochmaben, intending to go nt- .\t d.ny to Moffat, and so to 
 Edinburgh (/did. vii. 492),which she reaches on the i8th (D. p. 85). On 30th Oct. 
 she rides to Dalkeith, where she remains for a day or two (F. C. E. vii. 505). 
 
 On the 3rd of Dec. she goes to Linlithgow (F. C. E. vii. 531, 532). 
 
 535 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 9th Dec. 1565- 
 
 26th Feb. 1565-6 
 
 Dec. 
 
 S. 9 
 
 II 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 S. 16 
 
 17 
 18 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 22 
 
 S. 23 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 26 
 27 
 28 
 29 
 
 S. 30 
 
 31 
 1565-6 
 
 Janry. 
 Tu. I 
 
 4 
 
 S.I 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 9 
 10 
 II 
 12 
 S. 13 
 14 
 IS 
 
 16 
 
 Linlithgow 
 f Linlithgow 
 \ Edinburgh 
 Linlithgow 
 Linlithgow 
 Linlithgow 
 / Linlithgow 
 (^ Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Linlithgow 
 / Linlithgow 
 \ Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 Edinburgh 
 f Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Janry. 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 19 
 
 S. 20 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 S. 27 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 28 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 29 
 30 
 
 2 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 31 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 F. I 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 II 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I^ 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 17 
 
 18 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 23 
 
 S. 24 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 : 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 1^ Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 j Edinburgh 
 (^ Holyrood 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinbtirgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 r Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 ( Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 (, Holyrood 
 
 She is to return from Linlithgow to Edinburgh on 17th Dec. (F. C. E. vii. 538). 
 The letter from Edinburgh on 12th February is dated the 2nd by Labanoff. 
 [n Thorpe's Calendar, and in the Foreign Calendar, the 12th is given. 
 
 ?36 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 27th Feb. 1565-6- 
 
 [8th May 1566 
 
 Feb. 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 Mar. 
 F. I 
 
 S. 3 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 9 
 S. 10 
 II 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 
 S. 17 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 20 
 21 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 S. 24 
 1566 
 
 25 
 26 
 27 
 28 
 29 
 30 
 S. 31 
 
 April 
 
 M. I 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 ( Holyrood 
 
 {Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 Seton 
 / Seton 
 \ Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Dunbar 
 / Dunbar 
 \ Edinburgii 
 / Dunbar 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ; 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 I* 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I* 
 
 April 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 
 S. 7 
 8 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 5-. 14 
 
 15 
 16 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 S. 21 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 24 
 
 25 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 S. 28 
 
 29 
 30 
 
 May 
 \V. I 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 S. 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 9 
 10 
 II 
 
 S. 12 
 13 
 14 
 IS 
 16 
 
 17 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgii 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgii 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 p 
 
 ^ 
 
 c 
 
 L ' 
 
 — 
 
 
 — 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 X* 
 
 X 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 I* 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 I* 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 ^ 
 
 I 
 
 
 5 
 
 !!! 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 T 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 " 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 On the nth of March— two days after Riccio's murder— she escapes at mid- 
 night from Holyrood, and on the 12th reaches Dunbar (W. i. 230 ; D. p. 92), 
 where she remains for five davs (K. ii. 421), and returns to Edinburgh on the 
 i8th (D. p. 94). On the 3rd of April she is in Edinburgh Castle (F. C. E. viii, 
 44), and on the 21st both she and Darnley are there (D. p. 99). 
 
 537 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 19th May 1566- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i2th Aug. 
 
 1566 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 July 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 S. 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 S. 14 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 S. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 S 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 S. 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 12 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 ... 
 
 I* 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S. 28 
 
 Alloa 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 /Alloa 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 t Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 30 
 
 Alloa 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 lAlloa 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 19 
 
 / Perth 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 Th. I 
 
 /Alloa 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S.4 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S.30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 July 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 M. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 On the 3rd of June she takes her chamber in the Castle of Edinburgh 
 [F. C. E. viii. 81), and there on the 19th the Prince is born (D. p. 100). 
 
 538 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 13th Aug. 1566- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31st Oct. 1566 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 il 
 
 Aug. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sept. 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Stirling 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 / Rodono 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 tCramalt 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Traquair 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 29 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Oct. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 S. 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 30 1 Drymen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 j r Drymen 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 ^Stirling 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 j V Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 Sept. ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Stirhng 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 Stirling 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 if. 
 
 / Jedburgh 
 \ Hermitage 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 '9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 15 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 j Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 1 30 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 21 
 
 ! Edinburgh 
 
 ...!...! I 1 
 
 1 3t 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 On the 14th Aug. she is at the hunting in Mcgotland (F. C. E. viii. 117). 
 On the 5th of Sept. she dines with Lethington at Stirling, and comes to 
 Edinburgh next day [Ibid. viii. 128). She leaves Edinburgh for Jedburgh on 
 the 7th of Oct. (D. p. 100), or on the 8th (B. p. 5), and arrives in Jedburgh 
 on the 9th (F. C. E. vii. 490). On the isih of Oct. she rides to and from the 
 Hermitage {Ibid. viii. 139), and on the 25th her life is despaired of at Jedburgh 
 {Ibid. viii. 141 ; K. iii. 2S6). 
 
 539 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 ist Nov. 1566- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 loth January 1566 
 
 -7 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 J^ 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 Nov. 
 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 F. I 
 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 3 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 S. 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Tantallon 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Jedburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 ^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 i '^ 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 10 
 
 Kelso 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 i 14 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s. 15 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 /Jedburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 (. Dunbar 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 Stirling 
 
 5 
 
 
 l' 
 
 
 S. 17 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 22 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 i3 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 23 
 
 Stirling 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Stirling 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 22 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Drymen 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 24 
 
 Craigmillar 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 S.29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Tullibardine 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1566-7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Jan. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 W. I 
 2 
 3 
 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Dec. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. I 
 
 Craigmillar 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 !^. S 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 Craigmillar 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 ■ 6 
 
 Stirling 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 Craigmillar 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 ... 
 
 ^ i 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Craigmillar 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 8 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 / Craigmillar 
 t Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 .? 
 
 Stirling 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 On the 2nd of Nov. she is still at Jedburgh (F. C. E. viii. 143). After leaving 
 Jedburgh she went first to Kelso, remaining there two nights, passed next 
 to Hume, visiting Wark on the way, from Hume she went to Langton and 
 Wedderburn, and on the 15th rode towards Berwick, by Halidon Hill ; going 
 by Eyemouth she spent a night at Coldingham, came to Dunbar, from thence 
 to Tantallon, and afterwards to Craigmillar (K. ii. 469-471), where she arrived 
 on the 2oth of Nov. (D. p. 102). 
 
 On the 7th of December she leaves Craigmillar for Holyrood, and on the 
 loth leaves Holyrood for Stirling (D. p. 102), where the Prince was baptized 
 on the 17th (D. pp. 103, 104). 
 
 540 
 

 
 
 
 ITINERARY 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 nth January 1566-7- ,2th March x'.fyS--, 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 i ^ 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 1 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Jan. 
 
 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 II 
 S. 12 
 
 Stirling 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 \\ 
 
 ; 
 
 
 2 
 
 13 
 14 
 
 r Callendar 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 S. 16 
 
 (Edinburgh 
 \ Seton 
 
 ' 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Seton 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 i.'. 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 / Callendar 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 1 Seton 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 t Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 Seton 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 18 
 S. 19 
 
 Edinbiirgh 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 ; 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ( Seton 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 21 
 
 Seton 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Seton 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 23 
 
 Seton 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 /Seton 
 
 
 10 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Seton 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 f Seton 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S. 26 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 27 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 r Seton 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 30 
 31 
 
 Linlithgow 
 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 Mar. 
 S. I 
 
 (Edinburgh 
 t Seton 
 
 I 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 Feb. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 Seton 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 / Seton 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 S. 2 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 j 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 II 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 Edinbiirgh 
 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 S.9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 S.9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 ... 
 
 I I, 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 II 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 t Holyrood 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 tl TO 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Seton 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 13 Edinburgh i 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 I '1 ^^ 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 On the 13th of January she brings the Prince from Stirling to Edinburgh 
 (B. p. 6), or on the 14th (D. p. 105). On the 20th of January she leaves Edin- 
 burgh for Glasgow (B. p. 6 ; D. p. 105). 
 
 She comes to Edinburgh with Darnley on the 31st of January (B. p. 6) or 
 on the ist of February (D. p. 105). On the oth of P'ehruary she visits 
 Darnley at Kirk of Field (F. C. E. viij. 176), and on the lotli he is murdered 
 (/did. viii. 177). On the i6th of February she leaves Holyrood for Seton, 
 and on the 19th returns to Holyrood (D. p. 106), and on the 26th is at Seton 
 again (F. C. E. viii. 180), and is there on the 28th {/du/. viii. 181). 
 
 One of the documents of ist February in the Register of Privy Seal Ixjars 
 the year-date 1567. The letter of loth February is dated the I'lth both by 
 Keith and Labanoff. 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 13th March 1566-7- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 7th May 1567 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 c 
 
 L 
 
 Mar. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 April 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 X 
 
 
 S. 13 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 X 
 
 14 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 S. 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 ' Edinburgh 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 3 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 19 
 
 S. 20 
 
 Edinburgh 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 21 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 
 21 
 22 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 / Holyrood 
 \ Stirling 
 
 I 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 S. 23 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 23 
 
 Stirling 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 3 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 8 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 1567 
 25 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 
 X 
 
 
 X 
 
 S. 27 
 
 / Dunbar 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 8 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 26 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 28 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 30 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 s. 30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 May 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 Th., 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 April 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tu. I 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 
 12 
 
 ... 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 S.4 
 
 / Dunbar 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 1 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 f Edinburgh 
 -! Dunbar 
 I Seton 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 Hailes 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 6 
 
 Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 7 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 
 Edinburgh 
 / Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 3 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 t Seton 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 IX 
 
 
 
 
 c 
 
 Seton 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 S. XI 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 S. 6 
 
 f Seton 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 16 
 6 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 \ Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 ( Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 8 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 X 
 
 
 
 
 \ Holyrood 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 15 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 6 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 x6 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 II 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 ... 
 
 ...1 I 
 
 
 The letter of 15th March is dated X5th Feb. by mistake. Perhaps one of 
 the letters of 23rd March should be the 24th. 
 
 On the x6th of April she is present in Parliament (F.C.E. viii. 211), leaves 
 Edinburgh for Stirling on the 21st {/did. viii. 213), and on the 24th is seized 
 by Bothwell at ' The Briggis,' and carried to Dunbar (D. pp. X09, no). On 
 the 6th of May she comes from Dunbar to Edinburgh Castle, on the iith 
 goes to Holyrood, and on the xsth marries Bothwell there (D, pp. iio, iii). 
 
 542 
 
ITINERARY 
 
 i8th May 1567- 
 
 17th June 1567 
 
 May 
 S. 18 
 
 19 
 20 
 21 
 22 
 
 23 
 24 
 S.25 
 26 
 27 
 28 
 29 
 30 
 31 
 
 June 
 S. I 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 Edinburgh 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 
 
 
 
 June 
 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 3 
 4 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 ... 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 9 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 II 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 14 
 
 '■11 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 17 
 
 
 p 
 
 G 
 
 C 
 
 L 
 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 ( Edinburgh 
 \ Holyrood 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 Edinburgh 
 
 7 
 
 I 
 
 2 
 I 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 Borthwick 
 
 
 ... 
 
 
 I 
 
 / Edinburgh 
 (^ Dunbar 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 The letter of ist June is so dated in the Foreign Calendar; but Thorpe and 
 Labanoff date it the 5th. In the printed Register of Privy Council (i. 517), 
 the meeting of 5th June is misdated the sext. 
 
 On the 7th of June she leaves Edinburgh for Borthwick, and on the nth 
 leaves Borthwick for Dunbar (D. pp. 112, 113), which she leaves for Seton 
 on the 14th (D. p. 114). On the 15th she surrenders at Carberry, and is 
 brought to Edinburgh, from which she is removed on the night of the i6th, 
 and lodged in Loch Leven on the 17th (D. pp. 114, 115). 
 
 2nd May 1568- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 6th May 1568 
 
 
 
 L 
 
 ! 
 
 L 
 
 1 
 
 L 
 
 May 
 S. 2 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 6 
 
 Hamilton 
 Hamilton 
 
 I 
 
 May 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 S.9 
 
 10 
 
 II 
 
 
 May 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 
 Hamilton 
 Hamilton 
 
 I 
 I 
 
 On the evening of 2nd May she escapes from Loch Levcn, rides to (Juecns- 
 ferry and thence to Niddrie, where she stays for two hours, and then proceeds 
 to Hamilton (D. p. 129). On the 3rd^ of May, Murray's proclamation 
 intimates that she is then at Hamilton (K. iii. 324) ; and on the 9th she is 
 at Hamilton Castle (F. C. E. viii. 452). 
 
 On the 13th of May her army is defeated at Langside. She rides all night, 
 and does not halt until she reaches Sanquhar ; from thence she went to 
 Terregles, where she rested a few dnys before embarking near Dundrennan 
 (Herries, pp. 102, 103). On the i6th, about six in the evening, she arrives at 
 Workington (F. C. E. viii. 460). 
 
 543 
 
Ube ©resbam press 
 
 UXWIN BROTHERS. 
 WOKING AND LONDON. 
 
941.05 
 
 II f f fflff""''''' 
 0035524235 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 Oq bound 
 
 SEP 4 1959