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Ed. by Zdmi/cnd Contents f C-reed of a Xry. SeeMxt Cold I 'tm »i | > '» | - « (^ T^^^gg I .1 i»n»ii ^.irM Restrictions on Use: TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIO: FILM SlZE:__3f2rL2Zl IMAGE PLACEMENT^ I A QIA) IB IIB DATE FILMED:__2r_'_?lT^ INITIALS Ih.'Jk]- HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODBRIDGE. CT LiA Restrictions on Use: COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record •nnalp.r.nv-iJ-P.Tril m^ L UUl Z. Pake H ami Uori'5 conditions foY >s UT render ing...|o the; Far- liaments forces. \, -Sir Uqo&v No bli'nd& ouide/S. 1660.™. If fair 5 ofAScotland iri 1659. no d«ie. ^ ^^^^^ Card _ '^•-# - V^J21 Restrictions on Use: TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA FILM SIZE:___3il^^_ REDUCTION RATIO: [/j^ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA 3S^ IB IIB DATE FILMED: ^jJjlliXz. INITIALS_2!l^i^*r.2^ HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODBRIDGE. 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C'onfe/rifs, Foiiticsl cve/e/d of a Torsi. rnale/co-ntevii. lTI-5, Duke/ HavviiltoTiS condi- tions for «sarre/n- de-nno.. . fo the' Var- arnenfs force-S. ^ •f St5. r(2/s| Britain far larnevif Kg/mori^S franc©, or the. declaration of ?avliame/nf . iGfi. Fairfax , F F i^ (^arorj. Let- tar to... Uoherf, e,arle/ of L5^5&^c, ISM. L Lsfvanoe', Sir Hoo&r, No blinde> ouides. ISSO- No.S, No.?, fio-l. No. 9 Ne.(0. No.|(. N...I, s-n d i Atfciirs of >5coi' 1689, No da1-& ■. * C.H. Ne-vvs frovn Dub- (iri m Iralsnd. ist]. Grr&aj JriTann. r-f if CK, Kino "Rye hoa.se plot. isn. Iv-npo^lo-r Painfed m hia o\Vn Colo u.r S. N»i8ti'( IcknsTn? Btfer of f|. So.lV. He.i5. H UoyicJu.e,-ror f Widism the 855. 3 M/' an 1 1 -no 5 No.i3. (rresi JvitaiT! K irio 'See' rieTif ]"§*' Ne.lG /.•R. He-nvy ^, IrivstriAchoris for fh ' ■■ w *i«a "w ai ■PH ;)i0toncal IRcprtntc* — IV. \ 'I 36 A REMOJVSTRANCE. just Prerogatives, the Lawes and Liberties of the Land, and the Priviledges of Parliament ; in which endevours by the grace of God wee will still persist, though we should perish in the work: which if it should be, it is much to be feared, That Religion, Lawes, Liberties and Parliaments, would not bee long- lived after us. FINIS. A LETTER FROM The Right Honourable FERDINANDO Lord Fairfax, TO HIS EXCELLENCY ROBERT Earle of Essex. Relating his late profperous fuccefle against the popish Army in the North, his expelling them from their Workes, and forcing them to raise their siege from before the Towne of Hull. Also certifying, how the Enemy have fled to Beverley y and were forced to leave divers pieces of Ordnance, much Powder and Ammunition behind them. Being upon the same day wherein the Earle of Manchester obtained the victory neere Horn-castle in Lincolnshire. Printed by His Excellencies speciall direction. LONDON, Printed for lohn Wright, in the Old-baily. Octob. 18. 1643. XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX x„x XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX X.X XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX XX xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx il U xTl'.^f T/i/s Reprint is limited to 200 svtall-paper attd 50 lar^c-paf>er copies A Letter from the Right Honourable, Ferdinando Lord Fairfax^ To his Excellency, ROBERT Earle of Essex, May it please your Excellency^ [Ince the last Account, I gave your Excel- lency a few daies since, of our condition at Hull, on the fifth of this instant Sir John Mcldram^ that gallant Gentleman is happily arrived here, with foure hundred men from the Earle oi Manchester^ and two hundred and fifty men are since come to me from Sir William Constable^ but Sir William himselfe is not yet here. Some little service, I thanke God, we did on Monday morning last, what time the Enemy assaulted one of our outworkes, but was beaten backe with the losse of eleven or twelve men, and some Officers, without the losse of any of mine. Yesterday, being the eleventh of this instant, I thought fit to draw forth what strength I could well make, in a salley, to drive the Enemy from a newWorke that in the night *< t i s I 4 A LETTER TO hee had encroacht very neere us, on the West side of the Towne, and it pleased God to give a blessing to the attempt. My men I devided into two bodies, under the command of Colonell Lambart^ and Colonell Rainboronv^ Captaine of the Lyon, who brought some Sea men for our assistants, and all under the command in chiefe for that service of Sir [ohn Meldram ; whose valour and discretion with the other two Colonels throughout the whole action, I cannot mention without high commenda- tion. About nine of the clocke by an assault two severall waies, the service begun ; for, the truth is, we could not take that early advantage that I de- sired for such an interprise : in a short time we gained one of their workes, and assaulted them in another ; and it was not long ere we were unhappily forc't to retreat, and the enemy recovered all againe. But through the goodnesse of God my men were soone rallyed, their spirits recovered, and they sud- denly reposses't of the last worke, beate them out of all the rest in that part, and got possession of one of their great Brasse demy Cannon. The Enemy thus fled, and the ground ours, we drew that great Gunne out of danger of their reprisall : About two houres after our possession of those workes, the enemy had drawne downe a full body of reserves of Horse, and Foot, from all their Quarters, their numbers we know not, but about 36 Colours some of our men could tell ; with these they opposed our tired men, and that in truth with excellent re- solution, but it pleased God after two houres sharpe encounter, or thereabouts, they left the Field ; since THE EARLE OF ESSEX. $ that we have drawne into the town their great Demi- Cannon, one Demi-Culverin, one Sacre, three Drakes, and one case of small Pieces, some Armes, and a Carriage of great Bullet, besides somePowder, which was made use of against them. This last night I finde they have drawne of the rest of their Ordnance from their other Workes, and so are like to be at some farther distance from us, though I am informed, they intend to keepe a Garrison at Beverley, and to raise some Works somewhat more remote from us, to keep us from being so active as they believe we would be, when they cannot make us so passive as they would have us. How- ever ray Lord, we heartily and thankfully acknow- ledge the powerfull & wise hand of our God in all this, desire he should have the glory of all, and to send his providence still, as occasion shall be further offered : the event whereof your Excellency shall assurdly have an account of, with the first opportunity, by My Lord, Your Excellencies ntost humble servant^ FER. FAIRFAX. Kingston sitper Hull, 12 Octob. 1643. I -ill I '•I • 1 II ^ ^^ff^lf^flf^lf^^^^^^ \ I Octob. 17. 1643. T is his Excellencies pleasure this Utter be forth'ivith printed, John Baldwin, Secretary to his Excellence. ^^^^^^^^^f'^^^^^^^^' \ t Nt I' mmviCAl laepn'ntg — v^ NO Blinde Guides, In Answer To a feditious Pamphlet of y. MILTON'S, INTITULED Bruf Notes upon a late Sermon TitVd, the fear of God and the King ; Preachd, and since Pub- lishd, By Matthew Griffith, D.D. And Chaplain to the late KING, &c. Addressed to the Author. If tlie Blinde lead the Blinde, Both shall /all into the Ditch. / / LONDON, Printed for Henry Broome April 20. 1660. !i M This Rt^ni is Umited to 200 smnU-papir and 50 largt-Paptr cofits. NO Blinde Guides, &c. Mr Milton^ jLthough in your Life^ and Doctrine, you have Resolved one great Question ; by evikenang that Devils viay Indue Human shapes ; and proving your self, even to your own Wife, an Incubus : you have yet started Another; and that is, whether ^^ are not of That Regiment, which can-ied the Herd of Swine head- long into the Sea : and moved the People to beseech Jesus to depart out of their coasts. (This may be very well imagined, from your suitable practices ffere). Is it possible to read your Proposals of the kncfits of a /r^^-State, without Reflecting upon your Tutours— ^// this will I give thee, if thou linlt fall do%im, and worship me ? Come, come, Sir, lay the Devil aside ; do not proceed with so much malice, and against Knowledge: Act like a 0\ fill 4 A'O BLINDE GUIDES. Man; that a good Christian may not be affraid to pray for you. Was it not You, that scribled a Justification of the Murther of the King, against Salmasius, and made it good too, Thus : That murther was an Action meritorious, compared with your superiour wickedness. 'Tis There, (as I remember) that you Common place your self into set forms of Ray ling, two Pages thick : and lest, your Infamy should not extend it self enough, within the Course and Usage of your Mother-tont^ue, the Thingis Dress'd - up in a Travailing Garb, and Language : to blast the English Nation to the Universe ; and to give every man a Horrour for Mankind, when he Con- siders, Ym are of the Race. In This, you are above all Others ; but in your Iconoclastes, you exceed your self. There, not content to see that Sacred Head divided from the Body ; your piercing Malice enters into the private Agonies of his struggling Sotd ; with a Blasphemous Insolence, invading the Pre- rogative of God himself: (Omniscience) and by Deductions most Unchristian, and Illogical, as- persing his Last Pieties, (the almost certain Inspi- rations of the Holy Spirit) with Juggle, and Prevarication. Nor are the Words ill fitted to the Matter. The Bold Design being suited with a conform Irrnerettce of Language, (but I do not love to Rake long in a Puddle.) To take a view in particular of all your Factious Labours, would cost more time, than I am wilhng to aarord them. \\ herefore I shall stride over all NO BLINDE GUIDES. 5 the rest, and pass directly to your Brief Notes upon a Late SERMON, TitPd, Tlie Fear of God and the King. PreacKd^ and since Publish^ d by Matthew Griffith D.D. and Chaplain to the late King, &c. ANy man that can but Read your Title, may understand your Drift & that you Charge the Royal Interest, & Party thorough the Doctour's sides. I am not bold enough to be his Champion, in all particulars : nor yet so Rude, as to take an Office most properly to him Belonging, out of his Hand : Let him acquit himself in what concerns the Divine ; and I'll adventure upon the most material parts of the Rest, (but with this Profession, that I have no design in exposing your Mistakes, saving to hinder them from becoming the Peoples.') Your Entranced a little Peremptory, and Magis- terial, methinks, (but that shall be allowed you) 'please you, we'll see how Pertinent it is, and Rational. T Affirmd in the Preface of a late discourse, Entitl'd, The ready way to establish a free Common- 'vealth, and the dangers of readmitting Kingship ill this Nation, that the humor of returning to our .^ J >- •■■ ^ • ^' ii 6 NO BLINDE GUIDES. old bondage, was imtUt d of late by souu deceivers ; and to make good, that what I then affirmd, was not without just ground, one of those deceivers I present here to the people ; and if I prove him not such, I refuse not to be so accounted in his stead. TO the First : give me leave to mind you, that you make an observation of things Pastf amount to a foretelling of what's to come. This Sermon was not Preach'd, when that Humor you mention, was Instilfd. Next ; You'll as hardly satisfie the people, that you your selfe, are no Deceiver, as prove the Doctor one of those you meaftt. And this I'll Instance ; Kingship, is your old Bondage; Rumpship, ours: (Forgive the Term) You were Then, Past the One: we are now (God be thanked) past the Other: and should be as loth to Return, as You. Yet you are Tarn- pering to delude the People, and to withdraw them from a Peaceable, and Rational expectancy of good, into a mutinous, and hopeless attempt of mischief. By your mun Rule now, who are the Deceivers: We, that will not Return to our old Bondage; or you, that would perswade us to't ? Your next Paragraph talks of Purgatives, Myrrhe, Aloes, , commanded by Sir Alexander M'Lean ; but being in the heart of Glengairy and Lochiel's lands, he thinks himself secure enough, tho' he had not, as he has, the Captain of Clan Rannald with 600 men within ten miles of him, and M'Lean, Sir Donald, and M'Leod, marching towards him ; so that he can march with near 4000, or refresh in safety till such time as the state of the affairs of Ireland may allow the King to send forces to his relief ; which, if it please God shall fall out, there is all appearance of forming a considerable army. Notwithstanding that, the people are a little disheartened, by the unexpected surrender of the castle of Edinburgh, ■•"■^■■Mii i I 14 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. which is said was only by despair the duke had of any relief, tho' he wanted not from my lord Dun- dee, by a third hand, all the encouragement he could give. r There is another account of military operations in Scotland, from the 2 1st of May to the 4th of June. It was sent by Mr. Hay to Ireland, at the same time with the preceding ; for it is marked on the back : " Relation of what past in Scotland^ in the Highlands^ with [by] Mr. Hay^ received July ']th, 1689." 1 It contains an account of Sir Alexander McLean's expedition to Kintyre, and of his return to join lord Dundee at Lochaber, with some other intelligence. Mull, June 2d, 1689. UPON Tuesday, the 21st of May, Sir Alex- ander M*Lean embarqued for the relief of the King's party in Kintyre. At his landing in the island of Giga, where he found Mr. Neil of Clachalie, his lieutenant colonel, with two com- panies of men, who gave account, that, two days before, Lurip and he had endeavoured to stop the low country forces from entering Kintyre ; they had engaged near Clachan Killcalmanell, and after ' Nairne's Papers. flMto xu THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 15 facing others for two or three hours, and some party's firing, Clachalie finding the rebels still encreasing to more than four times his number, he very handsomely drew off his men, and came safe to Giga. Lurip took ship for Ireland, without acquainting any with his design ; and Lergie left the castle of Skipnidge, and went for Arran. In this action Clachalie lost one man, and the rebels seven. In this condition Sir Alexander found these gentlemen, at his landing in Giga, and im- mediately ordered boats to be prepared for securing Lergie's safe retreat to him, and sent him orders to come to the coast side of Kintyre, where he should meet him ; all which was performed before Friday night, the 27th. Upon Saturday blew a great storm, so that they could not come to Giga, which they designed, to come in all haste to his Majesty's army at Lochaber. Lergie gave an account, the rebels were 1500, preparing boats to invade Giga. Upon Sunday morning early, the wind continuing to blow in the same' art, Sir Alexander perceives two men of war, one frigate, and three or four long-boats, making from Ila towards them, and some boats coming off from Kintyre to meet them. Upon which, he and the other gentlemen disposed their boats equally in two several places, and encouraged their men to a brave resistance, this being their first action. I'he two men of war did anchor close v/ithin musket shot of lK)th harbours, and had a full view of the * Quarter. w ■^ 16 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. small boats ; the frigate continued still under sail, from place to place, with a great long-boat, and offered several times to land ; but were always beat off. Thus they continued, firing incessantly, from eight in the morning till eight at night ; about which time, the wind decreasing, Sir Alex- ander began to carry away his boats to other places, and two contrary ways, the better to de- lude the rebels, and give them the more to do, which was effected with so much courage of the soldiers, that they carried away their boats, through showers of cannon and muskets, to the other end of the island, where they embarqued all their men, and came to Argyle next morning. In the action, the King's party lost one boat, and two sunk with cannon shot, and one man only wounded. The rebels lost 13 of their men, above 400 cannon- shot, and their whole plot miscarried. Upon Monday, Sir Alexander having intelli- gence, that there was a rendezvous of the rebels at Kill-Michal of Invereny, within five miles of Glasrie, he immediately makes towards them, for it was not much out of his way ; but, upon ap- proach, they all fled. Sir Alexander, with Elchille, encamped there that night, and suffered the soldiers to take nothing but meat next morning. He con- tinued, with as much expedition as possible, to come up to my lord Dundee ; and landed just now here, with the other gentlemen in the boats, and brought all his men safe to this place. The soldiers are hearty and eager to see my lord Dimdee, and suffer hunger and want of sleep. THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 17 with great patience, to come up, and are in hopes to be transported to Morven, to-morrow or Sunday. Badinoch, the 4th June.— Just now arrived here Sir Alexander M'Lean, with Mr. Nealof Calchalie, and the laird of Lergie, where they met his excellency my lord Dundee, on his way to Lochaber ; who, thereupon, dismissed the rest of his army to be refreshed at home, keeping only with himself Sir Alexander's party and a few horse, until news from his Majesty and the next rendezvous. Three days ago, a party of major general M 'Kay's horse and dragoons, with six score horse, fell upon a party of M 'Lean's men, commanded by Lochbuy, who was upon a party, about half a mile from the army. The M' Leans took themselves to a hill, and lost their baggage in the retreat, whereupon they took their ground and fell in pell-mell with the rebels, sword in hand, and broke them, chasing them for a good way. In this notable action, the rebels lost their chief officers, who were killed upon the place, viz. the captain, who was an Englishman of consider- able note, and much regretted by the rebels. His name we have not known as yec. Himself with a lieutenant and 15 others were left dead upon the place ; and the M 'Leans carried the horse and arms, &c. to the camp. Lochbuy lost five of his men. Lochaber, June 23d. — ^Yesternight arrived at the camp, Mr. Hay, from Ireland, with express from his Majesty, which gave great joy to his Majesty's I' 99 II I (1 % i i6 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. small boats ; the frigate continued still under sail, from place to place, with a great long-boat, and offered several times to land ; but were always beat off. Thus they continued, firing incessantly, from eight in the morning till eight at night; about which time, the wind decreasing, Sir Alex- ander began to carry away his boats to other places, and two contrary ways, the better to de- lude the rebels, and give them the more to do, which was effected with so much courage of the soldiers, that they carried away their boats, through showers of cannon and muskets, to the other end of the island, where they embarqued all their men, and came to Argyle next morning. In the action, the King's party lost one boat, and two sunk with cannon shot, and one man only wounded. The rebels lost 13 of their men, above 4CX5 cannon- shot, and their whole plot miscarried. Upon Monday, Sir Alexander having intelli- gence, that there was a rendezvous of the rebels at Kill-Michal of Invereny, within five miles of Glasrie, he immediately makes towards them, for it was not much out of his way ; but, upon ap- proach, they all fled. Sir Alexander, with Elchille, encamped there that night, and suffered the soldiers to take nothing but meat next morning. He con- tinued, with as much expedition as possible, to come up to my lord Dundee ; and landed just now here, with the other gentlemen in the boats, and brought all his men safe to this place. The soldiers are hearty and eager to see my lord Dundee, and suffer hunger and want of sleep. THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 17 with great patience, to come up, and are in hopes to be transported to Morven, to-morrow or Sunday. Badinoch, the 4th June.— Just now arrived here Sir Alexander M-Lean, with Mr. NealofCalchalie and the laird of Lergie, where tliey met his excellency my lord Dundee, on his way to Lochaber ; who, thereupon, dismissed the rest of his army to be refreshed at home, keeping only with himself Sir Alexander's party and a few horse, until news from his Majesty and the next rendezvous. Three days ago, a party of major general M'Kay's horse and dragoons, with six score horse, fell upon a party of M 'Lean's men commanded by Lochbuy. who was upon a party* about half a mile from the army. The M'Leans took themselves to a hill, and lost their baggajre m the retreat, whereupon they took their ground and fell in pell-mell with the rebels, sword in hand, and broke them, chasing them for a good way In this notable action, the rebels lost their chief officers, who were killed upon the place, viz the captain, who was an Englishman of consider^ able note, and much regretted by the reliefs. His name we have not known as yet. Himself with a lieutenant and 15 others were left dead upon the place ; and the M'Leans carried the horse and arros, &c. to the camp. Lochbuy lost five of his Lochaber June 23d.-Yesternight arrived at the am,. Mr. Hay, from Ireland, with express from h's Majesty, which gave great joy to his Majesty's n ft ■1»'EJ 1^ •S**- , i8 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. army here. We have also accounts from several places, that his Majesty's fleet have secured their coasts and have taken, or sunk, or chased all the rebel's ships from hence. My lord Dundee is now drawing his forces together again, and resolves to march from this in a few days. The Viscount Dundee to the Earl of Melfort} «• My Lord, ^'^^^' ^" Lochaber, June 27th, 1689. (( I Was not a little surprized to find, by yours, that my name has been made use of, for carrying on designs against you. Mr. Carleton is extremely in the wrong, if he says I gave him any commission to the King, or warrant to say any thing to him, in my name. Earl Bredalbin sent him to me, with a credential, which he desired me to burn so soon as I had read it. I had never seen the man in the face before, nor heard of him. He was not two hours in my company ; and, when he gave me account of his pretended business to Ireland, I disliked most of.it, as I signified to you, by M'Swyne ; nor did I give him so much as a line with him, that I remember. I leave you to judge, if it be probable, that I would intrust myself so far to any in such circumstances, as to employ him in so nice and dangerous a point as » Naime's Papers, D. N. vol. i. folio, No. 48- THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 19 that is, of accusing so great a man, and so much my friend as you are, to the King. If I had any such design, I would rather have trusted myself to the King, and written frankly to himself. I will assure you, all my endeavours to lay you aside were only to yourself. I thought myself bound in duty to the King and friendship to you, not to dissemble to you the circumstances you stand in with the generality of this country and many in the neigh- bouring. Your merit and rising fortune has raised envy ; your favour with the King is crime enough with his enemies, and I am feared, even with his ambitious friends, wliich I am sure can never be imagined to be one with me : for I can never have any pretensions in your way. Besides you have contributed to all the considerable steps of my fortune; but I must tell you, that besides these generals, there are many pretend to have received disobligations from you and others, no doubt, with design on your employment ; yet the most universal pretext is, the great hand you had m carrying on matters of religion, as they say, to the ruin of the King and country. I must tell you, 1 heard a great resentment against you, for advising the giving the bulls for the bishops, and I am feared they themselves believe it. You know what the church of England is in England ; and, ^th there and here, they generally say, that the Kingof himself is not disposed to push matters of religion, or force people to do things they scrupled in conscience ; but that you, to gain favour with luese of that religion, had proved and prevailed (. if A ■♦«■ .- -^^ I r ill If It 1* 20 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. with him, contrary to his inclination to do what he did, which has given his enemies occasion to destroy him and the monarchy. This being, as I assure you it is, however unjust, the general opinion of these nations, I thought, in prudence, for your own sake as well as the King's, you would have thought it best to seem to be out of business for a time ; that the King's business might go the smoother, and all pretext be taken away for rebellion ; and this only, in case the King find difficulties in his affairs : for I am obliged to tell you, that, if the people take umbrage as to their religion, it will be, notwithstanding of all the foreign aid, a long war. But I think you may come over ; and, when you have seen the state of affairs on the place, and spoke with every body, you may think what will be best for you to do. You desire me to recommend a proper man to be secretary. You know it is hard to do. But, if you really resolve not to seem to meddle, I would, were I you, advise the King to employ one, to be turned out when things altered, would not much disoblige, or could have no consequence. But I think I have said enough, if not too much of this. My lord, I have given the King, in general, account of things here ; but to you I will be more particular. As to myself, I have sent you it at large. You may by it understand a little of the state of the country. You will see there, when 1 had a seen advantage, I endeavoured to profit on it ; but, on the other hand, shunned to hazard any THE AFFAIRS OF SCO TLA.VD IN 1689. 2, thing for fear of a ruffle : for the least of that would have discouraged all. I thought, if I could gam time, and keep up a figure of a party wjthout loss, it was my best, till we got assisiance, wh,ch the enemy got from England every day. \ have to,d the Kmg, I had neither commission, money, nor ammunition. My brother-in-law Albar, and my wife found ways to get credit For my own, nobody durst pay to a traitor. I was extremely surprised, when I saw Mr. Drummond he advocate, m Highland habit, come up to Lochaber to me, and gave account, that the Queen had sent 2,000/. sterling to London, to « pa,d to me for the king's service, and hat two more wa. a coming. I did not think the Queen had known any thing of our affai.^ T cSn butT.""'^'"^ ■'"" '""• ''^^' -"" Mr. tram , but I know no way to make a return. However, when the money comes, I shall keen count of ,t and employ it right. But I am feared U w,ll be hard to bring it from Edinburgh. Whl' «e came first out, I had but fifty pound of powdef^ more I could not get ; all the great towns'and s a ports were m rebellion, and had seized the powder take to the broad-sword. But 1 wonder above all h-ngs, that, in three months, I never heard from you, seemg by Mr. Hay, I h..d so earned jecommendeJ it to you, and told of this w^t 'nvcrlochie, as sure, if you would not have sem -presses, we thought you would, at le=^ ha" *' r\ k 22 TN/t AFFAIRS OF SCO TLASD IN 1689. hastened the dispatch of these we sent. M'Swyne has now been away near two months, and we know not, if the coast be clear or not. However. I have adventured to advi-e Mr. Hay to return streight. and not go farther in the country. It would have been impossible for him to get through to Edinburgh ; but there was no need. He came not here until the 22nd, and they surrendered on the 13th. It was not Mr. Hay's fault, he was so long a coming ; for there has been two English men of war and the Glasgow frigates amongst the islands, till of late. For the rest of the letters. I undertook to get them delivered. Most of the persons to whom they are directed are either put under bund, or in prison, or gone out of the kingdom. The advocate is gone to England, a very honest man, firm beyond belief; and Athol is gone too, who did not know what to do. Earl Hume, who is very frank, is taken prisoner to Edinburgh ; but will be let out, on security. Earl Bredalbin keeps close in a strong house he has, and pretends the gout. Earl Errol stays at home ; so does Aberdeen. Earl Marshal is at Edinburgh ; but does not meddle. Earl Lauder- dale is right, and at home. The bishops. I know not where they are. They are now the kirk invi- sible. I will be forced to open the letter, and send copies attested to them, and keep the original, till I can find out our primate. The poor ministers are sorely oppressed over all. They generally stand right. Duke Queeiisbcrry was present at the cross, when their new mock King was pru- THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 23 claimed ; and, I hear, voted for him, though not for the throne vacant. His brother, the lieutenant general, some say, is made an earl. He has come down to Edinburgh, and is gone up again. He is the old man, and has abused me strangely ; for he swore to me to make amends. Tarbat is a great villain. Besides what he has done at Edinburgh, he has endeavoured to seduce Locheil, by offers of money, which is under his hand. He is now gone up to secure his faction, which is melting. The two Dalrymples and others against Skelmurly, Polwart, Cardross, Ross, and others, now joined with that worthy prince, duke Hamilton. M. Douglass is now a great knave, as well as beast, as is Glencaime, Morton and Eglin- ton ; and even Cassills is gone astray, misled by Gibby'. Panmure keeps right, and at home ; so does Strathmore, Southesk and Kinnaird. Old Airly is at Edinburgh, under caution ; so is Bal- carras and Dunmore. Stormont is declared fugi- live, for not appearing. All these will break out, and many more, when the King lands, or any from him. Most of the gentry on this side the Forth, and many on the other, will do so too. But they suffer mightily in the mean time, and will be forced to submit, if there be not relief sent very soon. The duke of Gordon, they say, wanted nothmg for holding out, but hopes of relief. Earl of Dumfermling stays constantly with me, and so does lord Dunkell, Pitcur, and many other gentle- Bishop Burnet. .4: ),' 11 u ' 24 r//£ AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689, men, who really deserve well, for they suffer great hardships. When the troops land, there must be blank commissions sent for horse and foot for them, and others that will join. There must be a commission of justiciary, to judge all but landed men ; for there would be examples made of some that cannot be judged by a council of war. They take our people and hang them up, by their new sheriffs, when they find them straggling. My lord, I have given my opinion to the King concerning the landing. I would first have a good party sent over to Inverlochie, about 5000 or 6000, as you have conveniency of boats ; of which, as many horse as conveniently can. About 600 or 800 would do well ; but rather more ; for had I had horse, for all that yet appeared, I would not have fearetl them. Inverlochie is safe landing, far from the enemy, and one may chuse, from thence, to go to Murray by Inverness, or to Angus by Athol, or to Perth by Glencoe, and all toleral)le ways. The only ill is. the passage is long by sea and inconvenient, because of the island ; but, in this season, that is not to be feared. So soon as the Ixjats return, let them ferry over as many more foot as they think fit to the point of Kintyre, which will soon be done ; and then the King has all the boats for his own landing. I should march to- wards Kintyre, and meet at the Neck of Tarbitt, the foot, and so march to raise the country, and then towards the passes of Forth to meet the King, where I doubt not but we would be numerous. I have done all I can to make them believe the King THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 25 will land altogether in the West, on purpose to draw their troops from the North, that we may the easier raise the country, if the landing be here. I have said so, and written it to every body ; and particularly, I sent some proclamations to my lady Errol, and wrote to her to that purpose, which was intercepted and carried to Edinburgh, and my lady taken prisoner. I believe it has taken the effect I designed ; for the forces are marched out of Kintyre, and I am just now informed, M. G. M'Kay is gone from Inverness by Murray towards Edinburgh. I know not what troops he has taken with him as yet ; but it is thought, he will take the horse and dragoons, except a few, and most of the standing forces ; which, if he do, it will be a rare occasion for landing here, and for raising the country. Then, when they hear of that, they will draw this way, which will again favour the King's landing. Some think Ely a convenient place for landing, because you have choice of what side, and the enemy cannot be on both : others think the nearer Galloway the better, because the rebels will have far to march before they can trouble you : others think Kirkcudbright, or thereabouts, be- cause of that sea for ships, and that it is near England. Nobody expects any landing here now, because it is thought you will alter the design, it having been discovered ; and to friends and all, I give out I do not expect any. So I am extremely of opinion, this would be an extreme proper place, unless you l)e so strong that you need not care v^here to land. The truth is, I do not admire V> W M ' *■ I m < . V A 26 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN \f&^. their mettle. The landing of troops will confound them terribly. I had almost forgot to tell you that P O ,' as they say, has written to his Scotch council, telling them he will not have his troops any more harrassed following me through the hills ; but orders them to draw to the west. where, he says, a great army is to land ; and, at the same time, gives them accounts, that eight sail of men of war is coming from Brest, with 1500 men on board. He knows not whether they are designed for England or Ireland. I beg you will send an express, before whatever you do, that I may know how to take my measures ; and, if the express that comes knows nothing, I am sure it shall not be discovered for me. I have told Mr. Hay nothing of this proposal, nor no man. If there come any party this way, I beg you, send us ammunition, and three or four thousand arms of different sorts, some horse, some foot. I have just now received a confirmation of M 'Kay's going south, and that he takes with him all the horse and dragoons, and all the standing foot ; by which I conclude, certainly, they are preparing against the landing in ihe West. I entreat to hear from you as soon as possible ; and am, in the old manner, most sincerely, for all Carleton can say, My Lord, Your most humble and faithful servant, Dundee." * Prince of Orange. THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 27 Dundee having received news from Ireland recalled Mr. Hay, whom he had dispatched with the preceding letter, and wrote again to lord Melfort. The copy among Mr. Nairne's papers wants a date, but is marked on the back " My Lord Dundee's letter, June 28, 1689." The Viscount Dtindee to the Earl of Melfort} " My Lord, •' A FTER Mr. Hay was dispatched I was *. L informed, that Achtera and major Far- char's son were landed, so sent and stopt Mr. Hay and came down here to know what news they brought. I am very glad to hear by your lordship's, that the King's affairs prosper so well and that Derry will be soon ours. But I hear it was not on Monday last. I know not what the matter is; but I would think Mackay's going south and the troops drawing back from Kintyre towards Edinburgh would import some alarm they have got. I have so often written over all that Derry was ours, that now, say what I like they hardly believe, and v/hen I talk of relief out of Ireland, they laugh at it, though I believe ere long they will find it earnest, and then our enemy's confusion will be great. As to the places of landing, I am still of the same mind. For the ' Nairne's Papers, D. N. vol. i. folio. No. 46. 28 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN i(i%^. number I must leave to the conveniency you have. The only inconveniency of the delay is, that the honest suffer extremely in the low countrys in the time, and I dare not go down for want of horse, and in part, for fear of plundering all, and so making enemys, having no pay. I wonder you send no ammunition, were it but 4 or 5 bar- rells. For we have not 20 pound. As to your- self, I have told you freely my opinion and am still of the same mind. You desire I may tell you your faults. I use to see none in my friends, and for to tell you what others find when I do not believe them were to lose time. But I must tell you many of them who complained of you, have carried themselves so. that what they say deserves not much to be noticed. However, they have poisoned the generality with prejudice against you, and England will, I am afraid, be uneasier to you than Scotland. It is the unjustest thing in the world, that not being popular must be an argu- ment to be laid aside by the King. I do really think it were hard for the King to do it ; but glorious for you, if once you be convinced that the necessity of the King's affairs requires it, to do It of yourself, and beg it of him. But this only, as I said in my last, in case of great difficulties, and in the way I advised, which I think the King will not refuse you ; I mean as to filling up of the place ; for the King may' have enemys, some by your continuing ; but he may put in one who may ruin all, which I am sure, if he gave it to some that pretends, it would I am afraid certainly fall THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 29 out. I wonder you could have the least thought that I would concert with any body against you, having parted so good friends. I spoke not to Dunmore since he came from London. I mind not I spoke of you to Bredalbine. I remember when I was endeavouring to make friends for the King in the country and in the convention, many did tell me, that there would be no living if you returned; so when no arguments for you could prevail, I have, may be, to smooth them, said, that if all were well, you would be prevailed with not to meddle any more. I would have written letters of encouragement to all the King has written to from yourself, and assured them of your friendship and satisfied them of your real designs of living and letting live every one in their own way in matters of religion, which would mightily allay, I think, as to Scotland, and let them see you do favours to cavaliers and to Protestants, for some steps, that may be, you was forced to make in favours of these ungrate beasts the Presbyterians. You gave unhappy umbrage to both the other, but they were fools ; for never will they get one whose family education, and inclination, is so cavalier. They ong at the King's restoration to have a Lauder- clale to destroy Middleton and poor suffering cavaliers. Let not this be their plague. I arn sure you shall be sure of all my endeavours for to hnng the minds of people to reason. If you will allow, I will say, that though you come to see the King once landed, you design not to stay, unless you think that you may unbolden your enemys. 'l^ ' '^ l/ r { i, 30 T//£ AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. I give ray humble service to my lady, and am My Lord, Your most humble and faithful servant, Dundee." r ^^ The following paper is marked on the back "Account of the engagements in Scotland since May, 16^, for i he Queen." "An account of the engagements that hap- pened hetiveen the King's party and tk rebels in Scotland since May^ 1689." ^ December 15th, 1689. •* '^pHE first engagement was betwixt Sir Alex- -L ander M'Leane, with whom were the lairds of Lergie and Calchillie, in the island of Giga, betwixt Kintyre and Isla, and a squadron of the English fleet commanded by captain Ruke, in May last, thus. Sir Alexander and the aforesaid gentlemen with 400 men were waiting a fair wind to bring them to the rendezvous appointed by my lord Dundee, his Majesty's lieut general, and had their small boats close to the rocks of the island when they were assaulted by the English. The fight began at ' Nairne's Papers, D.N. vol. i. fol. No. 43. THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 31 8 o'clock in the morning. The English, thinking to take and sink the boats, manned six long boats, and under shelter of a yaucht they came in pell mell amongst the boats, and took a large boat belonging to Sir Alexander, that could not be brought near the shore ; but they were so warmly received by the King's party, that the rebels were forced to retreat with loss, whereupon the two men of war dropped anchor as close to the boats as they could come, and fired incessantly with their cannon and small shot from 8 o'clock in the morn- ing until 8 o'cli)ck at night. At which time Sir Alexander divided his boats, and sent one half of them round the island one way, and with them the yaucht and small boats engaged. They being thus out of the way, and the two men of war still at anchor, all the rest of the boats came out upon them, and in despite of all the English could do, they brought all safe away. In this skirmish the ioyal'sts lost one boat, and two sunk, and one man woundtd, but none killed. The rebels had a lieutenant and 14 men killed and a great many wounded. The next engagement was in that same month, between a party of Sir John M'Leane's regiment of 120 men, commanded by M*Leane of Lochbuy, against 200 horse and dragoons, commanded by col. Livingston, wherein the M*Leanes routed the rel)els, killed captain Waine, an Englishman, and 14 of his party, with the loss of five men only. The battle of Rinrory, in Athol, was the next lit i I 'f I I Hi >. ; ; i^ 32 THE AFFAIUS OF SCOTLAND IN iGQf), considerable engagement after this, which was thus : The lord Murray, son to the marquis of Athol, having with 1500 men laid siege to the castle Blair, in Athol, then garrisoned for the King (thereof the lairds of ' and Ballechan were officers) and my lord Dundee being to wait at Lochaber some days for colonel Cannon and the Irish regiment and the other officers, who were come from Ireland to come up to join him ; his Excellency sent orders for Sir Alexander M'Leane (who was then at Cromar in the North, in an expedition against the master of Forbes and other rebels) to march in all haste to relieve the garrison of Blair, and there to wait till his Excellency's arrival. This Sir Alexander so happily perfomied, that lord Murray was forced to raise the siege; and major general M'Kay being on his march to second lord Murray, my lord Dundee (upon in- formation thereof) made long marches to prevent him, and arrived at Athol upon the i6th of July, and next morning was informed, that M 'Kay's forlorn of 400 men were within two miles of the castle, at the Pass of Kilikrankie. Where- upon his Excellency commanded Sir Alexander M'Lean, with 400 men, to march against this party. But they were not a quarter of a mile off when his lordship was informed, that instead of a party, M*Kay himself with all his army was at Rinrory, within a mile and a half of him. ^ liCft blank in original. THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 33 Whereupon his lordship commanded the army to march towards the rebels, resolving, with- out delay, to fight them. M'Kay's army was drawn up in eight battalions, consisting of 4500 foot and two troops of horse. My lord Dundee's consisted of 2500 foot and one troop of horse. On the right wing Sir John M'Leane was placed with his regiment in two battalions. On the left, was Sir Donald M 'Donald's regiment, commanded by his son and Sir George Berkley, in one battalion, and Sir Alexander M'Leane another battalion, made the left wing. The main battle consisted of four battalions, viz. Lochiel's, Glengary, Clan- ronald, and the Irish regiment, and the troop of horse commanded by Sir William Wallace. The officers that came from Ireland divided themselves among the battalions. The fight began about five o'clock at night, Sir Alexander M'Leane keeping the rebels in action (while my lord was forming the battle), by debating for advantageous posts, therein he lost only five men, but the rebels loss was greater. About eight o'clock the signal was given ; his lordship, charged in person, upon the head of the horse. The Highlanders gave such a furious charge as made the rebels give ground in a moment. For the rebels having spent their fire before the Highlanders fired, (who kept their shot till they were within pike length of the enemy), and after fire the royalists falling in with broad swords, made the rebels run. The left wing of M 'Kay's army was quite routed by Sir John M'Leane, who followed the slaughter for a good 3 lllli li 'IB? I -1 m 34 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. way. The like was done by the main battle. But all the opposition to purpose was in the right wing of the rebels. For Sir Alexander M'Leane, having routed M 'Kay's regiment, his men fol- lowed the pursuit so briskly, that he was left alone himself in the place of battle ; and observing colonel Hasting's regiment of foot standing their ground against Sir Donald M 'Donald's regiment, and at last forcing them to retire, he rallied as many as he could get of his men, and with Sir Evan Cameron made head towards the rebels who thereupon fled, and the night put a stop to the slaughter. In this battle there were killed of the rebels upon the place 1 500, some say 2cx», and the next morning 500 prisoners were brought in by tlie men of Athol. Those of note killed were brigadier Balfour, and lieutenant colonel M'Kay, brother to the major general, with many more officers of less note ; of the prisoners were lieutenant colonel Balfour, captain Ferguson, captain Donaldson, and 13 other officers, with all their camp, tents, bag- gage, artillery, and provisions, which was of great value, and also the prince of Orange's standard, carried by M'Kay's regiment, taken by Sir Alexan- der M 'Leane. Of the royalists were killed (to his Majesty's unspeakable loss) the lieutenant general himself, while he was riding to help the confusion he ob- served in the left wing, occasioned by the gallant resistance of colonel Hasting's regiment against Sir Donald and Sir George Berkley,) the lairds of THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 35 • Largie, captain M'Donald, brother to Glengarie, captain Ramsay, captain M'Leane, nephew to Sir Alexander, captain Pollock, brother to the laird of Pollock, and some other officers, but very few common soldiers. Sir George Berkley and several other gentlemen were wounded. Two days after this battle, colonel Cannon, who now commands the army, sent the laird of Struan with 100 foot and some horse, under the conduct of major William Graham, to St. Johnstoun, where they were surprised by some troops of horse of Sir John Lanier's regiment. Major Graham made off in time. But Siruan's men were some in their beds, some drunk, and some of them were killed, and 25 taken prisoners ; the rest with the laird himself made their escape. This was the begin- ning of Cannon's conduct. The last engagement was about 20 days after this, at Dunkell, where there was some 800 of the Cameronians, under the command of colonel Cleaveland and others. Colonel Cannon with the Army arrived at Dunkell the 21st of August, at 7 o'clock in the morning, and surrounded the town, commanding Sir Alexander M'Leane to make the first attack, and so the Highlanders fell on so furiously that they beat the rebels from the walls, and helping one another over the walls entered the town. So that at once the town was set on fire both by them and the rebels, whereby the town for an hour and a half was very hot on both sides. 1 1 f iMi * Left blank in the orijiinaL !l lit ( /Ml n [I tl 36 THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. At last all the rebels being cut off, except those who got into the castle and the great church, and the Highlanders having spent their ammunition, retired out of the town. In this engagement, on the rebels side were killed Cleaveland himself and almost all their oflficers, and one hundred and twenty, some say two hundred, of their men. On the King's side were killed two captains of M*Leane's regiment, and Sir Alexander M*Leane's captain lieutenant, and some other officers of note, but few soldiers; but there were a great many wounded, and Sir Alexander M'Leane had his leg broken with a musket bullet, and was carried to the castle of Blair. But upon some distaste taken by the clanns at Cannon's conduct, the army broke up and went home ; and now they content themselves with incursions, wherewith they have done great prejudice to the rebels, and lately went within seven miles of Glasgow, and destroyed Kilmar- nock, etc." Lord Dundee's speech to his troop before the battle of Killikranky.^ •* Gentlemen, *« "\/OU are come hither this day to fight, and X that in the best »)f causes : for it is the battle of your King, your religion, and your country, THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 37 against the foulest usurpation and rebellion ; and having, therefore, so good a cause in your hands» I doubt not but it will inspire you with an equal courage to maintain it. For there is no proportion betwixt loyalty and treason ; nor should be any betwixt the valour of good subjects and traitors. Remember, that to-day begins the fate of your King, your religion, and your country. Behave yourselves, therefore, like true Scotchmen; and let us, by this action, redeem the credit of this nation, that is laid low by the treacheries and cowardice of some of our countrymen ; in which, I ask nothing of you, that you shall not see me do before you ; and, if any of us shall fall upon this occasion, we shall have the honour of dying in our duty, and as becomes true men of valour and conscience ; and such of us as shall live and win the battle, shall have the reward of a gracious King, and the praise of all good men. In God's name, then, let us go on, and let this be your word ; King James and the church of Scotland, which God long presei^ve. " ^ I' H r » July, Naime's Pipers, A. L. fol. No. 243. 1^ i I 1^ \ ^' I 1. tr 38 TNE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. Dundee wrote the following letter, giving an account of the battle to King James. He died next morning of the wound which he had received in the action. The Viscount Dundee to King Jaines^ after the battle of Killikranky} *' SIR, *' T T has pleased God to give your forces a great JL victory over the rebels, in which 3-4ths of them are fallen under the weight of our swords. I might say much of the action, if I had not the honour to command in it ; but of 5000 men, which was the best computation I could make of the rebels, it is certain there cannot have escaped above 1200 men. We have not lost full out 900. This absolute victory made us masters of the field and the enemy's baggage, which I gave to the soldiers ; who, to do them all right, both officers and common men. Highlands, Lowlands, and Irish, behaved themselves with equal gallantry, to what ever I saw in the hottest battles fought abroad by dis- ciplined armies ; and this M 'Kay's old soldiers felt on this occasion. I cannot now, Sir, be more particular ; but take leave to assure your Majesty. the kingdom is generally disposed for your service. and impatiently wait for your coming, and this success will bring in the rest of the nobility and gentry, having had all their assurances for it. except * Nairne's papers, A. L. ubi supra. THE AFFAIRS OF SCOTLAND IN 1689. 39 the notorious rebels. Therefore, Sir, for God's sake, assist us, though it be with such another detachment of your Irish forces as you sent us before, especially of horse and dragoons ; and you will crown our beginnings with a compleate success, and yourself with an entire possession of your antient hereditary kingdom of Scotland. My wounds forbid me to enlarge to your Majesty at this time, though they tell me they are not mortal. However, Sir, I beseech your Majesty to believe, whether I live or die, I am intirely your's, Dundee." Hasdl, IViUsoH, is- Viney, Limited, Lotuion and Aylesbury. i 1 I k ( A HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-VII. \FAVb IKoM tDublin ill Jrelan^. RELATING HOW Governour of the faid City, Peat the -whole ^rmy, killed many, fome Prifoncrs taken, with much of their provilions and forc'd them to a flight. In a Letter to a Member of the Honourable House of Commons. ' .6- L ND O N, Printed for Joi» fFrigit at the Kings Head in the Old Bayley. 1647. i »j i i}l m ( \ /, .1 t /■■ flews from Dublin in Jrclanb. IN my laft of the third of this inftant I certified you of Colonell yones, the Governour of Dublin's taking the field with that fmall Party of 400 horfe here garrifoned j a small Party confidering the power of the enemy (now found to have been) 8000. foot, 2000. horfe, and a multitude of others, (hven Roe Neale (the Rebels Ulfter Generall) was advanced into the heart of thefe our Garrifons (between us and Trim) and that within a few miles of this place, before the Governour received any intelligence of his moving. On the third of November, the Governour advanced hence with 400. horfe, and 50 Dragoons, and upon advertifement given of a party of the enemies being about Caftle-knock (within three miles of Dublin) he made thither, and commanded one Captain Onuey (of his owne Regiment) with 60. commanded horfe as a forlorn hope. The Governour himfelf made a halt fliort of Caftel- i»V 'II 'miiiiiai'iin»iiii""i«ri«iiwtiiiip < IWMiiyli'* I \ \ * 'i,' i i li J News from Dubii?i knock, underftanding that the whole body of the enemies horfe and foot lay two miles off at the church of Mallehedard, whereupon he gave orders for return- ing back to Dublin thofe Carriages that were follow- ing him and that the foot in Dublin fliould forthwith march towards him, therein preparing for the enemy fliould he advance towards the City, or to attempt fomething on him if ftill quartering at Mallehedard. At Caftleknock aforefaid, there was a party of the enemies horfe, and 60. foot fent thither for deftroying that part of our quarters ; upon fight of our forlorn hope then advancing the enemies horfe fled, whom ours purfued up to their maine body at Mallehedard, having in the chafe flain and taken 11. Whereupon, anothers party of horfe and foot from the body of the enemy were drawn out whom Captain Or««y, with thofe few of our forlorn hope, charged and killed of them above 80. this in full view, and very nigh the whole Army of the Rebells } after which he faced them about one houre, untill it was found that the enemies foot had the while marched away towards Fingall, purpofing that night to fire thofe quarters between Dublin and Dregheda 5 which the enemies defignes the Governour finding by fome prifoners taken, he commanded back Captain Otv;ey with the forlorn hope, who returning towards Castle-knock aforefaid, met with thofe fixty foot of the enemies before mentioned, fleeing from another party of our horfe, moft of whom Captain Otioey put to the fword. In Ireland. 5 The Governour forthwith fent to Sir Henry Titch- hurncj (at Trim) for drawing up to him with the horfe in the out-quarters, whofe coming up to him he ex- pefted before he would engage upon fo great a body of the Rebells horfe and foot. That night the Governour fent back to Dublin the foot, and having commanded 100. horfe towards Feltram for fecuring the quarters towards the Sea fide, and for obferving the enemies motion, he himfelf with the reft of the horfe returned back to Dublin, no provifion being found neare him for his horfe, the enemy having destroyed all. Owen Neale having the City on the right hand, marched to a place called Dubber, within three miles of Dublin, which he fired, having his head quarters at Kilihaghan, fix miles Northward from Dublin j he that night by parties fent out, burnt all the corn about him, making very great fpoyle. Thursday, Novemb. 4. Owen Neale marched to Brafyle (an houfe belonging to the Lord chief Baron Bolton, within Fingall, which he burned, having firft from thence by parties fent out, burnt Carduffe (the Lord Chancellours houfe) and Luske, with what other mifchief he could fuddenly doe in that part of the country, our Garrifon at Swords made good the Bawne there againft the Rebells, whereby much Hay prepared for the Oxen of the Trayne was preferved. This day the Governour again took the field, with his 400. horfe (being his whole ftrength of horfe here- abouts) drawing towards the enemy for cutting off I 11 1 •4= r w K> I I 11 > 5 News from Dublin ftragglers, of whom many were met withall, and for keeping in the Rebells, aU that might be, from deftroying the quarters, until! he fliould heare from Sir Henry Titchburne, which he hourely expefted but all that day he heard nothing of him ; that night the Governour quartered at Donfinke, within three miles from the enemy, who that night quartered^ at mgan- jhwne. This day about 12 of the clock newes was brought to the Governour of Sir Henry Titchhurnei coming up with Col. Ponfonbyy Col. Coots, and Sir Thomas Arm- strongs Regiments of Horfe, which with the Governours party made up a body of 1400 horfe : Whereupon the Governour forthwith about midnight fent orders to Dublin for the Foot to draw out, and with all fpeed to advance towards him, appointing the Rendezvouze the next morning at Pierces Towne, eight miles from Dublin, purpofing by croffing the Countrey to ftop Owen Neale in his march back, being informed that he had been then at Baldengan towards the fea fide, purpofing to -bend towards Droghedah quarters for fpoyling thereabouts as elfewhere he had done. But the Rebels having intelligence of the coming up of the Horse to the Governour, and of the marching of the Foot, he fuddenly changed his courfe, marching back again by Crixtowne, Kilbrewe, and Ratoth, burning as he went. This he did betimes on Friday morning the fifth of this inftant. Our Foot not being yet come up as was expeded, the Governour with his Horfe following, the Enemy, coming up within a mile In Ireland. 7 of him, and fending out parties to engage the Enemy in fome fort untill the coming up of our Foot j but the Rebels marched off as faft as they could, our men killing many of them, and from out their body took away fome Cattell. This night the Rebels made fhew of quartering at a place called ClunmuUin neere a bogge fide, where the Governour had hope he might gain time of falling in upon him if his Foot had come up. This night our Foot from Dublin, about 3000, came up to Pierces Towne, where had they come fooner, it was hoped, by the bleffing of God, the Rebels power in Leinfter had been quite broken. The Governour had that night fent out fever all parties to allarm the Enemy, thereby to ingage them untill he could with his Foot march up towards them j but the enemy having made fliew of .quartering that night at Clunmullen, rifeth in the night, marching away with all the fpeed he could possible. Saturday the fixth, the Governour followes him with Horfe and Foot, fending out parties feveral waies to ftop him in his courfe, but the Rebels had that day not refted untill they had gotten over the black Ford beyond Clon-Curry into Briminghants Countrey, a place boggy and woody, and to them of great advantage. The Governour hereupon leaving the Foot at Bal- fegham, 1 3 miles from Dublin, he the feventh followed the Enemy with the horfe j but the Rebels marching all the night before, had betimes this morning recovered their former retiring place at Castle- I 8 News from Dublin it > I' Jordan. This night the Governour came back to the Foot at Bulfcgham, and the next day, having difmift his additional! Forces, he with the rest marched back to Dublin. The Enemy loft 500 of their men, and in their great haftc caft off many of their Knapfacks and bag- gage whiche ours tooke up. It was not for the Governour to ingage his horfe, they not having a grayne of Oats, nor money, or Quarters, for eight weeks before, neither any thing clfe but what they gained by daily inroades upon the enemies quarters, whereby the horfe were fo wornc out, that had not neceffity enforced, they had not been fit to appear in fervice, therefore was it not fafe to ingage them efpeci- ally fevered from the foot, againft fo great a power of the Enemies horfe and Foot, wherein had there been Bny mifcarriage, this city and Province had been un- doubtedly loft, and the whole Kingdome endangered. And here I muft give you the Govemours words to me difcourfing of this. That although he fhould have the fortune with his horfe alone, to have defeated the power of the enemies, yet he deferved to fuffer for hazarding fo lightly fo many and great interefts, knowing the weakneffe of his horfe, but after the coming up of his foot he doubted not then to put al\ to a day, though the Rebels were many to one, and had done it, had it been poffible to overtake that cowardly and runaway Enemy. You have. Sir, m this the perfefteft and moft difttinft account I can give of thefe particulars, wherein you have in fhort the /;/ Ireland. 9 whole ftate of the party here, not to be kept together, wanting wherewithal! fo to keepe them, and being difperfed, as of neceffity they muft be for a fubfiftence, they or the Country lying open to fpoile, before an Enemy entering almoft our very gates, can be difputed with. Sir, it is there to put us into a condition whereby thefe evils may by prevented, and for enabling yours here to ferve you as they earneftly defire. By Captaine Pierce, one of ours being prifoner with the Rebels at Kilkenny, returned hither on exchange, the Governour hath been given to underftand that the common voyce at Kilkenny was. That Sir Brym Neale, here refident, is one ferviceable to the Enemy in the way of intelligence, whereupon he is committed, the Governour expecting, I believe, directions thence for difpofing of him. Pardon this great boldnesse of Sir Tour Most ajfured to jer-ve you, Dublin 10. Novemb. 1647. H. C. Novemb. 22 Imprimatur Gilb, Mabbot. FINIS. iV\ rsfs^-f- III pl^ y^ . ; .^ ■ i iniiiii r I N I iiJUK f iiii ' «iiii t ,iiii|, i ni , ;1 l||iinii ii '! ! I HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-VIII. The 1R^e Ibouee jplot: BEING 1)10 /llSaje0t8*6 Declaration to all Ibis lotting Subjects con* ceming tbe treasonable Conspiracy latels &iscov>ere6» 1 ORDERED TO BE PRINTED BY HIS MAJESTY. H^ yv" C/ In the Savoy : Printed, and are to be Sold by E. WHITLOCK, near Stationers* Hall. 1684. -■ a ^>m V I f lfr"'# A TRUE ACCOUNT OF THE Horrid Conspiracy against the King and the Government. Tkh Reprint Is Limited to 200 small-paper and 50 large paper copies. THE KING has thought fit to lay open, and to declare to the World, An Exact Account of the late Accurfed Confpiracy, which was actually form'd, and carried on in England, and fet on foot in Scotland, againft His own, and his only and deareft Brothers Life, and againft the Peaceable and Flourifli- ing Government of His Majefties Kingdoms j as far forth, as hitherto the Particulars of it have come to His knowledge, by the Voluntary Confeflions, or un- deniable Convidlions of divers of the Principal Confspi- rators. By this faithfully reprefenting the plain Matter of Faft, though perhaps all the Groundlefs Suggeftions, and Malicious Infinuations of Fadious Men, will not be wholly put to filencc j it being their old, and con- k { li ^ J True Account ftant Artifice, to fupport, and incourage their Party, by Impudent Slanders and Falfhoods, againft the cleareft Light, and moft evident Proof : Yet however His Majefty will have the Satisfaftion hereby to con- firm the Loyalty, and good Aflfeaions of aU His loving Subjedts at Home, and to eftablifh Abroad the Reputa- tion, and Honour of His Royal Juftice, And moreover (which His Majefty moft of all re- gards) this Publick, and Lafting Teftimony wiU be given of His fiincere Thankfulnefs to Ahnighty God, for that Miraculous Deliverance from a Danger, which came fo near His Sacred Perfon, and was fo far fpread in the Ruine, it threatened to all His people. It is well known, what mifchievous Arts of late Years have been ufed, and what Treafonable Courfes Uken, to withdraw thefe Nations from their bounden Duty and Allegiance, and to expofe His Majefties moft Juft, and Merciful Government to Calumny and Con- tempt : The RebeUious Defign having been apparently carried on by aU forts of Malecontents j whom either their Crimes, or Wants, their furious Zeal, or un- bounded Ambition, inclined to wifli for a Difturbance of the Peace, and Profperity, which His Majefties Do- minions have fo long injoy'd, to the Envy of aU His Neighbours. To this wicked purpofe, many the very fame fatal Methods and fpecious Pretences, which, in the Days of His Majefties Glorious Father, had involved these Kingdoms in Confufion and Blood, were once again revived, and by many the very fame Pefsons j Men of of the Horrid Conspiracy, 5 crafty, reftlefs, and implacable Spirits j impenitent after the moft Gracious Pardons j whom long Experience had made skilful in feducing weak, and unftable Minds, by counterfeiting the plaufible Names of things in themfelves moft excellent, but moft dangerous when abufed j fuch as Liberty, Property, Confcience, and Religion. By thefe wretched Inftruments, was this moft gentle, and benign Government again reproached with Ty- ranny, and Arbitrary Power : The Church of England was once more Traduced, as Popiihly affected : The moft able Officers, and faithfulleft Servants of the Crown again Reviled, under the odious Title of Evil Councellours. In the mean time Sedition and Schifm were every where promoted j unreafonable Fears fuggefted ; vain Sufpicions of future Dangers augmented to deftroy the prefent Tranquility j defperate Speeches, infamous Libels, Traiterous Books fwarm'd in all places ; and under colour of the only True Proteftant, the worft of all Unchriftian Principles were put in pradlife j all the old Republican, and Antimonarchical Doftrines, whofe EfFedls had formerly prov'd so difmal, were now again as confidently own'd, and afferted, as ever they had been during the hotteft Rage of the late unhappy Troubles. From these Preparations to a new Rebellion, the Party began by degrees to proceed to Adion. Dif- tindtions of Sides were made : Names, and Tokens of Separation were given : Illegal Conventicles were main- r % I 6 A True Account tained, in defiance of the Laws of God, and Man : Tumultuous Feafts, and Fadlious Clubs were fet up in City, and Country : Clofe, and Seditious Meetings haunted : Frequent Cabals appointed, and by Men of high degree with the loweft : Great Stores of Arms provided by private Perfons : Infolent Progrefles made through divers Countries j thereby to glory in their Numbers, and to carry far and near the Terrour of their Power, and even to Mufter their Party ready for fome fudden Blow, or general Infurredlion. AH thefe, and many more fuch Perfonal Indignities, and Publick AfTaults on the Government, His Ma- jefty long endured with the fame Mildnefs, and Clemency, wherewith he had already forgiven the higheft Crimes againft himfelf j His Royal Goodnefs ftill patiently expcding, and wifhing, that in time the moft obftinate of his mifguided Subjects would see their Errour, and return at length to a fenfe of the Duty, they owe him by all the ftrongest Bands of Na- ture and Laws, Religion and Gratitude, that can poflibly oblige Subjedts towards a Soveraign. But when His Majefty was abundantly convinc'd that all thofe dark Confultations, and open Tumults of unruly Men, were but fo many infallible Signs, and Forerunners of Rebellion, or fome extraordinary Com- motions ; Then at laft, in a tender refpedt to his Peoples Safety, more than to his own, was His Ma- jefty conftrain'd to awaken his Authority, to try what good Effedl the Vigour of his Laws would have on those Offenders, with whom all his repeated Mercy and Indulgence had fo little prevailed. of the Horrid Conspiracy. 7 Yet fuch was then His Majefties hard Fortune, fo firmly combined were the Difaffefted, efpecially by their Prevalent Intereft in packing the Juries of Lon- don and Middlesex^ that whilft His Majefty carefully endeavour'd to diftribute Impartial Juftice to all his Subjeds, he could not obtain the fame Right Himfelf • his Enemies ftill becoming more numerous, and united in thofe very places, where their defperate Enterprifes againft the Government, were likely to be moft fudden and pernicious. Amongft divers other infamous Examples of this Nature, was that of ColUdge the Joyner. For though the Criminal was fo mean a Man, and no other ways considerable, but for his audacious Forwardnefs in affronting the Government j yet His Majefty, with all His Royil Authority, could hardly prevail to have him brought to a Fair and Legal Tryal. Nor had His Ma- jefty been able at laft to procure fo much Juftice to be done had not the Procefs been removed into another County, where (the Rulers of the Fadion being less powerful,) that new and damnable Opinion and Pra ki i -1 20 A True Account \ His Majefty was wont to change Coaches and Guards. Upon warning thus given of the Kings being near at hand, all were to be in readinefs within the Houfe and Yards to ifTue forth in a moment, fome on Horfe- back, fome on Foot. Immediately upon the Coaches coming within the Gates and Hedges about the Houfe, the Confpirators were to divide into feveral Parties : Some before in the habit of Labourers were to overthrow a Cart in the narroweft paflage, fo to prevent all poffibility of efcape: Others were to fight the Guards, Walcot chufmg that part upon a Punftilio of Honour : Others were to fhoot at the Coach-man, Poftilion and Horfes : Others to aim only at His Majefties Coach, which Party was to be under the particular direction of Ram- bald himfelf ; the Villain declaring before-hand. That upon that occafion he would make use of a very good Blunderbufs, which was in Wejfi pofleffion, moft blafphemoufly adding, that Fergufon fhould firft confe- crate it. It is indeed a thing prodigious to tell, and were it not for the undeniable proofs of it, very difficult to be be- liev'd, that not only one or two fuch Furies fliould rise up in a whole Age, but that fo great a Number of Men fhould, in the fame time and place, be found fo void of all Humanity, as not only to imagine and con- trive fo horrid a Fadt, but to difcourfe of it in fo many Meetings, fo fportfuUy and merrily as they did, as if the cruelleft Tragedy which wicked Men or the Devil ever invented, had been only a matter of common paf- ofthe Horrid Conspiracy. 21 time and loofe raiUery. Thus when at one of their Confults Weft invited Rum%ey to be Godfather to his Child, he anfwered. He ivould, if he might be allowed to call him Brutus. And when it was once propofed to Kill the King and the Duke at the Play-Houfe, by blowing up the whole Audience with them, Fergufon approved the way, and impudently said, That then they nvould Die in their own Calling. And when fome ob- jeaed againft it. That by this means the Innocent loould perijh ivijh the Nocent ; another juftified it, saying, fVhat did the Jack-Daws do amongst tlie Rooks ? And when fome propofed that to give a better colour to what they did, the King and Duke fhould not be killed, but only feiz'd and brought to Tryal, after that the People had got the better; It was anfwer'd by Fergufon, That it ivas ne^er thought Injujiice tojhoot, orfet Traps for Wolves and Tygers. The execrable Deed being thus fuppos'd by them to be feasible without much Oppofition, they then farther confider'd the feveral ways of their efcaping after- wards. Sometimes they thought of retreating to- wards Cambridgejhire, and Mattering there j fometimes of retiring into the Rye-Houfe, which being guarded with a Moat, and Brick-Walls, they doubted not to defend it againfl the frighted Country People for fome Hours till Night, when they might fhift for them- selves, and difperfe. Another way that Rumbald him- felf propofed, was to lead them out of the great Road through the Meadows, which were to be gallop'd all along i fo that they might with eafe come into London . ^v 22 A True Account by Hackney-Marjh, before the News of what was done could poffibly get thither. It was concluded at the lame time, that divers Lords, and principal Men of their Party, fhould be invited to an Entertainment that verv day m the City, that they might be upon the place to Head the Faftion at the firft arrival of the News. But whilft they were thus wholly intent on this barbarous Work, and proceeded fecurely in its Con trivance, without any the leaft doubt of a profperous fuccefsi Behold! on a fudden God miraculoufly difappointed all their Hopes and DeHgns, by the ter- rible Conflagration unexpeftedly breaking out at Ne^v- market. In which extraordinary event, there was one moft remarkable parage, that is not fo generally taken notice of, as for the Glory of God, and the ConfuHon ot His Majefties Enemies it ought to be. For after that the approaching fury of the Flames had driven the King out of his own Palace, His Ma- J^fty at firft removed into another Quarter of the Town, remote from the Fire, and as yet free from any annoyance of Smoke and Aflies. There His Ma- jesty finding he might be tolerably well a'-commodated, had refolved to ftay, and continue his Recreations as before, till the Day firft named for his Journey back to London. But His Majefty had no fooner made that refolution, when the Wind, as condufted by an invifible Power from above, prefently chang'd about, and blew the Smoke and Cinders diredly on his new Lodgings, making them in a moment as untenable as the other. Upon this. His Majefty being put to a of the Horrid Conspiracy. 23 new fhift, and not finding the like Conveniency else- where, immediately declared he would fpeedily return to mitekal; as he did : which happening to be feveral days before the Aflaffines expeded him, or their pre- parations for the i?y. were in readinefs, it may juftly give occafion to all the World to acknowledge what one of the very Confpirators could not but do. That It loai a Providential Fire. FINIS. I' ' mstotim iReprints.— IX. / THE IMPOSTOR PAINTED IN HIS OWN COLOURS; OR, trbe base JStrtb anb parentage OF THK Phevalier Pe ^t People. ALIAS THE PRETENDER, Now truly brought to Light \ AND Made Publick to deter Jacobites and Tories from Endeavouring to Exchange our happy Constitution, Liberty and Property, for Arbitrary Power, Slavery and Wooden Shoes. Hoc voLo, SIC juBEo. juv. Sat. vi. London; Printed by J. Read, near Fleetstreet. Price Three Half-Pcnce. . If u ; \ fl t n Thts Reprint is limited to 200 imall-paper and 50 large-paper copies. ^0 tbe :meaDer. T AM not forgetful of a certain Person, who X some years since asserted the Pretender to be the Son of the Duke of Tyrconnel and one Mrs Gray, murder'd a little before her Child-bearing. at a Nunnery in France. Again, the Author of that Narrative says, He found out the Mystery of the Warming-pan, by his serving in the Quality of a Page at the Marchioness of Powis; but being well assured, that Mr. William Fuller, at the time when the Pretender was born, was an Apprentice to a Coney-Wool-Cutter in Shoe-Une m lU-ndon ; my Faith will not give any Credit to what he formerly writ on this Matter Nevertheless I can do no otherwise than own the Chevaher de St. George, commonly known by the Name of the Pretender, to be an illegitimate Child, because a spurious* Account which I found of his Birth in the Study of a learned Jesuit, Sic, i\ li r t' 1 i: I. I ^ The Imi'ostor, makes out his Pedigree very plain. The Manu- script of this surprizing Secret was penned by Mr Pohon, of the Order of the Society of Jesus, from the Mouth of Father Peters, when he once con- fessed him, and gave him Absolution, as lieing near the point of Death, at Abbeville in France. Afterwards Mr Polton, (noted for the great Controversies held betwixt him, and his Grace the present Archbishop of Canterbury, about the Doc- trine of Transubstantiation, and other erroneous Points of Faith maintain'd by the Church of Rome) resided at Fouchial, the chief Town of Madera, an Isle in Africk, Tributary to the King of Portugal, and in a Voyage which I made to the West Indies in 1692-3, our Ship touch 'd there to take in fresh Water ; where going ashore, it was my Fortune to meet with this Gentleman coming out of a Nunnery, who was mightily overjoy'd to see me, because I had once been his Pupil in England. He takes me to his Lodgings, where turning over his Books, in one of them I found an Account of the Birth and Parentage of this Impostor, whose Insolence threatens us at this juncture with an Invasion ; and surreptitiously carrying it on Board with me, transcrib'd the Original, which I return d again to the Owner, who was not a little surpriz'd at this Discovery of a Cheat, well known to Father Peters; who springing from Ignatius Alias, The Pretender. ^ Loyola, his Profession made him a half Key to open Princes Cabinets, to pry into their Counsels; and where the Pope's Excommunication Thun- ders, he could hold it no more a Sin to dethrone Kmgs, than to make a general Massacre among Hereticks. ** Mr. Polton us'd all his rhetorical Flourishes to inveagle me out of my Copy; but finding all his pathetick Insinuations in vain, he conjur'd my Secrecy, and could not be easie till I had solemnly promis'd him never to divulge the fol- lowmg Account of the Pretender, on whose Life the Romish See had great hopes to establish Popery m Great-Britain once more; but it is the Utmam of every good Protestant, that the Cheru- bim s flaming sword will keep the Pope out of this Island, which he, by his Apostacy hath justly forfeited and lost, till Time shall be swallow'd up m Eternity. And to conclude,-That which hath mduced me to send this Narrative into the World IS Loyalty to my lawful Sovereign King George' Veneration for the Church of England, and a real Love for my Country ; which, by means of the present Administration, will be made happy for li m^'^^&X'i \^'i 1!) I 'I THE IMPOSTOR P aimed in his own Colours, i^c. T WILL not speak of the Assassination- Plot in A the Reign of King William the Third, for which Sir William Perkins, Sir John Friend, Chamock, Keys, Cranborn, and others were exe- cuted at Tyburn ; I shall proceed to hint on the unparallell'd Baseness of King James the Second, who was so much bigotted to the Church of Rome to Establish Popery in this Kingdom, and endea- voured to disinherit his own lawftilly begotten Children, by trumping up an Impostor on us ; as you shall hear now by the Sequel of this Nar- rative. When the great Nassau came to deliver Great Bntam and Ireland from Slavery and Arbitrary Power, the evil Counsellors of King James bein^j The PRETENIiEK. 7 forc'd to fly beyond Sea, among them Father Peters made his escape, and being taken despe- rately ill of a Fever at Abbeville in France, he sent for one Andrew Polton, a Jesuit, who had then but lately been Chief Pedagogue of the first or head School erected in the Seminary in the Savoy, by the said King James ; no sooner was he come to his Chamber, but all the Company being desired by the sick Person to depart the same, then addressing himself to Mr Polton, he told him his Sickness rather increased on him than diminisht, wherefore he was willing to make his Confession to him, which he requested he would pen down verbatim. " Dear Brother, of the same Society with me, and not unworthy of meriting the Fellowship of St.' Ignatius de Loyola, our Founder, you cannot be insensible of my endeavouring, when I was a Privy Counsellor to the unfortunate King James, to subvert and extirpate the Protestant Religion, and the Laws and Liberties of all his Kingdoms. In order thereto, I, and some others of the Privy Council, advis'd him to assume and exercise a dis- pensing Power, by suspending the Execution of Laws without Consent of Parliament. We advis'd him to commit the Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop of St Asaph, Bishop of Ely, Bishop of Chichester, Bishop of Bath and Wells, Bishop of Peterborough, and Bishop of Bristol to the I 1' !i r .* tl 8 The Impostor, .i Tower; to erect a Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes, to levy Money for the Use of the Crown, by pretence of Prerogative ; to raise and keep a Standing Army in time of Peace ; to quarter Soldiers contrary to Law ; to disarm Pro- testants; to violate the Freedom of Election of Members to serve in Parliament ; to return Jurors in Tryals for High-Treason, who were not Free- holders; to require excessive Bail of Persons committed in criminal Cases ; to impose excessive Fines, and to inflict illegal and cruel Punishments on Persons who were not of our side. " But above all, to establish Popery for ever in Great Britain, and all the Dominions thereunto belonging, I advis'd the King to disinherit his true and lawfully begotten Children Mary antl Anne, by making the Kingdom believe his Queen was with Child ; accordingly, Prayers were offered up in all Churches for her happy delivery, when, alas ! she was no more with Child than you, or I, Sir. Now, to put a fair Gloss on this Intrigue, carried on for the Good of Mother- Church, Her Majesty cunningly seeming to be in Travail, she was convey'd on Saturday the 9th of June, 1688, to the Palace of St James, where on Sunday Morning next, being the loth of the same Month, she was presently brought to Bed of a fine Boy without any Pain at all, because the Child was gotten to her hand by my own self, ghostly M L Alias, The Pretender. 9 Father, on the Body of one Mrs Elizabeth Mac- nemarra, who was a Bye-blow her self, begotten by a Gentleman of that Name living in the North of Ireland, where she was born, and being brought by the Duchess of Tyrconnel to London, in the Quality of a Chamber-maid ; who being endow'd with some Beauty but little Wit, I did neverthe- less presume to transgress against the Rules of our Order, which, beside Poverty and Obedience, enjoyn us to Chastity, by making carnal Use of her Person, to promote our Interest ; which then seem'd likely to prosper, since she happen'd to be brought to Bed, just as the Queen had passed her Reckoning; and that the true Mother of this sham Prince might not tell Tales when she went abroad, as soon as she was up again, we dispatch'd her out of the World with a Dose of Poyson, and privately buried her Body in Hyde- Park. *' On the same Day as my dear Babe was born, and secretly convey'd by an intriguing Lady into the Queen's Bed, it was order'd in Council that there should be a general Thanksgiving, to be observ'd within the Liberties of London and Westminster, and Parts adjacent, on Sunday the 17th of June, and 14 Days after, in all other Parts of that Kingdom : And, that Notice should be given of the Birth of this Spurious Prince to the Lord-Mayor of London, that Bonfires, and B 41 .■ I f \' J A f n 10 The Impostor, public Rejoycings might be made; which was accordingly perform 'd, after firing the Cannon of the Tower, with all the Demonstrations of extra- ordinary Joy, with which so great a Blessing, bestow'd by my Vigour and Manhood upon their Majesties, had filled the Hearts of their Subjects. And still to make the Matter look more plausible, it was order'd by the King in Council, on the First of Noveml^er following, That the several Declara- tions made by His Majesty, who knew well enough it was none of his Child ; and by Her Majesty the Queen Dowager, together with the several Depositions made by some Noblemen, be forthwith Enroll'd in the Court of Chancery ; but all would not do, for the Generality of the People knew the Brungin was a Trick put upon them, and would no more acknowledge him to be the tnie Heir to the three Kingdoms, than they would the Pope's Nuncio. ** However, Reverend Father, I can't help it ; I did my best to advance our Cause ; and therefore let me die when I will, I hope the Fornication and murder I committed to fix our Religion once more in England, is not so much as a venial Sin, but rather Meritorious, and will translate me to those Regions whither Garnet, and others of our honourable Society are long since fled before me. Here Father Peters making an end of Confessing / 1 m Alias, The Pretender. II himself, Mr Polton gave him Absolution with Tears in his Eyes ; as well he might, to see such a Sinner glory in his Wickedness ; which was so great that he durst attempt to put Fallacies upon his Maker out of his own Word, and make God's most Righteous precepts the Topicks of his Disc- bedience. All the World knows the Character of Father Peters was none of the best; therefore the Chevalier de St George, alias the Pretender, his own Child, cannot be much better ; which makes good the old Proverb, Ma/i corvi malum ovum, that is to say, Like Father, like Son. Now should he be introduced here by a Foreign Power, mixt with soaie Irish Papists, who are the worst of Papists, and Scum of Mankind, being sensible of the meanness of his Birth, he may prove a second Maximinus, which Emperor being born in a pelting Village of Thrace, slew as many as knew his Pedigree, and had seen the Rags of his Parents. Herod burnt the Genealogies of the Jews, that he might affirm himself, as well as they, to have descended of a Noble Race ; and Themis- tocles, a Bastard, for to cloak his Birth, and to remove the ill Opinion conceived of him that Way, enticed the young Nobility of Athens, to frequent Cynosarges, a School without the City, where Bastards did only frequent. Now what would our Jacobites and Tories be ! ■'» Is C i / 1 (J Ml 12 The Impostor, at ? They want an Impostor to change the most happy and best Constitution in the World for a Dispotic and Arbitrary Power. They prefer Bondage and Slavery before Liberty and Pro- perty; the Superstition of an Idolatrous See before the Purity of the Church of England ; the Pollution of our Holy Orders before the true Ser- vice of our God ; Dragooning out of their Money before giving it by their own Consent; and wearing Wooden Shoes before Ease and Decency. In fine, as the Pretender has been bred up in a Court, well vers'd in Tyranny and Oppression, without doubt he will perfectly act the Part of the Prophet's King, should he, which God forbid, obtain the British Crown by Usurpation. For what would happen in that Case, see i Sam. viii., II to i8. Moreover, do the Jacobites and Tories want to see again the Reign of Bloody Queen Mary, when Smithfield and other Places have blazed with Holy Martyrs ? So great is the Cruelty of the Papists, that they have not only destroyed the Body, but also the Soul, by making some Persons deny their Faith, and then, for fear of a Recantation, pre- sently murder'd them. Thus the Villainy of this sort of Christians, if I may reckon them in that Class, exceeded the Prosecution of Heathens, whose Malice (as a learned man says) was never so Lcngimantts as to reach the Souls of their \k I I . 1^ Alias, The Pretender. 13 Enemies, or to extend unto the Exile of their Elysiums. Though the Blindness of some Feri- ties have savaged on the Dead, and been so injurious unto Worms, as to disinter the Bodies of the deceased, yet had they therein no design upon the Soul, and have been so far from the Destruc- tion of that, or Desires of a perpetual Death, that for the Satisfaction of their Revenge they wish'd them many Souls; and were it in their Power would have reduced them to Life again. It was a great Depravity in our Natures, and surely an Affection that somewhat savoureth of Hell, to desire the Society, or comfort our Selves in the Fellowship of others that Suffer with us ; but to procure the Miseries of others in those Extremi- ties, wherein we hold a Hope to have no Society our Selves, is methinks, a Strain above Lucifer, and a Project beyond the primary Seduction of infernal Powers. '&m I i Clje Cljaracter of tlje >e^3< THE Chevalier de St. George, is a mere Pro- teus, that can change himself to all Shapes, And conform himself to all Humours to inveagle Rebels to espouse his bad Cause ; and obtaining his Ends (like Bloody Queen Mary, who martyr'd those that put her on the Throne) he'll cut their Throats. To those that Support him in his Vaga- bond Course of Life, he's as humble as a Slave ; but to them he reckons his Inferiours he's as Haughty as an elevated Footman. His Bounty already extends only to Bawds and Whores ; and his Generosity to Irish Pimps and Parasites ; to gain which, they most obsequiously dissemble, and tell the Fool he's a King. His whole Life is like 'I The Pretender. 15 Penelope's Webb, nothing but doing and undoing ; for as what she did in the Day, she undid in the Night ; so if he attempts an Invasion, he runs away again for fear. Now he is Abroad, he seems an Angel to the Tories ; but was he here, they would soon find him a Devil. When he comes to be Hang'd, he may find, among Papists and Jacobites, Tegelius's Mourners, to sigh out Elegies, and sing Dirges at his Funeral, but none among honest Men. We can call this thing no other than a Hobedehoy, that is, half Man, half Boy ; who hath more Perriwig then Brains in his Head, and no Religion at all in his Heart. Though he has been a long time in France, a polite Country, yet he was always lock'd up in the dark Dungeon of Ignorance and Inconstancy; which was more infected with Errors, than Augeus's Stables with Ordure. He hath neither Sense or Wit ; and as yet he remains on t'other side the Water, as having a mind (I suppose) to stay at home, to try how long his Skin well kept, would last. His Ambition incites him to aspire to that which is none of his Due by Birthright ; and this Insolence makes the wisest part of Mankind now perceive him to be an Impostor. Was he to Reign here by Usurpation, (which God forbid) we should soon have occasion to cry out, that the Subjects of the Grand Signior, the Czar of Mos- covy, and the late King of France, enjoy'd the V t; r 11 i6 The Pretender. best Government in the World. Tyrantiy is his Minion; Idleness his Recreation; Religion his Conveniency; Massacres his Satisfaction; and Fools, Knaves, and Blockheads his Companions. In fine, he's a great Bigot, and Un pauvre ginie\ Therefore let all true Born Britains con- sider, Whether Bigotry and Ignorance joyn'd together are fit Qualifications for a Governor of a Protestant Nation.* • This is perhaps the clumsiest libel on, as well as the coarsest invective against, the Pretender, to be found in the mass of polemical literature, which, mushroom-like, sprang up on all sides in the days immediately precedFng the ' 1 5 and '45. f fnid. 1 HISTORICAL REPRJNTS.-X. THE I 1?eian of TlBlUliam the » » Conqueror* Q:ran0late& from a flormansrrencb AS. ixi tbc Xibrarg ot ZxKnKtQ. CoUcdCt Cambribge, dup« po0eb to be written bg peter be d^cltbam. fi^l MCCLXXV. PRIVATELY PRINTED. EDINBURGH. 1885. ii. / . •/ ^il r TUs Reprint is Limited to 2CX) small-fapa- and 50 large-fafer copies. /I -«?»»■ 1 ?rbe 1?ei0n of Millfam tbe Conqueror, ^IX^ILLIAM THE BASTARD, duke of ▼ ^ Normandy, after he had conquered the English, was crowned at Westminster on Christ- mas day, which was on Monday, by Aldred, Archbishop of York, and he reigned twenty years ten months and twenty-eight days. He was named tlie Bastard, because his father, Robert duke of Normandy, begot him of his mistress, whom he took from a dancing company on account of her great beauty, which bewitched him, and he kept her for a long time as his wife. When William's father was gone on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, after he had held the duchy for seven years, William was created duke by the common consent of all the barons of the land. And j-ou must understand that now he was crowned by the archbishop of York, because Stigand, the archbishop of Canterbury, was sus- pended then by the pope Alexander II., with good cause. For he made himself archbishop 1 :\ I i ^J: . '1 1, '1 - 4 THE REIGN OF when Robert, who preceded him, was yet alive and was beyond the sea. He retained also the bishopric of Winchester with his archbishopric. Moreover he adhered to one Benedict, who set himself up for pope, whom the court of Rome condemned. And at that time the see of London was vacant. IJow it was that this king William came to the throne of England, not by chance, nor by adven- ture, but by the providence of God, I will now tell you. In the time of king Edward, who is now saint and confessor, there was a great feud between him and Godwin earl of Kent, the father of king Harold. Afterwards, when they were reconciled, he gave the king for hostage Wulnoth his son and Hacun the son of Sweyn his son» whom king Edward sent to Normandy to the duke William to guard. Whereupon it came to pass that, after the death of earl Godwin, Harold his son prayed the king that he might have leave to go to Normandy to see his brother and nephew. And then the king said to him ; " You will go to the hurt of all England." Yet he obtained leave. Harold went to sea and by the force of the gale that took him there he came to Ponthieu, and soon he was seized by the lord of the country and sent to William duke of Normandy as a prisoner. And while he was there, after many day, the duke William said to Harold :— " When king /I V •«' *l WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. c Edward was young, and we were brought up together in Normandy, he promised me, on his honour, that if ever he became king of England, and died without heir of his own that he would make me heir of the kingdom. Therefore, if you choose to promise me that you will help me to it, when place and time shaU serve, and that you will build me a castle at Dover with a well, and that you will give your sister to one of my barons and that you will take my daughter to wife, and make your oath to this effect, then I will give you your nephew now, and when I shall arrive in England to be king vou shall receive your brother." When Harold heard this he consented gladly, and swore upon the holy relics that were brought there that he would hold to the promise in all these respects. So the duke suffered him to return to England with his nephew. But within a little while king Edward died, and, contrary to his oath, he caused himself to be crowned as you have before heard. And when duke William heard this he bade him by his messenger that he should keep his oath; and he answered him :— " My sister, whom you claim of me by the oath, is dead, so if you chose to have her body such as it is now, I will gladly send it to you, that you may not say that I am breaking my oath. I have built the castle at Dover, and in it I have raade^a well, as I promised, though for whom I know not. The r ^ I ii *li mmsf' THE REIGN OF \ kingdom which never yet was mine, by what right could I give or promise it to you ? If you talk of your daughter whom I ought to take to wife, know this for sooth, that I never may nor can bring a wife from foreign lands to England with- out the advice and consent of the barons." When the messenger was returned he told all these things to his lord. And when the duke had heard it, a second time he bade him in friendship to let everything else alone, but at least to take his daughter, as he had pledged his troth, or else, let him be very sure that he would come to England and take vengeance of him, because he had not kept the kingdom for him as he had promised. And to this Harold answered that the thing which he asked him to do concerning his daughter he never would do, and of his coming to England he had no fear. The same year that king William was crowned, in Lent, he returned to Normandy and took with him Stigand the Archbishop of Canterbury, and Egclnoth the abbot of Glastonbury and Edgar the atheling, and the Earl Edwin and many others of the great lords of the land, and left his brother Odo the Bishop of Bayeux and William Fitros- bem, whom he made earl of Hereford, to guard England, and charged them that the fortresses everywhere should be strengthened. At that same time king William built Battle /I lii WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR, f Abbey, which has its name from the battle that was fought between him and King Hsirold. And the winter after the king came back to England, and laid on the people heavy taxation. Then he went to Devonshire, and besieged the city of Exeter which had rebelled against him. And by God's help he took it immediately, for the wall fell down before him, and he entered at once. And he was the more fierce to attack it because one of the city stood on the wall, and made obscene demonstrations and noises to those outside, to insult the Normans. Meanwhile Malcolm, the king of Scotland, received all the English fugitives, and penetrated often as far as York, and wrought there at his old trade, and onwards, through all that country, not because he had any mind to reign in that countrj' and thought that he might become king, but to vex king William, and to make him care little for the kingdom when every day he must fight for it with the Scotch. On this account king William took a large army with him, and marched towards the north and took York, starved the city into a surrender, and burnt with fire and flame all the fields, and the wheat harvest in the country ; and, near the sea, he caused all the towns and the fields to be flooded, in order that the king of Denmark, if he should come there, might find nothing from whence he might obtain support, for he had heard I ' I i 1^ ^ 1 ' I y 1 \ 1 • THE REIGN OF it said that he was coming. So at that time for about sixty miles and more the land of Northum- berland lay uncultivated and all desolate, and then it was a piteous sight for one to witness who had seen the country before; for many fair towns were then laid in ruin. Malcolm, the king of Scotland, when he heard all this, surrendered ; and all the time of king William at times he was faithful to him, and at times deserted him, and in the same manner he acted by king William Rufus the son of this William ; but afterwards, when he came into the district of Northumberland to ravage it, he and his son also were slain by the earl, and he lay many years at Tynemouth, but afterwards Alexan- der, his son, caused him to be conveyed into Scotland to Dumfermline. The second year of his reign his wife Maud, the daughter of Baldwin, the earl of Flanders, was crowned queen by Aldred the archbishop of York. After this, about the year of our Lord 1069. the people of Northumberland and Edgar Athe- ling with them, went to Scotland to invite the Scotch to aid, and prayed also the Danes that they would come to England to attack King William. So that the Danes came with two hundred and forty ships. And when Aldred, the archbishop of York, heard it, he died of grief. ^ WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. And at that time there was a great famine in England, by reason of the waste which had been made, partly by the Normans, partly by the Northumbrians, partly by the Danes. Whereupon king William caused all the churches of England to be ransacked, and all the money that he could find, which the rich people of England had placed in them, he had carried away, and placed in his treasury. A.D. 1070, in the octaves of Easter, a great council was held at Winchester by the command- ment of the king and with the consent of the pope Alexander, where archbishop Stigand was de- prived. And on that occasion king William degraded many other bishops and abbots irom their rank, and had them kept as prisoners to the end of their life, and yet neither by the law of Holy Church, nor by the law of the land, ought he to have done this for any proved crime he found in them. On the Whitsunday following (May 23), at Windsor, king William gave the archbishopric of York to Thomas, a canon of Bayeux, and the see of Winchester to Walkeline, his chaplain, and to his other chaplain, Stigand by name, he gave the bishopric of Sussex, who placed the seat of it at Chichester. A.D. 1071 the king sent for Lanfranc, the Abbot of Caen in Normandy, who was a very great clerk, and gave him the archbishoprick of I lO THE REIGN OF il Canterbury, on the day of the Assumption of our Lady. He was consecrated there on the feast of St John the Baptist, which was a Sunday. In the time of William the Bastard, saint Wul- stan, the bishop of Worcester, was charged before Lanfranc, the archbishop of Canterbury, that he was a layman, and knew little learning, and was wrongly consecrated- He was so simple that he knew not bow to rule his diocese, Therefore the archbishop was in duty bound to depose him. Saint Wulstan replied to the archbishop :— Unmeet am I, my lord, this place to fill. For naught to teach or govern is my skill. Yet by my brother monks was I elect. And clerks and bishops did their choice respect ; To whom they chose the king the staff conveyed. Nor was th' archbishops, holy touch delayed ; That staff, my lord, thou wilt take back to-day. And put me from my bishopric away ; Thou bidst me to resign my staff, I say not nay, But give it to his hands who gave, not thine. (So saying, moved he to St. Edward's shrine.) My lord, I will resign this cross to thee, To thee I render that thou gavest me. He fixed his staff into the stony grave. And on the altar robes and mitre gave. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. n Then with the monks, with whom he erst had dwelt, In his own stall, a simple monk, he knelt. All they who saw it wondered at the view, To see the staff where in the stone it grew. As it had deep root in the marble ta'en. And all the strength to lift it out was vain. Some strive with all their force to move the rod, Some dare not touch it for the fear of God. The archbishop saw, and sorely was afraid ; To God for pardon, and St Wulstan prayed, And gave his pledge how ill the charge was laid. And said to Saint Wulstan :— Take back thy charge, dear brother, *tis confest That little learning is more highly blest Than all the skill and cunning man loves best. By little learning God is glorified. For worldly wisdom puffs us up with pride ; When in vain glory all our pleasure lies. Then do we God and all His work despise. Now kneel we penitents of God and thine, Seeii^ the Saint will not the staff resign; So to the shrine of Edward Wulstan went. And said, in lowly adoration bent, Behold me, O my Lord, and hear my prayer, I yield thee hearty thanks for this thy care; I am that Wulstan who to thee appealed, Willing my cross at thy desire to yield; I'll * -^ r' ■■ ^M /: 12 THE REIGN OF If 'tis thy will that I my charge retain, Of thy great goodness give the cross again. He grasped the staff" soon as he ceased to pray, And raised it as 'twere fixed in yielding clay ; The archbishop and the king fell at his feet. And of their sinful wrath they made confession meet. A. D. 1072, when he had heard that two earls— that is to say, Morcar and Siward Baron, and Egelwine, the bishop of Durham, had gone secretly to the isle of Ely, he cut off from them all egress on the east, and on the west he caused a long bridge of two miles in length to be made, and seized them all, and caused them all to do him homage, except one who was called Hereward, an excellent warrior, who escaped through the marshes with a handful of people that followed him. Afterwards, the same year, at the next Easter (April 8th), the cause was argued of the right and primacy which the church of Canterbury has over the church of York, and it was concluded, and judgment on the question given at the Whitsuntide after (May 25). The same year king William invaded Scotland after the Assumption of our Lady (Aug 15) to make the land subject to him. And king Mal- colm, when he heard it, came to meet him at Berwick, and did him homage. WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 13 A.D. 1073, he took the city of Le Mans, in Anjou, and subdued all that country under himself, and this much through help of the English. A. D. 1074, Roger, Earl of Hereford, the son of William Osbern, gave his sister to wife to Ralf, the Earl of East Anglia, and made the marriage feast in the county of Cambridge, in a town called Exning, where many of the barons and knights of the land were assembled, at their request, and there they abjured king William and took council among themselves how they could humble him. But Earl Waltheof, who knew nothing of this until he had arrived there, after making the oath with them, immediately repented himself and went to Lanfranc, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and received absolution from him by penance for his oath which he had sworn, even though the oath was involuntary; and by his advice he went to Normandy to king William, and told him the whole course of that proceeding, and threw him- self on his mercy. Then Wulstane, the bishop of Worcester, and Egelwine, the Abbot of Evesham, and Sir Urse, the viscount of Worcester, and Sir Walter de Licy, prevented the earl of Hereford from being able to escape out of the country to earl Ralf. And Odo, the king's brother, bishop of Bayeux, and Geoffrey, the bishop of Coutance in Anjou, with a great army under them, prevailed upon earl Ralf to fly to Brittany. Afterwards, on ""''^fni Hi 14 THE REIGN OF > king William's return from Normandy, he banished some of those who had taken part against him, and he pnt out the eyes of others, and cut off the hands of some, and the two earls Waltheof and Rc^er he put in prison. But afterwards he had the earl Waltheof beheaded outside the city of W^orcester, for which he was much blamed, and he had him buried very deep in the ground at the same place. But some time after his body was raised and carried thence with great honour to Croyland, and there it was buried. After this, William went to Brittany, and besieged earl Ralf s castle, which is called Dol, until Philip, the king of France^ came to his succour, and drove him away. A.D. 1077 was a very hard frost, and the ice was so thick that it lasted from All Saints Day to the middle of April. A.D. 1079 the church at Winchester was re- stored. A.D. 1080 he reduced the whole of Wales to subjection to himself, and imprisoned Odo, his brother, the Bishop of Bayeux. A.D. 1083 died Maud I., the Queen of England, of whom the afore-mentioned king William had four sons, namely, Robert Curthose, who for some time held the duchy of Normandy, and William Rufus, who was king next after him, and Richard, uho died in his childhood, and Henry, who was * WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR. 15 king next after William Rufus ; also, four daugh- ters— to wit, Cecilia, Constance, and Alice, and Adele, who was married to Stephen, the earl of Blois. A.D. 1085 he caused inquiry to be made, on oath, by his justices in every county of England, how many acres of land, giving occupation to one plough annually, were attached to every town, and how many head of cattle. He also caused mquiry to be made of every city, fort, town, street, river, marsh, and wood ; what tax it could and should pay per annum. And when the answers to all of this were returned, he had them put in writing and presented to the king, and they are still preserved as one of the treasures. The same year also he exacted six shillings tax from every county of England. The next Christmas he held his court at Gloucester, and gave three bishoprics which were vacant, to his three chaplains— namely, the bishop, ric of London to Maurice, and the bishopric of Thetford, for the see of Norwich was still placed there, to William de Belfe, and to Robert the bishopric of Chester. A.D. 1086, in Whitsun week, he knighted his son Henry at Westminster, and soon after he summoned the whole of the clergy and all the barons to Salisbury where he caused them to swear that they would be faithful and loyal to him against all the world. .^..^...^..^j^.jij^ X r I i6 THE REIGN OF '^i About that time many died in England, some of fever and some of famine. At the same time also, fires consumed the noblest cities of England, and St. Paul's church in London, with the larger and finer part of the city. Also a great earthquake was heard through the land. After these things, one time when king William had taken medicine for his bodily health, and in the meantime did not give himself to arms to fight the French, as he used to do, King Philip of France ridiculed him, and said he was lying in like a woman in childbed, and when king William had heard this he said at once, " And when I rise and go to Church, by Ilim who rose from the dead I will make my oflfering of a thousand candles;', and immediately he set on fire and flame the city of Mantes, which was in the French dominions, as well as the church of Notre Dame, which was in the city, where a nun was burnt to death. And there, from the heat of that fire, he caught the sickness of which he died. But, however, some say that as he was on horseback, and was obliged to leap a great ditch, his bowels were ruptured within him, nor was he ever after well again. So then, after all this king William died the fifty- ninth year of his life, the fifty -second oi his duchy, the twentieth or twenty-first of his kingdom, A.D. 1087, 00 the eighth day of September. insitation of flDonasteries. THE END. ' -^, ■M I* f I I . I HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-XIII. 3n0truct(on0 of Kl^fa S«^.Ki?Y VIII FOR THE eEHBtJlJ. ?l$tT|lTI0a OF THE ^ffUASTERIES AND NUNNERIKS. 1538-39. ^ / ■ t ■ BZSZSSSS (/ /••■ r IVATELY PRINTKD. EDINBURGH. t886. |i I W I' i I i 7/i/i (iiiitun a iimiiea to 200 smjll-pa^ef ca.' and 5*0 iar^f -paper copus, I i. \ ^a^ ^:^ mj >ijM s VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. the Election, were present in the same Election, or lawfully called or cited to it ? 12. Item; Whether any Persons Excommunicate, Suspended, or Interdicted, did give Voices in the same Election ? 1 3. Item ; Within what time after the Election was made and done, the Master of this House was con- firmed ? and by whom ? 14. Lem; Whether unto the Confirmation, all that had Interest, or that would object against the same, were lawfully cited, monished, and called ? Exhibeat Electionem, Confirmationemy et Titulum sua Incumbentiae . 15. Item; What Rule the Master of this House, and other the Brethren, do profess ? 16. Lem ; How many be ProfFessed, and how many be Novices j and whether the Novices have like Habit, or use to wear an Habit distinct from the Habit of the Brethren Professed ? 17. Item; Whether ye do use to profess your Novices in due time, and within what time and space after they have taken the Habit upon them ? 18. Item ; Whether the Brethren of this House do know the Rule that they have professed, and whether they keep their Profession according to that their Rule, and Custom of this House } and in especial, the three substantial and principal Vows, that is to say. Poverty, Charity^ and Obedience f VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 19. Item ; Whether any of the Brethren use any propriety of Mony, or of Plate, in their Chambers ; or of any other manner thing unaware of the Master, and without his knowledg and license, or by his sufferance and knowledg ? aud for what cause ? 20. Item; Whether ye do keep Chastity, not using the company of any suspect Woman within this Monastery, or without ? And whether the Master, or any Brother of this House be suspected upon In- continency, or defamed for that he is much conver- sant with Women ? 21. Item; Whether Women useth and resorteth much to this Monastry by back-ways, or otherwise ? and whether they be accustomably, or at aWy time lodged within the Precinct thereof ? 22. Item ; Whether the Master, or any Brother of this House, useth to have any Boys or young Men laying with him ? 23. Item; Whether the Brethren of this House keep their Obedience, being ready at their Master's Commandment, in all things honest, lawful, and reasonable ? Sequuntur Regula Caremomales. 24. Item ; Whether ye do keep silence in the Church, Cloister, Fraitrie, and Dormitorie, at the hours and time specified in your Rule ? 25. Item ; Whether ye do keep Fasting and Absti- nence, according to your Rules, Statutes, Ordinances, and laudable Customs of this House ? lO VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. 26. Lem ; Whether ye abstain from Flesh in time of Adventj and other times declared and specified by the Law, Rules, and laudable Customs of this House ? 27. Item; Whether ye wear Shirts and Sheets of Woollen, or that ye have any Constitution, Ordi- nance, or Dispensation, granted or made to the con- trary, by sufficient and lawful Authority ? Projitentes Regulam Bencdicti quam arcthsme tenen- tur ad pradicta Cceremonialia cbwvanda. 28. Item; Whether ye do sleep altogethers in the Dormitorie, under one Roof, or not ? 29. Lem ; Whether ye have all separate Beds, or any one of you doth lay with an other ? 30. Item; Whether ye do keep the Fraitry at Meals, so that two parts, or the least, the two part of the whole Covent be always there, unless the Master at every one time dispense with you to the contrary ? 31. Item; Whether ye do wear your Religious habit continually, and never leave it off when you go bed? 32. Item; Whether every Brethren of this House have lightly departed hence, and hath gone to any other House of like Order and Profession, without special Letters and License of their Master. 33. Lem; Whether the Master and Brethren of this House have received and admitted any Brother of another House, without special License and Letters of his Master and Head ? VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. II 34. Item; Whether any of you, sithence the time of your Profession, hath gone out of this House to his Friends, or otherwise ? 35. Lem ; How oftimes he did so, and how long at every time ye tarried forth ? 36. Item ; Whether ye had special license of your Master so to go forth, or not ? 37. Item; Whether at every time of your being forth, ye changed or left off your habit, or every part thereof ? 38. Lem; Whether ye, or any of you be, or hath been, in manifest Apostasy, that is to lay. Fugitives or Vagbonds ? 39. Lem; For what cause or occasion ye have so gone forth and been in Apostasy ? and whether the cause of your going forth was by reason of the great cruelty of your Master, or by his negligence, not calling you home to your Cloister ? 40. Lem ; Whether ye be weekly shaven, and do not nourish or suffer your Hair to be long? and whether ye wear your Apparel according to the Rule, not too excessive, not too exquisite j and in like wise the trappo's of your Horses, and other your bearing Beasts ? 41. Lem; Whether the Master and Head of this House do use his Brethren charitably, without parti- ality, malice, envy, grudg, or displeasure more shewed to one than to another ? 42. Lem ; Whether he do use his Disciplines, Cor- li 12 VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. VISITATION OF MONASTERIES. '3 rections, and Punishments upon his Brethren, with mercy, pity, and charity, without cruelty, rigorousness, and enormous hurt, no more favouring one than another ? 43. Item; Whether any Brother, or Religious Per- son of this House, be incorrigible ? 44. Item ; Whether the Master of this House do U8C his Brethren charitably when they be sick and diseased ? and whether in time of their sickness he do procure unto them Physicians, and all other neces- saries ? 45. Item ; Whether he make his Accompts (as he ought to do) once every year before his Brethren, and chiefly the Seniors and Officers, to the intent they may be made privy to the state and condition of the House, and know perfectly the due administration thereof ? 46. Lem ; Whether the Prior, Subprior, Sellerar, Kitchener, Terrure, Sacristen, or any such-like Offi- cer, having Administration of every manner Revenues of this House, do make his whole and true Accompt, according as he is bound to do, not applying any thing by him received to his own proper use or commodity ? 47. Item ; Whether any Religious Person of this House do bear, occupy, or exercise more Offices than one, for, and to his own singular commodity, advan- tage, or profit, by the partial dealing of the Master ? 48. Item ; Whether all and singular the Revenues and Profits of this House be converted and employed to the behove and use thereof, and of the Brethren, and according to the Founder's mind and Giver ? 49. Item; Whether the Master do make sufficient reparations upon his Monastery, as the Church and all other housing thereto adjoined, and also upon all other the Lands, Granges, Farms, and Tenements belong- ing to the same, and whether he suffi:r any dilapida- tion, decay, or ruine in any part of them ? 50. Item ; Whether there be any Inventory made of all and singular the Moveables, Goods, which from time to time have been, and yet be in this House, as of Jewels, Reliques, Ornaments, Vestiments, ready Mony, Plate, Bedding, with other Utensils j also of Corn, Chattels, and other Commodities, to the intent the state and condition of this House may be always known ? 51. Item J That ye express truly and sincerely the whole state and condition of this House, as in Mony, Plate, Cattel, Corn, and other Goods ? 52. Item-, Whether this Monastery be indebted? to whom ? and for what cause ? 53. Item J Whether any of the Lands be sold, or mortgaged ? and for what Sums ? 54. Item ; Whether any be lett to Farm by the Master of this House, for term of years, and for how many years ? and 8pe HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-XIV. FOITB Curious Documents^ /. A Letter from Katherine of Arragon^ to Mary, her Daughter. II. Anne Boleyn's last Letter to Henry VIII. III. The Proclamation of Lady Jane Grey's Title to the Cro:c n, IV. A Letter from the Princess (afterwards Queen) Mary, to her Father ( Henry VIII.) SSSSSS! PRIVATELY PRINTED. EDINBURGH. 1886. i \ ^2- This fditwn IS linnied to 200 small-paper coptts^ and $0 large-paper coptts. Jfour Curious Documents* ^ hettev sent bg Queen Catherine of J^rragon^ to the hndij Mnv^ her daughter,* ■♦•- M DAUGHTER, I heard such tidings this day, that I do perceive (if it be true) the time is near that Almighty God will provide for you, and I am very glad of it, for I trust that he doth handle you with a good Love } I beseech you agree to his Pleasure with a merry Heart, and be you sure, that without fail he will not suffer you to perish, if you beware to offend him. I pray God, you good Daughter, to ofJer your self to him j if any pangs come to you, shrive your self, first make your self clean ; take heed of his Commandments, and keep them as near as he will give you Grace to do, for then are you sure armed. And if this Lady do come to you, as it is spoken, if * Ex. MSS. Norfolcianis iii Col. Gresham. Ill II h' \ ti nr ^ FOUR CURIOUS she do bring you a Letter from the King, I am sure, in the self-same Letter, you shall be commanded what you shall do. Answer you with few words, obeying the King your Father in every thing, save only that you will not offend God, and lose your Soul, and go no further with Learning and Disputation in the Matter j and wheresoever, and in whatsoever Com- pany you shall come, obey the King's Command- ments, speak few words, and meddle nothing. I will send you two Books in Latin, one shall be, de fHta CJtriuiy with the Declaration of the Gospels j and the other, the Epistles of St. Hierome, that he did write always to Paula and Eustochium, and in them trust you shall see good things. And sometimes, for your Recreation, use your Virginals, or Lute, if you have any. But one thing specially I desire you, for the love that you owe unto God and unto me, to keep your Heart with a chaste Mind, and your Body from all ill and wanton Company, nor thinking nor desir- ing any Husband, for Christ's Passion ; neither de- termine your self to any manner of living, until this troublesome time be past, for I dare make you sure, that you shaU sec a very good end, and better than you can desire. I would God, good Daughter, that you did know with how good a Heart I do write this Letter unto you : I never did one with a better, for I perceive very well, that God loveth you, I beseech him of his goodness to continue it : And if it shall fortune that you shall have no Body to be with you HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 7 of your Acquaintance, I think it best you keep your Keys your self, for whosoever it is, so shall be done as shall please them. And now you shall begin, and by likelihood I shall follow, 1 set not a rush by it, for when they have done the uttermost they can, then I am sure of the amendment. I pray you recommend me unto my good Lady of Salisbury, and pray her to have a good Heart, for wc never come to the King- dom of Heaven, but by troubles. Daughter whatso- ever you become, take no pain to send to me, for if I may I will send to you. By your loving Mother, Katherine the ^ueen. Queen Jinne Soleijn's last hzXi^t to King ^mx^^^ s-d^*^*— - Sir, YOUR Grace's displeasure, and my Imprison- ment, are things so strange unto me, as what to write, or what to excuse, I am altogether ignorant. Whereas you send unto me (willing me to confess a Truth, and so obtain your favour) by such an one whom you know to be mine ancient professed * Cotton Libr. Otho C. lo. ■*i«*ini W I > m ! ■ • 1 •■ .j,MS£i t^^---. . i^ t A f i S FOUR CURIOUS Enemy. I no sooner received this Message by him, than I rightly conceived your meaning j and as if, as you say, confessing a Truth indeed may procure my safety, I shall with all willingness and duty perform your Command. But let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor Wife will ever be brought to acknowledge a Fault, where not so much as a thought thereof pre- ceded. And to speak a Truth, never Prince had Wife more loyal in all duty, and in all true affection, than you have ever found in Ann Boleyn, with which Name and Place I could willingly have contented my self, if God, and your Grace's pleasure had been so pleased. Neither did I at any time so far forget my self in my Exaltation, or received Queenship, but that I always looked for such an alteration as now I find j for the ground of my preferment being on no surer Founda- tion than your Grace's Fancy, the least alteration, I knew, was fit and sufficient to draw that Fancy to some other Subject, You have chosen me, from a low estate, to be your Queen and Coihpanion, far be- yond ray desert or desire. If then you found me worthy of such honour. Good your Grace let not any light Fancy, or bad counsel of mine Enemies, with- draw your Princely Favour from me j neither let that Stain, that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards your good Grace, ever cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful Wife, and the Infant-Princess your Daughter : Try me, good King, but let me have a lawful Trial, HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 9 and let not my sworn Enemies sit as my Accusers and Judges ; yea, let me receive an open Trial, for my Truth shall fear no open shame j then shall you see, either mine innoncey cleared, your suspicion and Con- science satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the World stopped, or my Guilt openly declared. So that whatsoever God or you may determine of me, your Grace may be freed from an open censure ; and mine offence being so lawfully proved, your Grace is at liberty, both before God and Man, not only to execute worthy punishment on me as an unlawful Wife, but to follow your Affection, already setled, on that Party, for whose sake I am now as I am, whose Name I could some good while since have pointed un- to : your Grace being not ignorant of my suspicion therein. But if you have already determined of me, and that not only my Death, but an infamous slander must bring you the enjoying of your desired happiness j then I desire of God, that he will pardon your great sin therein, and likewise mine Enemies, the Instrument thereof J and that he will not call you to strict account for your unprincely and cruel usage of me, at his General Judgment-Seat, where both you and my self must shortly appear, and in whose Judgment 1 doubt not (whatsoever the World may think of me) mine Innocence shall be openly known, and sufficiently cleared. My last and only request shall be. That my self ,y\ \ -!>■- W— "■" - * w ■ f 1 to FOUR CURIOUS HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. II may only bear the burthen of your Grace's displeasure, and that it may not touch the innocent Souls of those poor Gentlemen, who (as I understand) are likewise in strait Imprisonment for my sake. If ever I have found f^ivour in your sight, if ever the Name of Ann Boleyn hath been pleasing in your ears, then let me obtain this request ; and I will so leave to trouble your Grace any further, with mine earnest Prayers to the Trinity to have your Grace in his good keeping, and to direct you in all your Actions. From my doleful Prison in the Tower this 6th of May. Your most Loyal and ever Faithful Wife, Ann Boleyn. — *>«@:^< — The H^roclamation of l^adu $ane isrrau's Title to the 6rou;n» « — >$-»«< — JANE, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and of the Chuoch of England, and also of Ireland, under Christ in Earth the Supream Head. To all our most Loving, Faithful, and Obedient Subjects, and to every of them. Greeting. Whereas our most dear Cousin Edward the 6th, late Kmg of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith ; and in Earth, Supream Head, under Christ, of the Church of Eng- land and Ireland j by his Letters Patents, signed with his own Hand, and sealed with his Great Seal of England, bearing the date 2ist day of June, in the seventh Year of his Reign j in the presence of the most part of his Nobles, his Councellors, Judges, and divers other grave and sage Personages, for the profit and surety of the whole Realm, thereto assenting and subscribing their Names to the same, hath, by the same his Letter Patents, recited. That forasmuch as the Imperial Crown of this Realm, by an Act made in the 35th Year of the Reign of the late King, of worthy memory. King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, and great Uncle, was, for lack of Issue of his Body, lawfully begotten ; and for lack of Issue of the Body of our said late Cousin King Edward the 6th, by the same Act, limited and appointed to remain to the Lady Mary his eldest Daughter, and to the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten : And for default of such Issue, the Remainder thereof to the Lady Elizabeth, by the Name of the Lady Elizabeth his second Daughter, and the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten ; with such Conditions as should be limited and appointed by the said late King of worthy memory, King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, our Great Uncle, by his Letters Patents under his Great Seal, or by his last Will in writing, signed with his Hand. And foras- much as the said Limitation of the Imperial Crown ^^ / •^^1 II FOUR CURIOUS HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 13 of this Realm being limited, as is afore-said, to the laid Lady Mary, and Lady Elizabeth, being illegiti- mate, and not lawfully begotten, for that the Marriage had, between the said late King, King Henry the 8th, oar Progenitor, and Great Uncle, and the Lady Katherine, Mother to the said Lady Mary ; and also the Marriage had between the said late King, King King Henry the 8th, our Progenitor, and Great Uncle, and the Lady Ann, Mother to the said Lady Elizabeth, were clearly and lawfully undone, by Sentences of Divorce, according to the Word of God, and the Ecclefiastical Laws j and which said several Divorce- ments, have been severally ratified and confirmed by Authority of Parliament, and especially in the 28th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th, our said Progenitor, and Great Uncle, remaining in force, strength, and effect, whereby^ as well the said Lady Mary, as also the said Lady Elizabeth, to all intents and purposes, are, and have been clearly disabled, to ask, claim, or challenge the said Imperial Crown, or any other of the Honours, Castles, Manours, Lordships, Lands, Tenements, or other Hereditaments, as Heir or Heirs to our said late Cousin King Edward the 6th, or as Heir or Heirs to any other Person or Persons whatsoever, as well for the Ciusc before rehearsed, as also for that the said Lady Mary, and Lady Elizabeth, were unto our said late Cousin but of the half Blood, and therefore by the Ancient Laws, Statutes, and Customs of this Realm, be not inherit- able unto our said late Cousin, although they had been born in lawful Matrimony j as indeed they were not, as by the said Sentences of Divorce, and the said Statute of the 28th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th, our said Progenitor and great Uncle, plainly appeareth. And forasmuch also, as it is to be thought, or at the least much to be doubted, that if the said Lady Mary, or Lady Elizabeth, should hereafter have, or enjoy the said Imperial Crown of this Realm, and should then happen to marry with any Stranger born out of this Realm, that then the said Stranger, having the Government and Imperial Crown in his Hands, would adhere and practice, not only to bring this Noble, Free Realm into the Tyranny and Servitude of the Bishops of Rome, but also to have the Laws and Customs of his or their own Native Country or Countries, to be practised and put into use within this Realm, rather than the Laws, Statutes, and Customs here of long time used j whereupon the Title of inheritance, of all and singular the Subjects of this Realm do depend, to the peril of Conscience, and the utter subversion of the Common-Weal of this Realm: Whereupon our said late dear Cousin, weigh- ing and considering within himself, which ways and means were most convenient to be had for the stay of the said Succession, in the said Imperial Crown, if it should please God to call our said late Cousin out of this transitory Life, having no Issue of his Body. And calling to his remembrance, that We, and the i 1 'i P 14 FOUR CURIOUS HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 15 «ii I Lady Katharine, and the Lady Mary, our Sisters (being the Daughters of the Lady Frances, our natural Mother, and then, and yet, Wife to our natural and most loving Father, Henry Duke of Suffolk ; and the Lady Margaret, Daughter of the Lady Elianor, then deceased, Sister to the said Lady Frances, and the late Wife of our Cousin Henry Earl of Cumberland) were very nigh of his Graces Blood, of the part of his Fathers side, our said Progenitor, and Great Uncle ; and being naturally born here, within the Realm. And for the good Opinion our said late Cousin had of our said Sisters and Cousin Margarets good Education, did therefore, upon good deliberation and advice herein had, and taken, by his said Letters Patents, declare, order, assign, limit, and appoint, that if it should fortune himself, our said late Cousin King Edward the Sixth, to decease, having no Issue of his Body lawfully begotten, that then the said Imperial Crown of England and Ireland, and the Confines of the fame, and his Title to the Crown of the Realm qf France, and all and singular Honours, Castles, Prerogatives, Privileges, Preheminencies, and Authorities, Jurisdictions, Domi- nions, Possessions, and Hereditaments, to our said late Cousin K. Edward the Sixth, or the said Imperial Crown belonging, or in any wise appertaining should, for lack of such Issue of his Body, remain, come, and be to the eldest Son 'of the Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten, being born into the World in his Lifetime, and to the Hein Males of the Body of such eldest Son lawfully begotten ; and so from Son to Son, as he should be of vicinity of Birth of the Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten, being born into the World in our said late Cousins Life-time, and to the Heirs Male of the Body of every such Son lawfully begotten. And for default of such Son born into the World in his life-time, of the Body of the said Lady Frances, lawfully begotten j and for lack of Heirs Males of every such son lawfully begotten, that then the said Imperial Crown, and all and singular other the Premises, should remain, come, and be to us, by the Name of the Lady Jane, eldest Daughter of the said Lady Frances, and to the Heirs Males of our Body lawfully begotten j and for lack of such Issue, then to the Lady Katherine, aforesaid, our said second Sister, and the Heirs Males of her Body lawfully begotten, with divers other Remainders, as by the same Letters Patents more plainly and at large it may and doth appear. Sithence the making of our Letters Patents, that is to say, on Thursday, which was the 6th day of the instant Month of July, it hath pleased God to call unto his infinite Mercy, our said most dear and entirely beloved Cousin, Edward the Sixth, whose Soul God pardon ; and forasmuch as he is now deceased, having no Heirs of his Body begotten; and also there remaineth at this present time no Heirs lawfully begotten, of the Body of our said Progenitor, and Great Uncle, King Henry the Eighth ; And for- asmuch also as the said Lady Frances, our said Mother, had no Issue Male begotten of her Body, and born into the World, in the life-time of our said Cousin King } i I 4\ Ill 1 t.ll l6 FOUR HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. Edward the Sixth, so as the said Imperial Crown, and other the Premises to the same belonging, or in any wife appertaining, now be, and remain to us, in our Actual and Royal Possession, by Authority of the said Letters Patents : We do therefore by these Pre- sents signify, unto all our most loving, faithful, and obedient Subjects, That like-as we for our part shall, by God's Grace, shew our Self a most gracious and benign Sovcraign Queen and Lady to all our good Subjects, in all their just and lawful Suits and Causesj and to the uttermost of our Power, shall preserve and mainUin God's most Holy Word, Christian Policy, and the good Laws, Customs, and Liberties of these our Realms and Dominions : so wc mistrust not, but they, and every of them, will again, for their parts, at all Times, and in all Cases, shew themselves unto Us, their natural Liege Queen and Lady, most faithful, loving, and obedient Subjects, according to their bounden Duties and Allegiance, whereby they shall please God, and do the things that shall tend to their own preservation and sureties j wUling and command- ing aU Men, of aU Estates, Degrees, and Conditions, to see our Peace and accord kept, and to be obedient to our Laws, as they tender our Favour, and wUl answer for the contrary at their extream PerUs. In witness whereof we have caused these our Letters to be made Patents. Witness our Self, at our Tower of London, the tenth day of July, in the first Year of our Reign. h f:,ettcr of tjueen manj ta her Father. Ji^nno 1530.* — »%^^' — MOST humbly prostrate before the Feet of your most excellent Majesty, your most humble, faithful, and obedient Subject, which hath so extreamly offended your most gracious Highness, that mme heavy and fearful Heart dare not presume to call you Father, nor your Majesty hath any cause by my deserts, saving the benignity of your most blessed Nature, doth surmount all Evils, Offences, and Tres- passes, and is ever merciful and ready to accept the Penitent, calling for Grace in any convenient time. Having received, this Thursday at Night, certam Letters from Mr. Secretary, as weU advising me to make my humble submission immediately to your Self- which because I durst not, without your gracious License, presume to do before, I lately sent unto him ; as signifying that your most merciful Heatt, and fatherly Pity, had granted me your Bless- ing, with condition, that I should persevere m that 1 had commenced and begun, and that I should not eft- soons offend your Majesty by the denial or refusal of any such Articles and Commandments, as it may please your Highness to address unto me, for the # Cotton Libr. Otho. C. lo. B i ! . '1 if il i8 FOUR CURIOUS perfect trial of my Heart and inward Affection, and for the perfect declaration of the bottom of my Heart and Stomach. First, I acknowledge my self to have most unkindly and unnaturally offended your most excellent High- ness, in that I have not submitted my self to your most just and vertuous Laws. And for mine Offences therein, which I must confess were in me a thousand fold more grievous than they could be in any other living Creature, I put my self wholly and entirely to your gracious Mercy, at whose hand I cannot receive that punishment for the same that I have deserved. Secondly, To open mine heart to your Grace, in these things which I have hcretefore refused to con- descend unto, and have now written with mine own hand, sending the same to your Highness herewith, I shall never beseech your Grace to have pity and com- passion of me, if ever you shall perceive that I shall privily or apertly vary or alter from one piece of that I have written and subscribed, or refuse to confirm, ratify, or declare the same, where your Majesty shall appoint me. Thirdly, As I have, and shall, knowing your excel- lent Learning, Vertue, Wisdom, and Knowledge, put my Soul into your direction ; and by the same hath, and will in all things from henceforth direct my Con- science, 8o my Body I do wholly commit to your Mercy, and fatherly Pity, desiring no State, no Condi- tion, nor no meaner degree of living, but such as HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 19 your Grace shall appoint me j knowledging and con- fessing. That my State cannot be so vile, as either the extremity of Justice would appoint unto me, or as mine Offences have required or deserved. And whatsoever your Grace shall command me to do, touching any of these points, either for things past, present, or to come, I shall as gladly do the same, as your Majesty shall command me. Most humbly therefore beseeching your Mercy, most gracious Soveraign Lord and Benign Father, to have pity and compassion of your miserable and sorrowful Child, and with the abundance of your inestimable Goodness, 8o to overcome mine Iniquity towards God, Your Grace, and Your whole Realm, as I may feel some sensible Token of Reconcilation, which, God is my Judg, I only desire, without other respect. To whom I shall pray daily for the preservation of Your High- ness, with the Queens Grace, and that it may please him to send You Issue. From Hunsdon, this Thursday, at eleven of the Clock at Night. Your Graces most humble and obedient Daughter and Handmaid, Mary. THE END. 1 I' I \k i^ PrinUd hy E. &- G. Coldsmid, Edinburgh. HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-XV. TWO ■m Jmportant State Ipapets. t Sir Walter mUdmau's opinion x^oncerning the Keeping of the ^ueen of Scots, Ih Jt l;^etter from the Earl of t^eieester to the Earl of Sussex concerning the ijueen of Scots. 1569. ft PRIVATELY PRINTED. EDINBURGH. . 1886. J. This Reprint is limited to 200 small-paper and 50 large-paper copies. (/!' I ifi.vaili^i4 Sir Matter flDtl6mai?*6 ©ptnton concerntufl tbe fteeping ot tbe (aueen of Scots (October 26» 1569,) at Mlnftsor Castle* The Question to be considered on, is, Whether it be less perilous to the Queen's Majesty, and the Realm, to retain the Queen of of Scots in Eng- land, or to return her home into Scot- land ? IN which Question, these things are to be consider ed. On the one side, What Dangers are like to follow if she be retained here ; and thereupon, if so avoiding of them, it shall be thought good to return her, then what Cautions and Provisions are necessary to be had. On the other side, are to be weighed the Dangers like to follow if she be returned home \ and thereup- '% m a ^i'! I< I 4 TWO IMPORTANT on, if for eschewing of them, it shall be thought good to retain her here, then what Cautions and Provisions are in that Case necessary. Dangers in retaining the Queen of Scots. Her unquiet and aspiring Mind, never ceasing to practice with the Queen's Subjects. Her late practice of Marriage between the Duke of Norfolk and her, without the Queen's knowledge. The Faction of the Papists, and other Ambitious Folks, being ready and fit Instruments for her to work upon. The Com- miseration that ever folio weth such as be in misery, though their Deserts be never so great. Her cunning and sugred entertainments of all Men that come to her, whereby she gets both Credit and Intelligence. Her practice with the French and Spanish Ambassadors, being more near to her in England, than if she were in Scotland j and their continual soUicitation of the Queen for her delivery, the denial whereof may breed War. The danger of her escaping out of Guard, whereof it is like enough she will give the Attempt. So as r.*maining here, she hath time and opportunity to practice and nourish Factions, by which she may work Confederacy, and therefore may follow Sedition and Tumult, which may bring peril to the Queen's Majesty and the State. Finally, it is said. That the Queen's Majesty, of her own disposition, hath no mind to retain her, but is much unquieted therewith, which is a thing greatly to be weighed. STATE PAPERS. 5 Cautions if she be returned. To deliver her into the Hands of the Regent, and the Lords now governing in Scotland, to be safely kept. That she meddle not with the State, nor make any alterations in the Government, or in the Religion. That by sufficient Hostages it may be provided, that neither Violence be used to her Person, nor that she be suffered to Govern again, but live privately, with such honourable Entertainment as is meet for the King of Scots Mother. That the League Offensive and Defensive, between France and Scotland, be never renewed. That a new and perpetual League be made between England and Scotland, whereby the Queen's Majesty may shew an open Maintenance and Allowance of the King's Authority and Estate, and of the present Government, so as the Scots may wholly depend on her. That the Regent, and the Lords of Scotland, do make no composition with the Scots Queen, neither suffer her to marry, without consent of the Queen's Majesty. That the Faults whereof she hath been accused, and her declining and delaying to Answer that Accusation, may be published to the World, the better to discourage her Factious Party, both here and in Scotland. Dangers in returning Her. • The manner how to deliver her Home, with the Queen's Majesty's Honour and Safety, is very doubtful. I nmomt^mmimm i K 1 b/i> it I I 6 TWO IMPORTANT For if she be delivered in Guard, that came hither free, and at liberty, how will that stand with the Queen's Honour, and with the Requests of the French and Spanish Kings, that have continually solicited her free delivery, either into Scotland or France j or if she die in Guard, either violently or nuturally, her Majesty shall hardly escape slander. If, again, she be delivered home at Liberty, or if being in Guard she should escape, then these Perils may follow. The suppressing of the present Government in Scotland, now depending upon the Queen's Majesty, and advancing of the contrary Faction depending upon the Fiench. The alteration of Religion in Scotland. The renewing of the League, Offensive and Defensive, between France and Scotland, that hath so much troubled England. The renewing of her pretended claim to the Crown of this Realm. The lilcelyhood of War to ensue between France, Scotland, and Us, and the bringing in of Strangers into that Realm to our annoyance, and great charge, as late experience hath shewed. The supportation that she is like to have of the French and Spanish Kings. And though Peace should continue between England and Scotland, yet infinite injuries will be offered by the Scots Queen's Ministers upon the Borders, which will turn to the great hurt of the Queen's Majesty's Subjects, or else to her greater Charges to redress them j for the change of the Government in Scotland, will change the Justice which now is had, unto all Injury and STATE PAPERS. - 7 Unjustice. The lilcelyhood she will revoke the Ear BothweU, now her Husband, though unlawful, as is said, a man of most evil and cruel Affection to this Realm, and to his own Countrymen : Or, if she should marry another that were a-like Enemy, the Peril must needs be great on either side. And albeit to these Dangers may be generally said, That such Provision shall be made, by Capitulations with her, and by Hostages from the Regent, and the Lords of Scotland, as aU these Perils shall be prevented. To that may be answered. That no Fact which she shall do here in England will hold, for she will alleage the same to be done in a Forreign Country, being restrained of Liberty. That there is great likelyhood of escape, wheresoever she be kept in Scotland 5 for her late escape there, sheweth, how she will leave no way unsought to atchieve it j and the Country being, as it is, greatly divided, and of nature marvellously Factious, she is the more like to bring it to pass. Or if the Regent, by any practice, should yield to a composition, or finding his Party weak, should give over his Regiment, Then what assurance have we, either of Amity or Religion. That the Regent may be induced to do this, appeareth by his late secret Treaty with the Duke of Norfolk, for her Marriage, without the Queen's Majesty's knowledg. And though the Regent should persevere constant, yet if he should be token away directly, or indirectly, (the I'*" il I < . » \ I i ] I \l • TWO IMPORTANT like whereof it said, hath been attempted against him) then is all at large, and the Queen of Scots most like to be restored to her Estate, the Factions being so great in Scotland, as they are j so as the Case is very tickle •nd dangerous to hang upon so small a Thread, as the Life of one Man, by whom it appeareth the whole at this present is contained. And touching the Hostages, though that Assurance might be good to preserve her from Violence in Scot- land, yet it may be doubted how the same will be- sufficient to keep her from escaping or governing again, seeing, for her part, she will make little Conscience of the Hostages if she may prevail j and the punishing of the Hostages will be a small satisfaction to the Queen's Majesty for the Troubles that may ensue. And for the doubt of her escape, or of Rebellion with- in this Realm, it may be said. That if she should not be well guarded, but should be left open to practice, then her Escape, and the other Perils, might be doubt- ed of ; but if the Queen's Majesty hold a stricter hand over her, and put her under the Care of a fast and circumspect Man, all practice shaU be cut from her, and the Queen's Majesty free from that Peril And more safe it is for the Queen to keep the Bridle in her own Hand, to restrain the Scottish Queen, than in returning her home, to commit that trust to others, which by Death, composition, or abusing of one Person, may be disappointed. And if she should, by any means, recover her EsUte, STATE PAPERS. 9 the doubt of RebelUon there is not taken away, but rather to be feared, if she have abiUty to her Will. And if she find strength, by her own or Forreign Friends, she is not far off to give Aid, upon a main Land, to such as wiUstir for her ; which, so long as she is here, they wUl forbear, lest it might bring most Peril to her self, being in the Queen's Hands. The like respect, no Doubt wiU move Forreign Princes to become Requesters, and not Threatners of her delivery. And where it is said. That the Queen's Majesty can- not be quiet so long as she is here, but it may breed danger to her Majesty's Health. That is a matter greatly to be weighed, for it were better to adventure all, than her Majesty should inwardly conceive any thing to the danger of her Health. But as that is only known to such as have more inward Acquaint- ance with her Majesty's dispcjsition, than is fit for some other to have. So again, it is to be thought, that her Majesty being wise, if the Perils like to follow, in returning her Home, were laid before her j and if she find them greater than the other, she will be induced easily to change her Opinion, and thereby may foUow to her Majesty's great satisfaction and quietness. Cautions if she should be retained. To remove her somewhat nearer the Court, at the least within one days Journey of London, whereby it shall be the more easle to understand of her Doings. Ml il' r^ lO TWO IMPORTANT STATE PAPERS. •^I'l I I ;;; it" i To deliver her in custody to such as be thought most sound in Religion and most void of practice. To diminish her number, being now about forty Persons, to the one half, to make thereby the Queen's Charges the less, and to give her the fewer means of Intelligence. To cut from her all Access, Letters and Messages, other than such as he that shall have the Charge shall think fit. To signify to all Princes, the occasion of this streight Guard upon her, to be her late practice with the Duke of Norfolk, which hath given the Queen cause to doubt : further assuring them that she shall be used honourably, but kept safely from troubling the Queen's Majesty, or this State. That she be retained here, until the Estate of Scot- land be more settled, and the Estate of other Countries now in garboil be quieted, the Issue whereof is like to be seen in a Year or two. H letter Mrltten bs tbe Earl of ^Leicester, TO THE Ear/ of Sussex, concerning the Queen of Scots; taken from the first Draught ofit^ written with his own hand* My good Lord, I received your Letter in the answer of mine ; and though I have not written sooner again to your Lordship, both according to your desire, and the necessity of our Cases at this time j yet I doubt not but you are fully advertised of her Majesty's Pleasure otherwise. For my own part, I am glad your Lordship hath prospered so well in your Journey, and have Answered, in all Points, the good Opinion conceived of you, ^ And touching her Majesty's further Resolution, for these Causes, my Lord, I assure you, I know not well what to write. First, I see her Majesty willing and desirous, as Reasoh is, to work her own Security, and the quietness of her State, during her time, which I trust in God shaU be far longer than we shall live to see end of. And herein, my Lord, there be sundry Minds, and among our selves, I must confess to your Lordship, we are not fully agreed which way is best • . - » Ex. MSS. Evelyn. t >' I. I 1 \l i ll u 12 TWO IMPORTANT to take. And to your Lordship, I know I may be bold, beside the Friendship I owe you, the Place you hold presently, doth require all the understanding that may be, to the furtherance of her Majesty's good Estate; wherefore I shall be the bolder even to let you know as much as I do, and how we rest among us. Your Lordship doth consider, for the State of Scotland, her Majesty hath those two Persons, being divided, to deal with, the Queen of Scotland, lately by her Subjects deprived, and the young King her Son Crown'd and set up in her Place. Her Majesty, of these two, is to chuse, and of necessity must chusc which of them she will allow and accept, as the Person sufficient to hold the principal Place. And here groweth the Question in our Council to her Majesty, Which of these two are most fit for her to maintain and join in Amity with? To be plain with your Lordship, The most in number do altogether conceive her Majesty's best and surest way is, to maintain and continue the young King in this his Estate, and thereby to make her whole Party in Scotland, which by the setling of him, with the cause of Religion, is thought most easiest, most safest, and most probable for the perpetual quieting and benefit to her own Estate, and great assurance made of such a Party, and so small Charges thereby, as her Majesty may make account to have the like Authority, and assured Amity in Scotland, as heretofore she had in the time of the late Regent. STATE PAPERS. 13 The Reasons against the other, are these shortly. The Title that the Queen claimeth to this Crown : The overthrow of Religion in that Couutry : The impossibility of any assurance for the observing of any Pact or Agreement made between our Soveraign and her. These be Causes your Lordship sees sufficient to dissuade all Men from the contrary Opinion. And yet, my Lord, it cannot be denied, upon indifferent looking into the Matter on both sides, but the clearest is full enough of Difficulties. And then, my Lord, is the Matter disputable j and yet I think verily, not for Argument-sake, but even for Duty and Conscience- sake, to find out Truth, and safest means for our Soveraign's best doing. And thus we differ. The first you have heard touching the young King. On the other side this it is thought, and of these I must confess my self to your Lordship to be one : And God is my Judg, whether it be for any other respect in this World, but that I suppose, and verily believe it may prove best for her Majesty's own quietness during her time. And here I must before open to your Lordship indeed her Majesty's true SUte she presently standi in J which, though it may be granted the former Advice the better way, yet how hardly it layeth in her Power to go thorow withal, you shall easily judg. For it must be confessed, That by the taking into her i(.' u TWO IMPORTANT protection the King and the Faction, she must enter into a War for it : And as the least War being ad- mitted, cannot be maintained without great Charge : to such a War may grow, France or Spain setting in foot, as may cause it to be an intollerable War. Then being a War, it must be Treasure that must maintain it. That she hath Treasure to continue any time in War, surely, my Lord, I cannot see it : And as your Lordship doth see the present Relief for Mony we trust upon, which either failing us, or it rising no more than I see it like to be, not able long to last ; Where is there further hope of help hereafter ? For my own part I see none. If it be so, then, my Lord, that her Majesty's present estate is such as I tell you, which I am sure is true j How shall this Counsel stand with security, by taking a Party to enter into a War, when we are no way able to maintain it j for if we enter into it once, and be driven, either for Lack, or any other way, to shrink, what is like to follow of the Matter, your Lordship can well consider j the best is, we must be sorry for that we have done, and per- chance seek to make a-mends, where we neither would nor should. This is touching the present State we stand in. Besides we are to remember what already we have done j how many ways, even now together the Realm hath been universally burdened. First, For the keeping of new bands, after the fur- nishing of Armour j and therein how continually the Charge sooner hath grown than Subsidies payed. 1'' STATE PAPERS. IS And lastly, the marvellous charge in most Countries against the late Rebellion, with this Loan of Mony now on the neck of it. Whether this State doth require further cause of imposition, or no, I refer to your Lordship ? And whether entring into a further Charge than her Majesty hath presently wherewithal to bear, it will force such a Matter or no, I refer to wiser to judg. And now, my Lord, I will shew you such Reasons as move me to think as I do. In Worldly Causes, Men must be governed by Worldly Policies j and yet so to frame them, as God, the Author of all, be chiefly regarded. From him we have received Laws, under which all Mens Policies and Devices ought to be Subject j and through his Ordinance, the Princes on the Earth have Authority to give Laws j by which also, all Princes have the Obedience of the People. And though in some Points, I shall deal like a Worldly Man for my Prince, yet I hope I shall not forget that I am a Christian, nor my duty to God. Our Question is this j Whether it be meeter for our Soveraign to maintain the young King of Scotland, and his Authority j or upon Composition, restore the Queen of Scots into her Kingdom again? To restore her simply, we are not of Opinion, for so I must confess a great over-sight, and doubt no better Success, than those that do Object most Perils thereby to ensue. But if there be any Assurances in this World to be given, or any Provision by Wordly Policy to be had. I \ i6 TWO IMPORTANT then, my Lord, I do not sec but Ways and Means may be used with the Queen of Scots, whereby her Majesty may be at quiet, and yet delivered of her present great Charge. It is granted and feared of all sides, that the Cause of any trouble or danger to her Majesty, is the Title the Queen of Scotland pretends to the Crown of this Realm. The Danger we fear should happen by her, is not for that she is Queen of Scotland, but that other the great Princes of Christen- dom do favour her so much, as in respect of her Religion, they will in all Causes assist her ; and especially, by the colour of her Title, seem justly to aid and relieve her, and the more lawfully take her and her Causes into their Protection. Then is the Title granted to be the chief Cause of danger to our Soveraign. If it be so. Whether doth the setting up the Son in the Mothers Place, from whence his Title must be claimed, take away her Title in the Opinion of those Princes, or no, notwithstanding she remain Prisoner ? It appeareth plainly. No ; for there is continual Labour and means made, from the greatest Princes, our Neighbours, to the Queen's Majesty for restoring the Queen of Scotland to her Estate and Government, otherwise they protest open Relief and Aid for her. Then though her Majesty do maintain the young King in his present Estate, yet it appears that other Princes will do the contrary : And having any advantage, how far they will proceed. Men may suspect. And so we must conceive, that as long as this STATE PAPERS. 17 difference shall continue, by the maintaining of these two, so long shall the same Cause remain, to the trouble and danger of the Queen's Majesty. And now to avoid this whilst she lives. What better Mean is there to take this Cause away, but by her own consent, to renounce and release all such Interest or Title as she claimeth, either presently or hereafter, during the Life of her Majesty, and the Heirs of her Body. Albeit, here may two Questions be moved. First, Whether the Scots Queen will renounce her Title, or no ? Secondly, If she will do so, What Assurance may she give for the performance thereof? To the first. It is most certain she hath, and pre- sently doth offer, wholly and frankly, to release and renounce all manner of Claims and Titles, whatsoever they be, to the Crown of this Realm, during her Majesty's Life, and the Heirs of her Body. And for the Second j She doth likewise offer all manner of Security and Assurances that her Majesty can devise, and is in that Queen's possible Power to do, she excepteth none. Then must we consider what may be Assurances, for here is the difficulty. For that objections be that Princes never hold Promises longer than for their own Commodity ; and what Security soever they put in, they may break if they will. All this may be granted; but yet that we must grant also, that Princes do daily Treat and deal one with another j and of necessity are B ■II K I 18 TWO IMPORTANT i forced to trust to such Bonds and Assurances as they contract by. And as there is no such Surety to be had in Wordly Matters, but all are Subject to many Casualties; yet we see such Devices made, even among Princes, as doth tie them to perform that, which if they might conveniently chuse, they would not. And in this Matter of the Queen of Scotland, since she doth offer both to leave the cause of the differences that lie between the Queen's Majesty and her ; and also to give all Surety that may be by our selves devised to observe the same j I do not see but such means may be devised to tic her so strongly, as though she would break, yet I can- not find what advantage she shall get by it. For beside, that I would have her own simple Renun- ciation to be made by the most substantial Instrument that could be devised. The assent of some others should confirm the same also. Her own Parliaments at home should do the like with the full Authority of the whole Estates. They should deliver her Son, and such other principal Noblemen of her Realm for Hostages, as the Queen's Majesty should name. She should also put into her Majesty's Hands, some one piece or two of her Realm," and for such a time as should be thought meet by her Majesty, except Edin- burgh. The Queens Majesty might also, by ratifying this by a Parliament here, make a Forfeiture, if the Queen of Scotland should any way, directly or indi- rectly, go about to infringe this Agreement, of all such liV STATE PAPERS. 19 Titles and Claims that did remain in the Queen of Scotland, after her Majesty and her Issue, never to be capable of any Authority or Soveraignity within this Realm. These I would think to be sufficient Bonds to bind any Prince, specially no mightier than she is. And this much more would I have, that even as she shall be thus bound, for the relief of her Title to the Queen's Majesty and her Issue ; So shall she suffer the Religion received and established in Scotland already, to be confirmed and not altered. In like sort, the Amity between these two Realms, to be such, and so frankly united, as no other League with any Forreign Prince, should stand in force to break it. For I think verily, as the first is chiefest touching her Majesty's own Person, so do I judge the later, I mean, the confirmation of the Religion already there received, to be one of the assuredst and likeliest means to hold her Majesty a strong and continual Party in Scotland. The trial hereof hath been already sufficient when her Majesty had none other Interest at all, but only the maintenance of the True Religion, the same Cause remaining still the same affection in the same. Persons that do profess it, I trust, and it is like, will not change. And though the Scots Queen should now be setled in her Kingdom again, yet is she not like to be greater or better esteemed now than here- tofore, when both her Authority was greater, and her good will ready to alter this Religion, but could not bring it to pass. No more is it like these further H ■\^ in ( 20 TWO IMPORTANT STATE PAPERS. i Provisions being taken, she shall do it now. And the last Cause also is not without great hope of some good Success J for as the oppression of Strangers heretofore had utterly wearied them of that Yoke, so hath this peaceable time, between them and us, made them know the Liberty of their own, and the Commodity of us their Neighbours. This, my Lord, doth lead me to lean to this Opinion, finding thereby rather both more surety, and more quietness, for my Soveraign's present time, hav- ing, by the contrary, many occasions of trouble cut off, and the intolerable Charge eschewed, which 1 cannot find by any possible means, her Majesty able to sustain for any long time. Thus hastily 1 am driven to end my long, cumber- some Letter to your Lordship, though very desirous to impart my mind herein to your Lordship. jf 1 n f 6. n HISTORICAL REPRINTS.-XVI. THE z^th m mM.Tmnw$ sJx!^j;Di¥ioX Hgalnst Scotland ij'U^ / ■iiiih..jcr>itiiZiiiik'iii(uiiii I with the number of 10,000 good men. And foras- much as the mitt yet continued and did not break, being past noon, the Vanguard being within a mile of the said passage, entering into dangerous ways for an army to march in such weather that one could not descry another twenty yards off: we concluded if the weather did not break up, to have encamped ourselves upon the same ground ; where we did remain for the space of two hours. And about two of the clock at afternoon, the sun brake out, the fog went away, and a clear day was left us : whereof every man received as it were a new courage, longing to see the enemy j who, being ready for us at the said passage, and seeing us come in good order of battle, as men determined to pass throngh them or to leave our bones with them, abode us but two shots of a falcon, but scaled every man his way to the high mountains, which were hard at their hands, and covered with flocks of their people. The passage was such, that having no let, it was three hours before all the army could pass it. The same night, the army encamped at a pile called Ranton, eight miles from our borders : which pile was a very ill neighbour to the garrison of Berwick, The same we razed and threw down to the ground. The next day, being the 18th of May, the whole army entered into Berwick, and ended this voyage } with the loss unneth [of scarcely] forty of the King's Majesty's people, thanks be to our Lord. The same day, at the same instant, that the army 11 » n i EXPEDITION AGAINST SCOTLAND. 17 entered into Berwick, our whole fleet and navy of ships, which we sent from us at Leith, arrived before Berwick, as GOD would be known to favour our master's cause. Who ever preserve his most royal Majesty with long and prosperous life, and many years to reign in the imperial seat of the monarchy of all Britain. IF The names of the chief burghs, castles and towns burnt and desolated by the King's army, being lately in Scotland : besides a great number of villages, piles, and [homejsteads which I cannot name. THE burgh and town of Edinburgh, with the Abbey called Holy Rood House, and the King's Palace adjoining to the same. The town of Leith burnt and the haven and pier destroyed. The castle and village of Craigmillar. The Abbey of New Battell. Part of Musselburgh town, with the Chapel of our Lady of Lawret.* Preston town and castle, Haddington town, with the friary and nunnery. A castle of Oliver SANCKLER's.f The town of Dunbar, Lawreston, with the grange. • Loretto. f Sinclair's. B ■ill J w i8 THE EARL OF HERTFORD'S Drylawe. Wester Craig. Enderleigh, the pile and the town. Broughton. Thester Felles. Crawnend. Duddingstone. Stanhows. The Picket. Beverton. Tranent. Shenstone. Markle. Trapren. Kirkland hill. Hatherwike. Helton. East Barnes. Bowland. Butterden. Quickwod. Blackborne. Raunton. Byldy, and the tower. IF Towns and villages burnt by the fleet, upon the seaside ; with a great number of piles and villages which I cannot name nor rehearse, which be all devastated and laid desolate. Kinghorn. Part of Petynwaynes.* S. Minetes. The Burnt Island. The Queen's ferry. ^if^tt nrto anti prodprroits alrbentnrrs of laU against t^e J^roU. AFTER the time that the Earl of Hertford, Lieutenant to the King's Majesty in the North parts of the realm, had dissolved the array, • Pitlcnweem. t' t EXPEDITION AGAINST SCOTLAND. 19 which lately had been within Scotland j and repaired to the King's Highness j the Lord Eure, with many other valiant wise gentlemen— abiding in the Marches of the North part— intending not by idleness to surcease in occasions convenient, but to prove whether the Scots had yet learned by their importable losses lately chanced to them, to tender their own weals by true and reasonable uniting and adjoining themselves to the King's Majesty's loving liege people— took con- sultation by the advice of Sir Ralph Eure his son, and other sage forward gentlemen j upon the 9th day of June [1544], at a place named Mylnefeld j from whence by common agreement, the said lord with a good number of men, made such haste into Scotland, that by four of the clock after the next midnight, he had marched within a half mile of the town where- unto they tended, named Jedworth [yeJhurgi]. After their coming, a messenger was sent unto the Provost of the said town, letting him to know *' that the Lord Eure was coming before the town to take it into the King's allegiance, by means of peace if there- unto the Scots would truly agree, or else by force of arms to sack the same if therein resistance were found." Whereunto the Provost— even like to prove himself a Scot— answered by way of request, " that they might be respected upon their answer until the noontide or else to maintain their town with defence : " having hope that in tracting [treating] and driving ofl^" time they might work some old cow ardly subtilty. ^ .III' i il \) 20 THE EARL OF HERTFORD'S But upon his declaration made, the snake crawling under the flowers easily appeared to them, which had experience : knowledge also being had, that the towns- men had bent seven or eight pieces of ordnance in the market-stead. Wherefore the Lord Eure — part of his company being into three bands divided, and abiding at three several coasts of the same town, to the end that there might be three entries at one time made into the town — appointed and devised that the gunners, which had battered certain places plain and open, should enter in one side, and the kernes on another side, and Sir Ralph Eurk's, of the third side. But it fortuned that, even upon the approachment of the men to their entries, the Scots fled from their ordnance, leaving them unshot, into the woods there- about, with all other people in the same town. In which flight was slain above the number of 1 60 Scots, having for that recompense thereof, the loss of six Englishmen only. The people thus fled, and the town given to Englishmen by chance of war : the gunners burned the Abbey, the Grey Friars, and divers bastel and fortified houses, whereof there were many in that town : the goods of the same town being first spoiled, which laded, at their departing, 500 horses : besides seven pieces of ordnance. In their return likewise, as they passed, burning divers places, towers and castles : as the Tower of Calling Craige, the Castle of Scsforth, Otterburn, Cowboge, Marbottle church, with many other like j I i\}^ EPPEDITION AGAINST SCOTLAND. 21 until they came to a place called Kirkyetthum, being ten miles from certain villages within English ground, named Hetton, Tylmouth and Twysell, which appeared to them burning. For the which cause Sir Ralph Eure and the Captain of Norham, accompanied with 500 horsemen, rode in such haste towards the fire, that at what time the said Sir Ralph did set upon the Scots which had burned the village, he had not met with above 200 horsemen. Nevertheless the Scots, upon the only sight of the standards, used for their defence their light feet, and fled in so much haste that divers English horses were tired in the pursuit : but overtaken there was a great number, whereof many were slain, partly by the fierceness of the Englishmen, partly by the guilty cowardice of the Scots. And truly to speak in a few words j in this act doing, reason will scarcely suffice to persuade the truth : insomuch that there were divers Englishmen whereof every man had eight or nine prisoners, besides such as were slain whose number is certainly known to have been a hundred or more. And yet in this skirmish, not one Englishman taken, neither slain : thanks be to GOD ! Also further here is to be remembered that the Englishmen in their return from the sack of Jedworth, drave and brought out of Scotland into England, a great number of cattle, both note [neat] and sheep. I Furthermore to the apparent continuance of GOD's 4 ! (r 22 THE EARL OF HERTFORD S ^ I favour unto the purposes of the Englishmen, it is to be certainly known, that on the 1 5th day of June [i 544] there was another raid made by divers English- men to a town called Synlawes, whereat divers bastel houses were destroyed, eight Scots taken, and 60 oxen brought away. For the return whereof, a number of Scottish men pursued very earnestly j who for their coming, lost six of their lives, and fifty of their horsemen. And upon the Tuesday next following, Sir Georg£ BowES, Sir John Wftherington, Henry Eure, and Lionel Grave rode to the Abbey of Coldingham, and demanded the same j but it was denied earnestly, inso- much that after an assault made for five hours, it was burnt all saving the church, which having fire in the one end smoked so by the drift of the wind towards the Englishmen that it could not be conveniently then burned. The store of the cattle and of the other goods there, served well for the spoil of the soldiers. In this Abbey were slain one monk and three other Scots. And amongst the English was one only gunner tlain by a piece of ordnance shot out of the steeple. Since this journey, the 20th of June [1544] a company of Tynedale and Redesdale with other valiant men, ventured upon the greatest town in all Teviotdale, named Skraysburgh, a town of the Lord Hvnthill's ; whereat besides rich spoils and great plenty of note [neat] and sheep, 38 persons were taken. Adding thereunto, that which is a marvellous truth, li EXPEDITION AGAINST SCOTLAND. 23 that is to say, these prisoners being taken, three Scott bemg slain, with divers wounded : not one EngUshman was either hurt or wounded. In these victories, who is to be most highest lauded but GOD ? by whose goodness the Englishmen hath had of a great season notable victories and matter, worthy of triumphs. And for the continuance of GOD'S favour toward us, let us pray for the prosper- ous estate of our noble good and victorious Lord Governor and King &c,: for whose sake doubtless GOD hath spreaded his blessing over us, in peace to have mirth, and in wars to have victory. Smpvintct> at XonDon in paurg Cburcb gar5, bg -RegrtolD TOolf; at tbe 0ffln of tbe J3ra3cn Serpent. anno 1544. Cumprivikgio ad imprimendum solum. \\ % I i, ) 7 •i Il;i)3torical aeprintj3.-X\'II. Exad: and certalne NEW E S From the Siege at YORKE. And of many remarkable paffa- ges of our Armys in thofe parts, extracted out of diverse Letters which were sent by this last Post from ZTw//, to a Gentleman of Grayes-Inne. As alfso the taking of Mulgrave Castle, and in it Sir Walter Vavafour, Sir Petc7' Middleions eldest Sonne, and other Gentlemen of quality. Together with the Relation of the Scots Second Army, advanced to Blithcnooke in Northumberland^ and their taking of Morpeth Castle. With fnaiiy other remarkable Observations, Nl 11 Printed by E. b* G. Goldsmid, Edinburgh. *©4*©*©4?©^©4^©*©^ -iOctober\l&,l^ address'd to all his Majesty's Subjects oj whcU Degree soer'cr ; and as it has not work'd upon me the Effect which was by you intended, I shall take the Liberty to offer my Reasons why it has not, and endeavour to do this with Candour and good Manners; without being abusive, or discover- ing any of that Raiicmr and lll-unll, from which THE PRETENDER. 5 you are at Pains to dissuade, and which the Mis- chiefs already produced by your Attempt are very apt to beget. But my Intention at present, is to enter into a calm, dispassionate Reasoning, on the Subject of your Paper. ^ You begin with declaring, "that your Father's "sole Intention is to re-instate all his Subjects in •'^the full Enjoyment of their Religion, Laws, and " Liberties,— not to enslave a Free People, but to " remove the Encroachments made upon them." This is your first general and capital Declaration, which attacks us upon the Side of our awn supposed Interest, abstracting from the Consideration of yoyxx Indefeasible Title, and therefore I shall follow you in considering these severally. And upon this first Article, I would take the Liberty to ask, what is the Sense or Meaning oi re-instating the Subjects of this Kingdom in the full Enjoyment of their Religion, Laws, and Liberties ? For by the/r^/ of these, you declare in the same Paragraph, that you mean the Religion at present established -, and that being the Case, for God's Sake, how can we be re- instated in the full Enjoyment of these good Things, for of which of them do we now stand deprived} Or upon which of them have Encroachments been made by the Government under which we are now living? It is not even in the Plentitude of Abso- lute Power to work Impossibilities, or to restore what has never been taken away. To make such a Declaration be listned to, you should have enume- rated the Grievances, or Encroachments, of which you are pleased to offer us Redress : But you, and ,1 I .i f< I H \ii 'I 6 AN ANSWER TO your young Counsellors, seem not very well ac- quainted with the Constitution and Liberties of this Free Kingdom ; and for your Information, I shall refer you to the Declaration of those Rights and Liberties made by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons assembled at Westminster, representing all the Estates of this Realm, upon the 1 3//r ^February, 1688. I know that the very Date of this will startle you, and that you will deny the Authority of any Thing transacted at that Period : But that I may not be thought to argue unfairly, I abstract at present from the Legislative Authority, which gave a Sanction to that Declaration, and shall come so low as only to quote it as a Historical Proof oi the Sense oi this Nation, and of the most Brave and Wise Men in it, concerning their awn Liberties, which were then asserted and claimed as follows, »* That the pretended power of suspending of " Laws, or the Execution of Laws, by Regal "Authority, without Consent of Parliament, is «* illegal. . " That the pretended Power of dispensing with "Laws, or the Execution of Laws, by Regal *• Authority, as it hath been assumed and exercised " of late, is illegal. "That the Commission for erecting the late ♦* Court o{Cortim\ss\ontxs for Ecclesiastical Causes, ** and all other Commissions and Courts of like «* Nature, are illegal and pernicious. "That levying Money for, or to the Use of the THE PRETENDER. 7 "Crown, by Pretence of Prerogative, without "Grant of Parliaments for longer Time, or in "other Manner than the same is, or shall be "granted, is illegal. "That it is the Right of the Subjects to *^ petition the King, and all Commitments and Pro- " secutions for such petitioning, are illegal. " That the raising or keeping a standing Army " withm the Kingdom in Time of Peace, unless it " be with Consent of Parliament, is against Law. "That the Subjects which are Protestants may " have Arms for their Defence, suitable to their " Conditions, and as allowed by Law. "That Elections of Members of Parliament ought " to be Free. " That the Freedom of Speech, and Debates or "Proceedings in Parliament, ought not to be im- " peached or questioned in any Court or Place out " of Parliament. " That excessive Bail ought not to be required, " nor excessive Fines imposed, nor cruel and un- " usual Punishments inflicted. ''T\i2X Jurors ought to be duly impannelled and " returned ; and Jurors which pass upon Men in " Trials for High Treason, ought to be Freeholders. " That all Grants and Promises of Fines and " Forfeitures of particular Persons before Convic- " tion, are illegal and void, " And that for Redress of all Grievances, and " for the amending, strengthening and preserving "of the Laws, Parliaments ought to be held "frequently." J il u^ 8 AN ANS WEK TO These are the Rights and Liberties that were then asserted and claimed, as being the true, ancient, and indubitable Rights and Liberties of the People of this Kingdom ; and now, Sir, I ask you and all your Counsellors and Advocates, which of all these have been incroached upon, in the present, or in the late Reign? And if it be true, as all the Kingdom knows, that this must be answered, by saying, Not mie of them ^ what Occasion is therefor the Redress of Grievances which you are pleased to offer ? There is a Book called the Gospel^ which the Laity of your Church are not permitted to read, which says, The whole have no Need of a Physician, but the sick. Now, Sir, the good People of this Kingdom find themselves already in the full Enjoyment of their Religion^ Laws and Liberties ; and, in respect of tliese most essential interests, we are perfectly sound and wJiole ; and yet, in order to persuade us to receive a Change of Government, you tell us that we are sick, and offer us your Service to re-instate us in what we are already possessed of as fully as our Hearts can wish : And, in such a Case, you ought not to be surprised, that we are so universally unwilling to accept of any of your Medicines. The Second Article of your Manifesto, is with regard to the National Debt, as to which you say that altho' it ivas contracted under an unlawful Ginernment, and is now a most heavy Load upon the Nation, your Father is resolved to take the advice of his Parliament concerning it; a very comfortable Security truly, for the Proprietors of THE PRETENDER. 9 fifty Millions, that instead of what they are now possessed of, an absolute Security that must be made good to them, of Right and Justice, they shall have the Chance of a Vote in 2^. future Parlia' ment, whether, by way of Grace, they shall be allowed to have any Property, or none at all ! With respect to the Union of the two Nations, you say, " Your Father cannot possibly ratify that, "since he has had repeated Remonstrances against "it from each Kingdom. — But whatever maybe *' hereafter devised for the joint Benefit of both " Nations, he will comply with the Request of his *• Parliaments to establish." This is one Scene of Confusion that you fairly confess your Resolution to introduce, if that shall be in your Power ; and that is alone, with me, a very weighty Argument for opposing your present Attempt with all my Might, and the like is the Sense of all persons of my Acquaintance of both Nations, who are now fully convinced, after a Trial of almost forty Years, that it is for the common Benefit of both the British Nations to stand united as they now are. And as I am ignorant of the Names and Arguments of the Remonstrants to whom you refer, I shall not trouble you with a farther Discussion of that Subject. I can easily conceive it to be the Interest of France, or of a King who seeks to become arbitrary in England, that Scotland should be rendered a separate Kingdom, as it was formerly ; but to the Subjects of either Part of the united Kingdom, I am not able to discern the Advantages A fv I % t t* ul lo AN ANSWER TO that would accrue from such Separation, and am afraid we should become like Man and Wife after they are divorced, to hate one another more heartily, than if they never had been united. These are the Heads of your Declaration or Manifesto, which you are pleased to confirm upon Oath in your own Name, as apparent Heir to the Crown ; and then you condescend, ^' to expostulate •'this weighty Matter with the Subjects of this - Kingdom, complaining that the Pulpits and Con- " gregations of the Clergy, as well as our Weekly «« Papers, ring with the dreadful Threats of Popery « and Arbitrary Power, and bid us listen only to «'the naked Truth." Now, Sir, it is true that such Alarms have been given -—But before I proceed to answer what you call the naked Truth, I must beg Leave to trouble you with a Quotation from one excellent Sermon, that was not published till after the Date of your Declaration ; it is that of the Lord Bishop of Oxford, who, among many other good Things, has favoured the Publick with a Passage of the Acts of Pope Clement the XL and cites the very Chapter and Verse, being Tom. 2d. Page 179, of these Acts, published in Folio at Rome 1724, where his Holiness declares, ''all Promises whatsoever, or " Stipulations made in favour of Protestants, to be "utterly null and void, whenever they are preju- " dicial in any Manner to the Catholick Faith, the "Salvationof Souls, orto any Rights of the Church, «' even tho' such Engagements have been often -ratified and confirmed by Oath.»-Now Sir, thib THE PRETENDER. IX same Pope Clement the XL who reigned but lately, was reputed so moderate a Person, that he some- times receiv'd the Appellation of the Protestant Pope ; and yet you see what his Holiness gives us to expect from the Promises made to us Pro- testants, by those of the Romish Communion ; You ought not therefore to be offended, if we believe his Holiness' s Word, who forbids us to belitve yours ; and this at the same time without any personal Reflection upon you in particular, whom we may suppose as honest a Gentleman as the Religion of any Papist will suffer him to be in his Dealings with Protestants or Hereticks; es- pecially as the Principle thus plainly avowed by a late Pope, was so strongly exemplified in the Practice of the late King James the IL your supposed Grandfather. And now, Sir, I shall proceed to take Notice of such Parts of your Declaration as plead your own, or your Father's Title to the Crown of these Kingdoms ; which is an Argument indeed very distinct from the Question of Expediency, whether for our own Sakes we ought to restore you. And I think it is fair, that the Question of Right and Justice ought to be considered, upon whatever Side the Expediency lyes ; and I shall admit, that in discussing the Titles to Kingdoms, as well as in all other Questions of Property amongst Mankind, the Honestum and the Utile ought never to be separated, nor the former violated for the Sake of the latter ; and you shall be at Liberty to make what Use you can of this Concession. 't I ''i| \ \i I 12 AN ANSWER TO THE PRETENDER. 13 ■•'* You say, *'That the Government since the " Revolution has been an unlawful Gove^timent ; «* that your Father cannot ratify the Union, for " this among other Reasons, that the principal Pomt " then in View, was the Exclusion of the Royal '^ Family from their undoubted Right to the Crown. « You mention the Outcries ioxm^xXy raised agamst "the Royal Family, and say that whatever Mis- " carriages might have given Occasion to them, they " have been more than aton'd for since, for that '' your family have suffered Exile during these fifty- " seven Years." Here Sir, I must humbly applaud your Can- dour, or your Policy, in at least tacitely admittmg that these were Miscarriages truly committed, which gave Occasion to the Outcries, as you caU them, that were formerly raised against your Family, and you seem also to admit that these Miscarriages were such as stood in need of some Atonement. ^ • • .1, If I rightly apprehend your Meaning, it is then true, that even a King, taking the Crown by Sue- cession or Hereditary Right, may be in the wrong, and commit Miscarriages ; and that these being committed, there is some Redress or Atonement due to the People. . If, on the other Hand, I mistake your Meaning ; if you hold the Reverse of this to be true, that every Step of your Grandfather's Administration was just and right, and every Effort of the Nation to oppose him, was disloyal and traiterous ; then it were in vain for us to talk of RiglUs and Liberties, or of Laws for securing these, which you so readily promise; for every one of the Liberties above recited, on Occasion of your Grandfather's having trampled upon them all, are in Reality nothing but the false Pretences of the Multitude, that are dependent upon the sole Will of the Prince, and may be violated, or resumed by him at Pleasure. This is such a Doctrine as the present Generation, which has been born and grown up under the Days of Liberty, is not able to bear ; and therefore I still apprehend I am in the Right in my Construction of ywur Manifesto, as not meaning to profess or avow this Doctrine, but the contrary. So far therefore we are agreed ; for when People hold Principles diametrically opposite, and each of them sticks to his own, there can be no such Thing as their arguing with each other. But if a King of England can miscarry, and thereby the People acquire a Right to some Redress or Atonement for that Miscarriage ; we are agreed in one Principle, and it remains only to examine what are the just Consequences to be deduced from it. Miscarriage is a very wide and ambiguous Word, and may be applied to Offences of very various Degrees. You have been taught that there are venial and mortal Sins, and in Foro soli, this is true ; It is not every Fault of a young man that deserves being disinherited by his Father, nor every Fault of a wife that can legitimate her Divorce, or a total Dissolution of the Marriage- Covenant ; but there are such Capital O fences as may dissolve these most sacred and natural I f tmmt I fl 14 AN ANSWER TO Ties of the Conjugal and Parental Relations, which are the first Sources of all Society and Government amongst Mankind. The adulterous Wife may be divorced, and the Husband marry again, and beget lawful Issue capable to inherit : And though the natural Relation of Father and Son be indissoluble, because the Fact which existed cannot cease to be true, the mutual Obligations resulting from that Relation may be dissolved. Excessive Cruelty on the Part of the Father, emancipates the Son from the filial Duty and Obedience. Excessive Misbehaviour on the Part of the Son, intitles the Father justly to disinherit him, and to deprive him of that Protection and Provision, which otherways, by Nature, and by Law, had been his Due. And do you think. Sir, it is possible that the voluntary, artificial Relation betwixt Prince and Subject, can be more sacred or indissoluble than these original, universal^ and natural Relations of which I have been just speaking ? This is not an Age, or a Country, in which there are many Peo- ple who can call this in question.— The ridiculous Conceit of Indefeasible Hereditary Right : Or, as our Poet, lately deceased, expressed it— " The Right divine of Kitigs to govern wrong *^ Is now almost universally exploded, unless it be amongst some gloomy Monkish Teachers, and their ignorant, bigotted, superstitious Disciples. Now if this Rule in general be just, if Subjects be not the very Property of their Kings, if they are capable of any Rights or Liberties which may not i M THE PRETENDER. IS be violated with Impunity, or without Redress ; if it be possible for the most cruel and tyrannical Monarch who can be conceived, to deserve being dethroned I in the Application of this Rule to Practice, where can the Judgment possibly be, but in the Majority of the People themselves, or of their Representatives, where the Nation is so Pop- ulous that they cannot be all assembled, or so con- stitutedj as to act by Representatives of their own Election ? For when Things come to this Extre- mity, there is no common Judge upon Earth to appeal to. The King and the People become as distinct and independent as any two States or Kingdoms, and the Differences betwixt them can only be decided by Force, or by War, which the Law of Nations calls an appeal to God for Decision. \ It is therefore absolutely vain and sophistical, to argue that there can be no Law made in this Kingdom without the joint Consent of King, Lords, and Commons ; that is no doubt true, so long as the Kingdom remains in its natural and regular State, but as soon as that is disturbed by illegal and violent Invasions on the Part of the Prince, of the essential, ancient, and indubitable Rights and Liberties of the People, the Frame of the Government is dissolved : Force becomes law- ful on the other Side, by Way of Defence. There is a Right competent to the People, which must have a Remedy ; and it is impracticable to pursue that Remedy in the usual regular Course, in which the Body Politick acts, when the Head and ( "•« ■VOT 't y \\\ ,6 /^AT ^A^5lF£i? TO Members are in their healthy natural State ; each of them performing their proper Functions. To illustrate this Truth to you, Sir, I need go no further than to appeal to your own recent Practice, within these few Days or Weeks. You are now engaged in an Enterprize, to recover by Force of Arms the Crown of these Kingdoms, as bemg the supposed Right of your Father : this Declaration of yours professes that he has no other Intention than to re-instate all his Subjects in the full Enjoy- ment of their Religion, Laws and Liberties ; and to redress and remove the supposed Encroach- ments made upon these.-Now in the Prosecution of this Attempt you take Notice, that you are al- ready Master of the ancient Kingdom of Scotland : And after what Manner is it that you are now governing that Kingdom ? Not surely according to the Laws and Constitutions of that Country, even as they stood before the Union ; but by an Arbi- trary Despotick, Military Government, as truly such as that which was executed by the Usurper Cromwel/, after the Murder of your Great Grand- father, and the Conquest of that Kingdom, when there was one General or Visier over the whole, and inferior Major-Generals or Bashaws m every Province ; so you govern without Magistrates, raise Money without a Parliament, take Con- tributions as from an Enemy's Country.- The only possible Excuse for these Irregulanttes, is the Necessity of the present Coiyuncture when vou are but attempting to recover this Kingdom for your Father ; tho' I do not find, that m any ■ '\ THE PRETENDER. 17 publick Act of yours, even this Excuse has been offered : But supposing it, for Argument's Sake, a just one, it is an Example, in your own Practice, of what I have been now urging. And if it be true, that the Necessity of an extraordinary Conjwtcture may justify a King acting without a Parliament, in such Things as the levying of Money from the Subject, which, by the Constitution in its natural and regular State, requires the Consent of Parlia- ment, does not the like Necessity serve to legiti- mate the Parliament, or Estates of the Kingdom, their acting 7i;/M^«/ the Authority of the CrowUf when that Authority cannot possibly be obtained ? The Subject-Matter of their Deliberations being the Miscarriages, as you call them, of the King himself, and the Atonement or Redress ^ which the Nation shall take for these Miscarriages. These Miscarriages may be so heinous, as well to merit a total and absolute Deprivation of the Crown, or the Expulsion of the Tyrant and his whole Family. It is not the usual Temper of this Nation to be capable of such a cruel Policy, as we find in History has been often practised on such Occasions, to exterminate the whole Race of the Tyrant ; and therefore we all agree with you, in condemning and deploring the Murder of King Charles the First : But we applaud the old Romans for the Expulsion of the Tarquins ; after which that brave People were at Liberty to make their Election, whether to alter the Form of the Govern- ment, as they did, by erecting that Republick, which became the Mistress of the World ; or to li H 18 AN ANSWER TO continue their original Fonii of Government, b)' conferring the regal Power upon a New Family. If it be objected, that there is no Equity in causing the Innocent to suffer for the Guilty ; that your Father was an Infant, and you yourself was unborn, when your Grandfather committed those Miscarriages, that proved fatal to him ; we answer. That in strict Jtcstice, as well as sound Policy , the Children must suffer consequentially, through the Crime of the Father ; and such is the universal Sense and Practice of Mankind. Upon this Prin- ciple it is, that by the Laws of all Nations, when the Traitor who rebels against his Sovereign forfeits his Life, his Estate and Dignities, the Children are deprived of the two last by Consequence ; and there can be no good Reason why this should not be reci- procal, when the Prince, for the Time being, forfeits his Crown by Tyranny : For however in Point of Dignity, there is no Comparison betwixt the King and any one Subject ; the Interest of the whole Body of the People must outweigh the particular separate Interest of the King and his Family ; for it was for their Sakes that he was invested with that Dignity. We, Sir, are one of the Northern Nations, who still retain the Spirit of Liberty ; and firmly believe, that Subjects were not made for Princes, but Princes for Subjects. We cannot enter into the wild Notions that prevail amongst the slavish People in despotick Governments, such as those in the Asiatick Nations, and elsewhere, who entertain a Kind of idolatrous Veneration for their Monarach, and the supposed sacred Line of THE PRETENDER. ^^ his Family ; and therefore you must not think it strange, if we argue in treating a Question betwixt King and People upon the common Principles of Right and Justice, and the Laws of eternal Reason, which are superior to the Governors, as well as the Governed, and are no less binding on the one than on the other. And as it \^ just that the Son, however per- sonally innocent, should not inherit the Crown which his father forfeited by his Miscarriages, it is manifestly inconsistent with Prudence, or sound Policy, in most Cases, to forbear the application of this rule ; for if a free People could do no more tlian deprive and expel the Father, and then give the Crown to the very next in the order of Succes- sion, where would the true Patriots be found, who would venture to oppose the grossest Miscarriages of the reigning Prince ? For supposing the Son to be himself better disposed, or wise enough to take Example by his father's Misfortune, and forbear going to the like Extremities, the least ill Conse quence that could be apprehended would be, that the opposers of his Father ; that is, the most brave wise, active and considerable Subjects in the king- dom, must be in Disgrace, neglected, discounten- anced, the Publick deprived of their AbUities, and they and their Families suffer all the Indignities and Hardships that could be with Safety inflicted. The Reason for excluding the Son is yet more general and conclusive, when he happens, as was the Case of your unfortunate Father, to be educated in those very principles, or in that religious Persua- 'li I 90 AN ANSWER TO *( sion, which was the chief Cause of all the Miscar- riages of his Father ; for then, as the li^e Causes are apt to produce the like Efecis, the People would be greatly wanting to themselves, and provide very imperfectly for their own security, if, instead of the Father, they should take for their Prince his Son, trained up, and filled with the same pernicious Notions, which produced the Miscarriages of the Father, and the Calamities of the Kingdom, that rendered his Expulsion lx)th just and necessary. Such being the Principles entertained by every brave and free people, in all the Ages and Countries of the Earth, be pleased to reflect. Sir, with what ModeraHon this Nation proceeded at the late Revo- lution, which happened during the Reign of your un- fortunate Grandfather. He had grosly violated all the Rights and Liberties of the people,which I have above recited in their own Words ; he moreover discovered an ^^j/ma/^ Resolution io persist in his Attempt, and to make the same good by Force, as soon as he should be enabled ; and this by his abandon- ing the Kingdom once and again, and carrying with him the Infant, whom he own'd to be his Son, and whom I am supposing to be truly such, without laying any Stress in my Argument on the suspicious Circumstances attending his Birth, or the preced- ing Pregnancy of the Queen. But this Retreat affords an Evidence that the King's Purpose was not changed by the Revolt of his People ; and that he was determined either to impose his Religion, and what he conceived to be his Prerogative, or not to hold his Crown, unaccompanied with these. THE PRETENDER. 21 And even the message said to be sent to him at Whitehall, cannot hinder me from concluding such to have been his Determination ; for he had no Reason to apprehend the Fate of his Father ; the Hero, whom we call our Deliverer, who was himself a Prince, Son-in-Law and Nephew to this unfortunate King, was incapable of acting the Part of a Cromwell] the Piety of the two Daufjhters would have farther contributed to have prevented it, nor would the gene- ral Temper of the Nation in that Age have bore such a Catastrophe. Nothing therefore could determine that unfortunate King to depart once and again, but the fixt Resolution I have already mentioned, to carry through his Scheme by Force ; for other- wise, and if he had been resolved to give up that Scheme, after he saw such manifest Proofs of the Aversion of the whole Nation, and his own Family to it, it is easy and obvious to see what must have been his Conduct ; he would have remained in his Palace, and granted all the demands of the Prince of Oranges Declaration, and agreed to the very Thing which you now promise by yours, when it comes a great deal too late ; namely, to refuse nothing that a free Parliament could have asked, for the Security of the Religion y Law, and Liberties oj the People, Now, as he might, and ought to have done this, and did not do it, which was tne only Method of retaining his Crown, consistent witn that Security of the Religion and Liberties of his People, it is evident, that he did indeed abdicate his Crown. — And, in respect of the many essential Miscarriages by him committed^ zxA persisted in, the People had I 22 AN ANSWER TO I undeniable Reasons to declare the Tkrone vacant ; and, having thus far done themselves Justice, and provided for their own Security against the Evils of Popery and Slavery, with which they had been threatened, it remained for them to provide for t\iQ future Government of this Kingdom, by making a new Settlement. Here it was that the Wisdom and Moderation of the leading Men of this Nation, at that Time, was discovered ; it was a Kegal Goverftment, tho' limited by Laws, and they resolved that it should continue such, justly dreading a Relapse into the Anarchy and Confusions, and the Despotick Government of the Usurper, which had succeeded the Abolition of the Royal Authority about the Middle of that Cen- tury. It was a Hereditary Kingdom ^ tho' not inde- feasibly stick ; and therefore they departed as little as possible from the regular course of Succession in the Royal Family, and no farther than was necessary for securing the Liberties of the Subject; they acted as any wise and good Man would do, who is master of his own Estate. If his eldest Son proves unworthy, and merits being disinherited, he will settle his estate on his second Son, and his Issue in their Order : And thus we settled the Crown on the eldest Daughter of the abdicated Prince ; and default of her issue, on the Second Daughter ; in default of her issue on that of the Prince of Orange himfelf, who was the next in Succession ; if he should have any by another Wife than the Princess Mary. And when the Prospect of Successors failed amongst m '^ THE PRETENDER. 23 the Protestant descendants of King Charles \\^q. First, the Nation looked out for the next Protestant Heir, who was a grandchild of King James the First, and settled the Crown upon her, and the Heirs of her Body, being Protestants. Thus was the Constitution maintained, and the Government re-established in its natural and regular State of a Limited and Hereditary Monarchy y which fell afterwards by Succession, upon the Death of Queen Anne^ to the late King George ; a Prince who was born of a Dignity next to the Regal; whose Family have been remarkable for affording good Princes over their subjects, whom they are en- titled to govern absolutely ; who was himself, as mild and amiable a Monarch as ever reigned. He was succeeded by our present Sovereign, whom all the World must allow to be remarkably possest of two Virtues, the most deserving of Esteem amongst Mankind, Probity and Magnanimity : And for the Mildness of his Government, let this singular Circumstance bear Witness ; that we are now in the 19th Year of his reign, and hitherto not one Drop of Blood shed for a State Crime, even in the legal Method of Trial, tho* there have not been wanting Occasions, even before you was pleased to make us a Visit, for just Severities of that Kind, Of this Prince, now reigning, the Nation is blessed with a numerous and hopeful Issue ; where- of the greater Part have been born and educated amongst ourselves. And the Case so standing, in respect of the Abdication of your Grandfather, and the succeed- 1 24 AN ANSWER TO ing Nno Settiement oiiht Crown, in the Protestant Line of the Royal Family ; which has already taken Effect^ during the space of Fifty-seven Years, which you mention as the Duration of the Exile of your Family ; and urge as being more than sufficient Atonement for the Miscarriages of your Grand- father : You come, Sir, a great deal too late with your Professions of Repentance, and Promises of Amendment ; for as I began with the Question of Expediency, I am now considering the Question of Right and strict Justice, and by this you are cut off", independent of the former. This is indeed the true State of the Question, where the Right and Title now lies ; and upon this I maintain, that supposing a great deal, which is not true, that your Family was not still Popish, bred at Rome, and favoured by France, the natural Enemy of Great Britain, and the common Enemy of the Liberties of Europe ; supposing you were sincere in your Promises, and that your Religion did not authorize and require you to break them ; and supposing you personally, as I am willing to believe, possessed of many gocxl Qualities becom- ing a Prince, still you come too late ; we cannot listen to your Declaration, tho' you should lift up your Voice like Esau, and cry, Have you but one Blessing, O my People. For it is true that we have hut one, and that is already conferred and settled upon thy Protestant Brother ; and we cannot with Justice deprive him of it, supposing we could do it with Prudence, or consistently with the Security of our Religion, Laws and Liberties. THE PRETENDER. 25 And to make you sensible of the Force of this Consideration, if you can see the Truth when it is repugnant to your own Interest and Wishes, suffer me to resume a familiar Comparison, which I mentioned before, to justify the Abdication or Expulsion of Tyrant Kings, after the Example of the Dissolubility of the most intimate and sacred Ties amongst Mankind, such as that of Marriage itself, where the Laws allow the unfaithful mfe to be put away, and the injured Husband to espouse another. Now let me suppose that all this happens, that Settlements are made, and a numerous Issue begotten of that second Marriage ; in the mean while, the divorced Wife becomes a true Penitent, celebrated as a La Valliere for her Piety : And I will farther suppose, that her Person is yet agreeable, and her Affection for her once injured Husband is become more flaming than ever ; and he himself so good-natur'd, that he could find in his Heart to forgive her, and to take her back into his House and Bed, if he were at Liberty. But I ask you. Sir, is he at Liberty ? Or would he not now be as wicked, as she formerly was, (sup- posing him an absolute Prince, and unrestrained by Laws) if he should turn \i\?> present Wife, and her Children, out of Doors : a Wife, who was his Equal in Rank, and had always behaved well, in order to the resuming the Returning Penitent ? Again, to pursue the Comparison a little farther, and put the Question concerning one who was at first not personally guilty, and proved afterwards deserving, let me suppose, that the divorced Wife 1 f 26 AM ANSWER TO k4\ had found Means to escape into foreign Parts, and to carry with her an only Child, who was born during the Subsistence of the Marriage ; a Child, concerning the Legitimacy of whose Birth the Husband was dotibtful, but whose Education he was sure would be the very Reverse of what he would chuse to give to his Heir ; for that the Child must be brought up in Principles, inconsistent with the Honour, Interest, and Prosperity of his Family. In such Case, would any Man living, who had full Power over his own Estate, hesitate to disinherit the Childy carried off in these Circumstances, and educated in this Manner? After which, to provide for his own Succession, he courts and espouses a second Wife, of high Quality, and easy Fortune, tho' inferior to his ; and by the Marriage-Covenant settles the Estate upon the Issue of that second Marriage, of which there is a numerous Offspring ; then I will suppose, to state the present Argument in the fairest Light, that the disinherited Son of the divorced Wife, or if you please, Sir, that his Son again, proves to be a Person of very good and deserving Qualities ; and applies earnestly to the Father of this Family, to restore him, (who, but for these Misfortunes, would have been the Lineal Heir) to the Quality of Successor to this Estate : And I ask, if the Father could listen to that Re- quest, consistently to the Rules of Honour and Justice ? It is impossible, for the Case is no longer entire ; there is a Right acquired by the present Wife and her Issue, of which it is not in the Power of the Husband, were he so minded, to deprive i THE PRETENDER. 27 them ; and no Man of common Probity, would ever once think of attempting such monstrous Injustice. The Resolution of these Questions, if they may be called such, will imply the Answer, which we of this Nation can only make with Justice, to your Manifesto of October loth, I74S« And it can add no Force to this last Manifesto, that it bears Date at the Palace of Holy-rood- hottse^ as those first published bore Date at Paris and Romey from which Places no Good is to be ex- pected to a Protestant and Free Country. You observe indeed, "That Providence has hitherto •' favoured you with a wonderful Success, led you in "the Way to Victory, and to the Capital of that *' ancient Kingdom, tho' you came without any "foreign Force: And you ask. Why then is so ^*much Pains taken to spirit up the Minds of the " People against this your Undertaking! " I have already given you my humble Reasons, which, I trust, are far from being peculiar to me, for this Nation's heartily opposing your Under- taking ; because the favouring it would neither be wise nor just^ expedient nor hottest^ but would render us most certainly wicked^ and most probably miserable. And as for the Success^ of which you boast, give me leave to observe certain Facts, of which you cannot be ignorant, that leave no room for concluding, from that temporary and surprising Success, (as you justly term it in one of your Pro- clamations) that your Enterprize is favoured by Heaven. — You know, Sir, that you took your Opportunity 1 I • » I' 'M 28 AN ANSWER TO when the far greater Part of the National Troops of this Kingdom, and even the Life-Guards were beyond Seas, engaged in the War on the Conti- nent with your Friend the French King. You landed in a remote, and hardly accessible Corner of the North-West Highlands of Scotland^ where there are Papists, and others your most assured Friends ; here you persuaded two or three Gentle- men, and their Followers, to join you with such Arms as you brought along with you, and as they were yet possessed of, notwithstanding the Law made in the Beginning of the late Reign, for dis- arming the whole Highlands : A Law which has proved of singular Use to you on this Occasion, for it took little Effect but amongst the Friends of the Government in those Parts ; who were numerous enough, and sufficiently disposed to have crush'd your Attempt in the Beginning, had not their Hands been thus tied up, that they could not act without hemg/umished with Arms, and special Orders to use them. The King's Officers or Ministers, who had the Charge of the Affairs of that Country, appear, for some time, to have dis- believed your Landing ; and after that to have too much despised your Force; and relied wholly on the small Body of Regular Troops in that Country, as being sufficient to defeat you. These were ordered to march to the Mountains for that Purpose ; and being there, they found out, what might have been easily foreseen, that it was unsafe for a Small Body of Regular Troops, without the Assistance of any Highlanders, to attack an Enemy consisting of THE PRETENDER. 29 Highlanders, in their own Mountains and narrow Passes. Upon which our Army, instead of return- ing to guard the Low Country, by long Marches, passed by you, and went to Inverness, and returned by a very tedious Rout, by Land and Sea ; which gave you Opportunity and Time to advance with- out Opposition, and possess yourself of the Capital ; where your own Gazette says you arrived with an Army of Five thousand Men. The City of Edinburgh, as I have been well informed, tho' it surrendered to you, is far from being on your Side ; it had taken Measures which might have effectually kept you out for a few Days till Succour came : But as that Succour was coming by Sea, and consequently its Arrival very uncertain ; and, upon your Approach, the two Regiments of Dragoons shamefully retreated in the Sight of that City ; and then the Timidity of some, and Disaffection of others, raised an Outcry for surrendering a populous City, whereof the provis- ions could last but a few Days, to avoid their being severely treated as Enemies : By this Coin- cidence of unlucky Circumstances for that City, you became Master of it, to the great Mortification of the greatest and best Part of its Inhabitants, and to the extreme Damage of the whole. Your Victory near Preston was owing, I must admit, to the Bravery of your Troops, joined to the scandalous Want of Bravery in those very Dra- goons, who had upon the Monday preceeding retreated from the Neighbourhood of Edinburgh, to the Distance of a Day's March from it. i * 1 30 AN ANSWER TO THE PRETENDER. 31 Thus, Sir, you have appeared and proceeded like a Cornet^ passing a-cross Scotland from the North-west to the South-east, blazing for a while, and shedding very malignant Influences ; but you flatter yourself too much, when you say you are Master of the ancient Kingdom of Scotland ; that is only true in this Sense, that hitherto there is no Force sufficient to drive you out of it. But the Hearts of the Country are not yours, nor is the greater Part of it subject to your Obedience. — The Southern and Western Provinces, almost to a Man, and the Majority of the Northern are against you ; and, even in your favourite Highlands, you have more Enemies, than would be sufficient alone, if they were properly armed and authorized, to defeat all who have hitherto join'd you : And this without reckoning some of the considerable Highland Powers, who were upon your Father's Side at the last Attempt in the Year 17 15, who have felt the Clemency of the present Government, and have refused to join you now. Neither can you be ignorant, that the whole Persons of any Property, who came with you to Edinburgh, if all their Estates were put together, are so inconsiderable, that even in Scotland ihoxt are single Commoners, who have Properties superior to them all ; and the Accession of this Sort you have got of some unfortunate Persons since your Victory, is far from being considerable. These are a few Hints of the true Causes 0/ the Progress you have hitherto made in Scotland, which, by the best Information I have been able to get, was not owing to any general Disaffection in the Country to the present Establishment ; but to the Neglect of their subordinate Rulers either to arm the Countiy itself in their own, and the Government's Defence, or to provide a regular Force adequate to the Danger. — At the same time, these Facts serve to prove, that properly speaking, you are yet far from being Master of that Country. And if you was truly Master of it, you must know, that you cannot keep Scotland, without also subduing England, and without this there is hither- to nothing done ; and of that main Article, what Prospect of Success can you have, when there is a brave and faithful Army, of the National Troops, brought home to oppose you? An Army, which, together with their Royal Lrcader, even acquired Glory when they were defeated, our Enemies themselves being Witnesses : And when to this is joined the universal Spirit that displays itself in Behalf of the present Government, with as great Unanimity as appeared against your unhappy Grandfather at the Revolution. In order to extinguish this Spirit, you ask, " If from the Family now reigning we have reap'd any other Benefit than an immense Load of Debts." And if you are answer'd in the Affirmation, you farther ask, *'Why is our present Government railed at in all our publick Assemblies ? Why has the Nation been so long crying out in vain for Redress against the Abuse of Parliaments, upon account of their long Duration, the Multitude of Place-Men, which occasions their Venality, the % $ i' 3a AN ANSWER TO Introduction of Penal Laws ; and, in general, of the miserable Situation of the Kingdom at home and abroad ?" This, Sir, is, it seems, the Enumeration of Grievances^ which you are pleased to offer to redress. As for the Debts, they were mostly con- tracted before the Accession of the Family now reigning ; nor have you thought fit to promise, or threaten to wipe off these with a Spunge ; that is a Point you leave doubtful. And, for the rest, there is one Method indeed, which your Family have been accustomed to, which may serve to redress what you call the Abuse of Parliaments ; and that is, to govern without them ; and to raise Money from the Subjects without their consent. But, Sir, this Period of your Declaration is plainly borrowed from the Cant, of what we call the Oppo- sition, which, in a Free Country, will more or less always subsist ; and was never more violent than in the Reign of our glorious Deliverer King William : And it discovers a gross Mistake, which you and your Friends labour under, who from Pamphlets, Journals, and angry Speeches in Parliament, have taken the Fancy to conclude, that this Nation was generally disaffected to the present Government, and ripe for a Revolt, and upon that Foundation to flatter yourself with the Hopes of Success in your present Attempt. You have not, Sir, been rightly informed con- cerning the Temper of this Nation ; we are corrupt and giddy enough, God knows ; but the Spirit of Liberty, and the Qualities oi^ood Sense, and sound THE PRETENDER. 33 ► Understanding, are not yet wholly extinct. We can haul against the measures, of an Administration very loudly, and even bring about a Change of Ministers, without being mad enough to intend a Change of Kings. We are so happy in the most essential Articles, that we complain grievously when we are not sick, and talk of our miserable Situation, upon every slight Ailment. But when you offer us your strong Medicines, we are yet wise enough to know, that these would prove worse than all the Diseases, real or imaginary, we now labour under ; and as long as our Religion, Laws and Liberties are perfectly secure, we are sound in the vital Parts, and will take no Medicine which may become a deadly Poison to these. We can look back upon no Period during the Reigns of your Family, in which we were so happy in all respects, as we feel ourselves under the present Establish- ment. As for Religion, the Church by Law established is in full Possession of all its Rights and Privileges, and without any Fears or Jealousies, sees the Dissenters from it, and even those of your Communion, enjoy Liberty of Conscience. Those who have the Law against them, do now in reality enjoy greater Happiness and Security in respect to the Exercise of their Religion, than in the Days of your Ancestors, did the Church by Law established. — The Laws of the Land, in respect of private Pro- perty, have their free Course : The greatest Man in the Kingdom cannot hurt, nor oppress the meanest. Upon Liberty there is no Encroachment, and it is overlooked even when it becomes licentious ; wit- 3 I' Li \l 34 AN ANSWER TO THE PRETENDER. 35 ness the many clamorous Writinj;s that have served to mislead, and have been repeated by you : many of them writ in an audacious, and some of them even in a treasonable Stile. The Nation being thus situated, to abstract once more from the Question of Righty what advantage can it propose to itself by a Change of Govern- ment? Can we expect to be in a more happy Situation, after undergoing all the Calamities of a Civil War, than we now are ? Or can we even pro- pose, to ourselves to be free from that Circumstance, which is attended with some Inconveniencies, a disputed Succession, or a Pretender to our Croram ? For let me suppose for once, that this Nation shall suffer the Misfortune of your being finally success- ful in your present Enterprize ; that you had brought about a new Revolution, and that you should govern even better than we have Reason to expect ; can any Man who knows the History of England^ and the strong Attachment of this Nation to the Family now reigning, be so fond as to Imagine that there would not be mighty Factions and Divi- sions under your Government ? And as most certainly, the present Royal Family would not lay down their Pretensions, or depart from their Right, built upon the Grounds that I have above stated, would not these Pretensions be asserted by the numerous Friends of that Family at home, aidedy as the last Revolution was, by a powerful Amiyfrom abroad ; and that not borrowed from the States Getieral^ as that of the Prince of Orange was, but of the proper Troops of the Prince himself; who, tho' they are not numerous enough to subdue this Kingdom, if it was unanimous^ would be well able to give the Superiority to the Friends of their Prince ; And thus your Revolution, which God avert, would, in all Probability, soon produce another ; and this unhappy Nation be made the continual, or frequent Scene of all the Miseries of Civil War. There is I think, Sir, a manifest fallacy in the Arguments of this your second and amended Mani- festo, or Address to this Nation, by which you seek to justify your present Attempt, to bring so many and great Mischiefs on this Kingdom. You set on with an Offer to restore us to the Possession of our Religion, Laws, and Liberties ; and when afterwards you come to point out the Grievances under which we labour ; these consist of repeat- ing Objections to certain Measures of Administra- tiony that have been pursued of late Years ; most of which have not been the sole Acts of the Crown, but have from time to time received the Sanction of Parliament : And shall we fall out with our King for what we ourselves have done? You yourself are carrying the Principles of Resistance^ in order to serve your present Purpose, farther than this Free Nation itself ever profess'd or practis'd. And to explain myself farther on this Argument, be pleased. Sir, to consider, that there are two Things very distinct, which you seem to blend to- gether ; tho' in order to a fair Enquiry into the Truth and Justice of this weighty Cause, which you r r f I i «! f 36 AN ANSWER TO have now brought on, they ought to be carefully separated : And these are, The Validity of your Tithy and the Miscarriages, if there are such, of the Royal Family now reigning. If it be true that your Claim by Hereditary Right, is of itself absolute, certain, and indefeasible, it is unnecessary to tell us that we are ill-gcrverned at present ; for if the Estate be mine, I ought to recover it, suppose the present unlawful Possessor, or Intruder^ as you call him, to be the best Master that ever the Tenants had, or the best Farmer who ever possessed the Ground. Again, if the Title alone will not do, without alledging Miscarriages of the present Possessor^ the Title oi the Pretender must be laid out of the Case ; and it only remains, to examine the reality and Importance of those alledged Miscarriages ; whether they be sufficient, supposing the Title of the present Possessor to be once good and valid, to forfeit that Title, and deprive him of the Possession. And, Sir, if you can alledge any thing proper for con- vincing the Nation of this, it is possible they may listen to you, in Part ; for doubtless the Hereditary Right, which is granted by Law to the Royal Family now reigning, is not more indefeasible, than that under which your Grandfather held the Crown, which by his Miscarriages he lost. At the same time it is not more defeasible, nor can be lost, without the same, or the like weighty Reasons ! and if there were such, to the Satisfaction of the whole Nation, to make them wish for a Change, it is another Question, Whether we should make the V, A THE PRETENDER, 37 Change which you propose ; or be of Opinion, that we should i?iend our Condition^ by calling your Father from Rome, to set the Crown upon his Head ? But then, Sir, as to the Miscarriages themselves which you object, it would be very tedious to enter into a detail of every disputed Act of Adminstration of the Government, during these last thirty years. For in a Free Country, such as this has been, dur- ing that Period especially, when within and with- out Doors, every one has been at full Liberty to speak, and write, and publish what he pleased, what is there that will not be disputed ? And in the Measures of Government, or Questions purely Prudential, that are incapable of strict Demonstra- tion on the one Side or the other ; Such as, what is the fittest term for Indurance of Parliaments ; the fittest Number of Place-Men to be admitted into, or excluded from them ; how many thousand Men the National Troops ought to consist of, in this or that Conjuncture; whether this or that Duty should be levied by Officers of Excise or Customs ; what is there that may not plausibly be dis- puted ? But to give you, Sir, all the Advantages you can fairly require in this great Debate, I shall for Argument sake suppose, that in the Measures of the Administration, during these thirty years past, there have been many Errors or Mistakes committed, and that the Opposers, whose Language you borrow, -WQX^ frequently in the Right ; and I think, more than this no candid Person will require to be 38 ^.V ANSWEK TO THE PRETENDER. 39 \i admitted : And let us fairly examine the just Con- sequences of this Supposition or Admission. I presume, Sir, you know very well that the Writers upon the Law of Nations, take notice of two Sorts of Rights that may be competent to Mankind, the Perfect and the Imperfect; of the first Sort is that of every subject in a free Country, to his Liberty and Property, and to the Exercise of his Religion, whether established or tolerated hy Law ; of the latter Sort is the Right which the Indigent have to be relieved, Persons of Ability to be employed and preferred, and the like imperfect Claims which afford no Action. And tho' it be laudable to render Justice to those Claims, it is not directly injurious to withhold, or neglect it, in any particular Instance. Of this latter Kind of imperfect Rights, is that of Servants who are once employed, and discharge their Duties with Fidelity, and without frequent or very gross Faults, to be continued, or promoted in the Master's Service ; and yet, as the Master has no Property to his Servants, but they may resign, or quit their Places at Pleasure, the Servants have no Property in their Places, that they may be removed at the Pleasure of their Master, without his being, strictly speaking, guilty of Injustice. The like is the Case of the Servants of the Crown, whether the great Officers, or Ministers of State, or the Inferior ones, who have no Freehold in their Offices ; and the Power of conferring these, is the chief Part of the Power of a King of Great Britain, of whom it may be truly said in this Respect, that he can do good, but can do no harm ; so long as he keeps within the Bounds of the Laws, and maintains inviolated the essential Liberties of the Subject : For there are no Lettres de Cachet in this happy Kingdom, nor can the King legally, by himself alone, do the smallest Hurt to the Person, Liberty, or Property, of the Subject, But amongst them, for the good Things he has to bestow, there is at all times no small strugle ; and as it is necessary for carrying on the publick Affairs, that the Ministers he employs be not obnoxious to the Parliament, and as that House of Parliament, which holds the Purse of the Nation, depend, for their Seats there, upon their Electors ; it follows, that the Body of the People have indirectly, or by Progression, a considerable Influence over this undoubted Prerogative of the Crown, the Choice of its own Ministers. Hence arises that Humour of Opposition to Administrations, within and without Doors, whose Language you have learned, and now employ it to persuade this Nation to a Change of the Govern- ment itself. But, Sir, be pleased to reflect, how inconclusive ih^ Arguments must be for your Purpose, suppos- ing them ever so just for working out the Purpose for which they were professedly advanced. Upon the Complaints of my Tenants, whether well or ill founded, I may remove my Steward ; because m that I do no Injustice, and may possibly change for the better and perhaps for the worse ; but I cannot divorce my Wife, or disinherit my eldest ii I 40 AN ANSWER TO Son, because the one goes too often to Play, or the other to the Tavern ; they have a perfect Eight to the respective Relations in which they stand con- nected with me, which for slight Games cannot be dissolved, without the highest Impiety, and most shocking Injustice. And it is for such Causes that you seek to persuade this Nation to rebel against their King now reigning, by hereditary Right ; tho' you complain of Injustice done to your Grandfather by the Nation's expelling him for the many Gapital and Essential Miscarriages above- mentioned. Is not this, Sir, to spy the Mote in the Eye of your Brother, -whilst you are insensible of the Beam in your own ? In Short, Sir, the Title of a King is one thing, and his Behaviour is another ; it is the political Creed of this Nation, " That a King may forfeit his Title by gross Misbehaviour." If this Pro- position be not true, you have no Occasion to tell us of the Miscarriages in the late or present Reign ; but tell us roundly, that how good soever the Governmment has been, it is an unlawful one, and your Father has the only Title. But if this be too gross to be swallowed by this Nation, the other question must be considered in the same Manner, as if all the Issue not only of King JamesXhQ Second, but all the other Issue of King Charles the First, were at this Moment naturally dead, in which case King George the Second would be the Lineal, as well as the Parliamentary Heir of the Royal Family ; and then we should only have to consider, whether there are no7u subsisting such THE PRETENDER, 41 Grievances and Oppressions under his Gox^n- ment, as ought to stir us up to make a Neiv Revolution? A Question so absurd /hat I cou^d almost venture to trust to your own Understandmg for an Answer in the NegcUwe. Thus, Sir, before we proceed to quell by Force the Rebellious Insurrection you have excited, (which I trust in the Goodness of God we shall be able to do) I have been at Pains to convmce myself and my Fellow- Subjects of the Goodness of out- Cause, hy endeavouring to expose the Weakness oi what v./^ have alhdged in Support oi yours ; and I think I have demonstrated, That you promise to Restore what we are already possessed of. That you do not pro?nise in plain and express Terms to pay the Publick Debts contracted smce the Revolution, But expresly threaten to hold the Union of the Kingdoms as dissolved,— 1 hat inconsistently you admit Miscarriages committed by your Grandfather, and Rights and LtOerttes com- petent to the Subjects of this Kingdom, and at the same time assert that his Expulsion ox Abdication was unlawful, and all the Acts of Government invalid for these fifty-seven Years past.-And lastly, when you object Miscarriages \.o the present Government, in order to excite a Rebellion against it, you argue upon the very Primiple of the late Revolution, which you deny ; and in the Apphca- tton of that Principle, argue most unjustly, by labouring to excite a Change of G^ernvunt for Reasons that were perhaps not sufficient to bring about a Change of Ministry, ^'2 AN ANSWER TO THE PRETENDER. And for all these Reasons, you must excuse me, when I subscribe myself as being, in your assumed publick Character, Nov. 5M, 1745- SIR, Your generous Adversary ^ Britannicus. k I A '•), \ a. I b/ % / f ^ /i R" 'I COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 0032254008 I ■■li mn i n i n ||i n ii m i n iii mw iiii'ii j iMni u ) if ■•*#=^''"^tV ••"' •^''t^' •*^*'*i - • *. ■ .'« :-:».sV^ ^-CS-^-'-v |?«t*-*H ;.»,•,»%?«-% ' J« i-i*-' ij>»1^ ..>'ii.V^ ' .V^ !-t^'^ ' '*! ?*'i' «**"** f '41K i i-.t '^.: ii'* t^t