THE AMERICAN QUESTION A Lecture delivered in the Corn Exchange, Manchester , in Answer to the Speeches delivered by the Hon. and Rev. B. Noel, Dr. Massey, and others , in the Free-trade Hall, on June 3rd. Nine-tenths of what was said at that meeting was on the evil of slavery, and calls for no reply; for though most of the stories told appeared to be fictions, and many of the statements made were madly extravagant, it is hardly worth our while to dwell on them, as we are all agreed that slavery is an evil. The superiority of freedom to slavery has never been questioned in Manchester for a generation past, and those who attempt to make an impression to the contrary are chargeable either with the grossest ignorance, or with a base and wicked attempt to deceive their hearers. The question with us, and with the people of England generally, is, not whether slavery is an evil, but in what way, and by what means, we ought to seek its abolition? One party, the party represented by the Chairman and speakers at the Free-trade Hall Meeting, favour the employment of fire and sword, encourage a resort to wholesale massacre, and the most revolting forms of rapine, rape, and ruin. They coun¬ tenance the horrible war which is wasting the American continent, and dishonouring the American nation, and seek to strengthen the hands of the Government that is waging that war,—a Government the most corrupt and tyrannical, the most malignant and incompetent that ever disgraced and cursed a civilised nation. We, on the contrary, favour peaceful and bloodless measures. Our doctrine is, that the proper weapons to be employed in the war with moral and social evils are not carnal, but spiritual weapons; and our conviction is, that weapons of this description, when pro¬ perly employed, are sufficient; that they are not, as our opponents fancy, feeble, but mighty through God, to the pulliug down of the strongholds of evil. We repeat, that this, and this only, so far as slavery is concerned, is the point on which the members of “ The Union and Emanci¬ pation Society” differ from the sober and enlightened por¬ tions of the people of Manchester, and of the English nation at large. One of the clerical speakers at the Free-trade Hall Meeting asked, “Shall we not rebuke slavery?” We answer, rebuke it as freely as you please, and we will join No. III .—Price One Penny. 2 with you in rebuking it; but do not expect us to applaud a more frightful and infernal evil, which has shed more blood, and caused more crime, and inflicted more suffering, a thou¬ sand times over, in two short years, than American slavery has caused from the day it was planted to the present hour. We were asked, “ May we not pray for the slave?” Of course you may. But cannot you pray for the slave with¬ out cursing your brethren? Would you pray to the God of peace and love with your lips, and serve the demon of war and hate with your hands and hearts? “ We propose to address our brother ministers of Ame¬ rica,” it is said. We answer, address them, and welcome; but urge them to peace, and not to war; to gentleness, and not to fury; and advise them to follow Jesus of Nazareth, who went about doing good; and not the roaring lion who goeth about devouring all that come in his way. Do all you please, and all you can, to abate and abolish evil, but do not, under pretence of philanthropy and piety, give coun¬ tenance to a party and a Government the most corrupt, the most despotic, the most false and heartless, and the most Anti-English that ever was raised to power. We were told that those who do not sympathise with Abraham Lincoln and his party are friends to slavery. We answer, we do not sympathise with Abraham Lincoln and his party, yet our hearts and consciences tell us that we are not friends of slavery. We sympathise with the party of peace, and we not only believe and know, but we are pre¬ pared to prove, against the ablest advocates the war party can put forward, that the party of peace is the party of free¬ dom; and that the party which counsels war and servile insurrection are the greatest enemies both of black and white, both of bond and free. The Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel told us that there will be no possibility of emancipation if the South be allowed to become an independent nation. The slaveholders have got their wealth, their power, and their rank by slavery, said he, and how can we expect them to give up so gainful an institution? We answer, is there nothing better in the human heart than love of money, rank, aud power? And even when nothing better is found there, can nothing better be got in? Did the Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel never hear of such a thing as men getting new hearts, or getting the old ones changed? Did he never hear of stony hearts being turned to flesh? Did he never hear of such a book as the Bible; of such a personage as the Prophet of Nazareth; of such a preacher as Paul; of such a thing as 3 the Gospel; or of such a being as God? Will it be news to him when we inform him, that the Gospel has proved the power of God to the salvation of countless multitudes, in¬ cluding even proud and persecuting Priests, and selfish and cruel slaveholders? Will it be news to him when we inform him, that a minister of the English Established Church, under the impulse of Christian feeling, once sacrificed both income and friends, both rank and power, and that the name of that minister was the same as his own, the Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel? Will it offend his pride if we should tell him that there are persons as impressible and as improvable as himself, both among preachers and politicians? Will it be news to him when we inform him, that thousands of ministers have made sacrifices as great as his, and vastly greater, before he was born? And may we venture to tell him, even at the risk of hurting his professional feelings, that clergymen have not the reputation of being the most ready to make sacrifices for righteousness’ sake? May we not inform him, or, if he has heard or read of the matter before, remind him, that slavery has been a source of wealth and rank and power in almost every nation of the earth, and that yet the goodness of the human heart has been such, or the power of truth and moral influences so great, as to in¬ duce those nations, one by one, to abolish the objectionable institution? Is it necessary to remind him, that many in this favoured land of England were slaveholders, and even traders in slaves, and that they derived wealth and power and rank from slavery and the slave trade, and that yet they gave up the traffic in negroes, and knocked off the fetters of the slaves? Is it necessary to remind him, that the Northern States of America held slaves, both black and white, and not only trafficked in the bodies of Africans, and kidnapped Indians, but bought and held in bondage youths stolen from England, Wales, and Scotland; but that yet, in course of time, those Northern slaveholders, kidnappers, and traders in men and women and children, experienced a change, or died, and gave place to a wiser and abetter gene¬ ration, who, without being forced to it by sword and fire, washed their hands of those abominations? Is the Ho¬ nourable and Reverend Baptist Noel a stranger to the history of his race, and to the character and tendency of the religion of Christ? Or does he suppose that the car of progress has stopped; that the work of human im¬ provement has come to a final halt; that truth has lost its might, religion its influence, and God his power? One advocate of this un-English, ferocious, and Anti-Christian 4 “ Union and Emancipation Society ” said at Bacup, that in America Jesus had been dethroned, and Moloch or Beelze¬ bub installed in his place; but is it so? Are the Gates of Hell at last victorious? In the name of God,—in the name of Jesus,—and in the name of insulted and outraged huma¬ nity, we say, NO. As in the days of old, so now, “ Blind¬ ness has happened to a part of our Israel, and to a part of the Leaders of our Israeland if left to themselves, the blind and their leaders might soon be in the ditch; but we have too much regard for them, and too much regard for the honour and happiness of our country, to let them alone. We will give them back their sight, not by bloodletting or burning, but by applying the eyesalve of Gospel truth, and the emollient of Christian charity. Be it known then to the Honourable and Reverend Baptist Noel, and to all his blinded or misguided brethren, that the Lord still reigneth, that truth is still all-powerful. And be it further known, that God is not in the earthquake, the tempest, or the fire; but in the STILL SMALL VOICE. “It is not by might, nor by power, nor by men with garments rolled in blood, that social and moral evils are to be abolished, but by my Spirit, saith the Lord.” One Reverend Gentleman told us that the war in which Lincoln and his party are engaged is God’s work. Such ravings are blasphemous. If wholesale slaughter, if Butler’s reign of terror, if Burnside’s tyranny, if Schenk’s delight in torture, if wholesale robbery and wanton desolation, if lying despatches, if proclamations intended to bring about indiscriminate massacre of men, women, and children, if M‘Neil’s butcheries, if Turchin’s rapes, if Blenker’s rapine, be the work of God, pray tell us what is the work of the Devil? Have the ministers who have taken in hand to plead the cause of the Union and Emancipation Society put darkness for light, and good for evil, and mistaken the demon of malice for the God of Love? And if the armies of Lincoln are the armies of Jehovah, how is it that two of his soldiers fall for one of the enemy? But Lincoln and his party have liberated two or three hundred thousand slaves, we are told. We answer, there are remedies worse than the diseases they are meant to cure; and the Washington war, if meant to be a remedy for slavery at all, is one of that description. The slaves which it has liberated it has, as a rule, liberated into a worse con¬ dition. Many of them have perished: to use the words of one of their liberators, they have been made food for powder. Others have been doomed to dig in the trenches, and serve 5 the army, at the risk of their lives. Others are suffering from want and idleness. A few are working on the plan¬ tations as free labourers, at a dollar or a dollar and a half a month, or from twopence to threepence a day. And for every negro thus emancipated, two white men have been sacrificed, two white wives or mothers made widows or childless, and many hapless children orphans. We repeat it, there are remedies worse than the diseases they are meant to cure, and this is one of the worst of them. “ Did not Jesus die for the negro?” asked one of the Reverend orators. We answer, Jesus did die for the negro; but he did not kill other men, either for the negro or the white man. He offered himself, not others. And he died as a lamb, not as a fury. He raised no mercenary armies; he offered no bounty to vice; he shed no blood; he desolated no homes; he excited no servile insurrection; he encou¬ raged no wholesale, indiscriminate massacre; nor did he in¬ struct his followers to do so. He reproved with meekness; he judged in righteousness. He sought to lift men up, not beat them down. He took the form of a servant, not of a soldier. He was meek and lowly, gentle and holy, peaceful and loving. He knew no sin; he used no guile. Wheu he was reviled, he reviled not again; when he suffered, he threatened not; but committed himself to Him that judgeth righteously. fi We are met in the name of Jesus,” said Dr. Massey. And must that blessed name be used as a cloak for vice and violence for ever? Met in the name of Jesus to encourage hate, and rage, and carnage! Met in the name of the dying lamb, to act the ravenous and roaring lion! Met in the name of love, and peace, and freedom, to enslave or exterminate a nation, and impoverish and afflict two continents! If the name of Jesus has any charms for you,—if his word has any weight with you,—obey his teachings; follow his example. Give yourselves, if ye will, as martyrs and saviours; but stain not your hands with the blood of others. Die, if ye will, but do not kill. Save, if you can, but do not destroy. For the Son of Man came not to destroy men’s lives, but to save them. Attempts were made to excite the passious of the work¬ ing men and their friends by quoting extravagant sayiDgs from a couple of Southern fanatics; but was not Mi. Rylance aware that sayings as extravagant can be quoted in any quantity from Northern anti-slavery fanatics. What does he think of the Rev. Mr. Tilton’s statement, that the only means by which the white races can be made what 6 they ought to be is by each white man taking a negro woman for his wife, and each white woman accepting a negro man for her husband? What does he think of Garri¬ son’s theory of non-resistance,—of his denunciation of human authority, law, and government, as Anti-Christian? What does he think of the extravagance of the men who say that they would rather see the South a desolation, a waste-howling wilderness, than see it a prosperous and in¬ dependent nation; nay, that they would rather “the great globe itself, with all that it inhabit,” were flung from its orbit, and driven to wander darkling through the dreary realms of chaos, than that the Washington Government should miss the pleasure of exercising lordship over the Southern people? If the extravagance of a couple of South¬ erners ought to make it impossible for us to sympathise with the South, what shall we do with regard to the North? The truth is, we shall forgive, or excuse, or tolerate the extravagances of both, and endeavour by gentle counsels and a Christian example to bring both to reason, to justice, and to charity. One of our clerical counsellors quoted the authority of the great and noble Dr. Channing; but Channing coun¬ selled no war for the abolition of slavery. He called for no insurrection of the slaves. He rebuked even extrava¬ gant, violent, and abusive language. Though he did honour to the motives of the Abolitionists, he never could join their party, or sanction their policy, they were eo unspar¬ ing and unmeasured in their censures. As the celebrated divine and eloquent preacher of Boston appears to be re¬ garded by some of our Reverend Lincolnites as an authority, it may not be amiss to quote for them his remarks on the proceedings of the Garrisonian Abolitionists. They are terribly applicable to the Union aud Emancipation advocates of England, and if they fail to check their immoderate aud misguided zeal, we must give them up as lost. In his work on Slavery, this most gentle and loving teacher pronounces the Garrisonian Abolitionists fanatics, says they take too narrow views, and speak and act as if no evil existed but that which they oppose, aud as if n6 guilt could be com¬ pared with that of couuteuaucing or upholding it. “ Their adoption of immediate emancipation as their motto was an error. To hold up the slaveholders as monsters of cruelty and crime, and to endeavour to inflame the excitable with a fiery zeal, aud induce them to seek the subversion of slavery by auy means which may promise speedy results, is not the work of enlightened philanthropists. Endanger the public peace,—put the welfare of the nation in jeopardy,— and the best men in the community must become your oppo¬ nents.” Again he says:—“ The system of agitation adopted by the Abolitionists, has created alarm in the considerate, and strengthened the sympathies of the Free States with the slaveholder. It has made converts of a few individuals, but it has alienated multitudes. Its influence at the South has been wholly evil. It has stirred up bitter passions aud fierce fanaticisms. They have exhausted on the slaveholders the vocabulary of reproach, and have been answered by wilder tones in return; and the cause of freedom and huma¬ nity, instead of being aided, has been injured. They have set down opposition to their 'policy as attachment to slavery. They have gone on the assumption that their own dogmas are the only true faith, and have made their own zeal the standard of a true interest in the oppressed. They have been too belligerent to make friends. The great mass who have refused to take part with the Abolitionists have been governed by pure motives. The fear of a servile war, the dread of political convulsions , a perception of the difficulty of great social changes, a dread of rashness, are the motives which deter them from giving countenance to their violent movements.” It is unnecessary to say how fearfully the events of the last few years have justified the censures of the great Ame¬ rican philanthropist. The civil war in Kanzas, the raid of old John Brown, the extravagant eulogies on the misguided insurrectionist uttered and paraded through the North by Abolition lecturers, the mad extravagance of Wendell Phillips in pronouncing him the best and greatest man that ever lived, the one that died on Calvary excepted, and the public utterance of the horrible wish that from his blood a hundred thousand such invaders of the South might arise, to bring about by fire and blood the glorious revolution he had failed to effect, are fresh in the min Is of many, and the dire effects which have filled the world with grief and con¬ sternation are now before us, and will be mourned for many generations. Another of the Union and Emancipation orators said the Southerners have plunged the country into a bloody war. The facts of the case, however, are simply these. The Southerners, unable to remain in connection with the North¬ erners without a sacrifice of their rights, choose peacefully to secede. They proposed a conference, and sent commis¬ sioners to arrange the terms of a peaceful separation. Their commissioners were insulted by the Northern Government. 8 The Northern Government called for seventy thousand volunteers to intimidate or coerce the Southerners, and war was the result. But the war was the work of the Washing¬ ton Government, and is so still. The South have repeatedly expressed a desire for peace, but the Washington Govern¬ ment insists on unconditional submission, and in this way renders peace impossible. Another minister said the Southerners are trying to tear down the Government of the North. The only answer is, that the statement is utterly untrue,—they simply contend for the right to have a Government of their own. “ The slaveholders say they will perpetuate slavery,” said one. We doubt the statement; but suppose it to be true, what then? The Northerners said they would annex Canada; but they did not. They say they will whip Eng¬ land as soon as they have done with the South; but they will not. Men and Governments have often said that cer¬ tain things should be for ever; but both they and the things which they attempted to make perpetual passed away. And so it will be in the South. All things on earth keep changing, and men change with them. The men who do not change, die, and give place to others; and it was long ago observed that the children are sometimes wiser than their fathers. Truth is eternally at work, changing both laws and institutions, religions and governments. The leaven hid in the meal works on, slowly and silently, till the whole is leavened. And so it will be with slavery. It has had its day in most lands. It will have its day in the Confederate States. But the man who thinks any evil immortal, or who fancies that nothing but his own rash hand of blood can exterminate it, “ errs, not knowing the Scriptures, and the power of God.” Evil is doomed, and Christian truth and love are destined to be its gentle exterminators. The men who attempt to purge the world of sin, and man of folly, by fire and sword, belong to the class who “ know not what they do.” They have a zeal for God and humanity, but it is not according to knowledge. Their hearts may be nearly right, but their heads are fear¬ fully wrong. Though teachers themselves, they have need that some one should teach them the first principles of Chris¬ tian and philosophic truth. And well will it be for them if they discover their error before their hands are stained with blood, or their souls oppressed and tortured with the thought of having aided the destruction of their brethren. PUBLISHED BY BARKER AND CO., 4 , T1IANET PLACE, STRAND, LONDON.