’ . < 'vV F. P. A. Pamphlet No. 39 Series of 1925-26 May, 1926 The Opium Situation IN India Recent Developments ’Prepared by The Opium Research Committee of the Foreign Policy Association NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS EIGHTEEN EAST FORTY-FIRST STREET NEW YORK CITY 181 CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION 4 The World Opium Problem 4 The Position of India at the Geneva Conferences 5 Part I— INDIA’S NEW EXPORT POLICY 7 End of the China Trade 7 Agreements w^ith Importing Countries 7 Import Certificate System 7 Responsibility over Exports 8 Lord Reading’s Statement of Policy 9 Part II— OPIUM CONSUMPTION IN INDIA 12 Position of Government of India on Opium Consumption 12 Position of Indian Opinion on Opium Consumption 13 Analysis of Government Figures for Opium Consumption 13 The Problem in Native States 15 The Problem in Assam 16 Review of Royal Commission of 1893 17 CONCLUSION 18 ANNEXES Annex I — An Indian Critique of the Opium Policy of the Government of India Speech by Dr. S. K. Datta in the Indian Legislative Assembly March 10, 1926 20 Annex II — Speech by Sir Basil Blackett in the Indian Legislative Assembly, March 10, 1926 29 Annex III — Recommendations of the Assam Congress Opium Inquiry Committee.. 32 Annex IV— Opium Policy of the Government of India (Extracts from the official Report of the Indian Delegation, Inter- national Conferences at Geneva, 1924-25) 33 Annex V — Statistics for British India Showing Consumption of Opium per Ten Thousand in Seers for 1922-23 35 Annex VI— S tatements of Indian Opinion at the Second Opium Conference, Geneva, 1924-25 43 Bibliography 44 Map showing Opium Consumption in India 47 The Opium Situation IN India Recent Developments Two developments of great importance to the world prob- lem of opium have taken place recently in India, 1. Export of Opium— (Smoking) The Government of India has served formal no- tice of its intention to retire from the export trade in smoking opium. Early in February the Viceroy of India, Lord Reading, announced that the gov- ernment would progressively reduce its exports of opium so as to eliminate them altogether within a definite period of years, except for strictly medical purposes. In March the Indian Legislative Assem- bly and the Council of State voiced their full ap- proval of the policy announced by the government. 11. Internal Consumption — (Eating) Private investigators in India have uncovered new facts regarding consumption of opium by eating which vitally affect the established policy of the Government of India. The situation revealed by exhaustive surveys in many provincial districts con- trasts sharply with accepted opinions and is calling for fresh consideration of the whole problem and its remedy. This pamphlet is limited to a factual account of the re- cent developments in India, and an explanation of their sig- nificance in relation to the larger question of international control of opium. Part I deals with the new export policy and its immediate background. Part II summarizes the new evidence regarding internal consumption in India.* •Much of the data presented In the section dealing with opium consumption in India was gathered by the Rev. William Paton, Secretary .of the National Christian Council of India, Burma and Ceylon, at the special request of the Opium Research Committee of the Foreign Policy Association. 3 INTRODUCTION I NDIA occupies a prominent position in relation to the international opium problem. She is still the largest exporter of raw opium. She is the largest opium producer except China, where the poppy is grown illicitly in defiance of government edicts. In addition, she is a large con- sumer of her own native grown opium. The World Opium Problem World’s Medical Requirements: approximately 350 tons. World’s Total Production: minimum estimate — 3,500 tons a year. The problem may be briefly put : The world’s medical requirements for opium are approximately 350 tons a year. The total world production is at least ten times this amount. The surplus, anywhere from 3,000 tons up, is used (1) for smoking purposes in the Far East, especially in China and in the British, French, Dutch and Portuguese colonies of the East; (2) for eating, in India, and (3) for illicit trade in the smoking opium markets of the East and the drug markets in the West. Four countries produce the bulk of the world’s opium. Two of these, India and China, produce a low-grade opium used almost entirely for smoking and eating in the East. China’s entire output is illegal; approximately half of India’s output is consumed within her own borders, the remainder is exported on government order for smoking. The other two pro- ducing countries, Turkey and Persia, grow a high-grade opium suitable for manufacture into drugs. This is exported freely without government control. One of them, Turkey, sends virtually all of her opium to Europe, America and Japan for the manufacture of drugs. The other, Persia, sends part of her opium to the West for drug manufacture and part to the East for smoking purposes. Thus, the problem has two distinct phases — the smoking and eating problem of the East, the drug problem of the West. Both aspects of the problem were recognized in the international con- vention signed at the Hague in 1912. Smoking opium was to be progress- ively reduced but the time was left to the governments concerned, i. e., to China and to the colonies of the western powers. Opium eating as it exists in India was not touched by the treaty, but production of raw opium was to be controlled by laws and regulations adopted by the producing coun- tries adhering to the treaty. The traffic in drugs was likewise to be con- trolled by legislation adopted and enforced by the manufacturing and con- suming countries. India through Great Britain’s signature was bound by this Hague Convention. Due to the world war the Convention did not come into effect until after the peace treaties were signed, and it was a year or two later before its provisions were enforced by the different countries. 4 The Position of India at the Geneva Conferences, 1924-25. Somewhat more than a year ago India, together with most of the other principal countries of the world including the United States, par- ticipated at the opium conferences which met at Geneva to extend the pro- visions of the Hague Convention. The story of the conferences has been told before. But the position of India at Geneva is essential to an under- standing of the changes which are taking place today. At the Geneva conferences the United States proposed an agreement : 1. To limit all production to medical and scientific needs. 2. To suppress opium smoking in the East within ten years. 3. To control the traffic in drugs through an international Central Board with powers to review the annual statistics of opium manufacture, import, export, etc. India was only concerned with the first two proposals. As her official position is given in detail in Annex IV it is sufficient here to indicate the high spots. In regard to limiting production to medical needs, India was willing to accept strict regulation of production for export, but she held that production for use in India was a matter of domestic concern. She contended that opium eating was an old established Indian practice, necessary because of the inadequate medical facilities in many country districts. She held further that opium was not subject to abuse in India, that it was “legitimate” under the terms of the Hague Convention, and useful as a remedy for many ills. This was in harmony with the traditional policy of the Government of India. (In 1921 a resolution was submitted to the League Assembly by Wellington Koo calling for an investigation as to the needs of the world on a medical and scientific basis. Mr. Sastri, the Indian member of the Government of India delegation, moved to amend the resolution by replacing the word “legitimate” instead of the phrase “medical and scientific.” “Legitimate” as used in the 1912 Hague Con- vention gave room for the smoking and eating of opium. This incident caused much unfavorable comment among those interested in the pro- gress of opium reform, especially in the United States.*) The representatives of India at the conferences in 1924-25 explained the system of government control on frequent occasions. They stated, first, that production and export of all opium grown in India is under direct control of the central government. The poppy is grown under government monopoly, and the entire output is bought by the govern- ment and transported to a government factory at Ghazipur. Here it is prepared into opium for export, known as “provision opium,” and opium for home consumption, “excise opium”. Export opium is sent only to those governments who certify that it is required for “legitimate” use. (Smoking is legitimate under the Hague Convention.) Indian opium is seldom used for drug manufacture, and hence does not affect the *Mr. Sastri stated his personal attitude on the matter in a recent cable, as follows: “Inquiry proves existence of evil not in rural tracts where it cannot be reached, but in Assam, cities and industrial areas where it should yield to regrulation. Legislatures can be roused to adopt measures and registration and rationing and authorized medical prescription. British India shows steady diminution of acreage under poppy. Indian states must follow good example. Central Government instead of exporting blindly according to foreign govern- ments’ certificates, now refuses where it suspects improper use. Stimulation of world opinion from Geneva therefore attended with beneficial result. Need of concentrating on China greater than ever, else improvement in world position largely illusory.” 5 drug markets of the United States. The strict control of exports by the Government of India has reduced smuggling to a minimum. Second, the opium used in India is sold by the central government to the provincial governments, by whom it is distributed through licensed shops and vendors. Thus, it was pointed out by the Indian delega- tion, control of the use within India is in the hands of the provincial legislatures, and not the central government. Claiming that there was comparatively little smoking within her borders, India maintained that the question of smoking opium must be settled by the governments of the countries concerned. But she stated that she was ready to cut off her exports to any country which did not want opium. At the same time, it must be pointed out that the Government of India was willing to fill the orders of all governments, even though she knew those governments were taking no measures to suppress the traffic in smoking in the spirit of the Hague Convention. So much for the problem and India’s position at the time of the Geneva meetings. The result of the conferences is well known. No agreement could be reached on reduction of production to medical needs. The ten year period for suppression of smoking opium was extended to fifteen years, and made contingent on control of smuggling from China and other producing countries. The United States and China withdrew before the conferences ended, but the other countries completed and signed two treaties, one dealing with smoking opium, the other regulating control of drugs. 6 PART I. INDIA’S NEW EXPORT POLICY— 1926 I NDIA’S decision to stop exporting opium to countries where it is used for smoking purposes is not an isolated event. The new policy an- nounced by Lord Reading, February 9, 1926, before he retired as Viceroy of India, and approved by unanimous vote of both branches of the Legislature on March 18, is a culmination of a series of reforms enacted during the past twenty years. End of the China Trade Unrestricted trade in opium came to an end in 1907 when India agreed to abolish the notorious China trade. Early in the following year the Government of India concluded an agreement with China calling for a reduction of her exports to China by ten per cent each year for ten years pari passu with China’s reduction of poppy cultiva- tion within her own borders. In 1913 China had made such progress in effectively suppressing production that India discontinued her export without waiting for the expiration of the period agreed upon. In cutting off the China trade which had reached vast proportions during the later years of the nineteenth century, India sacrificed an annual revenue of approximately four million pounds a year. Al- though opium production has been revived on a large scale in China since 1917, India has never attempted to renew her opium trade with that country. Agreements With Importing Countries Beginning in 1915 India inaugurated a further check on opium by restricting the Calcutta auctions, where opium had been sold to the highest bidder with no questions asked, and by entering into agree- ments with the governments of importing countries for the direct supply of the bulk of the opium requirements of those countries. In adopting this policy India made the governments ordering her opium directly responsible for limiting their imports to the requirements of the territories under their control, and for the prevention of re- export. But India was still perfectly willing to ignore the fact that gov- ernment orders for smoking opium were increasing, rather than “pro- gressively decreasing” as the Hague Convention required. Import Certificate System The policy of concluding direct agreements with governments was carried a step further after the Hague Convention was generally executed, following the world war. The Convention stipulated that the powers should take measures “to prevent the export of raw opium to ■' 7 countries which have prohibited its entry” and to bring about “the gradual and effective” suppression of smoking opium. When the Advisory Committee on Opium was created by the League of Nations to administer the provisions of the Hague Convention it inaugurated at one of its first meetings a system of import and export certificates designed to strengthen the Convention. This system provided that the governments importing opium or drugs issue a certificate for each consignment ordered, stating that the opium or drugs in ques- tion are required for legitimate purposes. Exporting governments were not to authorize any shipment except on receipt of a certificate from the importing country. The system was approved by the Council and Assembly of the League in 1921 and was put into effect by India and several other countries in 1923. By the following year twenty-nine countries had adopted the plan. Thus at the time of the Opium Conferences in 1925 India had already abolished the trade with China, had restricted the Calcutta auctions and had regulated her exports so that only those govern- ments placing their orders directly or supplying import certificates were authorized to receive Indian opium. Responsibility Over Exports Following the Geneva conferences one more important change in policy was made by India. In September, 1925, the Government of India announced to the Indian Legislature that they were willing to accept a measure of responsibility even for exports covered by certificates of importing governments. That is, they stood ready to prohibit export even where foreign governments furnished a certifi- cate if there was evidence that this opium escaped from government con- trol into the hands of smugglers. At the time of this announce- ment the Government of India had already applied this policy in two cases. Opium was refused to Persia and to Macao, a Portuguese colony in south China, during 1925 despite the fact that the governments of both countries had requested it. According to the spokesman for the Government of India, this policy was motivated by a desire to show the world that India stood ready to carry out her obligations under the Geneva conventions and was prepared to take stringent measures to abolish smuggling of Indian opium in ac- cordance with the protocol attached to the Second Convention.* The situation as it existed following Lord Reading’s announcement this year presented a marked contrast to that existing twenty years ago. The contrast is graphically illustrated in the following table: ‘Paragraph 1 of this protocol provided that opium producing countries “take such measures as may be required to prevent completely, within five years from the present date (1925), the smuggling of opium from constituting a serious obstacle” to the suppression of smoking opium in countries where it is temporarily authorized. 8 Quantity of Indian Opium Exported from British India by Sea, Both on Government and on Private Account to Each Eoreign Country.* Destination Quantity 1905-06 1923-24 China (including Hongkong and Macao) ...6,720,980 lbs. . . 33,600 lbs. . . 34,300 lbs. Straits Settlements (British) ...1,731,520 lbs. 325,500 lbs. United Kingdom . . . 59,780 lbs. East Coast of Africa 1,820 lbs. Mauritius (British) 5,600 lbs. Natal (British) 3,220 lbs. Ceylon (British) . . . 25,060 lbs. Indo-China (French) . . . 70,000 lbs. 379,400 lbs. East Indies (Dutch) ... 107,800 lbs. 126,000 lbs. Australia 9,940 lbs. Persia .. 55,440 lbs. Other ronntries 140 lbs. (including North Borneo, Japan, Siam)... . . . 75,320 lbs. Japan . . 14,000 lbs. Siam . . 229,000 lbs. North Borneo (British) . . 25,060 lbs. Total export ...8,811,040 lbs. 1,217,440 lbs. Lord Reading’s Statement of Policy It is this remaining export of approximately one million pounds a year which India intends to wipe out. The statement as issued by Lord Reading, and later by government members in both branches of the Legislature, leaves no doubt as to the intention of India to elimi- nate the item “Opium” from the export list. Lord Reading said : “My Government have recently had under their consideration the adoption of a new policy regarding opium which is in accordance with the trend of opinion in a number of other countries and also with the views that have been freely expressed in some quarters on different occasions in India. We have very carefully examined the new obliga- tions undertaken by us under Article I of the protocol to the conven- tion of the second opium conference at Geneva to take such measures as may be required to prevent completely, within five years from the present date, the smuggling of opium from constituting a serious obstacle to the effective suppression of the use of prepared opium. “As a result, we have come to fulfill our international obligations in the largest measure, and to obviate complications that may arise from the delicate and invidious task of attempting to sit in judgment on the internal policy of other Governments it is desirable we should declare publicly our intention to reduce progressively the exports of opium from India, so as to extinguish them altogether within a definite period, except as regards the exports of opium for strictly medical pur- poses. The period to be fixed has not yet been finally determined, as *From Statistical Abstract for British India, Fifty-Eighth Number. 9 before arriving at a decision it is necessary to consult the Government of the United Provinces regarding the effects that the resulting reduc- tion in the area cultivated with opium will have on the cultivators in the province.” In the Council of State at Delhi on March 18th, Mr. McWatters moved an official resolution: “That this Council recommends to the Governor General in Council that immediate steps should be taken to give effect to the policy of progressively reducing the exports of opium from India except for strictly medicinal or scientific purposes so as to extinguish them altogether within a definite period.” An identical resolution was introduced the same day by Sir Basil Blackett, the Finance Member, in the Legislative Assembly. It was passed by both houses. Clearly this marks a long step in advance. The new policy was un- dertaken wholly on the initiative of the Government of India but it was fully discussed by the British Cabinet and obviously met with approval in London. The one important question remaining is how long will India take to cut off the export trade. In the official resolu- tions the period of years is left undefined as it is naturally contingent on the substitution of other crops in the opium growing districts and on further agreements with the Native Indian States over which the Government of India ostensibly exercises no control. These Native States which are shown in the map on the last page produce large quanti- ties of opium a part of which is purchased by the government. If the requirements of the Government of India are cut approximately ir. half by elimination of the export trade, it is obvious that purchases from the Native States must be curtailed. Whether or not the Native States will accept a drastic cut in this lucrative source of revenue remains to be seen. Some arrangement, however, must be made with the Native States before complete suppression of the export trade can be brought about. A further factor is the loss of revenue to the Gov- ernment of India which will reach approximately £1,333,000.* This loss, however, will be spread over the period of years during which the exports are being diminished and will be met, according to the government, either by increased taxation or decreased expenditure. What will be the effect of this new policy on the status quo in the East? Referring to the Table of Exports given above, there are seven countries still receiving Indian opium today : Hongkong, Straits Set- tlements, Indo-China, the Dutch East Indies, Siam, North Borneo, and Japan; Persia and Macao have been taken from the list since 1924. The entire supply is used for smoking purposes in the countries re- ceiving it, except in the case of Japan where part is manufactured into drugs and part used for smoking in Formosa. In every case it is ordered directly by the governments, Indo-China, the last country to buy at the Calcutta auctions, having concluded an agreement with India during the past few months. Furthermore, all of the British colonies and most of the other countries listed above draw the great bulk of their opium supply for smoking purposes from India. Under the agreement concluded at Geneva these countries are pledged to •An estimate submitted by Sir Basil Blackett, the Finance Member, in the Legislative Assem- bly. March 18, 1926. 10 suppress smoking opium within fifteen years from the time that pro- ducing countries prevent the danger of smuggling from constituting an obstacle to such suppression. In plain terms, this ambiguous phraseology refers to China and to a lesser degree, Persia. All of the opium smoking countries at the Geneva conferences contended that vast quantities of opium produced illegally in China were smuggled into their markets, preventing effective measures of control. Although China strenuously protested the accuracy of this contention, the opium smoking countries held firmly to their point, refusing to undertake gradual reduction until smuggling had ceased to be an obstacle. With India taking measures to cut off their supply, the smoking countries are faced with the choice of abolishing this use of opium or seeking new markets from which to purchase their supplies abroad. What markets are available? The only remaining legitimate sources are Persia and Turkey. Persia has recently declared her willingness to limit opium production to medical and scientific needs if she is given satis- factory crop substitution. A League of Nations commission of inquiry is now in Persia under the chairmanship of Mr. Frederic A. Delano of Washington and is working on this problem. Despite the fact that Persia has never adopted the import certificate system, and has not controlled smuggling from her gulf ports, it is possible that Persian opium will be curtailed before many years have passed. Turkish opium has seldom been used for smoking purposes, its high morphia content making it peculiarly suited for drug manufacture in Europe and America. Unless the amounts produced exceed those of the past years or unless Turkey seeks the new markets, it is unlikely that there will be a sufficient sur- plus to meet the needs of the smoking opium countries. Neither of these countries, therefore, offers a likely substitute for India as a source of supply. The only remaining source is China where, as we pointed out, the entire crop is illegal. Unless the smoking opium countries are prepared to face the criticism which would be bound to follow any attempt to buy the contraband Chinese supplies, it is dif- ficult to see how they can long continue the traffic. The French, Dutch and Portuguese colonies may perhaps be able to continue for a time by purchasing the Persian opium which is still sold freely in the East. But the British colonies, if they seek to re- place the Indian supply, must face the possibility of severe criticism in the House of Commons. While there is no evidence to show that the Government of India consulted the colonies or the Colonial Office in London before announcing her new policy, it is clear that India, as far as Great Britain is concerned, has shifted the responsibility for suppression of the smoking opium trade directly to the colonies. It is difficult to see how the British colonies can avoid shaping their policy to harmonize with that of India. What the governments of France, Holland, and Portugal will do remains an open question. But as a result of India’s action, public opinion the world over will look to these countries for the termination of the traffic in smoking opium. 11 PART II. OPIUM CONSUMPTION IN INDIA O F equal importance with the question of opium exports is that of opium consumption within the borders of India. But unlike the former it is a purely domestic question for which India alone is responsible. Although opium production in India and the other producing countries was held to be a matter of international concern at the opium conferences in Geneva, it was generally agreed that the use in India was a subject which could be settled by that country alone. Position of Government of India on Opium Consumption The history of opium consumption in India dates back more than three hundred years. When and how the practice of opium eating was introduced in India is not known. But when the British took over political control they found the practice firmly established in rnany sections of the country. They came to the conclusion that pro- hibition was not possible and began building up a system of regulat- ing production and restricting consumption. They adopted the slogan “maximum of revenue with minimum of consumption,” and progres- sively increased the rates with a view to diminishing the demand. It is unnecessary here to trace the various laws and regulations enacted by the Government of India from 1826 until 1893 when a Royal Com- mission was sent to investigate the whole question of opium con- sumption in India. During the thirty odd years which have followed, the Government of India has made the report of the Royal Commis- sion the corner stone of its opium policy. The Commission reported, and the Government of India has steadfastly maintained, “that the opium habit as a vice scarcely exists in India, that opium is exten- sively used for non-medical and semi-medical purposes in some cases with benefit and for the most part without injurious consequences ; that the non-medical uses are so interwoven with the medical uses that it would not be practicable to draw distinction between them, and that it is not necessary that the growth of the poppy and the manu- facture and sale of opium in British India should be prohibited except for medical purposes.” The government has further maintained that opium “is in virtually universal use throughout India as the common- est and most treasured of the household remedies accessible to the people.” They have held that it is taken to avert fatigue, as a prophy- lactic against malaria, and to allay pain in sufferers of all ages ; that in many sections of the country medical practitioners are unavailable and the bulk of the people are dependent almost entirely on opium for relief. Thus the Government of India has maintained that opium is not generally abused and that it fills a “legitimate” need of the people. This was, in effect, the position taken by India at the Hague Con- ference of 1912 and later at the meetings of the League of Nations Advisory Committee on Opium and the International Opium Confer- 12 ences held at Geneva in 1924-25. In explanation of the policy pursued by India the representatives of that country at the Geneva confer- ences presented long and detailed memoranda. These, together with the verbal statements of the representatives of the Government of India, have been summarized in the report of the delegation which we quote in part in Annex IV. Position of Indian Opinion on Opium Consumption During the past few years and particularly in the months immedi- ately following the Geneva conferences, a strong public opinion in regard to opium consumption has developed in India. Evidence of this opinion is clearly reflected in the following important develop- ments : (1) The Debates on Opium in the Legislative Assembly in March 1925 and March 1926. Both discussions, which covered the whole question of production, export and internal use, followed the introduc- tion by Dr. S. K. Datta of a motion to reduce the Demand “Opium” by one hundred rupees. This was merely a nominal reduction put forward in order to bring about a full discussion of the opium problem. It was marked by a strong attack on the policy of the Government of India in which many Indian members took part, and a statement of policy by Sir Basil Blackett, the representative of the government. (2) The Publication of the Assam Congress Opium Inquiry Re- port. The committee was headed by Mr. C. F. Andrews, and was composed largely of Indians. The report has made available much new and valuable material regarding consumption of opium, both by smoking and by eating, throughout Assam. (3) Private and Semi-Official Investigations. These included those made by the National Christian Council of India, Burma and Ceylon, and resulted in fresh evidence regarding opium consumption in many of the provincial districts of India. For purposes of clarity the new information made available as a result of these recent inquiries is treated here as a whole.* By far the most interesting part of this information is that which deals with the relative figures for opium consumption in all the districts of British India. The figures are based on official government statistics for 1922-23. They were presented for the first time by Dr. Datta in the Legislative Assembly in March, 1925. They put an entirely new com- plexion on the whole problem of internal consumption of opium in India. Analysis of Government Figures for Opium Consumption The story told by these figures is graphically presented in the map on the last page. The black spots in Calcutta, in Assam, in parts of the Punjab, and in Burma show where opium consumption is heaviest. The shaded areas indicate where consumption is fairly prevalent, and the white areas indicate where consumption is negligible. Unnamed districts are shaded according to the average of the province, with the exception of Bombay where the rural districts are indicated as falling below the average. •Extracts from the speeches delivered in the Legislative Assembly, together with resolutions adopted by the Assam Congress Inquiry Committee and tables showing consumption in all the districts of British India, are contained in the annexes. 13 To get the full significance of the figures for opium consumption in India, a comparison with the index figure laid down by the Joint Health and Opium Committee of the League of Nations for medical consumption is essential. This index figure, generally accepted as a standard, is 12 lbs. per 10,000 population per annum. That is, the average consumption for medical needs is 12 lbs. a year for each 10,000 of the population. Now the average for the whole of India is 24 lbs., exactly double the League of Nations figure. But this average does not reveal the situation as it actually exists because large sections of the country fall far below the League figure. The greatest difference is shown in the figures of the various provinces and even of the in- dividual districts of each province. Referring to the map, the black spots indicating areas of highest consumption are relatively few. The highest consumption is in Assam where the average for the entire province is 104 lbs. per 10,000 popula- tion. In the Sadiya Frontier Tract on the northern border, with a population of 39,500, the index figure runs up to 474 lbs. The figure for Lakhimpur is 380 lbs., for the Balipara Frontier Tract 272 lbs., Nowgong 346 lbs., Sibsagar 220 lbs., Darrang 212 lbs., and Kamrup 91 lbs. On the other hand in the southern districts the figures range from less than 2 Ihs. in Sylhet to 38 lbs. in Cachar, 42 lbs. in the Naga Hills, and 83 lbs. in the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. In Bengal, adjacent to Assam, the average is 16 lbs., but the figures for practically all of the districts, with the exception of Calcutta and its environs, fall far below the 12 lbs. set by the League. In fact, eleven out of the twenty-seven districts of Bengal show a figure be- low 6 lbs., and eighteen are below 12 lbs. Without exception the districts showing the lowest per capita consumption are rural areas. On the other hand, the figure for Calcutta with its more than one million industrial inhabitants rises to 287 lbs. Following the map south from Bengal through the provinces border- ing on the east coast and north to Bombay on the west coast, one finds black spots marking highest consumption in Balasore, Puri and Cuttack, Ganjam, Godavari, Madras, and the industrial centers throughout Bombay. The figure for Balasore is 110 lbs. while the average for the provinces of Behar and Orissa is only 16 lbs. The figure for Ganjam is 45 lbs., Godavari 134 lbs., Madras 52 lbs., and Bombay 86 lbs. The average for the districts surrounding these points of highest consumption is relatively low, in fact, throughout the larger part of the province of Madras the figures are far below 12 lbs. and opium eating as an evil can scarcely be said to exist at all. In explana- tion of the high consumption in Godavari and Balasore, Dr. Datta has pointed out that large numbers of coolies migrate from these coastal districts to Calcutta, Assam and Burma, where they acquire the opium habit, and on returning continue the practice of eating. In the province of Bombay the average figure is 44 lbs. with Panch- Mahals 125 lbs. The points of highest consumption are the cities of Bombay 86 lbs.. Broach 102 lbs., Hyderabad 104 lbs., Karachi 93 lbs. and Ahmedabad 89 lbs. with large industrial populations. The rural dis- tricts, particularly in the south, show relatively low figures. In the northern provinces of the Punjab, North Western Frontier Province, and the United Provinces, the average is fairly high. The 14 figure for the Punjab is 24 lbs. with the points of highest consump- tion in Ferozepore 120 lbs., Lahore 80 lbs., Amritsar 43 lbs., Ambala 53 lbs. and Ludhiana 98 lbs. The average for the Lfnited Provinces is just over the 12 lb. figure set by the League of Nations. Most districts in the United Provinces fall below this. The lowest have an index figure of 2 lbs. The highest figures in the United Provinces are Benares 64 lbs., Cawnpore 58 lbs. and Lucknow 39 lbs. It is interesting to note the low average of the United Provinces in view of the fact that practically all of the opium in British India is grown here. The North Western Frontier Province shows an average of 20 lbs. with the district of Peshawar 40 lbs., the highest point. Baluchistan has an average of 12 lbs., and Ajmere-Marwara shows a figure of 105 lbs. which is significant in view of its proximity to the states of Rajputana where the opium habit is established. In the Central Provinces and Berar the average is 32 lbs. which is higher than the surrounding provinces. Many districts, however, fall below the League figure, while the points of highest consumption are Badilana 70 lbs., Akola 66 lbs., Amraoti 60 lbs., and Balaghat 46 lbs. The lowest figure is in the district of Damoh where the consump- tion is 6 lbs. The average for Burma is 57 lbs. This province, with a large Chinese population, is the only one in British India where most of the districts conform reasonably to the average. Three districts show figures be- low 20 lbs., eight below 60 lbs., and thirteen between 60 and 100 lbs. The points of highest consumption are Katha 111 lbs., Tavoy 130 lbs., Rangoon 218 lbs., and in Mergui, where the large tin mines are located, it is 294 lbs. The Problem in Native States The above figures cover all of the provinces of British India. There remain the Native States: Kashmir, Nepal and Bhutan on the north, Rajputana and the Central India Agency in the interior, and Hydera- bad, Mysore and Travancore in the south. These states are not under direct control of the Government of India and consequently no figures are available showing either production or consumption. A certain quantity of the opium produced in the Native States, however, is pur- chased by the Government of India under agreements with the separate states, and precautions are taken against smuggling into British India.* What is the conclusion to be drawn from these figures for opium consumption within British India? In the first place it is clear that the abuse of opium is rare in a large part of India. Opium addiction as such does not exist in many sections of the country. At the same time the traditional defense made for the existing policy by the Gov- ernment of India, namely, that opium is necessary as a household remedy in view of the scarcity of medical assistance in the rural dis- tricts, cannot be maintained in the face of the new evidence, which we have just summarized. For it is precisely in the urban districts and in the large industrial centers, where medical assistance is readily •See page 10. 15 available, that opium consumption is highest. Leaving out Assam, the points of highest consumption are confined almost entirely to the cities. Furthermore, contrary to the statements repeatedly made by representatives of the Government of India, opium smoking as well as opium eating exists as an evil in certain sections, notably Assam. The Problem in Assam This brings us to the far reaching investigation of the opium prob- lem in Assam, the results of which are embodied in the Assam Con- gress Opium Inquiry Report. This document is indispensable to those who wish to study the problem exhaustively. It contains detailed and accurate information together with many practical suggestions which reflect the most progressive Indian opinion. The situation in Assam differs from that in the other provinces in British India in that opium smoking as well as opium eating is found among the Assamese race and the neighboring hill tribes. Addiction is not prevalent among the Indian population, which is in a distinct minority. The Assamese race has a large mixture of Mongolian blood in its veins. Although it is scarcely true that only the Mongolians become opium addicts, nevertheless the fact remains that an extremely high percentage of the Assamese are addicted to opium. The Govern- ment of India through the Excise Department has for many years maintained the policy of “maximum of revenue with minimum of con- sumption.” The Assam Congress Committee’s Report, however, shows that while the retail price of opium has been increased year by year consumption has shown no material reduction. For example, the price of opium in 1874 was 22 rupees per seer, which was increased to 65 rupees per seer in 1924. At the same time opium consumption in Assam was 1874 maunds in 1875 and 1614 maunds in 1920-21. “In spite of this steady rise in the price of opium,” the committee reports, “We have already seen that from 1881 to 1921 the consumption merely wavered, now going up and now going down according to the pros- perity or adversity of the season. So neither the decrease in the num- ber of shops, nor the raising of the price of opium, nor the change in the method of licensing, had any appreciable effect on the consumption of opium in the Assam villages and among the Hill tribes.” Since 1921 there has been a marked reduction in the amount of opium consumed by the Assamese. This is undoubtedly due, however, to the influence of the temperance movement which Gandhi started throughout the length and breadth of India about this time. As Mr. C. F. Andrews points out, “within six months of Mahatma Gandhi’s visit to Assam, when he took up opium reform decisively, the consumption dropped suddenly by 22 per cent.” The situation, how- ever, still remains critical and the Assam Congress Committee in its recommendations suggested drastic steps to eradicate the evil. The committee suggested (1) that the sale of opium should be ultimately limited to medical and scientific needs; (2) that all addicts above the age of forty should be registered and put on a limited ration ; (3) that addicts under forty should be dealt with as medical patients; and (4) that these changes should be carried out within the next five years after which opium should be placed on the list of poisons under the dangerous drug act. No official move has been taken by the 16 Government of India or the Assam Government in regard to the recommendations of the committee. Nevertheless, the findings of the committee are so far reaching that the government will sooner or later be forced to give its full attention to the situation. Review of Royal Commission of 1893 To return to the opium problem throughout British India; As a result of these revelations both in Assam and the other provinces, Indian leaders interested in opium reform have been demanding a thorough-going review of the findings of the Royal Commission of 1893. Following the conferences in Geneva, Dr. Datta, in the debate in March, 1925, asked that the Government of India appoint a repre- sentative all-India commission of inquiry to examine the situation in the light of the new evidence available. The Government of India at that time replied that the question of reduction of opium consumption within the borders rested with the local governments. The new con- stitution for India which came into effect in 1921 had made the sale and distribution of opium in all provinces, with the exception of Assam, a “transferred subject;” that is, a subject over which the local governments through their representative legislatures exercised con- trol. The Government of India maintained that the initiative for reduction of consumption should come from the provincial govern- ments themselves. Sir Basil Blackett, speaking in the Legislative Assembly in reply to Dr. Datta, stated that “the Government recently circularized the local governments in regard to this question. Attention was drawn to some prima facie evidence which has been produced by some investigators of the abuses of opium in various districts and the local governments have been asked to re-examine the question and to consult with the Government of India by what means, whether by some special inquiry or by another committee, the problem should be dealt with.” Sir Basil Blackett went on to say that in his own opinion there was a good deal to be said for an inquiry. He was not in a position, however, to promise that such an investigation would be forthcoming. In March of this year Dr. Datta again asked the Government of India what it intended to do in regard to a nation- wide investigation and what had been the result of the correspond- ence with the local governments. Sir Basil Blackett replied that “the opinion of the local governments does not suggest that they think that there is any occasion for a new general inquiry.” He went on to say that there was no reason for a revision of the conclusions of the Royal Commission Report. He said that he was not in a position to say what further steps the Government of India would take, but he intimated that there did not seem to be any great probability that a new inquiry would be undertaken. Thus to summarize briefly, the Government of India still bases its policy on the obsolete report of the Royal Commission and holds to its contention that the local governments have power to solve the problem if they so desire. That the local governments have not taken advantage of this power must be conceded. It can scarcely be said that many Indian leaders in the provincial legislatures have taken any great interest in opium reform. On the other hand, the Government of India has done little to assist the local authorities. 17 Although legally the initiative may lie with the provincial governments, yet morally the responsibility for leadership in working out what in many districts is a real social evil, lies with the Government of India. Nevertheless, Indian opinion is generally awakening to the impor- tance of the opium problem. In June, 1924, the All-India Congress Committee unanimously declared “the opium policy of the Govern- ment of India is altogether contrary to the moral welfare of the people of India and other countries. The A. -I. C. C. is further of the opinion that the people of India would welcome the total aboli- tion of the opium traffic for purposes of revenue and is also of the opinion that the production of opium is out of all proportion to the medical requirements of India.” In 1925, the National Christian Council published a valuable report containing resolutions adopted by many Indian organizations and evidence given by the members of the Indian Medical Service, missionary doctors, educators and Indian private practitioners. This report which was presented at the Opium Conferences at Geneva a year ago reflected clearly the strength of Indian opinion on opium. Furthermore, the demand for a new government inquiry, which we mentioned above, is being sup- ported by a growing number of influential Indian leaders. In conclusion, the problem of internal consumption as it exists today may be briefly summarized as follows : There are certain black spots in British India where opium addiction is extremely high. These areas have been clearly defined. They have been brought to the attention of both the Government of India and the local govern- ments. The groups in India advocating opium reform, including the mis- sionary groups, the All-India Congress Committee and prominent political leaders are advocating that the Government of India and the provincial councils undertake a fresh inquiry into the cause and the effects of opium consumption in India. Their method of bringing about reduction to medical and scientific needs is by first eliminating the exceedingly high consumption which still exists i^ certain restricted areas. If consumption throughout India can be brought down to the figure set by the League of Nations’ committee as an average for medical purposes the problem will be virtually solved. CONCLUSION In considering both aspects of the Indian opium question — export and internal consumption — much progress can be seen. One advance can be credited to native Indian leaders, one to the Government of India sup- ported by Indian opinion. The analysis of the government figures of opium consumption result- ing from the study initiated by the Opium Research Committee of the F. P. A. clarifies the reason for some of the divergence between native Indian opinion and that of the Government of India. Government officials had before them averages for the provinces as a whole, and an average for all India. These averages, many claimed, did not show widespread addiction. The Indian people themselves knew from first hand ex- perience, however, that there was grave abuse of opium in India. These two statements seemed irreconcilable and resulted almost inevitably in charges of inaccuracy and bad faith from both parties to the controversy. 18 The facts as shown in the map accompanying this pamphlet make clear how misleading are averages for provinces in view of the “black spot” situation. We believe that this analysis which had not before been brought to the attention of the government nor was generally known to Indian leaders, points the road to the solution. This can be accomplished only by an aroused and active public opinion among the Indians, expressed through action by the Provincial Legisla- tures, and a sympathetic support by the Government of India to all effort toward this end — a support pledged by Lord Hardinge in the Assembly of the League in 1923. It is indeed encouraging to be able to conclude by emphasizing the great advance that the new export policy of India signalizes in spite of the uncertain position of the Indian Native States. Not since the cessation of the China trade has there been the promise of such a great forward sweep in the line of attack against both the smoking of opium, which was declared an abuse in the Hague Convention in 1912, and also against that common enemy of society, the opium smuggler. His extinction in the East can surely be glimpsed, though still somewhat remote ! With the establishment of the Central Board of Control as outlined in the treaty of the Second Conference at Geneva, 1925, his confederate in the western world, who manufactures excessive amounts of opium deriv- itives and smuggles them not only through Europe and America, but also to the East, will perforce heed the handwriting on the wall. HELEN HOWELL MOORHEAD WILLIAM T. STONE We wish to acknowledge our debt to all those who by their candid criticism and constructive suggestions have helped us prepare this study. We are particularly indebted to Professor Joseph P. Chamberlain, Head of the Legislative Drafting Research Department, Columbia University; the Reverend William Paton, Secretary of the National Christian Council of India, Burma and Ceylon; and the Reverend A. L. Warnshuis, Secre- tary of the International Missionary Council. The attached map was prepared for this pamphlet by Elizabeth Batterham of the F. P. A. staff. 19 ANNEX I AN INDIAN CRITIQUE OF THE OPIUM POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA Speech by Dr. S. K. Datta in the Indian Legislative Assembly, March 10, 1926 OlIR, I propose a small reduction of Rs. 100 to call attention to the opium policy of the Government of India. At the very outset I feel I ought to congratulate the Government of India on the bold step that they have taken in restriction of the export trade. Our debate of last year, I may say, was not wholly useless. I know it is an un- gracious thing on the other hand to look a gift horse in the mouth. I think I will take the risk of doing that, not for the satisfaction of the Government Benches, but possibly for the satisfaction of those who be- lieve in a theory of economic determinism. Sir, the interesting fact in regard to the cultivation of Indian opium has been the rise in the cost of production. Between the years 1913 and 1914 the cost of production of a chest of opium was Rs. 632. Between 1922 and 1923 the cost has ■ risen to Rs. 1,270 a chest. In other words, the cost of manufacturing a chest of opium has more than doubled. What are the reasons for this rise in price ? The Government began to discover that they could not get the cultivator to grow the poppy on the old terms. That was a cardinal feature in the situation. Mr. C. D. Wild, the Opium Agent at Ghazipur, on 18th January, 1921, wrote: “The season was again an unfortunate one for the crop. . . . the yield was disappointing. This misfortune was accentuated as wheat, the chief com- peting crop, did not suffer and gave excellent results. “The thanks of the Department are due to Mr. H. Young and Pandit Champa Ram, Special Managers, Court of Wards, for their assistance in inducing the men on their estates to engage for poppy. Quite an appreciable area was obtained through their help.” I wonder whether these excellent gentlemen were remembered in the Honours List. We also find the Secretary to the Board of Revenue in the United Provinces, Mr. C. L. Alexander, writing on 3rd March, 1921: “As the previous year had been an unfortunate one and cultivators were in need of money, it might have been expected that settlement would have been obtained without difficulty for the full area required; but the area fell short by 16.15 per cent. ... an average return of Rs. 33.1 per bigha. . . . falls very short of the profit obtainable for the cultivation of wheat, the competing crop. . . . It is satisfactory that the price of opium has been raised again, and will in future be Rs. 15 per seer. The Board hope that this will lead to a fuller area being obtained next year.” 20 The price given to the cultivator was raised from Rs. 7-8-0 to Rs. 15. But this factor must have had an immediate effect on the price of opium in the Far East, that is the Indian monopoly or non-monopoly opium in the Far East. There was another factor also at work in putting up the price of opium in the Far East, and that was exchange. If you consider the rates between India and Hongkong, it is clear that 100 dollars equalled in 1919, Rs. 215 and in 1920-21, Rs. 257. Then it dropped to Rs. 218, 181, 169 3/16 and in 1924-25 to Rs. 165 5/8. In other words, more dollars were required to purchase the same quantity of Indian opium and the price of Indian opium in the Far East was raised. There was also a third factor to which much attention was paid last year, though unfortunately the results were not considered. As I read the debates at the Geneva Conference, whenever China was mentioned the represen- tative of the Indian Government passionately denounced the smuggling of Chinese opium into the other parts of the Far East. I did not then quite realize why there was so much heat in the controversy. Again in the proceedings at Geneva there was another thing to which my atten- tion was directed. The representatives of certain European States re- ferred to monopolies and high prices. The innuendo was that the British Government’s determination on an opium monopoly was to in- sure a high price and thus obtain a very substantial profit from the sale of Indian opium. What had happened was this. Chinese opium was getting round. The price of smuggled Chinese opium ruling was some- thing like one-quarter or one-sixth of the price of Indian opium. The tendency of Indian prices had been upwards ; the tendency of Chinese opium prices had been, on the other hand, downwards. In other words, the Indian Government was losing its Far Eastern trade. A few weeks ago (early this Session) I asked the Honourable the Finance Member for certain statistics. I asked him what amounts of opium were sold at the auction sales in Calcutta. In 1922, 2,790 chests were offered for sale and 2,500 were sold. In 1923, 3,150 chests were offered and 3,000 were sold. In 1924, 3,000 were offered and 2,240 were sold. In 1925, 3,000 were offered and 1,155 were sold. Now the curve of sales of the Indian product, at least through auctions, has decreased. The Honourable Sir Basil Blackett; Does the Honourable Mem- ber realise that that is entirely because we were making direct agree- ments ? Dr. S. K. Datta ; Direct agreements ? The quantities thus sold have also dropped, and may I inquire why the amounts offered at the auctions remained almost constant? The Honourable Sir Basil Blackett: We were cutting them. Dr. S. K. Datta: There was also another factor in the situation which probably influenced the Indian Government in its decision not to continue this diminishing trade, and that was the possibility of a League of Nations Inquiry Committee. The League of Nations said they were going to send out a committee to see whether there was smuggling of opium in countries where opium is produced, and whether proper regu- lations are in force to prevent smuggling from those countries. Now, I do not know if that was a reason, but on looking into the facts I wonder whether that was not also a factor in the situation. However, 21 the great thing has been achieved. We have at least been told that a complete extinction of the foreign traffic has been decided upon and that in itself is a tremendous gain and a step for-ward. Now, Sir, I turn again to the debate held in this House a year ago. It centered round the internal consumption of opium. In that debate the Honourable the Finance Member used the following words, which, to my mind at least, constitute a distinct pledge to this House. He said : “But I can say for myself that my own view coincides entirely with that given by Mr. Cosgrave and I think that, unless strong reasons exist, which I do not know of, some kind of inquiry to review the conclusions of the Commission of 1923 may be very desirable. I see no objection to it. But I say I am not in a position to go further because we have not yet received the replies of the Local Governments.” Now, what has been done? On several occasions Members of this House have interpellated the Honourable the Finance Member regard- ing this inquiry into the internal consumption of opium in India. What has been the result? We have been told that the matter is still being considered, or the Local Governments were being consulted. On the 27th of January of this year the Honourable the Finance Member said that the replies of the Local Governments to the reference of the Gov- ernment of India regarding the consumption of opium in India have been received and are now under careful examination. He said that he was not in a position to make any further statement at present. I won- der how far these efforts have gone. In the month of May — I think it was two months after the debate in this House— I was told by the Secretary of the National Qiristian Council that he had addressed one of the Local Governments regarding this matter. He told the Local Government that the Honourable the Finance Member had made a par- ticular statement in this House regarding a re-inquiry into the problem of the internal consumption of opium and he asked the Local Govern- ment what their attitude would be with regard to an inquiry of this kind, or rather he commended an inquiry of this kind to the Local Govern- ment. The reply of the Local Government was that they never heard about this debate and they did not know that the Honourable the Finance Member had made a statement regarding opium. They asked the Secre- tary of the National Christian Council to supply them with a copy of this debate. Now, Sir, I do not know how it happened. It may per- haps be a mere accident. I would, however, like to know what has exactly been done and where do we stand with regard to this inquiry. What did we ask for last year? It was this: “An examination of the general policy of Government which, so far, has been based on the Report of the Royal Commission on Opium of 1893 to 1895.” Now, Sir, some points were put forward regarding the cultivation of opium crop under the system of advances. I have already read out some extracts from official documents regarding certain features of the culti- 22 vation of the opium crop. When we spoke last year on this subject, we referred the Government to the question of an inquiry into the problem of illicit traffic and I believe that I quoted what was then the evidence of the Excise Commissioner of the United Provinces Government which he gave before the Taxation Inquiry Committee. Today we are also in possession of the Report of the Taxation Inquiry Committee. Their views are still more emphatic. With regard to the cultivation of opium they say: “The cultivation of poppy, though now restricted in British India to a single province, is carried on there in as many as 29 districts. This large dispersal of it coupled with the enormous temptation to the smugglers which results from the high rates of duty makes it exceedingly difficult to ensure that all the opium is brought into the factories.” This is what we suspected. They go on : “And it seems to be desirable to secure a large concentration of cultivation even if this results in an increase in expenditure.” We also referred last year to the illicit traffic from Malwa. I now ask Government whether it is a fact that the Excise Department of the Central India Agency was asked to report on this feature? If so, with what results? Has there been a report on this matter or not? An- other feature of the illicit traffic is the enormous amount of opium that finds its way into the smoking dens of Calcutta. We are told, Sir, that opium is under a strict control. But I would ask the Honourable the Finance Member to visit an opium den in Calcutta when he next goes there and see how that strict control is being maintained. If you go to one of these Chinese clubs you will find people with their pipes, as also a boy who attends to them to whom they pay a sum of 8 annas for the “prepared opium.” The boy is constantly bringing in opium for them and thus they can go on for the whole night; an unlimited quantity of opium is evidently available in spite of the fact that its sale is supposed to be under restriction. This shows that there is need for a most search- ing inquiry. So much for the illicit traffic of opium. Let us now turn to another feature of opium, as commented upon by the Royal Commission, namely, the medicinal uses of opium. We have been told that opium to the country at large is necessary for medicinal purposes. Last year it was pointed out in the debate that, as a matter of fact, the highest percentage of consumption of opium was in areas where medical relief was available and lowest in remote district areas. But evidence is accumulating and has been accumulating for the last 30 years as to the medicinal use of opium. The Royal Commission itself said that the matter ought to be investigated. Probably at the back of somebody’s mind when that recommendation was drafted was the idea that certain scientific researches had been undertaken but the results were not then known. That was in 1895. But in 1898 the first re- searches of the Pasteur Institute became available to the public. In Metchnikofif’s laboratory in the Pasteur Institute in Paris experiments were made by a number of scientists. The results of these experiments 23 are highly interesting. They appeared in English in a book entitled “Immunity in Infectious Diseases” published by the Cambridge Uni- versity Press : “It is possible to immunize guinea pigs against cholera, unless treated with opium.” The reason is perfectly clear. The narcotic effect on the phagocytes of opium retards their defensive functions. Here in India we have a confirmation of this from Sir Leonard Rogers, at one time Professor in the Calcutta Medical College. He is emphatic in his denunciations. He says that in cholera the retention of toxins formed by the cholera vibrio and resulting uraemia is often brought out by the use of opium. As to dysentery, malaria and kala-azar there is recent medical evidence in- corporated in the report on Opium in Assam by Special Committee of the Indian National Congress which makes it clear that opium is useless in these conditions. This has been confirmed by eminent authorities such as Manson and others. With regard to malaria as far as I can see, according to present day medical science, there is not an iota of evidence that it is either curative or a prophylactic. We also know that opium itself produces a peculiar kind of diarrhoea in opium eaters. In June of last year the Government of Assam made a public report on the opium position. The report was written in 1913, and the Committee was presided over by the Honourable Mr. Botham. In the report the following passage appears : “Another garden in which large opium consumption and unhealthiness go hand in hand is the Namsing division of the Jaipur Tea Company. The Manager says, ‘The garden is on the ‘black list’ and I put down the whole cause to opium.’ ” Opium, it is true, has a certain important value, but hardly any of those which were given to it by the Report of the Royal Commission of 1893. The next point on which we seek investigation- — and more and more evidence is being accumulated in regard to this — regards the effect of opium on children. We observe a very high infantile death rate in the city of Bombay. In the industrial areas in Bombay it was, in 1917, 410 per thousand, in 1918, 590 per thousand, in 1919, 552 per thousand, and in 1921, 667 per thousand. Take another industrial city, Ahmedabad. We have no figures for 1917-18, but in 1919 the death rate of infants under one year was 363 per thousand, in 1920, 360 per thousand and in 1921, 348 per thousand. We know that this higher death rate is not wholly caused by opium, but there is a considerable drugging of children with opium, and it is probably a contributive factor. This is another matter which we desire to see investigated. Now, Sir, the Government of India, or rather the Local Governments of India are completely unable to make up their mind whether they should treat opium as they treat alcoholic liquor on the one hand or as a poison on the other, and this is demonstrated by the dilemma in which 24 the responsible departments find themselves. A few months ago the Bengal Government published in the Calcutta Gazette draft rules which they had made under the Indian Poisons Act, for the control of par- ticular poisons. Under those rules, they classified poisons under three heads. Schedule A, Schedule B and Schedule C. The most potent poisons were placed in Schedule A, the less potent in Schedule B and the least potent in Schedule C. Rules were made under Schedule A foi the sale of drugs included in it. First these drugs must be sold by licensed chemists, secondly, if anyone purchases these drugs he must give his name and address, and possibly also sign the chemist’s poisons register, or put his thumb mark. The particular bottle in which the drug is given out must have a particularly coloured label wkh the word “Poison.” It must also bear the name of the chemist who dispensed it, and the chemist has discretion, if he does not know the person, to refuse to give the drug at all. Now classified with prussic acid and other potent poisons I find opium included. Opium and its derivatives were placed in Schedule A as being dangerous poisons. On the other hand the rules exclude “excise opium” which is exempted. A respect- able person, that is to say, a person of intelligence and education, who knows what a poison is, is the sort of person who usually goes to a chemist shop and asks, say, for Chamberlain’s Cough Cure, or for some more or less innocuous patent medicine with a minute quantity of opium in it. The precautions prescribed by Schedule A for the sale of these drugs are applied. On the other hand the ignorant labourer enters an excise shop and buys 3 tolas of opium, enough to poison himself and his whole family, but no such precautions are taken. Government will have to make up its mind whether they are going to consider opium as a poison or not. Now, Sir, some time ago I asked questions of the Army Department with regard to the use of opium. The questions and the replies of the Army Department were as follows ; “(a) Are Government aware that during the late War opium was issued by the Supply and Transport to certain Indian personnel when on active service ? (b) If so, will Government state under what conditions was this done? (c) Will Government place the instructions permitting this practice on the table of the House? (d) Will Government state whether these instructions are still in force, and, if so, is Government prepared to abolish them?” The answers to these questions were as follows : “(a) Yes. (b) It was supplied as a ration on payment to opium eaters only, at the rate of 20 grains a man per day. (c) and (d) The issue of opium on the scale mentioned is provided for in the ‘Supply and Transport Manual (War).’ These instructions are still in force, but the Manual is to be revised shortly, and the question will then be examined whether the issue of opium as a ration article on payment should be continued or not.” 25 May I compare that with the practice of certain other European Powers who have possessions in the East. The Dutch will not admit to their mili- tary services any person addicted to opium. Indeed many medical officers themselves have held that the inclusion in the Indian Army of personnel who had formed the habit of eating opium was a very great mistake, and as a matter of fact such people on active service were of little use. Now since the debate held in this House two very important docu- ments have come into our hands. The first is the Taxation Committee’s Report and the second is the Assam Congress Committee’s Report on Opium. Now, Sir, what were the conclusions of the Taxation Commit- tee? I do not know whether my friend Mr. Lohokare has read that Report. Here are some of the conclusions: “(1) The Ghazipore Factory is carrying a stock which is out of all propor- tion to its present issues and which represents a very large lock-up of capital. (2) In the second place a recommendation is made that future issues of opium should be in pill form for the following reasons : (a) Less labour for the retailer. (b) The pill form will protect the poor against adulteration ; (c) The large cakes in which opium is now supplied to the retailer is an aid to theft and hence illicit traffic.” The Report further recommends that there should be an equality of price, one rate of excise of monopoly price for continental India ; we would thus be able to speak about “national opium.” The Report fur- ther condemns the present auction system and says: ‘‘On the other hand the steady pressure that is being exerted towards limi- tation of issues to those for medical use and the extension to Assam of the policy for registering consumers suggests the desirability of introducing some- thing in the nature of official vend.” Now, Sir, what, may I ask, is to be the attitude of Government to these particular proposals? The second important document is the Assam Congress Committee Report. One of the most valuable things that the Congress Committee’s Report did was to republish extracts from the Botham Report, which the Government, after 12 years, made public last June. The Com- mittee reported in 1913 but the Government has refused publication of that report until last year. Now the Botham Report says regarding the consumption of opium in Assam: ‘‘Among those who take opium only (non-medical), consumption in the form of smoking is almost universal to this extent that almost all smoke in the first instance and only take to other forms of consumption after they have become confirmed opium takers. . . . On this point the evidence is unani- mous and conclusive. ‘‘Over the five districts, half would be a moderate estimate of the propor- tion of those now smoking to the total number of consumers.” 26 I believe it was suggested even as late as last year to this House that opium smoking was unknown in India. Sir, the Congress Committee Report makes other statements. It seems that the original peoples of Assam are being affected in larger numbers, and that even the labour force in Assam, which is non-Assamese, itself is being affected, I am particularly interested in one community, a very fine Assamese com- munity, the Khasis. I see from the evidence given by the representa- tive of the Khasis in the Assam Council, the Reverend Mr. Roy, — a definite statement is given that the Khasis, this fine race of people, is becoming infected with the opium habit. Now, Sir, these are the points to which I directed attention last year and I have brought them for- ward again. I do not know what attitude the Local Governments are taking towards the problem, but I hold that this ought to be a matter of supreme concern. You will never get an effective opium policy until we have a united policy for all India, and until that is done, the prob- lem cannot be solved. In all the world there is a rising tide of opinion against the non-medical use of opium and legal restrictions against such use of opium are more stringent than ever before. Does the Indian Government mean to suggest such precautions are useless ? I pointed out in a debate in this House some time ago that the habit was known in England in the early 19th century. We are told for example about the industrial population of the County of Leicester in a Home Office Re- port that these people were too poor to go to church or to indulge in alcohol, and then we are informed that “the druggist is their publican ; they buy opium for themselves and laudanum for their children.” That was once the condition in industrial England, but with the passage of the Pharmacy Act of 1858 opium was classified as a poison, and no one was permitted to sell it except under a strict license. Thus opium as an intoxicant disappeared from England. All civilized countries im- pose restrictions on the sale of opium. We sometimes assert that it is necessary to the Indian people. I was in that comparatively prosperous Indian colony of Fiji. The Government of Fiji absolutely prohibit the use of opium by any one in the Island, including Indians. Further, even when facing new problems such as come to the British Empire, action has been taken against opium. I think of the work of that great admin- istrator Sir Hugh Murray, Lieutenant-Governor of the Australian Colony of Papua off the north-east corner of Australia. Papua is a dependency of the Australian Commonwealth, the welfare of whose indigenous in- habitants has been undertaken by the Australian people. I have just read through the labour laws of Papua. One is impressed by the fact that administration is carried on in the spirit of trusteeship. Now, Sir, among the labour laws for Papua (I have a copy here, but shall not read extracts), I was reading that the sale to the natives of three kinds of articles are prohibited, alcohol, fire-arms and opium, except under permit. The law allows a permit for alcohol, the law may allow a permit for fire-arms, but there is no provision made for a permit for opium. Furthermore the law lays down that a native may not carry, even as a transport bearer, a consignment of opium from one part of the country to another. If a European firm consigns fire-arms, a native may transport the passage, but the law prevents the carriage of opium across the island by one of these people. Surely there must be some- 27 thing which has made nations all over the world take this drastic action against opium. Sir, life is cheap in India, very cheap, and I can quite understand the administrator being appalled by the problems which con- stantly arise. But the problem of opium does not stand out singly; it is intertwined with other problems such as the extension of medical relief in this country, the raising of the standards of the people. Sir, if this Executive Government has so far failed to rule by consent of the people, at least in this matter let them act as trustees and go forward, making their plans for the suppression of this traffic in opium. We ask nothing more than permission to co-operate with the Government in laying down a policy with regard to opium that will be satisfactory to all parties concerned. 28 ANNEX n Speech by Sir Basil Blackett in the Indian Legislative Assembly, March 10, 1926 S IR, Dr. Datta has given us a very interesting speech; I always listen with very great interest when he talks to us about opium. He has covered a great deal of ground and I do not propose to attempt to follow him. So far as export is concerned, we shall have a debate I hope very shortly, when the Resolution which is being brought forward by the Government of India in regard to the further restriction of our exports comes forward for the approval of this House. As regards that, I think Dr. Datta was extremely ungenerous and tried to invent out of his own mind all sorts of motives for the Government of India in bringing forward an action, the reasons for which are perfectly clear. They entered into an international engagement in 1912 and a further international engagement recently, and they have the choice be- tween the course they now propose and that of exercising that inter- national engagement in a way that will bring them somewhat un- pleasantly into conflict with the policy of other Governments. They felt that they would have to set themselves up to some extent as exam- iners of the policies of other Governments or take some arbitrary course such as a complete reduction over a period of years. It is simply be- cause of the international engagements that we have already entered into that we feel the time has come to take this further step. I am not prepared to say that it is going to have any effect in reducing the con- sumption of opium in the world, and it certainly is going to have the effect of reducing very considerably the revenues of the Government of India, but that is the position and when we come to that Resolution we can no doubt deal with that. So far as internal consumption is con- cerned, I am in this difficulty that in every one of the provinces except Assam, opium is a transferred subject, and I believe that very shortly it will be a transferred subject in Assam. Most of the observations that were made by Dr. Datta therefore are observations to be dealt with by the individual Provincial Governments in the transferred departments. Last year when the debate took place on the subject of Opium I made a statement which I think Dr. Datta has misunderstood. I said: “The Government recently circularised the Local Governments in regard to this question. Attention was drawn to some prima facie evidence which has been produced by some investigators of abuses of opium in various directions and the Local Governments have been asked to re-examine the question and to consider with the Government of India by what means, whether by some special inquiry or another Committee, the problem should be dealt with, if the Local Governments come to the conclusion that there is prima facie evidence making it desirable to review the conclusions of the Royal Commis- sion of 1893.” 29 I went on to say that in my own opinion there was a good deal to be said, subject to that qualification, for an inquiry. Dr. Datta read my exact words. Now at that time, although the letters to the Local Gov- ernments had been sent out, we had not received their replies. The final reply was received at the end of last December. I have the file in front of me and there is an illuminating note on it. “Unfortunately this must now wait till April” because it is out of the question for the Govern- ment of India with the Budget and the Session in front of them, to take up the subject. That is to say, we must take it up in April. I am bound to say, however, that the opinion of the Local Governments does not suggest that they think that there is any occasion for a new general inquiry. There is very little evidence before us which suggests that any general revision of the conclusions of the Report of the Royal Com- mission require reconsideration. The matter must, however, be ex- amined by us as soon as we are free of the Budget Session and the Local Governments meanwhile have had their special attention called to the necessity for careful examination of the problem of opium in three special directions — the possibility of closer coordination of policy between Governments of adjacent Provinces in regard to the fixing of the sale price of opium; the necessity and possibility of taking special measures to prevent abuse where consumption is unusually high, of which definite examples have been given; and the practice of doping babies with opium. There is ample evidence to show that the Local Governments are fully alive to the whole subject. I am not, however, in a position to say what further steps the Government of India after con- sideration of these replies may decide to take ; but I should say at once that there does not seem to be any great probability of our coming to the conclusion that a new general inquiry is either desirable or neces- sary. The problem can much better be dealt with by the Local Govern- ments themselves in the places where special attention is required. Dr. Datta always talks about this problem of opium as if it is a nation-wide evil in India. There are black spots here and there but the abuse of opium in India is, as I thinlc I showed in my speech last year, very unusual. The Indian is always temperate; and though there may be a few cases where there is abuse, just as in the case of alcohol so in the case of opium, the evidence of abuse is extraordinarily small. I am quite prepared to admit that there are places in Assam where opium is a really serious evil and that the Assamese Government are quite alive to that question, but we cannot I think usefully attempt to deal with the problem of an evil which is to a large extent local by the heavy machin- ery of an India-wide Committee or an India- wide attempt to deal with it. It is much more likely to be dealt with successfully by attention to the spots where the evil is really serious by the Local Governments that are in direct touch. The problem of course is one which has also to be considered in connection with the Report of the Taxation Inquiry Com- mittee. Dr. Datta drew attention to the proposal that an attempt should be made to issue opium in pill form. We are experimenting with the possibilities in that direction. There are technical difficulties. I am not quite sure whether the form that it will take, if our experi- ments are successful, will be exactly a pill form but it will be some- thing corresponding, and that undoubtedly would be a useful way of 30 dealing with the problem. There is also the problem of the Malwa States. The smuggling of illicit opium from the Malwa States is men- tioned constantly by all the Local Governments in their replies to the letter of the Government of India and specially those Local Govern- ments who are neighbours of the Malwa States. I believe within a month there is to take place a special conference which one of the mem- bers of the Central Board of Revenue will be attending, to examine the position in the Malwa States with a view to seeing what steps can be taken to deal with the difficulties that have arisen there. My general answer therefore to Dr. Datta must be that we are quite alive to the trouble, that we have every intention of following up the subject as soon as we are free of this Session of the Assembly, and that the Local Governments are themselves already actively engaged in dealing with the problem in the special places where the evil is marked, and that it is difficult In any case for the Government of India to intervene in a matter which is mainly a transferred subject in the Provinces. I trust that Dr. Datta will realise that he has served his purpose by moving this reduction and that he will be content to withdraw his motion on the understanding that we shall give full examination to the subject during the summer. 81 ANNEX III RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE ASSAM CONGRESS OPIUM INQUIRY COMMITTEE In conclusion, we would recommend that the following steps be taken : (1) The sale of opium and its derivatives should be ultimately limited to the medical and scientific needs of Assam. (2) Provision should be made for confirmed addicts above the age of forty, enabling them to procure a rationed amount of opium, their names being registered for that purpose. (3) All opium addicts, who are under forty years of age, should be dealt with as medical patients. Wherever opium is needed by them, it should be given only under the order of a fully qualified doctor, the medical permission to obtain it being subject to quarterly renewal. (4) These changes should be carried out within the next five years. At the end of five years, opium should be placed on the list of poisons under a Dangerous Drugs Act, and treated as such for all inhabitants of Assam. While much depends on the Government action, we feel that no progress can be made without the education of public opinion. The Non- cooperation movement showed what a great advance could be made in opium restriction by voluntary effort and public propaganda. The de- crease in consumption in a single year is a proof of what can be done by these methods. This work needs to be still further promoted and sustained. :i i We, therefore, appeal to all those who desire the welfare of Assam to organize themselves into anti-opium societies and to advocate opium prohibition amongst the people in general. This will lead to the educa- tion of public opinion against the opium evil and create a moral atmo- sphere, without which no great success can be achieved. Every avenue of approaching the illiterate masses, who are the greatest consumers, should be employed. Especially necessary is the careful training of the young children in all the elementary schools of the Assam Valley and among the Hill tribes. We would invite the cooperation of all sections of the community in this educational work, and we would specially ap- peal to the missionaries to help us in organizing temperance societies among the Hill tribes with whom they are closely connected. Finally, we would venture to ask Mahatma Gandhi once more to come to Assam and put himself at the head of a great anti-opium campaign to be carried on by entirely peaceful means. (Signed) KULADHAR CHALIHA TARUN RAM PHOOKAN NABIN CHANDRA BORDOLOI KRISHNA NATH SARMA AMBICAGIRI ROY CHAUDHURI OMEO KUMAR DAS ROHINIKANTA HATI BARUA 32 ANNEX IV OPIUM POLICY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA (Extracts from the official Report of the Indian Delegation, International Opium Conferences at Geneva, 1924-25, pages 17-21.) Control of Production The Hague Opium Convention of 1912 refers in its preamble to the gradual suppression of the abuse of opium and in Article I provides that “the Contracting Powers shall enact effective laws or regulations for the control of the production and distribution of raw opium unless laws or regulations on the subject are already in existence.” The method of consuming opium in India is by eating or swallowing, and the opium so used is raw opium as defined by the Convention, For generations prior to the date of the Hague Convention its production and distribution in British India have been controlled by Government in a manner that was accepted as a model by the framers of that Convention. Production is a Government monopoly; the poppy is cultivated under Government su- pervision; practically the whole of it is grown by licensed cultivators in specified areas of a single province and must be delivered to the Govern- ment Opium Department. The acreage under cultivation has decreased from about 614,000 acres in 1905-06 to 141,000 in 1922; cultivation in the Indian States has also decreased from about 146,000 acres in 1905 to about 64,000 in 1921-22. The whole of the opium produced in British India and a certain amount, which is purchased from the Indian States and represents a considerable portion of their production, is “manu- factured,” i. e., is made ready for packing and transport, at a Govern- ment factory. The total weight of opium which the factory manufactured in 1922-23 was about 1,900,000 lbs. It is interesting to note that this is less than one-seventeenth of the amount, 15,000 tons, estimated by the International Anti-Opium Association of Peking as the annual production in China. In view of the falling demand for opium the Government of India is now arranging for the further restriction both of cultivation in British India and of purchases from the Indian States. The whole of the opium handled by the factory is either exported for purposes that are legitimate under the Hague Convention, or is sold at cost price to the Provincial Governments, which thus become responsible for its distribution. Under the Devolution Rules made under the Gov- ernment of India Act, 1919, the control of the cultivation and “manufac- ture” of opium and of its sale for export is exercised by the Central Government, and the control of distribution for consumption within the provinces is placed under Provincial Governments, and in all provinces except Assam is transferred to the charge of an Indian Minister, who is responsible to a Legislative Council containing a majority of mem- bers elected by the people of the province. , . . 33 Amount of Revenue from Opium In the year 1923-24 the total revenue of the Central Government from all sources under the head of opium was 3,186,000 1. gross, but after deducting production costs and the expenses of central administration this figure is reduced to 1,245,000 1, net; this revenue is almost entirely made up of the proceeds of sales for export and sales at cost price to Provincial Governments. An outside figure for the total of the revenues of the Provincial Governments from opium (which comes under the head of excise) for the same year is 2,145,000 1. gross; this figure in- cludes transit duties and fines, etc., in respect of other excise besides opium ; it is also not possible to reduce this gross revenue to its net figure because the expenses of provincial administration on opium cannot be distinguished from those of other excise administration, which is carried on by the same staff; this opium revenue is chiefly made up of licence fees and profits on the re-sales of the opium purchased at cost from the Gov- ernment of India for consumption in the provinces. The combined gross figures given above (3,186,000 1., plus 2,145,000 1. equals 5,331,000 1.) amount to 3.36 per cent of the total gross revenues of India (158,728,000 1.) in 1923-24. In calculating the real proportion which opium revenue bears to the total revenues in India, it seems in some ways fairer to take the gross opium revenue of the Central Government from exports only, and the total gross opium revenues of the Provincial Governments; for that part of the central gross revenue which is derived from the sales of opium to Provincial Governments is all absorbed by expenditure on its produc- tion and sale. In 1923-24 the total gross opium revenue from exports was 2,376,000 1., this with the total of the gross opium revenues of the Provincial Governments (2,145,000 1.) gives a combined amount of 4,521,000 1., which is 2.84 per cent of the total gross revenues of India (158,728,000).* Control of Internal Distribution Distribution of opium within the provinces has been controlled by Ministers, except in Assam, since 1921, when India obtained her new reformed constitution. The Ministers have inherited a most strict sys- tem of control from the earlier authorities. The Opium Act of 1878 pro- hibits the manufacture, possession, transport, import, export, and sale of opium except as permitted by rules framed under the Act, and pro- vides for the confiscation of any opium in regard to which an offence is committed. AH transactions are at every stage regulated by elaborate rules made by the Provincial Governments ; imports into the provinces from outside British India are closely restricted, so that a province’s supply of opium consists practically of the amount purchased by the Provincial Government from the Government of India; this is sold only to licensed vendors or druggists, and the licences of the retail vendors are subject to the most stringent conditions designed to restrict abuse; a limit is placed by law on the amount that an individual purchaser may possess at any one time, and retail prices are artificially fixed at high levels, and have been progressively enhanced, so as to discourage sales as far as is possible without incurring undue risk of stimulating smug- gling. •Rupees converted throughout at Is. 6d. 34 ANNEX V STATISTICS FOR BRITISH INDIA SHOWING CONSUMP- TION OF OPIUM PER TEN THOUSAND SEERS FOR 1922-23 IN (League of Nations index figure — 6 seers per 10,000 people) Consumption per ten Population thousand in Province Name of District (in 1921) seers* PUNJAB Hissar .. 816,810 11.17 Rohtak 772,272 3.69 Guraon 682.003 5.18 Karnal .. 828,726 7.55 Ambala 681,477 26.82 Simla 45,327 21.84 Kangra .. 766,065 2.96 Hoshiarpur .. 927,419 15.86 Jullandhar 822,544 23.05 Ludhiana 567,622 49.36 Ferozpore .. 1,098,248 60.00 Lahore .. 1,131,336 40.15 Amritsar .. 929,374 21.46 Gurdaspur .. 852,192 13.12 Sialkot .. 937.823 10.65 Gu j ranwala .. 623,581 12.38 Sheikhupura 523,135 14.62 Gujrat - .. 824,046 5.04 Shahpur 719,918 7.18 Jhelum 477,068 10.58 Rawalpindi .. 569,224 9.50 Attock 512,249 9.06 Mianwali .. 358,205 4.72 Montgomery .. 713,786 8.63 Lyallpur 979,463 15.56 Jhang 570,559 6.48 Multan 890,264 10.94 Muzaffargarh ,. 568,478 5.38 Dera Ghazi Khan 495,810 9.44 Beloch Trans F. Tract .... Total for 1922-23 (Province) .. 20,685,024 11.99 UNITED Dehra Dun 212,243 16.89 PROVINCES Saharanpur 937,471 12.30 Muzaffarnagar 794,265 8.59 Meerat . 1,499,074 10.09 * One seer equals two lbs. 35 Province Name of District Population (in 1921) Consumption per ten thousand in seers’ UNITED Bulandshahr ... 1,066,519 10.37 PROVINCES Aligarh ... 1,061,745 12.61 (continued) Muttra ... 619,138 7.90 Agra .... 924,155 8.66 Mainpuri 748,027 2.29 Etah ... 827,760 4.51 Bareilly .... 1,013,875 4.16 Bijnor .... 740,182 4.88 Budaun .... 975,347 1.70 Moradabad ... 1,198,653 12.98 Shahjahanpur .... 839,115 4.84 Pilibhit 431,001 5.83 Farrukhabad .... 856,633 6.48 Etawah .... 733,532 7.74 Cawnpore .... 1,148,664 29.38 Fatehpore .... 652,392 11.31 Allahabad .... 1,404,445 10.08 Jhansi .... 606,499 6.01 Jalaun 405,439 9.93 Hamirpur .... 440,245 7.10 Banda .... 613,114 5.14 Benares .... 901,312 32.10 Mirzapur 724,183 9.66 Jaunpur .... 1,155,105 6.11 Ghazipur .... 832,289 1.25 Ballia .... 831,009 1.07 Gorakpur .... 3,266,830 2.64 Basti .... 1,925,228 1.33 Azamgarh .... 1,528,657 1.56 Naini Tal .... 276,875 6.09 Almora 530,338 0.88 Garhwal .... 485,186 1.12 Lucknow .... 724,344 19.77 Unao 810,128 6.26 Rai Bareilli .... 936,403 2.67 Sitapur .... 1,089,481 2.35 Hardoi .... 1,084,410 2.34 Kheri .... 913,475 7.02 Fyzabad .... 1,171,930 2.97 Gonda .... 1,473,098 1.67 Bahraich .... 1,065,377 2.45 Sultanpur .... 1,003,912 2.56 Partabgarh .... 855,130 2.74 Bara Banki .... 1,029,954 1.34 Total 1922-23 .... 45,373,787 6.64 * One seer equals two lbs. 36 Province Name of District Population (in 1921) Consumption per ten thousand in seers* BENGAL:— Burdwan 1,438,926 13.77 BURDWAN Birbhum 847,570 6.52 DIVISION Bankura 1,019,941 5.39 Midnapore 2,666,660 14.54 Hoogly 1,080,142 4.04 Howrah 997,403 15.83 PRESIDENCY 24 Parganas 2,628,205 20.72 DIVISION Calcutta 907,851 143.59 Nadia 1,487,572 4.98 Murshidabad 1,262,514 5.14 Jessore 1,722,219 2.82 Khulna 1,453,034 4.68 Dacca 3,125,967 3.04 Mymensingh 4,837,730 1.30 Faridpur 2,249,858 1.75 Bakarganj 2,623,756 4.36 Chittagong 1,611,422 6.11 Noakhali 1,472,786 1.35 Tippera 2,743,073 ■ 1.23 Rajshahi 1,489,675 2.50 Dina j pur 1,705,353 2.97 Jalpaiguri 936,269 2.69 Rangpur 2,507,854 2.54 Bogra 1,048,606 1.78 Pabna 1,389,494 1.69 Malda 985,665 8.24 Darjeeling 282,748 7.00 Grand Total of the Province 46,522,293 8.14 BOMBAY Ahmedabad 890,911 44.31 PRESIDENCY, Kaira 710,982 36.32 SIND & ADEN Panch Mahals 374,860 62.50 Broach 307,745 51.08 Surat 674,351 11.58 Thana 759,916 4.99 Bombay 1,328,754 43.13 Kolaba 562,942 3.62 Ratnagiri 1,154,244 0.43 Kanara 401,727 1.47 Dharwar 1,036,924 1.99 Belgaum 952,996 4.19 * One seer equals two lbs. 37 Consumption per ten Population thousand in Province Name of District (in 1921) seers* BOMBAY (con.) Bijapur .. 796,876 1.01 Sholapur 742,010 35.40 Satara .. 1,026,259 10.49 Poona .. 1,000,033 36.61 Ahmednagar 731,552 23.36 Nasik .. 832,576 10.47 West Khandesh .. 641,847 6.15 East Khandesh .. 1,075,837 17.92 Karachi .. 542,065 46.51 Hyderabad .. 573,450 52.19 Nawabshah 418,660 22.40 Thar Parkar 396,331 37.48 Sukkur 510,202 47.38 Larkana .. 597,960 28.56 Upper Sind Frontier .. 240,619 12.97 Aden 56,500 19.56 Total . 19,348,319 22.17 MADRAS Division . 1,496,358 23.05 The Agency Gan jam . 1,835,562 22.96 Vizagapatam . 2,231,874 16.44 Godavari . 1,470,863 67.14 Kistna . 2,133,314 20.00 Guntur . 1,809,574 9.01 Nellore .-. . 1,385,553 3.80 Cuddapah . 887,929 4.30 Anantapur 955,917 1.32 Bellary . 862,370 0.89 Kurnool 914,890 4.92 Madras 526,911 26.32 (Amount sent outside from Madras is deducted. i.e., 10,897 — 9,510 equals 1,387.) Chingleput . 1,493,058 1.55 Chittoor . 1,269,157 2.42 North Arcot 2,055,594 3.82 South Arcot 2,320,085 0.86 Tanjore 2,326,265 3.67 Trichinopoly 1,902,838 1.47 Madura 2,007,082 2.37 Ramnad 1,721,837 1.42 Tinnevelly 1,901,396 3.09 * One seer equals two lbs. 38 Consumption Province Name of District Population (in 1921) per ten thousand in seers* MADRAS fcon.) Coimbatore .. 2,219,848 2.63 The Nilgiris 126,519 21.26 Salem ... 2,112,034 0.98 South Kanara ... 1,247,368 1.03 Malabar ... 3,098,871 2.40 Total ... 42,313,067 8.50 ASSAM Cachar 527,228 19.57 Sylhet ... 2,541,341 0.99 Khasi and Jaintia Hills ... 243,263 41.81 Naga Hills 160,960 21.19 Lushai Hills 98,406 Goalpara ... 762,523 2.27 Kamrup ... 762,671 45.52 Darrang ... 477,935 106.73 Nowgong 397,921 173.63 Sibsagar ... 823,197 110.95 Lakhimpur 588,295 189.97 Garo Hills 179,140 Sadiya Front Tract 39,531 237.029 Balipara Frontier Tract. 3,819 136.161 Grand Total ... 7,606,230 52.06 CENTRAL Nagpur .. 792,521 17.03 PROVINCES Bhandara ... 717,747 12.51 & BERAR Chanda 660,630 5.68 Wardha ... 463,696 16.89 Balaghat 511,634 23.45 Tubbulpore ... 745,685 8.30 Saugor .„ 528,380 6.04 Damoh ... 287,126 3.13 Sooni ... 348,871 19.15 Mandla 386,446 10.95 Betul ... 363,737 6.90 Cahindwara ... 491,835 12.20 Hoshangabad ... 445,733 10.72 Narsinghpur 315,162 21.96 N imar ... 396,554 10.26 Raipur ... 1,406,676 16.42 Bilaspur ... 1,231,765 7.76 Drug ... 743,246 14.40 * One seer equals two lbs. 39 Consumption per ten Population thousand in Province Name of District (in 1921) seers* BERAR Amraoti 828,384 30.25 DIVISION Akola 798,544 33.02 Badilana 699,429 35.20 Yeotmal Grand Total for 9 months (April to December, 1 9 2 2) 748,959 18.09 C. P. & Berar 13,912,760 16.14 BIHAR & Patna 1,609,631 13.01 ORISSA Gaya 2,159,498 4.54 Shahabad 1,865,660 2.28 Saran 2,289,778 1.34 Champaran 1,908,385 1.55 Muzaffarpur 2,845,514 1.69 Durbhanga 2,929,682 2.11 Monghyr 2,132,893 3.10 Bhagalpur 2,139,318 4.18 Purnea 1,989,637 9.84 Santal Pargana 1,882,973 3.92 Cuttack 2,109,139 25.47 Balasore 1,055,568 55.92 Angul 199,451 12.13 Puri 1,023,402 30.26 Sambalpur 744,193 11.29 Hazaribagh 1,288,609 5.36 Ranchi 1,387,516 5.49 Palamau 687,267 6.47 Mambhum 1,547,576 5.28 Singhbhum 694,394 14.40 Total 34,490,084 8.30 NORTHWEST Hazara 622,349 12.28 FRONTIER Peshawar 907,367 20.38 Kohat 214,123 15.13 Bannu 246,734 18.20 Dera Ismail Khan 260,767 13.50 Kurram - 103,142 0.97 Tochi 138,859 3.60 * One seer equals two lbs. 40 Consumption per ten Population thousand in Province Name of District (in 1921) seers* NORTHWEST Malakand 865,860 FRONTIER Khyber 227,109 (con.) Wano 150,612 Total 3,736,922 10.18 BALUCHISTAN Quetta-Pishin 137,082 21.96 Sibi 119.464 4.77 Loralai 82,473 3.64 Zhob 56,668 1.78 Bolan Pass and Nushki 3,618 41.46 Kalat State 328,281 0.91 Chagai 21,343 2.81 Total 748,929 5.99 DELHI Delhi 488,188 AJMERE- MERWARA 495,271 52.74 COORG 163,838 2.29 BURMA Akyab 576,430 34.78 Kyaukpyu 199,873 47.48 Sandoway 112.029 42.49 Rangoon Town 341,962 109.81 Insein , 293,083 27.33 Hanthawaddy 364,624 33.24 Pegu 445,620 22.80 Prome 371,575 33.34 Tharrawaddy 492,429 14.05 Toungoo 381,883 32.73 Thayetmyo 255,406 22.40 Maubin 330,106 26.39 Pyapon 288,994 33.95 Henzada 550,920 33.31 Bassein 489,473 44.97 * One seer equals two lbs. 41 Province BURMA rcon.) Consumption per ten Population thousand in Name of District (in 1921) seers* Myoungmya 370,551 43.12 Thaton 471,100 21.69 Ahmherst 417,910 42.21 Tavoy 156,786 65.76 Mergui 135,465 147.71 Salween 50,379 16.48 Pakokku 465,771 3.54 Katha 253,725 55.89 Shtveba 391,284 Sagaing 326,908 6.45 Lower Chindwin 342,880 23.62 Upper Chindwin 186,881 47.19 Mandalay 356,621 Kyauksi 142,677 Meiktda 289,897 Yamethin 323,189 12.62 Myingyan 442,008 4.73 Magwe 423,252 Minbu 274,302 21.18 Myitkyina 118,382 34.13 Bhamo 112,960 20.98 Mong Mit Grand Total 11,457,325 28.73 * One seer equals two lbs. 42 ANNEX VI STATEMENTS OF INDIAN OPINION AT THE SECOND OPIUM CONFERENCE, GENEVA, 1924-25. Extract from Statement by Mr. Alexander (Society of Friends), Records of the Second Opium Conference, Volume I, Page 451. “There is evidence of a rising tide of opinion in India in opposition to the policy hitherto pursued by the Indian Government. The All-India Congress Committee, consisting of some sixty national leaders, unani- mously adopted the following resolution in June this year : “ ‘In the opinion of the A. I. C. C. the opium policy of the Government of India is altogether contrary to the moral welfare of the people of India and other countries. The A. I. C. C. is further of the opinion that the people of India would welcome the total abolition of the opium traffic for purposes of revenue and is also of the opinion that the production of opium is out of all proportion to the medical requirements of India.’ “Mr. Gandhi and Dr. Rabindranath Tagore have made clear in public statements that they hold a similar view. “Since coming into this room this afternoon I have received a telegram from Mr. Gandhi, which says : “ ‘Please tell Convention all India wants complete stoppage opium traffic save for medical purposes.’ ” Extracts from Statement by the Rev. E. J. Dukes (Society for THE Suppression of the Opium Trade), Records of the Second Opium Conference, Volume I, Page 452. “I ask leave to present at this point a petition to the Assembly on be- half of 400 people who have signed it, representing societies and organ- izations making a total of over 206,000 people in India who are in favour of stopping the opium trade. “It is very interesting to observe that the first name upon this list is that of Mahatma Gandhi ; C. F. Andrews follows, with Ramananda Chat- ter) ee, Sir Rabindranath Tagore, the poet and social reformer, and others. I have to present to you, Mr. President, that address. May I just be permitted to read what it says at the beginning. This is what they say: “ ‘The undersigned, viewing in the growing addiction to narcotic drugs a deadly menace to individuals and to nations an insidious rapidly spreading poisoning of the human race, which can be overcome only by co-operation among all nations, respectfully petition the International Opium Conference, assembling in November 1924, to adopt measures adequate for the total ex- tirpation of the plants from which they originate except as found necessary for medicine and science in the judgment of the best medical opinion of the world.’ ” 43 BIBLIOGRAPHY Opium Documents Issued by the League of Nations. Geneva, Switzerland. Legislative Assembly Debates Official Report. Government of India Press, Delhi, India. Volume V — No. 32, March 12, 1925 Volume V — No. 33, March 13, 1925 Volume VII — No. 29, March 10, 1926 International Opium Conferences at Geneva 1924-25, Report of Indian Delegation. India Office. The Truth About Indian Opium. By G. Graham Dixon, His Majesty’s Stationery Office, London, December 1922. Statistical Abstract for British India, Fifty-Eighth Number. His Majesty’s Stationery Office, London, 1925. Journal of the East India Association. Asiatic Review, London, January 1926. Opium. By John Palmer Gavit, Routledge, London, 1925. The Imperial Drug Trade. By Joshua Rountree, Methuen and Co., London, 1905. The International Opium Conferences with Relevant Documents. By Raymond Leslie Buell, World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1925. The Opium Evil in India. By C. F. Andrews, Student Christian Movement, London, 1926. The New Constitutioh of India. By Sir Courtenay Ilbert and Rt. Hon. Lord Meston, University of London Press, 1923. Opium as an International Problem, The Geneva Conferences. By W. W. Willoughby, Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, 1925. Assam Congress Opium Enquiry Report. R. K. Hatibarua, Cinnam- ara, Jorhat, Assam, India, September, 1925. Opium in India. By William Baton, National Christian Council of India, Burma and Ceylon, Calcutta, 1924. India and Opium. By William Baton, Reprint from International Review of Missions, January, 1925. India and Opium, The Present Situation. By the Rev. W. Baton, Reprint from the National Christian Council Review, Calcutta, January 1926. Speech Made by Lord Reading at the Opening Ceremony of the Indian Council of State, February 9, 1926 — Policy Regarding Opium. Resolution Passed by Council of State, Delhi, India, March 10, 1926. Figures for Opium Consumption in British India by Districts, 1922-23, Issued by the Government of India. The Pioneer. Allahabad, India. The Times of India. The London Times. The Manchester Guardian. 44 The only requirement for membership in the Foreign Policy Association is an open mind, an intelligent interest in foreign affairs, a willingness to face facts and a sympathy with the general program and aims of the Association. 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