MASTER NEGATIVE NO 92-80666-14 MICROFILMED 1992 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES/NEW YORK as part of the . r. • .» "Foundations of Western Civilization Preservation Project Funded by the xttttco NATIONAL ENDOWMENT FOR THE HUMANITIES Reproductions may not be made without permission from Columbia University Library COPYRIGHT STATEMENT The copyright law of the United States - Title 17, United States Code - concerns the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material... Columbia University Library reserves the right to refuse to accept a copy order if, in its judgement, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of the copyright law. AUTHOR: DEVIVIER, WALTER TITLE: INQUISITION, AN ESSAY PLACE: SAN FRANCISCO DA TE : 1904 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES PRESERVATION DEPARTMENT Master Negative # Restrictions on Use: BIBLIOGRAPHIC MICROFORM TARGET Original Material as Filmed - Existing Bibliographic Record wmmi^i^mftr'fim 946.04 D49 < » 9 ii^ Hwy ■ ■ ■ii, p ip«p! Devivier, W alter, 1833- Tlie inquisition, an essay extracted from Devivier 's Christian apologetics. Ed. by Rev. Joseph C. Sasia, s. j. San Francisco, Calif., Catholic truth society, 1904. 47, il, p. 21i cm ijasia, Joseph C, 1843- ed. 1. Inquisition. I '^ 20-644 Library of Congress BX171S.D4 I) ■I ■I il -> TECHNICAL MICROFORM DATA REDUCTION RATIP:_____JJX. FILM SIZE:__3^_/)7^__ IMAGE PLACEMENT: lA @ IB IIB ^ DATE FILMED: S:zLail.^ INITIALS G ■_&_■_ HLMEDBY: RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS. INC WOODBRIDGE, CT E Association for Information and image iManagement 1100 Wayne Avenue, Suite 1100 Silver Spring, Maryland 20910 301/587-8202 Centimeter 12 3 4 iiiiliinliinliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiilii mimmm Inches 5 iliiii mii 7 8 9 10 lIllllllUlI 11 iiiiiiiiimiiiiiiiiiiiiiiui 12 13 14 15 mm liiiiliinliiiiliiiiliiiiliiiiliiii 1111 I I I I I 1 T 1.0 ■^ i 2.8 1.3 II, 1.4 2.5 2.2 2.0 1.8 1.6 I.I 1.25 TTT 1 MRNUFRCTURED TO RUM STfiNDRRDS BY RPPLIED IMfiGE, INC. f * i\ 1^ . 4 . , ir4' Columbia (llnitif rsftp int^fCitpofilrujgflrk THn LIBRARIES I 1 - liiHii' ] m i THE INQUISITION AN ESSAY Extracted from Devivier's Christian Apologetics Edited by REV. JOSEPH C. SASIA, S. J. "> i i ' SAN FRANld^CO. CAL. * CATHOUC TRUTH SOCIETY . I ■» ! • 1 ■. 9 0.4 H Introductory Remarks M///7 obsfai. P. W. RIO R DAN, <^rchbishop of San Francisco, Cal. November 2y, 1904. • « • . • • • • • • • • • • I ■ * • • I • ' I • 1 • • • • One of the chief functions of the Cathoh: press in our days is to meet and refute misrepresentations of things CathoHc. As experience teaches, nearly all the prejudices against Rome, its religion and institutions arise from mis- understanding them; sometimes through ignorance, and sometimes through motives as dishonorable as they are oroundless. If Catholicity, its history, its teachings and its methods were what they are frequently asserted to be by the enemies of the Church, our separated Christian breth- ren \\'ould be entirely justilled in their hostility. It would then be not only their right, but also their duty to do every- thing in their power to counteract the baneful inlluence of sucli' an institution. But, as it has been shown hundreds of times, it is not the religion, the doctrines, discipline and institutions of the Catholic Church, that our adversaries persist in denounring and reprobating, but their own mis- conception of them founded upon ignorance, bigotry and deep-seated prejudice. Pratestant preach_ers are usually the greatest sinners in this respect, and who, last of all, should dare palliate their wrong under the extenuating plea of ignor- ance. That some people should deem it litting for Catholics to sit silent under unwarranted attacks upon their religion rather than put u.p a proper defense, is something beyond our comprehension. We much prefer the line of conduct pointed out by tlie late Pontiff, Leo XIII, who earnestly exhorts both the clergy and the cultured members of the laify to employ, in the defense of Catholic truth, the very weapon that our enemies are using in the spread of error with a zeal worthy of a better cause, viz., the po^^'er of the press, whose pages may be made to reach millions of readers desirous to know the truth. It is precisely for this reason that we have de:ided to republish, with several additions, our article on the Inquisition, which is found in \ ol. II, page c > 434359 i^ ■V 4 1 11 1 r o d Li ci o r y K e m arks 584 of our edifuni . iiiilll OT T h e I n q u i 5 i t i n n from the base niuiive of cupidity; that the Popes had an eye on the fees they could extort as the pri:e of their aoso- lutioii. The insinuation is an atro:ious caUimny, a charge as bold as it is untrue. It is triumphantly refuted by the Protestant historian, Leopold Ranke, ^v'ho, in ITis work enti- tled, '-Princes and Peoples" (\ol. 1, page 241), distinctly asserts that all prohts derived from the confiscations ordered by that tribunal went to the King, and that the proceeds of the collected fines formed a regular revenue of the royal exchequer. Hence the frequent complaints ot the Spanish kmgs that the Pope, by receiving appeals and granting secret absolutions, defrauded the royal treasury of considerable revenues. The Church never received a cent, as it was one of the standing rules that the decisions of the Roman Court should be given gratis in every case. 16. Second Riai-viiK. Even if the accusations of wan- ton crueltv luid bloodshed, charged against the Inquisition, were x^-elfgrounded, this wotild be no argument against the legilima:v^3t that tribunal. To prove an abuse of a thing does not" prove the necessity of suppressing the lawful use of it; otherwise every human institution or invention would have' to be put down, and not even railways, telegraphs and telephones would escape. An institution is deservedly con- demned only when the abuses are not accidental, but spring necessarilv from its essential character; that is, when the abuse is the eliect caused by the institution itself. Apply these considerations to the Roman Inquisition, of which we ^peak now. The mode of proceeding against acctised per- ^ sons was accuratelv defined by Bulls of the Popes, and by canon law. No one could even be imprisoned until his guilt had been clearlv established before a judicial tribunal. No one could be worried by excessive delays in conducting the trial. There were stringent rules with regard to the character of witnesses, and false testimony was treated with the utmost severity. The judges were ordered never to con- demn anvone except on the clearest proofs of guilt, lor, as illL, The Inquisition 23 the Pontiffs said, it is better that crime should go unpun- ished than that even one innocent man should be punished as guilty. Moreover, it must be noted that contession of guilt would at once have exempted the acctised from all punishment, or at least have secured so great a mitigation of its rigor that it ceased to deserve the name. Here Prescott is guilty of downright falsehood when he asserts that penal- ties were indiscriminately intlicted on all the accused, whether they confessed their guilt or remained obstinate, and that few among those suspected of heresy could escape the fury of that dread tribunal. The charge is too infamous to deserve a refutation. The truth of the matter is that who- soever confessed his guilt and promised to reform was absolved and immediately set free. (See Parson's "Studies in Church History," Vol. II, page 408.) What other tri- bunal is there, it has been justly asked, where a plea of guilty would be followed by such merciful consequences? We have here a perfect imitation ^of what actually takes place in the tribunal of penance, where sincere confession of guilt is invariably followed by Sacramental absolution. Behold here how closely the Church, in her legislation, imi- tates the mercy of her divine Founder! Hence we have reason to conclude that the proceedings of the Inqtiisition were far more just than those of any judicial court in Europe. 17. Tiiiui) Rkmahk. It is important to recall the state- ments of an eminent writer, Abbe De Vayrac, L'Etat present d'Espagne, on the mode of procedtire followed by that tri- bunal : (1) Its officers were chosen from the most respectable and competent personages of the realm. (2) All accusations presented to it were to be received with extreme dilficulty, and informers were severely pun- ished when judicially convicted of falsehood. According to Simancas, one of the most prominent lawyers of the six- teenth century (^'Catholic Institutions Against Heresy," 24 The Inquisition The Inquisition 25 1552), no one could be arrested unless accused by three ditYerent witnesses, each of whom was to be ready to swear that he was telling the truth, and was not actuated by any malice. If he relapsed but soon repented, he was released. Onl\' on the third conviction the accused was finally con- signed to the civil court for judgment. (3) To the accused was immediately assigned an advocate or counsel to defend them, and if the first hearing showed the innocence of the accused, they were at once set free. This is a striking contrast to the English code of former days, when no counsel was allowed to the accused, and the charges made against them were not known to them until they came into court to be tried. But the accused had the right of summoning witnesses in their defense from the remotest regions, even from beyond the sea, and ample time was given to secure their presence. (4) No sentence of subordinate judges could be executed without the assent of the supreme tribunal, whose duty it was to revise the whole process and either approve or reject the verdict, according to the evidence elicited from its acts. (5) The interrogatory, or what we might call the cross- examination, always took place before two priests not con- nected with the Inquisition, whose duty was to prevent all violence and arbitrary proceeding. No one could be even confined to prison unless condemned by a unanimous vote of all the judges. It is true that from the persons accused were concealed the names, both of their accusers and of the witnesses, but this was wisely and prudently done, says the Protestant historian, Ranke, in order to protect them against the hatred and revenge of powerful noblemen and their sympathizers and adherents. However, this secrecy was common in all the tri- bunals of those days, and the eminent jurist, Jeremy Ben- Iham, admits that in many cases such secrecy may be abso- lutely necessary to public security, even in our times. (Vol. II, page 191.) We must, moreover, remember that the judges appointed to impose corporal penalties for the crime of heresy were civil judges; the otiice of the ecclesiastical authority being that of e'stablishing the guilt- of the accused, a task entirely beyond the competence of the secular rulers. Wherever the. tribunal intlicted severe or excessive punishment, death espe- cially, the government was the agent; it is the government, therefore, that must bear the blame, when blame is rightly deserved. Moreover, as we have seen, the State, Christian and Catholic, in lending to the Church the aid of the secular arm, was only fuUilling a duty, that of safe-guarding the sacred rights of conscience and truth, and of protecting from all danger the paramount interests of civil society. (See (No. 10.) ^ Divine authority and Christian tradition amply justify secular princes in aiding the Church with their power. Thus the Jewish people were commanded to try, and, after sen- tence, to stone any one, whoever he might be, who blas- phem'ed the Lord, or counseled them to apostatize, viz., to depart from the worship of the true God. (See Leviticus, ch. xxiv, V. 14.) St. Augustine (d. A. D. 470) defended, or rather urged the most strenuous measures against the D<^natists (furious heretics of the fourth century), in order to repress them. This, he said, is the proper exercise of the power (secular) instituted by God, also for the preserva- tion and defense of the Church. His doctrine on this point is tersely expressed in the following sentence of his ninety- third letter, n. ix: "Serviant reges terrae Christo, etiam leges ferendo pro Christo" (Let Kings serve Christ also by making laws in favor of Christ). Moreover, clemency, which plays so great a part in the judgments of the Inquisition, was the work of the Church, who did nothing as to the punishments except to suppress '/ or mitigate them, or to recommend the guilty to the indul- gence of the judges. (See the ''Life of Ximenes," by Hefele, translated from the German by the Rev. Canon Dalton, ch. / y 1 1 26 The 1 n q u i s i 1 i o n The Inquisition 27 \J 16, 17, 18.) Hence the reputation for mercy which the ecclesiastical tribunals of the inquisition enjoyed. This repu- tation was so great that the Knights Templars expressly bt^^cd to be judged by the tubunals of ihe Ecclesiasdcal hiquisition. They knew well, historians said, thai if Uiey secured such judges, they could not be condemned to the penalty of death. But Philip the Fair, who had determined upon their destruction, and who understood the inevitable consequence of a re:ourse to ihat tribunal, shut himself up v/ith his Council of State and summarily condemned them to death. And in our day, it was at Rome that the Jews received the best treatment; indeed, a proverbial phrase calls the city of the Popes the paradise of the Jews. ^ In (jermany, where formerly there were many ecclesiastical sovereignties, there was another proverb, which said: 'it is good to live under the Crozier." "Never," says Joseph de Maistre, ''under these pacific governments was there a ques- tion of persecution or of capital punishment against the spiritual enemies of the reigning power." The action of the Popes in regard to the Inquisition is quite in keeping with the character that has always been noticeable in the occu- pants of the papal throne. The Popes, as individuals, have had, of course, their personal qualities. Some have been sterner, others milder, in their temperament and in their rule. But tlie Holy See has all along stood out among the thrones of Christendom conspicuous for its love of merc^^ and tenderness toward the erring and sutfering. in short, whilst we are far from excusing the excesses of this tribunal, i we maiiitam at the same time, that crime was never sanc- j Honed by the Church, that bloodshed and persecution form ' no pari of her creed, and that all abuse of power and the cruelties incidental to it are to be traced to the despotism of the State, and not to the action of the Church. This is the ^ tinal verdict oi all iionest and impartial historians of the ^ Spanish Inquisiiion. (See Balutli, ''Charity of the Churchy Toward the Jews,' ch. xxii.) 18 FoLKTU Ri-MAKK. It is to give proof of great iguor- ance of history or of singular hardihood in calumny to represent cruel tortures as the distinctive and exclusive characteristic of the Inquisition. This, however, is whai is done every day by anti-religious books, newspapers and reviews. . In reality these tortures were in universal use. I hey were thought necessary to intimidate the guilty. It would even be an easy task to prove that, taking all m all, the tribunals of the Inquisition proved themselves in general much more equitable and less rigorous towards the accused than any other civil tribunals of those times. Hetele, in the work already cited, where so many interesting lacts con- cerning the Inquisition of Spain are to be lound, has been able to give proof of this even as regards that country, the most exposed to blame, and he nas been able to do this even while accepting the data of Llorente, the partial and untrust- worthy historian of the Inquisition. ^ 19 ' It is principally upon the testimony of Llorente tnat the enemies of the Inquisition ground their charges. To be convinced of the Utile contidence due to the assertions of Llorente it is enough to know that after writing his work he was careful to destroy tiie original documents relative to that mu:h maligned institution. By so doing he hoped therebv that it would be impossilie to verify his assertions and contradict his statements. A little history concerning this individual will not be out of place, as it throws consid- erable lii>ht on our subject. When, on May 10, l8o8, the victorious advance of Napoleon forced Ferdinand MI to ^ abdicate the throne of Spain, Llorente repaired to Bayonne, wh-re he turned traitor to his country by swearing allegiance to the usurper of the Spanish crown, Joseph Bonaparte, who made him Counsellor of State, and who ordered him to write a history of the Spanish Inquisition, with a promise of a liberal compensation for his labor. The venal historian • knew full well what kind of a work would suit the palate i /A / 1 28 The Inquisition W of liis master, and he wrote accordingly. Botli Ins patron and tiie hired compiler had a two-fold object in view, viz. : First to blacken the character of the royal dynasty, and thus inspire into the Spanish people hatred and execration of tlieir legitimate sovereigns. Secondly, to fasten on the Papa Court the responsibilitv of the excessive rigors of a tribunal that through State interference, had be:ome more political than ecclesiastical in its procedures. Can we put implicit fiitli in the statements of such an historian, who wrote with the avowed purpose of maligning that institution, and who, as we noticed above, burned the documents, by which he could have been convicted of falsehood ? A degraded priest and a venal historian, a dismissed otlicial of the Inquisition, and writing for the deliberate purpose of painting it in ihe most odious colors, he is justly liable to suspicion, whenever his assertions cannot be supported by other independent testimony. Let me bring here one instance out of many, that migW be adduced, in which Llorente is caught flagrante delicto telling a huge lie. The Inquisition was established in Spain in lhe\vear 1481; and this venal writer tells us "that in liie verv next year the Tribunal of Seville alone burnt not less tlian 2,000 persons belonging to the dioceses of Seville and Cadiz " This is certainly a frightful statement, if it were only true. But unfortunately for the author's reputa- tion for honesty the figure given is found to be an atrocious exaggeration, implying a barefaced falsehood. In fact, we consulted the original work of the Spanish historian, the Jesuit Father, Mariana, from whom Llorente claims to have borrowed that statement, and found that the total ot 2,000 persons is given, not for one year, and one place, but for all parts of Spain, and throughout the whole period of Torque- mada's Inquisitorship, a period of fifteen years. Surely a man who could substitute for a yearly average of 133 per- sons throuiihout tlie whole of Spain, the round sum of -^000 victims in one city, has forfeited all claims to be considered a trtistworthy writer. We should come to the ) The Inquisition 29 same conclusion if we were to verify other assertions of his bv comparing notes, viz., by const.lting the books and do.u- meri'^^om which he qtiotes, but which it was no in his power to destroy. And this shameful Wf "caHalsehood > repeated and fully endorsed by the Encyclopoedia Britannia (Vol Xlll, page 93, Ninth Hdition), though its editor, asstired their readers and subscribers tltat it was not to be the or-an of anv sect or parly in scieitce or relig^n; and th t ilrsworn duty. was to give an account of the acts and an impartial summary of results in every ^^^^ ^ inquiry and research. This flagrant violation of their fair promi'ses proves once more that they were more east y made lian fulfilled, ^'et it is mainly Llorente's work which ha been the storehouse of weapons in the hands of mhd and Protestants against the tribtinal of the Inqt.isition Prescot certainly no friend either to the '"^l^'^'^'^" °VV m t s Church (in his history of Ferdinand and Isabella) bears tesHmony a.ainst Llorente's truthfulness in the tollo^v'>ng woi'r 'One might reasonably distrust Llorente's tab es from the facility with which he receives the most improbable estimates in other matters." Yet, strange to say, Prescot himself frequently bases his tmmeasured strictures on the i;;"Lition on the authority of Llorente, the very witness against whose veracity he was honest eiiougn to test. y. So nttich for his reputation of fairness and consistency! (See Balmes, "European Civilization," note in Appenoix, page \o If the reader desires to form an idea of what the tri- bunals were in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, he should read the learned memoir of M Poullet, professor ot iurisprtidence at the University of Lotivam: Histoire di 5 oil penal dans le dt.che de Brabant ("History of Penal Law in the Duchy of Brabant"). We quote these tew pas- sages- "In all their procedures there prevailed uncertainty, want of regularity and arbitrary dealings. The accused were deprived of the precious guarantee of publicity as to the \ 30 The Inquisition The Inquisition 31 V v proceedings; the judge could, if he pleased, refuse to the accused the assistance of counsel, and the supposed criminal was not allowed to be present at the deposition of testi- mony/' Con:erning the penalties in use, the same writer says: "The general system breathed nothing but intimida- tion and public vengeance. The penalty of death was often accompanied by revolting cruelties, the judges endeavoring to proportion the torments accompanying the death penally according to the various degrees of criminality in the otlend- ers. Besides the penalty of death, the law recognized only corporal punishment, often producing irreparable conse- quences to the victim, always degrading. Nothing was done to reform the criminal and to inspire him with better senti- ments before returning him to social life. Imprisonment was only resorted to as a punishment and in cases of minor offenses. It had no place in the penal system properly so- called, and was never oraered, wl-en the judge was about to punish a crime of real gravity." What has been said of criminal jurisprudence in Brabant applies to the rest of Europe. In those days coiners of false money were burnt alive; those who gave false weights and measures were sci^irged or were condemned to death; burg- lars were led to the scaffold ; thieves convicted of a relapse were also condemned to death. A monument of the extreme severity of the civil tribunals was the Caroline, the penal code of Charles \ , which governed the German Empire until the last century. Hence (juggenberger wisely remarks ("General His- tory of the Christian Era," \ol. II, page 125): "It is not just to compare the judicial methods of the Inquisition with those of the present day. They must be compared with contemporary proceedings sanctioned by the public laws in vogue at those times. The methods, which we deplore in the Inquisition, were the methods of the age; the redeeming qualities were due to the intluence of the legislation of the Church, who greatly mitigated the severity of the civil codes. Moreover, the punishment by tire was neither introdu:ed by the Church, nor confined to the tribunal of the Inquisition. As historical jurisprudence informs us, it was the penalty inflicted for high treason even on women in England; for poisoning and ^ other crimes in Erance, and for circulating counterfeit coin in other countries of Europe. But the process of being drawn, hanged, disemboweled and quar- tered; the boiling;- to death of prisoners; the revolting torture of the wheel, on which the victim was left to linger with broken bones for hours and days, were certainly far worse than the stake, and we owe such amenities to the mild code ot Henry Mil and Q)ueen Elizabeth." These are the black and bloodv stains which a modern English writer would wish to blot out, if he could, from the history of England. ^1. Fifth Rkmakk. When men reproach the recourse to "torture as a special grievance against the Inquisition, they feign to ignore the fact that this means of discovering the truUi A\'as'in use in all the tribunals of Europe. But we must here observe that, according to the laws gov- erning the procedure of the Inquisition, the torture could be employed only once in each process, and its use was far milder than in any other civil tribunal. A curious circumstance concerning this subject is related in the memoir oi M. Poullet. The Councils of Justice of Belgium were consulted by Charles of Lorraine, in 1765 and 1766 as to projects of reform to be introduced into the crim- inal law, and particularly as to the advisability of the event- ual abolition of torture. All the Councils demanded its con- tinuance A few years afterwards these same Councils were again required to 'give their opinion as to the employment of torture, for the purpose of eliciting confession from the accused, and all of them repeated their iirst judgment. We must also particularly remark that the Inquisition renounced the use of torture long before the other tribunals of Europe. "It is certain," says Llorente himself, "that for a long time the Inquisition no longer had recourse to the torture." Moreover, contrary to the usage of all civil tri- \ / 32 The inquisition bunals, the hiquisition did not permit the repeated applica- tion of torture during the same trial, and it required that a physician should be present to announce when torture would imperil the life of the patient. 22. Sixth Remark. As to the Spanish Inquisition in particular, we have no reluctance to acknowledge that abuses did exist. How could it be otherwise, when there, as else- where, it was men wlw were the judges? However, it is important to make here a few special observations. (a) This tribunal was an institution more closely con- nected with the State than with the Church, and its members acted often not according to the instructions of the Popes, but according to the orders of the King. As to the abuses, which can be rightfully brought against it, the Church was the first to condemn them. The Popes often protested against excessive severity, and they went so far as to grant to all persons condemned by the royal tribunal, the right to appeal to a special ecclesiastical judge. Later, seeing that the royal judges did not respect this right of appeal, the Sovereign PontitT granted to all the condemned the right to appeal \o the Apostolic See. Some Spanish Inquisitors themselves were even excommunicated, in spite of the anger of the Kings. The Inquisition had not been in operation more than a single year before Pope Sixtus 1\' (A. D. 1482) entered his most emphatic protest against its cruelty. He wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella that "mercy towards the guilty was more pleasing to God than the severity which they were using.'' Both he and his immediate successors in the papal throne employed their best efforts to check and remedy the abuses of the' royal tribunal, and they insisted that the civil status and the property of every accused person should be restored to him when acquitted, or if condemned, that these should revert to his children and relatives. In a word, the Church exhausted all the influence it pos- sessed to induce the temporal rulers, the kings and the The Inquisition 33 judges, to imitate the mildness and moderation, of which she was herself the example. From all this, is it not absurd and unjust to hold the Papacy and the Church responsible for the" excesses committed by the Spanish Inquisitors? That tribunal therefore, when properly understood, instead of being a monument of the religious despotism of the Roman Pontiffs, was, on the contrary, the means of exhibiting to the world the traditional clemency and mercy of the \ rars of Christ. In the face of all these facts, is it not very unjust, says Archbishop Spalding ('Miscellanea," Vol I page 232), ''to charge the Popes, or the Catnolic Church with the abuses of the Inquisition? It is certain that they did evervthing in their power to restrain the excesses of that tribunal, and if they at times failed, it was the fault of temporal princes, not of the Church. One tact would alone suffice to show how utterly unable the Pope, and even a General Council was to reverse one of its decisions. While the Council of Trent was in session, Bartholomew Caranza, Archbishop of Toledo, and Primate of all Spain, was arrested by the Inquisition (1557) at the command of Philip II and kept eight years in prison for having incurred the royal displeasure, and on a charge of heresy. As soon as the distinguished prelate's innocence was known, Paul IV and the Fathers of the Council entered energetic protests against such proceeding, and demanded the liberation of Caranza. But their eiioris were unavailing; the Inquisition remained intlexible, and llie imprisoned Archbishop was released only after eight year^ of captivity. If this fact does not prove that the Church had no control over the Spanish Inquisition, and can not, consequently, be held responsible for its abuses, we are at a loss to llnd better evidences of our contention." 23. (b) it is proved that the cruelties attributed to the Spanish Inquisition have been exaggerated beyond measure, and this with notorious dishonesty and bad faith. Llorente himself, this historian so hostile to the Church, acknowledges that the prisons of the Inquisition were dry and high vaulted una 1 34 The Inquisition 1" h e Inquisition 35 / 7 I iX rooms, that they were palaces compared to ilie other prisons of Europe. No prisoner of the hiquisition, lie assures us, was ever loaded with chains or iron collars. On the other hand, Mr. Bourgoing, ambassador to Spain, does not hesi- tate to say in his "Tableaux de i' Espagne moderne" ('^Tab- leaux of Modern Spain") : "To render homage to the truth, 1 must acknowledge that the Inquisition might be cited in our day as a model of equity." (c) What above all makes the less educated people of our day shudder, is the thought of the autos-da-te. They are usually represented as frightful scenes; around an immense fire, lit up to destroy a multitude of victims, are represented a fanatical crowd, and especially the implacable judges of the Holy Oftlce, hastening to contemplate with ferocious delight this spertacle worthy of cannibals. The truth is that the auto-da-fe, that is to say, the act of faith, consisted, not in burning or putting to death, but in proclaiming the acquitial of the persons recognized as falsely accused and in reconciling repentant criminals to the Church. For this tribunal, like the tribunal of penance, absolved those who repented. After this absoltition the auto-da-fe ended, and the ecclesiastical jtidges retired. Obstinate heretics alone, and those, whose offenses were partly civil, were handed over to the sectilar arm, to be dealt with according to the gravity of their crime. 24. (d) It was a question here then of a public profession of faith pronounced by the acquitted prisi^ner on his being set at liberty. This is the testimony of Llarente, a great enemy, as we have seen, of the Inquisition. That writer speaks of the gross ignorance of some that confounded the atito-da-fe (the act of faith) of the acquitted with the ptmish- ment of the convicted. Moreover, we must here remark that heresy was a crime, which came tinder the jtirisdiction of the Inquisitors; but it was not the only crime of which they took cognizance, in Spain they were the guardians not only of Catholic faith, but also of public morals. More than a dozen other offenses were amenable to that tribunal, such as blasphemv, sacrilege, usury, polygamy, treason, and above all, sorcery and magic. The ptmishment was adnnn- istered by the sectilar jtidges, not by the Inquisition. Were the punishments severe? It was the laity who apportioned them The laitv, imbued as it was at that time with a genuine Catholic%pirit, felt the gravity of an offense against God and had some care for the honor of God. They did not make lii^ht of blasphemy, sacrilege, apostasy, or atheism, as it is done by secular rtilers in our day, tinder the absurd plea of liberty of conscience. They held that an instilt to the Stipreme'Rtiler of all nations was an insult to society itself and thev measured the punishment by what tney rightly esteemed the gravity of the offense. Hence, as Balmes wisely remarks in his often qtioted work (p. 452, n ^6) "the Catholic religion can not be held responsible for any of the excesses of the Spanish tribunals, and when men speak of the Inqtiisition, they ought not to tix their eyes principally on that of Spain, but on that of Rome acting under the vigilant eye of the Sovereign Pontiffs." In tact, of the Inquisition, as it was in Rome, there are not wanting high authorities to affirm that it has never been known to pronounce a sentence of capital ptmishment; or, at least, it is unquestionable that stich executions were extraordinarily rare In Spain the Inquisition was severe, because, as we have shown, it was more of a civil and political institution, and because it often acted in opposition to Rome, the part of the world where humanity has suffered the least for the sake of religion. r n. o • i ^5 (e) Often the number of the victims of the Spanisli Inquisition is stated as being hundreds of thousands innno- lated during a short space of time. Now, the iigures of Llorente himself give 35,000 as the approximate number of victims for the 331 years during which the Inquisition lasted And again, in this number are included various cate- gories of malefactors properly so called, who were subject / / 36 The Inquisition The Inquisition 37 / to this tribunal, for instance smui>glers, magicians or sorcer- ers, perjurers, usurers, seducers, and other criminals guilty of abominable excesses. Hence it clearly results that the number of those who were executed for willful and obstinate adherence \r heretical doctrines was comparatively insignifi- cant, as the greatest portion of victims was made up of criminals, who, down to the commencement of the present century, would have been sentenced to death on conviction in any other tribunal of Europe. 26. Moreover, even this number is manifestly exagger- ated. Thus, if we believe Llorente, at the auto-da-fe of Toledo, of February 12th, May 1st and December lOth, there were 700, then 900 and 750 accused persons, respect- ively. The truth is that there was not one single victim; they were simply repenting criminals brought before the tribunal, and none were put to death. Here, when it is a question of comparing the much decried severity of the Spanish Inquisition with the doings of rulers of other coun- tries, we are of opinion that, on this point at least, Protestant objectors would do well to be silent. Certainly it is not wise for them to provoke a comparison which, if impartially examined by the light of reliable historical facts, rather than by that of traditional prejudice, will be found to redound to the credit of the Inquisition, and the disgrace of the secular tribunals of their countries. English Protestants in particular should remember the records concerning the use of the rack; of thrusting needles under the nails; of the Scav- enger's Daughter, a hoop or circle of iron, in which a man's whole body was, as it were, folded up, and his hands, feet and head bound fast together; of the Little Ease, a chamber in which a man could neither sit nor stand, nor lie down ; and of various other devices of torture, which were used by the Protestant Legislature of England against Catholic Priests. Though it is true that in Protestant countries, such as Ger- many, Switzerland and England, not to speak of other minor places, there was not and there could not be either the 1 (i -"f- y Spanish or the Roman Cathohc hiquisition, yet it is not true that there existed in these regions no hiquisition at all. There were indeed in full blast the Protestant Inquisitions of Henry VUl, Queen Elizabeth, of Luther and Melancthon, Calvin and Zwinglius, purposely organized against unof- fending Catholics and directed to rob of their very lite all who were couras^eous enough not to allow themselves to be robbed of their faitli. To give some statistics, all taken from Protestant authorities, Holinshed puts down the num- ber of those who were butchered during the reign of the orand royal Inquisitor, Henry VIII, by the hand ot the public executioner, at 72,000; and of his worthy daughter, the female Inquisitor, Elizabeth, Cobbett does not hesitate to inform his readers that "this sanguinary queen put to death more persons in one year than the Inquisition did during the whole of its duration, 331 years." It would be easy to prove that brutal violence and wholesale slaughter of innocent Catholics signalized the rise and growth of th^ Reformation in Germany, Switzerland and Southern France, not to speak of Holland, Denmark and Norway, where similar bloody scenes were enacted. Though we have no intention to retaliate, yet in view of the historical documents we may adduce, we feel justified in advising otir Protestant brethren that, as our Blessed Lord says in His Gospel, "they should first cast the beam out of their own eye before clam- oring about the mote in the eye of their neighbor" (Matth. vii 5) .As the proverb has it, they that live in glass houses should be careful not to throw stones at their neighbor. i Then as we have seen, the intolerance of Protestants has , ^ I been everywhere much more violent against Catholics, than- ,^ ^^ ) that of Catholics against metics. In fact, it was by a moslj - sanouinary persecution tliat Protestant rulers forcibly snitched the people from their allegiance to the Roman y Catholic Church. And yet it is upon the members of tins _ Church alone that some writers cast the blame ot bloody persecution against tiieir fellow men! >i 1 38 The Inquisition v^ ^"y 27. Seventh Remakk. It is right to judge a tree by its fruits, and side by side with the odium cast upon the Inquisi- tion, to learn the happy results which it produced. Now it can not be denied that, to a great extent at least, it is due to the Inquisition that several countries of Europe have pre- served the Faith untainted for centuries, and in particular that they have been saved trom the pernicious invasion of intolerant and sani^uinary Protestantism. Voltaire, that bit- ter enemy of the Inquisition and (^f the Catholic Church, was candid enough to write: "During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, at the time of the Inquisition, the nation of Spain did not witness in her midst the bloody revo- lutions, the conspiracies against the throne, and the terrible disasters that desolated the other royal hotises of Etirope. No king was assassinated as in France, and no royal head was felled by the hand of the executioner as in England." The Spanish Inquisition, notwithstanding all its rigors and excesses, which we freely admit, and the cause of which we have already adduced, can say this much in its defense. The Spanish Government saw that all Europe was in tlames and all h.ands reeking with blood, wherever heresy and schism arose and the tinity of faith had been lost. The Peasants' War, the Tliirty Years' War, the excesses of the Anabaptists' seditions in France; the cruelties that desolated the Nether- lands; the wholesale butcheries in England, particularly under Henry \I11 and Elizabeth; the high-handed measures, exiles, contiscations and murders with which the Catholic faith was exterminated, root and branch, from the people of Sweden, Norway and Denmark, taught the other Euro- pean Catholic nations lessons not to be easily forgotten. The Spanish rulers, seeing this, determined to spare Spain these and similar terrors, by preserving, at all costs, the unity of the faith among that intensely Catholi: people, and by st;nnping out and excltiding from the realm even the first germ of the Protestant rebellion, which proselytizing zealots were trying to disseminate in the Spanish Peninsula. The Inquisition 39 The Inquisition was the means devised for the purpose. Spain therefore owes to the Inquisition, notwithstanding its abtises the preservation of the Catholic faith, the preserva- lion of national and religiotis tinity, and an unbroken mternal peace at a time when, in consequence of the Protestant rebel- lion against the authority of Rome other pans ot Europe were bleeding under the curse of civil and religious wars. How can we blame that tribunal for the death and torttires of a few obstinate heretics, when we see that thereby the whole of Spain was saved from interminable civil wars, and all the horrors that characterized the religiotis fanaticism of the sectarians of Northern Europe? \ brief reference to another kind of Inquisition will not be here out of place. The penal laws against Catholics passed in England and her colonies, in Scotland, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Switzerland and Cermany, have never been col- le'-ted yet- but such as have been brought together at times pr^esent a revolting picture, the study of which wotild make certain people blush and change some popular ideas. And vet in these States men were not introducing new religious creeds, assailing existing institutions, or disturbing the ptiblic ^ nea-e They were inoifending, law abiding citizens, who simply asked to be allowed to retain the faith and practices handed down to them by their forefathers^ even trom the very introduction of Christianity into their land. ^S ''Consider," writes Joseph de Maistre, ''the I hirty Yenrs^ War lit up bv the inllammatory harangues ot Luther; theunheard of atrodties of the Anabaptists and the Peasants, the civil wars of France, England, Flanders, the massacre ot St Bartholomew, the massacre of Merindol and the Ceven- nes- the murder of Mary Stuart, Henry 111, Henry IV, Charles I of the Prince of Orange. A ship could tloat in the\^lood which the Reformers caused to be shed. Do not tell us that the Inquisition produced this or that abuse; tor this is not the question; what is really important is to know if during the three last centtiries, there has been, because 40 The Inquisition of the hiquisition, more peace and happiness in Spain than in other countries of Europe." 29. "The Inquisition,"' as Father Christie wisely remaiks, ''was the corrective to what we should call Lynch Law. Reflect for a moment what migiit have resulted from the uncontrollable indignation of the people, Catholic to the backbone, if men were found to blurt out blasphemies as^ainst all that such a people held to be holy, and to spread doc- trines which would seduce their children, the rising genera- tion, from all that they deemed precious for this life and the next. What could we expect but tumultuary risings; terrible effects of violence and massacres — lynch law with all its horrors? The Tribunal of Faith prevented such con- sequences. At the outset of the sixteenth century, the Span- iards saw, as it were, the rising smoke, premonitory of a conflagration in Europe. They adopted the Inquisition as the means for preserving religious unity and preventing religious wars. Hence, during the three centuries after the reorganization of the Inquisition, Spain enjoyed more peace and prosperity than any other country in Europe. We have read with horror of the massacre of St. Bartholomew's. What was this massacre? The most satisfactory account would seem to be that without lawful process, under the impulse of popular indignation, lynch law was executed on the assailants of the faith of Frenchmen. The proceeding was unjustifiable, but it took place because France had no Tribunal of Faith. Spain itself, before the Tribunal of Faith was set on its efficient footing by Sixtu.s the Fourtn, had its St. Bartholomew in the massacre of the Jews in 1391, in which five thousand Jews perished. If then the very zeal of a people for that which counts more precious than life itself, is liable to carry the multitude into excesses greatly to be deplored, it is evidently most desirable that a tribunal should exist which should judge cases without prejudice, which should protect the innocent, carry conviction to the mistaken, and punish those only who really deserved pun- ishment." The Inquisition 41 30. "A reproach has l^een made against the Inquisition," says Joseph de Maistre, "that it exercised a Infighting influ- ence upon the human mind. Now, the brilliant century of Spanish literature was that of Philip II. As history testifies, the golden age of Spain had reached its highest pinnacle of glory at the very epoch of the Inquisition from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century. Llorenfe, in the second volume of his work, tells us that not less than 1 18 learned men were cited before Ihe Inquisition; but he takes good care not to inform the reader that none of them lost even one hair of his head." (See "CiviUa Catlolica," Ser. V, Vol. IX, page 657.) 'it is in vain that men will keep repeating that it is putting fetters on genius to forbid it froni attacking dog- mas, held by the whole nation; error can never be justified simply because of its repetition." "Lettre a un gentilhomme sur rinquisition Espagnole" (Letter to a gentleman concern- ing the Spanish Inquisition). 3L EKiiiTH Rkmauk. Let us make a last remark that will allay the ridiculous terror, which certain men are pleased to excite. If, as we have seen, the Church has an tmdeniable right to pmiish heretics; if she did make tise of this right when it was proper to do so, she is in nowise obliged to use it always; she mtist even discontintie to use it, when^ its exercise would become impossible or hurtftil. One thing is the right and qtiite another thing its exercise. The former rests on jtistice; the latter depends on prudence, and may vary according to circumstances. And as a matter of fact, the Chtirch has renounced the exercise of this right long ago, so that the Inqtiisition is now nothing more than an histori:aI remembrance and a bugbear in the service of ignorance, big- otry and impiety. They who pretend to tremble at the recol- lection of this dread tribunal can now sleep in peace; the Catholic sword is no longer suspended over their heads. Would to heaven that in all countries Catholics were equally secure against the attacks of the secular power usually little given to tolerance. What Is then the sum and substance of Xi 'iMjJ'''iy''-'K/^ tjO' >. |V 42 The I lU] II i s i t i o n ythis discussion of the Inquisition;' It is brietly this: That as x/ established or recognized l\v the Church, and in as tar as it has been used in strict obedience to her laws and directions, it was an institution holy in its object, just in its measures, and beneficial in its results. That the popular notions, which prevail about it in this country, and among English speaking people in general, are based upon falsehood, nur- tured by prejudice, fostered by credulity and perpetuated by the instrument of a hostile, venal press. Catholics do not expect any defense of their position from the pages ot secu- lar journals, magazines, reviews or other publications, whose editors and writers, ostensibly at least, have not pledged . themselves to the advocacy of any particular creed ; but we have a right to see that our Church and her institutions are neither maligned nor misrepresented, for we hold our faith dearer than our lives, and we shall not allow^ it to be atta:ked with impunity. The Church is our Mother, and nothing to us is more luminous than the fact of her heavenly origin and divine institution. And as she is to us a Mother, to her we are as sons. Her honor is ours; her dishonor our dis- honor. He who ventures to strike at her good name raises up an army against himself. Smite, wound, slander, calum- niate, hold us up to ridicule personally, and we can bear it. L3ut touch her not ; thrill us not through by casting a scornful eye on her; the arrow is in the string, and the bow is bent, and ten thousand mighty ones of Israel guarding the citadel of faith are at her side ready to defend her with voi:e and pen and, if need be, even with the sacrifice of their lives. Catholics are justly sensitive to many things regarding their belief; but there is one thing which they feel more accutely than all, the indignities and calumnies heaped upon their Church, to whom they owe, under God, their spiritual life and their happiness, both here and hereafter. To enable our readers to pursue more at length the study of this question, in which we have been comparatively brief, we here append a list of works that will not fail to sub- T he I n q u i s i t i n 43 stantiate all our assertions, and prove agreeable to those who are honest eiKui^h to act on the principle ^audi alteram partem" (hear both sides of the question before you pro- nounce a delinite judgment) : ^2. (1) ''Letters on the Spanish Inquisition,'* by De Maistre, English translation from the French. Boston, 1850. (2) Balmes' "European Civilization" (work referred to above), ch. 24, 25, 26, and note. (3) "The Life of Cardinal Ximenes," by the Rev. Dr. Von Hefele. Translated from the German. London, i860; ch. 17, 18. ^ . . „ (4) "An Historical Sket:h of the Order of St. Dommic, by Lacordaire, O. P., New York, 1869. (5) Goschler's "Dictionnaire," Vol.* XI, p. 430-443. (6) Bergier's "Dictionnaire," Vol. II. -Traite de la N'raie Religion," Vol. Ill, p. 457; Vol. 11, pp. 169 and 385. (7) ''Points of History." Boston; reprinted from the London edition. (8) Kenrick's "Primacy of the Apostolic See," p. 424-441. (9) "Popular Errors Concerning Politics and Religion," London, 1874, p. l56, by Lord R. Montagu, M. P. ^ (10) Broe:kaert, S. J., ''The Fact Divine." Portlana, Me., 1885 ' ch 17. (11) Gibbons' "The Faith of Our Fathers," ch. 18. (12) Taparelli, S. J., "Saggio Teoretico" (Essay on Natu- ral Right), note x:iii. Rome, 1855. (13) Ai^^e de Vayrac, "L' etat present d'Espagne." Am- sterdam, 1719. , „ ,-, ... (14) Balutfi, "The Charity of the Church. Dublin, 1885 * ch. 21. (15) "a' Vindication of the Catholic Chnrch," by Arch- bishop Kenrick ; \\ 243. . (16) "Snmmer School Essays," Vol. li; "The Spanish Inquisition," by Rev. J. F. Nugent. Xa \ 1 A A I I The Inquisition (17) "Abridged Course of Religious Instruction," by Schouppe, S. J.; p. 69. (18) ''A Brief for the Spanish Inquisition," by Hliza At- kins Stone. (IQ) ''Mooted Questions of History," by Humphrey Des- mond; p. 218. (20) "Some IJes and Errors of History," l^y Rev. Reuben Parsons; p. 121. (21) "Modern History," by Fredet; note, p. 5 18. (22) "The Tribunal of Faith— The Inquisition," article by Albany Jones Christie, S. J.; Month, Vol. 49, p. 82. (23) ''Le Menzogne Nella Storia" (Historical Lies). (24) T)istionnaire Apologetique," by J. Jaugey; \'ol. I, p. 1525. (25) "Brownson's Works," Vols. VI, X, XII and XUl. (26) "Catholic Controversy," a reply to Dr. Littledale's "Plain Reasons," by H. S. D. Ryder, of the Oratory; p. 2()9. (27) "CatJiolic Dictionary," p. 446-448. (28) "Ecclesiastical Dictionary," p. 361-362. (29) "Manual of Universal Church History," by Dr. J. Alzog; p. ^)79-987. (30) Devos, "The Three Ages of Progress," pp. 165, 170, 235, 246. (31) Guggenberger, S. J., ''A General History of the Christian Era, \ ol. II, p. 120-126. The reader will lind in this work a very able, though condensed, treatment of the whole question. (32) Ludwig Pastor, "The History of the Popes," Vol. 1\ , p. 398-405. (55) Cesare Cantu, "Storia Universale" (Universal His- tory), Vol. \1I, p. 115-124. (34) Rohrbacher, "Universal History of the Catholic Church, Vol II, p. 553-563. Italian edition, 1861. (35) Bishop England, \ol. 1, pp. 13, 183, 231, 309. ( I /• ♦ on TESTIMONIALS the merits of "Christian Apologetics." in two volumes, from which the preceeding " Essay on the Inquisition" has been extracted LETTHR OH CARDINAL SECRETARY OE STATE. Rome, January 13, 1904. REV. JOSEPH C. SASIA. S. J.: Reverend Father-With pleasure 1 hastened to plare in the veneral^le hands of the Holy Father the work ot Deviv- iefs "Christian Apologetics," edited by your Reverence in the English language. His Holiness received the gift with feelings of deep satisfa:tion, congratulating you tor having dedicated your talent to make better and better known, a.nd to spread more and more the truths and beauties oi the Catholic religion. uv.u^^ He expressed the earnest hope that the work you published may produce most abundant fruits, particularly among the people of the American Commonwealth, and thus lead an ever increasing number of souls to the true tove and the true faith of Jesus Christ. And with a view that the good wishes of His Holiness may he fully realized, and you niay have a pledge of the special benevolence that he cherishes in your regard, he imparts to you his apostolic benediction. As to myself, whilst thanking your Reverence most cor- diallv for the copy you presented to me, 1 cheerlully prolit by this occasion to declare myself with sentiments ot par- ticular esteem, Yours trulv in our Lord, R. CARDINAL MERRY DEL \ AL. The above is a faithful translation of the Italian original submitted to me. February 8, 1904. p. W. RIORDAN, Archbishop of San Francisco. f It l\ ■llB V 1 ! ^ 46 Testimonials Washington, D. C, August 25, l^)o3. REV. J. C. SASIA, S. J.: Reverend and Dear Father — On my return to Washing- ton, after an absence of some days, I have iound your kind letter and the work you have been pleased to send me. Please accept m\' sincerest thanks for your kindness. Truly, Reverend Father, you deserve the gratitude of all the Cath.)lics who speak English, for having so well repro- duced, augmented and edited in the English language the work entitled ''Christian Apologetics," by Rev. W. Devivier, S. J. The extraordinary success which the book has met with in France and everywhere, is a sullicient proof of its merits and usefulness. 1 hope that it will meet with similar success in America. Praying God to bestow upon you and upon your labors His choicest blessings, I remain, yours in Christ, 'd. FALCON IO, Apostolic Delegate. St. Mary's Cathedral, San Francisco, Cal. It gives me great pleasure to add my name to those of the distinguished Archbishops and Bishops who have given their approval to the work ''Christian Apologetics,'' by Rev. W. Devivier, S. J., which work is now reproduced in our language, edited, augmented and adapted to English readers by the Rev. Joseph C. Sasia, S. J. I recommend it in a very special manner to the Reverend Clergy, Teachers in our Catholic Institutions, and advanced pupils in our Colleges and Academies. It contains a very able and complete exposition of the doctrines of our religion, and a refutation of the objections which are niiuie to it, especially those urged by the so-called scientists. I sincerely hope that this valuable work will meet \\'ith tiie encouragement it so richly deserves. PATRICK W. RIORDAN, June 4, 1903. Archbishop of San Francisco. Testimonials 47 The undersigned, Superior of the (^ihtorma M^s^n d the society of Jesus, in virtue of fac.aties S™ ^ f ^^^ bv the X^ery Reverend Louis Martin, General of the same Z£y. hereby permits the publication of a book entuW 'christian Apologetics, or A Rational .^^^P-^ - o the Foundations of Faith," by Rev. W. Devivier, S. J., edited l^y Rev Joseph C. Sasia, S. J., the same having been approved bv the censors appointed to i^^t. ^ ^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^ St. Ignatius College, San Francisco, Cal, Xi V ■■ ii iii fc i iii i 1 M WHERE "CHRISTIAN APOLOGETICS" CAN BE PROCURED. The followiiii;- Catholic publishers keep the work for sale, viz: Galla^iiher Bros., 27 Grant Ave., San Francisco, (^al. Fr. Piistet Si Co., 52 Barclay St., New York. B. Herder, 17 South Broadway, St. Louis, Mo. D. J. Sadlier Si Co., 1669 Notre Dame St., Montreal, Canada. The James Clarke Church Goods House, 627 Fourteenth St., Denver, Col. W. E. I31ake, 602 Q)ueen St., Toronto, Canada. John J. Bodkin, Ottice of *'The Tidini^s," Los Angeles, Cal. Burns & Oates, 28 Orchard St., London England. M. H. Gill & Son, 5() O'Connell St., Dublin, Ireland. William P. Linehan, 3()9 Little Collins St., Melbourne, Australia. In San Jose, Cal., the book can be obtained from the Catholic Book Store, San Fernando St., between Market and First, and from the Jesuit Fathers' residence, next to St. Joseph's Church, on San Fernando St. A liberal discount will be made to Seminaries, Colleges and Academies adopting the work as a textbook. The reduc- tion will, of course, be in proportion to the average number of copies purchased. The special terms can be settled by corresponding with the above mentioned publishers, or with the editor. Rev. Joseph C. Sasia, S. J., St. Ignatius (College, San Francisco, Cal. June 4, 1903. \ \*u,„ V m&^•i COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES This book is due on the date indicated below, or at the expiration of a definite period after the date of borrowing, as provided by the library rules or by special arrangement with the Librarian in charge. DATE BORROWED OATK DUE % %% DATE BORROWED DATE DUC C28v747>M100 A, ^ GAYLAMOUNT ; PAMPHLET WNDER [ Manu/aduted bv J GAYLORD BROS. Ir»e. ^ Syracute, N. Y. *, Stockton, CsliT ftpR 12 y^<*